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Connor Lawrence
Professor Donal Casey
November 28th 2013
Irish Life and Culture
Despite the fact that he was quite literally the father of modern Irish politics, the late
leader Eamon de Valera is shown little memorial in his death. In fact, it would be quite correct to
say that political figure Michael Collins, a man whose history of Irish politics lasted only for
around a decade, is a more respected figure than de Valera himself. De Valera, a man who was
central to the political development and maturation of an independent Irish Republic for more
than half a century, is often forgotten in the tales and memorials of Irelands past. De Valera
served his country as both a President and a Taoiseach on several different occasions through
some of the most turbulent times in the history of mankind. Yet notwithstanding his record or list
overpowering economic policies. In modern day, de Valera is seen as a poor political leader
whose conservative ideology led to economic stagnation for much of twentieth century Ireland.
stubborn conservative figure whose quest for an independent Ireland hindered its ability to
evolve with the times. As historian Diarmaid Ferriter writes, for many people under the age
of 60, the de Valera that they witnessed was an old man; nearly blind and seen as a symbol,
almost a relic, of depressed and difficult times" (Ferriter 4). Here Ferriter notes the influence that
de Valeras youth, and experience fighting powerful international authority, influenced his
political decisions later in life. In order to truly assess how these experiences may have shaped
and groomed de Valeras mindset we must first understand who Eamon de Valera was.
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Eamon de Valera was born on October 14th, 1882 in New York City, United States to an
Irish mother and a Spanish father (Fitzgibbon 10). Without ever truly knowing his father, de
Valera was taken, by a close Uncle, back to Ireland at the age two where he lived with his
exemplary student and devoted patriot even in his youth, the foundation for many of his
A great participant of the Gaelic revival movement of the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, de Valera first began his involvement in the political revolution in 1913
when he joined the Irish Volunteers (Fitzgibbon 46-47). His political involvement in the
revolution would prominently increase over time to the point where he was a leader in the 1916
Easter Rising, when he held the position of Commandant over a battalion of Irish troops
(Fitzgibbon 60-61). After being the only identified leader exempt from execution due to his
American birth, de Valera was imprisoned in several English prisons for the next year until he
was released in 1917 (Fitzgibbon 62-63). Welcomed back to Ireland as a hero, de Valera would
go on to serve high positions with the government through the Irish War of Independence
(Fitzgibbon 74-90).
The war concluded with the Anglo-Irish Treaty which led to the creation of the Irish Free
State, encompassing the majority of the Irish island, but excluding the northern part of Ireland
(Fitzgibbon 88-93). Up until this point the Irish leadership had mostly agreed on the principles of
the creation of an Irish state but the treaty caused a division to occur between those who
supported it, Michael Collins and the Pro-Treaty forces, and those who rejected the very thought
of the treaty, de Valera and the Anti-Treaty Forces (Fitzgibbon 92-93). This division would fester
and worsen with time in the Irish political sphere culminating with the Irish Civil War of 1922
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(Fitzgibbon 92-93). De Valera and his Anti-Treaty Forces would ultimately lose this war but
despite this great loss, it did not mark the end of de Valeras political career. If anything, the Irish
Now it may seem odd to review de Valeras early history however, these experiences
would determine his attitude for decades onward in his fight for an autonomous Ireland. As
Constantine Fitzgibbon notes, His [de Valera] and his countrys life are inextricably
intertwined (Fitzgibbon I). To understand Ireland one has to understand the man, de Valera,
whose experiences and ideas would impact the nation for the majority of its existence. At one
time or another, the dream of an independent Irish nation must have seemed like just a dream for
de Valera and his fellow rebels. With the culmination of the Irish War of Independence and the
Irish Civil War, the dream of a unified Ireland had manifested. Though, the birth of such an Irish
nation did not come without consequence for much of the population and for de Valera himself.
The conflicts had caused de Valera imprisonment, harm, and guilt over the loss of his
companions. Some of de Valeras original comrades, such as Michael Collins, Arthur Griffith,
Liam Lynch, Cathal Brugha, and countless others, had all died as a result of the struggle.
Although de Valera may have been an enemy to some of these peers at one time or another, they
all shared and contributed the original dream of a free, sovereign Ireland. Thus the affects of
these struggles forged within de Valera a strong dislike and distrust for more powerful,
international states, particularly Great Britain. Along with this hatred for powerful states, de
Valera held a resilient belief that through only economic independence could Ireland grow into a
powerful state.
