The Transformation of Buddhism during British Colonialism

Author(s): Yarina Liston

Source: Journal of Law and Religion, Vol. 14, No. 1 (1999 - 2000), pp. 189-210
Published by: Journal of Law and Religion, Inc.
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 THE TRANSFORMATIONOF BUDDHISM
DURING BRITISHCOLONIALISM
Yarina Liston t

INTRODUCTION

In orderto understandthe changes that occurredin the Buddhist

Sangha (monastic community) in Sri Lanka during and after
colonialization by the British, it is first necessary to understandthe
situationof Buddhismpriorto colonializationas well as the relationship
of Buddhismto secularpower and the idea of civil law.
Location is crucialto understandingthe position of Buddhismin
Sri Lanka. Sri Lankan Buddhism definitively changed the Indian
model's relationshipof the Sangha to the political order. From the
earliesttimes Sri LankanBuddhismwas connectedto kingship and to
the geographic space of the island of Sri Lanka, in a way that seems
unique in Buddhist history. In Sri Lankathe Buddhist king was not
answerableto a 'god', but was elected by the Sangha and other high
ministersand was requiredto patronizethe Sanghaand enforce social
stability.'
In his critiqueof CliffordGeertz,Talal Asad claims thatreligion
is notjust a symbolic systembut a system of power, in many cases, one
thatis totalizingin character.2Asad's argumentcan be demonstratedin
Sri Lanka, where the implantationof a 'secular government' during
colonialtimes by the Britishprofoundlyalteredthe relationshipbetween
Buddhism and the inhabitantsof Sri Lanka. The modem idea of
religion as divorcedfrompower succeededin dislodging the influence
that Buddhismhad over Sri Lankanpolitics, but only for a shorttime.
In India, the British codificationof customarylaw alongside the
implementation of British legal procedure succeeded in making

t Yarina Liston is a graduatestudent in the Religion Departmentat Temple

Universityin Philadelphia. She is workingon women in early Buddhisttexts for her
dissertation. She lives in New York City and is currently teaching Buddhist
philosophy at SUNY/Purchase.
1. Tilak Hettiarachchy,Historyof Kingshipin Ceylon(Lake House Investments
Ltd Book Pub, 1972).
2. Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion 35 (JohnsHopkins U Press, 1993).

189

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190 JOURNALOF LAW& RELIGION [Vol XIV

jurisprudenceappearharsherand more inflexible.3 In the case of Sri

Lanka, the Buddhist Sangha, which had always held considerable
power, was left on the outside of this process and was deprivedof its
traditionalfunctionas intermediarybetween the king and his subjects.
I suggest that once the Sangha lost its ability to influence the
sovereign, and the laity began to infringe on the social roles of the
Sangha,the Sanghawas an easy targetfor the orientalistinfluenceof W.
Rhys Davids and Henry Olcott. The Buddhistfunctionof the Sangha
as intermediaryand educator was forever altered by the colonial
presence; and a new social identity was formed. Modem bhikkhus
(monks) as political agents were initiated into their roles by the
dialectical relationship between the colonial rule and the Buddhist
Sangha.
The transformationof Buddhism in Sri Lanka came from the
breakbetween legitimate rule from political authority. In a situation
similarto thatin Indiawhen the MughalEmpirewas crumbling,the Sri
Lankan Kingdom of Kandy was falling apart prior to British
colonialization.This allowedthe Britishto enterinto the political arena
of Sri Lankaand establishthemselvesnot only as powerfultraders,but
as the sovereignpower.
BUDDHISMAND LAW

EarlyBuddhism,as establishedin NorthernIndiaaroundthe 6th

centuryB.C.E. made a clear distinctionbetween the worldly and the
supermundane.4 The path to ultimate salvation was trod upon by
monks/nunsalone.5 The laity looked forwardto heaven, but theirlives
were too caughtup with worldly mattersfor final release.6 The gods,
whom most Buddhistsstill worshipped,were partof the mundaneworld
(grantingmaterialboons) but were irrelevantfor final release.7 This
cultural pattern brings up the interesting question of who was a
Buddhist.
Buddhismholds up the model of a fourfoldcommunity,consisting

3. Kishwar Madhu, Codified Hindu Law, in Economic and Political Weekly

(August 13, 1994).
4. A.K. Warder,IndianBuddhism43-80, 157-287 (MotilalBamarsidass,1970).
5. Id.
6. Id.
7. Id.

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189] OF BUDDHISM
THETRANSFORMATION 191

of monks,nuns, laymenand laywomenas a social ideal.8 The Buddhist

laity appearsto be a more fluid concept thanthe Sanghain Sri Lankan
religion. The laity are expected to supportthe Sangha, and listen to
teachingsby monks;andthenmay takecertainvows. The bhikkhusand
bhikkhunis(monks and nuns) are much more clearly set off from the
rest of society by their renunciation of householder life, chastity,
separatecommunitiesand their adherenceto the Vinaya.9
The Vinaya is what one would call "Buddhistlaw."'? After the
death of the Buddha, the Sangha gathered together to collect the
teachingsof the Buddhaandthe rulesthey were to live by (Dharmaand
Vinaya)." Since the Buddha did not establish a succession of
leadership,the Sanghaneeded the teachings and rules to guide them.
The Vinaya is composed of lists of hundredsof rules in vignette form
that regulate the lives of individual monks and nuns, but it did not
encompasssociety as a whole."2Nor was the idea of a reformedsociety
ever a Buddhistgoal, for in Buddhisthistory social conditions are not
completelyunimportantbut are secondaryto individualfreedom.13 The
individualrenunciantis the basis for Buddhistthought, as well as the
distinctionbetweenthe worldlyandthe supermundane.This distinction
betweenthe lay people andthose who have renouncedthe world creates
a spatial division in the social world between what we would call the
religious and the worldly.
Aside fromthe Vinaya,the monks also abidedby local customary
laws.'4 In this way, the Vinayaaddedto the alreadyexisting laws of the
land. Thus,the Buddhistmonks/nunswere ruledby two realmsof law,
the one governingsociety as a whole, the otherconveying specific rules
of the Vinaya for Buddhistmonasticism. Fromthis we can also see that
the BuddhistDharmais not completely self-sufficient. Secular law is
necessary.
As it grew into a religiousinstitution,the Sanghaultimatelyrested
on the economic support from a prosperous, peaceful, and stable

8. Id.
9. Id.
10. John CliffordHolt, Discipline, the CanonicalBuddhismof the Vinayapitaka
(Motilal Banarsidass,1981).
11. Id.
12. Id.
13. Id.
14. Id.

