Académique Documents
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by Arnaud Fournet
The Yeniseian family consists of six languages, one of which Ket is still spoken by about 200
people, many of them over fifty years old, while the other five are now extinct, namely Yug,
Kot, Arin, Pumpokol and Assan.
From a typological point of view, these languages are conspicuous in Siberia for having a set
of grammatical genders : masculine, feminine and neuter. Hundreds of kilometers around,
one finds no language but Russian with this feature.
They are generally considered isolates with no firmly established relationship with other
language families. The hypothesis most frequently encountered is that these languages
should be grouped together with North-West Caucasian (NWC) and Sino-Tibetan (ST).
In this article, we will deal with a completely different hypothesis : Yeniseian languages are a
branch of the Indo-European family that has so far failed to be recognized as Indo-European,
maybe because a huge bulk of the vocabulary is made up of loanwords. In this article, we will
substantiate the reasons why Yeniseian is to be incorporated into the Indo-European family.
To begin with, it can be noticed that one of the Yeniseian languages auto-ethnonym is Arin,
to be added to the list of Indo-European people named after the root *ar-. We shall not
discuss the putative cognates of Yeniseian with other families such as NWC, as this is
another issue to be addressed in a separate article.
• Proto-Indo-European
There exists two reconstructions of proto-Yeniseian (PY) : one is the work of Sergei Starostin
and his followers, the other one is from Heinrich Werner.
The proto-reconstruction of PY that is used throughout this article seeks to be as close as
possible to attested lexical data in priority and to existing reconstructions, when possible. In
many cases, Werner's phonetic choices seem preferable but Starostin's morphemic analyses
seem more reliable in general. We have been compelled to make adjustments to about all
existing reconstructions. Major problems arise with velars because previous reconstructions
are not using graphemes in a consistent way. More often that not, one grapheme stands for
more than one correspondence and the reverse is true as well. A complete overhaul of the
vocalic system of PY was also inevitable. No attempt has been made to give a full account of
the equivalences between previous reconstructions and the new one used in this article.
In many cases, the data are not coherent with a possible proto-form because they do not
match. We add an asterisk <*> only to proto-forms that display consistent correspondences,
especially when they can be traced to a PIE root. Other 'proto-forms' with no <*> are only to
be understood as an indication what the original form might have been. Incoherent data can
most often be traced back to Uralic loan-words, Samoyedic or Khant-Mans to be more
precise. Some correspondences although 'regular' 1 are exhibited only in loan-words. They
have nothing to do in a reconstruction of PY. Some words may be Kartvelian loanwords.
Whatever the genetic hypothesis may be for Yeniseian, it seems highly recommendable in
the first place to eliminate from the discussion as many words as possible that seem to be
loanwords. It makes little sense to look at PIE, Basque or Eyak for putative cognates when
the Yeniseian items look like loanwords from Uralic neighboring languages. We have striven
to achieve that goal as consistently as we could.
Loanwords are listed only once according to their initials. PIE cognates are listed as many
times as they include consonantal phonemes.
For each cognate, we cite the PIE root under its citation form in Pokorny, the PIE form that
underlies the PY reconstruction and the PY proto-form accounting for the data.
1
In the sense that they consistently occur appear in a set of words.
Labials
PY PIE Value 2 SS HW
3
b /pˀ/
p p /p/ pb p
ph bh p ph
m m /m/ m m
b w1 /b/ b b
w4 w2 /w/ w w
Dentals
PY PIE Value SS HW
d d /tˀ/ /d/ t d
t t /t/ t t
t dh d d
n n /n/ n n
s s /s/ s n
Palatals
PY PIE Value SS HW
ž ğ /g/ ž d'
c ǩ /k/ c t'
kh ğh k k
Velars
PY PIE Value SS HW
g g /kˀ/ Ggx gk
k k /k/ k k
q gh xqg gq
Labio-velars
PY PIE Value SS HW
k gw /kˀw/ /gw/ kq q
k kw /kw/ kg
k ghw kq
Non obstruents
PY PIE Value SS HW
y y /j/ j j
j l /l/ j j
λ l1 /tl/ lr l
t l2 /dl/ t t
ɬ l3 j d'
r r1 /r/ r1 r
rˀ r2 /rˀ/ ˀ ˀ
Laryngeals
PY PIE Value SS HW
j H1 j j
ˀγ H2 /ˀ/ /γ/ ˀ ˀ
w H3 u u
2
Proposed phonological values of the graphemes will be discussed at the end of the article.
