THE
AMARNA LETTERS

Edited and Translated by William L. Moran

The Johns Hopkins University Press
Baltimore and London

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publkation Data
Tell e l - A m a r n a tablets.
T h e A m a r n a letters / edited a n d translated by W i l l i a m L . M o r a n .
p. cm.
Translation of: Tel e l - A m a r n a tablets.
I n c l u d e s b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l references and i n d e x .
I S B N 0 - 8 0 1 8 - 4 2 5 1 - 4 (alk. paper)
1. A s s y r o - B a b y l o n i a n letters—Translations into E n g l i s h .
2. A k k a d i a n language—Texts. 3. Egypt—History—Eighteenth
dynasty, ca. 1 5 1 0 - 1 3 2 0 B . C . — S o u r c e s . 4. M i d d l e E a s t —
History—To 6 2 2 — S o u r c e s . I . Moran, W i l l i a m L . I I . Title.
PJ3886.E5M67 1992
4 9 2 ' . ! — dc20 91-20570

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Contents

Preface ix
Introduction xiii
Editorial Apparatus xli
Abbreviations and Short Titles xliii

The Amarna Letters i

Index of Words Discussed 371
Index of Proper Names 379

Map of the Near East in the Amarna Period 1
Map of Vassal Cities and Egyptian Administrative Centers 124

Preface

A little more than a century has passed since the discovery of the
Amarna letters. At first virtually unique and so extraordinary that even
their genuineness was seriously questioned, these letters over the years
have gradually acquired context and perspective. As subsequent discov­
eries made clear, the Amarna letters reflect a cosmopolitan culture, a
"cuneiform culture," that throughout most of the second millennium
B . C . extended from the mountains to the east of Assyria and Babylonia,
across the Fertile Crescent, over into Asia Minor.
Though seen now as only part of a much larger picture, the
Amarna letters still remain documents of the highest importance and
still form, as one cuneiformist once put it so enthusiastically, "une des
collections les plus precieuses du monde." This importance derives
mainly from the rich evidence they provide for the social and political
history of Syria and Palestine in the fourteenth century B . C . They may,
therefore, be read as a kind of preface to biblical history, and it is for this
reason, above all, that they have been, and continue to be, the subject of
the most diligent inquiry and reflection. Indeed, one can safely predict
that as long as the Bible retains in our culture its unique importance,
the Amarna letters will command the serious attention of historian and
exegete.
Over the years, too, there has been great progress in our under­
standing of these letters. Collations of the originals by various scholars
have yielded a more accurate reading of the text. Grammatical and
lexical studies have vastly extended our grasp of the language of the
letters. Unfortunately, however, since J . A. Knudtzon's magisterial
edition, in 1 9 0 7 - 1 5 , of the letters known at that time, the results of all
this progress have remained scattered in dictionaries, monographs, dis­
sertations, anthologies, articles, and footnotes. Except to the narrow
specialist, they have been practically inaccessible.
A long-standing desideratum, therefore, and one with ever-
increasing urgency, has been a translation of the entire corpus that
reflects the advances of the last seventy-five years. It was to meet this
demand that the present work was undertaken.
A translation: that is my main objective, and, I might almost say,
my only objective. The Introduction aims principally at tracing in

ix

purpose is to indicate the reading of the cuneiform text on which the translation is based and to offer the arguments—grammatical. however. with the lack of felicity the term usually implies. the prose of the Amarna letters is. Where the transla­ tion is not literal is in its grammatical correctness. at best. and the Vor- derasiatisches Museum (Berlin). to my col­ leagues Volkert Haas and Gemot Wilhelm for their contributing. For the most part. misplaced. what is called literal. and contextual—that support the translation. the Ashmolean Museum (Oxford). they were either destroyed. the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York). or on loan. the Louvre (Paris). lost. often replacing a more literal. the Egyptian Museum (Cairo). at the time. the collations were at times not sign by sign. Those who have confronted the translation of hinne in the Hebrew Bible will recognize the option and perhaps sympathize with the inconsistency. For granting me access to the Amarna letters. the primary. in general. that here traduttore traditore seldom. if not exclu­ sive. I heartily thank the authorities of the Arkeoloji Muzeleri (Istanbul). but recognized difficulty by recognized difficulty. lexi­ cal. I have also taken a certain liberty in the translation of some particles. at the time the Director of the Albright Institute in Jerusalem. applies. I am most grateful. Of the notes accompanying the translations. a virtue that conceals the solecisms and barbarisms of the language of so much of the original text. and for all their kind assistance and courtesy. I regret that consid­ erations of space often made it impossible to give in these notes due recognition to counterarguments and divergent views. the Oriental Museum (Chicago). This limitation was com­ pensated for to some extent through the generosity of Albert E. there were thirteen that eluded me. too. who very kindly made available to me the results of the collations by the late Edmund I. the Musees royaux dArt and d'Histoire (Brussels). I was able in 1973—74 to collate almost all of the letters.PREFACE broad outline the form and the content of the translations that follow. the British Mu­ seum (London). My time being limited. With the support of the American Council of Learned Societies and of Harvard University. Gordon's contribution is not a small one. It might be added. re- x . Besides those that had disappeared many years before. Glock. pedestrian. paratactic version with a subor­ dinate clause. Gordon of most of the letters housed in London and Cairo. As will become evident to the reader. which I gratefully acknowledge. The translation is. if ever.

my copyeditor. which was enormous. and Anson Rainey—have put me particularly in their debt. I thank them. both by their published work and by their unpublished manuscripts they very generously placed at my disposal. I must mention by name Carolyn I. PREFACE spectively. XI . the translation that follows often represents a considerable improvement of my earlier ef­ fort. I am grateful to the Johns Hopkins University Press for making my work available in English and to the editorial staff for their painstaking labors on my behalf. It tries to bring the latter up to date. Finally. 1987). As a result. Les Lettres d'El Amarna (Paris. it also not infrequently corrects and expands. and most warmly. the translations of the letters written in the Hittite and Hurrian languages. The present work is a revision of an earlier one that appeared in French. Since the earlier publication three scholars—Shlomo Izre'el. I do not try to describe her contribution. but I do thank her. Nadav Na'aman. Moser.

.

2. the British Museum (at first 8 1 . For the corrections of A. estimated the loss at 1 5 0 . Akhetaten was founded by Amenophis IV. also known as Akhenaten. pp..9 0 (WA).8 7 . C . Knudtzon. The cuneiform copies of the British Museum tablets appeared in 1 8 9 2 ( B B ) . eventually 95). see J . On the various versions of the discovery and dispersal of the tablets. the Louvre tablet. that. most renowned as a religious reformer.2 0 0 tablets. the "heretic king" and "first monotheist. one of the most famous of Egyptian kings. the Louvre (1. 5ff. iff. even­ tually 49 or 50. see n. the Cairo museum (at first 3 1 . Sayce says that the r tablets were found in 1 8 8 6 . A. 3. XIII . This was the site of Akhetaten. often called. 2 AOAT 8 . Rainey. F ° the history of the publications. probably in 1887. pp. There are conflicting accounts of the dis­ covery. AJSL 33 ( 1 9 1 6 . gift. by which more than 300 tablets came into the possession of antiquities dealers and private collectors. or confiscation. were the four tablets of the 1 . nor all the ways. Sayce.1 7 ) pp. but the evidence for this high number. Eventually. On the uncertainty as to the eventual numbers in the Berlin and Cairo museums. natives came upon clay tablets with some writing on them and 1 began clandestine diggings. 89f. eventually 202 or 2 0 3 . by purchase. and we will never know how many tablets may have been found 2 and later lost or destroyed. a plain on the east bank of the Nile about 190 miles south of Cairo. 1 2 . see the former's account in AJSL 3 3 ( 1 9 1 6 . and the Golenischeff tablets (see below) were published in the cuneiform copies of Ludwig Abel by Hugo Winckler in 1 8 8 9 . the capital of ancient Egypt for a brief period in the fourteenth century B . which is not supported by other arguments. VAB 2 / 1 . 3 Remain­ ing in private hands. 90. see Anson F. among the ancient ruins. H . 2 / 2 .Amarna. Most of the Berlin and Cairo collections. besides 3 fragments belonging with British Museum tablets and other unnumbered fragments). plus a fragment belonging with a British Museum tablet). at least for a while. comes from reports of questionable accuracy.Introduction i. plus a fragment belonging with a Berlin tablet. Sayce mentioned by Knudtzon. 1 5 8 4 . most of the tablets made their way to museums: the Vorderasiatisches Museum in Berlin (at first about 160. p.1 7 ) p. eventually 7)." It was here. perhaps many and de­ vious. Discoveries and publications c The Amarna tablets take their name from el.

A cuneiform copy of this tablet. on the cuneiform copies. by J .. 5.1 7 ] pp. Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 21 [ 1 9 2 6 ] pp. EA 7 0 . n. who found 22 fragments in 1 8 9 1 . only seven are relevant here. Weber and glossaries by E . 8 2 . VAB 2/1—2 (reprint. see below. see below. pp. 2 3 0 .INTRODUCTION merchant Rostovitz Bey. see below. and the one of the French Assyriologist Jules Oppert. in E . 8 were transliterated and translated by Hugo Winckler. 6. 996. EA 1 4 . and even today his work remains of fundamental importance. Ebeling. his readings and translations excelled by far those of all his predecessors. The Tell-el-Amarna Letters (New York. Of these. EA 28.9 2 . 5 (Berlin. Four (EA 1 3 5 . acquired two more tablets. another is part of EA 1 4 . on the cuneiform copies. see below. 9. 1 6 9 . EA 260. 8). 1 9 0 . Perhaps given to the museum in Moscow in 1 9 1 1 (Kuhne. 4 3 . appeared in 1 9 1 5 . By 1907. if. 3 4 2 . 1896). Bull. N o w in the Oriental Institute in Chicago. 7. Schrader et al. 2 9 2 . 4. in their first comprehensive edition. The second volume of commentary by O. M.9 In 1 9 0 3 . Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek. More fortunate was Sir Flinders Petrie. 3 5 1 ) have been lost or destroyed. 4 the three of the Russian Egyptologist Vla­ dimir Golenischeff. EA 26. 1 3 7 . In 1896. and in that year—a landmark in the history of Amarna studies—the Norwegian Assyriologist J . Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna. which seems to have been lost and will probably never be found. 153- 1 1 . see VAB 2 / 1 . see below. 2 . Aalen. then on to the Haskell Oriental Museum at the University of Chicago in 1 9 1 5 (Luckenbill and Allen.. these went to the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford. AJSL 3 3 [ 1 9 1 6 . of which it is a fragment. VAB 2 / 1 . A. 1964). N o w in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in N e w York (L. 6 1 . In the British Museum since May 1903 (information from museum authorities). see below. The Tell el-Hesi tablet is in the Istanbul Arkeoloji Muzeleri.' the one of the American missionary Chauncey 6 7 Murch. One of the fragments was uninscribed. p.). Chassinat. 8. 2 3 6 . 1 3 5 . 160. on the cuneiform copy. When the location of the ruins where the tablets had been discov­ ered was determined. all the known tablets. after earlier stops in the Art Institute of Chicago in 1894. to­ gether with a letter that had been found at Tell el-Hesi in Palestine. EA 3 3 3 .7 6 ) . 1 5 . was never published. Egyptian authorities explored the site but failed to find more tablets. XIV . Metcalf. 3 5 8 inscribed tablets were known. Cuneiform copies by Sayce in Tell el Amarna. director of 1'Institut fran^ais d'arche- 10 ologie orientale du Caire. Knudtzon's numbering of the tablets became standard. 1896). 1 8 4 . EA 15. 1 0 . Knudt­ zon published the first volume of his magisterial Die El-Amarna- 11 Tafeln. Based on painstaking collations of all except the Murch and Chassinat tablets and on an unrivaled knowledge of almost every aspect of the corpus. 3 4 4 . eds. English trans. with additional remarks by Knudtzon. see below.

Heintz.. ) The tablets discovered in 1 9 1 1 . The Tell El-Amarna Tablets. Or n. iff. nff. and outstanding problems. XV . 1 7 . (In 1 9 1 4 . See below. 2. 1 9 3 (now EA 359) and VS 1 2 . Jerusalem 1984 (Jerusalem.. pp. 3 6 [ 1 9 6 7 ] p. P. OLZ. INTRODUCTION Since 1907 an additional 24 tablets have come to light. 190 (now EA 3 7 9 . one as recently as 1979. called attention to VAT 3781 (already noted by Schroe­ der.7 7 . Cuneiform Archives and Libraries (Istanbul. 264. a n d the rest. and the British Museum (see below. VS n . 2 5 8 . 2 6 2 . EA 3 7 0 . Smith and C. Walker.3 6 7 . 350.' to the first clandestine diggings of the fellahin. Edzard. OLZ. now in the British Museum.. ed. 1917. EA 3 8 2 . col.8 3 ..2 4 . O. Veenhof. was introduced by C. 1 9 8 2 ) . I05f. E . I . Mercer of the tablets then known (EA 1 . EA 3 7 8 ) . AOAT 8. C. has given the code numbers EA 380 and 3 8 1 . 2 3 9 ^ . JEA 1 1 (1925) pp. lexical texts (EA 1 2 . 1 4 . 1 (Wiesbaden. For a survey of the Amarna archive. A n earlier edition by S. B . n. ' 3 and eight more in the excava­ tions of 1 9 2 6 .6 7 ) . 1917. H. EA 3 6 2 . 1 6 . Proceedings of the International Congress on Biblical Archaeol­ ogy. 2 4 9 . 2 1 0 . Orn. To these two numbers J . 1 6 (1947) pp.7 2 .3 5 8 . 88. Schroeder. Brussels (see be­ low. 1 3 2 . The Egyptian Exploration Society discovered one tablet in its excavations of 1 9 2 1 . ed. See HKL 1. See below. The content of this small group is quite diverse.s.). see D. GM 15 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. 1978. 1974. Musee Cinquantenaire. col. now in the British Museum. 1 8 .8 2 . was not successful and is mentioned here as a matter of historical record. xvii. (Toronto. Artzi. 1986). F. The Louvre (see below. Or n. 1 3 . 4 9 3 . 4 3 2 ) . Four more have turned up in the Berlin collection. 1985). EA 368 (see E .G . col. to which two were added by the excavations of the Deutsche Orient- 1 2 Gesellschaft in 1 9 1 1 . in Biblical Archaeology Today. S. 2d rev.1 4 are VS 1 2 . now in the Ashmolean Museum. (now EA 361). B . EA 3 7 0 . 2. on this number. A . ' 4 The most recent to appear perhaps goes back to the explorations under Petrie in 1 8 9 1 . D . .9 2 . 1 5 . 6 9 . Gordon. ic^f. 1 9 3 9 ) . 1 5 ) . 379). based on Knudtzon's EA 1 . Gordon. only 32 are not letters or inventories attached 8 to letters. 4 7 8 . Index Documentaire d'el-Amarna.1 2 . 369).s. p. Klengel. Gadd. Hence the number 382 for the most recent discovery (see n. pp. see P. R . if. 16 (1947) pp.' Some belong in the Mesopotamian scribal tradition: myths and epics (EA 340?. syllabaries (EA 348.1 4 . With the exception of EA 3 8 0 .s. 3 5 6 . 23off. 2 vols._/C5 31 (1979) p. certain characteristic features. Finally. . Rainey in 1 9 7 0 . the location of EA I do not know. 179 (now EA 360) and OLZ. EA 369). 1 6 2 . pp. Artzi.5 9 . Two were published by O. in K . pp. The numbering EA 359!?. the "post-Knudtzon" 17 tablets were ably edited by Anson F. Edel. 375?).3 7 .) and added the "Sammelnummer" VAT 8 5 2 5 (almost entirely illegible fragments)..1 2 . A .1 5 Schroeder published new cuneiform copies of the Berlin collection in VS 1 1 . C . 2 5 . The Archive Of the 382 tablets. EA 3 5 9 now belongs to the Cairo collection. which eventually 6 were made available to museums.

on another (EA 368).8 1 ) . and moves down. According to Petrie. most of whom were Egyptian vassals. 3 5 3 . and Hatti (EA 4 1 .1 4 . our only concern in this volume. Despite the Babylonian ductus of EA 356— 58 (Kiihne. One tablet is perhaps an amulet (EA 3 5 5 ) . EA y/i was discovered in "clerk house no. The first concerns foreign powers that dealt with Egypt more or less on a basis of equality. On one is a tale of Hurrian origin (EA 3 4 1 ) . which are often very fragmentary. 3 1 7 . See EA 6 3 . 3 7 2 . Assyria (EA 1 5 . This was identified by inscriptions as "The Place of the Letters of the Pharaoh. 1 2 0 ) . note also the absence of poetic line divisions. VAB 2 / 1 . 3 4 5 . Alasia (EA 3 3 . On EA 1 8 . in each dossier (for example. See Kiihne. Chr.3 2 ) .4 0 ) . The other and by far the larger part concerns Syro- Palestine and its various local rulers. 3 4 9 . 1. 3 8 0 . Nissen and J . see Kiihne. 6 1 ..4 4 ) .4 7 . may refer to a larger complex. 1 3 9 ) . 1 9 8 2 ) .J . 2 5 ) . XVI . that of Baby- 1 9 . a god-list (EA 374). often only on grounds of clay texture and paleography. 2 2 . On a map. p.1 8 . lexicon). . I (Berlin. 2 2 . This is not to deny that they may also be imports. " the find-spot also of EA 368. were 2 remarkably successful. Knudtzon's as­ signments. see the note to the letter. ending in southern Palestine. 3 4 2 . the more extensive part of which was devoted to affairs of state conducted in the Egyptian language. 3 7 6 . for a Babylonian scribe is not likely to have introduced peripheral features (many plene-writings. 184. pp. n. eds. p. 1 9 . 3 6 0 . EA 4 3 .3 0 ) .7 7 . the arrangement moves counterclockwise: Babylonia (EA 1 . syllabary. ) .6 1 .5 4 . these tablets were hardly written in Babylonia (so Knudtzon. Of the 3 5 0 letters and inventories (EA 1 3 . 2 1 .1 4 ) . Arzawa (EA 3 1 . the smaller (the actual find-spot). 3 Furthermore. 2 3 6 . 2 3 . however. 2 5 . pp. 1 3 5 . n. throughout.6 5 . 3 7 3 ) . p. most of the tablets he found (part of EA 1 4 . 2 9 5 . The genres of the other 14 (EA 3 4 2 . bis. 1 9 0 . in central Syria. 1 2 . 2 6 0 . Berliner Beitrage zum Vorderen Orient. In Die El-Amarna-Tafeln Knudtzon divided the correspondence into two parts. Renger. 7 0 . P. maintains that they were written in Egypt.INTRODUCTION 3 5 1 .." The name. 3 5 5 ) were in "two early rubbish-pits" under the building where the other tablets were found and therefore antedating them. Artzi. 20. p. 3 1 7 . and only occasionally have been proved wrong. 4 3 . it seems that all except one were found in 20 the same place. Mesopotamkn und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Vorder- asien vom 4. remain to be determined. 2 f . 21 to those conducted in foreign languages. i 3 8 f . Perhaps an import (Kiihne. an unparalleled list of Egyptian words written in syllabic cuneiform with equivalences in Babylonian written 19 either syllabically or logographically. The arrangement of these letters begins in the north.1 6 ) . For strong reasons to doubt this earlier level. Jahrtausend v. in H . Mittani 2 2 (EA 17.

INTRODUCTION

Ionia or Jerusalem), Knudtzon also attempted to order the letters
chronologically. Here the task was more difficult and the results less
firm.
Most of the archive consists of letters received, but a small number
2
were written in Egypt. 4 Two letters (EA i, 5 ) , plus one inventory (EA
14), were directed to Babylonia, one to Arzawa (EA 3 1 ) , and the rest to
1
vassals (EA 99, 1 6 2 - 6 3 , 9°^ 3^7, 3 6 9 - 7 0 ) . Their presence in the
archive probably has more than one explanation. If one may assume
that, in general, copies were made only of those letters that bore on
matters of considerable importance and required more than some sort of
simple record or notation, one would judge that, with the exception of
EA 1 6 2 , the letters to vassals are not copies and, probably because of
2
oversight, were not sent. ' Indeed, letters to vassals seem to have been
somewhat infrequent, and even less often such as to demand copies./
26
Hence we should not expect to find many in the archive.
Correspondence with major powers, however, was quite another
matter. This was, at times at least, rather regular and often, if not
always, dealt with serious issues—for example, marriage negotiations.
If Egyptian practice was to make copies of such letters, we must ask
27
why there are so few in the archives. Perhaps the explanation is that
usually the letters were first written in Egyptian, and then a translation
28
was prepared. It was the latter that was sent off, though perhaps
occasionally the Egyptian messenger may have also carried a copy of the
29
original. The original, if important enough to be saved, would be
filed, but in the Egyptian, not the foreign, language section. If so, and

24. On EA 1 2 , see the letter, n. 1.
2 5 . See F. Pintore, OA 11 (1972) p. 1 2 6 , n. 1 4 5 .
26. See M . Liverani, OA 10 (1971) pp. 253ff., translated in Three Amarna Essays,
Monographs on the Ancient Near East, 1/5 (Malibu, 1979), pp. 36°.
2 7 . On roughly contemporary practice at Nippur, see F. Kraus, JCS 1 (1947) p . 1 1 2 ,
and R . B i g g s , JCS 19 (1965) p. 96 and n. 1 3 . A t Boghazkoy, see KUB 3, 24 + ; K B o 1, 1 0
and 1 4 . A t Ugarit, see PRU 3 , pp. 4f.; PRU 4, p. 294 (probably not a copy); Ugar. 5, nos.
2i, 24, 28, 3 2 , 3 4 , 36. A t Mari, in the Old Babylonian period, copies of letters are
common, especially in "the ministry of foreign affairs"; see A . Finer, Cuneiform Archives and
Libraries (see n. 18), pp. 1 5 5 , 157.
28. Cf. the "originals" in Hurrian from Mittani (EA 24), in Hittite at Boghazkoy
(H. Otten, AfO 19 [ 1 9 5 9 - 6 0 ] p. 3 9 ; AfO, Beiheft 1 2 , pp. 6 4 O , and perhaps in Ugaritic at
Ugarit (PRU 5, no. 8). The Egyptians were certainly familiar with the practice, and they
seem to have called the translations "copies"; thus, EA 27 is a "copy" of a Hurrian original
(Kiihne, pp. 4 4 f , n. 209).
29. Cf. EA 24. A messenger needing an interpreter might prefer to have rhe Egyp­
tian version available.

XVII

INTRODUCTION

assuming that they too were not victims of oversight and simply not
sent, then we must consider EA i, 5, 1 4 , and 3 1 exceptional, being
drafts or copies of the translations and filed accordingly in the foreign
language section.

3. Language and Writing
The Amarna letters are manifestations of the "cuneiform culture"
that was shared in the fourteenth century B . C . throughout the ancient
Near East. As it appears in these letters it is largely a provincial and, in
many respects, a very heterogeneous culture, the product of a long,
complex history, of which we know but a very small part.
In some sense this history begins at least a thousand years before
the Amarna period. By the middle of the third millennium B . C . not
only had cuneiform writing been introduced into Syria, but already at
that early date, as the celebrated discoveries at ancient Ebla have shown,
it was being used in a breadth of application and with a sophistication
3
rivaling those of the great centers in Sumer and Akkad. ° By the first
quarter of the second millennium B . C . knowledge of cuneiform writing
had spread far and wide, and Babylonian had become the principal
31
language of a cosmopolitan culture. It was the language of interna­
tional relations, but often, too, of local affairs, both legal and adminis­
trative. It was also a language of learning.
In Upper Mesopotamia and the west there developed a regional
dialect, a kind of koine, which was also introduced into Anatolia, thus
32
laying the foundations of the Hittite cuneiform tradition. A regional
syllabary appeared and took root in Syria. Also discernible are the
33
influences of other traditions and other languages. These were mainly

30. For a general introduction, see P. Matthiae, Un impero ritrovato (Turin, 1 9 7 7 ) , in
English as Ebla: An Empire Rediscovered, trans. Christopher Holme (Garden City, N . J . ,
1 9 8 1 ) ; G . Pettinato, Ebla: Un impero inciso nell' argilla (Milan, 1979), translated as The
Archives of Ebla: An Empire Inscribed in Clay (Garden City, N . J . , 1 9 8 1 ) . On the local language
and its place within the Semitic family, see L . Cagni, ed., La lingua di Ebla (Naples, 1 9 8 1 ) .
3 1 . See the survey of R . Labat, Syria 39 (1962) pp. iff.
3 2 . See K . Balkan, Letter of King Anum-hirbi of Mama to King Warshama of Kanish
(Ankara, 1 9 5 7 ) , p. 2 7 ; E . von Schuler, in M . Liverani, ed., La Siria nel Tarda Bronzo (Rome,
1969), pp. ii3f.
3 3 . As the Mari archives continue to be published, we find sporadic examples of
deviations from the standard language that in the Amarna period are common or even the
rule: gender of nouns (alum, "city," feminine, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 6 : 1 4 ' ; no. 3 5 8 , note g);
confusion of pronouns (mimma and mamma, AEM 1/2, no. 5 3 5 , note d; mannum and mTnum,

xviii

INTRODUCTION

West Semitic and Hurrian, the very forces that would be mainly re­
sponsible for the language and writing that we find in the Amarna let­
34
ters centuries later.
With the exception of EA 1 5 (Assyrian), EA 24 (Hurrian), and EA
3
3 1 - 3 2 (Hittite), ' the language of the Amarna letters is Babylonian,
but for the most part it is a Babylonian profoundly different from that
of the previous international age. It reflects many of the developments
that one finds in the "good" Middle Babylonian language of the letters
3 6
from Babylonia itself (EA 2—4, 6 - 1 1 ) . But if the cuneiform culture of
the provinces was to some extent up-to-date, it was not infrequently, as
is usually the way with provinces, also behind the times. This is true of
the writing: a logogram that had been replaced by another logogram
centuries before in the scribal schools of Babylonia survives in the
37
provincial culture; an exercise once part of the scribal training but
38
long abandoned in Babylonia is still part of the provincial curriculum;
old orthographies are retained, sometimes mixed together with the
39
modern ones; and so on. In the language, too, one finds a similar
quaint and archaic quality. The provincial scribes, perhaps at times
because of analogues in their own native language, may use old com­
mon or dialectal forms that had otherwise disappeared centuries be-

no. 4 0 2 , note c); morpheme analysis (kima i-ia-ti-ia, "like me," AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 4 , note e);
thematic vowels (haldqu, /a/, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 9 1 , note p); lexicon (initma, "that," introducing
object clauses, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 5 2 3 , note k; aranu, "to be a sinner/criminal," AEM 1 / 1 , no.
39, note c; 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 2 , note d; (tf)aradu, "to serve," AEM 1 / 1 , no. 1 4 8 , note b; 1 / 2 , no.
377, note b; see J AOS 107 { 1 9 8 7 ] p. 135a). One can speak of "les lettres 'barbares'" (AEM
1/2, pp. 5if.).
34. The main evidence of the Hurrian influence is the syllabary, for which see Labat,
Syria 39 (1962) pp. I4f. In the letters of Aplahanda of Carchemish (ARMT 5, 5 - 1 1 ) confu­
sion of gender, often a sign of Hurrian influence, is fairly frequent, especially in ARMT 5, 7.
3 5 . On the Hurrian letter, see n. 28. The Arzawa scribe, probably because of
incompetence in any form of Babylonian, expressly requests that the correspondence be
carried on in Hittite (EA 52:241.). Whether Assur-uballif's use of Assyrian (EA 1 5 ) and
Hurro-Akkadian (EA 16) reflecrs a conscious avoidance of normative Babylonian is not clear.
(On the term "Hurro-Akkadian," see the text below and n. 4 4 . )
36. The modernizarion of western Old Babylonian, which is nor ro be understood as
a direct development, in an unbroken tradition, is more evident in the north, in the Hurro-
Akkadian tradition, just as archaisms of language are more common in the south (see
below).
3 7 . See B . Landsberger and H . Gikerbock, AfO 1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 - 3 9 ) PP- 55ff- '< A- Falken-
stein, ZA 5 3 (1965) p. 7 5 , discussion of line 1 0 7 ; Giiterbock, Festschrift Heinrich Otten
(Wiesbaden, 1 9 7 5 ) , pp. 7iff.; W. Moran, Acta Sumerologica 5 (1983) pp. I75f.
38. See Nougayrol, AS 1 6 , pp. 29fF., on EA 3 5 0 and parallels at Ugarit.
3 9 . E . g . , in EA 38 the old wriring a-wa-ta along with later a-ma-ta.

XIX

INTRODUCTION

40
fore. Their lexicon is full of words that by the fourteenth century
B . C . had either disappeared completely from the Babylonian language
or lived on only in the elevated language reserved for the solemnities of
41
myth, epic, hymns, and prayers. It is this combination of the old and
the new that is so typically provincial and so distinctive of the Amarna
cuneiform culture.
Equally distinctive, however, are many features that are specifi­
cally peripheral and are not found in normal written Babylonian, either
42
in its contemporary or earlier forms. Some few are shared across the
43
entire area; more commonly, one must distinguish two general tradi­
tions, northern and southern, within both of which further distinctions
are necessary. They divide along a line, roughly, from Sumur on the
coast to Qatna inland.
The northern tradition, which is the more widely diffused, is
44
generally called Hurro-Akkadian. The name indicates the dominant
influence of the Hurrians in the formation and the diffusion of both the
language and the graphic system in which it was written. It is Hurro-
Akkadian that we find in one letter from Assyria (EA i 6 ) ; 5 in the 4

letters from Mittani (EA 17, 1 9 - 2 3 , 2 5 - 3 0 ) , Hatti (EA 4 1 - 4 4 ) , Ugarit
(EA 4 5 - 4 9 ) , Nuhasse (EA 5 1 ) , and Qatna (EA 5 2 - 5 5 ) ; and in many of
the letters from Amurru (EA 1 5 6 - 6 1 , 1 6 4 - 7 1 ) . Nevertheless, the lan-

40. E . g . , dual forms of rhe pronoun (BASOR 2 1 1 [ 1 9 7 3 ] pp. 5off.) and ti- preforma-
tive in third masculine plural forms of the verb, which is first attested in a language perhaps
related to earlier Eblaic ( H . Limer, Syria 52 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. 37ff., esp. p. 48; J . - M . Durand,
MARI 1 [ 1 9 8 2 } pp. 8if., lines 2 1 - 2 4 ; 1- Gelb, Syro-Mesopotamian Studies 1/1 [ 1 9 7 7 ] pp. 9f.;
D. O. Edzard, Miscellanea Babylonica, Melanges M . Birot [Paris, 1 9 8 5 } , pp. 85f.). In the
latter instance, however, because the preformative is found in later West Semitic languages
(Ugaritic), its origins need not go back to the early second millennium B . C . For the Amarna
evidence, see S. Izre'el, VP 19 (1987) pp. 79fF.
4 1 . E . g . , awTlu, "man," as a designation of the ruler of a city; qaqqadu, "head," in
the sense of "self, person"; various adverbs (anumma, appuna(ma), afranu, pdndnu); and the
prepositional phrase ana ser, "towards." Note also dialectal giltappu, "footstool," at Mari,
Chagar Bazar, K u m i d u (EA 195), and Qatna.
42. See the survey by Kiihne, pp. 5ff.
4 3 . The north seems to influence the south.
44. The Nuzi dialect of the eastern highlands is also Hurro-Akkadian; see G . W i l -
helm, Untersuchungen zum Hurro-Akkadischen von Nuzi, AOAT 9. As a designation of the
language as used in the west, Huehnergard, Akkadian, p. 20 and n. 3 4 , prefers "Syro-
Anatolian," the influence of Hurrian being at times inconsiderable (see below).
4 5 . This suggests that Hurro-Akkadian was socially acceptable even in milieus
where one might expect a certain contempt for its provincial character.

XX

INTRODUCTION

- 6
guage also differs considerably from site to site, * especially so far as the
47
immediate influence of the, Hurrian language is concerned. A measure
of the complexity of dialectal developments and relationships is, for
example, the fact that at the same site the language of the letters may
48
differ considerably from that of the legal documents.
Also belonging to the northern tradition are the letters that are
southernmost in origin, the letters from Egypt. The language and
writing of these letters are quite unlike what we find just to the north­
east along the Egyptian border, in Palestine, and on the Phoenician
coast. Their closest ties are farther north, especially in the writing
system and, above all, in the sign forms. Many of the latter are typically
Hittite, and the relationship can only be onet>f direct dependence on or
49
derivation from a common source. The language itself, however, lacks
many of the more common Hurro-Akkadian features, and so the bor­
rowing must have occurred at a relatively early date.
In the southern tradition the transformation of the Babylonian
language and the resulting deviation from normal usage were far more
radical than in most forms of Hurro-Akkadian. Indeed, so radical is the
transformation that one may ask whether the language of this tradition,
even when qualified as "extremely barbarized," should be called Babylo­
nian at all. It is a pidgin in which the Babylonian component is mainly
lexical, whereas the grammar is profoundly West-Semitized, most no-

4 6 . In the Amarna corpus, Hurrian influence is most evident in the letters from
Mittani and Qatna; on the former, see Kiihne, p. 9, n. 40, and H.-P. Adler, AOAT 2 0 1 , pp.
io ff.
5

4 7 . At Boghazkoy A . Kammenhuber, Or n.s. 45 (1976) p. 1 3 7 , sees two traditions,
Hurrian and Hittite, plus the influence of direct imports from Babylonia, as formative of
Boghazkoy-Akkadian. At ancient Emar, D. Arnaud, AAS 25 (1979) pp. 87ff., finds both a
Syrian and a Syro-Hittite tradition.
48. This is the case at Ugarit; see Huehnergard, Akkadian, pp. 22off., with refer­
ence to T. Finley, "Word Order in the Clause Structure of Syrian Akkadian" (Ph.D. diss.,
University of California at Los Angeles, 1979). There is also in the legal texts evidence of an
Old Babylonian, North Syrian background; see J . Greenfield, in M . Ellis, ed., Essays on the
Ancient Near East in Memory ofJacob Joel Finkelstein (Hamden, Conn., 1 9 7 7 ) , pp. 8yff.
49. This was shown by K . Riemschneider in a paper delivered before the 186th
annual meeting of the American Oriental Society, March 1 6 , 1 9 7 6 ; see also G . Beckman,
JCS 35 (1983) pp. i i 2 f . , and G . Wilhelm, Studien zur Altdgyptischen Kultur 11 (1984) pp.
6436°. Note, however, that in the Amarna archive the Egyptian material includes two
letters in non-Hittite ductus, EA 1 and 369, the former of which manifests a strong
preference for verb-subject-object word order, as is the rule in Egyptian and was noted long
ago by Bohl, Sprache, p. 78. On EA 3 6 9 , see below EA 3 6 9 , n. 1.

xxi

INTRODUCTION

tably in the word order and, most important of all, in the verbal
system. 5° The language can only be described as an entirely new code,
only vaguely intelligible (if at all) to the West Semite because of the
lexicon, and to the Babylonian because of the grammar.
It is regrettable that translations either cannot or do not reflect the
diversity of language and writing within the corpus itself and the dis­
tance of the several dialects from the normative language of Babylonia.
They should be read with an awareness of this limitation, correcting so
far as possible the impression of a colorless uniformity and grammatical
propriety.

4. The International Correspondence
The form of the letters is pretty much the same everywhere,
though the letters from Alasia (EA 3 3 - 4 0 ) have certain peculiarities. 5'
In the usual form, the address, which is directed to the scribe who will
read the letter, is usually of the type "Say to PN. Thus P N . " 5 This 2
2

form was inherited from the Old Babylonian period, and neither then
nor as used here did it carry any implications of the relative social status
of the correspondents. Another form, however, "Thus PN: Say to P N , " 2

appears in two letters from Egypt (EA 5 and 3 1 ) and in one from
Boghazkoy (EA 4 1 ) . This is a different usage according to which the
sender, if he is the superior or the equal of the addressee, names himself
first, and therefore, in this system, the first and more common form

5 0 . This is a subject with a long history of inquiry; see the outline by Kiihne, pp.
8f., n. 3 6 , II p-III, and add the work of A . Rainey and his students, most notably S. Izre'el.
Rainey has shown that regularly the (preformative) verb base, with no additional marker (u-
durative, ^-injunctive), no matter what "tense" (iparras, iptaras, iprus), if a statement of
fact, has past-time reference (IOS i [ 1 9 7 1 ] pp. 86ff.; UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. 3 9 5 ? . ) . The same
usage is found in a letter from Tyre a century later; see D. Arnaud, Syria 59 (1982) p. 1 0 4 .
Wirhin the southern corpus rhere are two somewhat erratic blocks, the letters from Jerusa­
lem and those from Abi-Milku of Tyre. On rhe former, see Jerusalem Scribe; on the latter, a
dissertation by Cecilia Grave, to be presented to the University of Lund, is in progress (see
OA 1 9 [ 1 9 8 0 ] pp. 2 0 5 ? . ; UF 1 2 [ 1 9 8 0 ] pp. 22iff.; Or n.s. 5 1 [ 1 9 8 2 ] pp. i6iff.).
5 1 . For the various forms of address and greeting in Akkadian letters, see the survey
of E . Salonen, StOr 38, esp. pp. 6iff. on the Amarna lerters.
5 2 . In the international correspondence, we retain the conventional translarion of
umma by "thus," except in EA 1 9 : 3 and 2 9 : 2 , where it seems that umma was understood in
the sense of "word, message" (Rainey, BiOr 37 [ 1 9 8 0 ] p. 96). The latter meaning seems to
have been the rule in the Syro-Palestinian area (see EA 1 4 4 , n. 1 ) , as first noted by W. F.
Albright (BASOR 87 [ 1 9 4 2 ] p. 3 3 , n. 7 ) , and it was not unknown to Hittite scribes (A.
Goetze, JCS 2 [ 1 9 4 8 ] p. 2 2 4 ; see also P. Berger, UF 1 { 1 9 6 9 ] p. 2 1 8 ; Izre'el, IOS 8 { 1 9 7 8 ] p.
68; Huehnergard, Akkadian, p. 1 4 4 , n. 1 1 2 ; M . Kossmann, JEOL 30 ( { 1 9 8 7 - 8 8 ] pp.
38ff.).

xxii

INTRODUCTION

noted above ("Say to PN . . . " ) is employed only by an inferior writing to
a superior. 5 3
A salutation—which as such was an innovation of the Old Babylo­
nian period—follows, and it consists of two parts. The first is a report
on one's own well-being: "For me all goes well." Since it is omitted in
the Assyrian letters (EA 1 5 - 1 6 ) , it seems to have been optional. The
second part, never omitted and therefore probably not optional, is an
expression of good wishes for the addressee, usually beginning with
"May all go well with you," which is then elaborated and extended to
the household, to wives and children, courtiers and troops, even horses
and chariots. 54
The body of the letter is, naturally, /mich less stereotyped, and
formal conventions are few and variable. Two types of letters, especially
in combined form, dominate the international correspondence. These
are what Jean Nougayrol called lettre d'envoi and lettre d'injonction. 55
Under the first we should place EA 2 - 3 , 5, 2 1 , 3 1 , and 4 1 ; they charac­
5 6
teristically end with "I (herewith) send... . " Lettres d'injonction are EA
4, 7, 28, and 3 8 - 3 9 , and they usually end with one or more injunc­
tives. 57 As I already mentioned, however, most common of all are
combinations, which we find in EA 6, 8 - 9 , 1 5 - 1 7 , 1 9 - 2 0 , 2 3 , 2 6 - 2 7 ,
2
9 , 3 3 - 3 5 , 40, and 44.
Occasionally, there is either a double letter (EA 12)—i.e., the same
person is addressed but by a third party—or a postscript (EA 32)—i.e.,
the writer sends a message to a third party, who in the case in question
was the addressee's scribe and whose services, therefore, were needed in

5 3 . See Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, pp. 66f. Though "say" (qibT-md) is absent in EA 3 4 ,
this letter probably reflects the same usage. This seems more likely than a survival of the
form of the Old Akkadian-Ur III periods (cf. E . Sollberger, TCS 1, pp. 2 f . ) .
54. W. von Soden, AfO 1 8 (1958) p. 3 6 9 , saw in this type of salutation a feature of
an official as opposed to a private letter. Characteristic of the Egyptian letters is the addition
of a parallel report on one's own household, etc. It seems that, in general, inferiors did not
report on the state of their own person (cf. EA 1 2 ) , though this is hardly the explanation of
EA 1 5 - 1 6 . Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, p. 67, has noted that the Hittite king and other high-
ranking courtiers report only on themselves and do not wish well to their inferiors. (In
Ugar. 5, no. 3 3 : 3 ' , read gabbu da\n-n\(i iulmu.) Cf. the conclusions of Egyptian letters
from the king to vassals (see below, sect. 5). Note that in Hittite usage (cf. EA 3 1 : 4 )
A N 5 E . K U R . R A . M E S may contrast with E R I N . M E S and mean, not "horses," but "chariot-
fighters" (see A . Kammenhuber, Die Arier im Vorderen Orient [Heidelberg, 1968}, p. 2 2 , n.
30a).
5 5 . Ugar. 5, pp. 67f.
56. EA 2 , rev. 9(?); 3 : 3 4 ; 5 : 1 8 ; 2 1 : 3 8 ; 3 1 : 2 8 ; 4 1 : 4 3 .
57. EA 4:4off.; 7:8off.; 28:29flf.; 39.-iofF.

