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A
dvocacy has been defined as 'the act
or process of advocating or to people (their members, constituents,
supporting a cause or proposal' and /or members of affected groups).
(Merriam Webster's Collegiate Dictionary Advocacy has purposeful results: to enable
1995:18). To make progress towards gender social justice advocates to gain access and
equity, advocates need to devise influencing voice in the decision making of relevant
strategies which specifically target and institutions; to change the power
persuade decision makers in government, relationships between these institutions
multilateral institutions, and elsewhere to themselves; and to result in a clear
change policy and practice. However, improvement in people's lives' (Cohen et al.
advocates for change also need to persuade 2001:8).
colleagues within their own institutions and
organisations that women's rights and Feminist advocacy and
gender equality should underpin all
development work.'
development
Advocacy to secure justice for women as Women have been protesting against
a marginalised group differs qualitatively gender-based subordination for centuries,
from advocacy undertaken to further a less calling for changes to laws, customs, and
obviously value-laden goal. The implications social practices. This has happened across
of this in terms of the advocacy that we do, the world in very different cultural contexts -
and the way in which we do it, are discussed contrary to popular prejudices about the
here by Kristy Evans in her guide to feminist women's movement, which suggest that
advocacy. As Cohen et al. express it, 'Advocacy feminist protest has solely Western origins.
for social justice is a value-driven action. Women's protests against unfair, exploitative,
Advocacy consists of organised efforts and or cruel treatment at the hands of husbands,
actions based on the reality of "what is". community leaders, monarchs, and other
These organised actions seek to highlight rulers have been documented in countries
critical issues that have been ignored and across the globe, including eighteenth-
submerged, to influence public attitudes, century China and early nineteenth-century
and to enact and implement laws and public India (Jayawardena 1986). Far from being
policies, so that visions of "what should be" Western in origin, movements towards
in a just, decent society become a reality. women's emancipation have been 'acted out
Human rights is an overarching framework against a background of nationalist struggles
for these visions. Advocacy organisations aimed at achieving political independence,
Editorial
asserting a national identity, and modernizing alliances, forge shared agendas, and attempt
society' (ibid.: 3). However, the interests that to shift the terms of political and economic
women share - 'gender' interests (Molyneux debates about the nature of development
1985) - have not been addressed in broader itself. In this they were immeasurably
struggles for emancipation. After nationalist helped by new methods of global
struggle ends, struggle for gender equality communications. It is clear that 'the four
often begins in earnest. In her article in this conferences on women have generated
collection, Khawar Mumtaz charts the remarkable crosscutting coalitions from all
development of the women's movement in classes and socioeconomic groups from
Pakistan after nationalist aspirations were North and South, with an indisputable effect
satisfied. She focuses her discussion on on changing awareness and programs for
women's struggles to challenge the 1979 women in many countries' (Emmerji et al.
Hudood Ordinances. 2001:103). The idea that sustainable develop-
Worldwide, challenges to structural ment requires equality between women and
gender inequality within states have made men has been enshrined in the international
considerable progress to date, in both policy commitments issuing from the United
developing countries and post-industrialised Nations conferences (UN 1995).
countries. Feminist organisations and others
have engaged in advocacy, aiming to
promote reform of the structures of Differences among women:
governance to ensure that key institutions a challenge to political
uphold women's claims to resources - action
including not only material resources, but
the law and social services - in such a way as Yet women who are marginalised from
to promote women's collective political power or resources by race, class, disability,
interests (Goetz 2003; Mukhopadhyay 1998) or ill health may view gender-equality
and effect structural change: for example agendas as unlikely to bring about all the
reform of legal systems, with the object of changes that they need in order to live full
enabling women to live lives in which their lives. However, the agendas of anti-racism,
full potential is realised. Impetus for national liberation, socialism, or disability-
national change has come from the various rights movements are no more likely to yield
international agreements that have come out results, since they tend to ignore the
of UN events. fundamental differences in the experience,
In 1975, International Women's Year interests, and needs of women and men
marked the first international success of within these groups.
second-wave feminists in getting inequality The tensions inherent in social move-
between women and men 'on the map' as a ments when attempts are made to address
concern for the whole world. The efforts of complex inequalities arising from multiple
North American and European feminists aspects of social identity were brought
were critical in lobbying decision makers to clearly to the fore during the World
establish the international institutions and Conference Against Racism, held in
global events which provided a framework Johannesburg in 2001. Two articles in this
for organised feminist action from 1975 issue chart the experience of advocacy work
onwards. For the twenty years to 1995, a to advance the interests of women whose
series of four UN Conferences on Women, lives are shaped equally by gender and
together with other conferences (notably the another aspect of social identity. Therese
International Conference on Population and Sands discusses the advocacy of women
Development in Cairo, 1994), provided an with disability, while Emma Bell focuses on
impetus to feminists worldwide to form women living with HIV and AIDS.
Therese Sands' account of advocacy for from development was not the real issue at
gender equality and the rights of disabled stake for women from developing countries.
women in Australia and the Pacific charts Women from the First, Second, and Third
the inadequacies in analysis and responses Worlds all had radically different analyses
from both the disability-rights movement of women's concerns, arising out of their
and the mainstream feminist movement. different economic, political, and social
Neither has enabled women living with positions. For women from developing
disabilities to have their voices heard. Sands countries, their capacity to live the fullest
and Bell chart the evolution of networks life possible is constrained by their
which advance the specific interests of comparatively weaker bargaining power as
(respectively) women with disability, and workers and carers for families in contexts in
women living with HIV and AIDS. which livelihoods are constantly under
Advocates have to lobby to further the threat. Southern feminists proposed solutions
interests of these groups of women on two to these problems which profoundly
fronts: fundraising and strategising to use challenged the politically conservative
their resources as efficiently as possible. The 'women-in-development' approaches of
mainstream women's movements should major development donors (Koczberski
play a supportive role for those double- 1998).
identity groups, if diversity and inclusion Since then, a 'transnational feminist'
are to be taken seriously. agenda has begun to emerge, in which issues
Diversity among women is, in turn, a of difference and unequal power among
challenge for feminist movements (Goetz women have been discussed and debated
and Baden 1998).2 Yet, provid.ed that with some success, though not solved. Jan
commitment exists to form time-bound Jindy Pettman comments: '...with power
coalitions between equal stakeholders, and wealth increasingly globalised, a global
based on shared goals, the challenges response from progressive forces, including
presented by diversity among women do transnational feminisms, became imperative'
not necessarily have to defeat activism. (2004: 55). Transnational feminism has very
Bina Agarwal suggests that the women's different goals from the liberal feminism
movement is coming of age and recognising that informed early women-in-development
these truths for itself: 'among women's projects. While the latter concentrated on
groups there is growing recognition of the asserting women's right to equality with
importance of forging strategic links. One men in their own nation, community, or
could say "romantic sisterhood" is giving household, transnational feminist energies
way to strategic sisterhood for confronting are concentrated on critiquing global
the global crisis of economy and polity' development itself, as founded on
(1995:9). inequalities based on gender, race, and class
(Sen and Grown 1987). In the words of
Angela Miles: 'A portrait emerges of a
Towards a transformational
vibrant multi-centred transnational move-
advocacy agenda ment, struggling not just for women's
Of course, the vast majority of women equality in existing structures but to
worldwide need more than political or legal redefine wealth, work, peace, democracy,
equality with men under the existing system leadership, sexuality, family, human rights,
of global development if their needs and development, community and citizenship
demands are to be met. In 1975, it first for a future world that welcomes diversity
became clear to development donor agencies and honours and supports all life'
that addressing women's marginalisation (2004:15).
Editorial
found for advocacy work. In her article, Shae women is not the same thing as lobbying and
Garwood highlights the potential of campaigning for gender equality. Advocacy
transnational advocacy networks for to improve the conditions in which women
alliance building, while analysing two cases garment workers labour would have been
of advocacy situated in the global garment more difficult had the campaign sought to
industry. A transnational advocacy network challenge gender norms that constrain
is a loose network of global actors which women's bargaining power in the labour
permits the creation of strategic alliances market. It is far easier to pressure companies
across borders. One of its current challenges to comply with labour laws than to change
is to create solidarity among garment society's appreciation of the value of unpaid
workers all over the world. The shift of a work, and perceptions about women's
factory from one country to another implies economic role in society.
that some women are getting jobs at the cost
of others. Shae Garwood observes in her
contribution to this issue: 'loose networks or Conclusion: recognising the
coalitions - whether part of feminist or critical role of advocacy
labour movements - do have the ability to In her article, Kristy Evans offers valuable
accommodate different groups of women, basic advice to gender and development
taking actions that are specifically relevant workers who want to 'do feminist advocacy'.
to their own location, while maintaining and Advocacy is a professional field with skills
acknowledging links with other activists and techniques which must be learned, and
dispersed around the globe'. feminism is a form of politics. For gender
There seems to be promising potential and development workers who see
in this kind of network for feminist activists advocacy as an essential part of their job, it is
to engage with other activists who are important to get advice if this is their first
promoting the concerns of other interest foray into political action. The most fruitful
groups, for example those of workers. New way of working is for both gender specialists
forms of alliance are being trialled: Shae and advocacy professionals to be involved in
Garwood's article describes how former jointly organising advocacy to advance
targets of advocacy - corporations - are now women's rights in development. In addition
included as allies in advocacy work. The to Kristy Evans' guide, other articles in this
recent wide attention given to the topic collection present particular lessons learned
of social corporate responsibility has along the way. Shae Garwood points out the
influenced multinational corporations, need to have credible and 'new' information
making them more willing to sit down at the to bring to the attention of policy makers and
negotiating table. Their interests are opinion formers. This has been a key
embedded in profit making, depending strategy in raising awareness among
largely on cultivating a positive image different stakeholders about the impact on
among buyers. The entry of the private women and society of the phasing out of the
sector into debates about improving Multi-Fibre Arrangement (discussed in her
workers' conditions is an interesting article, this issue). As advocacy is about
development, and could be part of the change, the advocates should propose
answer to a question posed in the article by alternatives to the status quo. As Lisa
Khawar Mumtaz, also in this issue: how to VeneKlasen (2002) notes in her account of
engage with the 'enemy' in an advocacy gender-budget advocacy, when proposals
strategy? and examples of good budgeting are
Shae Garwood's analysis also reminds us presented, the case is almost won. Rose
that advocating change that will benefit Gawaya shows that research of a different
kind is required to inform a campaign aimed References
at ensuring that the public knows about the
potential uses of new legislation. Afshar, H. (1998) Women and Empowerment:
In conclusion, alongside the mainstream Illustrations From the Third World,
advocacy campaigns which can do much to Women's Studies at York Series,
advance the rights of particular groups of Basingstoke: Macmillan.
women, explicitly feminist protest and Agarwal, B. (1995) 'Beijing women's
organising is on-going. In response to the conference: from Mexico '75 to Beijing
end of the UN Conferences, the impact of '95', Mainstream, 49: 9-10.
economic globalisation on poor women, the Cohen, D., R. de la Vega, and G. Watson
rise of various forms of cultural and (2001) Advocacy for Social Justice: A Global
religious fundamentalism, and the 'war on Action And Reflection Guide, Bloomfield,
terror', feminist advocates are using global CT: Kumarian.
communications technologies to resist Cornwall, A. (2001) Making a Difference?
Gender and Participatory Development, IDS
challenges to civil liberties and in particular
to the rights of women. The question of how Discussion Paper No.378, Brighton:
to make mainstream organisations more Institute of Development Studies.
responsive to women's interests and needs Emmerji, L., R. Jolly, and T. Weiss (2001)
and to enable women's voices to shape Ahead of the Curve? UN Ideas and Global
development agendas remains as important Challenges, Bloomington: Indiana
today as ever. University Press.
Goetz, A-M. (2003) 'Women's political
Koos Kingma, Gender and Diversity Adviser, effectiveness: a conceptual framework',
Novib Oxfam Netherlands in A-M. Goetz and S. Hassim, No
Shortcuts to Power: African Women in
Caroline Sweetman, Editor, Gender and Politics and Policy Making, London: Zed.
Development, Oxfam GB Goetz, A-M. and S. Baden (1998) 'Who
wants [sex] when you can have
[gender]? Conflicting discourses on
Notes gender at Beijing', in C. Jackson and
1 Gender and Development, Volume 13 R. Pearson (eds.), Feminist Visions of
No. 2, focuses on the second kind of Development: Gender Analysis and Policy,
advocacy alluded to here, as part of its London: Routledge.
discussion of progress on main- Jayawardena, J. (1986) Feminism and
streaming gender-equality goals into the Nationalism in the Third World, London:
work of development organisations. Zed.
2 This awareness of difference has only Koczberski, G. (1998) 'Women in
relatively recently been mirrored in development: a critical analysis',
development agencies' increasing Third World Quarterly 19/3: 395-409.
awareness of the impact of diversity Miles, A. (2004) 'Introduction', in
among women on the outcome of L. Ricciutelli, A. Miles, and M. McFadden,
projects which they fund (Cornwall Feminist Politics, Activism and Vision,
2001). London and New York: Zed.
Molyneux, M. (1985) 'Mobilisation without
emancipation? Women's interests, the
State and revolution in Nicaragua',
Feminist Studies III2.
Editorial
A guide to feminist
advocacy
Kristy Evans for the Association for Women's Rights in
Development (AWID)1
Feminist advocacy is concerned with ending injustices throughout the world by advancing women's
rights. It has various uses and manifestations, from lobbying strategies at the World Trade
Organisation ministerial meetings to the reform of gender-discriminatory policies. Feminist
advocacy strategies can be infused with the daily work of individuals and organisations to ensure
that work is maximised and targeted to changing key decision-making processes and policies that
infringe on women's rights. This article describes the uses, misuses, and challenges of feminist
advocacy. It offers tips and useful questions to ask, and describes strategies to be incorporated into
current and future work.
women and girls everywhere. It does this by that we use to achieve our goals. Doing
facilitating on-going debates on funda- advocacy in a feminist way implies not only
mental and provocative issues, as well as by working towards a good end, but infusing
building the individual and organisational advocacy strategies with feminist values.
capacities of those working for women's What this means in practice is difficult to
empowerment and social justice (AWID describe. One suggestion is that feminist
2005a). advocacy consists of advancing women's
AWID's involvement in advocacy has rights in a way which promotes four core
grown in recent years to include research values. These are a belief in equality; a belief
and analysis on key issues of concern for in gender justice in all its different
women throughout the world, extensive dimensions; a belief in the universal sanctity
communication and information-dissemin- of human rights; and a commitment to
ation strategies, direct participation in many flexibility in making alliances in full
meetings, conferences, and strategy realisation of the fluidity of circumstances
sessions, as well as lobbying for women's and partnerships (Sen 2003, Leipold 2001).
rights in key forums. Another suggestion is that feminist
advocacy is simply synonymous with the
work of all who advocate gender equality
What does 'feminist' and base their daily work on feminist
advocacy look like? analysis.
'Advocacy' is an umbrella term which Feminist advocacy is done by individuals
describes various strategies. These include in women's movements, but also by
public campaigning to challenge ideas and individuals in mainstream organisations
beliefs, and inspire a critical mass of people which include a commitment to advancing
to demand change and put pressure on women's rights alongside other comple-
policy makers and decision makers. It also mentary goals. Many development
includes direct lobbying of key policy organisations have realised that grassroots
makers and decision makers. Feminist development projects which address the
advocacy, like all advocacy, draws on a needs of women and men at the local level
range of varied skills. These include can have only a limited impact on the rights
undertaking research on the situation on of women unless the overarching political,
the ground, communicating to particular economic, and social structures which
audiences, and building alliances. discriminate against women, and thereby
Advocacy that is specifically feminist in cause and maintain gender inequality and
nature is designed to advance women's poverty, are transformed.
rights through reforming gender- In order to link local grassroots realities
discriminatory policies, laws, corporate with a feminist political analysis of women's
behaviour, and cultural practices which marginalisation, feminist advocates ask
affect women around the world. Feminist questions about women's lives in a
advocacy is intimately connected to - and particular context and consider the links
grounded in - the local struggles of real between their daily realities and the unequal
women, and takes its legitimacy and power relations, expressed in policies, laws,
direction from these women, who are practices, ideas, and beliefs, which constrain
experiencing injustice and inequality of their choices. The kinds of question that we
different kinds at first hand. need to ask include Wliy are service providers
For feminist advocates, advocacy must offering the services that they offer? What does a
also reflect our political commitment to gender analysis of the context tell us about their
realising the rights of women in the means appropriateness to women's lives? Wlmt impact
12
Where will my organisation, and the the progress towards the Millennium
expertise that we have, make the Development Goals (MDGs). Women's
greatest impact - locally, nationally, groups and organisations have limited
internationally? access to this type of space, and must
This type of questioning allows us to make structure their advocacy efforts very
well-considered decisions. For instance, carefully. For instance, the civil-society
while international events and meetings hearings that occurred in June 2005 were
receive the greatest media attention and spaces where participation was by invitation
publicise themselves very widely and only. It is questionable how effective it
effectively, it is essential for advocacy would be - considering their already
organisations to assess the potential worth limited time and resources - for women's
of attending and participating in these organisations to send representatives to
events. Is it effective, for example, for New York during the actual summit, unless
representatives from your organisation to they had a very well thought-out and
fly to Hong Kong for the WTO Ministerial3 strategic plan for their engagement in this
in December 2005, considering the cost and process. There has been considerable
the impact that you are likely to have? Or progress over the months leading up to the
would it be more effective to educate summit, where civil-society groups have
people about the impact of unfair trade on nominated speakers, planned strategic
women's rights in your home countries and involvement, analysed summit documents,
cities, and try to persuade them to take and petitioned policy makers. In order to
action? An alternative course of action participate effectively in such an event, if
would be for your organisation to lobby you or your organisation should choose to
official representatives of your government attend, it would be advisable to maximise
on trade issues, in order to sway their your participation by finding out what has
positions, before they embark on already been done and where the gaps are.5
negotiations on behalf of your country.
