By Martell L.
Teasley
Absenteeism and Truancy:
Risk, Protection, and Best Practice
Implications for School Social Workers
D espite the long history of social
work services in schools, research on
chronic absenteeism and student tru-
ancy has received little attention by
the social work profession. This may
be related to a priority of child wel-
fare needs among the multiple tasks
that school social workers are re-
quired to perform. This is unfortu-
nate, given that truancy may be the
first sign in a series of antisocial be-
haviors that lead to negative personal
and developmental outcomes. Tru-
ancy is associated with sexual pro-
miscuity, alcohol and drug use, de-
linquency, and dropping out of school
(Bell, Rosen, & Dynlacht, 1994; Van
Petegem, 1994).
Absenteeism is defined as a period
of not attending school (Strickland,
1998); it can be influenced by lack of
community support, an unsupportive
school environment, disorderly fam-
ily life, inclement weather, transpor-
tation problems, personal deficits, and
poor health. On any day, thousands
of youths are absent from school, and
many are classified as truant. Truancy
is defined as unexcused and unlawful
absence from school without paren-
tal knowledge and consent (Bell et
al., 1994). Truancy is distinct from
CCC Code: 1532-8759/04 $3.00 2004, National Association of Social Workers, Inc.
117
Absenteeism
and Truancy: Risk,
Protection, and Best
Practice Implications for
School Social Workers
The author discusses the context in which absenteeism and
truancy occur through an analysis of risk and protective
mechanisms and suggests best practice methods based on a
review of literature and research on several successful
absenteeism and truancy prevention and reduction
programs. The author suggests ways that school social
workers can participate in truancy prevention and reduction
projects through collaborative efforts with other school
professionals, community organizations, social services
agencies, parents, and school children.
Key words: absenteeism; practice guidelines; prevention;
school social work; truancy
absenteeism in that the truant child
typically spends his or her time away
from home (that is, absent from
school) and tends to conceal absences
from his or her parents (Lee &
Miltenberger, 1996, p. 474). As child-
hood poverty increases nationwide,
truancy rates continue to escalate.
The U.S. Department of Justice, Of-
fice of Juvenile Justice and Delin-
quency Prevention (OJJDP), re-
ported juvenile court cases for truancy
increased 85 percent from 1989 to
1998 (Baker, Sigmon, & Nugent,
2001).
118 School social workers who seek to
Children & Schools reduce truancy rates must evaluate
Vol. 26, No. 2 the context in which truancy occurs,
April 2004 including individual and develop-
mental factors and parental, family,
socioeconomic, and community in-
fluences. Understanding truancy in-
volves examining risk factors that lead
to truant behavior. Best practice
methods are based on research find-
ings that meet the needs and context
of environmental and interpersonal
factors associated with school absen-
teeism and truancy. As part of the
assessment process, practitioners also
must possess a thorough understand-
ing of local social services organiza-
tions, agencies, and other support
systems.
The purpose of this article is to
discuss the context in which absen-
teeism and truancy occur through
an analysis of risk and protective
mechanisms.
Risk and Protective Factors Related
to Absenteeism and Truancy
School Factors
Research findings from the Na-
tional Center for Education Statis-
tics (1996) show that large school sys-
tems in low-income, inner-city urban
school districts experience higher
rates of absenteeism and truancy com-
pared with suburban and rural school
systems. In that same study, 55 per-
cent of teachers from large inner-city
public school systems reported that
absenteeism was a serious problem,
compared with 45 percent of subur-
ban teachers and 28 percent of teach-
ers in rural school districts (National
Center for Education Statistics). On
a typical school day, 6 percent of rural
and 8 percent of suburban high school
students were absent; urban inner-
city high schools reported nearly 12
percent absenteeism. Research stud-
ies consistently report double-digit
absentee rates for urban inner-city
schools, with approximately 8 per-
cent of these students labeled as
chronically truant (Epstein &
Sheldon, 2002).
