Académique Documents
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CPPRW
Democracy Community of
Democracies
1NC Democracy
Text: The United States Federal Government should
transform the Community of Democracies to
Only accept countries designated as free in
Freedom Houses annual Freedom in the World
survey
Designate less free nations as observers of the
Community of Democracies
CP solves democracy reforms key
Holmes 10 distinguished fellow at the Heritage Foundation (Kim R.,
Smart Multilateralism and the United Nations,
http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2010/09/smart-multilateralism-
when-and-when-not-to-rely-on-the-united-nations)//AC
Greatly expand the number of green cards available to foreign students who
earn science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) graduate
degrees in American universities. Chapter 1 highlights the issue of highly
skilled foreign students who are unable to stay in the United States after
graduation due to U.S. government limitations on visas. According to a
recent Brookings Institution study, in 2010 more than 96,000 foreign
students were in the United States pursuing graduate degrees in STEM
fields. However, a mere 19,000 stayed after graduation to work in the
United States. Many American high-tech companies have publicly advocated
increasing the number of visas available for these scientists and engineers in
order to help them fill open jobs. However, the loss of these valuable
workers has other damaging effects. Many of the 77,000 graduates who
return home every year have knowledge of American intellectual property,
gained in the course of their studies or in internships during their time in
the United States. This intellectual property is of great benefit to foreign
companies, enabling them to more quickly and effectively compete with
American companies, both in overseas markets and even in the American
market. Several proposals to reform U.S. immigration procedures would
make earning a green card for graduate students in STEM fields an easier
process after graduation and with a job offer in hand. The Brookings study
estimated that numerous metropolitan areas, especially in the Midwest,
would see dramatic benefits if a much larger percentage of foreign students
were permitted to stay.13 The Commission supports such initiatives on
immigration reform. Sending qualified and talented scientists and engineers
home almost ensures that their American educations will benefit other
nations economic development and will represent missed opportunities for
the American economy. To be sure, some of the foreign students who would
remain in the United States under the terms of this arrangement would be
subject to pressure or inducements from home countries and companies to
commit IP theft while working for a U.S. company. There have been multiple
cases of the FBI prosecuting green card holders. Nonetheless, if the full
range of this reports recommendations were adopted to deal with IP theft
systemically, the Commission judges that this risk is far outweighed by the
potential benefits of such a program.
After reviewing the extant literature and hearing testimony from a wide
range of experts, the IP Commission assesses that when the estimated value
of lost sales, stock assets, investments, and other dimensions are added in,
the total annual losses due to stolen IP are in the hundreds of billions of
dollars. Technet, a national coalition of CEOs in the high-tech field,
estimates that more than six million jobs and more than a third of the
United States $15-trillion economy rely on innovation. 1 A U.S. Patent and
Trademark Office study estimates that IP-intensive industries directly
accounted for 27.1 million American jobs in 2010, or 18.8% of all
employment in the economy. An annual loss of hundreds of billions of
dollars of stolen IPthe very lifeblood of Americas innovation economyis
indeed extraordinary, especially to a still-recovering U.S. economy. If the
cost is so high and the implications for the U.S. economy so great, why is the
IP Commission not able to more precisely measure the loss? The reasons are
many.2 First, loss is necessarily measured in different ways across different
sectors and different types of IP theft. For instance, the value of
unauthorized software is somewhat easier to measure, in part by counting
the number of computers seeking to update software. Similarly, good
statistics are kept on the value of seized counterfeit goods entering the
United States. On the other hand, some losses are not ever aggregated.
Trade-secret losses, for instance, by definition are not included in a total, in
part because the value of the loss of an individual companys IP may only
become known well after the fact, such as during the trial of a suspected
thief or if the company ultimately goes out of business. A second factor is
that companies are highly disincentivized to report their losses for two
reasons. First, when a company divulges that it has been a victim of IP theft,
there can be certain reputational effects that may affect market confidence
in corporate leadership and the value of a companys stock. Second,
identifying IP theft almost necessarily requires identifying the source of the
theft. If the origin of the theft is in a strategically important market for a
company, then a certain level of theft may be written off as merely a cost of
doing business in an otherwise profitable market. A third factor centers on
the surveys that are often used to measure loss, either by counting the
losses reported by survey respondents or by estimating loss from reported
statistics. Both approaches are problematic for essentially the same reason.
Because IP theft varies widely across sectors and between companieseven
within the same sector, companies have widely varying success in protecting
their IPunless every single company is polled and accurately reports its
losses, neither aggregating nor estimating has much of a chance of being
useful.3 What is indisputable is that the scale and scope of the loss is
enormous. In a year of research, testimony, and interviews, the IP
Commission has not heard one expert suggest the problem is not
breathtaking in scale . Even more important than the scale and scope of the
loss is an overwhelming assessment by experts that current legal and
regulatory approaches to mitigating the loss are staggeringly ineffective.
Below are summaries of a range of highly knowledgeable efforts, which help
bound the scale and scope of the problem.
Formal analysis tells us that control frauds follow certain patterns. They
grow rapidly, reporting high profitability, certified by top accounting firms.
They pay exceedingly well. At the same time, they radically lower standards,
building new businesses in markets previously considered too risky for
honest business. In the financial sector, this takes the form of relaxed no,
gutted underwriting, combined with the capacity to pass the bad penny to
the greater fool. In California in the 1980s, Charles Keating realized that an
S&L charter was a "license to steal." In the 2000s, sub-prime mortgage
origination was much the same thing. Given a license to steal, thieves get
busy. And because their performance seems so good, they quickly come to
dominate their markets; the bad players driving out the good. The complexity of
the mortgage finance sector before the crisis highlights another characteristic marker of fraud. In the
system that developed, the original mortgage documents lay buried where they remain in the records
of the loan originators, many of them since defunct or taken over. Those records, if examined, would
reveal the extent of missing documentation, of abusive practices, and of fraud. So far, we have only very
limited evidence on this, notably a 2007 Fitch Ratings study of a very small sample of highly-rated RMBS,
which found "fraud, abuse or missing documentation in virtually every file." An efforts a year ago by
Representative Doggett to persuade Secretary Geithner to examine and report thoroughly on the extent
of fraud in the underlying mortgage records received an epic run-around. When sub-prime mortgages
were bundled and securitized, the ratings agencies failed to examine the underlying loan quality. Instead
they substituted statistical models, in order to generate ratings that would make the resulting RMBS
acceptable to investors. When one assumes that prices will always rise, it follows that a loan secured by
the asset can always be refinanced; therefore the actual condition of the borrower does not matter. That
projection is, of course, only as good as the underlying assumption, but in this perversely-designed
marketplace those who paid for ratings had no reason to care about the quality of assumptions.
Meanwhile, mortgage originators now had a formula for extending loans to the worst borrowers they
could find, secure that in this reverse Lake Wobegon no child would be deemed below average even
though they all were. Credit quality collapsed because the system was designed for it to collapse. A third
element in the toxic brew was a simulacrum of "insurance," provided by the market in credit default
swaps. These are doomsday instruments in a precise sense: they generate cash-flow for the issuer until
the credit event occurs. If the event is large enough, the issuer then fails, at which point the government
faces blackmail: it must either step in or the system will collapse. CDS spread the consequences of a
housing-price downturn through the entire financial sector, across the globe. They also provided the
means to short the market in residential mortgage-backed securities, so that the largest players could
turn tail and bet against the instruments they had previously been selling, just before the house of cards
crashed. Latter-day financial economics is blind to all of this. It necessarily treats stocks, bonds, options,
derivatives and so forth as securities whose properties can be accepted largely at face value, and
quantified in terms of return and risk. That quantification permits the calculation of price, using standard
formulae. But everything in the formulae depends on the instruments being as they are represented to
An older strand of
be. For if they are not, then what formula could possibly apply?
institutional economics understood that a security is a contract in law. It can
only be as good as the legal system that stands behind it. Some fraud is
inevitable, but in a functioning system it must be rare. It must be considered
and rightly a minor problem. If fraud or even the perception of fraud
comes to dominate the system, then there is no foundation for a market in
the securities. They become trash. And more deeply, so do the institutions
responsible for creating, rating and selling them. Including, so long as it
fails to respond with appropriate force, the legal system itself. Control
frauds always fail in the end. But the failure of the firm does not mean the
fraud fails: the perpetrators often walk away rich. At some point, this
requires subverting, suborning or defeating the law. This is where crime
and politics intersect. At its heart, therefore, the financial crisis was a
breakdown in the rule of law in America. Ask yourselves: is it possible for mortgage
originators, ratings agencies, underwriters, insurers and supervising agencies NOT to have known that
the system of housing finance had become infested with fraud? Every statistical indicator of fraudulent
practice growth and profitability suggests otherwise. Every examination of the record so far suggests
otherwise. The very language in use: "liars' loans," "ninja loans," "neutron loans," and "toxic waste," tells
you that people knew. I have also heard the expression, "IBG,YBG;" the meaning of that bit of code was:
If doubt remains, investigation into the internal
"I'll be gone, you'll be gone."
Imagine a major infrastructure build not in bricks, mortar and steel, but in
terms that more precisely define our advanced economy such as proximity
and velocity , increasing the speed at which we get things done. Thats the
opportunity we have before us to transform our country by focusing on
infrastructure that brings people closer together physically, emotionally and
productively. First, we need to focus on the right investment. A lot of old
thinking focuses on pot-holed highways and collapsing bridges, but if we
want to create a 21st Century economy with growth, wealth and possibilities
for everyone, then we better think differently. Listening to political
candidates address the issue, whether Republican or Democrat, is
depressing. Its crumbling, its collapsing, they say. We dont need to know
that our infrastructure is failing, what we need is a vision for how to seize a
tremendous opportunity. We also need to fund that investment. This is not
going to happen without a National Infrastructure Bank , a bank that is big
enough to make a difference, leveraging at least $1.5 trillion in private
capital through 2025. Additionally, we need to leverage technology and
ingenuity to transform our infrastructure bureaucracies into innovation
agents who are capable of incubating new technologies, managing
performance of new initiatives, and driving radical reform in the permitting
and approval process (which currently averages more than 9.5 years per
project). This is the defining moment for the president who assumes office
on Jan. 20, 2017. We stand at a true inflection point in the debate. Great
infrastructure changes everything because it brings everyone together,
takes us all somewhere together, and tells us in the way that only public
symbols can do who we are as a country. World class infrastructure
investment bears the hallmark of an incredible competitive advantage that
guides everyone closer into a new reality that we all envision, build and
share. How does my world change if the physical distance between New
York and Washington, D.C. is reduced by the equivalent of 150 miles through
high-speed maglev service; or if an autonomous vehicle takes an extra 30
minutes to reach my 3D manufacturing collaborator; or if my stake in
waterways means that I can bring global markets 2,000 miles nearer, and in
doing so increase profits and reduce carbon emissions? This is the vision
that matters, unleashing our savings, our imaginations and our incredible
new technology to bring us closer in ways unimaginable in the last century.
That old industrial model is exhausted and has been for more than 30 years.
Investment in highways and bridges is no longer believable as a reliable
source of progress. Ask the millennials if they get up in the morning
thinking of new highways and bridges? Here are the results that well see,
almost immediately, if we forget about the old paradigm and adopt a modern
initiative: First, a vigorous infusion of capital (doubling to 3 percent of GDP)
will elevate us to global leadership in imaginative infrastructure, generating
a whopping and sustained increase in national growth in the 4 percent range
(since the recovery our average annual growth has been a measly 2.1
percent). New industries will emerge . It is a massive opportunity at a time
when the cost of financing projects has never been lower . Second, well
focus as a nation on ushering people together, a driver of extraordinary
advantage. Everyone from the people who use public transit to those who
fly first class is critical in a proximity economy . They matter for their
participation, for inspiration and for their promise. In the words of the
distinguished philosopher Dr. Seuss, a persons a person, no matter how
small. Third, and most importantly, well get our confidence back! Small
wins lead to big wins. A successful build demonstrating to the world once
again that we are capable of incredible undertakings and stand on the
leading edge of the possible will generate a countrywide, top-to-bottom,
wind-at-our-backs sensation. Sustained growth and mushrooming
opportunities will be wonderfully inspiring, reengaging all of us with each
other in the kind of creative construction that has always defined America
and made reaching for greatness the only sensible life strategy!
Aff (answers to both
infrastructure CPs)
Spending Turn
I will not even try to offer any definitive conclusion about whether the United States ought to acquire
CPGS weapons; as I said at the start of my testimony, I am genuinely undecided. However, I do believe
a course correction is required if the program is to live up to its full
that
potential and, perhaps even more importantly, if Congress is to be able to assess the
scale of that potential.
To date, the CPGS program has focused too narrowly on technology
development; there has been an apparent failure to give proper attention to
the role of CPGS weaponsand potential alternativesin national strategy. To this end, I
would like to conclude by offering some suggestions for how the Department of Defense
might improve its process for developing CPGS weapons.
The Department of Defense could produce an unclassified policy statement
on the specific missions for which CPGS weapons might be acquired.
The Department of Defense could conduct classified studies into the
implications of possible adversary countermeasures over the next two
or three decades for CPGS weapons, including a comparison of the
effect of such countermeasures on non-prompt alternatives.
The Department of Defense could conduct a comparative study of CPGS
weapons and non-prompt alternatives in terms of their ability to hold mobile
targets, and hard and deeply buried targets at risk; their relative unit cost; and
their capability to successfully prosecute each of the missions for
which the Department is considering acquiring CPGS weapons.
The Department of Defense could conduct a comprehensive and dedicated
examination of gaps in enabling capabilities ; and develop plans , with
cost estimates, to fill these gaps.
The Department of Defense could produce an unclassified report on (i) the
escalation risks of CPGS weapons, including \but not limited to
warhead ambiguity; and (ii) possible ways of mitigating them ,
including cooperative approaches.
2NC Solves Heg
PGS capabilities are fundamentally key to countering
rising threats and guaranteeing US power projection
globally
Woolf 16 - M.A. in Public Policy Harvard Kennedy School of Government
(Amy F., a Specialist in Nuclear Weapons Policy in the Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division of the Congressional Research Service at
the Library of Congress. She provides Congress with information, analysis, and support on issues related to U.S. and Russian nuclear forces
and arms control. She has authored many studies and participated in numerous seminars on these issues, addressing such topics as nuclear
weapons strategy and doctrine, nuclear force structure, strategic arms control and the U.S-Russian arms control agenda, ballistic missile
defense policy, and issues related to nuclear weapons and threat reduction in the former Soviet Union. Ms. Woolf has spoken at numerous
conferences and workshops, discussing issues such as Congressional views on arms control and ballistic missile defenses, cooperative threat
reduction with Russia, and U.S. nuclear weapons policy, 2/24/16, Congressional Research Service, Conventional Prompt Global Strike and
Long-Range Ballistic Missiles: Background and Issues, R41464, pg.___, Kent Denver-jKIM)
The need for prompt long-range, or global, strike capabilities has been
addressed in general defense policy studies, such as the 2001, 2006, and 2010
Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) Reports. The 2001 QDR noted that the U.S. defense
strategy rests on the assumption that U.S. forces have the ability to project
power worldwide.4 The 2006 QDR expanded on the need for prompt global
strike capabilities, noting that they would provide the United States with the
ability to attack fixed, hard and deeply buried, mobile and re-locatable targets
with improved accuracy anywhere in the world promptly upon the
Presidents order. This QDR went on to call for the deployment of a prompt global strike
capability, using Trident submarine-based ballistic missiles armed with conventional warheads, within
two to four years.5 The 2010 QDR also noted that enhanced
long-range strike capabilities
are one means of countering growing threats to forward deployed forces and bases and
ensuring U.S. power projection capabilities. It noted that DOD is pursuing a number of
programs to meet this need, and, as a part of this effort, plans to experiment with conventional prompt
global strike prototypes.6DOD has also addressed the prompt global strike mission in specific
reports on Air Force doctrine, which have noted that rapid power projection based in
the continental United States has become the predominant military
strategy. In May 2003, the Air Force issued a formal Mission Need Statement for the Prompt
Global Strike (PGS) Mission. This statement indicated that the United States should be
able to strike globally and rapidly with joint conventional forces against high-payoff
targets, that the United States should be able to plan and execute these attacks in
a matter of minutes or hoursas opposed to the days or weeks needed for planning
and execution with existing forcesand that it should be able to execute these
attacks even when it had no permanent military presence in the region where the
conflict would occur.7
2NC Solves Taiwan War
CP solves Taiwan War
Sugden 09 - M.A. in I.R. and Public Policy University of Chicago (Bruce M., a
defense analyst for the Department of Defense and commercial clients on combating weapons of mass destructions,
future global strike force structure alternatives, nuclear policy and strategy, and emerging deterrence requirements and
technology issues, Summer 2009, The MIT Press, International Security, Vol. 34, No. 1, pg. 118-120, Speed Kills:
Analyzing the Deployment of Conventional Ballistic Missiles, Kent Denver-jKIM)
The second type of PGS mission involves a strike at a larger set of distant,
time-critical targets at the opening of major combat operations.18
Appropriate targets include command, control, and communications nodes
and air defenses. The political-military circumstances, mission requirements,
and weapons systems capabilities for ensuring successful strikes differ from
the near-term, niche mission. According to proponents, expanded roles for
CBMs could also include counter-nuclear missions and the shaping of
adversary military investments. These roles are predicated on a large-scale
CBM capability, perhaps a minimum of fifty deployed CBMs. The argument
for CBMs in the expanded mission is twofold. One rationale is that an
adversarys defense of a critical capability may pose serious risk to aircraft
and aircrews attempting to bomb the target, but a weapon traveling at
ballistic speed is guaranteed to penetrate most, if not all, defenses. Thus,
CBMs would increase the probability of destroying heavily defended targets,
such as those on the coast of the Peoples Republic of China opposite
Taiwan.19 CBMs could also play a role in opening the door to manned
aircraft as part of a major combat operation. There would be a greater
requirement for CBMs and large-scale PGS missions to defeat defensive
systems and enable entry for U.S. strike aircraft under two conditions. First,
the long-term international security environment will be marked by a
greater diffusion of anti-access and area-denial weapons systems, mobile
targets, and hard and deeply buried targets compared with today.20 Anti-
access and area-denial systems increase the distance between targets and
areas from which the United States can operate its military forces with
impunity. Command and control centers for these systems might be mobile
or deep and hardened against many direct attack options. The second
condition is that area-denial weapons technology overturns the dominance of
stealth technology. These conditions would put a premium on defense
penetration; persistence and high volume of fire; intelligence, surveillance,
and reconnaissance and target acquisition; payload flexibility; throw weight;
and increased transparency regarding ballistic missile payloads. This option
for CBMs will require developing and fielding capabilities that are
unavailable in the near term. Thus, this analysis considers the use of CBMs
in expanded PGS missions to be a long-term option. The near-term PGS
mission and CBM options, such as CTM, do not focus on major combat
operations; they are stand-alone, limited, prompt strike options. The second
rationale for CBMs in an expanded mission is that a wider array of
conventional strike options will allow the United States to avoid crossing the
nuclear threshold; they will provide usable tools for escalation that are
proportionate to the threat that needs to be deterred or defeated. In
contrast, the use of nuclear weapons against most anticipated non-WMD
threats is deemed disproportionate. Using nuclear weapons, even against
WMD targets, will engender a host of undesired political consequences.21
Therefore, the threat to launch a conventional strike would be more
credible, which is conducive to managing the escalation of the use of force
below the nuclear threshold and to ensuring the success of deterrence. This
line of thinking echoes the Cold War doctrine of flexible response, wherein
the United States and its allies were prepared to fight at all levels of war to
deter the Soviet Union from all forms of military aggression.22 A U.S.
