MAIN CURRENTS OF MARXISM ITS RISE, GROWTH, AND DISSOLUTION by Leszek Kolakowski THE GOLDEN AGE Translated from the Polish P, S, Falla CLARENDON PRESS - OXFORD to 78afd Wein Pres, Wala Sct, Oxfn 2 © Oy Cy i. 5 tf pw id i tel seg mari teen a 7 ‘rid rary Gxagug Puinion Date Keto ‘ro Manin "Goan Scien gee Te SH oa Se Teo SP in exact “ome, CONTENTS 1 MARXISAL AND THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL IL CERMAN ORTHODOXY: KARL KAUTSKY Li and wt Conus a the development ofasey Revelvion and aon Gq of tain Tecoosenn in Kavihy’' philopy oe oo Mebrng HL ROSA LUXEMBURG AND THE REVOLUTIONARY LEFF 1 Bigaphialinbematon 1 Thee fn ad sae ape {Retr an eaiton 4 The Coelasnas the pleat an Sra of ple! 4 The easel queion IV, BERNSTEIN AND REVISIONISM Bopp rato 4 The arf iry ane he dese SR lpatame rece V. JEAN JAURES: MARXISM AS A. SOTERIOLOGY 1, Jour at encstor 2 Besrpbial ating 4 Themetpipie a univer! uty £ The Sing ony 8 Jaco Mates Pn f a 6 & * 105 ay ny iy 8vi Cots VL PAUL LAFARGUE: A HEDONIST MARXISM. ‘VIL GEORGES SOREL: & JANSENIST MARXISAC The pace of Soe 2 Bhai ate {Rass vemos iter, Up nd myth, Cticm f the Enievement ‘arte partion fees andthe comity of © Marien sarin, Fasc VIIL ANTONIO LABRIOLA: AN ATTEMPT AT AN (OPEN ORTHODOXY Labo’ ge 2 Reape ce Phong a itny 2X. LUDWIK KRZYWICKL: MARXISM AS AN’ INSTRUMENT OF SOCIOLOGY 1, graphic ae 1: Gina the sgl thay efsacey 5 Peapten i wc {f Min'and pedocto. Tredkon and choge X. KAZIMIERZ KELLES:KRAUZ: A POLISH SRAND OF ORFHODOXY XL STANISLAW BRZOZOWSKI; MARXISM AS Nistonicar suajectivisa, 1: grap yore 2 Palwepbial deelpment Repo atin 1 Breas ens NUL AUSTRO-MARXISTS, KANTIANS IN THE, Manxist MOVEMENT, ETHICAL SOCIALISN 2. The one: o ato Maren 2 Theres of Rane 14 6 6 cy Pm x & xv xvi Contents Kanan ia Macs ‘The Ate Maris graphical fran Daler the oneal tan he al nee ‘ters emsgue al maeion an he cae Ader coins and wet bo ‘What ind what out be ‘The wary derwersys and detatorip The haute fea 12. ere tery of he ation 15, lg the econ the theory ae 1A: led the ory a imperai ‘THE BEGINNINGS OF RUSSIAN MARXISM Inlet muvee ring the reign of Nib 2 Hever Chrys { Poplon he rcpt f Marin PLEKHANOV AND THE CODIFICATION OF MARXISM 1 The ogi of Mare anon Rae 2 Die and ator materi Maria sees Thee aig evn Then tein MARXISM IN RUSSIA BEFORE THE RISE OF BOUSHEVISN Leni: cal journal wrings 5) Ls pm 19-100 ‘THE RISE OF LENINISM 2 Thecentoneny over Leien 5 The pany an he ween mewn. Camo ant 5 The gen of masionay 4 The poland the oar in he democratic Tevsion Totty doe permanent elon PHILOSOPHY AND POLITICS IN THE BOLSHEVIK MOVEMENT 1. Facional srg a the ine ofthe 19 Revo, ENS RRS Gon ie Rn ve oe as By o oe st se an a3xvit, Catone 1 Empire Retry and he Rin emptor {Tae prpyo he rita 6. The Gotten” 1. Li's exci in pinophy Vann a en Lenin dined Notebooks THE FORTUNES OF LENINISM: FROM A THEORY OF THE STATE TO A STATE IDeorocy. ‘The Brie a he War The Rowan sigh? “The bing cai nay ‘The dtm of he prt ad he dita of ‘hepa ‘The yf npr nd freon Secaon in th tat fe pia ‘Trot on dictatorship a Ln ran ee wana aro on eB gy vars pli Ee en SELECTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX te a 46 eo on & o s a oe = a v9 “7 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Sources of quotations wid in the et Lon, VL, Gited Work, 45 vl, Lawrence & Wishart, Lond rao, MeLaican, D. Ke! Mor: Bary Tes, Blackwel, Oxford, 1671 Manx, I, Catal, Lawrence © Witart Landon, 1978 Sone, Gy Rtn on Vilar, su TE. Hale ath, Roth, The Free Pres, Glencoe, I, tao. ‘Tnonsy, 1 The Deo of Terni, Labour Publishing Co, and ‘ilen & asin, Landon, 92CHAPTER I Marxism and the Second International ‘Tu period ofthe Second Intemational (1889-1914) may be called without exaggeration the golden age of Marxism. Marxist Alocteine had been clearly enough defined to constitute a recogs nizable school of thought, but st was not so vigil codified or subjected wo dogmatic orthodoxy as to rule out discussion othe advocacy af rival solutions to theoretical and tactical problems Certainly the Marsst mavement canfot, at this me oF at any other, be identified simply withthe ideclogy’of the socialist, partes that belonged to the Intemational. The many’sourees of European socials had by no means dried up, though they seemed of litte importance compared with the apparently sel ‘consistent, univerally appliable theories of Marx. Only in Germany was it posible, despite the strong tradition of Las leanism, 10 frame and maintain for a considerable tine a wnin form ideology based on Marxist premises, or what were generally garded as such, The French party fed by Guesde Could lay laim to orthodeay inasmuch as is programme had been drawn up uader Marx's own auspices and with his asistance; but the French socialist mavement was in sate of isrupton for some time, and the Mart tradition was more Tively'in some sections than Sn others. In Austria, Russa, Poland, 1aly, Spain, and Belgium, and wherever ese there was ‘a working-lastocalist movement, ideology was permeated by Marxiim to a greater or leser degree. The influence of Maraien wat least strong in Britain, the country in which its bsie drtrine had been formulated: Brigih socialism eveed far tore of its character to the ideas of Owen, Bentham, and J-S. MILL In Europe generally, tobe a social was not neces Sarily wea Marist but, except in Britain, socialist heory was in general the work of men who called themuelves Mars, ‘hough each tnerstood the term in his own ory. These was 802 Mersin andthe Seond Internationa ‘lear distinction between theorists and. practical socks ia addition to the many theoreticians, party leaders such as Bebe, Guede, Vicior Adler, and Turat, who were not ine ‘wlectwals end had no ambition to develop socials tory on their own account, were nevertheless edhicated men and quite capable of joining in theoretical discussions. The gener intel- lectual calibre of purty leaders never again reached sch «high level, either among social democrats or communists. Maram seemed to be atthe height ofits intellectual impecss. Twas not the religion of an isolated sect, but the ideology of « fwerful political movernent; on the other hand, it had no. means of Slencing is opponents, and dhe facts of politcal ie obliged it to defend is position inthe realm of theory Tn consequence, Marxism appeared in th intellectwal arena asa Serion doctrine which even its adversaries respecte. It had Fedoubtable defenders such ae Kautsky, Rosa Luxcanburg, Piekhanos, Berastein, Lenin, Jaurés, Max Adler, Baoer, Hie ferding, Labriola, Pannekoek, Vandervelde, and Can, ut also such eminent erties as Croce, Sombart, Masaryk, Simmel, Stamler, Gentile, Bohm-Bawerk, and Peter Struve. Is influe ence extended yond the immediate circle of the faithful, 19 historians, economists, and sovilogists who did not profess Marxism asa whole but adopted particular Marxist eas and categories, "The main characteristic of Marxist doctrine were of course connected with it socal station and politcal fmetion, There were many factors which contributed to it development as an ideclgy ofthe workers’ movement, but at the same time, a= that development was affected by curgent political presets scope was in some respects imited. The quarter-century of the Second Intemational saw the publication of many important theoretical works onthe general problems of historical materialism, the Marxist interpretation of particular ages and historical events, and the economies of imperial, & Marxist school of aesthetics and art extcsm came into being Plekhanes, Lsfargue, Mehring, Klara Zethin, and Henriette Roland. Holst), and works were published or the theory of religion and sthnology (Cunow, Kraywick, and Kelles-Keauz). There was, however, no such ellorescence i the more strictly philsophieal fields of epistemology and anthropology. ‘Those who comidered Manson and te Seo neti 3 themselves Marxists may be divided into wo groupe according tothe atte. rowarde the. howe) prem of ‘Mars. One group took the view tha Maru asa they social development and especially of capita society and is inevitable elapse, and that tht theory could ito incon fiteney be supplemented and enriched by” philsopieal detrines derive rom other mares, in parol Kananien dra pstism. Thy ths attempted to lnk bstarical material i ith Kanan thin (as in etbcal sei) o empiri crea epistemology or example, the Rutan Machi and Friedrich Ade) The orbedon majority, however, maintained hat Marat doctrine ill contained the anor al or most ff the problems a pilosphy and hae Enger’ work, pare ‘cular the Sat Dsbnp sd Tat rach, wee the nae completion of Man's sconoric and socological theories Those thet rgared Marxism as a ingle nifrm therein sihole—forimtance, Kavos, Plthanen ad Lenin not fd much to ners popular pinay and were gens entent echo hs semmaryconcaion or py thet othe trite of ew ideale wrens. Aer Engels death the German scans pale many of Mars works that were notpreviosy nown-sich at The Thy of Spas Vea, part Cf The Gran lis, correspondence wits Engel ad oie, tnd she doctoral daseraton—but other texte of eat phe Sophical value remained unpublished) for inance the’ Pas Manuscripts of 1844, the Cte of Hegel's Php of Right a the Gnade, Attempt were made, by Sorel att Bre: ‘Ki among ethers to dsngui te material of ings om Marsan anhropology, ut these were not inthe ain seam at Maraion and played no decive role. On the whole, there. fore, Marsan 28a general philoophieal theory remained dead leer or took the form of ceca, despite the ast boy oftnerstore interpreting the premises of histor! aerlisn ‘Tae Ths or Ferbch were known and quote ut rather a lsces of thetore than ae satements to be serial analysed {Geegorics sucha slnaton selfeaton, and pray which sre teayw regursly met with eee scarcely any meson Mana literature ‘The Second International was no a uniform, centralized orgatication wid an elaborate tidy of doctrine acknowledged‘ Marxism and the Stand Iterational ty all its members, but rather 4 loose federation of parties and trade unions, working separately though united by their belief in socialism, Nevertheles, the International seemed to be the first tee embodiment of Mars dream, which was also Las salle’, of a macriage between socialist theory and the workers movement, between the class suggle and the sien analysis of social prcesses—twro phenomena of independent origin, co ‘demned to impotence unles they could achieve this state of symbiosis or identity. Although nowMarsst traditions of Socials had net lost their strength (Lasalleanism in Germany, Proudhonis and Blanquismn in France, anarchism in Italy and ‘Spain, uitarianism in Britain), c was Marnxm that stood out 4 the dominant form of the worker! movement and the trae ideology ofthe proletariat. Unlike the Fine International, which ‘was an ideological centre rather than an organization of the Workers’ movement, the Second was an assemblage of parties representing che mase, ‘What, however, cid it meas to be a Marxist in che sweny= five years preceding the Fist World War? In relation tothe stereotypes of the period, the notion of Marxism may be mest, Simply. ened by enumerating some clasic ideas that d= Singuished Marxists fom the aaherents ofall frm of ntpian Socialism an anarchism, and ot from iberal and Chistian doctrines A Mardst was one who accepted the following propositions ‘The tendencies of capitalist society, im particular the con cenvation of capital, have acvated the natal tendency ofthe historical process towards socialism, which is either the unavoig able or the most probable consequence of the process of Secumulation ‘Socialism involves public ownership ofthe means of produc: tion and thereby the abolition of exploitation and unearned income, of privilege and inequality deriving from the unequal Aiseribusion of wealth, There must heno discrimination of race, nationality, sex, o religion, and nostanding armies. There raust, be equal opportunities fr education, democratic freedom forall, recom ofspeech and assembly, popular representation at all, levels—and a comprehensive system of socal welfare, Socialism is in the interest ofall mankind and will make Marsiom andthe Second Intonation 4 posible the wsiveral development of culture and welfare, but Uhestanderd-beaser inthe fight fr socialism is he working lass ‘the immediate producer ofall basic values and as the clas mest strongly and directly interested in abolishing. wage: Isboor ‘The advance towaeds socialism calls for an economic and political srugele on the part of the proletariat, which mus fight for the short-term improvement of its lo within the capitals sjstem and must make use of all political forms, expecially parliamentary ones in order to fight for socialism, the proletariat must organize itelf into independent polial panties ‘Capitalism cannot be radically altered by the accumulation of reforms, apd its catastrophic consequences of depresin, poverty, and unemployment are unavoidable. Nevertbeless, the proletariat must fight for reforms jn the shape of labour legislation, democratic institutions, and higher wages, since these make conditions more tolerable and alo provide waining in clam solidarity and in the teenique of bats to come Capitalism vill nally be swept away by revolution, when ‘economic conditions under capitalism and the clas-consciows- hes ofthe proletariat are ripe for this, The revolution, however, lett a emp vat to be carried out by a hand of conspirator, bout must be the work of an overwhelming majoriy of the labouring population, “The interests of the proletariat are identical on the world scale, ad the socialise revolution will come as an intenational ‘event, at all event in the advanced industrial sciedes Tn buman history, technial progress i the deciding factor in bringing about changes in the clas structure, and these ‘changes determine the basi features of politcal nstiution and the reigning ideology ‘Socialism isnot only a political programme but a work-view based om the premise that reality i susceptible of sciemiic ‘analysis Only rational observason can reveal the nature of the world and the meaning of hisery. Religious and spiritualist, doctrines are theexpression ofa ‘mystified consciousness and are bound to disappear when exploitation and class antagonsns are abolished. The world is subject to natural laws and not o any Kind of Providence, man ste work of naare and ito be tudes6 Mare and the Send Iteration accordingly, although the rules that govern bis being cannot be simply reduced to thote ofthe preshoman universe ‘The main lines of Mande doctrine a ths formulated were, however, open to important dilerenes of interpretatior, and it certain cottons these led to the formation, within Marxism, of palitieal movements and theoretical postions chat ere radically hosble to one another. Within the framework of the general definition fe was posible to hold quite diferent views ax 1, for example, the degree of valicity of historical maserialian or the relationship between the “bast” and the “superstuctute Socialism might be regarded either asa ‘natural inet” oF 236 possibility within the historical tendency of the capitalist tconomy. The struggle for reform might be weated 2s valuable in itself or merely as eraining forthe revolution to come. Te was posible to advocate the political exclusivism of social pares fr to admit, with greater or les feaom, the legitimacy of allinees of various kinds with nonsocialit movemeats. The ‘evolution could be envisaged either asa cil war or as re reslt ‘of nonviolent presture by the majority. Te was posible co held clther thatthe socialist