Journal of Adolescence 1991, 14, 53-73

Amusement machine playing in childhood and

adolescence: A comparative analysis of
video games and fnait machines

MARK D. GRIFFITHS

The introduction of video games has met with mixed reviews. In the US,
an ongoing debate focusing on the potential problems of video game play-
ing has been taken up by parents, politicians and social scientists. A num-
ber of the concerns that have been raised about the playing of video games
in the US are very similar to the concerns raised about the playing of fruit
machines (slot machines) in the UK. This paper attempts to put the on-
going US and UK amusement machine debates into an empirical per-
spective and attempts a comparative analysis of video games and fruit
machines by examining: incidence of play, sex differences and psycho-
logical characteristics of machine players, observational findings in arcade
settings, the alleged negative consequences of amusement machine play-
ing (i.e. increased aggression and addiction), and an appraisal of amuse-
ment machines positive aspects. Future directions and an expanded
version of Browns (1989) developmental model of a pathology of man-
machine relationships are also discussed.

INTRODUCTION

The introduction of video games has met with mixed reviews (Creasey
and Myers, 1986). In the US, an ongoing debate focusing on the potential
problems of video game playing has been taken up by parents, politicians
and social scientists (Greenburg, 1981; Mandel, 1983), however, as Anderson
and Ford (1986) point out, the debate has probably generated more heat
than light. It is interesting to note that many of the concerns raised about
the playing of video games in the US are very similar to the concerns
raised about the playing of fruit machines (slot machines) in the UK. Both
video games and fruit machines, which come under the generic label of
amusement machines, are potentially addictive, and have led to a num-
ber of allegations of delinquency (via dependency) including burglary,

*Reprint requests should be addressed to Mark Griffiths, Department of Psychology, Poly-

technic South West, Drake Circus, Plymouth, Devon, PL4 8AA, UK.

0140-1971/91/010053 + 21 $03.00/0 01991 The Associationfor the PsychiatricStudy of Adolescents

54 M. D. GRIFFITHS

drug dealing, attempted murder, suicide, and prostitution (e.g. Gory,

1983; Griffiths, 1990~).
The main differences between the two types of machine are that video
games are played to accumulate as many points as possible, whereas fruit
machines are played (i.e. gambled upon) to accumulate as much money.
However, playing a video game could be considered as a non-financial
form of gambling, and taken to excess, both behaviors can be considered
non-substance addictions. The other major difference between video games
and fruit machines is that on video games the outcome is by and large a
product of skill, whereas on fruit machines the outcome is usually a pro-
duct of chance. Another minor difference is that fruit machines can only
be played upon in licensed premises (e.g. amusement arcades, casinos)
whereas video games can be delivered via four general hardware systems
-handheld, personal computer, home video console and arcades (Nawrocki
and Winner, 1983). However, most of the US debate on video games has
centered upon the playing of arcade video games.
This paper attempts to put the ongoing US and UK amusement ma-
chine debates into an empirical perspective and will attempt a comparative
analysis of video games and fruit machines by examining: incidence of play,
sex differences and psychological characteristics of machine players, ob-
servational findings in arcade settings, the alleged negative consequences
of amusement machine playing (i.e. increased aggression and addiction),
and an appraisal of amusement machines positive aspects. Future direc-
tions and an expanded version of Browns (1989) developmental model of
a pathology of man-machine relationships are also discussed.

AMUSEMENT MACHINES

Who plays them and how much?

Most surveys which have reported on the incidence of amusement ma-

chine playing among a general population have concluded that they are
most frequently played by male adolescents. In the US, approximately
nine out of ten teenagers play video games at some point during their ado-
lescent years (Atari, 1982; Gallup, 1982). According to Surrey (1982), the
clientele on video games can vary from business people and teenagers, to
women shoppers and young children, however it is the older teenage boys
who predominate. In a survey of 2000 video game players, Loftus and
Loftus (1983) reported that without exception the most frequent players
were teenage males. Incidence figures for video games in other countries
are lower than in the US, but the games are still mostly played by adoles-
 AMUSEMENT MACHINES IN CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE 55

cents. Since American adolescents have little access to fruit machines (i.e.
they are only found in licensed casinos where age admittance is a mini-
mum of 21-years-old) there are no incidence statistics. However, in the
UK, children and adolescents have ready access to both video games and
fruit machines. Table 1 outlines a comprehensive summary of UK re-
search studies on amusement machine playing in adolescence. Incidence
figures of amusement machine playing range between 13 per cent and 100
per cent depending upon the research methodology employed, and in nearly
all studies, males played upon both video and fruit machines significantly
more than females.

