ROYAL CONSERVATOIRE OF SCOTLAND

How music was used as

political tool for
denazification of
Western German
society
Luiz Mello
4/22/2016

Abstract: This paper aims to explain how music can be used as way to instil certain
values in society, encouraging some desirable behaviour and discouraging what is
considered unacceptable. It takes as an example the denazification of Western
German society in the American-occupied area, through music summer courses and
festivals, as well as the less planned but no less important impact of jazz and blues . In
order to put this theme in perspective, this paper will also approach how traditional
German composers were used to reinforce the sentiment of Arian supremacy by the
Nazi propaganda.
2

Table of Contexts

Introduction
.. 2

The Weimar Republics

years
. 3

The Nazi
years
. 4

Charlie and His Orchestra: Jiving with

Goebbels. 6

Post-war Germany: A pre-modern

society................................................................................ 9

Turning the page: the first moments of the American occupation in

Germany 10

Jazz during the occupation:

Introduction
13

Jazz in West Germany,

1950's
.15

German Jazz in the 60's: first effects of the denazification

effort..17

Darmstadt's Internationale Freikurse fur Neue Musik and Donaueschingen

Festival...20

The Freiekurse and its role on the political

stage..22

Music meets technology: Post-War Electronic Music and its

contribution.25
3

Conclusion

.27

Bibliography
30
4

Introduction

Cultural indoctrination can be one of the most silent and dangerous

weapons of any group or movement seeking power. It comes smartly disguised as

entertainment forms, dressing utopias as attainable realities, encouraging behavioural

changes in society. More than that, through cultural indoctrination, certain groups can

convince the people that such changes are the only way to achieve a better society,

usually and most sadly uniting the people against an invented or hyperbolised

common enemy. In such indoctrination, diversity is surely not taken into account. It is

not enough to emphasize certain aspects of a given culture, it also has to come with

censorship of anything that has to do with this enemy.

The aim of this work is to analyse how music can be used as medium for

social transformation and ideological disseminator, via institutional control. The first

part of this research deals with the high status that musicians enjoyed in Germany

until the end of WWI and how the crisis during interwar period degraded their

financial and professional situation, as well as how Nazi propaganda incorporated

some of the musical class' demands in their policies. The Nazi regime also offers a

great example of artistic control for political purposes and how a central power can

use countercultural music for its own purpose.

The second part approaches the first moments of the post-war period and

the reconstruction effort. It also deals with the challenges faced by the Allied Army in

governing a devastated land, with no operational transport and communication,

massive homelessness and cities with virtually no standing buildings. More

importantly, it deals with the fierce resistance by German society to anything

American-related, due in part to the massive anti-American propaganda laid by the

Nazis.
5

The final part analyses how post-war modernism, jazz and blues promoted

creative, intellectual and behavioural changes that would be inconceivable during the

Nazi years, as well as the challenges they met in the first moment. Even though the

first denazification initiatives took place between 1945 and 1955, some of them would

present verifiable effects only from the 60's on.

The Weimar Republic's years

During the years before the First World War, the German government

substantially supported the artistic community. Towns with population as little as

50,000 to 60,000 would have one legitimate theatre, a symphony orchestra and an

opera house playing throughout the year. and every city with a population of

100,000 or more gad at least one opera house performing daily.1 All of it would be

subsidised by the city council or the German government.

The previous privileged status that musicians have enjoyed in German

society gave place to the deep financial hardship in the Weimar years. While still

debilitated by the outcome of the First World War, Germany also had to deal with the

Great Depression. Deep budget cuts were imposed by the government on the artistic

sector and the dwindling purchasing power of the population put the musicians in a

very vulnerable position. Between 1929 and 1933, German orchestras were severely

diminished some, even extinguished due to the austerity measures that followed

the Depression. Alan Steinweis describes the crisis in numbers:

The city of Cologne reduced its orchestra appropriation by 38%

between 1931-1932 and 1932-1933 seasons. In Dusseldorf the
city orchestra laid off 42 of its 105 musicians before 1932-1933

1Warkentin, Erwin. History of the Information Control Division OMGUS, 1944 to June 30, 1946.
Page 106. http://www.erwinslist.com/Files/History%20I.pdf
6

concert season. In Aachen the city orchestra was reduced cut

from
60 to 52, and those musicians who were kept on lost
permanent
employment status and instead were hired on six-month
contract.
The city orchestra in Dortmund was slashed from 92 to 56
musicians.
In Koblenz the city orchestra was simply dissolved. 2

More than a social problem, the crippling unemployment rates and

unprecedented hardship faced by musicians and other artists were an icon of

Chancellor Brunnings failed administration. Artists were to starve in the land of

Kultur. It reflected directly onto the Central Partys image and its liberal policies, by

then enduring massive public rejection. The crisis led the musicians and artists in

general to unionize, in order to press the government for better conditions and

opportunities.

The Nazi years

Together with the Weimar Republic, the idea that art could exist in a

separate instance of social life - disconnected from the political and ideological

realities of the time - had collapsed. According to Steinweis, even if the majority of

German artists remained beside (or above) the political tumult, () the minority that

did become politically active helped shape and define the larger struggle. 3

The artistic unions previously mentioned provided the bases for the

Chamber of Culture - something that had been long aspired by the artists in the Nazi

period. The creation of the Chamber of Culture meant the abolition of all the other

artists guilds. Joseph Goebbels saw those artists unions as a powerful medium to

2Alan E. Steinweis. Art, Ideology and Economics in Nazi Germany. University of North Carolina
Press, 1993. Page 14.

3Idem. Page 20.

7

diffuse Nazi propaganda, due to the importance that the German society traditionally

gives to arts. By attending to some of the artistic community demands, the regime

could make strategic allies.4

The musicians enjoyed a privileged situation in the first years

of the Nazi regime, in comparison with other artists. The artists could be allocated in

four categories of professionals: wage earners (Arbeiter), salaried employees

(Angestellte), civil servants (Beamte), or members of free professional (freie Berufe).