world-view was as allembracing, self fontained system prosiding the answer to every important Piiowphieal question, or that philosophical criticism might Gras rely om pre-Marsst or non: Marxist thought in respect of| fquesuons that Marais ell dnd not decide ene wa or the tothe. All these diferences were of great importance in Jeining the objecives and poiey of socialist partes. The later were nat mere discussion groups but had take many practical decisions ‘They were constantly confronted by situations which Mares Gocttine had, 0 to speak, not foreseen, this obliged them 10 Grav particular conclusions from the master’s princigles, and they did not always agree as to the mde of doing s. From the doctrinal point of view the most importa stages of theoretical development in the Second Tnternational may be redinced to hree:thestruggle against anarchism and revisionism in the fest and second phases respectively, and the conflict between orthodoxy and the let wing after the Russian Rewoi= tion ef 2905. From the point of view of the fate of Marism and the seciast movement che decisive confict was of couse that ‘waged against revisionism in all ts ramifications. (In hese in- Mars and the Second Internationa 7 ‘woductory remarks we take no account of Russia, which requires Separate and more deailed treatment.) "The most imporcant factors of the European stwation aller. ing the development of wcilist thought during the period of the Second International may be summarized briefly as the fecrea from liberalism in ideology and economic practic; the democratization of politcal institutions, especaly the intoue- tion of equal and universal suffrage in many European sates: the economic expansion of Western Europe; and the growth of Imperialist tendencies. ‘The decline of liberalism was expresed above all in the abandonment of ewo principles thac had been fundamental to Tiberal social philosophy. The fist of these laid down that the ‘main funetion of state institations was to protect the salty, freedom, and property of the individual querons of production and exchange lay outside their competence and should be let {oprivate initiative, which gave the best asusance a prosperity. ‘The second, more specific principle was that the relationship between the employer and the wage-earner was aparticularkind offfee contract between fre individuals and must be let subject tothe laws of such contrac it was an infringement of treedom forthe law to interfere in labour agreement or for trade unions fo exert collective pressure on employers to improve conditions ‘These two principles, expressing what may be called the ‘pare’ Hoctrine of capitalism and Flee competition, were scarcely Aefended by anyone in the closing years of the nineteenth ‘century, This was parly the reslt of socialist propaganda ané partly because changes in the world evanomy had made the ‘deal of unesteicted tree tade yunworkable. Socials ideas had tffectvely destroyed the fiction that the employer and the wae- farmer met on equal terms, and most liberal theorists had alo Abandoned this postion. Te was consequently recognized as the Fight and duty ofleglative bogies to regulate thesysem of wage ‘contracts and restrict certain forms of explication, and ie was equally conceded that workers were ened to form asocations for the collective defence of their interests against employers, "The secagaiton ofthe principle of tae intervention hesween| workers and employers, and the possibilty of exerting pressure through freely elected legislative bodies, faced the socialist pares of Wester Europe with a sitation to which Marsst8 Marxism an the Seond Intentions strategy provided no clear-cut answer, If socinlints became members of bourgeois parliaments and helped to passlavsin the ‘working-class interest, were they not paripating inthe reform of capitalism? The anarchists charged them with doing © and fdmiting, by implication, that capitalism wae remediabe, Whereas Marx had stated the contrary. To this the orthodox replied that capitalism could not be reformed inthe sense chat it would cease to be capitalism and evolve ofits own actor into socials order, bu it was nevertiees extental to ft for the improvement of worker’ conditions under capita wo a5 to develop ther clas-consciousnes, Warkers who were lett the mercy of capitalists, deprived of education and stupid byt would ner be ape of pling the par i he soca ‘The cllemma was especially acute as regards temporary alliances with non-socalst parliamentary groups. I the soci ins refused, on principle, any asoeiation with patties of the ent, they lost al hope of obtaining concessions inthe interes fof the working class and were in practice fvourng the comer tives and the right wing, But i they agreed to sh asociations it meam co-operating with the bourgeoisie to improve the ‘capitalist sjsiem, and thereby blunting the edge of las are tagonism. In countries such as Russia there the parliamentary system ether didnot exist or was ineffecwal fom the socials point of view, ths problem seareely ares: parliament might bea ounding-board for propaganda, but cauld not be looked ta for ‘lective social reform. But sehere sich reforms proved to be practicable, it war hard to draw a line between he srugie to Iinpeove conditions and "eformism’ in ube pejorative sense. The anarchist held tha’ any form of political action, especially in parliament, demoraliced. the. worker by suggesting pital was chaning forthe better, the distinction deawn between one bourgeois party and anaxher abscured, inthe eyes tf the proletariat the baie cleavage between hort clases, TO ‘hie the onthe retoried that it wasnot a matter ofedlerence ‘othe utire of socialism whether the workers ved in an empire, 2 eytanny, ora republic. 1t was not contrary co the principles of the class struggle to defend republicanism an bourgeois demor- rey against reaction, clerieafism, and military cliques: a bbouigenis republic could not itself carry out the scialist pro Morsism andthe Swond ntratonl 9 gramme, but it provided better conditions fo the proletariat to farey of dhe fight “The history’ of the socialist movement is shat ofa continuing debate between these two points of view. Bther side could find ‘satements by Marx supporting its auitade. Te it were held thas the proletariat doer not belong to bourgeois wecety and cannot ‘amend that society, but only eertoy ie—that the ravural laws of ‘apitalve production operate against the workers, and that this sate of things car no more be altered than physical bodies can bbe made to fall up fustead of down-—then any strugale for reform, any temporary parliamentary alliance, any disuncion between one bosrgeois party and another s 9 betrayal af the proletariat and aa abandonment ofthe revolution. But, on the bther hand, didnot Marx expresly reject Lasalle’ view shat all ‘he non-proletarian classes form a single reactionary mass? Did be not approve ofthe proletariat fighting not for total revolution boat for democratic rights oF factory law, and did he not con- ddemn the absurd principle ‘The worse, the beter? ‘The snarchie, and particularly the anarcho-synicalis ‘heir faces agains parliamentary taces and any idea of reform ing capitalism of coming to terms with the bourgeoisie. The ‘older generation of orthodox socialists, such as Guesde, andthe young German Left accepted the need for plitial ation but were against temporary alliances, and they regarded the struggle for reforms as valuable not in sel but only ip teation to the ‘ltimate aim. The orthodox of the centre pesuasion accepted politcal alliances provided the working-class party remained fully independent, nd they recognized the fight for shortterm ‘objectives as valid in tell, The right wing (Jaunes, Tura) were ot only prepared t0 come to terme with anyone in the in dite interest of che proletariat, but regarded reforms within ‘capitalist society a6 having a socialist significance, Le. 8 ime planting elements of socialism in the mids of bourgeois reality ‘There was a clear divide between the syndicalists and the rest ‘of the movement, as there was between the socialism of Jaurés and the orthodox position. Between intermediate schools of Thought the barriers were more fuid and made themselves fl ‘occasionally, in particular conioversies. ‘Throughout ie existence che Second Intemational was ‘dominated by German social democracy. The German wcilistto -Marsion ond the Second Itmationl movement was the most numerous and uniform and dhe best ‘equipped doceinally. Lasalle’ party founded in 1853 enjoyed considerable support among the workers even afer the death of its leader, but it did not produce any outstanding theoreticians formen of action. It held dogmatically to the views ofits ounder, tebe though the socal question could be solved by esebishing producer co-operatives withthe help ofthe sate and gradually ‘iminating the system ofhired labout. For thi purposeLsalle Delieved that the working class would first have to gain «pala: mentary majority, and the prospect of this wasso remote tha the pany programme seemed devoid of pracGeal content, Anew party, the Sovialdemokratische Arbeiterparte, was frmed i "Big at Eienach under the aegis of August Bel and Wilhelan Licbknecit. Bebe! (1840-1013) was. turner hy occupation and spent some year in his youth ava avelingjourmeyman, bot at an early age became active in workers asocations at Leipis. ‘There in 1864 he met Liebknecht (1826-1900), who acted as mentor to his younger fiend and introduced him to Marxist theory. Lieblnecht Had lived abroad fora doven years after the 1848 Revolution: he met Marx and Engels in England az Adopted thee social theories, Bebel and Liebhnecte were sue sequently elected to the Reichstag and opposed the war with France aud the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine, Bebel was not atheoretician, but his chic! work apart from ments, Die Fran wad ser Socialomas (aig, randaced “as Waren er Sivation), was popular with wor three generations of cals itsimportance was that it ed the socialist movement aa whole to embrace the cause of women's emancipation ane equal ight Bebel enjoyed moral authority in the German and Faropean socialist movement and displayed tactical skill the intecate disputes that aose within the party, He was concerned sbave all to preserve unity, and it was mainly hanks eo hi inflacnce tht the later confee with revision did not disrupt the party orgariation In 1875 the Lasalle and Bitenach partes united at Gotha to form the Socialist Workers party. The Gotha Programme, severely eticized by Marx, was a compromive between Las: salle’ suategy and Marxism, in which the former's basic pri Ciples were maintained; in practice, however, the influence of “Marxism was inreasingly strong. Neither Bebe nor Lichknecht -Marsism andthe Second Iterated n was a doctrinaire by nature: they accepted the fundamental Principles of Marxian socal, but were not interested inthe Abeolute correctness of theoretical formulas without direct ap- plication to the practical srugele. They belived that socials ‘would eventvally conquer by revolutionary means, but this was more a general hope than a poitial directive, Between them they organized the German socialit movement into powerful farce which sec an example tthe rest of Europe Tn 1878 Bismarck used the pretext of am attack on the Emperor's life to enaet an emergency law prohibiting socialist, meetings and publications and disolving local party arpaniaa~ tions, Many leadeas were forced to emigrate, bat the party did not given and, as was cen in de course, managed to maintain and extend its influence. At this time Kautsky founded at Sturgare the monthly Die Nie Ze ostensibly a private venture, Which became a Tacks forthe whole European Marist Move: ment. Bernstein at Zurich edited che Siealdonalral, a les theoretical publication which became one ofthe chief crgans ttparty life during the period of repression, The Anti-Socialise [Env was repealed in 1890, and in that year che party obtained & milion and a half votes at the polls and 5 seats in the Reichsag. In dhe following year the Cougeess at Eure adopted «anew programme drafted by Kautdky and Bernstein: this was purged of Lassalleanism and faithfully reflected Marist doc trinein the current version approved by Engels. I asserted that capital was bound wo became more concentrated, squeezing oot small business and accentuating the clas stuggle. I spoke of the exploitation of the proleanat, economic crises, and the rowing incompatibility between private ownership of the means of production and the efficient ue of existing technology ‘The programme set out the need to fight fr reform in prepara ion for the revolution wich would bring about the socialization ‘of property and the subordination of all production to social needs. Ic alo declared the unity of proletarian interes on a World scale. A second section dealt with practical objectives Uiivereal and equal suffrage, a direct, secret ballot, proportional representation; replacement of che standing army by a people's tmlitia: eedom of speech and assembly eal rights for eomen: Sccaar, ree, and compulsory educations religion ip be treated 3s 4 private matter; fee legal aid, election of judges and magie Mors od the Seo Inertial ‘rats sboion of she death penal fre medical care; progr “Sve taxaton; am eight-hour working dys no child labor Wer fourteen year of age: supervision of working conditions Te soon became evident thatthe rationhp between. the racial andthe theceetrel part the programme was ae om ‘ear. The dispute between the orhesion and the reins tray be reduced to the quetion which pare of the Erfurt Programine tay cxpresed the partys mind and pliy ‘Tie second pil of the Intemational was Pane. French sociale fad 4 vicher and more vated adiion than that of Germany, but was in consequence more subject to weolgicl ispute, and Marxist docrine didnot enjoy = monopoly pos tion. The Par Ouvrier Frans led by Gesde wa edamen fly cover i Germain stil demweracy. Jules Guede 1845 "gaa; rea ate Jules Basle) gre up under the Second Empire, “hic he Hated Tom his ear ears and soon became a rep ean and atheist rom sly be worked a a journalist oe ‘various republican publications, and in 1839 he heed to found rots de Pomme, a dezocratie but not soit jamal Sentenced to. five year iprioneen for supporing the Commune, he excaped to Switacland, where he encountered Bakunin groups and apread anarchic eas among French mir, He was wl sn aacehn wheat Rome and Milan in "87-6, but ater renurning to France Seeame » Mars nd the het organincr of the party founded on Marais doctrine. In 187-1 to worker’ eengreses were held in France, both dominated by rlormit endencis, The tina, held at Mars tn October tna, adopted the main premirs of Marian ‘ocialsm and derided spon the creation of workers’ party. In May rato Guesde weat to London to discus the party p= ramove with Mars, Engels, and Lafarge. Tht document 0 stich Marx himelf wrote the theoretiral inoeton was fs ‘Tnborate than the subsequent Esfrt Programing, but embodied Similar practical objectives. Te was adopted with small amend tent at congress Le Havre in Noverber #88, bu oon Tiscame clear thatthe party was By no means tains a 0 ‘interpretation. Some argued that the party should acjost programme to real possibile and only tel taks that could bre cared cut in the Lvesteable fre: these members ere led posse by ther orthodox revolomary opponen, Marxism and th Srord International 3 and retorted by calling the latter ‘impossbilis’. The formes froup was not inerested in direct action toward