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Gilda Berruti

University of Naples Federico II (ITALY)


The paper is concerned with the regeneration project of an industrial archaeology
settlement, the Corradini disused factory located in East Naples waterfront, which
has been carried out during the work directed to the Urban Plan for the district of San
Giovanni a Teduccio.
Due to the strategic position of the Corradini along the coast, the master plan of
Naples places urban and higher level functions in the settlement. As a matter of fact,
it is in part devoted to the main tourist port and in part to public spaces and collective
facilities for the whole city whose content has to be specified.
The project of reuse of this latter part of the Corradini was carried out through a
participatory investigation. The content was specified as a place of cultural
production, an art factory, in which the value of the former place, a production area,
The Corradini regeneration project has the added value of restoring the character of
cooperative work lost with the end of industrial life, which shaped the districts local
identity, and producing a vision of future strictly fitting the context. At the same time, it
succeeds in keeping together culture and local development, betting on local
resources, giving life to a place where doing, not consuming, is the main activity.
The aim of this paper is to discuss: the Corradini in the district of San Giovanni as a
response to the reconnection of the neighbourhood with the sea; the resulting
project, which restores the districts vibrancy of the industrial age; the adopted
methodology, far removed from traditional approaches to cultural heritage

Keywords: sense of place, local development, participatory investigation, art factory,

East coast of Naples.

This paper is concerned with the regeneration project of an industrial archaeology
settlement in East Naples waterfront, an area to return to citizen fruition.
The occasion is given by the work directed to the Urban Plan for the district of San
Giovanni a Teduccio, a peripheral district in the east coast of Naples, currently
interested by an urban program involving the local community.
The Urban Plan for the district of San Giovanni a Teduccio, according to the master
plan directions, has the main objective of reconnecting the neighbourhood with the
Due to the strategic position of the Corradini disused factory along the coast, the
master plan of Naples places urban and higher level functions in the settlement. The
project was carried out by the Department of Urban Planning of the Town Council of
Naples through a participatory investigation, which considered ordinary knowledge as
a resource as much important as professional knowledge.

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The planned future of the Corradini is a place of cultural production, an art factory, in
which the value of the former place survives. This project has the added value of
respecting the sense of place, overcoming the interpretation of the former factory as
an area to fill, and conceiving for it a site-specific use.
The most important thing in a factory is cooperative work. This value is preserved in
the regeneration project of the Corradini settlement, characterized by production
spaces addressed to new cultural entrepreneurs, that at the same time responds to
the issue of the accessibility to the sea.
In the following, I will describe the Corradini in the working-class district of San
Giovanni as a response to the reconnection of the neighbourhood with the sea,
pointing out in particular how the relationship with the sea is part of San Giovanni
identity. Then, I will explain the project of the disused factory as a contemporary art
factory, which restores the districts vibrancy of the industrial age not only from a
material point of view. Finally, I will discuss the adopted methodology, far removed
from traditional approaches to cultural heritage regeneration and the relative roles of
ordinary and professional knowledge in the process.


The Corradini disused factory is located in East Naples waterfront, in the district of
San Giovanni a Teduccio, the coastal area that goes from the Eastern side of the
harbour to the city borders. Although the district lies along the seaside, it has been
separated from it since long, due to the presence of the railway line (the first one in
Thanks to its strategic location, on the waterfront and crossed by the railway line,
San Giovanni represents the oldest industrial settlement of Naples. For more than
two centuries this district has hosted several factories that are nowadays mostly in
disuse. The industrial nature of this area has shaped a local identity characterized by
several active associations and entrepreneurial initiatives.
Adjacent to the coast there are the harbours facilities and other infrastructures (such
as an electric plant, a depuration plant, and so on), each of them representing an
obstacle to the coast fruition. There are only three possibilities to reach the seaside
from corso San Giovanni, the main street of the neighbourhood, connecting Naples
to Vesuvius countries: through a level crossing, or passing over or underneath the
railway line.
San Giovanni waterfront is 3 km long, from Vigliena to Pietrarsa, but the few
seashore areas are not suitable for swimming and often the sea cannot be reached
even by sight. The dense fabric around corso San Giovanni, in fact, hides the sea
view, except for the cross lanes or the houses courtyards.
Along the coast, the Corradini settlement covers an area of 7 hectares, 700 meters
long, fenced and isolated from the neighbourhood.
The access to the sea is forbidden to San Giovanni inhabitants in several ways: the
railway line, leftover spaces, the electric and the depuration plant. At the same time,
pollution and out of place uses work as deterrent with respect to seashore fruition.
The fragmentation of the neighbourhood into different parts, due to the overall
presence of barriers, is a peculiar character of San Giovanni, with subsequent issues
of vandalism, and the spreading of the defensive logic also in the forthcoming and
ongoing urban transformations [1]. As a matter of fact, looking at the planned futures,
the situation does not seem to change, since the new functions risk to transform
areas which were previously abandoned into enclosures cut off from the
neighbourhood life.

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The dream of reconnection with the coast line often occurs in the representations of
inhabitants, for instance, when they image the underground relocation of the railroad
or when they figure out the possibility of an uninterrupted walk along the sea. From
the same point of view, each barrier along the coast, perceived as an obstacle to the
continuity of the sea-front, is seen with hostility: the electric plant currently, the tourist
port in the future.
The relationship with the sea is part of San Giovanni geographical and cultural
identity. In this respect, it is worth noting that in the process of division of Naples
territory in municipalities, there was the proposal of the East Sea municipality, going
from San Giovanni to the inner city coast. This discarded proposal reflected local
communitys representation of San Giovanni position in the urban area of Naples.
The connection with the districts of Barra and Ponticelli in the current municipality is
not considered appropriate.
As a matter of fact, in inhabitants viewpoint, San Giovanni a Teduccio is not the
coastal border of the Eastern area, but rather the hinge between Naples and
Vesuvius towns, in the position of metropolitan area node more than city peripheral
area. Conversely, looking at San Giovanni from Naples, the district appears as
almost removed from the city image: it is identified as the city backyard and store.
The reconnection with the seaside is the main theme of the ongoing renewal. As
already pointed out in the Master Plan (2004), the main objectives are the
redevelopment of the coast through the introduction of urban and higher level
functions into the district, and the reconquest of the sea.
The most important functions that will be introduced in the district are:
- a new university campus (Law and Engineering Faculties) to be located in the area
previously occupied by the disused Cirio factory;
- a new tourist port (Porto Fiorito) to host about 1.000 boats, located in front of the
Corradini, which will also make use of part of this structure;
- the recovery of the existing seaside (currently polluted) and the development of
leisure facilities for both inhabitants and tourists, with a particular attention to young
Pivotal to the reconnection with the sea is the improvement and the implementation
of paths linking the district to the sea, as well as the creation of public spaces by
means of environmental operations, such as the reuse of the vacated areas of the
depuration plant and the seaside reclamation [2]. These transformations will be
sustained by new connections between the district and the city of Naples and will
benefit of a range of new services. Moreover, they are integrated with other actions
of renewal of the district, and with private interventions triggered by the upcoming
urban development.
Actually, in the master plan, with respect to the East Naples waterfront, we can see
two different logics overlapping: the goal of the connection with the sea, together with
the conservation of the infrastructural servitude. As a matter of fact, the electric plant
of Vigliena, although reclaimed into a turbo-gas electric plant, will not be dismissed,
while a new container terminal of the harbour will be realized.
As far as the Corradini disused factory is concerned, in the master plan it was
devoted in part to the tourist port facilities, in part to the representative functions of
the new university. In the meantime, however, the boundary conditions changed: the
new project of the university, by Ishimoto architectural & engineering firm, foresees
all the functions, included representative ones, inside the Cirio disused factory. Thus,
there is a part of Corradini, the western part, which remained without functions and
without a project. For this reason, the idea of future of the former factory devoted to

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public spaces and collective facilities for the whole city persisted but its content had
to be specified.
The western part of the Corradini became the occasion to respond to the lack of
public spaces of the neighbourhood and contemporarily to reconnect the
neighbourhood with the sea, in this way counterbalancing the decision regarding the
missed renewal of the electric plant area.
As far as the functions of the Corradini are concerned, the project was carried out
through a participatory investigation, aiming at: planning the reuse of the former
factory in association with San Giovannis inhabitants; verifying the local communitys
willingness to participate in the transformation process.
The content was specified as a place of cultural production and local development. At
the same time, the project takes a step forward in the reconnection of the
neighbourhood with the sea.


The Corradini complex has been built during the 19th century, changing several time
accordingly to the functional conversion. In 1882, the Swiss entrepreneur Giacomo
Corradini, after taking over Deluy-Granier industrial settlement, set up the metallurgic
and engineering industry in Naples waterfront, between the railway line and the sea,
in part using existing disused factories. The industry, which was specialized in the
production of hulls of sailboats, at the beginning of the twentieth century
concentrated on the manufacture of military hardware. After the Second World War,
the activities of the Corradini progressively decrease up to 1949, when, after the
conveyance of the factory and the failure of a worker management attempt, it
definitively closed [3].
Subsequent to its acquisition by the Town Council in 1999, the complex has been
destined partly to the tourist harbour and partly to public spaces and collective
facilities for the whole city.
In the meantime and so far, the Corradini remained available for unintended, short-
term uses, thus transforming in a loose space [4]. It was: forbidden place where
children liked to play, incomparable location for rave parties, open-pit dump and even
couch for hobos and homeless.
The western part of the factory, which is the main focus of the paper, has an area of
19.327 square meters, 16.000 of which are covered areas (some structures are
multilevel). Urban rules classify the complex as industrial archaeology (Da zone)
with an architectural or typological interest, and foresee the restoration of the original
The regeneration project of the Corradini has been carried out in the framework of
the Innovative program in the Urban Area of Naples (Piau) promoted by the Ministry
of Infrastructures and Transportation in 2004.
With respect to the above framework, and coherently with the Piau strategy, the
Urban Planning Department of the Town Council of Naples is developing the Urban
Plan for the district of San Giovanni. Crucial for the transformation process are the
disused Corradini factory and the corresponding area on the main street, Corso San
Giovanni, today hosting a tram depot. The Urban Plan, whose preliminary version
dates back to February 2009, foresees the transformation of this area as an
integrated centre, that is an ensemble determined by commercial activities on the
street side and public functions inside Corradini sheds. The two parts of this
integrated centre will be connected though a pedestrian passage crossing the railway

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line barrier. This area of urban renewal flanks the main tourist port that will occupy
the remaining part of the Corradini.
The western part of the Corradini is conceived as a centre for art and culture within a
complex of spaces either public or private, and with a hostel mainly destined to a
young public.
The project has the added value of restoring the character of cooperative work lost
with the end of San Giovanni industrial life, which shaped the districts local identity.
At the same time, it succeeds in keeping together culture and local development,
betting on local resources, giving life to a place where doing, not consuming, is the
main activity. In this respect, the renewed site could host innovative functions, which
make this area not only central for the district but also attractive for the whole city.
It is clear that a complete definition of the possible initiatives to be hosted in the
factory can emerge only by the inquiry of the territory resources and from an analysis
of the economic compatibility. However, it seems fundamental that the art factory
might live out of its own economic incomes and therefore of specific activities open to
the public (either services or shops).
The complex has been imagined as a system with two main facades: one looking the
main street of San Giovanni (corso San Giovanni), the other facing the seaside.
Along the main street, there will be two entrances (see fig. 1). One will be located in
the new square corresponding to the current tram depot, which should be delocalized
according to the master plan.

Fig. 1 the western part of the Corradini (the arrows show the entrances)

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This entrance will lead trough a pedestrian passage into the nearby of building 5 (the
former drawing mills), and slightly forward, to the metro station with the underground
passage leading to the rails, in correspondence of the building 11 (the former
shipping office), flanking the tourist harbour. The other will be positioned on the
seaside, and specifically from Via Marini dei Gigli, the street of entrance to the tourist
harbour. In between the Corradini and the sea there is a space of around 20
thousands square meters, imagined as a terrace by the sea, possibly covering a
parking for the tourist port.
In this arrangement, the area 5 stands out as the central one. At the left side there is
the complex 1 (the former tanneries), while at the right side other hangers and the
building 11, bordering the tourist harbour area. Inside, the path going through the
buildings 6-7 and 8-9 will play the main role. In this context the chimney can be used
as landmark and observation point. Most of the buildings are hangers with metal roof
trusses, about 7 meters high, but there is also a two-floor building (11), and a more
articulated complex -the former tanneries (1)- that presents contiguous spaces of
various dimensions, partly on two floors.
The conservation state of the buildings is ruinous (see fig. 2): some of them have
been destroyed, others have been mutilated of some parts even structural. For some
buildings it is possible to define the original structure only through the inventory of
images collected. Where the built space has assumed the character of ruins, nature
invaded its spaces with thick greenery.

Fig. 2 state of conservation of the Corradini buildings (photos by G. Berruti, 2008)

Mostly, the recovery aims at the reconstruction of the original structures. With
reference to this, it is important to acknowledge that those architectures have hosted
during their history different productive activities. Such an original flexibility is a
precious feature to preserve, from the perspective of restoring the sense of place,
even more into the current transformations, which foresee a change even more
radical than in the past.

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Once defined the idea and the image of the art factory, it is useful to specify the
possible organization of the different functions in the Corradini settlement (see tab. 1
and fig. 1).

Tab. 1 possible uses of the Corradini buildings

former function n. building area (mq) possible destinations
De Simone 1 6278 art factory: studios and management centre
tanneries upper floors: long-staying accommodation (hostel)
buildings in front 2-3-4 835,5 art factory spaces and general facilities (e.g., tourist
of the tanneries information, security, infobox)
drawing mills 5 1944,2 square, place of transit to and from the main street,
useful for exhibitions and events
rolling mills 6-7 1534,5 art factory, open to the public
foundry 8 918 multifunctional space for events, possibly to rent
refinery oven, 9 (abcd) 410 + commercial activities connected with the art factory
brass deposit 656,5 and collective facilities of daily use
refinery 10 1477 flexible uses depending on public or private
shipping office 11 1702 ground floor: leisure facilities / first floor: hostel
chimney observation point

The structure of the Corradini art factory, with public spaces, collective facilities and
leisure services, could be the following (see fig. 3):

Fig. 3 possible conversion of the Corradini factory in art factory

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- the art factory (A) might have convenience to share common spaces for the
fruition of structures and general services (such as the deposit for the artists, the
recording studio for the musicians, meeting spaces, etc.). The underlying concept is
a beehive-like space made of many cells that may be joined for events requiring a
larger space;
- the central space (B), corresponding to the main entrance from corso San Giovanni
could be organized as a square, partially open: a place of transit that at the same
time might host exhibitions or/and events, with the chimney as advertising pole; on
the left border, general facilities, such as information and security, will be located;
- a multifunctional space for events (C) that can be devoted either to the art factorys
activities or to commercial activities, such as private events (parties, events,
exhibitions) and public ones;
- commercial activities, such as restaurants, bars, shop, etc., have to be located both
in central and transit positions and might benefit of the coexistence with the other
- accommodation facilities can be organized partly into an unitary complex, for the
temporary staying, and partly into other spaces for longer staying. The unitary
complex might be located in building 11 (D), reused as a hostel and integrated by the
open spaces at the ground floor. The independent housing might consist of some
studios to rent in the upper lever of building 1 (A);
- collective facilities have to be taken among those of daily use for San Giovanni
To summarize, the project keeps together, in a beautiful site for industrial
archaeological buildings and for the sea view, leisure and cultural production, in a
settlement attractive to a metropolitan public, and counting on a mainly young public
(of both users and visitors).


A strategy of involvement of the local inhabitants has been activated in order to get
hints for the transformation process of the former factory.
The adopted methodology, far removed from traditional approaches to cultural
heritage regeneration, is in line with the participatory process carried out in the
framework of Piau activities.
This strategy was based on a twofold bet: a bet on the inhabitants skills in making
suggestions for the future, and a bet on the capability of the institutions to learn a
new approach to urban decision-making [5].
At the same time, it aimed at overcoming the separation of reasoning on the
restoration of buildings and on their management. With this respect, the main goal
was to integrate urban design with the social demand.
The process started in January 2007 and lasted until February 2009, with the
preliminary plan of San Giovannis passage. After many years of fieldwork and
institutional efforts, the process is currently at a stalemate.
As far as the process is concerned, it was conceived as a participatory investigation,
aiming in the first stage at reconstructing the urban decisions regarding the Corradini
and its context, and in the second stage at the involvement of local community in the
decisions about the future of the factory.
An outreach process has been planned and conducted with San Giovanni
inhabitants, with the objective of defining some directions for the project and the
management of the Corradini (19 in-depth interviews). Along this path, local
representatives, subjects concerned with this issue in the previous stages of the

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participatory process and potential stakeholders (entrepreneurs, artistic groups, and
young people) have been involved. With respect to this purpose, it is important to
notice the presence of a complex web of artists and cultural operators in the
This preliminary investigation, integrated by the analysis of Corradini structures and
the study of similar cases of reused factories all over the world, has been concluded
with a focus group (July 2007), whose objective has been to gather suggestions in
order to verify the local community willingness to participate to the transformation
process and, at the same time, to open the dialogue with the institutions.
In June 2008, a workshop was organized, with experts in the field of urban
transformations and economy of culture, in order to verify the feasibility of the
hypothesis of reuse resulting from the process.
In this process, it is interesting to observe the relative roles of ordinary and
professional knowledge. Ordinary knowledge is busily put to work from the beginning
and professional knowledge occurs only in the subsequent stage. As in Larry
Shermans story described by John Forester [6] professionals speak second, not
first. But speaking second was hardly a second-class role. Its a matter of planning
and power. Speaking second allows the experts to help to solve specific problems,
without anybody finding technical issues intimidating.
However, as for the experience developed during the fieldwork in San Giovanni, it is
possible to underline the presence of a sharp contrast between the cultural entities
and the entrepreneurial counterpart, even if both are agents of development. In the
Corradini case, this contrast - actually smoothed out in the districts vibrancy of the
industrial era - has been solved thanks to the proposal of giving an entrepreneurial
orientation to the cultural activities to be settled inside the leftover spaces. The
outcome of the contrast is not a museum, but a mixture of culture and local
development. With this respect, it is important to underline that the project of the art
factory is addressed to the cultural world in turmoil (from music experimenters to
buskers), and not to already famous artists.
What seems worth noting in the Corradini case, was, on the one hand, the
willingness of the well-rooted working class to commute its traditional activities with
those of the forthcoming art factory, on the other, the claims of local inhabitants for
the presence of public institutions as guarantor and ruler of the economic cultural
With respect to this framework, the reference model resulting from the process is not
that of a transformation entirely funded by the public. Such a choice is necessary not
only to provide the economic feasibility of the transformation, but also to satisfy the
claim for the art factory development clearly expressed by the local community.
Therefore, this is a long-term investment as it envisions economic and social

[1] Berruti G., Lepore D. (2007), Fuori dal centro non c il Bronx. Un esercizio di descrizione delle
periferie metronapoletane, Atti del convegno nazionale Inu, Territori e citt del Mezzogiorno.
Quante periferie? Quali politiche di governo del territorio?, Planum The journal of Urbanism, 1-
16 (www.planum.net/download/berruti_lepore-pdf).
[2] Giann R. (2009), The waterfront of Naples in the new Master Plan, TeMa, 2, 3: 59-66.
[3] Parisi R. (2008), L'architettura industriale, in Vitale A., de Majo S. (a cura di), Napoli e lindustria.
Dai Borboni alla dismissione, Rubettino, Soveria Mannelli, 342-366.
[4] Franck K. A., Steven Q. (2007, eds.), Loose Space. Possibility and diversity in urban life,
Routledge, London and New York.