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192 JOURNALOF LAW& RELIGION [Vol XIV

society.'5 The Sangha received patronagefrom the local kings and

Buddhists accepted the idea of kingship as a normal and appropriate
formof government.'6The Buddhahimself,thoughrenouncinghis own
claim to political power, never denied the necessity of having a 'civil'
government.'7This kind of worldly power was useful for the sake of
order,but was less religiously meaningful. The Sangha, though, was
forbidden to transversethe division between the two. "Their rule
forbids them to assume other religious roles and other worldly
occupations."'8 This distinctionreinforcedthe two parallelformsof law
and power, one worldly and one supermundane.
Buddhistmonasticshadrenouncedworldlyaffairs,but were never
completely isolated from local politics. Several of the Buddha's
sermons advised the monks not to speak of kings and wars, but kings
would often go and seek out influentialmonks for theiradvice on social
matters.'9Once the Buddhahad passed away, the Sangha decided its
own matters,usuallyby meansof voting.20As the disagreementsof the
Sanghamembersincreasedalong with their growing membership,the
possibility of a division in the Sanghaperiodically appeared. Only a
king could enterinto ecclesiasticaffairsandhelp settle these disputes.21
The king's role in relationto the Sanghawas to be a righteousrulerof
society, a patron and also sometimes an overseer/purifierof the
Sangha.22The Sangha'srole in relationto the king was to give the king
religious legitimacy, to serve as a model moral people, and to educate
the populace in BuddhistDharma.23
The most famouscase of royal interventionin the Sanghawas by
the Indian EmperorAshoka, who aroundthe second century B.C.E.
convened the ThirdBuddhistCouncil.24At this time, therewere some

15. Warder,IndianBuddhism (citedin note4).

16. Id.
17. Id.
18. RichardGombrich& GananathObeyesekere,BuddhismTransformed 43
(PrincetonU Press,1988).
19. UrmilaPhadnis,Religionand Politicsin Sri Lanka24 (ManoharBooks,
1976).
20. Warder,IndianBuddhism (citedin note4).
21. Id.
22. Id.
23. Id.
24. Id.

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189] THETRANSFORMATION
OF BUDDHISM 193

monks who would not performtheir purificationceremony together

with other monks (due to perceived Vinaya infringements). Ashoka
united and purifiedthe Sanghaby beheading some heterodoxmonks.
This act became an oft-repeatedprecedentfor the relationshipbetween
South Asian kings and the BuddhistSangha.25
ESTABLISHMENT
OF BUDDHISMIN SRI LANKA

Sri LankanBuddhists are in the unique position of having been

the first to write down the Buddha's teachings (1st century C.E.) and
were the firstgroupto createa Buddhisthistoricalrecord(2-4th century
C.E.) which continues to this day.26 Their two main historical
chronicles are the Mahavamsa and the Dipavamsa.27 These are
importantnot only for their vision of ancient Buddhism, but also for
understandingthe modem reinterpretation of Buddhismduringand after
independencefrom the British.
The Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsarelate a two-part story of
how Buddhismcame to Sri Lanka. Partone begins aroundthe time of
the Buddhaand tells the story of how the Sinhalese, as descendantsof
one prince, came to the island that had been preparedfor them by the
Buddhahimself.28The second partgives the accountof how Emperor
Ashoka sends a delegation of monks to the Sri Lankan king
Devanamapiya(247-207 B.C.E.) along with Buddhistrelics such as the
Buddha's tooth and a branchof the Bo tree.29This story is critical in
understanding Sri Lankan Buddhism, which evolved not from a
groundswell of popular religious sentiment, but through a "trickle-
down"model of religiousconversionfrom a royal system. In this way,
kingshipwas instrumentalin the formationand spreadof the Buddhist
Sanghain Sri Lanka.
These two storiesportrayBuddhismnot only as a worldview and
mythology, accountedfor in Buddhistdoctrines,but as a "continuous
politicalhistorythatbindsthe islandraciallyandreligiously."30The Sri

25. Id.
26. RichardLester, TheravadaBuddhismin SoutheastAsian 66-77 (U of Mich
Press, 1973).
27. Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa (Asian Edu Serv, 1986) and Hermann
Oldenberg,TheDipavamsa (Asian Edu Serv, 1982).
28. Id.
29. Id.
30. AnandaWickremeratne,Buddhismand Ethnicityin Sri Lanka82 (Viaks Pub

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194 JOURNALOF LAW& RELIGION [Vol XIV

LankanSangha wrote down Buddhist scripturesfor the first time in

what has come to be laterknown as the Theravadacanon. In so doing,
they connected Buddhismto ". . . a political identity of the Sinhalese
nation and a nationalreligion . . . of a politically defined territory."3'
The Sri Lankanking was placedat the headof the Buddhistcult because
of his possession of the Buddhistrelics (given to him by Ashoka).32
This strong symbolic connection of the king to Buddhism later
transformedhis image into thatof a bodhisattva,a futureBuddha.33 The
king then acted as if he practicallywas the Buddha in his ability to
oversee and controlthe Sangha.34
On the otherhand, kingship in Sri Lankawas bestowed through
the Sangha. Yet even though the king was beholden to the Sangha,
giving them great sums of the kingdom's wealth and grantingthem
many immunities,the Sanghacouldneverrivalthe king's power. It had
no consolidated authority,either in a head monk or in a centralized
monasticism;also, the prohibitionsof the Vinaya kept it from direct
political involvement.35
Historically,conflictsbetweenthe Sanghaandthe king aroseover
the issues of propertyandprivileges. Sri LankanBuddhismdiffersfrom
early Indian Buddhism because of the initial and constant royal
patronage.36The Sri LankanSanghaalso owned land(given to it by the
king) and operatedtenantfarms,which were specifically prohibitedto
the earlyIndianmonks.37This gave Sri LankanBuddhismthe nickname
"landlordBuddhism."38Ownership of land seems to have directly
affectedwho could become a Buddhistmonk or nun in Sri Lanka. The
Sanghain Sri Lankais very much tied to the land-holding"goyigama"
caste, which also goes against the supposed breakdown of caste
distinctionsof early IndianBuddhism.39
The bestowal of authorityto the king invested the king with the