Sex differences

The significant association between gender and the frequency of video

game playing has been reported by many authors (e.g. Kaplan, 1983;
Trinkaus, 1983; Egli and Meyers, 1984) as has a similar finding between
gender and the frequency of fruit machine playing (e.g. Fisher, 1990;
NHTPC, 1988). Little explanation for why males play fruit machines
more than females has been offered, except by Griffiths (1988a; 1990~)
who in interviews with fruit machine addicts reported that his players
said gambling (was) a mans domain.
Explanations for the gender difference in video game playing have been
more forthcoming. One explanation may be the content of the games. As
Gutman (1982) has pointed put, video game software is usually designed
by males for males. For instance, Braun, Goupil, Giroux and Chagnon
(1986) reported that in 21 video games they examined, 12 contained ex-
clusively masculine images, two contained both masculine and feminine
images, seven contained neither and none contained exclusively female
images. In a study of 117 undergraduate video game players by Morlock,
Yando and Nigolean (1985), males reported that they play for competition
and to master the games. Females preferred more whimsical, less aggres-
sive and to some extent less demanding games than men [a finding also re-
ported by Malone (1981)]. This may be explained by social factors;
women have not been encouraged to express aggression in public and are
unlikely to feel comfortable with games of combat or war (Surrey, 1982).
Another factor which may be important in explaining sex differences is
that males on average perform better in visual and spatial skills, particu-
larly depth perception and image solving (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974).
These skills are essential in good video game playing since good hand-eye
coordination is needed, in addition to quick judgements of spatial rela-
tionships (Kiesler, Sproull and Eccles, 1983). Kiesler et al. (1983) note
that since boys would tend to score higher than girls on the evidence out-
Table 1. Summary of UK research studies on amusement machine playing in adolescents (f.m. = fruit machine; v.g. = video game)

Regular
Sample size Played players
Researcher(s) Year Total Male Female Age (X) ( % ) Research methodology

Waterman and Atkin 1985 451 (not specified) l+l8 77 9 Questionnaire to schoolchildren
Huff and Collinson 1987 100 100 0 IS-21 35 (f.m.) 24 (f.m.) Questionnaire to juvenile
60 (v.g.) 27 (v.g.) offenders
Barham 1987 329 163 166 11-16 51 19 Questionnaire to schoolchildren
Ashdown 1987 71 40 31 11-15 70 (f.m.) 23 (f.m.) Questionnaire/Interview to
76 (v.g.) - schoolchildren
National Housing and 1988 9752 S184 4434 13-16 64 (f.m.) 14 Questionnaire to schoolchildren
Town Planning Council 52 (v.g.)
Spectrum Childrens 1988 2434 1223 1211 1I-16 8.7 (f.m.1 Questionnaire to schoolchildren
Trust !8
Home Office 1988 1946 960 986 l&16 13 (f.m.) 6 (f.m.) Questionnaire to schoolchildren
11 (v.g.) 10 (v.g.)
14 (both)
Wyatt 1988a 634 386 248 11-15 59 (f.m.) - Questionnaire to schoolchildren
Wyatt I9886 194 (roughly 11-15 84 (f.m.) Questionnaire to schoolchildren
50-50)
Beverle>- Area 1989 SO (not specified) 1120+ 94 90 Questionnaire/Interview to
Management Committee unspecified young people
Leeds Polytechnic 1989 576 (not specified) 11-16 39 (f.m.) 6 Questionnaire to schoolchildren
44 (v.g.)
Brown 1989 134 (not specified) 12-16 44 (v.g.) - Questionnaire to schoolchildren
Bentall, Fisher, Kelly. 1989 213 160 50 15-51+ 100 (f.m.) 41 (f.rn.J Questionnaire to fruit machine
Bromley and Hawksworth (3 unrecorded) players
Griffiths 1990 8 8 0 I9 100 (f.m.) 100 (f.m.) Interviews with addicted
(b; c) SO (\,&) fruit machine players
Griffiths 1990 50 39 11 I-l-21 100 (f.m.) 34 (f.rn.) Questionnaire/Interviews to
(a; b) 68 (v.g.) fruit machine players
Rands and Hwper 1990 2817 (not spccitird) I l-16 20 (f.m.) 9 Questionnaire to schoolchildren
23 (v.g.) I0
 AMUSEMENT MACHINES IN CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE 57
lined, the fact that girls on average do not score as highly as boys could be
considered a discouraging factor in girls reluctance at playing video
games.