Truancy also is more prevalent in
schools that have inconsistent enforce-
ment of truancy policy (Epstein &
Sheldon, 2002), poor interaction be-
tween parents and school personnel,
unsupportive teachers, uncertified
teachers, unchallenging class and
homework assignments, and low sen-
sitivity to diversity issues (Dougherty,
1999). The quality and efficiency of
schoolteachers, counselors, and prin-
cipals is associated with truancy and
dropout rates (Strickland, 1998). Tru-
ancy has been linked to differences in
teaching and learning styles, teacher
absenteeism (Ehrenberg, Ehrenberg,
Rees, & Ehrenberg, 1989), poor stu-
dentteacher relations, low teacher
expectations, and inconsistency in
school discipline (Baker et al., 2001;
Van Petegem, 1994). Stricklands re-
view of the literature cited several
longitudinal studies that linked at-
tendance to grade-point average in
primary and secondary public schools.
Personal Factors
Absenteeism and truancy are symp-
tomatic of negative cognitive and be-
havioral manifestations in youths.
Howard and Andersons review of the
literature on absenteeism and school
dropout revealed that, the decrease
in pupil motivation leading to atten-
dance problems is part of a fairly pre-
dictable sequence (cited in Allen-
Meares, Washington, & Welsh, 2000,
p. 100). The usual pattern begins with
the pupil losing academic interest,
falling behind academically, and
avoiding class. Action by school offi-
cials to stop the students disruptive
behavior may be followed by parental
involvement, which often increases
the students negative attitude about
school. (Other emotional function-
ing disorders and school phobias not
discussed in this article are related to
school absenteeism. For an overview,
see Lee & Miltenberger, 1996).
Developmental Factors
In many cases, truancy involves a
pupil avoiding an academic subject
that he or she finds difficult to com-
prehend; this pattern typically begins
in middle school. As school children
age, absenteeism and truancy increase
(Kleine, 1994). Girls demonstrate
higher rates of absenteeism in high
school than boys; however, boys dem-
onstrate increased rates of chronic
truancy as they advance in grade level.
In 1993, the number of juvenile court
cases for truancy nationally was di-
vided evenly between boys and girls;
the majority of those petitioned were
15 years of age (National Center for
Juvenile Justice, 1996). Longitudinal
studies show an association between
class avoidance and truancy in middle
school and high school, with aca-
demic difficulty in particular subject
areas starting in elementary school
(Strickland, 1998). Findings from
OJJDPs Study Group on Very Young
Offenders indicate that chronic tru-
ancy in elementary school is linked to
serious delinquent behavior at age 12
and under (Baker et al., 2001, p. 2).
Numerous studies correlate truancy
with sexual activity, alcohol and drug
use, violence, daytime vandalism, bur-
glary, and other forms of delinquency
(Baker et al.; Garry, 1996; National
Center for Juvenile Justice). Oman
and colleagues (2002) investigation
of risk factors across adolescent age
groups determined that tobacco use,
alcohol use, drug use, sexual inter-
course, being arrested or picked up,
and truancy all increase significantly
in prevalence across the adolescent 119
age span (p. 172). Absenteeism
and Truancy: Risk,
Family and Parental Factors Protection, and Best
Practice Implications for
Research studies demonstrate that School Social Workers
family dynamics play a key role in
absenteeism and truancy (Doughterty,
1999; Kleine, 1994). When parents
participate in their childs education
(that is, monitor homework, reading
ability, grades, achievement scores,
and courses and attend PTA), the
probability of truancy decreases
(Epstein & Sheldon, 2002). Family
characteristics can affect absenteeism
and truancy in several ways: First,
parents with high socioeconomic sta-
tus (SES) tend to be more involved in
their childrens education than par-
ents with low SES. Research has dem-
onstrated that parents with higher
SES are more involved with teachers
and schools, and such involvement
enhances childrens academic perfor-
mance (Kleine). Second, parents
who spend more time with their
children in activities that improve
cognitive development help boost
their childrens school performance
(McNeal, 1999). Third, parents who
impart appropriate values and aspira-
tions to their children motivate them
to succeed in school (Rumberger,
Ghatak, Poulos, & Ritter, &
Dornbusch, 1990). Fourth, parents
who promote responsible behavior in
their children encourage academic
achievement (Rumberger, et al.). Last,
parenting styles that foster beneficial
communication between parents and
children appear to positively affect
academic performance (McNeal).
Home dynamics such as crowded
living conditions, weak parentchild
relationships, and frequent relocation
may negatively affect school atten-
dance. These characteristics are typi-
cally found among low-income fami-
lies (Thornberry, Smith, Rivera,
120 Huizinga, & Stouthamer-Loeber,
Children & Schools 1999). Bell and colleagues (1994), in
Vol. 26, No. 2 their review of the literature, cited
April 2004 several family-relationship factors
that positively correlate with truancy
rates. These variables include SES,
family attitudes toward education,
parental knowledge of truancy, pa-
rental situations, parenting skills, and
child abuse and neglect. Several char-
acteristics of many low SES families
negatively affect school attendance.
