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Research Edification Initiative - Private Sector

Week One

2008 2009 Name

1 1 *Royal Bank of Canada (David Allgood)

2 5 Power Corporation of Canada (Stephane Lemay)

3 2 Manulife Financial Corporation (Bill Dawson)

4 3 George Weston Ltd. (Gordon Currie)

5 13 Encana Corporation (Graham Baugh)

12 6 Magna International Inc. (Jeff Palmer)

16 19 BCE Inc. / Bell Canada (Martine Turcotte)

18 29 Enbridge Inc. (Rob Carpenter)

31 35 *Rogers Communications Inc. (David Miller)

39 41 Telus Corporation (Pres.&CEO Darren Entwhistle)

43 43 Canadian Tire Corp. Ltd. (Robyn Collver)

68 69 McCain Foods Ltd. (Mike Campbell)

118 121 *Canwest Global Communications Corporation (Richard


Week Two

2008 2007 Name

7 20 Suncor / PetroCanada (Shawn Poirier)

9 11 Onex Corporation (Andrea Daly)

10 8 Bank of Nova Scotia (Deborah Alexander)

13 21 Husky Energy Inc. (Jim Girgulis)

15 17 Bank of Montreal (Simon Fish)

22 25 Empire Company Limited (Karin McCaskill)

36 48 Talisman Energy Inc. (John Horlick)

38 74 Agrium, Inc. (Leslie ODonoghue)

45 42 Trans-Canada Pipeline Inc. (Don DeGruandis)

52 52 Fairfax Financial Holdings (Paul Rivett)

53 59 Nexen Inc. (Eric Miller)

61 100 Vieterra Inc. (Raymond Dean)

67 72 Finning International Inc. (Dina Mitchell)


69 88 Cargill Limited (Philip Pauls)

81 83 ConocoPhillips Canada Resources Corp. (Graham Vanhagen)

93 102 HSBC (Annelle Wilkins)

The following weeks:

Bank of Canada (John Jusseup General Counsel & Corporate


Bank of Montreal (Simon Fish, Vice-President & General


The Cadillac Fairview Corporation Limited (Rory Dyck, Counsel)

Viterra, Inc. (Raymond Dean, Senior Vice President & General


CIT Corporate Finance, Canada (Brian Kelling Sr. VP & Chief

Legal Counsel; Peter Dorsey, Asst. General Counsel)

Raymond James (Sharon Morrisseau, General Counsel & Paul

Allison, Board of Directors, Industry Investment Association of

Merrill Lynch Canada Inc. (Lynn Patterson, President & Industry

Investment Association of Canada Board of Directors; and Mark
Dickerson Chief Counsel)

Industry Investment Association of Canada (Ian Bruce,


AIMCo (Carol Hunt, Alex Ragan & Jeff Wispinski, Counsel)

JOG Capital Inc. (Ryan Crawford, Managing Director & the Board
of Directors)

Yellow Point Equity Partners (Tyler Smyrski, CFO and Brian

Begert & David Chapman, Managing Partners)

GMP Capital Inc. (Harris Fricker, President & Vice-Chairman;

Industry Investment Association of Canada, Director)

32 Degrees Capital (Trent Baker CFA CA, Vice President)

FirstEnergy Capital Corp. (John Chambers, President, Managing

Director; Industry Investment Association of Canada, Director)

Mancal Corporation (Graham R. Bennett, Senior Vice President,

Law and Corporate Services)

GrowthWorks (Jim Heppell BSc., LL.B., President)

Birch Hill Equity Partners (Lori Evans, Counsel)

Ken Fowler Enterprises (Bruce Campbell, Vice-President)

Clairvest Group Inc. (Heather Crawford, Corporate Counsel)

Cordiant (Bertrand Millot, Vice President, Portfolio

Callisto Capital (Blake Sumler, Sr. Vice-President)

CAI Capital Management Co. (Simon Romano, Barrister &


Alberta Enterprise Corporation (Paul Haggis, Chairman of the


EdgeStone Capital Partners (Leslie Giller, Counsel)

Invico Capital Corporation (Jason Brooks, President, Allison

Taylor, Executive VP, & Jonathan See, Senior Associate)

Brad Kempo B.A. LL.B.