While 79% of the musicians were in one of the first three categories, 80% of sculptors

and painters were free professionals. 5

On the rise of the Nazi regime, not only performers and composers were

co-opted by the Nazi propaganda, but also musicologists, critics, and educators were
6
to support and endorse the regime via manifestos, articles and books. Villains of

Wagners operas were used to caricaturize the Jews, Nietzsches philosophy was used

to endorse Aryan supremacy. Composers like Richard Strauss and artistic medallions

such as Karajan, lent their art and reputation to Nazi events. With the exaltation of

German art, came the censorship of modern art, seen as result of racial degeneration

and foreign influences. The policies put into practice by the prominent National

Socialist Hans Severus Ziegler - appointed to the position of Culture, Art and

Theater in Thuringia, still in 1931, to protect the moral forces against foreign

influence and glorification of Negroidism - were now in force in the whole Nazi

Germany.7

4Idem.

5Idem. Page 8.

6Michael Mayer. The Nazi Musicologists as Myth Makers of the Third Reich. Journal of
Contemporary History Vol. 10, No. 4. October, 1975.

7Alan E. Steinweis. Art, Ideology and Economics in Nazi Germany. University of North Carolina
Press, 1993. Page 24.
8

If a considerable portion of the artistic community welcomed the changes

brought by the Nazi regime consider their situation during the Weimar Republic years

soon it became clear that the Chamber of Culture was not a gift given by the Nazi

government to sponsor free spirited artists. In fact, they were not free at all. Jewish

artists, homosexuals, socialists and any other artists that did not fit in the Reich

standards were ousted from German cultural life. Those artists whose work would

praise the regime were warmly welcomed, those who were against it, would be

mercilessly ruled out. Not only Jewish artists lost their positions, but anyone opposing

the Nazi government or producing works that did not fit to the regimes ideas were

cast out of the German artistic life.

Composers like Paul Hindemith, Ernst Toch and Arnold Schoenberg had to

flee from Nazi Germany and those who remained in Germany found themselves

isolated from international development and most were engaged in writing music that

was psychologically effective to the Nazi cause rather than producing something

creative and of free expression8. Eight months before Germany's capitulation, the

Reich went on state of total war and for the first time in its history, all the theatres
9
were closed.

Charlie and His Orchestra: Jiving with Goebbels

During the first years of the Nazi period, jazz suffered severe censorship

from the Reichsmusikkammer (following orders of Joseph Goebbels himself), due to its

Afro-American roots. It was a fear among the more conservative Nazis that such music

8Warkentin, Erwin. History of the Information Control Division OMGUS, 1944 to June 30, 1946.
Page 108. http://www.erwinslist.com/Files/History%20I.pdf

9Warkentin, Erwin. Opus cit. Page 106

9

could corrupt the "purity and discipline" of the Aryan youth. In his speeches, Joseph

Goebbels was adamant on his opinion about jazz: it was nothing but "jungle music." 10

The fact that jazz was the most popular music at time in the Western world

and a taste inherited from the Weimar years posed a problem for the censors of the

regime, who had to prohibit several new jazz compositions from being broadcasted.

Some of them were smartly disguised as German music and often succeeded in

cheating on the censorship or receiving benevolent evaluation from a censor more

open to American music.11

The paranoia about the effects of jazz on the Aryan moral led to some

bizarre decrees, trying to make jazz meet the regime's moral standard, as recollects

the Czech dissident Josef Skvorecky in his book The Bass Saxophone. The changes

would include limits for the syncopations (it should not be more than 10% of the

composition) of the music, to make it more legato and to avoid the "hysterical

rhythmic reverses characteristic of the barbarian races and conductive to dark

instincts alien to the German people", the double-bass should always be played with a

bow, preference for "composition in major keys and lyrics expressing joy in life, rather

than Jewish gloomy music, prohibition of the use of mutes "which turns the noble

sound of wind and brass instruments into a Jewish-Freemasonic yowl" as well as

prohibition of the use of plucked strings, "since it is damaging to the instrument and
12
detrimental to Aryan musicality."

Although jazz was considered improper for German ears, Goebbels realised

that, since it was impossible to completely ban it from Reich's musical scene, he could

use for the regime's purpose. The paragraph above demonstrated how Goebbels tried

10Mike Dash. Hitler's very own hot jazz band. Smithsonian.com. May 17, 2012. Source:
http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/hitlers-very-own-hot-jazz-band-98745129/?no-ist

11Guido Fackler. Jazz under the Nazis. Source: http://holocaustmusic.ort.org/politics-and-

propaganda/third-reich/jazz-under-the-nazis/

12 Mike Dash. Opus cit.

10

to reframe jazz for German consumption, but he went further, trying to use its

acceptance in the Allied countries to spread his propaganda in enemy territory.

Around 1940, Goebbels conceived the creation of a jazz band with an

English speaker singer singing "parodies" of the latest jazz hits. The band was called

"Charlie and His Orchestra" and the parodies were full of Nazi propaganda and

mockery of Winston Churchill, the American Army and Jews. 13 The recordings were

mostly broadcasted to UK and US and the song Little Sir Echo, for example, went back

to them like this:

Poor Mr. Churchill, how do you do?

Hello, hello
Your famous convoy are not coming through
Hello
German U boats are making you sore...
You're always licked, not a victory came through 14

According to Mark Dash, the fact that German listeners were not interested

in National Socialist music for entertainment and the Allied bombs were corroding

people's morale, made the Ministry of Propaganda compromise on subjects that were

unnegotiable before 1939, after all they were fighting jazz in radios or on stage and

losing.15

Despite his personal war on jazz, Goebbels had to turn to jazz specialists to

create his Nazi big band. For band leader, he chose Lutz Templin, a renowned tenor

saxophonist who "led one of the best swing bands before the war." Templin was also

recommended for the position for his quick adoption to Nazi society, although not

being a Nazi himself. Mark Dash quotes the story where Templin , in order to make a

contract with Deutsche Grammophon, ousted the Jewish leader of his orchestra.

Templin's connections with Nazi officials and his reputation as jazz musician brought

him to Goebbel's attention, in 1939.

13Deutsche Welle - culture. Swinging for Goebbels. Source: http://www.dw.com/en/swinging-for-
goebbels/a-1124275

14Idem.

15Mark Dash. Ibid.

11

Karl Schwedler (Charlie), an employee of the Foreign Ministry with perfect

English and some talent for singing was the crooner of the new enterprise. In charge of

broadcasting the show called Political Cabaret, were the Irish-American Willian Joyce

(or Lord Haw Haw) and the British Norman Baillie-Stewart, who later came to be the

last man hanged for treason in Britain. 16 17

Dash stresses though, the band's repertoire

was largely based on dance standards, being jazz actually the smaller part. Movie

themes from Hollywood musical numbers from Broadway were also common.