the ‘ultimate {goal but preferred fo concentrate oo local and municipal sss the proper field of party activity. A split ook place in 1881~2 the adherents ofthe Parti Ousrier Francais under Guesde cok the line ofavssitinga global revolution which would sweep away ‘capital, while the posbiists inthe Past Socalise Frangai Sec their sights om immediate objectives. The former emphasized the purely proletarian character of the movement and were Dasially opposed to aliances with non-socialist radical, while flatter aimed to increase their influence among the petty bourgeoisie and were ead for local and tactical alliances of all inde: There soon eame into being anew group of possibile by Jean Allemane, which was esentally revolutionary bu in the tanner of Proudhon rather than Mars! unlike the followers of| Guede, ths group disbelieved in dhe effectiveness of poiical action, but Iwas alo opposed to the pure relormism of che possbilss. Meanwhile Blanqui had formed « group of his ‘un, which was led fer his death in 1081 by Edouard Vaillant he Blanguis group evensoally joined the Guess, but Vai lant continue to insist on the division between himself and the ‘Marxists, Besides dhese four groups there were, at a later stage, indepeulenesoralis such as Jaurés and Mileran, A the beginning of dhe twentieth century French socialism was divided into three main streams: the Parti Socialisie Frangas, with Jaurés ae its chief deologis, the Parti Socialse dde France (Gueedits and Blanquists), and the syndicalivs, OT the fit to groups, the Guesdist were concesned with pro- Jaterian purity and were opposed 1 tactical understandings wich onsocilit partis, or (0 intervention in disputes within the bourgeois camp, They dicbelieved in che value of reformist, action and firmly rejected the idea that ny seforms within the ‘exiting yatem could be of significance for socialism, Jaurés and hi followers, on the ther hand, while they saw the transition to socials in terms of revolutign, believed that some socialist institutions could be established and maintained in booneroi ‘oriety, a socialism wae not the negation of republicanism bata ‘development oft principles, They were aso prepared t con tract alliances with non-tncialst forces in the interests of any cause currently defended by the socialists. The syndic, the“4 Marssm on te Son Intersationt least important of the thice groupe were opposed in principle to all political aesvity and especialy to partamentarr action ‘Theicperiodeal, the Monson xa, was edited fom 1899 vo gry by Hubert Lagardelle, and the chief Mealogat ‘the movement, although be stood outside i as Georges Sore. The Guede and Jaueés groups onites in 995, bat this didnot put an end to ieologcal diferences sithin French socal Mariam, however id not produce any importan theoreti cians in France during the pei af he Second Intentional Grerde was not a scholar, and Lafargue, no doubt the chic French Maria in the ‘lasie’ vense of the term, was more cha popularize han an independent hiker. Jaures and See, who trere genuinely original writers, could only be called Manis Ina very loose seme, be both influenced Prench inlets) Ute by their ferent interpretations f Marsce aswel ain ther ways. rich socal, ax already mentioned, was hardly fected ‘yy Maran docrne. Strictly speaking, dere is nothing inthe ‘eological basis of Fabianiam that can be called speceally Maraist Fabian Espen Seale (gy, which sc the [eynote of Brith socialism for generation to come, comprised a programme of reform which was ether contrary to Marxbt theory or rated in principles drawn from the generl arena ffinteenhcentury socialism, The Fabian wer nat ier in social phlouphy unless it was dielly related to feasible refs Their main deal were equality and rational economic planning, and they believed that these could he acheved by emocratc presure within the ramewek of exsing politcal insticaions an the grad impovement. They accepted that the concentration of eaptl created the natural cconeae re= Condition often, but ey believed tat cal rer sd the gradual imitation of uncarned income would make i posible to give tis proces social sese without the evox thonary destroction of the exiting state: It would sce that in the cours of ime the Sea of tional, sient soil erganiea tion and econemicelcency came to lon larger ir Fabian idesiogy, a the expense of democratic value, Despite he great Importance ofthe Beth movement in the history of exam, ‘made no significant contribu tis ne tothe elation Marsism andthe Send Iterations! 15 fof Marnst doctrine, except of course for the Brish vole inthe formation of Earopean revisionism ‘The Belgian socalst movement was more Marxist than the Brith, bur les doetrinaly consistent than the German, The Parti Ouvtier Belge, formed in 1885, had as iss chet theoreti cian Emile Vandervelde (1866-1938), chairman ofthe Incezna- sional trom 1900 to 1914. He considered himself Marxist, but Felt fre to diverge om points of theory chat he regarded as ‘doctrinaire: Plekhanov, fo one, denied that he was a Marxist at all, But he was not leader of the type, cammon in the Second International, that was intersted in doctrine only for is direct, relation to political and reformist action. On the contrat, he strove after an ‘integral’ world-view and regretted that social, unlike Catholicism, had not eveved one. In LUdilome dans le arsine (2005) he gave an extremely lee interpretation of historical materialism, retaining only the general idea of the “reciprocal influence” of all historieal eircumsiances— tecnica, «contomic, political and spiritual: poston which almost every- fone at that time accepted, but which left no room for Maraian ‘monism. He also argued, following Croce, thatthe term istori= cal materials’ was misleading. No type of historical change was absolutely “prioe’ to any other, and in different crcum= stances diferent kinds of change might give the initial impetus Demographic processes nr changes of geographical environmen might of thembelves affect socal developments Nor wisi tee that spiritual phenomena were simply the conteguence of shanges of economic structure: they ould not exist oxtside that srueture, just a8 a plant had to have soi in which to grow, but it_was absurd to say thatthe soil was the cause ofthe plant ‘Technical development was isl conditioned by man’ ntellee- twal activity, which wasa spiritual phenomenon. Moral factors, ‘oo, played an independent parti historical change: Mare and Engel, in attacking capitalism, had been moved by moral con siderations Historical materialism was a sel device for seek- ing out the hidden causes of socal ideas ane institutions, but ie was wrong to regard it as providing the sole cause of the entire torical proces. Arguing inthis way Vandervelde rejected the determinist aspect of the doctrine, while accepting that the general tendency of capitalist economy led towards the social "ion ofndusry. Thisdid notmean that he accepted the theory of6 Marsom and the Send Iteration “increasing misery’ or of sociale as requiring the rant fall production to pubic ownership, or, abuve al, the inevitability of revolution. On the contrary, all the signs were that yocialiam ‘would come about gradally, in diferent ways and not ueces sarily inthe same form everywhere. Socialization was not the ‘ame as nationalization: one of its mort cexenial clement was fhe gradual elimination of political authority centalaed in the state. The development of tocialism was mor likly tobe aided by local groupings and forme of self gaverament which per mmitied genuine social control aver the productive proves Vandervelde was not an oostanding theorst, and his views on theoretical questions are_ generally. cursory and common: sensible, Inpoiieshe stod perhaps closest Janes, buc he had rot the later’ analytical mind or vhetoreal gis, "The Austrian socal movement was, next 10 the German, the most active from the thecresiel point of view. The social dlemocrasic party, formed in 1888, was led for many years by ‘Viktor Adler (1852-1918), doctr by profession. He was not an criginal theorist, and en important questions generally took up 4 position near the centre of German orthodaxy. The great achievement of the Awian party was the enactment of triveralslfage in 1905, an event helped ton Targe extent by the Rusia Revolution, In the moltinaGonal Habsbure ronarchy the social democrats had to cope incessantly with ‘confit: between naonalities, hoch inthe state and inthe part, land their Weologite naturally spent much me analysing the hatinal problem from a Mansi point of view. The bes-known vikings on thn subject are by Chto Bauer and Karl Renner, Both were leaders of socalled Austro-Marxism, a movement enerally regarded as including also Max Adler, Rudol! Hil fing, Gustav Eckstein, and Adler's son Friedrich. The Austo- Marxists produced important theoretical werks whic, for che tort part, were looked on askance by the orthodox, a they refed to teat Marxiem as an all-embracing yters and had no hesitation in combining it with other sources: in particular (though they vere not alone ie this) they sought to incorporate Kantian moral and epistemological categories into the Marxist philoophy of history. Mort of them belonged 10 the generation thom in the s7on, 5 did Lenin, Teotky, Rosa Luxemburg, and many other ears of Russian socialism. Scarcely any of this Mersiom andthe Seed Internation ” reneration were orthadox Maris of the stamp of Kaushy, Plekhanov, Lafargoe, and Labriolt; the pelarization which tok place a a consequence was ta be the ideological cause ofthe division of socialism into two hostile camps Tp Italy the workers’ movement, after some falbe sass, achieved separate existence in opposition to anarchism in fia, bt it was not unl 1893, ater twp changes of name, thas adopted a socialist programme in the Maraian seas. Lis chiel leader was Filippo Tura (857-1932), who was not a thearet ‘an but stood fora decidedly reermist policy, orgradualis’ as itwar then called. The only important Marsit theoreticians at this period of Italian socialism were Antonin Labriola and Enrico Ferri. The former represented the main stream of Marsist oethodexy, while the Tater was even mote of “Dar wine? than Kauty. Poland, tco, was an imporant centre of the Marxist ‘movernent It may infact be said that it was here that socaism for the fust ne split up im accordance, more oles, with the Principles thae subsequently divided social democracy from famminism, The Social Democratic Party of the Kingdom of Poland (ie- Russian Poland) and Lithuania, known trom ite Polish inidals at SDKPAL, was the rt independent party of communist type inasmuch as it emphasized the purely prot larlan character of the socialist movement, refised to have anything to do with Polish (or any other) nationalism, and professed abscluce deity 10 Marxian doctrine. On the other and, it lacked the features which were to distinguish Lenin’ form ‘of social democracy, viz. the idea of the party as van- feuard and the use of peasant demands as a weapon sn the Fevolurionary stage. The partys co-founder and chit thea Fetician was Rasa Luxemburg, but although of Polish birth she belongs essentially to the German socialist movement. Another theoredcian of the SDKPAL was Julian Maechlewsk, ‘ho studied the history ofthe physiccrat and also the theory of fart. However, the main stream of Polish rocalsm was repre ‘ented by dhe Polish Socialist party (PPS), which asa whole can hardly be considered Marxist its chief Marist theoretician was Kazimierz Kelles Kraus, Lodwike Kreywicki, an unorehodox ‘Marxist and the mest eminent sociologist of his generation in Poland, was also close ta the PPS. Another writer who belongs8 Morsiom end th Sond Inertial jn pare to Polish Marss literature is Edward Abramowski, 2 philosopher and psyehnlgis and atheoresician of the anarche- ooperative movement. Finally a special place inthe hiory of ‘Maram belongs to Stanislaw Breozowski, who made «highly ‘riginal ad unordhodox attempt to interpret Marx in terms of voluntarism and collective subjetvism ‘The Dutch socialist movement began as a struggle on eo fonts, being opposed on the ane hand to Catholie trade unions based on the doctrines of Leo XIII Rerum Novarim acon the other, a srong anarchist tendency wise chiel exponent tras Dotnela Nieuwenhuis, Asin Poland, a strong lft group arose within Dutch social democracy and eventually formed an independent party, the nucleus ofthe future Communist party Tis chieideologis, Anton Pannekock (1873-1g60), was an ime placable opponent of the ‘parliamentary delusion’ and the i falls of reformist, insisting that socaliam required the violent ‘overthrow ofthe bourgeois ate machine and could not be built piecemeal in capitalist conditions, Pannekoek sided with Lenin At the Zimmeneald Conference in 1915, ana later belonged to the leftarng, antipariamentary seton of the Dutey Conte ‘Althoogh larger or smaller groups of Marist were sctve in almost every European county, itis more or less tru t0 say thatthe Marsst movement wa a phesomenos of Cente and Eastin Europe. The Second Intemational can. be called ‘Marxist only in a very: approximate sense, nor was it ever centrally organized and directed like the Comintern. The ‘criteria for membership of the International were not clear-cut, [in some countries there was no clear division between political partis and trade union movements. Nevertheless irsugural Congres at Pars in July 1884 was acended by the whole élite ‘of European Marxism including Engels, although he had fxpresed in eters his misgivings a seting up an interational organization. Swictly speaking, the conflict between the Gesdiss ane possi meant that the founding eens broke in swo rom the beginning, a fact which ed to general confi, Yer it war only the Marais congress that really mattered to the subsequent history of socialism. Among the twenty «ountres fepresented were Germany (Rebel, Licbknecht, and other), France (Guesde, Vaillant), Rusia (Plekhanov, Laveov), Aust Mors andthe Sed Itomatina 9 (Viktor Adler), Britain (William Mortis), Belgium, Poland (Mendelson, Dasysski), andthe Netherlands, Resolutions were [ase concerning the eighthour day, the replacement of stand tngarmisby a general alia the Fst afhfay holiday, dhe Beh for social legisation and univer suffrage a2 means to the seicure of power. From (889 to 1900 the ternational hal teal exence excep nthe frm of succesive congress the fifth ofthese a permanent organ was setup, the lnernationel Sociale Bureaty hut this wat only a cleerng-hovse for ine formation, not a directive body. The It of congress betwee 1889 and 1914 i: Heussels 185, Zurich 1893, London 18g Paris igo, Amterdam igo, Statgnt 3907, Copentagen 1910, and Basle 19 ‘The crucial fue daring the fist phase ofthe International, up to he Landon Congress, was the Controversy with the ar’ chins. The later had done much to break up the Fist Ine ‘ational buc pany becauseat thei own deolony, di Rots up 4 lasting indepeedent organization. Accordingly, the anarchitt wing ofthe Fist International cen ceased to extn the early tll an anarchist association (he Alliance Internationale ovrie) came int existence, numbering among it members ‘ropodin Malatesta, and Else Recs, but thao pres saree doin mean orate action, The steht ‘ovement was largely defined in negative ten, there bein Shout as many subegroupe a tre were indvidaal writers of pola activins, Tharmain common ground was the belie that Human beings tothe on inclinations were capable ol fom: ing harmonious commonite, but thatthe ros ofall ei layin impersana stuns