Barrister & Solicitor [Alberta, Inactive]

914 950 Drake Avenue

Vancouver, British
Canada V6Z 2B9
Ph. 604.609.0520


December 2, 2009

Industry Investment Association of Canada

1600 - 11 King St West,
Toronto, ON M5H 4C7

Attention: Ian Bruce, President

Via e-mail: cmuzaic@petersco.com

Dear Sir:

Re: Systemic Security of Information Act & UN Charter Violations,

Actions to be Undertaken by the International Community to Address

In September 2008 the RCMP's National Security Division (or INSET -

Integrated National Security Enforcement Teams) launched an
investigation into nationwide systemic government corruption,
criminality and human right violations pursuant to The Security of
Information Act (s. 20-23). Because of the national security
dimension, these facts and circumstances could not nor ever can be
publicized. Therefore, the only way to generate the kind of collective
awareness that would to lead to accountability and reform was to

contact those in government and the three constituents of the

administration of justice (Bench, Bar and law enforcement) on an
individual basis now around 1,500 officials, recommend to each that
an independent assessment be made and wider due diligence
conducted; then consult with colleagues and counterparts across the
country to develop a consensus on how to proceed to address these

The Act states:

20. (1) Every person commits an offence who, at the direction of, for the
benefit of or in association with a foreign entity [], induces or attempts to
induce, by threat, accusation, menace or violence, any person to do anything
or to cause anything to be done

(a) that is for the purpose of increasing the capacity of a foreign

entity [] to harm Canadian interests; or

(b) that is reasonably likely to harm Canadian interests.

(3) Every person who commits an offence under subsection (1) is guilty of an
indictable offence and is liable to imprisonment for life.

21. (1) Every person commits an offence who, for the purpose of enabling or
facilitating an offence under this Act, knowingly harbours or conceals a person
whom he or she knows to be a person who has committed or is likely to
commit an offence under this Act.

(2) Every person who commits an offence under subsection (1) is guilty of an
indictable offence and is liable to imprisonment for a term of not more than
10 years.

22. (1) Every person commits an offence who, for the purpose of committing
an offence under subsection 16(1) or (2), 17(1), 19(1) or 20(1), does
anything that is specifically directed towards or specifically done in
preparation of the commission of the offence, including

(a) entering Canada at the direction of or for the benefit of a

foreign entity, [] or a foreign economic entity;

(b) obtaining, retaining or gaining access to any information;

(c) knowingly communicating to a foreign entity [] or a foreign

economic entity the persons willingness to commit the offence;

(d) at the direction of, for the benefit of or in association with a

foreign entity [] or a foreign economic entity, asking a person to
commit the offence

(2) Every person who commits an offence under subsection (1) is guilty of an
indictable offence and is liable to imprisonment for a term of not more than
two years.

23. Every person commits an offence who conspires or attempts to commit, is

an accessory after the fact in relation to or counsels in relation to an offence
under this Act and is liable to the same punishment and to be proceeded
against in the same manner as if he or she had committed the offence.


2. (1) In this Act,

foreign entity means

(a) a foreign power,


(c) a person acting at the direction of, for the benefit of or in

association with a foreign power

foreign power means

(a) the government of a foreign state,

3. (1) For the purposes of this Act, a purpose is prejudicial to the safety or interests
of the State if a person

(a) commits, in Canada, an offence against the laws of Canada or a

province that is punishable by a maximum term of imprisonment of
two years or more in order to advance a political, religious or
ideological purpose, objective or cause or to benefit a foreign entity
or terrorist group;

(b) commits, inside or outside Canada, a terrorist activity;

(c) causes or aggravates an urgent and critical situation in Canada


(i) endangers the lives, health or safety of Canadians, or

(ii) threatens the ability of the Government of Canada to
preserve the sovereignty, security or territorial integrity of


(i) impairs or threatens the capabilities of the Government of Canada

in relation to security and intelligence;

(j) adversely affects the stability of the Canadian economy, the

financial system or any financial market in Canada without
reasonable economic or financial justification;

Annexed to the complaint filed through the office of RCMP

Superintendent Mike Aubry, Officer-in-Charge, Employee and
Management Relations, in May '08 was the results of a three year
research project compiling evidence of the origins of this systemic
malfeasance, how it operated and who the primary parties were and
continue to be.

The dissemination initiative was first launched in August '07 seeking to

create that collective awareness hoping doing so would lead to
achieving my clients' objectives of reform and accountability and
addressing illegalities involving Canada's thirty-five year relationship
with China. The dissemination initiative was completed in July '09.
They were seeking a Made in Canada solution. To date there is none
and from all appearance there never will be.