Struggle-based issues or issue-based
Advocacy in invited spaces
struggles?
In some cases, you will decide that your
There are also different types of struggle to
organisation needs to participate in invited
spaces, in order to influence the established consider. An 'issue-based struggle' is an
agendas of institutions or decision makers : advocacy effort designed around one
spaces such as government-sponsored specific issue or desired policy change
policy consultations, stakeholder meetings (ActionAid et al. 2001: 4). In contrast,
with financial institutions, and local council advocacy can address an issue or aim to
meetings. Effective advocacy in these change one policy as a single step in a
'invited spaces' requires clear demands for longer-term struggle for social justice,
change by skilled advocates (ActionAid referred to as a 'struggle-based issue'
etal. 2001:2). (ibid.: 5). Social change for gender equality
A good illustration of the complexities of is a slow, long-term, political process of
advocacy in an invited space is the decisions transforming power relations. Both 'issue-
to be taken by organisations aiming to based struggles' and 'struggle-based issues'
influence the outcome of the Millennium can be planned so that they help to provide
Summit negotiations in New York in activists with opportunities for further
September 2005.4 This type of negotiation advocacy efforts to change power relations
takes place within a very structured environ- and bring about gender equality and
ment, where heads of state meet to discuss women's human rights.
A guide to feminist advocacy 15
Feminist advocacy initiatives can also NGOs are now going directly to
link regional struggles with international governments. This is potentially
struggles. They can provide a concrete plan problematic for advocacy initiatives that
of action for activists from different regions criticise government policies.
to consolidate their efforts. A good example As advocates for women's rights, we
of this is the GCAP-women's list, which is a need to be mindful of how we work with
communication mechanism that enables allies, with the media, and among ourselves
interested women's organisations and to ensure the greatest possible impact.
groups to strategise, disseminate infor- Alliance building is a critical part of
mation, and ensure that women's-rights advocacy efforts, but advocates for women's
perspectives are being included in the major rights still feel that gender equality,
negotiations both at the regional and global recognised to be critical to poverty
levels.10 alleviation and the elimination of injustices
This kind of alliance building enables a throughout the world, is still marginalised
range of organisations from regions by many mainstream international
throughout the world to consolidate their advocacy organisations and omitted from
advocacy efforts, and thereby achieve more their advocacy agendas. Another problem is
impact. Feminist advocacy can also involve the lack of capacity within the women's
women's organisations working together movement to link different advocacy issues.
with allies from mainstream development An example of this is the polarisation of
and other sectors to address issues such as issues relating to economic justice and
trade liberalisation, food security, peace sexual rights in the women's movement.
building, violence against women, and Although these issues are fundamentally
migration. Advocates from different regions interconnected, they are often treated as
and sectors can consolidate their efforts and single issues, to be pursued with single-
resources in a thoughtful and strategic way, minded strategies. A final challenge for
assessing goals and ensuring that advocacy advocates of women's rights is that strong
strategies are used in the most effective ways and influential advocacy depends heavily
possible. on engaging the interest of the media, which
unfortunately still promote misconceptions
about feminists and portray women as
Conclusion 'victims'.
Currently, very significant challenges It is critical to secure a feminist presence
remain for advocates of women's rights." in key negotiation processes, to ensure that
There is a concern that the intense women's rights are positively and not
advocacy efforts of 2005 have been negatively affected. This entails work for
expended on defending goals that had advocates of women's rights in both
already been negotiated and 'won' in mainstream development organisations and
previous forums. This has left little time women's organisations and groups. We
and few resources for developing and must focus on including women's and
promoting a proactive agenda in support feminist voices not only at the actual
of women's rights. Shrinking resources and negotiations, but also in the processes
funding for work on women's rights are leading up to them. We must create
another source of serious concern. AWID's opportunities to develop strategies of our
recent survey, entitled 'Where is the Money own that integrate issues, build alliances,
for Women's Rights?', has shown that and implement our advocacy measures as
advocacy activities are difficult to fund. effectively as possible. We must ensure that
Increasingly, the resources of international the public is educated by means of popular
development agencies that used to fund campaigning and mobilisation around the
A guide to feminist advocacy 19
Politics at work:
transnational advocacy networks and
the global garment industry
Shae Garwood
In the past two decades, hundreds of thousands of women and girls, from El Salvador to Lesotho,
have earned their livelihoods by sewing clothes for the global garment industry. With the phasing out
of the Multifibre Arrangement (MFA) at the end of 2004, many of these women face the prospect of
unemployment. The use of transnational advocacy networks in two campaigns, the MFA Forum and
Play Fair At The Olympics, may provide some lessons for gender and development advocates
concerned about the fate of the millions of women working on the global assembly line.
T
he garment industry is undergoing
dramatic changes in response to the one country, the garment industry spread
phasing out of the Multifibre out over nearly 200 countries. An
Arrangement (MFA) at the end of 2004. This unintended consequence of North American
could mean massive job losses for some of and European protectionism was that the
the 29.3 million people working in the garment industry became an important part
textile, clothing, and footwear industry of many local economies in the South,
worldwide, many of whom are women providing much-needed revenue and jobs in
(International Labour Organization 2000: countries that would not have otherwise
13). These changes illustrate the need for developed a competitive garment sector.
transnational advocacy as factories close, Although the wages and working conditions
women are left unemployed, and countries of these jobs were often poor, they did
compete in what some have called a 'race to provide income for workers who had few
the bottom'. alternatives.
North American and European For example, in Lesotho, the garment
governments first implemented the MFA in and textile industry accounts for 99 per cent
1974 to protect their own textile of the country's export earnings (Kearney
manufacturers. The MFA prescribed an 2005). Many factories in Lesotho had shut
elaborate quota system which limited the down by mid-2005, leaving workers with
quantity of clothing and textiles that each few employment alternatives. Lesotho Haps
country could export to the United States, and Vogue Landmark, two of the largest
Canada, and Europe. Since quotas limited factories that produced goods for Walmart,
22
recently shut their doors, leaving 2,000 industry, and often occupy lower-paid
employees out of work (Iritani and positions. Employers often hire young women,
Dickerson 2005). Meanwhile in El Salvador, for reasons that include assumptions about
business leaders are trying to avoid factory women's supposedly 'inherent' skills, their
closures and stay ahead of the competition patience in dealing with repetitive tasks, and
by reducing the already abysmal minimum their reluctance to demand better working
wage of $5.04 a day (Marshall et al. 2005). conditions and higher wages (Elson and
Although women in many countries will Pearson 1981). Gender discrimination and
suffer with the end of the quota system, inequality have proved to be extraordinarily
several national economies, mainly China profitable for businesses. Multinational
and India, stand to gain. In the first few corporations rely on the competitive
months of 2005, Chinese clothing exports to advantage of women's disadvantage locally,
the USA increased 75 per cent from the to suppress wages across the industry
previous year (Brooke 2005). This caused an globally. Transnational advocacy networks
outcry from many American and European are an appropriate response, since - in the
manufacturers and government officials. absence of cross-border organising -
The US government recently reinstated a employers will continue to take advantage
quota on some Chinese goods, and the EU of, and even exacerbate, gender inequalities
recently filed a complaint with the WTO, in order to minimise costs and maintain a
aiming to limit exports of Chinese T-shirts competitive edge.
and flax yarn (Goodman 2005). Despite the The ultimate effects of transnational
increased production of Chinese goods, advocacy efforts related to the MFA remain
there is no guarantee that working conditions to be seen, but past campaigns and strategies
for Chinese workers will improve. In fact, it may provide some lessons for gender and
is more likely that working conditions will development practitioners and activists
actually decline as competition increases concerned about the fate of the millions of
among developing countries, resulting in an women who earn their livelihoods in the
increasingly downward pressure on wages global garment industry.
(Chan 2003; Foo and Bas 2003). As a researcher and activist based in
One way to address these issues is by Australia, I am not at risk of losing my
linking garment workers' struggles around income as a result of the whims of Walmart
the world through what Keck and Sikkink executives and subcontractors, or backroom
(1998) refer to as transnational advocacy deals among trade ministers. However, we
networks. These are 'organised to promote are all inextricably linked through the global
causes, principled ideas, and norms, and trading system. The products that we make,
they often involve individuals advocating buy, or sell (or refuse to make, buy, or sell,
policy changes that cannot be easily linked for that matter) have the power to reinforce
to a rationalist understanding of their inequalities and exploitation, or facilitate
"interests'" (ibid.: 8). These networks may development in a way that respects workers'
consist of a variety of actors: NGOs, rights and human dignity.
foundations, elements of the media, The next section considers two important
churches, trade unions, and parts of inter- challenges facing transnational advocacy
government organisations or governments, networks: working with difference, and
depending on the particular issue. gaining access to inter-government bodies.
The garment industry presents one of the After this I examine two case studies, the
clearest examples of the differential impacts MFA Forum and Play Fair At The Olympics,
of trade policies and practices on women which employed very different strategies to
and men. Women are employed in far address exploitation and the negative effects
greater numbers than men in the garment of the global garment industry. The article
Politics at work: transnational advocacy networks 23
concludes with some thoughts on the However, lessons can be drawn from
gendered implications of each case study, feminists who have faced similar challenges
and reflections on how transnational in global women's movements. Many
advocacy networks can begin to address women have rejected calls for global
some of the difficult issues facing workers, sisterhood, pointing out that the notion of
activists, and gender and development sisterhood ignores the complexities of
practitioners. difference and local situations. Although
they can be very difficult to form and
operate, loose networks or coalitions -
Problems faced by whether part of feminist or labour move-
transnational advocacy ments - do have the ability to accommodate
networks different groups of women, taking actions
that are specifically relevant to their own
Working with difference location, while maintaining and acknow-
Despite the potential for transnational ledging links with other activists dispersed
advocacy networks to create strategic around the globe.' The challenge faced by
alliances across borders, significant activists, regardless of their own location in
difficulties are encountered in actually the global economy, is to create cross-border
getting these alliances to work smoothly, relationships and networks which avoid
especially in cases where workers have been pitting poor women against each other as
pitted against each other - and where gains regional opponents in the global labour
made in one location may mean very real market, and which honour the depth and
losses for workers elsewhere. Corporations complexity of individual difference.
benefit greatly from the current structure of One way to do this is for networks to
the garment industry, which fosters intense raise awareness among women workers of
competition among developing countries to their shared identities as women workers in
attract foreign investment. Many factories an interconnected global labour market.
are located in export-processing zones in Applying the concept of transnational
order to take advantage of 'tax holidays' and advocacy networks to the garment industry
other favourable conditions provided by
does not imply that all women (or men)
host governments. Organised workers are
working in the garment industry face the
aware that speaking up and demanding
same circumstances, or that their desires or
their rights may actually encourage
needs overlap; but it does acknowledge that
corporations to relocate to other places
there may be common issues around which
where workers are less vocal (Merk 2005c).
In other words, workers have very little they can organise. Without co-operation
room to manoeuvre, because of the absence among garment workers around the world,
of adequate legislation and/or a failure to the only guaranteed 'winners' will be the
enforce existing labour laws. multinational corporations that are able to
capitalise on increasing competition among
This has been an on-going struggle for workers for limited jobs.
global labour movements. While projects
such as the Southern Initiative on Gaining access to inter-government
Globalisation and Trade Union Rights have bodies
made gains in recent years, there are no easy Another challenge for transnational
ways to build solidarity among the world's advocacy networks is to secure meaningful
garment workers. This remains one of the access to inter-government bodies such as
most pressing labour issues of our time, and the World Trade Organisation (WTO).The
regrettably this article can only raise the WTO pays lip service to NGO involvement;
issue, rather than resolve it. however, its website makes clear that while
24
'Companies have already been serving as countries where the MFAF will be engaging,
"police", monitoring factories and doing the can develop a strategy of responsible
governments [sic] job, we certainly can't also competition which would address the rights
be expected to play a "welfare role"'(ibid.,l(>). of workers in the restructuring of the global
While the claim that companies actually take garment industry as well as addressing
an active role in monitoring factories for issues of trade.' This puts the burden on
compliance is debatable, it is clear that this Southern governments to develop strategies
executive felt that the well-being of that will entice garment manufacturers to
displaced or mistreated workers was not his remain where they are - and possibly further
company's responsibility. subsidise the industry - rather than putting
One of the main achievements of the the onus on the industry as a whole to take
MFA Forum so far is its work with the responsibility for the well-being of the
United Nations Development Programme women and men who work on the factory
(UNDP), aiming to ensure that Bangladesh floors.
maintains its textile and garment industry. The MFA Forum is establishing a project
Following a UNDP / MFA Forum in Lesotho, and the World Bank recently
conference in Dhaka in June 2005, the adopted the MFA Forum Collaborative
Bangladeshi government expanded the Framework for its work in Cambodia. While
National Forum on Social Compliance to these initiatives are a step in the right
promote compliance with international direction, it is not yet clear whether other
labour standards (ETI 2005). While this members of the public and private sectors
initiative is a positive sign for workers, it is will adopt and implement the recommend-
based on the assumption that Bangladesh's
ations, or what effect those actions will have
garment industry will remain attractive to
on garment workers worldwide.
transnational corporations and buyers.
However, as working conditions improve,
labour costs are likely to rise, which could Case study 2: Play Fair At
lead manufacturers to relocate to lower-cost The Olympics
regions. Buyers certainly take other factors
into consideration - such as quality, The Clean Clothes Campaign (CCC), eleven
transportation time to market, and flexibility Oxfam affiliates, and Global Unions designed
- but cost is still the primary determinant in the 'Play Fair At The Olympics' campaign to
locating production. draw attention to the exploitation of workers
While the focus of the MFA / UNDP in the sportswear industry. Campaign
initiative on increasing compliance with organisers timed the campaign to coincide
labour laws in Bangladesh is important for with the 2004 Olympic Games, held in
Bangladeshi workers, it assumes that Athens.3 Although campaign organisers did
multinational corporations would be likely not create the campaign specifically to
to stay in Bangladesh - and pay more for address the phase-out of the MFA, the
goods - rather than take advantage of campaign focused on working conditions,
cheaper production elsewhere. But if compliance, and fair labour practices in the
corporations viewed adherence to labour sportswear industry, which is a sub-set of
laws as a competitive advantage (and were the garment sector affected by the MFA.
willing to pay the associated costs), they The campaign included 500 demon-
would most likely not have set up factories strations, protests, and picket lines in more
in Bangladesh in the first place. According to than 35 countries. One such activity
the Forum (MFA 2005a), 'By using the included activists and athletes carrying an
framework developed by The Forum, it is alternative torch through major garment-
hoped that Bangladesh, as well as other producing centres in India (Murthy 2004).