House, 1995).
31. Phadnis,Religion and Politics in Sri Lankaat 8 (cited in note 19).
32. Id.
33. R. Gunawardara,Robe and Plough 175 (U of Ariz Press, 1979).
34. Id.
35. Id.
36. Phadnis,Religion and Politics in Sri Lankaat 42 (cited in note 19).
37. Id.
38. Id.
39. Id at 40.

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189] THE TRANSFORMATION
OF BUDDHISM 195

duty to defend the Sangha.40 When the Sangha felt the king had
oversteppedboundariesof his privileges as king, it could rouse the
peasantryto revolt.41This gave it a powerfulace-in-the-holeagainstthe
kings.
The Sangha's closer connection to the peasantryalso allowed it
some control over adjudicationon monasticproperty. The monastery
was often used as a place of refuge for political exiles, criminals,etc.42
The monksrestrictedthe king's powerby theirabilityto keep the king's
officials off their land.43 The only crime over which the king could
overridethe Sangha's interventionwas murder.44This points to one
importantsocial function of the Sangha as intermediarybetween the
king and his subjectsand its ability to act as judge over petty crimes if
the guiltypartysoughtrefugeon monasterylands. The Sanghawas also
used by the kings as emissaryto otherkings on the island to negotiate
disputes and help keep peace between kingdoms.45
In the course of explicatingthe Buddha's injunctionto obey the
king, a fifth century monk, Buddhaghosa,wrote commentaryon the
Vinaya andintroducedthe proviso:"Theking may be obeyed as regard
righteousacts; but in the cases of unrighteousness,no one, whoever it
may be, should be obeyed."46
THEBRITISHRULE(1796-1948)
British rule of Sri Lanka was quite different from both the
Portuguese(1505 - 1658) andthe Dutch (1658-1796) who came before
them.47The othertwo colonial powers were mostly interestedin trade
and the export of spices. These two previous colonialists only
controlled the maritime provinces and did not radically alter the
prevailingindigenousadministrativesystems, althoughall threegained

40. MarshallSinger,TheEmergingElite 15 (M.I.T.Press,1964).

41. Id.
42. TheMonasteries wereevena havenforthe PortugueseCatholicswho were
persecutedby theDutch. Buddhism
Wickremeratne, andEthnicity in SriLankaat206
(citedin note30).
43. Gunawardana, RobeandPloughat 190(citedin note33).
44. Id.
45. Id at 205.
46. Id at 171.
47. RobertCrane& N. GeraldBarrier,BritishImperialPolicyin IndiaandSri
Lanka(HeritagePub,1981).

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196 JOURNALOF LAW& RELIGION [Vol XIV

power in a similar way.48

In a time of social upheaval,a Sri Lankanking (or in the case of
the British, the Kandianelite) turnedto the foreign tradingpower to
help them solve their political problem.49This engagementwith the
outsiders led to the three differentcolonial rules on the island. The
British took control over the island in 1796 when they were asked to
step into the Kandianroyal succession dispute.50 When the British
finally signed the treatywith the Dutch againstthe French, Sri Lanka
was relinquishedto the East India Company.51For the first time, not
only was the whole island under one administration,but the last
Buddhiststrongholdin the Kandiankingdomfell to a colonial power.52
The Britishwere initiallyinterestedin makingthe islanda military
base in case of an IndianOcean battle with France.53To secure their
foothold the British immediately created a professional civil service
with the executive andjudicial branchesin one office.54 The British
were mostly ignorantof local customs and institutions and wrongly
believed that many partsof Sri Lankahad been governed by Roman-
Dutch law.55They also soughtto createnative headmen/overseerswho
would be trainedintermediariesthatwere loyal to the British Crown.56
The British,though,never trustedthese headmenand were constantly
tryingto curtailtheir authorityand influence.57
The BuddhistSanghahad less a problemwith British"laws"than
with the positionof the Britishas "rulers"of Sri Lanka.58By politically
controlling the island, the British in one fell swoop destroyed the
Sangha's social function as the educatorof the peasantryand the link
between it and the king, as well as severing its influence over royal
politicallegitimacyandpower.59The Sangha'sroyal functionwas a key

48. Id.
49. Kandy was a large kingdom in the centerof Sri Lanka. Id.
50. Id.
51. Id.
52. Id.
53. Id.
54. Id.
55. Idat 111.
56. Id.
57. Id.
58. Duncan Derrett,Religion, Law and the State in India 290 (Faber & Faber,
1982).
59. Id.