High school students from low SES
families often work during school
hours with parental knowledge and
consent but without the official
knowledge and authorization of the
school system. Some youths from low-
income families who have multiple
Weak parent siblings might have to remain at
child home to care for the younger chil-
dren because the parents cannot af-
relationships
ford day care (Bell et al., p. 204).
and inadequate Other factors cited were parental
parental overindulgence, overprotection and
involvement rejection, and multiple student do-
regarding mestic responsibilities.
education are Research on family structure indi-
cates that youths from single-parent
associated with
homes tend to have higher rates of
truancy. absenteeism and truancy than youths
from two-parent households (Kleine,
1994). Two-parent homes are gener-
ally better at monitoring the activi-
ties of children, because parents share
responsibilities in the development
of the children. Oman and colleagues
(2002) study on age-group risk fac-
tors revealed that compared with
youths who lived in two-parent
homes, youths who lived in one-par-
ent households reported a signifi-
cantly greater likelihood of partici-
pating in sexual intercourse, skipping
school, fighting, and using alcohol or
tobacco. Also, studies have shown that
when parenting style is permissive,
and youths gain autonomy in the de-
cision-making process, the likelihood
of truancy increases (Rohrman, 1993).
Weak parentchild relationships and
inadequate parental involvement re-
garding education are associated with
truancy (Kleine). Parental alcohol-
ism, drug abuse, and domestic vio-
lence also are factors (Rumberger et
al., 1990).
Neighborhood and
Community Factors
Only a cursory review of the lit-
erature is needed to show a link be-
tween neighborhood and community
context and school absenteeism and
truancy (Bell et al., 1994; Epstein &
Sheldon, 2002; Gavin, 1997; Teevan
& Dryburgh, 2000). Understanding
socioeconomic variables in the com-
munity and neighborhood settings is
important in the assessment of ab-
senteeism and truancy (Kleine, 1994;
Rumberger et al., 1990). The level of
family SES determines the neighbor-
hood in which students attend school
and exposure to mental and physical
health stressors (for example, abuse,
neglect, neighborhood and domestic
violence, family and parental strife)
and incivilities (for example, aban-
doned buildings, abandoned cars,
empty lots, condemned housing, un-
derground markets, and disruptive
social behavior) that are associated
with truancy (Wandersman & Na-
tion, 1998).
In affluent communities, parents
and youths have access to support
systems and resources that reduce the
risk of truancy. Residents are stable
with a high degree of home owner-
ship and tend to invest in their com-
munity and in youth development.
Furthermore, affluent parents are
more likely to take part in their
childrens education and have an es-
tablished medium of contact and
working relationship with school-
teachers and principals.
 In low-income neighborhoods,
particularly urban and ethnic minor-
ity neighborhoods, youths are more
likely to experience acts of violence,
attend poorly funded schools, and ex-
perience maltreatment, compared
with youths from affluent neighbor-
hoods. Teachers often live outside
the school community in which they
work and have infrequent contact
with parents. Low-income, inner-
city urban neighborhoods have a
high degree of transient activity.
Highly transient communities of-
ten have low home ownership and
thus less resident investment
(Bursik & Grasmick, 1993; Figueira-
McDonough, 1991; Wandersman &
Nation, 1998).
Ethnic Minority Status
The largest school systems in the
nation are in inner cities where Afri-
can Americans constitute approxi-
mately 70 percent of the student
population, and Hispanics account
for nearly 20 percent. Absenteeism
and chronic truancy are worse in in-
ner-city urban school districts, with
some school systems reporting more
than 20 percent of students absent
daily (Epstein & Sheldon, 2002; So,
1992). There are many explanations
for this phenomenon; however, so-
cioeconomic differences are at the
crux of disparities among ethnic and
racial groups regarding school tru-
ancy rates. Many African American
and Hispanic youths from poor in-
ner-city urban neighborhoods attend
overcrowded schools with lower
funding per pupil, compared with
schools in affluent suburban commu-
nities (So).