26
All of the activities around the world labour-rights groups. Puma, Umbro, Asics,
focused on raising awareness among and Mizuno made commitments to improve
members of the public, and generating their labour policies. Fila, Lotto, and Kappa
public pressure on the sportswear industry. were less co-operative. Asics joined the Fair
The campaign focused on the International Labor Association, but it is unclear whether
Olympic Committee and seven brands: Umbro will follow suit (Merk 2005d). While
Asics, Fila, Kappa, Lotto, Mizuno, Puma, the results varied among companies, the
and Umbro. Until the Campaign began, the campaign as a whole successfully raised
seven brands had escaped the level of awareness, pressured the companies to be
scrutiny that the major three (Nike, Reebok, more accountable, and made it clear that
and Adidas) had faced (Merk 2005a: 6). By their labour practices were under greater
focusing on these companies, along with scrutiny by the international community.
earlier actions aimed at the three top However, the Campaign's direct impact on
retailers, the Play Fair campaign aimed to working conditions is still unclear.
create industry-wide change. This approach Several other campaigns in recent years
is particularly appropriate, because many of have used similar advocacy efforts to target
the factories and suppliers in question corporations, with varying degrees of
produce goods for multiple brands. success. They include campaigns aimed at
In addition to the petitions, street Nike, Nestle, and The Gap. According to
protests, and other direct actions, the Jeroen Merk, Research Coordinator at the
campaign engaged with the companies International Secretariat of CCC, Play Fair
through letters and meetings. Campaign 'was one of the first campaigns that pursued
organisers issued a report entitled Play Fair a singular, unified strategy' (Merk 2005b).
At The Olympics and convened a sectoral This is in contrast, for example, to NGOs'
meeting at the International Labour and unions' pursuit of differing strategies in
Organization. The report contained extensive the Nike campaigns, which often led to
research from six countries, highlighting the confusion for organisers as well as
results of 186 interviews with workers and frustration from targeted companies
10 representatives of sportswear companies. (Connor 2004). In addition to its focus on
It documented extensive violations in industry-wide solutions, the Play Fair
factories that produce goods for each of the campaign represents an increasingly
targeted brands. important trend in transnational labour
The companies' responses to the advocacy: collaboration between NGOs and
campaign varied. Some even acknowledged trade unions. In fact, building relationships
the need to develop an industry-wide among the campaign organisers was a
approach to labour abuses through the significant achievement of the campaign,
World Federation of Sporting Goods which will encourage greater co-operation
Industries (WFSGI), although neither the in the future (Merk 2005c). For example,
WFSGI nor the International Olympic the campaign organisers developed a
Committee was particularly responsive to Programme of Work with clear guidelines
the demands of the Play Fair organisers. In and goals for the sportswear industry that
fact, although representatives of the WFSGI can be used in future campaigns.
did meet with Play Fair organisers, they told
them that the WFSGI was unwilling and Politics at work: lessons
unable to co-ordinate a sector-wide
approach to labour abuses in the industry
learned
(Miller 2005). At first glance it may appear that there are
A major focus of the campaign was the few similarities between the MFA Forum
freedom of assembly of trade unions and and the Play Fair campaign. However, they
Politics at work: transnational advocacy networks 27
both provide lessons about transnational actually apparent in MFA Forum documents.
advocacy networks - their strengths, It would be more accurate to say that
weaknesses, and opportunities for the governments and corporations are the
future, particularly as they relate to women intended recipients of the Forum's
working in the garment industry. An recommendations. By framing their
effective way to begin to understand the recommendations in a particular way, and
factors that contribute to, or limit, the including government and business
success of transnational advocacy networks representatives as participants in the Forum,
is to examine what Keck and Sikkink the organisers' fundamental strategy was
(1998:16) call the typology of tactics - or apparently to move away from viewing
politics - used by campaigns. These tactics multinational corporations as the targets
include information politics, symbolic politics,and instead use more subtle forms of
leverage politics, and accountability politics,persuasion. The Play Fair campaign targeted
each of which is discussed below. the seven selected manufacturers and the
sportswear industry as a whole.
Information politics Another aspect of information politics is
Keck and Sikkink (op. cit.: 16) define the way in which the issues are 'framed', or
information politics as the 'ability to quickly presented to the public, and the meanings
and credibly generate politically usable and sentiments that are attached to the
information and move it to where it will issues. Play Fair was particularly successful
have the most impact'. Both the MFA Forum on this front because of its association with
and Play Fair organisers relied on credible the Olympics. The MFA Forum, on the other
information to gain support for their hand, was not necessarily directed at the
position, particularly information that was general public and did not include a big
not being presented in the mainstream public-awareness campaign. This is not
media or by 'official' sources. The necessarily a weakness of the Forum, since
presentation of information, particularly Forum participants were not trying to
research-based findings, was a key strategy mobilise the public to undertake or support
employed in both cases. The Play Fair a singular, clear course of action.
campaign produced an extensive report, The main way in which the MFA Forum
which included testimonials from workers, employed information politics and framed
with extensive data to document abuses and the issues was to emphasise co-operative
also personalise the findings of the research. engagement among NGOs, trade unions,
The MFA Forum presented significant data government agencies, and businesses in
in their report, Mapping the End of the MFA an effort to develop 'win-win' solutions
(Accountability 2005). This document drew whereby businesses can remain profitable
upon existing research and focused without sacrificing workers' rights and
particular attention on ten countries where access to decent livelihoods. In terms of
the outcome of the end of the MFA is information politics, the MFA Forum used
uncertain, and where the garment industry its engagement with corporations to bolster
plays a significant role in the domestic its legitimacy with the private sector.
economy. Persuading corporations to negotiate seems
With this critical information, the to be an important strategy of the MFA
networks attempted to gain credibility with Forum. Providing credible information
their target audiences. The targets of Play encouraged private-sector involvement in
Fair and the MFA Forum were very different. the Forum. The danger is that either the
The MFA Forum targeted governments and corporations involved will benefit from the
corporations - although the term 'target' positive public relations generated from
implies more confrontational rhetoric than is their participation, without actually
28
initiating any substantial change, or that the weaker members of a network are unlikely
NGOs involved will be overpowered by the to have influence'. The MFA Forum's ability
participating businesses and lose their to include The Gap, Nike, and Marks &
ability to advocate successfully on behalf of Spencer is evidence of the successes of
affected workers and communities. previous campaigns targeted at each of these
corporations. It is likely that previous
Symbolic politics pressure and the need to improve their
Symbolic politics is the 'ability to call upon public images led these companies to the
symbols, actions, or stories that make sense MFA Forum table. This may illustrate the
of a situation for an audience that is long-term nature of campaigns, where even
frequently far away' (Keck and Sikkink small successes are the result of many
1998:16). Both campaigns focused on actions by many different actors over a long
specific events or situations, Play Fair on the period of time.
2004 Olympics, and the MFA Forum on the
According to Keck and Sikkink, networks
phasing-out of the Multifibre Arrangement.
can seek leverage over more powerful
Play Fair, in particular, used symbolic
institutions in two forms: material and
politics effectively by linking exploitation in
moral. Material leverage 'usually links the
the sportswear industry with the Olympic
issue to money and goods' {op. cit.: 23). The
Games. Many people follow the Olympics Play Fair campaign effectively used material
on TV and think of the event as a celebration leverage by focusing on the corporations'
of goodwill and global co-operation. By
vulnerabilities, namely their public image
highlighting the exploitation of workers
and branding. Sponsorships for the 2004
who make clothing for the Olympics, the
Olympics were valued at $648 million
Play Fair organisers demonstrated the
(Oxfam 2004: 33). Corporations are vulner-
hypocrisy of sportswear companies' claims
able to strategies that seek to tarnish their
to global goodwill.
image, because they rely heavily on the
The MFA Forum, on the other hand, positive image and subsequent earnings that
could not take advantage of similar sponsorships are designed to achieve. Play
symbolic and emotional associations. The Fair organisers chose the seven companies
realm of trade and trade agreements, while because of their level of brand recognition,
extraordinarily powerful in influencing the rather than focusing on suppliers that may
livelihoods of millions of people, is not be unfamiliar to consumers. The only
particularly exciting and offers few accessible problem with this strategy is that sometimes
topics to engage the general public in the the most familiar brands are targeted, in
North. For that reason, trade issues such as preference to a focus on the most flagrant
the MFA do not often resonate with the abusers who may not have the same brand
general public. Other campaigns, however, recognition among Northern consumers.
such as those calling for debt relief, have Consumers could incorrectly assume that
been more successful in 'framing' the issues export-oriented producers are guilty of
and communicating with the public; a recent more flagrant abuses than their domestic
example is the Live 8 concerts, held around counterparts, which is not necessarily the
the world to coincide with the G8 Summit in case (Hutchison 2004). However, using
Scotland in July 2005. Along with vibrant leverage politics in this case depends on
social movements, these seemingly technical being able to make close links between
issues can be 'reframed' as front-page news. production and consumption. This is much
Leverage politics harder to do with non-exporting manu-
Keck and Sikkink (op.cit.: 16) describe facturers (Merk 2005d).
leverage politics as the 'ability to call upon Moral leverage 'involves what some
powerful actors to affect a situation where commentators have called the "mobilization
Politics at work: transnational advocacy networks 29
of shame," where the behaviour of target The MFA Forum had some opportunities
actors is held up to the light of international to use accountability politics, particularly by
scrutiny' (Keck and Sikkink 1998:23). Shame highlighting the hypocrisy of Northern
also has material consequences for corp- governments that impose significant trade
orations. By linking exploitation of workers barriers on developing countries while at the
with the Olympics, the Play Fair campaign same time heavily subsidising domestic
mobilised shame and cast a shadow on the industries. However, the Forum did not use
goodwill (and big business) associated with this strategy, preferring to adopt a more
sponsorships. The MFA Forum did not have conciliatory tone, rather than drawing
the same kind of access to either material or attention to the gaps between free-trade
moral leverage in order to pressure buyers, rhetoric and practice.
suppliers, or governments to act decisively.
This is partly because the issues raised by the Gender politics
Multifibre Arrangement are still being Even though assessing each campaign
framed, but also because of the complexity of according to the politics of information,
the issues and differences of opinions on symbolism, leverage, and accountability can
trade liberalisation in general, and on the help us to learn about the tactics employed
MFA in particular, even among participants by the organisers, this does not tell the whole
of the Forum. story. What is missing is an analysis of the
gender politics of each campaign, in order to
Accountability politics assess the potential for gender and
The last type of tactics described by Keck development practitioners and activists to
and Sikkink (1998: 16) is accountability make effective use of transnational advocacy
politics, or 'the effort to hold powerful actors networks.
to their previously stated policies or principles'. Both the MFA Forum and Play Fair
Some of the organisers of Play Fair, such as addressed issues that affect poor women,
the Clean Clothes Campaign and Oxfam, particularly women working in the global
have had success with accountability politics garment industry. While neither campaign
in other campaigns. For example, once claimed to represent or speak for poor
corporations join the Fair Labor Association women, women workers were seen as the
(almost always as a concession following 'beneficiaries' of their efforts, although this
effective pressuring and lobbying from NGOs was not always made explicit. A problematic
and consumers), they are held to higher aspect of both campaigns, and one that
standards, including monitoring for continues to plague social movements and
compliance. The problem, of course, is that transnational advocacy networks, many of
this deters corporations from agreeing to which are based in the North, is the lack of
make any changes, because they know that representation of the so-called beneficiaries
they will be held to higher standards once in decision-making processes. This is not to
they enter into dialogue with activists. The say that poor women were not consulted;
Play Fair campaign was successful in getting they were in both cases. However, in both
Asics to join the Fair Labor Association; Play Fair and the MFA Forum, women
however, it is not yet clear whether others garment workers did not play significant
such as Umbro will do so (Merk 2005d). decision-making roles.
Campaign organisers may be able to take Although the purpose of the Play Fair
advantage of the cyclical nature of the campaign was to improve the working
Olympics and other sporting events such as conditions for workers in the sportswear
the World Cup, exercising accountability industry, the majority of whom are women,
politics with these same corporations, the Play Fair documents do not include
reporting on progress made (if any) by the extensive analysis of the systematic
targeted companies (Merk 2005c). exploitation of garment workers as women,
30
beyond a short section in the Play Fair report Several of the MFA Forum documents,
about hiring women, migrants, and temp- especially Mapping the End of the MFA, do
orary workers. The report does quote female include analysis of the gendered impacts of
workers' testimony about the abuses that the phasing out of the quota system. The
they face in the factories, including sexual report acknowledges that the majority of
harassment, inadequate sick and maternity garment workers in most countries are
leave, and the occurrence of miscarriages women. According to the MFA Forum,
due to over-work, but the predominant many of these women, who are often young,
themes are 'gender-neutral', focusing on unmarried migrants to urban areas from
workers' exploitation in terms of forced rural villages, will have difficulty finding
overtime and their inability to join unions. alternative sources of employment if
Much of the language associated with the factories close. The report also mentions the
Play Fair campaign was that of the larger difficulties that women workers face in
anti-sweatshop movement, focusing strictly terms of the cultural significance attached to
on labour conditions and freedom of garment work. As an example, the report
association, rather than the wider gender- claims that in Sri Lanka some marriage
related implications for women working in advertisements include the statement
the industry. Gender-neutral language may 'Factory girls need not reply'. The Mapping
have helped to illustrate worker solidarities document includes findings from Women
across countries, but the problem is that Working Worldwide, Oxfam, and the
these issues are not gender-neutral. Jeroen Maquila Solidarity Network, all of which are
Merk (2005d) argues that freedom of engaged with women working in the
assembly is not gender-neutral, because it garment industry and may be able to insert
'is necessary to give women workers a voice further gender analysis into future
in many issues that directly affect them on documents and analysis produced by the
the workfloor', and 'through freedom of MFA Forum.
assembly women workers potentially can Just as trade agreements have had
start to negotiate working conditions from a different and unequal effects on men and
gendered perspective with management'. women due to their lack of gender
Neither campaign has portrayed women sensitivity or analysis, the 'solutions' will
workers as voiceless victims, but nor did most likely have gendered implications too.
they thoroughly empower women workers Ignoring the gendered dynamics of trade
to be vocal in decision-making roles. and labour is problematic for several
According to Kidder (2002) many women's reasons. First, it replicates problems
organisations that engage in advocacy on apparent in initial trade agreements and
labour issues tend to address the non- corporate policies that either ignored gender
financial issues that affect women, such as altogether or made unthinking and
additional pressures from family and prejudiced assumptions about women.
society, in addition to the financial ones; Second, it means that these campaigns are
whereas more traditional union-led efforts missing an opportunity to make connections
tend to focus exclusively on financial and build solidarity with other activists in
matters within the workplace. Some of this global women's movements. The goal is not
may have been strategic on the part of Play to have 'gender' as an added category in a
Fair and MFA Forum organisers. After all, it footnote of a report, but instead to
is easier to pressure companies to obey incorporate the needs, desires, and demands
overtime legislation than it is to change of workers - even if they are gender-specific
society's perceptions about the value of (i.e. maternity leave, child care, adequate
women's paid and unpaid labour. Yet both wages as primary earners) - and embed
are necessary. them in the campaigns and create links with
Politics at work: transnational advocacy networks 31
raising awareness among the public and Confederation of Free Trade Unions, ten
policy makers, directly lobbying decision Global Union Federations, and the Trade
makers, strengthening and supporting Union Advisory Committee to the
unions, and encouraging shareholder OECD (Oxfam 2004).
activism.
2 Participants in the Forum include
AccountAbility, Business for Social
References
Responsibility, Co-operative Group, Accountability (2005) 'Mapping the End
Ethical Trading Initiative, Fair Labor of the MFA', www.mfa-forum.net/
Association, Fundemas, Gap Inc., (last checked 23 September 2005).
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Corporate Responsibility, International Across Borders, New York: Rowman &
Textiles, Garment & Leather Workers' Littlefield.
Federation, Littlewoods, Marks & Brooke, J. (2005) 'Trade quotas? Ah, the
Spencer, Maquila Solidarity Network, good old days', The Neiv York Times,
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Accountability International, UNDP Business for Social Responsibility (2004)
Asia Trade Initiative, UN Global 'The Multi-Fiber Arrangement: Strategic
Compact, and the World Bank Group. Sourcing Impact, The Private Sector
The author was unable to interview Perspective, Business for Social
Forum participants for this article. Responsibility'.
3 The organisers of the campaign - the Chan, A. (2003) 'A 'race to the bottom':
Clean Clothes Campaign, Oxfam, and globalisation and China's labour
Global Unions - are each conglom- standards', China Perspectives 46
erations of various other individuals and (March/April).
organisations. The Clean Clothes Connor, T. (2004) 'Time to scale up
Campaign (CCC) 'is an international cooperation? Trade unions, NGOs, and
coalition of consumer organizations, the international anti-sweatshop
trade unions, researchers, human rights movement', Development in Practice
groups, solidarity activists, migrant, 14 (1&2): 61-70.