Department of Defense official, for example, declared in a 2002 briefing on
the Nuclear Posture Review that the non-nuclear strike forces, we believe,
have the potential, if fully exploited, fully developed, to reduce our
dependency on nuclear forces for the offensive-strike leg.23 Some CBM
proponents argue that long-term CBMs might be used in a large-scale,
counterforce role to defeat nuclear forces. For example, U.S. CBMs could
nullify a nuclear strategy that China might employ to deter U.S. intervention
in a Taiwan Strait conflict. Many of Chinas nuclear-armed intercontinental
ballistic missiles (ICBMs) are based at fixed sites, and U.S. CBMs could be
used to undertake a preventive or preemptive strike against their silos or
soft-site launch pads, or to functionally defeat their exit from secure storage
sites.24
AT Squo System Solves
CP key to resolving PGS capability gap
Sugden 09 - M.A. in I.R. and Public Policy University of Chicago (Bruce M., a
defense analyst for the Department of Defense and commercial clients on combating weapons of mass destructions,
future global strike force structure alternatives, nuclear policy and strategy, and emerging deterrence requirements and
technology issues, Summer 2009, The MIT Press, International Security, Vol. 34, No. 1, pg. 117-118, Speed Kills:
Analyzing the Deployment of Conventional Ballistic Missiles, Kent Denver-jKIM)
The near-term PGS mission is intended to defeat emerging, time-sensitive, soft targets,
such as exposed WMD launchers, terrorist leaders, and sites of state transfers of
WMD to terrorists or other states within roughly one hour of a decision to
attack.13 These targets may appear during any period in peacetime and wartime
when U.S. forces are unavailable in the vicinity or are otherwise committed.
Both the 1998 cruise missile strikes against al-Qaidas Tarnak Farm and other camps in
eastern Afghanistan, which failed to kill al-Qaidas leadership, and the opening F-117 air
attack in Operation Iraqi Freedom on March 19, 2003,14 which destroyed a bunker where
Iraqi President Saddam Hussein was thought to be located, underscore the importance of
coupling prompt weapons delivery vehicles to accurate, actionable
intelligence to hold time-sensitive targets at risk .15 The National Research Council
conducted a study on the mission requirements for using CTM and alternative systems as PGS weapons
Its final report stated that there is a PGS capability gap , wherein U.S.
systems.
nonnuclear strike capabilities fall short of those required for the current and
projected security environments. The gap is illustrated by credible scenarios where two
independent conditions for employing CBMs might exist: U.S. manned or unmanned aircraft are not
deployed close enough to the targets to enable prompt attack; or enemy air defenses are strong enough
to jeopardize the success of a mission carried out by aircraft.16 Even if U.S. long-range bombers were
deployed to Guam or Diego Garcia, for example, it could take up to ten to twenty hours of flight time to
reach distant targets.17 Because CBMs could hit distant targets from bases in the continental United
States within a one-hour time period, proponents argue they are the ideal PGS weapons system.
AT No Intel
Combination of intelligence systems solves
Sugden 09 - M.A. in I.R. and Public Policy University of Chicago (Bruce M., a
defense analyst for the Department of Defense and commercial clients on combating weapons of mass destructions,
future global strike force structure alternatives, nuclear policy and strategy, and emerging deterrence requirements and
technology issues, Summer 2009, The MIT Press, International Security, Vol. 34, No. 1, pg. 117-118, Speed Kills:
Analyzing the Deployment of Conventional Ballistic Missiles, Kent Denver-jKIM)
The second rationale for CBMs in an expanded mission is that a wider array of
conventional strike options will allow the United States to avoid crossing the
nuclear threshold; they will provide usable tools for escalation that are
proportionate to the threat that needs to be deterred or defeated. In
contrast, the use of nuclear weapons against most anticipated non-WMD
threats is deemed disproportionate. Using nuclear weapons, even against WMD
targets, will engender a host of undesired political consequences .21 Therefore, the
threat to launch a conventional strike would be more credible, which is
conducive to managing the escalation of the use of force below the nuclear
threshold and to ensuring the success of deterrence . This line of thinking echoes the
Cold War doctrine of flexible response, wherein the United States and its allies were prepared to fight at
all levels of war to deter the Soviet Union from all forms of military aggression.22 A U.S. Department
of Defense official, for example, declared in a 2002 briefing on the Nuclear Posture Review
that the non-nuclear strike forces, we believe, have the potential, if fully
exploited, fully developed, to reduce our dependency on nuclear forces for
the offensive-strike leg.23
AT 2017 Budget Solves
More recent legislative provisions will undermine the
2017 budget
Harper 5/23 - M.A. in National Security Studies Georgetown University
(Jon Harper, , 5/23/16, is a senior writer for the National Defense Magazine and a reporter for Bloomberg Government,
5/23/16, Bloomberg Government, Secretary Carter blasts Armed Services Committees authorization bills,
http://about.bgov.com/blog/secretary-carter-blasts-armed-services-committees-authorization-bills/, Kent Denver-jKIM)
Since the 2010 congressional elections, the political dynamic on Capitol Hill has
shifted, with new chairmen in charge of key committees in the House of Representatives. Although
there is general congressional support for the concept of CPGS, concern
remains over whether the Department of Defense is focusing its CPGS efforts
too narrowly. The House Armed Services Committee, for example, has encouraged a broader
examination of the tradespace of CPGS capabilities and concepts to meet warfighter requirements.46 In
light of this, the time may be ripe for an examination of multiple CPGS
alternatives that could accomplish military objectives at reasonable cost and
with minimal technical risk. For those who support more robust strike
options for the United States, CPGS can provide them. For those who support additional
nuclear reductions, CPGS can help offset the attendant risks that may flow from them. For those
who believe terrorists armed with nuclear weapons pose the greatest
security threat today, CPGS can help defeat them. And for those who are
most concerned with WMD proliferation, CPGS can help deter and dissuade
those who might otherwise seek to acquire such capabilities.
Yesterday, The Cable brought you news about the Obama administration's new
nuclear arms reduction treaty with Russia. Today, we share with you a
previously unreported letter (pdf) from senior House GOP lawmakers telling
the president that they don't like where they see the negotiations headed. Signed by
the House Armed Services Committee's ranking Republican, Howard P. "Buck"
McKeon (R-CA) and House Foreign Affairs Committee ranking Republican Ileana
Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL), the letter's basic point is their contention that administration officials are
rushing to complete a follow on to the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) before the
Dec. 5 deadline, which will cause them to make too many concessions to the Russians
and get ahead of their own Nuclear Posture Review (NPR). The GOP leaders also refer to HASC
testimony (pdf) by Philip Gordon, the assistant secretary of state for Europe and Eurasian affairs, to
criticize the possibility that the Obama team might compromise too much and
end up near the lower end of ranges agreed to between Obama and Russian President Dmitry
Medvedev in their July 8 Joint Understanding, namely 500 delivery vehicles and 1,500 deployed
warheads. "Congress has yet to learn what the administration's deterrence
objectives and policies are, much less the appropriate nuclear force
structure requirements that would be derived from them," the letter states. The
letter also warns that Congress (read: Republicans) would not look favorably on
any restrictions in the new treaty that would limit U.S. missile defenses or
conventional strike systems.
AT PGS Prolif
Increasing conventional weaponry signals global
nuclear disarmament resolves prolif
Futter and Zala 13 - Lecturers in International Politics at the
University of Leicester (Andrew and Benjamin, 2/26/13, The Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 20, Is. 1, pg.
107-108, ADVANCED US CONVENTIONAL WEAPONS AND NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT, Kent Denver-jKIM)
To help form the fiscal year 2017 (FY 2017) budget, US Department of Defense (DoD)
leaders conducted a strategic review of the 'power projection portfolio', which
includes platforms for deterring adversaries and potential adversaries . That
review identified key areas that then drove some of the major budget
choices in the current request, Jamie Morin, director of DoD's Cost Assessment and
Program Evaluation office, said during a 7 March briefing at the Center for Strategic and International
said the review and resulting budget placed significant
Studies. Morin
emphasis on the military's ability "to deliver effects from range", which is
largely due to the proliferation of technologies enabling anti-access/area denial
(A2/AD) strategies that the United States would need to overcome or address.
That technology, which includes longer range precision strike weapons, drove
many of the themes shaping the 'power projection portfolio' . For example, DoD
also determined that it must better disaggregate its expensive, precious, and valuable systems that can
be held at greater risk but are still needed to project power, Morin said. Similarly, the Pentagon must
"leverage areas of sanctuary" because it is increasingly important to "act from domains or from means
where you enjoy relative sanctuary", he added.
Turn U.S.-Russia War
PGS capabilities causes US-Russia miscalc cant tell
the difference between conventional and nuclear
missiles
Gormley 16 - M.A. University of Connecticut (Dennis M., a Senior Research Fellow at
the Matthew B. Ridgway Center for International Security Studies, Gormley served as a senior vice president for 20
years with Pacific-Sierra Research (PSR), has chaired or served on numerous Department of Defense and intelligence
advisory panels, 2/3/16, The Nonproliferation Review, Volume 22, #2, US Advanced Conventional Systems and
Conventional Prompt Global Strike Ambitions, pg.128-129, Kent Denver-jKIM)
The only thing certain about future nuclear reductions is that they will require
an unprecedented level of dialogue and transparency between and among the
affected state parties to reach some accommodation that enables deeper cuts in each
sides nuclear arsenals. To achieve progress, parties must refrain from
exaggerating capabilities and appreciating the distinction between what is hypothetically
possible and realistically achievable when evaluating threat scenarios of gravest concern. But what
seems certain is that making heretofore nuclear-only missiles also capable of
delivering conventional warheads is fraught with the prospect of serious,
unintended consequences. A particularly pertinent example is that, to the extent
states begin embracing the use of ballistic missiles for conventional missions or
worse, for missions with only one hour of decision time before use a strong
precedent will be set for other states to emulate such behavior. A possible reason
why cruise missiles did not find their way into the 2002 Hague Code of Conduct against the Proliferation
of Ballistic Missiles is that they were seen, especially by the Pentagon, as a weapon of great
discrimination rather than mass destruction. Very soon, too, ballistic missiles may gain a
similar reputation, even though everyone knows that both ballistic and cruise missiles are equally
capable of delivering nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons. Nevertheless, the
consequence may be the unintended spread of ballistic missiles and
accompanying strategic instability. Thus, when US decision makers pause to
consider the ramifications of any decision about deploying CPGS systems, they should broaden the
scope of their perspective to also include these systems effects on
nonproliferation policy and future missile proliferation. 68 Finally, the notion of
prompt use of a highly precise intercontinental-range missile within an hours decision time powerfully
conveys the longstanding American preference for dabbling with technological solutions to the exclusion
US decision makers should best avoid myopic
of clear-headed strategic thinking. Here,
thinking about the utility of CPGS as a silver bullet. It would be preferable to
consider more fully the broad and unwelcome dangers and policy
ramifications that such narrow thinking could produce .
PGS Intel Fails
PGS fails and increases accidental launches lack of
actionable intelligence
Gormley 16- M.A. University of Connecticut (Dennis M., a Senior Research Fellow at the
Matthew B. Ridgway Center for International Security Studies, Gormley served as a senior vice president for 20 years
with Pacific-Sierra Research (PSR), has chaired or served on numerous Department of Defense and intelligence advisory
panels, 2/3/16, The Nonproliferation Review, Volume 22, #2, US Advanced Conventional Systems and Conventional
Prompt Global Strike Ambitions, pg.129-130, Kent Denver-jKIM)
Boththe Bush and Obama administrations have focused on two scenarios that
could benefit from the capacity to strike targets any place on earth within
sixty minutes. The first is a low-probability-but-high-consequence situation
wherein a fleeting terrorist target with a presumed nuclear weapon is
detected in a neutral country. The second scenario envisions a rogue state
(such as North Koreaor perhaps in the future, Iran) placing what appears to be a nuclear
warhead on a missile capable of striking US or allied territory. In both scenarios and others, CPGS
supporters say the chief benefit of CPGS is that it reduces the perceived need for the United States to
employ nuclear weapons to defend its interests.47 However, not only is that first scenario unlikely to
occur, but employing CPGS would be enormously problematic: the sheer
difficulty of obtaining the precisely correct intelligence needed to carry out
the attack, or the decision to take such a preemptive action even without it, is
worrisome. Moreover, pre-emptive strike doctrines, coupled with long-range
means of attack, have spread widely in Northeast Asia, South Asia, and the Middle East to allies,
friends, and potential enemies alike. Adding yet another hairtrigger capability, while the United
States strongly emphasizes the importance of strategic stability as a critical
component in reducing global nuclear stockpiles, is inconsistent with that objective and potentially
dangerous
AT PGS Solves Rogues/North Korea
PGS increases nuclear war risk - causes rogues to
place weapons on hair trigger
Gormley 16 - M.A. University of Connecticut (Dennis M., a Senior Research Fellow at
the Matthew B. Ridgway Center for International Security Studies, Gormley served as a senior vice president for 20
years with Pacific-Sierra Research (PSR), has chaired or served on numerous Department of Defense and intelligence
advisory panels, 2/3/16, The Nonproliferation Review, Volume 22, #2, US Advanced Conventional Systems and
Conventional Prompt Global Strike Ambitions, pg.131-132, Kent Denver-jKIM)
circumstances where the United States might have to resort to nuclear use.
Human Rights - Liberty
Forum
1NC
Text: The United States should launch a Liberty Forum
for Human Rights.
CP solves human rights
Holmes 10 distinguished fellow at the Heritage Foundation (Kim R.,
Smart Multilateralism and the United Nations,
http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2010/09/smart-multilateralism-
when-and-when-not-to-rely-on-the-united-nations)//AC
The United States should launch a Liberty Forum for Human Rights .[26] The
new U.N. Human Rights Council has not been an improvement over the
disbanded U.N. Commission on Human Rights . In its first three years, it failed to hold
most of the worlds worst human rights abusers accountable . The world and especially
the oppressed people in places such as Sudan, Burma, Cuba, Iran, and China need a legitimate standard-bearer for human
rights, one with members that truly respect liberty and the rule of law and are willing to seek new ways to advance them.
A Liberty Forum would give them a platform from which to highlight the
critical linkages between human rights and security and between economic
freedom and political freedom. It would be a place where emerging
democracies could go to gain a better understanding of the proper role of the
sovereign state in upholding individual liberties, equality before the law and
to receive guidance to improve their human rights . Its members that sit on U.N. bodies such
as the Human Rights Council could advance the Liberty Forums agenda in those bodies and support each others
candidacies for important leadership positions. To be successful, such an entity should have strict membership rules and a
clear strategy for how best to coordinate their activities.
2NC - Solvency
Other countries will participate in a Liberty Forum
Holmes 09 distinguished fellow at the Heritage
Foundation (Kim R., Time for a New International Game Plan,
http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2009/01/time-for-a-new-
international-game-plan)//AC
Time for a Liberty Forum for Human Rights A Global Freedom Coalition would be best placed to
mobilize freedom-loving peoples into a common effort to define and defend liberty, and a Global Economic Freedom
there also is a need to create a new
Forum would help promote economic freedom. But
international association of nations to defend and advance human rights . The
U.N. Human Rights Council has proven itself completely unworthy of the
mantle. The President of the United States should take the lead in launching
a Liberty Forum for Human Rights, a place where countries that uphold
economic, civil, and political freedoms can promote them and the role of the
free democratic and sovereign state in upholding liberty, justice, and equality
before the law . Some of America's friends (particularly in Europe) would at first be lukewarm, but many other
countries would want to join. All of the forum's meetings should be held in neutral places as far from the
discredited United Nations Human Rights Council as possible.
