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L2 Morphosyntactic Development
in Text-Based Computer-Mediated
Communication
M. Rafael Salaberry
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Computer Assisted Language Learning 09588221/00/13010005$15.00
2000, Vol. 13, No. 1, pp. 527 Swets & Zeitlinger
M. Rafael Salaberry
Department of Spanish Italian & Portuguese, Pennsylvania State University
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ABSTRACT
It has been claimed that CMC represents an ideal environment for promoting L2 development.
Previous findings have shown the use of more complex structures in the target language in elec-
tronic versus face-to-face environments (e.g., Beauvois, 1992; Kelm, 1992; Kern, 1995;
Warschauer, 1996a,b). The present study compares the effect of pedagogical tasks implemented
in synchronous face-to-face tasks versus text-based computer mediated communication. The
target grammatical feature is the development of past tense verbal endings in Spanish as a sec-
ond language. The analysis reveals that the first signs of change in developmental stages of mor-
phosyntactic development are more clearly identified in the computer based interaction task
than in the face-to-face oral task. It is, thus, possible that aspectual distinctions marked through
morphosyntactic means are made more salient in a written interactional format that maintains
the functional focus of typical on-line face-to-face exchanges.
contour, stress, pitch, etc.) and nonlinguistic (nonverbal) cues are mostly absent.1
Furthermore, turn-taking is negotiated at the level of the written language and, as
a consequence, the cohesion pattern of CMC extends over a long discourse
domain (i.e., is more disconnected at the level of adjacent contributions).
Given such noticeable differences in these communication media, a number
of empirical studies have compared the effects of discourse environments (i.e.,
face-to-face versus text-based CMC) on the development of second languages.
The particular focus of most studies has been on classroom conversation pat-
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1 One notable development in CMC environments has been the appearance of what are called
smileys or emoticons: graphic symbols that depict emotional states of the writer. Emoticons
describe facial expressions to compensate for the absence of similar information through
physical proximity normal in face-to-face contact.
L2 MORPHOSYNTACTIC DEVELOPMENT 7
(1995) argues that some interactional contexts may provide learners with the
right opportunities to expand and refine their interlanguage systems: synchronic
variation in language production is related to diachronic variation. Hence, it is
necessary to design the type of pedagogical tasks that will lead learners to pay
attention to the functional demands of the tasks at the same time that they con-
sider the formal means to achieve that goal. In this respect, Swain (1995, p.141)
argues that collaborative tasks lead learners to reflect on their own language
production as they attempt to create meaning. The learning goal set by
Swainas applied for the purpose of developing morphosyntactic knowl-
edgemay be more easily attainable in the context of text-based electronic
communication because students attention to form (particularly verbal end-
ings) is more explicit than in normal oral discourse. At the same time, a focus
on meaning represents the ultimate goal of CMC interactions, irrespective of
the relative degree of attention to form (e.g., Chapman, 1996; Chun, 1994;
Kelm, 1992; Kern, 1995; Warschauer, 1996a, b).
Second, goal-oriented processing of the L2 appears to be an important fac-
tor in L2 development (e.g., Anderson, 1990; Lantolf, 1995; Schn, 1983;
Zinchenko, 1979). We note also that interaction in CMC settings is normally
associated with goal-oriented language use (e.g., e-mail discussion forums
based on voluntary participation). In consequence, text-based electronic com-
munication is more likely to generate a deep level of cognitive processing by
linking goals and means to obtain those objectives (see Kern, 1995;
Warschauer, 1996a, b). For instance, Zinchenko (1979, p.309) argues that
material connected with the goal of an action is recalled more effectively than
the same material when it is connected with the means of an action. Similarly,
Schn (1983, p.68) claims that the reflective practitioner does not keep means
and ends separate, but defines them interactively as he frames a problematic
situation. In the area of L2 acquisition in particular, Lantolf (1995, p.28)
claims that interacting in the L2 (Long, 1985) or noticing the formal features
of the L2 (Schmidt, 1990) are necessary but not sufficient conditions for L2
8 M.R. SALABERRY
2 Even though oral exchanges may be taped and transcribed as well, the investment of time
and effort is relatively high compared to the simple procedure required to generate a copy
of the electronic conversational exchange.