XXlll

INTRODUCTION

communicating and perhaps explaining the message of the letter to his
8
master.'
The prevalence of the combination of envoi and injonction reflects
the complex social, economic, and political relationships of the corre­
spondents, and the customs and ideology associated with them. Ac­
cording to the conceptions of the time, the most basic political relation­
ship between the rulers was an alliance of "brotherhood," which made
them brothers and members of the same family and household. They
were thus united by the bond of love and friendship that befits broth­
ers, 59 and the visible expression of this bond was the exchange of
60
gifts. "From the time my ancestors and your ancestors made a mutual
declaration of friendship, they sent beautiful greeting-gifts to each
other, and refused no request for anything beautiful" (EA 9 : 7 - 1 0 ) .
"Send me much gold, and you, for your part, whatever you want from
my country, write me so that it may be taken to you" (EA 9 : 1 6 - 1 8 ) . "If
your purpose is graciously one of friendship, send me much gold. And
this is your house. Write me so what you need may be fetched" (EA
6 1
1 6 : 3 2 - 3 4 ) . Acknowledgment of gifts received, praise of the gifts or

58. In EA 42-.2j{. perhaps the scribe sends a brief message either to the addressee of
the letter or to a third party. In the vassal correspondence, too, there are postscripts, all to
the Egyptian scribe who will read the letters (EA 2 8 6 - 8 9 , 316). In EA 170:36$. both the
addressor and the addressees are different from those in the first part of the letter. EA 128 is
probably a double letter. On these additions to letters, see A . Leo Oppenheim, AS, 16, pp.
2536°., and Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, p. 67, with references to earlier literature. Other double
letters: R S 3 4 . 1 3 4 , Ugar. 7, pis. X V - X V I ; (the following references from J . Huehnergard)
PRU 6, no. 7; R S 3 4 . 1 6 1 , Ugar. 7, pi. X L ; R S 3 4 . 1 7 1 , Ugar. 7, pi. L I I . Emar 6/3 2 6 3 - 6 4 are
double letters; 2 6 6 is exrraordinary, being four complere letters from the same correspon­
dent. Emar 6/3 2 6 1 is also unusual; it is sent by two correspondents who, after the greeting,
send individual messages, the first being introduced by umma (line 10), the second by the
logogram I N I M , "word" (see above, n. 5 2 ) .
59. B y the Amarna period "love" (ramulra'amu and derivatives) had become part of
the terminology of international relations; see V. Korosec, Mednarodni odnosajipo klinopisnih
porocilih iz el-amarnskega in hetitskega drzavnega arhiva (Internarional relations according to
cuneiform reports from the Tell al-Amarna and Hittite State Archive) (Ljubljana, 1 9 5 0 ) , p.
340 (English summary, p. 3 9 3 ) . It is a favorite term of Tusratta (EA 17 ff., passim), when he
speaks of the relationship between equals, but elsewhere in the Amarna letters it is also used
of the relationship between sovereign and vassal (EA 5 3 : 4 1 ; 1 1 4 : 6 8 ; 1 2 1 : 6 1 ; 1 2 3 : 2 3 ;
1 3 8 : 7 1 ^ ; see Catholic Biblical Quarterly 25 [ 1 9 6 3 ] pp. 77S.). On "friendship" (fdbutu) and
related terms, see M . Weinfeld, JAOS 93 (1973) pp. i9off., and below, EA 1 3 6 , n. 5.
60. See C . Zaccagnini, ho scambio dei doni nel Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV-XIII
(Rome, 1 9 7 3 ) , which was inspired by Liverani, OA 11 (1972) pp. 297ff. (rranslated in Three
Amarna Essays [see n. 2 6 ] , pp. 2iff.).
6 1 . This also belongs to the formal language of treaties: "We are all sons of Sup-

XXIV

i n J .3 5 . 64. 289 and n. 1 9 2 3 . JAOS 95 (1975) pp. 1 9 7 0 ] . One of the related topics is marriage. ibid. P. "From long ago and ever after the city Mari and Babylon have been one house and one finger that cannot be separated (na-ab'-tu-qi'-im)" (AEM 1 / 2 . see also ARMT 1. 8. 7 2 ) . 8 2 : 7 . reveals the dangers of inter­ national trade. Rollig. Boghazkoi-Studien 8 [Leipzig. pp. La femme dans le Proche Orient Antique (Paris. also "one man" (EA 2 0 : 1 7 ) . Ishi-Addu of Qatna wrote to Isme-Dagan of Assyria. Altbabylonische Briefe des Iraq-Museums [n. no. in the case of marriage the economic value was considerable. 4. pp. 1987).. 561'i if. esp. as are their kings (ibid. Cf. 5 8 : 2 5 ) . 2 6 : 1 6 .. ed. see AbB 1. 3 0 . see Kiihne. pp. and according to ii 7 2 .p.8 2 . p.. Tusratta of Mittani tells of the difficulties at­ tending his accession to the throne and makes a passing reference to the 64 Hittites. Schulman. Burna-Burias of Babylonia tells how a predecessor refused to support a coalition of Canaanite kings against Egypt. for marriage not only binds the correspondents even closer together. 9 : 1 9 .2 0 .4 2 . Apart from declarations of friendship. 1 9 6 4 ] . XXV . According to EA 1 4 ii 3 4 . 86:8f. reprint. p. P. 8 : 1 3 . 2 : 1 3 ' ) . 7i6ff. and Kraus.M . Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien: Die Staatsvertra'ge in akkadischer Sprache aus dem Archiv von Boghazkb'i. Hildesheim and N e w York. 6 5 . see also A .. Matrimonio. there is little else in the interna­ tional correspondence. Weidner. F.2 8 ) . Uruk and Babylon are "one house" (A. 449:i5f.. See Pintore. On dynastic marriages. The language goes back ar least to the Old Babylonian period. 236°. and implies growing Assyrian truculence and aspira­ 6 tions. 177ft. EA 7 : 1 1 . Michalowski. but he says nothing more about the larger political scene.. ARMT 1 0 . 7of. over a half a ton of gold was used on the gifts listed in the previous lines. "This house is your house. ' In the mention of Mayati. Falken- stein. JNES 38 (1979) pp.3 8 . even 63 staggering. Zeebari. the discussions of gifts asso­ ciated with this friendship. BaghdaderMitteilungen 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] p. 7 8 : 2 7 . p. INTRODUCTION even a frank expression of disappointment. If in the gifts customarily exchanged the economic value was not always great and symbolic values were often as important..). 1056°. and lists of goods exchanged at the time of marriage. EA 7 : 7 3 . 282ff. . pp. 1 5 2 : 2 0 ("my house is your house and my purse your purse"). see also W. RLA 4. Durand. petition of countergifts to respond to the gifts now being dispatched—these and related topics dominate much of the international correspondence. 62. In the private sphere. 6 3 . What is missing in your house? Does not a brother give a brother (his) request?" (ARMT 5. A . proposals of marriage. expression of the motivation behind the exchange of gifts.). Larsa and Eshnunna are also "one house" (TIM 1. 2 0 : 2 5 . On EA 1 4 as a list of marriage gifts. the daughter of Amenophis IV. BiOr 22 (1965) p. about an eighth of a ton of silver. Artzi. but it also involves the ex­ 62 change of goods. Hammurabi of Babylon is quoted as declaring. there piluliumaS and our house is one" (E.

I05ff. n. pp. ) . 7 (Copenhagen. 96ff. . Redford. 1 6 8 . Power and Propaganda. p. 16yfF. EA 1. for example. 5 1 9 .5. Abdul Kader Mohammad.. no.. RLA 7 / 5 .. n. de Vaux. idem. I02ff. (cf. Albright. Political Disposition. rabisu is glossed by su-ki-ni and su-ki-na. Frandsen. M . I07ff. K . On rhe alleged request of the AlaSian king that the Egyptians form no alliances with the Hittites or Babylonians. especially his religious reforms. whereas J . Na'aman. idem. A l t .. M . 2 4 6 ? . and there is not a hint of the religious 6 reforms that make the Amarna period so notable in Egyptian history. . if there were only two provinces. Helck. 3 ) . and his province took in most of Palestine. Wiggermann.). see especially Liverani and Several. But all this adds up to little information. in Liverani. 1 1 8 8 . 40). BASOR 241 (1981) pp.. Amurru.. 68. no. Kitchen. p.. esp. . Annates du Service des Antiquite's de t'Egypte 56 (1959) pp.. 3 1 6 : 1 6 ' and note b. ed. in Mogens Trolle Larsen. ZDPV 98 2 (1982) pp.. whether or not he was bound by oath and a vassal in the strict sense. Weber. 1 9 7 1 ) . English summary on pp. IEJ 31 { 1 9 8 1 ] pp. 69). note j . p. iff. Probably always a member of the military. Addu-nirari of Nuha&se (EA 5 1 ) . M . 7 0 . Weinstein. 3 2 ) . the Heretic King (Princeton. CAH 2 / 2 . see O. Drawer. R . des origines a I'installation en Canaan (Paris. 69. pp.. see the survey of D. no. Liverani. La Siria nel Tardo Bronzo (see n. N .. PEQ 104 (1972) pp. I7ff. M . Beziehungen .2 7 . A .8 . pp. one of a network. ed. 2 6 . I72ff.. CAH 2 / 1 .M . see EA 3 5 . The highest official was usually called "commissioner" (rabisu). 67. 8 2 . Hachmann. note d). §2. pp. Histoire ancienne d'lsrael. argues for only two provinces. EA 1 1 rev. West Semitic *sokinu (Hebrew soken). but occasionally so were other Egyprian officials of lesser rank. Durand. Political Disposition. 1984). respectively. whereas Helck (see n. It thus includes. n. RA 61 (1967) pp. Against the once common view that the Amarna letters reflect Egypt's neglect of its territories and the absorption of Amenophis I V in internal matters. Akhenaten. 1 0 . pp. who is. see also the text below on military operations.6 . IEJ 3 1 (1981) pp. iff. proposes four provinces. in my opinion "one who provides" (cf. and cf. 1 9 7 9 ) . Kleine Schriften. i 8 3 f . All of rhese officials also shared rhe designation "magnate" (rabu. pp. see A . and the rulers of Ugarit (EA 4 5 . Edzard and F. he resided in a garrison city. J . I23ff. the area was divided into two or three provinces. below sakanu in the letters from Jerusalem). Several. and from there he looked after Egyptian interests in the city-states and crown-lands within his territory. O. A. esp. MDOG 92 (i960) pp. Mesopotamia. 4 9 . 1 9 5 9 ) . In EA 2 5 6 : 9 and 362:69. At the time of the Amarna letters. i x . iff. pp." from a West Semitic verb "to dwell" (see AEM 1 / 1 . i66ff. INTRODUCTION 66 is an opaque reflection of events at the Egyptian court. ? 5. without specific ti­ 70 t l e . AEM 1 / 2 .x i ) . R . Bar-Ilan 1 3 (1976) iff. 8off. 7 . 1 0 . pp. Altman. 449ff. whose views have gained some currency. The crux is the status of Sumur. 26. 4 6 7 ? . P. ch. the Phoeni­ cian coast.. If there was a 66.. W. The Vassal Correspondence 68 The vassal correspondence reflects the Egyptian administration 69 fbf its territories in Syria and Palestine. in the Amarna letters. defends three. pp. One was sta­ tioned in Gaza. 3 (Munich. Aziru of Amurru (EA 156fF. Na'aman.. proposes "Resident. Donald B . VAB 2 / 2 . and. each under an Egyptian official. Miscella­ nea Babylonica (see n. XXVI . The rerm vassal is used loosely of any ruler subordinate to the Egyptian king.

1 8 2 . Six or seven letters in the vassal correspondence are from the Pha­ raoh (EA 99. sect. no. and he administered an area from Qades in southern Syria down to Hazor in northern Palestine. Picchioli. obviously ignoring any implications of social status. 93ff.).•){. were the payment of tribute. <. Saarbriicker Beitrage zur Alter- tumskunde 7 (1970) pp. which may not have been the same in each province. Le Palais et la Royaute"[Paris. lit. INTRODUCTION third province. 57b). as preserved they are formally very similar. 7 2 . its administrative center was Sumur and its principal 71 territory Amurru. besides Egyptian underlings. non-Egyptian term the city-state rulers used of themselves (Na'aman. 1 9 7 4 I . The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dynasty XVIII (Baltimore. supplying Egyptian troops in transit and reinforcing them. 1 9 7 4 ) . n. i8f. p. in P. 6off. one usually did not use hazannu but awilu.. "princes" (wr. see F. Collection de la Maison de l'Orient mediterranean. which is used in EA only by Abi-Milku of Tyre (EA 1 4 9 : 3 0 . see above. were the native local rulers. ed. ZDPV 98 (1982) pp. see D. 9 (Lyons and Paris. serie archeol. see also Archeologie au Levant: Recueil a la memoire de Roger Saidah. (Kumidu 1 . 18). by the 73 Egyptian term. Garelli. larru was the nonadministrative. always names the inferior first (see above. 7 3 . sect.. 1 9 8 2 ) . O. A / 2 . Edzard. "man") or "kings" (sarru) or. OA 1 4 [ 1 9 7 5 I pp. Among their obliga­ tions. if the place of rule was indicated. The address. and protecting caravans. not just to vassals.7 0 . Schriftdokumente aus Kamid el-Loz. There follows an introduction to the message proper that is peculiar to the Pharaoh's letters to vassals. The use of awilu ro designate the local ruler suggests the Old Babylonian period (see n. Subject to these officials. As used in the western periphery in the fifteenth to thirteenth centuries B .2 ) . 3 6 9 . the Egyptian official dis­ placed the native rulers. pp. The province probably extended from Byblos to an area south of Ugarit. pp. 7 3 ) . furnishing corvee labor on crown-lands. . 1 6 2 . and would appear to go back 74 to an old tradition. 133fF. who are usually referred to as "mayors" (hazannu) but are also called "rulers" (awilu.. and inland to about the Orontes River. and it seems to be based on Egyptian models: "He (I?) hereby sends (send?) this tablet 7 1 . on the hazannu at Boghazkoy. 367. I I: w a s 5 39)> applied by the Egyptians to all foreign rulers. Another official was in Kumidu. C . However. Lorton. xxvii .8 3 .6 3 . According ro Hachmann. pp. "great one"). 1 2 . 4 ) . Egyptian wr. and the term as said of the local rulers implied their incorporation within the administration as "fonctionnaires peripheriques" (Liverani. over to the Dam­ 72 ascene and down into northern Transjordan. 190?. These and the following remarks apply also to the king's letters discovered at Kumidu. the hazannu was usually a royal appointee. With the exception of EA 1 6 2 . 2). 3466°. lit. the borders of which remain ill-defined. 74. a usage that goes back to the Syrian koine of Old Babylonian times (see CAD. UF 20 (1988) pp. meeting other exactions of goods and personnel. see D.

367. which he calls "Egyprian spring letters. Cf.. 76. Cf. n. The rest of the vassal correspondence is concerned almost exclu- 7 5 . Huehnergard points to PRU 4. 2:6). 369:5." is meant to correspond to Egyptian c hn dd. two 77 injunctions also with close Egyptian parallels. pp. to introduce Egyptian officials and secure obedience to their orders. 9). 3 7 0 . "be not remiss" (ibid. For difficulties with this view. pp. pp. after the address and immediately before the message. for the long form. one sees that the main purpose of the king's writing was to acquire personnel and other goods. saying to you . The command may be repeated (EA 369:14). if he is obedient. lit. p. by informing the 78 inferior of the king's prosperity and power. 5.INTRODUCTION to you. 1 6 . 370). Late-Egyptian Miscella­ nies [London. XXV1I1 . "to speak. "This letter is brought to you to the following effect" (R. p. Late-Egyptian Miscellanies. As first recognized by Liverani. pp..1 1 . 34iff. n. 7. "with saying. an expression of the Pharaoh's approval. 367. the message begins with the command to be on one's guard and to guard "the place of the king where you are" (lit. followed by injunctions virtually identical with those continuing EA 99. and along with more specific orders the vassal may be urged to obey without fault or negligence. 68." See also Liverani.. and 3 7 0 . 1 1 . 3 6 9 . 4. "do not become negligent" (EA 3 6 7 : 1 4 ) and "slack not" (Caminos. K u m i d u 1—2)ox. 1 9 8 ) . Caminos. 17—19. 3 6 7 : 6 . and some of the passages here taken as third person are ambiguous and could be in the first person.2 . 1 0 . 1.7 0 . 1 9 5 4 I . see EA 99. . Late-Egyptian Miscellanies. 2 6 2 . rendering Egyptian tn. On EA 369 as extra chorum. confirmed by letters of the vassals to the king. 2 2 .. " (EA 99. Lingering over Words.tw nk ss pn n dd hn^ dd. The king usually speaks of himself in the third person (EA 99:8f. 1. 193:66°. 7. J . 1 9 . and to arrange for supplies for his troops. EA 162 and 3 7 0 . 3 6 . studies the form and the background of EA 99. OA 1 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p. 3 : 3 8 0 "My saying/speech" (Edzard) accords with neither EA 369 nor the Egyptian parallel. 7 5 Three times (EA 99> 367. Vicino Oriente 2 (1979) p. 3 6 9 : 2 1 ) . From these letters. and 3 6 9 ." and therefore to introduce direct quotation. 1 8 . following a longer or shorter form. 162 passim. 2 0 . 78." in his opinion examples of a standard annual procedure. and p.1 4 ) . Liverani. 22ff. The conclusion of EA 369 is without parallel. anaqabe(EA 369). 367. 8. 3 6 7 . "lest the king find fault [lit. but at Kumidu the first person is also attested ("send me": K u m i d u 1 : 5 . 2 6 ] . KBo 1. all letters end in virtually the same words. 3 1 3 .7 0 ) . a crime] in you" (EA 3 6 7 : 1 0 ^ and "do not let yourself be found fault with" (Caminos. n. Finally. see EA 367. 367. For a brief analysis of the two forms. (For the infinitive expressing purpose without ana. who also established on the basis of Egyptian parallels the meaning of "which is by/near you. 2 5 8 . 1 3 . He may also be prom­ ised to hear. "this is good" (EA 9 9 : 1 7 . . see J . UF 1 5 (1983) p. twice ruled off and included in the introductory section (EA 367. 52 (translared in Three Amarna Essays [see n. 370:7).. "which is 70 by/near you").. see EA 3 6 9 . and again there are underlying Egyptian models. and K u m i d u 1 . Wesselius. 7 ) . It seems likely that qabe (EA 99. 1 9 8 ) . in the same position. For the short form. lit. 3 7 0 ) . 7 7 . n. n.

i ] b . the letters from Byblos are a notable exception. give the addressee honor in the 8 king's sight. n. 77. a copy sent to central archives?). I 0 2 84.£ » . i29(?). is omitted only once in a letter to the king (EA 44) and once 7 9 . etc. but always follows the salutation of the king. The king is almost never addressed by name. EA 44 is from an independent Hittite prince. 1 6 . The king's name appears in EA 5 3 : 1 . 45 and 49 from probably inde­ pendent rulers of Ugarit. note f) or the homage of proskynesis (see the text below). 1 0 2 . Message of P N . . . 7 1 (cf. or a vassal's locum tenensltenentes (EA i 6 9 f ) . which in the Byblos letters always pre­ cedes the salutation of an official. cf. the Lady of Byblos. Another unusual form is found in EA 1 2 6 .. "message. 40). 7 3 . 80. see W. 1 3 . to which are usually added various honorifics. and. i37(?). On postscriprs. 3 4 4 . I 9 5 f .. the vast majority begin ei­ ther "Say to the king/PN .1 8 . Only once does an inferior report on his own well-being (EA 1 4 5 . Salutations are rare. cf. B E is a logogram for belu. EA 1 0 0 is unique. p. Liverani. i66f. also i i 3 : 3 2 f . 8 3 . " The exceptions are confined almost entirely to the letters of Rib-Hadda of Byblos..2 0 . comparable are EA 260 and 8 1 3 1 7 . 8 6 . 49. . 9 3 . cf. though regional differences are observable. To the identification of himself the vassal regularly adds various expressions of self-abasement. In letters addressed to the king the desire is expressed that the goddess. n. the (senior) citizens of a city (EA 59. cf. .> 7 . 5 2 . 9 5 .8 7 . 1 6 4 . 8 2 . 4 The prostration formula. and only 83 rarely does he wish his superior well (EA 44—45. 1 3 7 ) . xxix . grant power to the king. 169(F). Mayer. with "the gods" as subject. and in letters to Egyptian officials it is hoped that Aman or the Lady of Byblos. 5 5 : 1 . in the body of the letter. Again. 8 1 . 7 3 . . 1 9 7 6 ) . It may be doubted that EA 2 1 0 was m addressed to king [. . 5 0 . 2 3 8 . Letters to Egyptian officials and courtiers: EA 62. see the text above at n. 3 3 3 .[ i a ] (Amenophis I V ? Tutankhamun? see below. 26.. 25r(?). 1 7 8 . In the address. 86f. Formally. pp. 82 only by title. 98. INTRODUCTION sively with letters from subordinate rulers or vassals to the king or high 79 Egyptian officials. to an Egyptian official. 77. 58. EA 1 2 . 2io(?). as a concluding formula (Edzard. or both. n i . ZA 66 [ 1 9 7 6 } p. 1 4 5 . and see also 2 7 3 - 74). Egyptian general to vassal (EA 96. iqtabi in EA 5 9 : 5 . . Lingering over Words. " or simply "To the (2) 8 o k i n g . 3 0 ) . in lines 7. " . 7 4 5 . 1 5 8 . 2 5 6 . 4). 95> . where we also find "Rib-Hadda speaks [ 1 7 times]/writes (9 times] to the king ." see n. as frequently in EA). points to the same form in letters written in Egyptian. p. and 59 from the city of Tunip. Exceptions: female correspondents (EA 48. Unter- suchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen "Gebetsbeschworungen" (Rome. Those sending the letters may be a group of vassals (EA 2 0 0 . they are very similar. On iqbiliStapar as examples of Koinzidenzfall. 8 2 . at K u m i d u . sect. since he would be named without title (see VAB 2 / 1 . see above. EA 7 1 . 1 0 0 ) . . 5 9 ) . On umma. 6 4 : 1 8 . . and 3 6 2 .

On epistolary inuma. 7'-&4\ 9:9'> 1 2 1 : 9 . 3 0 4 : 1 9 ? .. see Edzard. 2 2 7 : 5 ? . . 2 3 1 : 1 4 ^ 2 9 2 : 2 i f . c a s o 9 2 . . . 4 and to guard the place of the king where 9 the vassal is (see above). f ' 65. 89. 3 2 1 : 1 5 ? . 326:9?. . 2 3 3 . also 167?). 321:23?. Lingering over Words. 3 0 6 . Associated with this command is at times an­ 97 98 other. 269. 364. 3 5 ? . . "as to the king's 89 90 91 writing/saying". Fischer. 1 2 2 : 1 0 . . EA 1 9 1 . 3 1 7 : 2 1 . 246. EA 267.. 239. 2 1 3 . also 6 3 . 7 6 . 96. "the 92 9 word(s) . for the representation of Syrian vassals in both positions..INTRODUCTION in a letter to an official (EA 1 6 6 . 9. 1 2 3 : 3 0 ^ 1 2 5 : 9 ^ i 2 6 : 3 i f .. pp. 364:14?. with the addition of "(both) on 8 the belly and on the back.. 9 1 . "you have written". . 2 9 3 .. On the quality of composition and the general poverty of lexicon. 98. 1 1 2 : 9 . 328f. . XXX . and very many of the letters begin by acknowledging in different ways that 88 the king's letter has been received: "I have heard". but in letters to the king this is usually said to be performed "seven times and seven times. 3 0 5 : 1 8 ? .6 . 2 4 3 . I25f. 247. 2 2 1 : 1 1 ? . His command to be on one's 9 guard or to guard oneself. For Liverani. 3 2 1 .1 8 . Most vassals.. 2 5 2 ." which in Palestin­ ian letters is made even more explicit. 2 5 3 f . " . 9 3 . Bulletin University Museum 20 (1956) pp. 2 3 0 : 9 ? . 252f. 3 2 2 : 1 7 ? . 1 9 5 4 ) . p. EA 2 9 2 : 2 0 . 3 1 9 : 1 5 ? . . 2 2 o f . 2 2 0 : 1 1 . 276°. EA 2 2 3 ." On Egyptian proskynesis. "everything/whatever. 316:10?. 8 7 . also EA 77 and 9 5 . EA 1 4 1 . . 328:21?. . 2 8 3 . 320:16?. .. Zeitschrift fur dgyptische Sprache 90 (1963) pp. 94. 307:3?. See J . wrote neither regularly nor on their 87 own initiative." ' The body of the vassal letters. " 3 The king's letters are often cited. 2 6 1 . . in most instances reference to protection indicates a "Syro-Palestinian spring letter. in both form and content. EA 2 0 1 . Hermann." a vassal's reply to an "Egyptian spring letter" (see n. 5. 86. The Ancient Near East in Pictures (Princeton. see H . EA 2 1 6 : 1 2 ? . . A . 2 1 6 .. 1 9 2 .. in Biblical Archaeology Today (see n. EA 6 3 : 9 ^ 1 4 2 : 1 1 ? . 2 2 2 .. . 2 5 5 . 3 0 3 . See above n. EA ioo:t4f. 3 0 3 : 1 9 ? . is frequently quoted ' and even more fre­ 96 quently alluded t o . wrote". .. 3i4:nf. n. 1 3 0 : 1 6 ? . 90. 1 9 6 . . either cited directly or alluded t o .. 2 4 3 : 1 0 ? . cf. . . 1 7 ) . 325:10?..5 .. to guard (pay close atten- 8 5 . . ibid. . pp. 225. 1 3 0 . 2 1 ( 1 9 5 7 ) pp. also 3oif. 3 4 2 ? . it seems. 34. 7 8 ) . I 2 i f . 327:1?. 2 4 3 . ll TI 9 5 .. 9 7 . Campbell. In letters to officials one simply declares the prostration. to Egyptian officials. . 5 2f. . 297f. cf. 2 2 4 . "Seven times" means "over and over. is quite 86 varied. "the king . 294:8f. see EA 1. Pritchard. Chronology. fig. 3 3 7 . but rather only in reply to a letter from the k i n g . 2 9 4 ^ . . EA 1 1 9 . 275—77. 88.

3 0 2 . n. If he is told to guard himself and the city where he is. But the most unusual correspondence as well as by far the longest is that between the king and Rib-Hadda of Byblos. 1 3 7 : 2 9 . but al­ 100 ways. p. 1 4 4 .t (Pintore. (translared in Three Amarna Essays [see n. 7 5 ) . The vassals reply to other commands and charges. 2 6 ] . 199 and p . i73ff- xxxi . 56:26. some cited 101 verbatim. p. 1 4 4 : 6 ' . Altorientalische Forschungen 1 (1974) pp.. 2 massaru). 1985). Kraus.1 1 ) .6-j:i^&. The use ofana pant may reflect Egyptian r-h'. and for my criricisms and a somewhat different analysis. eds.. see Rainey. 3ff. for example. also EA 2 5 6 ) .. and the best-attested preparations are those of supplies for Egyptian troops in transit (EA ^. M . In view of EA 5:15—17. to be distinguished from auxiliaries (tillatu) and garrison-troops (massartu. 3 3 7 : 8 . I 4 i f . but it need not. etc. see. EA 367. 227. Thus. Lab'ayu does not hesitate to make known his displeasure at certain orders of the king (EA 2 5 2 ) . for example.. 1 9 1 . The troops in quesrion were the regular army units. 3 3 7 . see the text below and nn. pp. pp. "archers" in the literal translation that I have followed. Stol. AO n { 1 9 7 2 } p. AbB 7. for in Old Babylonian ana pant has the same temporal meaning. see above).. 2 1 3 . but at times at least it certainly looks to specific missions (cf. Caminos.. Cf.). 1 0 0 . see A . 283:8f. One is to prepare "before the arrival" (ana pant) of the Egyptian troops. Biblical and Related Studies Presented to Samuel Iwry (Winona Lake. 1 9 3 .). i 6 i : 3 i f . The command to be on one's guard. OA 10 ( 1 9 7 1 ) pp. EA 567. and rhe remarks of Durand. 3 7 0 ) . 1 0 2 . 2 0 3 . 1 1 2 : 4 2 ^ 1 2 9 : 3 5 . irs survival in the periphery seems quite probable. others easily inferred from context. and they do so not always with an unquestioning submissivene^s. 2 1 6 .2 2 . was probably never isolated (cf. 2536°. 1 0 1 . 2 0 2 . 1 5 8 . see also 2 2 6 and 2 9 2 : 2 9 ? . in one way or another. and note too inapani'va F. EA 6 5 . for it goes 102 far beyond the routines that we find in most of the EA archive. 8 .1 8 . 130:108°. 1 1 7 . This may refer to the vassal's general duties. 3 6 9 . n. See especially Liverani. 1 9 8 . Ind.^ The vassal occasionally cites the actual order (EA 1 4 1 : 2 1 .). 1 2 9 .5 4 ) emphatically denies the serious charges brought against him by others and repeated by the king (cf. Liverani. 87. Late-Egyptian Miscellanies (see n. AOAT. see also Liverani. There were also orders. For the narrative patterns and rhe self-perception in R i b - Hadda's correspondence. Morschauser. 6 3 : 1 1 . 98:8. Vicino Oriente 2 [ 1 9 7 9 ] p.). . he insists that it is 99. Kort and S. 1746°.6 . and n e in two other letters (EA 2 5 3 . note. 69). ARMT 2 1 . 324f. it is clear that the king has not succeeded in his attempt to have Aziru rebuild Sumur or to get him to come to Egypt (EA 1561?. where the order is to have things ready before the arrival of rhe Pharaoh. p. AbB 9. 8 3 . Rib- Hadda writes and writes. 2 0 1 . EA 1 0 2 : 1 5 ^ . On the background of these preparations. "to prepare" (EA 99:ioff. he states his compliance. 1 1 7 : 5 . 4 1 3 . he does not reply that he will do so. see also p. INTRODUCTION tion to?) or listen to the king's commissioner.

. it is otherwise indistinguishable. 7 5 : 6 ? . 5 This. The lerrers referred to in the text fall. s e e also 1 0 0 : 8 ? . . Told. i5i:5of. . 9 0 : 5 ? . 1 5 8 : 4 ? . 7 9 : 7 ? . my lord. Such reports are often introduced by "may the king." or threatened. know (idu) that . be(come) informed. . 3 0 1 : 2 1 ? . .. or of other dangers. io he replies that this also is impossible. 2 5 0 : 4 ? . . In the north. EA 2 7 2 : 1 0 ? . Lingering over Words. . . 2 6 8 : 8 ? . 2 8 7 : 5 9 . . cf. 2 6 5 : 1 4 ^ 2 7 4 : i 7 f . 2 8 2 : 1 5 ? . ( ? ) . 2 2 6 : 6 ? . . 7 8 : 7 ? . who i o complained that Rib-Hadda wrote to him more than any local ruler. ' And he does so not once. . Letters also end this way. 8 8 : 6 ? . . . .. called "lettres d'information. 1 0 5 . i 2 6 : 3 3 f . cf. . 2 4 5 : 4 6 ^ 2 7 3 : 2 5 ^ A virtual synonym of idu is lamadu. 1 0 9 .. 4 The impression that one gets of a tireless and boring correspondent. . they XXXI1 . 307. the meaning must have shifted from the original one of "well-being. see also 77:7ft". 2 5 7 : 8 ? . the letters to and from vassals often refer to political events. cf. . under what Nougayrol. 3 0 9 : 2 6 ? . in part at least. . and 3 3 0 : 9 ? . 6 4 : 8 ? . . too often indeed for even the barest summary here. "7:6ff. 2 4 9 : 5 ? . 1 0 8 ." For Liverani." and though used much less frequently. EA 1 2 4 : 3 5 ? . politics were dominated by two 1 0 3 . . . 1 2 3 : 3 0 ^ . . 1 4 9 : 8 1 ? . . 1 1 9 : 1 0 ? . . as they were at times urged to d o . . EA i47:7of. endlessly reiterating his requests and his complaints. i3o:i9ff. . . 2 8 1 : 3 0 ? . where I am. . . "to learn. Some vassals." and of "the city of the king where I am. where "safe and sound" is said of "the place of the king. I 2 2 : n f f . gave Rib-Hadda the occasion to insist that he alone was loyal and suffering for his lord. 2 4 4 : 8 ? . Since the writer may go on to describe the parlous situation of the city that is "safe and sound" (salmat). . " 107 108 and they tell of the city as "safe and sound. my lord. i n . Unlike the international correspondence. . it seems. . i2i:ioff. . . . 3 3 0 : 9 ? . . also EA 2 3 0 : 4 . p. . 2 7 3 : 8 ? .. 2 6 4 : 2 3 ? . calling attention to something in particular or summing up the letter as a 111 whole." respectively. 7 4 : 5 ? . also 2 1 5 . 1 4 9 : 5 4 ? . 1 0 4 . They also reported on their own situation and on anything they thought of possible interest to the crown. of lost 109 110 territory. . 1 2 5 : 1 1 f. 1 0 7 . to send a certain wood. see EA 5 4 : 4 ? ... to a single letter of the king he sends.2 2 . 1 2 : 6 ? . 1 4 4 : 1 0 ? . 2 7 0 . 3 . 5. . 68. EA 1 4 5 : 2 4 ? . 308 rev. EA 126:4s. EA 1 0 4 : 6 ? . however. was also shared by the king (the foreign office). 8 1 : 6 ? . 7 6 : 7 ? . 1 0 6 . . pp. EA ii2:ioff. too. . n o . ARMT 2 ." EA 2 6 7 : 1 5 ? . Already in the Old Babylonian period we find occasional declarations of a city's well-being followed immediately by a report on the strength of the security forces (AbB 5. did not simply reply to the various de­ mands of the king. Ugar. frequently on 106 their own initiative. EA 7 2 : i ? . n6:6ff. 3 4 5 ? . see also 1 0 6 : 1 3 ? . 2 ? . .INTRODUCTION 10 impossible. 1 1 4 : 6 ? . of course. nine letters in reply. 2 7 9 : 9 ? . clearly allude to the vassal's duty to guatd the place of the king where he is (see the text above) and suggest that "safe and sound" means that the place remains under the loyal protection of the vassal. 1 4 3 : 3 6 ? . 2 3 0 : 2 0 ? . ) . . 2 3 8 : 2 9 ? . 117:84(1". EA 6 8 : 9 ? . .

" sent. Aziru —was the object of unceasing protest by Rib-Hadda of Byblos. 343f. who never tired of accusing the rulers of Amurru of disloyalty and treason. and second. 1 4 7 .7 6 . 1 1 8 . ' The vassal correspondence in the south is more insular in its inter­ ests and less reflective of international tensions. idem. sees in the preparation for rhe troops simply reference to an xxxin ." are mostly "late-summer letters. 2 6 ] .3 2 . 1 4 9 : 3 5 ? . 4 1 (Three Amarna Essays [see n. p. in his own letters someone quite different is por­ 11 trayed. 1 1 3 . 3 9 7 ? . 2 1 6 . Amurru. MIO 10 (1964) pp. See below. and Lingering over Words. 5 9 : 2 1 . 2 6 7 ? . 3 3 7 . 5 6 ? . 1 1 7 ) . 1 9 7 : 3 1 ? ' 1 1 5 . Rivistastorica italiana 77 (1965) pp. shifting coalitions. defines rhe group by their references to subjects mentioned in the Egyptian letter of command (EA 367) and/or references ro preparations before rhe arrival of Egyptian troops: EA 5 5 . This correspondence presents a scene of constant rivalries. (translated in Three Amarna Essays [see n. with Hittite support. here without comment. On the rise of Amurru and rhe appeal to the disaffected.. 1 4 4 . Bar-Ilan Departmental Researches: Bar-llan Studies in History (1978) pp. . Be it noted. 9 8 : 5 . 1 4 7 : 6 8 . sect. and attacks 6 and counterattacks among the small city-states. pp.2 0 . r 93> '95> 2 0 1 .3 8 . Others 113 shared this view of Aziru. that for Liverani rhe vassal correspondence is shot through wirh extensive and constant misundersrandings. see especially RA 61 (1967) iff. EA 5 5 : 2 4 . "4 Needless to say. especially Albright and Na'aman. Lingering over Words. RSO 4 0 ( 1 9 6 5 ) pp. pp. pp." A probable excep­ tion to the isolation of the south from events to the north and the Hittite threat is seen in those letters that speak of preparations by the 7 vassals before the arrival of Egyptian troops. 1 4 1 . 7 ) . a despoiler of Egyptian territory. was charged with being a Hittite ally and. Na'aman. 1 9 1 . 65. 1 4 ? . along with Aitagama of Qades. . Liverani. EA 1 5 6 ? 1 1 6 . see Klengel." These preparations seem to reflect plans for a single campaign and the dispatch of Egyptian troops through Palestine to Syria. 1 1 4 . . 4 5 . Berytus 31 (1983) 4iff. n. 1 4 0 : 8 .1 8 .4 3 . OA 10 (1971) p. the resurgent Hittites. 2 9 2 . both linguistic and political. the appearance of a new threat to Egyptian power. in his theory. 1 7 4 . As the Hittite threat became evident. 1 1 2 . at the time an Egyptian official came to collect the annual tribute. 3 8 . The emergence of Amurru—which was achieved by a certain c Abdi-Asirta. most recently defended by Na'aman (see n. see also 5 3 : 1 1 ? . 3 2 4 .6 2 . 3 4 1 ? .4 2 . and then solidified by his able son and successor. 1 1 7 . Aziru. 6. pp. Altman. 1 5 3 . . ) . the emergence of a new state. . 3 1 5 ? .6 . Liverani. 3 5 ? . 5 7 ? . . This is the more common opinion. partly through exploitation of social unrest and disaffec­ 112 tion. there to confront the Hittites and 8 former Egyptian vassals supporting them. 2 2 7 . iff. 69. 2 6 ] . Lingering over Words. r l : 5 5 9 . 2 5 9 . INTRODUCTION major developments—first.2 5 . . See n..

and these provide only a broad framework within which many and often quite different reconstructions of the course of events reflected in the Amarna 9 letters are possible and have been defended. Helck. see n. Untersuchungen zur Chro­ nologic und Geschichte des Neuen Reiches. XXXIV .2 1 .. 1 3 0 . and of Smenkhkare with Amenophis IV. The Babylonian correspondence with Ame­ nophis III also fits well into his last years. no. EA 3 1 . Hotnung.. Agyptologische Abhandlungen. 1 9 . See also Pintore. perhaps only fifteen or so. that still elude definitive solution. Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs: A Study in Relative Chronology (Liverpool." The Amarna archive. pp. Part 1. this does not imply a date for the writing of the letter. spans at most about thirty years. 1 1 9 ) . The Road to Kadesh. and 2 4 . some of bewildering complexity. 42 (Chicago.. 1967). 63ff. p. the shorter the period. ed. both relative and absolute. by inference from internal evidence. On EA 1 6 . the chronology of the Amarna letters. pp.2 7 reference to events in Hittite history far back in the reign of Amenophis I I I . it is now generally agreed. Hildesheim A g y p ­ tologische Beitrage (Hildesheim. 20th-22nd August 1987. Kiihne.) Even if one sees in EA 3 1 : 2 5 . Murnane. E . by the hieratic docket on EA 2 3 . Das Endeder Amarnazeit: Beitrage zur Geschichte und Chronologie des Neuen Reiches. certain established facts. The arguments for an earlier date of the Arzawa correspondence have been refuted by F. and see the bibliography. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature. presents many problems. High. and OA 1 2 (1973) pp. 1 1 9 . D. in Paul Astrom. Band 1 1 (Wies­ baden. i68ff. 1 9 8 7 ) . 22iff. nothing in the 121 archive argues clearly for an earlier date. . Campbell. annual procedure according to which Egyptian troops accompanied an Egyptian official in the late summer in his tour of vassals' cities to collect tribute. however. Starke. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. 1962). which dates the reception of this letter in the thirty-sixth year of Amenophis III. 88fF. Wilhelm and J . Boese. if any. at which time 120 the court abandoned the site of Akhetaten. 1 2 0 . 2 9 9 ? . 115fF. pp. 1964). The upper limit is sug­ gested. Chronology Despite a long history of inquiry. 1 2 3 . one assigns to the co-regencies of Ameno- phis IV with Amenophis III. Pocket Book 56 (Gothenburg. The longer the co-regencies. See K . History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt (Toronto. Middle. app. 1 0 3 ? .. n. or Low? (see n. (See. noff. pp. pp. 1978). Middle. 1 2 1 . 2. The extremes depend on the number of years. William J . Beziehungen.2 5 fit into the previous five years or so.. High. Chronology. Krauss.. 74ff. Kitchen. and in general. 6. The archive begins about the thirtieth year of Amenophis III and extends no later than the first year or so of Tutankhamun. ZA 7 1 (1982) pp. 1985). G . esp. EA 17. OA 1 1 (1972) pp. first of all. R .INTRODUCTION 6. Redford. 3 1 1 . Then. Consensus obtains only about what is obvious. or Low? Acts of an International Colloquium on Absolute Chronology Held at the University of Gothenburg. pp. see Wilhelm and Boese.

non liquet. Jahrtausendv. in this period Abdi- Asirta of Amurru (EA 6 0 . if not impossible. 1 1 9 ) . In the second period.7 0 in the second Rib-Hadda period (Camp­ bell.1 5 (co-regency of ca. Geschichte Syriens im 2.3 5 . 137 and EA 9.6 2 ) was Rib-Hadda's main enemy. pp. to explain why the Byblos XXXV . The other letters (EA 42—44). 1 2 7 . would assign all vassal letters. EA 15 and 1 6 were probably separated by a fair interval. however. several exchanges of envoys. 1 The Alasia letters (EA 3 3 . any one of which could explain EA 9 : 3 1 . perhaps even as late as the first year or so of Tu- 122 tankhamun. according to one's reconstruction of Hittite history. to the reign of Amenophis IV. 1 2 4 . n. Putting the entire early period in the feign of Amenophis III is not universally accepted. see Kiihne. Chronology. INTRODUCTION Within this framework we may locate some of the international correspondence a little more precisely: Babylonian—the last years of Amenophis III until late in the reign of Amenophis IV. Middle. n. with few exceptions. we lack this valuable evidence for establishing the relative chro­ nology of their letters. On the chronology of the international correspondence and for a critical review of earlier opinions. 1969). See n. n. 86. 4off.5 (very short co- regency or no co-regency) or year 1 4 . High. n. 2 3 1 . is either Amenophis IV. Kitchen. p. I2 Arzawa—Amenophis III.) depend on questionable translations and readings. 1 3 8 and EA 41. one can only guess how this letter made its way to the abandoned capital. ^ Since. see Campbell. 1.. 1 2 1 . EA 41 is addressed tQ Huriya. 1). ibid. 1 1 9 ) . EA 101—38 and 12 2. Tutan- 125 khamun. If the addressee of EA 1 6 was Aya.4 0 ) : again non liquet. or Low? (see n. or Smenkhkare.8 6 is also not without difficulties (Campbell. Wilhelm and Boese. The possibility of the later date depends on the identity of the recipient of EA 9. The arguments for placing EA 6 8 . Chronology. Teil 2 (Berlin. year 3 0 of Amenophis III until year 4 . See n. and one post-Rib- c Hadda. Rib-Hadda's letters fall in this period. 4. 12 Assyrian—late in the reign of Amenophis IV. if not later. 1. Klengel. pp. 1 2 3 . 4 Of the Hittite letters. it seems. 80. 1 2 5 . and prob­ 127 ably Amenophis III was k i n g .9 5 . see n. Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs (see n. pp. ' Mittanian—ca. since the latter implies. Z. 1 8 4 . presents a fairly clear if rather general sequence of three pe­ riods: an earlier and a later Rib-Hadda of Byblos. pp. it is very difficult.). the vassals never address the king by name. 10 years) of Amenophis IV. 82f. If. The assignment of EA 8 3 . u. 1 2 6 .. To the first are to be assigned EA 6 8 . The correspondence of the northern vassals. the successor of Tutankhamun (see EA 1 6 . who. however. 93ff. or at least the vast majority.