From the start of his campaign for absolute Irish independence, de Valera was a
proponent of Irish economic isolationism; however, the technique in which he choose to operate
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Press representative in April 1926 he had hoped to make, Ireland [as] an economic unit, as
self-contained and self-sufficient as possiblewith a proper balance between agriculture and the
other essential industries (Ferriter 102). This economic policy was considered one of the five
aims of de Valeras Fianna Fil party upon its establishment. Moving forward incidents such as
the Anglo-Irish Trade War further demonstrated that de Valera was enacting a policy of
an economic policy of government action that restricts international trade to conserve local
Perhaps if de Valera had arrived in the Irish leadership at a different point in time he
would have been more suited as his policies would have had a greater impact for the better. As
historian John Joseph Lee points out, His (De Valeras) qualities would have made him a leader
beyond compare in the pre-industrial world. It was in one sense his misfortune that his career
should coincide with an age of accelerated economic change whose causes and consequences
largely baffled him (Qtd. in Coogan 704). The twentieth century brought about a new age of
industry and globalization. A greater number of international markets were converging and with
the combination of new manufacturing method, free trade prospered. The strength of economic
globalization was something that despite his policies de Valera could not avoid. As Ferriter
states, "...the protectionist industries became dependent on imported raw materials for industrial
processing and the industrial workers came to spend an increasing portion of their wages on
imported goods..." (Ferriter 283). Ferriter further explains, "...by 1950 the share of external trade
in Ireland's economy had risen by almost one third. In effect, industrialization was achieved 'with
clearly a vital advancement for any nation, could only occur once Ireland relied more upon
international trade. The time de Valera spent as Taoiseach, a number of terms between 1937 and
1959, was characterized by slow economic progress which caused a great number of Irish
citizens to emigrate to nations with better conditions (Lee 315). Economic developments from
1959 onwards would furthermore demonstrate the need for economic change in Ireland.
As the decade closed, 1959 stood as de Valeras final year as Taoiseach but with his
passing from direct political relevance the forthcoming leaders would promote great economic
change, which proved to help Ireland finally achieve progression. Despite the fact that Ireland
choose to remain neutral during World War II, and thereby began the 1950s in much better
condition than many other European nations, Ireland did not sustain an economic boom in that
decade. In fact, quite the opposite occurred as the Irish economy only grew 1% annually (Lee
315). The policies of protectionism were clearly failing and after Fianna Fil suffered political
defeats in both 1948 and 1954, the party realized they must change their policy. Fianna Fil party
member, and de Valeras successor, Sean Lemass became Taoiseach in 1958 and began to change
the policy of the government. As Lemass is quoted saying, [Something] has got to be done
nowIf we fail everything else goes with it and all the hopes of the past will have been
falsified (Lee 373). So, along with instituting investment in social welfare and national
industrial infrastructure, Lemass began reversing the policy of protectionism by offering tax
incentives to attract foreign investment (Lee 359). This policy began to work as between 1959
and 1973 Ireland sustained a yielded annual economic growth of 4%, which at the time would
have been deemed monumental in comparison to past years (Lee 359). This progression would
continue until the late 1970s when a period of global economic crisis struck and despite Fianna
Fils attempt to help the country by increasing public spending, Ireland fell into recession.
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While the late 1970s negatively affected Irelands economic well-being, the affects in part helped
assist Ireland in the future when it would experience its greatest economic boom.
The economic hardship that Ireland experienced during the 1970s and 1980s, is often
characterized by a notorious 1988 article by The Economist about the subject entitled, Poorest
of the Rich (Meagher). The title of this article was a clear reference to Irelands European
Union membership despite the fact of the nations failing economy. Less than a decade later in
1997 The Economist wrote another article regarding Irelands economy. The title of this article:
Green is Good. The article highlighted how Ireland was quickly becoming one of the fastest
growing economies in the world with expansion of 10% in 1995 and 7% in 1996, rates not
recorded in other Western European nations at the time (The Economist). During this timeframe,
Irelands economic policy was not that of de Valeras protectionism but rather quite the opposite.