3
There is no explicit example of PIE *b /pˀ/.
4
Sometimes *w is dissimilated into *y.
There is a general tendency in existing reconstructions to automatically add #ˀ- as initial in
PY words, even though the attested languages do not have this glottal stop as initial. This
should be avoided. The word for bone PY *aˀd- can be compared with PIE *ost- attested in
Anatolian ḫastai. There were probably at least two phonemes underlying H2 : a glottal stop /ˀ/
and another one, probably /γ/. The word 'fox, lynx' is an indication of the existence of /γ/.
One clear point is that the value /ˀ/ is impossible for H1, which probably was either
pharyngeal /ḥ/ or velar /x/. From the point of view of Yeniseian, H1 is a phoneme that caused
the same deaspiration of *dh as the other so-called voiced aspirates as is shown by the
examples of Grassmann's Law in Yeniseian. At least three words seem to have no
consonant as initial at all.
5
It is unclear if the -s- of *ta-s is the same affix as *s-teH2 but in a different place.
6
PY *λon is a participle resulting from the contraction *λepˀont- > λo:n(t)-.
7
This item may not belong here.
8
The vocalism is unclear : *pəl or *pal.
*pər- *puˀr bu:λ bul pul pil pulaŋ
*pər- *puˀror bu:λoλ bulol proroŋ
*puH2r *p_ˀr 9 al-polat phalla
*pel2H2 *pat- battop fatap
*ped- *paˀŋ baˀŋ baˀŋ paˀŋ peŋ biŋ
*peˀt- *pat- bat- bat- -pat- pat-as
*p_s *pəs/pos- bɨˀś bɨˀs puš poš
18
There is some controversy about the laryngeal being H2 or H1, Yeniseian has H2.
19
Cf. Irish bog 'soft'.
20
These words may derive from a broader meaning as 'a round and swollen part of the body'.
21
The vowel *u has been infected by the following *i.
22
This proto-form seems to reflect a dissimilation of *w > *j.
23
If one accepts the description of a net as being threads woven or bound together.
24
A Siberian word : Cf. UEW 116 Finnish kärppä 'hermin'. Germanic *harmin.
25
The connection with either i.e 145 bhes or Greek psammos is about impossible.
26
This word definitely looks like a compound word. The first part somehow reminds of Uralic *pene 'dog'.
27
Cf. Uralic *wekke 'thin'.
28
Cf. Uralic *počka 'thigh'. Yeniseian looks like a reduplication. Cf. Kartvelian *barḳ 'thigh'.
29
Cf. Samoyedic *batu- 'tail'. At least three Uralic roots starting with #b/p- mean 'tail'.
30
Cf. the onomatopeic root PIE 97 *b(h)eu 'bird sound' : buzzard, bittern, buteo, bubo, etc.
31
This item nearly reflects PIE 115 *bheg 'break'.
32
The initial forbids a connection with PIE 793 *piH-k 'pitch'.
*w1erg *ber bε:ri bε:ht' ba- pi
*H2ew1i *bi- bi- bi- bi- bi-
*w1oydhs *boyss- bʌssem bʌssem paš- pas paš-
*s-w1es *bis- biśeˀp biśeˀp popeš- bič
33
/b/ instead of /p/ may be phonotactical : H2p > b.
34
The vowel *i instead of *e is possibly attested in Visigoth 'the western Goths'.
35
The suffix -s is exemplified by Germanic *woidh-s > German Waise 'orphan'.
36
According to Yeniseian, the PIE root is originally *w1es 'sister or brother'.
37
The connection with either German Schwamm or PIE *s-p(h)ongos is difficult.
38
This word has unclear relationships with Samoyedic words but borrowing is unprovable in either way.
39
This root probably meant 'hand' originally, according to Starostin. Cf. *boq-až 'right side'.
40
Cf. Uralic *puw 'wood, tree'. Nenets pâ.
41
Possibly a Turcic loan-word according to Stachowski.
42
Cf. Uralic *päj(wa) 'fire'. Komi has a voiced initial bia.
43
A connection with PIE 1145 *wel-k/g 'wet' is possible.
44
Mixing Werner's reconstruction *qo with Starostin's *xowe seems adequate.
45
This word is probably suffixed the same way as xoboj.
46
The word hičo:ga can hardly belong here.