The Czech accordionist Kamil Behounek, who also played in the band,

recollects his impression on Charlie and His Orchestra:

"I got in Berlin in the evening. In the darkness, I could make

out the ruined buildings which bore witness to the devastating
air raids. Next morning, I went to the huge broadcasting centre
on the Masurenalle... I felt like Alice in Wonderland. Here was
this big dance orchestra with three trumpets, three trombones,
four saxes, a full rhythm group. And they were swinging it! And
how! They were playing up-to-date hits from America! Lutz
Templin had got together the best musicians from all over
Europe for his band."18

By the end of the war, many of the band members had to join the army

and were replaced by musicians from Belgium, France and Italy. The musicians now

had to make one session in the morning, for the propaganda effort, and in another

studio in the afternoon, to play for German radios. Charlie and His Orchestra recorded

as much as 270 tracks, between 1941 and 1943. Those recordings were distributed in

prisoner camps (being mostly destroyed by its prisoners) and broadcasted at home

and abroad.

Charlie and His Orchestra stayed on air in the Allied countries (and more

discreetly, inside Germany) until a month before the end of the war, without any
16Ibid.

17BBC News. Treason in Uk: recent cases. Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/4131696.stm

18Ibid.
12

evidence of having reached their goal to weaken the enemy through psychological

warfare.19

Post-war Germany: A pre-modern society

The Germany of the end of the war was hardly recognizable by anyone

who knew the glory of its past. The invasion of the Allied forces from the West and of

the Soviets from East, literally tore the country apart. Hitler's policy of resisting the

invasion of any cost with no negotiation and no surrender, led to the complete

destruction of German historical cities and landmarks. About 80 percent of the

historical buildings were completely destroyed. Cities like Berlin, Hamburg, Cologne,

Munich, among many others, were nothing but ruins when the Third Reich finally fell.

About 14 million cubic meters of rubble were piled after the war, in West Germany

alone.20

The unprecedented scale of destruction led to massive homelessness - in

Dusseldorf, 93 percent of the houses were uninhabitable, for example - and civilians

from former territories occupied by the regime were wandering around with no place

to go. The Allied Forces would have to come to terms with what to do with 1.5 million

German prisoners of war, civilian refugees of various nationalities, crashed economy,

risk of starvation and epidemics, no operational transport or communication services

and of course, there was no government or functional bureaucratic apparatus to follow

19Mike Dash. Opus cit.

20Spiegel Online International. Out of the Ashes: A New Look at Germany's Post-war
Reconstruction. http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/out-of-the-ashes-a-new-look-at-
germany-s-postwar-reconstruction-a-702856.html
13

the Allied Forces commands. As Field-Marshall Montgomery said: "We have won the

German war. Let us now win the peace."21

In the conference of Yalta, in February 1945, it was accorded between the

winning parties of the war (United States, Britain, Soviet Union and France) that the

German territory would be divided among them in four occupation zones. Originally;

the plan was that the country would be governed as "single entity by central German

administrations", but each zone ended up being administrated by its respective

occupier with relative independence for the first two years of occupation.

By 1949, the three Western zones (American, British and French) were

formally unified in the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) and the Soviet

zone became the German Democratic Republic (East Germany). While free market

policies were employed in the West Germany, the East Germany would be loyal to the
22
Soviet Union until 1989, with the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Turning the page: the first moments of the American occupation in Germany

The principles governing our control policy are simple. It is

above all essential that we should not give the impression of
trying to regiment culture in a Nazi manner. Such an attempt
would be in any case doomed to failure. It is hard to decide the
exact degree of harm done to our cause by particular
compositions. Further, even if any index expurgatorius could
be compiled, its purpose would be soon defeated; any
oppositional organization could adopt and apparently
innocent piece, e.g., by attaching new words to a harmless
popular song.23

21Chris Knowles. Germany 1945-1949: a case study in post-conflict reconstruction. 29 January

2014. http://www.historyandpolicy.org/policy-papers/papers/germany-1945-1949-a-case-study-
in-post-conflict-reconstruction

22Idem.
14

The above is the first paragraph of a document called Music Control

Instruction N.1, issued by the Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force

Psychological Warfare Division, (SHAEF PWD) and it summarizes the strategies for

denazification of the American occupied zone. The Psychological Warfare Division's

purpose cannot be explained by the literal interpretation of its name. It was rather a

division aimed to fight the Nazi ideologies that Goebbels embedded in German Kultur

since great German personalities in music, theatre, literature and philosophy were

used by the Nazi propaganda to affirm the Arian Supremacy. The Nazi called it

Kunstpolitik, a doctrine designed "to make art serve politics and to make politics serve

art". According to Erwin Warkenting, its activities consisted in:

a) to wage psychological warfare against the enemy;

b) to use the various media available to psychological warfare
to sustain the morale of the people of friendly nations occupied
by the enemy and to cause the people of these countries to
acquiesce in the wishes of the Supreme Commander;
c) to conduct so-called Consolidation Propaganda operations in
liberated friendly countries, and
d) to control information services in Allied-occupied Germany. 24

One of the main targets of the PWD was to control strictly theatre and

music affairs. In this case, strict control meant the control of:

publication and distribution of music, the recording and

distribution of mechanical reproductions and control of all
theatrical and music activities such as plays, operettas,
musical comedies, plays with incidental music, variety,
cabaret, ballet, dance recitals, fairs, circuses, carnivals,
concerts, operas, recitals and public music and any other kind
of live entertainment employing actors or musicians. 25

23Office of Military Government, United States (OMGUS) Information Control Division. Music
Control Instruction N. 1.

24SHAEF, Operation Memorandum No. 8, 11 March 44. Apud Erwin Warkenting, op. cit.

25MGR Title 21, Information Control. Apud Erwin Wartenkin, op. cit.
15

With this policy, the PWD intended to cast out the last members of the

artistic business with Nazi inclinations. A Nazi-free artistic scene also meant that the

remaining Nazi sympathizers would not have a channel to broadcast their views,

making their reorganization more unlikely. Above all, it was important to recreate the

artistic life in the occupied areas to give to the German people the sense that the

situation was going back to normality.