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189] THE TRANSFORMATION
OF BUDDHISM 197

to understandingthe balance of power in Sri Lanka,suggests Duncan

Derrett.60This institutionalrupturecalled the whole Buddhistsymbolic
and cosmologic orderinto question even though Buddhism's special
status as the state religion was supposedly guaranteedthrough the
KandianCommissionof 1815:61"[T]heReligion of Boodhoo professed
by the Chiefs and inhabitantsof the Provinces is declared inviolable,
and its Rites, MinistersandPlaces of worshipare to be maintainedand
protected."62
The fifth clause of the KandianCommission of 1815 stated that
the protectionof the BuddhistSanghawas similarto what the king had
done for Buddhism.63However, GeneralBrownrigg felt that without
this clause the Britishwould never have been able to maintaincontrol
of Sri Lanka:
[t]hefifthconfirmsthe superstition of theBoodhooin a manner
moreemphaticalthanwouldhavebeen my choice. But as the
reverencefelttowardit atpresentby all classesof theinhabitants
is unboundedand mixedwith a strongshadeof jealousy,and
doubtaboutitsprotection-andthatin ourwaysecurepossession
of thecountryhingeduponthispoint.I foundit necessaryto quiet
uneasinessrespectingit, by articleof guarantee
couchedin more
qualifiedterms.64
What this actually meant to the Sri Lankans though was the
"[m]aintenanceof a certain orthodox interpretationof (Buddhist)
Dharma,the appointmentsof religious authorities,the guardingof the
tooth relic and the patronageof temple schools."65
After a riot broke out againstthe British in 1818, the British felt
it necessaryto even add to the fifth clause: "[a]s well as the priests all
the ceremonies and processions of the Buddhistreligion shall receive
the respectwhich in formertimes was shown to them."66
The irony of havingan Anglicanroyaltythousandsof miles away
overseeingBuddhismin Sri Lankawas resentedby both the Churchof

60. Id.
61. Francois
Houtart, andIdeology
Religion inSriLanka180(Hansa
Pub,1974).
62. Id at 178.
63. Id.
64. TessaBartholemeuzs, WomenUnderthe Bo Tree30 (CambridgeU Press,
1994).
65. Houtart,ReligionandIdeologyin SriLankaat 181(citedin note61).
66. Bartholemeuzs, WomenUndertheBo Tree(citedin note64).

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198 JOURNALOF LAW& RELIGION [Vol XIV

England and the Sangha. The British then tried to break up the
remainingpockets of authorityby disassociatingthe Sangha from the
aristocracyin a way thathad not existedpreviously.67Throughthe use
of different1818 proclamationsthe Britishdeprivedlocal chiefs of their
powers and integratedthem into the British administration.68 Through
these proclamationsthe Governor,who was worriedaboutthe influence
the Sangha had over the aristocracy,sought to put them at odds with
each other:69 "[t]hepriestsappearto be the grandmovers of these plots,
by their influence over the chiefs. They are dangerous and secret
enemies with whom it is difficult to cope."70
The Governorwas a keen politician as well and not only tried to
discouragethe Sangha'sinfluencebut also soughtto win the Sanghato
the side of the British:
Article21: TheGovernordesirousof showingthe adherenceof
Governmentto its stipulationsin favor of the religionof the
people, exemptsall landswhich now are the Propertyof the
Templesfromall Taxationwhatever.71 (Thelocal chiefs' lands
weretaxed.)
At first, the statusof the Sanghaas a protectedinstitutiondid not
change. The British Governorkept the key to the tooth reliquaryand
the armyprotectedtemplelands.72In fact, many of the Governorswere
even sympatheticto Buddhism and enjoyed playing little "kings."73
Theirrelationshipto the Britishgovernmentbecameproblematicin the
1840s when a Methodistmissionary,the Rev. R. Spence-Hardyfrom
India, arguedthat the "principleof non-collusion"between the East
India Companyand Hinduismshould apply to Sri Lankaas well. He
associatedBuddhismwith a formof Hinduism,anddesiredto make the
Britishprotectionof it illegal.74He portrayedthe collusion between a
Christian government and an idolatrous religion as sinful, as a
sanctificationof Buddhismand a violation of the law of God.75

67. Houtart,Religion and Ideology in Sri Lankaat 185 (cited in note 61).
68. Id.
69. The Sanghawas often of the same family and/orcaste as the aristocracy.
70. Id at 186.
71. Id.
72. Id at 208.
73. Wickremeratne, Buddhismand Ethnicityin Sri Lankaat 194 (cited in note 30).
74. Houtart,Religion and Ideology in Sri Lankaat 209 (cited in note 61).
75. F. Houtartsuggests that other British Missionaries were less interested in

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189] THETRANSFORMATION
OF BUDDHISM 199

The Sangharefused to accept any modifications in its protected

status, even though the British government began to pass
disestablishmentpolicies in 1846:
First . . . the Governmentis to withdrawfrom all direct
interferencein theirreligiousobservances. Second, . . . the
custodyof therelicis to be givenupto themselves.Third,... no
morepriestswill be appointed by thegovernment.Fourth,... all
pecuniarypaymentsto thepriestswill cease. Fifth,... all lands
recognizedand registeredas templepropertywill be entirely
exemptedfromtaxation.76
Local British governors began to refuse to participate in the
appointmentof the temple positions and consideredfor awhile stealing
and destroyingthe toothrelic.77The Britishformaldisassociationfrom
Buddhismcame aboutin 1852:
By thisgesture(thereturnof thetoothrelic)theBritishauthority
andits powerwithdrewcompletelyandforeverfromanyactive
supportof paganism;the sanctionof a ChristianGovernment
couldnot upholdand enforce,or even tolerate,the errorsof a
pagancultdevoidof hope.78
After this gesture, the government kept itself separate from
Buddhistceremonies,confiscatedsome temple lands and claimed that
the Buddhistswere on theirown.79Anglican churcheswere built right
next to Buddhist temples for a short time until Anglicanism was
disestablished in 1880, supposedly leaving a completely "secular"
British government.80
The governmentthen tried to establish an organizationfor the
Sanghawhich would help it controlits affairs.81This council,composed
of membersof the aristocracyand importantBuddhistmonks, was the
recipientof the above mentionedtooth relic. The British,by giving up

non-Christian
suppressing religionsthanin creatinga spacewhereallreligionsmight
confrontone anotherwithoutthe state supportingone. They wantedthe "[a]bolition
of the generalizedprotectionover all religiousgroups,in orderto guaranteeprotection
of their own privileged status." Id at 210.
76. Bartholemeuzs,WomenUnderthe Bo Treeat 31 (cited in note 64).
77. Houtart,Religion and Ideology in Sri Lankaat 212 (cited in note 61).
78. Id.
79. Id.
80. Gombrichand Obeyesekere,BuddhismTransformedat 202 (cited in note 18).
81. Houtart,Religion and Ideology in Sri Lanka(cited in note 61).