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organizations, Fair Trade Shops and Trading Initiative Welcomes Output of
many other organizations, which aims to Dhaka Conference', ETI Press Release,
improve working conditions in the www.ethicaltrade.org I z 1Mb 12005 / 06 /
global garment industry'. Based in 11 mfa-press-dhaka2/index.shtml (last
European countries, CCC has approx- checked 20 July 2005).
imately 250 member organisations and Elson, D. and R. Pearson (1981) 'Nimble
works closely with partner organisations fingers make cheap workers: an analysis
in many garment-producing countries. of women's employment in third world
Oxfam is a confederation of affiliated export manufacturing', Feminist Review
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consisting of the International Washington Post, 28 May 2005.
Politics at work: transnational advocacy networks 33
W
orking in coalitions, partner-
ships, and alliances to pursue NGOs focusing on gender and women's
advocacy objectives is currently issues are now engaged in advocacy work -
fashionable. Networks set up to achieve actively or passively - via their membership
international and national advocacy of newly formed networks. In Uganda,
objectives involve both local and inter- several gender-equality networks have been
funded and promoted by one or more
national organisations. Because of the role
international NGO. The article focuses on
of international NGOs as donors, these one such network: the Uganda Women's
relationships involve unequal power Network (UWONET). It traces the relations
relations, and sometimes conditions can be of competition and co-operation which exist
imposed by the powerful, who promote between this body and its member
certain agendas. However, in addition to organisations, and the network's relations of
collaborating and complying with the more patronage with its donors. Each of these
powerful players, the less powerful can actors is motivated by very different
resist. The choices that both players make interests.
affect the advocacy work undertaken. Donors can be divided into two broad
This article1 examines the Ugandan categories in the Ugandan context. The first
experience of networking designed to promote category is small donors (international
gender equality through advocacy. The NGOs); the second is the big bilateral and
formation of networks at the instigation of multilateral donors, who are usually called
international bodies has had several major 'official' donors (Edwards 2002). I use
effects on local NGO relationships in the analysis of Edwards as an aid to
Gender networking and advocacy work in Uganda 35
understanding the NGO-donor relation- papers, which use the conceptual and
ships within these networks. He argues that, analytical frameworks employed by the
in relation to advocacy work, 'the real international NGOs. Local NGOs are expected
strength of Northern NGOs [international to adopt, and perhaps contribute to, these
NGOs, in the terms of my study] lies in their guiding discourses. International NGOs take
simultaneous access to grassroots a senior role in network meetings and
experience in the South and to decision workshops, and undertake training work to
makers in the North' (ibid.: 98). International 'build the capacity' of local organisations. In
NGOs depend on local NGOs for certain cases in Uganda, the international
illustrations and evidence of the points that NGOs directly influence the areas of
they wish to make in advocacy at the operation of the networks. International
international level. It is critically important NGOs may also carry out research in
to them to obtain the right information, 'partnership' with local agencies.
in a cost-effective way, and package it UWONET is an example of a donor-
appropriately to make it suitable for nurtured network in Uganda. UWONET
advocacy purposes. International NGOs acts as a membership-based advocacy
need to develop institutional structures that organisation for women's organisations.
will enable all this to happen in a timely Other interested organisations may be
manner. This involves the creation of national- enrolled as associates. UWONET is a
level structures such as networks and product of the Ugandan preparations for the
coalitions, which are perceived to be the best Fourth United Nations Conference on
means of furthering the advocacy agenda. Women, held in Beijing in 1995. Following
the Third UN Conference on Women, which
was held in Nairobi in 1990, some donors
Features of donor-nurtured who were working closely with women's
advocacy networks organisations in Uganda looked around for a
'Familial' relations vibrant women's organisation in Uganda
A feature of relationships between small which could move beyond traditional
donors and national NGOs who work welfare programming. Donors in Uganda
together in alliances is pseudo-familial felt the need for an umbrella organisation, or
relations. International NGOs' relations network, which would be willing to venture
with local NGOs tend to have a lasting into work that involved challenges to
influence on the activities and operation of structural gender inequality, and in the process
the networks and their member would build the capacity of its member
organisations, and many participate as organisations (interview, M., June 2003).
'senior partners' in the activities of these Because such an organisation had not yet
networks. This is especially true in come into being, donors reasoned that they
advocacy networks which the international needed to set about nurturing one. In their
NGOs have helped to create in the first turn, local NGOs focusing on women's
place. These relationships are by and large issues recognised the need to work together.
cordial, and relatively unconfrontational. UWONET's members agreed to form a
A key aspect of familial relations is 'loose network with a focal point to which
nurturing and producing. In advocacy the member organisations would convene to
networks this is often expressed in terms of review progress on priority issues and the
the influence wielded by international NGOs members were to play the lead role'
over the areas of operation of networks and (UWONET 1996). One of the founders of the
alliances. They do this by organising the network, who used to work in a donor
writing and application of country strategy agency, commented in an interview with the
36
present author that 'we had an idea of a smallas: 'Development partners? They are donors, it is
advocacy unit, a secretariat not supposed to not a relationship. He who pays the piper calls the
become an NGO' (interview, M., June 2003). Thetune. They pay the piper, they call the tune. It is
network was seen as a strategic rallying point an unhealthy relationship' (interview, O., June
for women's organisations for addressing 2003).
gender inequalities, focusing on women's In the next section I consider relation-
strategic rather than practical needs. ships between local NGOs in the networks.
UWONET's members did not want to
bring an independent umbrella organisation
Relations between local
into being, fearing that it would compete
with them for resources (UWONET 1996). NGOs in advocacy
Competition for resources among NGOs is networks
caused by the market/buyer relations NGOs in Uganda seem well aware of the
between NGOs and donors, described in the complexity of their relationships with
next section. donors, and have devised their own coping
mechanisms to maximise their interests.
Buyer/seller relations My research findings showed that while
Relationships between donors and local donors may be dominant in the
NGOs can be characterised in terms of NGO/donor relationships in advocacy
those between buyer and seller.2 The sellers networks, NGOs use strategies to limit
are the local NGOs, who constantly adjust donor power in the networks, and
their 'brand' - that is, their programmes maximise their own access to donor
and their guiding discourses - to fit the resources. In this section I discuss some of
demands of the buyers (the donors). This is the strategies used.
a relationship of domination, in which local
These strategies are characterised by
NGOs fear losing the donors. Domination
relations of competition and resistance
is expressed through the donors'
among the NGOs, caused by a need for
requirement that local NGOs should
resources (which are limited), plus the need
conform to financial-accountability
to assert status and identity. Both these
mechanisms and other frameworks such as
factors enhance the likelihood of receiving
proposal formats and monitoring and
funds from donors. Competition is greater
evaluation mechanisms. Donors can also
among NGOs with similar interests and
determine the broad themes on which
characteristics. Such competition manifests
NGOs may work, and determine the kinds
itself in both overt and hidden ways. Much
of result that NGOs work towards, and the
competition is hidden from view and can be
scheduling of their work. This results in the
inferred only by reading the organisational
NGOs having increasingly limited room for
documents and interviewing a cross-section
manoeuvre.
of staff and members of the selected NGOs.
Edwards (2002) suggests that relation- In the case of UWONET, there was hidden
ships in such situations are characterised by competition between the network as an entity
mistrust and confrontation. Local NGOs do in its own right and its member organisations
not really trust their donors, and they may (MOs). There was also competition between
use both direct and indirect means to member organisations. Yet the relationships
confront them. Indirect means are favoured, were also characterised by co-operation.
because they are less risky. They use spaces These dynamics are discussed below.
that are perceived to be safe ground on
which to confront donors: for example, Relations of competition
conferences, workshops, or research. During The competition between UWONET and
my research they expressed sentiments such the members has gone on for a very long
Gender networking and advocacy work in Uganda 37
time. It was envisaged at the early stages of One way to resist the tendency for the
the network that 'the operations of the network to become more prominent in its
network do not and should not weaken the own right than its member organisations is
autonomy of its members' (UWONET to undermine the network, through
1996). However, the process required for provision of limited information and non-
registration made the network an attendance at meetings of member organi-
independent legal entity in its own right. sations. Information is critical for effective
The hiring of staff by the network enhanced advocacy planning. Limited information has
its independence from its members. This put the network in precarious situations
marked the beginning of stiffened and where it adopts a particular advocacy issue
persistent competition between UWONET at the suggestion of the members, but is then
and its members. As already noted, the forced to cease active advocacy because it
members wanted a network that depended has been provided with insufficient
on them. But it was evident that, due to its information to support the initiative.
registration as an NGO and its independent Another method of resistance is to duplicate
receipt of resources from its donors, the activities: member organisations have
network had become a separate entity that organised their own advocacy activities,
indeed had the potential to compete with similar to those of the network.
its member organisations for resources, In the context of these difficult
identity, and status. relationships, to compensate for the members'
My research findings showed that the lack of support and active involvement,
members have a iove-hate' relationship UWONET's secretariat habitually makes
with their network, depending on what they decisions in its advocacy work without input
want, or what it wants from them. At times from the members. UWONET's secretariat is
the network and MOs have agreed to aware that the key factor in the work of the
collaborate, as a better alternative to network is the availability of donor funds.
competition. At other times, hostility, Since the network is important for donors'
passive resistance, lack of involvement, and advocacy agendas, the input of the
poor communications have dominated. The constituent members is desirable, but not
relations between the network and its essential. Assured funding means that
members have played a critical role in whether the members support or do not
shaping the gender-advocacy agenda of support an idea, it will be implemented.
NGOs in Uganda. Thus, while the members may resist the
Members of the network use various network by not attending meetings, or
mechanisms in resistance. The first is to sending junior staff who are not decision
undermine the network in the eyes of makers, this is not necessarily an
donors. Fears and suspicion that the network impediment to the continuity of the activity.
will overshadow them or hijack their work It may affect the strategies used, but not the
are prevalent. The cause of competition and actual continuity of the activity itself.
resistance is mainly the need for recognition. However, while this strategy solves
Member organisations fear that networks short-term problems, it creates further
may put their name or logo on the members' dissatisfactions among members, and
work and claim the credit for it. The networks, provokes a quiet withdrawal of members
as well as the members, need recognition of who feel that they have no control over their
their input to the advocacy campaigns. With network. UWONET has tried to improve
limited monitoring mechanisms, the closest its relations with its constituents by sharing
proximity to measuring the impact of one's its strategy and annual report with the
role in advocacy is the extent to which one is member organisations, in which texts it
perceived to be advocating. acknowledges the member organisations'
38
activities, to avoid claims that it is stealing NGO worker said that networking provides
their work. a 'bigger voice', while another called it 'a
collective voice'. A collective voice achieves
Relations of co-operation greater results, and some members derive
One person described the relationship emotional and professional satisfaction from
between UWONET and its members as 'a being members of the network.
marriage' in which there is some degree of There was also acknowledgement that
allegiance. Even while the member networks provide opportunities to link with
organisations are often aware of problems civil-society organisations more widely.
and unhappy with the way the network This means that gender issues come to the
uses its identity to build its own status and attention of others. Community organi-
access resources, they continue to belong to sations, donor agencies, universities, and
it. The members believe in the issues that
NGOs have all benefited from their inter-
the network is working on. In an informal
action with the networks, and some have
group discussion, my interviewees said
incorporated gender concerns and findings
that the problem is not the issues, but the
into the policies of these institutions. Thus,
mechanisms and strategies employed to
in spite of the unsatisfactory relations that
handle the issues. They also pointed out
that the members benefit from the network have developed, the members' recognition
through profile raising and capacity of the importance of social capital nurtured
development: for example, they learn by the networks and the alliance has
advocacy skills, get ideas for strategies, and persuaded most of them to maintain
so on. relations with the network.
While networking is valued by the
Member organisations clearly recognise
various member organisations, members are
the power of the network, in comparison
also pragmatic: UWONET is very popular
with their own power as individual
among donor organisations, and it is these
organisations. There was also recognition of
donors that provide the life-blood of the
the importance of the web of relations
member organisations. Hence, member
among the various actors, which are mainly
organisations prefer co-operation to
nurtured and maintained by the networks. It
competition, because the latter may be costly
enables organisations to deal with politically
to the identity and status of the individual
sensitive gender-related issues as a
member organisations, in terms of the
collective; members can take advantage of
respect, status, and recognition that they
numerical superiority to challenge govern-
command with donors. Member organi-
ment and other centres of power. Providing
sations would not like to be identified by
a platform to share common concerns and
UWONET and their fellow members as
speak with one voice on women's issues is
unsupportive of the network.
important if the members are to become
established players in the public debate. Strategies for increasing co-operation
There was also a feeling that members and reducing competition
benefit from networks more generally - Some mechanisms for reducing com-
beyond advocacy - through the opportunity petition and increasing collaboration
to publicise their work, and to learn. within the network are noted here.
Networking provided opportunities to pool
resources, although one research subject Building close relationships with local
noted that, due to competing relations, the staff in donor agencies
network has not taken full advantage of the Local staff in donor agencies are often in a
human capacity that is available within its strong position to influence and shape the
membership organisations. Another local agendas of donors, and their relationships
Gender networking and advocacy work in Uganda 39
with local NGOs. It is evident that the local UWONET feel isolated and unimportant.
staff in the donor agencies have a The cliques were mainly based on
comparative advantage in relation to their similarities in age or ethnic origin, or on
counterparts because of their local shared histories: for example, they were
knowledge. Local NGOs take advantage of formed by people who had all attended the
relationships with such people, who can same school. The cliques also made agenda
function as interlocutors, mediators, or formulation less transparent and demo-
even interpreters. They can also assist staff cratic, so that the views of only a few
of local NGOs by advising them on ways of individuals tended to prevail.
relating to donor agencies, or on adapting
Organisation of joint initiatives
their agendas in line with the issues that
In order to overcome the mistrust between
are most likely to attract donor funding.
the members and the network, while
Building close relationships between staff meeting the needs of the donors, a network
in organisations within the network secretariat and any of the member organ-
Strong relationships between individuals isations may agree to organise collaborative
can also strengthen networks. One research advocacy activities. UWONET's members
subject said that the relationship between were not willing to share their information
the individuals within the various with the network freely, and accused it of
organisations in UWONET had been stealing their information. On the other
critical in ensuring organisational support hand, the UWONET secretariat accused its
for the network's activities. In addition it members of using the information from the
was important for staff of UWONET to network meetings to make individual
develop strong relationships with proposals intended to impress donors and
individuals, because this helped the obtain funding. To address this problem,
secretariat to understand the various UWONET had tried organising its
member organisations and how to relate to advocacy initiatives in collaboration with a
them. Informal individual relations are member organisation, so that they could
important in agenda setting and manage- both report on the same activity. This
ment. One interviewee from UWONET helped them both to manage concerns
commented: 'When you look at the about accountability to donors, while
organisations that we really worked with, ensuring the donors' recognition of the
I made them to be personal friends, that you contribution of particular players.
know them beyond the organisations' This last point is particularly important,
(interview, R., July 2003). since undertaking joint programmes can be
However, individual relationships have problematic. Some donor agencies require
their own shortcomings. One research member organisations to show tangible
subject noted that when the mutual trust was results. This may lead to conflict among
based on a relationship between individuals, member organisations in competition for
this did not filter through to wider results and recognition, and the fear that
relationships between their organisations. their identity might be swallowed by the
This factor created discontinuity when network (UWONET 1999). The same
those individuals left their organisations. concern was noted by one research subject,
In addition to problems of discontinuity, one who said that donors' accountability
research subject told me that the process of mechanisms made it difficult to ensure that
developing relations between individual member organisations who might have a
'buddies' resulted in the formation of comparative advantage in undertaking a
cliques, which made some other individuals particular activity were actually free to do
who represented their organisations in so, since donors expected accountability
40
T
he Protocol to the African Charter on
Human and People's Rights on the ation of the African Women's Protocol.
Rights of Women in Africa (known as Oxfam sees the Protocol as a tool for
'The African Women's Protocol') was integrating gender-equality perspectives
adopted by African Heads of State in July within its own programmes in the region,
2003, at the Maputo Summit of the African and as a means of influencing policy at
Union, held in Mozambique. The Protocol national and local levels. Oxfam is part of a
is significant in three ways. It reinforces the 19-member coalition of organisations in
status of women's rights that have been Africa, working to popularise the notion of
established and elaborated in other the African Women's Protocol and lobby for
international and regional instruments. But its ratification and use by all African countries.
it is also the first instrument in international The coalition has engaged in a number of
law explicitly to enshrine women's sexual activities, including launching a text-message
and reproductive rights to medical abortion campaign, attending African Union summits
when pregnancy results from rape or for lobbying purposes, and producing public-
incest, or when the continuation of ations to raise awareness of the Protocol and
pregnancy endangers the health of a the issues that it aims to address. Although it
mother. It is the first instrument in is not easy to assess the impact of these
international law to call for the legal activities accurately, the coalition considers
prohibition of female genital mutilation. that its activities have contributed
And it is the first instrument of its kind significantly to increasing the number of
developed by Africans, for Africans. countries that have ratified the Protocol.