Another factor in school atten-
dance disparities among ethnic and
racial groups is cultural bias in edu-
cation systems (Frey, 2000). Despite
concerted efforts in recent years to
address issues of cultural diversity in 121
public education, culturally compe- Absenteeism
tent public school systems have yet and Truancy: Risk,
to proliferate in the United States Protection, and Best
Practice Implications for
(Allen-Meares et al., 2000). In many School Social Workers
public schools, ethnic minority stu-
dents may feel isolated and alienated,
which may promote truant behavior
(Boykin & Ellison, 1995). This is of-
ten the case when cultural and lin-
guistic differences of ethnic minority
students are not recognized in the
pedagogical practices and curriculum
content of mainstream classroom set-
tings. Using the High School and
Beyond data set, So (1992) reported
that student absenteeism rates were
higher in majority African American
schools (that is, schools in which 70
percent of the students are African
American) that have a majority white
faculty. Other characteristics cited as
factors associated with high student
absenteeism were lack of ethnic mi-
nority cultural courses and the break-
down of school discipline. More-
over, specific ethnic behaviors and
the developmental norms of ethnic
minority children often are poorly
understood and misinterpreted by
many teachers (Boykin & Ellison,
1995). Conflict between teacher ex-
pectations and classroom behavior
frequently results in authoritarian
demands on the student, thus dis-
couraging the promotion of positive
developmental outcomes (Logan,
Freeman, & McRoy, 1990).
Best Practices for Absenteeism
and Truancy Intervention
Every state has its own set of laws
regarding truancy, and national
trends do not always reflect local
policy. Therefore, school social work-
ers must be familiar with the legal
aspects of truancy in the states and
localities where they practice, what
can be done within the parameters of
122 the law, and precedents regarding
Children & Schools what is legally permissible. Each citys
Vol. 26, No. 2 history of handling truancy is archived
April 2004 in local public databases and docu-
mented in professional literature.
Practitioners should research patterns
of truancy in their practice domains
and determine if laws and local pro-
grams are adequate.
Individual Intervention
There is no single cause for school
truancy; multidimensional features
are frequently involved (Allen-Meares
et al., 2000). School social workers
should determine individual causal-
ity of truancy before developing an
intervention plan. An assessment of
risk and protective factors should be
made to determine whether absen-
teeism and truancy are related to cog-
nitive and behavioral manifestations
in youths. Family life, peer affilia-
tion, and community influences also
must be considered in the decision-
making process.
Studies have demonstrated that
individual factors related to truancy
prevention work best when there is
an alliance between parents and
teachers, systematic monitoring and
recording of absenteeism and tru-
ancy, maintenance and consistency
when imposing penalties on repeat
offenders, support for intervention
programs, and patience and perse-
verance during prevention program
development (Bell et al., 1994). Best
practice interventions should be
based on a goodness-of-fit between
findings from an assessment of risk
and protective factors and evidence-
based studies. For example, in a hy-
pothetical case involving truancy
linked to grade-point average in a
specific subject such as math, the stu-
dent avoids math class more than
English class. In such a case, the math
class could be restructured or tailored
forms of tutoring could be used to
reduce the students avoidance of
math (Strickland, 1998). Related tu-
toring should be flexible and ordered
to encourage and reinforce improve-
ment in attendance and grades
(Strickland, p. 10). Alternative sched-
ules and make-up policies for all ab-
sentees have been successful practices
for reducing truancy (Bell et al.). The
use of survey questionnaires to de-
termine the underlying causes of
school truancy also has proven effec-
tive, particularly with chronic tru-
ants (Bimler & Kirkland, 2001).
Peer Tutoring. In a comparison
of group truancy rates, the Coca-Cola
Valued Youth Program used cross-
age tutoring (that is, training older
achieving students to work with
younger students who had attendance
problems) to reduce truancy rates and
improve academic performance. The
dropout rate for students who par-
ticipated in the program was 1 per-
cent, whereas the comparison group
rate was 12 percent (Join Together,
1998).
Mentoring. Mentoring has also
proven to be a useful method for re-
ducing truancy rates and appears to
be one of increasing merit. In a Janu-
ary 28, 2003, speech to the nation,
President George Bush called for a
450 million dollar initiative for men-
toring programs for at-risk youths in
middle schools and high schools, in-
cluding children of prisoners (OJJDP,
2003a, b). If granted, this funding
would go directly to the OJJDP Men-
toring Matters program, which
matches mentors with more than
18,000 at-risk students. In February
2003 there were 266 national awards
that funded juvenile mentoring pro-
grams through OJJDPs Mentoring
Matters program. OJJDPs evalua-
tion of these programs found an
overall increase in students academic
performance and a decrease in vio-
lence, drug abuse, and delinquency.