In fact, Roy Harris asked in a letter to Elliott Carter, what would be the "ten

composers of symphonic and chamber music whom you think are most worthy

American culture to European nations"26, on behalf of the Office of War Information,

4th
still in May 1945, a bit before the end of the war. It clearly demonstrates how

Americans were already concerned about how they would "repopulate" the German

musical scenario (since many of the leading German musicians were Jewish or against

the regime) even before the end of the war.

Part of the re-orientation plan was to advertise the American culture,

sponsoring tournees of names such as Leonard Bernstein, who went to Germany as a

cultural ambassador, in 1948.27 The reports about how German musicians received

Bernstein's visit depicts the still ongoing tension between the German and American

musicians. In the morning when Bernstein was scheduled to conduct the Bavarian

State Opera, in a concert sponsored by OMGUS, the musicians "started a food strike
28
and at first it was thought that there could be no concerts." Although, in the end of

the same report, the writer says that the animosities were soothed and that "all press

26Roy Harris, letter to Elliott Carter, May 4 1945. In Amy C. Beal. Opus cit. Page 474

27Amy C. Beal. The Army, the Airwaves and the Avant-Garde: American Music in Post-War
Germany. American Music, Vol. 21, No. 4 (Winter, 2003), pp. 474-513. University of Illinois
Press, 2003.

28Undated document reporting on musical events in Bavaria in 1948; held in the OMGUS
Records of Military Government, Hesse, Educational and Cultural Relations Division, Theater
and Music Branch, Correspondence and other records, 1946-49, box 727, Record Group
(hereafter RG) 260, National Archives and Records Administration. Apud Amy C. Beal, opus cit.
Page 476.
16

reports were exceptionally enthusiastic" 29, according to Amy C. Beal, good part of

Bernstein's success was due to packs of cigarettes offered by the Bavarian Military

Government office to the striking members of the orchestra. 30

Jazz during the occupation

Introduction

The careful plan of musical reorientation toiled by the Americans did not

include the propagation of jazz. There was no official document dealing with the

concerns of what jazz composers would better represent the American culture, such as

the aforementioned letter between Roy Harris and Elliot Carter. Partially, it was

because the Americans wanted to show their classical musical production in order to

debunk the Nazi myth that they were cultureless people and also because they knew

that the American soldiers would bring jazz to Germany anyway. In fact, jazz was

restricted to GI's entertainment, either in closed performances in "American clubs and

the broadcasts of American Armed Forces Radio," while the Information Control

Division would take care of high level orchestral ensembles, trying to convince their

musicians that American composers were also worth playing. 31

The increasing tension between the Soviet and American occupation

zones (especially in Berlin) forced the American army to fight another propaganda
29Idem.

30Idem.

31Elizabeth Janik. Recomposing German Music: Politics and Musical Tradition in Cold War
Berlin. Brill. 2005. Page 123.
17

battle, since the Soviets were quick to reinforce the image of the Americans as

"cultureless people", through their newspaper in their occupied zone called Tagliche

Rundschau (Daily Journal). In this newspaper, they would often publish articles about

how the Russians praised Goethe or Beethoven, implying that they had the culture

that lacked in their American counterparts. 32

Public opinion polls carried by the American army between '45 and '50

showed the results of the campaign: Germans were reluctant to adopt the American

democratic values at the cost of their own culture. The American radio station in Berlin

was struggling with the dwindling amount of listeners, due to its jazz program. 33

Notwithstanding, there were still jobs for jazz musicians in cities now full of Americans.

Even some members of Charlie and His Orchestra, who were broadcasting from

Stuttgart in the end of the war, were commissioned by the American soldiers after the

invasion of the city and continued playing through Germany during the occupation

years, despite OMGUS' effort to cleanse the stages from Nazi artists. 34

Jazz divided opinions on both sides of Berlin's Wall. If in the West it was

rejected by more conservative Germans as potentially morally corruptive music, in the

East it was consider soulless and music of inexistent intellectual meaning, by the

government. Nonetheless, the GDR's official position about jazz is that there were

actually two kinds of jazz: the Ur Jazz (the early and original jazz from the Afro-

American lower classes) and "perfumed hit song", which would be a profit-aimed

industrialized product, hence depleted from artistic value. 35

32 The Cambridge History of the Cold War: Volume 1, Origins. Edited by Melvin P. Leffler and
Odd Ame Westad. Page 404.

33Idem.

34Deutsche Welle - culture. Swinging for Goebbels. Source: http://www.dw.com/en/swinging-for-

goebbels/a-1124275

35Toby Thacker. Periphery and centre: German musicians in the Cold War. History in focus.
Source: http://www.history.ac.uk/ihr/Focus/cold/articles/thacker.html
18

The situation of jazz in West Germany would still take long to improve. Jazz

would have to wait until the 60's (much after the end of the occupation) to be

accepted and even funded by West Germany's institutional cultural symbol, the

Goethe Institut, thanks to its mixture with German folkloric music, brewed by a new

generation of German jazz musicians. 36

In East Germany, the situation was far less favourable for jazz and it would

not be until the mid-fifties that some fierce advocates of jazz would achieve a few

timid victories. Perhaps, Reginald Rudorf was the most influential of them all. Rudorf

was an important member of the East Germany Socialist Unit Party (SED) and through

articles and conferences, defended what he called "authentic jazz", a genuine music

from the oppressed Afro-American and lower classes, totally suitable for the German

working class. He succeeded to the extent of the amount of repertoire he made fit into

the Party's policy and managed to made publicly acceptable, but he still faced strong

resistance in the beginning.

Through the bureaucratic leniency brought by the turmoil of the uprising of

1953, Rudorf saw the opportunity to expand the field for jazz. Although, due to some

controversial choices such as performing jazz in Protestant churches and lecturing

about jazz in West Germany, he was arrested in 1957 for "slandering the Freie

Deutsche Jugend (Free German Youth) and the SED for having used jazz as a cover for

political crimes."37

Jazz in West Germany, 1950's

Many of the jazz musicians that populated the German scene after the war

were, in a way or another, performing jazz during the war, clandestinely. The
36Andrew Wright Hurley. The Return of Jazz: Joachim-Ernst Berendt and West Germany Cultural
Change. Berghahn Books. 1 Feb 2012. Page 98.

37Uta A. Poiger. Searching for Proper New Music: Jazz in Cold War Germany. University of
Michigan Press. Source: https://www.press.umich.edu/pdf/0472113844-ch5.pdf. Page 90.
19

musicians of Charlie and his Orchestra, as previously mentioned, chamaleonically

adapted themselves to the new reality in a Germany full of Americans and soon after

zero hour, were already performing for the GIs. Ulrich Adelt, in his book Black, White

and Blue: Racial Politics of Blues music in the 1960s, brings two more exemplary

cases: Horst Lippmann and Fritz Rau.