This article discusses the experience of Oxfam's membership of the coalition
Oxfam GB (hereafter referred to as 'Oxfam') forms part of the organisation's Pan African
The African Women's Protocol 43
Comparing the Protocol with other laws policies'. This article provides African
and policies women with a legal tool which can address
The African Women's Protocol builds on one of their biggest challenges: the co-
prior legal agreements, aiming to promote existence of customary and religious laws -
and protect women's rights in a number of which often discriminate against women -
significant ways. It supports women and civil law. Customary and religious laws
confronting problems that were not often govern personal and family affairs,
addressed in either CEDAW (the 1979 and often prevail over civil law and
Convention on All Forms of Discrimination constitutional guarantees. This has been a
Against Women), or the African Charter on major problem in implementing both
Human and People's Rights. These CEDAW and the Beijing Platform for Action.
problems include violence against women, Another advantage of the African Women's
HIV/AIDS, and denial of women's health Protocol is that it is legally binding. In this
and reproductive rights. The Protocol also respect it differs from the Beijing Declaration
widens the definition of crimes against and its associated Platform for Action, and
humanity to include rape, sexual slavery, from the Southern African Development
and other forms of sexual violence. It is Community (SADC) Gender Declaration
clear that the Protocol is an advanced tool and its Addendum on the Prevention and
for protecting the rights of women in Eradication of Violence against Women and
particularly vulnerable situations - for Children (1997). The Protocol reinforces
example, widows, older women, and CEDAW on a number of subjects, such as the
pregnant and nursing mothers. trafficking of women, and the need to
The African Women's Protocol differs address inequalities in marriage with respect
from previous legal agreements in another to decision making, inheritance of property,
sense: it is home-grown, developed by and parental rights. By calling for equal
Africans for Africans. In some parts of representation in decision making and
Africa, women activists have considered political life, it further reinforces CEDAW,
CEDAW's effectiveness to be weakened by and improves on the 30 per cent target for
its perception as a legal instrument of women's representation that was set by the
Western women. On the other hand, the Beijing process and the SADC Declaration.
Protocol avoids the problems of the African Women and NGOs can also make use of
Charter on Human and People's Rights, the rights enshrined in the Protocol to submit
which in the opinion of many African individual or group complaints to the
women activists was excessively positive in African Commission on Human and
its endorsement of African tradition, values, People's Rights and to the African Court on
and customs. Because of this, it failed to Human and People's Rights (when the latter
acknowledge that some of these customs and becomes operational - it is still unclear when
traditions discriminate against - and harm - this will be3). It therefore potentially
women. provides for remedies to women whose
The African Women's Protocol outlaws rights have been violated. However, except
traditions such as female genital mutilation in rare cases, individuals and other non-State
(FGM), widow inheritance, and child actors do not have direct access to these
marriages. Furthermore, it does not stop at mechanisms. Direct access is limited to cases
outlawing negative cultural practices, but where international instruments, once
goes on (in Article 17) to assert the right of ratified, automatically become part of the
African women to live in a 'positive cultural country's national law.
context' and their right to 'enhanced Overall, the African Women's Protocol
participation in the determination of cultural can strengthen the legal and policy
The African Women's Protocol 45
framework of countries, and can help to The Protocol could be used to strengthen
promote action to protect the rights of the regulatory framework for the
women. It can help to bridge the gap participation of women in decision making,
between law and policy on the one hand, through legislation quotas and other
and practice and reality on the other. It can affirmative-action measures. In South
act as a shield against retrograde action Africa, great strides have been made in the
which threatens women's rights, protecting representation of women in decision making
the gains made by women in legal, political, and political life, thanks to the 30 per cent
economic, and social spheres. quota currently applied as a voluntary
measure by the African National Congress.
However, such measures need to be
Countries' responses to formally incorporated into institutional
the Protocol policy and practice in order to ensure that
The research report considers in particular they are sustained. Currently, they depend
the implications of the Protocol for women on the goodwill of the ruling party. Formal
in Mozambique, South Africa, and Zambia. incorporation could also result in
It focuses on ways of enabling women to improvements in the practices of other
participate equally in governance, to resist political parties.
and survive violence, and to monitor In Zambia, NGOs have proposed the
government spending through 'gender introduction of quotas in their recommend-
budgeting'; it also focuses on ways of ations to the country's Constitutional
involving men in work to support equal Review Commission, in a bid to enhance the
rights for women. participation of women in politics. The
Protocol could provide leverage for these
Political participation efforts. In both South Africa and Zambia, the
Article 9 of the African Women's Protocol African Women's Protocol could also be
requires States that sign and ratify it to take used to spur much-needed progress in areas
specific positive action to promote the of governance such as local government,
equal participation of women in public service, the judiciary, the armed
governance and the political life of their forces, and the private sector. The African
countries. This affirmative action is Women's Protocol could also be used in
intended to ensure that national legislation advocacy work aiming to persuade
and other measures promote and support institutions to put policies on equal
women's equal participation in elections, participation into practice.
electoral processes, and the development
and implementation of State policies and Violence against women
programmes. Article 4 of the African Women's Protocol
Article 9 also requires States to increase commits States to enact and enforce laws to
the representation and participation of prohibit all forms of violence against
women at all levels of decision making, and women, whether it takes place in public or
ensure that this representation and in private. States are obliged to adopt all
participation are effective. The African appropriate measures to ensure the
Union has responded to the call for equal prevention and eradication of violence
participation in decision making by against women, and to punish perpetrators.
appointing commissioners and elected The Protocol also commits governments to
women to high-level posts, such as the provide adequate budgets and other
presidency of the Pan African Parliament. resources for the implementation and
This sends out a positive signal to women. monitoring of these measures. This latter
46
to pursue more productive and fulfilling anything about it. Promoting awareness
lives and would ensure healthier, more about the Protocol must remain high on the
prosperous families. By addressing violence agenda if it is to be an effective instrument of
against women and harmful traditional change.
practices that disempower them, the African
Women's Protocol will help to improve
living standards for both men and women. Harnessing the force of the
Protocol
Levels of awareness of the Protocol
The report identifies challenges but also
Our research suggests that, on the whole,
focuses on case studies of good practice.
the level of public awareness about the
These discuss ways of raising public
African Women's Protocol is woefully low.
awareness of the existence and use of
Unfortunately, it was lowest among people
working in the media, and community international agreements; ways of creating
organisations. These are two groups who a legal, policy, and institutional framework
are crucial to its implementation. Most which enables women to realise their
community organisations had never heard rights; and cases where international legal
of the Protocol, and media coverage of the agreements have been used by women.
African Women's Protocol has been A number of challenges must be faced in
negligible. In South Africa, the ratification the process of harnessing the potential
of the Protocol did not even make the force of the African Women's Protocol.
news. The researchers did not find any They include making good the gaps and
reports about the ratification in newspapers weaknesses in the African Women's
or on TV or radio. There was no fanfare or Protocol itself.
public announcement. It was a missed In common with most international
opportunity for promoting public human-rights instruments, the Protocol
awareness about the Protocol. contains no sanctions for non-compliance.
In our view, the level of awareness was For monitoring, the African Women's
highest among individuals (government Protocol relies on States to include a section
officials, members of parliament, and NGO on its implementation in their periodic
workers) who have actually been involved reports on the implementation of the
in the promotion, adoption, and ratification Charter. Yet these reports have not hitherto
of the Protocol. South Africans were more been very forthcoming. Given the poor
aware than Zambians: South Africa has record of compliance of States in fulfilling
already ratified the Protocol, and Zambia this obligation, advocates of women's rights
has not. In Zambia, where debate has been will have to pressurise governments
more limited, officials interviewed were simultaneously on two fronts: first, with
largely ignorant of the Protocol and its respect to the preparation of the report on
content. Only a limited number of NGOs implementation of the Charter, and second
seemed sufficiently familiar with the African with regard to ensuring that it contains a
Women's Protocol to be able to use it to meaningful report on the Protocol. It will be
advance women's rights. With regard to helpful for them to draw on CEDAW's
Mozambique, the fact that the Protocol was experience of reporting processes, and
adopted in Maputo did not seem to have had devise measures such as NGO shadow
any significant effect on the levels of reports and indicators to help to overcome
awareness among the general population. weaknesses.
As in the other countries, very few people As regards implementation, there will be
beyond those who had actually been directly a need for a clear definition of the
involved in work on the Protocol knew relationship between the Court and the
48
Commission, and the resolution of actors, actions, and targets. The plans
uncertainties with respect to competence. It should include the following key elements:
is not yet clear how the merger of the Court identification of champions (individuals)
on Human and People's Rights and the and key drivers (institutions) to lead the
Court of Justice of the African Union will way;
affect its capacity to promote and protect
human rights. Countries will have to make a development of holistic national/
declaration accepting the competence of the regional plans or strategies tailored to
Court to receive individual complaints each country's /region's circumstances;
before their citizens can enjoy this development of tools for dissemination;
protection. In addition, unless adequate
resources are provided, the Court will support for activities to popularise the
share the problems that the Commission Protocol and ensure its ratification,
experienced in its early years. domestication, and implementation;
A key challenge is the absence of a capacity building and efforts to
culture that encourages the use of inter- strengthen vital or strategic
national human-rights instruments to organisations;
realise all categories of human rights,
including women's rights. The weakening of meetings of key stakeholders, convened
the women's movement in Africa in the at national and regional levels to jump-
past decade, and the weakness of key start this process.
partnerships and alliances, are other hurdles As we complete the research, we feel that a
that women must overcome. Lack of number of areas merit further research.
political will to address gender issues, and They include the following.
the weakness of policies and procedures The implications of Article 17, on the
intended to realise gender equality - in right to participate in the determination
terms of power, resources, and skills - are of cultural policy. How best could this
some of the other challenges with which we right be used to change women's lives?
must grapple. Other problems include the How does it relate to upholding
strength of patriarchy, tradition, culture, women's rights in a context of cultural
and religion; the co-existence of multiple practices such as lobola (bride price),
legal systems; and the public/private virginity testing, and initiation
dichotomy, which restricts women to the ceremonies? How does it relate to issues
private sphere. Finally, there are threats in of sexuality?
the wider political and economic context in
which African women live their lives. The situation with regard to the
These range from the diversion of resources trafficking of women in southern Africa.
to fund the international fight against The state of the women's movement in
terrorism, the implementation of economic Africa in the twenty-first century, and
policies which limit government spending the question of how it can be
on social services, and the rise in religious strengthened. In our view, this should
and cultural fundamentalisms. All these include studies on the link between the
could roll back the gains made by women growing numbers of women in public
over the years. office and the status of women in
Using the research to inform action general.
The report that came out of the research Since the research was undertaken, Oxfam
recommends the development of national/ has participated in a range of activities in
regional plans or strategies which link relation to advocacy for women's rights
The African Women's Protocol 49
and the African Women's Protocol in the African Union; by our policy research on the
southern African region. Women's Protocol; and by some internal
consultations with staff. The strategy lists
Activities linked to World AIDS Day and
activities that Oxfam will undertake at
the 16 days of activism
regional and country levels. We see the
On 30 November 2004, at its offices in
strategy as important not only in its own
Pretoria, to mark the occasion of World
right, as a contribution to gender equality,
AIDS Day and its intersection with the
but as an element in work to realise the
16 Days of Activism Against Violence
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in
Against Women, Oxfam facilitated a Public
Southern Africa.
Dialogue on the Protocol to the African
Charter on Human and People's Rights on Collaboration with the Pan African
the Rights of Women in Africa. The focus of Parliament
the event was on Sexual and Reproductive In 2004 March, Oxfam's Pan Africa Policy
Health and HIV/AIDS, within the Adviser and the Regional Gender Adviser
framework of the Women's Protocol. for Oxfam in Southern Africa attended a
launch of the Pan African Parliament in
Consultative workshops
Addis Ababa. Since then, a coalition on
Three consultative workshops were held to
African Women's Rights has been formed
disseminate the findings of the policy
to raise public awareness and campaign for
research mentioned above to a range of
the ratification of the AU Women's
actors, including academicians, parliament-
Protocol across Africa. The coalition is
arians, government officials, the African
composed of 19 organisations. Oxfam staff
Union's Special Reporter on Women, the
also attended the strategy workshop of the
media, civil-society organisations, and
Gender, Family, Youth, and People with
Oxfam staff. The aim was to identify
Disabilities Committee of the Pan African
strategies for ratification, awareness
Parliament in April 2005. A draft strategy
raising, and domestic use of the Women's
from this workshop is to be tabled in the
Protocol. The workshops included two
fourth session of the Pan African
national workshops, held in South Africa
Parliament, due in November 2005. The
and Mozambique. There was an internal
draft strategy identifies a number of areas
Oxfam workshop to develop the regional
which need attention if women's rights are
strategy and identify potential allies for
to be realised. 4 As a way forward, the
popularising the Women's Protocol.
Oxfam GB Southern Africa region is to
Regional strategy on the Africa Women's collaborate with the Gender, Family,
Protocol Youth, and People with Disability
Oxfam developed a regional strategy on Committee of the Pan African Parliament,
the Protocol at a regional consultative sharing its experience with regard to
workshop held in April 2005. The regional HIV/AIDS.
workshop aimed to disseminate the In conclusion, our advocacy activities
findings of the policy research to Oxfam linked to the African Women's Protocol
country staff, and to identify elements that suggest to us that it is a potential force for
different sectors could incorporate into positive change, despite its imperfections.
their programmes to further women's The Protocol legitimises the struggles for
rights. gender equality and the promotion and
A draft regional strategy on the Protocol protection of women's rights as an African
emerged, informed by the experiences of struggle. If properly harnessed, it can serve
Oxfam staff and partner organisations of as an effective tool to be used by African
working with several institutions within the women, to support their empowerment.
50
A V O i c e Of Our O w n : advocacy
by women with disability in Australia and
the Pacific
Therese Sands, for People With Disability Australia
Incorporated (PWDA)
Women with disability do not generally benefit from international human-rights laws and
agreements, or from development discourse and practice. The interconnection between disability and
gender identity is largely invisible within women's rights, disability rights, and development
agendas. For women with disability in the Asia and Pacific region, this is particularly evident for
Pacific women; within Australia, for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women. This article
discusses these issues in the context of PWDA's advocacy approach to disability, gender, and
development. It also describes PWDA's engagement with women's human-rights projects, which has
formed part of its advocacy strategy to develop a voice for Australian and Pacific women with
disability.
P
eople With Disability Australia
Incorporated (PWDA) was founded exercise our advocacy role locally and
in 1980, in the lead-up to the nationally within Australia, as well as
International Year of Disabled Persons regionally within the Pacific, and
(1981), to provide people with disability internationally. Our capacity-building
with a voice of their own. Our commitment work, in partnership with particularly
to self-representation is reflected in our disadvantaged population groups of people
organisational structure: we are governed with disability, includes the development of
by a board of directors, all of whom are advocacy skills to enable these groups to
people with disability; the majority of 'work the system' more effectively, to ensure
employed staff are people with disability; that their needs are met and their rights
and individuals with disability and respected within their own countries.
organisations of people with disability are
our primary voting membership. We have a
cross-disability focus - that is, membership Disability and
is open to people with all types of disability. development in the Pacific
Our primary role is rights-based The World Health Organisation estimates
advocacy. We believe that disability, and that there are 600 million people with
gender and disability, need to become a disability worldwide, with 80 per cent living
priority and focus of development in developing countries. People with
initiatives, aid programmes, poverty- disability in general, and women with
alleviation strategies, and human-rights disability in particular, are largely not
52
recognised as a priority for development The next part of this article will provide a
initiatives, aid programmes, poverty- discussion of the conceptual framework for
alleviation strategies, and human-rights PWDA's advocacy approach to disability,
measures. Where they are identified as a gender, and development.
specific target group, the focus is
predominantly on rehabilitation, impairment
prevention, health care, and the provision of Disability, gender, and
technical aids and equipment - to the relative development
exclusion of strategies that would address While women's-rights activists and organi-
underlying inequities, including gender sations have, to some extent, acknowledged
inequity and the achievement of basic human the ways in which gender and race intersect
rights. In addition, women with disability are
each other to create particular locations of
invisible in measures that aim to progress
disadvantage for women, similar con-
gender equity and women's rights.
nections between gender and disability
The largest number of people with remain largely invisible. This means that the
disability, estimated at 400 million, lives in specific experience of women with disability
the Asia and Pacific region (UNESCAP remains essentially unacknowledged and
2005a). Pacific people with disability are at a unaddressed. Women with disability are
particular disadvantage in the Asia and themselves marginalised from women's
Pacific region, in relation to development, organisations; everyday activities, such
aid, and poverty-alleviation programmes.
as meetings, consultations, information dis-
Pacific Island countries, with significantly
semination, support services and conferences,
smaller populations, usually living on small,
are often inaccessible to many women with
geographically isolated islands, cannot
disability. The policies, reports, advocacy
compete with the high profile and visibility
projects, and development programmes that
of the Asian region, which is the most
aim to address women's rights do not
populous region in the world.
include, nor do they reach, women with
Pacific people with disability, including
Pacific women with disability, need to gain a disability.
higher profile in the Asia and the Pacific This is particularly problematic in terms
region. Donors and aid agencies, recipient of development and aid that may be
governments, women's and human-rights intended to help women to realise their
organisations, and the Asia and Pacific human rights, but which in practice
region in general need to be persuaded of the excludes women with disability from the
significance of human-rights issues for benefits.
people with disability. The development of a The interconnection between gender and
strong voice of people with disability is disability also remains largely invisible in
fundamental to this task of persuasion. the work of disability-rights organisations.