Mentoring is particularly effective
with youths from single-parent
households or with youths who have
a disconnection with their parents.
Researchers have confirmed that
mentoring works best when a quality
relationship exists between the men-
tor and the student and when the
relationship lasts 12 months or
longer. The OJJDP School-Based
Mentoring Study determined that
the cost of mentoring is less than
most community-based programs
because schools already have coun-
selors, teachers, and social workers
in place. School social workers who
are interested in using mentoring
programs with at-risk youths can re-
view program information on the In-
ternet through the OJJDP Web site
at: www.ojjdp.ncjrs.org.
School-Based Intervention
Research studies support the no-
tion that school districts that have a
plan to deal with absenteeism are
more effective at reducing truancy.
According to research on effective
truancy programs, to prevent and
correct serious attendance problems,
schools need to change the way they
are structured, improve the quality
of courses, and intensify interpersonal
relationships between students and
teachers (Epstein & Sheldon, 2002,
p. 309). Highly punitive programs
that place the problem of truancy on
the individual have not curbed tru-
ancy rates. Zero-tolerance policies,
have done more to alienate students
from school than to improve teach-
ing and learning (Civil Rights Project,
2000). There should be a careful bal-
ance between the use of authority
and adhering to student needs.
Youths and parents must realize that
there are real consequences for tru-
ancy, and school-based personnel 123
must understand that reducing Absenteeism
truancy is a process that is better and Truancy: Risk,
served by prosocial preventive Protection, and Best
Practice Implications for
measures than by punitive measures School Social Workers
that do not address underlying con-
cerns. School social workers should
make an objective assessment and ad-
vocate for the appropriate level of
intervention.
Epstein and Sheldon (2002) sug-
gested three broad strategies that
schools can use to improve student
attendance and reduce chronic ab-
senteeism: (a) taking a comprehen-
sive approach to attendance with ac-
tivities that involve students, families,
and the community; (b) using more
positive involvement activities than
negative or punishing activities; and
(c) sustaining a focus on improving
attendance over time (p. 316). Their
investigation of 12 elementary
schools (seven urban and five rural)
and six secondary schools found that
various family and community in-
volvement activities, and the degree
to which each was implemented,
were most effective in increasing at-
tendance. Conducting parent work-
shops on the importance of atten-
dance, opening communication with
diverse families, assigning a truant
officer to students with chronic at-
tendance problems, referring chroni-
cally absent students to counselors,
connecting parents to key school per-
sonnel, making home visits, and re-
warding students for improved at-
tendance were found to be effective
in reducing truancy rates.
Interventions with Families
A variety of family-based interven-
tions exist to reduce truancy. Family
therapy has demonstrated some suc-
cess (Bell et al., 1994; Kleine, 1994).
Researchers have identified several
essential elements that practitioners
124 should include in the assessment of
Children & Schools families in relation to truancy: family
Vol. 26, No. 2 structure and functioning; family val-
April 2004 ues and attitudes toward school and
education; socioeconomic status; pa-
rental knowledge of a childs academic
performance; parental methods of
disciplining children; parent and child
understanding of local truancy laws;
and communication among children,
parents, and the school (Bell et al.;
Kleine; Sheverbush, Smith, &
DeGruson, 2000).
The most common policy school
districts use to combat truancy is
schoolfamilycommunity collabora-
tions (Epstein & Sheldon, 2002;
Kleine, 1994). Schorrs (1997) exten-
sive work with prevention models for
Curriculum and targeting at-risk youths and families
instruction must has identified several essential com-
ponents of successful programs. They
be relevant to a
include the programs ability to be
childs comprehensive, responsive, and flex-
experience, ible; view children in their family con-
with concrete text; understand that families are an
examples of integral part of neighborhoods and
how the communities; operate and maintain
long-term preventive measures; ap-
learning
point highly trained staff and compe-
process applies tent management with clearly identi-
to the real fiable skills; ensure ongoing training;
world. and establish mutual trust and col-
laboration among practitioners.
Interventions with Ethnic
Minority Students
Curriculum and instruction must
be relevant to a childs experience,
with concrete examples of how the
learning process applies to the real
world (Boykin & Ellison, 1995).