and partially the at, Tight sem {hat the opposition of aetual divas to acl ston wis in aceardance with Maras cal pilaphy, bat the two Cases are not the same. Mar beeved that socal would "ere maid fe nal ello ad would dws) with autonomized polical organisms, this replacing sham for of community bythe det asecnton onal Bat hea held thatthe return to an ‘organic community could not const inthe mereliguidation of exiting istntional ors bat ‘quired the reorganization of cv soci am the bass ofthe technique ard organization of labour created inthe capt worl. The sae as am instrument of coercion would Become20 Marxism end the Secor Intentional soperfvous, but not the centralized administration of material resources and production. Tn Mares view the overthrow of the state and polical authority did not imply the destruction fof socil and fvdustial organization: Dut he believed that the ocialization of property wosld prevent the organization of tociety ftom degenerating into an apparatur of wolence and a soutceoinequality, Ife state were destroyed and the procases ‘of production were atthe same time handed over to the unco ‘ordinated initiative af groups or individoals, che est would be bound to be a etarn to capitalism i alls forms. "This view of Marn’s implies the existence of cerain natural laws governing a commercial economy independent ofthe wil af individuals. The anarchists, on the other band, generally belived that the aptitude of human beings for ienly eo operation would prevent all injustice once the inticuions of tyranny were swept away. Kropodkin, in his Bis a in Mut Ubi, Facr of Eouton, argued in opposition tothe Darwiists ttc within« given species the law of ie isnot force and rivalry bur aid and co-operation: from this he deew the conorsing conclusion that the natural inclinations of individuals would sure the harmony of society. Only a few anarchists profesed Ebioluteegola 2 le Stirmer the majarity thought there was no basic confice hecreen individual interests, and that disputes ‘woul come to at end when men perceived thir own nature nd threw ofl the religious and political mystification and cor fuption shat tyranny imposed upon ther. Hence the anarciss often attacked. Marxist socialism as anew form of tyranny ‘designed to eeplace that ofthe bourgeoisie, The Maras laimed that their objective was a social organization in which al forms tfdemacracy would not only be preserved but would come into ‘hei own for the fist tine, as legal democracy was reinforced by democratic production; the state, however, asa means of organizing production, exchange, aed communication could not bbe ablished without destroying society. To this the anarchists retorted that a ‘democratic state’ ora ‘state based on freon twas a contradiction in terms, since any form of sate was bound to give neo petvilege, inequality, and violence. fn the same way the anarchists were opposed agitation for reforms such 2s Uc eight-hour day, since smal conessons of thissorc only served fo strengthen and perpetuate the erganization of oppression, Merson and the Sond Inenasional a Political action, 10, in the sense of socialist partis engaging in ‘curentrivaleies, elections, parliamentary cantes, ec, was a fraud atthe expense of te downtrodden clase "To seck the verdict of the ballot was to endorse the legality of existing politcal institutions. Thus the anarchist were equally opposed {o the political struggle and to the economic struggle lor i mediate ends They reed their hopes either ona transformation ‘of the moral conciousness ofthe oppressed which would cause the breakdown of coercive institutions, or on 2 valent revolution ‘engineered by a terrst conspiracy. Their ideal was complete ‘equality and the abolition of al onganizational forms beyond the range a immediate democracy, i. the complete deceataliza tian of public life. In addition the anarchists, and especialy che syndicaliss, were mistustfol of idale-lass intellectuals inthe revolutionary movement, a8 they suspected them of seeking to dominate the warkers, Some anarchist groups professed violent hatred of intellectuals ae such, of the whole Body of scientific Enowlelge and ar it was the duty of the working elas they believed, co sever all continuity wih culture as tad hither enisted, This tendency was represented only by a ew writes and froups, but itis in accordance with the spitit of @ movement Uehich sought co begin human bitty anes, to go back #0 the sinth day af creation and restore mankind 1a a state of paras pity ‘The anarchists were influential in France, owing in part :o Proudhonist tration. They were stronger sill in Spain and ltaly, and had active groups in Holland and Belgiam they were least finly rooted in Germany. At the Zuyich and Landon com igresses they were fnally excluded from the Iniemadional, since 2 rule was adopted confining membership to partes whieh Accepted that political activity vas indispensable In 1696-1900, between the London and Paris congress, ‘events ok place which brought to light or exacerbated pro- found diferences within the socialist movement the Dreyfus case, the controveny over Millerand joining the Waldeck. Rouiseau government of 1899-1902, and the debate over revisionism in Germany. The agitadon over Dreyfus and ‘minis: terials’ might appear purely tactical, but in fact these issues Jnvolvedfondamental questions ofthe cas interpretation ofthe French socialist mavement. Those who, headed by Jaunes,I Movs oh Send Iteration demanded thatthe party commit vf without reserve tothe defence of Drefis argu tht soil, athe ease ofa smankind and ofthe moval yale fated rough is ‘must take up amo agsne injsice wherever eappare, even the vein was member ofthe governing clas, esd ad hi flowers objected that ihe party sprang wo the ene of Ptklaememior ofthe mary cat nou br he de ‘in beoween the proleaian party and ourge ralealin and, by mechentclas-comtionnea would pay ss the hands of the hourgeouie. The dopa allhouh' war no 0 feria can beeen reflecting wo leeutinepretaers of Marais, Mats hime espealy after hs ple wih esa ‘oe srits el she although cation ea ofall anit and na jf single cay, he ain owas ‘ocialins he coer ofthe working las aid mea thor Se spire yi clase ant not by humane moral vues ‘in general. This cold be imerpreed to mean at seen shouldnt ecinoled incon tht did nme plein interest especially thor hreweendeentsecton othe Surges wt, by defiton cold mabe upbelde tix t values I was psi, allowing Guat, to end he pea Cxclsismef the workingel sl reat the pening ae ot ‘ently a single uniter, hole camp. (Gome nan ae Fried or hat she party would safer nelly he pls $tcame ont too strong for Drei bat Guede ested ie Considerations wort) Bur senee al ete anger imens ould aoe advance, om a Marne pat fio thecpte decom Mar i ot aceep the oversea ‘ino principe that twas all one othe prletaia war kd ‘fsstn prevent the day of eolain: one cantar, he and Engl epestolydiingutiedbeeween seston and ein royale aa epee an ain ‘political groupings af the proper case they were wellaware, for the working ele fo lok on pases wie Surge quaralid among themes no oly Wout te selon ne desert eondemiel the workers woimpotene {a basally similer dpe though more clea areata ‘es tat beween Russian Marne the lead parpusas OF the working clin boungch rveuton Jai however, bad ims en other groans which were Merson and he Scnd Intra! 23 snore dvb rm the Marist pint of view: i tha the parry thst take an active pare in all conics iovoling tives troral values beeause by deening thse vals was bul sEcan reality nthe mide of Bourges society. While che itonsriim profesed by Guesde aud his followers was 90 doobt = fake and oversimplie!iterpreason of Mar, Jour was fuily oC uncrihodony when he represent the pais moral Commitments ells reslzation of sods, In Marr's ew Shea ei wana Ba lent each of ony ‘ith bourgeois tuo, snd could ceranly not be realize in whole it in part within bourgeois society. To an orthodox ‘Marais, hen it would sem that support for Dreyfos might be {usted strategic or tactical grounds Bt not 09 moral os ‘Gn the other hand, as hard wf a text in Mare stating thatthe revohton mica a reach of ora swell situ. Sn Somnath ee wld Be implied that vocalist enjoyed complete moral ecedom ri Seung sete But had not gel om this very ground condemned Bakunin for treating all mora precept strategie treapons, holding fr instance, hat the snc of contracts was 1 oorgeni prejudice? Here agai, Se was dul to jude the “venir uneuivocaly y appealing othe father of Scie scale, “The problem of Dreyfas was, however, les acwte than it igh ve hee moh te ie see mecca fo se the queson “For oF against” Moreover, not ten Gucae proposed tha the party shoud ignore the Aa completly. The opponents of Dreyfus sted fr black easton, miltariam, chavs, and aniSemtm, and here were no {0 opinions about tem jn dhe socials camp. The Milerand sue ara more delicate one, raking the question whether, aad Snreatconton asia wad ing be Cbinet=in the presentcare cabinet which included among tremben General Galier, the Bondy suppresor of tbe Pars Commune. These wo fred Milerad action argued thatthe presence al one sail inthe government could NOt alter its se character but might lp to curb the more Teactonary ements and promote reforms within the existing ‘Sater, ply which enjoyed the pars base approval The ‘ponents of is view replied tha the parlpaion of ois= Mansi tnd he Sond neti ‘onfsed he prolatcatby ving tempreion that he pry wa throwing ini lot with thse in aor moreover, sould mea thatthe ary bre some repay fr he {on fa bouranisgoveranen “The Milrand que wa dete at she Paris Cores of the Inesnatonal nso where Vander ike urd trgued ha agreement bewenn isan ler ports were fuse in defence of democrat eden the ue of the Hain emergency la) or the sight ofthe inidual or lector purges The Congres doped «compromise al tan Ray he fc ht sc mi pot Secale goverment in exegptiona ctutaces povided they Temained under pat design an tht hls action was ne Cred se patel en af power. "The dpe over evo na the mst important vet in tesla bony af te Second terete sd call 2 separate dissin, The lternaonal was les anced th the thereat sores of antagonim bewecn the revs and he rthedow than with te queso etorianad e Siguianc of eferm which om the heared pat of ew Teccted more fondunental vergence, The Garman ste democrats paved reluton aginst revonim at tot Congres in Drs, and atthe Amsterdam Congres Gace Dopod thatthe Iskrnagoal adap he same jn On {hp ocean Jars mae hic fou pech declaring that he local iy ofthe German wae was only 2'mack or Shir praca Snel the French suo movement ‘sins ch ale, ta ao much mare milan hey he German) The anterevionst rslaton yas adoped by 9 Imjriy butte revo ovement condnaed to gre Phe {German party id not enpel freon: nce Bebe noe Kavety wanted pi an he srength freon a tt in Bemus tees argue atm the pact ses ton ofthe German working clan The per ace wha ‘ppored Bermstin were nontreated a his hg of he Aine, or even in she doy of vale othe concentra of capa bat ater expres tat vat of mine the wore iekders who saw a gu beeen the susere toveluonary Erol of he party pegemme and is actual poly, and who euld no longer ain pracal meaning to tddonal Marxism andthe Send Internation 5 Marist dogmas, In theory, of course, nether the increased Tmnortance of parliamentary snstications [which was much [eater it Britain, France, or Belgium than in Germany) nor the Schievement of labour legislation and other social reforms ‘foul have affecteé the revolutionary oudook of he proltatia. “Acvording to the doctrine, everything the working class was able for secure under capitaliem, in the way of socal reforms oF ‘democratic freedoms, should have helped to awaken the revo fionery consciousnes, and no orthodox Marxist could admit tat this was not so. But the crss over revisionism emphasized fhe problem of the social significance of reforms and gave an impetus tothe study of the eoretical premises of Marvism i thurarea. It aoon became sear thatthe dspuce alfected directly ‘rinulirety, many ofthe base categories of Marxism, The idea ‘rtevolution, clases, and the clas struggle, the continuity and iscontinuty of culture, the state, historical inevitability, historical materialiem, and the meaning of socialism itelf—all there were called in question, Once the debate on revisionism tase engaged, orthodox Marxian was no longer the same ab Before. Some ofits adheres eld by the ok postsons, hut ne formsoforthodony gradually supplanted the classe” Marxism of Kautsky, Bebe, and Labrils. “The las years ofthe Second International were overshadowed by the approach of wan, The deat of a European confict and the problem ofsociaist policy were discussed many times, epeci- fly atthe Stutgart Congress in 1907. The question was closely ‘ound up with that ofnationalies and selfdetermination Some ener principles were aceepted by al socialiss. All but group fF the German social demoerats were oppose ‘in principle’ co tnlitarsm and colonialism, ad all opposed national oppreson Bar this didnot sulfice to determine a tommon attitude towards svar or particular iteroational confit. The International had Conderaned militasism in general terms at Brussels in 1892, and St London in 186 it adopted a resolution for the replacement Gf standing armies by peoples’ militias. But as che respective Socialist partes were Organized on national lines and were ‘blige in the event of war to fake Up a pesition in view of the policy of their own governments, such resolutions had ne Einsibe cotsequencesforany of them. Asregards the discussions ‘twat and peace, the lowing general pointsmaybesingled out6 Mars nd te Sed raion Guede, fil as ever to his dogmatic Margy was un thu about any spec anwar campaign wary were Inestae under capital, andthe way to op the Was 1 abulsh it ‘Ths was in eft «repetition onthe cational plane of Guesde's position in regard to the Drejus exe oct should not incre inde mong the poenine clases imperialist warisan instance uacha dupute and ot thepoktanarsconen Thwart sme German Sova demerrats, bu it meant abandoning al ope exert 2 socialist nfence om evens. It war bree ov a mig Pat ‘ofthe proletariat was bound tobe motliaed ae ake pai he feral slaughter, andi the soso sie che mame OF doceinal purty dhey would in practice be endorsing he fection of government Several leader arcortingly urged that the Inernatena should adopt a deine policy of prevendog wa, Jaurs and Vaillant were for active fetance inching rebolon if mewesary: Dut they alto eld that ita coamtry was feck ih sgt ed el ad was ety of ‘ocialss to take par inthe defence. At Stsugar in Gustave Heré proposed resolution cling fora Eerste anid mutiny in the event of war the Cermans epee thi Chiefly for ear thax Ue party meh he oulawed. Bren te sll tosuike andre was within she bonds -elrma- poli, the fet wing, represented by Lenin, Resa toner ne Karl Liebhnec put ward more radial propos Tn tre View the hives of socal, should a war Beak out was not {o stem to top i whether by means of tikes or inving Inuermadnal aw, bt to eto overthrow the capitals tem “The realon adopted at Stuart spoke in gener tere of auting to sop a war oF using ito hasten the downfall of Cepia, ve these were purely Seca statements nd comprised no pei plan. The Hen of ang advange of re imperial conc could be interpreted, as ate was by Lenin inthe sense of turning toa cl was, hat he gre tao of win ears wer ot hiking on the: es At the Base Congres in sor, sithough te Fist Balkan War had broken ow, the mood wan ne of concorde optimism, A furter anwar reseluton wae paved, the slogan Wit