Our major capacity-building partner- The way in which women experience
ships include working with Aboriginal and disability is not generally acknowledged or
Torres Strait Islander people with disability, explored. While everyday activities of these
to develop their own self-representative organisations may be accessible to women
organisation;' working with organisations with disability, their specific issues as
of Pacific disabled people to develop a women are generally neither identified nor
regional organisation of Pacific people with addressed in policies, reports, advocacy
disability (the Pacific Disability Forum, or projects, and programmes aimed at
PDF); and supporting the activities of the achieving rights for people with disability.
Women with Disabilities Pasifika Network Women with disability have responded
(WWDPN).2 to this exclusion by forming their own
A voice of our own: women with disability in Australia and the Pacific 53
networks and organisations, such as disability, and how gender, disability and
WWDPN, and Women with Disabilities poverty intersect. Women with disability
Australia.3 Women with disability have have compiled the most comprehensive
succeeded to some extent in gaining information about themselves. This infor-
recognition and having concerns addressed mation provides a global picture of
within disability organisations, such as exclusion, discrimination, poverty, violence,
PWDA. However, the interconnection and human-rights abuse, which is based on
between gender and disability is still largely the intersection between gender and
unacknowledged in Community Based disability, and gender, disability, and race.
Rehabilitation (CBR), the predominant Specific issues manifest themselves
development practice that aims to address differently in each cultural, social, and
the rehabilitation needs of people with political context, within countries and
disability, in conjunction with equality of between countries, and in relation to specific
opportunity and social inclusion. types of impairment and condition.
CBR has widespread support from However, there is also significant agreement
disability and development organisations.4 on the key issues identified by Australian
It is increasingly being seen as a and Pacific women with disability, as
development practice that needs to be linked follows.5
to poverty-alleviation strategies, the Violence
Millennium Development Goals, and the Women with disability are at greater risk of
achievement of human rights (UNESCAP all forms of violence than other women are.
2005b). However, the issues and concerns of They are also less likely to be able to access
women with disability are not specifically support, refuge, or legal redress.
identified in discussions concerning CBR,
Violence against women with disability
and nor is the question of involving women
takes more forms than violence against other
with disability as equal partners in CBR
women. For example, Australian women
practice. CBR needs to be linked to
with disability may experience violence in
development measures that address gender
institutional settings, at the hands of
inequity and women's human rights, and it
personal care workers, and through forced
needs to develop measures to ensure that
sterilisation. In some Pacific Island
women with disability are active and equal
communities, violence against women with
partners.
disability is not considered a crime. In
Until the issues and concerns of women others, where there has been violent conflict
with disability are actively addressed within and war, women with disability have been
disability organisations and women's more likely to experience gender-based
organisations and within development violence; and women are more likely to
practice, women with disability will acquire disability as a result of gender-based
continue to be excluded from the human- violence.
rights and development gains made by
women and will not achieve gender equity Poverty
in relation to disability rights and Women with disability are more likely to
development. live on low incomes, and to experience
absolute poverty, than other women. In our
Key issues region, this is particularly the case for
It is very difficult to provide a definitive Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
analysis of the status of women with women with disability, and Pacific Island
disability. There is no comprehensive women with disability. The shameful level
research, statistical analysis, or information of poverty among Aboriginal and Torres
that addresses how gender intersects with Strait Islander people is also a major cause of
54
largely as a result of lobbying and advocacy CEDAW. Unlike CEDAW, the BPFA does to
efforts by women with disability at the time some extent specifically mention issues for
when the Rules were being drafted (Sara- women with disability throughout the
Serrano Mathiason 2003). However, the document. Again, women with disability
Rules deal with the issues and concerns of were crucial to this inclusion, and their
women with disability in only a limited way. success depended on intensive lobbying
Apart from the Convention on the Rights throughout the development process of the
of the Child, the thematic conventions that draft Platform (Sara-Serrano Mathiason
have been developed by the United Nations 2003).
(UN) to articulate the particular needs and While the BPFA does articulate some
concerns of specific population groups do actions that are necessary for real progress
not specifically address or mention people towards the realisation of rights for women
with disability.9 In addition, women with with disability, there has been limited
disability are not specifically mentioned in implementation of these actions by
the Convention on the Elimination of All individual governments. In addition, the
Forms of Discrimination Against Women BPFA is not legally binding. Women with
(CEDAW). disability do not have a convention that
specifically and explicitly addresses their
CEDAW and the Beijing Platform for issues and concerns.
Action
Women with disability have been successful Disability Rights Convention
in lobbying the UN Committee that Only in 2001 did the United Nations agree to
interprets and monitors CEDAW to adopt a develop a thematic convention on the rights
General Recommendation on women with of people with disability. The development
disability (Sara-Serrano Mathiason 2003). of the draft convention, 'Comprehensive
This General Recommendation on women and Integral International Convention on
with disability requires governments to the Protection and Promotion of the Rights
provide information on women with and Dignity of Persons with Disabilities' is
disability in their periodic reports to the currently underway, and the 6th United
Committee, and in particular on measures Nations Ad Hoc Committee Meeting took
that ensure equal access to education, place in August 2005.
employment, health services, and social There are two key areas of debate that are
security, and measures that ensure extremely significant for Australian and
participation in all areas of social and Pacific women with disability: should the
cultural life. convention include the needs and concerns
However, although the General of specific population groups, including
Recommendation has identified 'disability' women with disability? And should the
as an issue within CEDAW, and govern- convention provide a framework for
ments to some extent now provide development and international co-operation?
information about women with disability, There are arguments for and against
the application of CEDAW to women with specific recognition of women with
disability is largely ad hoc. CEDAW has disability in the convention. Some have
provided women with disability with little argued against the inclusion of specific
practical protection and benefit. reference to women with disability because
The Beijing Platform for Action (BPFA) is this may imply that it is the only article that
a UN action plan that sets out actions in is applied to this group; the other articles
twelve critical areas on which governments will not be seen as relevant to women with
need to focus, in order to make progress on disability. A specific article may also imply
realising the rights of women outlined in that CEDAW does not apply to women with
56
disability. Others have argued that the equality is addressed and the failure to link
intersection of disability and gender creates the targets to CEDAW and BPFA.12 The UN
greater disadvantage, and that, without Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM)
specific reference and specific protections, recommends that CEDAW and BPFA must
women with disability will remain invisible be integrated with plans to achieve the
and not benefit from the convention's MDGs, so that the MDGs can become a tool
implementation. This has been the experience for implementation of CEDAW and the
of people with disability in all other BPFA (UNIFEM 2005). However, given that
conventions. Women with disability in women with disability have not felt the
Australia and the Pacific have stated their benefit of CEDAW or BPFA, this is unlikely
preference for a 'twin track' approach, where to enhance application of the MDGs to
there is both specific reference to women women with disability.
with disability, and gender mainstreaming In addition, Indigenous women in
throughout the convention.10 Australia are even more unlikely to benefit
In relation to the type of convention that from the MDGs. It is not yet clear whether
should be developed, the debate focuses on Australia will recognise the MDGs in
arguments for a traditional convention relation to Indigenous communities, despite
on anti-discrimination and equality of the fact that interconnection between
opportunity, and arguments for a convention disability and poverty in these communities
that recognises transfer of resources, is comparable to the situation in developing
knowledge, technical assistance, and policy countries.
advice to the developing world, where the
majority of people with disability live.'' Biwako Millennium Framework
The outcome of these debates will have a The Biwako Millennium Framework for Action
significant influence on the question of Towards an Inclusive, Barrier-Free and Rights-
whether the rights of women with disability Based Society for Persons with Disabilities in
will at last be explicitly articulated in Asia and the Pacific (BMP), 2003-2012 is the
international law and recognised in practice. second regional UN action plan that sets
targets to achieve rights for people with
The Millennium Development Goals disability.
Despite the interconnection between While gender issues were included to
disability and poverty, the UN targets for some extent in the first decade's Agenda for
global action against poverty - the Action,13 they were implemented in only a
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) - very limited way. By contrast, the BMF
are silent about people with disability. Yet specifically identifies women with disability
the MDGs will be achieved only if poverty- as the second of seven priority areas for
alleviation measures take account of the action.
needs and human rights of people with The BMF explicitly articulates the issues
disability, including the specific issues and and concerns of women with disability, and
concerns of women with disability. The recognises the intersection between gender
MDGs set a target for achieving gender and disability. Its main aim is to ensure that
equality, but this target is unlikely to be women with disability are fully included in
achieved for women with disability, if the self-help organisations of people with
basis of poverty and inequality for women disability, in women's organisations, and in
with disability, the intersection of gender mainstream development initiatives, and
and disability, is not addressed. that specific measures are adopted to
Women worldwide have been critical of safeguard their rights. A crucial action
the extremely limited way in which gender identified to achieve this is for governments,
A voice of our own: women with disability in Australia and the Pacific 57
donors, disability organisations, and non- Australian State and Territory on the
government organisations to build the development of State and Territory
capacity of women with disability to reports on the status of women and,
participate equally in policy, consultations, from these, the development of a
advocacy, and decision-making processes National Community Report,
(UNESCAP2002). 'Our Rights, Our Voices'.14
Overall, the BMF provides a strong The review to mark the twenty-year
framework for Australian and Pacific anniversary of the Commonwealth Sex
women with disability to demand and Discrimination Act 1984 (SDA) and the
progress action that specifically targets ten-year review of BPFA were jointly
protection of their rights, and in a way that driven by the Human Rights and Equal
stipulates their inclusion in the development Opportunity Commission (HREOC), the
and implementation of action. government agency that administers the
The next section of this article describes SDA, and two non-government
PWDA's engagement with women's human- organisations, the Centre for Refugee
rights projects as part of its advocacy Research (CRR) and the Australian
strategy to provide a voice for Australian National Committee of Refugee Women
and Pacific women with disability. (ANCORW). Three main activities were
conducted within Australia as part of
the review process: consultations with
A voice of our own: from women throughout Australia, a
grassroots to global action Women's Human Rights Court, and a
2004 and 2005 marked an important review Women's Human Rights Workshop.
period for three significant human-rights The Court and Workshop were events
instruments for women: for women in Australia and the Pacific,
and were part of a range of events that
the twentieth anniversary of Australia's were taking place throughout the world
Sex Discrimination Act 1984; in preparation for the UN Commission
the NGO women's sector review of on Status of Women (CSW) review of
progress in implementing CEDAW, international implementation of
in preparation for the review of the BPFA.15
Australian Government's report by the
At PWDA we viewed these events as a
CEDAW Committee in January 2006;
significant opportunity for women with
and disability to have their voices heard, and to
the NGO women's sector preparations advocate for our issues and concerns to be
for the ten-year review of the Beijing integral to women's rights. It was also an
Platform for Action (BPFA). opportunity to demonstrate that women
with disability are significant advocates in
Two key processes were implemented to the fight for women's rights.
conduct these reviews: The working groups responsible for
The Women's Report Card Project planning and implementing the two review
(WRCP). The NGO women's sector processes had a genuine commitment to
review of CEDAW is being driven by ensuring that all women, in all their
the Women's Rights Action Network diversity, would be able to participate.
Australia (WRANA), an unfunded While some working-group members had
network of women's rights activists. networks and experience in facilitating the
To date, this project has involved participation of different groups of women,
consultations with women in every networks and experience in relation to
58
women's events, and that women with the Pacific with the BMF. Australian and
disability are key contributors to activism Pacific women with disability must continue
for women's rights. to contribute to debates about gender equity
and the inclusion of women with disability
in the development of the draft convention.
Conclusion: future
A significant challenge in progressing
directions these issues is the on-going effort, resources,
For us Australian and Pacific women with and funding required by consistent
disability, developing a strong voice is engagement in three arenas: women's
essential to having our needs and concerns rights, disability rights, and development
identified and addressed on agendas practice. In relation to women's rights and
relating to disability rights, women's rights, development practice, initial advocacy
and development. efforts can often be consumed by the
There are key actions that still need to be struggle to have participation requirements
taken to achieve this. We need in-country met. In the disability-rights arena, it is
human-rights training, leadership and skills necessary to constantly profile the gender-
development for women with disability, specific aspects of issues. In all three arenas,
and the formation of self-help networks of women with disability have to ensure that
women with disability. Capacity building is they are recognised as women first and
required for self-help networks of Pacific rights bearers. While similar strategies may
women with disability to ensure that women be used to profile issues and concerns of
with disability achieve political recognition women with disability within these arenas,
of their concerns at both national and considerable work is required to build
regional levels. Australian and Pacific knowledge and networks, establish
women with disability need to be fully and credibility, and understand concepts and
equally included in the decision making and systems specific to each arena.
management of organisations of people with However, the benefits of this advocacy
disability and in women's-rights organi- work are significant: creating a synergy
sations. Alliances need to be forged with between women's rights, disability rights,
disability, women's, and development and development practice where women
agencies, with Australian and Pacific with disability achieve visibility, equity, and
women with disability continuing to develop full inclusion. Along with other women and
and implement mutually supportive men with disability, women with disability
advocacy strategies. will also benefit from human-rights law and
The profile and visibility of Pacific practice and development discourse and
people with disability need to be raised with practice.
development and donor agencies. The
development strategies of development and Therese Sands is a Senior Advocate for People
donor agencies must prioritise people with With Disability Australia Incorporated, with a
disability, including women with disability, particular focus on building the capacity of
and Aboriginal and Torres Islander people Australian and Pacific women with disability to
with disability. Development and donor participate in and benefit from human-rights and
agencies need to implement human-rights development discourse and practice. Address:
approaches to disability, gender, and PWDA, PO Box 666, Strawberry Hills NSW
development: approaches which are 2012, Australia.
inclusive of people with disability, including Email: tsands@pwd.org.au
women with disability. They should also Website: www.pwd.org.au
align development policies and practices in
A voice of our own: women with disability in Australia and the Pacific 61
when they became autonomous, or strove to It was the first conviction under this law
be so. I am referring to autonomy from that galvanised urban professional women,
political parties, local pressure groups, and and women's organisations, to form the
official or government influence. In a way, Women's Action Forum (WAF). As WAF
the 1970s and 1980s marked the arrival of the protested, demonstrated, and publicly
feminist movement in South Asia. challenged the laws and other forms of
Influenced to some extent by the thinking of discrimination against women in Pakistan, it
the women's movements in the West, it vigorously defended its autonomy,
manifested itself in Pakistan as a platform distancing itself from political parties, trade
(the Women's Action Forum, formed to unions, and professional associations.
oppose the Hudood Ordinances, which are Equally vigorously, it defined its struggle as
discussed in the next section), and as a struggle against the martial-law regime,
dispersed groups demanding an end to and for democracy.
dowry deaths (in India), or denouncing For almost ten years, WAF represented
violence or demanding land rights (in India Pakistani women's voice and resistance. In
and in other parts of the region). What this period, it succeeded in putting women's
defined this coming of age was the assertion issues on the agenda. No political party
of women's identity, needs, and aspirations, manifesto was complete without mentioning
and the de-linking of activism to promote women's rights, and public discourse about
women's rights from the activism of women's unequal status in society was
organisations which advocate political articulated in and beyond the media. This
rights, the rights of workers, and so on. discourse focused on issues that included
In the next section, I focus on the women's rights to work and to participate
experience of the women's movement in in political life; the division drawn by
Pakistan specifically. customary practices (and condoned by the
State) between public and private spaces;
and its impact on women. It also focused on
The Pakistan experience the particular concerns of women heads of
The contemporary women's movement in households. The volume of research on
Pakistan dates back to the early 1980s, when women by women increased very significantly.
its head of state, General Zia-ul Haq, used Issues that were formerly taboo, such as
religion to legitimise his rule and colluded rape, killing in the name of honour, violence
with religious forces. He promulgated, against women, and harmful customs, were
among other measures, the Hudood brought into the public domain.