L2 MORPHOSYNTACTIC DEVELOPMENT 9
3 In cases when there is no such buffer zone between writing and posting messages, the
writer still has the benefit of additional time compared to on-line oral discourse.
10 M.R. SALABERRY
ed verbal ending marks tense distinctions only (i.e., past), Spanish uses a sin-
gle verbal ending to signal both tense and aspectual distinctions. The differ-
ence between tense and aspect is important: whereas tense signals the time
reference of a situation (e.g., present versus past), aspect defines its internal
temporal contour (e.g., bounded versus unbounded). For instance, in past tense
Spanish, the perfective aspect (preterite) depicts the temporal situation as a
single unanalysable whole, whereas the imperfective (imperfect) describes the
internal temporal structure of the same situation (Comrie, 1976). The follow-
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4 Andersen posited that the four additional stages (5 to 8) represented the use of verbal end-
ings that contradicted the lexical aspectual value of the verb to account for the native-like
use of both verbal markers irrespective of verb type used.
L2 MORPHOSYNTACTIC DEVELOPMENT 11
Schwartz, 1993). For instance, Schwartz states that inflectional endings are
among the most difficult features of non-native languages for adult learners:
highest amount of variability and lowest degree of success (p.159). Similarly,
Paradis claims that semantic distinctions such as tenseaspect contrasts are
associated with critical period effects. Interestingly, Schwartz and Paradis
(inter alia) also argue that learners with access to natural communication set-
tings (immersion in the target language) may be more successful than class-
room learners in learning past-tense verbal morphology. Previous data,
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however, have shown that among natural learners (i.e., with no access to
explicit instruction in the L2) the development of verbal endings is a slow and
gradual process which in some cases takes years, and in others merely leads
to fossilization (e.g., Klein et al., 1995; Perdue & Klein, 1992; Sato, 1988;
Schumann, 1987). For instance, Perdue and Klein (1992) argue that during the
first stages of L2 acquisition, learners develop a basic variety of the target lan-
guage which represents an equilibrium between semantic, pragmatic, and
phrasal constraints. Perdue and Klein remark that some natural language learn-
ers fossilize at this stage, while others develop their basic variety further to
make it conform to target-language standards. The learners who continue
developing their L2 system are the ones who perceive lexical and structural
inadequacies between the basic variety and the L2. In other words, communi-
cation demands (functional needs) may constitute a necessary but not suffi-
cient condition to reach native-like mastery of the L2 (see also Sato, 1988;
Schumann, 1987).
On the other hand, some studies have shown that classroom instruction may
have an effect on L2 development (e.g., Bardovi-Harlig, 1995; Bergstrm,
1995; Buczowska & Weist, 1991; Salaberry, 1998). For instance, Bardovi-
Harlig (1995, p.157) states that tutored learners seem to surpass untutored
learners in formal accuracy, an apparent advantage of instruction. Even more
strongly, Buczowska and Weist (1991) argue that tutored L2 learners do not
follow the same developmental sequence of L1 learners or untutored L2 learn-
ers in the acquisition of inflectional markers of tense and aspect in particular.
They further argue that the strongest version of Pienemanns (1987, 1989)
teachability hypothesis should be revised: natural sequences only place con-
straints on pedagogical practices, but they do not necessarily determine the
specific developmental stages of tutored learners. Classroom students who
have direct access to form-focused instruction, however, are faced with the
problem of having access to a limited range of contextualization of the target
language. Such contextualization appears to be essential for the processing of
12 M.R. SALABERRY
To the best of my knowledge, there are no empirical studies that have analysed
the potential effects of text-based CMC on the development of L2 morpho-
syntactic features, even though such grammatical markers figure prominently
in most classroom-based instruction. For that purpose I conducted a pilot study
to compare language used in face-to-face versus CMC conversational settings
among four classroom learners of L2 Spanish.7 More specifically, the pilot
5 The benefits of form-focused instruction are based on the assumption that language use
varies along a style-shifting continuum that goes from unattended speech (vernacular) to
most attended speech (careful style/grammatical intuitions) (Tarone, 1988). The rules pre-
sent in the highly monitored styles may eventually spread to the vernacular style across
time (Gatbonton, 1978).