Multilat 1 - G-20
1NC - Multilat
Text: The United States federal government should
support the use of the G20 as a strategic steering
group for the World Bank, IMF, and WTO.
CP solves multilat concessions signal affirmation in
multilateral institutions
Hillman 10 - Senior transatlantic fellow at the German Marshall
Fund of the U.S.; current member of the WTO Appellate Body
(Jennifer, Saving Multilateralism Renovating The House Of Global Economic
Governance For The 21st Century, www.g8.utoronto.ca/scholar/hillman-
2010.pdf)//AC
The present global economic crisis has not been of the same order of magnitude of the events of the 1930s But
it does represent another transformative moment in world history In particular, it presents the United States and
Europe with another opportunity to exercise shared transatlantic leadership to
ensure that the vision of their past leaders can be preserved, updated, and
carried forward into the 21st century with all the challenges it brings What do Europe and
the United States need to do to meet this challenge? First, they need to commit to not give up on
the multilateral economic institutions, but to reform them instead Together, the United
States and Europe created these multilateral institutions and they have as much to gain as ever in
keeping them at the core of the global economic architecture However, ensuring that
these institutions remain relevant, legitimate, and effective will mean some significant changes in the manner in which
both the United States and Europe participate in their operations These changes are an opportunity to show real
Agreeing to make
leadership on the world stage at the cost of some concessions in the formal power structure.
these concessions would also send a powerful signal to the rest of the world
that they can have faith that these institutions are changing to accommodate
shifting relationships in the global economy and an equally powerful
affirmation by the transatlantic powers of their continuing reliance on
multilateral institutions For its part, the United States should give up on both the
unwritten rule that the head of the World Bank must be an American and the
insistence that it retain veto power over matters requiring a supermajority In
addition, the U nited S tates should support the use of the G20 as a strategic
steering group or Council of Governors for the World Bank, IMF, and WTO
to ensure a strong G20 role in strategy formulation and coordination that
would also give greater voice to the emerging market economies In the same vein, the
member states of the European Union should give up on the unwritten rule that the head of the IMF must be a European,
and work to consolidate European votes and seats at the IMF and World Bank either into a single European seat (which
would give Europe the single largest voting share) or at least consolidate its seven partial seats with the bigger European
economies so that Europe ends up with no more than four seats As with the United States, the European Union and its
member states should also lend their support to the G20 as the steering committee of the global economy
1NC - Trade
CP solves protectionism and trade barriers
Gnath, Mildner, & Schmucker 12 Associate Fellow of the German
Council on Foreign Relations; Head of the Globalization and World Economy
Program of the DGAP (Katharina, completing her Ph.D. at the Berlin Graduate
School for Transnational Studies, G20, IMF, and WTO in Turbulent Times,
https://www.swp-
berlin.org/fileadmin/contents/products/research_papers/2012_RP10_Gnath_m
dn_Schmucker.pdf)//AC
the G20 heads of state agreed to grant $250 billion for
At the London summit in 2009,
trade finance in the form of export credits and export insurance as part of the
effort to stabilize world trade. In 2010, global trade flows did rebound in many parts of the world. Yet
poorer countries in particular continued to face significant obstacles to
gaining access to capital, since financial risks remained high .26 At the summit in Seoul,
the G20 countries reaffirmed their commitment to implementing measures
the G20
additional funds actually did help to stabilize world trade.27 Already at the first G20 summit in Washington,
states had pledged to avoid protectionism and refrain from erecting any new
trade barriers in the following twelve months. This also applied to any export restrictions
or measures to promote exports that violated WTO regulations .28 This pledge was
reiterated at subsequent summit meetings in London and Pittsburgh. In Toronto, the G20 states promised to refrain from
creating any new trade barriers until the end of 2013. At the summit in Los Cabos, G20 members extended their standstill
commitment until the end of 2014. The WTO, OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), and
UNCTAD were tasked with conducting a quarterly public review to evaluate compliance. The G20 Information Centre in
Toronto, however, has given a mixed evaluation of the implementation process: while the implementa- tion of trade
resolutions following the Washington summit was relatively satisfactory in comparison to other policy areas, it declined
steadily between the London and Seoul summits.29 reducing macroeconomic imbalances Most of the G20 governments
financial crisis has
had in fact created more trade barriers than before. Nevertheless, it can be said that the
not significantly increased protectionism among the G20 members . The political
signals emanating from the G20 declarations have undoubtedly contributed to this.
2NC Solves Multilat
G20 solves multilat funding and reform boost
market confidence
Gnath, Mildner, & Schmucker 12 Associate Fellow of the German
Council on Foreign Relations; Head of the Globalization and World Economy
Program of the DGAP (Katharina, completing her Ph.D. at the Berlin Graduate
School for Transnational Studies, G20, IMF, and WTO in Turbulent Times,
https://www.swp-
berlin.org/fileadmin/contents/products/research_papers/2012_RP10_Gnath_m
dn_Schmucker.pdf)//AC
TheG20 was able to provide capital and to help reform the international
financial institutions. At the summit in London in 2009, the G20 countries significantly
increased the funding for the IMF and other multilateral organizations ,
allowing them to prevent countries from running into short-term liquidity
problems and to restore market confidence.22 G20 members tripled the
resources available to the IMF to $750 billion, including $250 billion in Special Drawing Rights (SDR).23
The G20 has also been effective in increasing the momentum to reform
international financial institutions most importantly the IMF. Owing to the G20s high political visibility,
pressures to reform increased and the governance deadlock in the IMF was successfully broken. In Seoul, the G20
countries agreed to a quota shift of 6 percent in favor of large emerging market economies and to a reduction in Europes
influence in the Executive Board. A large portion of the initial financing has already been transferred to the IMF. At the Los
Cabos summit in June 2012, countries pledged another $456 billion in bilateral credit to increase IMF resources, thereby
almost doubling IMF lending resources. 24 The debate over the final structure of the governance reform, however, has not
been fully settled. Nevertheless, the G20 can already count the initiative changes as a success, since the emerging
The reform of
market economies had been calling for far-reaching IMF reforms for some time.
Asian members of the Group of 20 major economies have not introduced laws to
prevent another too big to fail financial crisis, the worlds top financial watchdog warned on Friday.
TitanicThe Financial Stability Board (FSB) on Friday published its Second Thematic Review on Resolution Regimes. The
report is part of series that show how countries are implementing the Key Attributes of Effective Resolution Regions for
Financial Institutions. In short, the Key Attributes show how G20 countries are supposed to implemented rules to avoid a
repeat the government bailouts of lenders that happened in the wake of the 2008 fiscal crisis. The FSB, which can name
and shame those which do not yet comply with its rules, said member countries that do not yet have these laws include
China, Chinese territory Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, and Korea. But Asian members are not alone. Other countries that
have not complied include Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Mexico, Russia and Saudi Arabia. Membership in the G20
includes a commitment to implement the rules it has agreed to. And the FSB has the responsibility to make sure they
follow the rules. Only the European Union member states, Switzerland and the United States are currently able to achieve
a creditor-financed resolution to support continuity of critical functions, the report said. Substantial work remains to put
in place a full set of resolution powers and recovery and resolution planning requirements, Fernando Restoy, Deputy
Governor of the Bank of Spain and chair of the team who carried out the review told Reuters. The task force said countries
need to clarify by December what actions they have taken or intend to take.
Multilat 2 Ambassador
1NC
Text: The United States federal government should
appoint an ambassador to the Arctic Council.
CP solves multilat an ambassador would strengthen
artic cooperation and promote energy governance
Ribar 15 (Matthew, International Policy Digest, U.S. Needs an Arctic Push,
01/05, http://intpolicydigest.org/2015/01/05/u-s-needs-an-arctic-push/)//ww
Melting ice caps in the Arctic in recent years have rapidly increased the ease by which humans can access the frozen north. As the ice recedes further every year, new opportunities open for activity within the Arctic
Circle. In 2010, only four ships made the transit across the newly accessible Northern Sea Route; in 2012, that figure was up to 46. Moreover, a report by the US Geological Survey notes that 22 percent of the
worlds undiscovered petroleum reserves lie under the Arctic. Historically, US foreign policy in the High North has been unambitious and low-priority; the little diplomatic capital which was expended focused on
resource extraction. That changed with the publication of a comprehensive Arctic strategy in 2009, but there is still no U.S. ambassador to the Arctic; the United States is represented at the Arctic Council by Senior
Arctic Official Julia L. Gourley. In June, the United States appointed its first Special Representative to the Arctic, Bob Papp. But neither of these positions convey the legitimacy of an ambassador, or even the authority
of a Special Envoy. Though diplomatic rank may not seem like the most pressing issue in the Arctic, it conveys the little priority the United States seems to put on the Arctic. However, there are three clear areas in
which the United States could use an Arctic ambassador to push its policy agenda. Taking the Lead in Energy Governance The energy resources that are being explored in the Arctic are immense: the US Geological
Survey reports 90 billion barrels of oil and 1,670 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. Though commentators have argued that the global need to reduce carbon output makes tapping difficult, particularly in the context
of the recent deal between the United States and China to reduce carbon emissions. However, for better or for worse, hydrocarbons will remain in demand for the foreseeable future, and if Arctic extraction is
economically viable, it will be attempted. Moreover, much of this extraction has taken place under the aegis of Gazprom, the Russian state oil giant, which has signed a deal to export 400 billion dollars worth of
natural gas to China over the next thirty years. So while many countries have made a commitment to decarbonize, Arctic petroleum reserves will still be extracted. A policy goal in the 2014 Implementation Plan for
the National Strategy for the Arctic Region, a document which outlines the US plan of action for its chairmanship of the 2015 session of the Arctic Council is to ensure the safe and responsible development of non-
renewable energy resources. Whats clear is that there is a lot more to be done. Managing responses to oil spills, making sure there is a regulatory regime for drilling, and coordinating policy are all policy areas
where US leadership could be beneficial. The travails of Shell Oil in the Beaufort and Chuckchi Seas show that these issues are not just abstractions. Shell Oil had problems certifying a response plan to a potential oil
spill, and the drilling season was plagued by mishaps, including having to move the drill ship to dodge a massive ice floe. While these incidents happened relatively close to US shores, difficulties are sure to increase
as drilling activities go further out to sea. A recent report from Bookings notes that managing the responsible extraction of resources from the Arctic should be a priority of every Arctic littoral state. It also argues
that to achieve this, the United States needs to broaden its involvement in the Arcticthe authors go so far as to suggest that the Department of State establish a Polar Bureau, much like its Bureau of African
Affairs. Certainly, a greater focus from the Department of State would go a long way towards enacting these policy goals. Promoting Arctic Infrastructure A greater network of infrastructure needs to be established
in order for the littoral states to take full advantage of emerging opportunities in the Arctic. The Arctic Maritime and Aviation Initiative, a project of the Arctic Council tasked with inventorying infrastructure in the
Arctic Circle, notes a paucity of ports, airstrips, and other necessary infrastructure within the Arctic Circle. A lack of such a support network negates the utility of shipping routes, and makes resource extraction near
impossible. Necessary infrastructure goes beyond airports and ports: a support network needs to be in place. A prime example of this is the need for search and rescue teams and icebreakers. Currently the United
States operates a single operational icebreaker; search and rescue resources are likewise scarce, although there is an agreement between the Arctic littoral states which establishes the specific obligations of every
state. This is another opportunity for the United States to take the lead. Clearly, some leadership is
needed to organize and strengthen the infrastructure in the Arctic, including support networks. Considering that the United States will take the chair of the Arctic Council in 2015, it is logical for the United States to
leadershiplead by an ambassador. Strengthening the Arctic Council The easiest and most
direct ways of accomplishing the aforementioned goal is by way of existing institutions. The Arctic Council is the most established international institution in the Arctic, handling most internationally coordinated
projects. It is also more inclusive than similar institutions, with six groups of indigenous peoples represented as permanent participants. As such, it is the ideal vehicle for advancing a policy agenda.
Strengthening the Arctic Council should be the primary responsibility for any
future Arctic Ambassador, and presents another strong argument for the
necessity of such a position. Having a higher ranked negotiating presence at
Arctic Council meetings would increase US bargaining power; in addition, the
greater independence of an ambassadorial appointment delegates more
agency to the Arctic Council. Though there is little doubt that Bob Papp will be working closely with Julia Gourley to make US presence known at the Arctic Council, a
engaged, the more it can show its support for strengthening the councilthis
is the way forward for the United States to use existing institutions to achieve
policy objectives in the High North. The High North is one of the most dynamic and emerging regions in international politics, demanding space on the
policy agendas of all Arctic littoral states. Eleven countries have posted Arctic ambassadors in the past seven years. In order to guarantee a leadership position consistent with US policy goals, it simply must shed its
there remains
culture of disengagement in the Arctic Circle. Though at the present US diplomatic capital is spread thin, with high-priority initiatives in both East Asia and the Middle East,
free nations. Members of the coalition would take collaborative action to limit
the perils posed by terrorism, international crime, and the proliferation of
nuclear, chemical, radiological, and biological weapons , utilizing a full
complement of tools -- such as coordinated sanctions, intelligence sharing,
integrated law enforcement and counter-terrorism capabilities, and joint
military training, exercises, and operations . The success of the Proliferation
Security Initiative has demonstrated the potential for such effective
multilateral coordination. The coalition could draw these and other projects into a broader, more coherent
strategy for addressing threats as they arise. To maintain, as the 2002 National Security Strategy asserts, "a balance of
power that favors freedom" well into the future. Amid today's uncertainty and potential instability, the coalition would
strive to protect the cause of liberty against forces that have both the aim and the capacity to undermine free institutions
on a global scale. Much as the Concert of Europe kept the peace in the 19th century, the coalition should work to ensure
that the current order evolves toward a stability in which freedom flourishes and authoritarianism and anarchy fade. To
create positive inducements for economic liberalization and the growth of
free institutions worldwide. Members of the coalition would tailor and
coordinate their development and aid strategies to open economies further
and ensure an uninterrupted supply of energy, strengthen pluralism and
political systems, and adopt other measures that will increase freedom.
AT Links to Net Ben
CP hedges against China
Holmes 10 distinguished fellow at the Heritage Foundation (Kim R.,
Smart Multilateralism and the United Nations,
http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2010/09/smart-multilateralism-
when-and-when-not-to-rely-on-the-united-nations)//AC
The benefits of such a coalition are attractive . Its mission would
The Advantages.
match well the policies of allies like the United Kingdom, Australia, New
Zealand, and others that joined us in promoting freedom in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Democratic and transitioning states in East and Southeast Asia (such as
Japan, South Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines) would value its
counterterrorism work as well as its role as a hedge against an aggressive
China . Colombia, Indonesia, and others menaced by violent extremism would gain much
from building trust and cooperating on law enforcement, intelligence sharing,
and military training. Rising powers that desire respect and recognition might
find its prestige more alluring than relations with Russia or China. Finally, the
potential for receiving U.S. technical and military assistance, traditionally a
central part of U.S. relations with its allies, would be a strong attraction.
Soft Power 1 Disaster Relief
1NC
The United States federal government should
Expand disaster and humanitarian relief towards
all relevant African countries affected by severe
drought
Create a framework in which aide can be revoked
in all relevant instances
Eliminate the Buy American subsidies and
provisions for all relevant shipping companies
Facilitate technology and expertise innovation in
agricultural sectors
The latest iteration of El Nioa recurring weather pattern associated with warmer Pacific Ocean temperaturesis one of the strongest ever recorded. The higher temperatures it has brought, coupled with
more severe than has been seen in decades. The drought has decimated
crops and livestock, and hunger among their citizens is overwhelming the
ability of countries to respond adequately. The crisis is projected to worsen
and requires sustained effort from the international community It to avoid further deterioration.
the U.S.s ability to respond quickly and effectively. Drought and Crisis in East and Southern Africa According to the
Lesotho, Malawi, Swaziland, and Zimbabwe have and a regional body, the Southern African Development Community,
declared states of emergencies . Below-average rainfall and above-average temperatures have combined to create the drought. Northern Somalia has had
three years of failed rains. Zimbabwes most recent rainy season was the driest on record, as was all of 2015 for South Africa since it began keeping records in 1904. October 2015 to January 2016 was the driest
stretch in 35 years for areas of eight Southern African countries.[1] Droughts are particularly dangerous in Africa given how dependent many of the continents people are on agriculture. Eighty-five percent of
Ethiopias populationone of two African countries of highest concern according to FEWS NETworks in the agricultural sector. Agriculture employs more than 60 percent of the population throughout all of
The coping
Acute malnourishment is rising quickly in affected areas as well, as is the number of people contracting waterborne diseases from drinking unclean water.
mechanisms that poor households use to weather crises are also failing . People who
the crisis has not yet peaked. The April/May harvest is likely to be poorer than normal given the second straight year of low rainfall in many areas. Crop
production this year in Malawi is projected to be 20 percent to 25 percent below average, 25 percent to 30 percent below average in Zambia, and 40 percent below average for South Africa,[5] forcing the
Southern African regions breadbasket to start importing maize. There is a chance as well that La Niacharacterized by colder-than-usual tropical Pacific Ocean temperatures that often brings extreme weather
danger to life and property they pose . Some people will migrate in search of water or grazing for their livestock, potentially leading them into
conflict with neighbors trying to protect their own limited resources. Already, Ethiopians are crossing into Somaliland, an autonomous region of northern Somalia, in search of water and pasture. In a region
economic policies of its nonagenarian dictator, Robert Mugabe, while South Sudan is gripped by a civil war between the president and vice-presidents forces that exacerbates the crisis. Yet many of the strained
countries are allies that cooperate with the U.S. on a range of issues. Ethiopia, for example, is one of the countries in greatest danger from the drought, but is also a major contributor to the military coalition
fighting the al-Qaeda-aligned al-Shabaab terrorist group in Somalia. Similarly, Djibouti hosts the U.S.s only permanent military base in Africa, which is integral to counterterror operations in Africa and the
Middle East. Recommendations In the face of a burgeoning crisis, the United States should:
Rally the international community to respond quickly. The U.S. has
existing resources budgeted for disaster relief it is using to respond,
but it should also urge a timely, increased response from allies before
the crisis worsens. Action now will save lives and be less expensive than intervening later
when the crisis has deepened.