School social workers should work
with teachers and school counselors
to determine whether classroom
pedagogical practices and curriculum
are appropriate for achieving an op-
timal environment for teaching and
learning. Part of the assessment
should include teacher expectations
of ethnic minority students and their
pedagogical approaches to meeting
the cultural needs of ethnic minority
students in the classroom. Cultural
and linguistic differences must be
considered in the assessment process,
along with the goodness-of-fit be-
tween the culture of the school and
that of ethnic minority students.
School social workers can help re-
duce school alienation and disasso-
ciation by acquiring knowledge of
students backgrounds and using such
information to help teachers and
school counselors design culturally
responsive curriculums and instruc-
tion (Allen-Meares et al., 2000). Em-
pirical studies have demonstrated
that special classes, group work, and
in-school and after-school programs
can be effective in reducing student
alienation that may result in truancy
(Baker, 2000).
School social workers must be
acutely aware of ethnic minority
overdiagnoses of mental health dis-
orders and overrepresentation in
mental health systems (Allen-Meares
et al., 2000; Frey, 2000). Because re-
ferrals for ethnic minority adolescents
to public and social services agencies
often start a cycle of punitive mea-
sures under the rubric of treatment
for mental health disorders, school
social workers should monitor dis-
parities in mental health services and
outcomes and advocate for nonpuni-
tive measures that address social,
cognitive, and behavioral problems
related to truancy. This means coor-
dinating services and creating tru-
ancy prevention programs that effi-
caciously use schools, related services
personnel, social services, law en-
forcement, and juvenile justice sys-
tems. Attention should be given to
the most appropriate resources and
to reducing overlaps in services.
Neighborhood and
Community Intervention
In low-income neighborhoods
with high proportions of single-par-
ent households and high levels of
unemployment and underemploy-
ment, it is unlikely that chronic tru-
ancy will be solved merely by work-
ing with parents and students,
especially if the student has been in-
volved with the juvenile justice sys-
tem (Levine, 1990). When high lev-
els of risk factors are associated with
truancy, comprehensive measures are
likely to be needed. Comprehen-
sive, communitywide prevention re-
quires collaboration and resource
sharing. In most communities, barri-
ers must be broken down and col-
laborative bridges built among and
within agencies, organizations, and
groups with responsibility for address-
ing juvenile delinquency (Baker et
al., 2001, p. 7).
The OJJDP listed several success-
ful evidence-based programs that ef-
fectively deal with chronic truancy
in its Juvenile Justice Bulletin (Baker
et al., 2001). These programs have
several general characteristics, in-
cluding enforcement of mandatory
attendance laws, parental involve-
ment, community involvement,
meaningful sanctions for continued
noncompliance, effective school-
based truancy reduction programs,
systematic data collection and evalu-
ation, and community education and
awareness programs. One example
that illustrates the collaboration of
these entities is the Abolish Chronic
Truancy (ACT) Now Program of
Tucson, Arizona. This program was
a statewide response to chronic tru-
ancy and is based on three elements:
(1) holding parents accountable for
not enforcing noncompliance with
mandatory attendance laws; (2) a di-
version program to offer services that
address the root causes of truancy; 125
and (3) sanctions for youths and par- Absenteeism
ents who fail to complete the diver- and Truancy: Risk,
sion program successfully (Baker et Protection, and Best
Practice Implications for
al.). More than 100 key stakeholders School Social Workers
in the community, along with law
enforcement, the courts, community
organization, agencies, and social ser-
vices organizations participated in the
development and implementation of
the program.
Youths who have three unexcused
absences are referred to the ACT
Now Program, and parents are noti-
fied. Parents are offered entrance into
the diversion program, with a de-
ferred court date. Parents who ac-
cept are recommended for parenting
skills classes and membership in youth
and parent support groups. Evalua-
tion of the ACT Now Program de-
termined that the programs success
is based on its clearly stated goals,
consistency between written guide-
lines and program procedures, an-
nual training of key school adminis-
trators, clear delegation of policy
interpretation among school admin-
istrators, and a coordinated response
to truancy (Baker et al., 2001).
