Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
advertise
their
food.
In
places
where
multiple
languages
are
used
it
is
very
common
to
see
the
same
words
written
in
more
than
one
language
to
target
a
diverse
audiences
(Wardhaugh
&
Fuller,
2015,
p.
87).
In
Figure
2,
Thai
and
English
are
both
used
in
the
advertising
for
the
new
Thai
restaurants
grand
opening
to
display
different
announcements
regarding
its
opening
or
what
food
items
can
be
found
there.
Bilingual
signs
appeal
to
different
cultural
groups
concentrated
in
that
area.
For
instance,
if
this
sign
was
strictly
in
Thai,
most
English
speakers
in
the
city
would
not
know
what
the
restaurants
signs
say
at
all
and
would
not
bother
going
inside
to
find
out.
On
the
contrary,
if
the
signs
were
strictly
in
English,
the
dense
Thai
population
in
the
area
might
not
be
able
to
understand
the
language
used
or
possibly
determine
the
food
to
be
inauthentic.
The
decisions
behind
what
language/languages
are
used
on
public
signs
can
greatly
affect
the
success
or
failure
of
that
particular
display
at
achieving
its
goals.
The
Impact
of
Linguistic
Landscapes
Accuracy
plays
an
important
role
in
linguistic
landscapes,
especially
when
it
comes
to
targeting
specific
cultural
audiences.
The
language
being
used,
or
even
more
specifically,
what
words
or
phrases
are
chosen
from
that
language
can
attract
a
particular
clientele.
The
figure
from
Wardhaugh
and
Fuller
depicting
the
Turkish
grocery
market
is
a
good
example
of
how
advertisements
can
reference
a
specific
culture
aspect
to
target
a
desired
audience
(2015,
p.
88).
In
this
case,
the
phrase
Helal
et
Pazari
displayed
on
the
sign
for
the
market
does
not
literally
translate
to
say
that
the
food
was
prepared
in
accordance
with
Islamic
rules,
but
the
use
of
the
words
elal
and
pazari
demonstrate
a
knowledge
of
Islamic
culture
and
rules,
and
give
the
prospective
shoppers
information
regarding
the
acceptability
of
the
produce
being
sold.
The
language
used
on
signage
is
not
the
only
component
that
can
appeal
to
a
variety
of
consumers.
Images,
colors,
backgrounds,
and
figures
can
be
used
to
entice
patrons
from
various
cultures,
such
as
the
use
of
a
popular
landmark,
tourist
locations,
or
the
colors
of
a
countrys
flag
(see
Figure
5).
Since
English
has
been
established
an
international
level
there
is
a
certain
prestige
Grattan 3
that
comes
along
with
using
it
in
linguistic
landscapes.
Many
businesses
and
advertisements
will
use
English
in
their
promotions
to
portray
an
accessible
image
of
whatever
products
they
are
selling.
English
has
become
a
general
symbol
of
modernity,
progress
and
globalization
in
numerous
cultures
and
contexts
(Aiestaran,
Cenoz,
&
Gorter,
2010,
p.
2).
This
gradual
shift
towards
domination
that
the
English
language
has
made
over
the
recent
decades
can
say
something
about
the
ideologies
held
by
the
stakeholders
involved
in
the
linguistic
decisions
being
made.
English
is
the
dominant
language
in
Los
Angeles
because
it
is
located
in
the
United
States
where
English
is
the
primary
language
used
(Lado,
2011,
p.
135).
In
addition,
the
majority
of
the
populations
citizens
are
speakers
of
English,
so
the
language
reflects
the
needs
of
the
community.
This
transition
towards
using
English
in
linguistic
landscapes
on
an
international
scale
even
though
the
majority
of
the
worlds
population
has
another
language
as
their
first,
shows
the
authority
English
has
gained.
As
English
continues
to
grow
as
a
leading
language
of
global
relations,
businesses
have
begun
to
use
it
in
their
linguistic
landscapes
to
portray
a
contemporary
persona
and
relate
to
the
modern
day
demands
(see
Figure
6).
English
Language
and
Regulations
The
acceptance
of
other
languages
besides
English
to
be
spoken
in
the
United
States
is
a
more
recent
attitude
than
one
might
expect.
In
1986,
Proposition
63
declared
English
the
official
language
of
California;
followed
soon
after
by
nine
other
states.
Along
with
the
passing
of
these
legislations
was
a
push
for
the
state
governments
towards
the
preservation
and
enhancement
of
English
as
the
common
language
of
the
state
(MacKaye,
1990,
p.
