1AC

Advocacy
Nisarg and I interrogate the epistemological underpinnings of the United States federal
governments ocean exploration to decolonize knowledge around past oppression done
to Indian Americans to realize how we can combat our oppression today.
 Cards
1- The United States federal government institutionalized slavery against the
brown body and then forgot about it - South Asian history in America has never
been heard and we rewrite our history by acknowledging the first Indian
Americans - runaway slaves who gasped for their freedom.
Assisi 06 (Francis C. Assisi, author for IndoLink, Tracking South Asian American Slaves,
IndoLink, 2006, IndoLink is the first and largest ethnic internet media network serving South-
Asians and Indians worldwide since 1995, http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?
id=071204025816)//NVG
In the quest to identify and track down the earliest Indian Americans I came upon a
remarkable bit of evidence that has been ignored by Asian American historians: slave
records. Court records unearthed from the state archives in Maryland have proved that merchant seamen
employed by the British East India Company brought people from the Indian subcontinent
to colonial America as slaves or as servants. Details of that discovery are to be found online:
http://www.asianamerican.net/article10.html For two years now Ive been trying to piece together a part of
that story of my brothers and sisters, the first Indian Americans, who survived the
wounds of slavery in the land of the free and the brave. They were the brave ones who
sought to be free among Americas freedom fighters. And it is their blood that has mingled with that of the
Native Americans, the Afro-Americans and the Euro-Americans. It is possible that we will never know their
true names or their original home in India or what happened to their children and their
childrens children. But what we do know from examining newspaper records is that at least a few of them had the
guts to run away from servitude when they reached a point where they could no longer tolerate
the sassiness, insolence, and violence of those who owned them. Slavery was
institutionalized in the colony of Virginia between 1640 and 1662 primarily through laws enacted by
the Virginia Assembly and approved by the Royal Governor and the British monarch. In essence, the establishment and codification
of slavery in Virginia became the model for the other colonies. Virginia was governed by an elite group - a few key families, some of
whom had connections with the British East India Company. The first paper, the Virginia Gazette, began publication in 1736 in the
colonial capital of Williamsburg, 32 years after the first American newspaper started publication in the metropolis of Boston. News in
the Gazette was taken largely from letters written abroad and recently arrived in the hands of the printer himself or friendly readers.
Information was also taken from English papers and other colonial sheets. What little local news there was consisted primarily of
advertisements of recent ship arrivals, shops opening, runaway slaves, deserted spouses, and strayed horses. By todays standards
The Virginia Gazette of 1736 would look gray and ponderous. There were no headlines, no photographs, no fancy page makeup.
There was news. And for a town that never had a newspaper before, it was welcome. But for the slaves, who grasped for freedom, it
was a choking point. Although history
books may do little to debunk the myths of colonial America,
the advertisements for the return of runaway slaves placed in the Virginia Gazette from
1736 onwards gives us the first record of slaves from India who tried to escape. When a slave
or servant ran away, masters often placed remarkably detailed advertisements for their return. Sheriffs and other county officials
years from 1737 to 1771 at
also often advertised the capture of runaways or suspected runaways. In the thirty-five
least five East Indian slaves who ran away can be identified in slave advertisements
appearing in the Virginia Gazette. The first advertisement, which was inserted by Col John Lewis of Gloucester
County, appeared on 17th April 1737. It stated that an unnamed East Indian, belonging to a Gloucester
businessman named John Heylyn, had escaped along with a mulatto fellow named George
and whoever brought them back would be suitably rewarded. The Indian was described as follows: He is a well-made, small young
Fellow, wore his own Hair (which he may have cut off in order to disguise himself. He is supposed to have on an Olive-colour'd
German Serge Coat, with Brass Buttons. He went away on a strong well-made Grey Stallion, branded with a Dott, belonging to his
Master. They went from Col. Lewis's to Gloucester Town, where they robb'd a House, and took a Pair of Pistols, a Horse Whip, and
'tis supposed some other Things. An
advertisement appearing on 4th August 1768 noted that any one
apprehending an east India Indian named Thomas Greenwich of Richmond County would be
rewarded with 40 shillings. William Colston the slave owner who placed the ad described the Indian as a well made fellow
about 5 feet 4 inches high, wears his own hair, which is long and black, has a thin visage, a very sly look, and a remarkable set of
fine white teeth.
A third advertisement appearing in February 1771 announced that a 22 year old East
Indian, along with a Virginia-born Negro named Alexander Richardson, both described as convicts and owned by Thomas
Hodge of Lancaster County, ran away from the sloop Betsy. We are told that this East Indian was a little over 5ft
6, was of a very dark complexion and had long black hair. He was described as wearing an old blue
jacket and cotton breeches and a check shirt. The report went on to speculate that they will endeavor to get on board some vessel
The 18th-century
in order to get out of the country. The reward was set at 5 pounds, beside what the law allows.
newspaper advertisements for runaway servants provide just a glimpse of the earliest
Indian American slaves. In order to fully explore the lives of the runaways, other material such as court records,
plantation accounts, letters, diaries, and personal papers of slave owners can help us illuminate their lives as individuals. In 1984,
many of the Virginia runaway slave ads were reprinted in a four-volume compilation edited by Lathan Algerna Windley, a history
professor at Morgan State University. Windley's accomplishment in gathering up and publishing the ads was enormous, and
scholars since have made extensive use of his compilations. More recently Prof Thomas Costa of the University of Virginia, initiated
the Runaway Slaves project providing a digital database of runaway and captured slave advertisements from 18th-century Virginia
newspapers.
All this is bound to help future scholars and students of American history. With
this evidence now available, Indian Americans stand on the cusp of rewriting their
history by acknowledging the full complement of their heritage including that of the
runaway slaves who gasped for their freedom.