This correspondence is based on the following items :
PIE 152 *bhew2g 'pliable' 47 => PY *pho:gem 'soft, мягкий'
PIE 98 *bhew2 'belly, bosom' 48 => PY *phew 'intestines, breast'
PIE 261 *dhew2- 'smoke' => PY *dewq 'smoke, дым'
PIE 690 *l3ow2bh 'leaf' => PY *ɬojph 'leaf, лиcт'
PIE 449 *gheH2w2 'yawn, gape' => PY *qow 'mouth, poт'
PIE 1170 *w2es 'to be' => PY *us 'there is'
PIE 243 *w2ed- 'water' => PY *ud 'wet'
PIE 1125 *w2eid 'see, know' => PY id- 'know'
52
This root is hence to be reconstructed as *H2od-t- > *H2ost-.
53
This supposes a contraction *pedon-k- > peˀŋ.
54
Cf. Uralic Moksha raha(ms) 'to laugh'.
55
This could be a loanword from another Indo-European language : Cf. dheigh.
56
Cf. Latin aetat-es for the same formation.
57
Yeniseian reflects *t_gh not *dh_gh. The vocalisme is unclear : both -ṇ- and -en-.
58
The glottal stop in Yeniseian is a problem.
59
This is the equivalent of *dhoH1-gha with deaspiration of *dh.
PIE 174 *bhudh 'bottom' => PY *phätim 'low, нижний' 60
PIE 449 *dheigh 'knead clay' => PY *tuq '(to smear with) clay, глинa'
PIE 344 *eti 'above, beyond' => PY *aˀtu 'soon, cкopo'
PIE *-to- 'adjectival morpheme' => PY *to-w2 'adjectival morpheme'
PIE 1086 *to- 'anaphoric' => PY *t_w2 'demonstrative and anaphoric for P3 and P6' 61
PIE 242 *dheH1- 'breast, milk' => PY *tej-n 'nipple, milk'
PIE 242 *dheH1- 'breast, milk' => PY *tojq 'breast'
PIE 42 *H2enH1- 'door' => PY *anjto 'door, part of house before the house'
PIE 287 *H1ednt- 'tooth' => PY *ji:t 'tooth'
Latin *patella 'knee-cap' => PY *pat- 'knee (-joint)'
PIE 1004 *steH2- 'stand up' => PY *ta-s 'to stand up' 62
PIE 1075 *ter- 'pass thru' => PY *teˀk/tetk- 'thru' 63
PIE 1063 *tem- 'dark' => PY *təm- 'black'
60
This word seems to be *bhutum instead of *bhudhum.
61
According to Yeniseian, *to is maybe better reconstructed as being -tH3-.
62
It is unclear if the -s- of *ta-s is the same affix as *s-teH2 but in a different place.
63
This word is partially contaminated by the word *tet 'straight'.
64
This word has unclear relationships with Samoyedic words but borrowing is unprovable in either way. Kot is
not aspirated and this oddity must be taken as a warning that this word is not inherited.
65
A connection with PIE 1075 *ter 'to go through' is possible.
66
This word is most probably a Uralic loanword : *tal-/tjal 'winter'.
67
The connection with Greek lunks seems impossible. Cf. Samoyedic Selqup *töt 'otter'.
68
This word meaning 'rotten wood' is probably a compound of tul + haˀx 'rotten wood'.
69
This word cannot be inherited and looks like a turcic loanword. Cf. talc of unknown origin.
70
Cf. Uralic *sär 'root' reflected by Mans tär 'root'.
71
Kediŋ has nothing to do here and could represent Uralic *kanta 'root, tree-stump'.
72
Cf. Uralic *šal 'cheap'. The root is not attested in eastern Uralic languages but may have existed.
73
/t/ is generally not aspirated in Arin.
74
Cf. Uralic *sen/son 'string'. Samoyedic and Ugric have reflexed with #t- initial.
75
If this word is rashly segmented *to-ńol then *ńol could reflect *nog-u- > *no.
76
This cannot be PIE 188 *deik 'finger' but could be PIE 1054 teˀg 'touch'.
*dh *d d d t t d t
*dhey *de:-s 77 de:-ś de-s ti:-š ti- da-t te-š
*dhən- *dəni dɨń dɨn ti:ni tin dɨńe tin
*dhew2 *dewq duˀ/duγ duˀ/dug- tu/tug- t'u dukar tu
*ghodh *qoqd qogdi xogdi ho:ri kute
*dhoHl1 *dojλe dʌλ- də:λ tili tal
*dhew2 *duˀt- duˀt duˀt tu:t
*dhe(H1) *di(j) dij di
*iğhdhe *igde igde igdej
85
On account of Yeniseian, the PIE reconstruction must be emended into *kuH2on.