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[5] Berruti G., Ceci F. (2008), Eastern Naples. Betting on Participation, RSVP#12A Reconnecting
Naples, tabloid allegato alla rivista Volume, 15: 10-11.
[6] Forester J. (2012), Transforming the Communicative Planning Debate: From Ideals and
Intentions to Critically Pragmatic Analysis and Democratizing Strategies, in Crane R., Weber R.
(eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Urban Planning, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

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Assunta Martone1, Marichela Sepe2

Istituto di Ricerche sulle Attivit Terziarie-CNR (ITALY)
Istituto di Ricerche sulle Attivit Terziarie-CNR, DPUU Universit Federico II (ITALY)
a.martone@irat.cnr.it, marisepe@unina.it

In contemporary city the competitiveness is increasingly played on creative
regeneration to achieve a more comprehensive and sustainable development. As
regards, the enhancement of urban waterfronts -involving sea shores, river banks or
banks - is increasingly becoming a starting point for implementing innovative urban
redevelopment strategies - based on material and immaterial resources - which
involve not only the waterfront but also the whole urban area.
Starting from this premises, this paper aims at illustrating the case study of urban
regeneration of Lyon Confluence. Located at the confluence of Rhone and Saone,
Lyon is the second largest metropolitan area in France. Its mayor Raymond Barre, in
1995, started the renewal process aimed at launching the city at an international
level, and attempted to change lyonnaise identity, based on silk and industrial
production, redefining it on quality of life, attractiveness and creativity. Lyon
Confluence is the main project of urban renewal, focused on sustainable
revitalization and development of territory and landscape between the river banks of
Saone and Rhone. Actions on public spaces and creation of new poles of research
and attraction are linked to projects based on large relational connections, such as
the reorganization of public transport lines, the road system and the protection of
green spaces that reach the city centre.
Also thanks to the Confluence renewal, that we will explain focusing on history of
places, urban projects implemented, sustainable socio-economic regeneration and
participation policies, Lyon is part of the Creative City Network promoted by
UNESCO and is reaching quite a good ranking among world cities in Quality of living.
A first assessment of critical and positive factors of this process, still in development,
will conclude the paper.

Keywords: Creative regeneration, urban design, sustainability, innovation, quality of


Changes in the city can be seen in more friendly technologies, in the strong role of
culture and in the processes of social empowerment. Indeed, the engine of social
change is no longer technology, but how you live, work and play, and the spaces
where these activities take place.
The creation of an urban environment which encourages setting up of innovative
activities requires, at the local level, the construction of a specialized production
system and the establishment of an urban environment which can support the testing
of consensual practice of regional government [1]. In order to obtain this goal, new
alternative strategies and urban policies should be considered. Traditional policies of
urban renewal, mainly based on combating social exclusion and building physical
constructions, are changing. Cities are not just buildings and material structures, but

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also people, networks and intangible elements, such as memory, history, social
relationships, emotional experiences and cultural identities. Indeed, the city is an
organism; each element is inextricably interwoven and planning is based on how
people feel the city from an emotional and psychological point of view. Its guiding
principle is place-making rather than urban development [2]. The transformation of
cities has been accompanied by changes in the urban design and planning tools,
modifying those already existing and creating new ones. These tools must be suited
to interpreting new processes and should not be guided by market forces.
The concept of the creative city has its origin in the research into reasons why
several cities have become more attractive and competitive in recent decades. Such
cities seem to have worked on how to improve the interaction between urban
regeneration, economic development and social renewal in order to achieve more
comprehensive development of the city [3-4]. The cultural resource, if appropriately
inserted inside planning able to create employment and new occupations as well as
economic development, constitutes the trigger of a process of evolution of the
territorial system and of all social actors and, at the same time, a process of creation
of a network of culturally sustainable development [5] [6].
The experiences of creative cities [7] lead to the promotion of areas in cities which
base their competitiveness on local peculiarities related to the value of the city
brand [8], and also highlight the possibility of steering the evolution of urban systems
in the city. These areas become creative clusters as a result of innovative economic
and structural initiatives, implemented within appropriate local development
strategies based on territorial quality and excellence [9][10].
The formation of an international creative district should be accompanied by the
construction of lines of action to make the factors of development, enabled by the
cluster, consistent with the sustainable growth of the city [11][12] [13]. Creative
resources are usually more sustainable than physical ones: monuments and
museums are often subjected to degradation, while creative resources are constantly
renewable. Furthermore, creativity is more mobile, because it does not depend on
concentration of cultural resources and can be produced anywhere. Furthermore, the
development of a creative district has to be considered alongside sustainable
development intended in the economic, social and environmental sense [14],
conditions which are equally important and interdependent for the sustainability of
cultural resources.
As regards, urban revitalization operations are now under way involving sea shores,
river banks or banks - mainly for business use - after they have fallen into disuse.
Waterfront redevelopment and enhancement is increasingly becoming a starting
point for implementing complex urban redevelopment strategies which involve not
only the waterfront but also the whole urban area. A system of governance needs to
be created to support the network of players who must cooperate so as to generate
new resources and enhance those already existing, as well as contribute to the
sustainability of the results and their embedding of the regeneration in the area [4].
Examples of recent waterfront regeneration include: the Ciudad of Valencia, the
Abondaibarra area in Bilbao, the Bordeaux Les deux rives in Bordeaux, the
HafenCity area in Hamburg, the Arabianranta in Helsinki and Liverpools Albert
Docks and Tate. As regards, public support serves in the startup phase to give
credibility to the project, and allows visibility at the international level. Area policies
are devoted to creating the social and economic conditions to develop an urban
environment that attracts culturally interested actors [15, 16].

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Starting from this premises, this paper aims at illustrating the case study of urban
regeneration of Lyon, with particular attention to the Confluence area.
Located at the confluence of Rhone and Saone, Lyon is the second largest
metropolitan area in France. Its mayor Raymond Barre, in 1995, started the renewal
process aimed at launching the city at an international level. He attempted to change
lyonnaise identity, based on silk and industrial production, redefining it on quality of
life, attractiveness and creativity.
The main structural features of the process are the "program-laboratory" built since
1997, named Millenaire 3, with the scope of understanding and elaborating new
ideas for development and the city centre mission called at the beginning Perrache
Confluent, then Lyon Confluence. Lyon Confluence is also the name of the main
project of urban renewal, focused on sustainable revitalization and development of
territory and landscape between the river banks of Saone and Rhone; actions on
public spaces and creation of new poles of research and attraction are linked to
projects based on large relational connections, such as the reorganization of public
transport lines, the road system and the protection of green spaces that reach the
city centre.
Also thanks to the complex process of transformation, that we will explain focusing
on history of places, urban projects implemented, socio-economic regeneration and
participation, Lyon stands today many dynamic and innovative projects achieving a
quite good ranking among world cities in Quality of living.
Furthermore, this regeneration process, combining the public space regeneration, the
cultural renewal with technology and environmental sustainability has contributed to
bringing the city of Lyon in the Creative City Network promoted by UNESCO.
The paper is organized as follows: section 2 illustrates the case study, with particular
attention to the general strategy, the urban and socio-economic regeneration, and
participation; section 3 shows a first assessment and section 4 draws the


The strategy

The city of Lyon, which is the capital of the Rhne-Alpes region, boasts an important
architectural heritage, dating back to Roman times and the Renaissance, and a part
of the city (500 hectares, one of the largest areas in the world after Venice) was
classified as a world heritage by UNESCO World Heritage site in 1998 [16].
Lyon is a city settled between the banks of the rivers Saone and Rhone, with a
commercial area located in the peninsula and an old town centre. It was the
commercial and military capital of the Three Gauls and in the XVI century it became
famous for printing industry and silk processing. Under Napoleonic Empire it was
transformed into an industrial city, with its workers neighbourhoods on the Croix-
Rousse slopes and tenement built against the hill with the characteristic "traboules"
(balconies, internal courtyards and passages), while it was urbanized the Rhone left
The Lyon urban regeneration process started in 1995 with Mayor Raymond Barre
[18]. The singularity of Lyons project is given by a deep integration of all different
levels in which it is structured, ranging from the metropolitan area development
strategy (Schma Directeur) to the arrangement of the urban plan and plans for
specific urban areas, in which each project achieves a particular value as a part of a
larger structure. The whole city is reorganized through the design of a new

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framework of thematic planning systems such as the revitalization of public spaces,
in both the centre and periphery, creating new centres for urban and economic
development, the reinterpretation of the places of mobility and the creation of a new
public transport and road network, urban parks and historic sites, and the
enhancement of the urban landscape. The complex structure of planning tools and
strategies works thanks to the deep internal renovation of Authorities and the
continuous dialogue setup with stakeholders and committees involved in each phase
In particular, the public direction of policy and urban development were mainly based
on such tools as the Schema Directeur SD, Schma de Coherence Territoriale SCOT
and Grand Projet de Ville GPV.
The Schma Directeur Lyon 2010, with a medium-to-long term vision, was focused at
transforming the Lyon area into an international metropolis, through the development
of additional functions alongside the traditional manufacturing ones.
In SD the creation of public spaces, both in the city centre as in adjacent
municipalities, is associated with the reorganization of accessibility and the
introduction of new economic and commercial activities in order to shape a balanced
set that preserves and strengthens the identitarian characters of the individual areas.
The importance attributed to the redevelopment of public spaces, highlights the
social value of living places quality, to respond to the needs and aspirations of the
inhabitants, while the strategic vision of SD sees the structure of landscape and
environment as a mean to give order to the development of the conurbation [19]. The
SD was therefore an important tool for converting of the traditional economy of Lyon
towards activities aimed at ICT, consolidating the transport network and enhancing
the tourism potential.
The task of ensuring the implementation of SD until the approval of the Schma de
Coherence Territoriale SCOT, of handling the processing of the SCOT and
monitoring and evaluating the implementation has been attributed to the Syndicat
mixte dtudes et de programmation de lagglomration lyonnaise (SEPAL), technical
body composed of specialists from different areas, who have collaborated to
implement the plan in close coordination with State and Region Chamber of
In 2001 Gerard Collomb was elected new President of Grand Lyon; he developed his
mandate keeping the prospect of his predecessor Barre, the Millnaire 3 approach,
and with the update of the reflection on the city future. Thus the ideas of
development, elaborated by Lyon 2010, were reviewed through the Vision
Mtropolitaine Lyon 2020 (Une mtropole comptitive et responsable, creuset dune
nouvelle urbanit).
The Millenaire 3 permanent program-laboratory was set up to facilitate understanding
and elaboration of new development ideas, and identified a mission for the city
centre, initially called Perrache Confluent, then renamed as Lyon Confluence [20]
In particular, the scheme of renewal of the central and suburban public spaces built a
common language of the new identity of Lyon, a common vocabulary for urban
equipment, for historic squares as well as for the suburbs. Considering the public
spaces as a structuring plot of the new image of Lyon requested the search for
unitary answers to different themes such as the layout of space, physical and
functional, and the vehicular and pedestrian accessibility.
These principles, contained in Lyon 2010, consider the urban landscape as one of
the elements of the strategic plan, supported by different thematic plans in which the

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enormous commitment to innovation are represented in accordance with the history
and landscape of Lyon: the Plan Lumire rearranges the light of the historical centre,
the Plan Vert rearranges parks, green spaces and gardens, the Plan Bleu for
arrangement of the riverfront, etc. So moving from the search for the identity of
places (Fourviere, Croix-Rousse, Presqu'le, Rhone and Saone) to the launch of a
new vision of the city (Parc de Gerland, Cit International, Cit Scolaire International
and Lyon Confluence) [21] [19] [22].
The territory of Confluence, that, although at first sight does not have a specific
vocation, has a strategic location and a large number of Brownfield sites, and the
sustainable re-conversion of the area provides space for commercial and port service
activities. There the ple de loisirs, the Confluence Museum, and residential areas
are scheduled with the ultimate goal of strengthening the role of Lyon as a city of
innovation and scientific research [4][23].
The old quarter of Perrache, known as Confluence, is an industrial suburb enclosed
in the historic city centre. The area, urbanized during the industrial revolution with
installations of railways, a port, industrial and working class neighbourhoods, began
to isolate themselves from the rest of the city at North. The marginalization
culminates in the 60s with the construction of the highway, and Confluence became
the district of the slaughterhouse, of prisons, of the Rembaud port, while in the 70s
the manufacture is displaced to areas more easily accessible and the facilities are
disused. With post-industrial crisis a recovery started, on a large scale, to boost the
city's image through an extensive urban planning. The re-conversion of the
neighborhood Perrache is inserted into a larger urban project, which has a highly
experimental character and is managed mostly by artists and landscape architects
Millenaire 3 and Conseille de Developpement, born as implementation of a law for
inter-municipal cooperation, extend the number of actors involved, the new plan
aiming at combining competitiveness and social cohesion, setting five strategic areas
and twenty-one priority to make Lyon open to cultures and to the world, attractive,
and able to promote entrepreneurship and learning [25]. The conurbation is equipped
with a comprehensive development program, integrated with sustainability principles
allowing to improve its international ranking and achieve social cohesion [26].

The urban and socio-economic regeneration

The Lyon Confluence Project, redefining the district according to principles of the
Haute Qualit Environnementale HQE, had evolutions referable in stages and
articulated into two periods of fifteen years each.
The general plan for the development of first phase was designed by the urban
planner Franois Grether, and the landscape architect Michel Desvigne. The project
has the presence of water as a chief distinguishing mark, and consider, for the long
term, the creation of a mixed neighbourhood with offices, residential, recreational and
cultural activities, which welcomes 25.000 residents and 22.000 jobs, un deuxime
centre-ville in Lyon. In the first phase the architects landscapists Georges and Julien
Descombes conceived the Sane Embankments a distinct waterside moods:
downriver, a bucolic and natural sequence; in the centre, gardens and boat
movement; and further upstream, a more urban setting of hard materials [27].
The development of the second phase, assigned to Jacques Herzog and Pierre de
Meuron associated with the landscape architect Michel Desvigne, will give new form
to 24 hectares. In the north, a dense city-central quarter Quartier du March will host

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mixed-use buildings and, along the Rhne riverside (Quai Perrache), three shared
car parks. Le Champ, in the south, will be a natural environment with private plots
and extensive vegetation, roads and paths mainly dedicated to pedestrians and
cyclists, and will host business activities and public amenities in the fields of culture,
the creative industries and innovative services [27].
In the first phase, launched in 1998, the Socit Anonyme dEconomie Mixte Locale
SAEML Lyon Confluence - consisting of Grand Lyon, Conseil General du Rhone,
Voies navigables de France, Caisse des dpts et consignations, Chamber of
Commerce and Industry of Lyon, and some banks - was set up in order to bring the
project up and running.
In 2003 SAEML became officially the project manager on behalf of Grand Lyon and
signed an agreement for the public development of 150 ha, and the ZAC Lyon
Confluence 1a phase was created. In 2008, SAEML was transformed in Socit
Publique Locale dAmnagement SPLA for the study and implementation of the
second phase.
In fact, Grand Lyon assigns to Socit Economie Mixte SAEML the project
implementation, with the establishment of the Zone dAmnagement Concert ZAC,
an area in which the local authority decides to implement infrastructure works and
major projects entrusted to a mixed enterprise; the works on tramway begins, and the
tram enters in service in 2005 along the course Charlemagne, the main street of
The first phase is developed on the areas previously freed from port activities along
the Sane to the west, with the creation of an urban park along the river, a new
square, and the extension of the tramway. The development schedule provides a
total of 340.000 square meters of which 130.000 sqm residential; business, services,
leisure and hotels 120.000 sqm; 70 sqm service sector; museums 20.000 square
meters. Planned investments for the first phase of the project for about a billion euros
are allocated to: City of Lyon 3%, 4% Sytral, Rhone Department 13%, 15% Grand
Lyon. Private 65% [18]. The public involvement program has a protocol that provides
fairly accurate series of meetings organized (timing, participants, objectives in
stages), exhibitions and other activities, an Urban Center.
In 2006 work began on the future Place Nautique, with the reorganization of the new
docks. Currently the first phase is almost completed, while the second phase, which
began recently, will redraw the district by 2020 with a further improvement of public
transport, even in light of the significant increase in mobility in France which
increased from 5 km/day/person in 1960 to current 45 km/day/person [27].
The second phase began with the launch of the consultation in February 2007, the
selection of the design team in July, while in September the concertation was
launched, at first "professional and restricted" and in 2008 opened to public with Bilan
de la Concertation, then spaces of the March d'Interet National (MIN) were
Between the years 2009-2010 ZAC Lyon Confluence phase 2 was created. This
phase will also benefit from the European program Concerto, with a budget of
approximately 3.9 million euro; the project Renaissance aims at promoting in Lyon
the development of a sustainable district model, with energy efficiency and
renewable energy. The district consists of 21 buildings (660 dwellings and 15.000
sq.m. of office) shared in 3 blocks of buildings which have strict requirements in
terms of energy efficiency, renewable energy use and social diversity, in addition a
careful monitoring of energy consumption should allow a better understand of green
buildings behaviours.

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Perrache area consists roughly in Sainte-Blandine working-class area, in the
industrial area of Port Rambaud and in the Market area, while the new Place
Nautique will be the heart of the Presqu'ile.
The demographic evolution of Confluence shows a loss of about 100.000 inhabitants
between the '70s and the '80s; from the '90 to 2007 the increase of about 62.000
inhabitants demonstrates a good recovery in conjunction with the activities of urban
Currently in the area about 7,000 people live in the area, expected to reach 10,500
by the end of the project first phase and 25,000 at the end of the second phase; the
three central blocks of buildings will contain a wide range of accommodation, about
44% of dwellings luxury, 33% standard and 23% of popular housing. The
construction of new offices will increase the number of jobs from the current 7.000 to
11.000, and then at the end of the second phase to 22.000 [17][26].
Lyon Confluence also benefits from strengthened collaboration between research
and business, through the creation of modern poles of competitiveness as the
technology incubator, as well as work enhancement of scientific research; the
dissemination of innovation in traditional companies putting them in network with new
centres; the expansion of the international attractiveness of Lyon University.
Moreover Lyon in recent years has heavily invested in developing the fields of culture
and the digital, on the birth of new image industries, video games, electronic music
and new opportunities to access the knowledge offered by digital media. For the
cultural portal, online since April 2007, Lyon has invested a budget of 80.000 and
boasts 30 - 40.000 users / month; it is the first cultural portal created by a French city
with new services (e-ticketing, etc.).
A good example of mix between renovation works and art is La Sucrire, an
emblematic and historic building in the new Lyon Confluence district. This sugar
warehouse was erected in the 1930s along the banks of Sane River, on the Lyon
Confluence docks, and since 2003 hosts contemporary art galleries (Biennial
Contemporary Art Exhibition), designer boutiques and trendy restaurants, together
with the head offices of major organisations and corporations.
The listening process

In December 1997 the development of an urban human-centred project, to identify

challenges for the third millennium and the risks and obstacles to overcome in order
to gain an international position, began in Lyon. This participatory process has
aroused considerable interest and membership, thanks to the numerous meetings of
working groups with the aim to identify challenges and develop appropriate
The listening process has seen the partnership of all the groups representing the
diversity of the urban area: public institutions, economic institutions, universities,
associations, and agents of Grand Lyon. More than 1500 people have contributed to
collective reflection.
The collective, and shared, dimension of the process is reinforced by the
conversations, which have gathered the opinions of the main institutional decision
makers of the agglomeration on the proposed response strategy, allowing to formally
associate the process with significant partners such as State, the Regional Council,
the General Council, the University, consular chambers, the patronage, trade unions,
cultural and religious worlds.
Among the tools to communicate and share there is the "lettre Millnaire 3", that has
provided constant support, distributed to more than 7,000 addresses, to expose the

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progress of the process which remains open to experiences, projects and similar
initiatives conducted in other places by other bodies or other individuals; the "dossier
Millnaire 3" has provided a common base of knowledge on the major issues
explored, and were means of sharing information and expression of points of view; a
website, since September 1998, provides a citizen forum.
One of the five great challenges identified by Millenaire 3, namely "Strengthening
citizenship and promote a local government system", has been implemented thanks
to the contribution of Gerard Claisse, Councillor for Consultation and Participation of
Grand Lyon since 2001, and of the Charte de la participation GrandLyon. The
Charte, product of a co-processing and approved in May 2003, is a political contract
agreed between elected (politicians), services and civil society.
The Charte is supported by 2 goals and 3 principles and identifies 4 levels of public
action. The two goals are: encouraging the participation of citizens through
information, exhibitions, opening several urban centres (maison du projet), listening,
encouraging expression of ideas, questionnaires, and training; and stimulate public
opinion through meetings, workshops concertation and mediations.The three
principles are: the consideration of a continuously evolving process; the application of
the concept of subsidiarity for 55 municipalities; the adaptability, i.e. trying not to use
a single model, adapting to the context.
The Public action is developed over four levels: strategies and prospects of
agglomeration; public policy; projects of management and development, with the 6
GPV including Lyon Confluence; urban public services with the Charte de Qualit
Publique (a development of the Charte de la participation). Among the positive
effects one can include the better readability of the public action, more effective in
responding to expectations and encourage creativity; better "planning" of technical
solutions, more socially acceptable; greater legitimacy of the elected (politicians) [25].
The phase one of Lyon Confluence was interested by four public meetings in order to
consult residents, while six themed workshops were held in order to consult residents
about the project - on transport, public spaces, housing, etc...- during phase two.
Furthermore, the www.laconfluenceonendiscute.fr web page and the exhibition trail
Ma ville demain/My city tomorrow, as reported by the official Lyon Confluence
website, resulted in over 2,000 written contributions.
The Maison de la Confluence is the information and consultation centre for Lyon
Confluence, where exhibitions on the ongoing project and different kinds of materials
are present in order to show and explain the transformation project. The last
exhibitions Traits dunion, La Confluence au coeur de Lyon, started on November
2011. During this event: inside the house, walls, large illustrations of real and virtual
life-size outline of Confluence; before them, explanations of key projects are
available on trees that blend images and short texts; in the video, the designers
explain their actions; a 3D models, gives an idea of the future face of the
neighbourhood; in the courtyard the environmental qualities of the project are
compared with current standards. In addition to the visit, there are two newspapers of
24 pages each deepening project in detail, one is dedicated to part of the Rhone and
the other to Saone.
Finally, SPLA, in July 2011, launched a consultation to redesign the Lyon Confluence
web site with the aim to join the three web site (lyon-confluence.fr official site of
urban project; laconfluence.fr website of the territory and laconfluenceonendiscute.fr
dedicated to planning the second phase) without loosing interactivity and quality of
information. The new website is online since spring 2012, and there is also a
newsletter Lyon Confluence info.