on was Vocerated, and the deegites eipersed in te envicon that the social movement war stone cout prevent the Manson and he Sed Intrtio ” camage pled by imperialist governments “The International was ako Gvded, though along diferent fine onthe qucston of natin seleaeterminaton, National tppresion wa ofcourse condemned by all but nite his nor Stns theory provided solution tothe complicated eine Probie of Cental and Easier Boro. In general it was eeptd that while national oppresim and chawenen were onutary to soca eas the fomer was only a facet’ af social oppresion and would van along with tthe nason- Ste wae Hkewlseatociated withthe development of capital, in thse wan no rennnfor Mats co gard em ging Dncple The Abstan Manis put forard the eu of Elle avenomy whim x ulna) sae hee was no teed fr esate to be organized om a nalinal bas bul etry Exim commanty was ened o mata tcltral adios tied language wihogt inference. Rosa Luxemburg violently SMacied the prince of sel-dtermiation on the ground tha Social would co away wih national quarrels in de course: hile the Bight fr sola was ging ont ae the national Qetion ava separate problem would distract he proletariat ffom ite proper objective and anise the bourgeois policy ol ational unify. Lenin and the 1 wing of the Resin Scal Semocrats upheld the nh very natin to form a state oe fren: Ra Lemire dogmas on thi fe was iia © thevigd stitute of Gur towards oder spre all impor tant Hstrcal proves were determin by the cla Suse there was no sh thing ata separate national probler, ad in Case was hota proper objet of atention fo the working Glue movement Astor Lenn, he id nt advocate the Sea of the nation-state fern own sake, bu egerded national sion Sd oppresion 8 a powerful source of tengih tat could be xpd in the inter of the soll sug "The collaoe of the Iteratona nthe lace af the 1914 wat was the more unexpered ad depresing a the sci had Tri such high hop on te strength of her movement. The ite ing did wor expect ther: Lain at at fused to bolewe thatthe German sca democrats had obeyed the faheland’s Ell forms Inver count of Erp the est manta Snsinetvely adoped a parsioue atiude. Even among the Tokhevic ges inthe West, a large umber did 0 witht2 Marsom and th Seon International hesitation. Pethanov, the father of Resan Marxism, had no doubt that Rusia must be defended agains invasion, and almost all the Mensheviks thought likewise. At the Beginning of August the lange socal democratic partyin dhe Reichstag voted for war ‘tedits:a minority which had been ontoted atx previous party reeting conformed tothe majority line At the next Reicsta vote in December, Karl Liebknecht alone broke the ranks of party solidarity. During the next two yeas the nomber of ative Alissidens rose to the point at which there was a split the Op- ponents of war were expelled and, in April 7, formed the Independent German Socialist party (USPD), which drew ie rmembers fom all pars of the German Socialis party (SPD). ‘The war brought about new political divisions the USPD in- cluded orthorox cencrists like Kawtsky and go Haase (cir man of the SPD since Bebel's death in 1gi), revisionists like Bernstein, and the let wing, which had formed itself into the ‘Spartacus League at che beginning of 1916 ad nov joined the LUSPD in a boy. In France the aniopatrioie oppasiion was if anything even weaker than in Germany. Jaures, who might have hesitated, was murdered on the eve ofthe wa, Gude and Sembat joined the war government, as did Vandervelde in Belgium: Her, the most radical of French anti-war agitator, changed almost overnigbe into an ardemt patriot. The Inter: atonal was in ruins, In che summer of 1914 the socialist movement sured the sreatest defeat in its history, when it became clear that the international slidarty of the proletariat its ideological foundation—was an empty phrase and could wot stand the test ‘of evens, Both on the side of the Entente and ot that of the Central Powers attempss were made to justify the upsurge of patriot an Marsist grounds, Marx had often denounced Russia as a bulwark of barbarism and teacton, and. war agaist her could well he represented. as defending European Séemocracy against Tsarist despotism, On the other hand, Prussian miltarism and feudal survivals in the German lands had craditionally been the abject of socialist attack fromm Marx ‘onwards and i was easy p pstmt France's struggle a that of ‘republicanism against reactionary monarchy [Lenin and the later Zimpmerwalé Left atibuted the collapse ofthe Tnternasonal © weachery and opportunism on the part Re eens ietic and begin history anew on the ruins of eaptaism. Oo Squall, feedom, and. community of ownership within the Ji Western Berope i war havd to argue thatthe proletariat wasPa ‘Mersin ond the Send Iteration ‘ideological force by contributing to a worker moverent that hha achieved sacceses under capitalism and so refit the view thatthe Inter was incapable of reform, ‘Thisisofeourseasimplifledschema, and does no tase account ‘of the intricate changes that took place in the socialist meve- ment afer the collapse ofthe Second Laternational. = gives an ides, however, ofthe subsequent polarization leading tot sate of affair tha ail exists om the one hand, reformist socialist Dearing only a tenuous relation o Marnim, and, on the ater hand, the monepolization of Marxism bY Leniniss and ts derivatives. The later, despite the tradiional dectins, plays its main srength in pars of the world that ate backward from he technological, democratic, and cultural pints of view — countries that are only on the threshold of indus and ‘where the main pressure comes fom non-proletarian clas, espevallythore of the peasants and subject nationalities, This polarization appears 1o have shown that the clase version of ‘Marsism which held che feld up to the Fist World Waris luntenable as a practical ideological loree. From thi pot of view the present stuation iin spite of all changes, sentially the ovtcome of the drama that took place in the summer of 1914 CHAPTER IT German Orthodoxy: Karl Kautsky “Tue igure of Katl Rautshy dominates the theoretical develop- ment of Marxism for the whale perio of the Second Inter- rational, While certainly not an oustanding philosopher, he was ‘he chief architect and, 50 1a speak, the embodiment of Marxist orthodoxy. He defended it against all extraneous influences popularized it skilflly and intelligently, and applied it success {uly othe interpretation of past ery and to new phenomena connected with the evolution of capitalist imperialism. He plaved dhe main partin creating a stereotype cf Marxism which, “Specially in Central and Eastern Europe, held the Beld for decades and as only begun to give ground to oir stereotypes inthe las ten or fiftcen years Generations of Marxists were Trough pon is books, which became classics of Marxist ture and~-doubtlese "unique case remained so even. aftr renin had denesnredl this ahr a6 a renewadte To attacking the October Revolution, Kanbky was not orthodax in the sense of feeling obliged to defend every particular thought expressed bby Mars or Engels, or of treating quotations From their works as arguments in themselves; indeed, no theoreticians of his genera tion were orthoden in thit sense. To some matters, not of the frst importance it not wholly eivial either, he criticized Engels views, for example by maintaining thatthe sate mest frequennly comes nto existence asthe result of external violence. But he wae pedantcally orthodox in the seme that Marxism as a theory snd method of historical investigation was the ‘only system that he regarded as valid forthe analysis of cial Phenomena, and he oppesed all attempts «9 enrich oF sup plement Marxist theory by elements from any other source, xcept Darwinism, Thats, while not sit deqmatist in respect ofall Marx or Engel’s idea, he was a igorous defender of ocr purity. Fe was thanks to his interpretative work thatwe German Orthdays Bark Kastsy the stereotype Known a scientific socialsm-—the evelsionist, ‘determin, and scents form of Marsism—became univers ally accepted init mai lines, 1 Life and writings ar] Kautshy’ (1854-1638) was bom in Prague ofa Czech father and 2 German mother. As a youth in Vienna he became acquainted with socialist ideas by veading the novels of George Sand and the historical works of Louis Blane, He envered he University in 1874, an joined the secial democratic partyin the Following year. He stacked history, economics, and philosophy sind was attracted by Darwinism as an explanation of the general principles governing human affais. His frst book, Der ifs fer Peldsemetrang auf den Fn der Grulla (of Hunan Increase on Sova! Prin, 880), was a ertique ef the ‘Malthusian view that poverty the raul of overpopulation. ‘While sll x sexdent Kautsky wrote forthe soctlat Pres Vienna and Germany and met Liebkoecht and Bebe. In 1880 Ihe mowed to Zurich, where he became 2 (end of Bernstein and worked forthe Germnanlanguage peridical Ssildemota! and rch der Suakesvenschajt und Sezai. Iv 188 he spent Some months in London, where he met Marx and Engels. Inthe flowing year he rewrned to Vienna, and at the beginning of 1883 founded the monthly (later weekly) Die Neue Za, which hie edited until 1927 and hich was, theowghowt this period, the chief Marxist journal in Europe and therefore in the world: No other periodical did so much co popularize Marxism as the “ideological Form af the worker movemnent in Germany and the rest of Europe. Many articles hy socialist theoreticians that ap peared in Dis Nroe Ce ater boeame part ofthe Marxist canon, ‘The journal was fist published at Sutgart, but was subse- ‘quenly wansierred to Landon oving to the antisocial laws ‘Afr the laws were repealed Kasky returned to Stuttgart ate ‘end of 180, and moved to Berlin seven years later. “The Erfict. Programme adopted at the German social democratic congress in October 1Bgi—the fist party pro- agammme based silly on Marxist premises—was the work of Kauuky and Bernstein, the former being responsible for the theoretical section, Kauisky attended every congress of the ‘Geeman party and ofthe International, defending his concep Gamen Orthos: Kart Keshy 3s Gon oft agains the mari, Bernt the eso Sie and the ee wing i aes pla strategy he waste ‘Mefexpovet of wat war then wal ale he cnt pine ‘Thieeoposing teers estat soils cold be o™ {verde capa covey by wy of eral refs and cor speratign been the plein, ve Pesuaney, al the pat Sfarechis atthe same time he oppose. the eevoltknary theo ha he partys peoper ak wan to prepare a ingle sinc peavalat'» moment distated by pola cc “ince Th the same way, when tye war came andthe Incr Satta apart Kautky took vp a mide postion between the mtionalsn of the Genta party ara hole and herve Clary delat ofthe elt wing His sharp eric of the Caer Revolution in Rosia tated a be branded 2 3 {Tater by Lenin an his follower In the san he recone 0 ols anf oak» prominent prt n ating the prosrarme Topic by the German set democratic party at Hever intgy Heed in'Vienna antl shortly etre the Arachis and i a Ante. . ‘aly wring coveral eheimportant problems hat con fined Mavi ae the sci movement ies Arad Is huge utputof books and aici these om history and conomfs achiev he ma permanent reputation in 87 he bled Kart hr’ some Lie Te Ean ects of Kea cin elec a summary of Vole Lf Cai, which Served for aoe decades ann hbk of Marx nem the fr beginners Fours work applying the Marat Ineod fi anays to the sy of Healy ae poll tie ate pepe ee ot rportant part his thetic Sey hse re Tas ve sodire Cope (Thomas Maa BS Copy 100 Engi season 1929); Di Keseggnatr fon 19h The Cass Sago of 78, 188); Die Vora ds nescar Soatimas The Fores Modo Soca, (0 Cetus gra Dr Cypha {ern git). The fre othe works anal he state ‘tenland wide ery VII ad he ieand beste work Gi Thomas Moret cr of the cls cas of the age of Prine accumulation, The rd work 3 histor! review Foote eas tom Plans Api t the French Revolon, ‘th pariesiar tent fo evoatonayavabaptse wile hepe Garman Ortadory: Kerk Kaxishy fourth is concerned wih the bistrica significance of ealy Chistian ies. Kauty's ment important work of general theory published before gt is Et and matinstche Chamoun Ets and Matias Iara of Fs, 16), wbccoaie 8 sory of ebialdoctsines and an exposition of Daryn and Manis views on te tlogical and stil sigan of moral ideasand behaviour Works dealing iret with poiceal theory and the s0ategy of social demeeracy ae hi extensive come rmenaty mn the Erfurt Programme (Das Eyarr Param Sonam grndtcichor Til earl oa; and poles agaist Sernscn ad the Lefton he relormae-sevelutenar diem (Borsa wed das socldeabrte Praga, 1B; Die sca Reclton 09, esate G09; De patie Macon, oh ‘Do Wey ar Madi, ge), Hin xtc of the Rus Revol tion can be found in De Ditters Pte (gested 1918, 1964); Teas wal Kommanimas (1919; aad Pow de Denia a Settler (4) T1907 he sumed pis ‘teoretial Meas in Di aeiltiche Ccehinnacang (Te ‘Material Itpoctation of Hit), Tie vast work ad ft fs Jnduence tha his earlier treaties, on account of ie and Iecause is popularity sured frm the ban proneunced Kautky by the highest authority lathe Cornus word Moreover the social democrat, having broken with the Com ‘munity were les interes inthe pllsophical foundation of Socialist dea ae ther own links with the Maca tation, Maras doctrine hd been almost nonopolied by te Lent land Stalinist brand of soca, in which there wat longer ‘oom foe Kaus’ ater ideas In consequence, the moti Presive expsiion of hitorial materialism ever wien ad ually no audience and mo eft om tins tas meant oe 2. Nate ond sity ‘Kautsky’s views changed remarkably lite in the coarse of is career. In hit youth he had embraced Darwinim and naturalistic view of the world; he soon dicovered historical ‘materialism, and wove the two elements ino a integral whole ‘which satisfied him for che est of his ie. Having written his commentary on the Erfurt Programme in 18g2 he could 6 reall its validity no oy in 1904 but alo inthe preuce to the German Onlndosy: Kart Katsky 38 seventeenth edition in 1922, after the Baropesn war, the Rusian ‘Revolution, and the cisntegracion of international socialism. His Jae, monumental work contains scarcely anything by way of modification or correction ofthe views he expressed in dhe pes ‘ceding ft years, This early rigification and sttacton with his own conclusions male him insensitive to new politcal and philosophical ideas. However, he preserved the spin of inquiry And intellectual honesty, which enabled him wo remain clear fiche in polemics: he eschewed demagogy and the replacement fof loge by inslt, and marshalled his vast knowledge of history into convincing arguments. His writing i masked by pedantry and a hankering after stematization: when he sets out (0 ‘xplin the Maraist view of ethics he begins by attempting (with very poor success) to give a comprened history of ethical doctrines and the whole history of manners and customs [Denowncing the terorim of the Russian Revolution, he traces the history of France's Revolution of 1789 and the Pasi ‘Commune. He always goes back to first beginnings, is imbued with didactic purpose, and atiaches great importance, as did Lenin, tothe correct formation of the theoretical basi f the socialist movement. "A striking feature of Kautsky's work isthe complete lack of understanding of philcophical problems. His remarks on purely philosophical subjects do not go beyond what may be read in the Svat 4 Rua Lasombarg and the Recolainary Left tion cannot init tral form, be accepted as an explanation oF Forecast ofthe economic development ofeapitalism, Ie