Do no harm. Poorly planned humanitarian responses can have
unintended ill effects. Dumping aid into a country can drive its
merchant class out of business. In conflict-torn countries such as South Sudanone
of the countries hardest hit by the current crisismisappropriated aid has bolstered armed
groups. Regimes such as Ethiopia and Zimbabwe have used aid as a weapon against political
The U.S. needs to
opposition, withholding food from opposition areas as punishment.
work diligently to avoid these and other pitfalls to ensure its response
does not inadvertently exacerbate parts of the crisis.
Reform how aid is delivered. Buy American provisions and subsidies to shipping
companies that deliver aid make the U.S. food aid program unnecessarily expensive and
The U.S. adopted very modest reforms in this area in 2013,
inefficient.
but eliminating all such subsidies and provisions would enable quicker
and more effective aid to reach more people.[7]
Facilitate and encourage African countries connections to countries
with agricultural expertise. Israel faces many of the same climactic and water-scarcity
challenges as drought-prone African countries, yet is a food exporter and one of the worlds
leading agricultural innovators.
The U.S. should encourage and facilitate an
enhanced relationship between its African allies and Israel that involves the
latter using its technology and expertise to help African countries
create more efficient and resilient agricultural sectors.
Countries around the world look to the U.S. to lead in calamities of all kinds,
as with the current African food crisis. The U.S. should work to ameliorate
the crisis while also pushing for longer-term reforms that can break the
cycle of drought and food insecurity that grips too many regions of Africa.
2NC - Solvency
Increased disaster relief is key to soft power
measurably changes how other countries perceive the
US
Harman, J.D. Harvard Law School 13 (Jane, President and CEO of the
Woodrow Wilson Center, previous US Congresswoman of California for nine terms, served on all the major security
committees: six years on Armed Services, eight years on Intelligence and four on Homeland Security, received the
Defense Department Medal for Distinguished Service in 1998, the CIA Seal Medal in 2007 and the National Intelligence
Distinguished Public Service Medal in March 2011, made numerous Congressional fact-finding missions to hotspots
around the world including North Korea, Syria, Libya, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen and Guantanamo Bay to assess
threats against the U.S., 11/18/2013, The World Post, The Militarys Invaluable Soft Power,
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rep-jane-harman/the-militarys-invaluable_b_4297452.html, Kent Denver-jKIM)
nuclear disaster. We have the opportunity to again provide more than just hard
assistancerelief designed to save lives. We also have the opportunity to
show the world American generosity and compassion. Coming to the aid of the people of the Philippines
is the right thing to do as human beings. It is also the right thing for the U.S. to do to improve
relations with other countries. Relief efforts have a real and measurable
impact on how others view us . After the Fukushima nuclear disaster, Japanese Cabinet office polls
registered record levels of public goodwill towards the U.S. Eighty-five percent of Japanese viewed the
United States positively in Pews annual Global Attitude Project survey in 2011 up from 66 percent the
year before. Indonesia may be the best example of what our humanitarian aid and our militarys ability to
stage relief efforts and deliver crucial supplies can mean for Americas image. After the Iraq War began, only 15
percent of Indonesians had a favorable view of the U.S. A few months after relief efforts began in
regions in Indonesia devastated by tsunami, 38 percent of Indonesians said they had a favorable view of the U.S. By 2011, 54 percent of
Indonesians say they had a favorable view of the U.S. To be sure, there are other factors that helped
improve Americas favorability in Indonesia. However, Indonesians saw with their own eyes our military
delivering food, medicine, and supplies to their neighbors. This made a real
impact in how they feel about Americans an especially important development considering that Indonesia is primarily
a Muslim nation. The devastating tsunami that hit Indonesia also pounded Thailand in 2004. In relief efforts, Americans and Thais worked side-by-side to deliver food
Thailands government and the Thai people. Building this relationship played
an important part in facilitating the capture of the terrorist Hambali by Thai
authorities in Bangkok in 2005. Building trust both with citizens and
governments is an invaluable foreign policy tool. At a time when too many see U.S. foreign policy in kinetic
terms, like drones or special ops, the soft power diplomacy of disaster relief delivers life-saving
WASHINGTON The remarkable strides over the past two decades in reducing
global poverty and hunger and expanding education and prosperity are in
jeopardy as a result of a set of humanitarian crises . These surpass in size and
complexity those the world confronted at the end of World War II. But as the international
community prepares to convene a first-ever summit next month , aid experts
assert in a just-released report that the tools and know-how exist to meet the challenge. The
challenges are indeed unprecedented in their combination. They include
longer and more destructive conflicts, higher mobility as a record number of displaced seek refuge
increasingly intense and damaging natural disasters, the
farther from home, and
But the authors of the report, to which the Monitor was
reports contributors say.
given exclusive advance access, point to opportunities to apply some of the
same innovations that allowed for impressive global development gains
since 2000: Greater involvement of local actors in meeting their own needs .
Private-sector participation. Emphasizing crisis prevention where before
crisis response sufficed. Steady streams of funding. Such steps, the reports
authors say, can and must be used to build a humanitarian assistance
system for the 21st century. We know how to do this, says Rick Leach, president and CEO of
World Food Program USA, one of seven humanitarian relief organizations that together authored the new
Were not saying the current humanitarian system is
report, A World at Risk.
broken, but what we are saying is that we need to adapt it to make it work
better to meet todays needs, he says. And weve learned some important
lessons that can be applied to deliver a more effective system for this new
situation. To give just one example, if people are going to be displaced for a decade or more, they
have to be able to work something host countries are understandably uneasy about as they focus on
What
their own populations. That, Mr. Leach says, is an area where the private sector can play a role.
wont work, other contributors to the report add, is sticking with the old pattern of
begging the worlds wealthy to open their hearts and wallets at periodic
crisis-specific donors conferences, and then sending in outside experts to
try to make things better. We can no longer do the usual of responding to a
crisis that is already before us by calling a big conference to collect pledges
of funding and then having the international community swoop in to save the
day, says Shannon Scribner, who heads the humanitarian policy team at Oxfam America in Washington.
Its really an 80s approach that is no longer working today. Much has
been written about a global humanitarian crisis affecting numbers of people
not seen in seven decades. The globe now counts more than 60 million refugees and internally
displaced nearly doubling over the decade since the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
estimated a total of 34.2 million in 2006.
Numbers have soared partly due to
intensifying storms such as typhoons. The average length of a refugees displacement now
stands at a record 17 years up from about nine years in 1993, according to the UNHCR. That means, for
example, that an infant arriving at a refugee camp is now likely to grow and become an adult outside her
home country.
AT Aid is Perceived as Strategic
Only applies to emergency aid CP broadens disaster
relief and reverses that perception
Gaouette 16 (Nicole, is a national security reporter for CNN Politics, 3/3/16, CNN Politics, U.S. dispatches
emergency aid for Ethiopian drought, http://www.cnn.com/2016/03/03/politics/ethiopia-us-disaster-assistance-drought/,
Kent Denver-jKIM)
Congress is often accused of becoming more and more divided, and that
partisanship is worse than ever (check out Brookings interactive graphic of Members
historical voting patterns). However, the International Affairs Budget and U.S.
global development programs continue to enjoy broad support from both
sides of the aisle. A couple recent examples: the recently-signed Electrify Africa
Act, co-sponsored by Senators Bob Corker (R-TN) and Ben Cardin (D-MD),
and Senator Bob Caseys Global Food Security Act, which has a host of both
Republican and Democrat co-sponsors. Theres also the bipartisan support
for the overall International Affairs Budget, which funds everything from our U.S.
embassies to American humanitarian workers , disaster response, and our HIV
and AIDS relief programs. As the FY2017 federal budget process moves forward, weve been
tracking whats being said in the House and Senate hearings about the future of our nations
international affairs programs. Secretary John Kerry Secretary of State One penny on the dollar is
everything we do with respect to diplomatic security, development security, relationship security, all the
things we do with embassies, AID, everything. I would suggest, very respectfully, to members of this
Committee, it is a minimum price for the leadership that we offer to the world. (February 25, 2016)
The reason the
Senator Bob Corker (R-TN) Chairman, Senate Foreign Relations Committee
State Department exists, really, and the reason that we fund it is to do
everything we can through diplomacy to solve the many problems that exist
around the world, and do everything we can to keep our men and women in uniform from being
utilized more than they are today. (February 23, 2016)
Aff
Corruption Turn
Aid wont boost soft power corruption diverts funds
for development
Moyo 9 PhD in Economics, Oxford University (Dambisa, is a global economist and
author who analyzes the macroeconomy and international affairs, 3/21/9, The Wall Street Journal, Why Foreign Aid Is
Hurting Africa, http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB123758895999200083, Kent Denver-jKIM)
In 2005, just weeks ahead of a G8 conference that had Africa at the top of its
agenda, the International Monetary Fund published a report entitled " Aid
Will Not Lift Growth in Africa ." The report cautioned that governments, donors
and campaigners should be more modest in their claims that increased aid will
solve Africa's problems. Despite such comments, no serious efforts have
been made to wean Africa off this debilitating drug. The most obvious criticism
of aid is its links to rampant corruption . Aid flows destined to help the
average African end up supporting bloated bureaucracies in the form of the
poor-country governments and donor-funded non-governmental
organizations. In a hearing before the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations in May 2004,
Jeffrey Winters, a professor at Northwestern University, argued that the World
Bank had participated in the corruption of roughly $100 billion of its loan
funds intended for development. As recently as 2002, the African Union, an
organization of African nations, estimated that corruption was costing the
continent $150 billion a year, as international donors were apparently
turning a blind eye to the simple fact that aid money was inadvertently
fueling graft. With few or no strings attached, it has been all too easy for the
funds to be used for anything, save the developmental purpose for which
they were intended. In Zaire -- known today as the Democratic Republic of Congo -- Irwin
Blumenthal (whom the IMF had appointed to a post in the country's central bank) warned in
1978 that the system was so corrupt that there was "no (repeat, no) prospect for
Zaire's creditors to get their money back." Still, the IMF soon gave the
country the largest loan it had ever given an African nation . According to
corruption watchdog agency Transparency International, Mobutu Sese Seko, Zaire's president
from 1965 to 1997, is reputed to have stolen at least $5 billion from the
country.
No Solvency - Britain
Disaster relief doesnt solve soft power Britain
proves
MacShane 13 PhD, University of London (Denis, a Contributing Editor at The Globalist,
was the United Kingdom's Minister for Europe from 2002 to 2005, 12/11/13, The Globalist, Soft Power Doesnt Exist,
http://www.theglobalist.com/soft-power-doesnt-exist/, Kent Denver-jKIM)
Soft power advocates also like to claim disaster relief as an example of soft
power. In fact, it is just charity writ large . Nations have rightly been moved to
send help to the Philippines. But we know from the help sent to starving
children in Somalia or to earthquake victims in Pakistan, generosity from the
United States or the EU produces no change in those countries political line
or support for enemies of the West. Britain has given billions in aid to India
without obtaining any support from India at the UN or in global disputes.
The Indian prime minister has just boycotted the Commonwealth Heads of
Government conference in Sir Lanka leaving Britains prime minister
Cameron having to explain on the BBC why he appears to endorsing the
hardliners in Colombo. Aid may be a good and worthy in itself but it is non-
power, neither soft nor hard.
Military Turn
Turn - Using the military to host disaster relief blurs
the line between genuine moral obligations and a
guise to justify security objectives
Bryce 14 - M.S. in International Relations University of Cambridge (Hannah,
the manager of the International Security Department at Chatham, 9/16/14, Chatham House: The Royal Institute of
International Affairs, The Dangers of Politicizing Aid, https://www.chathamhouse.org/expert/comment/15761, Kent
Denver-jKIM)
political pawns of the West, they will become, in the eyes of some, a legitimate
target. This apparent erosion of neutrality and impartiality of humanitarian
aid undermines the very core of humanitarianism. Governments providing
humanitarian aid should recognize the danger that any perceived
politicization of aid may present to those working in the field and seek to
protect and preserve the independence of that humanitarian aid. The failure
by those in positions of authority to make this clear risks turning
humanitarian action into political and military action.
Soft Power 2 Saudi Arms
Sales
1NC
Text: The United States federal government should
suspend the sale of weapons to Saudi Arabia.
Saudi Arabia uses American weapons to commit war crimes
Human Rights Watch 16 (3-21-16,
https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/03/21/yemen-embargo-arms-saudi-arabia)
governments that arm Saudi Arabia have rejected or downplayed
For the past year,
wounded since coalition military operations began, 60 percent of them in coalition airstrikes, according to
the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights . The naval blockade the coalition imposed on
Yemen has contributed to an immense humanitarian crisis that has left 80 percent of the population of the impoverished
country in need of humanitarian protection and assistance. The UN Panel of Experts found that, the coalitions
targeting of civilians through air strikes, either by bombing residential neighborhoods or by treating the entire cities of
Sadah and Maran in northern Yemen as military targets, is a grave violation of the principles of distinction,
proportionality and precaution. In certain cases, the Panel found such violations to have been conducted in a widespread
and systematic manner. Deliberate, indiscriminate, and disproportionate attacks against civilians are serious violations
The UN panel said that the attacks it
of the laws of war, to which all warring parties are bound.
Despite some success in the struggle against terrorist financing, the United
States and its allies cannot afford to grow complacent. Serious challenges have
emerged that could threaten the record to date. As governments have cracked down on
terrorist financing, the growing number of terrorist cells and organizations
have found new ways to raise, store, move, and gain access to funds . The
evolutionary nature of this aspect of the terrorist threat requires regular and
ongoing reassessment to identify potential vulnerabilities and adapt our
counter-terrorist-finance posture accordingly. The U nited States should take a
number of steps to ensure that its efforts in combating the financing of terrorism
will continue to stand out as a counterterrorism success story . Explain the nature
of the CFT threat. There is too little understanding of the terrorist financing threat, particularly among
governments in the Middle East and Latin America. Designing effective systems to combat
terrorist financing is especially difficult without a thorough understanding of
how terrorist groups raise, store, and move funds . The United States performs
regular, comprehensive assessments focused specifically on terrorist financing. These assessments
or at least sanitized versions of themshould be shared with key countries
whose assistance is needed in this global effort . While the FATF has
performed admirably in establishing international standards in the AML/CFT
arena and pressing countries to adopt these measures, there is too little
focus on riskensuring not only that countries adopt the model AML/CFT
regime but also that they are actually focusing on the specific problems they face.
The FATF needs to perform broader assessments covering not only whether
countries have adequate AML/CFT regimes, but also whether they are
taking the necessary steps to address their particular terrorist financing
threat. To fulfill these growing responsibilities, the United States should
press for the FATFs budget and resources to be dramatically increased.
Make CFT a priority. There is a great deal of skepticism in the public and even among some Western
allies about the impact of CFT efforts.The United States must continue to explain and
emphasize the importance of CFT, and ensure that combating terrorist
financing remains an important component of every governments
overarching counterterrorism strategy. Washington should work with its
allies to develop robust CFT regimes, including both asset-freezing
authorities and the capability to follow the money trail. The United States should
make the case that CFT efforts are effective to its partners and alliesand their constituenciesby
providing confidential assessments to governments and unclassified
versions of those assessments to the public on an ongoing basis. The
United States should focus on ensuring that key Middle Eastern countries,
particularly those in the Persian Gulf, are not only developing adequate
regimes to prevent terrorism financing but also are taking the necessary
follow-up actions. Policymakers should closely monitor these countries
success in criminalizing terrorism financing, prosecuting and convicting
terrorism financiers, and overseeing the activities of charities and NGOs.
Countries should be pressed to develop strong oversight mechanisms for
charities and NGOs that operate within their jurisdictions and are sending
funds to conflict zoneswhich are ripe for exploitation . Washington should
approach the CFT challenge strategicallyusing different approaches for different problems.
2NC - Solvency
CP solves terrorism
Haigner et al. 12 (Stefan Haigner, Freidrich Schneider, Florian Wakolbinger, EUSECON, Policy
Breifing 17, The financial flows of terrorism and transnational crime,
http://www.econ.jku.at/members/Schneider/files/publications/2013/EUSECON%20Policy%20Brief%2017.pdf, Kent
Denver-jKIM)
Sheik Saeed, a key al Qaeda leader in Afghanistan, was asked in a May, 2007
interview, what are the [most important] needs of Jihad in Afghanistan? He responded that the
foremost need is financial, and added that there are hundreds wishing to
carry out martyrdom-seeking operations, but they cant find the funds to
equip themselves. So funding is the mainstay of Jihad (Shapiro, 2009: 1). This
casual quote reveals the central importance of financing to terrorist operations .