6 Recent attempts to trigger instructional effects in the acquisition of verbal morphology based
on the implementation of pedagogical constraints (e.g., authentic readings, focused noticing
exercises, and controlled and free writing activities) have not, however, proved successful
(e.g., Bardovi-Harlig & Reynolds, 1995). On the other hand, some more successful peda-
gogical studies with a strong emphasis on the provision of positive inputas measured by
immediate post testshave failed to maintain instructional gains in the long run (e.g.,
Harley, 1989, for the acquisition of French pass composimparfait).
7 Most previous empirical studies on the acquisition of L2 aspect have relied on the analysis
of data from a limited number of subjects: a single learner (e.g., Kumpf, 1984; Robison,
1990; Schmidt & Frota, 1986; Trvise, 1987), two learners (Andersen, 1991; Sato, 1988), or
up to ten subjects (Schumann, 1987).
L2 MORPHOSYNTACTIC DEVELOPMENT 13
5.1. Subjects
The data for the present study are represented by three tasks performed by four
English-speaking students studying Spanish as a second language at a major
research university in the US. The following is a brief description of the most
important characteristics of the academic background of each subject (see
Table 1 for a summary).
S1 took Spanish in high school and completed the first two academic
semesters of Spanish at college level. At the time of the first interview she
was enrolled in the lower-level third semester Spanish course. She was plan-
ning to continue studying Spanish in the future because she had enjoyed her
experience at the college. S2 had had extensive experience with Spanish at
the high school level (4 years) and had taken the lower-level third semester
of Spanish in college. He was enrolled in the upper-level third semester class
at the time of the interview to fulfill the language requirement of his depart-
ment. S3 studied Latin in high school because he thought it was easier than
other spoken languages. He took the first two academic semesters of Span-
ish at the college level and he was enrolled in the upper-level third semester
course at the time of the interview. He was an English major and he was
8 An alternative approach is to analyse the use of past-tense aspectual markers with regard to
discourse factors such as foregroundbackground contrasts. However, there is an inherent
overlap in the prediction offered by the account based on the lexical semantic value of the
predicate and the discourse-based approach, since completed events and punctual events
sometimes define the notion of foreground (e.g., Bardovi-Harlig, 1995, p.266). Furthermore,
Bardovi-Harlig claims that the distinction of the predictions of each approach may be too
fine-grained for a study of interlanguage (p.286).
L2 MORPHOSYNTACTIC DEVELOPMENT 15
2. An informal oral interview in which the learners spoke about their experi-
ences learning Spanish in both academic and non-academic settings. The
interviews were conducted by the researcher and two students were inter-
viewed at once to generate as much studentstudent interaction as possible.9
3. An informal computer-mediated written exchange based mostly on the
topic of what the students did over the weekend. Computer mediation was
accomplished with the software program Aspects. The conversation
exchanges occurred in real time.10
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The oral interview lasted approximately one hour for each pair of subjects,
and was audiotaped, videotaped and transcribed in its entirety (the total
amount of recorded time for all interviews was approximately two hours and
forty minutes). For the collection of data in the CMC session the software pro-
gram Aspects was loaded to several computer terminals facing the wall in a
regular classroom to avoid possible eye contact among participants. Discus-
sions in Aspectsunlike e-mail listsrepresent a synchronous type of com-
munication: sending and receiving messages is almost instantaneous. In the
chat session of the Aspects program the students type their messages on the
bottom half of the screen where they can edit their comments before sending
them. When participants hit the enter key messages are posted to all partic-
ipants logged on that session. Messages are appended to previously posted
messages and students can scroll back and forth the top half of the screen to
review previously posted messages. All messages were identified by the name
of the sender. At the end of each session the transcript of the discussion was
saved and printed for the present analysis. As was the case for the oral inter-
view, each CMC session lasted approximately one hour.