2 7 ? . Teuwatti of Lapana (EA 1 9 3 . 128 and new synchronisms.). see 5 3 : 3 5 ? . 1 4 7 : 6 6 . how could he have failed ro insist on their being mentioned and mentioned often? 1 2 8 . see above. 220. and therefore the example of his father even more pertinent. see the table at the end of the Introduction. 68. Chronology.t-hpr. certainly Amenophis I I I . pp. and the post-Rib-Hadda period would have to be assigned mainly to the reigns of Smenkhkare and Tutankhamun. he does nor refer to it even once. Aitagama of QadeS (EA 1 5 1 : 5 9 ) . Just when this period begins in the reign of Amenophis IV. EA i 9 4 .9 7 . pp. 1 8 ) . 3 6 3 ) . EA 5 9 : 1 5 . Biryawazaof A p u ( U p u . are unresolved issues. see 1 4 6 : 1 5 . a hiatus in Rib-Hadda's letters c during which Abdi-A5irta is captured and eventually dies or is killed. beginning with the exile and. Had he known at the time of the early letters of a previous defeat and capture of his archenemy. Rib-Hadda died about the same time as his master. 3 6 2 ) the success the present king's father. p.INTRODUCTION 362 were written. n. Arsawuyaof Ruhizzi (Ruhisu) (EA 1 9 1 . one would put nh. 57. but see Krauss. p.5 4 ) . One point of reference is the figure of Lab'ayu (EA 2 5 2 . He is ruler. History and Chronology [see n. EA 1 3 9 . 84). scribes span the two periods (Campbell. The length of this period is unknown. R i b - Hadda did not leave the composition of his letters without his own contribution (Campbell. BiOr 2 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] pp. La storia di Ugarit. H .). respectively (see Nougayrol. ) .) Some letters have been placed in these later reigns on other grounds. . apart from the question of co-regency (EA 1 4 7 and 1 5 5 . 275f. who undoubtedly were Addu-Nirari (EA 5 1 ) and A k i - Te&Sup. 8 3 ) . after the fire in the palace of Ugarit (Liverani. . introduces new protagonists. 8 2 . recalls (EA 1 0 8 . Chronology. 1 1 7 . 1 2 9 .5 5 ) and Aitagama of Qades (EA 1 8 9 ) . 1 3 1 . according to Redford. The last period. ) .5 5 . etc. s e e 1 5 1 : 6 2 ) . see also 1 4 0 . If Amenophis I V had a long co-regency with his father. Rib-Hadda's correspondence with Amenophis I V covered a period of at least five years (Campbell. Das Ende der Amarnazeit. and whether within it some letters are addressed to his 129 successors.u>-r . Among the contemporaries of Abi-Milku were Zimredda of Sidon (EA I44f. p. Studi Semitici 6 [Rome. on EA 2 1 0 . before Smenkhkare. The correspondence of the southern vassals has certain clear se­ quences and correlations. cf. etc. His death provides a terminus ante and post quern for a good number of letters. Das c c Ende der Amarnazeit [see n. when wriring in the Aziru period. There is. 3 2 ? . however. 7if. nota­ bly Abi-Milku of Tyre (EA 1 4 6 . 1 1 9 ] . see 53:4!?.. 1 3 2 . according to Ph. ) . 88).9 2 . but when the enemy is 'Abdi-ASirta. as may be inferred from the fact that Abi-Milku wrote EA 1 5 1 : 5 5 ! ? .). but its time span is more difficult to deter­ mine. probably not long afterwards. Meritaten [Mayati]. 1 1 9 ] . ten Cate. when c Aziru is the enemy. Amenophis IV's daughter. 1 7 1 . Why.). the death of Rib-Hadda (EA 162:7 ff. and Amenophis IV was on the throne. Besides.. he hears not a word about his father? Different scribes with differenr arguments are not the explanation. who clearly belongs to the earliest level of this correspondence. had in an earlier action against 'Abdi-ASirta. Chronology. 149:49. c but when writing in the Abdi-A5irta period. 1 9 6 2 ] . 169. Aziru (passim). pp. J . ) . (Following Krauss. p . and Niqmaddu of Ugarit (EA 49). PRU 4. in the time of Amenophis IV (EA 5 3 : 1 . and two kings of Nuhasse and N i ' i (see EA 5 3 : 4 0 ? . is Amenophis I V urged to do as his father did to Abdi-A5irta. see 5 3 : 3 5 ? . Aitagama was a contemporary of Akizzi of Qatna (EA 5 2 .

a letter from Lab'ayu: "year 1 2 " or "year 32"? If the first. late in this Pharaoh's reign. n. then not only are the two correspondences linked and a number of synchronisms es­ tablished. See Campbell. There seem to be few if any southern letters after this time. then it could refer only to Amenophis III and would put the earliest level of the southern correspondence with comparable levels of the northern and interna­ I 3 tional correspondences. see EA 2 4 5 ) and of Milkilu of Gazru (EA 2 6 7 . but suffers from the same difficulties as the alleged early date of EA 31 (see above. 1 3 1 . the vexing and still unsettled question of the co-regency of Amenophis IV with his father. In EA 369 the king attributes his power to A m u n . for EA 287 and 289 speak only of Lab'ayu's sons at a time when Pawuru (EA 287:45). If so. Another correlation between the northern and southern correspon­ dences is probably found in the warnings to a number of vassals. 1 1 7 . depending on one's interpretation of the letter. It would also bring down the date of Rib-Hadda's correspondence. 1 3 4 . 121). then a short co-regency remains a possibility. One is the reading of the hieratic docket on EA 254. If these warnings were all issued at virtually the same time.1 8 . epigraph- ically. The letter is addressed to the former. on one reading of the letter. Chronology. both northern and southern. it is perhaps to be explained by the fact that. not from the Amarna letters. to whom a letter was addressed very 130 probably by Amenophis I I I . and probably not long after the latter's death. then it must refer to Amenophis IV and would require a very late 133 date for the entire southern corpus. He was dead before Rib-Hadda. "Year 2 2 " is another possibility. 3 6 2 ) . 1 3 2 . whereas the southern letters were still relevant for the administration. .7 1 ) . not to the Aten. the pro­ foundly altered situation in the north made letters written there of no practical value. See the text above at nn.e. whom Rib-Hadda survived (EA 1 3 1 .. pp. to make preparations before the arrival of Egyp­ 131 tian troops. but from 1 3 0 . 4 Another and. and if the first reading is correct. 1 3 3 . If the more recent northern correspondence was left behind at Akhetaten.3 1 ) . The major cruces are several. If the second. shortly after Rib- 1 3 2 Hadda's exile and before his death (EA 1 4 2 : 1 5 . inspired by the same plans for a Syrian campaign. but it would have to be established. 69f. is still alive. a possibly even more serious crux concerns the reading of the hieratic docket on EA 2 7 : "[yea]r 2" or "[year} 12"? It raises. INTRODUCTION also a contemporary of Surata of Akka (EA 2 3 2 . but the relative date is also clear—i.

7 8 . Redford. has been challenged. strongly suggests a period of transition when friendship must be reestablished. Tusratta would still be urging that a promise made by Amenophis III be kept now by his son. JEA 2 3 [ 1 9 3 7 I p. Most scholars have put Suppiluliumas on the throne ca. High. well into the reign of Amenophis IV. 1 3 8 0 B . Another and urgent problem is whether the Amarna data reflect the six-year Hurri war that Suppiluliumas waged in Syria late in his reign. A . Middle. JCS 1 0 { 1 9 5 6 ] p. however. 1 3 4 3 B .4 0 . pp. or Low? (see n. allowing therefore conflict­ ing interpretations. N o t does it seem likely at all that after twelve years or more. ca. For the arguments supporting this much later accession date. Goetze. the Amarna letters speak in rather general terms of Hittite activities. with strong arguments assembled in favor of a much later date. 94. In this view. C . the Amarna framework collapses to a decade. The way. no. As it stands. C . and the period of possibly 136 relevant Hittite activities is greatly reduced. p. xxxviii . 7 4 . the name looks like Nibhurureya (Tutankhamun) rather than Naphurureya (Amenophis I V ) or A(na)hururiya (Smenkhkare). more problematic than ever. seems inescapable. 1 1 9 ) . 1 9 4 . Giiterbock. and a long 13 one of ten years or so. 1 3 6 . however. If. 1 3 7 . which are only encouraged by the uncertainties afflicting contemporary Hittite history. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. History and Chronology [see n. This would also make dating the reference to the Hittites in EA 7 5:3 5 fF. 1 9 7 7 ) . for it was under him that the Hittites moved onto the larger political scene and through their ambitions came into conflict with Egypt. See Kiihne. with the exception of EA 1 7 0 . Murnane.INTRODUCTION other evidence. Early in the war SuppiluliumaS learned of the death of the Egyptian king BibhururiyaS (variant: Nibhururiyas) and received the widow's extraordinary request for a Hittite prince to replace him ( H . see Wilhelm and Boese. Ancient Egyptian Coregencies. as seems virtually cerrain. On one reading of the evidence no reflection is possible. ANET. 1 2 4 ? Murnane accepts the teading " 1 2 " but denies its bearing on the co-regency problem. But other readings are 1 3 5 . . 40 (Chicago. But if the second is right.. however. 3 7 . This would be late in the reign of Amenophis III and provide a broad chronological framework for references to Hittite aggression. friend­ ship is requested and promised in EA 2 7 : 9 . ' A tissue of problems is the correlation of the data of the Amarna letters with the history of the Hittites and their expansion into Syria. William J . the Hurri war is reflected in the Amarna letters. Unfortunately. then one either postulates confusion in the Hittite tradition (Albright. this would be many years after the abandonment of the site of Akheta­ 137 ten and well out of the Amarna framework. pp. 3 1 9 ) . 431".1 2 . then a co-regency. Basic to the discussion of the Amarna data is the date of the accession of Suppiluliumas to the Hittite throne. for it dates an early stage of the war at the time of the death of Tutankhamun. This high date.

Wilhelm and Boese. in another. 1 9 7 6 ] . Smenkh­ kare.). The Babylonian dates have a margin error of ± 5 'years. 1 (Chicago. p. 3 9 [Chicago. 1 1 9 ] . but lowered by ten years. pp. pp. io7f. or Low? (see n. Middle. or Low? (see n. including the Amarna data. Hughes. INTRODUCTION also possible. Middle. 1 3 8 . . Materials and Studies for Kassite History: A Catalogue of Cuneiform Sources Pertaining to Specific Monarchs of the Kassite Dynasty. In either one the Amarna data are most certainly relevant and part 138 of the history of the six-year war. is in one reading Amenophis IV. rooff. 1 5 8 ? .) or argues that Niphururiya was by a development in the Egyptian language a possible form of the prenomen of Amenophis IV (Krauss." are rhose of Wente and Van Siclen. Boese and G . which are also "low.). xxxix . 2 0 2 . High. offers an extensive reconstruction of the history.323/22) Aya 1 3 2 4 . For criticisms of this view and a reconstruction that assumes the dead king was Smenkhkare. Brinkman. WZKM 7 1 [ 1 9 7 9 } pp. 1 9 7 6 ) . 1 4 0 . Wilhelm and Boese. 1 3 9 .1 3 2 3 / 2 2 or 1319/18)^° 1 1 9 ] . p. 139). The following reflect most recent studies: ' Kingdom King Dates of reign Assyria Assur-uballit 1353-1318 Babylonia Kadasman-Enlil I ( 1 3 6 4 ) . of Krauss. High.1 3 5 2 ) Amenophis IV 1350-1334 (1352-1336) (^nh.1 3 4 0 ( 1 3 4 3 . 1 1 9 ] . A . no. w-r ) c (1336-1335) Smenkhkare 1336-1334 (1335-1332) Tutankhamun l 334. Wilhelm. only the low Assyrian chronology is compatible with the Egyptian chronologies presented here. t-hpr. pp. 2 1 8 . 1 1 9 ) .. Middle. pp. . The Egyptian chronologies. 1 1 9 ) . 1 3 7 ) was Amenophis IV. For the lower dates. Studies (see n. Absolute dates of kings reigning in the Amarna period cannot be 1 9 fixed with certainty. p . on the assumption that the dead king (see n. 1 1 9 ) . Das Ende der Amarnazeit (see n. vol. The Assyrian and Babylonian dates are those of J . 3 1 . esp. see Wilhelm and Boese. J . 99ff. i9ff. 5 4 ? . and indeed more probable. 96ff. p. 2 4 9 . Wente and C. pp. whose identity is so important. pp.! 350 Burna-Burias II 1349-1323 Egypt Amenophis III May 1 3 8 6 ^ 1 3 4 9 ( 1 3 9 0 . 1 1 9 ) . The dead king. 249f. Note that. Das Ende der Amarnazeit [see n. Das Ende der Amarnazeit (see n. see Wente and Van Siclen. Van Siclen. High. or Low? [see n. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization.1 3 1 9 / 1 8 ) or 1324-1319 Hittite Suppiluliumas 1 3 8 0 . pp. if Aya is addressed in EA 16. and.3 5 l 2 2 1 (I33 . according to the "low chronology" (see E . Studies in Honor of George R.1 3 2 1 ( 1 3 2 3 / 2 2 . Krauss. in parentheses.

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] missing text obscure or greatly damaged text ( ) omission by scribe (( )) sign(s) repeated by error r sign(s) partially illegible ( ) word(s) supplied by editor to clarify text In addition.. for example. glosses in Akkadian are not indicated) For the transliteration of Sumero-Akkadian passages the following conventions apply: Sumerian roman type Sumerogram small caps Akkadian reading certain: italics reading dubious: roman A s always. I M = B a l u . I have tried to resolve these in what seemed the simplest. c syllabic writings have been kept. thus. the (diptotic) form of the text has usually been kept." xli . however. Jerusalem.geographic name). not Urusa- lim. proper names present problems. W i t h the exception of several well-known geographic names ( E g y p t . Whenever a logogram has been employed. if not always the most consistent. and although w e know that geo­ graphic names are generally in the genitive (the country/the city of 4. I have given a more exact c d c transcription—for instance. In general. through­ out these letters the short form "§umur" has been used rather than the long form "$umuru. I have retained the ancient forms. see below) centered colon indication of a gloss (the gloss is translated only if it has a different meaning from the word glossed.. the following appear in the text: boldface numbers line numbers (also in the notes) paragraph indent indication of a line of separation traced across the surface of the tablet (a usage that was especially widespread in the N o r t h ) italics translation doubtful (for italics in notes. etc. and not Yapa u. Yapahu.Editorial Apparatus T h e following symbols are used in the translations and transcriptions: { ] restored text [.). i R = A b d u . In addition. fashion. not Misru.

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1 9 7 7 ) BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research (Baltimore. von Soden. Old Babylonian Inscriptions Chiefly from Nippur. 1: H . Akkadisches Handworterbuch. 1963-80) Barnett. Altorientalische Texte zum Alten Testament. AOAT 201 (1976) AEM Archives epistolaires de Mari (Paris) AfO Archiv fiir Orientforschung (Berlin. M a s s . Kocher. 6 vols. (Berlin and N e w York. (Bristol and London. Hilprecht. 2 d ed. then Graz) AHw W. . V. 2d ed. (Princeton. vol. Series A : Cuneiform Texts. now Baltimore) BB C . 1 9 6 9 ) AO Antiquites orientales (the Louvre) AOAT(S) Alter Orient und Altes Testament (Sonderreihe) (Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn) AoF Altorientalische Forschungen (Berlin) Arch Anz Archd'ologischer Anzeiger (Berlin) ARM(T) Archives royales de Mari: Transcriptions et traductions (Paris) ArOr Archiv Orientdlni (Prague) AS Assyriological Studies. then Cambridge. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. vols. 1 9 2 6 ) BAM F. 1 8 9 2 ) BE The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania. B u d g e . Barnett. The Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum (London. pt. 1965-81).Abbreviations and Short Titles AAAS Annales archeologiques arabes syriennes (Damascus) AbB Altbabylonische Briefe (Leiden) Adler Hans-Peter Adler. Die babylonisch-assyrische Medezin in Texten und Untersuchungen. Das Akkadische des Konigs Tusratta von Mitanni. Pritchard. then Philadelphia.. Illustrations R . The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago) Ash Ashmolean Museum (Oxford) ATAT H . 1—3 (Wiesbaden. 2 (Philadelphia. AIPHOS Annuaire de I'lnstitut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves (Brussels) AJSL American Journal of Semitic Languages (Chicago) ANET J . ed. 1 8 9 6 ) Bi Biblica (Rome) xliii . Illustrations of Old Testament History. (Berlin and Leipzig. 3d ed. Bezold and E . W . Gressmann.

1 9 6 4 ) Campbell. I .ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES BiOr Bibliotheca Orientalis (Leiden) BJPES Bulletin of the Jewish Palestine Exploration Society (Jerusalem) BM British Museum Bohl. A O A T 8 ) Ebeling E . "Shechem in the Amarna Archive. Emar 6 . vols. N o . Analecta Orientalia 4 7 (Rome. 3 9 ( N e w Haven. Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik. F. Borger. Brief Elmar Edel. F. .2 (Cambridge. vols. 1 9 8 5 . The Chronology of the Amarna Letters (Baltimore. 1 . Beitrage zur dgyptologischen Diskussion (Gottingen) Gordon Unpublished notes on EA tablets in London and Cairo (see Preface) Greenberg. Beziebungen W. pp.4 (Paris. 1 9 7 8 ) . X I I (Paris. Philologisch- historische Klasse. in ATAT (q. 191-207 EA El Amarna (refers to the numbering of the letters in 2 VAB 2 / 1 and Rainey. Shechem E . Jahrtausend v. vol. Campbell.. T h . Agyptologische Abhandlungen. Habiru J . Cahiers de la Sociite Asiatique. 1 9 5 2 ) . Chr. Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen. 1 9 7 1 ) HKL R . 1 9 5 5 ) Helck. 1 9 0 9 ) Bottero. Bohl. 1 9 6 7 . Der Brief des agyptischen Wesirs Pasiyara an den Hethiterkb'nig HattuTili und verwandte Keilschriftbriefe.v. Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur. Die Beziebungen Agyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. Chronology E . Leipziger Semitische Studien V / 2 (Leipzig. 1 9 6 9 ) GM Gottinger Miszellen. American Oriental Series. Ebeling. Spracbe Franz M .) Edel. Analecta Orientalia 3 3 (Rome. und 2. 5 (Wiesbaden. Le Problem des Habiru a la 4' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale." in G .3 (Berlin. Campbell. Hablpiru Moshe Greenberg. 3 d ed. The Hablpiru. 1 . 1970-75) Campbell.8 7 ) GAG W . 1 9 6 5 ) . 117-58 = {1-42] Emar Daniel Arnaud. pp. 1 9 5 4 ) BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (London) C Cairo (Egyptian Museum) CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago and Gliickstadt) CAH The Cambridge Ancient History. Helck. 4 (Gottingen. Die Sprache der Amarnabriefe. Shechem: The Biography of a Biblical City ( N e w York and Toronto. 2 d e d . von Soden.. Bottero. Recherches au pays dAs'tata.7 5 ) xliv . and Erganzungsheft. 1 . Ernest W r i g h t .

Matous and W . Moran. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. now Baltimore) JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology (London) JEOL Jaarbericht van het Voorasiatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap. Schrader et a l . 1 9 7 5 ) . . Huehnergard.) Huehnergard. J . The Akkadian ofUgarit. Mass. Vorderasiatische Abteilung (Berlin) Kiihne Cord Kiihne. PP. Huehnergard. Steinkeller. (Berlin. Goedicke and J . 1 9 3 3 ) MARl Mari: Annates de Recherches Interdisciplinaires (Paris) xlv . Amurru Shlomo Izre'el. Die lexicalischen Tafelserien der Babylonier und Assyrern in den Berliner Museen.. Huffmon. L .6 6 JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies (Chicago) JQR Jewish Quarterly Review (Philadelphia) JSOR Journal of the Society of Oriental Research (Toronto) JSS Journal of Semitic Studies (Manchester) KB H . 5. Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek (Berlin. H S S 3 2 (Atlanta. then Philadelphia." in H . Ex Oriente Lux (Leiden) Jerusalem Scribe W . Roberts. ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES HSS Harvard Semitic Series/Studies (Cambridge. eds. 1 9 8 7 ) Huffmon. Winckler. Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna. Moran. 1 9 9 1 ) JANES Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University ( N e w York) JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society ( N e w Haven. Unity and Diversity (Baltimore and London. 1 9 9 0 ) LTBA L . Amorite Personal Names in the Mari Texts: A Structural and Lexical Study (Baltimore.1 4 6 . Huehnergard. HSS 37 (Atlanta. Amurru Akkadian: A Linguistic Study. J . Abusch. now A n n Arbor) JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies ( N e w Haven. von Soden. vol. "The Syrian Scribe of the Jerusalem Amarna Letters. Ugaritic Vocabulary in Syllabic Ugaritic Vocabulary Transcription. Die Chronologic der internationalen Korrespondenz von El-Amarna. 1 8 9 6 ) KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi (Leipzig) Knudtzon See VAB KUB Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazkoi. 2 vols. APNMT Herbert B . 1965) IEJ Israel Exploration Journal (Jerusalem) IOS Israel Oriental Studies (Tel A v i v ) Izre'el. J . AOAT 17 (1973) Lingering over Words T. 1 9 8 9 ) Huehnergard. Lingering over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Literature in Honor of William L. E . H S S 4 1 (Atlanta.. and P. HSS 34 Akkadian (Atlanta. eds.

2 ( P h . O. Scheil. in Hebrew) NABU Nouvelles assyriologiques breves et utilitaires (Paris) OA Oriens Antiquus (Rome) OLZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung (Leipzig. Tell el Amarna (London.. Petrie." pts. H . M . AOAT Tablets 8." in Memoires publiees par les membres de la Mission archeologique frangaise au Caire. X I (Paris. F. 1 9 7 8 ) PN personal name PRU Le Palais royal d'Ugarit. Memoires V. 1 8 9 2 ) . Leo Oppenheim. University of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia) PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly (London) PJB Paldstinajahrbuch (Berlin) Pintore. Letters from Mesopotamia (Chicago and London. Political Nadav Na'aman.s. Tel-Aviv University. "Tablettes d'el-Amarna de la collection Rostovicz. 1 9 7 3 . LPM A . El Amarna Tablets 359-379. / / matrimonio interdinastico nel Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV—XIII. Orientalia. "The Political Disposition and Disposition Historical Development of Eretz-Israel according to the Amarna Letters. D . 6 (Paris. 1 8 9 4 ) . Particles Anson F. El Amarna Anson F. vols. University Museum.ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES MDOG Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin (Berlin) MIO Mitteilungen des Institut fur Orientforschung (Berlin) MSL Materialien zum sumerischen Lexjkon (Rome) MUSJ Melanges de I'Universite Saint-Joseph (Beirut) Na'aman. then Berlin and New York) RN royal name RS Ras Shamra RSO Rivista degli studi orientali (Rome) Sayce. Rainey. cuneiform copies by A . 2 d ed. diss. XXXI- XXXIII Scheil. 297-312 xlvi . 1 . Sayce. I X . Orient is Antiqui Collectio X I V (Rome.7 0 ) RA Revue d'assyriologie et d'archeologie orientale (Paris) Rainey. pp. 1 9 5 7 . P. (Kevelaer and Neukirchen. pis. Matrimonio Franco Pintore.. Tell el Amarna W . 1 9 6 7 ) Or n. Mission de Ras Shamra V I . V I I . Rainey. Canaanite in the Amarna Tablets: Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Particles and Adverbs (forthcoming) RB Revue biblique (Paris) RHA Revue hittite et asianique (Paris) RLA Reallexikon der Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archaologie (Berlin and Leipzig.6 . nova series (Rome) PBS Publications of the Babylonian Section. 1 9 7 8 ) Rainey. 2 . then Berlin) Oppenheim.

since 1 9 3 9 : Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archaologie (Berlin) ZAW Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (Berlin.1 5 . 1 9 6 8 ) . 2 1 ( 1 9 5 2 ) . Ebeling. Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler der Kbniglichen Museen zu Berlin. 1889-90) WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes (Vienna) YOS Yale Oriental Series. rpt.. W i n c k l e r und L . 2 . Textes du Proche- Proche-Orient Orient ancien et histoire d'lsrael (Paris.3 (Berlin. D .H a d d i . Gotze. al-Ouche et al. 5.. N . Y ) THeth Texte der Hethiter (Heidelberg) TIM Texts in the Iraq Museum (Baghdad) UF Ugarit-Forschungen (Neukirchen-Vluyn) Ugar. in Mitteilungen aus den Orientalischen Sammlungen. 1-2 (Leipzig. Babylonian Texts ( N e w Haven) Youngblood. 1 9 0 7 . ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES Seux. "A Syntactical Study of the Dialect of Byblos as Reflected in the Amarna Tablets" ( P h . Nougayrol et a l . 4 2 6 . 1 9 6 4 ) VAT Vorderasiatische Teil (der Staatlichen Museen. Amarna Ronald E Youngblood. A . Ugaritica: vol. Moran. Schroeder. 1 9 5 0 ) StBoT Studien zu den Boghazkoy-Texten (Wiesbaden) StOr Studia Orientalia (Helsinki) TCS Texts from Cuneiform Sources (Locust Valley. Textes du Jacques Briend and Marie-Joseph Seux. Weber und E . Mission de Ras Shamra X V I I I (Paris. J . 1 9 6 1 ) ZA Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete. Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Aalen. Die El-Amarna-Tafeln. "The A m a r n a Correspondence Correspondence of R i b .s. 7. Berlin) VBoT A .1 2 (Berlin. 1 9 7 7 ) von Soden W . L . Prince of Byblos" ( P h . von Soden. then Berlin and N e w York) ZDPV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins (Stuttgart) xlvii . diss.3 4 SMEA Studi Miceni ed Egeo-Anatolici (Rome) SSDB W .. J . Verstreute Boghazkb'i-Texte (Marburg. Dropsie College. Anmerkungen und Register bearbeitet von O. diss. "Zu den Amarnabriefen aus Babylon und Assur. Kbnigliche Museen zu Berlin.. vol." Or n. Hefte 1 . 1 9 7 8 ) VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliotek. . Hefte 1 1 . 1915) WA H . Knudtzon. A . p p . vol. D . 1 9 3 0 ) VS O. Johns Hopkins University. Mission de Ras Shamra X V I (Paris. A b e l .

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your brother. 8 9 the messengers [who] . . 21—25 Moreover. may all go very well. .' One cannot believe them at 1 . Great King. for your countries. who could speak with her and identify her?? 1 7 . 1970). for my magnates. . or of 3 some Ka(s)kean. . . for my wives. "Here you are asking for my daughter in marriage. saying. saying. For me all goes well. {the ot]her. 3 for your sons." and (still) you say. your horses. For me all goes well. ] of Zaqara. "My messengers did not know her. however. The men whom you sent here are 6 nobodies. ] 2 6 . ] There has been no one among thefm wh]o [knows her. wh~]o was an 7 intimate of your father. (whether) it was my sister who 10 was at your side" —about whom you yourself have now written me. For your household. the numerous troops. For my household. but my sister whom my father gave you was (already) there with you. for your magnates. Who can believe them? The one who was at your 5 side .EA 1 The Pharaoh complains to the Babylonian king TEXT: BM 29784. and then you can believe the one who enters to see her quarters and her relation­ 12 ship with the king? 3 6 . . C O P Y : BB 1. my horses. "Who is to identify her?"— 32—36 Why don't you send me a dignitary of yours who can 11 tell you the truth. my brother: Thus 2 Nibmuarea.4 2 And as for your writing me. an assherder {fr\om { . Giles. . for my sons. "You addressed my me[ssen}gers as your wives were standing gathered in your presence.2 1 Suppose he spoke with her. "Perhaps the one my messengers saw was the daughter of some poor man. . and in my countries all goes very well. your chariots. 'Here is your mistress who stands before you. ." These are your words that you sent me on your tablet.' But my messengers did not know her. PHOTOGRAPH: F. . One was the [ . [ . and no one has seen her (so as to know) if now she is alive or if she is dead. Did you. For you may all go well. 10—17 I have just heard what you wrote me about. the king of Karadun[i]se. G. X I (reverse only). and w\ho could identify her].3 2 And as for your writing m e . the king of Egypt.' or the daughter of some Hanigalbatean. the well-being of your sister who is here. or perhaps 14 someone from Ugarit. for your wives. Ikhnaton: Legend and History (London. . she did not op[en] her mouth. 1 Say {t]o Kadasman-Enlil. ever send here a dignitary of yours-* who knows your sister. all goes well. pi.

since they report to you saying. The next time they went off [and] they told lies to you. So I said to myself.5 2 But if your [sister] were de[ad]. You did not review them separately.THE AMARNA LETTERS all. "My daughters who are married to neigh[bori]ng kings. You humiliated them before the country where you are.'"— these are your words. As for your writing 2 . your sister who is with me? But should she make some acquisition. they speak with th[em. gold. solemn 2 25 garb.. 16 what reason would there be for one's concealing her de[ath. Furthermore. they are going to go on te(l)ling [l]i[e]s just the same. 22 never mind! you do not cite his (exact) words. of whom the mouths of both groups are untruthful and whom you sent here." Those who come to me—has a single 2 one of them ever come [and not] i received silver. "He put my chariots among the chariots of the mayors. "You said to my messengers. oil. 4 3 . 88-98 As for your saying to me. whether there are horses on hand also belonging to you? Please..." These are your words. and their mouths told lies. Your daughters can acquire something from them and send (it) to you. . and] our 11 presenting someone [else]? [May] Aman [be my witness] . But what does she have.. [more than i]n any other country? He does not tell the truth to the one who sends him! The first time the messen­ 26 27 gers went off to [y]ourf[ather]. Now. (saying things) like this. we are brothers. but I have quarreled because of your messengers.8 8 And as for your writing me. if my messengers [go] there. "Estab­ lish friendly brotherhood between us"—these are the words that you wrote me. I will send (it) to you! It is a fine thing that 21 you give your daughters in order to acquire a nugget of gold from your neighbors! 6 2 . the chariots 36 needed the horses of my [coun]try—all were my horses. you and I. [. What reason is there for asking about whether there are troops on hand belonging to you. 28 "Whether I [gi]ve them anything or do not give them anything.} 52—62 And as for your writing me.. (but) it is not so! Your messengers keep telling 31 you what is not true. 'Has 0 your master no troops? The girl he gave? to me is not beautiful. I swear that they have not served 35 you. 4 every sort of finery. "Nothing is given to us who go to Egypt. " Th]ese are 1 2 your words. The one with you [. Undoubtedly [your neighboring ? kings are [ri]ch ° (and) mighty. 7 7 ." Whether the chariots were here or there. l8 and they bri]ng me a greeting-gift.7 7 As for your writing me the words of my father. do not listen to 34 them^ Your messengers." So I made up 29 my mind in their regard and I did not gi[ve t]o them anymore. and so they go on t(el)ling lies in order to escape your punish­ ment. You did not rev(iew) (them) separately. Whether soldiers are on 32 hand or not can be found out for m e .

Page. A . and Gordon. since the prefix appears throughout this letter as ta-. 4 2 : 3 8 6 ^ . Greenfield. 64 ii 1 3 . Line 2 2 : Knudtzon's qa. Starke. Line 2 4 : the reading ti-na-din is quite doubtful. also line 3 3 . ed. k. esp. 2 9 8 : 2 9 and note f. Seux. 5 3 . EA 1 me in order to aggrandize yourself (and) to put oil on the h\ea~\d of a girl. also Gotdon)-as-ma-an-en-l/l. Rowton. ZA 6 5 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p. rtqa. lines 1 6 f.] a-na um-mi-se. p. 9 7 9 ) . 1 9 7 4 ) . see AHw. for a list of the magnates at the Hittite court.). see P. 1 ) . Read su-ul]-«w u T I (balata). see also M . 1 6 5 . p. Lesser kings also had their magnates. ta-na-an-din). 1 5 . . but as used in the fourteenth to thirteenth centuries B . 3 8 ) . n o . 9 1 5 . 4 0 : 2 9 ^ ) . in Babylonian sources they are identified as let ekalli. 3 4 3 .. Cf. 1 8 . C . Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) pp. . never ti. It appears in the Old Babylonian period. K U R ka-ra-an-du- nli}-se (Gordon). iXS-ka D U G U D (kabta. In the greeting-formula. col. 72fF. Reschid and C . T h e figures mentioned were probably proverbial (Ungnad). 298ff." contrasting with kabta (line 1 5 ) .). OLZ. That the Babylonian king is here not given the same title need not imply Egyptian claims of superiority or hostility. cf. "those of the palace" (S. F. no. p. u 8 f . 1 8 1 . p. see J .. p. Kiihne. 6 1 ) does not fit the context. n. 2 6 9 . lit. 6. 5 . 8. "well-being and life. MARI 4. 3 . certainly with implications of status and noblesse oblige (ARMT 5. . p p . 6 4 0 . "great one") refers to the highest officials of the palace organization. JNES 2 7 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p. n. and K . Le Palais et la Royaute (Paris.(cf. the "mother" who accompanies to the Mari court a woman given in marriage (AEM 1 / 2 . . no. in Garelli. p. Sumer 2 3 [ 1 9 6 7 ] p. 7 . 2 . n. p p . "heavy. Are we to laugh?i NOTES m 1. are not clear. 7 2 . p. Matrimonio. line 6 1 . 2 0 : 3 3 ) ." and therefore "nobodies" seems preferable to "simpletons" (Ungnad. confirmed by collation (RA 6 9 [ 1 9 7 5 I p. EA 4 1 . I / J . MARI 4 . " which is confined to the rulers of the major states. "{x-y] was given into [his] hand [t]o fet[ch it] for her mother"'! Instead of "mother. for the Old Babylonian period. Veenhof. it was perhaps an innovation of the Hittites (F. p. PRU 4. perhaps the end of a long sign (Gordon). T h e Pharaoh is also addressed as "Great King" by northern vassals. For occurrences. 7 5 3 5 : 2 4 f . "Empty-handed" (Pintore. 2 4 5 ) or "idle" (AHw. 2 8 8 ) . 4. OA 11 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p p . W i l c k e . LU ka-DVGVD?): following Pintore. ZA 6 7 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p. pp. 2 0 9 and n. see Liverani. with references to Durand. Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (Paris. on qerib. T h e exact legal and political implications of the title "Great K i n g . the term "magnate" (rabu. p. of the king of E l a m j C Charpin. for correct qerub. A r t z i . 3 7 f . JCS 21 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. 1 9 6 7 ) . see M .a-dd (over erasure. ARMT 2 3 . cf. and then na-din 25 [ x ." with what goes before. 37 H you for your part sent me one pr{es~\ent. CAD. p. s]a D-de -se s]a qe-ri-ib 4 21 a-na a-bi-ka it s\a u-ma-an-di-se] (cf. 1 9 1 6 . "empty. u-ma-an-di-se (AHw.J . and Bardet. the king of Qades (see Ugar. important. MARl 3 . 1 5 6 .y ] a-[n]a SU-/[/'-su a\-na la-q[/-su. 4 i 4 f ." in context perhaps ummu is better taken as "nurse". 3 1 ) . for example. O n the West Semitic (at least linguistic) equivalent mlk rb in Ugaritic and its later history in Syria and Palestine. 3 .

no. r 19. i8:if. T h e sign after / / is uncertain: K I (Knudtzon).. 4 2 .. 1 6 . p . 1. sect.. . you give your daughters to . ." a meaning well-attested in the Western Periphery (see AHw. . p. "more than the wives {of neighboring kings . one would expect something like lapnat. .ti"'-[ia]. 12. perhaps in Ugaritic w. 1 4 .k. Julmani (for correct sulmana) seems best taken as "well-being. with or without following direct quotation (see also lines 3 6 . and also by Gordon. there is room only for ip-t[i]. " ) . 9 6 1 . epistolary quod (quod scribis). 3 5 1 . AHw. with CAD. 4 "{your] si[ster is alive". p . T h e assumption of a logographic writing of itti is very difficult.THE AMARNA LETTERS 9. impossible (Gordon). see below).s. I could not see the top horizontal that Knudtzon copied (VAB 2 / 1 . 6 5 r. space is small. 9 1 ) . ku 13. / have made her] a mistress of the household". p. "like her") is very dubious (on EA 1 3 8 : 6 6 . " 21. . [. ." "she is thus. a-na na-ma-ra. end of line 4 5 . 1 7 . proposed by Kiihne.« . . 8 1 . Introduction. "as to the rich (and) mighty k i n g s . "the lucky ones" (cf. then either ra-si-lu-ta. p . 4 7 8 . K . l[i-me].. the common expression fern x amaru). 6 ) . "as to what belongs to an answer"? According to Gordon. 7 2 6 . T a . 2 1 9 . . otherwise. However. CAD. 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p. "is in need. 7 8 . does not seem necessary. "{. for a-na a-ma-ra (cf. 7 ) . 1 9 6 5 ) . very doubtful. "As to m y brother's having written m e . 8 8 . n. 5 ) . see Or n. 5 6 . 8 9 ) . p . sa{l]-ma (Knudtzon's other proposal). n. end of 4 7 . If sa a{n-n]i (Knudtzon) is correct. . . Particles.d e ] . N / i . but more recently he has favored ra-si-lu-ta (La femme 4 . AHw. . and U R seemed more likely. p .2 7 . al-ku-un-Se]. . p. T h i s was also Artzi's reading (see CAD). was proposed by Kiihne. [lu-ii i ." halhat. 'ga-(as)-ga-ia: see E . m[u-ta/ut-se]. . Die Kaskder (Berlin. p . perhaps ^-[ha-at-ka bal-sa-at]. 2 3 7 . 15." also possible). and is especially frequent at the beginning of the body of a letter (see above. 5 1 . though in line 9 1 "the country where you are" (mati la ittTkd) would be very reminiscent of the stock phrase "the place of the king where you are" in the vassal correspondence (alru sarri sa itttka. though. line 5 0 . quite probable. "is poor. ta-qa-ap (cf. and sa cannot be the feminine pronominal suffix. 1 2 6 8 ) . kt is also used this way: kf ahtya taspura ma .rb. like this". see Introduction. see also PRU 5 . 9 5 ) . If Wl-ta (so Gordon). cf. 20.. end of 4 6 .bHy (PRU 2 . Perhaps the language is more correct than assumed and the adjectives are attributive rather than predicative. 4 2 ) . 17.. p . 11. " Cf. n. 1 0 .rgmJps I mlk. 1 0 0 1 . has "to acquire friendship. 9 1 9 ) : the assumption of a short form of taqabbi (also lines 4 0 . EA 3 1 : 2 5 . n. O n our understanding of la Kl-ka. Cf. or (ab-ta. but the existence of ktka (AHw. 5 2 . p . "thus. p . Epistolary inuma introduces a clause that states the fact of communica­ tion. " . AHw.. which always appears as -le in this letter. and Rainey. 2 0 6 ) .]"? 18. von Schuler. Since the main question raised by the Babylonian king concerned his sister's welfare.r i : the reading is virtually certain (also Gordon). "(to acquire) good thing(s)" (Gordon. . Deictic ki probably also explains the use of inuma. and therefore liq-ta (CAD." or the like. 1 0 . s a y i n g . fa Kl(itti)-ka ?a anumma: interpretation very difficult (see also lines 4 1 . L . if so.

2 7 . to furnish board and lodging. with very few exceptions. Line 9 1 . 3 0 b ) or ut-tu-ni (atu." 34. For the assumed first person plural (nisdh). Perhaps better: "do not listen to (any) evil man (lem-na). T h e venality implied by liqta seems more to the point in context. see Veenhof. I / J . t i 24. 27. EA 1 [see Introduction. tu-fe^-pi-il-su-nu. i07ff. "to find. 35. and the impossibility of making any sense of the following Za-ah). you do not c i t e . 1 0 3 1 ) . H I . 5o6ff. instead of the expected tezib one must assume a virtual object-clause. are very obscure. H I . perhaps T-[di]b-bu-bu. ana su-ti-ri-ka (for correct lu-tu-ri-ka. Pintore. n. p p . add this passage and PRU 3 . Long-established custom required the king to welcome royal envoys to his table as often as their rank demanded. 7 1 [ U G U sa i-n]a K [ U ] R sa-ni-ti. and to give them gifts^sqe ARMT 2 1 . 6 I 3 probably a cloak or mantle of some sort ("solemn garb" is a gloss). 30. lumma is understood as introducing a negative assertory oath. 37. Perhaps the abstract sarrutu (AHw. p . p . 26. 1 8 3 : 1 0 . T h e feminine gender of the suffix is difficult (the things or words said? confusion of gender?). p. 32. 3 3 . nusezziz in line 4 5 . O r "they gave" (indefinite plural). he speaks of the Pharaoh in both the third and second person. discover") is possible. even though otherwise unknown in the periphery. on this meaning of sdhu. n.ra-fa^ is a possible reading (Gordon). 8 8 . which I take to imply that the Pharaoh refers to a request by the Babylonian king for an Egyptian girl whom he wishes to have anointed (cf. Perhaps "we are distressed". n. therefore {anandinsunu)-[ti\ is possible (and no sa-ru-ti)" (Gordon). n. "that was given. JEOL 2 4 ( 1 9 7 5 . 52f. 36. a W e s t Semitism): following Pintore. Matrimonii). T h e interjection ezib seems preferable. and AEM 1 / 2 . 8 M E ( M A / B A ) . cf. a-na <z-[bi-k]a (Gordon).7 6 ) p p . . Either ud-du-ni (CAD. 5 . A in lines 7 0 and 9 6 . . but in line 8 7 sa-ra-ti (sarrati) favors the alternative interpretation. Matrimonio. 22. Against N I = lamnu is the writing N I . Moreover. 1 5 ) . i42f. A . p p . . p . u-ulW-dfi-in a-na m]u-hi-Iu-nu. masculine plural adjective. O n the dual suffix. Also possible: "As for your writing me (that) I have gone back on flit. [ii la] el-te-qe. p. 25. EA i n i j f f . 1 6 9 . otherwise. p . I assume that in the Babylonian king's complaint.." T 31. ) . " However. 23. the word order is verb-object. 28. If so. 29. see BASOR 2 1 1 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . 1 5 8 . nalbalu. 3 4 8 . 38. p. Lines 88ff. 2 5 . 6 2 ] . abandoned] the words of my father. to the dictionaries. T h e [z]a "may well be scratches. hu.

} . . .] your wife. 2 saying. M U N U S . M E S . 6 . ibid. 4. . EA 4. [ D U M U . M U N U S . } fine horses [ . for [yo}ur wi[ves}. NOTES 1 .u"' ze-er L U G A L su-nu 1 0 [su-nu-ma sa a-na D U M U . . M U N U S . " [ / desir]e [your daughter].k a i-ba-as-sa-a am-mi-ni la ta-d\d-di-na: cf. These are very conjectural restorations based on the assumption that the Babylonian king wishes to stress the high standards of his own dynasty's customs. Why have you not g}iven me (one)?4 [ . cf." why should you not marry (her)? [ . may all go very we[ll}. } 20 wooden [ .i a e-le-eq-qa-a}s-. . p. For me and [m}y country all goes very [well}.s u ul i\d-di-in-si-na-ti. [These are the only ones whom I accept for my daughters. . H e would thus lay the grounds for his own request of an Egyptian princess. 6 . 2. and your entire country. for your sons. M U N U S . For you. a-n[a a-hu-za-ti}: following Kiihne. 3 12—13 [Your daughters are available. . your horses. 1.fo-»#-/i n [ L U G A L ma-am-ma a-na la ze-er L U G A L D U M U . 5 5 . col. . [my} brother: Thus [K}a[d}as[m}a[n-En}lil. [ . of gold. M E S . 5. .5 [ . } . } . 1 8 1 . [ D U M U . No king has ever gi]ven [his daughters to anyone not of royal blood]. U n g - nad. I send} to you as [your} greeting-[gift}.k a a . 60 shekels' of lapis- lazu[li I send as the greeting-gift of} my [si]s[te]r. M E § . n. the king of Kara[duniyas}. fo[r your magnates]. 1 6—II With regard to my brother's writing me ab[out marriage]. OLZ. .s e . your chariots. the king of Egypt. . 1 S u G f N (Gordon). [Say} to Mimmuwareya. . VS 11. .e ] h : following Kiihne.h a . . . [. r 3..THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 2 Proposals of marriage TEXT: VAT 148 + 2706.a s . [but their husbands must be a king o]r of royal blood. C O P I E S : WA 2 + WA 5. } Reverse 1 . . 1 9 1 6 .9 1 2 0 shekels [ . 9 [mu-tu-si-na lu-u L U G A L u l]u. .. . . My daughters are available. . while also implying that to demand more would be unreasonable. 6 3 .

saying. grumblings. your country. otherwise. Come [yourself] 13 to [eat an]d drink with m e . 2 6 . 5 4 . It was just 30 minas of gold that you [sent me]. Previously. 1 9 1 6 . and you would also send here to my father a 5 beautiful greeting-gift. 2 4—12 With regard to the girl. I[n my house] I have built a [l]arge [ . m]y [brother]: [Thus Kad]asman-Enlil. and he was a witness. you have detained him for six years. [S]ay [to Nim]u'wareya. N l . "Come t[o eat an]d drink.k following U n g n a d . and are 12 pleased. the king of Eg[ypt. 4 2 7 . C O P Y : WA 1. she is nubile. M E $ . [/ shall not act a]s'4 you yourself did.£ } t f : following von Soden. M U N U S . confirmed by collation (also Gordon). See also EA 2 8 7 : 2 6 for pronominal suffix as part of logogram. your wives." No[r did you 8 send me] my greeting-gift in connection with the festival. n. p. the only 6 thing in six years. "' I send [to you in l6 connection with the house-opening]. No]w I am going to hav[e] a house-opening. 17 3 2 . 2. your [mag]nates may all go very well.9 My [gi]ft [does not amouri\t to what 10 [I have given you] every yea[r].3 1 I have built a [ne]w [house]. When you celebrated a great festival.. Matrimonii). about whom you 3 wrote to me in view of marriage. a palace-opening TEXT: C 4743 (12210). 2 5 0 . 11 2 3 . 1 8 1 . That gold was melted down in the presence of Kasi. p. your horses. OLZ. For you. and you have sent me as my greeting-gift.. altogether 50 i[n my service]. 3 0 minas of gold that looked like silver. NOTES 1. my father would send a messenger to you. A . your household. p . my daughter. 7 . . 13—22 But now when I sent a messenger to you. your messenger. ] for 10 wooden chariots. your chariots. you did not send your 7 messenger to me.. EA 3 EA 3 Marriage. [ D U M U . . and you would not detain him for long. Your [mes]sengers have see[n the house and the .3 4 [ . your brother. . You 4 qui[ck]ly sent him off. D U M U . col. she has become a woman. [25 1 men and ] 25 women. the king of Karaduniyas. [For me all indeed goes wjell. Just send a delegation to fetch her. [and 10 teams of hor]ses I send to you as your greeting-gift. with von Soden and also Kiihne. as commonly in the Old Babylonian period. Pintore. [and for you]r 1 [sons]. . ] . .