The money required to carry out a terrorist operation is channeled to
training camps, weapons, travel, payouts, and propaganda. Both American and
British governments claim that they had successfully thwarted terrorist attacks in Bali and Heathrow,
following the money
respectively, by tracking money linked to financing of planned attacks. Thus,
trail and stopping terrorist financing could lead to a decline in terrorist
incidents. Following the money trail and halting terrorist financing in many cases requires
transnational operations, which may be difficult because each country guards its sovereignty. However,
since money laundering and terrorist financing are key issues for the
security of all states, there is a strong need for global governance . Though
correct estimates of the amount of money laundering are hard to come by, the IMF in 1996 reported that
between two and five percent of the global GDP ($590 million to $1.5 trillion dollars) may be due to
This has potential for economic
money laundering (FATF, Money Laundering, 2009: 1).
distress for various countries. The increasingly transnational nature of
criminal activities requires international cooperation. However, the diversity of
national legal systems, especially in surveillance of financial activities, creates loopholes
that terrorists often use. They can exploit countries with weak or ineffectual
controls to participate in legal financial markets.
Aff
Tranparency Turn
AML laws create perverse effects that increase
criminal banking activity
Saperstein, Sant & Ng 15 (Lanier, Geoffrey & Michelle, Lanier
Saperstein is a partner, Geoffrey Sant is a special counsel, and Michelle Ng is
an associate at the law firm of Dorsey & Whitney LLP. Mr. Saperstein and Mr.
Sant are also adjunct professors at Fordham Law School,
The Failure of Anti-Money Laundering Legislation: Where is the Cost-Benefit
Analysis? Notre Dame Law Review, December,
http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=1015&context=ndlr_online)
Banamex USA and Standard Chartered are examples of a troubling trend in
which regulators levy massive fines on banks even though the regulators do
not identify any missed instances of money laundering or financial crimes. In
so doing, the regulators effectively are punishing banks for not meeting the
regulators own subjective vision of the ideal antimoney laundering program.
There is no indication that higher standards and the massive costs imposed
on banks are actually effective in reducing money laundering and other
financial crimes. The regulators are incentivized to quickly and firmly address
any potential money-laundering and terrorist-financing risk. An increased
regulatory response equals greater job security for regulators, and more
recognition and adulation from elected officials and the public. Yet, regulators
do not bear any of the compliance costs imposed by their vision. The
regulators vision is untethered to the economic costs of implementing the
supposedly ideal antimoney laundering program, and (understandably) the
regulators have no incentive to determine whether the benefits obtained, if
any, justify the increased costs imposed. Banamex USA and Standard
Chartered represent just two of the many banks criticized or punished where
no financial crimes were identified. In 2013, the Federal Reserve criticized the
Bank of Montreals compliance program, asserting that it lacked effective
systems of governance and internal controls to adequately oversee anti
money laundering compliance.10 Also in 2013, a federal regulator savaged
Royal Bank of Canada for antimoney laundering controls that the
regulator called unsafe and unsound.11 In each of these instances,
the regulators reserved the right to penalize the banks, despite not
identifying any actual money laundering or financial crime. In fact,
considering the difficulty of uncovering complex money laundering
schemes, a banks failure to discover a financial crime does not
necessarily mean that the bank has a weak antimoney laundering
program. The Under Secretary of the Treasury Department
acknowledged that it is not possible or practical for a financial
institution to detect and report every single potentially illicit
transaction that flows through the institution.12 Likewise, the
Financial Action Task Force stated that it does not expect a zero
failure approach,13 and the director of the Financial Crimes
Enforcement Network stated, I think we can all agree that it is not
possible for financial institutions to eliminate all risk.14 Considering
that it is impossible to eliminate financial crime, and regulators do not
expect zero failure, it is problematic that regulators are nonetheless
punishing banks where no financial crime has been identified. III. THE
COST OF COMPLIANCE IS SKY-ROCKETING International banks spend
enormous amounts on antimoney laundering compliance. HSBC
recently estimated it now devotes $750 million to $800 million per year
on compliancean amount equivalent to one quarter of the operating
budget of its entire U.S. operationsto fight 5000 additional staff
about $300 million in salaryto work in compliance alone.16 To a large
extent, the fight against financial crimes has swallowed up the core
business of banking, such as providing loans and banking services.
Regulators appear to have shifted their focus to how much banks
spend on compliance, as opposed to the effectiveness of compliance
efforts. The Office of the Comptroller of the Currency recently
described it as a hopeful sign[] and impressive that many of the
largest banks are increasing spending by significant amounts and
adding substantial numbers of employees in antimoney laundering
compliance, a trend we want to encourage.17 IV. DE-RISKING
Considering the massive sums involved, one would expect the
regulatory actions to be based on scientific studies and empirical
research weighing the costs and benefits of their regulations and
enforcement actions. Instead, regulators appear to have simply
assumed that higher standards, more employees, and increased
spending from banks will necessarily reduce the number of financial
crimes. They may turn out to be right. However, evidence to date
indicates the opposite. Regulatory punishments and compliance costs
have contributed to banks retreating from high-risk regions and
businesses.18 This de-risking has made financial activity less
transparent and more susceptible to misuse by criminals. For example,
all major banks in the United States and the United Kingdom have
abandoned wire transfers to Somalia in order to avoid the risk that a
money transfer ends up in the hands of terrorist groups.19 This
abandonment of Somalia by major banks has caused a humanitarian
tragedy. Many families in Somalia depend upon relatives working
abroad to send money home in order to pay for food and medicine.
Somalis living in the United States now hire third-party agents to
physically carry the money in cash in suitcases on flights to Somalia.20
The money still flowing to Somalia has thus become unregulated,
untraceable, and more expensive for Somalis living hand-to-mouth.
The end result is not only tragic for individual Somalis, it is also riskier
for money laundering than if banks had continued to provide wire
transfer services. Along the Mexican border, banks fearful of money
laundering linked to drugs and smuggling have closed customer
accounts and bank branchesand in one recent case, the bank
itself.21 When Citigroup shuttered its Banamex USA subsidiary, it
eliminated a banking group that once had eleven branches in the
southwest.22 The closing of Banamex USA came mere months after
Arizona Senators John McCain and Jeff Flake demanded a hearing in
response to the rapid-fire closing of four bank branches in one Arizona
border city.23 Banks have also closed long-term accounts of cash-
intensive businesses, like ranchers and farmers, due to cash being
risky for money laundering.24 The ironic result of closing the bank
accounts of cash-intensive businesses, of course, is to force these
clients to move even more heavily into cash transactions. After all, if
these businesses are unable to deposit cash in a bank account, then
they must necessarily pay others in cash as well. The move to cash has
a ripple effect upon other businesses and individuals, spreading the
risk of money laundering. Overseas banks worry about having too
many cash-intensive business clients.25 For example, for fear of losing
their connections to the U.S. banking industry, Mexican banks have
sharply limited the amount of cash deposits they will accept from
customers.26 If customers are depositing too much money in cash, the
bank itself is seen as high-risk for money laundering and loses its
access to the global financial system.27 Mexico has seen an epidemic
of cash-heavy businesses losing their bank accounts.28 Some
businesses in Mexico described opening strings of accounts at different
banks in order to disguise cash deposits.29 One business owner told
the Associated Press that he scattered dollar deposits among
something like 10 banks after Bank of America closed his original
account.30 By forcing legitimate businesses to structure holdings and
disguise cash flows, it becomes far harder to spot criminal networks
doing the same thing. Regulatory pressure leads to serious unintended
consequences, including forcing banks out of high-risk regions, forcing
businesses to disguise cash holdings, and causing an overall increase
in cash transactions and the use of underground networks to transfer
funds. In this way, regulators have unintentionally made it harder to
catch financial crimes, increased opportunities for money laundering,
and strengthened criminal networks.
Terrorism 2 Lift Russian
Sanctions
1NC
Text: The USFG should advocate for lifting the
European Union Sanctions on Russia that bar Russian
heads of intelligence from visiting the EU.
In 2015, over 60 percent of U.S. imports were either intermediate goods , such as
parts, or capital goods, such as machinery used by U.S. manufacturers to compete in
the global economy. Eliminating tariffs on these goods would support the
creation of more manufacturing jobs here in the United States. Mexico's
embrace of free trade has encouraged some carmakers to locate there
instead of in the United States, according to The Wall Street Journal. As CBS Money Watch reported, "Mexico ...
trumps the U.S. on free trade. It has agreements with 45 countries, meaning low tariffs for exporting globally." Some suggest
that U.S. trade deficits with China and Mexico are a big problem. But there is no
evidence that trade deficits shrink the economy . From 2008 to 2009, the U.S. trade deficit plummeted
by over 50 percent, and U.S. gross domestic product (GDP) also declined. Then from 2009 to 2014, the U.S. trade deficit increased by $125
are right today. Although eliminating all remaining tariffs and quotas might sound like
a radical idea to lobbyists for the sugar industry and other special interests, it is the consensus
recommendation from U.S. economists. In 2006, 87.5 percent of respondents to
a survey of 210 PhD members of the American Economic Association agreed
that the United States should eliminate remaining tariffs and other barriers to trade.[35]
More recently, a 2012 survey of prominent economists found that 85 percent agreed with the following statement:
Freer trade improves productive efficiency and offers consumers better
choices, and in the long run these gains are much larger than any effects on
employment.[36] Congress should listen to the economists, not the special
interests, and engage in broad-based, permanent tariff reform.
Increasing imports boosts the manufacturing sector
Kliesen & Tatom 13 -- business economist and research officer
at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, and the President of
Thoroughbred Economics, a consultancy in financial economics
serving universities, central banks, financial institutions and
other private clients and a fellow at the Institute for Applied
Economics, Global Health and the Study of Business Enterprise
at Johns Hopkins University (Kevin L. Kliesen and John A. Tatom,
January/February 2013, U.S. Manufacturing and the Importance of
International Trade: Its Not What You Think,
https://research.stlouisfed.org/publications/review/13/01/Kliesen.pdf, pg
47)//mz
the role of exports and imports in affecting manufacturing performance.
Our analysis focuses on
we find that imports have played a critical positive role in boosting
Surprisingly,
manufacturing output in the United States much more so, in fact, than
exports. We find no discernible influence of export growth on manufacturing growth, but there is
a strong positive influence of import growth on manufacturing growth . Many
industry, labor, and political leaders believe that boosting manufacturing
growth will require limiting imports through favorable preferences for
domestic purchasing and raw material and capital goods sourcing, perhaps
through quotas, tariffs, domestic content legislation, or simply
discriminatory preferences. However, reliance on imports has been a strong
positive influence on manufacturing output and productivity. Moreover,
there is no discernible gain to manufacturing growth that could arise from
new policies proposed to boost exports.
2NC Politics Net Ben
No link similar bills have been passed in Congress
with resounding support
Mastel and McCadney 6/1 -- worked in the Senate on three
MTB bills as chief international trade advisor and economist for
the U.S. Senate Finance Committee and led the House Ways &
Means Committee Democratic staff efforts on the last MTB bill
enacted into law (Gregory J. Mastel and Jennifer E. McCadney, June 1,
2016, The Resurrection Of The Miscellaneous Tariff Bill,
http://www.law360.com/articles/802463/the-resurrection-of-the-
miscellaneous-tariff-bill)//mz
MTBs are bills to suspend collection of tariffs by U.S. Customs on certain imported
products usually for two to three years. From 1982 to 2010, the Congress passed MTB bills, which
These bills passed regularly
included hundreds of separate temporary tariff suspensions.
because there was significant political support for the legislation . Tariff
suspensions were done only on products not produced in the United States, so there was little
competition-based opposition and the tariffs were a minor source of government revenue. The tariffs
suspended by the MTB were sometimes called nuisance tariffs because they accomplished little positive
purpose. But they did marginally add to the costs of consumers and manufacturers who imported the
products subject to MTBs.
In addition to the general argument for lower tariffs and
free trade, there was a particular advantage to suspending the MTB tariffs.
Many of the products subject to MTB suspensions were in fact input or
intermediate goods that U.S. manufacturers used to make final products. For
these manufacturers, the typically 3 or 4 percent tariffs needlessly added to the cost of producing in the
United States. Some of these domestic manufacturers also faced tariff inversions on imports of the
finished goods, which were subject to a lower duty than the input component or no duty at all which
increased their competitive disadvantage. The MTB tariffs needlessly held back investment and
employment; an economic analysis completed in 2009 suggests that MTB suspensions increased growth
by $3.5 billion and supported 90,000 U.S. jobs far exceeding the cost of suspending tariffs. These small
tariffs actually also increased the incentive to offshore production because these input goods could often
be obtained duty-free in offshore markets. Thus, the cost of these small tariffs was significant to many
U.S. manufacturers and the workers they employed. For some years, critics argued that the individual
MTB bills, which were introduced by members of Congress in order to become part of final legislation,
seemed too similar for comfort to spending earmarks. Whether or not that comparison is fair, it held
sway with the House Republican Caucus and when they took the House majority in 2011 an MTB process
already straining under the weight of this earmark comparison broke down entirely. In many ways,
There was and continues to be significant
however, MTB was an unintended casualty.
bipartisan support for the MTB. Undoubtedly, many of the House Republicans
that supported the MTB rule changes wanted a more transparent MTB process rather than an end
to the process. It is difficult to discern any real interest in continuing to collect nuisance tariffs.
Aff
No Solvency
CP doesnt solve tariffs are net better for the
economy
Buchanan 13 former Director of Communications for the Reagan
presidency, advisor for the Nixon and Ford presidencies, and commentator
for MSNBC (Patrick, 5-31-2013, We Need a Tariff, Not a Corporate Income
Tax, American Conservative,
http://www.theamericanconservative.com/2013/05/31/we-need-a-tariff-not-a-
corporate-income-tax/)
Over the late 19th century, real GDP and employment doubled, annual
average real earnings rose by over 60 percent and wholesale prices fell by
75 percent, thanks to marked improvement in productivity. Astonishing. And what
is the difference between that age and ours? A 35 percent income tax rate on individuals and corporations that did
not exist then, and would have been regarded by Americans of the Gilded Age as the satanic work of Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx. From the Civil War to World War I,
markets abroad. Todays U.S. companies are looking for ways to relocate
abroad. Herewith, a modest proposal to turn this around . Since the U.S. corporate income tax now
produces less than 10 percent of federal revenue and less than 2 percent of gross domestic product, abolish it. Get rid of it. Think of it. A continent-wide nation that
imports entering the United States, which last year added up to $2.7 trillion.
This tax reform would thus be revenue neutral. And what would a corporate
income tax rate of zero, with a 10 percent tariff on goods entering the U.S.A.
from abroad, accomplish? First, every U.S. corporation that had moved
abroad in search of lower taxes in recent years would start thinking about
coming home and bringing its production and its jobs back to America.
Second, that $2 trillion in income U.S. companies have stashed abroad would
come roaring back into U.S. institutions. Third, foreign companies would
begin to relocate and produce here in America, both to get around the tariff
and pay no taxes. Fourth, U.S. producers would see sales soar inside the $17
trillion U.S. market, at the expense of foreigners who would pay a 10-percent
admission fee to get into this market, a fraction of what they used to pay in
the 19th century. While this would cause a surge in unemployment among
IRS agents and accountants, hundreds of millions of man hours could be
redirected away from filling out tax forms and into productive work.
Trade 2 - Monetary Reform
CP
1NC
Text: The United States Federal Government should establish a stable
exchange rate of currency between the G-20 countries.
UK FTA is popular
Stanton 6/30 (Natalie Stanton, 6-30-2016, The UKs potential new trade
agreements, MoneyWeek, http://moneyweek.com/the-uks-potential-new-
trade-agreements/)//mz
A couple of weeks ago Barack Obama waded into the referendum debate , urging
voters to remain in the EU. Britain would be at the back of the queue for a new
trade agreement with the US, he said. However, since Friday, Obama has
changed his tune, emphasising the historic special relationship between
the two countries. A number of senior economists in the US have suggested that it will be easier to
negotiate a new trade deal with Britain without interference from the 27 remaining EU countries. The
back of the queue statement will be forgotten by the next administration,
if not sooner, said Gary Hufbauer, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute of International
Economics. The US Treasury Secretary, Jack Lew, and Secretary of State, John Kerry, have both refrained
the speaker of the House of
from repeating Obamas trade warning. Meanwhile,
Representatives, Paul Ryan, has already called for the US to pursue a free
trade agreement with the UK, arguing that discussions should begin now in
order to ensure a smooth trade relationship.
2NC - Spillover
Yes spillover
Scissors 6/24 Resident scholar at the AEI, American
Enterprise Institute
(Derek Scissors, 6-24-2016, Trade priority for the next administration: US-
UK free trade agreement, AEI, https://www.aei.org/publication/trade-
priority-for-next-admin-us-uk-agreement/)//mz
Brexit blah blah blah what should the US do? One answer may be to
immediately reorient trade policy toward a US-UK free trade agreement,
perhaps to be followed by a US-EU agreement and others. There are
economic and especially political arguments in favor The economic
arguments are simple. If Brexit does actually harm the world economy for
longer than a few stock trading days, a US-UK deal will as quickly and
effectively as possible re-anchor Britain within the formal rules for global
exchange, helping protect or smooth supply chains and financial flows.