2 - The sea that carried our ancestors here has a history ignored by
Western scholarship in the view that Indian Ocean narratives are broken
we must use the oceanic space as a key venue to articulate a different
universalism, away from Western monopoly through our non-linear
narratives.
Low 08 (Michael Christopher Low, Georgia State University, Book Review Bose, Sugata. A
Hundred Horizons: The Indian Ocean in the Age of Global Empire, 2008, World History
Connected, http://worldhistoryconnected.press.illinois.edu/5.1/br_low.html)//NVG
As Kren Wigen explains in "Oceans of History," while maritime regions have typically been slighted by stubbornly continental and
the sea is swinging into view." Indeed, "no
area-studies-driven conceptions of geography, "across the discipline,
longer outside time, the sea is being given a history, even as the history of the world is being
retold from the perspective of the sea" (American Historical Review, June 2006, Vol. 113, No. 3). Despite these
advances, however, this burgeoning field confronts even the most intrepid scholar with a daunting array of unresolved
observers have
methodological puzzles. In particular, skeptical (22-23) Thus, it is with a healthy dose of methodological
questioned how responsible scholars are to move between, connect, and balance the
competing narratives of local, national, regional, imperial, oceanic, and global frames
without succumbing to "the high degree of abstraction," which tends to obscure real
people, ignores their historical agency, and has unfortunately been all too characteristic
of many recent attempts at global, oceanic, and comparative histories. Skepticism that
Sugata Bose enters into the intellectual arenas of oceanic and global history with his latest book, A
Hundred Horizons: The Indian Ocean in the Age of Global Empire (2006). Drawing upon the now classic seascape template
provided by Fernand Braudel's investigations of the Mediterranean basin and the well-established, if sometimes underappreciated,
contributions to Indian Ocean research undertaken by such scholars as K.N. Chaudhuri, Ashin Dasgupta, Kenneth McPherson, M.N.
Pearson, and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Bose offers bold new perspectives which redefine both the
"spatial boundaries" and "temporal thresholds" of Indian Ocean history during the age of
European imperialism and anti-colonial nationalism. However, Bose is not satisfied with merely addressing
Indian Ocean historiography. He also bravely tackles the history of globalization in the hopes that
it can eventually be pried "from the clutches of social scientists and journalists," who
have tended to falsely characterize it as "a contemporary development about a quarter
century old" (276). In doing so, Bose articulates a new plane of analysis between national and
regional histories and the history of globalization. Like a "seascape artist," patiently painting "in broad strokes,"
dipping his brush into "the sources of many archives," in order to reveal the contours of a "more textured and complex" canvas ,
Bose subtly redefines the Indian Ocean as an "interregional arena." Bose situates this
concept "somewhere between the generalities of a 'world system' and the specificities of
particular regions." Bose contends that lingering colonial boundaries still "obstruct the
study of comparisons and links across regions." Moreover, colonial influences have also
shaped the "regional entities known today as the Middle East, South Asia, and Southeast
Asia, which underpin the rubric of area studies in the Western academy." As a result, this
system has tended to "arbitrarily project certain legacies of colonial power onto the domain of
knowledge in the post-colonial era." (5-7) Bose is similarly suspicious of macro-perspectives such as
Immanuel Wallerstein's world-systems theory, which while overcoming some of the limitations of area-studies regions, " have
tended to view an omnipotent West as the main locus of historical initiative and are too
diffuse to take adequate account of the rich and complex interregional arenas of economic,
political, and cultural relationships." He laments that such approaches have also contributed to the widely-held
assumption that as the globalizing capitalist system spread beyond Europe, by the latter half of the eighteenth century the unity
of Indian Ocean basin was "ruptured" by the "establishment of European political and
economic domination." (7) Thus, "Indian Ocean historians, so adept at defying the constraints of arbitrary spatial
boundaries imposed by conventional area studies, have been by and large remarkably diffident about crossing the great temporal
divide of the eighteenth century." (20) In fact, whether one consults the works of K.N. Chaudhuri or those of M.N. Pearson, or
that
whether the Indian Ocean's demise is recorded as occurring in 1750 or 1800, seemingly all Indian Ocean historians agree
by the end of the eighteenth century roughly a millennium of cultural, economic,
environmental, and religious integration had been torn asunder and reoriented under
European, particularly British, domination. As a result of this consensus, most historians have
abandoned the modern Indian Ocean as a unit of analysis, leaving the region's
scholarship stunted and unnecessarily confined to investigations of the premodern and
early modern periods. In response to these lacunae, Bose sets out to illustrate "the relevance and
resilience of the Indian Ocean space in modern times." (272) Though he acknowledges the
West's economic and political supremacy during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries,
Bose reminds us of Ranajit Guha's famous subaltern maxim, "dominance without hegemony." In
other words, despite the impact of imperial domination and economic globalization , he contends