2 5 9 . thirty-fourth. 11. 2. [ul ep-pu-us" T\a. A t the end of the line ina libbi fits the traces very well. ) . p . C O P I E S : WA 3. r r 4. Fontes atque Pontes: Eine Festgabe fur Hellmut Brunner. ha-m if-\u\t. 2 9 2 (discussion). E . free restoration: Ttam[ru-ma. does not seem likely. [akul] iT siti (Gordon). Following AHw. i04f. 8 . \su\-ul-ma-ni la-a e-em M U . cf. n. p . [ £ es-s]a: cf. [wrote to me]." 5 . p. p . . the same distinction in Egyptian and Edel's remarks in Manfred G o r g . 10. 27 [u at-ta] alkamma itttya 28 [a-ku-ul] [ a (head of final vertical visible. Gordon) 14. saying. p . [a-na te-ru-ba-ti]: cf. 1 9 4 8 ] . Kiihne. and thirty-seventh years (Kiihne. 4 2 7 . p . n. 1 5 . 2 5 7 f f . A / 2 . 4 2 7 . Lucas. i . "worked with ( K I = itti) silver" (Landesberger in Gordon). ha-du-ii]. when I wrote [to youp about marrying your daughter. 16. 5 4 ) . rf-m[i-li]. following von Soden. Other versions: "of the quality of silver" (Kiihne. 17. my brother. and S . p . 8.1 2 see von Soden. 1 13. p p . 4 2 7 . in accordance with your practice of not gi{ying]4 (a daughter).THE AMARNA LETTERS 3. VS 11. p . E g y p t i a n gold had a high percentage of silver. tu-\se-bi-la\. Von Soden.2 2 [Moreove]r." Why «[o/]?5 You are a king. 2 5 4 ) . proposed [a-nu-um-ma bt\ta. "Wooden chariots" (also EA 9 : 3 7 . 5 4 . Were you to give (a daughter). 1-3 2 4 . e d . 4 7 b . 2 2 7 . p . you. E n d of line 2 5 . 6. lulmant. EA 5 : 1 3 . 26 [i-na-an-»]rf. g i v i n g it a grayish cast ( A . 1 9 6 . MUNUS = amtltu or sinniftu? See CAD.fa: Gordon saw all the signs "quite clearly. EA 4 Royal deceit and threats T E X T : VAT 1657. A g y p t e n und Altes Testament 5 (Wiesbaden. 1 9 . 5 5 . r 7. O n lines 9 . Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries* [London. p . 9. [ K A M ad-di-na-ak-ku ul ma-si]-i: free restoration. T h e festival was undoubtedly one of three W-festivals celebrated by Amenophis III in his thirtieth. 1 9 8 3 ) . 12. and anumma is not used in M i d d l e Babylonian. rf-S[i-ib malm/panl-ia): a phonetic spelling. as opposed to the heavier four-wheeled wagons that were used for transport and were reinforced with metal fittings. 2 5 2 . "my (greeting-)gift": following Kiihne. you d[o] as you please. "From time immemorial no daughter of the king of Egy[pt] is given to anyone. pp. but there is not enough room for this restoration. 1 9 : 8 4 ) were perhaps the light t w o - wheeled battle chariot. and CAD. p .

. I will give you my daughter. i. and von Soden. T h e greeting and perhaps several more lines are completely destroyed.000 talents of gold. 4 2 8 . . 3 6 . this summer. what would be the point of your being pleased to send me (gold)? Once I have finished the work I am engaged on. refuse you a woman. send me whatever i[s on hand]. what need will I have of gold? Then you could send me 3. So please' send me the gold you [feel prompted t]o. in the months of Tammuz or Ab. I wrote as 6 follows t[o my brother]. . However. perhaps. 8 brotherhood and amity. and n[ot send her]?? But my daughters being available. as here. must be available. just as you did to me. you need not 11 12 accept] the offspring of my daughter whom I shall s[end to you. 1 1 . and so wrote me about marriage that we might come closer to each other. 1 8 1 . p . n. with U n g n a d . saying. either in the month of Tammuz or 3 in the month of A b . you send the 5 gold I wrote you about. 3 . ] Now. right now. . see EA 3 . ' so I can finish the work that I am engaged on. "[Someone's] grown daughters. 'She is no daughter of the king!'?" But holding to your decision. are inserted within. in all haste. or. 1 9 1 6 . Send me a beautiful woman as if she were [you]r daughter. OLZ. (as) much (as possible). But if in the months of Tammuz or Ab you do not send me the gold and (with it) I do not finish the work I am engaged on. for my part. the main clause ( G A G {5169b). IC I will not refuse [one] to y[ou]. when I [wrote you] about marriage. EA 4 who would s[ay] anything? Since I was told of this message. you have not sent me anyone. but} s[end me] any animals requested of you. since you did not send me a woman. write you about marriage for this very same reason. col. p. see Kiihne. since temporal clauses regularly pre­ cede. 5 6 .' I would send it back to you. 9 .' NOTES 1 . too. before your messenger [comes] to me. ds-pu-r[a-ak-ku ta-alltal-ta-ap-rd]: first word. fap-pu-na-»z]rf: [a-nu-um-ra]^ (Knudtzon) is not used in Middle Babylo­ nian. 2. [and] when I wrote you about the animals. and I would not 7 gifve] my daughter in marriage. beautiful women. That EA 4 belongs to the A m e ­ nophis III-Kadasman-Enlil correspondence is not completely certain.e. . [ . Did not you yourself seek brotherhood and amity. and I 6 would not accept it. then. the main verb must have followed. 23—35 Perhaps.5 0 And as to the gold I wrote you about. lines 1—3 are too fragmentary for translation. did my brother not send me just one woman? Should I. that we might come closer to each other? Why. . and did (not) I. 7 Who is going to say. If 14 during this summer.

For my household. 4 2 8 . 1 {Thus Nibmuar]ey[a. cf. 10 . 14. EA 5 Gifts of Egyptian furniture for the Babylonian palace TEXT: BM 29787 + C (12195).THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. 16. the king of Karadu]niya[s. M [ E § sa ma-am-ma]: M E § not collated (cf. am-mi-ni l[a innaddin]: beginning of a horizontal wedge visible. 10. we should read u a-na-ku (ul). [my sons]. ta-sa-a[b-ba-at u ] : cf. 6. lines i7f. sees in the expression as used in line 4 6 reference to a gift that has not been requested. your [chariots]. p. 9. your] wives. otherwise. 8. see VAB 2 / 1 . 13.. 7 4 . must be taken as a question. not writing. 1 9 1 6 . "my daughter's seed" (KBo 1. 1 8 . 17. my ma[ny] troops. C O P I E S : BB 4 + WA 17. 7. 8 1 . my brother: For m]e all goes (well). n. "seed". see A r o . a hole. 4 2 8 . p. 4 2 8 . traces suggest additional writing. as seems more likely. n. Either ul (line 1 5 ) is still felt and understood in this clause. Great King. Because of the preterite (aspurakku. for which there is not enough room. StOr 20. copy VS 1 1 ) . p. yo]ur [magnates]. probably a list of gifts. 11. see also EA n . p. T h a t ul is used rather than la is undoubtedly due to the fact that lines 15—18 are rhetorical questions. 1 3 5 . 5. tultebila[m]: following von Soden. [my] wives. [For me al]l goes well. 12. or. 1 8 2 . O n the grammar of rhetorical questions. G A L . ina (ubi: following U n g n a d . my [horses]. [yo]ur [horses].J u l y ) and fifth (July—August) months of the Babylo­ nian calendar. l[a usebbilsi]: following von Soden. 1 5 5 . p. OLZ. p . a-ka-al-la-a[k-ku-us-si]: following ibid. [your sons. Literally. the king of Egypt. 8 : 3 1 ) . ibid. but the distinction is hard to reconcile with the expression in line 4 3 .£ t « : following von Soden. my magnates. for a woman's seed. kT la na-d\a-ni-im-md\: following Knudtzon and A r o . and i[n your countries. StOr 2 0 . my chariots. col. Matrimonii). and in [m]y [countries] all goes very. . and beneath it. p. T h e fourth ( J u n e . After a space of three lines. von Soden. 1 2 1 . Three thousand talents is a huge amount of gold. F{or you may all go well. yo[ur] troops. Pintore. p. except for s[a . Say to] 2 Kafdasman-Enlil.. very well. line 18). ] . ki-'P D f U M U M U N U S . For you]r [household. may all go] well. 15. roughly 1 0 0 tons. zer martiya. 4 2 8 . ..

2 5 are conflated in the W A copy. EA 5 3 13—33 I have [y^*] heard that you have built some n{ew] quar­ 4 ters. . 1 0 footrests of ebony. [ . [Total x] minas. N o t e the form of address (see sect. CAD. 5 chairs of feb]ony. overlaid with ivory and gold. sect. 4 chairs of ebo{ny]. N o t e the use of summa as a temporal conjunction. { . 9.Nl'GIN . of silver. p. 10 and 7 shekels. . . confuses siisuru and wussuru. I will prepare whatever your messenger selects. overlaid with gold. p. M / i . overlaid with gold. H I . CAD. ] footrests of ivory. 1 0 0 ) .. NOTES 1. 7 6 . 9 (In addition).] II . and n. overlaid with gold. . 1 6 2 . ] (Gordon). p . ] . VAB 2 / 1 . 5. 1 9 6 7 ) . I will send (them) to [yo]u. in the charge of Sutti. . . a 7 greeting-gift of things for the new house: 1 bed of ebony. r}e-i[a . 3 5 8 a . 1 lar[ge] chair [o]f ebony. 2 . 145a—b. of l gold. ." so common in the vassal letters (see the Introduction. 1 urussu of ebony. note n. unusual orthography. . When your messenger returns. r 5 . . E . 8. 4 of the Introduction). Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (Paris. of gold. The weight of the silver: 1 [mi]na. denied by Gordon) or even ta. and the traces here fit G I B I L perfectly. stock expression siisuru ana pant. G I [ B I L ] : in line 1 9 . 10 { . tSU. 1 6 : "but now. Note the. . followed by Durand. see Seux.W: last sign possibly ad (so Knudtzon. I herewith send you. ARMT 2 1 . [. A . n. the weight of all the gold: 7 minas. p." 6. "Great K i n g . . 3. . of gold. p. 4 5 6 . 4. ] of ejxiny. 7 . Restore either inanna or anumma (cf. E . in a letter characterized by the Hittite ductus and the Hittite form of address. Indeed I 5 shall be preparing everything possible before the arrival of your messen­ 6 ger who is bringing your daughter. n. E G I B I L is certain." T h i s gives ana pant a meaning for which I know no parallel. "to prepare before the arrival. overlaid with 8 gold. Probably not enough room for L U G A L G A I . EA 1:10). This is the first reference to silver. if mala. 10. overlaid with gold. These things. as at Boghazkoy. . minima ma-a. " at the begin­ ning of line 3 . overlaid with gold. overlaid with gold. "to release. 8 A shekels. T h e join with the Cairo fragment begins here. 9 shekels.. 3 beds of ebony. I am sending herewith some furnishings for your house. Lines 2 4 . 2 9 9 .

s Be­ 5 tween us. 2. 17-19 [• • •} Ui will trust yo[u . . 13-17 Wri[te me] for what you want from my country so that it may be taken to you. VS 11. your wives. see also Schroeder. For me all goes we[ll]. add { . 3. ] and 1 [ . 6 4 2 . EA 7 A lesson in geography TEXT: VAT 150 (not collated). 1 2 9 . the king of [Karaduniyas]. p. VS 11. 4. your brother. For you. OLZ. 1164). 3. A t the end of line 9. the k\ing of Egypt]. and I will write you for what I want from your 6 country so that it may be taken [to m e } . 6. perhaps "a hostile word" (AHw. C O P I E S : WA 7. StOr 2 0 . 5 . pp. 1 2 [Say to Naphujrureya. 113ff. [your] brot[her. p. p . p. A t the end of line 1 0 . ni-mu-a/wa/ut-re-a/ia: alternative readings. Great King. } . EA 3 : 1 2 . following von Soden. anythin[g]4 else whatsoever is not even to be mentioned]. 2 0 . lilq&-\ni\.2 2 And as [your] greeting-gift [ . . [yo]ur horses. . see Kiihne. kin]g of Karaduniyas. . a-ma-tu-u[m}: a rare instance of mimation. 1 9 1 7 . your magnates. or perhaps on the line below. my brother: Thus Burra- Buriyas. NOTES m 1. 4 : 4 6 . LFM. iq-[qa-ab-bi]\ following von Soden. 1 Sa[y t]o Nimmuwarea. 4 2 8 . cf. col.1 2 Just as previously you and m[y] father were friend[Iy] to one 2 another. may all go w[ell]. 4 2 8 . . / s[e]n[d you]. ibid. 4 2 8 . 3 2 . Great King. TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. you and I [should} now [be friendly] t[o one another]. your country. A r o . 4. . C O P I E S : WA 4. Write me so that it ma[y be taken to you]. delete it: following von Soden. king of Egy[pt. . your household. lu fa-ba-nu]: von Soden. 8 . p. 1 0 5 . n. my brother]: Thus Burra-Buriya[s. EA 8:1 if.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 6 An offer of friendship T E X T : VAT 149. .. It must have been written at least partly on the reverse. . For 12 . cf. . amatum lanttum-ma. p. [your] sons. your chariots. ] .

] and your greetings . . saying. "For my brother.! I have not been well.7 For my brother and his household. EA 7 m]e and my household. 1 informed your messenger and sen[t him] (on his way). s[aying]. before es]corting (him on his 1 15 way). I am not sending many beautiful greeting-gifts. I 12 said no [more]. My [greetings [/ will send t]o yo[u. your mes­ senger. If you ask [. "(It) is not a place close by so your brother can hear (about you) and send you greetings. saying. 1 4 . In addition. for his magnates and his country ma[y all go] very [well]. '* have detain[ed] my messenger for two [years]. I am [still b]y no means re[stored to health}. in my brother's country everything is available and my brother needs absolutely noth­ ing. since I asked my own messenger and he said to me that the journey is far. . for] my magnates and my country all goes ver[y well]." Now. . my next 13 . I send my brother 5 teams of horses. . and your greet­ ings you shall send to me}. . . for my horses and [m]y ch[ariots. for his horses and [his] cfhariots].] .6 2 You no[w.. ] M[y] greetings [ . 6 . It is these same relations that shall be lasting between us. in my country everything too is available and I for my part nee[d] absolutely nothing. Furthermore. [ . . I was not angry (any longer).4 1 Furthermore. . 4 2 . he will [tell you that] I have not been well and that. I send to my brother 4 minas of 18 beautiful lapis lazuli as a routine greeting-gift. and so we should sen[d]'3 greetings to each other. the 17 journey is difficult].4 8 [ . "Ask your own messenger whether the country is far away and as a result your brother did not hear (about you) and did not 11 send (anyone) to greet you. "Has my brother not hea[rd] that I am ill? Why. since I was not well and my brother [showed me 8 no] conc[ern]. We have (however) inherited good relations of long standing from (earlier) kings. is there really a far­ away country and a close-by one?" He for his part addressed me [as] follows. . has he sho[wn] me no 10 concern? Why has he sent no messenger here and visi[ted me]?" My brother's messenger addressed me. . 8—13 From the time the messenger of my brother ar[rived here]. as I am also told. Who is going to tell your brother so he can imme­ diately send you greetings? Would your brother hear that you are ill and still not send you his messenger?" 26—32 I for my part addressed him as follows. The country is far away. saying. ] 4 9 . Inform my messenger imme­ 16 diately sf) he may co[me to m e ] . a Great King. as far as 6 7 my rec[overy] is concerned. and the weather ho[t]. as I am told. As soon as the weather improves. 3 3 . water cut off. Furthermore. I for my part became an[gry}9 with my brother. . and so on no occa[sionY has his messenger eaten food 5 and [drunk] spirits [in my comjpany. .2 5 [Furthermore].

6 1 . 7 3 . p. . StOr 2 0 . i robb[ed]. But the gold that my brother sends me. not (even) [10.7 2 Being engaged on a work.» . let my brother 19 just write me so it can be taken from the house. ik-[su-da] would be less crowded than i^-fsu-da-an-ni] (Knudtzon). Furthermore. la «/-[ne-sa-an-ni]. that I nearly lost my life. (so) 27 2S 29 [n]ow may Salmu sp[eak] before my brother. ibid. "and no medicine has given me any cure" (von Soden. von Soden. non-Egyptian or Egyptian. A t the beginning of line 2 . see Kiihne.a ] . see Kiihne. and therefore not resit ul is-Ii] (von Soden.. col. p . pa in EA 8 : 2 2 ) . cf. I sw]ear. one would expect to see traces of the vertical (cf. 1 8 2 ) . 1 9 1 6 . p. 6 0 .THE AMARNA LETTERS messenger to come I will have bring many beautiful greeting-gifts to my brother.i]: if «rf-p[a-as libbi] (von Soden.8 2 [Furthermore. re-e-s[i la is-su-tt]: the enclitic -ma at the end of the previous clause favors taking the following clause as coordinate. 4 2 8 . appear[ed]. 3 . for in Middle Babylonian . 2 . EA 1 1 : 1 9 . It was only a deputy of my brother who sealed and sent it to me. 9. 2 5 . 3 7 f . and that nothing could help me" (the assumed text is not clear).). proposes f H a . [a-di-na] m{t\-im-ma-ma la #/-[ta-la/li-mu]. my brother should not turn over to the charge of any deputy. see A r o . EA 6 : 2 . 4 2 8 . Oppenheim: " . and] his [sec]ond caravan Pamahu. following U n g n a d . whatever my brother wants. restore $E§-i<?. p . His [thi]ngs should be restored t[o him] and [he] should be compensated] for his losses. m 5 . 4 2 9 ) . pp. i3f. My brother should make a [personal] check. n. The first one 23 Biriyawaza rob[bed. Oppenheim seems to emend the text so that Burna-Burias says that no foreign messenger.. for the position. 292. 6. 1 1 ) . he addresses the Egyptian king in the same way (EA 6. For Amenophis I V as the addressee of this letter. May my brother send me much fine gold so I can use it on my work. {When] is my brother [going to adjudi­ 25 6 cate] this case? [As] my messenger sp[okeY before my brother. not to bodily health. . ibid. see EA 1. W h e r e Burna-Burias calls himself brother. n. ana »^-a{b-la-t. am-[ta-la]: not am-{la] (von Soden.9 . OLZ. on the assumed ustallalimu rather than ultallalimu. 7. 22 my messenger whom I sent to you. . then my brother should 20 seal and send it to me. ibid.). Certainly my brother did not check the earlier (shipment of) gold that my brother sent to me. 2 9 5 . 8. Another proposal: { U (sammu)] . [a gov]ernor of 2 yours in a vassalage. When I pu[t] the 4 0 minas of 21 gold that were brought to me into a kiln. 8 . 4. O n the banquets for messengers. 6 3 . cf. and the expression refers to mood or sentiment. . <z-<#-/-{ka-(am-)ma}: following von Soden. n. rev. p. been robb[ed]. NOTES 1. [tw]ice has a caravan of Salmu. had dined with him. however. I write to my brother.

cf. ana sulmlka. Edel. 2 0 0 . 15." might also mean "for your health". therefore. ibid. T h e gift sa qati seems opposed to the many gifts not sent at the mo­ ment. 18. current quality" (CAD. no. see Romer. p. 5 1 . n. ARMT 2 1 . p. "for your sulmu. Q . see A l b r i g h t . [la-am t]e-re-ed-du-u: following von Soden. B . these same good relations . T h a t the weight of the stone is given implies. cf. For a slightly different interpretation. m 23. In line 3 2 . "pure gold. p. T h e information is the answer. 5ii:2off. 4 2 9 . ul am-la as- s[a-k]u-[ut]: following Gordon. p . A O A T 5 / 2 . the suffix must refer to the indefinite plural subject of the verb. 2 5 2 . gave only jewelry. followed by CAD. p. EA io:i9f. L i t . n. Parpola. ki-sa (kfsa): see the dictionaries. they are not inspired by need. then "pro[vided for me]"? 11. 2 7 2 . If i-mu-[ra] is right (Knudtzon).. Written bi-ri-ia-ma-za. EA 7 letters the perfect is the normal form of past narrative. 5 1 4 . Burna-BuriaS prefaces his proposal of continued gpod relations with remarks that establish how disinterested both parties are. Tusratta. cf. perhaps quite perfunctory. "normal quality. i-mu-[ra-an-ni]. G I b]a-ar-ru-um-ma. to the message received. and then da-an-n{a-tujtu] (cf. unless the enclitic coordinates clauses (for this possibility. p. seeing it also in EA 1 6 2 : 7 4 . 5 ) ." Since Burna-Burias hardly wishes to say that the gifts will come from others' houses. S. as throughout this letter. n. 2 . ha-ab-t[a-at]\ following von Soden. see Aro. and therefore is rendered by "also. Provision of an escort for messengers was customary. p. Ah. 1 7 . 1 9 8 ) . see 3 0 . 1 0 . li-i{l-li-ka]: following von Soden. see von Soden. see CAD. For the O l d Babylonian period.8 2 ) p. StOr 2 0 . at Mari. 1 6 . p.. A O A T 1 2 . 1. OLZ. On the syntax of girru ruqatu. 13. 4 2 9 . 1 9 . 1 8 . Porada.). 12. [ 1 0 s]a-ar-ru-um-ma: theasseverativelarrumma(Knudtzon) fits the con­ text perfectly (originally. io:43ff. n. "by the king". "from their house. JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p. n. 4 . 9 7 ) and implies a small number in the break (10 is only a guess). 1 8 2 . 24. 4 3 0 . with von Soden. see Veenhof. ibid."—and restore -[ru] (Ungnad." da-an-n[a-at]. Pamahu may be an Egyptian title misunderstood as a personal name. p. 2 4 . and at Mari (ARMT 2 1 . 5 0 9 . AEM 1 / 2 . JEOL 2 7 ( 1 9 8 1 . ibid. If there are to be greetings with the necessary accompanying gifts. w h o thought it the Egyptian equivalent of rabisu. 20. Otherwise von Soden. probably neither version should be excluded. presumably visit by delegation. n. 7. p p . T h e enclitic in kt iqbun'tm-ma probably looks back to kT iqbuni in line 3 3 . si-it-ta [sanati]: following von Soden. p. amla because of the negative ul. JNES 7 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p. ni-sa-ap-pa-[ralar]\ it is not clear why we should create an anacolu- thon—"the good relations which we have received from the kings in earlier times.8 2 ) p . 4 2 9 ) . 1 6 . AfO 2 8 ( 1 9 8 1 . followed by von Soden. n. p. according to E . for its influence on tenses. 3 4 3 . EA 2 9 : 1 1 1 . col. ruqatu in line 3 2 ) . 1 9 1 6 . distinguished 15 . 14. 8 3 . In EA. sa qatim in O l d Assyrian. that the stone was unworked (see also EA 8 : 4 3 . ibid. 6 7 . so that we send greetings to each other. 1 1 3 : [ K U ." 22. 2 8 ) . 21..

1 and this is what we said: "Just as our fathers were friends with one 2 another. vengeance demanded T E X T : VAT 152.* Inqu[ire from him so] he can inform yofu. p . your horses.3 3 [I] send [ . . Line 8 0 : li-id-[bu-ub]. 6 Bring [them] to account and make compensation] for the money that 7 they took away. inquire [whether they are de\ad. your magnates. . [u-d"\e-e-Iu: following von Soden.[ b u . [ m a . 28. is still serving him. having blocked 9 the passage of one man of mine. the king of Egypt. and so avenge their blood.4 2 And if they try to deny this to you. yo[ur] sons. the son of 3 Saratum of Akka. and so messengers between us will thereby be cut off. After Ahu-tabu went on to my brother. your country.THE AMARNA LETTERS between EA 7 : 7 6 (personal name) and 1 6 2 : 7 4 (title). 8 3 4 . In your country I have been despoiled. the king of Kara[duniyas]. right under the Pharaoh's nose! 25. my merchants who were on their way with Ahu-tabu. be it a caravan of mine or your own messengers. C O P I E S : WA 8. so will we be friends with one another. 8 . 2 6 . were detained in Canaan for business matters. i-[da-an]: following von Soden. the country of E g y p t " ? A n even greater enormity. your chariots. « / . ibid. . [t-na\-an-na: following von Soden. TRANSLATION: Ebeling. Qanaan is your country. my brother: Thus Burra- Buriyas. your wives. 5. in Hinnatuna of Canaan. toy[o]uposthaste]." Now. Put to death the men who put my servants [to] death. See n. EA 8 Merchants murdered. having been forced into service by Sutatna of Akka. For me all goes well. Sa[y to] Naphu'rure[ya]. . These men sh[ould be] brought to you so you can 11 investigate. ] .t i ] . 4 3 . they are going to kill again.2 1 My brother and I made a mutual declaration of friendship. VS 11. and 10 another man. "[a pre]fect in your country. and thus become in­ formed. 2 2 . 27. Is ki-if-ri a mistake for mi-is- ri. 29. §um-Adda.b u ] : following von Soden. 26. retained him in his company. 371f. your household. having sent their men. . ibid. pp. For you. may all go very well. 16 .4 killed my merchants and took away [th]eir money. ibid. . and [its] king[s are your servants}. 4 3 0 . the son of Balumme. And if you do not put these men to death. Sum-Adda. your brother.4 7 [As a greet]ing-gift I send you 1 mina of lapis lazuli. and Sutatna.

ibid. Following CAD. 1 8 2 .ME3 = amelT (also lines 2 8 . Cf.. p. ed. p. does not seem satisfactory. 5 2 . rev. proposed [amela sa]-/a. A r o . 175- 2 . in Garelli. 1 4 8 ) . 4 0 0 . . the form of the pronoun is otherwise unattested in the Middle Babylonian period. 4 3 1 . 8 6 : 2 7 . . Let him be off [to me 13 immediately. p. interchanged the vowels in the first syllable of the names of the two rulers. 3 0 . It seems unlikely that the Babylonian king would put off to some future date sending the messenger who was to provide the Pharaoh with additional information. It is the bearer of the present letter who should have such a role. EA 7 : 5 1 . von Soden. of VS is misleading. N / i . Following U n g n a d . 6. postulates a contamination from s'umma-summa ("or they will treat you hostilely"). 7 . 1 1 . col. k[i-i mi]-tu: von Soden. N / i . EA 8 Se(nd off} my [mess}enger immediately so I may knofw] my brother's 12 [decjision. T h e implications of the king's calling them "my merchants" are not clear. CAD. p. 13. 22 [x-(x)]-x a-na pa-[ni-k]a ki-i {ka-al-li-ej: at the beginning of the line the very clear [. . 1 0 . li-it-ta-a\l-kd\\ following von Soden. 1 9 1 5 . OLZ. . kikalle in the Babylonian letters EA 1 0 : 3 8 and 1 1 . 1 9 7 4 ) . A r o . LU. p. 1 4 . Do not deta[in] my [messjenger. p. rev. 17 . 9 : 3 2 . 4 3 0 . 1 9 1 6 . ku-\ut-si-da-I\u 4 5 \je-e\-ma\ following von Soden. written on reverse. (a-a-bu.. StOr 2 0 . or his informant. OLZ. and the resulting sense. one expects a plural—"these men"—not a singular. su-ni-iq-\su-nu-ti-md\: following von Soden. p. NOTES 1 . If the Babylonian's feet had been literally cut off. . 4 3 0 . (but not fe-e-ma. OLZ. 1 9 1 7 . 1 1 . 4 3 0 . as he admits. T h e assumption that nothing followed ki-i in the rather large broken space at the end of the line is supported by neither the previous nor the following lines. 9 7 4 a . p. sepam nakasum in ARMT 4 . 4 3 0 . col. E n d of line n . 3 . I44f. see Schroeder.. n. cf. T h e scribe. ibid. p. see Brinkman. col. inquire . but. 8 . pp. 1 8 ) . cf. . . Besides. Denial can be refuted by two witnesses to the crime who are still available. von Soden. ibid. 1 6 5 . 18. 3 8 : 7 ' . i-[du-k]u: following von Soden. cf. 9. 4 . 1 6 5 b . ina reli kl ulzizzu: following AHw. 4 4 . it would have been an extraordinary indignity and hardly mentioned so casually. 4 0 ) . 1 7 9 b . Le Palais et la Royaute (Paris. 5 . StOr 2 0 . p. 3 4 . " (von Soden. see Schroeder. "As soon as I send . 1 2 .

ku~u~ [s']-da-am-ma: traces support this reading of von Soden. p. Why have you sent me 2 minas of gold? At the moment my work on a temple is extensive. 19—38 In the time of Kurigalzu. C O P Y : BB 2. "C{om]e4 to the border of the country so we can revolt and be allied [wi]tfc you." My ancestor sent them this (reply). 1 Say to Nibhurrereya. For you. your ma[g]nates. p. ul-te-bi-i-lu-n\t\: following Gordon. and are allied with anyone else. all the Canaanites wrote here to him. whatever you want from my country. they will conduct no business whatsoever. see VAB 2 / 2 . Send me much gold. 6—18 From the time my ancestors and your ancestors made a 2 mutual declaration of friendship. Now. and I am quite busy with carrying it out. (if) the gold is plentiful. either Amenophis I V or Tutankhamun (so taken here). the king of Egy£pt. your household. "Forget about being allied with me.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 9 Ancient loyalties. O n the end of line 1. new requests TEXT: BM 29785. see Introduction. 1 NOTES 1. your brother. but one then expects the same structure in the parallel clause. Hence inanna {sum)-ma seems much more likely. 1 5 8 5 . 4 3 1 . 3. PHOTOGRAPH: BB. O n the addressee. inanna-ma hurasu mad. "Right now. n. I send to you as your greeting-gift 3 minas of genuine lapis lazuli and 5 teams of horses for 5 wooden chariots. your country." is probably possible. may all go very well. I was not the one who sent them to you. 24. If you become enemies of the king of Egypt. 2. your wives. r l 4. but if it is scarce. send me half of what your ancestors (sent). 18 . gold is plentiful. Why on their 6 own authority have they come to your country? If you love m e . Send them off to me empty- handed. Now. your horses. 1 3 7 . saying. your chariots. saying. For me all goes well. My brother has now sent me 2 minas of gold as my greeting-gift. will I not then come and plunder you? How can there be an alliance with me?" For the sake of your ancestor my ancestor did not listen to them. the king of Karad[un]iyas. send me as much as your ancestors (sent). my brother]: Thus Burra- Buriyas. And you for your part. your sons. and refused no request for anything beautiful. they sen[t] beautiful greeting-gifts to each other. as for my Assyrian vassals. my ancestor. write me so that it may be taken to you. pi.

. . ] when your messenger .. th}at did appear. for your wives. . then as soon as Sin- disugab. lifelike. let them bring (them) here together. of lapis lazuli. [it-t]i-ka: despite Knudtzon's correct observations (VAB 2 / 1 . land or aquatic. may all go very well. they (the ancestors) have been friends. 6. [. nor have I for my part sent you a beautiful greeting-gift. ] . . l borrow chariot{s] ° and get here. 10. the king of Karad[uniyas]. n.2 4 From the time of Karaindas. this seems the only possible reading. I send to her as her greeting-gift a necklace of cricket-(shaped) gems. and you are one for 3 whom nothing is scarce. For you. T h e absence of any sign of the vertical could reflect a form like that in line 2 9 (il-ti-ia). n. so that the hide is exactly like that of a live animal. for your chariots. Now. . EA 10 Egyptian gold and carpenters TEXT: BM 29786. ] of a wild ox for . Let 9 them represent a wild animal. . let him immediately.' the king of [Egypt: TJhus Burra-Buriyas. 1 0 4 8 their number. fo[r your sons]. 7. For me all goes wel[l]. [The . . 5 9 .4 9 I send as your greeting-gift 2 minas of lapis lazuli. (I am one for whom nothing is scarce. Let your messenger bring it to me. my messenger. the 20 minas of gold that were brought here were not all there. not 5 minas of gold appeared. for your horses. and for your country. 90. 2 8 . reaches you. 25—28 [ . for your house­ hold. There are skilled carpenters where you are. 1 7 . . . though you and I are friends. See Introduction. posthaste. Let them make some n[e]w ones for future delivery. n. Was {the gold ev\er identi­ fied} (as gold)? [ . ] 5 6 7 29—42 [ . for your troops.. and concerning your daughter 11 Mayati. ] 8 let him bring to me. .) As for your messenger whom you sent to me. . 3 times have your messengers come to me and you have not sent me a single beautiful greeting-gift. 19 . [Say t]o [Naphu]rar[ey]a. . . p. PHOTOGRAPH: BB. But if there are some old ones already on hand. pi. [. C O P Y : BB 3. . a). See EA 3 . . . 4 3 . since the messengers of your ancestors came regularly to my ancestors. on cooling off looked like ashes. and then when my messenger comes here with your messenger. up to the present. . . When 4 they put it into the kiln. EA 10 5. for your magnates. ] friends with e\ach other} [ . having heard (about her).

but nothing follows (also Gordon). N o t expecting to have a shipment of animal figures to bring back to Baby­ lonia. or X mimma aqralaqarta Tsuli)." 2. [ K U . 7 . cf. p. EA 7. Cf. M E i s : following CAD. r 9. a-{n\a p''i-i balp: following von Soden. For narkabtu as a means of shipping. Landsberger in Gordon. especially s"]i. . no. if the verb is uddH. n. M E 5 = maru: following von Soden. 1 1 4 a . EA 4 1 : 3 4 and CAD. is not supported by collation. 1 0 . Gordon wrote that there are "no traces of original wedges. " See AHw. M / 2 . but that "something is rare/scarce for X . 2 1 . [a-n]a [na-ap-hu]r-ra-'>e"' -[i]a/a (Gordon saw more of hur than I could). EA 7 : 7 1 . 20 . 8. N / 2 . 5 . 30 [Id i]r-'i-mu-Iu-nu-ti. p . N / i . 4 3 4 ) . p. If the reading is correct. and "to bring a wagon" (AHw.7 2 and n. correct CAD. narkabta nalu can hardly mean "to load a wagon" (Oppenheim. p . so already Landsberger in Gordon. . p . N A G A R . ma-i-ia. /7-q{u-s'}i (Knudtzon) is hardly right. 1 0 0 ) . completely obliterated by modern pin scratches on rubbed surface of tablet—so confirmed by Mr. p. 6 5 6 . p . T h i s parenthetical remark stresses the independence of the parties and thereby the symbolism of the exchange of gifts. N / 2 . G I im-m&-i]i-ma-a u'-e-du: immattma. minima ana X (w)aqar does not mean that " X has something precious" (which would be. 7 4 b . 4 3 1 . 6. 1 3 . p. Nil. 3 . n. f r l 1 1 . the messenger would have to borrow means of transportation.THE AMARNA LETTERS And when your messenger [comes] along with Sindisugab. Bateman of Bfritish] M [ u s e u m ] who examined surface under a microscope. 4 . D U M U . and confirmed by colla­ tion.x ] e-pu-ulf-ma a-/e-ba-l a"'-a[s}-s{i] (Gordon). « G I G I R . one expects u'-e-du-[u\. I understand naM in the sense of withdrawing from a supply (CAD. mimma aqrulaqartu ana X . p . Dictio­ nary of Scientific Biography. i/-l{a-k]a (Gordon) is equally difficult.a~ -tT: following von Soden. O f the na-ap in B B . / will make 12 { . p. T h e usual interpretation—according to which it is stated here that the result of neither one's sending the other party a gift has been "I had nothing precious. l5 1 0 . see VAB 2 / 1 . 1 0 0 1 . 4 3 1 . 7 6 4 a ) does not seem to fit the context. 1460b. NOTES 1 . p . p . 3 5 7 b . 4 9 [il-la-ka x . 9 8 b ) or appropriating (CAD. ] and have (it) brough[t to b]er. r 12. 4 3 2 . rather. and you had nothing precious"—must be rejected.x . cf. p. 1 5 { 1 9 7 8 ] . "which he presented/with which he presented them" (von Soden. 3 9 ) . M E [ 3 ] : the second and third signs are doubtful.

. [ . VS 11. . Are they going to take her to you in 5 chariots? Should I in these circumstances allow her to be brought to you [from m]y [house]. . ~i But as to the one tak[ing her] to you. "A daughter of the king who [ . has already departed for here. [my] broth[er]: Th[us Bur]na- Buriyas. For you. [saying. [my] mess[enger. . 6 . . [your sons. whom you sent to me. . the king of Karaduniy[as. . your magnate. [w]ho is going to take her to you? With Haya there are 5 chariots. 2 3 . the merchant. . . . 225. . and ."i 4 9-15 [And you yourself] sent [Haamas]si. an interpreter. If old ones are not available. . saying. your messenger. [I] wrote [as fol­ 2 lows]. 5 Mihuni. was (once) ta]ken [to your father]. [to you].l]et them brin[g me . the wife of] my father was mourned [ . 6 "That woman [may be taken"]. 13-18 As for Haya. may all go very we[ll].. If Salmu. F[or me all goes w]ell. 1 5 . Send here many [char]iots 21 . the merchant. you[r] household. "They have transported the daughter of a Great King [t]o Egypt in 5 char[iots"].2 8 [When my father] a[llow]ed [his daughter] to be br[oug]ht to 10 your father. and [ . the chariots and soldiers with him are too few. .l]et them carve [. . . 6.$ my neighboring kings [would say]. . the king of Egypt. C O P I E S : WA 6 + WA 218.2 2 [When] I presented [my daughter] to [Haamassi]. they [poujred o[il] on the 8 hea[d of my] daughter. . the interpreted. and to Mihuni. your brother]. . for yo]ur [horses. Matching plants of the countryside are to be carved.] your chariots. your [mess]enger. 1 6 . and taken to me. the inte[rpret]er. ] " let them bring me. " / ] wrote. Let [them take] another [to you]. EA 11 EA 11 Proper escort for a betrothed princess TEXT: VAT 151 + 1878. ] that woman [ . let them carve new ones and have Salmu. Trees are to be carved from ivory and colored.. ] Reverse 1 .1 2 If old ones in the number required are a[vailab]le. which look like] live [ . ] 3000 soldie[rs wi]th him [ . let your messenger that comes 13 to me take them. .8 [After the wife of] your father had been mourned. . ". . . your wives. colored.. 1 sent Hu'a.5 [• • •] • • • [• • • let] them carve [. . [Say] to Naphururea. bring them to me. have them brought to 12 me im[mediate]ly.. . ] she die[d] in a [pl]ague [ . saying.

f G I S " it-t]a-du-u: following Landsberger. puts this passage under qubbatu. ] . ? Send them so [they can take her] immediately]. [ .3 4 I s[end] 10 lumps of genuine ' lapis lazuli as your greeting- gift. M U N U S .. 2 7 .. W i l c k e . 1 7 [ D U M U . rev. 2 9 2 a ) . p p .. Q ." [he] was rich in stones. p. See. 2 2 4 .. meaning unknown. amity. 9 [u at-ta . /e-q[i-i/e-sa]. 1 1 9 . too. 6.. For this first act of betrothal. 8 9 0 . in EA see also 1 1 . a-na a-bi-ka i\-q]u-u-ni la-ni-ta-am-ma //-i[l-qu-ni-ku]. Chronology. ? Let them take to me [much gold}! By the end of [this very] year I wish to bring the work to completion quickly. "The go[ld is much. 1 9 6 8 ) . .8 0 . ^ and showed no concern for me. 2 . La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique (Paris. . is not supported by collation. EA 7 : 3 2 ) of qubbii. CAD. grammatically less diffi­ cult. and also in Gordon. rich in [gold]. n. 2 9 : 2 2 ^ .-s\ li-il-qu-ni-(ku?)]. Landsberger in Campbell." He . . too. And . 4 6 . C . . qubbatu as in line 5 (see n. p. cf. A t U g a r i t . sa-[a. cf. 1 8 5 . Perhaps the girl that had been promised first died and there had been a delay in carrying out the offer of lines 7—8.. 8. "to (be)wail" (AHw. 22 . riiqatu. [ . . 2 1 [i-na E-i]a. . . [ul-tu as-sa-at] a-bi-ka qu-ub-ba-tu^. p. "Your messenger has received a lar[ge and beautiful] greeting-gift.. [/]/within this year you intend to sen[d here] chariots and soldiers. stative subjunctive (cf. 69ff. 4. rich in 20 silver. 26 send] to y[ou a] large [greeting]-gift. } how can I send to you? Send me [much gold] so that [/. and to the mistress of the house [I send] 20 "crickets" of genuine 22 lapis lazuli. n. Do not send here some other [mag]nate. see Pardee.t i ki-i] . and so in the palace 8 [of my ancestor what wajs missing?' That neighboring kings might hear 19 it said. saana muhhika /«-q[u-(u)-si]: sa . p . 7 9 . and 3 1 : 1 iff.MU[NUS-ti-ia] 1 8 T . BiOr 3 4 ( 1 9 7 7 ) pp. . Brooke. NOTES 1. in Symbolae iuridicae et historicae Martino David dedicatae. 5 . 3. qa-qa-[d]d DU[MU]. i5ff. peace. Q . . EA 4 : 1 1 . Tomus Alter (Leiden. 3f. [a messen]ger should come out to me posthaste 16 and info[rm m e ] . . The princess [on] whose [he]ad oil 1 [has been poured] should not delay here by me. [I know] that Mayatu alone did nothing for me by which [I 2 am] res[tored to health]. 1 9 8 7 ) . what was more lavish than [the gift] to Kurigalzu.THE AMARNA LETTERS 4 and soldiers so that Haya be the one [to ta]ke' the princess to you. Among] the kings there are brotherhood.. read (i)-/e-q[u-(u)-si]? 9. 4 . al-ta-ap-r[a-ak-k\x] 7 [a-ka-an-na al-t]a-ap-ra. 8 [. and [good] relations. CAD. 1 ) . As soon as 24 2 p o s s i b l e ] let them take to me much gold that is yours alone.2 3 [After] ? your [fa]ther sent [here] to Kurigalzu much gold. ] he must not say. 7. UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) pp.