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The problems observed within the urban regeneration of Confluence are essentially
of physical and relational/cultural nature.
From a physical point of view, the main problem of the area is that Confluence
appears as a triangle closed on two sides by the rivers and on the third side by
railways and motorways, which form a kind of barrier to the access, rather than an
attraction to people, so the main goal of regeneration, namely to extend the city
centre, will not be achieved until these barriers persist.
Since the centre of Lyon, for about 300 years, has been represented by Place
Bellecour, which is still isolated from Confluence, the only way to extend the centre of
Lyon to the south would be to move the highway outside the peninsula, but this
project is almost impossible or at least extremely expensive. Therefore as long as
there are such barriers, it seems Lyon cannot be equipped with a single, extended,
urban centre, but will be characterized by two centres in competition with each other
In addition, the pressure on land that would result from the regeneration project is
likely to exclude the low-income population now living in the north since the actual
size of the new social housing is still unclear; further, there is no sufficient attention
on ties between the city centre and the right bank of the Saone (which is part of
another municipality) [18]. An example is given by the consequences of the opening
of the mall (Lyon Confluence first phase), which has already created traffic problems;
so moving within Confluence with the bicycle and tram can take 25 minutes, but there
are long queues at tram stops and trains are crowded, while it takes 53 minutes to go
from Place de la Comdie to the mall by car.
Now, with the start of the second phase and the March Gare on the tip of the
peninsula, the need for transport is likely to rise without an increase of the transport
The cultural/relational issues concern the limits and difficulties of the transition from
participation to action and from the action to the cultural change of politicians
and residents.
A good example is the Renaissance project which tries to redefine the Confluence
district in an ecological way, following the principles of WWFs (World Wildlife Fund)
One Planet Living, but since the innovation of transportation is not very well planned
yet, it is very difficult for people to change their habits using bicycles instead of cars
Interesting the use of festivals and events to increase the attractiveness. Here are a
few examples. In fact, Lyon has also used the light as an element of urban
regeneration and redevelopment, the urbanisme lumire to create the perception of a
city which at night shows other faces, and the Fte de la Lumire, held in December
since 1999 and known worldwide, originated from the religious traditions.
Lyon uses, in a creative way, also electronic and digital culture, including the visual
creation. The festival Nuits Sonores, held since 2003 in May, in 2012 hosted about
250 artists, half from the international scene, with tens of thousands visitors, and
always sold out events. Unlike the other great festivals that take place in parks
outside the city, Nuit Sonores takes place in 60 locations in Lyon, using unusual
places like the Charlemagne ice rink and the roof of the station Perrache.

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This paper has illustrated the case study of creative urban regeneration of Lyon
Confluence as part of the strategic plan for Grand Lyon.
Lyon has invested heavily in improving the relationship among culture, urban space
and local identity, finding a balance between past and future through both
sustainable and innovative projects included in the tradition of economic and
technological initiatives.
The investments have redefined and strengthened cultural identity, improving the
cultural image of the city and its attractiveness for residents, tourists and investors.
The first phase of Lyon Confluence is almost completed while the second phase will
redraw the district by 2020 with a further improvement of public transport. Currently
about 7.000 people live in the area, with almost the same number of jobs, they are
expected to reach 25.000 people and 22.000 jobs when Lyon Confluence will be
completed [27].
Even though the market laws are changing some aspects of the Lyon Confluence
project and the process of sharing of the urban choices is not always privileged in
this process of transformation, Confluence is part of a more general strategy devoted
to the Lyon metropolitan area in which each single project assumes a role and
involves interests that go beyond the revitalization of this specific area. Lyon
Confluence shows to be a contemporary architecture laboratory, focused on
concepts like the "creativity"; responding at two crucial criterion: quality of life and
energy efficiency, that are employed in housing, offices and public amenities. The
idea of A sustainable neighbourhood is a mixed-use area with a feeling of
community. It is a place where people want to live and work, now and in the future
drives the redevelopment of the area as planned in the Bristol Accord (December
2005) of Sustainable Communities in Europe [27].
According with the environmental sustainability, present in every project of Lyon,
Grand Lyon has promoted an innovative district in Confluence (Renaissance project
financed by Concerto programme) and signed a cooperation with WWF.
With Concerto in the renewal of Confluence are satisfied the Frances Haute qualit
environnementale (HQE) criteria and requirements on comfort, quality of life, health
and respect for natural resources have been continually raised.
In way to control resources, there is a focus on residents awareness, publishing a
booklet on everyday green habits for owners and tenant (water management, energy
consumption, ventilation, etc).
All this cultural, creative, environmental and technological implementation contributed
to bringing the whole city of Lyon in the Creative City Network promoted by UNESCO
and reaching a quite good ranking among world cities in Quality of living.
Lyon ranked in a good position in Mercers liveability rankings (37th in 2005-2006,
36th in 2007-2008, 38th in 2010; 39th in 2011) and in KPMG Global Location and
Expansion Services group Competitive Alternatives composite scores (95,1 in 2006
and 96,4 in 2010); for innovation economy the 2ThinkNow Innovation CitiesTop 100
world cities rank (2009 at 10th position, 2010 at 9th, 2011 at 10th).
Finally, Lyon Agence durbanisme, aimed to make Lyon enter the Top 15 of the most
competitive European Cities, set up a survey in 2006 to measure the manager
perception of Lyon. The survey confirms that Lyon symbols are Economical
information technologies and textile, Communication network (rail, road, river);
Geographical Front door to the south of France, Geographical situation and well-
sized equipments, Urban area dynamism, Sufficient critical mass for an international

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influence, Second French city and Cultural Culture and gastronomy, Ville lumire,
Urban quality.

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Emanuela Coppola

University of Naples Federico II (ITALY)


In Italy is used the planning instrument of conferences service to accelerate the
administrative practice for the projects of the tourist ports as small than medium size.
Very frequently the local government and the Plannig and Enviromental Autority
havent a cooperation for the realization of the project.
The local administrators have aimed the strategic nature of a project for have new
job (they says that for one boat seat there are four jobs) without often to take a
landscape examination.
In the other side the Plannig and Enviromental Autority have often accused to
stretching out the bureaucratic processes slowing if not stopping altogether any
process of economic development.
If we try to examine the tourist port projects we can saw that to high architectural
and engineering construction of the project, often the object of the project havent
urban, landscape and planning analysis. In several cases lacks also a mobility
system analysis and a traffic study to support the realization of the project.
The area of Bagnoli- Coroglio is a places of urban renewal because was an
industrial area in Naples. For this area the Municipality of Naples had a project to
build a tourist port for 700 boat-seat since from Planning Variant to PRG in 1998 and
in 2004 approved an Urban Plan (PUA) for 350 boat-seat (this second Plan was
more respected of site and reduced the number of the seats).
At the agree- table were invited several actors and Autorities: Campania Region,
Province of Naples, the Customs Agency, the Port Authority of Naples, the
Department of Infrastructure, the State Property Agency, the Landscape and
Cultural Heritage Authority, the North-West Basin Authority, ARPAC, Government
Commissioner for the emergency reclamation, Bagnoli Futura SpA
The paper want to demonstrate that a real cooperation among these actors since
from the preliminary plan can to facilite the implementation of the project in

Keywords: planning, local development, community, conference service.

The planning history of the site: the idiosyncrasy of an industrial site in a

beautiful landscape
The industrial site of Bagnoli - Coroglio concerns a part of the extraordinary natural
beauty of the west area of Naples situated between the hill of Posillipo and the Gulf
of Pozzuoli, in front of Nisida island; a segment of the legendary territory of
Phlegraean Fields.
The western area, governed by an urban variant in 1998, is characterized by a
certain lack of homogeneity:

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The territory to the north, is seen as an area essentially green encloses
beetween the Agnano valley, the racecourse, the agricultural areas of the
reclamation and spas;
The intermediate zone is characterized by the presence of residential
The territory to the south is still partly occupied by the historic industrial
establishments of the ex-Italsider1.
In this area the Ilva planted in 1906, "with the industrialization policy launched by the
special law in 1904, but in contrast with the instruments prepared for it, since the
industrial area that officer was located to the east of city"[1]. Following the steel plant
was enlarged several times and in this area rose Cementir also, the first Italian
manufacturer of cement for the use of blast furnace slags (1927) and tne Eternit
indyusty that made asbestos-cement plates and pipes.
This area is remembered as the west industrial area of Naples, until a few years ago
was one of the largest iron industry in Italy.
This area of great perceptive interesting was degraded from his recent industrial past
but previously several studies showed its potential for tourism became of the beauty
of the place. To get an idea of the design vision that this area has suggested from
antient time is sufficient to recall the historic urban project of Lamont Young, a great
neapolitan architect who wanted to turn Bagnoli in a new Venice [2]. The project
dates 1889, long before of the construction in the area of large industrial plants. This
urban project provided the creation of a new neighborhood, " Venice Ward ", near the
hill of Posillipo, on area of 3000 meters in length and 600 height: a district made up of
many small neighborhoods floats, beach resorts, a glass hotels with hanging
gardens. It was also planned the construction of a canal that would connect Bagnoli
with Mergellina and the construction of a subway - which would have been the first in
Italy - starting from Coroglio and return to the same point after passing through the
city with a circular travel.
Lamont Young got the concession from Municipality in 1892 but found a company
that would be able to complete the project.
The same building of the old town of Bagnoli aimed to the potential tourist attraction
that these places had: built in the late nineteenth century by the Marquis Giusso who
wanted to realize a pleasant seaside resort, is characterized by the presence of
building type as little villa and building at two fllor when the garden occupying half of
the lot, a feature that distinguishes today the originality of this district in the
Neapolitan landscape.
This area, in the begin of 900 century will to take a connotation of working-class
neighborhood in the service of an industrial area that in 1950-60 counted about 6000
workers. The Italsider establishment will officially close in 1992.
An initial reclamation of the industrial area had place after the closure of Eternit,
between 1988 and the following year, but is limited only to the area of the former
establishment. In 1994 it began the first phase of general decommissioning and
reclamation of the area. The beginning of the disposal and reclamation, in 1994, is
established by a CIPE2 resolution whit fund for the operation for 400 billion of lire.
The CIPE identifies the ILVA farm in liquidation as the responsible to reclaim, and

In 1994 began the decommissioning and reclamation of the area. The continuous casting plant was
dismantled and sold to China, the blast furnace n. 5 was sold to India; lime kilns are transferred to
Malaysia in 1997; in 2001 was removed the train tapes and sold to China. In the meantime, between
1996 and 1999 are dismantled and scrapped many other sheds, the power plant and boilers.
Interministerial Economic Devlopment Commettee

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then, in 1996, it founded the company Bagnoli Spa for the implementation of the
work. In 1998 the site of Bagnoli-Coroglio was one of sites of national interest to

Fig. 1 - Bagnoli in the late nineteenth century (Alisio G., 1993)

Fig. 2 The industrial area in Bagnoli (Alisio G., 1993)

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The Bagnoli S.p.a. begins to reclaime through a series of geognostic soundings
between 1997 and 1998, with examinatios of subsoil and water, geophysical
It was detected in the subsoil wide presence of heavy metals (arsenic, lead, tin,
vanadium, zinc), while in the waters went traces higher than the norm of iron,
manganese and hydrocarbons. The project involves the removal of these
contaminants, especially with regard to the strong presence of asbestos found in the
first reclamation in the Eternit establishment. It also initiated the creation of a barrier
facility with water treatment to avoid contamination of the sea of Bagnoli made from
polluted groundwater. These operations, that will proceed at a slow pace, will be
obscured by various legal proceedings: the environmentalists denounced the
abandonment of 7,000 tonnes of asbestos in the open place to the Courts, in
February 1999 and in July another petition to the Prosecutor's report the discovery of
asbestos hidden in the underground of the Italsider industrial area. And in this August
are the news about a secret site of asbestos in the Italsider Area near Turtle Point,
unknown by citizenship3.
At the end, the activities of Bagnoli Spa are limited only to operations as sale and
demolition the old industrial plants. Plant, machinery and industrial products
marketed that are too old to be demolished and scrap, derived from any
decontaminated pollutants, are sold to foundries and steel mills. In 2005 are
demolished 163,277 tons of cars and 551,383 cubic meters of works in concrete and
Around 1990, when the end of the Italsidern enstabilishement was marked, the
architect Renzo Piano draws up a urban renewal project. Piano carrying out a project
plan that includes the complete transformation of the areas of Bagnoli - Coroglio with
the reclamation of the coast and a turistic port. He also designed two technology
parks in this area4. The funding would be derived from the 150 billion provided by the
Central Government but the project was rejected in 1993.
In 1994, the neapolitan architect Vezio De Lucia took most of the Piano ideas in a
project denominated "Napoli 2000". From the report we learn that in areas of the old
Italsider indistrial former, he aimed at creating "instead of chimneys, a riviera of resort
town, perhaps the most beautiful of Via Caracciolo, in the enchanting scenery of the
Nisida island and the Phlegraean coast", a sea bathing for two-thirds, a pubblic
beach, a green park and facilities for scientific research, hotels and tourism
equipment [3].

The Variant Plan for the Western Area of Napoli

In this optimism and expectation climate, in 1996, took shape the Variant- Plan for
the Western Area of Napoli. The Municipality Council approves the Variant for the
Western Area of the General Municipality Master Plan (PRG) of 1972. The Variant
Plan was a radical modification of the provisions of the old PRG, which focuses
primarily on the processing of Bagnoli and adjacent areas (Agnano, Cavallegeri in
Fuorigrotta District). On 15 April 1998, the Regional Council of Campania Region
approves the final version of this Variant-Plan.
For the "Coroglio Area", the Variant Plan decided to make a low density settlement
that consists primarily in open pubblic spaces and in few buildings. Specifically the
report of Variant-Plan proviede for:

La repubblica, 2-3-4 August 2012.

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a public Park about 120 hectares, which 36 hectares will be used for
sporting activities;
the recovery of the beach restoring the regular flow of currents and
eliminating the buildings located between the beach and the coastal roads;
a tourist port of 700 seats-boat, with the location to be decided;
a pole of the tertiary sector with research institutes and television production
centers, craft centers etc..
a conference center about 2000 seats.
Following the approval of Variant-Plan of the Western Area of Napoli, in 1996, was
founded the Bagnoli Spa Company, an IRI instrument for the implementation of the
"Plan of Environmental Recovery of Bagnoli" prepared and financed by CIPE with the
resolution of 20 December 1994. The new company included the workers of the
industrial plant through a trade union agreement that guarantees them a training to
adapt their skills to the reclamation operation. The project involved the breaking up of
industrial structures - with the exception of those that will be identified as areas of
industrial archeology - and ecological-environmental sanitation of this area.
The prevision of new residential area and programmatic choices for Coroglio related
to the establishment for tourist- accommodation facilities, the touristic port and a big
convention center between Coroglio, the Mostra di Oltremare and the NATO Area,
and the comparison between the profiles from the state of fact and variant showed
the directionality of the proposed interventions that appear to favor a socioeconomic
and territorial transformations potential5. Most likely the direction of policy choices
made by the Napoli Municipality was probably due to a situation of financial distress
of the municipal budget [4]. Following the approval of the Variant-Plan was necessary
to make immediately operational the provisions of the new plan: in this scenary draw
the Executive Urban Plan (PUE) of Bagnoli-Coroglio Area that specified the changes
to be made [4].
The PUE was presented by the Government of the City of Napoli in 2000 on
December 13. This executive plan provided some changes to the Variant-Plan
provisions: in first time, the maintenance "industrial archeology plants", and secondly,
the identification in Transformation Urban Companies (STU) as the subject that will
implement the project of Bagnoli Futura Spa. After the implementation of this long
bureaucratic processes, the Municipality of Naples acquired the area of the ex-
Italsider plant and founded the STU; the PUE is approved in 2005 May 16 and begin
the implementation phase. Specifically, the Plan divided the trasformation - area into
9 thematic areas:
the urban park and the beach; or rather a big urban park in Coroglio about
120 hectares, with the retention and re-utilize of 16 among the most
significant industrial buildings, and the recovery of the beach for about 33
hectares, the IDIS foundation , the turistic port channel.
the new sailor suburb of Coroglio-Bagnoli, characterized by hotels, high
prestige residences, a conference area and sports facilities and leisure

In relation to the "sustainable development", the thesis proposes a methodology for the assessment
of activity in support of a planning policy choice that the Municipality Administration to be complete.
This methodology used the AHP matrix method developed by Saaty, method of multicriteria analysis.
This study, through the comparison of two situation, "no-plan" and "the variant plant", aims to the
valuation of the impacts in the analisys territory, from a socio-economic, environmental and territorial
point of view.

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residences, manufacturing and commercial sales activities, academic
activities, outdoor sports equipment in Cavaleggeri.
research structures in Cocchia area.
a big shopping center in Diocletian-Campegna area on the square where to
be expecte the new Cumana railway station.
activities for the production of services in the FS Area.
conservation of existing settlements.
education activity in the Arsenal Area.
the Sports Park in an area about 42 hectares as a park with outdoor activities
and a camping area on a area of 3 hectares.