that: "The peoples of the Indian Ocean made their own history, albeit not without having to
contend with economic exploitation and political oppression, and the oceanic space
supplied a key venue for articulating different universalisms from the one to which Europe
claimed a monopoly." (273) In order to recover these alternative narratives, Bose advises that rather than
continuing to follow "the longitudinal axis that linked metropolitan Britain and colonial
India," we must turn our attention to the often fragmentary, but equally important,
"latitudinal connections" between India and the rest of the Indian Ocean basin. (23-24) From
roughly 1850 to 1950, Bose artfully explores these "latitudinal connections" through "a series of non-
linear narratives." These cross-cutting stories carefully balance the "broad patterns or
interregional networks" against "individual tales of proconsuls and pirates, capitalists and
laborers, soldiers and sailors, patriots and expatriates, pilgrims and poets." (23) While Chapter 1
outlines the methodological framework, it is in Chapter 2, "The Gulf between Precolonial and Colonial Empires," where Bose begins
to display the masterful storytelling that makes this book so special. Bose sets sail with Lord Curzon, listening in on the viceroy of
India's 1903 journey to the Persian Gulf, in order to convey a sense of colonialism's role in violently restructuring states and frontiers
and redefining the meaning of sovereignty. Bose juxtaposes the loosely constructed, layered concepts of shared sovereignty
common among the precolonial states of the Indian Ocean basin with more rigid notions of unitary sovereignty imported from
Europe. Bose also traces the expansion of a system of false sovereignty, invested in traditional rulers in post-1857 India, and
subsequently extended to the paracolonial sheikdoms of the Persian Gulf's so-called Pirate Coast.
3 - We understand the Indian ocean as an interregional arena our non-
linear narratives challenge territorial nation-state concepts and allow us
expatriates to celebrate our homeland.
Chatterjee 08 (Kumkum Chatterjee, Ph.D from Calcutta University in Calcutta (Kolkata) and
taught in the History Department at Penn State from 1989, A Hundred Horizons: The Indian
Ocean in the Age of Global Empire (review), Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Volume 38,
Number 3, Winter 2008, pg. 499-500)
This book of unusual breadth and ambition provides a panoramic view of a diverse range of connections
(economic, political, and cultural) that tied together various societies around the Indian Ocean littoral,
during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Bose correctly points out that much of the pre-existing
scholarship about the Indian Ocean focused on the pre-nineteenth-century period, gave
exclusive emphasis to networks of maritime trade, and suggested that the advent of
European dominance spelled the ultimate termination of these connections. Bose convincingly
dispels these notions by demonstrating that the networks connecting Indian Ocean societies were re-
ordered and re-adjusted during the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
flourishing both within and without the attention of the colonial empires entrenched in
South Asia, Southeast Asia, East Africa, and the Middle East at the time. The introductory chapter
sets out the principal conceptual and historiographical parameters of the book, and Chapters 2 through 7 describe the
kaleidoscope of activities that linked together various parts of the Indian Ocean world: the
trading and banking activities of Indian entrepreneurs in Burma, Malaya, East Africa, and the Persian Gulf; flows
of Indian indentured labor and Indian soldiers to various destinations across the Indian Ocean and beyond; travels of
"expatriate patriots," such as Mohandas K. Gandhi and Subhas Chandra Bose; and pilgrimages, religious as well
as cultural, to various destinations. The core ideas in this work involve, first, drawing attention to the
Indian Ocean world as an example of what Bose describes as an "interregional arena"a sphere
positioned between the local and the global. The author argues that this interregional arena
retained its validity as a unit of study even in an era of globalization. The second core idea, and
the most powerful, draws attention to the fact that the territorially delimited nation-state may
not necessarily be the most relevant or appropriate entity for a better and more
comprehensive understanding of nationalist identity and imagination. Bose seeks to show how
Indian soldiers serving overseas, or Indian labor serving in the mines and plantations
outside India, imagined and perceived an Indian homeland. Particularly interesting is the discussion of
how the two iconic figures of Indian nationalism, Gandhi and Bose, during their stays in
South Africa and Southeast Asia, respectively, derived valuable lessons about how to
accommodate "internal" differences of caste, religion, class, etc. within anticolonial,
nationalist movements. The author thus challenges the primacy given to the territorial
nation-state in existing literature on nationalism, arguing strongly for "forms of patriotism that
celebrated memorialized homelands [and] were expendable and transportable by migrant
communities" (51). The ultimate point of the book, however, is its celebration of "universalism." The travels of Khwaja Hasan
Nizami, an Indian Muslim, to the Hajj and other Muslim holy places illustrates his affiliation to an Islamic universalism. The
description of the travel experiences of the Bengali poet Rabindranath Tagore to Bali and Iran illuminate a universalism based on
shared historical connections and a common cultural heritage.