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200 JOURNAL OF LAW & RELIGION [Vol XIV

the toothrelic, unknowinglyalso transferredthe symbolic authorityfor

ruling the island to the council as well.82 The relic was no longer the
actualsymbol for politicalpower, but it came to be associatedwith the
historicalcontinuityof the Dhammadipa.83 This bindingof Sanghaand
laity into an administrativecouncil provedto be ineffective and slowly
witheredaway since it confused the Buddhistsocial dichotomy of the
monk and the lay person and made the two groups competitive for
social influence.84
As in India, the British publicly claimed that they were not
involved in the "religions" of Sri Lanka, but they were actually
instrumentalin molding a new social model. After the Napoleonic
wars, the British became frantic for economic advancement and
industrialization.85
The colonies (such as Sri Lanka)now had to produce
goods and produce lots of them.86 The entire social web was again
throwninto turmoilas landwas redistributedinto large plantationsfor
new crops(coffee, indigo,cottonandsugarcane) anda Tamilworkforce
was importedfrom India.87
THEREINTERPRETATION
OFBUDDHISM
In the post-disestablishmentperiod, the Sangha, strugglingwith
the Sri Lankanelites for power, was influencedby two orientalists,W.
Rhys Davids and Henry Olcott in regards to their other traditional
function, education. The British governmentwas interestedin both
material as well as moral progress for Sri Lanka. Most British
colonialists felt it was the government'sduty to 'civilize' the natives
througheducation.88Educationwas necessary for social mobility, for
trainingcivil servants, and for spreadingChristianity.89The general
stateof educationin Sri Lankashowedthe Britishgovernmentthattheir

82. Id.
83. The tooth relic now became a symbol of the Mahavamsa's concurrenceof
Buddhismwith Ceylon andwith the Sinhalesepeople. Wickremeratne, Buddhismand
Ethnicityin Sri Lankaat 193 (cited in note 30).
84. Houtart,Religion and Ideology in Sri Lanka(cited in note 61).
85. Crane& Barrier,BritishImperialPolicy in India and Sri Lanka(cited in note
47).
86. Id.
87. Id.
88. Ananda Wickremeratne, The Roots of Nationalism. Sri Lanka 16, 86
(Karunaratne& Sons Ltd, 1995).
89. Id.

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189] THE TRANSFORMATION
OF BUDDHISM 201

own state schools were proving to be completely inefficient and put

them in the uncomfortablepositionof tryingto find someone to educate
the Sri Lankans.90Beside the state, the only organizededucatorswere
the missionaries.91The Britishdid not want to favor any one religious
groupand so they endedup giving aid to all missionaryschools (based
on how many studentspassed certainexams).92
Unlike India where indigenous schools were used, the British
government did not make use of the Sri Lankan pansala schools
(Buddhist)nor did the Sanghafight for its fair shareof the government
grants.93The lack of interestin educationby the Sanghaguaranteedits
demise in the educational arena.94 The cause of the Sangha's
indifferenceis confusing. Wickremeratne suggeststhatalthoughmonks
gained merit by educating populace, throughouttheir history they
the
had to be pushed into teaching by kings who felt that they were too
preoccupiedwith land management.95
Educationin Sri Lankaduringthis time was a complex situation
consistingof competingProtestantmissionarygroups,variouslevels of
governmental interference,and bookfuls of confusing policy. The
colonial government,althoughit did not want to subsidize missionary
activity, ended up doing just thatby using the missions to educate the
Sri Lankans. The British governmentwas more concerned with the
problemsof the missionaries'proselytizationand vernaculareducation
than the Sinhalese, who were primarilyinterestedin English language
acquisition.
Christiancriticism of Buddhism began very early on with the
arrivalof the Portuguese,but did not take on a strategicqualityuntil the
time of the British when many public debates were staged between
ChristianmissionariesandBuddhistmonks. The Christianmissionaries
appearedbent on exactinghostility from the Buddhists. The Sangha's
equanimity frustratedthem, but with the persistent critique and the
establishmentof theirschools, the missionariesfinally forceda response
from the Sangha.

90. Id.
91. Id.
92. Id at 48.
93. Id.
94. Id.
95. Id at 103.

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202 JOURNAL OF LAW & RELIGION [Vol XIV

By 1860 a fledglingBuddhistrevivalmovement,led by the monk

MiguettuwatteGunananda,triedto instill a sense of pride in traditional
cultureas a response to Christianpropaganda.96Many Buddhists felt
thatChristianitywas so successfulbecauseof the diverseculturalforms
it took and the organizationof its institutions, and so their initial
responseswere constrainedby Christianideas and forms.
Gunananda and other Buddhists responded with what
Wickremeratnecalled a "counteroffensive" to Christianitywith their
own printingpresses andpublictracts.97The availabilityof the Bible in
the vernaculargave the monksreadyammunitionto attackChristianity
in its own words, whereasthe missionariescould not do the same with
the Buddhist Dharma. Wickremeratnesays that the Buddhists were
fascinatedby the Old andnot the New Testament,latchingonto the idea
of a "[j]ealousvengeful god to please whom a man might be prepared
to offer his own son in sacrifice."98
With missionaries as examples, the Sangha began to study the
"religion"of the Westerners.The monksdecidedthatthe Christianlaity
in the West were alienatedfrom their religion, which didn't seem to
have anythingto offer them.99The Sangha,relying on its own history
of scholasticism and interpretation,saw the British separation of
political policy from the principlesof theirreligion as a form of moral
alienation.00??Buddhist interest and access to popular western
newspapers and pamphlets seems, in retrospect,remarkable. These
publications kept illustrating to the Sangha how Christians were
desperatelyinterestedin secularism (not religion), how science kept
winning arguments in Victorian England, and how major western
thinkersappreciatedBuddhismratherthanChristianity.'0'The Sangha
began to intimatethat it actually might be the West, which could be
convertedto Buddhismand not vice versa.102
The most useful tools for the Christianmissionaries were the
English translations of Buddhist texts made by Thomas W. Rhys

96. Gombrichand Obeyesekere,BuddhismTransformedat 219 (cited in note 18).

97. Idat231.
98. Id.
99. Id.
100. Id.
101. The major western thinkers who appreciated Buddhism were A.
Schopenhauer,H.G. Wells, and CarlJung. Id at 232.
102. Id.

