Contemporary Issues in Malaysian Politics/08

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES
IN MALAYSIAN POLITICS

Chapter Overview

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

Social Issues

Politics Issues

Economy Issues

Other Related Issues

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LEARNING OBJECTIVES:

After studying this chapter, you should be able to:

1) Discuss contemporary political issues in Malaysia and how they help

shape the countrys political development
2) Explain the leadership transition from Tun Mahathir Mohamad to

Datuk Seri Najib Razak and its implications to Malaysias politics

3) Discuss the impacts of opposition politics on Malaysias democratic
process
4) Discuss the future of two party system in Malaysia

5) Discuss the role of the new media in shaping Malaysias politics

6) Explain the changing landscape of Malaysias politics particularly
after the historic 2008 general elections

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8.0 SYNOPSIS

A new era in Malaysian politics has begun after the 2008 general elections. The
elections saw the ruling party, BN, lost its two-thirds majority to the opposition. This
was BNs first two-thirds lost since independence. The lost not only threatened BNs
position, it would also pave the way for the opposition parties to play a more
meaningful role in Malaysian politics. In this section, we will discuss a number of
contemporary political issues in Malaysia. First, we will discuss the leadership
transition that took place after Mahathirs departure from Malaysian politics.
Mahathirs successor Abdullah was in power for only five years before Najib rose to
become Malaysias sixth Prime Minister. We will discuss the implication of this
leadership transition to Malaysian politics. Next, we will discuss the role of opposition
politics in Malaysia.

Opposition politics is something that is unheard of before as the countrys politics is

dominated by BN. After the 2008 elections, however, BNs dominance has been
reduced by the oppositions strong presence in the parliament. The question that we
want to answer is: how strong is the opposition in Malaysia and will it be able to
outshine BNs dominance in the country?

Our discussion will continue with the future of two-party system in Malaysia.
Observers have argued that with the oppositions strong presence in the parliament,
Malaysia will be heading towards a two-party system from the present dominant party
system. We will discuss the strenghts and weaknesses of this observation. Finally, we
will discuss the rise of the new media and the notion of new politics in Malaysia. The
new media such as internet, blogs, online video and so on have exposed Malaysians,
especially the younger generation, to modernisation. This has changed the way they
think about politics in the country. Previously, ethnic and religious factors were
influential in determining the peoples view of politics. However, more and more
people are now less ethnically and religiously inclined as they are more concerned
about issues such as democracy, transparency and good governance (Loh 2009; Loh
and Saravanamuttu 2003)

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8.1 LEADERSHIP TRANSITION

Mahathir ruled Malaysia for 22 years. Malaysia had undergone rapid development
under Mahathir for which he earned the title Father of Development. However,
during the period of Mahathirs rule, democratic values were ignored and corruption
was left unchecked. The younger generation and those who were critical of
Mahathirs leadership argued that it was time for Mahathir to resign and pass the
baton to a younger and progressive leader.

After much speculations, Mahathir appointed his deputy Abdullah to succeed him.
Under Abdullah, however, the pace of development was slow and the country was
beset by domestic problems. Even though Abdullah received a huge mandate in the
2004 elections, his inability to successfully fulfill his election promises and to handle a
number of pressing domestic issues resulted in his dwindling popularity. In 2008, he
was punished by the electorate. After failing to recover from the aftermath of the
2008 elections, Abdullah gave up his power and appointed his deputy Najib as Prime
Minister. Najib realised the fact that BN needed to do something to regain the
peoples trust.

After becoming Prime Minister, Najib introduced the 1Malaysia concept as a means
to unite Malaysians. He also made popular BNs new slogan of People First,
Performance Now to prove the ruling partys commitment in uplifting the peoples well
being as well as in turning Malaysia into a competitive country. However, Najibs
attempt at projecting his image as the new Malaysian leader accepted by all has been
strongly challenged by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, the opposition leader. Anwar is a
fiery orator and has been wooing the younger and professional electorate to join in his
struggle to transform Malaysia. Part of Anwars strategy has been to win the hearts
and minds of the young people by using the internet and alternative media to reach
them. The battle to win public office is now set to begin. The real challenge for BN
and the opposition is to reach the young and sophisticated Malaysians.

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Question within the text:

Why did Abdullah give up his prime ministership? What were the internal and
external factors that made him do so?