4 - We must explore mobile anticolonial politics that affect Indian expatriate
identity - we were forced to leave the shores of India but we discovered our
Indian identity.
Low 08 (Michael Christopher Low, Georgia State University, Book Review Bose, Sugata. A
Hundred Horizons: The Indian Ocean in the Age of Global Empire, 2008, World History
Connected, http://worldhistoryconnected.press.illinois.edu/5.1/br_low.html)//NVG
In the second half of the book, Bose
turns to "the role of extraterritorial identity and universalist
aspiration among the people of the Indian Ocean arena," whose "dreams and goals were
never fully constrained by the territorial frontiers of colonial states ." Bose demonstrates how
nationalism and universalism, rather than acting as opposing forces, were in fact joined in a kind of symbiotic relationship. By doing
so, he also shows how anticolonial
ideologies were simultaneously "tethered by the idea of
homeland while strengthened by extraterritorial affiliations." (31) In Chapter 4, "Waging War for King
and Country," Bose traces the divided loyalties of Indian soldiers swept up by the events of World Wars I and II. Piecing together
Bose "explores
censored war-time letters of Indian subalterns, depositions in courts-martial, and various kinds of memoirs,
the interplay among loyalties to empire, religion, and nation" in order to better
understand the "simultaneous pulls of universalism and nationalism." (32) In Chapter 5,
"Expatriate Patriots: Anticolonial Imagination and Action," Bose expands on these themes, taking what might otherwise be
considered unoriginal stories about the opposing strands of patriotism exhibited by Mohandas Gandhi and the Indian National
Army's leader Subhas Chandra Bose, and artfully reorganizing them under the single rubric of diasporic or expatriate patriotism.
Indian expatriates tended to "discover their Indian-ness after leaving
Here, Bose explores how
the shores of India." Thus, he challenges us to explore "mobile," as opposed to more
territorially "rooted," aspects of India's anticolonial politics by looking at how migrant
communities in South Africa and Southeast Asia, "[fighting] for the freedom of their
distant imaginary homeland," helped to shape and define Indian nationality. (33, 149-150) It is
in Chapters 6 and 7, however, where Bose saves the best for last. In these two beautifully written, deeply evocative, and refreshingly
original chapters, Bose describes how
the articulation and pursuit of alternative visions of
universalism, whether religious or cultural, were also crucial outlets for the expression of
anticolonial sentiments. In Chapter 6, "Pilgrims' Progress under Colonial Rules," Bose points out that Islam, particularly
the rituals of the hajj, had been a key integrative element in the overarching unity to the Indian Ocean during the premodern and
early modern periods. By reading the accounts of the hajjis against the colonial archive, Bose documents how despite having to run
a gauntlet of deprivations, diseases, scams, and a myriad of colonial political and sanitary surveillance measures, the flow of
pilgrims continued unabated during the colonial era. For South Asians lamenting both India's and the rest of the Islamic world's
(particularly the Ottoman sultan-caliph's) loss of temporal sovereignty in the face of Western imperialism, the very act of performing
the hajj became a crucial anticolonial activity, a symbolic reminder of Allah's divine sovereignty. He also reminds us that it is
precisely this alternative brand of Pan-Islamic sovereignty that provides the impetus for the Khalifat Movement of 1919, which was,
after all, the first mass nationalist movement to span all of India. In Chapter 7, "A Different Universalism?: Oceanic Voyages of Poet
as Pilgrim," Bose follows a different sort of pilgrimage by tracing the oceanic journeys of Rabindranath Tagore, the great Bengali
poet who won the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1913. Although his Bengali contemporaries referred to him as biswakabi (global poet),
Bose points out that in the twilight of his life, Tagore
also imagined the Indian Ocean interregional arena
to be a common milieu invested with a distinctive unity of poetry and culture." Tagore
described his travels as intellectual quest, a search for the "cultural contours" of a
"Greater India." This quest would take him across the Bay of Bengal to Malaya and Java, chasing different Southeast Asian
adaptations of the great Hindu epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabarata. However, it was his pilgrimage to Iran to which Tagore
attached the greatest importance, "emphasizing how an exploration of the historic unity of Indo-Persian culture had given new
meaning to "the evening of his life." Visiting the tombs of the Persia's greatest poets, Hafiz and Saadi, Tagore sought to trace "the
lineaments of universal brotherhood of Sufi poets bridging the Arabian Sea." (233-235) As in the case of the hajj, Bose's use of
Tagore's Indian Ocean journeys deftly establishes a sense of deeply-rooted cultural and
religious affinities and continuities reconnecting the premodern, early modern, and
colonial eras, proving that regardless of whether or not the economic and political unity
of the Indian Ocean was disturbed by European intervention and the forces of
globalization, the religious and cultural bonds of this interregional arena retained their
distinctiveness. Thus, Bose concludes that European modernity did not have a monopoly on
universal aspirations or the terms of globalization, nor were local, regional, and national
cultures merely "the jealous guardians of their own distinctiveness." As it turns out, they too
"wished to participate and contribute to larger arenas of cultural exchange." (268-270)