EA 11 10. pp. T h i s favors the identity of the two figures. 23 . ibid. li-iq-b[a-a]: following von Soden. "of the mountain". in the reading of the verb. Na'aman. n. are often understood as distinguishing Mayatu from the "mistress of the house" in line 2 5 . 8 1 ) . 5 7 : 1 5 6 ) . cf.u m a-bu-ii-a-a D U M U . [i-na]: hardly enough room for [bi-ri-it] (von Soden.s u ] 4 11. 19. 23. 4 3 2 ) . B . 7. 2 4 . 2 3 { u . If the qualifier "genuine" is not used. p . 4 3 2 .u [ l . StOr 2 0 . col. 2 0 . as G A S A N E in a few N e o - Assyrian texts cited in CAD. T h e title occurs in the badly broken EA 1 : 4 8 and YOS 1 3 . rev. 2 0 . ina ekal(li) [a-bi-ia 2 1 fmi-nu-u i]n-da-ti: following von Soden. G I ma-a(')-da su-b]i-la-am-ma 3 4 [a-na-ku-ma su- ul-m\a-na ma-a-da a-na k[a-a-sa lu-se-bi-la-ak-ku]. 1 9 1 7 .l u . ibid. Matrimonio. see EA 9 : 3 6 and passim in the inventories) and "artificial" (lit. treated me badly. 1 8 3 ." which assumes a causal clause after a main clause. see Pintore. M E S = issr. ibid. OLZ.m a . or with Ankhsenpaaten.. cf. see O p - penheim. 2 5 . . OLZ. Political Disposition. Amenophis IV's first wife. 12. 1 0 9 . (a) whereas so-and-so.k u ] : cf. treated me badly. 4 JAOS 1 0 3 [ 1 9 8 3 ] p. 1 9 0 b . M u n t i n g h . 1 8 3 . ki-i du-lu-uh-t[i-is): following Kiihne. and "because. 1 8 [ D U M U K I } N . attilka-ma: the enclitic seems to stress the identity of the source of the gift. 17. 1 9 1 6 ." 2 6 .. 21. from whom he has learned to expect nothing. [\i-\\-q]a-ak-ku.. 18. 8 3 . Glass and Glassmaking in Ancient Mesopotamia (Corning. * p . 14. • Lines 26f. M U N U S . M ] E § ba-al-tu-t[i ma-as-lu]: following Landsberger in Gordon. . col. 1 9 7 0 ) . p. Being rhetorical questions. 13. 5 [sa a-na . / # . h[a-mu-ut-t\a su-bi-i-la: following U n g n a d . ar n 1 1 2 2 . 29f. [ki-i]: following von Soden. ki lusebilak[ku K U . "whereas. 9 0 : 2 1 . bHt bhtm and L . 1 0 5 . 1 4 5 . Two translations have been offered for kT in line 2 6 . Y . fma-ia-tu-ma: see EA 1 0 : 4 4 > d . see also Schroeder.. minu Ttatir (line 2 0 ) and minu indati are probably only apparent exceptions to the rule that in Middle Babylonian letters the perfect was not used in questions ( A r o ." which is without parallel. ..GI§ [a-na qa-q]a-di-sa 1 6 [id-du]-u: following Lands­ berger (see n. Cf. n. EA 7 : 1 3 . p. von Soden. For the distinction between "genuine" (lit. p. T h e latter is identified either with the famous Nefertiti. p p . [su-u(-ma)]: cf. see U n g n a d . 16. OLZ. and as nin e (-e-ke ) in Sumerian (Civil. col. G i S . 15. N . B y sending the gift (and a small one) to Mayatu under her title it is perhaps suggested that the demands of propriety rather than those of friendship are being met. "of the kiln"). JNES 2 6 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p.. In either case the line of thought and the implied enthymemes are curious: "I gave so-and-so some­ thing." To abide by conventional usage we must read at the end of line 2 5 [ul- te-bi-la i-de] 2 6 ki-i. or (b) because so-and-so. 1 9 1 6 . his daughter and last wife. the stone was probably artificial. . ioff. perhaps in contrast to Mayatu. . 7 ) . marat sarri sa I. a sequence that is extremely rare if not quite without parallel. ^mayatu-ma in line 2 6 and the enclitic "Mayatu alone.

For you. GAG. } "eye-stones" of genu[ine] pappardilu-stone. VS 12.. "daughter of the king"). . the m[e]n a[nd yo}ur [ . no longer visible. . and so the letter was probably written in Babylonia and sent by a Babylonian princess (lit. 2 [. p . 5 [ . it-ku-l[a] tetendanni: following von Soden. p. perhaps one destined for the Pharaoh's harem. .. Matrimonio. . 7 (tablet now in two pieces). n.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 12 A letter from a princess T E X T : VAT 1605.3 of gol[d}. §8oe). Matrimonio.. In line 2 4 . p. 4 3 3 . date]-stone of carnelian (with?) ziminzu-shzped bead(s). 1 2 . For your cities and your household may all go (w)ell. . . Kidin-Adad. [. see Kiihne. "From . . Landsberger in Gordon. ." 2. . sect. 1 Say to my lord: Thus the princess. T h e script is Babylonian. 3.] my messenger brings (you) colored cloth. n. without comment) is not clear. 4 ) was added perhaps by the scribe.. not E g y p t i a n . For other and bolder restorations and corrections of the text. [. and] . . For other views. 1 6 7 . and safely push on so you will see your house (again). or you will have made me sad. . EA 13 Inventory of a dowry T E X T : VAT 1717." 2 3 . see Pintore. 6 . . saying. March in safety. your chariots. but suggesting that the perfect be taken as future perfect (cf. VS 11. T h e tone of the letter argues against a statement of fact. COPIES: WA 188. . / sa aG N I remains unexplained. 4 NOTES 1. instead of "to m y lord" (ana bi-li-ia). 61. proposed "to Biniya.2 6 Your servant. I would give my life for you. 1 C O P I E S : WA 216. 3 0 8 .n May the gods of Burra-Buriyas accompany you. 5 0 . } . Do no[i] 3 wo[rr]y. T R A N S L A T I O N : Pintore. how it can mean "has decided" (Pintore. E r g . 4. . 197. .. 2 3 2 . 4 [ . i-na pa-[m bi-li-ia] 1 3 a-ka-an-n[a ul-ta-ki-in): Knudtzon could see what looked like u [ l ] . T h e second letter (see the Introduction. ] "eye-stones" of munaru-stone. may all go well. m p.2 2 In the presence of my lord] thus [do I prostrate 2 myself].

} and al[aba)ster. ] . . of go]ld. ] inlay. .. ] side-boar[ds along with cla]w-feet.. . . .. . . . gold) leaf.. . . . [ . . of lapis lazuli. and gold. "lentil" (stones) of lapis lazuli and mussaru-stone. lapis lazuli. [of gold]. genuine lapis lazuli and [mulsaru-stone]. . and g[old]. [ . muHaru-stone and g[old}. [ . mounting and . . 15 [ ... ] . side-bo}ards .. genuine mu[¥sar]u-stone. .}. . . ivory. gold] leaf genuine lapis lazuli and [gold]. mounting of g[o]ld. 12 [. . } .. EA 13 6 5 [ . . in [the] center. . [. and ..]ofgold.] kamm[uffakku-hed]. . . .. 13 [ . . [ob]sidian. . . .. [ . . [•••} 25 [ .. . . . ... 10 [ . . . . 25 . . .... of gold... } . . { . . .]. . [. [ . . . [. .} kakkussu-stone. an alabaster of [genuin]e [lapis lazuli). .. ] . . . 8 9 [. . 20 A large [ . . [. } . and g[old}. . . } .. [.}. } . of gold. . { . [... [kamm]unakku-bed . . } . } inlay. } . cla]sp(s?). and go[ld}. . . . . .}ofgold... . [ .. supports and . . . . ] genuine [lapis} lazuli... 5 [ . . } . [ ..[. 30 [ . 11 [.. ] . { . kammuHakku-bed.}. . .. Reverse 14 [. ..].. . } . A small [ .] .. [. ..... . [ . [. } . . . . [. . A large { .. (with) [claw-fe}et of silver. ..] [. . lapis lazuli and muf[faru-stone).} small ziminzu-shaped bead(s) of lapis lazuli (and) m[us?aru- stone]. [ . . . . . . ] and . ] . 10 [ . .. of which 1 clasp is of ebony. J and gfold}.

.. 1 2 3 4 ) .. ] . 21 20 [ . comparing tarammanu in PBS 2 / 2 . . Perhaps be-ra. pp... p. . 9. with their lamp(s?). is apparently the dowry of a Babylonian princess. . . spr}inkling-vessels of silver. . p. of bronze.' 9 [. . a 7. a jar for oil. 1 8 . •] wash-basin for feet. 7. [. sikkatu. . note a. n a 10. NOTES 1 . ' 6 [. tarammu I.. 6. or an ornament so shaped (AHw. also lines 6 and 1 9 . of bronze. from Babylonia. Written 4 M u S . 5. . wash-basin for hands. 4 . with their cups. w]ith their cups. ARMT 2 1 . p. "in between" (Gordon). is pertinent. . } ..' 10 [. 3. . {.] salinnu of bronze. . . 4 3 3 ) . of silver. T h i s inventory.. fl]ask of lapis lazuli. . A type of chalcedony.. n. of silver. 1 2 7 . [ ( .' [ . . lapis lazuli. p. 2 2 4 f f . EA 1 5 : 1 3 ) . Landsberger. ch]est. [ . identifies mussar(r)u as onyx and cloi­ sonne.. "lentil" (or the like)? See also EA 1 4 i 1 3 . 5 1 1 . probably a daughter of Burna-Burias. . 17 [ . 8 15 [ . of br[onze]. see EA 1 4 . . of silver. Charpin. of silver. 25 [. G I ] tu-tii-ur-ru: see AHw. Perhaps [ . . . T A B (von Soden. also lines 1 0 . AHw. . p.r of bronze. p p . 1 3 . . between da/«-stone and pappardilu-stcme. 1 2. [ . .THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 [. ( . tu-di-it)-te (Gordon).. Annexe V 6 ' . . [ ... . [ . n. mounting of gold. . a variety of mussar(r)u- stone? IT. [ . . .. ke]ttle of copper. ) of bronze]. { . T h e mus-sa-li of Emar 6 / 4 . uKhi" -»*(cf. K t J . argues for "granulated. . Durand. Gordon proposed " *ta-r}a-am-ma-nu.. 2 3 i f . . . RA 6 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p. . . } . e]wer of bronze. . } wash-basin for hands. . n. { . 1 5 . 22 [. . 1 0 8 . ARMT 2 1 . p . wi]th its cup. fl}ask of dufu-stone... 1 3 2 5 ) . } . T h e absence of identifying nota­ tion at either the beginning or the end of the tablet suggests that this was one of two or more tablets.. . brazi}er of bronze. 1 2 0 : 5 3 (cf. . Durand. . t]allu-}a." 26 . .} angurinnu of bronze. . see also D. . mounting of g o l d . 1 1 . [ . T U R = kakkii. . 20 [. 8. 1 2 7 . } of bronze.. of gold. G U . 1 3 7 5 . MARI 4 . G I R . see Limet. 2 9 4 . wash-basin for fleet. . ta]//»-jar of bronze. ] . {. . AEM 1 / 2 ..

. kam-m\u-sa-ak-ku x [x x (x)] x K U . } Z U R .. [. cf. 22. not namsu (against CAD. 1 8 6 . too. p[a-ru]-/i. . MAR] 5. not collated). . S U . i33f. hu-lu-up-pd]-aq-qu (also Gordon). p .... Unless the plural of namsu (nemsu) is namsdtu (>namsTtu). Reading in lines 1 . [. 17. EA 2 2 iv 1 5 . king of Karaduniyas. . 8. CAD. .. VS 12. U M D U 21.. also rev.. Steinkeller.' 5-7 [•••}••• 2 [ . . see P. p. iv 60. . M / 2 . C O P I E S : WA 28 + WA 209. pp. GU. In view of the feminine suffix (ina kasT-sa) and lines 9 and 2 4 . [. 1 9 8 7 ) . ka]m-m[u-sa-ak-kuj 2 [. MARI 2 . 2 4 5 ) . cf. see also EA 2 2 ii 5 1 . 2 3 1 ) . [. note. see also Durand.. &tallu (also line 1 9 ) . 1891.]. [Great King. pp. [. M E S kam-m[u-sd]-ak-ku 6 (. 94f. For syllabic writing. B A B B A R .& . 2 5 ii 5 3 . Great King. dn 20. ( + ) Sayce. "agate" (banded chalcedony). m u } . p. pp. 18. at least here and in line 2 4 the reading of the logogram is namsitu.] [. as the feminine suffix (ina £asF-sina) makes clear. s)ent [to his brother.. .. iv 2 2 . [king of Egypt. Burna]-Buriyas. } strung with [ . ZA 7 2 ( 1 9 8 2 ) pp. Language. Farber. 1 2 0 : 1 2 . mu-s\a-li-ha-tu (AHw. . the syllabic writings. p.. cf. B A B B A R 4 [.. & a-ma-r\a- a-tu x f. no.1-41 (415. N / i .. lines 9. 3 5 6 f . . < >S]EN = ruqqu (Gordon). For the restoration of this line and the following one. 13. 2 2 iv 2 7 ..) x a x (10?) 'siP-up-ri K U . [. Tell el Amarna. 15. H A = namsitu). .2 5 below. in Francesca Rochberg-Halton.. EA 14 Inventory of Egyptian gifts TEXT: VAT 1651 + 2711 ( + ) Ash. . 19.. ARMT 2 1 . 1 [These things Nap§uru~\tea. al-ta]-/>/-/w i-na l2A.. ] 3 [. . see Durand. .] 27 . O n dusu. 16. for the meaning of musalu. EA 2 2 iii 2 2 . ed. EA 14 12. perhaps a type of handle.. 2496°. and W . see Durand.ZI = M w ../ « (Landsberger in Gordon). . L U H . ^fa-ma- ra-[tu a-di su-up)-ri 5 f. . Gordon recognized kammussakku (the double m is otherwise unattested). and History: Philological and Historical Studies Presented to Erica Reiner. . restore probably [ N I G . lS 14. American Oriental Series 6 7 ( N e w Haven.GKR(nurT)-su-nu. napadu. ] .6 : 1 [. lines 2 4 . Literature. 2 4 .. 1 0 1 3 . see EA 14 ii 3 6 . 198.

11 togg31e pins [(.'3 55 2 female figurines . . for the hand. . [ . . of gold3. .. 60 1 h. of go31d. 3. (called) wizza. ] .^ of gold.THE AMARNA LETTERS 3 10 [ . (called) kubu. broken) 8 9 x kukkubu-containers.. . . . of gold. . . . for the n]eck. filled with "{sw]eet-[oil]. large. . inlaid. . 20 [ . of gold. . inlaid. ] . inlaid. inlaid. standing. set with gold. (called) . inlaid. .4 . . o3f gold [and of silver. . 1 hubunnu-container [. . inlaid. (22-31.)3. and 1 small kukku[bu]-cont&iner. fo]r bathing. . silver and gold. . 45 [ . (called) ra&da. . . . (called) tuzuta. ] . 7 15 [ . of gold. inlaid. .... . of gold. of gold. ] their [ . silver. 5 . in]Iaid. . (with) a female figurine [ . 35 [ . 3 . 3. and 1 small one. of} gold. inlaid. [of gold]. ] . of g]old. (called) mafuya. [. of gol3d. . (called) da{f\i. . . . of gl]ass.]. ] . . 3.. of copper. . ] ." (called) namfa. . inlaid. set with stones. (called) nas7i. . [ . . set with stones.. o]{gold.. . . . ] . 3 . t h e i r [. 10 a pa}il. of g o l d ] . inlaid.ubun[nu-container. of gold. (with) "lentil" (stones) inlaid. inlaid. . . . 40 [. . 1 "cucumber" [that is] an oil-container. . .3. of the princes. inlaid. in their center. . 3 . . . 3 . . of go]ld. of gold.. which .]. ] . of gold. . x goblets of silver (and) go[ld . 6 for the n]eck. o3f gold. . . of gold. of gold. 28 . (called) 12 haragabaL 50-54 [. of gold.. . . . . o]f gold. 15 containers of oil. of gol]d. (called) anahu.

9 necklace-plaques. entirely. 21 3 (pairs of) gold sandals. overlaid with gold. 29 15 2 chariots. 80 fx] razors. nam{J]a is its name. 20 fx] hand-bracelets. and 1 small one. zillahta is its name. of gold. 1 small container (of aromatics). of gold. . 16 [and] i sfmall one]. with kibbu-omaments of polished gold. } . of gold. of gold. overlaid with gold. full of eye-paint. of gold. of gold. . fx] razors. strung with stones. [ 1 ] small kukkubu-containet. daba'uhi is its name. 65 [ . 70 [ 1 ] small tallu-\at. 19 fx] finger-rings with gold plating. of gold. of gold. of bronze. of silver and gold. . of gold. and 3 tubes with gold plating. (called) haragabas. zimiu is its name. .«irrlaid. ] . 24 1 tube for eye-paint. 2 6 knives. ' 8 goblets { . of gold. . overlaid with gold. for bath[ing]. puati is its name. 26 10 4 ladles with claws. 1 female figurine. 1 female figurine. . 1 (with) i ibe[x] lying in its center. 11 { . fx] pails. . -stone. with pomegranates on their top. of gold. 5 of gold. 3 pairs of foot-bracelets. 23 7 gold tubes. EA 14 i small cont[ain]er (of aromatics). ? 28 and its pedestal is overlaid with silver. mahda is their name. . . of gold. of the king's wife. (called) kitini. which is studded with gold and copper in its middle. . of the king. 5 1 gold box of sippar(r)atu-cosmetics. and 1 small one. . . of g o l d . and a stopper of lapis lazuli in the middle. of silver and gold. . of gold and . . 2 1 large statuette that is overlaid with gold. 22 1 3 gold bowls. 75 19 gold rings for the finger. . ] . with inlays. . . of ?us~sugu-wood. their handles. . [ . 10 very wide hand-bracelets that are strung with stones. of the king's daughter. ] . 18 [1 container for eye-paint. fx] large finger-rings. . 29 .

. with its daughter on its lap. ] . . overlaid with gold. for [ . of silver. of silver. 1 "pomegranate. . . x] shekels of gold. of silver. puati is its name." of silver. zillahta (is its name). o[f silv]er. . o]f silver. for an oil-container.. ] overlaid with gold. ' [hand-bracelets]. 1 pail. full of "sweet-oil".} [To]ta[l of all the gold]: 1 2 0 0 mi[nas. 1 haragabas. . inlaid. 2 chairs. . 5 thrones. overlaid with gold. ' 1 oblong pot. . of silver.. 50 23 kukkubu-zoTAaixyzts. i ship. of silver. 33 1 [large] mabru. overlaid with gold. 35 1 [large] measuring-ves[sel. wadha is its name. 1 kukkubu-contamet. . 10 goblets. of silver].. overlaid with gold. J . of silver. of cedar. 1 throne. ] . . ] . of gold. 3 [x hand-bracelets). [ . of silver. i chair . ] ." o[f silver]. and 6 small ships that one tows.THE AMARNA LETTERS 2 chariots. 30 . 3° i bed. of "sun"-stone. namsa is its name. . 1 small tallu-]ai. 30 [.. . for a brazier. overlaid with gold and sahpu. 20 i bed. 3 1 (female) monkey. for a brazier. . burner is its name. . [ . . of s[ilver]. . ] overlaid with gold. . i headrest. overlaid with gold. ] . . . [and] 1 large hubunnu-container. . 1 upright chest. 1 ladle. female figurines for its feet. its [han]dles o[f. . 3 4 1 (vessel called) "large. of silver. of silfver . [al]ong with its cover. also of silver.. of silver. of silver. of fussugu-wood. along with all its gear. 40 1 lar[ge] pot. puati is its name. .] 32 [ . 11 bowls. . [o]f silver. their [ . delicate work. 3 [large] washing-bowls. [ . 45 1 sieve. 25 L. of Canaan.] [ . 3 s[mal]l measuring-vessels. [. overlaid with gold. . 6hubunnu-coatamtK.. [o]f silver. overlaid with gold.

. 3 [lar]ge. for a brazier. . . of bronze. [o]f bronze. 18 st[ones . ] 4 ° .]. . The tota[l] of all the silver and g[old]: 1500 ( + x) minas and 4 6 ^ 2 shekels. hand [. for a barber. of bronze. in 2 . . } . . . of bronz]e. . of silver]. 90 m[irrors . kuldu is its name. their [mjouth.$ 1 mi[rr}o[r]. . of pure silver]. 85 2 tall p[o]ts. of bronze. . . . [ . of silver. o]f bronze. of pure silver. 6 with which one curls the hair. o]f bronze. . . 1 [throne}. . [ . 3 small . } . 3 9 1 small container (of aromatics).. ... [. . [x ladljes. . .. . [ . .. of silver. hunima is its name. ] . . 3? 3 (pairs of) sandals. . its spout. of silver and gold. 8 65 1 mi[rr}o[r. The to[talJ: [ 3 ] 2 mirrors. 60 [1 box of s]ippar(r)dtu-cosmeucs. . . . ] .. . . . 20 [ . } . 5 . [ . . of gold. .. . } . 80 mi[rrors . . 70 and a st[opper in the cen]ter. and 3 shekels [of silver]. fo[r . [ . . .]. . of bronze. . [ . . 16 ra[zors. . EA 14 55 29 ladles. of silver and g[ol]d. . 5 very long . . of bronze. of gold. of bronze. 80 5 . . . mouth. . . . The to[ta]l of all the silver: 292 [minas]. overlaid with silver and gold. . of pure silver.. [ . } . . of silver. . ] . ] . . handles of boxwood and ebony. . ] . 75 20 mi[rr]ors. ] . of silver. oblong plots]. . 12 large mi[rr]ors. 3 b[eds. 6 plots . of bronze. 1 kukkubu-cont&mev. 3 1 box. of silver. for bathing. set with lston]es. . . . 2 [ . . o]f bronze. overlaid [with silver and gold]. 1 headre[st]. fo]r a brazier.. 3 . . . . o[f bronze. 3i .]. of s[ilver]. [ . . . . nassa is its name. an[d . . . . 12 . of silver]. horses.. their [hand]les. .

byssos (quality). for the front of the body. 15 35 thin ma[ntl]es. The total of the linen cloth: 1 0 9 2 .. paqa (quality). 15 thin mantles. 30 6 (pieces of) fine linen cloth. full of "sweet oil." of stone. [adaha] (quality). in size (equal to) 2 (pieces of) [fine] linen c[loth]. byssos (quality). full of "sweet oil". all set with stones. The weight of the bronze: 10 8[6o m]inas.r. idru (quality).. for the king's bed.43 25 5 large [tu]nzu-cloaks. ^ [go]ld. 40 [large] (pieces of) [fine] linen cloth. 1 (piece of) fine linen cloth. (adafca) (quality). 20 stone jars. namla is its name. of bronze. 20 [s]ma[ll] (pieces of) [fine] linen cloth. o}f bron[ze].4 i2[o £]#«z«-cloaks. decorated with borders. full of "sweet oil". 20 sh[eke]ls. 1 byssos (quality). (for) shawl(s). full of "sweet oil. for the front of the body. 100 large (pieces of) (fine) linen cloth. colored ami-red. 20 1 5 0 (pieces of) fine l[in]en cloth. 44 [ 1 ] linen cloth.. adaha (quality). 6V2 half «//#-cloths(?). their [hanjdles. of ebony." 32 . 1 double-sized (piece of) [fine] linen cloth for a festive-garment. 41 for their length(wise strips?). robe. 41 ladles. 2 5 0 thin mantles. idru (quality). of bronze. for a bar[ber]. tabarru-red. all together: 300 [( + x)} objects.. 1 "cucumber." (called) azida. not ami-red. The t[ot]al of the [ob}jects of [bronjze. 4 [. of linen cloth. (adafea) (quality). in size (equal to) 6 (pieces of) [fine] li[nen cloth]." 9 kukkubu-cor\x&va. tabarru-red. 2 250 thin girdles. 3 (pieces of) fine linen cloth. of stone. and 6 / 2 half (»/)/«-cloths(?): 1 stone l>uttu-\a. (called) akunu. kubu is its name.THE AMARNA LETTERS 5 57 razo[rs. 51 ladles. 100 small (pieces of) fine linen cloth. [x] (pieces of) fine linen cloth.4 20 (pieces of) [fi]ne linen cloth. decorated with 46 borders.]. by[ssos] (quality). which are full of "sweet oil. idru (quality). tabarru-red.er%. 35 1 9 stone jars. bys[sos] (quality). of a..

3 kukkubu-containers. of stone. . [andx smal]l ones. of stone. with a jar in his hand. 50 [x] galdu. full of "sweet oil". kuihku is its name. . 9 containers of oil. 55 [. 33 . . [x] kukkubu-containers. of stone. . . of stone. of stone. of stone. of stone. . 45 [The t]otal of the stone vessels full of "sweet oil": [x]ooo and 7 vessels. and 2 . .. 3 jars. o]f stone. . . [x] em[pty] boxes. EA 14 6 large stone vessels. 2 large goblets. 51 1 kukkubu-container. is its name.. . [1} kukkubu-container. . maziqta is its name. 49 [.. of duiu-stone. nasfo is its name. full of "sweet oil. [ . . . full of "sweet oil". . [x] kukkubu-containers. of stone. sabnaku is its name. . 65 2 agannu-bowls. ] . fuibta is its name. of stone. . is its name. 3 5 haragabas. The total of empty stone-vessels: 160 and 3 . ] . . . 21 female figurines. and 1 sma[ll one] ju[st like it]. .]. . . of stone. kuifeku is its name. ] . of white stone. and X sm]all ones just like them. 1 tall kanduru-vessel. along with] their stands. ] . of stone. of stone. of stone. [ . 8 [x j]ars. [x] onagers. [and] 1 sm[all one] just like it. of stone. 50 60 1 cripple. .. of stone. 3 8 ilqillatu-vesseis. kuba is its name. . alsa is its name. . . . of stone. A lar{ge . . vessels . of stone. . 70 1 bowl. namia is its name. wadha is its name. . . of hina-stone.4 full of "sweet oil". is its name. [ . of stone. of stone. [and] 1 small one just li[ke i]t. 2 headrests. 1 container of oil. kuba-puwanah is its name. [ . of stone. of stone. full of "sweet oil". [ . [x] jugs. wadha is its name. of white stone. 1 headrest. full of "sweet oil". ." 40 [x] kukkubu-containers. zillafeta is its name. 3 pails. of stone. 1 sieve. .

pomegranates.]. for a barber. 6 (pairs of) animal paws. n.. 7. of stained ivory. sa ti-i\k-ki\ also i 1 6 . Helck. 10 1 9 toggle pins. 15 3 ibexes.. of stained ivory. p. Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) pp. . 5 3 IV [ . Here and passim. 6. 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p p . Beziehungen. called mahan. . 1 0 9 ) . . sAm-mu-hu (AHw. T h e inventory of EA 1 4 is characterized by the frequent addition of the Egyptian names of the various objects. . . 6 13 boxes. . 2. delicate work. 5 29 "cucumbers. Lambdin. ii 2 and sa tikki. For the restoration. ii 1 1 . and 1 ox on top. sukkukat.. see Oppenheim. n 4.6 2 scattered signs and phrases) NOTES 1. . see VAB 2 / 2 . esp. various sorts. (called) 2 ^ . 259E 5 . } (called) [z]a. 44 containers of oil. . [ . See EA 1 3 : 9 . [. of stained ivory.THE AMARNA LETTERS 117 whetstones. p .. Or n. idem. [ . 3 kukkubu-Q. . of stained ivory. 3 4 7 (line 4: "when he (Burna-Buriyas) gave his daughter to him"). n. . ( 2 0 . 7 1 . 34 . 7 0 . 3 . of stained ivory. Cf. 1 0 1 7 . { . of ebony and ivory.55 of stained ivory.. . p. of e}bony. \eh-l]i-pa-ak-ki. [. . dates.? 2 boxes. p. (called) upfa. 3 oxen. 1 small container (of aromatics). .. of stained ivory. 3 4 2 .. Brief p.. 54 (and) kurumanu. ." containers of oil. of ebony and ivory. 10 plants. [ . 37off. of stained ivory. EA 2 2 iii 3 5 . cf. . of stained ivory. Kiihne. and [ . 9 plants. 1 5 8 6 .^ 3 headrests. Cf. CAD. 2 75 9 boxes. i05fF. containers of oil. } in its center. of ebony and ivory. 19 combs. J AOS 9 3 ( 1 9 7 3 ) pp. Edel. ibid.s. ] . p . 2 9 5 . decorated' with apples. 142). delicate work. } . delicate work. of stained ivory. for which see especially T. . of stained ivory. S. of stained ivory.^ containers of oil.s. . . of stained ivory. of stained ivory. pp. a kind of glass. of stained ivory. 362fF. Brief. 375 containers of oil.ov&vxT&v. . kuba is its name. "necklace" (Edel..

6 « ' M A . W i l h e l m . see Huehnergard.. 1 5 9 . and CAD. with G . 994. assuming sa sehheriiti. meqitu. du-ti-n~]i-du (tudinetu). and other substances. E . and History (see EA 1 3 . On Heb. here and in ii 5 8 . N o t e . 2 4 5 . in recipes of the O l d Babylonian period. n. cf. 16. 8 3 b . . 2 7 4 . H I . see K . Cf. cf. 23. p p . p. sa sarri. 28. "cup. p. ii 2 6 . iii 6 . p. 5. p.8 . H . 4 . 20.M . nalpattu. used with an oil-container (ii 5 3 ) and by a barber (ii 5 5 . Veenhof. Language. qanu. 3 8 . 3 4 1 . 5 1 8 . 1. 5 8 ( 1 9 8 9 ) p .. AEM 1 / 1 . 11.5 6 . W h i t i n g . 13. Klein. 1« M A / « 8 ' E R E N . O n the tudittu. see also Edel. G I I D U } G . ZA 7 3 ( ^ 8 3 ) pp. but rather the best beer plus a wide range of aromatics. i 6 3 . A O A T 9. Kiihne. 12. respectively. 15. see L . iv 1 8 . 327fF.su. Perhaps the designation of a container according to its form (Gordon). quppii rather than quppu. G A L is probably to be read kasu. 1 0 7 . "chest". T h e pwt and pu-wa-ti found at U g a r i t . hardly means "for the king. pp. tatbtku. pp. see H . contained no oil." since everything is for the king. Limet. 2 2 ) . 2 7 6 . 1 6 6 . goblet.2 2 . 1 9 9 . cf. sussugu = sassugu.. 29. J . 3 5 1 . EA 14 8. ARMT 2 1 . . W . p. M / 2 . 96ff. st'-ha-ru. Baghdader Mitteilungen 1 6 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . 7 2 4 . iv 1 0 . i 5 5 S 30." 27. in Rochberg-Halton. AHw." though this is not absolutely certain. 2 7 : i 9 f f . p. ci. sahharu. 4 2 1 . ii 9. .. cf. Here. Following an unpublished proposal of CAD. 1 du-ra-h{u i-ri\a q[d]-ab-la-t[u-u]s-su. cf. ed. Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar. 2 5 6 b . pp. 22. ( ( E ) ) mi-qi-ti. 17. probably "madder. T 1 14. ii 5 0 .." are not relevant here. cf. J r . iii 7 0 . semen fob. Stager. see Robert M . 6 1 . EA 2 6 : 6 5 . 8 1 8 passim and note. 1 2 7 . 2 8 9 . . iv 5.7 ) . . sees the nalpattu used "for fingernails. n.. In EA. A ru-ku-bu . [x ku-ku-bu sa K U . idem. p . samnu tabu—d. 10.. 9 2 8 b . ta-a-ba). . Or n. see also K . ARMT 2 5 . a female figurine. For the reading and meaning elsewhere. Literature. AHw. cf. BiOr 2 5 ( 1 9 6 4 ) p. 21." "for the wife/daughter of the king. also ii 5 4 . 24. tP [sa E I (Gordon). MARI. instead of the text's sehheriiti sa. n. Ugaritic Vocabulary. cf. K . and additional small presents for the king's wife and daughter would not be listed here. also EA 2 4 § 2 5 (end). 1 9 7 a . cf. Brief. Durand. N/i. Deller. and sa assat sarri and sa marti sarri in ii 1 3 — 1 4 . not the sandal itself. 25. Farber. p. ARM 2 5 . dates. CAD's "which children can pull" does not translate the text. 2 0 2 ) . Cf. A S 2 2 (Chicago. 2 5 5 f f . p. M / 2 . CAD. It is assumed that mihhus = muhhus. p . too. the shift in ii 13—14 to lamassu or lamassatu. perhaps Canaan is mentioned. Mayer. 18. . p.1 9 . figs. 26. 1 9. .s. when the gift is "of the king's wife/ daughter". . 1 qi-U. p p . . 1 9 8 7 ) . see CAD. 6 9 . "Sweet oil" ( I D U G . p. 3 1 . a small (metal) bowl or ladle. p. 35 . rather than "with claws" (CAD. mesenu (sa sepi) is a buckle. 19. JSS 2 8 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p. In line 5 3 . ii 3 and note E in previous line. n. with AHw. iii 3 8 . [ . p. According to CAD.

see Waetzholdt. n. p . 1 3 8 . p. 1 9 7 9 ) .2 5 . p. . von Soden. 35. p. n. with ARMT 7. iv 1). p. 1 3 0 8 ) . N]A . 4 AHw. 2 3 8 . 4 1 9 . 5 3 6 . JCS 3 0 [ 1 9 7 8 ] p . 556:56'). D . 39. ZA 7 5 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . p. R . and Millstones in the Ancient Near East (Leiden. 418. M / 2 . 1 na-[m]a-a{rpa-ni sa] K U . 1 1 6 . 7 7 . cf. 1 M E 2 [ o ]Hu-un-zu. see Ugar. ARMT 2 1 . in the final clause emends the text to sa fe-er (Durand: ser)-fu ikessiru ina libbUunu. 176b. a d a 42. . . 2 . 40. Brief. T h e identification of 5 8 ' T A S K A R I N as boxwood is still not universally accepted. 2 5 9 . In line 6 8 . 4 with Gordon. such a mistake seems probable in iii 6 2 .6 0 . 5 Gk*-x]-x-D#. For the reading and interpretation of lines n — 2 3 . CAD. 5. a type of vessel? Cf. B A B B A R N ) A ^ . G ] I . 277). 1 3 9 . w i t h VS 1 2 . 1 2 8 . . On Trees. Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p. Birot. 37. reads G A D A instead of D U . 341T. 3 0 7 . For ami fabi. see ARMT 9. p . cf. RLA 6 / 1 . a belt. see i b i d . AHw. malbalu for nalbafu in E A 3 6 9 : 9 . no mistake in gender concord. a letter from E g y p t . i 7 4 . 32. ARMT 9. 33. 3 1 6 . t<x 43. iii 2 9 ) . as at Boghazkoy. 1 3 7 5 . p. which he understands in the sense that the handles are attached by a strip of cloth. O n the tunzu. see van Lerberghe. Cf. J. Durand. See now gada-sa-ga-dii = ku-u-sa-ga-da = ne-be-hu (Emar 6/4. Edel.NfG N A 4 (so CAD). Moun­ tains. 3 0 8 . A s s u m i n g . M. sees here a colored decoration called la pan muse but offers no explanation of the inserted KUS. 1 5 0 ) . n.mi' (cf. and E m a r ( A r n a u d . tup-ni-nu (also iii 4 7 . 38. ARMT 2 1 . B A B B A R K [ U . M. Reading 8 S A G .2 .a (fakattd). in Stol. p . see CAD. see Edel. 46. 41. 34.7 6 . 5 {^&tu]-un-zu. p. Green. la pa-ni SU G A R tdk-mu-uz-zi-e. { H I . Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 (1974) pp. A O A T S 6. p. Emar6/4. 1. AHw.-M. Perhaps a vessel in the shape of a donkey. la a. du-ul-lu q[a]-at-nu = dullu S I G (also iii 7 5 . p. 7 5 . a West-Semitized form of nabru. ii 7 5 . D U . 124-25. Durand. Akkadische Zeichenliste. K A x U = pte (also iii 3 ) . T h e reading assumes signs that Knudtzon could see but are now no longer visible. and in the following line. p . p . However. Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p. see CAD. if with VS 1 2 rather than 1 4 (Knudtzon). 2 4 6 . 44. p p . also tilzu (AHw. r 45. 3 1 9 . 2 9 5 . 1 1 3 9 . Reading with Edel. characteristic of Egyptian art. see Edel. and it is followed by Edel. 1 na-{ma]-a[rpa-ni sa K U . 1 2 5 (cf. p. 8 8 . 5 . Borger. and therefore taking rabd as a substantive. mabru. 8 7 4 b ) . p. 36 . for example). K . 7 8 3 passim. H e justifies the correction of D A to D U on the mistaken assumption that EA 1 4 comes from Mittani. p . 36.THE AMARNA LETTERS 31. suggested an undergarment. and in the next line.4 6 . 2 3 a . for the motif. 3 2 5 . ZA 6 7 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p. O n the identification of uM at this period as Ethiopian ebony. A ) s[um]-m[u-h]u. cf. For the reading of this entry. see Sally D u n h a m . iv 1 1 ) . Here perhaps "mouth" means r "setting" (for stones. 1 0 6 . Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 (1974) pp. U g a r i t (Ugar. no.

2 A O A T 8 . n. P H O T O G R A P H S : Bull.11. Hayes. T h i s seems very plausible. n. p. Mass. A O A T 2 5 . < « ' > H A § H U R (Gordon) = halhuru. with reference to earlier literature. 57. Literature. 50. p. n. since he was extremely popular at this time. . p. 37 . p. n. and Bricks of the Third and Second Millennia B. pp. 3 2 . Spar. p. according to E d e l „ Brief.. sees in the "cripple" the bowlegged god Bes. 1 7 4 . pp. Spar.s. iv 6 2 . A s s u m i n g du-Ia-hu is an error for du-ra-hu. Sjoberg. "comb". see Rainey. note. 1 2 8 . p. Miscellanea Babylonica (see Introduction. Grayson. pis.. fig. ] kd-an-du-ri-su-nu (cf. 49. Moran. 296. On the Egyptian term. n. according to L a m b d i n . and M . subatu S I G . 4 0 9 a ." on which see A . 27f. p. COPIES: Scheil. The Scepter of Egypt. 1 7 6 : 1 3 . 1. see C i v i l . «• 3 - 5 55. and History (see above. [x "^k]i-ir-re-tu (AHw. a type of container. fig. CAD. 47f. 4 8 4 b ) . on the Sumerogram. 1 2 8 . p. JCS 4 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p. 1 5 6 . 9 4 . I49f. p. . is noteworthy and unexplained. EA 15 Assyria joins the international scene TEXT: Metropolitan Museum of Art 24. ed. 182 (obverse).. Emar 6 / 3 . p. on the reading sabnakii. Or n. too. Language. A l l the uses of S I G as predicated of fabrics in EA 1 4 should be added to CAD. Bulletin de I'lnstitut frangais d'archeologie orientate du Caire 2 (1902) p. T h e writing of za-a here and in iv 8. 1988). ed. 9 5 . pp.4 3 . 1 7 4 . Brief.. 1. 8 8 . in Rochberg-Halton. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N S A N D T R A N S L A T I O N S : Artzi. Q . his representa­ tion serving to ward off various evils.2. 3 6 8 . C. Beyer. in I. 1 (Wiesbaden. see D . see Rainey. . p. see Edel. so much smaller than the other signs. 52. 114. 1972). see Edel. cf. EA 15 47. 2 51. 4 0 ) .RiG = multulmulfu. I. J 45. K . A O A T 8 . See above. vol. That is. Brief. Cuneiform Texts (see above). p p . Bar-llan Departmental Researches: Bar-llan Studies in History (1978). miUu: gloss to Vil 48. Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art: Tablets. "apple (tree). T R A N S L A T I O N : A. It was. 112-13. besides L a m b d i n . [ . e d . 3 6 8 . C i v i l . 56. Cones. On luibta. 2 (Cambridge.s. 53. K . 1959). 1 (New York. 1 (obverse). 1 1 ) . iii 6 4 ) . «' GA. a small vessel. 5 54. W. Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 21 (1926) p. 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p. 170. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions.C. i 6 2 . Or n. 4 2 . 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p .. "(of) fine (threads)".

2off. king of [Assy]ria.THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 2 Say to the king of Efgypt}: Thus Assur-ubal[Iit. 2 9 8 . 8 [and] 1 date-stone of genuine lapis lazuli. and J . 3 ) . Sachs. p . ah-ha-ii-ia: following von Soden. " [ . today I write to you. 7 .3 9 ) p.2 2 Do [no}t delay the messenger whom I send to you for a visit.?> for your chariots and your troops. EA 16 The profit motive TEXT: C 4746 (12209). See A . the king of As]syria. the unusual word-order probably lays stress on the fact of sending a messenger. Sfay] to . RA 4 3 ( 1 9 4 9 ) pp. cf. 2 horses. 4 3 3 . 1 9 6 1 ) . 3. 1 5 . 8." see R . For you. 9. 3 7 1 . 48f. EA 1 6 : 5 . p. . If interpreted correctly. 5 For you. Einleitung (see n. . . 3 2 . K . [ K U ) R most likely (so A t t z i . For the restotation. cf. 1. 1. NOTES 1. Great King]. 2 9 5 b . EA 1 6 : 3 . 1 (Leiden. unless the spelling is tied to the language (Hurro-Akkadian). 5 . EA 1 6 : 2 . 2 ) . Borger. C O P Y : WA 9- TRANSLATION: Grayson. 9 1 6 . n. On the alleged connection between this bead and one found in E g y p t bearing a cuneiform inscription. p p . Great King.s. cf. On beads in the shape of (unripe) dates.1 5 I send my messenger to you to visit you 4 6 and to visit your country. [1} send you a beautiful chariot. my brother: Thus Assur-uballit. your brother. . pp. Up to now. 2. Perhaps m[i-is-sa-ri]. 38 . your household and your country may all go well. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions. AfO 1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 . Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (see EA 1 5 headnote). with Artzi and Grayson. may all go well. see A r t z i . your household. This reading is confirmed by Spar's copy (Cuneiform Texts [see headnote above)). He should visit and then leave for here. since there is no basis in this letter for assuming the possibility of the peripheral writing of anumma. p. . i4f. 2 6 . n. 4. Bar-llan Studies [see EA 1 5 headnote]).' my predecessors have not 7 written. He should see what you are like and what your country is like. 6. 7 . as your greeting-gift. and then leave for here. p . u^-ma: following Knudtzon and Artzi (see n. Bottero. 5 3 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p. see Borger. for your {couri\try. on the emergence of the title "king of Assyria. [l]a tu^-ka-as-su: following CAD. Einleitung in die assyrischen Konigsinschriften. adi annisa: see Or n. king of Egypt.

and it is not enough ffjor the pay ^ of my messengers on the journey to and back. Why are you so sparing of 8 it?? I am engaged in building a new palace. concrete expressions of. the praenomen of A y a . and implied by. Reference is to the care and honors shown messengers (see EA 1. T h e reading of the name is uncertain. seems comparable. my ancestor. ] of gold. 9-12 I send as your greeting-gift a beautiful royal chariot outffitt]ed for me. Write me so what you need may be fetched. then let him (a messenger) stay out and let him die right there 16 in the sun. 1 chariot 4 not outfitted. one simply gathers it u p . EA 16 6 .3 4 If your purpose is graciously one of friendship. tfk'-ni-e is virtually certain. but 1 you sent me [ . 35—36 We are countries far apart. 3 2 . 1 12 2 6 . 2. wrote to Egypt. I was very happy. 2 2 . send me much gold. and 1 seal of genuine lapis lazuli. Are our messengers to be always 14 on the march with (only) such results? 37-42 As to your messengers having been delayed in reaching you. I thought the last sign might be 'a. and generally accepted). (but) for the king himself there must be a profit. Surely my messengers are not to be delayed in reaching me. why should they [d]ie in the sun? As to the messengers we 11 18 have exchanged} . 1 9 . - 4 3 5 5 Why should messengers be made to stay constantly out in the sun and so die in the sun? If staying out in the sun means profit for the king.2 1 When Assur-nadin-aljhe. and 2 white horses? also [out]ntted for me. And this is your house. [I] 15 detfain]ed them until I could write and the pursuing Suteans be taken for me. do they keep [my] messengers alive} They are made to die in the sun! NOTES m 1 .3 1 [Now]' 1 am the [equal] of the king of Hani{galba]t. n. .2 5 fW]hen the king of Hanigalbat *[wr}ote to your father in 10 Egy[pt]. Gordon read hu-[r]uJ[t]a. Or otherfwijse. . ' replacing y as glide. then only hpr-hprw-r'. If Gordon's reading of the beginning of the name is correct. 13-18 Is such a present that of a Great King?' Gold in your 6 country is dirt. Suteans had been their pursuers (and) they were in mortal danger. Instead of n[a-a]p-hu-lr}i-i-x mr (Knudtzon. the happi- 39 . .-bu-ri-i-[tu'-[x-x. 20 9 talents of gold were sent to him. Send me as much gold as is needed for its adornment. Certainly 2 your messengers shall reside with me as objects of grefat soli]citude.8 When I saw your [me]ssfen]gers. . 2 5 ) . [h]e sent 20 talents of gold to him.