AMUSEMENT MACHINE PLAYING-A SOCIAL ACTIVITY?

There has been very little systematic research into whether video game
and fruit machine playing are largely social or non-social activities.
Brooks (1983) reported that in a survey of Los Angeles video game play-
ers, less than half the time in the video arcade was spent actually playing
video games and therefore concluded that video game playing was to some
degree a social activity. Braun, Goupil, Giroux and Chagnon (1986) sur-
veyed 18 video arcades and reported that most of the activity that takes
place is solitary. Of 498 clients observed, 297 were alone, 60 were in couples,
1.5 trios, six were in foursomes and two in quintets. Dominick (1984) re-
ported that over a fifth (21 per cent) of males played alone but only a small
proportion of females (6 per cent) did similarly.
Silnow (1984) reported that video game players use the machines as
electronic friends. This assertion had been tested experimentally by
Scheibe and Erwin (1979) who studied the conversations of people with
video games while they were playing them. Out of 40 subjects, spon-
taneous verbalizations were frequent and recorded in 39 cases, averaging
one comment every 40 seconds. They reported widespread use of pro-
nouns for the machine, i.e. it hates me, hes trying to get me or you
dumb machine, but interestingly no use of the pronoun she. The re-
marks themselves fell into two categories-direct comments to the machine
and simple exclamations or expletives. Scheibe and Erwin concluded that
players were reacting to video game machines as if they were people. A
similar finding has also been reported by Griffiths (1989~) in a study of the
cognitive activity of fruit machine players.
Research into the social nature of fruit machine playing has suggested
that the more time and money an individual spends playing on a fruit ma-
chine the more likely they are to be playing on their own (e.g. NHTPC,
1988; Griffiths, 1990~). The Home Office (1988) described fruit machine
playing as a predominantly gregarious, peer group centred activity
(p.22) in which going to the amusement arcade was the central focus of a
social event. In a survey by Bentall, Fisher, Kelly, Bromley and Hawksworth
(1989) it was reported that most of their respondents visited amusement
arcades alone, however they did report that young males tended to go with
their friends. A recent survey by Rands and Hooper (1990) has suggested
that typical adolescent males tend to play alone whereas female adoles-
58 M. D. GRIFFITHS
cents tend tc play with their friends. However the one problem with the
findings on the social nature of fruit machine playing is that the data col-
lected were obtained employing retrospective questionnaires. Griffiths
(19893) in a summary of his own observational studies has concluded that
although adolescents may meet at the arcade, more often than not they
play alone.

PSYCHOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PLAYERS

To date there have been no studies on the psychological characteristics of

fruit machine players, however a number of studies have examined the
psychological characteristics of video game players. McClure and Mears
(1984) reported that frequent video game players tend to be young, male,
and bright whereas infrequent players were older, female and not as
bright. In a second study, McClure and Mears (1986) examined the rela-
tionship between video game playing and several psychopathologies. Out
of 290 students, they examined differences between those who played
video games every day-the high rate (HR) players-and those who
played video games once or twice a month-the low rate (LR) players. It
was reported that HR players were not more conduct disordered, and did
not use drugs more, smoke more or drink alcohol more than LR players.
HR players were more extraverted but not more neurotic or achievement
oriented. The only significant difference was that HR players were sent
to the school office for minor disciplinary offences more often than LR
players. It was concluded that HR video game playing was not signifi-
cantly related to major measures of psychopathology.
Gibb, Bailey, Lambirth and Wilson (1983) examined whether personality
was related to high or low video game usage. Using the Bipolar Personal-
ity Inventory (BPI) and its derivatives on 280 students, Gibb and his col-
leagues reported that of the 24 possible significant differences only one
became apparent. In females, achievement motivation and length of experi-
ence in playing video games were positively correlated. It was concluded
that there was little evidence to indicate that video games encourage social
isolation, anger, anti-social behavior and compulsivity. Additionally,
there were no significant differences between high and low frequency
video game users along the personality dimensions of social withdrawal,
hostility, self-esteem and social deviancy.
Kestenbaum and Weinstein (1985) reported that 76 high frequency
video game players (from a total of 447 school students) showed no differ-
ences to the rest of the subjects on neuroticism, extraversion and day-
dreaming scales. High frequency players reported playing when they were
 AMUSEMENT MACHINES IN CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE 59