The BagnoliFutura project

At the heart of the transformation of BagnoliFutura was placed the draft Urban Park,
as a total of 160 hectares (33 hectares were only for the beach). In July 2006, the
international competition for the preliminary design of the park proclaimed the victory
of a group of architects on the direction of Francesco Cellini, dean of the Faculty of
Architecture of the University of Roma Tre, out of a total of 24 projects. The new
huge green lung of Naples was divided into four sections to be implemented at
different times, usable independently. In 2008, the final project for the first part was
approved and started the construction work.
The park had two miles of tree-lined avenues, five acres of meadows, five artificial
lakes, a children's playground, a rose garden of three acres and several thematic
Some industrial buildings are adapted to different uses: the water treatment plant of
the rolling mill becomes the aquarium theme, the workshop maccanica became the
seat of Naples Studios, the blast furnace and the battery Cowpers become the
Museum of Civilization and Labour which provides an archaeological-educational
facilities and the archive of the ex-Italsider; the power plant became the center for the
production of energy; the Morgan shed give hospitality to the photovoltaic plant or
rather an innovative building covered with solar panels for the production of clean
energy; the steel establishment becomes the City of Music, that includes an outdoor
arena and two big concert-hall, one for 5000 seats ("Steelmusic") and the other for
2000 seat ("Newmusic"). Later it was decided to change the structure in a
spectacular modern aquarium but the new regional governor Stefano Caldoro
canceled the project.
The Coroglio beach, finally made bathing, is enhanced with the pedestrianization of
Coroglio Street, several artificial lakes for water sports and a long promenade of one
mile achieved through the recovery of the north landing-stage. Along the beach runs
a cycling- path of 8.5 km.

The new project of the waterfront and the tourist port

In the various plans for the new Bagnoli, given the enormous potential landscape, the
leitmotif has always been to create a great tourist attraction in the area. The project
Bagnoli Futura implemented these directives identifying a big urban area in the
Urban Park called thematic area n. 2 Bagnoli-Coroglio" of the Executive Urban Plan

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Situated along Nuova Bagnoli Street, on the east side of the ex- Italsider Area, the
receptive area revolves around the Park Gate6, a big multifunctional center of 12,500
m dedicated to wellness and tourism situated between Nuova Bagnoli Street and
Enrico Cocchia Street. Designed by Silvio D'Ascia on the basis of a previous design
changing during the construction, the project cost about 40 million euros, the Gate of
the Park will host three large swimming pools, a turkish bath, waterways and many
other areas of welfare and special baths and healing, renewing the importance of the
historic termal water of the area. Also in this area there will a large exhibition space
for events and tourist exhibitions and conference center for about 300 people.

Fig. 3 The tourist port project (Acqua & territorio, 2008 [7])

Complete the building a solarium and a very large terrace connected to bars and
restaurants. In the immediate vicinity of the large building is the area intended for
sale to private individuals for the construction of hotels. The buildings, that overlook

The term "Park Gate" also alludes to its function as eastern entrance of the Park through urban
underground parking for about 600 cars.

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on Nuova Bagnoli Street and the area of the urban park, are separated by four major
avenues that connect the park with the District of Bagnoli. The big chimney, the only
one left standing after the sale, is to recovery and the hypothetic destination is to
fulfill itself as a restaurant with a panoramic view over the area of the urban park. The
"crane", another structure of industrial archeology, will serve as the main walkway of
the artificial lake of the east side of the park and will allow the tuorists of the hotel to
reach the Gate of the Park.
In the different projects there is also a receptive area designed according to the
touristic port. The first project was a regular sailor berth along the coast but it was
impractical for ocean currents in the area. The second project was a port channel for
about 350 private seat-boats; this project was configured as an artificial canal built
on the back of the hotel zone. This project was rejected by the Superintendent for
breaking the continuity of tha coast that the landscape regulations protected. It
seems rather curious that for this ex-industrail area there are the landscape
regulations however these were misinterpreted with the industrial destination of the
area for century years. Anyway, it was studying an alternative design oh the touristic
port such as the project of the architect Aldo Loris Rossi [5].
In 2012 the America's Cup World Series ripropone the port touristic project but the
enviromental problem of the site take to the abandonment of the suggestive location
of Bagnoli- Coroglio for the alternative tourist port in Caracciolo street in Mergellina
District. The President of Nauticsud Lino Ferrara, aimed the new touristic port
because attually there isnt a location suitable and lack any kind of appropriate
service, from race to the toilets [6].

The conference service

Re-reading the official record of the meeting of the Conference services in 2007,
October 3, "about the construction of a touristic port in Bagnoli District", you can read
the many actors and Autorities involved in this long process and the enternal
dynamics. Specifically, for their competence, pursuant to art. 5 paragraph 2 of DPR7
509/1997, were invited: Campania Region, Province of Naples, the Customs Agency,
the Port Authority of Naples, the Infrastructure Ministry, the State Property Agency,
the Architectural Heritage and Landscape Authority, the Archaeological Heritage
Authority, the Regional Directorate for Cultural Heritage and Landscape, the Port
Authority of Naples, The Campi Flegrei Regional Park, the North-West Basin
Authority, ARPAC8, the Government Commissioner for the emergency reclamation,
Bagnoli Futura SpA.
The Municipality of Naples was represented by the architect Roberto Giann,
coordinator of the Urban Planning Department, with the assistance of the architect
Giovanni Dispoto, Executive Director of the Planning Department.
At the meeting were absent the Campania Region, the Customs Department, the
Port Authority of Naples, the Archaeological Heritage Authority, the Regional Park of
the Campi Flegrei and the North-West Basin Authority.
As is clear from the official record of the conference, and as stated the same prof.
Papa, president of Bagnolifutura SpA, the project of the touristic port was strongly
affected by the removal of the land reclamation - a work whose time is not easily
conceivable as will be said Eng. Archangel Cesarano, representing the Government
Commissioner for the emergency reclamation, the reclamation project must be
approved by a special conference service to be held at the central level of
Regional Presidential Decree.
Regional Enviromental Agency.

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government expected for sites of national interest [8] and therefore he invites us to
reflect on possibility of removing the land reclamation to sea after or concurrently with
the construction of the touristic port.
One of the major limitations of the conference is the lack of participation of key actors
as the Campania Region, his competence was essential depending a autorization on
the environmental impact of the project. The same North-West Basin Authority - and
he said in the official record the rappresentant of Infrastructure Ministry9 -, stressed
the need for prior authorization of the opinion of the latter for its specific expertise.
Was also apparent involvement of actors who should express only after the approval
of their project appraisal. I refered to the position of the Port Authority, represented
by Dr. Capogreco that in the conference stressed that his role is to be responsible for
the entire process and then having to provide for the granting of the license, would
prefer to be taken subsequently to other administrations.
The conference was characterized almost like a debate almost two actors, with the
only compact group of Superintendents10.
Outside the conference, the Archaeological Heritage Authority filed a negative
opinion on the touristic channel port. In the conference service, the Regional
Directorate for Cultural Heritage and Landscape, represented by Dr. Vittoria
Garibaldi, given the involvement in second place in the conference, was associated
with a negative opinion on the project of touristic channel port without precluding the
possibility of creating a tourist port in the area.
The Architectural Heritage and Landscape Authority, represented by the architect
Tari, recalls the rules providing for the redevelopment of the line of coast; particularly
the art. 14 of the Low n. 582/96 provided for the restoration of the natural
morphology of the coast and the port channel representing a break of the coastline,
he said that it is not permissible and therefore negative opinion, regardless of the
projects submitted to the port channel [8].

Project of the touristic port has given a negative results but and the potential that the
instrument of conference service offers to speed the urban processes, it would be a
positive an involvement of the main actors and Autorities from the stage of the
preliminary plan and not downstream of an Executive Plan yet approved so that this
decisional instrument could accelerated and shared the project approval.
Beyond personal questions that I express being also a citizen of Bagnoli District as
well as an urban planner on the possibility to link the tourism revival of a territory to
the realization of a touristic port that is a work that will preclude the low and middle
social classes the enjoyment of most of this area area. And the characterization of
the citizen of Bagnoli District as social class was been as indistrial working-class and
in 900 the Bagnoli District was famous as industrial working-class neighborhood and
still inhabited by a low- middle class.
From twenty years the Bagnoli District expects the realization of a project that is also
a project for the community since their inhabitants should be also compensated for
the poisons that this territory has released for almost a century and this even more so
considering the present lack of green spaces and pubblic areas.
Illustrious personalities from politics and urban planners to the hypothesis of 120
acres of park reply: "We cannot afford them." So the Municipality of Ferrara, who

Eng. Palazzo.
The Architectural Heritage and Landscape Authority, the Archaeological Heritage Authority, the
Regional Directorate for Cultural Heritage and Landscape.

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manages 1200 acres from the city walls until Po river? There is the rejection of
political culture but also of the Neapolitan culture tout court to imagine this space that
would serve the recreation of body and soul, and had an operation but also feasible,
credible, financially verified [9].
Bagnoleide, so Mazziotti told in a book of the epic transformation of ex-Italsider
urban area, the ambitious project to change the face to the west of the city but never
really born [10] and in he recently wrote a fog envelops the Municipality and
BagnoliFutura administrators which are headed wanting to build a touristic port in
Bagnoli that it cannot do, so he invites to renounce to touristic port and remove the
land reclamation [11].
You could probably re-think to the role they should have some painful processes of
conversion. These should be, in the first, a re-appropriation process of the land by
the people also and the projects envisaged in these areas should not necessarily be
great project but simply a pubblic spaces to service at the local community that can
improve the lives of the citizens who live there.

[1] Dal Piaz A., Forte F. (1995), Piano urbanistico: interessi fondiari, regole perequative, CLEAN,
Napoli, Italy..
[2] Alisio G. (1993), Lamont Young.Utopia e realt nellurbanistica napoletana dellOttocento,
Officina Edizioni, Napoli, Italy.
[3] De Lucia V. (1994), Napoli 2000, Napoli, Italy.
[4] Coppola E. (1998), La valutazione di unattivit pianificatoria: il caso dellarea occidentale
di Napoli. Architecture Degree, Federico II University
[5] Rossi A. L. (2012), Eco neapolis. Il ridisegno del waterfront, ESI, Napoli, Italy.
[6] Napolitano E. (2011), World Series Americas Cup, presto un porto turistico tra Bagnoli
e Mergellina, http://ciaosannio.altavista.org
[7] Acqua & territorio (2008), n. 20, October
[8] Official record of the meeting of the Conference Services (2007), "About the construction of a
touristic port in Bagnoli District", October 3
[9] Cervasio S. (2012), Vezio De Lucia 'Non la priorit' (interview), La Repubblica, 18 May 2012
[10] Mazziotti G. (2009), Bagnolineide, Il Denaro Libri, Napoli, Italy.
[11] Mazziotti G. (2012), Una nebbia fitta cala su Bagnoli, Il Roma, 14 agosto 2012

BDC, vol. 12, 1/2012 ISSN: 1121-2918 388


Chiara Ingrosso

Dipartimento di Architettura Luigi Vanvitelli, Seconda Universit di Napoli (ITALY)


The paper examines the recent urban coast transformations of Barcelona, one of the
most important port-cities in the world and nowadays a sort of international model,
due to its exceptional dynamism in architecture and urban planning. After a brief
introduction in which is traced the city's recent history, from the proclamation of the
Republic, passing through the 1992 Olympics and the Forum of Cultures 2004 I will
examine two case studies located on the coast, in which restoration projects, new
constructions and urban planning are still under development or implementation: the
south-eastern part of Poblenou district and the plans for the Llobregat area. These
two cases represent two different strategies that involve, respectively, an historic
industrial district next to the Villa Olimpica and the Forum of Cultures 2004 and an
ex-industrial zone next to Llobregat river, located on the west side of the city, next to
the airport and the commercial port. The objective is to compare the different
approaches adopted by the administration in relation to the city's physical and
intangible heritage, to balance their respective points of strength and weakness.

Keywords: Barcelona, port, coast, creativity, heritage, sustainable development.

In 1975, with Francos death, dictatorship in Spain came to an end. Four years later,
following the drawing up of the new Constitution that declared Catalonia an
autonomous community, Narcs Serra of the Socialist Party of Catalonia was elected
mayor of Barcelona [1].
In 1981, Narcs Serra officially announced Barcelonas candidature as host of the
Olympic Games; the great event had been considered an opportunity not to be
missed, one that would make it possible to obtain the public and private financing
needed to trigger a broader process of transformation, that would involve also the
entire coastline.
In 1986, during the term of the second Socialist mayor Pasqual Maragall, the Catalan
capital was proclaimed host of the games. Four zones were chosen to stage the
event: Carles I-Avinguda Icria (that becomes the Villa Olmpica), Vall dHebron,
Montjuc, Diagonal-North.
The Villa Olmpica was designed with the aim of opening up the city to the sea, a
theme sidestepped by the Cerd Plan but already tackled by pre-Francoist
republican planning. As has been pointed out, Barcelona seafront became an
important slogan that wedded interests and potentialities with the popular
Mediterraneist ideology of the Catalan autonomist tradition [2] .
With the creation of the Villa Olmpica, the transformation of the sector of Poblenou
nearest the Ciutat Vella (Old City) got underway. Since the Nineties, and especially
the staging of the Forum of Cultures in 2004, the entire district all the way to its
easternmost offshoots has been the subject of numerous plans that have set the seal
on its conversion from an industrial area into one used chiefly for housing and by the
tourist andadvanced service industries.

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Meanwhile, much the same way as happened in the last twenty years of the 20th
century in many North American, European and Asian cities, Barcelonas commercial
port has been turned over the period from the Eighties to the present day into a
multifunctional mix capable of housing the most varied activities, from services to
leisure to tourism. In line with the strategy of opening Barcelona up to the sea, the
decision was taken to utilize an important reserve of former industrial and commercial
land in the centre of the city, close to the Ciutat Vella, and link it through beaches and
esplanades to the Villa Olmpica. The area of the former Autonomous Port of
Barcelona was demolished and the new port, called Port Vell (Old Port), was
included in the administrative zone of Ciutat Vella and reintegrated with the historic
city. In particular, on the basis of the Pla Director of 1989, the two large piers in the
middle of the harbour were given new functions: the Moll dEspanya (1994-96), from
where transatlantic liners used to depart, along with ships for the Balearic Islands
and Genoa, and the Moll de Barcelona (1998-2000), where ships used to arrive from
the Canaries. On the Moll dEspanya, linked to the mainland by the walkway of the
Rambla de Mar (Albert Viaplana, Helio Pin, 1981-83), was constructed the
Maremagnum (Albert Viaplana, Helio Pin, 1990-1995), a container for commercial
activities, along with the Aquarium (Robert and Esteve Terradas, 1993), a multiplex
Imax cinema (Jordi Garcs and Enric Sria, 1994), a miniature golf course and
numerous discothques, bars and restaurants. The Moll de Barcelona, on the other
hand, was home to offices, a hotel and above all the World Trade Center (Pei, Cobb,
Freed & Partners, 1998), a branch of the international association that promotes
international trade and commercialties between countries. What during the Eighties
was indicated as public space was realized in part thanks to private investors, who
were able to operate on state-owned land placed under the jurisdiction of the Port
Authority, obliged in its turn to invest large sums over the course of the work to
unblock the outstanding concessions, as a result both of the economic recession and
lack of demand for offices and of the high rates of interest [3]. On a pier where no
ships berthed any longer [4], the Maremagnum, a shopping mall in the heart of the
port, became with the Imax cinema and the aquarium an attraction for tourists and,
like the WTC, a bulky barrier blocking view of the horizon from the coast.
The whole area of the port was subjected to major transformations aimed at serving
the needs of seaside tourism. By the end of the Eighties, all the old warehouses had
already been demolished, with the exception of the Almacenes Generales de
Comercio that, once restored and given the name Palau de Mar, became the seat of
the Museu dHistria de Catalunya. The historic chiringuitos on the beach of La
Barceloneta were also dismantled: small shops and restaurants, most of them self-
built, where people went to buy and eat fish. New kiosks arranged in regular lines
along the esplanade replaced the old ones, whose disappearance marked the end of
an activity with deep roots in the district, one that was run and used by the
inhabitants themselves. Since 1988 the Barceloneta district, the former fishermens
barri, has been provided with a public water-sports harbour and new beaches
created from sand brought in for the purpose, and above all with new passeigs that
connect the district to the Villa Olmpica and the new Moll de la Fusta, built in 1987,
on the basis of a plan drawn up by Manuel de Sol-Morales [5].

In 1996, ten years after it had been chosen to host the Olympic Games, Maragall
announced that Barcelona was going to stage another major event in 2004, the
Forum of Cultures. An international conference under the aegis of Unesco and

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focusing on culture, peace and sustainability that, from then on, was to have been
staged every three years in one of the worlds major cities. After sport with the
Olympics, culture with the Forum represented an opportunity for Barcelona, ciudad
de las afueras [6], to shine on the global scene. Once again, a big event accelerated
the plans and projects for the city, providing the economic opportunity to complete
works already commenced or scheduled by acting as a magnet for investment in the
The area chosen to house the Forum of Cultures in 2004 was the eastern esplanade
of the Poblenou district, between the Diagonal Mar zone and the mouth of the Bess
River. The interventions carried out during the Nineties had already redesigned the
seafront of the westernmost part of El Poblenou, as far as the Villa Olmpica; the
barrier of the railway line had been moved underground and the Ronda Litoral had
been constructed. The objectives of the major Pasqual Maragall, his successor Joan
Clos i Matheu were to take advantage of the Forum to continue the upgrading of the
coastline and create the new conference structures and accommodation facilities of
which, following the Olympics, it was felt that the city was increasingly in need.
Overall, the aim was to trigger a regeneration of the whole south-eastern area,
including the borough of Sant Adri, on the other side of the municipal boundary
marked by the river Bess. The event over, the venue of the Forum would be turned
into the new conference centre of El Poblenou, a new public space for the city closely
connected with the metropolitan area. In 2000 the Consorci del Bess, set up by the
councils of Barcelona and Sant Adri and assisted by the Barcelona regional
metropolitan agency (BCNR), a public-private think tank [7] directed by Josep Antoni
Acebillo, drew up the modification of the general development plan for the coastal
area and the right bank of the Bess River. On the basis of the update, it was
established that the eastern seafront of the city would house a large platform
reclaimed from the sea with facilities for trade fairs and temporary events where the
various activities of the Forum would be staged in 2004. The plan also provided for
the upgrading of socially troubled districts close to the river, as well as the
modernization of the existing heavy infrastructures and the purification of both fresh
and salt water. The whole area of the Bess was divided into sectors whose planning
was entrusted to individual detailed plans.
At the same time an additional modification of the general development plan was
approved, the Pla 22@bcn, with the aim of converting the eastern Poblenou from an
industrial area into a cluster for Information and Communication Technologies (TIC).
The two updates were closely interrelated, so that the Forum in fact constituted an
indispensable prerequisite not just for the rehabilitation of a piece of the outskirts, but
also for the transformation of the eastern Poblenou into an area that would once
again be productive. Without the facilities of the Forum, without the upgrading of the
problematic districts and the reclamation of the area, it would have been impossible
to proceed with the regeneration of the nearby former industrial zone. For the 4
million square metres of El Poblenou, organized into more than 110 blocks, the Pla
22@bcn envisaged the conversion of 1.2 million square metres of disused industrial
land to productive use by the new knowledge and communication industries, 4600
renovated housing units, 114,000 square metres of parks and gardens and 145,000
square metres of facilities. As was prescribed by the new theories that held planning
should provide settings that will favour and strengthen interaction between agents,
the plan defined strategic uses to produce economic growth, guaranteeing
morphological flexibility over time and leaving open the possibility for periodic re-
examination of the physical and formal factors of the architecture and the blocks [8].