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189] THE TRANSFORMATION
OF BUDDHISM 203

Davids.'03Rhys Davids (1843-1922) has left one of the most definite

marks on early Buddhist scholarship. He was one of the very first
westernwritersto interpretBuddhismfor both a Europeanas well as a
Sri Lankanaudience, and books by him are still found in Sri Lankan
homes.l04
Rhys Davids was born in Englandto a congregationalminister
who was the local historianfor the Non-conformistsof Essex. He later
spent three years in Germanyearningmoney as an English tutor and
learningSanskritso thathe couldjoin the IndianCivil Service. Instead
of India,he was sent to Ceylonin 1864 with a writershipappointment.'05
His constant complaining and a few political blunders cut short his
tenurein Sri Lanka,and he was sent back to England.'06
While he was still in Sri Lanka,he becameinterestedin philology
and studiedPali with a local monk in orderto read the inscriptionson
ancient ruins in his area.'07 He deemed particular sites of the
Anuradhapuraarea as exemplaryof the Sri Lankan 'golden age' and
petitioned the government to preserve them, which caused him to
become known as some sort of orientalscholar among other English
officials.'08
Upon returningto Englandhe studiedlaw, but gave it up in order
to publish BuddhistPali texts.'09The prospectsfor this type of career
seemed quite bleak since therewere no universitydepartmentsfor this
languagestudy,norwas thereany popularsupport."l0His firstworkwas
on the "essence"of Buddhistthoughtcalled simply Buddhism(1878)
and was published for the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge."' It weaved togethermany differentaspects of Buddhism
into a Gospel-like format, and became the modem textbook on
Buddhism."2The publicationof Buddhismwas intendedto educatethe

103. AnandaWickremeratne,The Genesis of an Orientalist(Motilal Banarsidass,

1984).
104. Id at 17.
105. Id.
106. Id at 113.
107. Id.
108. Id.
109. Id.
110. Id.
111. Id.
112. Id.

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204 JOURNALOF LAW& RELIGION [Vol XIV

apatheticVictorianpublic aboutthe merits of Buddhism as well as to

instill interestfor the missionarycause.113
Rhys Davids consideredthe ancient Pali manuscriptsto be the
purestform of Buddhismand any recentmaterialor modem practices
to be degenerate."4 He began the Pali Text Society in order to
systematicallypublish all the Pali texts in Roman script and translate
them into English."5 This seemed to interesthis monk friends in Sri
Lankawho found reason to fund Rhys Davids' work in England!"6
Thereby,the Sanghanot only gained for themselves the authorityof a
Western scholar, but bestowed on Rhys Davids' translations the
Buddhist seal of approval."7 This allowed for one interpretationof
Buddhism to become the common parlance of debate between the
Sangha and the Missionaries, as well as among English speaking
Buddhists.
As the secretaryof the Royal Asiatic Society, Rhys Davids even
pushedto have Pali and Sanskrit,insteadof local dialects,made partof
the civil service examinations."8His idea was to make orientalistslike
himself into something like an intelligence departmentfor political
controlof the East.119
Part of the orientalist discourse was the idea that the western
presence in Asia was not only for trade but for the promotion of
Christiancivilizationandmorality.'20The Sri Lankanswere supposedly
"deficient"becausetheirreligious system had failed them, or could not
by its very natureproducea superiorperson. Yet, Buddhism,taken as
an ethicalsystem, was focused aroundthe idea of the perfectlyvirtuous
man (Buddha)andthe struggleto emulatethis person. This posed a big
problem for the Christianmissionaries in Sri Lanka. The Sangha
claimed ethical superiorityto Christianityand Rhys Davids had aided
them by portrayingBuddhaas a courageousman, facing life head on,

113. Id.
114. Id.
115. TheBuddhisttextswerescatteredall overthe islandandno one monastery
hadall of them. Id.
116. TheKingof Siamalso gaveThePaliTextSocietymoneyto publish. Id at
154.
117. Idat 151.
118. Id.
119. Idat 172.
120. Id.

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189] THETRANSFORMATION
OF BUDDHISM 205

while searchingfor salvationthroughproperbehavior.'21

Unfortunately, Rhys Davids also felt that the Sinhalese had
betrayedBuddhismandtheiridolatrycausedthem to make Buddhainto
a god.122He felt they needed to returnto the purePali Buddhismof his
translatedtexts.'23 Rhys Davids made Buddhism look like a form of
Protestantism.Sri LankanBuddhismforevermorewas divided into the
"pure"philosophyof the texts andthe "idolatrous"cult of the people. 24
As Christianmissionaries and the Buddhist Sangha were using
English translationsof Buddhist texts (such as the books of Rhys
Davids) to argue the merits of Buddhism, an American entered the
colonial scene and shiftedthe focus once again. HenryS. Olcott(1832-
1907) was bom in New Jersey,andworkedfor a varietyof social causes
until he co-founded the Theosophical society with Madam H.P.
Blavatsky in 1874.125 Theosophy is based to some extent on a mix
betweenpopularspiritualismandcertainreadingsof Easternreligions.126
Olcott's and Blavatsky's attempt to deal with religious pluralism
conflated all religions into one general form of philosophical
mysticism.127 The theme of earlyTheosophywas: "ourBuddhismwas
that of the Master-AdeptGautamaBuddhawhich was identically the
Wisdom Religion of the Aryan Upanishads and the soul of all the
ancientworld-faiths."'28
Olcott was able to acquire and read some early books on
Buddhism, possibly even some by Rhys Davids.129 He accepted the
common distinctionbetweenthe trueBuddhismof the ancientsand the
modem degenerateversion.'30Olcotttook the idea of trueBuddhismas
being of Aryan origin, but he then equated it with all other wisdom
religions, because he saw that it had an esoteric content.'3' This

121. Idat 197.

122. Id.
123. Id.
124. Id at 200.
125. StephenProthero,The WhiteBuddhist,in 6 Tricycle 1 (1996).
126. Id.
127. The TheosophicalMovement1875-1925. A Historyand a Survey(E.P. Dutton
& Co, 1925).
128. Prothero,The WhiteBuddhistat 14 (cited in note 125).
129. Id.
130. Id.
131. Id.