86
The connection with either i.e 145 bhes or Greek psammos is about impossible.
87
The word hičo:ga can hardly belong here.
88
The data in Kott, Arin and Pumpokol is contaminated by the turcic word *čegar.
89
The suffix -es is not necessarily *es 'sky'. It is more probably a suffix -es.
90
Hončig and kanži can be analysed as hon- 'dark' -šig 'night'.
91
The geminate results from *-dh-s- > *-ss-.
92
The vowel *i instead of *e is possibly attested in Visigoth 'the western Goths'.
93
This is only possible if the root *ansu is an infixed derivative of an older *es.
PIE 824 *pes 'penis' => PY *pəs/pos 'penis'
PIE 897 *sekwe 'say' => PY *sek- 'say, speak'
PIE 897 *es 'sit' => PY *ses-t- 'sit' 95
Borrowed correspondence č :
94
The suffix -s is exemplified by Germanic *weidh-s > German Waise 'orphan'.
95
This verbal seems to be highly irregular in Yeniseian. The vowel -e- in contact with /s/ is inexpected.
96
Cf. Kartvelian *ser 'night'.
97
Maybe a derivative of *sen according to Starostin, but most probably a loanword because of Pumpokol.
98
Cf. Uralic *säčä 'water-level, flood'.
99
'Fur from reindeer's legs'.
100
Cf. Uralic *sjarta 'deer'. Selkup sjära.
101
Cf. Uralic *kiw 'stone'. Pumpokol may be the Uralic plural *kiw-t.
102
Cf. Uralic *čoša/tjoša 'yellow'.
103
A trough for dough, нoвeчкa.
104
Cf. Uralic *soŋe 'summer'.
105
Cf. Uralic *tiŋ/tüŋ 'stump'.
106
Cf. Uralic *joč 'ski, snow-shoe'.
107
If the Arin word is removed from the set, a connection with Uralic *oda 'to sleep' becomes possible.
108
Cf. Uralic *ćapt 'skin'.
109
Cf. Kartvelian *du(ś)te 'moon'.
110
Cf. Uralic *soð 'lung'. Mari šode, Komi šəl.
111
Cf. Uralic *soð 'lung'. More or less the same root as the preceding 'lung'.
112
Cf. Uralic *śäŋk 'back', although this root is not attested in the Uralic languages that display s > t.
113
Cited par Ruhlen but not listed in Starostin's databases. Cf. Kartvelian č(ḳ)am 'to eat'.
PY Ket Yug Kot Arin Pumpokol Assan
run čoq 114 čoq čat- čag
cold čal 115 čal sol-ma čala
138
Also describes 'saft' or 'sweet mass under birch bark'.
139
A connection with PIE 793 *peiH 'fat, milch' seems possible.
140
Cf. Kartvelian *ḳar 'door'.
141
This word is based on the zero grade : *krˀs > *kurˀs > *kuˀs.
142
This word is based on the zero grade *ghrs > *qurs > *quˀs. Cf. Germanic *hu:s 'house'.
143
The root is suffixed by -ˀes 'sky'.
*gewr *gewr- uλtu ul u:ra kur ur-ga
*gel1 *guλ uλan
*s-ker2- *gorˀ ʌˀl ʌˀl kere
*gwel1 *guλ u:λ ur u:l kul ul ul
144
*gwel1 *guλəŋ uλəŋ urɨŋ
*gew2- *gew2-s u:ś u:s kuši
144
The word hujuŋ does not correspond cleanly.
145
Cf. Irish bog 'soft'.
146
The connection is with PIE 271 *dheugh is unclear. Cf. Kartvelian *ćeḳa 'boat'.
147
This word must be a loan-word because the Yeniseian words hardly match.
148
A connection with Turcic *gün seems possible.
149
The connection with PIE *s(w)eks is all the more venturesome as Yeniseian forms do not correspond. Cf.
Kartvelian *eksw 'six'.
150
Cf. Uralic *kawka 'long'.
151
Cf. Uralic *kojwa 'birch', although the voiced initial in Yeniseian is a stumbling-block.
152
This item nearly reflects PIE 115 *bhegh 'to break'.