5 - We have an extraterritorial identity that we claim with a geographic

focus on the Indian Ocean we provide a different framework outside of
Eurocentricism.

Rila 08 (Mukherjee Rila, Professor of History, Department of History, School of Social

Sciences, Hyderabad Central University, Hyderabad, India. The Indian Ocean in the "New
Thalassology": Review essay based on Sugata Bose, A Hundred Horizons : The Indian Ocean
in the Age of Global Empire, Archipel, 2008, Volume 76 , Issue 76, pp. 291-306)//NVG

oceans, and how we approach them, are

As the 2006 forum Oceans of History in the American Historical Review proves,
back in fashion as historical studies. 1 One problem facing Indian Ocean historians has
always been how to balance the ebb and flow of movement and change with the power
structures that prevent or control them. Decolonization, postmodern and postcolonial
turns in politics and culture have disassembled triumphal temporal narratives of liberal
regimes and reasserted the geopolitical assumptions behind spatial arrays of power,
global hegemony and negotiations of historical discourse. New spatial and temporal vistas have
suddenly opened up. While the larger academic issue is the state of Indian Ocean studies in the new scholarship, 2 this essay
only attempts to understand Boses vision in A Hundred Horizons, of the Indian Ocean as space and place, to detail his grasp of
Bose
the state of historiography of this ocean and thereby to critically assess the new departures his volume intends. I.
maintains that a different universalism, a radically distinct universalizing discourse and
something of an extra territorial identity existed among peoples around the Indian
Ocean during British rule. The framework is similar to that of Paul Gilroy on the Atlantic, but the focus is the
Indian Ocean as seen from Southasia. 3 In actual fact A Hundred Horizons joins a long line
of distinguished scholarship on colonial India. Bose locates a counter hegemonic
discourse in the life, works and travels of the nationalist Subhas Chandra Bose, the
poet-pilgrim Rabindranath Tagore, the activist politician Mohandas Karamchand
Gandhi, the moderate Congress leader Gopal Krishna Gokhale, and the Hajj pilgrims
Khwaja Hasan Nizami and Abdul Majid Daryabadi. The lesser folk are not ignored either.
Bose imagines the spatial itineraries of indentured labourers from India to Natal, those
of the poorer Hajj pilgrims from India to the Middle East and back, as well as the
supposed trajectories of the multitude of unnamed Indian soldiers who fought
throughout the world for the British Empire. The result is a political history of oceanic
transits in the British Empire. Unfortunately Boses characters are not half as colourful as those of Gilroy. And the
Indian Ocean gets lost somewhere in this bewildering sweep of humanity. II. The Indian Ocean has long been an
ocean marked by the movement of peoples and commodities. It has also been possessed of a long
and distinguished tradition of scholarship. Nevertheless, scholars claim that it has of late lapsed into a
neglected area of research. 4 To resurrect this area, Andre Wink brings a geographic focus by opening
up the environmental scale of the Indian Ocean area, 5 Michael Pearson calls for a good dose of ozone
into Indian Ocean studies, 6 and Edward Alpers pleads for an injection of imagination into this space . 7
Edward Soja, who enunciated clearly the burden of temporality in geography, associated historical imagination with space, and
life-stories with geography: The
historical imagination is never completely spaceless. 8 And he, pace
Foucault, argued that the
spatial imagination is also a political one. 9 Boses Indian Ocean is
imbued with colonial and counter colonial politics. As the general perception is that Indian Ocean
studies are in urgent need of resuscitation, Hundred Horizons is a timely intervention. Bose sets himself
a commendable task: the resurrection of the Indian Ocean as category in historical
scholarship via negotiable spaces that he uncovers as a non linear narrative unfolds. 10 I
submit that despite his claimsThe peoples of the Indian Ocean made their own history, albeit
not without having to contend with economic exploitation and political oppression, and
the oceanic space supplied a key venue for articulating different universalisms from
the one to which Europe claimed monopoly.