Given the size of the American economy, a bilateral agreement would
provide only small net economic benefits to the US. But a high-quality deal is
feasible and could set a sound precedent for others that would enable more
sizable gains for all parties.
Aff
Solvency Deficit
CP doesnt solve minimal impact on trade and the
economy
Wright 7/1 (Mark Antonio Wright, 7-1-2016, Its Time for a U.S.-U.K.
Free-Trade Agreement, National Review Online,
http://www.nationalreview.com/article/437364/brexit-us-uk-relations-
bilateral-free-trade-pact-smartest-response)//mz
Politically, its a good deal for the diplomatic and foreign-policy reasons, it makes a good amount of
sense, says Scott Lincicome, an adjunct scholar at the Cato Institute. And there would be economic
[benefits, as well]. If the U.K. is going through a turbulent economic time, its always good for a key ally
That said, the purely economic
to stick its hand out and help them weather the storm.
effects, while still positive, would be relatively small. Britain and America
are both advanced, highly developed industrial economies with highly
educated and skilled workforces. The comparative-advantage benefits
whereby two nations piggyback on each others efficiencies by specializing
in certain economic activities and then engaging in trade would be
marginal. Ideally and this is leaving the politicians out of it a trade
agreement [should be] between two countries with different levels of
economic development, Lincicome says. Now, you still will get benefits
[from a U.S.-U.K. free-trade deal], particularly on regulatory cooperation and
regulation reciprocity, where we dont adopt their regulations and they dont
adopt ours, but we basically say, Any goods and services that have been
approved by your national regulator will be approved in our country.
RELATED: Why Leave Won and What Must Happen Next While that might not result in a massive
boost to each countrys GDP, the streamlining of regulations and the easing of obstacles to trade would,
over time, increase the volume of goods and services exchanged.
The United States and China have a complex, multifaceted, and ambiguous relationship where
substantial and expanding areas of cooperation coexist with ongoing strategic tensions and suspicions.
Chinas rising economic and military power raises concerns in the United
States about how a stronger China will behave. Chinese leaders describe a
trust deficit that impedes bilateral cooperation; some believe the United
States is encircling China and seeking to contain its rise. Mutual suspicions
and the competitive elements of the relationship have deepened in the last
few years.1 One specific manifestation of these competitive dynamics
involves disputes and incidents when U.S. and Chinese military forces are operating in close
proximity in the Western Pacific, and especially when U.S. aircraft and ships are
operating in Chinas Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).* Over the last 10 years, three sets of
high-profile incidents involving U.S. surveillance and military survey platforms operating within Chinas
EEZ have highlighted this issue: the April 2001 collision between a U.S. Navy EP-3 aircraft and a
Peoples Liberation Army Navy Air Force J-8 fighter the USNS Bowditch incidents in March 2001 and
September 2002 the USNS Impeccable and USNS Victorious incidents in 2009. All three incidents
involved aggressive maneuvers by Peoples Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) and/or
paramilitary (Bureau of Maritime Fisheries Patrol and State Oceanographic Administration) forces
operating in close proximity to U.S. surveillance and military survey
platforms to deter U.S. assets from conducting their missions. The incidents
occurred within Chinas EEZ, which all but a handful of countries regard as international
waters and airspace under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).2 Chinese
intercepts of U.S. military and military support units operating within
Chinas EEZ are routine, but the provocative and dangerous nature of
Chinas actions during these three sets of episodes makes them stand out . In
the case of the EP-3 incident, the Chinese pilots maneuvers resulted in a collision that damaged the EP-3
incident significantly raised
and resulted in the loss of the Chinese aircraft and its pilot. Each
tensions between the two militaries and disrupted military-military
cooperation (in the EP-3 case, military-to-military contacts were suspended for more than a year).
Disputes over these U.S. operations have been an ongoing source of friction
in the military-to-military relationship; a major incident could seriously
damage the overall bilateral relationship.
CP is key to ease Chinese officials concerns over
surveillance activities
Saunders et al. 12 -- Saunders is the Director of the Center for the Study of
Chinese Military Affairs. He has been a Distinguished Research Fellow at the Institute for
National Strategic Studies since January 2004. Dr. Saunders served as Director of Studies for
the Center for Strategic Research from 2010-12, with responsibility for supervising the
Centers research on regional, global, and functional security issues (Mark E. Redden and
Phillip C. Saunders, Managing Sino-U.S. Air and Naval Interactions: Cold War Lessons and
New Avenues of Approach, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs Institute for
National Strategic Studies China Strategic Perspectives No. 5,
http://ndupress.ndu.edu/Portals/68/Documents/stratperspective/china/ChinaPerspectives-
5.pdf)//bj
from the outside, to its leaders it looks fragile, poor, and overwhelmed by
internal problems. But Chinas massive problems, instead of reassuring us, should worry us. It
is Chinas internal fragility, not its growing strength that presents the greatest danger. The
weak legitimacy of the Communist Party and its leaders sense of
vulnerability could cause China to behave rashly in a crisis involving Japan or Taiwan, and
bring it into a military conflict with the United States. If economic growth slows and problems multiply, there
is a possibility that Chinas leaders could be tempted to wag the dog
mobilize domestic support by creating an international crisis . More likely,
however, is that when confronted with a crisis, the leaders make threats
they cant back away from because of their fear of appearing weak to the
domestic audience. Only by understanding the dangers of Chinas domestic
fragility and incorporating this understanding into their policies can Chinese
and American decision makers avoid a catastrophic war .
Turn Asia Prolif
Lack of US military presence in the region undermines
US assurance destabilizes the region and triggers an
arms race
Glaser 14 -- Senior Advisor for Asia, Center for Strategic and
International Studies (Bonnie S., Armed Clash in the South China Sea:
Contingency Planning Memorandum No. 14, http://www.cfr.org/asia-and-
pacific/armed-clash-south-china-sea/p27883)//bj
look to the U nited S tates to maintain free trade, safe and secure sea lines of
communication (SLOCs), and overall peace and stability in the region. Claimants
and nonclaimants to land features and maritime waters in the S outh C hina S ea
view the U.S. military presence as necessary to allow decision-making free of
intimidation. If nations in the South China Sea lose confidence in the United States
to serve as the principal regional security guarantor, they could embark on
costly and potentially destabilizing arms buildups to compensate or ,
alternatively, become more accommodating to the demands of a powerful China.
Neither would be in the U.S. interest. Failure to reassure allies of U.S.
commitments in the region could also undermine U.S. security guarantees in
the broader Asia-Pacific region, especially with Japan and South Korea . At the
same time, however, the United States must avoid getting drawn into the territorial disputeand possibly
into a conflictby regional nations who seek U.S. backing to legitimize their claims.
U.S.-Sino Relations 2 -
Counterpiracy
1NC
Text: The USFG should propose increased cooperation
over counterpiracy operations in the Gulf of Aden, air
and maritime surveillance in support of
counterterrorism and countersmuggling operations,
humanitarian affairs, disaster-relief, and
noncombatant emergency evacuations, to the Peoples
Republic of China, with a focus on enhancing
interoperability between the US and Chinese air and
maritime forces.
norms and patterns of cooperation between U.S. and Chinese forces and
demonstrate the routine and nonthreatening nature of surveillance
operations in international waters and airspace. The logical starting point would
be in the counterpiracy operations conducted in the Gulf of Aden .
Development of enhanced interoperability between U.S. and Chinese air and
maritime forces would improve nascent professional bonds between the two
navies. These efforts could focus on the surveillance, as opposed to
interdiction, portion of the counterpiracy mission. This could help to
desensitize the Chinese toward air and maritime surveillance in general
while demonstrating that the PLA also conducts such surveillance as a
routine part of its operations. Other feasible areas for cooperation include air
and maritime surveillance in support of counterterrorism and
countersmuggling operations, humanitarian affairs and disaster-relief, and
noncombatant emergency evacuations. Such initiatives need not be restricted
to the navy-to-navy realm. The U.S. Coast Guard has a well-established track record of
cooperation with Chinese counterparts. Exploiting this record affords the United States an
opportunity to highlight the benefits of cooperative endeavors with Chinese
paramilitary organizations (who are involved in many risky interactions). These patterns of
operation could be incrementally applied to geographic areas closer to
Chinas EEZ as sovereignty sensitivities are reduced and benefits to
cooperation are realized. This approach is also likely to garner the support of
other Western countries, which may be willing to take the lead in some
areas. (This approach would play on Chinese interests in improving PLA
surveillance capabilities, contributing to a stable external environment,
creating a positive Chinese image , demonstrating PLAN contributions to
protecting Chinese overseas interests, enhancing Chinese access to the
global commons, and maintaining stable U.S.-China relations .)
2NC - Solvency
Resolving tensions over US surveillance within Chinas
EEZ is key to reduce the risk of miscalculation and
prevent deteriorating relations
Glaser 14 -- Senior Advisor for Asia, Center for Strategic and
International Studies (Bonnie S., Armed Clash in the South China Sea:
Contingency Planning Memorandum No. 14, http://www.cfr.org/asia-and-
pacific/armed-clash-south-china-sea/p27883)//bj
Themost likely and dangerous contingency is a clash stemming from U.S.
military operations within China's EEZ that provokes an armed Chinese
response. The United States holds that nothing in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea (UNCLOS) or state practice negates the right of military forces of all nations to conduct military
China insists that reconnaissance
activities in EEZs without coastal state notice or consent.
activities undertaken without prior notification and without permission of
the coastal state violate Chinese domestic law and international law. China
routinely intercepts U.S. reconnaissance flights conducted in its EEZ and
periodically does so in aggressive ways that increase the risk of an accident
similar to the April 2001 collision of a U.S. EP-3 reconnaissance plane and a Chinese F-8 fighter jet near
maritime incident could be triggered by Chinese
Hainan Island. A comparable
vessels harassing a U.S. Navy surveillance ship operating in its EEZ , such as
occurred in the 2009 incidents involving the USNS Impeccable and the USNS Victorious. The large
growth of Chinese submarines has also increased the danger of an incident ,
such as when a Chinese submarine collided with a U.S. destroyer's towed sonar array in June 2009. Since
the U nited S tates
neither U.S. reconnaissance aircraft nor ocean surveillance vessels are armed,
might respond to dangerous behavior by Chinese planes or ships by
dispatching armed escorts. A miscalculation or misunderstanding could then
result in a deadly exchange of fire, leading to further military escalation and
precipitating a major political crisis. Rising U.S.-China mistrust and
intensifying bilateral strategic competition would likely make managing such
a crisis more difficult.
The United States and China have a complex, multifaceted, and ambiguous relationship where
substantial and expanding areas of cooperation coexist with ongoing strategic tensions and suspicions.
Chinas rising economic and military power raises concerns in the United
States about how a stronger China will behave. Chinese leaders describe a
trust deficit that impedes bilateral cooperation; some believe the United
States is encircling China and seeking to contain its rise. Mutual suspicions
and the competitive elements of the relationship have deepened in the last
few years.1 One specific manifestation of these competitive dynamics
involves disputes and incidents when U.S. and Chinese military forces are operating in close
proximity in the Western Pacific, and especially when U.S. aircraft and ships are
operating in Chinas Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).* Over the last 10 years, three sets of
high-profile incidents involving U.S. surveillance and military survey platforms operating within Chinas
EEZ have highlighted this issue: the April 2001 collision between a U.S. Navy EP-3 aircraft and a
Peoples Liberation Army Navy Air Force J-8 fighter the USNS Bowditch incidents in March 2001 and
September 2002 the USNS Impeccable and USNS Victorious incidents in 2009. All three incidents
involved aggressive maneuvers by Peoples Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) and/or
paramilitary (Bureau of Maritime Fisheries Patrol and State Oceanographic Administration) forces
operating in close proximity to U.S. surveillance and military survey
platforms to deter U.S. assets from conducting their missions. The incidents
occurred within Chinas EEZ, which all but a handful of countries regard as international
waters and airspace under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).2 Chinese
intercepts of U.S. military and military support units operating within
Chinas EEZ are routine, but the provocative and dangerous nature of
Chinas actions during these three sets of episodes makes them stand out . In
the case of the EP-3 incident, the Chinese pilots maneuvers resulted in a collision that damaged the EP-3
incident significantly raised
and resulted in the loss of the Chinese aircraft and its pilot. Each
tensions between the two militaries and disrupted military-military
cooperation (in the EP-3 case, military-to-military contacts were suspended for more than a year).
Disputes over these U.S. operations have been an ongoing source of friction
in the military-to-military relationship; a major incident could seriously
damage the overall bilateral relationship.
U.S.-Sino Relations 3 Tit for
Tat
1NC
Text: The USFG should harass Chinese naval vessels
and Chinese-flagged commercial ships outside of
Chinas EEZ in response to provocations conducted by
the Peoples Republic of China towards U.S.
surveillance vessels within Chinas EEZ.
CP solves miscalc and relations tit for tat
harassment effectively demonstrates the risk of
miscalc and escalation results in less Chinese
aggression
Saunders et al. 12 -- Saunders is the Director of the Center for the Study of
Chinese Military Affairs. He has been a Distinguished Research Fellow at the Institute for
National Strategic Studies since January 2004. Dr. Saunders served as Director of Studies for
the Center for Strategic Research from 2010-12, with responsibility for supervising the
Centers research on regional, global, and functional security issues (Mark E. Redden and
Phillip C. Saunders, Managing Sino-U.S. Air and Naval Interactions: Cold War Lessons and
New Avenues of Approach, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs Institute for
National Strategic Studies China Strategic Perspectives No. 5,
http://ndupress.ndu.edu/Portals/68/Documents/stratperspective/china/ChinaPerspectives-
5.pdf)//bj
threat to escalate minor incidents) that are not consistent with the long-
term U.S. desire for a peaceful and cooperative relationship with China .
However, such actions may be necessary to broaden the Chinese actors
involved in the issue, alter the Chinese policy calculus, and produce
agreement on restraint . Conclusion The continuing pattern of dangerous U.S.-
China air and maritime incidents in Chinas EEZ is not the product of a lack
of clear international rules and norms . Rather, it is the result of Chinas
interpretation of what military activities are allowed inside its EEZ and its
willingness to violate established rules and norms to deter U.S. surveillance
activities . If the United States hopes to change Chinas behavior, it will need
to understand Chinas underlying calculus and adopt policies that can affect
the variables in that calculus and produce different Chinese behavior . This
paper has outlined key variables in the Chinese policy calculus and identified avenues of approach the
United States might use to alter that calculus.
2NC Japan Net Ben
CP is key to maintain US credibility in the eyes of
allies like Japan
Glaser 15 -- Senior Advisor for Asia, Center for Strategic and
International Studies (Bonnie S., April 2015, Conflict in the South China
Sea: Contingency Planning Memorandum Update, http://www.cfr.org/asia-
and-pacific/conflict-south-china-sea/p36377)//bj
U.S. interests in the South China Sea include freedom of navigation,
unimpeded passage for commercial shipping, and peaceful resolution of
territorial disputes according to international law. Failure to respond to
Chinese coercion or use of force could damage U.S. credibility, not only in
Southeast Asia, but also in Japan, where anxiety about intensified activity by
Chinese military and paramilitary forces is growing . Conflict in the South China Sea
would put at risk the more than $5 trillion in trade that passes through those strategic waters annually.
Also at stake is the U.S. relationship with China, including Washington's efforts to gain greater
cooperation from Beijing on global issues such as combatting terrorism, dealing with epidemics,
confronting climate change, securing a deal on Iran's nuclear program, and persuading North Korea to
relinquish its nuclear weapons.
AT CP Angers China
CP is key to avoid Chinese advancement and avoid
confrontation China backs down in response to force
Smith and Eisenman 14 -- Jeff M. Smith is Director of South Asia
Programs and Kraemer Strategy Fellow at the American Foreign Policy
Council (AFPC) in Washington, D.C., and Joshua Eisenman is Senior Fellow
for China Studies at the AFPC and has been appointed assistant professor at
the University of Texas-Austin Lyndon B Johnson School of Public Affairs (Jeff
M. and Joshua, 5-22-14, China and America Clash on the High Seas: The
EEZ Challenge, http://nationalinterest.org/feature/china-america-clash-the-
high-seas-the-eez-challenge-10513?page=3)//bj
Testing boundaries and establishing new status quos has been a defining feature of Chinas more
provocative external posture since 2009.When the U.S. and other countries have
faltered in the face of this agenda, as was the case with the Philippines in the Scarborough Shoal,
China has successfully advanced its goals. However, where the U.S. has
demonstrated resolve, Beijing has opted to avoid confrontation . In 2010, after the
sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonon by a North Korean midget submarine, Beijing warned
the U.S. multiple times against sending the USS George Washington aircraft
to conduct exercises with South Korea in the Yellow Sea. After some delay,
those exercises were eventually held over Beijings objection, and the U.S.
aircraft carrier has now exercised in the Yellow Sea multiple times with little
protest from Beijing. When Beijing unilaterally declared an Air Defense
Identification Zone in late 2013, the U.S. decision to immediately fly B-52
bombers within the new ADIZ without notifying Beijing established an
important precedent. And the U.S. has, and must continue to, conduct
surveillance activities in Chinas EEZ despite Beijings frequent objections.