135).
This
legislation
gave
states
official
support
and
backing
for
promoting
and
maintaining
the
dominance
of
English
in
their
signage,
regardless
of
the
increased
new
coming
language
speakers
to
their
larger
cities
and
beyond.
This
action
also
referred
to
as
the
English-only
Movement
was
propelled
by
the
increasing
desire
to
limit
multilingualism
in
America
at
the
time.
The
rationale
behind
this
push
for
an
official
language
included
the
ideology
that
a
common
language
would
promote
open
communication
as
opposed
to
bilingualism
or
multilingualism
which
drive
a
wedge
into
society
(MacKaye,
1990,
p.
136-
137).
Backhaus
discusses
an
important
distinction
between
signs
created
by
authority
versus
signs
created
by
citizens,
and
how
the
presence
or
absence
of
minority
languages
reflects
the
producers
view
of
the
languages
speakers
(2007,
p.
53).
For
instance
the
government
may
have
language
policies
that
are
uncompromising
when
it
comes
to
the
use
of
the
national
language
on
all
official
public
signage,
while
a
more
diverse
array
of
languages
may
be
used
on
signs
generated
by
private
parties.
This
can
cause
incongruences
within
these
areas
linguistic
landscapes,
and
these
inconsistencies
can
serve
both
an
informative
and
symbolic
function
(Landry
&
Bourhis,
1997,
p.
25).
The
incorporation
of
multiple
languages
may
reach
a
broader
audience
in
a
community,
ideally
creating
more
business
or
recognition
for
the
words
and
ideas
the
sign
is
illustrating.
Symbolically,
these
signs
reflect
the
connection
between
the
languages
being
used
and
the
power
or
status
they
Grattan 4
hold
in
the
society
(see
Figure
7).
This
relationship
can
be
used
to
study
a
city's
multicultural
relationships
as
well
as
provide
information
about
the
sociolinguistic
context
(Cenoz
&
Gorter,
2006,
p.
67).
Not
only
do
linguistic
landscapes
reflect
a
regions
perception
of
a
language
or
languages,
it
also
influences
how
these
languages
are
viewed
and
used.
In
Los
Angeles,
the
exposure
to
multiple
languages
in
the
expansion
of
the
city,
has
created
a
more
inclusive
view
of
languages
other
than
English,
such
as
the
numerous
districts
that
are
recognized
with
public
signs
(see
Figure
4).
The
status
of
a
language
can
come
from
multiple
factors.
Government
policies
that
regulate
and
control
the
access
and
exposure
people
have
to
a
language
can
greatly
affect
its
presence
in
linguistic
landscapes.
For
example,
when
more
speakers
of
Spanish
began
accumulating
in
the
Los
Angeles
area,
there
was
a
gradual
change
with
more
Spanish
signs,
stores,
and
restaurants.
Spanish
could
be
found
in
education,
with
more
language
options
and
resources
being
provided,
as
well
as
in
government
forms,
such
as
drivers
license
examinations
and
other
tests.
The
more
a
language
is
perceived
positively
by
the
society,
the
more
these
attitudes
will
impact
the
use
of
this
language
in
the
public
space
(Roca,
1999,
p.
70).
These
changes
to
an
citys
linguistic
landscape
can
be
explicitly
expressed
by
its
government
or
implicitly
displayed
through
forms
discussed
above
(Lado,
2011,
p.
135).
With
the
variety
of
languages
spoken
in
Los
Angeles,
explicit
adopting
of
marginalized
languages
into
governmental
publications
is
less
common
than
it
would
be
in
places
where
there
are
just
a
couple
languages
used
by
the
citys
population.
However,
since
there
are
so
many
established
cultural
districts
in
Los
Angeles
(see
Figure
4)
the
usage
of
the
language
spoken
by
the
majority
of
that
neighborhoods
population
may
be
acknowledged
on
government
and
private
signs
alike
(see
Figure
3).
Although
this
may
give
the
impression
that
all
languages
are
represented
and
given
adequate
regard
around
Los
Angeles,
there
is
still
a
lack
of
representation
of
languages
other
than
English
in
areas
that
do
not
have
an
overt
cultural
community.
Reasons
Behind
Linguistic
Landscapes
While
inclusion
of
other
languages
can
be
motivated
by
accommodation
in
some
cases,
it
can
also
be
initiated
by
an
areas
desire
to
attract
a
certain
audience.