The initiative's purposes were to provide full transparency with respect

to these publicly unaware illegalities amongst the non-complicit, what
my clients' objectives are and the tactics to be employed to achieve
them. They wanted everyone in government and the administration of
justice to be cognizant of the facts and circumstances submitted to the
RCMP so all could participate in reform and accountability.

The RCMP investigation was terminated in March 2009 as a result of

government and top-level law enforcement interference. Doing so
further justified my clients intervention in the otherwise sovereign
affairs of the nation. What originally validated the decision to effect a

complete deconstruction and reconstitution of the Canadian system of

governance and economy was because a politically and geo-politically
bias Federal Court protected Chinas secret de facto governance status
and militarization of the country by dismissing a lawsuit that claimed
damages for violations of the Act and what the RCMP sought to

Lemieux J. sustained the federal government defendants claim of

national security privilege, unjustifiably balancing competing interests
in favor of the state preferring to protect the institutionalization of
corruption, criminality and human rights violations and Chinas
interests in the country than fulfill the judiciarys role of protecting
sovereignty, the constitution and individuals from abuses of political,
bureaucratic, law enforcement and corporate power:

After applying and weighing these factors, I am satisfied on the

evidence before me, the importance of disclosing the redacted
information does not outweigh the public interest in keeping that
information from disclosure. As to the nature of the public interest
sought to be protected, the redacted information relates to how CSIS,
Canadas intelligence service, operates. Clearly, as I have found, such
disclosure is injurious to the public interest. I adopt the words chosen
by Justice MacKay in Singh (J.B.) v. Canada (Attorney General),
[2000] F.C.J. No. 1007, a case where the R.C.M.P. Public Complaints
Commission sought disclosure of documents related to the 1997 APEC
Conference. Justice MacKay, at paragraph 32, stated:

The public interest served by maintaining secrecy in the

national security context is weighty. In the balancing of public
interests here at play, that interest would only be outweighed
in a clear and compelling case for disclosure. [emphasis mine]

The Justice also sustained the other production of documents

confidentiality claim, injury to international relations, which was an
implicit confession on the court record that a foreign government was

involved in the facts that supported multiple causes of action. The

privilege exists in access to information legislation: a government can
withhold sensitive documents claiming to release them to the public
would injure Canadas relations with a foreign government.

The case was dismissed on a technicality before getting to discoveries;

and not once, given some half dozen opportunities, did defendants
counsel cross-examine on affidavits, leaving the plaintiffs credibility in
tact. That unchallenged credibility was critical in my clients
assessment of what was alleged.

Behind the injury to international relations privilege claim was the

establishment of Chinese de facto governance through an early 1970s
geo-political alliance with this countrys political and corporate
leadership. This relationship led to, inter alia, Chinas representatives
being at the cabinet table federally and provincially and the infiltration
of the Chinese military industrial complex into the fabric of Canadian

One of the defining moments in the research project was reviewing a

study jointly conducted by CSIS and the RCMP in the mid-1990s,
completed in 1997 and then buried by the Chrtien government. You
will find the original text of The Sidewinder Report here:


As the report documents, throughout the 1980s and 1990s not only
the Beijing leadership and the richest tycoons of that totalitarian

country like Li Ka-Sing, but also Chinese criminal organizations have

purchased large swaths of the Canadian economy and used their
wealth to gain political influence across the country to the detriment of
our national and economic security. The accumulation of evidence
about Chinese de facto sovereignty-sharing and militarization was

Immigration policy was secretly formulated to allow upwards of a

million members of the Chinese military and intelligence
establishments to take residence here. That is why the Chinese are
the countrys largest minority even surpassing aboriginals. Canada
not having the Chinese governments Approved Destination Status
(which strictly regulates citizens mobility abroad like the Soviets did
behind the Iron Curtain) means high-ranking members of the PRCs
military and intelligence emigrated to the country and fused with the
military, security apparatus and law enforcement.

The question the research project had to answer was why did this
happen?. The project reconstructed from the history books how this
countrys system of governance evolved over two centuries.

Discovering what the research treatise calls the Ottawa-Toronto-

Montreal triangle of power and wealth that cluster of political
dynastic families, super wealthy individuals and families and the
largest corporations in the land it was determined that collectively
and conspiratorially the operators of this triangle had over
generations hijacked Canadas system of government through the
institutionalization of nepotism and patronage. These are some of the
signposts of this phenomenon in the 19th and 20th century:

Prior to 1837 both Upper Canada and Lower Canada were

plagued with patronage, nepotism and corruption. Only those
with the closest ties to government prospered. The rest were
shut out of decision making and full participation in their own
country's administration.