6 - The current understanding is that the Indian Ocean has been broken of
its history however, the European global empires did NOT break Indian
Ocean histories Europeans maintained dominance without hegemony. We
investigate the Indian Ocean slave trade to uncover narratives of slavery
and colonialism that still leave an imprint on todays Indian Americans.
Rila 08 (Mukherjee Rila, Professor of History, Department of History, School of Social
Sciences, Hyderabad Central University, Hyderabad, India. The Indian Ocean in the "New
Thalassology": Review essay based on Sugata Bose, A Hundred Horizons : The Indian Ocean
in the Age of Global Empire, Archipel, 2008, Volume 76 , Issue 76, pp. 291-306)//NVG
Bose produces a nuanced corrective to the dominant view established by leading historians of the
ocean, such as Kenneth McPherson and Michael Pearson that European global empires broke or
subordinated preexisting Indian Ocean linkages while fusing the region to the world
economy, pace Wallerstein. Borrowing from Ranajit Guha, founder of Indias subaltern studies collective, Bose argues
that Europeans merely achieved dominance without hegemony in the Indian Ocean. This
is clearly debatable, but let us now look at this space that A Hundred Horizons journeys through . Oceans are attractive
units for global history and ocean and sea basins are useful units of analysis 13 because
they figure historically as some of the principal avenues of commercial, biological, and
cultural exchanges. Maritime optics bring focus to processes such as the intensity of
Bollywood diffusion, the Columbian exchange, the Atlantic and the Indian Ocean slave
trades, migration, the organization of plantation societies in the Americas and Oceania,
the creation and destruction of environmental Edens, the rise of the colonial laboratories,
the formation of diasporic communities, and the construction of global networks of
trade, pilgrimage, communication, and exchange. 14 Basins provide for a common matrix
of interconnected places and events, which narratives uncover. Port cities and their harbours are
sites for connections for they tell the story of exchanges through navigational entrances,
departures and transits. Despite a lull in Indian Ocean studies, the history of the Indian Ocean continues to be a global
history, because it cannot be studied in terms of national frames. So a deployment of maritime categories has strong potential to
highlight these processes and their effects, as Bose rightly recognises. Yet, although a part of global processes ,
the history of
the Indian Ocean has been maligned in scholarship. Its story has often been told from a
single originary point, that of the establishment of British stewardship of the ocean in the
nineteenth century. As Bose contends: The Indian Ocean realm experienced a sea change in
the concept of sovereignty in the age of high imperialism, which has lingered as
colonialisms most poisoned legacy 15 and, again, The notion of indivisible and unitary sovereignty imposed
under colonial conditions from Europe represented a major break from ideas of good governance and legitimacy that had been
All histories of the Indian
widespread in the Ottoman, Safavid and Mughal dominions and their successor states. 16
Ocean, even if histories written for the first global age from 1400 to 1800, assume
uncritically the foundational moment of colonialism and work backward to study it in
terms of categories more familiar to colonial history, be they warfare, technological diffusion, demographic
shifts and migration, trade, finance and labour flows, the role of port cities and maritime communities. The list is endless and
Pearson refers to these as histories in the Indian Ocean. 17 Pace Horden and Purcell, Pearson argued for a history
of the Indian Ocean as opposed to a history in the Indian Ocean. 18 Pearson saw the
emergence of the in as the turning-point in the history of the Indian Ocean. From a history of
the Indian Ocean, an internal one using Indian Ocean-wide comparisons, to a history in the Indian Ocean, profoundly
influenced by wider matters coming from outside its geographical boundaries, this malign
change marked not only the European domination of the Indian Ocean but also the
construction of a particularistic historiography over this space. Bose accepts the malign influence the
latter exerts over studies of the Indian Ocean. He recognizes that there can be no meta history of the Indian
Ocean and its peoples; that there is, instead, a multiplicity of histories (possibilities) that unfold in
various temporal and spatial dimensions; hence his travellers who traverse the ocean. The temporality
of social life in the Indian Ocean, as elsewhere, is rooted in spatial contingency in much the
same way as the spatiality of social life is rooted in temporal/historical contingency. 19