doesnot follow, however, thae her work was of no eet. As Michael Kaleckiabverves in the collective work (in Polish) Thecconomic ‘erie of Mare “Gapita (1957), dhe val theories of reaoduc tion put forvard by Rosa Luxeinburg and Tugan-Baranovsky ‘were botherronecus but both helped te strate certainfeacures ff economic growth under capitalism. "Tugan-Baranovsky Tela that there are no absolute harriers to eapitalsm in te form cof linited outlets, and cha its output can be marketed at any levelofeonsumption aslong as theratio of consumption invest ‘ment is maintained. Theres nothing absurd, in exptali terms, in production beg undertaken Simply in oder toincreasepro- dlucton: of the conteary, production regardless of reed is che Strenath of the system. ut, Kaleck observes, Togar-Hara ‘hy overlooked the fet theta system which ently gnoeed he level efconsimption would be very unstable since any drop in investment would mean a decreas in the use made of te exist ingapparatusof production, hence farther drop in iavesunent, find 30 on in 2 vicious spiral, On the other hand, Resa uxemburs's theory that compound reproduesion depends wholly on on-capitlist markets has been refuted by ow experi fence of the slates power co create, in che form of arms production, a huge market that may have dachive ellct on ‘conomie growth, In aditon she was wrong fm suppeing that {he whole voltme of goods exported to nop-capitalst markets contributes tothe reall2ason of productive surplses, whereas ‘what actually counts i the exces of expors—both goods and Eapital, bue especially the Iater—over imports; fr imported {ond also absorb purchasing power However, in alimied sense the two theories supplement each other: one shows up the hsurdity a a sytem whose viability depends on producing for profit instead of need, while dhe other demonsrats the import nce offeregn markets for eapitalist growth A& the sane time, either theory provides a sufficient explanation of the proces of compound reproduction. ‘To Rowe Luxemburg, however, che thoory of accumulation wat of fundamental importance not oaly as the sole possible scientific vindication of Marx's prophecy of the downfall of ‘capitalism, but also 48 an ideological seapon: fort meant that ‘Rosa Luxemburg andthe Revolutionary Left » capitalists could do nothing to avert the desteuetion of dir las lint that no human power could prevent the final victory of “ovals, which, as she and all Markit believed, would replace capital. "This belief was it would seem, based on a mare general com= viction by whieh her thought was permeated—an unshakeabe, Goctrinair fidelity to the concep ef ram historical laws thar no hnuman agency could bend or break. The belie in historical laws is, ol cour, a clas theme of Marxism, and all Marxists atthe ‘ie pofese i, bt some held it more uncompromising than ‘thers, Moet of them attemated the literal sense af the doctrine, for innance by invoking Engel’ formula of che ‘relative in pendence ofthe superstructor’ or, lke Lenin, emphasizing the role of ‘subjective’ factors. organized wil-power—in hnastening social change; oF again, pointing out in a common sente fashion the many social conflicts that do aot fall nto the ‘general category of contradictions of eaptaism” yet undeniably tloalfect hitory. Rosa Luxemburg, however, was determined (0 find a single key to all historical problems and believed that ‘Manes anal ofthe dynamics of eapitalism provided this ke, at any rate when supplemented by an exact account ofthe cond tions of reproduction. Her adamant rlusal to believe in any individual or even collective human actions that were not pre= Uctermined by the ‘laws ef history” neue manifested ip all important questions in which she took a diferent stand from her fellow Marxist, Just asno capitalist efforts could hinder the blind snarchic forces of accummation that were bringing the whole ‘System to rin, 20 to it was impossible for any organized moves ‘ent to britig about a revolution by arial means. Men and ‘somen were instruments of the historical proces, and their ask twas to understand it and their own past in it, No purely ideological phenomena could of themselves affect the course of history: in particular, national ideologies were powerles to deflect history trom its progress towards the great erarsformation ‘ofall ine, the worldwide socialist revolution, Owing to. thie doctrinaire belief Rose Luxemburg was frequently blind to dhe empirical reality of social events and showed an extraordinary lack of politcal understanding in fegard to national questions and to the revolution itsell Her ‘siting show a theoretical consistency of the kita! which can6 ose Luxemburg andthe Reatonry Left gnly come from exteme dogmatic iii and nsniy to 5 Reform ad ration Rosa Luxemburg had believed in the ‘automatic breakdown’ ‘of capital in the sense imputed by her erties, it would have ben in glaring contradiction tothe position she tok up in the ‘debace on ‘reform versus revolution. Bt although she eld with Marx that capitalism was candemsed to sellsirction in that Would sooner ov later become a brake on technical progres and ‘eonomie growth, itd not follow that capitalism would cllapse ‘without the need for revolutionary action. Teas rather the ese that imperialism must develop to 2 point at which it would awaken the revolutionary consciousnes: of dhe proletariat ‘without which capitalism could not be overthrown, Ks ove {throw was a historical neces, but so was dhe revolutionary movement dhat must bring it about. This view was shared by ‘Rose Luxemburg and other orthadox Marxists of er time. ‘The question af the significance and prospects of ‘efor sction—ive. the workers economic sugge for better conditions, land the campaign for democratic measures within bourgeois ‘ociety~was, in Rosa's Laxemburg' opinion, vial t the whee ‘otiabst movement. Her postion wat exentially the same as Mans: the value of reforms was not that they browght an alleviation of conditions but that the struggle iself afforded the proletariat the necesiary practice fr the dessive batle, Those Who regarded reforms as an en in themselves were denying the Prospect of socialism and turning thelr hacks on the utoate real ‘Many orthodox Marxists tole the view thatthe revolution ‘would come when economic conditions were ripe an hae mean- while thei task was to ight for demceraey in publie ie and better conditions fr the working class. The reformiss, while not expressly abandoning the hope of revlon, were vague about the ime apd circumstances in whichit would occur, The esence of Rosa Luxembur’s postion (like tha fall dhe left wi ofthe International, including Lenin) wae that she combated both these views, although her opposition tothe orthodox viewpoint took shape at a later date. In the controversy with Bernstein and those party leaders and trade unionists who supported hin oso Luxemburg and the Resutionay Lift ” in practice though without evehing any special herein eter example, Georg von Vollnar, Wolfgang Fein and Mar Sehipel Risa Luvemburg i fet circa ee stack et only gaint Tevonit toi bat abo agaist the Snholon vanes Fer main pent ws that ears. were tmeaningles if they were ota means 4 the conquest of power they mato: be eae sen portal aan ed in thee, thd hse wn ai whe pens wc sb ingthe revolutionary cause Atle rear hat wasnok ‘bnwlinated to the coming revolution wap a hindrance rather ‘hans ito soctaan, wherever immediate osteome mht Tre A Rm Lanemburg celaed a the prt eongres at St btn so, he anions fght fr ety tes tor the sake of fRbour power; presure. for soca) ef and" democratic mete were brim of activa wii the capital sytem Th terete hd no specially soit mening ene 38 a {he sai for the mate conquest of pla power To Bermacns dictum that “The goa roth, the movemens Everything she replied with se oppose formula “The move tent asa cn intel areata te nate gal thing {o mete clumat gall everyting Caneentation on shor teat led relomiss e Stipel to suppor liars as thegromih o armies and war proton wuld rede ues ployment and prevent cries By increasing purchasing power JEhe Rosa Lnembu sai, as absurd economically as cres, were not dc to an absolute ane between consumption {inl proton, butts the inherent tendency of production to eed te poubiiie of the marke, and tary cos would te bome ih one way or another by the working cas. But Chetheey ara polseally dangers atau ha the Mfrkes could rol give upto princial ams for he sake GCremporary gute hat woud finally be t thir deuiment “aiirand Maram Ege olsen Feta 8), Hos Lembo net emer fai inher pamphlet Sus efor Reston’ Tere opostion, theatre, bowen the srogale or rman he srgaelor Dolticl power: the former sa means the later an end tl. Eozaldemocracy i antogusthed from borg reform by itawarenes ofthe ulate goa. To reat reforms ay an end in thompeves mat aceeping the idefne comtnuancea Roxa Lauxomburg ond the Resear Left capita, enabling it o escape destrcton atthe cot of a few ‘modifications. For example, Koarad Schmidt held that the ‘worker political and econoinie struggle would lead in time to Public contol over production and ould limit tke role of pitas, But in fact the worker’ influence on capitalist, production conld only have a reactionary effect: i would hold ‘up technical progess, of align workers and capitals against ‘consumers. ‘Tn general” Rosa Luxemburg wrote in io, ‘the trade union movements not moving into a period of itorious development but into one of increasing difhculties. When the development of industry reaches its zenith and worldwide ‘capitalism begins to go dowahil, che unions task wil be doubly dificult. In hefnseplace che objective state ofthe Iboar market will be worse, ax demand will increase more slowly and supply more rapidly than now. Seeopdly, capital wil be ren more unscrupulous in seizing that part ofthe preduct which the worker due, © a8 to recoup is leses on the world marke ‘The sate cannot intervene in any other interest then that of capital, since iis an organ of the capitalist class and ean only pursue general polices insofar as they accord wih th interess ‘of that cas. This applies equally to democratic politica insttue tions, which the hourgeine will maintain a long a end tothe exten that suits them to doso, Hence no amount of orm can ‘overthrow capital of achieve revolutionary obiceves by tiegrees. The prolearia's economic and political stragale can only help to bring about the nubjective conditions of elution: it does not, as Bernstein argues, lead objectively towards Socialism or restrit exploitation. What the strugale achieves is ‘ot the transformation of society but the tansfoaton of the ‘cossciousnes ofthe proletariat. To treat short-term swceeses as tend in themselves is contrary to he clase viewpoint and ean only breed illusions “in the capitalist world, socal refoan iv and always willbe a nut without a kere!’ In despite of Bernstein, ‘Marv’ predictions conceming the development of capitalism are being flfiled tothe leer The fet that there are no crises of everpreduction at she mament does not invalidate hs ews oF signify that capitalism is changing or is capable of acapration. ‘The erises that Marx knew at fit hand were not the same a¢ those he predicted the former sere crises of the growth and ‘expansion of capitalism, not is exhaustion™the rel eres of Rosa Laxemburg and the Resolution Left 1” verprducton have yet o come. The aster of share seen as Berstein mamas, ign thst sal capitals a fn the creme: it afm of the cucentraton of capital Sind therefore inensies contraction instead of curing ther. ‘The proletariat cannot aver or invalidate the lw of capitals concmy: it defensive sage forthe rth 1 sll about power ‘Se sonal crm ra Sipe task, though nest to prevent tags filing sll more But, whatever the workers efit het share in the wealth of society must diminish "with Ue cabiliy of 2 natural proces a8 he peodutty of labour “Th revolution and reform aredifferntin nature, not merely in degre: eelorn doesnot amovint to gradual revluson, of ‘evalton toa ielescoped er. To thik others to believe that captain need only be armen, ad that its overrow i "Ron Liserbry's esa to adit that eforms ha any value theres, and her minis of any conspicus succes inthe proletariat’ conomic struggle inline he to make pessimistic foeceats and to disparage the vealsctsined. Her revlon aGveraics, auch as Bernstein and David, regarded Britain as 2 ‘roel country afar asthe worker srugee was concerned she, Sh ter and st pro cape of the roletarist could be corrupted by temporary. guns. To an Sen the Eapciger Polizia i May 1g the declared thatthe Briah rae unions had achieved succes by abandon ing the cass viewpoine and bargaining orithin the framework of the capitalise economy, The Brith pecetariat had adopted Tourgei ideas and ascriiced clas Objectives for Immediate fain, Bot we are now at the end of this period, andthe cass Srvggle—in he ve, not the reformist tees about to Bega gu ‘All his lyin accord with Mare’ theory, bat not with the celebrated text from Engels on which the reformist ais At the fret congress of the German Communist party om 3° December 191 Rom Lunemburg made no attempt to interpret Engel in ssese fatourable to heroin views, but cided thin for taking a reformist ine inthe Introduction to Maes The Clu Stalin France, under presse, asshe claim, fom Bebel and the social democrats inthe Reichstag, The text iabo Roce Lusomburg ond th Resluionayy Left ‘question had done harm \o the soiait movement by proving {i penmanent excise 0 those wha based their hopes on purely amentary stn and in pacer ieee pret Rosa Luxemburg did not speculate deeply as tothe bass of “Mary's view that the working cas, by vireo oft position, most ‘evolve a revolutionary eansclousness. Marx firmed this opinion In 184g on purely philowophical grounds, and never abandoned it Trey assaf that time, however, was the convietion that because the working clas ie subjet to the masizaum of de ‘humanizationiteannot liberate islfas a separate class but only fs 4 movement restoring the humanity f mankind as a whole ‘This is searcely 4 cogent argument, Because a particular cas is coppnesied, exploited, and dehmanized i doesnot fallow e ror that that clase must aspire to word revolution, stil les that its ‘arpiration wil succeed Ts any case, dhe modern working class is ‘no more dehumanized than the slaves of antiquity. In his later ‘writings Marv used what appeared fo he more pragmatie argu- tents, The capitalist system would soon lose control over technologies! progress, and the working las stood for a society {hat would remove obstacles to such progres a subordinate production to human needs instead of tothe muliplication of aloe frie own sake, But this argument invlves premises ‘which are fae from obvious. 