Ordinances (1979).: These constitute the By 1988, democracy had been restored in
most pernicious and discriminatory piece of Pakistan, elections held, and a woman prime
legislation that Pakistani women have ever minister (Benazir Bhutto) elected. The
seen. It has had far-reaching and devastating women's movement seemed to lose its
consequences, particularly for poor women. steam, and the passion and anger that had
It makes no distinction between adultery driven it became diffused. In the following
(sexual activity outside marriage under- decade, women's development organi-
taken with the consent of the woman) and sations were established. Funds became
rape (violation of a woman through forced available. A new strategy evolved: that of
sex). It affects the ways in which courts influencing government and policy makers
work, in that it excludes the evidence of through engagement and dialogue. Women
women and religious minorities, and activists were now members of advisory
provides for stoning to death and flogging if committees and working groups, and they
Hadd (maximum violation under the law) wrote policy papers and reports. Advocacy
is proved. continued in this new form - working with
Advocacy for an end to poverty, inequality, and insecurity 65
parliamentarians and politicians, and deprive them of rights under the tenancy
through the media. Feminists made inter- laws and make them vulnerable to eviction
national alliances, through UN conferences from the lands that their families had
and global networks. cultivated for more than one hundred
The decade of the 1990s saw Pakistan in years.3 These movements received active
political turmoil, struggling under a heavy support from feminists and human-rights
burden of external debt, forced to adopt activists.
economic structural adjustment policies,2 The big challenge from the mid-1990s
and facing the rise of religious extremists, (as in the previous era before the 1980s,
who were tolerated and mollified by when women's rights became an issue in
successive governments. This was the themselves) has been to locate campaigns for
period of growing xenophobia, intolerance women's rights within the broader struggle,
on the basis of ethnic differences, and to ensure that women are included in
persecution of minorities and development decision-making processes. However, in my
organisations, the use of the gun to settle view the feminist movement, in opting to
scores, and the visible induction of women close ranks with movements for social
into 'fundamentalist' parties and groups. justice, has not done so at the cost of its own
The antagonism of politico-religious men autonomy. This has been possible through
against women sharpened, as women's the process, initiated in the mid-1970s (by a
organisations reached out to poor women in relatively small group of women), of
rural areas, persuading them to cast votes or addressing women's issues on their own
to go to school. merit, rather than as part of the agenda of
In this context, from the mid-1990s existing organisations promoting women's
onwards, the women's movement became a social welfare, or political parties, or labour
part of the movement for civil liberties and or peasant groups. In the 1980s, when
minority rights; of the anti-nuclear move- political parties and activities were banned
ment (after the testing of nuclear devices by in Pakistan, women established their
India and Pakistan); of the anti-dam and autonomy by being the first to publicly
pro-environment movement (in the wake of challenge the military government of the
the government's intention to build large day. It is a measure of the steadfastness of
new dams, and the emergence of the the feminists in maintaining their political
suffering of those displaced by dams positions that the space that they carved for
constructed earlier in Tarbela and Mangla); themselves then has been respected, as well
and the peace movement (following military as maintained.
clashes and tensions with India). Similar In the next section I review the progress
developments could be seen in India: for made towards realising women's rights in
example, the anti-Narmada Dam move- Pakistan, and consider questions to inform
ment, and the protests after the Gujarat mass future directions.
killings in 2002 (Ahmed 2004). Other social
movements that emerged in Pakistan in this
period involved the active participation of
Reviewing our progress
women in confrontations with police and and asking some questions
paramilitary forces. The formation of the Women in Pakistan have made some
peasant movement in the Punjab was significant gains in their campaigns to
triggered in 2000 with the announcement realise their human rights over the past three
that the status of peasants working on army- decades. CEDAW has been ratified. Thirty-
controlled lands was being changed from three per cent of seats are reserved for
that of tenant farmers to that of lessees, women in local government bodies, and
tilling the land on contract. The move would 17 per cent are similarly reserved in
66
parliament. This breakthrough came in 2000, (primarily because of the religious lobby's
after relentless, decade-long campaigning. support of the law as being 'Islamic'), the
There is a 5 per cent quota for women in agitation and advocacy continued relent-
government jobs. The government is lessly. Finally, the occurrence of yet another
making greater allocations of its budget for case of victimisation of a woman under the
women's programmes: for instance, for the law compelled the National Commission on
period 2005-2010, Pakistan Rupees 4.1 the Status of Women, headed by a retired
billion have been earmarked to fund woman judge, to undertake once again in
activities designed to improve women's 2003 the task of reviewing the law and its
social, economic, and political empower- impact on women. The Commission
ment through existing programmes and unanimously recommended the repeal of
new initiatives, including technical skills the Ordinances. This was followed by the
training, micro-finance schemes, rehabili- official decision to review the law for
tation and protection centres for women in amendment or repeal.
distress, and institutional reforms.4 Yet despite these successes, much
In addition, there is greater visibility of remains to be done. The ratio of women to
women in the electronic media. There is men in Pakistan remains seriously distorted
recognition of the phenomenon of 'honour' in men's favour, at 108:100, reflecting bias
killing as needing legislation by the against women which results in the deaths
government and political parties (although of female foetuses, girl children, and adult
the Honour Killing Law passed by women. Between 350 and 500 women out of
Parliament in 2005 fell short of women 100,000 die in childbirth (Mumtaz 2004);
activists' expectations, by not taking into there is a 30 per cent gap in male:female
account conflict with other laws that makes primary-school enrolment; domestic violence
the new legislation ineffective). A permanent and violence against women are rampant;
National Commission on the Status of and - a cause for very serious concern - the
Women has been established. In 2002, a majority of women do not know their rights
National Policy for Women's Development and are not aware of the existence of the
and Empowerment was announced. women's movement.
Finally, the Hudood Ordinances have South Asia currently remains mired in
been undergoing review since 2003, for conflict arising from religion, class, and
repeal or amendment. As stated earlier, the ethnicity, as well as cross-border conflicts.
Hudood Ordinances have been a major focus Democratic systems have not taken root in
of women's advocacy and agitation for their the region; despite regular elections in some
repeal since the formation of WAF in 1981. countries, most of the states are over-
The persistence with which women activists developed and autocratic, and violence is
took up specific cases of women's victim- rampant. The states are under pressure from
isation under the law, researched the abuse the forces of economic globalisation and
of the law, and drew attention to the pressure to privatise. Governments are
manifold multiplication of women in prison withdrawing from their responsibilities to
since the promulgation of the Hudood laws provide basic services to citizens, in line
finally led the Senate to establish a with the requirements of international
Commission of Inquiry for Women in 1997. financial institutions. In Pakistan, poverty,
The Commission, reviewing all laws and insecurity, and inequality are deepening
their impact on women, upheld the position (Government of Pakistan 2003): more than
of women activists and recommended the one third of the population is living below
repeal of the law. the poverty line. High levels of national debt
In the face of the government's have reduced the autonomy of decision
reluctance to adopt the Commission's report makers. The international 'war on terror' has
Advocacy for an end to poverty, inequality, and insecurity 67
burdened daily existence nor risk the much time and energy on advocacy and
consequences of taking public action to related activities. Has it been worth it, and
advance their collective interests. what is the cost of having decided to invest
Interestingly, such caricaturing of time in this way? As Pakistani women
feminists is done by the media, by religious activists, can we afford to remain out of the
groups and right-wing political groups, and international arena? Women's organisations
at times by government itself, rather than by in Pakistan have in a way informally divided
women living in poverty. the work and responsibilities among
themselves. Some have linked themselves to
How can we use and subvert established global processes and some to regional
systems, without getting co-opted? processes, and others have chosen to work
One key issue on which differing opinions within Pakistan. There is a growing
exist among feminists is the danger of co- realisation that we cannot de-link ourselves
option by other parties, particularly the from global advocacy processes and debates,
government. Activists have debated the because they have far-reaching implications
nature of the ideal kind of engagement with for our lives. It is critically important in this
the government, and the ways in which context to share global experiences and link
women should engage in dialogue and international learning on women's lives
participate in activities and tasks instigated with our in-country realities and analyses.
by government. Another form of co-option
may take place if women's organisations Khawar Mumtaz is Co-ordinator ofShirkat Gah
accept funds from donors for advocacy and Women's Resource Centre, 68 Tipu Block,
capacity-building activities. New Garden Town, Lahore, Pakistan.
How, too, should we engage with actors E-mail: khawar@sgah.org.pk.
who hold opinions with which we radically
disagree? An example would be women
politicians who belong to religious political
Notes
parties and rabidly oppose feminists and 1 The Hudood Ordinances 1979 are a
activists for women's rights. In some composite of five laws dealing with
contexts, it may seem to be a lesser evil to adultery, theft, bodily harm,
engage than to refuse to engage. For consumption of illegal drugs and
example, should women's organisations alcohol, and the giving of false evidence.
become involved in facilitating women's Their promulgation was the trigger for
participation in local elections under laws the formation of WAF. For details, see
enacted by a military government? Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987, and Asma
Jahangir and Hina Jilani, The Hudood
How can we achieve a widespread Ordinances: A Divine Sanction, Lahore:
impact? Rohtas Books, 1990.
Finally, we have needed to consider how we 2 Structural Adjustment Programmes are
should continue our work in a context in part of the IMF's conditions for giving
which much needs to be done, but there are loans to developing countries. States are
never sufficient numbers of us to do it. How required to open up to foreign trade,
will we sustain energy in our campaigning attract foreign investments, remove
for women's rights in Pakistan, bearing in subsidies, impose additional taxes,
mind the fact that we have not been able to deregulate laws, and downsize
attract many younger women into the fold? enforcement agencies. As a result, in
And how far should we spread our energies? most countries that are subject to SAPs,
Throughout the years of UN processes in indigenous industry is forced out of the
support of women's rights, we have spent market because it is unable to compete
Advocacy for an end to poverty, inequality, and insecurity 69
T
he International Community of
Women Living with HIV/AIDS and meaningful way in decision making
(ICW) is the only international net- which affects our lives, at all political
work of HIV-positive women. Our members, levels;
in 134 countries, work with local, national, in which we have access to full care and
and international networks, organisations, treatment, regardless of our age or
and groups supporting and campaigning lifestyle;
for the rights of HIV-positive women
and men. in which all our economic, social, and
ICW was established in 1992 in response political rights are respected, including
to the desperate lack of support, information, our right to make choices concerning our
and services available worldwide to women sexual and reproductive lives, and our
living with HIV, and to enable these women right to live free of discrimination in all
to influence and contribute to official policy areas of our lives, irrespective of our
development. HIV-positive women from culture, age, religion, sexuality, social or
around the world attended the eighth economic status or class, and race.
International Conference on AIDS, held in At ICW, we believe that the second and
Amsterdam in July 1992, where they shared third aspects of this vision will not be
stories and strategies for coping. They also realised in the absence of the first. This is
devised action plans for the future. Because why ICW members around the world can
they did not want to lose the momentum be found advocating not merely for
created at the conference, ICW came into involvement, but for meaningful involve-
being. Our vision for ourselves and for all ment, in decisions that affect our lives.
HIV-positive women is to create a world Sadly, legal and policy changes are too
International Community of Women Living with HIV/AIDS 71
often determined by people who do not We don't feel part of the decision-
understand the realities in which HIV- making community.'
positive women live their lives. Our
'We have organisations, but men lead
members know what it is to live with HIV,
them, and our issues don't get
and they know what they need in order to
discussed.'
improve their well-being, yet others
continue to speak on our behalf or judge us. 'Policymakers sit in board rooms and
For women and men living with HIV and decide what is relevant to our lives - we
AIDS, meaningful participation in policy are not part of the process.'
making and reporting on the impact of The marginalisation of HIV-positive
existing policies continues to be the women is not only a feature of mainstream
exception rather than the rule. When it does policy arenas. National and international
occur, it tends to be tokenistic. We feel that, HIV organisations and networks should be
without greater - and better-integrated - a source of support for HIV-positive
political participation by HIV-positive women, and should involve them fully in
women, we will not achieve the support decision making. However, they often
that we need. As long as we are not the reflect the gender discrimination that is
ones determining the direction of policies found in society more generally. Despite
and programmes, genuine and positive women's strong presence in support
change is unlikely to happen. groups, national (and international) groups
of people living with HIV/AIDS are
dominated by men. 'There is always a male
Factors that prevent AIDS activist responding to programmes on the
women's participation in TV and radio about HIV-positive women and
decision making pregnancy. An AIDS activist on the radio was
asked about HIV-positive women having babies.
In this section, I discuss some factors which
He doesn't feel it is their right, yet he has two
limit the involvement of HIV-positive
women in decision-making processes. children' (ICW Rapid Assessment, South
Africa 2005).
Negative attitudes
The following quotations illustrate the Practical issues
exclusion of HIV-positive women from HIV-positive women are often
forums where policies and decisions are overburdened with caring for others and
made. (Like all quotations presented in this bringing up children, as well as looking
article, these come from workshops after their own health. Our members report
conducted in 2005 by ICW in Lesotho, that care and support for people infected or
Swaziland, and South Africa as part of a affected by HIV and AIDS is carried out
wider advocacy-focused project.) almost exclusively by people (especially
women) who are themselves infected or
'We are always submissive and do not
affected. Positive women are active in
challenge those in authority.'
health-care settings, as counsellors, in
'When you voice your idea, your idea is home-based care, and in community
not accepted because of your status.' education through churches, schools, and
other community groups; they are often
'Our input is not implemented, and our
very active in setting up and administering
ideas are not taken into consideration.'
support groups, and in providing for
'Men that are decision makers feel that orphans and other vulnerable children, and
women's place is in the kitchen. for elderly people. Nearly all such work is
72
done on a voluntary basis, without strong to ask' (ICW workshop, Swaziland, 2005).
external support or official recognition, Participants complained that when 'experts'
despite the fact that it is effectively (for example, those who determine HIV
supplementing the inadequate services that policy and programmes) had asked them,
are available from governments and NGOs. 'Do you have the skills to change policies?'
Governments worldwide fail to provide the and they said no, they were not taken
level of services that is required by people seriously (ibid.).
living with HIV and AIDS. Capacity building needs to be a two-way
Alliances could be built between carers process, in which governments and
and service providers (actual and potential), businesses and organisations learn how to
and carers could be consulted about future encourage and facilitate the meaningful
policy and programming. There is plenty involvement of women carers. One
happening at the community level that could participant in our workshops commented:
be used to influence policy or programme 'People think asking positive women to come and
formulation, but no one is asking women speak is enough. They need to be educated'
'What is the right thing to do?'. Furthermore, (ibid.). ICW believes that those in positions
women living with HIV and AIDS are so of power urgently need to build their own
busy providing community-level care and capacity - the capacity to engage with HIV-
supporting service-delivery activities that positive people in ways that are equitable,
they lack time and resources to apply their respectful, and productive for all involved.
skills to other areas of involvement, such as Having raised some of the issues and
advocacy, research, or leadership and co- identified the problems, in the next section
ordination. I discuss some of the activities undertaken
It seems that, although care and support by ICW to break the deadlock.
work is important, it does not reach the
attention of decision makers at the policy
level because it is done on a voluntary basis.