tense or wound up, but were more relaxed once they had finished play-
ing. It was concluded that frequent video game use neither results in nor
relates to global psychopathology or social introversion and that video
game players are for the most part healthy adolescents. However, fre-
quent players were in trouble with the police significantly more than low
frequency players. However Kestenbaum and Weinstein argued there was
no evidence that video game use either causes or contributes to this delin-
quency.
From the sparse evidence outlined it would appear that video game
players seem to possess little in the way of a uniform personality, except
that it is not related to any major global psychopathology. The studies
outlined seem to suggest that video game players show higher levels of
minor delinquency than non- or less regular players, however, it has yet to
be ascertained whether video game playing either causes or contributes to
this finding.

AMUSEMENT MACHINES AND AGGRESSION

One of the main concerns that has constantly been raised against video
games is that most of the games feature some form of aggressive meta-
phor, and this has led some people to state (without empirical evidence) that
children become more aggressive after playing such games (Koop, 1982;
Zimbardo, 1982). This issue has not however, been widely researched.
There is a much reported link between violence on television and violence
in childrens behavior, that is, those children who view television violence
subsequently show increases in their aggressive reactions (e.g. Berkowitz,
1970; Andison, 1977; Eron, 1982). Silvern, Williamson and Countermine
(1983~) have noted the similarities between television and video games;
both have entertainment value, violent content, and various physical fea-
ture similarities (action, pace and visual change).
Most video games are violent in nature and feature death and destruc-
tion (Dominick, 1984; Loftus and Loftus, 1983). In a survey reported by
Bowman and Rotter (1983), 85 per cent of video games that were exam-
ined (n=28) involved participants in acts of simulated destruction, killing
or violence. Little is known about the possible long term effects of playing
violent video games, but great concern has been raised that video games
may have a greater adverse effect on children than television because of
the childs actiwe involvement. Television is only a passive, one way com-
municative medium (Bowman and Rotter, 1983). Greenfield (1984) has
further pointed out that children prefer video games over television be-
cause there is greater control.
 Table 2. Summary of published studies on video games and aggression in children

Researcher(s) Year N Age Method Finding

Dominick 1984 250 l Oth-11 th grade Questionnaire Significant relationship between video
game playing and aggressive delinquency

Kestenbaum and Weinstein 1984 208 11-14 years Questionnaire Aggressive videos have a calming effect
Eysenck short form
Extroversion and
Neuroticism Scale
(1958)
Singer and Antrobus
Day Dreaming Scale
(1970)

Graybill, Kirsch and Esselman 1985 116 2nd-6th grade Rosenzweig P-F Study Fewer defensive fantasies; more assertive
(1978) fantasies

Cooper and Vlackie 1986 84 4th and Observation of free play Girls increase in aggression. No effect
5th grade in boys

Anderson and Ford 1986 60 Undergraduates Multiple Affect Higher aggression video games increased
Adjective Checklrst hostility

Silvern and Williamson 1987 28 4-6 years Observation of free play Increase in aggression

Graybill, Strawniak, Hunter and 1987 126 2nd-6th grade Rosenzweig P-F Study No increase in aggression
OLeary Response Hierarchy
Measure
Pushbutton behavioural
Measure

Winkel. Novak and Hopson 1987 56 8th grade Heart Rate/Role Play No increase in aggression

Schutte, Malouff, Post-Garden 1988 31 5-7 years Observation of free play Increase in aggression
and Rodasta
 AMUSEMENT MACHINES IN CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE 61

Research into the effects of violent video games is steadily growing.