8.2 RISE OF OPPOSITION POLITICS

BN has been in power since independence. Except in 1969 and 2008, BNs
supremacy has been enhanced by its two-thirds majority in parliament. Under
Mahathir, a two-thirds majority was considered as important as it would give BN the
power to amend important provisions in the Federal Constitution. However, BNs two-
thirds victory was denied by the opposition in the 2008 elections. Of the 222 seats
contested, BN managed to obtain 140 seats while the opposition 82 (Arakaki 2008, p.
79-96). Previously, the opposition had only 12 seats. PKR obtained the most number
of seats on the oppositions side and hence its leader, Anwar Ibrahim, was
unaminously elected as opposition leader.

Opposition politics has long been absent in Malaysias political system. The lack of
checks and balances in parliament have caused law-making process to become dull,
ineffective and unfair. Analysts, however, are optimistic that with the stronger
opposition presence, parliamentary debates would not be the same again.

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8.3 THE FUTURE OF TWO-PARTY SYSTEM IN MALAYSIA

Malaysia is generally regarded as a dominant party system. This is reflected in the

supremacy of the ruling party BN. BN has won Malaysias successive elections since
independence. These election victories were sustained by BNs two-thirds majority in
parliament except in 1969 and 2008. BN uses a number of tactics to stay in power.
First, it controls the mass media and uses the Information Department as its
propaganda tool (Mohamed Rahmat 2009). Second, BN also controls a number of
important government machinaries such as the powerful Home Ministry to ensure
absolute control over the political system (Wain 2009). Dissents and critics are rarely
tolerated except during Abdullahs tenure as Prime Minister. Under Mahathir, for
instance, the use of ISA (Internal Security Act) was common as a means to prevent
people from criticising governments policies (Wain 2009). With the oppositions
remarkable victory in the 2008 elections, the party system in Malaysia is set to
change its course.

The opposition is led by Pakatan Rakyat (PR) comprising Parti Keadilan Rakyat
(PKR), PAS and DAP (Democratic Action Party). Anwar, the leader of PKR, is the
opposition leader in the parliament. However, Anwars position is threatened by the
spat of resignations of PKR members. DAP and PAS, however, are willing to let
Anwar to assume his role despite the resignations. By convention, of course, the
opposition party that has the most number of seats in parliament will choose among
its ranks the person to become opposition leader. PR and BN appear to clash in
almost all matters related to policy implementation. When BN proposed the
implementation of GST (Goods Services Tax), PR argued that it would not only give
additional burden to the people, it was also so complex that it would be impossible to
be implemented effectively. PR also accused BN of being a corrupt and inefficient
government. One of the implications of the oppositions strong presence is that it has
significantly reduced BNs bargaining power.

Without two-thirds majority, BN cannot amend the constitution at its whim.

Nevertheless, it can still push for an approval of a bill with a simple majority. This,
however, can be denied by the opposition if it chooses not to support the
governments motion. A case in point was when Najib wanted to approve the 2010
national budget, the opposition refused to give its support. This has been the hallmark
of a two-party system (like in the United States) where the two large parties
(Democrat and Republican) outwit each other to win the electorates hearts and

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minds. However, in Malaysias case, healthy debates are almost absent as members
of PR and BN mainly argue over personal matters and political differences.

Question within the text:

What would be the main implication of the oppositions strong presence in

parliament to law-making process? In your opinion, is Malaysia really
heading towards a two-party system?

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8.4 RISE OF NEW MEDIA

One of the factors that helped the opposition to win handsomely in the 2008 elections
was its shrewd usage of the new media. The new media referred to here is internet,
blogs, online streaming videos and so on. Most of the voters who voted for the
opposition in the 2008 elections were young voters who were widely exposed to the
new media. As the mainstream media was used by the government as its
propaganda tool, the younger electorate had no choice but to turn to the new media
to obtain alternative information. The opposition, for example, used YouTube to
launch its campaigns online. A number of opposition candidates also used blogs to
communicate with their voters.

In the years to come, the new media will set to play an important role in Malaysian
politics. More and more BN leaders, for instance, have turned to the new media to
garner support. Najib himself has opened a fan site on his Facebook. Three weeks
after its launching, the site garnered more than 50 000 fans (The Star, Novermber 11,
2009). He also launched his 1Malaysia campaign online and has regularly updated
his Twitter, another popular social networking site on the internet. This shows that the
new media is not just important, it will become a main catalyst for the countrys
political elites to consolidate their support.