Source: Hansard, Mr. Rahim Jaffer (EdmontonStrathcona,

Canadian Alliance), January 29, 2000


MacEwan quotes [lawyer, politician and Chief Justice Sir

Frederick William Alpin Gordon] Haultain as saying [in the late
1800s] on his return to the West, "The Government has been
acting like a big pig trying to keep the little pigs from the

Source: David Kilgour MP (Lib. Edmonton SE) website


This corruption of the mind has been well described as the

arrogance of power, and Liberal ministers are not immune from
this near-universal human failing. Louis St-Laurents minister of
trade and commerce, C.D. Howe, once actually taunted the
opposition about their powerlessness to prevent the Liberal
government from doing whatever it wanted. Whos to stop
us? he asked not rhetorically 1951.

Source: The Perils of a One-Party State and the Consequences

of Perpetual Liberal Rule, Peter G. White and Adam Daifallah
(March 2004)


[Truedaus] last weeks in office were marked by one of the

greatest ever orgy of patronage appointments (146 in two days
alone). He still managed to leave 17 other senior positions to
be filled by Turner, his successor, who did so, claiming during
that epic TV debate, that he had no option. .

Source: Liberals at the Abyss: Paul Marin may be unable to

navigate the Chrtien puddle of sleaze, Macleans, Peter C.


During the [1990s] Liberal decade of drift, the ugly face of

nepotism has returned to Canadian government, this time
stronger than ever. The Liberal Party of Canada has replaced
the chateau clique and the family compact.

Source: Hansard, Mr. Rahim Jaffer (EdmontonStrathcona,

Canadian Alliance), January 29, 2000


The long Liberal hegemony in Ottawa has created a small, self-

perpetuating oligarchy or aristocracy of governors, from which
the vast majority of Canadians are permanently excluded and to
which only bona fide members of the Liberal Party may expect
to accede. Since power in the Liberal Party is concentrated in
Ontario and Quebec, the source of all its leaders, or even more
narrowly in Toronto and Montreal, few outsiders need apply.

Source: The Perils of a One-Party State and the Consequences

of Perpetual Liberal Rule

The same clique of evermore politically affluent and wealthy families

successfully ruled Canada throughout the 20th century due to ever-
increasing concentrations of power and prosperity. The said
institutionalization, combined with the Liberals governing for some
75% of the last century, led to the complete consolidation of political
authority one that shared attributes with the 'totalitarian' paradigm
of governance and shielded by a cleverly manufactured faade of
democratic respectability. PM Trudeau upon taking office looked
across the entire political, military, administration of justice and
corporate landscapes and saw nothing but Liberals or closet Liberals
and realizing there was no dissent, opposition or accountability, began
to implement domestic policies that benefited the parochial interests of
the wealthy and spread the detriments of those advantages across the
entire population. One of the pillars of his domestic policy was
economy monopolization.

As the reigns of governance were transferred from one generation to

the next the new members of the triangle elite looked at what their
parents and grandparents got away with and pushed the envelope of
corruption, criminality and impropriety to the point where by the early
1980s the countrys leadership was clinically sociopathic. All officials in
institutions of accountability were appointed by the elite so they could
protect government officials, DND, the RCMP, CSIS, police and the
corporate wealthy from being held to account as they were
instruments of sustaining political power consolidation, wealth
accumulation and then Chinese de facto governance and militarization.

The embezzlement of Canadas vast wealth followed; not only to

satisfy uncontrollably addictions for more wealth, but also to fund
Beijings Soviet-style imperialism.

As a result of how the self-serving interests of the triangle elite

evolved over two centuries there was an ideological affinity amongst
political and corporate leaders with the communists in the early 1970s
and a distaste to the point of hostility for the United States and NATO
alliance. Trudeau gravitated towards Castro and Mao at the height of
the Cold War a heretical foreign policy during that period of world

The research discovered that Americans considered Trudeau a


Canada and the World: A History

Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade on Prime
Minister Trudeau (1968 1984)

[B]ilateral tensions that had plagued Canada-U.S. relations in the

1960s spilled over into the 1970s and 1980s. Trudeau and American
President Richard Nixon, who met for the first time in 1969, did not
like each other


Trudeau was too much of a pacifist and a leftist for the Americans,
some of whom considered him little more than a communist. He did
nothing to change this perception


[I]n 1972, Nixon declared that the special relationship between

Canada and the United States was dead. "It is time for us to
recognize," he stated, "that we have very separate identities; that we
have significant differences.