There are at present only a handful of published studies examining the
possible aggression link between video games and childrens subse-
quent behavior, and these have only examined the short term effects (see
Table 2).
A number of studies have examined the differences in childrens behavior
after playing an aggressive video game. Silvern and his associates (Silvern,
Williamson and Countermine, 1983a; 19833; Silvern and Williamson,
1987) have found that individual 4-6 year old children became more aggres-
sive relative to a baseline condition when they were observed during free
play after an aggressive video game. However they also reported (19833)
that children playing in pairs seemed to reduce aggressive behavior.
Cooper and Mackie (1986) observed the free play of 9-10 year old chil-
dren in the toy room after playing and watching aggressive video games.
They reported that girls aggressive activity significantly increased al-
though boys remained unaffected. Both Cooper and Mackie (1986) and
Silvern and Williamson (1987) noted there were no significant differences
in aggression levels between active video game players and passive video
game observers. Schutte, Malouff, Post-Gorden and Rodasta (1988) also
observed the free play of S-7 year old children after playing an aggressive
video game and concluded that the childs subsequent behavior is similar
to the character the individual controlled while playing the video game,
for instance, those who p1ayed.a jungle video game played with jungle like
toys whereas those who played the violent video game became more aggres-
sive.
Apart from observing childrens free play, the presence of increased ag-
gression has been measured in other ways. In a questionnaire study of
teenagers, Dominick (1984) found that video game playing was correlated
with aggression, however when the effects of other factors were taken
out, the correlation between video games and aggression became non-
significant. Anderson and Ford (1986) measured hostility using the Mul-
tiple Affect Adjective Checklist after undergraduates had played either
very aggressive or mildly aggressive video games. Their results indicated
that the playing of aggressive video games can have short term negative
effects on the players emotional state and that players of the highly aggres-
sive video game showed increased hostility and anxiety.
Two studies by Graybill and his associates (Graybill, Kirsch and Essel-
man, 1985; Graybill, Strawniak, Hunter and OLeary, 1987) have suggested
that video games may have short term beneficial effects for children.
Graybill, Kirsch and Esselman (1985) reported that children (6-l 1 year
olds) exhibited fewer defensive fantasies and tended to exhibit more as-
sertive fantasies after playing violent video games. Aggression was assessed
62 M. D. GRIFFITHS

using the Rosenzweig Picture-Frustration (P-F) Study-a projective test.

In a further study, Graybill, Strawniak, Hunter and OLeary (1987) used
a behavioral measure (apparatus in which children could push buttons to
hurt or help another child) in addition to two self report measures (the
Response Hierarchy Measure and the Rosenzweig P-F Study). These
were administered after the playing of violent and non-violent video
games. No significant differences were recorded. Graybill and his associ-
ates concluded there may be differences between television viewing and
video game playing. One obvious difference reported was that although
the video games content may be violent, the graphics are not nearly as real-
istic as televised violence. However, the possibility of longer term effects
was not ruled out.
Winkel, Novak and Hopson (1987) in a study involving young
teenagers found that after playing violent video games there was no in-
crease in aggression towards peers in a pretend teacher/learner role play
situation, and no significant differences in heart rate. In the short term,
Winkel, Novak and Hopson concluded that teenagers do not mimic the
simulated televised violence they see.
These few studies examining the effects of video games on childrens
aggression only involved a measure of possible short term aggressive con-
sequences. A majority of the studies-especially on very young children,
as opposed to those in their teens upwards-tended to show that children
do become more aggressive after either playing or watching a violent
video game, however there is much speculation as to whether the pro-
cedures used to measure aggression levels are valid and reliable. Research
into the effects of long term exposure to video games on subsequent ag-
gressive behavior is noticeably lacking and at present remains speculative.
There is little evidence to suggest that playing fruit machines makes
adolescents more aggressive, however this is probably because no-one as
yet has addressed the question directly. There is a small body of findings,
which suggests that some fruit machine players may show signs of aggres-
sive behavior due to their fruit machine playing. Moran (1987) noted in a
study of headteachers subjective reports, seven schools out of 30 claimed
the playing of fruit machines had caused more aggressive behavior in their
children; although no evidence was given as to how fruit machines were
directly responsible for the reported aggressive behavior.
Griffiths (1990~2) reported that one of the moods fruit machine players
can experience is anger, usually as a result of a heavy financial loss during
a playing session. The anger can then be expressed as a form of aggres-
sion, for instance, the putting of ones fist through the machine (admit-
tedly a rare occurrence). It has also been reported by Griffiths (1989~) that
fruit machine players can be verbally aggressive towards a fruit machine
 AMUSEMENT MACHINES IN CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE 63

when asked to think aloud while playing, however these verbal outbursts
are probably context specific (i.e. occurring only when playing a fruit ma-
chine). Much research needs to be done before a link can be established
between fruit machine playing and aggression.