1 assumes tha indefinite technical progres isin the nature of things, or rather that the dese lar {echnical improvement san separable pare of human nature— for technical progress isa human activity: as Lévi-Strauss pats it fone axe does not produce another. But Marx did ot make this ‘sumption; om the contrary, he believed that te urge for techtieal improvement wae pecliar to capitan and had not ‘iste in other economic systems. Thus if he was Fight in hole ing that capitalism was bound to lene the power to improve technology, the cansequence would be that capitalism would ceace to exist in it present fora, Le. as characterized by {echnial progres; bu it would not fellow that rae would be inherited by the working clay, stiles thatthe working clas ‘would inheric the ability to control technical progress and that this ability would ensure i polidealeiumph. Ht could equally ‘well be suppowed that capitan would go on existing in 2 sta rant form or be replaced by another society chat might not Rose Lasemburg and he Reattonary Left on nnecesily depen on the continal improvernent of productive forces and ned not be socialist in Mars sense "This it true, was not the whole of Marx's argument. He also thought that the historia] prekade to dhe prletaian evolue tion would be the increasing palarzasion of clasts, che disap- pearance of the intermediate clas, the increasing size of che Eesceve arm” an of the proletariat, and thedevelopment ofthe latter's clas-consiousnese, Bot even on Mary's premises these ‘events are not slfcient to justify belief inthe inevitability of a proletatian revolution. Poverty docs notin self produce a rend evans revolution, nor does the preponderance ofthe exploited das, r, least ofall, the fat that justice ison its ide. On the ‘ther hand, according to Marx the growth of revolutionary Conseiousness depends on socal conditions “objectively tending towards revolution: it isnot aspontaieous mental phenomenon, but must be the reflection ofan actual historical fend. In order to know whether to expect an upsurge of revclutionary con- ‘scioueness, we must fist find out whether a socialist upheaval i fn the way in accordance withthe historical process, But it has hot been shown that this condition is fulfilled, since the pros Ietaran revolution as predicted by Marx has not yet occurred anywhere and there i no Feazn fo expect it soon, or faded at ail Neither Marx nor Rosa Lasemburg makes it clear which statement logieally comes fist: that capitalism, cannot be reformed, or that the working cat bound o destroy ic by evolution, Since the wo propesiGons are not the sane, either they mutt he proved independent or ane must follow from the fther. Ip her polemics with the reformist, Rosa Luxemburg pear to make mot use of the former propasiton. Her theory ‘haccumulation supplies proof (which, according to her, Ma [ale to give) that for purely eeenomic reasons capitalism cannot goon indefinitely. But even f we accep that theory forthe se Sf argument it not clear how it follows that there rust be 4 proletarian revolution, Assuming that capitalism mus collapse because private ownership ofthe means of production lead to ‘overproduction an erie, its sil not proved that the sytem of ‘ownership mast be teunsformed i that particular way. The con Clusion is more likely, though sil uot certain, on the further ‘ssumptione that society is coming loser to a state in which ia ose Lasambarg andthe Relations Left ‘consists of nothing bat the bourgeoisie and the profetarat, that the laters situation cannot be really improved and thatthe [ourgecsie bound to resist any atempt to brea its manopoly ‘ofthe meansof production. Butof thes three additonal ssump- tions, only the last is credible ‘Since, however, Resa Luxembug believed unalterasly that the working clase was revolutionary by nature, her aceount of| social realty was often based more on theory than on cbserva~ tion, She was convinced that revolutionary consciousbes was 00 the incteace and when the facts beled this she was more melined to blame theleader opportunism than objective cireurstances, Believing that the workers were esentally’ revolutionary, she placed more hope in an elemental outbreak than in oxganized party action 44 The camsionses of the prltriat end forms of poiat vgaviation “The question of spontaneity versus party organization was the trux of Rosa Lunemburgs mast violent disagreement with the Bolsheviks but she ste slr dangers in every branch social democracy. Lenin, Kautky, Jaures, and Taras were ll guy in her eyes of underating the spontanciy of the mases and tending to discourage it by the doctrine of ‘leadershin. Here ‘gain he a lit he ol one her pin in te ia Ty spontaneity, however, she did not mean a blind impale devo of ideological elf-awarenes. Not only had Mars pre- ‘dicted the proletarian revolution, but his prediction must elf become part ofthe proletarian consciousness in onde forthe ‘evolution to come about, "Tt is foedamental to the hisoric up- fheaval as formulated in Mars’ dheary that this theory should become the form ofthe working-class comsciousnes and as uch, a historia facto i its own ight (ariel ov Mars in Vor’, 14 March 1909) Since the revolutionary consciousness that so te, or nom taking shape, hae already heen frmulatedin trims cof theary, the working lass has every opportunity fo become favare of iy own destiny, and there is no nee of Kaers co felucate the masses or look after thir conscionsnes fr ¢her, TLenin’s ulacentraiam was» piece of opportunism, typical of the inlligentsia-so Rosa Luxemburg declared in ‘Problems of Rove Lunemburg andthe Revotuionary Left 8 theorganization of Russian social democracy” (Die Nave Zit No Ye, 1905-4). According to Lenin, the Cena) Commitee Could srrogate¢o tell fll power sisd-vis party organizations, turning the whole party into a mere pasive instrument “The entation sca emoeray, based on thee wo principe a fey the bind bjs fal pay organsand thelr act, down to the minaest deta 44 ental authority ich thinks 2c and tlecidertor everyone, and secondly these separation ofthe organized fir ofthe party from the surrounding revolutionary sig as Lenin ‘vould have ser to smo more ores han a echanical ans. Ghee of the Blan principles ofthe organization af consprarral {roupstothesoral dnrecrate movement ofthe working ase Lain Fie dtine own aio sem more wenchatty, pertaps than any ‘offs opps could bave one een be spe efi wevoluconary Alinta a. ‘Jacobin inked with an orgaization ofthe pleat consis oftcase ern But socal democracy ot ‘ike with the organization of the working la, i Hel he workingchss Lenin file oditingush the mindless discipline of the barrack oo fons conscious class-action, and his cenralsm was imbued with the “sterile atitude of # night-watchman’. Revolutionary thetic could not be invented By leaders, they must develop spontaneously: istry came fist, leaders’ consciousness second The elect of the Bobhevik. policy was to paralyse the fee evelopment ofthe proletariat, deprive it of responsi, and make it an instrament ofthe bourgeoisinreligentsa. The ageney ti revolution mast be the collective mind ofthe workers an not ‘he consciousness of selEstyled leaders. The errors of the «rue ‘worker movement were more fruitful than the infalibility of a Central Commitee. “The Russian Revolution of r90s convinced Rosa Luxemburg thar mas strikes were the mort effective form of revolutionary action, In her view, that revolution afforded pattern for other European countries: an elemental outbreak without a leader, a plan, or a co-ordinated programme, and not inated by any polldeal party In 1914 Kautsky, in Der plishe Masite, tlesied Rosa Lauxembury’s views asan aberration: how could she suppose that a few months of accidental, disorganized stkes, trthout a unifying idea or plan, could teach the workers more than thirty years of eystematic work by partis and trade unions?by Rose Lasembrg and the Reslatonary Left But this was precy what Rona Lane bleed and he th erenay pot ol he wring ma ws instruct thought might be temporary sed by arogent Tender Thi dd for mesh teat the party was meus, however. The concept of an advance guard ofthe prariat ‘tara sound ney but sould be a group of active members Dora sovereign body, The part's ask wat not merely to aval the eolnion tutto hater the coume ohio hs, howe, sravnotarmater fcospracesand cd bu ofeatng the revolutonary concoumes of fhe mates who woul athe decide he fue ef vocab witha ip fom thea ‘Altiough Rona Luxemburg crtezed Lenin fr his barack som eas and manipulation ofthe seca nomen he i tot jon tue dvectly with Raut dactne which Lenin Mojted a the ba is theory ofthe party, iz that reve onary consciousness should e invled ato the worker! tmovementfom without Lakicr inks arte Resa anemone {a Marit in Crh aad Klason (Ht and Clas Cite, 1989), maintained tha he heel accep this Aloctine, ashe Held tha he party was the vice of the pro tecaias lawconsiounee nd tt stark wast rs dary into pratiebyimbungaspontanecss movement with he uth alread impi herein Reva Lanerbrg would probably ave Berend with th mulation, abe would not have gon on o Sta he neligenis was he prime source fe conse travel the proletriay,o lat the party in oe of standard eae coud be replaced by # group of tender To her the party wa the selforganicing proeaia, not the proleaia Ergaized by profesional unconarie ofthe revolion In het Comments a cries she maintained the postion that Sank war not merely theory fhe seal proces atm declan ofthe conchousnes, ater ough might bess yu ‘tan actual workew’ movement. When that conto tok Shapes. when the spontaneous movement achieved heoreial Saiowidge, the dincion between theory ate practice ould cease oe the theory woul become a mater oe Torin the seme of ing a weapon in the struggle, bat ax an Canc part of. There i thrsese a Lind of pre-esabished hhrmony bowen Mar’ doctsine ad the revoleonary mowe- fen at was to make iis own. Mary didnot “invent the Rosa Lasomburg end te Resutonary Left i philosophy. of history: he expresed the content of the pro- Fecariats lfawareness, which was all dormant, and was, one may say, the instrument by which that content was frst mani feted “This acount of the matter ie consistent with Maras view of hisown theory and with Rosa Luxemburg’s dominant idea, but she did not herself Us this or silar language. Ics clear that the above interpretation does not remove the diference between Teninism and Rosa Luxemborg's philosophy of te party, but compatible with either of them. Ifthe pary’s function is «0 inspire a spontaneous movemer with the uth that is immanent Jn that movement, we are sil fe either w accept Leni’ view ofthe party ae a manipulator or wo agree with Rosa Luxemburg: that the worker’ movement i alsras a spontaneous proces ad that al the pary has to do isto explain to the workers their true objectives at nid down by history. ‘Rosa Laxcmbure’s belief that the workers: movement should rot be manipulated or forced into a tactical mould by party Tenders ws the basis of er riicism of the Bolsheviks afer their fie year of rue in Russia, ‘This fll under three main heads: their polity towards the peasants and towards che nasonalites, tnd the question of democracy in the state and party "Rosa Laxemberg criticized Bolshevik tyranny inthe same way a; Kautky, but not for the same reasons. Kauky defended emocracy on general rounds that were not specifically Marxist but might also be recognized by liberals, whereas Rost Luxemburg was actuated by her Marxist fth in the unique Nalue of the spontaneous political activity of the mases. She brushed aside the arguments of Kautsky and the Mensheviks| tout Russia's economic backwardness andthe desirability ofa ‘coalition withthe liberal bourgeasie. This she said, would be a ‘eserton ofthe revolutionary cause. The Bolsheviks had been Fight to start the revolution when they dit and co bank om is Spreading tothe res ofthe word. Here Rosa Luxemburg wasin fagreement with Trotiky and Lenin: the party should seize power teen it was politically easble to do 30, regardles of doctrinaire ‘bjectons about economic maturity-—alwayson the assumption, ‘which was generally accepted, that a socialise revolution in Russia could only succeed iit ouched off revolution throuth fut Europe. She alo rejected the social democratic principle6 ose Lauembarg ond the Reclasonary Left hat the party mast it sein majority and only tem dink about ting power This way ‘piriamentary reins the prope course was to we revolutionary tactics ogain a mjc, ot the other way round “This dd not mean, however, thatthe party, having sized power despite the majority ofthe population, should ‘ainain {elf by tear ad ejet all normal Forme of politcal redeem representation, Te turing pnt of te Resin Revotion vas the ispersal ofthe Conattwent Ascersby. Lenin ad Tray fad done away with general elections altogether, basing thet power on the Soview Trokydesared that the Asebly sur toned before October wat reactionary that wnivral suf frage ws neat didnot rly rete the stat of ing of the mass, Bat Resa Luxemburg replied, the ase oul ine Alene ther represneatives ater she elections and make thera change course, andthe more demucrati the ste, the more fflectivesueh presurecoud be, Demorrate institu wee ot Perfect, but abolish tem was much wore asi parle the Political ie of he mass, The restriction of che sua To those ‘who work fr ther living was absurd in che genera state of ‘hacs, wit nde inns sel unemployment ahage le ‘The curbs on the Pres and on the vight a wsembly tamed the rule ofthe masesinto a feton. "Freedom only for supporters of the government only for members of singe path lwmeres ‘ymetous thsi noe freedom, Freedom mst alwage be for those who think diferendy” (Tie Rain Relics vasa live historical movement ae could not be replaced by miniative deers, If public allan were not propels discussed they would become the province of «nano cle of ceils and coerupion wal be neta Socal called fr 4 spiritual ransfrmation of the masse, and teers ws m0 ‘ea to bring ths about there wut be wld dermeraey, 2 free public opition, fred of lectins and the Prt ight toh meetings and for auctions, Otherwise he oe active partofsciety would the bureaucracy: asmll group fleas would give oder, a the worker task would be to applaud them. The dictatorship ofthe proletariat would be spaced by the dictatorship of a cigue For Lenin and Trost, Rosa Laxemburg wrote democracy vas the opposite af dictatorship, as wa for Kau. Because sa Lasemburg andthe Revltonry Left 8 at his opposition Rautchy thought dhe proletariat should give up {hepowerithad tized nae soripestation: beau oi Lenin Sal Toul decided the power shold be weed by ean of hereon. Buc the proletariat cypned tocxercs the dictator Ship ota elan, nor oft party or clgue, and i should do so openly in democrat condone, “fe have teveaed the iit kere! of nequalty an slavery beneath the hk ermal tality and eto, ie ot inorder to thx he ush aa, Batt pad the wring in ie be i With bat toprezon othe comes plea pomerand fl ivith anew Sout coment Dicatrhip i not matter of shone dlemocray but of applying i etre”). True, the Bo Sheviks had come te power i teumstances in which fal {Tamocracy wes imposible, But they were now making a victor {Eecesiy by eling to lps thir own tacts on the whale fore munement, tuning the dtortin of an exceptional Situation ntoa wnversal ule, They were o be commmensed for sSuing power in Rosin, but the srlle cate was 2 Maller forthe whole weld ad ot Or singe county ‘Rona Lanemurg’s cei ofthe Bshvic etaorship was consent with het eater crtgse of Lenni. Tn 1g06 she Stove thatthe very Hen of weil exh minoity rae “blangutm and seal devocry Corson Sede, 7 Jue, She als sid at acme tht hen te Teandom wa er thven the Rian proletariay ae eaing power, would hand stovertna government cleced by a majo of tre populaon, fsa the poltarit was ino in Rusia, hs goverment onl not be predominanly soiademocrac. Tes not ear Now helmagined the Bolsheviks cold kee themselves in power in ti8 whe allowing fre lection, ce the proletariat was thly'a minoiy and could aot by any means be suposed that de whee ot would vse Sr them, Martov and Rausy {hig-mot hae to meet tin fealty fn thei exis of the Take dito sinc hey ke ew that ath ts drive hom genta ceprenstate inition that here aid only bea fovemen fhe proletariat i he lates co Seto the uke ocy. Reva Laxemburg, on theater had, Seemed belive thas he