The ACT Now Program is only
one example of a comprehensive pro-
gram to reduce chronic truancy. In
recent years, several communities with
sites funded by OJJDP (Honolulu,
HI; Contra Costa County, CA; Hous-
ton, TX; King County, WA; Jack-
sonville, FL; Tacoma, WA; and Suf-
folk County, NY) have developed and
implemented programs that link tru-
ant youths with community-based
services and programs. These pro-
gram sites are diverse in their geo-
graphic location, socioeconomic and
ethnic makeup, and community-based
leadership. Therefore, the context in
which each program exists differs
(Baker et al., 2001). Many of these
programs are being evaluated.
126 Conclusion
Children & Schools With increasing rates of childhood
Vol. 26, No. 2 poverty and the political landscape
April 2004 of zero-tolerance policies, school so-
cial workers are challenged to be
more attentive to truancy, its causes,
and methods of prevention and re-
duction. Because no two schools are
alike the context of absenteeism and
truancy may vary, depending on situ-
ational narratives related to interper-
sonal, familial, and sociocultural fac-
tors. School social workers need to
assess risk and protective factors re-
lated to the likelihood of absentee-
ism and truancy and be familiar with
best practices in the context of spe-
cific situations.
Because no one agency or organi-
zation can achieve the strategies and
goals of a comprehensive approach to
truancy intervention, collaborative
efforts are necessary. In their capac-
ity as school and community liaisons
working at micro and macro levels,
school social workers can coordinate
collaborative truancy reduction
projects among schools, community
organizations and agencies, busi-
nesses, social services, local govern-
ment, health agencies, and civic or-
ganizations. Equally important is the
need for school social workers to iden-
tify at-risk students who display pat-
terns of alienation and disassociation
from school. Advocacy for change and
development of programs and prac-
tices that meet the educational and
sociocultural needs of students with
diverse backgrounds are paramount
to reducing school absenteeism and
truancy. Ultimately, improving tru-
ancy rates will occur when family,
schools and students can work in an
atmosphere that encourages collabo-
ration to solve the growing problems
of truancy (Gullatt & Lemoine,
1997, p. 11).
About the Author
Martell L. Teasley, PhD, MSW, is
assistant professor, School of Social Work,
Florida State University, Tallahassee,
FL 32306-2570; e-mail: mteasley@
mailer.fsu.edu.

References
Allen-Meares, P., Washington, R. O., & Welsh, B. L. (2000). Social work
services in schools (3rd ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Baker, M. L. (2000). Evaluation of the truancy reduction demonstration
program: Interim report. Denver: Colorado Foundation for Families
and Children.
Baker, M. L., Sigmon, J. N., & Nugent, M. E. (2001). Truancy reduction:
Keeping students in school. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of
Justice, Office of Juvenile Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice
and Delinquency Prevention.
Bell, A. J., Rosen, L. A., & Dynlacht, D. (1994). Truancy intervention.
Journal of Research and Development in Education, 27, 203211.
Bimler, D., & Kirkland, J. (2001). School truants and truancy motivation
sorted out with multidimensional scaling. Journal of Adolescent
Research, 16(1), 75102.
Boykin, A. W., & Ellison, C. M. (1995). The multiple ecologies of black
youth socialization: An Afrographic analysis. In R. L. Taylor (Ed.),
 African-American youth: Their social and economic status in the United 127
States (pp. 93128). Westport, CT: Praeger. Absenteeism
Bursik, R. J., & Grasmick, H. G. (1993). Neighborhoods and crime: The and Truancy: Risk,
dimensions of effective community control. New York: Lexington Books. Protection, and Best
Practice Implications for
Civil Rights Project Harvard University Conferences. (2000). Opportunities School Social Workers
suspended: The devastating consequences of zero tolerance and school
discipline policies. Retrieved October 13, 2001, from http://www.
law.harvard.edu/civilrights/conferences/zero/zt_report2html
Dougherty, J. W. (1999). Attending to attendance. Phi Delta Kappa
Fastbacks, 450, 749.
Ehrenberg, R. G., Ehrenberg, R. A., Rees, D. I., & Ehrenberg, E. L.
(1989). School district leave policies, teacher absenteeism, and
student achievement. Journal of Human Resources, 26(1), 72105.
Epstein, J. L., & Sheldon, S. B. (2002). Present and accounted for:
Improving student attendance through family and community
involvement. Journal of Educational Research, 95, 308318.
Figueira-McDonough, J. (1991). Community structure and delinquency: A
typology. Social Service Review, 65, 6891.