6. DATA ANALYSIS
The data were analysed with respect to the use of morphological markers of
past tense (verb endings) in the three different contexts represented in this
study. The type of data collected for this study did not allow for the use of
inferential statistics. In contrast, the analysis was mostly qualitative as the
nature of this exploratory study was intended to analyse the factors that should
be considered in the research design of more controlled studies. The data, how-
ever, were quantified when necessary for the purpose of showing general
trends in the use of past-tense verbal morphology across tasks.
9 In one case, one student (S1) was alone during the oral interview because the other partici-
pant scheduled for that session had dropped out of the study. On the other hand, S4 was inter-
viewed with a fifth participant who did not complete the grammar task and whose data were,
consequently, not considered for this analysis.
10 There was a delay time of at least one week and not more than two weeks between each task
(the differences in delay times were due to particular constraints of the students schedules).
16 M.R. SALABERRY
The results of the first task (grammar test) were transformed into percent-
ages of adequate suppliance of past-tense verbs (correct options were deter-
mined by means of judgement data from three native speakers who reached
100% agreement in their choices). The percentages of correct responses per
subject are shown in Table 2. As we can see, all learners supplied a high per-
centage of the past-tense forms of the verbs represented in the passage. Fur-
thermore, the incorrect use of the morphological markers of past tense (i.e.,
preterite or imperfect) was relatively low (except for the case of subject 2). In
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sum, all learners demonstrated a relatively high level of knowledge of the tar-
get grammatical structure when they were provided with adequate amounts of
planning time.
The data from the interaction tasks were tabulated in a similar way. First, all
verbs referring to a past time context were coded for verbal morphology. Then
the number of verbs used by each learner was counted and later classified by
aspectual marking in both the oral and electronic communication sessions.11
Tables 3 and 4 show the results from the open-ended communication tasks. A
comparative analysis of these data shows that the length of the conversational
exchanges mediated by computer was shorter than similar exchanges in the oral
conversation. This is not surprising because typing a response requires more
time than simply providing an oral response. Furthermore, a detailed analysis of
the transcripts showed that students were more likely to shift the focus of the
conversation during the electronic communication sessions than in the face-to-
face session. Hence, the researcher was less likely to keep the focus of the dis-
cussion on past-tense events. As a consequence of the above-mentioned factor,
the number of verb tokens in past-tense contexts was lower for the computer-
mediated conversation. In the following section I will present a more extended
analysis of the data with respect to the potential different outcomes between
interactional settings (i.e., CMC and face-to-face environments).
Table 2. Results of Grammar Task in Percentages.
11 The number of verbs marked with present tense reported in Tables 3 and 4 corresponds to
verbs used in past-tense temporal contexts: present tense instead of imperfective or perfec-
tive past tense.
L2 MORPHOSYNTACTIC DEVELOPMENT 17
7. DISCUSSION
The present discussion will focus on three major factors arguably represented
in these data: use of verbal morphology, evidence of scaffolding, and indica-
tors of power relationships. First, with respect to the use of past-tense verbal
morphology across tasks, some initial changes in the development of mor-
phological endings were more evident in the CMC session than in the oral ses-
sion. Two other findings were related to the nature of the interaction across
communication media: interlocutor scaffolding was likely to promote the use
of target-like morphological markers of past tense in both electronic and face-
to-face environments, and power relationships among interlocutors were more
salient in the face-to-face session than in the oral session (e.g., limited
researchers control of the use of the target grammatical form in the CMC ses-
sion). I will discuss these findings in the order in which they were presented.