For
example,
Bangkok,
Thailand
relies
heavily
on
tourism
from
Australia,
Europe,
North
America,
and
other
parts
of
Asia,
and
is
a
hub
for
global
air
travel,
multinational
corporations,
international
organizations
(Huebner,
2006,
p.
33).
Due
to
this
citys
exposure
to
English-
speaking
travelers,
both
English
and
Chinese
are
languages
widely
seen
on
public
signs.
Particularly
in
larger
cities
where
people
from
other
cultures
are
drawn
to
various
tourist
attractions,
linguistic
landscapes
can
be
used
in
response
to
the
groups
coming
in
and
out.
This
form
of
accommodation
is
different
than
for
citizens
living
in
an
area
since
it
is
stimulated
by
the
citys
desire
to
attract
outsiders
for
business
and
economic
reasons.
For
instance,
tourists
are
expected
to
pay
more
attention
to
signs
that
give
them
relevant
information
regarding
destination
spots
and
popular
sights
to
see
in
the
area,
while
locals
will
not
give
these
signs
much
notice
(Aiestaran,
Cenoz,
&
Gorter,
2010,
p.1).
Therefore,
Grattan 5
signs
with
this
information
may
be
provided
in
various
languages
spoken
by
common
tourists
visiting
the
region,
similar
to
what
can
be
seen
in
Los
Angeles.
Immigration
and
Cultural
Enclaves
This
argument
leads
into
a
discussion
of
the
many
perspectives
about
immigration,
and
how
that
plays
a
role
in
a
region's
opinion
of
certain
cultures,
languages,
and
their
place
in
the
linguistic
landscape.
When
it
comes
to
English,
immigration
is
less
of
an
immediate
threat
to
other
countries,
since
some
of
the
current
immigration
movements
mostly
include
people
moving
from
less
advanced
capitalist
societies
to
more
advanced
(Nee
&
Sanders,
2001,
p.
386).
English
has
primarily
been
referred
to
as
a
prestige
global
language,
influential
in
a
sense
that
it
is
used
as
a
language
of
business,
international
relations
and
law,
as
well
as
a
marker
of
modernity
and
popular
culture
(Wardhaugh
&
Fuller,
2015,
p.
86).
Its
prevalence
in
todays
society
has
less
to
do
with
the
movement
of
its
speakers;
rather
it
is
a
reflection
of
its
worldwide
reputation.
This
use
differs
from
Spanish
or
Thai
in
Los
Angeles
for
example,
since
the
growing
use
of
these
languages
is
indicative
of
the
growing
population
of
these
language
speakers,
and
not
because
they
are
being
used
as
languages
of
status
or
business
affairs.
Different
stances
on
immigration
can
be
recognized
when
one
leaves
a
cultural
hub
such
as
a
large
city.
For
example,
the
varieties
of
languages
seen
in
Los
Angeles
do
not
reflect
all
of
California's
citizens
views
on
the
growing
number
of
languages
spoken
in
the
state.
In
the
areas
surrounding
Los
Angeles
there
are
fewer
ethnic
markets,
businesses,
and
restaurants,
as
well
as
government
signs
written
in
multiple
languages.
This
is
due
to
the
decreased
number
of
centralized
ethnic
groups
that
live
in
these
areas.
As
discussed
previously
in
this
paper,
where
an
immigrant
lives
can
reflect
either
necessities;
family
connections,
monetary
restraints,
other
socioeconomic
resources;
or
a
preference
to
maintain
their
own
culture
and
not
assimilate
to
the
American
way
of
life.
Regardless
of
the
reasons,
it
is
common
for
many
immigrants
to
stick
to
living
in
urban
settings
until
they
gain
economic
status
and
have
become
accustomed
enough
to
the
mainstream
environment
to
relocate
to
a
more
suburban
location
(Logan,
Zhang
&
Alba,
2002,
p.
300).
This
transition
usually
correlates
with
the
individuals
ability
to
understand
and
speak
English.
Therefore
the
linguistic
landscapes
of
areas
outside
of
the
city
reflect
the
general
publics
opinion
of
language
by
using
solely
English
in
the
majority
of
privately
and
publicly
generated
signs.
These
public
displays
of
language
preference
therefore
influence
the
populations
beliefs
about
language
and
its
role
in
the
community.