Bolshevik could haveeld ont powet by democratic means under stem of popular representa. ‘This uange notion could only be basal on het mythical,88 Rasa Laxembng an he Retina Lf nshakeable bet inthe innate revolutionary character ofthe Imes, nic ito hss re mundo eo wt terms of pbc if. Lenn and Touhy were a ood deal ose cireumapect and realistic than this 5 The natn gustion ‘The quenion ofatonlty wat permanent, unsolved shears cal diay of Marsion and paca ily of sos movement Twas not ey to reeanle the principle lass Aiisons were ardatental to oil analy and predicunn and to problems practi poly, withthe hiserial fact chat role were and sways el been dived on tation bas Enimic unis wre divide by quite other estes than toe oF clos, and a nation was hvorealy a unt teanscending clas how then could a porely cas siewpoint be coined with te uatonl reogton of the ight tans w independence? The brothel of prope againe the exes fod been popular slogan inthe midonnceenth centsy aid no Jou ead te tera tet deca ena elie Age of Emancipation, buton inpeton clear aed solve te inveterate proberis of matonal ones and minors aud colonial expltatin. When counties were ruleny ex Pitngthcir calories was hud to show in Grito all Practical experince tha the eres theses peoples were Fn the nate of hing ential with chose ofthe etropoltan Population Mara and ng left nothing that co be called theory of the nationality quetion, Ther attade (eprom wast Jninture of Hegelian eminence theslgans o 15 an het Teoma liken and dates, which they exposed focby at tes especialy in letter, Ther views See mare by 8 Seong European orientation snd by eontemp for smal ‘nvr peoples, which aze doomed Yo desucion ae nations and are Inca supporters of athe reaction and puppets tate power nique, Marx was systematically betle t Rosia, betevng tht the desire for world dominatton as he rainy et her ples he sayeth Brith goverment conning au Ruslan expansoniim, and regarded Brain's part in the Crimean War as due to proktaran presure. He was ile imeresied in ancient viiatdons ther han ha of Greece, i ose Lasomburg ond the Reationay Left 8 tnising them as infantile periods of spiritual weakness and barbarism: both India and China were writen off in this way Hie once wrote in a leer that the Orient had given ws nothing ‘but religion andthe plague. He had no dou dhat soca was the mision ofthe advanced und dominant countries. By creating ‘work! market the bourgeoisie wa setting the stage for revo piwhen it tcok place in the developed counties the rest would follow. Engels welcomed the United States’ conquest of territory from Mexico and the French colonization of Algeria the Bedouin were a race of bandis anyhow. Marx emphasized Lstain'srevoltionary roe in India, roused by colonization fom ies millennial slumber In a leter of ¢ August 2882 he rebuked emtcn for taking a sentimental view of Egyptian nacional, Engels age no secret of his contempt for the Balkan. peoples: the Bulgarians were a eace of swineherds who would do best to beep quiet under Turkish eule pending the Enropean revolution. All these small nations were allis ofthe Tsar and enemics ofthe Geveloped ‘West. The ‘historic’ peoples Germans, Poles, Hungarians—should rile over the other Slavs (except Rusia) Poland should be restored to her pre-ry72 fontes, including Lithuania, White Rusia, and a larye part ofthe Ukraine. The Hhungerians were enaitled to rule over the Slovaks and Croats the Austians over the Czechs and Moravians. All these small fubject peoples had played ne part in European history and would never be independent, France should role over Belgium, [Akace, and Lorraine, Germany over Schleswig, In general the higher civilization should prevail over the lower, progress aver barbarism and stagnation Both Mars and Engels were pec ally interested in the Polish question. Engels thought the Poles hhad done more for the revoluson than Germany, Taly, and Hungary put together. Both men reganied the partion of Poland asthe cornerstone of European reaction: the freeing of Poland from Russian rule would be the fst step towands over- ‘rowing the Tsardom and destroying reaction throughout the world TEngel’s distinction between historical and non-historical peoplsisaveflectim af themood of 48 rather than a deliberate historical theory, and the same may be said of his empathy for Poland and hiv belie that fe would play a key part in the revolution, Mars, however, cowards the end of hs life beeswn Rose Lavebarg ond the Reslutionary Left seriously interested inthe prospeet ofa revolution in Ras he ako chought the Irish question might hasten the revolaton in England. However, national questions in general played no pare in his theory of revolutionary strategy ‘The socialists of the Secand Intemational, especially those fom the multinational empines of Russia and Austria-Hngary, could not fall back on general formulas and summary casfcae tions of nations int 'progresive’ and ‘reactionary’, epesially 3 ‘hey canvasted for support ftom the proletariat of de subject hationalitis. Tt was thus natural for the Russians, Peles, and ‘Austrians in particular to endeavour o fad socials jlaton tothenational question. Lenin, OntoBaver, Karl Rene, Stalin, and Rosa Luxemburg all in their diferenc ways sought. it {egrate te national problem into the corpus of Marxist doctrine. “The theme is one which naturally reese incessantly in Rosa Loxembusg’s comespondenee. The SDKPiL proclaim ise fist and foremost, in opperition tothe PPS, to be against the policy of Polih independence. Not that Rota Laxerbarg wae indifferent to the oppresion of one nation by another, bot she regarded it asa consequence anda function ofthe rule ofp [After the socialist revolution the problem would solve tell as Socialism by definition would do away with al forme ofoppte= sion. In che meantime it war no use fighting for mattonal independence, and it would be harmful tothe cevolionary ‘hue as it would divide dhe movement inte setioni dexroy the international solidarity ofthe proletariat, and diver i attention ‘nation-building, which was supposed tobe the concern ofthe whole nation and not only of the oppresed classes, In general «concern over the national question a'a eparate problema was the resultof bourgeois infiltration and tended to undermine the clas viewpoint which was the rion de of seial democracy. Marx tine towards Poland wassinderstandable ava mater of policy Jhistime, but it was outdated or erroneous and in conc with Marxist theory, which forbade the labelling of Poland and Rusia, eeardles of claw divisions, as respectively proeresive and reactionary. The attemps of Limanowih, continued by the PPS, 1o link the cause of socialism with that ofan independent Poland were reactionary in the highest degree, The PPS sought twinvolve the imternatianal workery movement in the exuse ofa reconstructed Polish state by fisting on it the traditions ofthe Rese Lasemburg andthe Resalutionary Left o Pash nobly’ rule for independence. Av eal as 896 Ros Larenone protested against the Sneduction of a Posh raclution atthe London Congres a the Second Tntrnatonal, “eguing tat twa notte tet Rests rength depended on ihe subhugatio ef Plant and shat he Tardom would colle iftnewere eed Thestregth ofthe Tardom depend on cone tions nde Russi, ad the development of capital Would ead tot dows nde coune “The idea of restoring Poland was not oly eeaconary snuchasit tended todesoy the class soldat ofthe proearas Ie Tan emp bot tw tian aed pees swe In Allherriang: Ross Lanemburg never ceased empha that Po capitatim wosan integral pare of Rant capitals wor think of Plsh exports went to thee he neers pes LF ceonomicinchetion could not be areted. by chitsh fui dveam No soil cls in Poland was freed Tnependence. neither the. bourgeois, whese. livelihood tyeed on usian marke, or the gentry, behing epee to yreeree asm they ebulof hit a5 oF itr he pein new he ds rua tthe majority f the petty bourgeose, nor the peasant. AL the twosome small groups ofthe otligenin who lacked Socal acvancemeny of of he reactionary pet bourgeisie threatened bythe ioe of captain, dreamt impotent of an Indep Poland: In genes nadonal protien ed Sitibeance of ther owns satin movements wee alway i eeimeet af ptf cles Since Here aso clas tha {Sh represen he nattoa ans om he bas orem; ‘tle cechomic prinaples that wth end of the mater: an in depentnt Poland as’ an impossbiity. What was tae of isan Poland app equal ashe prosinesale by Pass ad Aust, Pith eapitsiy attempted to turn the worker mpc to ideas ef independence wa to cod hee minds Sand persuade them thatthe enemy was 2 captain but the Germans andthe Hakata a oganiation for eroding Plsh tighten the Poena provi) Taking these views Rose Layemg combate from the outset the pine uf national v-determnaton that edn the protramme ofthe, Rosa social democrats te nelined ida tothe Ausce Mars idea of clara autonomy 8 89 ase Loemburg andthe Resoluionary Left sclton to the national question after the revolution, Her Opinions wer stout nan ale “The nana quan ad onomy in Pregled Segara No, 6, Augut s00, a ner pape onthe Roan retolao, Ine fr She ses that the right wf elfderemination ia soga of Bourgeois nationalism, implying that every nation as sghtto decide ts onn dein. Infor nats! movements are [rostesive or eactonarysetoding what crcuszanes Tiss recognize by Marx and Engel when hey empha the eneionary character of national seiations on the par ot ‘he touther Svs an Gace the Ses tel agin the Hatsburayn he outa century: rte separation a Scns Breons st Basques mano thee movementsonpert ee onary monarchs again repcas The patra ender) oF history as fr sll atone to be absorbed by larger ove ‘ultra! and lng nity was bound tobe the ulate gal an iwas reactionary and wopan tee orev is res ‘Can oe speak serioualy of "sledeterminaton” fr the Mon: tener, Bags, Romanian, Ses and Gres, or ten ony real extent ofthe Swi In any cae nation yas haa i {eat social whole, ho» cangeri of ste case appoxing oe anor everythin Rosa Laem el tha she recognition of the ight of rationale to lletrinaon was one ofthe Bahia! fravet mistakes. Thin scala right “no mare than ah ide pry-bourgeois phase ad humbu ce Behe hod hoped by itt care he suppor: ofthe non-Rustan peopls of sheempie bu the rev wa tae he Pole Fins Lani ‘lesan, and the peoples othe Canears wed te edo, :bcomba the evolu though foment they had ben ace in ts case Inmead of defending the imegniy of the Rasen Sate; now she bulwark of the rtoluton, aud) craig separatism wih anion an he Bathe ha allowed the Senge hen Ran gee desdeth os fe aed had vented ap natn eng among people ke he Urania, wo tnd ever beens taign Se ™ The aebiy with wh Resa Leven fught he ea of atonal independence especialy forthe Poles byought bead the esis ito sharp ppm, bat me be empha Shar cis was a question of wrateay and ot ob eierent sews Rosa Lasomburg end te Resolutions Left 98 Se secre ral mengeoteme yan ware aed* ose Lavembarg andthe Resltionary Lef could be ignored or aucibuted to individual bad sith, or explained asa ‘ialedcalcontraditioe’, Reasoning in this, Rosa Luncmbarg was able to preserve he views unaltered even though her predictions were almost always falsified by event, Lenin for his pat eriticized Roea Luxemburg on the ground {hat by one-sidedlly combating Polish nationalism tie wae avon ing the more dangerous nationalismof Great Rusa, Otter who Criticized her were the PPS theorts, Pele Bes and Raviniere KeliesKrauz. The latter wrote in rgog that the ‘economie ondiions that were supposedly an ubstale to Polish inepend= ence wereno more than matter of trade between provines, and that Rosa Luxemburg was in efleet advocating thae the pro= letariat should adap is ativity tothe temporary requirements ‘of the bourgeoisie. National sate were in the natural interest ‘of capitalism, but independence was also necessary to the ‘working cas, as ie was 3 necesary condition of democracy. ‘The Posh Communins, on the other hand, whiolelvartedly accepted Rosa Laxemburg’s doctrine onthe subject of national independence. The later ericsm of Laxembungim’ hich was of a general and summary characet, accused her of under- ‘estimating’ the bourgeoisie’ interest inthe intel maset and that of other clases in the national cause. But this itiom never went wfar aso callin question the principle that he cass struggle iin the last resort the only dactive hesoreal snr national questions are cither transient, unimportant ises o” sdiguise for ‘ea’, ie. elas, meres, or ese they epresent & potential wource of revolutionary energy that must be sed for factical reasons but cam hardly be taken seriowly “na hetorical perspective’. In short, Marxism in is Communit veri never fame to terns with tational realities Rosa Lemire xan outstandng exampie ofa typeof mind hats en met win the sony of Maren and ape toe spcialyateactd bythe Marion Tee heer ized by anh submis to author, togeber wi a bet that i ha siminon the vara went thought can be preeie No dectrne was so wel sited at Marca bt Fos these state, oto provide a myrteton combining xtreme deemtam wth thee o scene thinking wh the tiple cold fd mental adapta peace Naoksm Rose Luxemburg and he Reaaluinary Left 9% thus played the part ofa religion fr the intelligentsia, which dd not prevent some of them, lke Rost Luxemburg herself fom eying to improve the deposit of faith by reverting to fits principles, thus strengehening their cwn belief that they were Independent of dogma. Rona Lunemburg's main theme was the theory of accumula- sion, Tinked closely with kee belie chat capitalism must bring fboue increasing class polasization, (All orthodox, Maraists| Shared his belie, ané in Kavtsky’s view Maraism would have collapsed without it.) She erwleavoured to give Marxism a final content shape by defining the eizcumstances in which ‘capitalism becomes an economic impasibility. Marxism was > her the universal key to the meaning of history, enabling the ‘mind to reject a insignificant trifles any adventitious factors chat ‘ight disturb te course, In this way historical materialism could Belooked on not as an extreme impoverishment of reality but as a process ofscientifie abstraction, reserving the essence of things nd climinacing what was merely accidental. No one seemed 19 rotier, however, that this meant treating the whole of actual history aes series of unimportant contingencies, leaving sence rocomemplate only the general framework ofthe transition from ‘ne economiesystem to another. All the ret—wars, national and ‘ecial confiets,coneitutional and legal forms, religions, artistic Sod inellessal Iie-—wwar relegated w ihe erayrheap of “aecident of no eoncenn to the theoretcian brooding over the majestic phases of "grea? isiory. In this way the barrennest of SSniplistie schemata was endossed with 4 false sublimiy. “The fate of Reva Luxemburg’ writings illustrates the tragedy of the attempt to preserve the integrality of Marvisos while "ejecting the only means of doings, vz. an institutional body ‘with authority to ditinguish finally between truth and exer Resa Linemburg sought to be the champion of orthodoxy, but instead of regarding the pars a the infalible foun of orthadoxy she preferred to believe inthe revolutionary mission ofthe mass a the spontaneous source of truth, Lenin was aot guilty of ths inconsistency, and bis form of Maraism was effective in practice boecause its doctrine was made the exclusive property af an ‘organitation of professional revolutionaries. In the ease of Rosa Luxemburg, strange results followed from believing absolutely inthe preeeermination of history and also inthe ‘esencally”