Horst Lippmann was the son of a wealthy Jewish family, owners of the

Hotel Continental, in Frankfurt. He founded an illegal jazz club, the Hot Jazz Frankfurt,

in his father's restaurant and got arrested by the Gestapo after the latter

acknowledged Lippmann's publication of a jazz newsletter, with schedules of swing

shows on BBC London and Radio Stockholm.38

Fritz Rau was an orphan of both parents since young age. In 1940,

he moved to Berlin with his half-brother and his wife. According to Adelt, his

brother Walter Rau "owned a textile factory and was consultant for the military

apparel () and was also good friend with Albert Speer, Adolf Hitler's chief

architect."39 The young Rau, Adelt adds, also joined the Hitler Youth and

wanted to fight the war for the Reich.40

After the end of the war, Rau got to know swing and modern jazz, through

radio sessions and a jazz club in Heidelberg, where he worked as a bookkeeper. Rau

often talked about his "rebirth" through jazz, which he saw as an "embodiment of

freedom, individuality, ad humanity, the polar opposite of what the National Socialism

stood for"; it was the "denazification of body and soul."41

38Ulrich Adelt. Black, White and Blue: Racial Politics of Blues Music in the 60's. ProQuest, 2007.

39Idem. Page 138.

40Ibid.

41Rau quoted in Brigl and Schmidt-Joos, Buchhalter der Trume, 68. In Ultrich Adelt, ibid. Page
138-139.
20

Although Lippmann's and Rau's stories bear little resemblance, according

to Adelt, there is one thing that unifies them: "both experienced jazz as a tool of

denazification and believed in its potential to augment the liberation of Germany." 42 In

1957, Lippmann and Rau started promoting their own jazz concerts, opening space for

many young German jazz musicians.

In a different book, American Quarterly, Adelt identifies a deliberated

effort from Lippmann and Rau to denazify both East and West Germany through jazz.

In fact, considering the bibliography gathered so far, it was clear that jazz would

become a powerful political asset since the first moments after the end of the war. In

the 50's, jazz was already widely accepted by the "white middle-class" critics, for its

antiracial and democratic features. Singlehandedly, jazz was promoting desegregation

and freedom in West Germany, and feeding resistance musicians on the other side of
43
the Iron Curtain.

Although on Goethe Institut's website, jazz is described as "the sound of

freedom" a "symbol of individuality and optimism" 44 (a view emphasized by the

American Cold War propaganda), composers like Dizzy Gillespie would later point that

the situation was far different in an America where Joseph McCarthy and Jim Crow

were influential politicians and lawmakers, questioning the current mainstream view

on jazz that it was "inherently democratic." 45

Despite the very little institutional attention that jazz received in the early

years of post-war, both in USA and in the occupied zone (still struggling with the

stigma of 'low culture' among many white Americans and Germans), it had more allies

than the GIs and the Army Forces' radios. According to Uta Poiger, the American

42Idem. Page 139.

43Ulrich Adelt. American Quarterly. Vol. 60, No 4. John Hopkins University Press. Dec. 2008.

44Goethe Institut Website. After 1945: Jazz in Germany. Source:

https://www.goethe.de/en/kul/mus/gen/jaz/ruc/4932331.html

45 Ulrich Adelt. American Quarterly. Vol. 60, No 4. John Hopkins University Press. Dec. 2008.
Page 952.
21

entertainment industry (specially the movie industry, she stresses), pressed

government officials for deeper and wider insertion of American entertainment in

Europe, but it would not be until the early 50's that American movies and popular

music were available to a wide German audience. 46

German Jazz in the 60's: first effects of the denazification effort

By the end of the 50's, jazz had much wider public acceptance, but the

numbers of jazz clubs and live jazz performance still did not attend the increasing

demand from part of Western German society. For those who wanted to promote jazz

in West Germany, there was still one issue to tackle: rejection from the upper-middle

class. Horst Lippmann and Fritz Rau tried to address to both problems at once. Since

they started promoting jazz concerts together, in 1955, they organized projects like

Jazz at the Philharmonic concerts of American businessman Norman Granz in West

Germany.47 Lippmann and Rau realized that despite the resistance of the higher social

strata to jazz, it could be soothed by placing the concerts in a concert hall with its

musicians "wearing tuxedos".48 According to Adelt, Granz helped Lippman and Rau to

bring Oscar Peterson, Ella Fitzgerald, Leslie Young, Dizzy Gillespie and Benny Goodman

1957, for the first edition of the spectacle. 49

Rau, in his memoir 50 Years Backstage (50 Jahre Backstage), writes about

his impressions on the Modern Jazz Quartet (one of the concerts he promoted), in

Frankfurt:

46Uta Poiger. Jazz, Rock and Rebels: Cold War Politics and American Culture in a Divided
Germany. University of California Press, 2000.

47Ulrich Adelt. Black White and Blue: Racial Politics of Blues Music in the 60's. ProQuest, 2009.

48Idem. Page 139

49Ibid.
22

"For us, the Modern Jazz Quartet was the best way of
demonstrating how to become liberated. Even judges who had
previously labelled Louis Armstrong as an evil Negro promoting
uninhibited sexuality could not resist this sophisticated quartet
that could easily live up to the quality of European classical
concerts. () It was our intention to alter the cultural
landscape of Germany by promoting jazz, and we
accomplished that."50

For Adelt, when Rau talks about liberation, he means liberation from Nazi

ideologies through jazz and the upper classes were finally open to it, since it was being

presented in a much familiar environment and manner.

About the recipe was kept for the creation of the American Folk Blues

Festival, a further attempt of "liberation" of German culture, by Lippman and Rau. The

first edition of the festival took place in 1962 and consisted on a tournee through

symphony halls in Germany, Switzerland, Austria, France and England, along three

weeks.