AMUSEMENT MACHINES AND ADDICTION

Are amusement machines detrimental to a young persons healthy de-

velopment? is the question at the center of almost all debate concerning
the playing of amusement machines. A popular argument against amuse-
ment machines is that they are potentially addictive and that their over-
use can produce excessive and irrational behavior (Anderson and Ford,
1986; Griffiths, 1989~). This is probably due to the fact that in their re-
spective countries, both video games (US) and fruit machines (UK) have
low stakes and can be found in a myriad of locations including cafes, bars,
restaurants, hotels, cinema foyers, arcades, etc. (Surrey, 1982; Bowman
and Rotter, 1983; Griffiths, 19883).
A number of researchers (e.g. Soper and Miller, 1983) have argued that
video game addiction and fruit machine addiction are like any other
behavioral addiction, consisting of compulsive behavioral involvement, a
lack of interest in other activities, association mainly with other addicts,
and physical and mental symptoms when attempting to stop the behavior
(e.g. the shakes).
Undeniably, amusement machines can absorb a lot of childrens time
and money. Egli and Meyers (1984) interviewed 15 1 adolescent video
game players and reported that 20 (13 per cent) were heavy users who
showed compulsive components and made many sacrifices by giving up
going to the cinema, buying clothes, records and food as well as sacrificing
sporting activities. McClure and Mears (1984) found that in a sample of
336 high school students, 15 per cent of their subjects played video games
to escape outside pressures and 26 per cent used part or all of their lunch
money to finance their video game playing.
Much of the evidence for video game addiction in the US is of an
anecdotal nature. For instance Klein (1984) reported that the number one
spoken pre-occupation of the children he counselled with oppositional or
conduct disorders was video game playing. He received an unspecified
number of reports from parents and teachers who reported that their chil-
dren were spending their lunch money at the arcade, stealing or begging
on street comers in order to get their video game fix. Evidence for signs
of fruit machine addiction in the UK are still quite sparse but steadily
growing. Nearly all the studies in fruit machine playing (outlined in Table 1)
 Table 3. Summary of UK research studies showing signs of fruit machine dependency

Dependency sign
Heav)
Using Truanq playing Irritable
Borrowing lunch from (four or more if not Chasing
Iey money Stealing school/job times week) playing
Researchers Year ( %r) ( %) ( W,) ( %) (4,) (/o)
~___
Huff and Collinson 1987 - 28 18 -

Barham 1987 16.3 - 3.2 0.9 3

National Housing and 1988 35 16.7 7.1 6.2 5 -

Town Planning Council

Spectrum Childrens Trust 1988 16.5 - 4.3 4.3 - -

Home Office 1988 - 2 -

Beverly Area Management 1989 4 (22)X - 51

Committee

Leeds Polytechnic 1989 20 10 7 6

Griffiths 1990a 21(3x)* 1X 12 (18)# 18 (32) 6 x

Rands and Hooper 1990 7.3 3.6 1.5x* I .6 2 -

.8XXf

*May hare only happened once; **from family members; *from outside farnil!
 AMUSEMENT MACHINES IN CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE 65

have shown that a small minority of individuals have severe behavioral

problems as a result of their excessive fruit machine playing. The debate
centers around how big the minority is. Table 3 outlines those studies
which have reported negative consequences of fruit machine playing which
could be taken as signs of fruit machine dependency. A number of studies
have reported the use of lunch money to play fruit machines (NHTPC,
1988; Griffiths, 1990~; Rands and Hooper, 1990), stealing to play fruit ma-
chines (e.g. Barham, 1987; Spectrum Childrens Trust, 1988) and truant-
ing to play fruit machines (e.g. NHTPC, 1988; Leeds Polytechnic, 1989;
Griffiths, 1990a), as well as a range of other behaviors (e.g. borrowing
money, heavy playing, chasing losses, irritability when not playing) which
may be indicators of potential fruit machine dependence. Although there
is a dearth of hard data concerning fruit machine/ video game addiction
it is clear from the studies outlined that some individuals (and quite poss-
ibly a significant minority) have a bona fide gaming dependency.