153
This word most probably did not have any consonantal initial.
154
This initial is irregular and reflects *gheH2ğ.
*ğen *žeˀŋ 155 dεˀŋ d'εˀŋ čeäŋ
163
A trough for dough, нoвeчкa.
164
Cf. Uralic *koŋk 'throat'.
165
Ket and Yug means 'snake' but the phonetic is perfect.
166
This root is different from *qo- 'die'.
167
The relationship with PIE 566 *ǩen-s 'to proclaim' is not impossible : 'proclaimed' > 'engaged' > 'married'.
168
This form does not have the expected /q/ as initial and has an extra -n-.
169
Ils means 'woman'.
170
Yeniseian has the following meanings : shoulder-joint, arm, shoulder.
171
A connection with PIE *konH1- 'bone, leg' is not impossible. Cf. Uralic *kenar 'elbow, arm'.
172
A relationship with PIE 48 H2eǩ 'sharp' is difficult because of the laryngeal initial : Yeniseian has no H2.
173
Yeniseian reflects a suffixed *dhw2-gh- with zero grade. The suffix must be a Yenisseian innovation,
otherwise an inherited *dhw2-gh- would be *tw2-gh-.
174
This form is probably suffixed the same way as xoboj.
*dheigh *t_q 175 tuγ-it təx thagar tɨk
*ghym *qim- kinčidin
*dlongh *tənqer tɨŋeλ tɨŋgɨl tokar-du
*gheigh *qoyqro qʌ:λ xʌxul ogar 176
175
Yeniseian vocalism is unclear.
176
The word leo-xoxar 'bladder' cannot be listed here.
177
This word is based on the zero grade *ghrs > *qurs > *quˀs. Cf. Germanic *hu:s 'house'.
178
The initials do not correspond regularly, maybe because of the presence of *ˀ.
179
Hončig and kanži can be analysed as hon- 'dark' -šik 'night'.
180
Yeniseian is from *egh not *eğh.
181
The glottal stop probably triggered the change *phoˀk > *phoˀq.
182
Quite strangely, PY for winter is *ke:t unrelated to *ghei.
183
The data listed there are mixed up. The forms meaning bitter are better reconstructed *gheigh.
184
Both PIE and Yeniseian also mean 'to be afraid'.
185
Yeniseian reflects a metathetic *kogh >*ghok.
bark 188 qəˀw 189 qɨˀj xɨˀj hi:pal
side qoλap qoλap xolap kolpar
night siq śiγ si šig saj
pike qu:ğ qu:də xu:ht' hu:ja quj kod'u huja
fathom qan qa:ń xan hen
word qaˀg qaˀ xa: xe:g
woman qim/qam qi:m xim qam (h)em
wide qäjgaλ 190 qi:λ xe:λ hi:gal
ten qo:-g/ğ 191 qo: xo ha:ga hioga xajaŋ
star qoˀ 192 qoˀ xo:hx al-aga il-koj kaken
road qə:k 193 qɨ:k xɨk hek
road qoˀt qoˀt xoˀt kat koat
bridle qu:nda ku:nda- qonda
prince qə:j qɨ:j hi:ji bi-khej
one quˀ- 194 qu:ś xus hu:ča khuzej xuta
alone qoˀ- qoˀk xoˀk hu:piga
mountain qaˀj- 195 qaˀj xaˀj xe:- -haj ko-
big qεˀ 196 qεˀ xεˀ hi:- xääse
boat 197 qaˀp qaˀp xaˀp xep
bow qəˀ- 198 qɨˀt qɨˀt' hi: qoj kaj
branch (j)ə:q 199 ə:Rə ə:x o:ge jaxi
fire qo:t 200 qot xot hat ko:t
overcoat qaˀğ qaˀt xaˀt hei qaj hejaŋ
cough qaqtem 201 qaqtəm xaxtem hatam
die qo- 202 qo- xo- ho- ka-
dry qojw- 203 to-Raiŋ to-xoiŋ xuj-ga qoija ič-koj-ga xuj-ga
duck to:q 204 to:Rə to:hx al-thax
eagle teq diˀ diˀ tage
elk qa:j- qa:ji xa:hj o-kä-ši koja xaju
empty qew- qu:jə xu:hj hui
186
A connection is possible with PIE 1014 *steg or stegh that denote sticks, stakes, etc.
187
Werner's reconstruction *thugən with -g- is inadequate.