The Sidewinder Report is a rare and valuable window into the secret
world of cabinet policy and decision-making on federal and provincial
levels over some three and a half decades. The five months of
research that followed the studys review discovered the root causes
for what was claimed in the Federal Court litigation, why not
challenging credibility wasnt fatal to the defendant and why the cause
was so quickly dismissed. Chief and associate chief justices were
appointed on the basis of their staunch loyalty to the non-transparent
dimension of governance; proving to the international community just
how failed and rogue the Canadian state was. Once the court system
proved loyal to violations of The Security of Information Act, the
Criminal Code and international conventions, there was justification
under international law to intervene in Canadas otherwise sovereign

The research project closely examined members of the so-called


Puppets of Beijing
by Kevin Steel
May 30, 2005
Western Standard News

Back in the days of Chairman Mao, when China's economy was still
heavily agrarian and backwardly collectivist, the future prime minister
was already planting the seeds of commerce. "I first came to China in
1972, during the waning years of the Cultural Revolution. I was in
business then," Martin said, in a Jan. 21 speech in Beijing. At the time,
the aspiring businessman was working for Power Corporation of
Canada, a firm with $16 billion in revenues controlled by Montreal's
powerful Desmarais family. It was clearly an eye-opening experience
because he's been making deals in China ever since. Canada
Steamship Lines, the gargantuan shipping company Martin purchased
from Power Corp. in the eighties, that is now run by his children, has
taken advantage of China's cheap workers to build ships. Three CSL
container ships were built in the Jiangnan Shipyard, controlled by the
People's Liberation Army. A fourth was refurbished in Shanghai. Martin
actually owns 35 per cent of China's Tangshan Jinshan Marine Co.

On the evidence there is no room for doubt where PM Martins geo-

political loyalties were since entering politics:

The former deck-hand who bought the company

Paul Martin will be the first Canadian prime minister with a true, blue-
ribbon background in business
by Glen McGregor
Ottawa Citizen
Tuesday, November 04, 2003


Another avenue the opposition may choose to explore is the links

between the new prime minister and his legions of political donors,
who have contributed an astounding $11 million to fund Mr. Martin's
leadership campaign. [] The donors' list shows that Mr. Martin's
support from the business world is transnational, with Chinese
billionaire Li Ka Shing and Hong Kong airline operate David TK Ho
donors to the Martin leadership campaign, through Canadian

The countrys most politically affluent and wealthy corporations and

families have intimate ties with Chinas political elite (and its military
industrial complex):

Canadian Connection
by Mark Steyn
The Western Standard
March 23, 2005

[T]he few who do know [Paul Desmarais] know him as the kingmaker
behind Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrtien and Martin.

His brother, Andre Desmarais, is the current Honourary Chairman,

President and Chief Executive Officer and Chairman of the Executive
Committee of the Canada Chinese Business Council. Mr. Desmarais
was granted the Order of Canada.

The nexus between Canadian political power, vast wealth and Chinas
Canada agenda indisputably resides in particular in the Desmarais

In 1969, Power Corporation took a controlling-share in CSL. On

December 2, 1970, Paul Martin, the 32-year old executive assistant to
Power Corporation Chief Executive Officer Maurice Strong, was
appointed to the CSL board of directors.

Source: wikipedia.com


Joint declaration by Canada and China

January 20, 2005
Government of Canada Privy Council Office

The Prime Minister of Canada, the Right Honourable Paul Martin, and
the Premier of the State Council of the Peoples Republic of China, His
Excellency Wen Jiabao, today held bilateral discussions in Beijing.

These discussions have further cemented the relationship between our

countries a mature relationship based on friendship and mutual

respect, and one which has brought substantial benefits and increased
prosperity for citizens of both our countries.

Address by Prime Minister Paul Martin to the Canada-China

Business Council Dinner
January 21, 2005
Beijing, China

It is a great pleasure to have the opportunity to again address the

Business Council, this time here in Beijing, where so many of you are
success. The CCBC embodies the longstanding and rapidly growing
connection between China and Canada a relationship that offers
benefits to the people of both nations, and symbolizes our shared
desire to pursue and capitalize on the great potential that remains

Let me begin this evening by saying that I have had a busy and
productive time in Beijing. I want to thank my hosts, President Hu and
Premier Wen, for their warm welcome, for their gracious hospitality
and for our discussions which were thoughtprovoking, fruitful and
candid. Tonight, Id like to tell you how I see Canada-China relations
now and in the years to come.