4 3 4 . n. [me-eh-re]-ku (Friedrich in Kiihne. A Time to Mourn. . p. n. . . . 7 8 . CAD. kammd). "I myself. T h e language of lines 37ff. Opinion is divided on the identification of the Assyrian king. Lines 3 7 — 4 2 take up the risks of the journey between Assyria and E g y p t . 7 7 f . CAD. 3 . p p . 8. and 9 8 ) . 4 7 a ) . almost necessarily. see Weidner. Moses Finley. 4 2 3 b ) . Anderson. Reference is to the gifts brought by the Egyptian messengers of lines 6ff. The World of Odysseus. and the concluding section. radii. 3 8 9 ) . I take la in the sense of "as to" (Middle Babylonian. combines the two: size of gifts (profit) and risks.3 6 . . ed. p . 3 8 7 ) . but perhaps [a-na-ku]. p. p. 3 . Horace. p p . p. 8 5 7 a (add ARM 1 0 . uhhuru. 1 9 6 5 ) . n. i46f. M / i . as to its subject (Suteans? so generally. and others). p. CAD. S. 4 0 . G l N KUR-e. [sa-ni-na}-£# (von Soden. 13. p. Twenty talents is such a large sum and so much greater than the value of the gifts usually exchanged that. not ella (von Soden. C . cf. Fordyce. the reading is virtually certain. a k-td -la-ifu-nu: following von Soden. concluding with another rhetorical question (kanna . Les nomades en MSsopotamie au temps des rois de Mart [Paris. (so A r t z i . 3 7 i f . 1 0 0 ) . to external expression. P a . i-is-si-pu-us (esepu): following von Soden. see von Soden. p . lines 4 3 . p. Bar-Ilan Studies in History. 1 5 . Egyptian messengers? so CAD. 1 9 5 7 ] . see C . "why must it linger on in your sight (f«?)/presence (pant)" (AHw. introduced by a rhetorical question. 1 9 6 1 ) . 5 . 1 4 . 3 6 . 6. Also pos­ sible: "The ones who delayed . 1 " S K l S l B Z A . Reference here could be to the bride-price of either TuSratta's sister or daughter. O l d Assyrian? cf. In the classical world. 4 2 3 b ) and meaning (literal? so generally. [a-nu-ma]: possible in this dialect. 1 9 9 1 ) . cf. or a virtual syn­ onym.7). note the feminine suffixes of uhhuzt-Ja and hilehti-Ia in the following lines (Huehnergard). Sachs. p. were the Suteans" (so generally). 10. see EA ijff. whether the one who ruled before 1 4 3 0 B . . ARM 1 4 . 9. there is probably reference to bride-price gifts (Kiihne. If the dead or 40 . L i t . See von Soden. BiOr 9 ( 1 9 5 2 ) p p . C . 1 0 0 6 . occupies lines 1 3 . p. T h e topic of the size of the gifts. p. 9 b ) . Catullus (Oxford. 12. Asinaria 2 7 9 . W h i t e horses were highly prized.5 5 . Plautus. 4 3 4 . 1 4 7 . O n the sentence as question. 4 3 4 ) . J o y moves. . 3 8 7 ) . 4 3 4 . ibid.1 3 8 1 ) B . StOr 2 0 .. either intransitive or indefinite third plural subject (cf. rev. M / i . ekalla esleta (Knudtzon). i 5 7 f f . Satires i 7. A r o .1 3 9 1 ( 1 3 9 0 . 4 3 4 ) .. thus making maru liprtka uhhirunikku and maru UprTya uhharuni parallel constructions. EA 1 4 ii 3 4 ( 1 2 0 0 minas = 2 0 talents).THE AMARNA LETTERS ness just mentioned. . See also G a r y A .3 9 ) p p . AHw. they were proverbial for their speed (Iliad x 4 3 7 . p . 1 3 2 . but cf. 1 1 1 8 . 11. is ambiguous and open to several interpreta­ tions: mttu (line 3 9 ) . 1 4 3 ) . 7 7 f . Aeneid xii 8 4 . A Time to Dance: The Expression of Grief and Joy in Israelite Religion (University Park. (so Kiihne. p. p. ( N e w York. 233- 4. p . mitu. M / 2 . r . p . if the number is at all accurate. or the one who ruled 1 4 0 0 . said of people in mortal danger. 1 9 7 8 . 7 . "pursuer"? (so generally) or "guide"? (so Kupper. J . I I . and AHw." is preferable. AfO 1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 .

». for your chariots. 1 5 2 . p . your brother. I have accordingly written and told you so my brother might hear of these things and rejoice. or perhaps the present tense (-ta-na-ap-). For Kelu-Heba may all go well. 2 3 5 . sees here a reference to Amenophis IV's holding audiences in the sun. and U D . For you may all go well. 2 .[ l } a . 8 3 . mainly because of 2 setu or situ: "pestilence" (VAB 2 / 2 . $ . PHOTOGRAPHS: Kitchen. . In keeping with this love. Sa[y] to Nibmuareya. subject. Akhenaten. p. may all go very well. all the land of Hatti. p . p. indefinite third plural.i i i had done an unseemly thing to my country and had slain his lord. my father [g]ave you my sister. 122-25. 1 9 8 4 ) . Tessup. n. 1 5 8 7 . especially the heat and other dangers of the desert (cf. p. H e l c k . Lines 43ft". TRANSLITERATION A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. 1 8 3 ) . the k[ing of Egypt}. 1 0 9 5 b ) . cf. T h e Assyrian king probably refers to the long journeys mentioned in lines 351T. was not remiss about the unseemly things that had been done in my land. my brother. figs. for your warriors. . for your sons. 17. p. Suppiluliuma. 41 .. for your magnates.3 . 260. open air" (CAD. von Soden. and I slew the slayers of Arta[s]umara. For your household. p. Edzard. EA 17 those in mortal danger are the Egyptians rather than the Suteans./ £ . and you in turn loved my father. 4 3 4 ) . EA 7 : 5 3 1 ! . my brother: Thus Tuise- ratta. I. and everyone belonging to them. in turn. pp. "depri­ vation.'-/{/-tap-pa-ru]. and in your country.a is probable. My father loved you. 1 protagonisti della storia universale. the king of [M]ittani. 4 1 8 . the Heretic King (Princeton. Redford. [And w}ho 4 els[e] stood with my father [a}s you did? 6 3 0 . For me all goes well. for your wives. have been given many interpretations. p . my brother's . r 18.2 0 When I sat on the throne of my father. thus worshipping his father. Giles. "foreign country" (Knudtzon. 66 (Milan. C O P Y : BB 9. "sun. 3 2 1 .b a r .3 5 [The ver]y next year^ moreover. Donald B .2 9 Since you were friendly with my father. 1 1 3 ) . AS 1 6 . Beziehungen . fasc. 1 1 1 . For this reason he would not permit me friendship with anyone who 2 loved m e . Ikhnaton: Legend and History. fatigue" (Kiihne. # ' . pi. ) . 16. 1966). p. we would have a clearer connection with lines 43fF. When the enemy advanced against [my] country. AHw. for your horses. EA 17 A Mittani bid for a renewed alliance TEXT: BM 29792. I was young. X I (obverse).

{la k]i-i ka-a-sa. p. n. my chief minister. and may my brother send his messengers to me that they may bring my brother's greetings to me and I hear them. and Lehmann. Literature." here a represen­ tation of a god. May my brother let them go promptly so they can report back to me promptly. However. following Kiihne. p . 7. is young (seher). 65£f." 4 6 . UF I I ( 1 9 7 9 ) PP. and cf. 3 1 Id-i" ( B B 9. UF 1 0 ( 1 9 7 8 ) pp. there by you the king. 5. 5 1 . R S 3 4 .. 1 7 female attendant. my sister.4 5 And as the greeting-gift of Kelu-Heba. p p . the restriction of the term to a Hurrian milieu (Mittani. 97-98. gave him into my hand. ed. 1 6. 3 6 . 1 set of gold (ear)rings. 53fF. he knows nothing (mimma la tde). Language. in D . Literally. 9.. I send you 5 chariots. 4 1 . Phil. Finet. According to Adler. 1 3 3 . mashu is a Kassite loanword. Qatna) argues against such a derivation. 7 . O . O n suharu and suhartu. ed. "everything belonging to them. A t the end of the previous line. sa-n[u-ti] (Knudtzon) is certain (against Adler). note g ) is excluded. Edzard. p . On "love. NOTES 1 . N F 7 5 (Munich. see Ugar. Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. n. I send her 8 I set of gold toggle-pins. p. XI): "Now. Gesellschaftsklassen im Alten Zweistromland und in den angrenzenden Gebieten. 1 2 9 : 5 . and I defeated him. 2. n. (i-n]a T I (for M U . 1 male attendant. pi. 1 8 .5 4 May my brother seek friendship with me. Klasse. see M . and Tunip-ibri.48iff. and History (see EA 1 3 .4 0 As the greeting-gift of my brother. see Farber. 8. A . and I hear the greeting of my brother and rejoice. from the booty from the land of Hatti. Adler. T h e exact implications of "set" (pair?) are not clear. 1 9 . 3 9 . There was [n]ot one of them who return[ed] to his own country. T h e exact implications of "young"—legally a minor or something less precise?—are not clear." but the verb "to kill" argues for primary reference to persons (families and households of the traitors).THE AMARNA LETTERS my lord. 1 9 7 2 ) . 5 9 . Alalakh.3 8 I herewith send you 1 chariot. 5 teams of horses. despite VAB 2 / 1 . 8 4 . 1 3 5 . O n this letter. 2 2 ) . 7 8 . your lord. 2 horses. n. 1 gold mashu-t'mgv and a scent container that is full of "sweet oil.. Dietrich and O . 4 .5 0 1 herewith send Keliya. 4 . see Kiihne. T I . "god. 3 . in Rochberg-Halton. sect. n. 5 .-hist. balaf)-ma." see the Introduction. Loretz. {nu-kur]-//-fl&? (Adler) is not supported by the traces.7 (Ugar. p p . 42 ." and so the correspondent writes to an official instead. 3 .

1 6 As far back as the time of your ancestors. 4 6 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p p . pp. (1908). for your sons. pi. for your country.2 4 When my brother sent Mane. cf. who loves me. therefore. the king of Mittani. and neither fragment has the same clay as the other Mittani letters (letter of Allan Dobel. 8 (cf. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. T h e two fragments may not belong to the same letter (Michel A r t z i . p. for 2 your chariots. and for whatever else belongs to you. 126-27. 1 7 . 1 3 4 . 1 9 7 5 . in 2d ed. Dec." I caused 43 . For you may all go well. who loves you. F. this mutual love of ours. Michel. For me all goes well. and H . my 1 son-in-law. WA 217 [ + ] 230 = 226). and whom I lovfe]: Message of Tusratta. saying. cf. however.4 you have made it ten times greater than the love shown my father. Say to Nimmureya.5 9 ) . Asaro. whether they belong to the Mittani archive. his messenger. May the gods grant it. [your] father-in-law. P H O T O G R A P H S : E. the king of Egypt. private communication. may all go very. and may Tessup. V.7 7 ] P. very well.s. NOTE i. just as it is now. C O P Y : BB 8. For your household. VAB 2 / 1 . your brother. in keeping with our constant and mutual love. my lord. X X V I . 2 s and AfO 2 5 [ 1 9 7 4 . for your warriors. for your horses. [my] brother. King. Or n. for my sister. and Aman make flouriishp for evermore.. Budge and L. they always showed 3 love to my ancestors. Now. EA 18 EA 18 A lost message T E X T : VAT 1880 ( + ) VAT 1879- COPIES: VS 11. A . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Adler.I t ' questionable. Dobel. 3 7 5 f f . "Send your daughter here to be my wife and the mistress of Egypt. Great King. EA 19 Love and gold TEXT: BM 29791. You yourself went even further and showed very great love to my father. X X X I X (obverse). Great King. pi. 128-35.. for the rest of your wives. 1900). A Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities (London. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. note b). 1 0 . pp. 9 .

" Now. for the bride-price. 9 2 5 . 5 9 . I am happy about it." 3 4 . May Sauska and Aman make her the image of my 8 brother's desire. "May my brother treat me [ten times] better than he did 12 my father. 3 0 . I say. and when I heard (them). gold is as plentiful as dirt. You sent him large gold jars and gold j u g s . I will l\ea~\d her? in safety to my brother's country. and he saw her. I hereby ask for gold from my brother. saying. "May my brother grant me more than he did to my father and send it to me. they were very pleasing. When he saw her. and between us let there be friendship.5 3 Now my brother has sent the gold. and may my brother send me much more gold than he did to my father. it has been worked.5 8 I now hereby write to my brother. and may my brother show me much more love than he did to my father.7 0 May my brother send me in very great quantities gold that has not been worked. "May my brother treat me ten times better than he did my father. "It may be little or not." ^ I also said. "Let us love (each other) very. brou[ght] my brother's words to me.2 9 Keliya. saying. very much. I said. and I rejoiced very.3 8 I also asked my brother for much gold." I also said to my brother. You se[nt him] gold bricks as if they were (just) the equivalent of 11 copper. "In accordance with a favorable an- 1 swer. with such words let us love (each other) forevermore. "Of course!" The one whom my brother requested I showed to Mane. May the gods grant that. But though it has been worked. Thus did I say to my brother: "I am going to build a mausoleum 1 for my grandfather. and may he send much gold that has not been worked." 4 3 . I rejoiced over it much. You 10 sent my father much gold.3 3 When I wrote to my brother. not a little but much."' 5 4 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 6 my brother no distress and immediately I said. Still." 3 9 . and whatever it was my 6 brother sent. and the gold that I ask for from my brother is meant for a double purpose: one. I asked for [much] gold. just as now gold is plentiful in my 44 ." ' 4 9 . and the other. * I am going to make the paraphernalia. my messenger.4 8 May my brother send me much more than he did to my father. "Certainly there is this between us: we love each other. for the mausoleum." And thus did I also say: "The gold that my brother sends me may he send for the bride-price as 1 well. very much. he praised her greatly.4 2 When I sent Keliya to my brother. In my brother's country. saying.

hardly "previously. EA 19 17 brother's country." but "to lament. Poebel. expand. 1 maninnu-neckiace. 5 2 . O n the particle -maku (annt-maku). 1 0 teams of horses. all Babylonia)." see Introduction. 7. li-ne-ep-pf-[su]: against the reading li-ne-eb-bi-[u] (Knudtzon. G A L ( . here and elsewhere in EA. Babylonia. on an earlier occasion" (Adler). and 9. which. n.3 0 . 4 . but only with a preposition: ana (EA 4 . 20 pieces of genuine lapis lazuli. pp. 80—85 I herewith send as my brother's greeting-gift: 1 gold gob­ 9 let. followed by Adler) are the implicit assumption of an uncontracted form (an Assyrianism? cf. S. which ill accords with the context. On umma. does not mean "to proclaim. "to broaden. its centerpiece being of genuine hulalu-stone set in gold. May he let him go promptly so that he may be on his way and I hear my brother's greeting and rejoice exceed­ ingly. and may they be.1 0 . 8 . inapandtim-ma. p. with a counterweight. except perhaps at Emar. 2 9 . as long as 8 they exist.1 3 . I will give ten times more than what my brother asks for. 1 0 wooden- 22 chariots along with everything belonging to them. May the gold that I ask for not become a source of distress to my brother. and may my brother not detain him. 1 9 : 2 8 . Forevermore may I constantly hear the greeting of my brother. and Aman grant that these words that we shall be constantly writing achieve their purpose. AS 9. EA 2 5 ii 4 1 ) and the meaning of nubbu. with inlays of genuine lapis lazuli in its handle. 2 4 . 5. Just as we love (each other) now. I follow Kiihne. E R I N . he make it even ten times more plentiful than now." nuppusu. 50a)? 3. What­ ever my brother needs for his house. besides. exactly as now. the syntax is extremely difficult. EA 2 9 : 2 2 . cf. and may my brother not cause me distress. with a counterweight. itti (EA 6. in the Amarna letters ahamis is never used independently (except EA 2 9 : 4 8 ? ) . n. May Tessup. "among the very first things".' just as they are now. 45 . and 30 women 2 (and) men. 1 6 2 . This country is my brother's country. in. and 21 40 pieces of gold shaped like arzallu-stones. 71—79 I herewith send my messenger. EA 2 0 : 6 ) : logogram for huradu {CAD. see A .' 1 maninnu- necklace. 6. a line closely parallel to 1 9 : 1 2 ) . let him write and take (it). so may we love (each other) forevermore. O n lines 9 . lit. 42 genuine hulalu-stones. "message. inanna atta ki it-ti-{(ia)) a-ha-mel nirtana' 'amu: if the suffix is retained. Keliya." seems plausible. my lord. p. M E § . May my brother send me in very large quantities gold that has not been worked. and this house is my brother's house. to my brother. its centerpiece being of genuine lapis lazuli set in gold. 3 NOTES 1 . 2. and 1 9 20 pieces of gold. E g y p t .

Following Kiihne. j « . see Durand. which also argues against it-ta-b[a]l. 3 0 ) . at Mari. A / 2 . p. i 2 4 5 f . Adler). see Diakonoff and Jankowska. 2i6f. ) . U § ( N I T A ) in CAD. 9a. for the equivalence. no. 1 3 . A pin or the like (kirissu). 1 2 . 1 7 . 4 8 4 ) . 2 3 . p. that earlier. m . Matrimonio. n. female and male. "for working" (Limet. p. Das Archiv des Silwa-TeHup.5 9. that seems pertinent here. one expects a plural referring to "the gods" (Adler). HSS 1 3 . p. 1 4 8 . 1 8 . T h e subject in the singular is surprising and probably an error. n. n. Matrimonio. ar- zallu. cf. 2 4 . 1 4 8 . would be an unparalleled form. and Kiihne. ana terhatim-ma: -ma. 8. p. [r]u (Gordon). p . p. T h e traces are extremely faint. AoF 2 [ 1 9 7 5 } pp. 1 0 5 4 . i 3 i f ." see Kiihne. 1 9 8 9 . see Durand.^ / . followed by Zaccagnini. K . 2 1 7 : 8 and 2 5 6 : 8 . p. "handle. N o t e . arzallu as a piece of jewelry in N e o - Babylonian times. 7 3 . see also von Schuler. p p . I follow Gordon. is the restric­ tion in the Mittani letters of initial V-VC writings to verbs primae aleph and primae w a w (Adler. 1 1 . n. O n karalku. is-lim). EA 1 9 : 5 8 . du ( B B ) . N I T A . 1 0 0 1 . who thinks that the entire passage is ironic. Against simply it-ta-s[e] (Adler) is the probable trace of a vertical (see VAB 2 / 1 . O n this passage. p p . p . n. i9of. p. s^KIRIg is a play-writing for kirret (CAD.. come to. 1 6 . does not seem a likely gift for a king (against AHw. 1 9 7 3 ) . metals are given ana siprim. 4 ) . 3 2 4 . M / 2 . the logogram refers to children. 5 1 2 ) . "reach. when apparently it was also made of gold. 2 6 . as if from mussuru. 1 1 7 ) . n. 1 9 . For slightly different versions of lines 4 9 . d 2 1 . Cf. 1 0 . and Pintore. p. "also. p. 1 9 8 0 ) . EA 2 0 : 2 f f . p. p. 1 0 : 7 5 . is (Adler. Against taking a-as-ni as if from lanu. iof. 1 2 4 6 ." see EA 2 2 i 3 3 . does not refer to cremation. likewise". n. ARMT 2 1 . 2 4 2 . 1 1 1 . 3 4 ) . 2 5 . the part lying lowest on the breast. O n qablu in a necklace referring to the centerpiece. n. p. In Emar 6/3. Cf. 5 5 . 8 5 . Perhaps the common denominator was "subordinate members of a household. 4 5 .5 3 . it-ta-s[e-m]a: it-ta-s[a]r (Knudtzon). 1 7 . masu with the accusative (number of times). la hpra la epsu does not mean "that cannot be counted" (Knudtzon. S A L . 4 3 ) . a typically female adornment. In HSS 1 6 . "mausoleum. 1 6 5 . Lo scambio dei doni nel Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV—XIII (Rome. 1 5 . . 1 1 5 . "to do a second time" (Pintore. Winckler.THE AMARNA LETTERS 7 . lu-u-x-Ii: x = [b]a (Knudtzon. p p . p. see AHw. O n sakru. p. 2 0 . S . 1 4 . See EA 3 . Kiihne.). 1 3 0 . cf. "as if they were (only) refined copper" (CAD. 46 . esp. adi sunu-ma (independent pronoun). K B 5. n. MARI 4 . ktma la er$ ma-su-u: cf. NABU." See also the discussion of S A L . see Kiihne. 1 1 . 2 0 . too. "when ones of copper would have sufficed" (Adler) seems much too free. 2 4 . 2 2 . 1 1 4 . ZA 5 3 ( 1 9 6 1 ) p p . see also CAD. and Adler. as noted by W i l h e l m . no. M E S means "women (and) men. 2 (Wiesbaden. p.I N A N N A : following AHw. (However. Adler. 4 1 0 b . 2 5 .» J ) ." a usage. p ." Perhaps ma-su-u.

and . for your warriors. for your [s]ons. pp. furthermore]. my brother. for your 1 horses. make her the ima[ge] of [my brother's desire]. my brother [will note th]at [the greeting-gi]ft that I shall present [is greater] than any before. Very pleasing indeed were the words of my brother. and I listened to its words. 23—27 Within six months. 3 3 . I rejoiced on that day as if I had seen my brother in person. my messenger. May Sauska. COPIES: WA 22. [whom I l]ove and who love[s me: Thus T]usratta. . and Mane my brother's mes[senger]. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Adler.3 8 / herewith [send] Haaramass[i. may all go very. She] has been fashioned according to my brother's desire. . But now I will do the work. [he will no]te this: she has become very mature. . 136-43. for [your] wives. 14-17 I will carry out my brother's eve[ry] word [t]hat Mane brought to me. [who l]oves you. for your magnates. t[hi]s year. 1 read and reread the tablet that he brought to me. [I was going to se]nd Keliya and Mane promptly. your father-in-law. my son-in- law. For your household. I will send Keliya. my mistress. On t[hat] day 3 shall Hanigalbat and Egypt be [owe]- 4 1 8 . w]hom my brother [sent] to 47 . very well. I will delifver] my brother's wife and they will bring her to my brother. VS 11. [fpr] your [ch]ariots.! and Aman. the god of my brother.3 2 They will bring [hi]s [wife] to my brother. the mi[stress of all lands and of m]y [brother]. the mistress of Egypt. del[iver] my brother's wife. and whe[n they 8 show her to] my brother. the king of Mitt[ani]. 2 8 . 9. and they will bring her to my brother. my brother's messenger. but I had not finished. . [f]or your country and whatever else belongs to you. 2 came to take my brother's wife to become the mistress of Egypt. Ma[n]e {has been detainedhe]re a while. [Fo]r me all goes well. [ . EA 20 EA 20 Humiliation and wounded feelings TEXT: VAT 191 (not collated). your brother. And. Say [to Nim]mureya. in order to d[o] ten times (more) for my brother's wife.2 2 For this reason. They should be of delicate workmanships It [th]us (came) to letting the w[or]k 6 go. I made that day and night a [fes]tive occasion. For you [may a]ll go well. and I did not do the work. 8-13 In view of friendly relations. the king of [Egypt]. Mane. I will now.

but the gold [ . and I have treated them with great distinction. } 3 9 . [the gold that he sent] has now been cu[t o]pe[n^> .THE AMARNA LETTERS {me}. [and] anyone can give 1 anyone J (else) so many things [that] they are beyond calculation. gold is more plentiful] than dirt. ] . I have entrusted him with a tablet. . ] . I gathered together all my [foreign-gu]ests. so may we as now—may the gods grant us!—forever maintain love [in] our [heartjs. .7 9 May my brother send me much gold that has not been worked. "In Egypt. that] holds in its hand [ . very much. [My] brother. . May he forgive mel * Never again may Tessup. ] . my brother. 'My [brother]. . . .. did I not tre[at] his troops well? { . . . 80-84 [I herewit]h send to my brother as my brother's greeting- 17 gift 1 rope-lock. and my brother should [in]quire carefully from him whether I showed him very great honors. . my brother loves you very much. . [ . that my brother greatly glorify me before my country and before my 16 foreign guests.. Mane will indeed arrive. I herewith] send [Haara]massi to my brother . [and] all my brother's [tr]oo[ps] who accompanied Mane. ] . 6 4 . saying. Truly. that is meant for the hand [. "Are all of these gold? They do not lo[ok (like gold)]. . . loves me very. "I cannot say [be]fore you. before all of them. 48 . . . [May my brother read and] reread my} re{port] and hear its words. [What]ever is needed is in Egypt more plentiful than dirt.'" 60-63 My brother will consider whether I was somewhat dis­ 1 tressed or not. and may my brother treat me even better than he did my father. [ .. . May Tessup and Aman grant that my brother show his love for me. as I am used to sa[ying]. (But) if there be someone whom 12 he loves. Forever will I do what my brother wants. They were sealed.' 7 1 .. and he is not ill." I said. . He will tell my brother. [ . Be­ 10 11 sides. and my brother will hear from all of them whether I treated them just as was required.. Thus have I spoken to my brother that my brother might know. of which is o f . my brother's messenger.5 9 [And with regard to the gold] that my brother sent [ . Just as men love the Sun. Mane is not dying. .. ] and its base of hiliba-stone set in gold. . permit me to complain against my brother. . . . and they wept very much.] . the king of Egypt. ] . [the .7 0 1 have honored Mane.a]ll of them." They said. ] with beads of genuine hulalu-stone set in gold. They were full of [. 5 he is just the same. . my lord. and my brother shall do what I want. then he would not giv[e] such things to him.4 5 • •• 4 6 .

p. lines 7 3 f f . 2 8 . iof. EA 1 9 : 2 i f . r 5. See EA 19:7. and belt! be-e[l-tu sa} 2 6 [ K U R . but the apparent subjunctive remains unexplained. EA 2 6 ) . Free restorations: fap-pu-na-ma] (line 3 0 ) . p. . despite VAB 2 / 1 . Kiihne restores [ D I N G I R . . 1 9 1 6 . 1 2 9 . [i-im-ma-ar] ( 3 1 ) . see Kiihne. 3 0 . On ubaru. and Adler. Knudtzon's [. In line 8. uMma-as-s]ar-iw-««-// (Kiihne. also Ugar. p. p. Kiihne emends to ak-ta'-lu-su- nu. pp. T h e verb. p. lu-ilpa-as-ra (napsuru. 1 3 6 ) . 7. . OLZ. p. is expected (cf. col. p. my lord" (belt. lit. and Tusratta certainly knew it. 6. cf. Reading and restoring (freely): 4 6 [u as-sum K U . 14. use of mannu at N u z i as indefinite pronoun ( W i l h e l m . the mistress of my land" (Adler.]-a. "for his need. K U R u] 2 6 { § E S > i a : cf. ii-bar- ra-ha-an-ni. p. " ) . A O A T 9. 3 2 . [1-en a-mi]-lu-#-t[u]. A mistake for "your brother"? 11. 82). 1 4 6 . For other interpretations. 2 9 . 1 2 0 . "mistress of mistresses" ( U n g n a d . 5 . J .( > . 1 9 1 7 . 16. also "Tessup. G I ] 4 8 [sa u-se-bi-lu] . n. EA 1 4 . p. it-ta-[d]l-ka. if correct. a-na ds-su: a mistake for ana sa-su? Adler: ana A S (hisehti)-su. "anyone"? 12. OLZ. Against my version is the absence of any parallel for the use of qatu (uqatti expected) and the failure to indicate the subject of qatnu. "my mistress. is-sal-[tu] (Kiihne. see Adler and Kiihne. "foreign guest. Schroeder. awllutu. . n." see Kiihne. p. This translation. EA 2 3 : 1 3 . . and on the writing of the latter form see Adler. Kiihne. on pronominal suffixes). note 3 ) . EA 2 3 : 3 1 . . n. . ki-[i u-kal-la-mu-si] 2 9 [i-im\-ma-ar-su: on the sequence kullumu- amaru. "one man(hood). and Adler emend to aq-ti-ip'-su-nu. Cf. 1 2 8 . EA 1 9 : 1 5 . not iltya. In line 2 6 . 1 8 3 . i[k-ka-la-a] u-ba-an: cf. n. n.. ) . is perhaps better taken with what follows ("I was just about to send . .). lines 2off. "my god(dess). n. 2 9 ." 13. 8. 2 8 . 20:61)." seems required by context. B." following Adler. Other interpretations: belti be-l[e-ti]. I O I . 1 3 9 9 a ) . [ra-bi] ( 3 2 ) . 15. is probably a mistake for ti-sa-al-ra-ha-an-ni (CAD. col. 4. 2 6 . 9. On qatnu said of work (dullu. "to forgive"). 10. 1 0 5 . . cf. a-na [e-pe-es]. 9 1 8 (hesitantly). adverbial ubdn (see AHw. 3if. 1 2 7 ) u la aq-ti lu qat-nu: Knudtzon translated as if the text read akalla-sunu. G I ] .i ] # . Tusratta's daughter was not going to replace Teye (cf. p. 7 3 . §E[§-/'« K U . Fin- 49 . 3. p. cf. . rather than "he is/will be falling ill. n. following Adler. n. See also the different interpretations by Adler and Kiihne of the entire passage.. be-el-ti be-l[e-et K U R . 1 2 6 ) . 2 7 ." but as subject and in the nominative case Hi. 2. 4 7 [u-ba- nx-f\u -ia A (cf. but neither "I did not trust them" nor "I did not trust (her) to them" (Adler) seems likely in context. p. 1 1 . EA 20 NOTES 1 . AHw.

"1 nahra (made of) massi. your brother. May Simige and Sauska go before her. C O P I E S : WA 21. my brother. E d e l . . n. 1 3 . 4 8 ) . EA 21 A necklace for 1 0 0 . For me all goes well. JSS 1 2 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. [my brother's} messenger. VS 11. may all go well. the use of amaru in EA 1 5 . . A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Say to Nimmureya. lu-u £<*/-t[a-ta]. ) ? " Cf. may all go very well. K . for your wives. correct CAD. NOTES 1. "what I saw (was . for your chariots. "whom you have sent to me. "personal report.THE AMARNA LETTERS kelstein. / N E S 7 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p. . . pp. May it rest on the neck of my brother for 100. 2 1 . In everything about them. for your horses.000 years. For your household. my son-in- law. 0 0 0 years T E X T : VAT 190. l{ik-ru-bu-su] 2 2 . 2 4 . rather. king of Egypt. . Great King. has questioned the personal name. the king of Mittani. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N Adler. for your sons. my brother. . otherwise. . " D i d the jargon of diplomacy develop in the periphery a word satamru. for their report was excellent.2 3 I have given him my daughter to be the wife of my brother. p. for your country. May my brother rejoice on t[hat] day. . I have sent to my brother to do (x x ) . w i t h Adler. 10. and one who loves you. 1 0 6 . and I send 1 maninnu-necklace of genuine lapis lazuli and gold as the greeting-gift of my brother. n. Adler and G . my brother's interpreter}. and for whatever else belongs to you. 2. emended the text to read ta-as'-pu'- ra ((a-na) x-x) ana epeli. your father-in-law. S A G . 1 4 3 . K U L (ebel sikkuri). 2 4 . whom I love and who loves me: Thus Tusratta. May they m[ake he]r the image of my brother's desire. 33—411 herewith dispatch to my brother Nahramassi to carry out 2 . whom I love. S 17. p. May Simige and Sau[ska} grant my brother a gre[af] blessing. 3 1 . . Driver. for your men." from frequently used (introductory) sa atamru. For my brother and my son-in-law. I have never seen men with such an appearance. 2 5 3 . exquisi[te} joy. JAOS 9 0 { 1 9 7 0 ] p. May my gods and the gods of my brother protect them. Great King. « ' E § . and Hane. I have given [them} many presents and treated them very kindly. li\ve\ 1 forever. 3 4 sa taam ra: Kiihne. I have ex[alted] like gods." 5° . 144-47.3 2 Mane. 5 6 b . M[ay they bless him} and may you.

. } . . 2 12-14 «w»/»»»-necklaces. its surface . its thongs. . their kustappanni. with designs. its [ . 10 shekels of gold and 20 shekels of silver have been used on them. overlaid with gold. ] . . 88 (stones) per string. the blade of which is of i[r]on. of gilamu-ivory. pp. 23 1 set of torques.7 its guard.3 7 [ 1 ] bow. I 4 beautiful horses that run (swiftly). of gold with a reddish tinge. [ • • • o]f alabaster. all of gold. their center is made of lapis lazuli. with designs. ."3 of go[ld. its parattitinu. 7—8 2 sa burhi. . . [.. . . of gold with a reddish tinge. overlaid with gold.-stone. 148-69. for horses. [ . EA 22 EA 22 Inventory of gifts from Tusratta TEXT: VAT 395. 9 .[. . its haft.. . . and the "house" . overlaid with silver. It is 4 4 shekels that have been used on them. . of bronze. overlaid with gold. its entire upper part is a gold fig­ ure [ . . . 2 1 .. COPIES: WA 26. 2 15-20 1 set of bridles. . . } . It is 320 shekels of gold that have been used on it (the chariot).3 1 chariot.. 6 31 fx} good. 6 shekels of gold and 4 shekels of silver have been used on them.}. . . the opening . the 5 talli. its tulemus. 8 3 2 . of ebony with calf figurines. } .. ] . also of gold. . 10 3 6 . .. is studded with dardarah-om&ments. . and . . its base and straps. overlaid with gold. 6 shekels of go[ld} have been used on it. . genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. ] . 199- TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Adler. . 1 5 . . of the apisamus-type [ . sharp arrows.] of gilamu-ivory. 4—6 1 whip of pUait.1 1 2 (leather) ufeatati. . 60 shekels (of gold) were used on it. . its [pomm]el is of . 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. 24—30 1 (set of) reins. 1 2 . its covering. ] . overlaid with gold. their bl[ink]ers..2 2 2 leather nattullu. overlaid with gold and silver. of genu­ ine hulalu-stone. .. . . it is studded with dardarah-otn&ments of gold.* which are variegated like a wild dove. It is 4 shekels of silver that have been used on it. . 1 seal of genuine hulalu-stone is strung on it. their "thorns. [ .. and their [.3 5 [ 1 ] dagger. VS 12. of 9 gold. .

of zamiri. [ . the tasli. . [ . 3 . of pendu-stone [. 14 4 8 .5 9 1 fly whisk.. cut from 35 genuine lapis lazuli stones. . 20 shekels in weight. 60 [ 1 } counterweight. its top. its mesukku- birds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. of amutu-metal. 300 shekels in weight. 6 . overlaid with gold. 10 shekels in weight. ] . horse-shaped. } . its [ha}ft. which are strung on its straps. 16 overlaid with gold. and (this) centerpiece o[f hili\b[a-stone\ is mounted on genuine lapis lazuli. [.4 1 hand-bracelet. 45 1 set of snaffles. { j ] o shekels in weight. which is strung on its rear. 3 shekels of gold have been used on it. 52 . of mus[saru]-stone. . and (also) its inlay. ^ of gold. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. along with its linen cloth. mounted [on gol]d. 3 shekels in weight. mounted on gold. [overlaid with gol]d.. with eagles of gold as inlay. of iron. 2 shekels of gold have been used on it. .5 4 1 leather halter. . . .. overlaid with gold.}. of bronze. . overlaid with gold. 62—66 [ . of silver. 4 2 . 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. ." 4 times overlaid with gold. of genuine lapis lazuli. 1 0 shekels of gold have been used on it. 10 shekels in weight.8 1 maninnu-necklace. (with) inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. . 46 1 pair of gloves that are trimmed with red wool. genuine lapis lazuli. . . 39-40 1 zallewe-knifc. . of pisaii. x] shekels of gold have been [used] on it. 11 1 . of gold. of i[ro}n. of gold. 41 1 addu-throwstick.2 1 ha[nd-brac]elet. 5 8 . 1 hulalu-stone. . } . . inlaid. its inlay. overlaid with gold. 1 61 [1 si^eve. 2 genuine loulalu- stones. 1 seal of genuine lapis lazuli. ] . . 5 1 foot-bracelet. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. of iron.5 7 1 bottle. 15 shekels of gold have been used on it. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. 5 5 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 38 1 mace. of gold. of stone. its "flint-blade" of genuine hulalu-stone.'3 47 1 shield . a counterweight. Its centerpiece is set with fyiliba-stone.] its haft. its [ .4 3 1 tilpdnu-bov/. 12 44 2 multicolored shirts. . 2 times [ . .. its mesukku-bitds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. of silver.

twisted like a torque. in the center. . mounted on gold with a reddish tinge. . [ . 1 4 shekels have been used on it. set here and {. . 6 shekels of gold have been used on them. 1 6 .3 4 1 pair of shoes. 39—40 1 linen garment.there}. of gold. of shaggy {wool}. their . Tukris-style. of linen. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. ] and their . 36 1 garment of blue-purple wool. of shaggy wool. their buttons. 14 shekels in weight. its rettu overlaid with hiliba-stones and genuine lapis lazuli. of gold. EA 22 35 hiliba-stones.1 9 1 dagger. 1 pair of shirts. 1 robe. Hurrian-style. . 1 pair of leggings.4 2 1 garment. richly provided with dardarah-oma- ments of gold. 11 1 set of karatnannu. of colored linen. 1 12—13 head-binding. . Hazor-style. 6 iduzzarra. the blade of which is of iron. [. 13 shekels of gold have been used on them. .-stone. of gold. aHianni-type. 1 pair of s[as]hes. 9 . an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. . of .3 2 1 pair of shoes. 4 shekels of gold have been used on them. ofshaggy wool. 6 per string. 1 city-shin. of dusu-colot (leather). 1 pair of leggings. the haft has an inlay of . and studded with d^tt^zra^-ornaments of gold.3 8 1 a>y-shirt. 2 times overlaid with gold. of alabaster.-st[one]. 14—15 1 set of arapsanna. which have iduzzarri. 4 1 . its .1 0 1 set for the hand. of linen. the center. . its pommel. 3 5 1 pair of shoes. the handle. overlaid with gold. 20 3 7 . of linen. (with) variegated <*im of blue-purple wool. off shaggy 17 wool]. mounted on gold. 1 pair of leggings. mounted on gold. 3 Its rettu (has) an in[lay] of genuine lapis 53 . ] . 27—28 1 pair of betatu-shoes. Hur(rian)- 22 style. their buttons. the figure of a woman. . with karat- nannalla-orn&ments. of red wool. of gold with a reddish tinge. . . of hiliba-stone. 2 3 . of linen. l 8 2 9 . the inlay. . 2 shekels in weight. Hurrian-style. . 3 3 . 1 robe and 1 cap. 1 pair of shirts. 12 shekels in weight. of colored linen. 19 {for] the city.4 7 1 fly-whisk. 21 adorned. of blue-purple wool. . 1 pair of leggings. a genuine hulalu-stone. 1 pair of shirts. 1 pair of «>y-shirts. its matru.2 6 1 pair of shoes. beads of genuine lapis lazuli. 20—22 1 zallulu. 2 4 3 . of hiliba-stone. of blue-purple wool.. of genuine lapis lazuli. of genuine lapis lazuli.

. 60 shekels of gold. of genuine lapis lazuli. an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. ] . have been used on them. . . and on 1 of them is the go\d-o[ver\lay double. [Its] haft. . 4 a[nd] it is studded [with dardarah-otnaments] of gold. 1 helmet-container. 4 [shekels] of gold have been used on it. of ebony [ . . its handle 2 times overlaid with gold. (with) gilamu-ivory. 1 0 shekels of gold have been used on them. their astragal-ornaments overlaid with gold. 51 1 wash-basin. and ivory [mounted on] go[ld . 26 59-60 1 makkasu-axe. 7 0 shekels in weight. 1 kuninnu-bowl. (with) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. . 3 times. s ° 30 shekels of gold have been used on it. . 2 5 5 4 . Its cloth streamers (held by) wire [ . 1 counterweight. of stone. 140 shekels in weight. 7 . 3 shekels of gold have been used on it.• -J> ° f ebony. the blade.4 . its haft. 28 6 9 .. 5 . . . 53 1 silver tube. of hulalu-stone. of (various) stones. of malachite. in ![. [above and] be­ 29 low overlaid with silver. 6 5 . shekels in weight.6 1 plaque with winged disks and Deluge monster(s).5 6 2 bows . of silver. ] 25 shekels of gold have been used on it. overlaid with gold. of bronze. 2 4 8 . . . [overlaid with go]ld. . 54 . . (with) gilamu-ivory. . . . of bronze. its guard.9 1 dagger. in the form) of bull-calves and lions. 61 1 0 large combs. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. Its haft. its center and [its] rungs. of gold. 10 1 set of salt (containers. . 6 shekels of gold hav[e been used] on it. ] . . its pommel. . with designs. of alabaster. [ .. [overlaid with gold. with a double overlay of gold. of .7 3 I..6 6 1 helmet-container. its base. .5 8 1 spear. .5 0 A mumerritu-scrapet. 3 shekels of silver have been used on it. 52 1 stone-. the rim of which is overlaid with gold. of stone. [ .]. 40 shekels of silver. . 2 . of iron. 5 7 . of mar^allu-stone.THE AMARNA LETTERS l a z u l i . of ebony. overlaid with gold. ] . its inlay. 1 27 62-64 bottle. of hiliba- stone. failiba-stone.. abov\e and below [ . . 67-68 [ . . of hiliba-stone. . ] . ] their rungs [overlaid with] gold. of [genuine l}apis lazu[li}... ] of marhallu-stone.. . . of .

1 0 pairs of shirts. . 4 5 . 16-17 1 bread shovel.4 6 100 bows. of leather. of gold. 1 helmet. o f . 1 0 shekels of silver have been used on it. [ . 21 1 brazier. overlaid with silver. [x sh]ekels in weight. . 2 4 . of gold . 1 0 pairs of betatu-shoes. for horses.-stone. of silver. 42—43 1 shield. of the apisamus-type. . 1 bread shovel. a mesukku-bitd. 18 1 bread shovel. 27 1 loincloth. 40 shekels of silver have been used on it. 1 0 pairs of city shirts. [f]or a man. 1 scent container with elder-oil. 66 shekels in weight. Hurrian-style. 1 scent container with sikil-oil. 26 10 pairs of leggings. 5 shekels in weight. overlaid with silver. of gold. for the sarku-soldiets. full of "sweet oil. 10 shekels in weight. . of bronze. . 1 susuppu-cloth. its urukmannu overlaid with silver. It is 2 shekels of gold. 1 29—35 scent container. of bronze. trimmed with colored cloth. of leather. 2 helmets. 44 9 shields. of ebony. 1 scent container with myrtle oil. 32 12 1 small trough. 1 small trough of silver. 1 bowl. [of br]onze. that have been used on it.1 5 1 bowl. of silver. . of bronze. 40 shekels of silver. . of ivory. 1 bread shovel. 1 0 shekels in weight. 1 6 cuirass set. 1 bread shovel. its pommel. 1 scent container with kanatku-oil. their urukmannu.2 5 1 0 bright garments. 1 scent container with a mixture (of various oils). 1 scent container with styrax-oil. of ebony. with a winged disk. 10 bowls. 2 shekels of gold have been used on it. overlaid with gold. of silver. 19—20 1 bread shovel. without a cover. 60 shekels of silver have been used on it. 28 1 susuppu-cloth. set with ri[ng]s of bronze. 1 0 pairs of boots. of boxwood.-stone. of linen. 36 1 0 kirru-pots. of gold.^ 1 37 cuirass set. its rettu. 1 helmet. its hilt. EA 22 il 11 i tr{a)y. of colored material.^ 1 scent container with perfanti-oil.M 1 scent container with iaruttu-oil. . f[or ho}rses. o f . 1 0 shekels in weight. with myrrh-scented oil. . 10 robes. of bronze. ] 55 . 1 scent container . overlaid with gold and silver. . 1 awatamulufhe." 37-41 1 cuirass set. of ivory. 33 trimmed with colored cloth. 1 3 . 1 22—23 chest.