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206 JOURNALOF LAW& RELIGION [VolXIV

Theosophicalunderstandingof Buddhism,though,was contraryto the

one Rhys Davids portraysin his texts as a simple religion of basic
ethical development.'32
Olcott visited Ceylon in 1880 and publicly took Buddhist lay
vows.'33He was warmlyreceivedandwas able to foundmanybranches
of the BuddhistTheosophicalSociety on the island.
Olcott based these branches on Christian missionary models
considering them the best form of promotion.'34 Olcott also
immediately started the first Buddhist school, taught in English,
specificallyto combatthe Christianschools.135Olcott"begana national
fund for the establishmentof Buddhist schools, compiled a Buddhist
catechism, designed a Buddhist flag, and laid the foundations of a
Buddhisteducationmovement."'36He and Blavatsky literallybecame
Ceylonese folk heroes by helping to begin a reform of Buddhism
throughwestern-stylededucation.137
Olcott impressedthe Ceylonese with his hard work as an anti-
Christianmissionary by crossing the island and fundraising for his
EducationFund.'38In thesetravels,Olcottbecamequitebotheredby the
general lack of knowledge among Ceylonese about Buddhism (his
standardbased, of course,on Rhys Davids' books) andby the Buddhist
lack of unity on political matters.139Like Rhys Davids, he decided that
the understandingof "real" Buddhism was lacking and what the
Ceylonese desperately needed was to be educated in his Buddhist
schools. Olcottput togethera catechismof Buddhism,which has been
translatedinto twenty languagesand still is used in Ceylonese schools
today.'40It was only in 1961 that the Sri Lankangovernmentfinally
took over Olcott's Buddhistschools.'4'
Like Rhys Davids' books, most of Olcott's Buddhist education
system emulated Christianmodels: his Buddhist catechism, Young

132. Wickremeratne,The Genesis of an Orientalistat 141 (cited in note 103).

133. Phadnis,Religion and Politics in Sri Lanka(cited in note 19).
134. Id.
135. Id.
136. Id at 68.
137. Houtart,Religion and Ideology in Sri Lankaat 215 (cited in note 61).
138. Prothero,The WhiteBuddhistat 15 (cited in note 125).
139. Id.
140. Id.
141. Id.

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189] THETRANSFORMATION
OF BUDDHISM 207

Men/Women's Buddhist Associations (YMBA/YWBA), Buddhist

Sundayschool andBuddhistarmychaplains.142 This is why E. Phadnis
suggests that Ceylonese Buddhism of this time, influencedso strongly
by Olcott, came to be called "ProtestantBuddhism."143 Sri Lankan
Buddhism was also "protestant"in that it was a "protest"against
Christianity,it began to focus on the laity insteadof the Sangha,and it
was situatedsquarelyin the middle classes.
The true initiatorand founderof the Sri LankanBuddhistrevival
was a disciple of Olcott's. This disciple was an upperclass Sinhalese
lay Buddhist who took the name, Anagarika Dharmapala.'1
Dharmapalamodeled himself on what he consideredas the epitome of
the "archetypalBuddhistideal."'45This ideal was a radicalinnovation
not seen before in Buddhisthistory: a non-monkrenouncerwho was
politicallyinvolved,which Dharmapalacalled "anagarika."'46 This new
Buddhistsocial role, halfwaybetweenembracingthe role of a layperson
and the role of a monk, was based on combination of a Buddhist
upasakaanda Hindubrahmacarin.This new Buddhistrole was a chaste
student but one who could also work in the world. Most scholars
suggestthatthis movementwas the catalystfor the laterpoliticalmonks
who probably emulated Dharmapala,and it was also the model for
many lay Buddhists. Around the time of Dharmapala,the Buddhist
laity were beginningto cross over into many of the Sangha'straditional
functions. By the 1890s therewere quite a few lay Buddhistswho had
put on robes, preached publicly and even chanted at religious
ceremonies.'47Dharmapala'swork furtherblended the line between
monks and devout lay persons.
Dharmapalaset up a code of conduct,like Olcott's catechism,for
SinhaleseBuddhistsandhelped formulatea new vision for Sri Lankan
Buddhism.'48Dharmapala,following on the heels of Olcott, preached
andwrotepamphletsaboutthe demiseof modem Buddhism,but he also
emphasizedanothernew idea:Buddhistnationalismandhatredfor what

142. Phadnis,Religion and Politics in Sri Lankaat 68 (cited in note 19).

143. Id.
144. Wickremeratne,The Genesis of an Orientalist(cited in note 103).
145. Id at 204.
146. Id.
147. Bartholemeuzs,WomenUnderthe Bo Treeat 38 (cited in note 64).
148. Gombrichand Obeyesekere,BuddhismTransformedat 214 (cited in note 18).