"This seasoned blue musicians superbly illustrated the multi-

faceted ways of performing the folk music of American Negro
population. Powerful expression, a feeling for swing and
improvisation but also navet and tendency for showmanship,
rough humour and grotesque are second nature of these
people in a unique way that there is hardly any doubt after
attending the concert that this music appeal to everybody and
therefore not out of place in this country but this particular
kind of music can only be performed by those who are
inextricably linked with it: such coloured/colourful musicians as
we were introduced to. You can't imitate them but you can
learn a lot from them and their blues." 51

Like jazz, blues also counted on the commercial interest of the American

entertainment industry (consider the collaborative work between Lippmann and Rau

and American businessmen), but blues was even a deeper contrast against the

sentiment of superiority left by the Nazis.

50Fritz Rau. 50 Jahre Backstage. In: Ulrich Adelt, ibid. Page 139.

51Ibid. Page 143-144.

23

Both promoters counted on the expertise of Joachim-Ersnt Berendt, who

was already respected as a jazz specialist for his Jazz Book, from 1952, as well as his

radio and TV broadcasts of jazz.52 He visited several blues clubs during his four months

stay in Chicago and decided to bring them to Europe. Blues, as seen by Berendt, was

the very origin of jazz, and while the first was more direct in emotions and musical

structure, the latter was more sophisticated in both senses, although still expressing

the same ideas. Berendt would say about blues in a later publication, Blues: Ein Essay

(1957):

"The complete absence of any awkwardness in the way blues

deal with love is almost shocking in the world of our European
morality cliches () Blues has a superior unsentimental
greatness and strength of emotion and passion that in this
country we only know from works of 'great literature'." 53

If jazz promoted social changes on an intellectual level, blues meant a

change on a behavioural level. Adelt points to irony of blues being seen as a rough and

"primitivized" precursor of jazz and still being accepted as a legitimate high art form.

Anyway, both seem to have stricken the remainder Nazi ideologies on its core:

challenging the concepts of intellectual and moral superiority still embedded in some

parts of German society.

52Ibid.

53Joachim-Ernst Berendt. Blues: Ein Essay.In: Ulrich Adelt. Ibid. Page: 140.
24

Darmstadt's Internationale Freikurse fur Neue Musik and Donaueschingen

Festival
The classical music's front

The Darmstadt's Internationale Freiekurse fur Neue Musik (henceforth

referred to as Freiekurse, to avoid confusion with the broader meaning of "Darmstadt

School") and the Donaueschingen Festival were summer courses for composers

who intended to write "new music". The former was created one year after the

end of the war; the latter was a well-established festival since 1921 which resumed its

activity in 1950. The new generation of composers were to avoid any aesthetic

resemblance with anything possibly war related. Both events counted with the

presence of names like Boulez, Stockhausen, John Cage, Varese, among others; both

harboured musical experiments that would change the classical musical production of

the 20th century and both seem to have attracted little attention from the general

audience.

The idea for the Freiekurse came from Wolfgang Steinecke, a German

musicologist living in Darmstadt who suggested to the city mayor the creation of a
25

summer school to introduce the young composers to the music that were outlawed

during the Nazi years. 54 The course would happen in the Kranichtein Hunting Castle

and was partially funded by OMGUS, in 1946. 55 Darmstadt was a city severely

damaged the Allied bombing, where about 80 percent of the buildings were
56
completely destroyed just one year before the first edition of the Freiekurse.

According to Richard Taruskin, in the early days of the Freiekurse, it used to

be compared "with the Congress for Cultural Freedom, an anti-Communist

organization headed by the composer Nicolas Nabokov, which was secretly

funded by the United States government's Central Intelligence Agency as an

instrument of American foreign policy. (The difference was that the source of

the Summer Courses financial support was never a secret.) "57

The young composers attending to the course were encourage to revisit

composers and styles once forbidden by the Nazi censorship - such as Stravinsky,

Bartok and Schoenberg - as well as experimenting with any kind of music that was not

related to the wartimes.58 In the effort to leave the war in the past, not only composers

with Nazi affiliations, such as Richard Strauss, but also Jean Sibelius, whose name was

associated with the Communists59.

Although the so called "new music" (mostly based in Hindemith,

Schoenberg, Webern and the atonalist principles) was thriving in the Freiekurse since

its first years, a report from an official in charge of overviewing the Freiekurse in May

54Christopher Fox. The Darmstadt school's Britain Invasion. Article published by The Guardian
on 11 February 2010. Source: http://www.theguardian.com/music/2010/feb/11/darmstadt-
music-school-ferneyhough-finnissy

55Alex Ross. The Rest is Noise: Listening to the 20th Century. Farrar, Strauss and Giroux. New
York, 2007.

56Christopher Fox. Opus cit.

57Taruskin, Richard. Darmstadt. In: Oxford History of Western Music. Source:

http://www.oxfordwesternmusic.com/view/Volume5/actrade-9780195384857-div1-001008.xml

58Idem.

59Alex Ross. Opus cit.

26

1949, shows how uncomfortable the military government was with music produced

there. On this report, the Colonel Ralph Burns says about the concerts of the last days

of the course that "it was generally conceded that much of this music of worthless and

better been left unplayed"60. On the same document, he notes that "the over-

emphasis on twelve tone music was regretted" 61. If the musical knowledge of Colonel

Burns might be questionable, this report can be taken as a testimony from an

audience member and his reaction to the avant-garde music.

Colonel Burns also noticed a certain rivalry between the French attendants

of the course (Pierre Boulez, Rene Leibowitz and Oliver Messiaen, leading several other

aspiring composers) and the rest of their colleagues. According to him, Leibowitz (an

Austrian by birth, he stresses) led his students to adopt an indifferent and

occasionally, offensive attitude towards the other students. Leibowitz only considered

worthy "the most radical kind of music and openly disdainful to any other"62. He

finishes his report hoping that the "next years Holiday Course for New Music must

follow a different, more catholic pattern".63 The public reaction to the musical

production in Donauschinger, just a couple of years later, would also be of scandal. 64

As a counterpoint to Colonel Burns' opinion, the Music Officer Everett

Helm, who is stationed near Darmstadt excitedly commented on the Freiekurse, in his

manuscript called "Letter from Germany:

"Now in its third year, this remarkable enterprise

gives interested students, at a very modest fee,
the opportunity to study with a very selected
60Office of Military Government, United States (OMGUS) Information Control Division. Music
Control Instruction N. 1 in Alex Ross, opus cit. Page 266.

61Idem.

62Idem.

63Idem.

