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1, 1996 41
The military regimes of the sixties and after (the so called 'new authoritarian-
ism'), the process of globalization with its economic consequences and the structural
adjustments to face the economic crisis brought about the crisis of this matrix and
its decomposition or dissarticulation. In all the cases it was accompanied by the
increasing of poverty and inequalities and by the weakening of protective mecha-
nisms of vulnerable sectors and of traditional forms of collective action.
The dissarticulation of the classic matrix do not mean that we are facing a new
matrix, but that we have several different processes including decomposition,
persisting old elements, attempts to recreate the same matrix and alson construction
of new ones. These complex processes tend to orientate to four different possibi-
lities. One is the decomposition without a new pattern of social action. The other
is the regression to the classical matrix. The third is the building of a new one
characterized by the autonomy and strengthening and mutual complementation
of each component. The fourth is a combination of the other possibilities varying
by region or sphere of society, without a unique national pattern. The results of
these combinations are different for each country and it is too early to predict
the outcome. What seems relatively clear is that the institutional framework will
be formally democratic, but it is unclear how much this democracy will be
relevant and whether it will be substituted by de facto powers, thus preparing
new authoritarian regressions in the middle term (O'Donnell, 1992, 1994;
Garreton, 1993).
The main hypothesis of this paper is that the transformation of SPM has
brought about a significant change in the nature of social movement in Latin
America.
pervasive and complex relation with politics, varying from a complete subordina-
tion to its organizations to a more independent style of action. Consequently, the
weakness of the class structure as the base for social movements was compensated
by the political and ideological appeal {ibid.).
The attempt to dismantle the classic SPM by military regimes of the 1960s and
1970s and some structural or institutional transformations that also occurred in
other countries without this kind of authoritarianism in the 19808,'" implied some
deep consequences for social movements.
First, there are at least two meanings interwoven in the action of any sms.
One is the reconstruction of the social fabric destroyed by authoritarianism and
economic reforms." The other is the orientation of every action towards the end
of authoritarian regimes, that politicizes all the sectoral non political demands.
Second, because of the repressive nature of the military regime, the reference to
the State and the links with politics change dramatically for sms, becoming more
autonous, more symbolic and self identity oriented than instrumental or demand
oriented.'^ During the most intensive repressive moment at the beginning of the
military regime, the main orientation of any collective action was the self defense
and survival, that is the central theme was life and human rights. When the regime
showed its more foundational face, movements were more diversified in different
spheres of society and were more cultural and social than economically or
politically oriented. Finally, when the regime starts its decomposition and its ending
was a real possibility, social movements tends to orientated to politics and to an
institutional formula of transition that tended to involve all the previous different
expressions of collective action.
Third, at the level of sms, the attempt by authoritarianism to change the role of
the State and the changes in the economy and society, transformed the spaces of
constitution of sms, mainly weakening their structural and institutional positions,
through repression, marginalization and the informalization of the economy.
Rather than organized movements the main collective action during the military
regimen was social mobilizations, that tended to stress its symbolic dimension over
instrumental or demanding orientation. It is significant in this sense the leading role
attained by the Human Rights Movement. The more instrumental orientation
appears when the movements address the end of the regime and its replacement by
a democratic one.
Fourth, at the level of central SM there is a shift from the National Popular
Movement towards the Democratic Movement, that is to say towards a central SM
that for the first time is not oriented to global and radical social change but to
political regime change. Authoritarian rulers become the main principle of oppo-
sition and the ending of the regime and the installation of democracy become the
main target of collective action. With this change the SM wins in instrumental
terms, but this is counterbalanced by the fact that particular demands tend to
subordinated to political goals. In turn that gives to political actors the leading role.
Negotiations and concertations at the top and the elite level, tend to replace social
mobilizations during democratic transition and consolidation processes. In this
sense, political democratization process tend to split every collective action in two
logics that penetrates all sms: one is the political logic oriented towards the
establishment of a consolidated democracy as condition for all other type of
demands. The other is the particular logic of each sms oriented towards concrete
gains in social democratization as condition to support actively the new democratic
regime.
Social Movements 45
Conclusion
Without entering in an analysis of some recent expressions of collective action
which complexity seems to contradict this analytical framework and in spite of their
differences, it is possible to consider that many all of them (urban explosions in
some cases or more ethnic based movements in others) could be analyzed from our
perspective. That is, as expressions of survival, decomposition and recomposition of
a sociopolitical matrix in the context of globalization and transformation of
development model and institutional frameworks.
What we have said so far, has crucial consequences, from our point of view, in
the way that social scientists study social movements. We must move away from two
temptations. One is to become prophets of 'the' SM, inventing concrete sms and
ignoring the real meaning of their action. The other, in the absence of a SM, is to
become prophets of one particular identity, ignoring its meaning for global society.
These two opposite kind of certainty about social movements should give way to a
more modest attempt to cope with the ambiguity of social life. This means to
elaborate new theoretical visions of social change. It means also an effort of
solidarity and commitment, simultaneously with the necessary distance for under-
standing and criticism.
Notes
1. This paper is part of the projeet of the author and Malva Espinosa 'Tendencias de cambio en
la matriz socio-politica chilena. Una aproximacion empirica' with the support of FONDECYT-
Chile. The author is Director of Department of Sociology at University of Chile and Scnoir
Researcher and Professor at the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO-Santigo,
Chile).
2. The first perspective is the classic developed by Smelser (1963). The second is the marxist and
post-marxist approach. An original position more linked to this second vision can be found in
Touraine (1978, 1984). An application of this perspective in Dubet and VVieworka, eds (1995).
A general overview of social movement theory from a particular perspective, in McAdam,
McCarthy, Zald (1988). The references of theoretical frameworks used for social movements in
Latin America can be found in Note.
3. This concept is somewhat related to the concept of'historicite' developed by A. Touraine (1993).
4. Touraine (1993).
5. On transitions see the already classic, G. O'Donnell and Ph. Schmitter (1986). See also Garreton
(1988).
6. On authoritarian enclaves, see Garreton (1989c). On difTerent outcomes of political democratiza-
tions of recent years, Karl, Schmitter (1991).
7. This concept has been developed, among other texts, in Garreton (1984, 1993). A somewhat
different meaning in M. Cavarozzi (1992).
8. The concept 'State of compromise' has been used by several authors to refer to the unstable
political arrangements that emerged in some countries of Latin America after the collapse of the
'oligarchic State' in the first part of the century (Graciarena, Franco 1981).
9. Among the works that in the recent years have dealt from a theoretical perspective with social
movements in Latin America, not necessarily sharing their views, we can cite: Eckstein (1989),
S.; Dubet and VVievorka (1995, part V); Touraine (1988, Part 3); Escobar and Alvarez (1992,
Introduction and first part); Schuurman (1991); Guido and Fernandez (1989).
48 M. A. Garreton M.
10. For a general discussion of these transformations, see Smith, Acuna, Gamarra, eds (1994).
11. On the resurgence of civil society under authoritarianism, Nun (1989), Eckstein, ed. (1989),
Escobar and Alvarez, eds (1992), Slater, ed. (1985).
12. On the meaning and evolution of social movements under military regime, see Garreton (1989a)
and also the other contributions in the same volume by Eckstein, ed. (1989). For Human Rights
movements and other type of resistance to authoritarianism see Corradi, Weiss, Garreton, eds
(1992).
13. On new social movements in Latin America, see Slater (1985); Jelin (1993); Escobar and Alvarez,
eds (1992); Schuurman (1993).
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