While working to construct better conflict resolution mechanisms and improve relations with the PLAN,
Washington must continue to emphasize that its policy is not subject to fear,
intimidation, coercion, or reckless behavior from Chinese naval or coastal
defense forces. This should include maintaining an active schedule of
surveillance activities, patrolling, and freedom of navigation operations . This
position is not only within the U.S. national interest, but also supported by
domestic and international law. Were the U.S. to accept Chinas interpretation of UNCLOS,
U.S. military vessels could be barred from operating in the roughly one-third of the worlds oceans that
are now EEZs (102 million of 335 million sq. km of ocean). That outcome is unacceptable to the U.S. and
its allies and was never envisioned by the drafters of UNCLOS.
maritime encounters with U.S. military assets from escalating into a broader
conflict , but Chinese leaders and officers tend to regard the risk of such
escalation as limited and manageable .39 So long as Chinese decisionmakers
view escalation risks as limited, this factor will have limited weight in the Chinese
decisionmaking calculus.
Global Commons Access. Assured access to the global economy for resources and
to reach markets is an absolute necessity for continued Chinese economic
growth and development . Chinese attempts to decouple U.S. military access
to select portions of the Western Pacific air and maritime domains from the
broader global commons set a precedent that may be applied to restrict
future Chinese access to the global commons . This may not be of great concern to the
PLAN today, but it may become much more important in the future .
Our analysis does not identify any silver bullet solutions likely to produce an immediate change in PLAN
behavior. The more cooperative approaches require time for the benefits of cooperation to accrue and for
normative arguments to be heard and heeded, both in China and internationally. (If China follows the
Soviet patternwhich is by no means guaranteedits expanded naval capabilities and operational
deployments may eventually produce more parallelism in intelligence operations and greater interest in
coercive approaches
reducing operational risks through mutual restraint.) Some of the more
require violating preferred U.S. norms of freedom of navigation and U.S.
military standard practice of safe airmanship and seamanship to generate
the leverage necessary to alter Chinese behavior. This risks shifting
international norms in undesired directions and would certainly create
greater tension and friction in military relations with the PLA and perhaps
also in broader bilateral relations. U.S. policymakers will need to carefully consider whether
the status quo is tolerable, the costs and risks of various approaches, and what mix of policies might
There is some logic to beginning
move China in desired directions at an acceptable cost.
with softer, more cooperative policy options and holding more coercive
options in reserve in case cooperative options fail or Chinese harassment
increases. However, some might argue that the United States has already employed some soft options
with limited results.
Warming 1 - India Coop
1NC
Text: The USFG should help fund Indias clean
technology development and work together to reduce
CO2 emissions.
What India finally offers in Paris and how the United States and the
developed world respond to that offer may well determine the success
or failure of the effort to stave off environmental disaster by holding
the worlds temperature increase to 2 Centigrade over pre-industrial
temperatures at the end of this century. India has made a climate change offer
in the form of its Intended Nationally Determined Contribution (INDC), and its final
position will be built on its INDC. However, U.S. Secretary of State JohnKerry already
has singled out India for criticism as more cautious and more
restrained than others. India is the third largest greenhouse gas
emitter and a primary leader of the G-77 group of developing
nations. Many members of this now 134-country strong group will be
strongly influenced by what India does. Thus, the reality is that no
satisfactory deal is likely to be reached without India. The stakes could
hardly be higher for the world, for India, and for the United States. The litany of
calamities predicted by most responsible scientists if there is failure
to hold the temperature increase below 2 C is long and well known.
Rising and warming seas, changes in the quality and availability of
water, decreases in food production, unbearable heat, and more
highly destructive weather events will affect most nations. In U.S. political
terms, domestic acceptance of the sacrifices necessary to meet climate change goals will be
impossible if significant efforts in the country are seen as ineffective because of indefinitely
rising greenhouse gas emissions from India. China has pledged to end its increases in CO2
emissions by around 2030. India has made no such pledge. Even though India is in a very
different developmental situation than China, India is widely viewed as the recalcitrant party.
Indian CO2 emissions will surpass those of the U.S. by
The prediction that
the middle of the century adds to this perception. Many in the United States
ask, What is the use of Americans making significant sacrifices to
ameliorate climate change if these sacrifices will be negated by
Indias increasing emissions? India still seems to place undue
reliance on foreign government contributions to a UN Green Climate Fund to
fund its clean energy needs. It is unlikely that the United States will be able to meet
even Obamas commitment of $3 billion for the Green Climate Fund. Even mobilizing $100
billion, as pledged in Copenhagen by the developed economies, pales by comparison with the
The United States and other developed
$2.5 trillion India says it needs.
nations must work closely with their private sector funding sources to
have any hope of mobilizing the capital needed by India and other
developing countries for the development and implementation of
clean energy and amelioration techniques. It is unclear that the U.S. and the
governments of other developed countries are doing so.
India will say yes they suffer the most from warming,
and have already begun making offers to reduce
emissions
Vickery 15 (Raymond E. Vickery Jr., a leading adviser on U.S.-India relations.
He is a Global Fellow of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars,
where he was previously a Public Policy Scholar, and is a Senior Adviser in India at
the Albright Stonebridge Group. He is the author of books on U.S.-India economic
engagement and India energy, as well as numerous articles on these subjects, Why
India Is Key to a Climate Change Agreement in Paris. The Diplomat, November 22,
2015. http://thediplomat.com/2015/11/why-india-is-key-to-a-climate-change-
agreement-in-paris/) S.He
However, no other major country is likely to suffer more than India. India
is already enduring summers that melt roads and kill people. Some 60
percent of its population makes its living from agriculture, which will be
particularly affected. Most farmers will be hit by drought while some
will be flooded. A large portion of the Indian population lives in coastal
areas and low-lying islands. These areas will be subject to more and
deeper flooding and consequent population displacement. Northern
India is dependent in large part on runoff from glaciers that are
shrinking in the face of climate change. Already, rampant disease
vectors are increasing in scope and deadliness. For India, climate
change is a slow-moving disaster. For some time, India sought to negate this
perception by relying solely on the climate justice argument, and this position is still
prominent in its INDC. According to this argument, the developed economies caused the
problem by their profligate burning of hydrocarbons and dumping their greenhouse gas refuse
into the atmosphere. It is only just that India has a right to increase its emissions indefinitely in
the name of uplifting the poor and bringing electricity to the more than 300 million Indians who
are without electrical power. There can be no climate justice when the per capita emissions
of many developed countries vary between 7 to 15 metric tonnes, [and] the per capita
emissions in India were only about 1.56 metric tonnes in 2010. Amid this backdrop, India
cannot be asked to cut its emissions. Further, as Indias Minister of Power, New and Renewable
Energy, and Coal Piyush Goyal has argued to the author and others, the just principle should
be polluter pays. All of this is true. However, all nations have arguments built on justice or
fairness for not doing more in regard to climate change. If all parties hold to these positions,
the result will be that the 2 C. target will be exceeded and an environmental catastrophe will
ensue. Most nations are concerned about others being free riders that is to say reaping
the benefits of a satisfactory agreement without making a sufficient contribution. One persons
climate justice is often seen as anothers free rider. Many argue that India simply wants to
free ride as a beneficiary of the sacrifices of others. Fortunately for India, the United States,
India in its INDC has now moved beyond its traditional
and the world,
climate justice position. Indias offer came only shortly before the midnight October
1 United Nations deadline and long after the other top greenhouse gas emitters, including the
U.S., China, and the European Union, had made their offers. However, when it did come, the
Indian INDC was substantive and provided a way forward. Indias
climate change offer consists mainly of three parts: (1) to reduce
Indias emissions intensity per unit of GDP 33 percent to 35 percent
from 2005 levels by 2030; (2) to achieve about 40 percent installed
electric power capacity from non-fossil fuels by 2030; and (3) to create
an additional carbon sink of 2.5 to 3 billion tons of CO2 equivalent
through afforestation by 2030. India in its INDC seems to recognize for
the first time the role private finance must play in reaching its clean
energy goals. India has placed a price tag of $2.5 trillion on its needs
for clean energy capital between 2015 and 2030. Obviously, this amount of
money, multiplied by the needs of other developing nations, will not come from domestic or
international governmental sources alone. Thus, India indicates that it is willing to turn to the
domestic and foreign private sector in conjunction with governmental sourcing to obtain
financing. It is authorizing issuance of tax-free investment bonds and is highlighting the role of
its own private sector through Corporate Social Responsibility schemes and direct business
Minister Goyal has gone out of his way to
action to address climate change.
participate in Secretary Kerrys Climate and Clean Energy Investment
Forum. He met recently with private sector finance representatives in Mumbai on the subject
of clean energy, and the Government of India has set up REInvest, an elaborate program to
India has accepted in principle
encourage private investment in renewables. Thus,
the proposition that private financing in conjunction with carbon
taxation and public finance is the way forward to meet its climate
change goals. However, the question remains as to whether India will move far enough
away from its traditional statist economic approach and insistence on aid from the United
States and other developed countries to reach a satisfactory agreement in Paris. Conversely,
no deal is possible in Paris unless the United States and the other developed economies are
able sufficiently to suppress their own uses of carbon based fuels while mobilizing sufficient
financing from both their private and public sectors to assist India and the other developing
nations.
2NC Says Yes
India will cooperate Prime Minister Modi and Obama
have begun to agree over climate prevention.
Friedman 15 (Lisa Friedman, the editor of Climate Wire and lead international
affairs reporter, India and U.S. Commit to Global Fight against Climate Change.
Scientific America, January 26, 2015.
http://www.scientificamerican.com/article/india-and-u-s-commit-to-global-fight-
against-climate-change/) S.He
America and India will unveil joint efforts to fight climate change
when Barack Obama visits New Delhi next month, as the US tries to keep up the
momentum of international negotiations. Obamas visit on the back of the United Nations
talks in Lima is seen as a key moment to persuade one of the worlds biggest carbon
India is the
polluters to step up its efforts to fight climate change. After China and the US,
worlds third largest producer of the greenhouse gas emissions
causing climate change although it is responsible for only about 6% of such
emissions globally. During the visit, Obama and the Prime Minister, Narendra
Modi, are expected to unveil a number of modest initiatives to expand
research and access to clean energy technologies. The announcement
in the works for Obamas visit to Delhi will be modest in scale nowhere
near last months milestone agreement between the US and China to cut their carbon
pollution. I am expecting a useful meeting but we dont have anything in the works of the
kind that we were involved with in China, Todd Stern, the State Department climate change
envoy, said. But the visit still represents a key moment as major economies begin to deliver on
the. Under the deal, all countries are expected to announce by 31 March emissions
reductions targets and other actions to fight climate change. With China already agreeing to
cut its carbon pollution, and South Korea and Latin American countries paying into a climate
fund for poor countries, the new all-inclusive nature of the Lima deal has put India under a
spotlight. Are we expecting from India too much and leaving the polluters without any
accountability? the environment, forest and climate change minister, Prakash Javadekar,
India is already
said. This is a big thing that developing countries are doing.
understood to be working on its targets for the United Nations, but it
will not put forward those numbers until June, Javadekar said.
However, he added that India would make ambitious efforts. We are
doing very aggressive actions on our own. So we would like to put
them on record and on public domain, he said. Indian newspapers
reported earlier this month that Modi was working to announce an
aspirational year for peaking emissions ahead of Obamas visit.
Javadekar pushed back on that idea and on the entire notion that India should be required
to peak its emissions at all, arguing that its emissions still represented only a fraction of
Chinas. But he said that India was stepping up its efforts to deal with climate change, and
was increasing its targets for expanding solar power and energy efficiency. In the next two
Modi would press Obama to
years, there will be major changes, he said. He said
set up a global clean energy research consortium or make funds
available for licenses for clean energy technologies, perhaps from
international climate finance. They can compensate from Green Climate Fund to
their companies, Javadekar said. Why should companies profit from disaster?
AT India Not Key
India is key lack of coop will doom Paris agreement
Mufson 16 (Steven Mufson, energy correspondent for The Washington Post for
seven years, Obama and Indias Modi promise deals on climate change and
energy. The Washington Post, June 7, 2016.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/obama-and-indias-modi-pledge-
future-deal-on-climate-and-energy/2016/06/07/9cb5bb72-2cc0-11e6-b5db-
e9bc84a2c8e4_story.html) S.He
The leaders of India and the United States vowed Tuesday to ratify the Paris climate accord this year,
pledged to nail down terms for limiting a potent greenhouse gas used as a refrigerant in air conditioners,
and set a one-year deadline for concluding a deal for six commercial nuclear power plants. But the two
sides provided few specifics about how they would achieve those goals beyond saying that President
Obama and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who were meeting at the White House, share the same
objectives and have established time frames for resolving differences. Even without the agreed deadlines,
the recent pledge by presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump to renegotiate the
Paris climate accord if he is elected has added a sense of urgency among world leaders to make sure the
pact goes into effect before the end of the year. Thirty days after at least 55 countries accounting for at
least 55 percent of global emissions have moved to join the agreement, the Paris accord enters into force .
India accounts for 4.1 percent of global emissions. If India joins, it will
practically put us over the hump of 55 percent of global emissions required
for ratification, said Andrew Light, a former State Department negotiator
who is now at the World Resources Institute. India is a key country for the
United States, given tensions with Pakistan and Indias status as a bulwark
against China in South Asia. But Obama has put climate and energy issues at
the forefront of relations with Modi. The focus among negotiators leading up to Tuesdays
meeting was an effort to work out details for restricting hydrofluorocarbons, or HFCs, by adding them to
the Montreal Protocol, the global treaty adopted in 1987 to address ozone depletion. The two nations
agreed to link increased financial support for India from a multilateral fund with what Obama adviser
Brian Deese called an ambitious approach to phase out HFCs altogether. Without an agreement, the
use of HFCs is expected to soar as the growth of the middle class in India fuels an increase in the sale of
air conditioning and refrigerators. India is the worlds third-largest carbon emitter, and HFCs have a
global warming power thousands of times greater that carbon dioxide. India has been pressing for a
longer grace period before starting to phase out HFCs and a longer phase-out period. But the United
States has been urging action before the HFC industry grows. For India, it doesnt make sense to build
an industry that is a generation behind. And then it doesnt make sense for us to pay to dismantle it, said
David Doniger, director of the climate and clean air program at the Natural Resources Defense Council.
Greenhouse gas emissions from this surprising source could doom the Paris
climate accord goal. The Montreal Protocol is one part of a broad effort by
Obama to convince Modi to act to prevent an explosion of greenhouse gas
emissions as Indias economy speeds ahead. Obama and Modi were also expected to
discuss Tuesday how India can reach its 100 gigawatt target for solar power by 2022. The leaders backed
the creation of two mechanisms to help stimulate the scores of billions of dollars of financing that will be
needed. One mechanism will be a joint $40 million program to provide high-risk capital for areas off the
grid in India, where about 240 million people have no access to electricity. The second mechanism is a
joint $20 million India Clean Energy Finance Initiative. This will help developers put together renewable
projects and then get substantial financing with the help of the Overseas Private Investment Corp. OPIC,
a U.S. government agency, provides loan guarantees and political risk insurance to American firms
investing overseas. Deese estimated that the two mechanisms together could catalyze up to $1 billion in
investment still a small fraction of the financing India will need to meet its goal. On the nuclear power
front, Westinghouse Electric (now owned by Toshiba) has been negotiating with India in the hopes of
selling it six AP-1000 nuclear reactors. The project site was recently moved to the southern state of
Andhra Pradesh, where site preparation is underway. Local opposition prevented the multibillion-dollar
project from moving ahead in Modis home state of Gujarat. Nisha Desai Biswal, assistant secretary of
state for South Asian affairs, told a Senate committee on May 24 that a commercial deal was quite
close. The stumbling block has been an article in a 2010 Indian law that would make Westinghouse
and its suppliers potentially vulnerable to crippling litigation under local Indian laws in the event of an
accident. India has offered to establish insurance pools, but companies have not accepted that plan.
There was no indication Tuesday that the issue had been resolved.
AT China is More Important
India is key set to overtake China in energy use by
2028
ITV 15 (ITV News, Climate in Crisis: Why is India so important in the fight
against global warming? November 9, 2015. http://www.itv.com/news/2015-11-
03/climate-in-crisis-why-is-india-so-important-in-the-fight-against-global-warming/)
S.He
Ahead of the upcoming Paris 2015 UN climate change conference, ITV News travelled to India, a
why is India so crucial to
country which will hold the balance of power at the negotiations. But
efforts to improve the health of our planet, so much so that President Obama
has alluded that it could be the deal maker or breaker in Paris? Scientists
and politicians generally agree that we must curb global emissions to avoid
dangerous climate change by the end of the century. The route to achieving that
ambition is a mix of political, economic and social negotiations around how fast countries can develop,
India is a nation
the kinds of green technology they will be able to use and who foots the bill.
which embodies all the major negotiating points world leaders will try to
tackle at COP21. The country is the worlds third biggest greenhouse gas
emitter and faces the challenge of reducing carbon emissions while
sustaining the economic growth needed to reduce poverty. New Prime Minister
Narendra Modi must deal with the huge tension associated with this balancing act. It is the same tension
affecting the whole developing world, with billions of people facing similar choices about how to get out
Indias voice is very important on
of poverty in a sustainable, environmentally-friendly way.
this issue. Perhaps no country could potentially be more affected by the
impacts of climate change and no country is going to be more important in
moving forward a strong agreement than India BARACK OBAMA , JANUARY
2015. What India does in Paris will become the model for developing nations . It
is expected to negotiate hard for help and investment in technology so it can follow a more sustainable
path to generating electricity, as well as use its massive coal reserves and the historic pollution by the
West as its bargaining chips. Indias use of its coal is particularly important if it burns it all, it will be
virtually impossible for the world as a whole to reduce its carbon emissions. India also highlights how
climate change is not just an environmental story that will affect the world far in the future. As ITV News
discovered, there are many examples of the political, economic and social choices climate change is
By 2028, India is expected to overtake
already enforcing upon huge numbers of people.