I first came to China in 1972, during the waning years of the Cultural
Revolution. I was in business then. At that time, China was a mystery
to me and to much of the western world, an exotic stranger. I have
come back many times since. Ive watched the evolution and growth of
this great country.

Premier Wen Jiabao and Prime Minister Paul Martin Exchange

Congratulatory Messages on the Occasion of the 35th
Anniversary of the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations
Between China and Canada
October 13, 2005

On October 13, Premier Wen Jiabao and Prime Minister Paul Martin
exchanged congratulatory messages on the occasion of the 35th
anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China
and Canada.

The Following is the message from Premier Wen Jiabao to Prime

Minister Paul Martin:

On the occasion of the 35th anniversary of the establishment of

diplomatic relations between China and Canada, I would like to extend,
on behalf of the Chinese Government and people and in my own
name, my warmest congratulations to you, and through you to your
government and people.

35 years ago, the joint efforts of the leaders of the two countries
opened a historic chapter in China-Canada relations. The past 35 years
witnessed the rapid development of bilateral relations, featuring
frequent exchanges at all levels, fruitful results in cooperation in areas
ranging from economy and trade to science and technology, education
and culture, as well as close consultations and coordination on major
international and regional issues.

During President HU Jintao's state visit to Canada not long ago, the
two sides agreed to upgrade the relationship to a level of strategic
partnership, which will open up even broader prospects for the
development of our bilateral relations. This move meets the needs of
the common interests and the wishes of the two peoples, and also
makes an important contribution to the stability and prosperity of the
Asia-Pacific region. We would like to make use of this opportunity to
work together with the Canadian side to further the bilateral
cooperation in all areas and constantly enrich and deepen China-
Canada strategic partnership.

Added to The Sidewinder Report about triangle operators facilitating

the institutionalization of corruption and criminality in Canada is this:

Ottawa and Beijing: a Sad Story

by Robin Mathews
Asia Pacific Post


A July 2003, U.S. Federal Research Division, Library of congress report

called Asian Criminal and Terrorist Activity in Canada, 1999-2002, is
very clear on the matter. It reports that Ethnic Chinese triads, gangs,
and syndicates have set up vast operations in Canada and constitute
the greatest criminal threats in Canada. These Asian groups are
involved in a wide variety of criminal activities, primarily in larger
population centers. (p. 38)

During the closing event of the Liberal Party Convention on December

2, 2006, PM Chrtien confessed to government's trans-ideological
commitment to embedding Chinese interests in the fabric of Canadian
society. It resulted because of the

work started in 1970 by Pierre Trudeau, followed by Brian

Mulroney, by Paul Martin and by myself.


[O]ne day in front of thousands of people in the Great Hall in

Beijing, [the] Premier said Canada is the best friend of China.

What is referred to and quoted herein is only a small sampling of the

evidence that was compiled during the research project.

In many instances owners and executives of the largest companies in

the country are members of other corporate boards and of private
sector associations. The research treatise argues the following about
assessing culpability under The Security of Information Act:

To determine how connected to a person is to and knowledgeable

about a countrys governing faction and the super wealthy, an analysis
needs to look closely not only at nepotism and patronage driven
appointments, but also and as importantly with whom an individual is
linked to through associations, organizations and societies. Since
national, regional and local communities are comprised of social
networks in and through which the agendas and business of
government and corporate activity are conducted and advanced,
discovering who are on boards reveals what the network is capable of
procuring, pursuing, protecting and achieving because of interlinking
spheres of control and influence. Since membership in Canadas
federal, provincial and municipal governments and the administration
of justice are all tightly controlled through the micro-management of
upward mobility opportunities, who someone is linked to through these
associations betrays what and how much he or she knows about and
contributed to the non-transparent constituent of governance.

The foregoing is a global overview of political and geo-political

circumstances. Because of the national security interests of my
international public sector clients, full disclosure will only be provided
upon a verbal assurance of confidentiality. If this is not forthcoming
said proof will be provided in due course when these interests are not

Many of Canadas largest corporations are being edified; seeking to

create in the private sector what was achieved in the public sector and
the administration of justices three constituents (Bench, Bar and law
enforcement) during the last two years. A collective awareness is
essential for several reasons, including delivering formal notice of my
clients intention to effect fundamental structural reform of governance
and where in the private sector there is complicity and loyalty to the
China agenda changes in ownership, management and operations.

If you have any questions or concerns, do not hesitate to contact me.

Best regards,

Brad Kempo
Barrister & Solicitor [Alberta, Inactive]