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208 JOURNALOF LAW& RELIGION [Vol XIV

he called the Tamil exploiters.149Olcotthad begun a fairlywell crafted

plan for Buddhistrevivalthroughthe auspicesof Theosophy,criticizing
modem Buddhismagainstthe textualsourcespresentedby orientalists
like Rhys Davids. Dharmapala,picking up where Olcott left off, also
interpretedSri LankanBuddhismas not only degenerate,but as a victim
of persecution by the British, the Tamils and almost everyone in
between. After some years, Dharmapalabegan to see the limits of his
association with Theosophy and declaredthat the Theosophists were
leadingmanyBuddhistsastraywith theirstrangeesotericinterpretations
of Buddhist doctrine.'50He was worried that Sri LankanBuddhism
might become just a handmaid of Theosophy.'51 Wickremeratne
suggests that it might have been Rhys Davids who suggested that
DharmapalarenounceTheosophy,but it also might have been Olcott's
pronouncementthat the Buddha's Tooth Relic was really an animal
bone! 152
The Buddhistsof Sri Lankawere the patronsof these venturesby
Rhys Davids and Olcott with their money, time and interest. They
obviously felt thatthese enterpriseswere for their own benefit, giving
themthe tools they neededto competewith andultimatelytriumphover
the missionaries. This western interpretationof Buddhist texts and
schools perhaps helped spark the nationalist revival that sought to
reestablishindigenous values and gain Buddhistrepresentationin the
government.
CONCLUSION
The Sanghahad been the traditionalintelligentsiaand educatorof
Sri Lankansociety. The laity had no way of getting to the Buddhist
scripturesunless they went to the Sangha for teachings. The Pali
scriptures,now translatedand printedinto many languages are much
more accessible,allowingfor moreinterpretationby manymorepeople.
The Sinhalese Buddhist elite now joined the Sangha in interpreting
Buddhisthistory,which has helpedto disintegratethe Sangha's former
monopoly on BuddhistDharma.
The Sinhala elites soaked up the Buddhism of Rhys Davids'

149. Id.
150. Id.
151. Id.
152. Wickremeratne,The Genesis of an Orientalistat 224 (cited in note 103).

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189] THE TRANSFORMATION
OF BUDDHISM 209

books, takingon his biases, andhelpedsend Theosophy-fundedteachers

into the villages to teach this version of Buddhismto the peasants.'53
The laity did not stop there but continuedto challenge the Sangha by
taking on the social role of monks themselves.
This new Buddhism had a strong anti-colonial bias, which
provided a value system for Sinhala upper-classes. The Sangha still
supposedlyembodiedthe values of society owing to the dignity it was
accorded,but it also hadto respondto fiercecriticismfromthe Christian
missionaries as well as power usurpationby its own elites. This
undermining of traditional Sri Lankan Buddhism ended up by
redirectingthe Sangha'srole in society. For instance,the Sanghawas
now expectedto come to the laity, as the missionariesdid, andperform
rites it was once excluded from (that is, marriages). Some of the new
social roles for the Sangha had historical precedent, but the half-
monk/half-layman(Dharmapala)was entirely new. The Sangha was
caughtin betweenDharmapala'sexampleandthe rule thatmonks were
not to be political actors(even Dharmapaladeclaredthatmonks should
not take part in politics). The Sangha was also caught between its
traditionalrole as a companyof recluses andthe modem critiquethatit
should serve society pastorallyas chaplainand schoolteacher.
The Sinhalese Sangha refused to be "privatized"by the British
government, and overpoweredby the Sri Lankan elites. Using its
immense historicalknowledge,the BuddhistSanghatook its totalizing
vision of Sri Lankan society public with pamphlets and preaching,
leading up to the 1940's Colombo college-monks' movement called
"Vidyalankara."'54In 1956, The Buddhist Committee of Inquiry
published a text called the "Betrayalof Buddhism",laying out their
political ideology, which was implemented by the election of
Bandaranaiketo PrimeMinisterthe same year.155By 1972, Buddhism
regainedits recognitionas the majorityreligion(in the constitution)and
the new social role of the Sanghanow has monks runningfor seats in
the parliament.156
Independencemade it clear that the old "irenic"Buddhism had
disappeared;the Sanghais presentlyinterestedin rectifying historical

153. Gombrichand Obeyesekere,BuddhismTransformedat 210 (cited in note 18).

154. Id.
155. Id.
156. Id.

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210 JOURNALOF LAW& RELIGION

grievances. The present is, of course, colored by past glories as the

Sanghatries to erase the historicalinterruptionof colonial rule.
The king has gone, but the Buddhaand the gods remainedas
unbalanced partsof a system,whichhadevolvedthroughmore
thantwo millenniums.Politicaldemandsfor the restorationof
place"as well as fortheSinhalization
Buddhismto its "rightful of
Government areall endeavorsto restorethebalance,to finda new
socialandpoliticalvariationon an ancientculturaltheme.'57
Historically, the Buddhist ideal of kingship entailed the
stabilizationof society andthe patronageof religions. As the king was
the paragonof lay manhood,so the Buddhawas the paragonof religious
manhood. Without the king or the support of the state, Buddhism
seemed to have no internalway of maintainingits old position.
F. HoutartsuggeststhatBuddhismis "susceptibleto compromises
with spontaneousproductions."'58 Thatis, by allowing certainpolitical
accidentsto overrulethe moreessentialDharma,Buddhismhas changed
itself and is now seeking to be the paragonof both the religious and
political arenas.
Sri Lankan society might have betrayed Buddhism by not
restoringBuddhismto its dominantplace andtraditionalfunctions. The
"betrayal"could also be the Sangha's own forgetfulnessof its role as
guardianof the BuddhistDharmaandVinaya,which it is now breaking
throughnationalismand ethnichatred.'59If one of the centraltenets of
TheravadanBuddhismhas been the distinctionbetweenthe worldlyand
the supermundane,then the modem Sri Lankanform of Buddhism is
something entirely different. It is a "Protestant-like"Buddhism that
foregoes the traditionaltoleranceof otherreligions and "decorousstyle
of presentationfor a polemical stance."160

157. Hans-DieterEvers, Monks,Priests and Peasants 15 (E.J. Brill, 1972).

158. Houtart,Religion and Ideology in Sri Lankaat 94 (cited in note 61).
159. StanleyTambiah,BuddhismBetrayed?Religion,Politics and Violencein Sri
Lanka(U of Chi Press, 1991).
160. Gombrichand Obeyesekere,BuddhismTransformedat 218 (cited in note 18).

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