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The working plans (Plans Especials de Millora Urbana - PEMUs, in accordance with
the Catalan land law of 2004) currently in application have preserved the orthogonal
grid, identifying Cerds block as the minimal unit of intervention, with variables
heights and typologies and volumes different from the typical block with a central
In 2002 the Pla Especial de Reforma i Reordenaci was approved for the Barrio de
La Mina, a council housing district located in the borough of Sant Adri, right in front
of the area of the Forum and in the vicinity of the Poblenou 22@. The district had
been constructed under the Franco regime to get rid of the shanties and rehouse
their occupants, but its living conditions quickly turned it into a marginal settlement
with grave social problems. The question of La Mina was finally tackled by the ad-
ministrations of Barcelona and Sant Adri in concurrence with the Forum project, as
the event would bring in the public and private funding needed for the renewal of the
district, made even more urgent by the proximity of La Mina to the conference area
and the new Poblenou.
Again on the occasion of the Forum, and to connect El Poblenou and the whole of
the eastern area with the rest of the city, the decision was finally taken to turn Plaa
de les Glries into an important infrastructural junction. Over the course of the
Nineties the square had been redesigned in an elliptical shape (Joaquim M. Casamor
dEspona, Andreu Arriola, Adolf Moncls Jurado, 1992), with an underground car
park and enclosed by tiers of roads to sort the traffic coming from the Meridiana and
the Gran Va. From that time on, Plaa de les Glries began to take on a new cultural
function: not far from the square were built the National Theatre (Ricard Bofill, 1997),
the Municipal Auditorium (Rafael Moneo, 1998) and the Archives of the Crown of
Aragon (Roser Amad and Llus Domnech, 1993). On the basis of a specific
upgrade to the PGM in 2007 the elevated ring is currently being demolished, to be
replaced by a new underground link road and a large public space at ground level.
Onto the square, in confirmation of its function as a cultural centre, will face the
MBMs new Design Hub, now under construction. Not far off is Jean Nouvels Agbar
Tower (Sociedad General de Aguas de Barcelona S.A.), Barcelonas new landmark
built between 1999 and 2005: a 142-metre-high, 28-storey skyscraper with an
elliptical plan and a crown in the shape of a parabola, it is clad in glass blinds and
lights up at night in constantly changing colours. Opposite it, to mark the arrival of the
Avinguda Diagonal at Plaa de les Glries, is under construction Federico Sorianos
Laminar Tower, a very slender skyscraper whose faade will be clad in a rhomboidal
From Plaa de les Glries it will take just a few minutes to reach the new station of
the high-speed rail line (AVE) of La Sagrera, currently under construction in the zone
of Sant Adreu de Palomar. The station will be the citys new northern gate and an
international hub where the fast trains linking Barcelona with Eastern Europe through
Corridor 5 Lisbon-Kiev will arrive and depart. High-speed trains from Madrid have
been arriving at the station of Sants since 2008 [9], and it is now due to undergo
expansion (RCR Aranda, Pigem i Vilalta Arquitectes MAP Arquitectos). The reason
for the choice of Sants as an AVE station was its proximity to the airport, with which it
will be linked by a new line of the Metro currently under construction. At present work
is being completed on the digging of the 5.6-kilometre tunnel that will connect the
station of Sants with that of La Sagrera, passing under the Eixample and, in
particular, the Sagrada Famlia. There have been substantial delays in the process,
due in part to numerous protests from the citys inhabitants, worried by the threat of
damage to the church and its environment [10].

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In the long term the project for the new hub of La Sagrera provides the opportunity to
set in motion a transformation on a large scale that will involve the whole north-
eastern area of the city. In fact the decision has been taken to create an extremely
long linear park from Plaa de les Glries to the station of La Sagrera, covering the
disused rail tracks and the areas once occupied by factories. Stretching for about 5
kilometres, it will touch on numerous former industrial zones, including Bon Pastor, El
Clot and La Verneda in addition to La Sagrera. The uses and typologies of the new
buildings that will be scattered around the linear park are being defined on the basis
of the 2004 modification to the general development plan and subsequent sector
plans. It is a major undertaking, whose realization will take many years and for which
substantial sums have been allocated by the European Union and the Spanish state
[11]. So far, it is known that in side the park will be built the Interdisciplinary Centre
for Mobility designed by Frank Gehry, 145-metre-high, whose shape alludes to a
bride dressed in a white and sinuous dress.
The realization of the La Sagrera-Plaa de les Glries axis, combined with the
regeneration of the Poblenou, will help to bestow new centrality and new value on a
historically marginal area. The new park will constitute a green corridor connecting up
districts that are separate today, providing them with parks, new facilities and
residences. It will only be possible to assess the impact it will have on the historic
fabric and social morphology of the districts it passes through when the work is
The project of demolition and reconstruction of Bon Pastor, one of the first
settlements of cases barates (public housing) in the city, which will be skirted by the
new linear park of La Sagrera, has now, in 2012, reached an advanced stage. On the
basis of the modification to the general development plan entitled Pla de
Remodelaci del Bon Pastor and drawn up in 2003, the old settlement of small
terraced houses, an emblematic example of the garden city, will have to give way to
a new district with a higher density of habitation, with in-line and high-rise buildings.

From Plaa dEspanya, passing through Plaa Cerd and along the Gran Va, you
arrive at LHospitalet de Llobregat, the first municipality beyond the western limits of
the city. Until the Eighties this was the main connection with the airport of El Prat,
running along the Zona Franca, one of the largest industrial areas in Europe that had
been created in the mid-Sixties and spread out around the port, from the foot of the
hill of Montjuc to the delta of the river Llobregat.
Already in the Nineties planning had indicated the Plaa dEspanya-airport axis and
indicated Plaa Cerd, on which the Gran Va and the Ronda del Mig converge, as a
fundamental infrastructural junction and a new gateway of access to the city from the
South of Spain. Throughout the Nineties numerous office buildings and hotels were
constructed along Carrer Tarragona, not far from Sants station, and in Plaa Cerd,
contributing to the transformation of these areas into new downtowns at the urban
At the same time, the need to convert the industrial areas to new uses, combined
with the desire to expand and develop the port and connect it up with other nearby
infrastructures of communication, was at the root of the formulation of a vast inter-
municipal project of conversion of the Zona Franca and the mouth of the Llobregat
River. Since 1994, on the basis of the Plan Delta del Llobregat, the area in the
vicinity of the mouth of the Llobregat River has been subjected to numerous
interventions aimed at converting the existing settlements and upgrading the

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landscape of the river and the coast, highly polluted owing to the decades-long
presence of factories. In 2001 work started on deviating the rivers outlet to the sea
three kilometres further south, allowing a doubling of the area of the port and a
substantial increase in the amount of goods passing through. A large portion of the
Zona Franca has been turned into a new Logistics Park, a centre of offices and
warehouses for the sorting of flows of merchandise traded at an international level,
which will be connected with the airport and with the high-speed rail service through
new lines of the Metro now under construction. The airport, already expanded by
Ricard Bofill at the time of the Olympics, has been further enlarged; on the basis of a
new design by the same architect a new terminal, a third runway and new areas for
loading, maintenance and services have recently been realized (2009). When,
presumably in 2013, the construction of the intermodal station for the high-speed that
will link the airport with the stations of Sants and La Sagrera has been completed and
the new lines of the Metro are finished, El Prat, already the point of arrival and
departure for trains and buses, will become the main hub of Southern Europe.
New manufacturing activities have been installed in many of the disused industrial
sectors of the Zona Franca, but experiments are also being conducted with the
conversion of entire zones for residential use. One project that has recently been
launched is the urbanization of La Marina del Prat Vermell, a large area once
occupied by the Prat Vermell factory, skirted by the Passeig de la Zona Franca and
not far from the Gran Va, where a new residential district will be created connected
to the city centre by new lines of the Metro. Opposite it District 38, the largest service
zone in Barcelona, is under construction, to a design by Foreign Office Architects
FOA and Arata Isozaki & Associates.
Also connected to the logistics park of the Zona Franca by a new Metro line will be
the nearby trade-fair and convention centre of the Fira 2000, an expansion of the fair
spaces of Montjuc recently carried out on the basis of the project drawn up by Toyo
Ito with Fermn Vzquez b720 Arquitectos (2009). The Fira 2000 comprises a large
container that houses the auditorium and 200,000 square metres of exhibition stands
and two high-rise buildings for a hotel and offices.

In thirty years, the entire coastline of Barcelona has been redesigned in order to
open up the city by the sea. Beyond the effective slogan, it was decided to convert
former industrial areas linked to the port in new activities. After the Olympics, from
the end of the Nineties, in addition to tourism, new economies linked to logistical
activities and information technologies, to the neo-tertiary sector, as Acebillo defined
it [12], were used as engines of urban regeneration following industrial divestment.
With Josep Antoni Acebillo, who worked alongside Joan Clos i Matheu, holding
various important public posts, the policy of critical urban pragmatism [13] came to
the fore; a policy that, as Acebillo himself explained, signified not removing from
architecture the themes and guidelines that we have necessarily inherited from
globalization and the new economy [14].
Overall, it was made a massive restructuring, which involved not only the coastline
and took advantage of the two great events of the Olympic Games and the Forum of
Cultures to catalyze investment and boost the city's image globally. All this happened
in the middle of post-Fordism, when worldwide cities aspired to regenerate according
to the rules of economic globalization.
Moreover, to connect Barcelona to the global context not just symbolically, through
marketing, but also physically, the infrastructures of communication assumed a

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leading role. The creation of the station for the high-speed rail service, the expansion
of the port and the airport, the construction of new underground lines serving the
whole city, including the suburbs and the linking up of all the systems of
communication are the great projects that are still underway and that will reposition
Barcelona in Europe and the Mediterranean. But the works are going now quite
Since 2011, the new mayor Xavier Trias, for the first time not socialist, but support of
the center-right party Convergncia i Uni, has had to deal with the consequences,
direct and indirect, foreseen and unforeseen of the plans and projects already
completed, not least the international economic crisis.
On the whole numerous buildings have been completed, but they are now completely
empty. The Spanish property market confirms this situation, as 818,000 new houses
are still unsold [15]. Until 2007, when the international economic crisis broke out, the
rhythm of construction in Spain was astonishing. In particular, it results that in 2005
have been built more houses than in France, Italy and Germany altogether. The
whole economy of Spain was driven by the real estate industry with the introduction
of specific regulations by the State (including the liberalization of the Ley del Suelo in
1998 [16]) and through the system of bank loans that were paid out to administrative
offices, private investors and aspiring home buyers.
At present the entire construction industry is frozen and the Barcelona facing the
Mediterranean is forced to rethink the destination of the Llobregat area. Recent news
say that the Las Vegas Sands Corporation is considering whether to invest on the
creation of "Eurovegas", a large casino right inside the area of the delta of the river,
already allocated as natural reserve [17].

[1] This paper based on previous studies of the author. See, in particular: Ingrosso C. (2011),
Barcelona. City, Architecture and Society from 1975 to 2015, Skira, Milan; Ingrosso C. (2011),
Barcelona 2011. Storie urbane, Clean, Naples.
[2] de Sol-Morales I. (1992), Dieci anni di interventi urbani a Barcellona (1979- 1989), in Tullio M.
C. (eds), Barcellona, Citt Olimpica, catalogue of the exhibition, INASA, Rome, 20-21.
[3] Association Internationale Villes et Portes, El Port Vell de Barcelona, 6th International
Conference on Cities and Ports, Montevideo/Punta del Este, 18-22 November 1997.
[4] Magriny F., Maza G. (2005), Tinglados de Bar-cel-ona: la incorporacin de espacios del puerto
a la ciudad (1981-2002), in Geo Crtica Scripta Nova Revista Electrnica de Geografa y
Ciencias Sociales, vol. IX, 193, Universidad de Barcelona, www.ub.es/geocrit/sn/sn-193.htm.
[5] Molinari L. (1992), Barcellona. Architetture e spazi urbani 1975-1992, Stella Polare, Milan, 14-17.
[6] Bohigas O., Ciudad y acontecimiento. Una nueva etapa del urbanismo barcelons, in
Arquitectura Viva, 84: 2002.
[7] Shares in the BCNR are held by the Ajuntament (18%), Transports Metropolitans de Barcelona
(12%), Sociedad Urbanstica Metropolitana de Rehabilitacin i Gestin (REGESA) (12%),
Empresa Metropolitna de Sanejament (12%), Consorcio de la Zona Franca de Barcelona (12%),
Puerto de Barcelona (12%), Aeropuertos Espaoles y Navegacin Area (AENA) (12%),
Mercados de Abastecimientos de Barcelona (Mercabarna) (5%) and Administrador de
Infraestructuras Ferroviarias (ADIF) (5%).
[8] A municipal corporation was created to manage and oversee the implementation of the 22@bcn
plan. It was given responsibility for coordinating the planning instruments, bodies and authorities
involved. The private sector participated in the plans, buying land and constructing buildings and
numerous infrastructures. See Oliva A. (2003), El districte dactivitats 22@bcn, Aula Barcelona,
[9] In 1992 the first section of the Madrid-Seville AVE was opened. Some of the machinery used in
its construction was produced in La Maquinista Terrestre y Martima, a historic heavy materials
factory that had been installed in Sant Andreu in the middle of the 19th century. Closed down in
1993, it has now been turned into a shopping centre.

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[10] The controversy grew even more heated following the pit that opened up in 2005 in the district of
El Carmel during the excavation of the extension of line 5 of the Metro. Garcia L. (2005), El
Carmel, ferida oberta, Mina Editorial Focus, Barcelona.
[11] Numerous private forces will contributed to the planning, realization, management and funding of
the intervention. Private enterprise will be responsible for the construction of the station buildings,
with their annexed commercial premises and for the promotion of the sites for building. The
societat anonima Barcelona Sagrera Alta Velocitat S.A. is promoting and handling the urban
transformation of the area, coordinating the projects and winding ways to finance them. It is made
up the Ajuntament (25%) and Generalitat (25%) and the Madrid government (50%), including
Renfe and Gif (Ministerio de Fomento).
[12] Acebillo J.A. (2007), Barcellona neoterziaria. Qualche elemento chiave della sua trasformazione
urbana, in Area, 90.
[13] Acebillo J.A. (2004), Una nueva geografa urbana. Las cinco ideas programticas del proyeto del
Frum, in Arquitectura Viva, 94-5.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Catalunya Caixa, september 2011.
[16] Various authors (2007), El cielo est enladrillado. Entre el mobbing y la violencia inmobiliaria y
urbanstica, Bellaterra, Barcelona.
[17] Alandete D., Eurovegas mira hacia un modelo en quiebra, in El Pas, 8 april 2012.

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Grit Brgow

aquatectura studio for regenerative landscape, and

Technische Universitt Berlin (GERMANY)

The paper introduces aquatecture and aquapuncture as conceptual and creative
spatial development tools. Whereby aquatecture highlights water-sensitive design
and management principles in an upstream-downstream relationship, aquapuncture
focuses on participatory spatial-infrastructural interventions. Analogously to
acupuncturing known from Chinese medicine, it describes the process of triggering
certain points assumed to have a catalyzing effect for lively water city development.
Based on doctoral research results, the paper refers to traditional and innovative
aquacultural infrastructures for everyday services in the Western city context. Which
everyday aquacultural practices have been influential for creating a citys water-
based identity and morphology? Reflecting water as the cradle of famous cities, it
explores characteristic facets of Urban AquaCulture from shipping and fishing to
urban swimming in pre-fossil fuel times. Re-emerging along 21st-century needs of
sustainable urban transformation, the paper further spotlights contemporary trends of
water-based farming, living and well-being in the water city of Berlin. Catalysed by a
post-industrial river and urban farming culture, it concludes by envisioning the
prospective bottom-up application of aquacultural typologies from swimming gardens,
pool-and-pond to greenhouse-types through the lense of aquatecture and
aquapuncture. How could this application remediate urban watersheds at micro-
/macro-scales and recreate upstream-downstream waterscape morphologies? What
role could the multi-beneficial everyday infrastructures play as both traditional
landmarks and all new building blocks, and how do they mediate between
interplaying natural landscape and cultural daily-life processes? And last but not
least, how can temporary artistic interventions and hands-on experiments in urban
spaces change the perception and tangibility of intertwined infrastructure-landscape
processes? In light of current opportunities and arising conflicts along industrial
waterfronts transforming into natural-cultural waterscapes in Berlin, the paper
summarizes future key fields of action and further research.

Keywords: aquaculture, aquapuncture, aquatecture, blue-green infrastructures,

water-sensitive design.

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Contemporary changes of social, economic, ecological or climate dimensions have
been provoking the rise of new everyday life paradigms. Closely linked to this is the
question of how to safeguard basic provisions such as fresh water, food, air or
energy in an increasingly urbanized world in place-based contexts. And, how can
these common everyday goods and services be provided in a multi-beneficial,
regenerative, healthy and above all enjoyable manner? Particularly facing trends of
sustainable urban food production and waterscape development, a growing trend
towards decentralized and integrated infrastructure typologies and practices is
becoming apparent. Affiliated to keywords such as vertical farming, roof-top
gardening or integrated/polycultural farming, water is a key concern essential to
everyday quality of life and space.

Derived from rethinking water as a lively landscape element and the cradle of the
city, the paper refers to the results of doctoral research on Urban AquaCulture.
Written with a capitalized C, the notion extends the traditional meaning of
aquaculture that originated ~4000 years ago in Asia as sustainable and polycultural
water-food farming. It was therefore a complimentary element to or branch of
agriculture. In light of contemporary post-fossil fuel and water-sensitive city trends, it
embraces water-based farming, living and well-being as characteristic facets of daily
water culture and quality of life.

The paper is structured into three parts and starts with spotlighting blue histories of
famous European water cities from Venice to Paris and Berlin. Based on these
examples which are influential for creating their individual water-based identity and
morphology, the paper further highlights characteristic urban aqua-cultural
infrastructure typologies and practices from shipping to fishing and urban swimming.
Re-emerging along contemporary trends of post-industrial transformation of urban
spaces, infrastructures and life-styles, the second part glimpses into current
aquacultural developments in Berlin. To further nourish and inspire discussions on
creative and lively future water-cities from a bottom-up perspective, the final part
envisions the prospective application of 'aquatecture and aquapuncture.
Aquatecture serves as a spatial development tool to highlight water-sensitive design
management principles that integrate aquacultural blue-green (water-ecosystem-
based) infrastructures according to the flow and functions of water in an urban
upstream-downstream relationship, from the micro-to-macro-watershed scale. It is
complemented by aquapuncture as a process-oriented communication format along
spatial-infrastructural interventions. Analogous with the acupuncture practice known
from Chinese medicine, it describes the process of triggering certain points
presumed to have a catalyzing effect for lively water city development. Illustrated
examples reflect the hybrid life-supporting character through enhancing natural
ecosystem services as well as cultural prosuming activities via re-coupling everyday
life production and consumption processes. The paper concludes by summarizing
future key fields of action and further research embracing building-integrated design,
social-ecological city engagement and urban aquacultural partnerships. The latter
includes a matured planning culture striving for bottom-up and eye-level orientation.

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In the face of 21st-century urban challenges of post-fossil fuel scarcity and water-
sensitive transformation, famous cities can be urban mirrors to read and learn from.
Besides unveiling a citys cultural biography, the urban mirror reflects patterns of pre-
fossil/pre-industrial natural history. Often similar in experience and crossing cultural
and natural differences, it tells common (hi)stories of change in space and
landscape over time, of growth and shrinkage, of rise and fall, and of urban quality of
life. Thus, urban histories link to everyday stories of basic provision with common
goods and services. They tell about urban peoples culinary life, their water culture
and reflect on the citys water-based identity [23], [12], [18].