64Donaueschinger Festival - History/Chronological Table. Source:

http://www.swr.de/swr2/festivals/donaueschingen/englische-version/history-chronological-table-
festival-for-new-music-since-
1921/-/id=3503406/did=2150600/nid=3503406/56c7qd/index.html
27

faculty for a three weeks period. Contemporary

music only is taught and performed and then only
the more advanced varieties. R. Strauss and J.
Sibelius do not come into consideration."65

In another very complimentary article, this time for Musical America, Helm

talks about other avant garde music initiatives around West Germany: "Germany

since 1945 has been very probably the most open minded and progressive country in

the musical world"66. He quotes in this article the Freiekurse, the Donauenschingen

Festival and the concerts of Musica Viva society in Munich "as a few brilliant examples

of truly amazing amount of avant-gardist activity".67

Despite the public's reaction to the new music, the avant-garde composers

were regularly broadcasted throughout West Germany all over the year, since the

Educational Department was demanding for highly intellectualized programs.

The Freiekurse and its role on the political stage

The comparison made between the Congress for Cultural Freedom and the

Freiekurse deserves careful examination. Firstly, it is important to understand the

rather dubious origins of the Congress of Cultural Freedom. The Congress was born

from meeting, in New York's Waldorf Astoria (March, 1949), of non-Communist left

wing intellectuals from varied fields, advocating for world peace and against the

hostilities between USA and USSR 68. According to the CIA's website, in this meeting

65Amy C. Beal. New Music, New Allies: American Experimental Music in West Germany from
Zero Hour to Reunification. University of California Press, 4 Jul 2006. Page 39.

66Idem. Page 39.

67Idem. Page 39-40.

68CIA's Library. Origins of the Congress for Cultural Freedom, 1949-1950. Source:
https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/csi-
studies/studies/95unclass/Warner.html
28

Aaron Copland, Arthur Miller and Dimitris Shostakovich, to name a few, "joined with

European and Soviet delegates to repudiate 'US warmongering'". 69

Ironically, the CIA (they admit it on their own website) was also, not only

involved, but directly intervening in the meeting, by clandestinely sponsoring

members of the meeting that later on became the Congress for Cultural Freedom.

However, they deny that the intellectuals in their payroll were anyhow manipulated,

that they "simply helped people to say what they would have said anyway." 70

According to James Petras, the CIA was interested in promoting the

"Democratic Left" in Europe.71 As strange as it may look at the first glance, it was

strategically a very clever move, since Socialist views were popular in Europe and

people with Democratic leaning would more easily oppose to the Stalinism. James

Petras adds that the CIA had a vital role in the Congress for Cultural Freedom 's

funding which was, in his own words: "a kind of cultural NATO that grouped together

all sorts of anti-Stalinist leftists and rightists".72

I deliberately chose two different sources for this chapter: the CIA's

website and the Monthly Review, "an independent Socialist magazine" (as it says on

the website), to counterpoint radically different views on this issue. The paragraph the

CIA dedicates to American foreign policy in Western Europe deserves to be quoted in

full:

"To over-simplify the historical background: In the

late 1940s, Washington did not take it for granted
that the people in Western Europe would support
democratic governments and that their states
would effectively oppose the Soviet Union and
support the United States. To help promote
democracy and to oppose the Soviet Union and

69Idem.

70Idem.

71James Petras. The CIA and the Cultural War Revised. Monthly Review. Source:
http://monthlyreview.org/1999/11/01/the-cia-and-the-cultural-cold-war-revisited/

72Idem.
29

West European communist parties, the CIA

supported members of the non-communist left,
including many intellectuals. Because the CIA's
activities were clandestine, only a few of the
beneficiaries were witting of the Agency's support,
although a large number suspected Agency
involvement."73

James Petras, on the Monthly Review, says:

"U.S. and European anti-communist publications

receiving direct or indirect funding included
Partisan Review, Kenyon Review, New Leader,
Encounter and many others. Among the
intellectuals who were funded and promoted by the
CIA were Irving Kristol, Melvin Lasky, Isaiah Berlin,
Stephen Spender, Sidney Hook, Daniel Bell, Dwight
MacDonald, Robert Lowell, Hannah Arendt, Mary
McCarthy, and numerous others in the United
States and Europe. In Europe, the CIA was
particularly interested in and promoted the
Democratic Left and ex-leftists, including Ignacio
Silone, Stephen Spender, Arthur Koestler, Raymond
Aron, Anthony Crosland, Michael Josselson, and
George Orwell."74

According to Taruskin, one of the main goals of the Freiekurse was to "to

propagate American political and cultural values as part of the general Allied effort to

reeducate the German population in preparation for the establishment of democratic

institutions."75 Perhaps, the massive presence of American composers in the first years

of the Freiekurse led to the comparison between it and the Congress. It is important to

remember that Aaron Copland had his compositions often performed in the Freiekurse,

73CIA's Library. The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts And Letters. Source:
https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/csi-
studies/studies/vol46no1/article08.html

74James Petras. Ibid.

75Richard Taruskin. Ibid.

30

was also known for his left-leaning views, had to stand before Joseph McCarthy's

Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations on May 25. 76

The music produced in the Freiekurse during the years studied in this

research (as example of what was happening in other festivals in Germany at the

moment) received enthusiastic support from openly left-wing musicians and

musicologists, such as Theodor Adorno, who saw fascism in those composers who

were still writing tonal music. At the same time, Shostakovich's music was accused by

Stalin's censors of being "formalist", meaning that it was too close to Western

modernism.77

It is important to notice that although music was seen as a political matter,

they were not only dealing differently with the same issue, but they also had radically

different views on the same thing: Western modernism. While Adorno attacked the

"fascist roots" of tonal music, composers under Stalinist USSR were encouraged to

embrace it. Both sides believed to be fighting fascism in a leftist way.

Music meets technology: Post-War Electronic Music and its contribution

Many of the main composers attending to the Freiekurse (Luigi Nono, Karl-

Heinz Stockhausen ad Edgard Varese, to name a few) were also involved with the

electronic music experiments in the Westdeutscher Rundfunk (West German Radio)

studios mainly, but also in other radio station studios through West Germany. Whether

they were influenced the by technoscientific worldview in vogue in the Post-War

(consider the importance of scientists in the result of the WWII, with the atomic bomb

76Bill Morelock. Conscience vs McCarthy: the political Aaron Copland. Minnesota Public Radio,
May 2005.
Source: http://news.minnesota.publicradio.org/features/2005/05/03_morelockb_unamerican/.