8 1 set of telannu. for beds. . ..]. 10 6 sarra. ] . of bronze. 1 water-dipper. ] . 56 . of b[ronze}. 4 21 1 0 "spears. I I 1 (fabric) with cording above and below. of gold. with ir{pri\ tips. 22 10 washbasins. of elammakku--wood. of silver. .5 9 1 0 "bull-toes. 2 . ] . 49 10 javelins. IV I [ ..... together with its cover. . of bronze. 18 1 kettle. . 49 24 1 0 kettles. sharp. 50 10 javelins. 55 1 0 maces of [ . It is 2 shekels of silver that have been used on it. 1 blanket. suku[du-type].4° 54 20 arrows (to be shot) flaming. ] * / . of bronze. of which the trimmings are many-colored. 19 1 0 jars. . . 15 1 blanket. . and 1 bo]w 2 times overlaid with silver.}• 4—5 [. 9 5 dogs. . of bronze. of alabaster. with [bro}nze tips. of alabaster. . 2000 arrows { . ] . of wood. 20 arrows . } 48 3000 arrows [ . . H 51 20 arrows . of bronze. of bronze. 7 . 5 shekels in weight. 56 1 0 zallewe-knives. fo\r a man. of bronze. . . 44 13 1 long spread. 5 dogs. 46 16 1 bronze helmet as a brazier. [..3 [x] small . 1 5 7 ." ? of bronze. 1 0 braziers. 30 sakku. . [ . of gold [ . . 1 sumbiru.* of bronze. of bronze. of bronze. of bronze. . 8 23 2 bolts. . 53 20 arrows. ] . 1 0 bowls.. 8 shekels in weight. 60 1 0 spears [ . . . of bronze. . of bronze. .. 1 0 stands. 20 1 brazier." bound together. ' for a bed. 5 shekels in weight. 10 wutru. ..^ of brfonze. 1 set of . 17 1 ewer. ..{. . for the foot.. 4 14 1 short spread. . 6 1 spoon. with "thor[ns" . 42 43 12 3 large blankets. .]. . its erattinnu. of bronze. [.THE AMARNA LETTERS 47 iooo arrows. for the head. ] . . of jasper.$ 3 9 52 20 arrows. 1 0 sets of angurinnu.

] . see G . . p. On sihpu as "cover(ing). the chariot-platform. ." must assume an unparalleled K A . If my reading is correct. ed. } . Post- gate. pu-uq-dd-a-ti-su-nu (AHw. . .5 500 large gunte memetu. 26 [x] . mistakes in the writing of K U N G I : <§tJ> + N A B (rather than M U L ) . . ) } . of bronze. . . [ . of bronze. . 5 . A N . 5 of every sort. 31 [ .' 9 . A N S E (katappu) nap-\z. On habalkinnu. T h e reading of the logogram. . 6 4 3 . of bronze. B A R is perhaps to be read habalkinnu. NOTES 1. . 1 chest. 1 pullustu. 3 0 3 . 1 33 For 1 0 teams: fx] coverings of a chariot. that Tusratta. [ . 40 10 teams [ . of bronze. p. ] of kifkanu-wood. . . EA 22 25 [ .55 39 along with their [ . JCS 2 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p . followed by k u S Adler). } . T A B and at least one. along with a brazier. 2 3 9 . . p. 4 . "bridles for mules. Cagni. . the king of Egypt. . p.-vessels. 10 appanannu. of bronze. in L . . . p. probably two. . 1 small trough of boxwood. G o r g . Perhaps related to the na-tu-la-te in a letter found at K u m i d u . [ . . 57 . the king of Mittani. 2 35 5 spoons. gave to Nimmureya. 7 1 .-vessels. 3 . his daughter. 1 SU K A . 36 5000 small gunte memetu fr{om the treasury. of bronze. ] .4 3 . BSOAS 3 4 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p p . . Hoffner. . and CAD. of bronze. } .-vessels. . 8 8 0 ) . see M . Ebla. 5 sprinklers.r a (CAD. k u 5 G . . 0 27 1 washing-bowl. ." see CAD. see M . . . . 29 [ . of bronze. k u 5 2. J . 4 2 . . "cut. ) ] . his brother and his son-in-law.. 42 400 [ ( . .^ of bronze. 13fF. S. sarmu. . the standard form at Boghazkoy and attested in an Old Babylo­ nian forerunner to H A R . 28 [ . ] ." but probably to be understood of sharpening the tips. C i v i l . .? 34 4 small troughs of elammakku-vjood. . On a possible earlier form of talli (ti-sa-ld). } . of bronze. 6. 12 yokes [ ( . l ' 9> ' M .4 9 It is all of these wedding-gifts. 3 0 3 a ) . ZA 7 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) p. . 32 10 [ . T A B . 4 6 5 . He gave them at the same time that he gave Tadu-Heba. of bronze. ] . 1 5 6 . . K . 3 37 10 chariot-poles. . 6 gungubu. of bronze. . p. T A B K U f N G l ] (CAD. follows AHw. . 1 0 chariot-frames. . .-&-\a\-ti-su-nu. n e J s e e a s o W i l h e l m . .-vessels. K . 7 . or perhaps the meaning here is an extended one. 41 10 teams . . . . . ] . 30 [ . 1975-1985 (Naples. 1 9 8 7 ) . overlaid with bronze. . applied to a part of the bridle. 1 incense bowl. of bronze. of bronze. ] .' 38 { x y]okes54 [for a ch]ariot. 1 pot-stand. ZA 6 3 ( 1 9 7 3 ) P. In EA 2 2 and 2 5 . it would suggest that the blinkers were in some way attached to the bridle. . not parzillu. to Egypt and to Nimmureya to be his wife. T h e reading K A . p. 3 0 3 .

EA 2 5 ii 4 3 . Emar 6 / 4 . 1 9 5 6 ] . ARMT 7. "their leggings. CAD. 4 4 . p.2 4 . 52ff. 1 6 9 . ARMT 21. CAD. VAB 2 / 1 . 7 7 : 4 3 7 ? . p. 8 5 4 b . AHw. 4 1 . 170b)? 11. Materiali epigrafici di Ebla [Naples. 9 9 0 b ) . p. Die Landfahrzeuge des Alten Mesopota- mien [Helsinki. Groneberg. Salonen. EA 1 4 iii 1 5 . O n the logogram. 13:330). Boghazkoy. surru. 3 6 5 ) . on the reading tabarru rather than nabasu. IEJ 1 9 [ 1 9 6 9 ] p p . i 7 8 f f . also seems excluded. CAD. n. which also refers tentatively to LTBA 1. p . see iv 1 2 . and Landsberger. M / i . p . 256:516). p. 2 5 b ) . ARMT 2 1 . p. see CAD. ) . K I N = sakru.3 5 ) . p. p. and iii 2 4 in this inventory. See PRU 3 . p. 3 7 5 a . p. in view of the trimming. 5 9 L If the qualification is to be understood as [sa] U R U = dli. p. The Old Babylonian Tablets from Tell al Rimah. Is the rettu the lower part of the handle that fits into the palm? Cf. Pettinato. Groneberg speculates that here the bow may be a musical in­ strument. this garment is perhaps opposed to the type of shirt worn by the military (Waetzoldt. Mittani.TIR. p p . though doubtful. p. Corolla Linguistica (Wiesbaden. 1 9 7 6 ) . 5 7 . "inside of the hand" = la-'d-tum (rahatum) ( G . p. 20. 1 §U pi-ti-in-ka-ak ' « H E . nahlaptu (cf. 1 5 8 . 15. sd-di-in-nu. E ( . sees in kaballu a special fabric for sandals or leggings. is not clear. StOr 3 3 . a type of jewelry (ARMT 1 8 .). p p . 6 2 5 . 1 9 6 5 ) . Z U = . NA 16. RLA 6 / 1 . p. iii 1 6 . p .. kin-gfr = la-kar pa-at-ri. S. [1 ma-aS]-ha~lu (AHw. 3 4 . T A sti-up-pu-ru. lines ii 3 2 . T h e same abbreviation is found at Boghazkoy. 2 2 a . iii 4 5 . 2 2 ) . British School of Archaeology in Iraq (Hertford. and perhaps Ugarit. 1 0 ) . Dalley et a l . if a mural crown (PRU 3 . the last term taken as i'lu = t ( i s s i G .n ? forerunner. RA 8 1 ( 1 9 8 7 ) pp. "guard. 1 3 9 b . 10. Z U . 4 2 3 . 4 1 . alu. Durand. 1 9 8 2 ] . and see '"SGU U R U in the next line) is an abbreviated t ( i 8 G U . O n the tilpdnu-bow. as long established by Knudtzon. 1 9 . 2 5 0 . see Goetze. O n gumuru. Assuming " S G I R . with which it is also found (lines ii 2 1 . and EA 2 7 : 1 1 0 ) = nahlapti alii (See 58 . n. G A L . n a 14. pitinkak. A / 2 . E n g . 1 8 . 5 7 ) . p. Assuming 4§l. note f.THE AMARNA LETTERS 8. "\ZV = surru? (EA 13:17). "glove" (AHw. than a part of the snaffle (Adler. Sumerian su-sa. 9. 1 8 4 : 2 1 and note. 18.2 . Emar)/sikru differs from rettu (AHw. ARMT 4 2 1 . S1 13. also lines ii 5 4 . 3 4 .TlR = ""iSE. hardly appears here. MSL 1 0 . following A . . EA 2 7 : 1 1 0 . 3 0 9 . p. 17. H o w sakru (Middle Assyrian. and now made explicit by H A R . 1 §U 8 G U hur-ri [sa] U R U : "«GU (also lines ii 3 9 . : kin = la- ak-ru. 4 8 ) = qaltu (CAD. 1 1 5 . T h e article of apparel called U R U (alu). iii 2 4 . 1 8 2 . note to line 4. 7 1 : 9 (but cf. 2 1 . 1 1 7 . "for the city" (longer? fuller? more elaborate?). G I R . etc. kaballu I[a i-li] (cf. N / i . A ) . seems more likely. K . O n p.. see also EA 2 6 6 : 3 2 . Hoffner." see Salonen. p. p. at Ebla. Z A . B A N (not s ^ B A N . p. n. p. N / i . JCS 2 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. 1 6 8 . 1 '"SGU U R U (also ii 4 0 . . etc." t a C 19. see B . M E . p . proposes k[i-in\-st-Iu-nu. and the Hurrian-style nahlaptu is known from roughly contemporary documents from Alalakh. 12. 4 0 2 . 8 6 9 ) . see G o e t z e ^ C S 1 0 ( 1 9 5 6 ) p. cf.

Often Festschrift (see Introduction. note to line 1 1 . 9 8 . PRU 3 . see K . n. 1. malu: "full" recalls the contrast in Hittite texts of "full-empty. 1 8 3 . 1 1 . n. cited CAD. n. following Adler. Practical Vocabulary of Assur 2 3 7 ^ (Lands­ 5 berger and Gurney. sa per -a-zi 6 (also EA 2 5 i 2 7 . 1 0 3 . L A (nebehu) . neither here nor in EA 2 5 iv 5 1 is the reading S l M . Singer." see T i m o t h y Kendall. 1 8 ' B U G I N . T h e difference between this whisk (also EA 2 5 iii 5 2 ) and sa zubbt lull (i 5 8 ) is not clear. Tel Aviv 10 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p. Watanabe. 1 5 6 a ) is not an instrument for catching flies (Knudtzon. and in the latter. in M . "Helmet" is more probably a designation of shape (also ii 6 5 . AfO 1 8 [ 1 9 5 7 . 3 5 7 a . tearing. t ( i 22. Z . 3 1 2 . ellul ullu. . B . BiOr 4 3 ( 1 9 8 6 ) p. 2 1 9 : 3 1 ) . Giiter- bock. 33. 3 1 .SIKIL. . Contrary to CAD. A ." is never found in a gift list. 2 9 . see CAD. « B A R . 34. EA 22 previous line. see Goetze. K . 3 3 0 ) . 2 . N o t e also 2 G i R ma-ka-su (ARMT 2 1 . since pasru. 8 0 . a part for g n a w i n g . D U L = kusitu (also ii 4 2 . pp. p. p. K . On the sarku. in line iii 2 2 . 2 8 . Iraq 4 8 ( 1 9 8 6 ) pp. AHw.. p. M / i . B U L U G (ballukku). 36. pa-as-(ju)-ru. around. p. p. Beziehungen. AHw. 3 o 6 f . see W i l c k e . K . T h e garment sa-bd-at-ti (EA 1 2 0 : 2 1 ) does not seem likely in this con­ text. also ii 2 7 . On gurpisu. 1 « B A R . S l M . 2 i 8 f . B . Mallul. and M . "pole. 1 Su « f { B } . 6 4 . 23. RLA 4/4—5. G I G (kanatku). K I L (EA 2 5 iv 5 2 ) is a phonetic writing of I. Adler) rather than as a bowl (CAD. p. n. 3996°. and H . 5 . I K ) . see Ugar. 6 1 . p. 8 5 5 ) : the qualification seems paralleled at Mari by sapi'-(ih)-ha-zi(-im). which Durand. non-ornamented". "helmet. Adler). tl3 21. gi^-il-tu (also iii 2 ) : see CAD. AEM 1 / 1 . 4 8 5 b . which indicates a knifelike makkasu as well as an axe ( T U N ) . p. 27. Perhaps S f ( . p. p. 26. 5 32. no." see N . 4 6 1 a . S I ) . "(sesame?) oil.e. 1 3 6 7 ) . CAD. Morrison and 59 . 30. "an axe". and I. D U L / D U L . Illingworth. here it is S l M . p. see Dalley. 37. and perhaps in line i 2 6 . see Helck. originally a cloth for wiping and later (as here) a kind of undergarment worn around the hips. Corolla Linguistica. 5 8 5 .) Tukris (also EA 2 5 iv 2 5 ) was in Luristan and gave its name to metal objects and garments (see tukrilti. O n istu. 5 8 9 . pur'asu). i. EA 2 5 iv 4 8 ) . 94f. pp." not "from. inter­ prets as "having a mouse" (piazu. misreads ii 4 2 as tCi t l 3 « B A R . the latter for kneading dough. . O n A L A M as "winged disk" here. p. 8. 24. p. iii 2 5 . n. p. which is to be added to the references in AHw and CAD (CAD. 4 8 ." presumably "ornamented. cf. cf. ZA 70 ( 1 9 8 1 ) pp. 1 2 0 . 25." O n these oils as cosmetics and their containers. T U R (buginnu sehru? sussullu?): the difference between B U G I N ( L A G A B x A ) and B U G I N ( L A G A B x N I N D A ) is that the former was used for liquids. Deller and K . Iraq 5 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p.5 8 ] p. B A L . 29. p. cf. p. O n susuppu. iv 16) than a display helmet. 3 7 ) . . la zubbtkulsudi (AHw. T h e reference to a handle favors taking makkasu as a cutting instrument (AHw. 35. "on. 1 3 2 ) .

no. n. S E E N 2 a n 52. If [s\imittu is the correct reading. 1 6 2 ." see Landsberger. it would refer to a part of the chariot. p. 48. agree in reading U G U N (U + G U N ) ihzetu (a kind of special trimming) here and in EA 2 5 iv 5 0 (cf. Z A B U . sakku I I (AHw. "spoon. Adler). O w e n . Adler). i 1 6 ) . M E § (omitted by Adler): on the fabric 4 as hairy or shaggy and the logogram in peripheral texts. 1 0 S u . however. and the correspondence of the numbers suggests that for each I 5 « B U G I N . with a strainer or sieve attachment (cf. Kupper. Cf.TUR ( . Adler interprets Z A . 7 3 . 93f. Adler). 1 3 0 9 a ) . Iraq 4 2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p. T U G . p. . p. T. 1 5 if. 8'SBUGIN. Emar 6 / 4 .3 . 3 3 . n i g . ' " « G A D A te^-me-ta ( R S 3 4 . CAD. r 39. "tostopup. p. Similarly. for the determinative. « B U . 1 0 1 2 ) . ' 7 « ) . Dalley. G I = pihu. pi.B U . I n d ." O n sunu.THE AMARNA LETTERS D. CAD. T U R there was one itquru. ARMT 2 1 . the same sign is found in ii 1 8 . S I as suit and rendering "600 goblets (in the form of) oxen. G U D ( P U ) . O n leather cuirasses for horses. trim. 47. D A : reading uncertain. p. 2 . . 7 2 . Ugar. T h e form (purrusu) and the reduplication in the corresponding S u - merian term (dug-bur-bilr-ru) indicates a vessel with many "breaches. 1 0 N I G . as in EA 2 5 iv 6 3 . XV-XVI)." are joined here. 7 3 : 7 ) . S . 38. p. "lock. Lines 5 1 . p. CAD. 6 2 2 . I / J . 2 i f . D A = kuru. 6 1 4 . (e^-mu-u.da-C[u ] 4 (cf.5 4 seem to list special types of arrows. RA 7 7 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p p . sa G l S (not I Z I [ A d l e r ] ) . A m o n g so many household objects." but though S A G . and it is G U N . iv 4gff. 40. 3 6 7 . 1 6 4 r. AHw. H . 53.T U / T I . Line 3 3 seems out of place and looks like a heading for 37ff." 42. 2 6 4 a . 51. 3 ) . O n bubutu as the main beam on either side of the chariot. 1 0 5 . 1 6 0 . see Waetzoldt. and cf."it is n e v e r a l o g o g r a m f o r a n d pihu is not a lock. A G . 44. see C i v i l . S I (ubanatu) ka-sa-tu^ §a G U D . 10 § E N (ruqqu? sannu? also Gordon). A .).g f d - da apin = ma-sa-ad-du. R 1 49. see also EA 2 5 iv 4 8 . 7 0 : 1 6 6 ' ) 1 0 \&'¥bu-bu-{i\u 4 G I G I R : there is no reason to read ["']« (Knudtzon. ARMT 2 2 / 2 . D A = arku (not ariktu. 45. There is not enough room for &\ia-kd\-a-tu (CAD.3 ) d itquru. 50. 1 0 . fol­ lowed by Adler). p p . but if T U G = subatu. A . G I = pehd. 1 9 8 1 ) . A s noted. 54. G f D . "spears" must be a kind of poker. for a cart (AbB 3 . Moran. also the plural bubatim. eds. B . D A (masaddu: AHw. 2011T. 4 0 7 . I S note especially the A k k a d o g r a m at Boghazkoy. Cf. Cf. p. Dalley. perhaps ARMT 2 2 . G I D . in the next line. 3 5 1 . Iraq 4 2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p. G I as a phonetic writing of S A G . Brief. X not kurTtu. "hem. 41. pu-uq. RLA 6 / 1 . note h). Z A . p. along with poles. su-ku-u-[du] (Gordon). n. p. and iii 2 7 . 4 6 . not the axle. . and see comments of J . Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians ( W i n o n a Lake. p.. M E 5 : obscure (see AHw. see Edel. 3 5 . and CAD. usually burrumu. block. M / i . Context seems to argue against interpreting S u . 46. 43. by Knudtzon (VAB 2 / 1 . 1 T U G G U Z . JAOS 8 8 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p. p. "variegated. T h e i'lu was highly esteemed ( D u ­ rand. p.2 . 3 ' " S T U N A N I B A ( S I G . 7.6 4 . then G I D ." that is. 1 3 4 : 1 0 . 7 8 (perhaps zakku). 3 0 2 . p p . 60 . p p . JCS 2 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p .

my brother 61 . 34f. S . and she is on her way. in the time. On the difficulty in general of distinguishing the two. 5 ? 55.1 7 Thus Sauska of Nineveh. Were these gifts originally the bride- price or part of it and then returned to the Egyptian king as a kind of indirect dowry? On the indirect dowry in the Hurrian milieu of N u z i . 30 (reverse only). For your wives. for your country and for whatever else belongs to you. see Katarzyna Grosz. see Kiihne. 195). 4 (Ann Arbor. for your troops. mistress of all lands: "I wish to go to Egypt. For me all goes well. CAD. pi. no. pp. the king of Mittani. Saggs. illus. 3 7 ) . . and just as earlier she dwelt there and they honored her. whom you love. . vol. for Tadu-Heba. 56. too.3 0 May Sauska. the king of Egypt. in Morrison and O w e n . p. and terhatu in the sense of "dowry" (Knudtzon. The Greatness That Was Babylon (paperback. Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire. who loves you. Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians (see n. my son-in-law. p. EA 23 A goddess travels to Egypt TEXT: BM 29793." Now I herewith send 2 her. 1 8 . For you may all go well. for your horses. your father-in-law. J AOS 8 8 ( 1 9 6 8 ) pp. H. 2 6 . 170-73. Waterman. 1 1 3 . p. for your magnates. my brother. eds. for your chariots.3 went to this country. pi. 9f. n. 1930).2 5 Now. your wife. PHOTOGRAPHS: B B . 23. 11. May my brother honor her. the mistress of heaven. i7off. (then) at (his) pleasure let her go so that she may come back. x-y-2 [«'] KI. 1968). M E S SAL. a country that I love. B A . 1 0 3 2 . whom I love and who loves me: Thus Tusratta. and then return.. L. protect us. pp. pp. may 4 my brother now honor her 1 0 times more than before. Matrimonio. Pintore. very well. tentatively. Say to Nimmureya. 149. for your sons.MES remains uncertain. of my father . my daughter.GIGIR = sassu {AHw. see C i v i l . T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. 372-73. New York and Toronto. T h e reading of N I G . may all go very. 5 3 ) seems excluded by the logogram and the almost exclusively masculine character of the gifts. For your household. p p . may all go well. EA 23 and it is not clear how it should be distinguished from ntru in the following line.KAL. T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling. C O P Y : BB 10. 4.uS.

it seems. A reading i-en-nu-tu^ "the first time" (Adler. 3 7 . perhaps on the occasion of the marriage of K e l u . 21:16).THE AMARNA LETTERS and me.. T h e statue sent by Tusratta need not have been the statue worshipped in the temple in Nineveh. too.H e b a (see EA 1 9 : 6 ) . VAB 2 / 2 . . would make perfect sense. 3 7 . 1 7 8 . but it is not supported by collation. 1 7 6 . p.7 7 . declares. and the implied negative answer explains why the Pharaoh may expect to share with Tusratta in the protection and blessings of the goddess. EA 1 : 7 2 ) . along with A m a n . Sauska's role. against K n u d t z o n ) . the previous visit mentioned in lines i8f. and for my brother 6 not his god(dess)? NOTES 1 . 2 0 . or that. if he did. 2 . NIN-»/ 5 (Adler). n. lu-ul-lik-ma-me (Adler.t). is a connection with the solemnities associated with the marriage of Tusratta's daugh­ ter. therefore. 6. ) . More likely." See Kiihne. cf. It is uncertain whether this letter is referred to as a "copy" (Egyptian myt. but this explanation rests purely on analogy and finds no support in this letter. cf. n. p. written in black ink and the hieratic script. x-y- BE/nu (possible. day 1. on the implications of the term. p. 62 . pa-na-a-nu (Gordon). 1 0 5 0 . And let us act as friends.000 years. there are three lines of Egyptian. and may our mistress? grant both of us great joy. also Gordon). She is "our mistress" (line 2 8 ) and. T h e writing ia-Ti-ma-a indicates a question. n. he would say it here and not five lines earlier when the return of the statue is mentioned (lines 2 4 f . contrary to what Use Wegner. 1) to support Tusratta's request that the statue be returned. Adler. see EA 2 7 . nn.. One explanation of the goddess's visit is that she was to heal the aged and ailing Egyptian king. Weber. 5. see Kiihne. Gestalt und Kult der Utar- Sawulka in Kleinasien. and note. 3 . cf. 100. 20:25ff./ # . the reading of part of which remains uncertain. A O A T 3 6 ( 1 9 8 1 ) p. 6 5 . either Gordon's or my own.3 2 Is Sauska for me alone my god(dess). T h i s much seems clear: "Year 3 6 . 4th month of winter. p. It may be doubted that Tusratta would say anything so obvious. x =4 D I N G I R ? y = I§? 4 . our goddess. One (the king) was in the southern villa (of) the House of Rejoicing. Following lines 3 i f . 3 1 . of making Tadu-Heba answer to the king's desires (EA 1 9 : 2 4 . 1 7 3 . These lines are hardly an affirmation (so Knudtzon.

. . . very 68 . of the (genitive plural) . . very graciously. improved readings. 67 my brother us(?) very. Friedrich. TRANSLITERATION: J . your] magnates. . . . . everything [ve}ry. Or n. . 71 with my [ . . ] . . (and) with those whom I love. to Mane.s. . 62 my brother's [wife]. EA 24 EA 24 A letter in Hurrian about marriage and friendship TEXT: VAT 422. I did gra­ ciously. Mane. . your brother}. my son-in- law]. . and my entire . my brother. . now my brother has sent. 6 [your children. . pp. . your wives. . §7 65 . VS 12. . 8 . .2 [Say to Nim]murey[a. my brother 50 . . . 60 . Mane. §§2-4 (badly damaged) §5 47 . All goes well with me. . Assutemiwuya. 63 . and I did all that totally 70 . . . my entire land very. For m[y so]n-in-law. . your war chariots. And earlier 66 . . may all go very well. 6 5 . . the king of Egypf. he sent to me 51 . . .6 4 (destroyed or unintelligible). . . 72 your envoy.3 2 . graciously 56 . . . all that 58 . . my father Suttarna's daughter . . . fine oil(?) for his head. . . . of my brother . your land and your [possessions. 5 [May all] go we[ll with you]. very 57 . . ' §i 1 1 . 40 (1971) pp. 54 . 48 . . . . very 69 . . 200. §6 59 . your envoy. very. COPIES: WA 27. . . . And give me your daughter as my wife! 52 . 61 . . 73 saw all the things that I did. your [hor}ses. 7 yo[ur troops]. from the . . . And I did not express 53 . which 55 . your envoy. . . Otten in Farber. . totally. wh[om I love (and) who loves me: 3 Thus (speaks) Tu]sra[tt]a. . fine oil(?) for his head. two . 1932).6 6 . your father-in-law. 49 . 4 who loves you. Kleinasiatische Sprachdenkmaler (Berlin. . the mistress of the land of Egypt 6 3 . the ki[ng of the land of Mittani. . of my grandfather . . . . good .

he conducted (it). made a . . 88 And all the gifts of his forefathers 89 were very. . those . . . when they left. we might . . . was 92 amazed. I . . . the 99 . §9 83 And Keliya. 104 The things that my brother in connection with the gift 105 did for Simige. his father. the city of Simige. these may 101 Simige and Aman and Ea-sarri 102 for my brother and his land . so they are). . And the things that we wish for ourselves. . did he speak." And Keliya expressly announced the gift's departure. very correctly And when about all I had not done 6 for my brother's wife 7 I heard from Keliya and Mane." Thus 96 . 107 and all the things that my brother 108 wishes in (his) heart. in a way according to my brother's heart n . from our . 103 . So he has . gift. 77 Simige. . 8 I was/did . 86 And from Ihibe. . . 98 which are made for him. very much 80 rejoice. . my(!) envoy. . 113 . 10 very. So shall it be (lit. . . . . . and . . . . them 5 . the way 94 . . very much. . 95 . . The . very much. . 64 . in consideration of the gift. II 1 .000 . . these will Simige give to my brother. 114 Keliya. . 10. . . . 9 to the dowry for my brother's wife . 91 and your brother himself. delivered . 85 the lord of Egypt. his god. . . very delightful. . that of Simige . 4 And my brother has .2 (destroyed) 3 . 87 and to Simige. . in a favorable way. my envoy. 81 may one for the other. 93 and he reported as follows: "He has . and they are coming to my brother. . . i n My brother's envoys whom 112 I allowed to depart(?) (and whom) I sent. So the gift went off. 76 so may Tessup. 75 as now I love my brother. gener­ ously. 106 his father. . and the pieces of booty left your brother's 90 country amazed. . . . . . . 97 . Ea-sarri and all 78 the gods love us in their hearts very. very much. . .. 79 For long years may fw]e(!) with great joy very. I have allowed to depart. of the land of my brother. objects that my brother 100 made for the gift. . message. §10 n o And may my brother not distress himself about that matter. . . 84 and he re­ ported as follows: "Your brother Nimmureya. . Sauska. . and Mane. your envoy. between us. Amanu. and may my brother hear them . 109 he will make. . he had it come. his god. 82 most graciously do. .THE AMARNA LETTERS §8 74 As now my brother loves me. .

. 23 ..3 3 (badly damaged) §13 34-49 (badly damaged) 50 . . . . as many as there are . . of our gods. . .. so they are). . all 21 . . . 75 if those great things . . . . . . fashion 26 . they may all . . Know (this)! §14 5 7 . . 74 and we together do not w a n t .. . . and may my brother 13 heed it. . Land . . . 76 in our marriage alliance our gods . . that my brother 22 dispatched are . . 17 I assem­ bled my entire land 1 8 and my nobles. my brother's 1 4 envoy. 82 For us may they . 64 [rejoice] exceedingly. . 7 1 1 am the k[ing] of the land of Egypt. between us. 24 they may .. . and I addressed (them): "My land 27 will . . .. When a dowry is broughtQ). 62 rejoiced exceedingly. they 70 among them are also of one mind.1 6 and when earlier Mane br[ought(?)] what my brother had dispatched {as] my gift. . . . From that . are one. Just as . . 60 golden . . And I addressed 19 Mane: "All . 77 and(?) we(!) do not(!) guide well the . . 5 3 . totally. me. one thing) to say something to my brother. If the 59 four . another matter that 80 all things for us . . . . . . . my brother will dispatch a shipment of gold as my gift. my brother's envoy. . comes. . the Hurrian land 69 and the land of Egypt. my nobles will . .5 8 And now may my brother send Mane. over the one large dowry . . [I will] in view of 63 what my brother dispatches. . . . . §15 65 And the things which in our midst Tessup and Amanu 66 . distressed . so shall we together [in ou]r midst 68 and we. 67 loves. And Mane. 52 may the gods not ordain . and over that 55 I would rejoice in my heart exceedingly. . . . . . . . 2 8 . . . . . which my 65 . in . them very much. . that my brother 20 dispatched. 81 So shall it be (lit. And my brother will inform me . of ivory. 1 5 .. . . . . . Just as I 6 1 . . 73 And what both these lands do not w a n t .. .. of Tessup (and) Amanu. 51 . 72 and my brother is the ki[ng] of the Hurrian land (sic). . 7 8 . . . they may be satisfactory . . EA 24 §" 1 2 And I want just (lit. . . 83 all . §12 25 And he did . me. . . . . . .7 9 Whosoever did not carry on a relationship full of love in the manner of my forefathers (and) my own (manner). .5 4 I f . 56 And so I have said them (these words) now to my brother. have done. other lands. . two .

so it is). so am I). . . . . . so shall it be (lit. . §20 11 And now I have given my brother's wife. 100 My brother did . 2 and now I have given her. where are they? So 93 may my brother carry on with me a relationship full of love. . and it is [M]ane [my bro]ther has sent. . . .. . is very good.. your envoy. . . If 87 . who come with Mane. . she is pleasing. . . sees . 118—24 (badly damaged) 125 Just as . . 112 exceedingly . . §17 95 Mane. . . . all envoys are present. that I saw . 5 So shall it be (lit. . . my brot[her . the other 88 lands. . . . . . . . 99 . The word that 102 Mane will communicate to my brother is graci[ous] and 103 true. . it.THE AMARNA LETTERS brother 84—85 . §18 107-8 But now [m]y brother {has s}ent. . . .1 5 (badly damaged) §19 116 The other . . what the 7 land of Egypt does not want at all. . . . and my brother . . in a brilliant way very much . . . 109 sent . 13 my brother will see her . . . . 90 If I to my head . I have proper/y given. . . my servants. in view of his/her/its matter. I l l 1 And my brother wanted a wife . . . . and she has gone 12 to my brother. . 89 and all other lands. in my land . §16 86 May my brother send off Mane. . ] land . 105 Towards his affairs it is not hostile. . What the 6 Hurrian land does not want at all. . if 91 Mane is not. him . and she has gone [to my] broth[er]. . . . 111 And Mane . When she comes. so it is). . of my brother. 101 . So 10 shall it be (lit. so it is). . 94 all lands . . So shall it be (lit. does not exist. is not 9 . Mane . . . From this . . . there does not exist 96 a man(!) like [him] in all the world . . And may my brother . 92 the others that I make. does not exist. . . 4 that entire . . It is not evil 104 (and) hostile towards my brother. . . 117 have . . . 1 1 3 . .. And guards has [my] brother . . . all that my brother's wife shows 8 to my brother. . And she comes 14 to my brother. . and he tells me (that) my affairs . I will have with my brother a relationship full of love. 110 And he has come . . are present. 106 .. not. . . 3 Just as that entire . . that he made . according to my brother's 66 . . . 97 Thus my brother in my land 98 . is pleas­ ant. .

50 I have . and there is nobody who does not know it. . §21 21 And now when the wife of my brother comes. . 37 And there is . . did for your father are . and they are . 36 And the tablet of her dowry is available. . And the tablet(!) 41 of the dowry from me. belonging to me. 39 again is available. . 29 If it is spread out in the view of my brother. May my brother have their tablets given to him 40 and may he hear (the words of) both their (tablets). And the entire land may my brother 25 assemble. 51 in great love. . . . and my . 47 And my brother knows in their regard 48 that they exist(ed). 17 and we are not . . one thing) want to say something to my brother. 43 that it is splendid. my sister. . §23 44 If . . . . . 22 when she shows herself to my brother. 27 And they may show his dowry to my brother. . 15 And again my brother will see a dowry 16 . the tablets of the dowries of my marriage alliance (through sister and father's sister) are not available. . . my father's daughter. my brother much more than my forefathers. . 30 on/from the earth may . §22 35 And there is . 42 and may my brother hear that the dowry is very extensive. . 19 They come 20 to my brother. . which I gave. . . EA 24 heart. . 24 they may show. And I wish to say: 5 2 . . 28 and they may spread out everything irf the view of my brother. §24 4 9 1 just (lit. 23 may my . . 54 And with just a single dispatch of mine I have done 67 . and they are . . and my brother will see them. . 45 —my brother 46 . . . . and may my brother heed it. . . 38 And the tablet of her dowry . ..5 3 The things that Artatama. that it is befitting my brother. . . my father's sister. and may all other lands 26 and the nobles (and) all envoys be present. my grandfather. . . We . 18 (The things) that I have dispatched to my brother I have dispatched. And may my brother take 31 all the nobles and all the envoys 32 and all other lands and the war charioteers 33 whom my brother desires. 34 And may he spread out the dowry and may it be pleasing. in view of that not(!?). and may my brother go. which the kings (also) know. . from our . . . my grandfather's daugh­ ter. may he have given to him. and so I have .

. 70 And my brother has not given to me the equivalent 71 of what he dispatched to my father. carry out my business. 87 And my brother has . And may my brother 72 make me rich in respect to the kings. With much gold 74 may my brother have me provided.. . . gold . pleasing (things). so it is). ." 68 . thus 65 will I be most loving.THE AMARNA LETTERS ten times as much. from the heart. may he not distress my heart! And in the measure in which it appears. . . . 61 And now my brother is going to see (the things) that I 6 2 . 90—92 I have requested from my brother a molten gold image of my daughter. . And I . 97 may my brother give an ivory image. 104 the lord of Mittani. So shall it be (lit. . . 64 Thus will I deal loyally with my brother. thus they are . me much. that your father to my grandfather 68 earlier dispatched—what you to my father 69 earlier dispatched was much more than that of your father.) with just a single dispatch of mine I have done ten times as much. . 96 . 60 and they . . so shall it be (lit.. The gifts that 5 8 . . so am I).. so am I). . . As 98-99 I shall speak to my goddess. in his land. whom he gave as wife of Immureya. may my brother give pleasing (things). (well. . 55~57 Similarly.. . Sauska of Niniveh. 88 And may my brother make me rich in respect to my land.. in comparison with mine they are not equivalent. . And my heart 76 may he not distress. so they are): "This 103 molten gold image is Tadu-Heba. 7 9 . 106 And Immureya made a molten gold image. So shall it be (lit. As 102 they should be spoken. 93 but I also know that for my brother.6 3 have dispatched to my brother. . . Before earth 101 (and) before the heavens are the words spoken. 105 the lord of Egypt. the things that my father did for you.. that a gold image for me might 100 . And may my brother 75 also . much more than my fore­ fathers. the daughter of Tusratta. . And may my brother 95 not . The golden . Thus I will dispatch to my brother (gifts). according to] my heart. . . 94 much. 89 And may my brother not distress my heart! For that .5 9 my grandfather (and) father dispatched to your father (and) to you. 86 in the manner desired. my vassalsQ) 73 (and) the other lands. §25 66—67 And for the horses my brother did not reward me with gold the way my forefathers (were rewarded). So shall it be (lit.8 5 (badly damaged) And may he not distress my heart! And may my brother give. the wife of my brother. 77—78 may m[y brothe]r erect a mo[lt}en gold image . . . . . And next. 107 and full of love dispatched it to Tusratta. And in respect to my brother . Of my sister. I know that my brother loves me exceedingly.

. . . 6 . . . . has reported 1 2 and Parattu . to the great . they (the words) are true and right. . one thing) more to my brother: 2 In my brother's presence there are not many evil words spoken. and I will hear them. . . 9 I heard this and I rejoiced. §28 30 And now. there be for me an ene[my] 1 1 6 — i f only he did not exist!—I will write to my brother.1 8 . my brother has . 5 And for the satisfaction of my person he has spoken to me. And evil words are not spoken to my brother. If. . that . these 32—33 have I done tenfold. then I would be very distressed. informs me(?). . 24—25 That too that anyone might ex­ press to me about my brother (or) about his land. they could . This word is in . But what Keliya and Mane will say 28—29 about my brother (or) about his land. My brother's wife 34 I have 69 . . . . EA 24 §26 108 And because of all this we both are of one mind and love one another . . . to my brother. way spoken. and he has . . And in our lands n o peace prevails. 119—24 (unintelligible) §27 IV 1 And I want to say something (lit. 1 1 4 . And an evil word that anyone may say about me (or) about my land. 1 3 That word comes. 3 Those do not come into the presence of the Great . lord/ king. And with not a single word have I distressed my brother's heart. and everything concerning the enemy of my brother 1 1 5 will be at his disposition. 10 my brother had not done them this way. But the (words) that Mane and Keliya say 2 2 about me (or) about my land. . . . (then) my brother writes 1 1 3 to me. armor. . and everything concerning my(!) enemy. . But should. and may my brother 1 5 . . 2 3 they are true and right. how­ ever. 1 1 And now again a . 4 An evil word . . . 26—27 those (words) I will not hear if Keliya and Mane do not say them. has thus 14 been actually expressed. armor. it before his land regarding the great . . all the things 3 1 that my brother has named (and) wants. If only an enemy of my brother i n did not exist! But should in the future an enemy 1 1 2 invade my brother's land. . That my brother has made the . arms. . 109 exceedingly..1 8 and my brother will dispatch to the land of Egypt. 19—may my brother 20 not hear those words if Mane and Keliya 2 1 do not say them. and may my brother hear them. . . . 1 6 . . .7 and with satisfaction have I again heard him. . on the other hand. 8 And for (or: among) the people of Awar he has made provision. . 1 1 7 . and the Human land. arms. My brother is brotherly (minded). .

And I would . . . And may my gods know. . 62 both of them." 46 No. §30 45 My brother may say: "You yourself have also detained my envoys. . . . And may my brother send Mane along. and my brother will see them. 61 And . and my brother will see 48 what I have given as the dowry for the wife of my brother. and my brother should know it. . threefold 64 . speaks in some 7° . for a word. (I have sent off) Keliya and Ar-Tessup and Asali. . 44 and I will rejoice very much over the well-being of my brother. And I have . 561 do not want him. . . . And she is pure. . It is . . she my . . . . and as my . 49 It is . Now. as my clay-tablet scribe—to my brother. (them). me 47 to the dowry for the wife of my brother. . And . 60 . . .THE AMARNA LETTERS given. 53 so he can leave together with my envoy! Any other envoy 54 may my brother not send. my brother's envoy. . . may he not . . them . . May he send only Mane. 41 And may my brother not . . . 43 And I would like to hear (about the) well-being (and the) favorable situation of my brother. . both of them. As 109 . 59 And may my brother know it. And it (the dowry) is coming. . . I have not detained them. . 35—39 I have sent off Mane. . And that is the thing 108 that has [been demanded]. too. If 55 my brother does not send Mane and sends someone else. . . . . . . 50 In the view of my brother may it be satisfactory. and Asali is . . And you . . . §3i 51 May my brother let my envoys go as soon as possible 52 so they can leave. she will speak. this (woman) is pure (a virgin?). And my envoys 42 may my brother let go as fast as possible. are available. most magnificently. If she . 57 No! May my brother send Mane! §32 58 And this wife of my brother whom I have given. who is pleasing to my brother's heart. . me. 65 and may the gods of my brother know! If 66-68 (unintelligible) §§33-34 (badly damaged) 107 to my [brother] it is . §29 40 And may my brother not detain my envoys. . 63 . my envoys—Keliya is a magnate. and my mother has . And may my brother know it.

and if they . . . 128 . 9 8 .1 1 3 . W i l h e l m .. [ 1 9 7 5 ] ) . D . 4 8 7 .2 2 .. H . 1 9 7 1 ) . . . 1 1 7 may the gods guide both of us together. NOTE [The translation and note for EA 2 4 are by G e m o t W i l h e l m . S M E A 2 4 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p p . Speiser. N e u prior to J u l y 1 9 9 0 . . between us. 1 2 3 to love one another. M ..s. and C . So shall it be (lit. Brandeis University. and since this language is quite inadequately under­ stood. Hurrisch und Urartdisch (Munich. Thiel et al. . Immureya is the Egyptian king. . p p . . that §imige shines upon. T h e Hurrian-Hittite bilinguals discovered at Boghazkoy (see H . 1 2 6 . 1 9 6 4 ) . n o may [my br]other not hear the (things) that (in reality) are not [said]. Laroche has published a lexicon. As 1 2 2 man loves Simige on seeing him. And we wish to be friendly (to each other). idem. . EA 24 other way. "A G r a m m a r of the Hurrian Language" ( P h . our fathers. and in our hearts we wish to love one another 1 1 4 . Otten and E . RHA 3 4 ( 1 9 7 6 ) and 3 5 ( 1 9 7 7 ) . Otten. and Bush. Diakonoff. so we are). 1 2 2 — 3 6 . and H . . 1 1 8 Tessup and Amanu. Girbal. 1 1 9 And may we be protected. T h e content is often obscure even where the text is not damaged.J . . . they 1 3 0 love . 2 1 5 . Goetze. Tusratta is the Hurrian king. Pbonematik und grammatische Struktur des Hurrischen. 3 7 2 . the relevant literature may be found in the extensive bibliography in the appendix to the latest comprehensive grammar of Hurrian. so do we want. the translation must be provisional and tentative. Thus . . And may my brother keep faith 1 1 3 perfectly. . Thiel. E . And may we . they 1 2 7 . us. Friedrich.2 3 9 . Bush. . And so . And in our relationship one will wish for 1 2 4 the goodfate{\?) of the other. . Archdologischer Anzeiger [ 1 9 8 4 ] pp. des Altorientalischen Seminars der Freien Universitat Berlin (Berlin.9 6 . between them . W . 9 3 ( 1 9 8 0 ) . Das Hurritologische Archiv . J . one another exceedingly. Or n. T h e interpretation of the text is associated especially with the names of Messerschmidt. And between us 1 2 1 we wish to love one another in brotherly fashion and close attachment. ZA 7 3 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p p . idem. 9 6 . all for us . ZA 7 8 ( 1 9 8 8 ) pp. . . . 5 4 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . . For a new interpretation of several passages. . see G . For the grammar also to be noted are I.1 5 (destroyed or unintelligible) As by Seri 1 1 6 (and) your god our life (and) our fate are determined. . . 1 2 9 . T h e Staatliche Museen zu Berlin very generously made photos available. §35 i n In my heart I wish to be on the best of terms with my brother 1 1 2 and to love one another. diss. . our lords. 71 . T h e "Mittani letter" is the only document in the Amarna archives writ­ ten in the Hurrian language. . .7 5 ) have been used for this preliminary translation only to the extent that parts of them have been discussed in various articles of H . in V Haas. reprinted as a monograph in the series Etudes et Commentaires. And all the lands that 1 2 5 exist on the earth. . — W L M ] 1 . and these were consulted in numerous in­ stances. Glossaire de la langue hourrite. F. . 1 2 0 and may we .

their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. i 1 1-15C.. 24 1 set of toggle pins. . their top of genuine hulalu-stone. COPIES: WA 25 (without fragments). their top of genuine hiliba-stone. their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone.. their top of hiliba-stone. their top of hiliba-stone. of g]old.2 1 1 set of earrings. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. (with) inlay. 1 4 72 . (with) inlay. 28 1 set of toggle pins. 174-205. 2. 2 0 . 27 1 set of toggle pins. 30 [ 1 se]t of toggle pins. of genuine hulalu-stone. 1 6 1 set [of earrings. their top of hiliba- stone. . and their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 29 1 set of toggle pins. their c[o]nes of genuine lapis 2 lazuli. their top of genuine hulalu- stone. pp. of gold. their top of genu­ ine hulalu-stone. VS 12. their top of genuine hulalu-stone. of gold]. their cones of genuine lapis lazuli. no. 3 1 1 set of toggle pins. .. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli.. ] . . 201. their [cones] of genuine lapis lazuli. of solid gold. 17 1 set of ear[rings.}. 3 22 1 set of toggle pins. 25 1 set of toggle pins. of genuine [ . 26 1 set of toggle pins. . 2 3 1 set of toggle pins. 1 s e t 18-19 of earrings. their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone. and their kukkubu of genuine lapis lazuli. of genuine fculla^lu-stone. 3 2 [ 1 se]t of toggle pins. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. (with) inlay. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 4 on each.. (with) inlay. 33—34 1 "weave": 6 genuine lapis lazuli stones. their top of genuine lapis lazuli. their top of genuine hulalu-stone. of solid gold. (with) inlay. 7 hiliba-stones.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 25 Inventory of gifts from Tusratta TEXT: VAT 340 ( + ) fragments 2191 a-c. of gold with a reddish tinge (and) of . . their [cones] of genuine hulalu-stone. of gold. their top of hiliba-stone.

cut: 37 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 28 hiliba-stones. 43 { 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 46 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. 13 seal-shaped stones of genuine lapis lazuli. 37 [1 "wea]ve. of gold. 39 (pieces of) gold leaf. the centerpiece a [. mounted on gold. the center[piece] a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 44 1 maninnu-neckiace. 38 strings of gold. the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 3 5 . x hil~\iba-stones.. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold.. x hiliba-stones. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 38 (pieces of) gold leaf. 38 (pieces of) gold. 28 hiliba-stones. cut: 4 3 [genuine lapis lazuli stones}. 50 1 maninnu-neckiace. . 41 [1 mari\innu-necklace. 40 [1 mani]nnu-necklace (with) a counterweight: 28 genuine lapis lazuli stones. cut: 26 genuine lapis lazuli stones.3 6 1 "weave": 9 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 4 . 45 1 maninnu-neckiace. cut: 34 genuine hulalu-stones. cut: 30 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 26 hiliba-stones. 13 per string. cut: 38 genuine lapis lazuli stones. cut: 25 genuine lapis lazuli stones. cut: 32 [genuine lapis lazuli stones. 48 1 maninnu-neckiace. 20 hikru-gems of gold. cut: 26 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 47 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. 40 strings of gold. 2 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone. 49 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. . 39 [1 mani]nnu-necklace. EA 25 bikru-gems of gold. its centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. fx] strings of lapis lazuli. 35 [. 28 hi{liba-stones]. 10 hiliba-stones. of seal-shaped stones. . mounted on gold. 42 [1 mani]nnu-necklace.-stone] mounted on gold. 25 hiliba-stones. mounted on gold. . the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. cut: 38 [genuine lapis lazuli stone]s. 73 . 4 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 38 [1 maninnu-neckiace. 72 strings of genuine lapis lazuli and gold. [the centerpiece] a sankallu-stone mounted on gold.* the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. of seal-shaped stones of lapis lazuli. ] - stones." of gold: 1 hiliba-stone.