Seeing the beneficial affects that globalization and free international trade had on Ireland in
during the Lemass era, Ireland did not hesitate to continue this policy through the 1990s. As Paul
Sweeny reported upon the increased number of foreign commerce during the boom, In 1998, for
the first time, foreign companies employee[d] more than Irish companies in manufacturing and
international services (Sweeny 127). The increase in foreign direct investment (FDI) in Ireland
clearly was linked to its success in the 1990s as well. This method of economic liberalization
was successful as between the mid-1980s and 1995 FDI grew by nearly $265 billion with the
majority such investment coming from the European Union, the United States, and Japan
(Sweeny 128). Along with the large rates of FDI, the public spending of the 1970s and 1980s left
Ireland with an educated youth and an effective infrastructure, two aspects that helped created
Lost in all this excitement for the Celtic Tiger is de Valera who loved Ireland to its very
core. However, the image of the Ireland de Valera had differed greatly from the one that
realistically shouldve occurred. To quote de Valera exactly in his 1943 Ireland which we dream
speech, The Ireland which we dreamed of would be the home of a people who valued material
wealth only as a basis of right living, of a people who were satisfied with frugal comfort and
devoted their lives to things of the spirit (Qtd in Ferriter 363). This image of Ireland is one
that seems content with the failing conditions occurring. An Ireland unready to grasp the
economic glory that was quite possible in the twentieth century. As one Irish emigrant living in
London was quoted saying, "He [de Valera] had a vision of what Ireland should be--his vision.
One man shouldn't have a vision like that for all the people..." (Ferriter 287). This emigrant was
not alone in her thoughts granted that Ireland was reduced to her smallest population size in
history, 2.81 million, at the conclusion of the 1950s, which coincidently marked de Valeras exit
comparison with the economic history, which followed, it is clear why de Valeras legacy is often
characterized by political obscurity. As Tom Garvin states, Irelands opening up to America and
Europe after 1957 did far more than enhance the countrys trade performance or open up world
perspectives to minds that had long been accustomed to rather narrow horizons (Garvin 230).
De Valeras struggle with larger international powers was rooted in his experience with the Irish
battle for independence. It seems that through his actions as Taoiseach, he never stopped fighting
this war and thus Ireland did not accept economic globalization until the 1960s.
While this paper focuses on his economic failures it is important to understand that many
of his liberal political moves were quite successful for Ireland and the global political sphere
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itself. The Constitution he forged in 1937 was one the most important documents for human
rights to date and ensured equal political balance among the Irish government (Lee 352). Despite
his failures de Valeras political longevity ensures him an immortal spot in Irish political history.
As Fitzgibbon compares, "To imagine twentieth century Ireland without de Valera would be as
fruitless as to try and envisage an Elizabethan England without the great queen or a French
grandsicle with Louis XIV omitted" (Fitzgibbon I). Through this quote we can understand that
while yes, de Valera was not always the greatest economic leader, he was a fundamental part of
early Irish history whose experiences and struggles with larger powers coincide in all with the
Works Cited:
Coogan, Tim Pat. De Valera: Long Fellow, Long Shadow. London, United Kingdom: Random
House Publishing, 1993. Print.
Dunphy, Richard. The Making of Fianna Fil Power in Ireland 1923-1948. London, United
Kingdom: OUP Oxford, 1995. Print.
Ferriter, Diarmaid. Judging Dev: A Reassement of the Life and Legacy of Eamon de Valera.
Dublin, Ireland: Royal Irish Academy, 2007. Print.
Fitzgibbon, Constantine. The Life and Times of Eamon De Valera. Dublin, Ireland: Macmillan
Publishing Group, 1973. Print.
Garvin, Tom. Preventing the Future; Why was Ireland so poor for so long? Dublin, Ireland: Gill
& Macmillian Ltd, 2004. Print
Green is Good. The Economist: European Union. The Economist. 15 May 1997. Web. 9 Dec.
2013.
Lee, J.J. Ireland 1912-1985. London, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Print.
Meagher, John. 1988: The Year They Said Ireland Was Doomed. Irish Independent: Irish
News. Irish Independent. 19 Jan. 2008. Web. 9 Dec. 2013.
Sweeny, Paul. The Celtic Tiger: Irelands Continuing Economic Miracle. Dublin, Ireland: Oak
Tree Press, 1999. Print.
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