First, it is important to point out that the CMC session shared at least one
important feature with each one of the other two tasks: it was an open-ended,
on-line communication task (cf. face-to-face oral conversation) and it was
implemented in a written environment (cf. grammar task). In consequence, the
written format of the CMC session was expected to increase the likelihood that
learners would monitor language form (cf. Sato, 1988), at the same time that
18 M.R. SALABERRY
the functional demands of the CMC task were made comparable to the func-
tional goals implemented in the oral face-to-face session. Indeed, the data
revealed some differences in the use of past-tense markers across interactional
settings that may signal developmental changes. For instance, whereas both S1
and S2 used present-tense morphology in contexts requiring past-tense mark-
ing in the oral face-to-face setting, the same learners rarely used present tense
during interactions in the CMC session (cf. data from Tables 3 and 4). Fur-
thermore, a more detailed analysis of types and tokens of the data reveals that
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some learners marked some verbs with both past-tense markers (i.e., preterite
and imperfect) in the CMC session but not in the face-to-face session. For
instance, S3 used the imperfect past-tense marker 33 times (tokens) with seven
verb types in the face-to-face session: 24 tokens of the total number (approxi-
mately 75%) corresponded to two verbs: tener (to have) with 8 tokens and ser
(to be) with 16 tokens. In contrast, in the data from the electronic interaction,
S3 used the verb tener three times with the imperfective and twice with the per-
fective, and the verb ser once with the imperfective and five times with the per-
fective. That is, S3 started to mark stative verbs with both past-tense markers
(i.e., imperfect and preterite), and in so doing he appears to be moving away
from exclusive reliance on the use of a single verbal ending (imperfect) for sta-
tive verbs (e.g., to be and to have). Recall that within Andersens framework
such behaviour represents a closer approximation to target-like performance.
It is important to point out that, in the above-mentioned data, S3 was not
merely shifting the use of aspectual markers associated with stative verbs from
imperfective to perfective. For instance, in the following excerpt from the
CMC task the stative verb tener que (to have to) was marked with perfective:
R: Muy bien Cmo pasaste el fin de semana?
S3: Bien. Tuve que ir a la ciudad de Nueva York para ver al doctor.
R: Well. How was your weekend?
S3: Good. I had to go to NY to see the doctor.
However, a few turns later the same student used the imperfective marker,
a reflection, perhaps, of the yet unstable nature of this incipient developmen-
tal stage.
R: Qu recuerdas de la operacin?
S3: Tena que esperar en la sala de esperas por ms tiempo que
tena que estar en el saln.
R: What do you remember from the operation?
L2 MORPHOSYNTACTIC DEVELOPMENT 19
S3: I had to wait in the waiting room for a longer time than I had
to spend in the (operation) room.
The importance of the above-mentioned example is that the learner appears
to be approximating native-speaker standards in which the use of past-tense
verbal endings reflects semantic aspectual distinctions not represented in the
learners native language.
A final difference between interactional settings that should be noted is the
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fact that the percentage of verbs marked with imperfective is lower in the elec-
tronic communication environment than in the face-to-face session. This is
possibly due to the fact that background information (correlated with imper-
fective aspect) is more likely to be expressed in longer pieces of discourse (oral
discourse) (see Silva-Corvaln, 1983). In sum, the above-mentioned contrasts
in the use of past-tense morphology across communication environments were
based on the analysis of specific developmental features of the acquisition of
past-tense marking (cf. Andersen, 1986, 1991; Salaberry, 1999) that may have
important consequences for language development. In particular, it was shown
that the first signs of change in past-tense morphological marking were more
evident in the CMC setting than the face-to-face session. Arguably, the specific
characteristics of the medium of communication represented in CMC may
increase the chances that learners will focus their attention on both function
and form, thereby increasing the likelihood that morphological development
will occur in such an environment rather than in face-to-face settings (see Sal-
aberry, in-press; Thorne, 1999).12
Apart from the analysis of the use of verbal morphology, it is important to
note two relevant differences in interactional dynamics between each com-
munication medium. First, both conversational settings reflected a relative
degree of scaffolding. Scaffolding is defined here as the conditions created by
a knowledgeable person that may help the less experienced participant extend
and improve his/her knowledge of the language system (e.g., Donato, 1994).