188
A relationship between PIE 951 *s-kuH1- 'skin' and PY *qɨˀj 'birch-bark, бepëcтa' is phonetically impossible.
189
Werners' reconstruction *qɨˀj- should be preferred to *xɨˀw. Kot hi:pal may be *qəˀj + pal (< PIE *pel 'skin' ?).
190
Cf. Uralic *kiljä/kolja 'wide'.
191
Cf. Uralic Khanty *kaγer 'handful'.
192
Cf. Uralic *ku(n)ć 'star'. It cannot be PIE 495 *ghwoigw 'star'.
193
Cf. Uralic Mordovian ki 'road' although it has no other Uralic cognate.
194
Cf. Uralic *ikte/ükte 'one'. Mans does not display the dental suffix : ük, ak 'one'.
195
Cf. Uralic *kaða 'mountain'. Samoyedic *kuˀ 'mountain'.
196
A connection with PIE 454 *ghreH1- 'to grow' is possible, if a variant form *gherH1- is accepted.
197
A boat made with birch bark. Cf. Germanic *skipam and Khant xa:p.
198
Cf. Uralic *kaŋa 'bow'.
199
Cf. Uralic *(š)aŋga 'branch'.
200
Cf. Uralic *küči 'to burn' or (probably better) *korta 'to burn'.
201
Most probably onomatopeic. Cf. Germanic *kokh.
202
The word *onko 'dead' is another root.
203
Cf. Uralic *kujwa 'dry'.
204
Cf. English duck from Germanic *dukjan 'dive'.
*ğh *kh k k h k x x
*ğhr-s h
*k uλH- ku:λe ku:λ hulup korolep xlepuk xulu:p
*ğhe *kho- ka- ka- ha- xa-
*ğhi *khi- ki- ki-
*iğhdhe *igde igde igdej
205
PY reflects the zero grade. Cf. Latin hirsutus.
206
This is only possible if -bh is dealt with as a suffix, not as a part of the root.
207
Cf. PIE 1118 *wegw 'wet'.
208
On account of Yeniseian, the PIE reconstruction must be emended into *kuγon.
209
A reduplicated form *kukγən > *kughən > *kəqən.
PIE 775 *ôku 'hawk' => PY *keku 'owl, hawk' 210
PIE 628 *kwoi 'white, shining' => PY *koy-n- 'light, dawn'
PIE 808 *penkwe 'five' => PY *qenkwe- 'five'
PIE 808 *penkwe 'five' => PY *qunk(w)- 'fist' 211
PIE 897 *sekwe 'say' => PY *sek- 'say, speak'
210
Kot means 'owl' and Pumpokol is xagam-kolka 'owl'.
211
From the zero grade as in Germanic *fust 'fist'.
212
The presence of a glottal stop is strange as the PIE root definitely has H1 (reflected by i) not H2. Yenisseian
seems to have undergone a metathesis : *neH1 > *nej > *ejn.
213
This is the equivalent of *dhoH1-gha with deaspiration of *dh.
214
The word 'eat' *doq may also derive from this root but it display no *j < H1 in the radical.
215
Yeniseian does not seem to have H1, otherwise **tej would be expected.
PIE PY Ket Yug Kot Arin Pumpokol Assan
*eğo *ež a:t at aj aj ad aj
*egh *eq 216 aq ax
*el *ej e:j ej ei aja ej
216
Yeniseian is from *egh not *eğh.
217
Cf. PIE 293 H1ej 'to go'.
218
Cf. Kartvelian *cxweḳ 'firewood'.
219
Cf. Uralic *ulke 'pole'.
220
Cf. Kartvelian *źax 'name'.
221
Cf. Uralic *aća-k 'meadow, valley'.
222
Arin also has jujuŋ 'grass' and Ket has oγə 'floodable low-land'.
223
This word is a probable compound. Cf. Uralic *kić 'belt, knot'.
224
A derivation from PIE *H2enH1- is not impossible : PY *ãj- > *ej > i:
225
Any connection with PIE 606 *ǩleu 'to hear' and 785 *ous 'ear' is unclear.