AMUSEMENT MACHINES

Positive aspects

In addition to the alleged negative consequences of amusement ma-

chine playing (i.e. increased aggressiveness and addiction), there are many
who ardently support the use of video games, and to a much less extent
fruit machines, for a variety of reasons.
Silvem (1986) has noted that some children may only be drawn into
learning through fun and has argued that classroom video games would be
of educational use. Loftus and Loftus (1983) have advocated three ways in
which video games could be put to use educationally. They propose that
there should be specifically designed games to run on computers already
in school, that educational games should be marketed for the home com-
puter and that video arcade games should be modified to include educational
features. Similar recommendations have been put forward by Chaffin,
Maxwell and Thompson (1982).
Malone (1981), in what has become a pioneering study on the use of
video games in education, concluded that the three primary factors in in-
trinsic motivation for video game play were challenge, curiosity and fan-
tasy. The use of these components in the design of a video game could not
only make the games more fun, but also more educational. Sutton Smith
(cited in Surrey, 1982) argues that video games are a good influence be-
cause they give children access to state of the art technology. It has also
been similarly argued by Gordon (cited in Surrey, 1982) that video games
66 M. D. GRIFFITHS

give children and adolescents a sense of confidence, and equip them with
computer related skills for the future, a connection that has also been
echoed by Loftus and Loftus (1983). Although these authors support the
educational use of video games, it must be pointed out that they have not
voiced their open support for arcade video game machines per se.
One area in which there is a growing use of video games is in the testing
of skilled motor performances (Nawrocki and Winner, 1983). The Perform-
ance Evaluation Tests for Environmental Research (PETER) project has
already demonstrated that some electronic video games are reliable and
valid measures of psychomotor skills (Carter, Kennedy and Bittner, 1980;
Jones, 1981). It has also been reported that the US Army uses video games
to train gunners (Trachtman, 1981) and that US Navy officials have fre-
quented video arcades to recruit trainees with the promise that the US
Navy has more games with better quality on offer (Soper and Miller, 1983)!
Video games are also employed in therapeutic contexts (Leerhsen,
Zabarsky, and McDonald, 1983). For instance, video game therapy has
been used by Lynch (1981; 1983) f or various types of disorders (e.g.
stroke patients). Not only can video game performance be compared be-
tween patients and normals, but playing video games can be used as a
training aid to some cognitive and perceptual-motor disorders.
Supporters of amusement machines argue that both video game and
fruit machine playing promote social interaction and growth (Favaro,
1982; Home Office, 1988). Fruit machine playing is about risk taking,
thrills, and excitement, emotional highs and lows, and requiring the re-
spect and admiration of ones peers. And it is also about testing the
boundaries of right and wrong, expressing ones emerging independence
to the outside world, and ultimately, reaching towards adulthood (Home
Office, 1988, p.35). It has also been argued that the aggressive content of
video games actually allows the players to release their stress and aggres-
sion in a non-destructive way and has the effect of relaxing the players
(Bowman and Rotter, 1983; Kestenbaum and Weinstein, 1985). Further
theraputic effects of video games that have been cited include increased
hand-eye coordination, attention span and motivation (Butterfield, 1983),
the enhancement of cognitive skills (Greenfield, 1983), a sense of mastery,
control and accomplishment (Anderson and Ford, 1986) and a reduction
in other youth problems due to the addictive interest in video games
(Anderson and Ford, 1986)!

Future directions

Interest in the topic of video games and fruit machines is growing but
there is little survey data, and much of what has been written could best
 AMUSEMENT MACHINES IN CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE 67