From the focal view of the urban blue, water has always played a substantial role.
Famous large cities are most commonly cities at the water that arose along rivers, la-
kes or seashores and influenced the urban genesis [14]. As an enabler of urban tra-
de and enterprise, water (both as natural landscape element and cultural infrastruc-
ture) shaped urban morphologies, particularly along the waterfront. Water can be in-
terpreted as the cradle of the city because it is inevitably linked to urban prosperity.
Waterways and natural water cycles nourished the metabolism of the city. Spirn re-
fers to water as blood by saying: Water is the citys life blood: it drives industry,
heats and cools homes, nurtures food, quenches thirst, and carries waste. [23] She
further points its role for creating specific urban geo-hydrological pattern: Taken to-
gether, urban activities, the density of urban form and the impervious materials of
which it is built, the pattern of settlement and its relation to the natural drainage net-
work, and the design of the drainage and flood control system produce a characteris-
tic urban water regime. [23] Furthermore, through sustaining and facilitating every-
day infrastructure services of food and resource provision, water also shaped a citys
culinary culture closely intertwined to its water culture. Fish and food caught in local
rivers and the sea have often been typical local dishes, and urban aquacultural prac-
tices such as fishing and shipping have shaped the citys morphology for many

Urban aquacultural infrastructure practices that form water-based identities

and morphologies in Paris, Venice and Berlin
Water as the key element of natural and cultural life that forms and changes the face
of the landscape also shaped the face of the city [14]. The interactive process
between built structures and everyday social-cultural life becomes particularly
tangible through water-infrastructural practices and interventions that shaped urban
morphologies. According to McHarg, urban culture is imprinted in urban
morphologies: So, of course, the measure of cities is their culture, but this embraces
the visible city as an expression of the given form and as an adaptation to it. This is a
visible and manifest expression of the culture the morphology of man-nature and
man-city. [16] Thus, the urban waterscape morphogenesis co-created a
characteristic water-based identity of the city and its citizens in the sense of an Urban
AquaCulture, which encompasses the everyday aquatic activities of fishing, shipping,
washing or swimming [4].
Besides urban morphological footprints, a citys water-based identity is often hidden
in its name. Hence, the Latin saying Nomen est omen appears to be true for human
beings and cities. Referring to dweller tribal roots, places of early settlement and the
pre-urban landscape character, most famous European water city names unveil their

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place-based natural water-scape biography. Paris, for example, in its etymological
meaning is derived from the Gallo-Latin Lutetia Parisiorum the name of a fortified
town and capital of the Gaulish tribe of the Parisii. It literally means Parisian
swamps. The tribal name is of unknown origin, but it originates traditionally from
Celtic par boat (cf. Gk. baris; see barge as a flat-bottomed freight boat). Pariss
coat of arms shows a ship, which interestingly is also reflected in the urban
morphology (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1: Paris ship (1615) Fig. 2: Venice fish (2006) Fig. 3: Berlin heart (1237)

As the historic capital of an independent city-state, Venices name links to the ancient
tribe of the Veneti inhabiting the region in Roman times [7]. Various descriptions such
as Queen of the Adriatic, Serenissima, City of Water, City of Bridges, The
Floating City, or City of Canals refer to Venices waterscape biography.
Transformed from a natural island into an urban lagoon, the citys amphibian form
and character [2] also becomes tangible through the fish-like island morphology of
the entire old city (Fig. 2).
Furthermore, Venice has been shaped by place-based lagoon aquaculture (valli) [2].
Because the shallow and warmed brackish waters were spoiled with fish and other
water poultry, they provided the major urban food source [28]. First developed in
medieval times, it still operates in a modern form today. To produce the required
quantity of fish, sustainable practices of urban aquaculture in its traditional sense of
water-food farming guaranteed the citys food souvereignty. Strict legislations
governed water-land uses in and outside the water city. Limited fishing seasons were
introduced to prevent overfishing in the lagoon and the open sea beyond the
beaches. Keeping surrounding water bodies clean has been another prerequisite for
both, the citys fisheries and salt industries [2].

Last but not least, Berlins water-based identity is associated with notions like Small
Venice, New Amsterdam, or The Athens on the Spree. Besides these urban
cultural associations, the citys natural waterscape history is reflected in Slavic
etymology. The name of the northern part of the double-city Berlin-Coelln, is very
likely of Slavic origin. The etymological root of its later name Berlin refers to brlo
(Ukranian) meaning swamp/marsh or brlja (Croatian-Serbian) meaning puddle by
describing shallow, swampy waters. Thus, all names refer to the old city's location on
low, marshy ground [26]. Officially founded by merchants from the western German
Rhine river area in 1237, the heart of the double city are the northern and southern
Spree islands (Fig. 3). Two main trading routes cross Berlin bridging east-west and
north-south via the rivers Spree and Havel and connecting to the Oder (Baltic Sea)
and the Elbe (Nordic Sea). The so-far unsettled southern Spree island is named

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Coelln referring to the city of Cologne and its Roman origin from Latin colnia [15]. In
1307 the northern and southern city were unified becoming the city of Berlin. As a
member in the Hanseatic League of towns during the Middle Ages until 1518, Berlin
matured as maritime market city [15].

Similar to Venice, aquacultural practices further shaped Berlins water-based identity

in addition to shipping and trading at the river, Specifically, Slavic river people
entering the Berlin region since the year 600 greatly influenced Berlins fishing culture
[1]. The Stralauer Fischzug is known was a place-based sustainable fishing ritual
and festival until industrial times. It had been introduced alongside Berlins first
sustainable fisheries law dating back to 1574, which seasonally restricted river fishing
to safeguard the fish stock from overfishing. Held annually at one of Berlins earliest
fishing villages Stralau since 1398 [24], it was a prelude to celebrate the fishing
harvest at the Spree peninsula. Every year from Holy Thursday to August 24th on St.
Bartholomew's Day, the casting of fishing nets was restricted. After termination of the
grace period on the first day of the new catching season, fishermen pulled in their
nets five times, which is called the Fischzug. The first four catches generated the
yearly income of the parson, and the last catch benefitted the community.
Nonetheless, what originated as a rural fishing event gradually developed into a
turbulent drinking event. As urban growth accelerated from the late 18th Century on,
the tradition finally came to an end towards the turn of the 20th century alongside a
dying river fisheries industry [10], [24].
Heavy industrial growth lead to ~2,7 million inhabitants in 1900 making Berlin the
third biggest megacity after New York City and London [27]. Since then, urban
waterfront development has been primarily driven by water-dependent industries.
Laundries, dye-works or tanneries that settled along the riverbanks undermined river
hydromorphology, surface water quality, and last but not least the quality and
quantity of fish. Besides fishing, also swimming in Berlins rivers became a health risk
all around unpleasant, alluded to by nicknames such as as Stinkepanke (stinky
Panke river). Nevertheless, post-industrial developments as in the case of Berlin
started after the fall of the Berlin Wall during the 1990s. The closure of heavy
industries, particularly along East-Berlins Spree river, has provoked a re-imagination
of urban rivers as natural and cultural landscape elements.


Temporary users and creative entrepreneurs reanimated cultural life down by the
river through self-made city [9] bottom-up engagements. While catalyzing the
process of reculturalization, abandoned industrial waterfronts increasingly changed
into lively waterscapes. Prominent first mover projects of a post-industrial river
culture [25] are e.g. Berlins BADESCHIFF (floating pool) and the now closed BAR
25 (Spree river beach club). Reinterpreting Berlins traditional 19th-century river
bathing ship tradition, the BADESCHIFF is located near Osthafen (the eastern
harbour) at the Kulturarena (Fig. 4). The site functioned as a bus depot right at the
former Berlin Wall and has been transformed into a venue for events and recreational
water space. While the Kulturarena is still a lively cultural place along the Spree
River, Bar 25 currently is an abandoned and newly contested space for real estate
development due to its temporary permission.

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Illustrated trends of reculturalization urban waterscapes are complemented by
processes of renaturalization along needs to restore former industrial waterfronts.
Besides site remediation, other key drivers are ecological measures and actions of
surface water revitalization towards at least a good water quality to be fulfilled by
2015 as a part of the EU water framework directive [8]. Last but not least, they are
complemented by challenges of post-fossil transformation along climate- and water-
sensitive urban design strategies. Hence, besides the cultural revitalization of Berlins
Spree riverbank, natural demands particularly rely on water-sensitive remediation
strategies both upstream and downstream from the city. According to Berlins Water
Framework Inventory, the surface water quality of the inner-city Spree is classified as
highly-polluted (grade III-IV) [19]. Overflowing canalisations in Berlins inner-city
mixing with the sewer network during heavy rainwater events is one reason.
Currently, this occurs between 30 and 40 times a year, and to the resulting depletion
of oxygen in the river has consequences that range from decreased microbial self-
cleansing activities to the dying off of fish [22]. Therefore, next to the development of
watershed management plans, one focus is on measures to improve river water
quality through better stormwater management.

Fig. 4: Badeschiff at Kulturarena Berlin floating pool. Fig. 5: Revitalised

Rieselfelder/former sewage fields in Berlin-Hobrechtsfelde aquacultural ponds.

Prominent bottom-up developments of renaturalizing downstream water quality for

urban swimming are SPREE 2011 and the latest FLUSSBAD (river pool) project.
SPREE 2011 envisions floating storage tanks along the riverbanks to buffer
overflows during heavy rain events, which can be used as marina, floating platform
for events, bathing and alike. The FLUSSBAD project envisions swimming through
the historic heart of Berlin close to the Berlin Dome at Museumsinsel. Extending the
idea of floating pools, it aims to convert Kupfergraben, used more than one hundred
years ago for shipping, into a natural swimming pool for open water swimming.
Reedbed filters at the upper parts of the Kupfergraben serve as natural water
purification to regenerate natural bathing water quality.

Complementing urban downstream water projects in the city are recent urban
farming projects that often start on the roof (Fig. 6, 7). As vertical farming strategies
they combine modular infrastructures varying from low-tech to high-tech applications.
They most often strive for the direct and multi-beneficial use of available resources
on-site. Literally upstream from the city, water, energy or nutrient-rich waste flows
that are generated everyday in and outside of a building are reused as a resource in
a prosuming (producing and consuming) manner [6].

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Fig. 6: himmelbeet prospective neighborhood roof-top farm at a 10,000m Berlin
supermarket. Fig. 7: Container Farm greenhouse at Malzfabrik/Berlin.

Another example is the revitalized former Rieselfelder (sewage farms) Berlin-

Hobrechtsfelde (Fig. 5). Introduced along Berlins megacity growth towards the turn
of 20th Century, these peri-urban agri-aquacultural farms served to ensure Berlins
food sovereignty by producing urban fish and vegetable provisions through
pretreated wastewater reuse. The surface water quality was above standard: The
quality of effluent from the ponds was comparable to that of natural water. [17] Yet,
they were closed with the introduction of fossil fuel-based technical sewage treatment
plants from mid-20th Century on. The mixing of household and industrial sewers
caused human and environmental health risks in the multifunctional land-based
Rieselfeld systems [17]. Nevertheless, Berlin-Brandenburg faces the need to
remediate local water balances, as it is one of the driest regions in Europe [13]. Thus,
parts of the citys northern Rieselfelder have been reactivated since 2000. Initialized
as a drought prevention measure to secure reforestation, today, the former sewage
farms serve as second-hand nature [11] for urban biodiversity and recreation (Fig.
5). The renaturalized pond-dyke-landscape reuses approximately 5,000 m of
clarified water from the nearby sewage treatment plant per day [20], which before
was released as fast as possible into receiving surface waters.


Illustrative aquacultural projects in Berlin reflect on the future possibilities of lively
water cities. Two key challenges of sustainable urban transformation comprise the
reintegration of new open space typologies [21] along with the redesign of urban
water infrastructures [29] on a broader scale. Urban aquacultural typologies from
floating swimming pools to fishing and water polishing ponds and aquacultural green-
houses re-emerge as all-new, yet traditional, blue-green infrastructures that integrate
the latest in regenerative technologies. Arising questions ahead of an envisioned
further strengthening of alike soft infrastructure technologies are: Which benefits
could a selective merging within everyday urban landscape-space generate, literally
from the urban roof to the river? And how could their prospective distribution
following the natural flow be initialized and triggered?
Within the context of the previously illustrated urban upstream-downstream-projects
in Berlin, the following section envisions a prospective spreading of affiliated blue-
green infrastructures from the scale of a building or open space (micro-watershed) to
the scale of a settlement or broader urban watershed (macro-watershed). Water-
sensitive urban strategies of aquatecture and aquapuncture are introduced as con-
ceptual and creative spatial design development tools. They are meant to inspire na-

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tural-cultural recreation and the remediation of urban watersheds embracing built and
unbuilt space.

Aquatecture Blue-green infrastructural recreation upstream and downstream

The notion aquatecture [3] addresses both, creation and the recreation of land-
scapes of urban, industrial, rural or wild character according to the flow and functions
of water. Similar to solar architecture where the sun pulse defines the design of a
building, the concept of aquatecture offers a blue guideline to create sustainable
high-quality living and production spaces. It includes the continuous regenera-
ting/recreating of both, basic life-supporting services such as fresh water, fertile soil,
a modest climate and basic well-being services such as identity, diversity, aesthetics,
joy and recreation. Both types of services are closely linked to water flows and
patterns in the watersheds.1 Since aquatecture follows the water flow, e.g. according
to spatial geomorphological and built structural patterns, Table 1 summarizes
characteristic aquacultural blue-green infrastructures. It illustrates potential benefits
of their prospective merging in an optional urban upstream-downstream aquatecture.

Tab. 1: Aquatecture: Potential benefits of aquacultural blue-green infrastructure typologies in

an urban upstream-downstream relationship
Aquacultural Upstream Downstream Blue-green infrastructure services
typology and benefits
swimming - roof water-gardens - swimming gardens urban resource management and
garden-type - roadside bioswale - roadside bioswale wellbeing, e.g.
gardens gardens - recreating surface water quality
- remediating eutrophic water
- revitalizing waterscape ecologies
- urban biodiversity
- rebuilding communities
greenhouse- - roof water-farms/ - floating urban farming and resource
type greenhouses greenhouses management, e.g.
- building-integrated - space-resource-effective urban
greenhouse food/biomass production
- co-beneficial reuse of building-
related resources (e.g. energy,
water, nutrients)
- rebuilding communities
pond-and-pool- - recreational swimming - floating pools urban wellbeing and farming, e.g.
type pools with optional - polishing and - recreating human and water-
water retention and buffer ponds ecological wellbeing
natural purification - constructed - rebuilding communities
- fish and aquatic wetland ponds - large-scale water
biomass ponds retention/landscape water
- retention ponds balancing
(stormwater, - risk prevention (droughts, floods,
pretreated overflows from canalization etc.)
wastewater, etc.) with - urban food/biomass production
optional aquatic - urban biodiversity
production, recreation - urban recreation/
and/or renaturalization leisure (fishing, swimming)


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While aquatecture focuses on water-sensitive design-management principles,
aquapuncture complements this with its communicative and participatory approach
focussing on bottom-up processes.

Aquapuncture Catalysing remediation via micro-watershed interventions

The notion of aquapuncture is introduced in line with the medical approach of
acupuncture applied in traditional Chinese medicine (TCM). Aquapuncture stands for
a water-sensitive intervention strategy. As in acupuncture, which intervenes at certain
spots of the human body, it intervenes at specific places and/or in line with special
events that are assumed to have a catalyzing effect. Embedded into the urban
wellbeing oriented design approach of recreating [6], it asks how self-healing
capacities, particularly self-cleansing processes can be reactivated in the urban

Given Berlins contemporary do-it-yourself culture [21], particularly along urban

farming and water projects, infrastructural interventions at the micro-watershed scale
seem to be appropriate and cheerful tools of communication and participation. One
example is the Spree River experiment by DAS NUMEN H2O. It aimed to transform
Spree river water into drinking water quality, thereby, making where Berlins drinking
water comes from tangible. A form of creative expression, it solely uses solar-driven
biological and mechanical self-cleansing processes including mussels, plants and
micro-membrane filters. Performed as the collaboration between artists, engineers
and designers, the project was awarded at the 2011 Berlin summer festival ber
Lebenskunst (about the art of living, also meaning the art of survival) aiming to
search for new ways and formats of communicating culture between art and daily life
at the local and global level.2
As a compliment to the experimental type of aquapuncture, hands-on workshops can
also be interventional catalysts of water-sensitive transformation. Initiated and
performed during the Asia-Pacific-Weeks Berlin (APW) 2009 and 2011, these kinds
of social-ecological city engagements inspired aqua-cultural partnerships to bridge
themes of science, business and daily-life in cross-cultural exchange. A swimming
marketplace was constructed through public engagement and temporarily installed at
Berlins historic Engelbecken and former place of floating trade.3 A participatory
designed bamboo raft as symbol for both renewability and mobility the main topics
of the APW 2009 laid the trail for fruitful contacts towards the APW 2011 on themes
of water, food and health.4 The Swimposium in 2011 combined walks, raft-building
and swimming garden team workshops to make urban water culture and processes
tangible while addressing different modes of perception.5


Aquatecture and aquapuncture bottom-up design strategies and interventional
practices can be useful tools in the fluent recreation of sustainable cityscapes in light
of contemporary urban AquaCulture variations. The aquacultural infrastructure
typologies and practices of urban fishing, shipping or swimming applied beside them,
thereby, can serve as modular and meaningful 21st-century building-blocks for lively


BDC, vol. 12, 1/2012 ISSN: 1121-2918 405

water-cities [5]. They have catalysed place-based urban AquaCulture and have
formed a water citys identity throughout common history. Post-fossil urban
development and lifestyles have lead to a re-emergence of all new, yet traditional
aquacultural blue-green infrastructures swimming garden, pond-and-pool to
greenhouse-types. These contemporary high-/low-tech typologies can be evaluated
as bottom-up catalysts of waterscape living, water farming and water well-being
culture constituting facets of contemporary Urban AquaCulture (Fig. 8).

Fig. 8: Model of aquacultural blue-green infrastructure typologies as bottom-up

catalysts of Urban AquaCulture

Based on these research results, future key fields of action and applied research for
sustainable and lively water cities of the future are threefold and comprise: building-
integrated design, social-ecological city engagement, and urban aquacultural
partnerships. Introduced strategies of aquatecture and aquapuncture can be creative
and meaningful tools of design and communication in the urban landscape context.
They value water as a bridging element between the different spheres of nature
and culture while making hybrid natural-cultural processes tangible in space.

The biggest potential of contemporary urban aquacultural infrastructures from floating

pools to river pools, rooftop water-farms and greenhouses is their capability to
reawaken dreams and longings. Besides their fun effect, artistic and temporary
interventions of drinking the river, swimming through the city or fishing fresh urban
fish might raise awareness, change perceptions and enable the tangibility of
intertwined infrastructure-landscape processes. They can become tools of private-
public communication and participation to negotiate contested spaces and common
resources. Last but not least as bottom-up catalysts, they might stimulate individual
and social responsibilities and actions towards the lively water cities of the future.