Their histories may be seen as connective, connected or braided histories from the South African coast to the China seas. 20
But the various spatial and temporal dimensions are not addressed fully. The common thread is imperialism, not necessarily counter
consciousness. 21

7 - Questions of pedagogy come firstdetermines whiteness in the debate

space
Mazzei 8 (Lisa A., NowGonzaga U; ThenManchester Metropolitan U, Silence speaks:
Whiteness Revealed in the Absence of Voice, Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) p.
1125-1136)//LA
They are not knowingly racist, in fact many are appalled at racist attitudes and actions by
others and sometimes angrily ask why we have to keep talking about the inequities they
believe are no longer important or relate to them. They think that by looking past skin
colour they are above racist attitudes and actions. Is it ever going to stop? was a question asked
by one of my students referring to the continued emphasis on multicultural education, racial identity, and a corresponding need to discuss attitudes
such a day might come,
regarding gender, race, and class inequi- ties. It is a valid question and one which gives pause to hope that
but it will not arrive as long as teachers, particularly white teachers, are unaware of our
own socially con- structed attitudes and remain blind to our position as whites in a racial
discourse, or worse fail to see ourselves as raced thereby continuing a racial
discourse that identifies all non-whites as Other. We must seriously expose and
critique any position that fosters the view articulated by Frankenberg (1996), It is interesting that one can in fact (re)tell a white
life through a racial lens y Seeing blackness was not seeing whiteness (p. 5). When Margaret in another assignment for the Diversity and the
Learner class wrote of her impressions of a young woman with a Korean mother but who grew up in the United States, she revealed her tendency to
assumptions about the Other from an uncritical position of
see life through a white racial lens. She made
whiteness. I looked at her as the Korean girl. I didnt realize that she grew up the same way as I did. I questioned her knowledge of American
culture just because of the way her eyes looked and the darkness of her hair. When Andrea wrote my life as a young, middle class, Caucasian
American provided advantages that were not there for others in minority cultures. These advantages were present in the opportunities available to me.
I was educated in Catholic schools. I had access to jobs that probably were not available to people of other cultures. It is almost as if my success was
jump-started from the beginning, she acknowledged the advantage that white privilege and affluence
afforded. Yet, she unproblemmati- cally wrote in the same paper, Like so many other young black males,
John has no father in his everyday life. This statement reveals the unstated assumptions that Andrea makes about black
students (i.e., that they do not live with their fathers), and is thereby silent regarding how such
assumptions impact the ways in which she makes judgements about the students and
their families that she works with. When Linda wrote multicultural students strug- gle most with communicating and making
friends, she revealed two beliefs that are assumed but rarely stated by many white teachers. One, multicultural education is for those who are other
than white and is of most benefit for those students who are non- native English speaking students. Two, these designated multicultural students are
behind or lacking in some way. In a review of educa- tional research that focused on the preparation of teachers for urban schools of the 60s, 70s, and
80s, Weiner (1993) asserted that in each of the three periods, the discussion was framed as preparing teachers of deprived, disadvantaged, or at-risk
students (pp. 7273). Further she stated that since the early 1970s educators began to describe urban school populations as multicultural, a label
 when Jennifer asks why [does] it
that ignored the absence of white students in urban school systems (p. 73). Finally,
matter to even talk about race? Isnt it best if we dont notice it? we can no longer
remain silent or uncritical. We must understand that when we dont notice or when we
dont talk about it we, both teacher educators and students, are talking about it. When one
of the cooperating teachers responded to a question by Linda that the Asian children struggle with the language arts but never the subject of math,
we are engaging in a
and my student rationalized that this is because math is pretty universal and the English language is not, then
racial discourse as experienced through a white lens. This discourse, dependent on a
racially inhabited silence that perpetuates stereotypes of the Other also serves to define
different through a racial lens which is both culturally determined by and uncritical of
its racial position.