*H2ey- *e:te 226 εte ε:ht e:ti atie atodu etutu
*H2əpəl *əpəl ɨ:λ ɨfɨl i:pal
*ghweH2 *kuˀt kuˀt ku:ra kura
*H2er *ar aλ ar a:r-u
*H2igh *iq iˀ i:h i:g ji
*H2od 227 *aˀd 228 aˀt aˀt ar-
*H2enH1- *anjto atto atnto athol ejtol atol
*bhoH2-k *phoˀq 229 hoˀq foˀx fo:k
*ǩuˀən *ǩuqən kʌ:n kʌxɨn agan
*H2eks- *aks akś ač-
*teH2 *ta-s- ta-seŋ -tes -ta-
There are examples of aspiration being lost in Yeniseian vocabulary. PIE *dh (=PY *d) was
changed into *t when an aspirate was the next or preceding phoneme. :
- PIE 174 *bhudh 'bottom' => PY *phätim 'low, нижний'
- PIE 449 *dheigh 'knead clay' => PY *tuq '(to smear with) clay, глинa'
- PIE 242 *dheH1- 'breast, milk' => PY *tej-n 'nipple, milk'
- PIE 242 *dheH1- 'breast, milk' => PY *tojq 'breast'
All these precise phenomena bear testimony to the Indo-European character of Yeniseian.
226
Cf. Latin aetat-es for the same formation. There is no -w- in either Latin nor Yeniseian.
227
This root is hence to be reconstructed as *H2od-t- > *H2ost-.
228
On account of Anatolian ḫastai, this root cannot have been *ˀad- in the earliest stage of PIE.
229
The glottal stop probably triggered the change *phoˀk > *phoˀq.
230
There is some controversy about the laryngeal being H2 or H1, Yeniseian has H2.
231
This item reflects either *H1egh or *H2igh.
232
A reduplicated form *kukγən > *kughən > *kəqən.
233
It is unclear if the -s- of *ta-s is the same affix as *s-teH2 but in a different place.
They cannot result from borrowing.
The *e grade :
The *o grade :
The vowel *i :
Most examples seem to be *e in phonotaxis with *s.
As we have stated in the introduction, the graphemic representation of PIE is notorious for
displaying an impossible set of features : voiced, voiceless and voiced aspirate. It has been
suggested that the voiced graphemes were standing for underlying glottalic phonemes and
that the voiced aspirate were standing for plain voiced. Yeniseian refutes that premise.
As regards the labials, *bh cannot stand for */b/ because the two phonemes */b/ and */w/
fused in most Indo-European languages into *w1/2 but Yeniseian has kept them apart.
The second point is the velars : the opposition between *ğ and *g probably reflects */g/ and
*/kˀ/. But this cannot be discussed here. PIE *d probably stands for both */d/ and */tˀ/.
As regards the voiced aspirate, Yeniseian provides contradictory indications about their
possible phonetic identification. *bh seems to stand for an aspirated sound PY *ph. *dh stands
for a voiced sound PY *d. And *gh seems to be unvoiced PY *q. *ğh is reflected by an
unvoiced set of Yeniseian phonemes that is nevertheless different from the set of phonemes
that stands for PIE *k.
The phonological status of the voiced aspirate remains rather enigmatic. Our point of view is
that the voiced aspirate *bh, *dh, *gh *ğh probably were not phonemes, but the real phonemes
(voiced, unvoiced and glottalized) combined with another feature. Maybe pre-nasalisation
makes sense. This happened in modern Greek -mp- > b. Maybe the voiced aspirate
graphemes are to be interpreted as prenasalized phonemes.
• Conclusion
More than one hundred twenty words shared by Yeniseian languages consistently derive
from Indo-European roots with perfectly regular correspondences. We are confident that a
careful analysis of the vocabulary of each Yeniseian language will bring a new harvest of
Indo-European cognates.
We consider that the provisional list of cognates provided in this article is sufficient to
establish that Yeniseian is to be considered Indo-European.
The standard phonological model of PIE requires a slight overhaul as regards *l and *r which
have to be distinguished into five phonemes on account of Yeniseian lexical evidence.
Bibliographie
Starostin, Sergej, 1982, 'Prajenisejskaja rekonstruktsija i vnešnije cviazi jenisejkih jazykov' in Ketskij Sbornik
v3, Saint-Petersburg, Nauka, p.144-237,
Werner, Heinrich, 1994, Das Klassensystem in den Jenisej-Sprachen, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz,
Werner, Heinrich, 1998, 'Reconstructing Proto-Yeniseian' in Mother Tongue 4, p17-26,
Werner, Heinrich, 2002, Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der Jenisej Sprachen (3 vol.), Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz,
www.starling.rinet.ru