77The Economist. Music, War and Politics Intertwined. October, 2007. Source:
http://www.economist.com/node/10015908
31

and increasingly complex weaponry) 78 or by the simple curiosity of trying gadgets that

were almost exclusively available for military purposes until then, those composers not

only launched the bases for modern electronic music, but also developed new tools

and methods that would be proven essential in pop music recording studios.

In fact, there were many inventions on music technology and sound

recording only made available to musicians after the end of the war. Recently created

electronic instruments from America were brought to Europe during the occupation

years. Sound recording inventions like the Telegraphone met the much more

developed German system of magnetic tape recording which, having no longer any

military purposes, were made available in radio stations and studios. According to

Thomas Holmes, the Allied Forces were surprised to find numerous tape recording

machines in military installations.79

Inventions like Thadeus Cahill's Telharonium, the Theremin, musical

telegraph and constantly developing radio technologies suggested that a new way of

making music was being created: a way that would be paved by the attempts of

engineers to materialize the imagination of new composers. 80 Like Edgard Varese said:

"Speed and synthesis are characteristics of our own epoch, the composer and

electrician will have to labour together to get it."81 In fact, he approached Leon

Theremin still in 1933, asking him to build a new instrument for his piece Ecuatorial,

providing clear specification of pitch range and dynamics.

78Timothy Dean Taylor. Strange Sounds: Music, Technology and & Culture. Psichology Press,
2001.

79 Thomas Holmes. Electronic and Experimental Music: Technology, Music and Culture.
Rutledge, May 2012.

80Idem.

81Idem. Page 18.

32

Technologies like the aforementioned musical telegraph and the

Telharmonium were combined with tape recording (a technology almost exclusively

military until the end of the war), opened the possibility of multi-track recordings, a

recording method later used in virtually all music styles.

Conclusion

The main challenge of this dissertation was to encapsulate in a short frame

of time the depth of the social transformation of West German society as well as all

the players involved in this transformation. Although this research focused on the

period between '45 and '55, some of the most expressive results of the reorientation

attempt were only verifiable from the 60's on. I included few of them for being

consequences early policies but, unfortunately, many were left unspoken in this work,

like the jazz festivals sponsored by Goethe Institut in the mid 60's or the impact of the

blues in the 70's. For this reason, the title of this chapter cannot be taken literally.

OMGUS' effort for denazification of West German society was successful,

but apparently not in the way it originally intended and it took long until it proved itself
33

fruitful. American classical composers and musicians faced harsh rejection from their

German colleagues, as the Bernstein's case exemplifies. The festivals of new music

changed deeply the music production not only of German and American composers,

but of composers from all over the world. Still, the music from Darmstadt and

Donaueschingen failed to captivate the general audience at home.

Although some of OMGUS' officers were unsettled by the sounds coming

from those cities, the sharp contrast between the current German musical production

and the music deemed as desirable by Soviet standards seemed to be enough reason

for those festivals to be supported by the American military government as a whole. In

fact, from those festivals on, classical music production changed so much that it

became almost impossible to revisit any music that could faintly resemble the Nazi

canon, so from a strategically point of view, the endeavour was successful, with or

without audience.

Composers from the Freiekurse were also involved with electronic music,

by then still in the experimental phase, exploring the music technology currently

available and demanding for new instruments and recording techniques that would be

largely used in studios later on, to record from orchestral works to pop music, offering

an indirect and often neglected contribution to American folk music industry (and

later, world music), which was so important for the reorientation plan.

Regardless OMGUS' official position of not intervening in the German

cultural life in a Nazi manner, in the aftermath their methods were remarkably similar.

Both sought to control every level of German artistic production, ousting enemies and

ideologically undesirable personnel and laid a strong censorship, aiming to safeguard

the audience against works corrupted by subversive material, showing the intriguing

flexibility of the concept of subversion.

34

There was also a gap between the image that American agencies

(including the CIA itself) were broadcasting to West Germany and the reality at home.

One in Germany, watching the American movies, listening to jazz and its nature

"antiracial" and "democratic", could hardly guess they came from a country where Jim

Crow's segregationist laws were still in force. The CIA clandestinely sponsored non-

Communist left intellectuals and artists, while the McCarthy Hearings were taking

place in the Senate.

Jazz was perhaps the most important contribution from Americans to the

re-education and so far, I could not find a source confirming that it was actually

planned. Goebbels seemed to fear jazz more than any other foreign music and still,

jazz' role in the re-education was left to chance. It is important to notice that even the

strong rejection and censorship that jazz faced during and immediately after the war,

it slowly grew and took its place as a symbol of freedom and desegregation, as it was

seen by the German people itself. The prohibition of public jazz performances and

bizarre initiatives like Charlie and His Orchestra did not wear out jazz' significance for

its lovers and resistance musicians, like Horst Lippmann, who was arrested by Gestapo

for publishing jazz newsletters. Despite its rejection by the Germans listeners in the

first moments, it secured jobs for musicians emerging from the rubbles of the war via

live performances and radio broadcasts.

The cultural exchange between German musicians and American jazz and

blues composers was made possible by a collaborative work between German

promoters and American impresarios, who had strong commercial interest to reach

this new market avid for novelties. Jazz and blues, from musical art forms, became

tools for mass denazification, via festivals and several publications praising its musical

quality and positive impact on a recently totalitarian and moralist country. When the

new generation of German jazz musicians fused jazz with folkloric music in the 60's,

they exorcized the last ghost from the Nazi period: xenophobia.
35

The main conclusion I drew from this research is that entertainment can be

politically driven, if controlled by a central power in accordance with market interests.

If racism led the Nazis to execrate Black music (or any non-Arian music for that

matter), it is easy to find post-war movies where sinister geniuses listened to classical

composers (often Germans) before carrying out their crimes. It means that ideological

propaganda is more easily overlooked when it is in our own side, despite our outrage

when we see an enemy doing it.

Some similarities can be drawn between the case studied here and todays

mainstream pop music, which constantly elevates consumerism to a utopic life goal,

curiously fitting into Neoliberal policies of unlimited consumption and free market. As

the case of jazz in the Nazi years exemplifies, censorship alone cannot ban a

determined art form. Jazz was ousted from main live music venues and radios, but it

does not mean that there was no jazz production or there was no demand for jazz

entertainment in the Reich. It means that no art form can reach a mainstream status

without being somehow legitimated by a central power and accepted by its elite.

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