In
observations
of
the
various
cultural
enclaves
found
in
the
Los
Angeles
area,
including
Little
Tokyo,
Chinatown,
Olvera
Street,
Little
Ethiopia,
Koreatown,
and
Little
Armenia,
the
usage
of
the
respective
populations
language
along
with
English
can
be
attributed
to
high
concentrations
of
certain
residents
and
the
everyday
use
of
this
shared
language
(Wardhaugh
&
Fuller,
2015,
p.
87).
These
ethnic
neighborhoods
can
be
shaped
through
the
newcomers
need
for
affordable
housing,
family
ties,
family
culture,
and
help
in
finding
work
(Logan,
Zhang
&
Alba,
2002,
p.
299).
For
some
immigrants,
these
enclaves
Grattan 6
may
be
a
starting
point
for
recent
arrivals
to
gain
economic
status
and
become
accustomed
to
the
mainstream
environments
way
of
life
before
finding
a
more
integrated
place
of
residency.
Others
might
create
these
ethnic
communities
as
a
way
to
maintain
their
ethnic
identity,
as
a
preference
and
not
out
of
necessity
or
lack
of
experience.
A
2011
article
written
about
Asian
immigrants
coming
to
Los
Angeles
argues
that
because
most
individuals
do
not
have
a
choice
as
to
where
they
can
live,
preference
towards
these
locations
is
less
influential
in
their
decisions
to
spatially
assimilate
(Nee
&
Sanders,
p.
392).
Whether
it
is
the
immigrants
choice
to
live
in
an
ethnic
enclave,
or
they
do
not
have
the
means
to
live
anywhere
else,
their
presence
generates
an
interesting
combination
of
the
dominant
and
subsidiary
languages
in
the
form
of
linguistic
landscapes.
Acculturation
into
a
mainstream
societys
ways
of
living,
including
language
use
and
economic
activity,
can
determine
the
immigrants
likelihood
of
ending
up
in
an
immigrant
enclave
or
in
a
majority
assimilated
area.
The
previous
models
of
immigration
integration
into
a
society
were
based
on
studies
done
of
European
immigrants.
However,
more
recently
in
the
United
States
and
especially
in
the
greater
Los
Angeles
area,
almost
80
percent
of
legal
immigrants
come
from
Asia,
Latin
America,
and
the
Caribbean
(Nee
&
Sanders,
2001,
p.
387).
These
groups
ability
to
successfully
transition
into
their
new
home
greatly
depends
on
their
capacity
to
integrate
into
the
local
community
and
create
a
support
system.
When
the
dominant
culture
works
to
accommodate
incoming
groups,
multilingual
linguistic
landscapes
are
more
likely
to
be
present
in
the
area.
The
bottom
line
is
that
every
aspect
of
culture,
immigration,
ideologies,
and
language
use,
work
in
a
interrelated
cycle
to
generate
the
linguistic
landscapes
of
our
various
human
centered
environments.
Conclusion
This
paper
attempted
to
analyze
the
recently
researched
sociolinguistic
topic
of
linguistic
landscapes
and
relate
it
to
the
immigration
from
Central
America
and
Asia
to
the
Los
Angeles
area.
By
referencing
previous
studies,
this
paper
provided
and
discussed
reasons
pertaining
to
various
linguistic
landscapes
in
Los
Angeles
and
cities
like
it,
as
well
as
a
range
of
possibilities
for
those
linguistic
choices.
Linguistic
landscapes
reflect
and
influence
the
perceptions
of
majority
and
minority
languages
present
in
a
societys
community
and
can
be
affected
by
ideologies,
legislations,
and
regulations
of
the
dominant
culture.
English
has
increasingly
been
viewed
as
a
lingua
franca
and
used
for
international
affairs
all
over
the
world,
so
its
presence
in
international
linguistic
landscapes
plays
a
key
role
in
how
it
is
viewed,
as
well
as
its
status
and
prestige
on
a
global
scale.
Whether
or
not
a
city
strives
to
accommodate
its
immigrants
linguistically
plays
a
large
role
in
their
successful
integration
into
the
new
environments
way
of
life.
All
of
these
factors
play
a
part
in
a
societys
layout,
regarding
the
geographic
location
of
its
citizens,
as
well
as
the
attitudes
and
beliefs
each
culture
has
on
one
another.
Linguistic
landscapes
are
just
another
sociolinguistic
component
we
can
research
to
understand
the
relationships
between
individuals
and
groups
within
various
multicultural
communities.
Grattan 7
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Figure
1
Grattan 9
Figure
2
Figure
3
Figure
4
Grattan 10
Figure
5
Figure
6