China as the worlds most populated country, with 1.45 billion people. As the
population increases, so will the energy consumption, which is predicted to
rise 132% by 2035. India currently produces 7% of global emissions. Already
the worlds third biggest greenhouse gas emitter, this will rise due to energy
demands that will result from population growth. An estimated 300 million
Indians live with little or no light when the sun sets. A 2011 census claimed
just 55% of rural homes use electricity as a primary source of lighting.
Indias gross domestic product (GDP) grew at 7.5% from January to March
this year, faster than Chinas.
Aff
China Key
China is the number one emitter key to solve
warming
Vidal and Adam 07 (John Vidal and David Adam, Vidal is the
Guardian's environment editor and author of McLibel: Burger Culture on Trial;
Adam is the author of Man Who Couldn't Stop, an environment correspondent for
the Guardian, before which he was science correspondent, and worked at the
science journal Nature after a PhD in chemical engineering. China overtakes US as
world's biggest CO2 emitter. The Guardian, June 19, 2007.
https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2007/jun/19/china.usnews) S.He
China has overtaken the United States as the world's biggest producer of
carbon dioxide, the chief greenhouse gas, figures released today show. The surprising
announcement will increase anxiety about China's growing role in driving man-made global warming and
will pile pressure onto world politicians to agree a new global agreement on climate change that includes
the booming Chinese economy. China's emissions had not been expected to overtake those from the US,
formerly the world's biggest polluter, for several years, although some reports predicted it could happen
according to the Netherlands Environmental Assessment
as early as next year. But
Agency, soaring demand for coal to generate electricity and a surge in
cement production have helped to push China's recorded emissions for 2006
beyond those from the US already. It says China produced 6,200m tonnes of
CO2 last year, compared with 5,800m tonnes from the US. Britain produced about
600m tonnes. Jos Olivier, a senior scientist at the government agency who compiled the figures, said:
"There will still be some uncertainty about the exact numbers, but this is the best and most up to date
China relies very heavily on coal and all of the recent trends
estimate available.
show their emissions going up very quickly." China's emissions were 2%
below those of the US in 2005. Per head of population, China's pollution remains relatively
low - about a quarter of that in the US and half that of the UK. The new figures only include carbon
dioxide emissions from fossil fuel burning and cement production. They do not include sources of other
greenhouse gases, such as methane from agriculture and nitrous oxide from industrial processes. And
they exclude other sources of carbon dioxide, such as from the aviation and shipping industries, as well
as from deforestation, gas flaring and underground coal fires. Dr Olivier said it was hard to find up to
date and reliable estimates for such emissions, particularly from countries in the developing world. But
"Since China passed the
he said including them would be unlikely to topple China from top spot.
US by 8% [in 2006] it will be pretty hard to compensate for that with other
sources of emissions." To work out the emissions figures, Dr. Oliver used data issued
by the oil company BP earlier this month on the consumption of oil, gas and
coal across the world during 2006, as well as information on cement
production published by the US Geological Survey. Cement production,
which requires huge amounts of energy, accounts for about 4% of global
CO2 production from fuel use and industrial sources. China's cement
industry, which has rapidly expanded in recent years and now produces
about 44% of world supply, contributes almost 9% of the country's CO2
emissions. Dr. Olivier calculated carbon dioxide emissions from each country's use of oil, gas and coal
using UN conversion factors. China's surge beyond the US was helped by a 1.4% fall in the latter's CO2
emissions during 2006, which analysts say is down to a slowing US economy. The announcement comes
as international negotiations to produce a new climate treaty to succeed the Kyoto protocol when it
The US refused to ratify Kyoto partly because it
expires in 2012 are delicately poised.
made no demands on China, and one major sticking point of the new negotiations has been
finding a way to include both nations, as well as other rapidly developing economies such as India and
Brazil. Tony Blair believes the best approach is to develop national markets to cap and trade carbon,
which could then be linked.
Earlier this month, China unveiled its first national plan
on climate change after two years of preparation by 17 government
ministries. Rather than setting a direct target for the reduction or avoidance
of greenhouse gas emissions, it now aims to reduce energy consumption per
unit of gross domestic product (GDP) by 20% by 2010 and to increase the
share of renewable energy to some 10%, as well as to cover roughly 20% of
the nation's land with forest. But it stressed that technology and costs are
major barriers to achieving energy efficiency in China , and that it will be hard
to alter the nation's dependency on coal in the short term. What China needs, said a
government spokesman, is international cooperation in helping China move toward a low-carbon
economy. Chinese industries have been hesitant to embrace unproven clean coal and carbon capture
technologies that are still in their infancy in developed countries.
India's new environment minister, Prakash Javadekar, told The New York
Times this week that his country's carbon-dioxide emissions would likely keep
rising for the next 30 years. "What cuts?" he said about international efforts
to curtail emissions and slow the pace of global warming. "That's for more
developed countries." Some observers have interpreted Javadekar's
comments to mean that India doesn't take climate change seriously at all. But
it's a bit more complicated than that. India's position has long been that it's willing to
voluntarily slow the growth of its emissions (compared with current trends)
but it won't make absolute cuts while it's still climbing out of poverty. And in
theory, India's stance could be compatible with global efforts to reduce emissions and avoid drastic
warming though it certainly won't be easy. Here's a rundown: India's climate stance: This mostly isn't
India has long insisted that wealthier countries like the United States
our fault
and Europe (and even China) should bear most of the burden for tackling
climate change. After all, those nations got to enjoy the growth benefits that
come with burning fossil fuels for their cars, power plants, and factories for many decades.
Now it's India's turn. The chart below shows the basic thinking here. India's per-person
emissions are still one-tenth that of the United States and one-fourth that of
China. India is still very poor, has 1 billion people, and, its officials say, deserves some leeway on this:
That doesn't mean India is totally ignoring climate change. In the Times interview, Javadekar said the
country is looking at plans to slow the future growth of emissions (which are otherwise on pace to rise 60
percent between 2020 and 2040). On top of that, India has a goal of doubling wind and solar generation
this decade. And prime minister Narendra Modi has suggested that solar power could play a helpful role
fossil fuels are expected to keep
in electrifying the country's rural areas. Even so,
growing. India's government has emphasized the need to supply electricity
to the 300 million people who don't already have it and in places where
solar can't do the job, officials have been clear that coal and natural gas will
expand. The current government is also focused on streamlining India's coal
sector in order to allow more reliable access to cheap fuel and to reduce
chronic shortages. What's more, as more people enter the middle class and
buy cars, India's oil consumption has been soaring. Add it up, and India's
emissions are likely keep rising. The big question is by how much.
And no country has done more than India to stall progress on international
climate negotiations during the past two months. It began last month in
Bangkok, when negotiators met to update the Montreal Protocol. Signed in the
late 1980s, the protocol saved the ozone layer by ending the use of chlorofluorocarbons in refrigerants,
household goods, and industrial products. The problem was, manufacturers often swapped out CFCs for a
closely related group of chemicals called hydrofluorocarbons. HFCs dont hurt the ozone layer, but it
turns out that they are potent greenhouse gases. With climate change now the most important global
environmental challenge, the United States and a long list of other countries have proposed amending
the Montreal Protocol to phase out the use of HFCs. All seemed to be going well with the plans for those
amendments. India and the other members of the Group of 20 endorsed the
proposal during September meetings in Russia. A couple of weeks later,
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh reiterated the countrys support for
the amendments during meetings with President Obama. But when international
representatives gathered for meetings in Bangkok to actually make the
amendments, they were surprised and angered to find the negotiations
blocked by India. The countrys environment officials told Indian media that
they were worried about the costs associated with switching over to new coolants. What
may have worried them even more was the fear of being accused of opening
the door for foreign air conditioning and fridge companies to take over
domestic markets. If theres one thing that no Indian government up for re-
election in the current political climate would want, its to be seen giving an
inch to America on trade. Then came Warsaw. Extensive negotiations around
agriculture had been scheduled for the first of the two weeks of meetings. Farming
causes about a fifth of greenhouse gas emissions, due in part to land clearing, energy
use, and the methane that bubbles up from rice paddies and is belched out by cattle. But thats not what
drew farming representatives to Warsaw. Farmers are the hardest hit by changes in the weatherwhich
should help them secure a chunk of the hundreds of billions of dollars in climate aid that a new climate
But India, which is home to farms that are
treaty is expected to deliver for poor countries.
struggling to cope with changing rainfall patterns, spearheaded a maneuver
that blocked agricultural negotiations from moving forward. Its negotiators feared
that negotiations over farmer adaptation efforts would lead to requests that those farmers also reduce
their carbon footprints. India has been very clear that agriculture is the mainstay of our population, and
we dont want any mitigation targets there, said Indrajit Bose, a climate change program manager at the
influential Delhi-based Centre for Science and Environment, who attended the Warsaw meetings. Its a
During the second week of Warsaw
red line for India, and I think we agree with that.
talks, India again blocked progress on HFC reductions, and it worked with
China to water down the meetings most important agreement on the final
day of talks. Despite instances of Chinese obstructionism at Warsaw, China and the United
Stateshave been making headlines during the past week for their blossoming mutual commitment to
tackling climate change. Now India appears to be supplanting China as the developing worlds chief
climate agitator, even as it takes real steps to boost renewable energy production at home and meet
voluntary goals to reduce the emission intensity of its economy. (Meanwhile, Japan, Australia, and
The India
Canada are taking Americas mantle as the developed worlds chief climate antagonists.)
problem isnt limited to climate talks. Early this year India helped dilute an
international agreement that had been crafted to reduce mercury pollution
a major problem with coal-fired power plants. Before the countrys
environment minister was replaced during a mid-2011 Cabinet reshuffle,
India had been hailed as a constructive leader during international climate
talks. Now its being accused of foot-dragging, obstructionism, and flip-
flopping. Recent Indian shenanigans on the global climate stage are partly a
reflection of the fact that a federal election will be held in the spring . Such
elections are held every five years, and frantic campaigning by long lists of parties occupies many of the
the
months that precede them. In India, despite the countrys acute vulnerability to climate change,
climate is simply not an election issue. BBC polling suggests that 39 percent
of Indians have never heard about climate change. Indian voters are
calling for more affordable energynot for a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions. And
India, like other developing countries, has been angered by what appears to be reluctance by developed
countries to lend a meaningful financial hand as the climate goes awry. A cruel irony of climate change is
that the poor countries that did the least to warm the planet are often the hardest hit, vulnerable to rising
tides, crop-wilting droughts, and powerful storms. During the talks in Warsaw, Western countries were
suddenly balking at previously promised climate aid that would have been worth $100 billion a year by
2020. And developed countries have fobbed off developing countries appeals for additional
compensation, so-called loss-and-damage payments, when climate change has harmed their people and
economies. Its not just the electioneering in India thats causing problems for global climate talks.
Another problem seems to be how little press attention the country receives
on foreign shores. Theres not a lot of focus on India anywhere, said
Manish Ram, a renewable-energy analyst for Greenpeace India who
attended the Warsaw meetings. Thats one of the reasons India gets away
with doing what its been doing.
India Not Key
India isnt key other countries can solve warming
Plumer 14 (Brad Plumer, Brad Plumer is a senior editor at Vox.com, where he
oversees the site's science, energy, and environmental coverage. He was previously
a reporter at the Washington Post covering climate and energy policy, India says it
won't cut emissions for 30 years. What's that mean for global warming? Vox Energy
and Environment, September 25, 2014.
http://www.vox.com/2014/9/25/6843673/india-climate-change-stance-emissions-rise-
30-years) S.He
The world can still cut emissions even if India's rise . So does that mean the planet is
cooked? Not necessarily. It's worth noting that there are various scenarios out
there in which 1) the world reduces emissions by enough to avoid more than
2C of global warming but also 2) India's emissions keep rising indefinitely.
The authors tried to model a technologically feasible path for reducing
greenhouse-gas emissions sharply by mid-century. Under this plan, wealthy countries
would make drastic cuts but China's emissions don't peak until 2030 and India's emissions keep
growing indefinitely (albeit at a slower rate). The idea is that it's only fair to let those poor, populous
countries catch up on growth. Is that specific scenario realistic? Maybe, maybe not. It would entail a
radical clean-energy push from all countries the United States, Europe, China, India. For its part, India
would need to ramp up its use of wind, solar, and nuclear power far beyond what it's now planning. It
would have to revamp its transportation policies to become less car-centric. India's city planners would
have to rein in accelerating suburban sprawl. The country would also likely need outside help to develop
carbon capture and other advanced technologies. What's more, because there's not much room to
maneuver in the "deep decarbonization" scenario, there are lots of opportunities for bickering among
countries. If India wants even more leeway on emissions, then other countries would have to cut back
even more deeply or else the world will face even more global warming. That's a real and genuine
in past UN climate talks, India has shown a
tension in ongoing climate negotiations. And
tendency to thwart various proposals particularly anything that would
legally commit developing countries into making specific reductions . That
obstinacy has left other countries extremely frustrated at times. At the same time, none of the major
emitters have currently laid out a clear path to making the emissions cuts illustrated above. Many of the
hoped-for clean-energy technologies, like carbon capture for coal plants, are still struggling to gain a
But
footing. There are lots of reasons why global warming will be extremely difficult to address.
India's unwillingness to make absolute emission cuts right now isn't, on its
own, a deal-breaker.
Warming 2 - Solar Shield
1NC
Text: The USFG should build a reflective solar shield
around the earth.
A solar shield that reflects some of the Suns radiation back into space
would cool the climate within a decade and could be a quick-fix
solution to climate change, researchers say. Because of their rapid effect,
however, they should be deployed only as a last resort when dangerous climate change is
imminent, they warn. Solar shields are not a new idea such geoengineering schemes to
artificially cool the Earths climate are receiving growing interest, and include proposals to
inject reflective aerosols into the stratosphere, deploying space-based solar reflectors and
The shields are inspired by the cooling effects of
large-scale cloud seeding.
large volcanic eruptions that blast sulphate particles into the
stratosphere. There, the particles reflect part of the Suns radiation
back into space, reducing the amount of heat that reaches the
atmosphere, and so dampening the greenhouse effect. The 1991
eruption of Mount Pinatubo in the Philippines cooled Earth by a few
tenths of a degree for several years. Ken Caldeira at the Carnegie Institution of
Washington, in California, US, and Damon Matthews at Concordia University, Canada, used
computer models to simulate the effects that a solar shield would have on the Earths climate
if greenhouse gas emissions continued to rise along a business as usual scenario. We have
been trying to pinpoint the one really bad thing that argues against geoengineering the
computer models simulated
climate, says Caldeira. But it is really hard to find. His
a gradually deployed shield that would compensate for the greenhouse
effect of rising carbon dioxide concentrations. By the time CO2 levels
are double those of pre-industrial times predicted to be at the end of
the 21st century the shield would need to block 8% of the Suns
radiation. The researchers found that a sulphur shield could act very
quickly, lowering temperatures to around early 20th-century levels
within a decade of being deployed. The trouble is, the decadal timescale works
both ways, says Caldeira. A sulphate shield would need to be continuously replenished, and
the models show that failing to do so would mean the Earths climate would suddenly be hit
with the full warming effect of the CO2 that has accumulated in the meantime. So if you have
the shield up there and it fails or, for example, the Republicans put up a shield and then the
Democrats come in to power and turn it down then you effectively compress into a decade or
A
two the warming that would have happened while the shield was up, Caldeira explains.
solar shield would not necessarily stunt plant growth. In fact, there is
some evidence that plants grew more vigorously after Mt Pinatubo
erupted because the sulphate particles increased the amount of diffuse
light and boosted growth in shaded areas. But if a shield was suddenly removed,
a portion of the CO2 stored in plants would be suddenly released as the plants respire faster in
warmer temperatures. Personally, as a citizen not a scientist, I dont like geo-engineering
because of the high environmental risk, Caldeira told New Scientist. Its toying with poorly
understood complex systems. And the ease with which they could work is
also risky, he says: These schemes are almost too cheap and easy.
Just one fire hose spraying sulphur dioxide into the atmosphere would
do the job for a century. That would cost about $100 million nothing
in comparison to the hundreds of billions it would take to transform our
energy supply. But he also believes it is time to consider solar shields
seriously. On 1 June, James Hansen, head of NASAs Institute for Space Studies in the US,
published a paper stating that Earths climate system has reached a tipping point
(Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics, vol 7, p 2287). Hansens study suggests that only
moderate additional warming is likely to trigger the disintegration of the west Antarctic and
Arctic ice sheets events which would be near-impossible to reverse. If this is the case, then I
am not clear on what the greenest path is, says Caldeira. Is it better to let the Greenland
ice sheet collapse and let the polar bears drown their way to extinction, or to spray some
sulphur particles in the stratosphere? He says that if forced to consider deploying a solar
shield, we would need to be confident that we would not be creating bigger problems than we
are solving. Therefore, it is important both to understand the mess we are in today how close
are we to making irreversible changes, how fast can we alter our energy system and to
understand what might happen should we try to avoid some of the worst outcomes by
engineering our climate.
AT Implausible
Scientists concur that a solar shield is the fastest and
surest way to solve warming
The Telegraph 09 (The Telegraph, Scientists to stop global warming with
100,000 square mile sun shade. February 26, 2009.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/earth/environment/globalwarming/4839985/Scienti
sts-to-stop-global-warming-with-100000-square-mile-sun-shade.html) S.He