BDC, vol. 12, 1/2012 ISSN: 1121-2918 406

[1] Bauer R. (1988), Berlin. Illustrierte Chronik bis 1870. Berlin, Germany.
[2] Bevilacqua P. (2010) Venedig zwischen Land und Wasser I Venice between Land and Water. in
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2010, Berlin, Germany 149159.
[3] Brll A., Brgow G. (2001), Aquatectur. Wasser als Produkt und Spiegel der Landschaft,
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[7] Charnock R. S. (1859), Local etymology: a derivative dictionary of geographical names, London,
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[8] EU (2000), Directive 2000/60/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 October
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2000/60/EC Water Framework Directive
[9] Ferguson F. (eds.), (2006) Talking Cities. The micropolitics of urban space. Basel, Switzerland.
[10] Hansen J., Mauter H. (1993), Berlin am Wasser. Fotografien 1857 1934, Berlin, Germany.
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(eds.) Wildnis vor der Haustr - Ergebnisse des Workshops 4. - 6. Oktober 2001 in
Zwieselerwaldhaus, Nationalpark Bayrischer Wald, Germany.
[12] Hooimeijer F., Meyer H., Nienhuis A. (eds.) (2005), Atlas of Dutch water cities. Amsterdam,
[13] Knierim A., Toussaint V., Mller H., Wiggering J. et al. (2009), Innovationsnetzwerk
Klimaanpassung Region Brandenburg-Berlin - INKA BB. Rahmenplan gekrzte Version.
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[14] Kostof S. (1992), Das Gesicht der Stadt. Geschichte stdtischer Vielfalt Frankfurt/Main,
[15] Materna I., Demps L., Mller-Mertens E., Schultz H., Seyer H. (1987), Geschichte Berlins von
den Anfngen bis 1945, Berlin, Germany.
[16] Mc Harg I. (1992), Design with Nature (first published 1967), New York, Chichester, Brisbane,
Toronto, Singapore.
[17] Prein, M. (1990), Wastewater-Fed Fish Culture in Germany in Edwards P., Pullin R.S.V (eds.)
Wastewater-fed aquaculture. Proceedings of the International Seminar on Wastewater
Reclamation and Reuse for Aquaculture, Calcutta, India, 6-9 December, 1988, P. Environmental
Sanitation Information Center, Bangkok, Thailand, 1347.
[18] Sanderson E. W. (2009) Mannahatta. A natural history of New York City Abrams, NY, USA.
[19] SENGUV (2009), Ergnzender Lnderbericht Berlins zum Entwurf des Bewirtschaftungsplans fr
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Wasserrahmenrichtlinie in Berlin,
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, http://www.stadtentwicklung.berlin.de/forsten/rieselfelder_hobrechtsfelde/de/wasser.shtml.
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[25] Stokman A., Klaus U. (2006) Flussbaden - Badefluss. Aktuelle Herausforderungen an Qualitt
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Fig. 1 Matthus Merian (1615) http://www.mosapedia.de/wiki/index.php/Datei:Paris_1615.gif
Fig. 2 Venice Satellite image (2006) http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Venedig
Fig. 3 Weigert D. (1997), Der Hackesche Markt Kulturgeschichte eines Berliner Platzes, Haude &
Spenersche Verlagsbuchhandlung GmbH, Berlin, Germany, 11.
Fig. 4 photo: Th. Freiwald
Fig. 5 photo: G. Brgow
Fig. 6 photo: G. Brgow
Fig. 7 photo: G. Brgow
Fig. 8 scheme: G. Brgow


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Daniele Cannatella, Sabrina Sposito

daniele.cannatella@gmail.com, sposito.sabrina86@gmail.com

This contribute refers to the graduation work done by the authors on the region of
Venice's Lagoon. Working on the entire lagoon gives the opportunity to rethink the
traditional city of Venice, reinterpreting it in the more contemporary meaning of
Lagoon-City. The lagoon is crossed, connected, inhabited; it is the space within
which the saturated historic city can breath and move, expand, diversify itself; it is a
new generation park, in which urban design becomes the instrument to create a new
form of landscape, which combines the traditional and consolidated elements of the
city with the lagoon area.The thesis proposal stands in the search field of landscape
urbanism, interpreted through the concepts of sustainability and resilience, and it
finds arguments in case studies of international scope, such as "Palisade Bay" for the
waterfront of Manhattan, "Wetland Machine" for Pontine marshes and the project of
"Metropolitan Park waters" of Zaragoza.
The attempt that is being pursued is to recognize new possible formae urbis, starting
from the opposition to the traditional urban pattern, made up of distinct and separate
components, of a new and more complex pattern, which acts by overlap and
juxtaposition of the components themselves.

Keywords: landscape urbanism, resilience, sustainable urban development.

The strategic planning of port cities is currently the focus of an interdisciplinary
debate aimed at identifying innovative methodologies and tools that qualify them as
experimental areas and hotspots of socio-economic, ecologically sound and creative
development. Between land and sea, the port cities are, in fact, border places which
some of the most complex issues of contemporary urban design are based on: the
relationship waterfront-port-hinterland, the management of water and climate change,
the binomial population/city users, the tension between environmental balance and
tourist-production development [1]. Venice is, among these, an atypical city of water,
where the natural and the artificial elements intertwine and overlap, generating a
unique ecosystem in morphology and function:
- it is a constantly changing city of lagoon, which hides the signs of an ancient
war between urban and hydraulic dynamics designed to intensify in the
coming years, when the rising waters will reach high levels and cause its
complete submersion and disappearance;
- it is a port city, a site of call for tourists and escape for residents. While Venice
welcomes around 50,000 visitors of the total 143,000 people in attendance
every day, a continuous drain of population takes place (from 180,000
inhabitants in 1950 to 60,000 in 2000) [2].
- the historic centre is UNESCO cultural heritage and site of international
recognition. It contains 150 canals and 400 bridges and offers a rich urban

BDC, vol. 12, 1/2012 ISSN: 1121-2918 409

environment that other cities envy, so much that Las Vegas and Macao
imitated it. The portrait of the city centre, linked to the peculiarities and charm
of the settlement system and water paths has been now crystallized in order to
stay in the race among the major tourist destinations of the world [3].
Interventions and project proposals so far adopted by the Venice region still move
along the field label of economic and social development, physical change and
landscape safeguard and, in fact, fail to compose a unitary and organic city vision.
The approach is passive to impacts and the tools are rigid, hard, inflexible. The
protection of the lagoon will be guaranteed through the largest infrastructure project
in the country: MOSE (Experimental Electromechanical Module), a system of flood
barriers from 4.68 billion euros; long distance networks to the hinterland will be
maybe intensified with a quick under lagoon connection between Airport and Arsenal,
which would allow users to earn just a few minutes if compared to existing travel
routes [4]; some building actions will be realized to fragments especially inland, while
the service sector will be affected only marginally.
The research later explained tries to shift the focus of attention and turn the point of
view. Following the theories of landscape urbanism, Venetian landscape is taken as
a filter which looking and reading through and becomes the matrix and the connector
for a new image of the city, a resilient and sustainable city-lagoon.


From drawings to visions (From project to process)

Man is born and expresses itself most clearly in the metropolis, but the experience of
the landscape is the promise of reconciliation and the end of fragmentation [5]. The
idea of landscape that has been consolidated over time is, indeed, that of a lens
through which the contemporary city is represented and a means by which it is built.
These elements are evident in the concept of landscape urbanism [6] where the
interaction between natural and artificial systems is the centre point of urban space
project. The landscape urbanism, as an alternative to the traditional dialogue
between buildings and landscape, offers a simultaneous presence of landscape in
architecture and architecture in landscape, making a hybrid material. But not only
that, it supports a dynamic planning process, in which the landscape and time play a
crucial role: the project becomes process, "manufacturing operations"; landscape
urbanism brings time in urban planning, as a dynamic factor consisting of two
different scales, a long-term, that of nature, and a short term, that of the rapidly
changing urban reality, favoring an ongoing process of choosing among opportunities
rather than full made masterplan [7].

Landscape design
The White Paper on adaptation to climate change, established by the Commission of
the European Communities in 2009, shows that the climate change issue is essential
for anyone who is going to work on water cities. There are two types of response to
the climate impacts: the first is the mitigation, the second is the adaptation to deal
those inevitable. The White Paper provides an overview on adaptation in order to
increase the resilience1 of European Union. Many of the most popular and interesting
European landscape projects were created according to these principles: the

Resilience is the capacity of the same system to absorb disturbances while maintaining the same
structure and the same basic mode of operation. (IPCC, 2007).

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Zandmotor along the coast of Zuid-Holland in Ter Heijde and two river parks in
Spain, Parque Aranzadi in Pamplona and the Metropolitan Water Park of Zaragoza.
The first is an intervention for the salfguard of Dutch coast, according to the method
of "building with nature"; the other two projects interact with the river dynamics,
incorporating them into the configuration of the landscape.


The lesson of landscape urbanism and the principles of resilience and sustainability
could not find a better testing ground than the city of Venice. It is a unique settlement
pattern, but the literature told partially about it and did not get the complexity of a
territory which, however, goes beyond the edges of the island and finds its identity in
the lagoon. The eye is then expanded and enhanced with new horizons of
- Venice is not an island, but an archipelago of islands, natural and artificial,
large and small, inhabited or derelict, dotting the entire lagoon environment;
- the islands are just one of the materials that make up the Venetian water
landscape, also made of shallows, barrier islands, sediment tanks, fishing
ponds, canals, marshes and mudflats, gutters;
- the link between the islands and the surrounding water is so strong, that they
constantly fight to set their habitats;
- the Venetian lagoon landscape is a mosaic of constantly changing
landscapes, linked by a dynamic interaction;
- the Lagoon of Venice is, in fact, a city-lagoon, dynamic, variable and resilient,
with uncertain edges and composite frames; it is an inhabited amphibious
organism, shaped by natural and anthropogenic mechanisms.
In this context, it makes no sense to count Venice as a traditional city or get it off
from the water world that created it and still determines its fate. The story of Venice,
which we are bringing forward, in fact, starts from its millenary relationship with water
and moves in many directions, going through the history, reconstructing the
morphology, imagining the evolution, by suggesting scenarios, keeping it all together
under the variables of time and space, to finally recognize the change as a driving
force behind every project.

The lagoon environment is unstable and transitory, because it is the result of the
actions of multiple agents: on the one hand, the opposition between the constructive
force of the rivers (sediments) and the destructive force of the sea and the waves
(erosion of sediments) and, on the other hand, the effects of subsidence (lowering of
the soil for compaction of sediments) and eustasy (the fluctuation in the average sea
level) [8]. The origin of lagoons was not, therefore, linear, because each climate
change and the resulting change in the hydraulic regime has led to the redefinition of
the relationship between land and water, changing the geographical structure [9].
The instability, which has governed the genesis of the lagoons, still affects them:
- subsidence and eustasy, making changes in sea levels, flood often lagoons. In
relation to this phenomenon, there are worrying predictions on the increasing
average sea level over the next hundred years, related to the Climate Change.
According to the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) the increase
should be from 9 to 88 cm. Therefore, Venice would be destined to collapse
within a century completely [10].

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- the variable ratio rivers/sea lagoons swings between two extremes: if river and
sea materials prevail, the lagoon tends to silt and becomes a dry land, as
happens today in the Po Delta; if instead the erosive forces of waves and tides
prevail, it becomes sea, that is the current evolutionary trend in the lagoon of

The concept of natural balance has no place in any natural evolutionary phenomena.
This is most evident in the lagoon of Venice, artificially maintained through changes
made by man. The lagoon of Venice is, therefore, a largely man-made ecosystem,
altered over the centuries to save and adapt the environment for life on the basis of
two different logics:
- the culture of water, dominant until the sixteenth century, based on the
recognition of a single city-lagoon system, in which the water environment is
experienced as connective, rather than as a factor of disjunction. The water
combines not separates various materials; it is the mean of transport, and the
islands are interrelated not segregated by it. At this stage, the interventions
are soft and careful to preserve the integrity of the system and leave intact the
essential features.
- the culture of land, after the sixteenth century and still prevalent, which
brought radical changes to the geography and the functionality of the lagoon
ecosystem, leading to a turning point in its history. The interventions dating
from this period are heavy and invasive [11]: for example, the large river
diversions, the sea defenses (the so-called Murazzi), the excavation of
numerous waterways, the jetties and the most recent MO.SE for the defense
of Venice and its lagoon from extreme events and morphological deterioration.

The lagoon of Venice is a landscape of transition between land and sea, and, as
such, it has all the characteristics of the temporary and the hybrid elements. The
landscapes mix, mingle, overlap, and change their appearance and consistency to a
minimum range of climatic and hydraulic conditions.
The gutter runs along the mainland and collect the mouths of the rivers tributaries,
carrying fresh water. The outer edge is defined by the barrier islands, which are spits
of sand interrupted by engravings and they regulate trade between the sea and the
lagoon water. Among the margins, on a shallow, there is the central body, crossed by
network of canals, which branch out and sneak in the islands and become
communication routes. Canals are slim and tortuous in the sandbanks (surfaces
visible during low tide) and turn into thin and rare out in the ponds valley.

The spreading out, especially in the case of a short, straight line, bears a relation to
the growing point. Here, too, the question When does the line as such die out, and
at what moment is a plane born?, remains without a definite answer. How shall the
question Where does the river stop and the sea begin?, be answered? [12].
The idea of the lagoon-city starts from here, the inability to describe the changing
nature and complexity of the Venetian territory through the conceptual categories of
traditional urban design. In the city-lagoon, in fact, the settlement, infrastructure and
the environment systems are not clearly distinguished but juxtaposed, and the
shapes are not only defined, because they are subject to excursions of water, climate

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variations, natural evolution, human interventions. This new model has, therefore,
requested the development of more appropriate tools to articulate the story:
- figures, that describe the shapes and identify: pixels, important areas and
areas of intersection of the materials in the lagoon; lines, filiform complexes
along which materials develop; patches, areas that characterize and diversify
the nature of each material;
- icons, that describe the actions, summarized as follows: to accept the change,
expand the edges, overlay, diversify, intersect in the sense of cross and

The interpretation given to the materials that make up the lagoon varies with the
figures and icons and the relationships that exist between them. So are delineated
landscapes from time to time different, that this research has tried to crystallize in two
projects, while always working with the same materials, appear to be completely
1. Floatingscape. The proposed project is an alternative solution to the subway
(along the same route): a slow trip on a footbridge that winds along the lagoon
waters at different altitudes, connecting the smaller islands by small boats.
This path develops from the airport to the island of Venice, crossing different
landscapes and becoming itself generator of landscapes and new ways of
inhabiting the territory.
2. Hybridscape. The proposed project will, therefore, offer an alternate route
airport-city and, acting as mimesis with the existing paths, winds in the
richness of the natural landscape. Paths on the water, where you move in
canals by small boats, alternate with wooden cycle/pedestrian paths on
sandbanks, land, gutters or islands that follow the elevation of the soil and the
bathymetry and guide in open areas for rest and refreshment. The route
adapts to the shapes of materials, binding together points of disconnection
and creating cross-connections between the interior and border areas.

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Fig. 1 Lagoon-city

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Fig. 2 Floatingscape.

Fig. 3 Hybridscape.

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[1] Giovinazzi O. (2008), Port Cities and Urban Waterfronts: Constructing Scenarios of
Transformation in the Context of Conflict, in Mditerrane [Online], 111 | 2008, Presses
Universitaires de Provence.
[2] OECD. (2011), Studi OCSE sul Turismo: ITALIA, analisi delle criticit e delle politiche, OECD
[3] OECD Territorial Reviews. (2010), Rapporto su Venezia Metropoli, Marsilio Editori, Venezia.
[4] Muscar C., Scaramellini G., Talia I. (2011), Tante Italie. Una Italia. Dinamiche territoriali e
identitarie, FrancoAngeli, Milano.
[5] Sassatelli M. (2006), Georg Simmel, saggi sul paesaggio, Armando Editore, Roma.
[6] Waldheim C. (2006), The Landscape Urbanism Reader, Princeton Architectural Press, New York.
[7] Mantovani S. (2009), Tra ordine e caos. Regole del gioco per una urbanistica paesaggista, Alinea
Editrice, Firenze.
[8] Rinaldi A. (1997), Equilibrio Fisico e Idrogeologico della Laguna, Fondazione ENI Enrico Mattei,
[9] Zanetti M. (2007), Larcipelago lagunare veneziano, in La laguna di Venezia. Ambiente,
naturalit, uomo, Nuovadimensione, Venezia.
[10] DAlpaos L. (2009), Fatti e misfatti di idraulica lagunare, Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed
Arti, Venezia.
[11] Bonometto L. (2007), Il crepuscolo della laguna, in La laguna di Venezia. Ambiente, naturalit,
uomo, Nuovadimensione, Venezia.
[12] Kandinsky V. (1947), Point and line to plane, Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation for the
Museum of Non-Objective Painting, New York.

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Raffaele Attardi1, Carmelo M. Torre2

Department of Conservation of Architectural and Environmental Assets
University of Naples Federico II (ITALY)
Department of Civil Engineering and Architecture, Polytechnic of Bari (ITALY)
raffaele_attardi@libero.it, torre@poliba.it


Our work is concerned with reconstructing the links between democracy and the
environment, by targeting urban governance and tapping into the institutional
practices of Urban Planning and Environmental Evaluation. Among institutional
evaluation processes, Strategic Environmental Assessment is a major policy tool,
and its interplay with planning unravels key issues in both urban governance and
environmental democracy, including coping with fundamental risks, voicing non-
human agents, managing commons and addressing environmental justice.
Participation often languishes in institutional arenas, yet it thrives in other forms that
affect decision-making. Negotiation around individual planning processes should be
framed in the general governance arrangements that are constantly reshaped. In
mainstreaming new policy tools (such as SEA), procedural aspects are usually
stressed, How can evaluation be developed to support the process? We point to
some key references with the aim of opening up the discussion, by taking for
example the case of Industrial Port Cities in Southern Italy.

Keywords: Sustainability, Social Conflict, Post Normality, Environmental Evaluation

Industrial Harbors Cities, SEA, Environmental Democracy

1. Introduction
During 2008, for the first time in history, the share of the world population living in
urban areas reached the 50%, and the figure is expected to rise to 60% by the year
2030 [1].
Most of world urban population lives in coastal cities. Beyond the sheer magnitude of
the phenomenon, cities, and especially port cities stand up as a major concern for
environmental governance and democracy [2], and an ideal target for theoretical
investigations and practical innovations alike. Whereas We notice that the literature
on urban governance played an important role in advancing the general
understanding of the concept of democracy [3, 4, 5].
Our work is concerned with reconstructing the links between democracy and the
environment, by targeting urban governance and tapping into the institutional
practices of Urban Planning and Environmental Evaluation of plan and policies. We
investigate the role of planning and evaluation in influencing how democratic the
modes of governance of environmental issues at the city-level are, and the mutual
relations alike. We refer in particular to those environmental issues that are
challenging the ways societies deal with collective action in the public domain (for
instance, the role of non-human agents, fundamental risks, local and global
commons, environmental justice, etc.).

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In the following sections, we first present some references about the relationship
between sustainability, environmental democracy, and social conflicts, considered as
key element to solve issues of the non-sustainability of processes. After that, we will
provide some background information on SEA and urban planning in Italy. The next
section is devoted to a case study regarding environmental conflicts in the Italian
coastal city of Brindisi. We conclude by pointing to some key reflections with the aim
of opening up the discussion.

2. Environmental Evaluation and Urban Governance

Since its very early days, environmental evaluation aroused high expectations among
the advocates of environmental protection. The original intentions of the US National
Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) of 1969, from which the Environmental Evaluation
(EE) originated, envisaged a mechanism that could improve not only specific plans or
projects, but also change institutions, worldviews and behaviors by insinuating
ecological rationality into systems of governance [6].
The idea that EE should engage with decision-making and the institutional,
administrative, cultural and political context to deliver changes in the way
environmental issues are being handled, has resonated throughout the evolution of
EE theory and practice. Bartlett and Kurian [7] developed what is still the most highly
cited attempt at theorizing the interplay between EE and policy making. They
identified the following six implicit models:
the pluralist politics model centers on democratizing decision making by
securing increased opportunities for public participation;
under the institutionalism, EE aims at changing political institutions in terms of
norms, principles, mandates, rules, routines and orientations by incorporating
environmental values;
the organizational politics model emphasizes the chance to enhance the role
of environmental advocates into formal organizations (public or private) that are
required to engage in EE;
the symbolic politics model detects an ambivalent trend entailing either the
legitimization of decisions by hiding them behind a cumbersome, yet often irrelevant,
scientific inquiry, or an attempt to reaffirm the moral supremacy of environmental
the political economy model brings business actors and economic interests
largely neglected in most EE literature back to the foreground because EE may
alter economic opportunities, risks and constraints.
the information processing model positions EEs role in decision-making as a
technique for generating, organizing, and communicating information to a central,
apolitical, decision maker;
Despite the fact that five out of six models take politics explicitly into account, the
information processing model proved to be by far the closest to actual EE practices.
A long standing critique of EE as poorly cognizant of the inherently political, social
and cultural conditions amid which it is supposed to occur paved the way for a
renewed interest in EE processes, instead of the usual focus on procedures [8]. A
first argument put forward by scholars was that EE was imbued with instrumental
rationality [9] in that it assumed a central decision-maker, following orderly sequential
steps where decisions are led by previously formulated goals, and grounded in
scientific evidence.