8 - In round discussions of debate are essential to the activity

Panetta 10 (Panetta, Edward M., PhD and debate director at the University of Georgia,
published 2010Controversies in Debate Pedagogy: Working Paper, Navigating Opportunity:
Policy Debate in the 21st Century, Wake Forest National Debate Conference)FS
Just as there are benefits to accepting points of stasis prior to a debate, one potentially enriching element in intercollegiate
debate involves the possibility of argumentation that simultaneously challenges the loci
of agreement for debate and enhances deliberative discussion. In other words, the
possibility of debating about the very practices of debateshow to evaluate arguments, the role of the
resolution, the meaning of advocacy is one of debates essential characteristics. The debate about
debate, or the process of defending and setting competing parameters, can occur in many ways. At times, those
decisions occur implicitly or prior to the contest round itself, as when two teams agree that narrating personal experience is the most
meaningful way to defend or reject the resolution. In other instances, agreement may be partially constituted through acceptance of
speech times and the existence of a common topic, but the role of the judge and the value of particular forms of evidence are
debated in the round. This
built-in space for reflection gives the debate community access to a
set of skills such as critical thinking and the application of creativity, both of which are
significant for a deliberative process that matters to everyone and maintains flexibility. Being able to fully
defend a perspective, including the framing of that perspective, relies on a nascent
public space open to a critique of itself and its own expectations. The public space of
debate, conceived more as a public intersection than as a predetermined vision of what a public should be, is certainly
built on mutual agreement and common notions of how debates take place, but it is
equally built on the capability of debating the validity of its own construction.

9 - Even if theres a risk it diminishes the in-round experience, non-traditional forms of

debate are essential to exposing debaters to a wide range of scholarshipthat
outweighs
Panetta 10 (Panetta, Edward M., PhD and debate director at the University of Georgia,
published 2010Controversies in Debate Pedagogy: Working Paper, Navigating Opportunity:
Policy Debate in the 21st Century, Wake Forest National Debate Conference)FS
Those who are committed to the traditional conception of intercollegiate policy debate should, in fact,
celebrate the opportunity to test argumentation against a diverse range of objections. While
this may create some discomfort for participants at the moment a debate is decided, the experience
is an invaluable one for the student when measured over a longer period of time. In a diverse world,
our students will come face-to-face with a variety of approaches to cases of controversy
over their lifetimes. Evolving critical methodologies and argumentative styles that push existing
limits create content that follows academic innovations and deepens awareness of
scholarship and research programs that might not be familiar academic offerings at the students own university.
All academic institutions (particularly communication departments) run the risk of solidifying a
particular paradigm or approach too strongly. Conducting research that is presented and
evaluated outside of the classroom environment creates genuine interdisciplinary
encounters.