be described as armchair theorizing or anecdotal. From the summaries

of adolescent amusement machine studies, it is evident that although
more research has been carried out into the playing of video games, many
of the research findings on video games (in the US) and fruit machines (in
the UK) parallel each other in many ways. Amusement machines on both
sides of the Atlantic are typically played upon by older male adolescents,
some of whom develop gaming machine addictions which can cause a
number of negative behavioral consequences.
In future research programs it would be beneficial to adapt the DSM-
III-R criteria of pathological gambling (American Psychiatric Associ-
ation, 1987) for use in the monitoring of gaming machine addictions (see
Table 4). By using the adapted DSM-III-R nine-point checklist, it would
be possible to record objective measures of incidence of probable amuse-
ment machine addicts.
Much research needs to be carried out into the roots, causes and inci-
dence of addictive amusement machine play, as well as into the families of
such individuals, and the impact of addictive playing on schooling. It would
also be useful to illustrate particular problem cases highlighting arcade as-
sociated difficulties, maybe even following single case studies longitudi-
nally and recording developmental features of the adolescent amusement
machine player at large. This would help determine the variables which
influence how adolescents learn to play amusement machines. Observa-
tional work by Griffiths (19893) and reports from Gamblers Anonymous
(Moody, 1990) have suggested that excessive amusement machine playing
may be age related like other deviant adolescent behaviors (e.g. glue snif-
fing) since there is little evidence of excessive play by people over the age
of 25 years either in arcades or at Gamblers Anonymous meetings. How-

Table 4. Adaption of DSM-III-R criteria of pathological gambling (APA, 1987)

to amusement machine play

Have you ever done any of the following?

1. Frequently play and obtain money to play

2. Frequently play with larger amounts of money
3. Need to play more to get more excited
4. Restless if you cant play
5. Return to win back your losses
6. Make repeated efforts to stop playing
7. Play instead of going to school/job
8. Sacrifice other activities to play
9. Continue to play even when you owe money

If a player answers yes to four or more of the above questions s/he is probably an amuse-

ment machine addict.

68 M. D. GRIFFITHS

ever, more research into the development of excessive amusement ma-

chine playing behavior needs to be carried out to confirm such findings.
In addition, research needs to be done to see which factors correlate best
with the establishment of habitual amusement machine play.
Expanding on Browns (1989) developmental model of a pathology of
man-machine relationships, it could be that addicted amusement ma-
chine players were previously television addicts and possibly go on to
become pathological gamblers (see Table 5). In chronological terms, the
child may invest an abnormal amount of time watching television because
of parent and/or peer deprivation becoming a continuous passive observer.
At some later stage, the child/adolescent may discover television has an
active medium, that is, the playing of video games in which the child is
psychologically rewarded through interaction and decision making via the
television screen. At the next stage the discovery of fruit machines is made
(probably as an adult in the US and an adolescent in the UK). At this
stage, the rewards during man-machine interaction are both psychological
and financial (i.e. the player has the chance to win money). It is in the final
stage that the player may become a pathological gambler when s/he dis-
covers that other forms of gambling (e.g. horse-race betting, card playing,
casino gambling or even gambling on the stock market) have psychologi-
cal and financial rewards but also require a greater level of skill than fruit
machine playing.
Although predictions from this type of model are hard to test, retro-
spective questionnaire and interview studies may reveal that video game
or fruit machine addicts were once constant television viewers or that

Table 5. A dez~elopmental model of a possible route from a television Gwer to pathological

gambler

(US) (UK)

Television Video game Fruit machine Pathological

addict addict addict gambler

f t

(passive observer) (active participant: (active participant: (active participant:

psychological psychological and psychological and
rewards) financial rewards) financial rewards
at a greater
skill level)
 AMUSEMENT MACHINES IN CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE 69

pathological horse-race gamblers were once addicted to fruit machine

playing. However, a greater research pay off would come from longitudi-
nal studies (rather than cross-sectional and retrospective studies) which
might establish a long term outcome of adolescent amusement machine
addiction. As Brown (1989) noted in a similar model to the one outlined
above, the theory may require more than merely an a priori refutation.
Such research may help in identifying potentially vulnerable adolescents
or help in establishing programs for clinical intervention. For instance, it
may be profitable to administer the adapted DSM-III-R checklist (in
Table 4) to school truants as it is likely that such a group would show
higher levels of gaming dependency than the normal population. How-
ever, such a proposition is based on what is currently known. Until there is
an established body of research literature on adolescent amusement ma-
chine play, directions for prevention, intervention and treatment will re-
main limited in scope.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author would like to thank the Economic and Social Research Council
for funding this work through a Research Studentship Grant. The author
would also like to thank Stephen Lea and Paul Webley for their help in
the preparation of this manuscript.

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