Building bridges,
Yet it conveniently fills a gap in service confidence, and skills
provision which otherwise government At ICW, we have learned that developing
policy makers would have to fill. advocacy skills and agendas cannot be
done in a vacuum. Solidarity and support
Lack of specific skills and knowledge networks are vital prerequisites. ICW
Those in power often tend to use women's supports training workshops and other
lack of skills - actual, as a result of gender programmes that are designed to do the
bias in education, training, or employment; following:
or perceived, as an outcome of prejudice -
as an excuse not to involve them in policy expand outreach and create self-help
formulation or impact assessment. They groups, to reduce feelings of isolation
commonly fail to recognise women's and hopelessness;
expertise and skills, and they do not increase the self-esteem of HIV-positive
attempt to support women to develop other women;
skills through capacity-building programmes.
increase individual skills that strengthen
One of the reasons identified by ICW
networks, which will result in a wider
members for their lack of meaningful
pool of supported, knowledgeable, and
involvement was their lack of skills. 'People
effective women advocates;
in government ask us, "can you formulate
policies?", and we can't; we don't know where to train HIV-positive women to influence
start, how to approach people, and what questions public opinion, policies, and service
International Community of Women Living with HIV/AIDS 73
delivery at local and national levels. This research and training conducted by ICW and
will enhance services and reduce POLICY with HIV-positive women in
discrimination and stigma. Swaziland.2 This included a focus on
ICW has been facilitating exercises that women's access to treatment. In South Africa
help participants to identify what needs to there has been little documentation of the
change in government and NGO experiences of HIV-positive women, so we
programmes, and how and where those conducted a further situation assessment
changes should take place. These with 21 women from rural and urban areas.
workshops have several particularly Through this, we aimed to find out their
interesting features. They are context- experience within families, communities,
specific, in that they focus on the lived health centres, support groups, and
experience of women in a specific decision-making circles.
geographical, political, and social context;
they introduce or apply gender analysis to Women's decision-making power in
that context; they have as an end-point an sexual relationships
advocacy message, agenda, plan, or tool, Women's assessment of their degrees of
developed by, and for use by, the power in sexual relationships tended to
participants of the workshop; and they vary, but generally they felt that they had
build the capacity of workshop participants less power than their male sexual partners
to mobilise other members of their to determine when and how to have sex.
community to engage in similar activism. Comments included the following:
The statements by HIV-positive women 'Our partners use sex to own us.'
quoted earlier in this article were made 'They force us to have sex even if we
during an on-going project that has used this don't want to.'
methodology to develop an advocacy-skills
and advocacy-action plan in Swaziland and 'They threaten to leave, or sleep with
South Africa. This is described in the next other women. If you refuse, the mood of
section. the house becomes intense.'
'He does not force me to have sex, but he
Advocacy training and does emotionally, because if I don't, then
I don't get money, he might leave or
development project: won't talk to me.'
Swaziland and South Africa
'I am able to ask him to use a condom,
ICW has joined forces with the POLICY but sometimes he refuses. That is why I
project1 and 40 HIV-positive women from stick to Femidom.'
Swaziland and South Africa. The agenda
that has been developed focuses on 'We use a male condom. It is because of
asserting women's sexual and reproductive- our situation as a discordant couple,3
health rights, and the right to full access to and he never refuses.'
care, treatment, and support for women
living with HIV/AIDS. The advocacy targets Caring for others when you need care
are being determined by the participants. yourself
The project began with an assessment of Women talked of carrying the burden of
the concerns and experiences of HIV- caring for themselves and others: 7 was ill,
positive women in Swaziland and South and had to wake up and wash those nappies.
Africa, and the policy and institutional I didn't have the strength.' ... 'We have so
environment in both countries. Information many challenges, and no one to take care of our
from the workshops was augmented by health. No one to say "take your nevarapine now".'
74
There are widespread complaints about pregnant: 'They always focus on prevention
the judgemental attitudes of health-care and transmission, but what about HIV+ people
service providers and their failure to respect that want babies? They don't bring HIV+
confidences. Indeed, bad treatment by women to be part of the research and to say
health-care workers was cited by the what we think about their projects, instead of
majority of women as a reason why they did deciding for us.'
not feel comfortable using official services. We found that there was a great deal of
'There is no confidentiality, privacy or dignity overlap between the experiences of the HIV-
when you go to government clinics. Wherever positive women from Swaziland and those
you are, you get treated like an alien from Mars.' of the women from South Africa. In relation
Coercion and lack of choice in repro- to the quality of health care on offer, Swazi
ductive-health services, testing, and treatment participants particularly complained that
up-take is another major issue. One woman treatment was often not explained properly,
said: '[If you are pregnant], they do not tell you, a fact which drives away women who are
"if you keep it, a, b, or c is therefor you" - they seeking treatment. They reported being
don't give you the option. They sterilise you. You obliged to seek medication 'over the counter'
feel obliged to take the option they offer you, or from unqualified shop-keepers, or from
you feel you can't take the immediate service you traditional healers. In this situation, there is
need.' likely to be no monitoring and / or follow-up.
The participants also reported not being The participants emphasised the importance
given preparatory and follow-up tests when of informing women about treatment and
seeking anti-retroviral drugs (ARVs). Hence, where to get it, about the medication they
they were not always given the correct have been prescribed, the likely side effects,
combination and dosage at the right time. and the expected benefits.
Some women felt pressured to take ARVs
when they did not feel ready. '[The] problem
goes beyond drugs - those on treatment should Consolidating and
say that it is not just about ART, but about other prioritising the issues for
treatments too. Care and support are important advocacy
too.'
Twenty women from Swaziland and the 20
Lack of meaningful involvement in women involved in the South African
policy and programme formulation assessment met in Durban in June 2005 to
Women discussed their lack of meaningful discuss and prioritise the issues raised in
involvement when policies and programmes the research phase of the project. They
were being formulated. They resented the identified the following priorities that
fact that others would speak on their needed to be addressed: stigma and
behalf. 'We have organisations, but men lead
discrimination; disclosure of HIV status;
the organisations, and our issues don't get
the need for access to proper care,
discussed.'
treatment, and support; and the need for
improved information on sexual and
Lack of involvement in research into reproductive health and rights. In addition,
prevention and treatment two related areas that received particular
It was generally felt by the women in the attention were HIV testing and the
discussion workshops that research totally criminalisation of people living with HIV
overlooked their priorities. For example, and AIDS.
women needed microbicides, which
prevent HIV transmission between sexual
partners but permit women to become
76
sexual and reproductive rights of HIV- drafting the policies to give feedback on
positive women. These include the them, with provision for participants'
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms comments to be fed directly into current
of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), efforts to influence policy makers. For
the United Nations International Conference example, one of the articles in the Equity in
on Population and Development (ICPD) Marriage Bill states that couples should be
Platform and Programme of Action (1994), tested for HIV before they are married, and
and the Windhoek Declaration (2005). This the women at the workshop were alarmed
most recent agreement, signed by all the about the possible fate of a woman if she
health ministers of the continent, focuses on tested positive at this stage.
upholding the sexual and reproductive
rights of women in Africa. Examples of advocacy work
Although these documents are not Some of the participants were invited to
specific to HIV-positive women, we all share share examples of advocacy from their own
the same rights, and they can be used for personal experience, and this was used as a
leverage in advocacy initiatives. But basis for identifying the various com-
unfortunately, the rights endorsed in these ponents of the advocacy process. Two
documents have yet to be reflected in examples of advocacy cited by our
national policies and programmes on HIV, participants are included here.
AIDS, and sexually transmitted infections. On hearing that the Swazi army refused
Such programmes and policies continue to to recruit people living with HIV, one of the
ignore the rights of HIV-positive women. participants had tried to join up in order to
This is no doubt a direct result of the raise people's awareness of this discrim-
women's lack of involvement in decision ination. She was paraded naked in front of a
making, as described above. Governments' male doctor, then told she could not join
lack of consideration for the rights of HIV- because she had keloids (scar tissue), and her
positive women was demonstrated all too 'blood was bad'. The ICW Southern African
harshly at our workshop: the government Co-ordinator is working with women in
representative who had been invited to give Swaziland to try to get this discriminatory
a presentation (and who had confirmed an regulation overturned.
intention to attend) failed to attend the A number of activists in South Africa
event, without bothering even to offer an have recently formed a coalition called
excuse. Womandla, which aims to ensure that the
There is, however, some movement for voices of HIV-positive women are heard in
change. Swaziland does have a draft policy national responses to HIV. One of their first
on gender equality - although it has been in objectives was to attend a recent national
draft form since 2000. The Swazi govern- AIDS conference in Durban. However, the
ment is also developing a policy and strategy registration fee was greater than the cost of
on reproductive health, with input from six months' worth of anti-retroviral drug
POLICY and ICW. South Africa, on the other treatment. They picketed at the conference,
hand, is developing a bill on equity in and were eventually able to secure entry for
marriage, and care and confidentiality in the three of their number.
health sector. Examples of advocacy work were also
Although they are not sufficiently given by external presenters from the
specific for HIV-positive women, these draft Treatment Action Campaign (RSA), the
laws and policies do provide advocacy Reproductive Health Alliance (RSA), and
opportunities for our members. During the Women In Law In Southern Africa
workshop we examined these policy (Swaziland). They helped us to understand
documents. ICW had been invited by those advocacy strategies used by other
78
funding. It is very hard to get a kick start for Emma Bell works for the International
funding. A further challenge at the time of Community of Women Living with HIV/AIDS.
writing in Swaziland is that it is impossible Address: Unit 6, Building 1, Canonbury Yard,
to find a complete policy document. Almost 190a New North Road, London Nl 7BJ. If you
all the copies of policies that we have to use would like further information about the work
to inform our advocacy work are drafts, of the ICW, please contact Emma Bell at
which makes it hard to implement. We also emma@icw.org.
do not have individual champions who are
HIV-positive women in high positions to
help us push for the implementation. Notes
'Another challenge is that people still 1 The POLICY Project endeavours to
believe that if you are HIV-positive you [are] improve policies affecting family
suppose[d] to be sick or having oppor- planning, reproductive health, HIV/AIDS,
tunistic infections or... a sign which shows and maternal health programmes and
that you are positive. If a person like me is services in developing countries. Multi-
advocating for such issues, they just say that sectoral collaboration, community
I am lying, I do that because I am given some empowerment, respect for human rights
money, meaning that I was bribed. For and gender equality, and support for
example, when I was exhibiting at the trade vulnerable populations, including
fair,4 people would just come now and then, orphans and other children affected by
thinking that I will change my story. For HIV/AIDS, characterise POLICY'S
example someone came twice and more, approach to policy and programme
saying "Anya, come on now, the game is development.
over, I would really like to know if you are a 2 In October 2004, ICW ran an advocacy
lady living with HIV or you just making a training workshop with 20 HIV-positive
joke with it. I have been thinking about it young women from Swaziland, and in
over-night, you just want us to test, and what February 2005 another workshop with
I can tell you is that you know nothing about 20 HIV-positive women, with the aim of
issues for HIV-positive people, you don't monitoring government commitment to
know what they go through, so get a life". the rights of HIV-positive women. A
Man, it's surprising because these people are similar workshop was held in Lesotho.
just like me. What I can say is that it takes an 3 A 'discordant couple' is a couple in a
arm and a leg to be an advocate, but I am sexual relationship in which one person
really proud of carrying out such work, as I is HIV-negative and the other is HIV-
know that not only allies will benefit from positive.
that but also enemies.' 4 The trade fair is an event that occurs
yearly in Swaziland in the summer. ICW
has run a stand there, together with
SWAPOL (Swaziland Positive Living).
80
Feminist Politics, Activism and Vision: Local The Future of Women's Rights: Global Visions
and Global Challenges (2004) and Strategies (2004)
Luciana Ricciutelli, Angela Miles, and Joanna Kerr, Ellen Sprenger, and Alison
Margaret H. McFadden (eds.) Symington (eds.)
Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl
Nl 9JF, UK 9JF, UK
www.zedbooks.co.uk www.zedbooks.co.uk
This rich collection presents stimulating This book emerged from a collaborative
and insightful analyses of the challenges project between the Association for
Resources 81
Women's Learning Partnership for Rights, between women in civil society and
Development, and Peace (WLP) structures of governance, and to increase
4343 Montgomery Avenue, Suite 201, the participation of women in policy
Bethesda, MD 20814, USA formulation and decision making. GAP
wlp@learningpartnership.org conducts research and training to facilitate,
www.learningpartnership.org mobilise, link, and empower women to
lobby for equity between men and women
WLP empowers women and girls in the in all spheres of South African society. GAP
Global South to re-imagine and re-structure has adopted the role of 'policy midwife', by
their roles in their families, communities, translating the legal jargon of legislation
and societies. WLP achieves this goal into accessible language so that
through providing leadership training, marginalised women can advocate and
supporting capacity building, and helping lobby for themselves.
women to use new technologies to generate
and receive information and knowledge.
WLP conducts all of its work in collab- Isis International
oration with partner organisations located Isis International Manila: 3 Marunong St.,
in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East, and Barangay Central, Quezon City,
with members of an international network Philippines 1100
of experts. www.isiswomen.org; admin@isiswomen.org
Isis International Chile: www.isis.cl,
The African Women's Development Fund isis@isis.cl
(AWDF) Isis International Uganda: Isis-Women's
25 Yiyiwa St. Achimota Forest, Ablenkpe, International Cross Cultural Exchange
(Isis-WICCE), Plot 32 Bukoto Street -
Accra, Ghana, PMB CT89 Cantonments,
Kamwokya, PO BOX 4934, Kampala,
Accra, Ghana
Uganda,
www.awdf.org; awdf@awdf.org
www.isis.or.ug/, isis@starcom.co.ug
AWDF, established in June 2000, is the first
Isis International is a feminist NGO
Africa-wide fund-raising and grant-making
dedicated to women's information and
fund. It funds local, national, sub-regional,
communication needs. It focuses on
and regional organisations in Africa
advancing women's rights, leadership, and
working towards women's empowerment.
empowerment in Asia and the Pacific. With
The objectives are fund-raising within and
connections in more than 150 countries, it
outside Africa, grant making on an Africa-
keeps up with changing trends and
wide basis, communicating the work and
analyses concerning women worldwide.
achievements of African women's
Isis International has three independent
organisations, and providing technical
offices in Asia (Manila, Philippines), Africa
assistance to grantees.
(Kampala, Uganda), and Latin America
(Santiago, Chile), reflecting a commitment
The Gender Advocacy Programme (GAP) to South-South cooperation and South-
7 Ruskin House, 2 Roeland Street, Cape North linkages.
Town, 8001, South Africa
reception@gender.org.za
www.gender.co.za
The Gender Advocacy Programme (GAP)
is an independent, non-government
advocacy and lobbying organisation based
in Cape Town. Its aim is to bridge the gap
The Center for Women's Global Leadership demand a world that values all women's
(Global Center) work and life. They are now part of an
Douglass College, Rutgers, The State international network of Strike co-
University of New Jersey, 160 Ryders Lane, ordinators. International co-ordination is
New Brunswick, NJ 08901-8555 USA done in England by the Crossroads
cwgl@igc.org; www.cwgl.rutgers.edu Women's Centre. Details of other groups
are on the website given above.
The Global Center develops and facilitates
women's leadership for women's human
Womankind Worldwide
rights and social justice worldwide. It is a
unit of the Institute for Women's 32-37, 2nd Floor, Development House, 56-
Leadership (IWL)a consortium of six 64 Leonard Street, London EC2A 4JX, UK
women's programmes at Rutgers University. www.womankind.org.uk;
The Global Center's programmes promote info@womankind.org.uk
the leadership of women and advance Womankind Worldwide is a UK-based
feminist perspectives in policy-making charity dedicated to women's development
processes in local, national, and inter- and women's human rights globally.
national arenas. Since 1990, the Global Womankind has developed programmes in
Center has fostered women's leadership in partnership with local community groups,
the area of human rights through women's to tackle women's inequality in many of
global leadership institutes, strategic the world's poorest places. These
planning activities, international mobili- programmes are called the Four Literacies:
sation campaigns, UN monitoring, global Word Literacy, Money Literacy, Body
education endeavours, publications, and a Literacy, and Civil Literacy. They aim to
resource centre. The Global Center works unlock women's potential and maximise
from a human-rights perspective with an their ability to make decisions in their own
emphasis on preventing violence against lives, the lives of their family, as well as in
women, and promoting sexual and the future of their community and country.
reproductive health and socio-economic Womankind works with 70 partner
well being. The Global Center's pro- organisations in 20 countries, spanning
grammes are in two broad areas: policy Africa, South Asia, Central and South
and advocacy, and leadership development America, and Europe.
and women's human-rights education.
Women In Development Europe (WIDE)
Global Women's Strike rue de la Science 10,1000 Brussels, Belgium
Crossroads Women's Centre, 230a Kentish www.eurosur.org/wide/home.htm;
Town Road, London NW5 2AB, UK info@wide-network.org
womenstrike8m@serverl01 .com;
WIDE is a European network of develop-
www.globalwomenstrike.net ment NGOs, gender specialists, and
The Global Women's Strike was born in human-rights activists. It monitors and
1999, when women in Ireland decided to influences international economic and
welcome the new millennium with a development policy and practice from a
national general strike. Since then, they feminist perspective. WIDE's work is
have been campaigning for recognition and grounded in women's rights as the basis
wages for all the unwaged work that for the development of a more just and
women do, as well as for pay equity. Since democratic world order. WIDE strives for a
2000, the Strike has brought together world based on gender equality and social
women in more than 60 countries, justice which ensures equal rights for all, as
including grassroots organisations which well as equal access to resources and
Resources 89