The process of scaffolding, however, was most evident in the electronic com-
munication session. For instance, the following exchanges between S1 and the
researcher in the CMC session reveal the powerful effect of a knowledgeable
peer in the use of a morphological marker not completely under the control of
the learner (see Ahmed & Lantolf, 1994; Donato, 1994).
R: Por qu? Qu hacan que no te gustaba S1?
S1: En clase, hacamos ejercicios que no los ayudan. Todos los
ejercicios estaban muy aburrido.
12 In fact, it is possible that the small scale of this exploratory study was not sufficient to reveal
substantial quantitative differences across treatments. Subsequent studies based on a larger
number of subjects may provide confirmatory data of the above-mentioned trend identified
in the present study.
20 M.R. SALABERRY
su marida.
S1: Por qu necesitaba dinero? Por qu no trabaja?
S3: A man needed money and he had two men take his wife.
S1: Why did he need money? Why doesnt he work?
In essence, the process of scaffolding triggered the few instances of the use
of imperfect by S1. Arguably, this process may have been more successful in
the CMC session for a variety of reasons, most likely a combination of them,
including access to the written medium as well as the reliance on more oppor-
tunities for interaction with other students (see below).
Another important factor related to interactional dynamics was that the dif-
ferent demands of each communication medium generated differences in
power relationships. In effect, the nature of the power relationship of normal
face-to-face communication was represented differently in the CMC environ-
ment (see Clark & Brennan, 1991; Spears & Lea, 1994; Walther et al., 1994;
inter alia). For instance, as mentioned in the data collection procedure, the par-
ticular agenda of the interviewer (researcher) was to trigger as many instances
of past time contexts as possible in both communication settings. This goal
was easy to accomplish during face-to-face interaction as revealed by the fact
that students never changed the major topic of discussion initiated by the
researcher even though they were encouraged to do so from the very begin-
ning. In the following excerpt S1 and S2 took turns to address the question
posed by the researcher (responses show only opening statements from each
speaker).
R: Cmo aprendieron espaol?
S1: Cuando era en la escuela secundaria . . .
S2: Ah tom cuatros aos de espaol en la escuela secundaria . . .
S1: S, yo tambin la escuela secundaria . . .
R: How did you learn Spanish?
L2 MORPHOSYNTACTIC DEVELOPMENT 21
researchers questions and, in other cases, they provided succinct answers fol-
lowed by their own personal questions about other topics (which they
addressed to other students):
R: Qu hacan?
R: Me refiero a clases de espaol que ustedes tomaron antes.
S2: S1, qu tipo de cerveze te gusta?
S2: Cerveza, lo siento.
S1: Escucho a msica, como, hablo con mis compaeros, y bailo.
S1: No tomo cervezas.
S2: Bailas en clase?
S2: Creo que no.
R: What did you do?
R: Im talking about the Spanish classes that you took before.
S2: S1, what type of beer do you like?
S2: Beer I mean.
S1: I listen to music, eat, speak with my classmates, and I dance.
S1: I dont drink beer.
S2: Do you dance in class?
S2: I dont think so.
The previous finding is not surprising considering that both roles and top-
ics may be affected by the context in which the data are collected. For instance,
Coughlan and Duff (1994, p.189) state that in laboratory-like tasks partici-
pants may subvert the immediate goal . . . in their search for appropriate inter-
actional roles during the course of a task. Arguably, the characteristics of the
medium represented in CMC provided students with a more likely
environment than the face-to-face session to depart from the established goals
prompted by the researcher. In fact, Swain (1995) describes the reasons why
an empirical study targeting the use of aspectual distinctions in L2 French did
not reveal any differences in the use of the selected target grammatical
22 M.R. SALABERRY
8. CONCLUSION
13 In fact, Swain did find significant differences between experimental groups in other mea-
surements of L2 production other than past-tense verbal endings.
L2 MORPHOSYNTACTIC DEVELOPMENT 23
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