8.5 FROM ETHNICITY, DEVELOPMENTALISM TO NEW POLITICS

Did you still remember Mohammad Fairuz Khairuddin, the former PKR Deputy Chief
Minister of Penang, who conducted a press conference to explain why he left PR?
Did you notice that he wore a full baju Melayu with a keris tucked in his waist? And
why did Datuk Seri Ibrahim Ali put up his keris in the air during PERKASAs Annual
General Meeting and call the government to do more for the Malays? (Malaysian
Insider, March 29, 2010). You might ask, what is the relevance between Fairuzs
traditional costume and Ibrahims behavior with their political struggle? Read the
following newspaper report and discuss with your friend the link between ethnic and
religious factors with politics.

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Former Penang Deputy Chief Minister 1 Quits PKR, Joins UMNO

KUALA LUMPUR, Mar 1 (Bernama) -- Former Penang deputy chief minister 1

Mohammad Fairus Khairuddin announced that he was leaving Parti Keadilan
Rakyat (PKR) to join Umno. He made the announcement in front of Prime
Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, who is also Umno president, at a function
with the Silat Seni Gayung Association in Ampang, near here. Mohammad
Fairus then handed his Umno membership application form to Najib. Earlier in
his speech, Mohammad Fairus, said his decision to quit PKR was because he
had lost confidence in the party leadership, especially on matters concerning
Islam and the Malays. "I see that the PKR leaders cannot uphold the
sovereignty of the Malays and sanctity of Islam. I am also disappointed with the
way PKR handles the issue on the use of the word Allah," said the former
Penanti assemblyman. Meanwhile, Najib said Mohammad Fairus' decision to
quit PKR shows that other leaders were losing confidence of the party
leadership. Najib said the action of Mohammad Fairus who was a senior PKR
leader and who had held a senior post in the Pakatan Rakyat ruled Penang,
was a good example. "From what I gather from him speech is that he has lost
confidence in the PKR leadership and that PKR had failed to protect the
fundamental policy of harnessing the true values of Islam," he said.

Source:
http://www.bernama.com.my/bernama/v5/newspolitic.php?id=478626 March
01, 2010 00:59 AM

Like Fairuz and Ibrahim, many political leaders in Malaysia are also tempted to raise
ethnic and religious sentiments to win support. Joseph Pairin Kitingan and Bernard
Dompok, the two main Kadazandusun leaders in Sabah, have been raising the
Kadazandusun sentiment to gain support. Pairins party PBS, for instance, was
heavily supported by the Kadazandusun electorate in the 2008 elections (Puyok
2009, p. 95-116; Chin and Puyok 2010 p. 219-325). In the same way, Samy Vellu of
MIC (Malaysian Indians Congress) has been pledging to the government to do more

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to help the Indian community. There is nothing wrong in using ethnic and religious
sentiments to win support. We are all naturally tied to our culture and traditions.
However, the use of ethnicity and religion to win support has its drawbacks. The 1969
racial riots that struck Kuala Lumpur was mainly caused by political leaders who used
ethnicity and religion to raise sentiments (Kua 2007). Not only did the country lose
millions in ringgt, more than 200 innocent lives were also perished.

As Malaysia enters into another modernisation period, analysts have suggested that
ethnicity is no longer the main factor that drives Malaysian politics. The main driver is
now what has been called as developmentalism. According to the proponents of the
developmentalism argument, our main political motivation is no longer influenced by
our ethnic or religious affiliation but our desires to attain comfortable living and better
economic condition (Loh 2009).

Analysts have argued that Malaysias exposure to technological advancement has

transformed it into a knowledge-driven country. This technological exposure has
made the people more sophisticated and IT (Information Technology)-savvy. The
internet, blogs, online videos, among other things, have given the people the avenues
to express their views and opinions on issues of public interests. As most of the
media organisations are controlled by the ruling BN, the people have turned to
alternative media to obtain critical information about the government. Exposure to this
new technology coupled with the rise of middle class society and participatory
democracy are part and parcel of what is known as new politics (Loh 2009; Loh and
Saravanamuttu 2009).

Question within the text:

What do you understand about the concept of developmentalism? How has

new politics contributed to the rise of participatory democracy in Malaysia?

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ASSIGNMENT

Obtain a copy of Maznah Mohammads article entitled MalaysiaEnd of

Ethnic Politics? and write a review of the article. Your review should answer

the following questions:

1) What is the main argument of the article?
2) How does the author support his/her argument?

3) What does the article tell us about ethnic politics in Malaysia?

4) Overall, do you agree with the authors contention? Why?

Other Related Issues

Discussion on current issues in Malaysia country covered issues of social,

politics and economic issue.

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STUDY NOTES

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