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Krnv and Thissen [10] tried to discuss the role of EE practitioners in the real world
of decisions - where interdependent actors mingle facts and values over
unpredictable rounds of interaction and contrasted technicians (presenting value-
free scientific evidence) with mediators (structuring the discussion and searching for
compromise) and advocates (taking partisan stances and trying to steer the whole
process towards definite directions). Nilsson and Dalkmann [11] joined in blaming EE
for relying exclusively on rationalism, and tapped into decision-making theory and
policy analysis to propose a mix of analytical and deliberative methods to handle the
inherently political and value-laden nature of EE.
There is now a growing consensus on the need for EE to venture into the
meanderings of decision making [10], as well as on the appreciation of how social,
cultural, political and institutional conditions are likely to influence the way EE is
carried out in different governance contexts [12, 13].
The EE literature is thus becoming ever more interested in addressing issues
relevant to governance and democracy. For instance, some authors argue that EE
should entail an explicit focus on substantial ecological and ethical requirements,
especially in terms of environmental justice [9, 14].
Others maintain that EE should help overcome the general resistance towards taking
environmental objectives on board in all policy sectors [15], by involving
environmental professionals, departments and agencies to promote transformational
change [12] without watering down environmental concerns [16].
As for democratization, EE could urge public and corporate officials to share decision
making with the public in different manners, for instance by becoming the stage for
the contest of competing interests, or rather a platform used by socially marginalized
groups to alter the uneven distribution of environmental costs and benefits [17]. More
common perspectives on participation within EE processes include [11]:
a normative argument-citizens have the right to be informed and participate
according to democratic principles;
a substantive argument-lay peoples knowledge can complement scientific and
administrative expertise;
an instrumental argument-participatory decision making can secure
acceptance and trust.
A mix of normative and strategic motivations seems to underpin the provisions for
democratizing decision making that have been subsequently included in the
legislation on all major forms of EE.

3. Non-sustainability and environmental conflicts

In this section we try to link the concepts of complexity, post-normality of evaluations

and conflict to non-sustainability. After we introduce a brief reasoning about some
methods that could be helpful to measure the combined effectiveness of governance,
as regard social, economic and environmental policies.


The concept of sustainability has been called through the identification of its essential
components and goals in the Brundtland Report [18]. In the Rio Conference aspects
of equity intra / inter-generational were emphasized. Serageldin and Steer [19],
illustrating the famous triangle between environmental protection, economic
prosperity and social equity have introduced a first definition of the "pillars of

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Starting from Serageldin the concept of sustainability, from a philosophical point of
view, became more expanded. Nijkamp [20] and Fusco Girard [21], reflecting on the
necessity to support sustainable processes, enlarged the crucial components by a
wider classification:Finware, Ecoware. Software, Hardware, Orgware, and they
added the new Civicware pillar.

3.2 Complexity

As shown in the above, we tend to widen the field of sustainability, and at the same
time, to break down the concept in sub-component, acting with two purposes. The
first one is to maintain a high level of study for economic and spatial sustainable
development,. The second, as direct consequence of the first, is to highlight the
complex nature of the deal for sustainability.
Therefore, if we classify the challenge of sustainability as a complex problem, we can
speak of post- normality [22].
Assessing the sustainability of processes means to appraise the challenge of the
future, and there is not a stake that can be evaluated with a larger uncertainty than
the survival of the future generations.
An approach can start from this assumption: if we link the question of environmental
democracy with fundaments of sustainability, we can see how much relevant is the
complexity. Reasoning by opposite, we can imagine that we face with non-
sustainability when some fundaments of sustainability, recalling Ecoware, Civicware
and Finware are in conflict each other.
Due to this contraposition. the vision of economy has changed and its measures of
value have taken different meanings based on new goals and some new definitions
of welfare (and, indirectly, of rationality) have been detected [23].

3.3 Environmental Ownership

Who decides on the public and private property? Who owns the environment? The
answer to this question is in the concept of Environmental Democracy.
An answer to this question could help to interpret spatial planning by a modern
sense and to give a meaning to the system based on the cyclic sequence actions-
economy-environment-action in a multi-actor and multi-level planning system that
nowadays must pursue the sustainable development.
The big surprise, however, could be represented by discovering that the issue of "fair
ownership" of the environment cannot find a single answer so obvious. The
description of the environment is not unique, and different descriptions of the
environment are not equivalent because of the absence of such a uniqueness, and,
consequently, they are either planning or assessments that interest you.
Admitting that there are no equivalent descriptions [24] of the environment, we
implicitly acknowledge that the social negotiation do not converge at a single point of
view automatically.
Environmental democracy is universally defined in the Aarhus Convention as the
right of all parties involved to participate in decision-making processes affecting the
environment. This right is exercised through the ownership and democracy
In order to broaden the scope of democracy we must get to the introduction of public
goods in the concept of ownership as Hardin told [25].
The concept of commons nowadays can be referred to water, public goods, energy

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When talking about the community, we cannot address it as a stakeholder, because
the term stakeholder is related to the concept of private ownership and
So the concept of environmental democracy widens the field: stakeholders own land
and property but the environment, or the landscape, that tells us about the cultural
and environmental perception of the space, are owned by the whole community, not
only stakeholders.
The major conflict arises when during the negotiation, the public has to defend the
property rights of community on commons, against the property rights of stakeholder
(private owners and developers).

3.4 Methods

Appropriate methods of assessing the conflict could be required.

The need to broaden the scope of the assessment, including aspects related with
social share/social conflict about plans / projects is already in the planning balance
sheet [26], and in its evolution, that is the community impact evaluation.
The development of multicriterial methods in planning [27] and policies to preserve
the environmental and cultural heritage, includes over time more references related
to the benefit of future generations and to the goal of intra-generations equity [28].
Munda finally takes up the theme of democracy and combines multi criteria analysis
looking at a multi-group vision, in Social Multicriterial Evaluation (SMCE) on
environmental issues [29].
The latter also considers the SMDM (Social Multicriterial Decision Making) an
evaluation procedure adapted to the context of great uncertainty in terms of stakes
and reliability of the assessment, and post-normality [22].

Fig. 1 - Relationship between SMCE and Post-normality of Science

In the cited literature, the evidence of the links between multidimensional assessment
with the assessment of the sharing / social conflict is increasingly present. Figure
shows how SMCE can be considered an appropriate method in a conflictual and
complex context of the decision making-process, as environmental policy
development and assessment are.
More generally speaking, even structured evaluation methods, as
multidimensional/multigroup can be, seek for a better connection between the
political complexity of the decision arena and the uncertainty about future
environmental/social effects [30].

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4. The tool of Strategic Environmental Assessment

The interplay between democracy and EE is more evident in Strategic Environmental

Assessment (SEA), the latest form of EE to be formally introduced in legislative
frameworks worldwide. SEA addresses plans and programs, and covers a wide
range of issues subsumed under the vaguely defined environment label. Indeed, by
the time SEA got institutionalized as a new policy format in the EU the SEA
Directive dating back to 2001 the link between environmental issues and
democratic governance had been brought to the fore by the 1992 Rio Declaration
(principle 10), and afterwards enshrined in the Aarhus Convention. The Convention
on access to information, public participation in decision-making and access to
justice in environmental matters negotiated in the framework of the United Nations
Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) is possibly the most ambitious
venture in the area of environmental democracy so far undertaken under the
auspices of the United Nations [31].
Beside SEA, the broader family of EE we refer to in this study definitely includes
Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) and Habitats Regulations Assessment
(HRA), and it somehow covers other forms of analysis and evaluation, such as the
Integrated Environmental Permit (IEP) system under the Integrated Pollution
Prevention and Control (IPPC) regime, the Major Accident Risk Assessment (MARA,
under the Seveso Directives), and the Reporting on the State of the Environment
(RSE) in the context of local Agenda21 processes and environmental management
systems, following either European (EMAS) or international (ISO 14001) standards.
The reasons for acknowledging these links are manifold:
1. the separation between SEA and EIA has been either late (e.g. the original
1978 draft EU Directive addressed both projects and plans) or incomplete, as the
1969 US NEPA didnt make distinctions between project level EIA and what has
come to be known as programmatic environmental impact statement [32];
2. SEA is embedded in a tiring system which entails a very close integration with
EIA and/or HRA, to such an extent that both are set in Directive 2001/42/EC as the
cornerstones to inform screening, and SEA is only conceptualized insofar as HRA is
already needed, or EIA is foreseen downstream;
3. all forms of environmental evaluation must rely on common resources (such
as baseline environmental analysis and monitoring systems) and rules (e.g. access
to information, participation in decision making and access to justice according to the
requirements of the Aarhus Convention);
4. so far these different procedures have been backed by a common (albeit
weak) theorizing, and they were developed by largely overlapping communities of
Today, even those forms of EE that had been introduced before the entry into force
of the Aarhus Convention have been amended so as to comply with its requirements
[33]. However, despite the contribution of EE, environmental democratization is
progressing slowly [34].

5.Case of study: planning and environmental policies in Brindisi

In this section we describe a problematic decision arena where the traditional

trade-off between market and environmental externalities arises as a dramatically
complex question, putting on evidence the relation between the relevance of the
stake and the need for evaluation methods able to manage a multiplicity of actors

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and stakes. Brindisi, one of the two most air polluted Italian cities by industry and
energy production (together with Taranto), is investigated.
Brindisi is a town with 90.000 inhabitants lying on the south-east Italian coast
(Apulia region). Its territory consists of a coastal plain, subdivided in two part by the
natural port of Brindisi, that is surrounded by the urban settlement. In the
background, agricultural crops are prevailing, but under the menace of an increasing
coverage of plain solar panels that until now occupies the 12% of the entire
As many natural ports, Brindisi harbor witnessed the different uses evolving in the
history of the city: the military function, the commercial, the industrial and the
residential one.
Being one of the richest city of Magna Grecia, as privileged connection to
Balkans and Greece, easily protected from the sea attacks, thanks to the depth of its
bays, it was a powerful military and commercial port. Both the roman roads Via
Traiana and Via Appia lasted their path in Brindisi. Via Appia tapped as well in
Taranto, the other great Ancient Greek port-city of Apulia.
The Italian national industrial policy of the Sixties, provided the southern city of
Brindisi, Taranto, Naples of industrial pools. In Bagnoli (Naples) and Taranto steel
factories were settled. In Brindisi a petrol-chemical pool was created. All these
functions still remain in the city of Brindisi.
For each one of these function many institutional actors are playing their role. In
the territory of Brindisi two coal-fired plants disseminate their polluting element inside
atmosphere and soil.
The smaller power station, named Enipower, is located in the port, and the other
one, the Central Federico II, is installed in the area of Cerano, on the southern
border of the municipal territory.
The third relevant impact is due to the polluting coal wharf posed in the Port, that
supplies the two plants.
In particular, the power station Federico II in Cerano is supplied through an
underground conveyor belt that hurts the soil crossing and poisoning the countryside
for miles, from the port to the station. The reports of ARPA, the Regional Agency for
Environmental Protection, which are published on the Apulia Region website, identify
the areas area polluted by the conveyor belt are published on the website of the
Region. Their reports tells that the crops in the area under-passed by the conveyor
belt cannot be sold in the food market.
Inside the port and in the terrain that covers the belt, the presence of heavy metals
and oxides is the highest in the region, and not only in the region. The two plants
produce two times the energy necessary to supply the entire regional demand. If we
consider in addiction the existing solar energy and the future wind farm (still in
project), inside the Municipality of Brindisi is produced the energy supply for half of
the southern part of Italy (excluded Sicily Island).The air pollution level is the highest
of Apulia.
According to the Report of the European Agency for the Environment of the year
2011 [35] about the pollution from industrial facilities in Europe, more than 60 Italian
factories appear in the list of 622 most toxic of the continent. The record for the
most polluting site in Italy (the 18th place on the list EEA) belongs to thermal coal
Federico II of Cerano (Tab. 1), at the 18th place in the rank of the most pollutant
facilities in Europe. The second Italian place in the list is owned by Ilva:
consequently, in the same region of the south of Italy, the two biggest pollutant
activities of the entire nation are located. The European Agency for the Environment

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estimates the total cost of pollution in 1,25 billion of Euros for Federico II plants in
Brindisi. The data about environmental damage are partial, as they refer only to air
pollutants. There is no consideration for the underground pollution of soil and
aquifers in the data of EEA report, therefore is not considered the impact of cool and
minerals, that affect the environment both in Brindisi.

Tab. 1 - The first fifteen air polluting activities in Italy in the year 2011 (Source:
European Environment Agency, 2011)

Location Activity damage costs in
damage costs in euro
Brindisi Energy - Thermal power 1243 17,9%
stations and other combustion
Taranto Production of pig iron or steel 746 10,8%
melting and continuous
Sarroch Energy - Mineral oil and gas 582 8,4%
Taranto Energy - Thermal power 511 7,4%
stations and other combustion
Sassari Energy - Thermal power 559 8,1%
stations and other combustion
Venezia Energy - Thermal power 407 5,9%
stations and other combustion
Quiliano Energy - Thermal power 417 6,0%
stations and other combustion
San Filippo Del Mela Energy - Thermal power 393 5,7%
stations and other combustion
Augusta Energy - Mineral oil and gas 386 5,6%
Sannazzaro De' Burgondi Energy - Mineral oil and gas 350 5,0%
PrioloGargallo Energy - Mineral oil and gas 313 4,5%
Portoscuso Energy - Thermal power 269 3,9%
stations and other combustion
Civitavecchia Energy - Thermal power 233 3,4%
stations and other combustion
Milazzo Energy - Mineral oil and gas 303 4,4%
FerreraErbognone Energy - Thermal power 226 3,3%
stations and other combustion

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6. Scenario Analysis and support of evaluation methods in the SEA of Brindisi

The key element that we wish to underline here is the way as the political
representatives of Brindisi asked for a structured evaluation method in support of a
relevant SEA process for the city. In 2009 the City Council started the development
of the new General Plan of Brindisi.
The intention of city administrators was to close the power plant located in the dock,
and move the coal pier near Cerano, thus eliminating the devastating conveyor belt.
The intention was uncertain and complex to be traduced in facts, especially for the
interplay with a series of institutional actors.
The active institutions in the management of the port city, in fact,are: the Port
Authority of Brindisi, two or three Ministries (defense, environment, economic
development), the Apulian Region, the Energy suppliers (Enel and Enipower), that
are public-participated companies and were fully state company in the past.
In the past, desiderata of the Municipality were broken due to its relational weakness
with/against the others institutions aiming to protect the national and local energy
policy. The increasing awareness of the environmental issues by the community
strengthened the social support to the Brindisi Council, but without any real effect.
The starting process of the General Plan, therefore, became an occasion to point on
the question of environmental issues of the city. The Mayor of Brindisi charged a
politically experienced planner, to follow the urban polices.
The inter-action between the Planning Office of the Municipality, the professional and
consultant in charge for the Plan and its SEA procedure, and the City Council
Delegate, emphasized the political and communicative dimension of the SEA Report.
Thus, the accuracy of the Preliminary Report of the General Plan (PRPG), by choice
of the City Council, should be enough to emphasize the major territorial themes on
energy and pollution. Main topics account between active parts: the City
Administration, the Regional Directors, the Ministries of the Environment, Defence,
Infrastructure, the Port Authority, the energy supplier Enel and Enipower.
The presence of significant interests and institutional pressures, all of them legitimate
but not automatically converging towards a shared scenario for the development of
Brindisi has generated a variety of often conflicting interpretive frameworks in the
past, for which it is difficult to consider the immediate solution and the start of a clear
policy and ecologically, economically and socially consistent.
Thus, in evaluating the proposed scenarios, it has been chosen the Environmental
Sustainability Dashboard (used as a communication tool of value judgments in the
framework of the environmental multidimensional assessment) an assessment of the
complexity/conflict of implementing the scenarios that is proposed in the feasibility
The method is therefore inspired to the integration of community impact evaluation
and environmental impact assessment suggested by literature.
The judgments expressed inside the feasibility dashboard are the result of the
counterbalance between costs and conflicts. The dimension of the conflict is due to
the level of divergence/convergence measured by the correlation of preference
expressed by stakeholder and translated in scores.
Scenarios have been resumed on factsheets and accompanied by a brief text
description and take into account some important aspects. The first aspect is the
feasibility of planning actions, depending on institutional and economic issues; the
second aspect is the potential cost/benefit generated by the realization of the action
plan on the environment.

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Both feasibility and environmental issues are based on the opportunities and threats
that are set in the future development deriving by a SWOT analysis (Strenghtness-
Key scenarios relate to large problems:
1) the issue of the conversion of the Port, after a possible closure of the systems of
energy production, ancillary services and their environmental consequences;
2) the issue of the construction of the regasification plant and its place;
3) the issue of environmental rehabilitation of the North Coast;
4) the rationalization of infrastructure and re-urbanization of settlements.
These issues are taken from the analyses contained in the Preliminary Report of the
PRPG. The final balance between benefits and costs is represented through the
Sustainability Dashboard, (Word Bank) used as an indicator of intensity of judgment
suitable for qualitative assessments, derivable, as appropriate, by scores constructed
on the basis of an AHP evaluation that prioritize aspects of evaluation in a multi-
level approach [36] built on expert judgment, or quantitative predictions. Fig. 3
resume the results. It is clear how institutional feasibility and environmental
preservation conflict each other.

Fig. 3 - Scenario Analysis in the SEA of the Preliminary Report of the General Plan of


1 2 3 4








issues Landscape






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Furthermore Brindisi is the crucial crossway of three different environmental conflicts,
that lighten the question of environmental democracy all over Apulia Region and
more, all over Italy, as told as follows.
The intention of the Municipality to stop the activity of the Enipower plant improve the
environmental condition of the inner part of the city and, in the wide territory, of the
polluted countryside of Brindisi.
But this solution leaves the Federico II plants activity free. This activity is likely the
main cause of cancers outside the Brindisi jurisdiction. Due to the wind direction, air
pollutants across the area of SerreSalentine and of the northern coast of the county
of Lecce, the main urban center of the extreme South of Apulia. This conflict is an
external one, if we look at the urban reality of Brindisi, but its relevance is obviously
the greatest (Fig. 4).

Figure 4. The three level of conflict in the area of Brindisi

7. Concluding remarks

We conclude our work by highlighting some of the issues we met, which might be of
general interest to the debate on environmental governance and democracy.
Where do we have to look for participation when we set an institutional EE? Only in
the institutional arenas set up within planning processes? What about all kinds of
public and institutional involvement revolving around the mechanisms of
representative democracy (be that street protest, corporatism resorting to lobbying,
or electoral propaganda)? How effective the different forms of participation are in
influencing the decision making process? Even when institutional arenas get
relatively crowded, participation inputs tend to get lost in the meanders of planning

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(yet participants often enjoy empowerment), whereas it is amazing how those forms
of citizens involvement that counter or reinforce representation can influence
decision-making, though they often prevent change and frustrate complex proposals.
Each legislative, planning or political act influences only to a limited extent the
environmental governance arrangements in a given territorial community, where
many initiatives are likely to develop at the same time. Moreover, most actors have
complex stakes: within local authorities, different coalitions and networks push for
often contradictory agendas, while local communities are anything but united faced
with environmental issues. Then, how can negotiation be successful when friction
around one issue could jeopardize actors commitment across all processes they are
involved into, despite hardly-won progress towards securing agreements? Are
environmental reports only technical support to evaluation, or can they be a further
communication tool even for institutional representative, social panels and authorities
devoted to the evaluation?
How do different implementation strategies interact with deliberation to strike a
balance between the rights of direct stakeholders and the claims of voiceless agents
(other species, future generations, marginalized groups, etc.)? In particular,
restrictions of individual rights might nurture environment-friendly social practices, yet
tend to be more strongly opposed than guidance and incentives, while the
problematic role of spokespersons (environmental NGOs or advocacy planners) is
seldom capable of bringing voiceless agents fully into the decision-making process,
thus doing without unpopular legally-binding measures. Along these lines, shifting the
focus of environmental governance from territorial constructs to social practices could
help reconcile individuals self-determination with public environmental interests.
New environmental policy tools (of the like of SEA, from the institutional point of view,
and the social and technical multidimensional assessment from the methodological
point of view,) materialize worldwide as standardized procedures, yet their actual
evolution is often a tale of diffusion without convergence [37], as national, regional
and even local contexts tend to shape their substantial nature to a major extent.
Then, would it be advisable to emphasize key process features (inclusiveness,
accountability, interdisciplinarity, etc.)? What if the desired outcomes were defined
more accurately instead, e.g. by strictly binding EE to principles (e.g. environmental
justice) and targets (for pollution, energy use, etc.)? Both alternatives entail learning
and adaptation and could result in further fragmentation, yet they might foster,
respectively, governance capacity building and planning salience.
On the methods point of view, as seen in the Brindisi case, the methodological
approach underline the conflict, more than give a solution.

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