Frey, A. (2000). Educational placement for children with behavioral and/or
emotional disorders: Overlooked variables contribution to placements
in restrictive settings. Journal of School Social Work, 11(1), 5166.
Garry, E. M. (1996). Truancy: First step to a lifetime of problems [Bulletin].
Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice
Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.
Gavin, T. (1997). Truancy: Not just kids stuff anymore. FBI Enforcement
Bulletin, 66, 814.
Gullatt, D. E., & Lemoine, D. A. (1997). Truancy: Whats a principal to
do? American Secondary Education, 26, 712.
Join Together, Boston, MA. (1998, August). Keeping kids in schools: Part of
your community wide strategy to reduce substance abuse and crime. 1998
Monthly Action Kit (Report No. UD032715). East Lansing, MI:
National Center for Research on Teacher Learning. (ERIC
Document Reproduction Service No. ED426160)
Kleine, P. A. (1994). Chronic absenteeism: A community issue (Report No.
EA026196). East Lansing, MI: National Center for Research on
Teacher Learning. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No.
ED375494)
Lee, M. I., & Miltenberger, R. G. (1996). School refusal behavior:
Classification, assessment, and treatment issues. Education and
Treatment of Children, 19, 474486.
Levine, D. U. (1990). Update of effective schools: Findings and
implications for research and practice. Journal of Negro Education, 59,
577584.
Logan, S.M.L., Freeman, E. M., & McRoy R. G. (Eds.). (1990). Social work
practice with black families. White Plains, NY: Longman.
McNeal, R. B. (1999). Parental involvement as social capital: Differential
effectiveness on science achievement, truancy, and dropping out.
Social Forces, 78, 117144.
128 National Center for Education Statistics. (1996). Condition of education
Children & Schools 1996. Washington, DC: Author.
Vol. 26, No. 2 National Center for Juvenile Justice. (1996). Easy access to FBI arrest
April 2004 statistics, 19901994. Pittsburgh: Author.
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. (2003a, April 3).
Community responses to truancy: Engaging students in school.
Retrieved February 16, 2004, from http://www.trc.eku.edu/jj
(teleconferencing Web site)
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. (2003b, February
7). Mentoring matters. Retrieved February 16, 2004, from http://
www.trc.eku.edu/jj (teleconferencing Web site)
Oman, R. F., McLeroy, K. R., Versely, S., Aspy, C. B., Smith, D. W., &
Penn, D. A. (2002). An adolescent age group approach to examining
youth risk behaviors. American Journal of Health Promotion, 16, 167
176.
Rohrman, D. (1993). Combating truancy in our schoolsA community
effort. NASSP Bulletin, 76(549), 4051.
Rumberger, R. W., Ghatak, R., Poulos, G., Ritter, P. L., & Dornbusch,
S. M. (1990). Family influence on dropout behavior in one California
high school. Sociology of Education, 63, 283299.
Schorr, L. B. (1997). Common purpose: Strengthening families and
neighborhoods to rebuild America. New York: Doubleday.
Sheverbush, R. L., Smith, J. V., & DeGruson, M. (2000). A truancy
program: The successful partnering of schools, parents, and community
systems (Report No. CG030301). East Lansing, MI: National Center
for Research on Teacher Learning. (ERIC Document Reproduction
Service No. ED444102)
So, A. Y. (1992). The black school. Journal of Black Studies, 2, 523531.
Strickland, V. P. (1998). Attendance and grade point average: A study (Report
No. SP038147). East Lansing, MI: National Center for Research on
Teacher Learning. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No.
ED423224)
Teevan, J. J., & Dryburgh, H. B. (2000). First person accounts and
sociological explanations of delinquency. Canadian Review of Sociology
and Anthropology, 37(1), 7793.
Thornberry, T. P., Smith, C. A., Rivera, C., Huizinga, D., & Stouthamer-
Loeber, M. (1999). Family disruption and delinquency (Report No.
UD033207). East Lansing, MI: National Center for Research on
Teacher Learning. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No.
ED436604)
Van Petegem, P. (1994). Truancy as a social, educational and psychological
problem: Causes and solutions. Scientia Paedagogia Experimentalis, 31,
271286.
Wandersman, A., & Nation, M. (1998). Urban neighborhoods and mental
health: Psychological contributions to understanding toxicity,
resilience, and interventions. American Psychologist, 53, 647656.

Accepted November 17, 2003