. x] genuine hulalu-stones. . 7 1 . .. . cut: 2 3 genuine lapis lazuli stones. .THE AMARNA LETTERS 51 1 maninnu-necklace. . mounted on gold. ] of genuine lapis lazuli. ] . the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. ] . . the centerpiece a .. . .7 2 [ . 63—64 [ . 24 genuine hulalu-stones. . . along with their [co]vers. . . . 8 t>u{lalu-stones . . . 1 6 sankallu-stones. 5 . 5 7 . a . ." of {genuine] l[apis lazuli"]. . . } genuine lapis lazuli stones. 69 [ . 54 1 maninnu-necklace. . 2 5 5 Marhafi-stones. the cen­ terpiece a ge]nuine [. . 70 [ .5 3 1 maninnu-necklace. ii 1 . 26 gold k{ama]ru. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold.5 8 [ 1 mani]nnu-necklace (with) counterweight: 14 genuine lapis lazuli stones. (x + ) ] 5 "worms" of gold. [the centerpiece. 5 pomegranates of sankallu-stone. 48 (pieces of) gold leaf. 180 "worms" of genuine hulalu-stone. {the center­ piece] a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 1 6 genuine §ulalu-stones. . 16 carnelian stones. 24 (pieces of) gold leaf. . cut: 17 genuine lapis lazuli stones. the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. their tops [ . ] . ] genuine hulalu-stone. 67-68 [ .2 [x a]skiru?hu-vessels. [ .]• 1 3 . ] are strung [on] gold wire. ] . of gold. . cut: 34 obsidian stones. . . .-stone] mounted on gold. . . ] . sankallu-stones.4 [x] utuppu: 60 genuine lapis lazuli stones. . . . 10 pomegranates of carnelian. "cricket]s. 63 genuine feulalu stones. [ . a thin (band) overlaid with 74 . . 65—66 [ .-stone] mounted on gold. 59-60 [1 maninnu-necklace . 1 7 hiliba-stones. . . .-stone] mounted on gold. : 1 2 2 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 35 (pieces of) gold. . ] . 25 genuine hulalu-stones. [x + ] 6 feulalu- stones. the centerpiece] a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. . 55—56 1 maninnu-necklace (with) counterweight: 1 4 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 5 2 . . along with their covers [ . [ . 1 0 "cr[icke]ts" of fydiba-stone. . . 3 3 (pieces of) gold. gazelle [. the centerpiece a sankallu-stone mounted on gold. . 62 [ . the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 6 61 [ . 3 0 (pieces of) gold {leaf. ] 24 gold kamaru. . .6 [ . . .

3 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone. of genuine lapis lazuli.1 4 1 set of large agarhu-]ewe\s. 3 finger-rings. 2 finger-rings. of gold. of solid gold. the centerpiece a genu­ ine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. of 9 malachite. 2 75 . 2 1 . . 2 4 . not mounted. of solid gold. 1 new-moon crescent of [genuine] hulalu-stone. (mounted) on gold.-stone mounted on gold. their centerpiece a genu­ ine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. of gold tinged with red [ . . 1 2 bikru-gems and a seal-shaped stone of genuine hulalu-stone. of mussaru-stone. of genuine lapis lazuli. . overlaid with gold. 1 . . . of iron.u-]evje\s. 2 2 6 . mus saru-stone. set [in] genuine [lapis lazu]li. of genuine hulalu-stone. 1 5 . of gold tinged with red. 1 seal- shaped stone of genuine lapis lazuli mounted on gold. mu[s?aru)-stone. genuine hulalu-stone. 2 finger-rings. not mounted. . 1 ulluru of hiliba-stone.3 1 1 small torque. EA 25 gold. 30 shekels in weight. of genuine lapis lazuli. 18 2 "eye"-stones. 2 new-moon crescents of genuine lapis lazuli. n . for 8 the hand. 28 10 thin bracelets. of solid gold. . 4 .1 2 [ . . mounted on gold. ] new-moon crescents of genuine hulalu-stone. 2 foot-bracelets. genuine obsidian. their ulluru of hiliba-stone. for a seal-shaped stone. 1 3 . (with) inlay. . mounted on gold. mounted on gold. of gold. 14 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone. genuine ^ulalu-stone. of hiliba-stone. . mounted on gold. 4 bikru-gems of gold. 5 finger-rings." of genuine lapis lazuli. genuine obsidian. . .2 7 hand-bracelets. mounted on gold [ . . of genuine joulalu-stone. . 2 finger-rings. ] . for the hand.1 7 3 sets of small agarh. . the mesukku-birds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. mounted on gold. 1 seal-shaped stone of pendu mounted on gold. of ir[on}. (with) mesukku-bhds. 9—10 [x] large [ . .2 3 3 finger-rings. . 1 3 per string. ] 3 genuine hulalu-stones (for a) counterweight. one attached to the other. 7—8 { . 30 shekels of gold [have been used] on them. not mounted. for the hand.2 5 1 4 hand-bracelets. 19 1 3 "eye"-stones. . 390 shekels in weight. . . 1 finger-ring. 20 2 1 9 "crickets. n per string. . ] . 2 9 . ] .

. i?4 shekels of silver have been overlaid on them. its handle a figure of a woman. i 4 shekels of gold have been overlaid on them. 80 shekels in weight. iharushu.'9 56—57 1 mirror. .4 8 1 ointment receptacle. . 51 1 oin(t)ment receptacle. I 2 3 4 1 . its handle a 17 s[wal]low overlaid with gold. 30 shekels in weight. . (mounted) on gold. of gol[d . . its handle a Delugue-monster overlaid with gold. mo[unted on] gold. . 4 7 . 1 alkali container of gold. 4 9 . .THE AMARNA LETTERS genuine lapis lazuli stones (to serve as) counterweights. 11 "worms. . of gold.4 6 1 ointment receptacle. its handle a 5 6 . . 40 shekels in weight. its handle a figure 3 of a woman. of gold. 32—33 1 pin. of genuine hulalu-stone. its top of hiliba-stone mounted on gold. its top of hiliba-stone mounted on gold. its handle [a pan]ther [overlaid with] gold. 1 washbasin of silver. . the handle a figure of alabaster. its rettu of abasmu-stone.5 5 1 water-dip(per). of silver. of gold. 1 harushu. 2 genuine hulalu-stones (to serve as) counterweights. 8 52 30 shekels of silver (we)re overpaid]' on them. It is set here {and there] with lapis lazuli and alabaster. of silver. 1 parakkatanu. 5 4 .-stone. 58—59 1 mirror. 7 small pomegranates.5 0 1 ointment receptacle. . 4 3 . 3 . ." of gold. [ . 3 shekels of gold have been [used] on them. 76 . of gold. . 10 36—40 1 {bunc]h ofgrapes. This jewelry is for keeping 11 {girded]. its top of genuine lapis lazuli mounted on gold. 1 pin. of gold. its retifu) overlaid with gold. ] . .' 2 genuine lapis lazuli stones [are set]' in the center. 14 shekels in weight. of gold. 1 3 shekels in weight. ] Their b[ut]tons' are of loiUba-stone. . 1 alkali container of silver. of ebony. 53 1 wa[shba]sin." of gold. one genuine lapis lazuli stone [is set] in the center.' its rettu of alabaster. . of genuine hulalu-stone. . . . its rettu of . 6 "weaves. 6 [ . 4 . . overlaid with g]ol[d}. 1 2 3 shekels in weight. of gold. 20 shekels in weight. 34—35 1 harufyu. ifearufhu. 1 huzunu. of genuine hulalu-stone. of ivory. its rettu of marhallu-stone. 1 ussab- nannu. of gold.4 4 1 ointment receptacle. of gold. 100 shekels of gold hafve been used] o[n them]. 4 4 5 . mounted on gold. overlaid with ivory and gold. 40 shekels in weight. y/2 shekels of gold have been u[sed] on them.4 2 1 0 pairs of boots and . . of gold. overlaid with gold.

. 30 shekels in 21 weight. ] . . 26 [ . . hu]Ialu-stone { . 1 set of . . } . 29 25 sets of askuru\shu-vessels . 64 30 hearts. . . 14 [ .. . of sil}ver. of gold. . (with) inlay. . ] . . . 20 shekels in weight. 3 22—23 W sets offlas\ks. ] strung. . along with [their] (c)ov[ers . 65 20 combs.1 9 25 sets of flasks. . 71 10 combs. ] . 300 shekels [ .2 1 26 sets of fla(sks). . . . 2 33—34 1 set 4 of [ .. . ] . overlaid with gold. EA 25 60—61 1 kuninnu-bowl. [(. . . . 2000 [ . 27—28 25 sets of askurus [A#-vessels . .].. . . . 72 10 combs. . 1 s e t or 23 16—17 "flasks. . of silver [ .. ) ] . of stone. . 62 1 kuninnu-bowl.. . of silver. 30 [ . 2 0 .. 30—31 [ . ..] 12 1 [. of silver [ . . } . . eb]ony [ . st]rung on a w[ire of gold]. . 4 2 4 shekels of gol[d have been used on the]m. ] . 69 10 combs. . 70 { 1 0 co}mbs. . . 67 1 0 combs. . . . ] . .. of gold. of silver. along with their covers [ . ) } . ] . . [ . along with their covers. 66 1 0 combs. . . ala]baster. of silver [ . iii I-II [. 1 { . of silver { .}-stone. . . along with [their] co[vers . of silver [ . 68 10 combs. 1 3 [ . . ] their [ . ] . 63 1 heart. ] . . 22 1 5 1 set of angurbinnu. its inside and its base have been overlaid with gold. [ . ] . . 73 10 combs. . . have been used o]n them. 10 shekels of gold. } . . 10 [. } . o]f the country . . .. . . the inlay. of silver. .. . . . { . 4 2 / [ 4 shekels of silver have been used on the]m. am]ong whi[ch] 1 of [.] . 32 [x sets of askurus\hu-vessels. . . along with [their] c[overs .. } . . } . 24—25 [ . ] . of silver. } . . .. ] . . of gold. . . ] 20 shekels of gold [ . 1 genuine lapis lazuli stone is set in it. ] . 77 . of silver [ . . [ . 1 comb of 20 mol[ten] g l a s s . 16 shekels of gold [have been used on them]. of silver [ . . .)}. . . . . ] . of silver [ ( . . ] . . . 30 shfekels of silver . 3 1 8 . . . . .. [ ( . . [. . . of ram-horn [ . . } . 900 shekels i[n weight}. genuine lapis lazuli. . ] . .

5 5 . on one of which the rettu is of ebony. carnelian stones. . overlaid with gold. with a gold 21 knob. .5 4 1 fly whisk. . . ] overlaid [with gol]d . their cones of fyiliba-stone.. 47 1 lulutu (animal) horn-rhyton. . . overlaid with gold. of fciliba-stone. 5 2 . . overlaid with gold 2 times. ] . their rettu of ivory. 9 maninnu-nec\d&ces.5 0 20 ayigalluhu (animals) horn-rhytons. . inlay and [its] re{ttu) of alabaster. their .. of gold. 3 7 . } overlaid with gold. . . . of gold. 35 shekels of gold [have been used] on them. 2 "weaves. their rettu of ivory. its rettu of ivory. 36 [x horn-rhytons . . overlaid with gold. .. . [ .5 8 2 sets of kapissuhfcu-omaments. their top of lapis lazuli. inlay of [genuine] lapis lazuli. . . of hulalu-stone. overlaid with gold. . . . overlaid with gold 3 times. 41 5 small horn-rhytons. . 18 [shekels] of gold [have been used on them}.. . of ivory [ . ] . [// is se]t here and there with lapis lazuli (and) . .. 1 2 shekels of [gold have been used o]n t[hem}. and its wire strung with genuine hulalu-stones. . . 5 9 . of gold. 43 1 aurochs horn-rhyton. their kukkubu. overlaid with gold 3 times.]-stone. inlay. . 16 shekels [of gold have been used on them]. 39-40 5 horn-rhytons . its rettu of ebony. [ .6 2 2 sets of earrings. ] their [ . ] overlaid [with go]ld. of gold. . their top of hulalu- 78 . 3 1 3 [shekels of gold}." [of .-stone [ . } overlaid [with gold]. strung on a wire of gold. 8 foot-bracelets. . [have been used o]n t[hem]. } . 2 s{ets of toggle pins].THE AMARNA LETTERS 25 35 25 ho{rn-rhytons . 4 9 ..3 8 [ . its rettu of [. 2 sets of toggle pins. and [its] 26 stand is se[t here and there with . . of gold. 2 sets of earrings. . . . This jew­ 28 elry is for the 2 principal ladies-in-waiting. .. 1 2 hand-bracelets. } its {p]arattatinu. . . } .}. 48 90 shekels of gold have been used on them. . 30 shekels of gold [have been used] on [them]. . its rettu and its handle . of gold. . of hula{lu)-stone. their cones. 46 1 lulutu (animal) horn-rhyton. 42 1 aurochs horn-rhyton. ] and hili{ba]-stone . 44 1 mountain-ox horn-rhyton. of lapis lazuli. It {is set] here and {there] with genuine lapis lazuli [ . 42 shekels of gold [have been used] on [them]. of gold. 12 shekels of [gold have been used on them]. [ . overlaid with gold. genuine lapis lazuli stones.] overlaid with gold. of hiliba-stone. 45 1 aurochs horn-rhyton. . [ . its rettu of [. . Among [which] 1 [ .]-stone. 5 1 1 4 giant aurochs horn-rhytons. overlaid with gold. } .

hav[e been used o]n it. 1440 shekels of silver [have been used] on th[em]. . overlaid with gold. . overlaid with [sil}ver. EA 25 stone. for j ] o [me]n.. x shekels of silver]. 79 . 1 0 shekels in weight. .3 [• • •]. [x shekels of gold. It is 208 shekels of gold that [have been used] on [them]. .a [ov]erlaid with gol[d]. 7 0 . . ofgo[ld. of .. 26 spindles. [ . . . . of gold. 4 . of gold. of silver. with figures o]f apsasu-animals. . 100 shekels of gold have been used on it. . of al[abas]ter. 8 [. ] . 8 shekels in weight. 2 "weaves. .' 10 shekels of go[ld] have been used on them. withfigure]sof Deluge-monsters.7 2 [x spindles. } .. . . iv 1 . of horn. 1 subtu-garment. . [x spindles. . of lapis lazuli. . 64-67 4[o]o foot-bracelets. . . 60 shekels of silver have been used on them. .] tallu-\ars. 12-13 [ . of gold. of gol]d. . ] . . overlaid with gold and silver. their top [ . . ] . . . .. 16 spindles. of gold and silver. for 10 2< ) pages. . their cones of lapis-lazuli. 6 [. o f . with kaziru-hgures. 69 [1 plaqu]e. 7 6 . 15 shekels of gold. ] 6 shekels of [si]lver [ . 30 sets of earrings." of lapis lazuli and hiliba-stone. of blue-purple wool.5 [1 plaque. . ] 15 (shekels) have been used o[n it. of lapis lazuli. 15 shekels of gold have been used on them. 3 0 hand-bracelets.. . n spindles. in] weight. . with a gold knob.. . 7 3 . .}-stone. . of gold. ] of blue-purple wool. of silver. . . 7 [ . . x shekels of .] goblets [. . for women. for 100 dowry-women. [ .}. [have been used on it/them]. overlaid with gold and silver.} 1 0 spindles. 2 68 [1 plaque]. 12 hand-bracelets. for 30 [dowry]-women. . 38 shekels of silver. . 36 shekels of silver have been us[ed] on them. [ . . . . of dusu-stone. of silver. .7 5 [1 . 8 foot-bracelets.. of gold and silver. . [ . 100 sets of tog­ 30 gle pins. ] . ] . .7 7 [. shekels of . } . [x spindles.74 shekels in wei[ght]. . of . with kaziru-hgures. . of gold. .. 1 0 foot-bracelets. 63 10 hand-bracelets. [This] jewe[lry] is for the 2 principal ladies-in- waiting. Its front [ . is set. 3 3 spindles. x maninnu- necklaces]." 40 she[kels of silver have been used on them]. . 47 [ . . . ] have been us[ed on them]. } have been used on them. . 9 [ . . [x shekels of . of gold. . 10-11 [ . ] shekels of gold.

. . . Tukris-style. [x] che[sts . have been used [on] it. ." 56 1 ewer. . ] . 3 47 40 [ . 4 blankets. with elder- oil.1 6 [ . . of [ . [ . ] . with sikil-oil. 58 [ . . ... . 1 (scent container). x c]he[sts. over­ laid with gold and silver. . of ivory. 49 30 large blankets. 46 1 . . . 4 long spreads. of bronze. ] have been used {on them]. 1 6 shekels of silver have been used on them.THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 4 . with myr­ tle oil. [.} . of bronze. [ . . of br[onze}. 23—24 [ . [have been used o]n [it]. . . [ 1 ] kettle. 5 2 2 scent containers. 1 scent container.. ] . . of many-colored cloth. . 4 blankets.-garments. 64 [shekels of silver]. 2 shekels [of gold] hav[e been used o]n them. have been used on them. . 53 2 scent containers. theirf[ig]ures. . of 8 many-colored cloth. ] . of many-colored cloth. of bronze.. . . of sil]ver. withfigureso}/lions [ . of . . 55 10 kirru-pots that are full of "sweet oil. . 32-44 [.] 3 shekels of gold. 12 shekels of gold. x shekels of . . ] . of bronze. . for a bed. overlaid with gold and silver. of bo]xwood. for a bed. . 1 scent container. . ] of elammakku-v/ood. .36 45 4 [sh]irt[s]. . ] its side-board^' [ . with cording above and below. [ . 26 shekels of silver. for the head. . . .3 1 [x ches]ts. . } overpaid] with gold. overlaid with silver. i[o fabri]cs. of many-colored cloth. with elder-oil. [x] small [j]ars.2 0 [ . ] . 17 [ . 1 scent container. [A figure]. with persantu-oil. overlaid with gold. of which the trimmings are many-colored. . 2 8 . 50 2 sh[or]t spreads. . [.2 2 [ . 41 with kanatku-oil. . .. } . 54 1 scent container. with myrtle oil. . . ] . 30 shekels of silver.] pots [ . ] of lapis lazuli. with myrrh-scented oil. of boxwood. of iv[ory . . [their] bot[tom . . [A figure]. . its side-board [ . for the feet. . .4° 51 1 scent container. . . . .. 27 [ .. 57 [x] large [jar]s. for women. [i]o susinnu-gatments. withfigure]sof deer34 . ejbony. 80 . . . i9 48 41 r[obes]. ] lapis lazuli. 2 1 . . . . . . overlaid with gold and silver. 1 8 . . ] . . . [ . of ivory. of many-colored cloth.. ] . 25—26 [ . 6 shekels of gold. . ] . 380 shekels in weight. . 37 1 garment.

3 2 7 ) . L i n e s 1 . } . 2 7 0 women. . 7 0 : 2 0 . } her [. M / i . iii 60. p. Die Fussbekleidung der Alten Mesopotamien [Helsinki. 6. 3 0 . 7. " m e a n s "loose. For s t o n e s a n d other o b j e c t s f r o m t h e c o u n t r y M a r h a s i . of bronze. T h e a s s u m p t i o n o f a n u n c o n t r a c t e d f o r m . p p . 1 0 wash[basins. 6 1 . 2 0 small troughs. K n u d t z o n read \mar-ha-lim. 2 0 knives. . W a s tamlfi a l s o t h e n a m e o f a m a t e r i a l ? S e e below. . ARMT 2 5 . 43 4 4 62 [1 water-dip\per. 2 4 2 .1 5 have only e n d s o f l i n e s . CAD. . . 46 are the dowry-personnel. KUB 2 2 . A c c o r d i n g t o L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n . "for t h e h a n d . sa su-ur-k[u -si) 8 ( L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ) . not o f f u n c t i o n . . O n e e x p e c t s h e r e . 81 . of elammakku- wood. of bronze}. . relation t o kuduppanu unclear). . 10. a n d there is no other e v i d e n c e t h a t kuduppanu d e r i v e s f r o m c o n t r a c t i o n . ka-ma-ru (also i 6 2 ) is f o u n d at M a r i (first p o i n t e d o u t t o m e b y S. K . 2. 6 . however. p. . W i t h t h e s e c o n d . ARMT 2 1 . . ii 2 1 . a n d sa-izaj-a-tu^. 1 0 sets of angurin\nu. p[u]-ti-in-na-su-nu ( G o r d o n ) . of elammakku-wood. 499. I follow CAD. w h i c h is a l s o the r e g u l a r w r i t i n g e l s e w h e r e . as in i 2 7 — 3 2 . o n e w o u l d e x p e c t a d e s i g n a t i o n o f p e r s o n n e l . .6 1 . ] . 4.. 1 container for alkali. A g a i n s t marhallu. 5 ) . ii 4 9 ) . . 65—67 It is all these [ob]jects (and) dowry-personnel t[hat 4 7 Tu}sratta. Cf. identification o f t h e m a t e r i a l . 45 64 { 2 0 + x s]poons. J . 8. of bronze. 42 60 [ . 11.} ga[ve . and p. S e e C i v i l . t w i c e ) a n d ^mar-hal-lu (below. . ku -dup-pi-a-na 8 (AHw. a chair. n 5. NOTES 1. "a b u n c h o f g r a p e s m a d e o f p r e c i o u s stones" (CAD. 12. See note 3 a b o v e . 2 8 3 on 4 4 5 . . " 9. See EA 1 3 : 1 4 a n d n o t e . n. u n a t t a c h e d . L i e b e r m a n ) as a k i n d of o r n a m e n t a t i o n on a n e c k l a c e ( ? ) . 13.5 are b r o k e n . 2 4 1 . p . c o n t r a s t n mar-hal-lu (EA 2 2 ii 67. p.. is difficult (an A s s y r i a n i s m ? ) . a n d n o t e mar-ha-su at U g a r i t r a t h e r t h a n t h e u s u a l marhusu.2 3 . 63 [x] small troughs. I / J . F r o m iii 5 9 . l 9(>9s." 3. a n d a vase. sa qdti. followed by S a l o n e n .. 61 [ 1 0 brajziers. sa-Za-tu :4 p r o b a b l y t h e s a m e as sa-an-Za-[t]i in line iii 5 7 ( A d l e r . . p.4 2 . . p. EA 25 59 [ . S . p . a n d A d l e r ) . 494 ( r e a d i n g gumbu or guduppu. of bronze. "disks. {i)s-hu-un-na-tu 4 ( G o r d o n ) . p r o b a b l y m o s t l y concerning earrings. a n d L i m e t . cf. are t h e a b s e n c e o f d o u b l i n g a n d t h e a p p a r e n t g e n i t i v e . 2 8 1 . p . r e t a i n s K n u d t z o n ' s z[i- h]u-[u]n-na-tum. 1 4 9 . [of bronze]. of boxwood. of bronze. 3 0 men. Ebla. [ . 2 7 9 on 2 3 0 . 1975-198} (see EA 2 2 . of bronze}. . p . 190). L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ten­ t a t i v e l y c o m p a r e d samsdti. of bronze.. [ . the king of Mittani. EA 2 2 ii 2 4 . see t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f D u r a n d . ] . t h e last s i g n b e c o m i n g li for A d l e r . however. ] . see CAD.

EA 4 1 : 3 9 ^ . on line 5 7 . 298:29ff. 27. N o t e the w r i t i n g of angurinnu. 82 . t h e h a n d l e has s o m e sort o f a figure. 869). is a t t e s t e d earlier ( N u z i ) a n d later ( N e o . . is definitely. M E § ( K n u d t z o n . 22. T h e y were p r o b a b l y m e m b e r s o f a n o b l e family. L i k e t h e l a d i e s . [ L U ] . and iv 64. O n the abalmu-stone. iv 6 2 . A s a d e s i g n a t i o n o f p e r s o n s . n o t o f t h e p e r s o n s i m m e ­ d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g . l i t . ] a s an A s s y r i a n i s m . u{h)-hu-{zu\ (Adler).THE AMARNA LETTERS 14. 2 7 0 in iv 6 4 ) . p .r h y t o n " ( S I . 4 3 . I f in iv 6 5 mulugi q u a l i f i e s ude. CAD. 4 7 — 5 1 . M U N U S . B e i h e f t 1 1 . a n d h e n c e all t h e o b j e c t s l i s t e d in EA 2 5 are t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as m. "old w o m e n " ) f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e c u s t o m s o f t h e p a l a c e . M / 2 . p . M E § in iv 6 4 . for 4 or 5 d u e n n a s (pur- sumatum. 25. p . In v i e w o f t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n t h e n u m b e r s o f o b j e c t s a n d t h o s e o f p e r s o n s in iii 6 4 ( 1 0 0 ) a n d iii 6 6 ( 3 0 ) . 19. if it is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d . A d l e r . t h e tarftu. cf. 16. F o l l o w i n g VS 1 2 . VAB 2 / 1 . t o k e e p Q u e e n B e l t u m in l i n e . Cf. M E § . S u m e r i a n n a g a ) w a s u s e d for b a t h i n g .B a b y l o n i a n ) . [GAR-/«]. t h e h e a r t . 24. m. cf. a n d h e n c e its m e n t i o n here w i t h a d i p p e r . a sort o f n u r s e or g o v e r n e s s w h o a c c o m p a n i e s a y o u n g w o m a n (nadftu) e n t e r i n g t h e "cloister" (ARM 10. 3 0 in iii 66. I a s s u m e the s a m e feature here. 2 1 . in t h e list i t s e l f (iii 6 5 . t h e n t h e o c c a s i o n a l u s e o f m. [ G A R . c o m p a n i o n s t o t h e p r i n c e s s far f r o m her n a t i v e l a n d . The position. Cf. 21. 9 2 ) . these m e n . S i n c e reference here is t o f u n c t i o n rather t h a n t o a g e .. S i n c e in ii 4 3 — 4 4 . "mother") w h o r a i s e d Q u e e n B e l t u m a n d a c c o m ­ p a n i e d her f r o m Q a t n a t o M a r i . 17. has fehruti. 2 9 8 : 1 3 6 ° . no. ii 6 1 . " H o r n . w e r e p r o b a b l y o f h i g h social s t a n d i n g (see EA 17. a g a i n s t t h e l a t t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . t h e s e t w o w o m e n are c e r t a i n l y n o t i n c l u d e d in t h e 2 7 0 w o m e n in iv 6 4 . " w h i c h a r e a l w a y s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h sulapu. s[i-nu]-un-t[u ] 4 ( G o r d o n ) . 3 0 M U N U S . w h o are a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y not i n c l u d e d in t h e 3 0 in iv 6 4 . 291a). 23. t o o . 18. no. 15. n o t e 7)- 30. 3 ) 0 s e e m s fairly c e r t a i n . a s t h e t e x t is g e n e r a l l y t a k e n . r o u n d n u m b e r s ( 1 0 0 in iii 6 5 . see MSL 10.).s h a p e d c u p a t M a r i (ARM 9. p. pt'-is-sa-tu (AHw. N A 4 bu-u[s-lu] (CAD. suharf seems the m o r e l i k e l y r e a d i n g (AHw. "knife-blade(s)" (?). of m. if n o t decisively. 5 8 . 26. in v i e w o f 3 0 L U . p . 28. 268:5) a n d the Neo- B a b y l o n i a n " h e a r t s . a n d t h e n u r s e (ummu. [ M E § mu-lu-kt]\ iv 6 4 ) s e e m s p o i n t l e s s — t h a t i s . "2 sets" ( n o t c o l l a t e d ) . r a t h e r t h a n ' " T U R } . Adler). and c o m m e n t a r y p . M E S in iii 64. t h e r e q u e s t in AEM 1 / 2 . sehheruti). T a k i n g i-sa-as-[su . lit. cf. AfO. 9:i75f. T h e a l k a l i (uhillu. qarnu) as d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m t h e s i m p l e rhyton (bibru. a n d s i n c e t h e n u m b e r s m e n t i o n e d e l s e w h e r e are l a r g e . note 2 2 . S e e EA 1 3 . 31.i n - w a i t i n g of the previous p a r a g r a p h s . D A = tarftu. ARMT 7. a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y iii 6 6 . 320). T h e t w o w o m e n are referred t o a g a i n in iii 6 2 . w h e r e s h e r e m a i n e d (AEM 1 / 2 . . b u t o f t h e o b j e c t s n a m e d (so AHw.» # ] : cf. A d l e r ) . p. P r o b a b l y s o m e k i n d o f a c l a s p ( R e i n e r . s i m i l a r l y in ii 4 7 . 66. 29. EME(for E M E ) . 20. 1 0 8 9 .

a l s o G o r d o n : the s i g n in q u e s t i o n is definitely not o n e o f t h e B U L U G . 44. Despite Knudtzon's auto­ g r a p h (VAB 2 / 1 . BiOr 2 3 ( 1 9 6 6 ) p . M y r e a d i n g y i e l d s t h e s a m e s e q u e n c e in lines iv 6 3 ." r 34. G I G (kanaktu. . n. or. For t h e 3 0 m e n . EA 2 2 ii 40. (. I c o u l d see less t h a n K n u d t z o n (VAB 2 / 1 . w i t h i n t h e list i t s e l f o n l y p e o p l e s e e m t o b e c a l l e d m. [x 8 ' ] D f L I M ./(iv 32). 3 5 ) b u t m o r e t h a n VS 1 2 . 5 i m 41. a p p a r e n t l y c o n f i r m e d by t h e c o p y o f V S 1 2 .ME§ [sa Va. gu -ha]-rf.) 40.g i f t s . A d i s t i n c t i o n . t h e f o l l o w i n g line. mu-lu-gu {ME§] y (cf. o n t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . rev. kanatku {EA 2 2 iii 3 2 ] . § U . iii 55). p . D U L ] ? (Cf.6 4 a s in EA 22 iv 3 4 — 3 5 . Cf. t h e n t h e kaztru are h a r d l y c u r l s on f i g u r i n e s {CAD. H o w e v e r . cf.e s u . cf. M E § (ayalT). p .p ] u .s i g n s . as s e e m s m o r e likely. "ankles" (iv 3 3 . if c o r r e c t . Die Fauna des Alten Mesopotamien . . see EA 2 2 iv 3 4 — 3 5 a n d n o t e 5 2 .. p . a l s o G o r d o n . The usual i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h i s e n t r y is t h a t muliigt qualifies ude. [1 sa m e . and cf. R . D i e t r i c h a n d O . 43. For iv 5 1 . "objects o f d e s i r e ? " ) . n o o b j e c t s b e i n g a s s i g n e d t o t h e m . 46.-p]t'-iz-zu-uh-hu (iv 40. 5 ku-ur\-si-i-in-ni. i-en. EA 22 iv 11. [h]a-[z]u-[r]a (iv 40. 5 45.l ] i : cf. EA 2 2 iv 1 2 . 1 9 3 4 ] . 33. 35. t h e s e q u e n c e in EA 2 2 iv 2 2 — n a m s u a n d la N E — a n d t h e next e n t r y here. H A ] (namsu ): t h e a p p a r e n t m i d d l e h o r i z o n t a l m a y b e only a s c r a t c h . EA 25 32. a n d in iv 6 4 t h e s e p e o p l e s e e m t o f o r m a s p e c i a l category. [u]-de^-e: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . p . ZA 66 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p p . 39.4 a n d n o t e 1 4 .5 5 . but more l i k e l y t h e e n t i r e o b j e c t t e p r e s e n t e d . p e r h a p s t h e kazTru-phnt itself.ME& ( L a n d s b e r g e r . there a r e traces o f o n l y o n e h o r i z o n t a l f o l l o w e d b y o n l y one vertical a n d p o s s i b l y a s m a l l s c r a t c h . w h i c h are therefore all d e s i g n a t e d as m. see iii 6 4 a n d note 3 0 . M E § (itqurati): also G o r d o n . i8f. p r o p o s e s "water-buffalo. " b y s s o s . A L A M . cf.. 37. L a n d s b e r g e r in Gordon. EA 7:81.. e .. b e t w e e n ude a n d mulugfas two separate c a t e g o r i e s o f g i f t s c o m p r i s i n g t h e d o w r y s e e m s m o t e p r o b a b l e . [..5 0 . N f G . " p l u s H u r r i a n a d j e c t i v a l e n d i n g -alenni(lu). D A R " ' A . EA 22 ii 41). M A § . At the beginning of the line. no. . K . It is not clear. 1 6 4 . w i t h VS 1 2 . t h e y w e r e s i m p l y a d d e d in here. n o . G o r ­ don). i .-. 1 . 310). 36. 3 5 . T h e n u m b e r s s e e m t o b e t o t a l s . as 83 . Cf. . EA 2 2 iii 2 9 - 36. . M E S s]a ap-sd-a-((ab))-sd-ti. For t h e a s s u m p t i o n of t h e s a m e n u m b e r o f s p o o n s as t r o u g h s . 1 0 0 1 ...5 5 . M . 1 0 0 1 . For iv 4 9 . e x p l a i n s susinnu as E g y p t i a n sus.1 5 . EA 2 2 iv 1 4 . iii 66. 2 TUG. D U B . M . [1 G I § . p . e i t h e r t h e o t h e r 1 7 0 ( 1 4 0 ? ) were also m e n ­ t i o n e d in t h e b r e a k s . ii 5 4 . R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f deer ( s t a g s ) were c o m m o n . 41 TUG. a n d EA 2 2 iii 5. t h e r e f o r e .MES [ B A R . iv 6 5 ) . B e s i d e s t h e 100 ( 1 3 0 ? ) w o m e n referred t o in iii 646". [ L e i p z i g . L o r e t z . Cf. 1 1 0 0 w o u l d not b e w r i t t e n 1 1 M E . B o e h m e r . If gistuppu is c o r r e c t . cf. 47. 1 42. 10 pe-pa-{wa-Ti\ n x {p\(-pa-wa-si ur-ra-se-na (iv 4 4 . 1 4 3 3 . 38. AHw. o n t h e l a s t w o r d . Cf. 1 3 3 . L [ U H . . . (see iii 6 4 ) . Cf. p e r s o n n e l as o p p o s e d t o t h e o b j e c t s w i t h w h i c h t h e list h a d been concerned u p t o t h i s p o i n t . cf. p. 8 8 ) . [.. EA 1 3 . 4 3 ) .

EA 26 To the Queen Mother: some missing gold statues TEXT: BM 29794 ( + ) A 9356 (Oriental Institute). No one [el]se knows them (as well). 203 (A 9356). Earlier copies of A 9356: Abel. But you are the on[e. For your countries. may all go well. E. always showed love to me. Scheil. For me] all goes well. may all go very. p. on the other ha)nd. one after the other. your daughter-in-law. 310. [your] husba[nd]. [my daughter]. JAOS 8 8 [ 1 9 6 8 } p p . for] your son. you yourself [sai]d to Keliya. and he did not cut o[fFH the [em]bassies that he had been accustomed to sending. Increase (it) f[or] Naphurre[y]a and maintain (it) for hi[m}.THE AMARNA LETTERS P i n t o r e . [Keli]ya. p. 7-18 You are the one that knows that I [myself] always showed love [to] Mimmureya. my husband. [Say] t[o Teye]. 7f. AJSL 33 (1916) pp.. m a i n t a i n s . the king of [Mittani. 1938). and for whatever else belongs to you. on the other hand. You must keep on send[ing] 6 7 embassies of joy.). who knows much better than all others the things [that] we said [to one an]other. P H O T O G R A P H S : B B . L e v i n e . and that Mimmureya. 206-11. you. may all go well. very [well]. Do not cut [them] off. your brother. For your household. 9 (BM 29794). For you may all go w[ell. 2jiff. l i k e later A r a m a i c mfliig in p r e - and e a r l y .' " 84 . pp. 118. ZA 7 (1892) p. And now you are the one that must not forget your [ljove' for Mimmu[reya]. They Wrote on Clay (Chicago. A[nd the things) that I wou[ld write and] say [t]o Mimmureya. t h a t m. 1 1 8 . and the things that Mimmureya. Memoires. For Tadu-Heba. was already at t h i s p e r i o d d i s t i n g u i s h e d as t h a t p a r t o f t h e d o w r y over w h i c h t h e wife r e t a i n e d s o m e control. p . fo[r your troops]. "Say to your lord: 1 'Mi[m]mureya. [would alwa]ys write and say to me. Chiera. 19-29 [And n]ow.T a l m u d i c t i m e s ( B . and Mane know. the mistress of Egy[pt]: T[hus Tusjratta. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. and 2 maintained (it) for you. Matrimonio. [on the ot]her hand. pi. he did not forge[t]3 his love for your father. COPIES: BB 11 ( + ) Luckenbill. your husband. your husband. your husband. always showed love to yo[ur] father. one after the other.

ofgold] and genuine lapis lazuli. 3. is o f a different o p i n i o n . [You are the one who knows] the words of Mimmureya. 6 2 ) . not a c c u s a t i v e . my wife. t]o Yuni. 5 8 . a n d c o r r e c t l y .[ k u ] . 64—66 I [her]ewith [send] as your greeting-gift [x] scent con­ 17 tainers [filled] with "sweet oil. and y[ou keep silent]. 4. in D u r a n d ." But now Nap[hurreya. similarly. a n d c o r r e c t l y . and correctly. 5. much—more love to Naphurreya. usurs[u] in line 2 7 . ip-r[u-us]\ so K n u d t z o n . and may the messen[gers o]f Yuni. In c o n t e x t . A r t z i . saying. . [your] husb[and. I show 1 0 times— much. w]hy have they been a source of such dist[ress] to your son that he has not given them to me?'4 Furthermore. A s the i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g akkdsa m a k e s clear. A r t z i . said to [me]? If 16 [you] do not expose them before him. p . statues of solid cast gold and . [wi]th love and evidence of es[teem]. your son]. [r]a-a-mu-ut-ka: t h e s m a l l o b l i q u e w e d g e s u g g e s t i n g [r]u or [r]i m a y b e only a scratch (also G o r d o n ) . . I 12 had asked [your husband] for [statues] of sol[id} cast [gold]. 5 Is this love? I had sa[id]. " a l s o h a s no d i r e c t o b j e c t e x p r e s s e d . . More than ever be[fo]re. "Naphurre[ya. t]o give J th[is]. in D u r a n d . La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . it-ta-sa-ar-k[a}\ s o K n u d t z o n .9 at this very moment.6 3 May your own messengers g[o] regularly with the mes- sen[gers o]f Naphurreya. a n d therefore t h e v e r b in t h i s i n s t a n c e d o e s n o t m e a n "to p r o t e c t " . -[si] in A d l e r . " i n c r e a s e . La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique. however. and with your own mouth. your hus­ band. but] you did not l s[end] ° all of my greeting-gift" that {your husband ordered] to [be sent]." (and) 1 set of stones [set in gold]. this s e e m s 85 . . is going to treat me 1 0 times better than his father did. .. A d l e r has -[ru-us]. 6. A 9 3 5 6 b e g i n s here (line 2 1 ) a n d w o u l d j o i n B M 2 9 7 9 4 d o w n t h r o u g h line 5 3 .4 8 I will [not} fo[rget] the love for Mimmureya. NOTES 1. your son. im-s[e]: s o K n u d t z o n . w h e r e t h e r e is n o reference t o m a r r i a g e . With gold being the dirt [in your son's country. p . nor { . A d l e r h a s . } . . my wife. 13 "[May my brother send me] a[s my greeting-gift. . 49—57 Wh[y] have you [no]t exposed before Naph[urreya} the words t[hat you your]self. I asked . my brother]." But now he has not [given me] even what his father was accustomed to give. 2. a n d h e r e n o t e t h a t rubbi. sees in t h e (literally) "journey o f joy" reference t o t h e royal p r o c e s s i o n c o n d u c t i n g a b r i d e t o E g y p t . has plated [statues] of wood. . . with 3 [ . can anyone [el]se know? Let [Nap}hurreya give me statues of sol[id} gold! He must cause me no [dis}tress whatsoever. [ . EA 26 8 3 0 . 2 6 . [g]o regula[rly} to [you]. n. Let him treat m[e] 1 0 times better [th]an his father did. t h e v e r b a l suffix is d a t i v e c a s e . 2 4 .

I f t h e r e is n o t e n o u g h r o o m for [ l a ] . cf. 16.( e ) . T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. tu- s [ e . a n d a n o t h e r l i n e c o n t i n u e d o n t h e left e d g e . the king of Mi[ttani. a n d o f t h e " 1 " j u s t b e l o w in line 6 6 ( G o r d o n : 3 or 5 ? ) . F o l l o w i n g l i n e 66 a r e p r o b a b l y t w o lines o f E g y p t i a n . 8. ta-pa-ar-ra-as-{si-(mey]. For Teye. p . may all go [well. EA 27:7—8. 212-25. e-te-ti (for ri)-il. . r e a d s -[(ma-a?)-me] and r e j e c t s K n u d t z o n ' s taparras-[si] on the g r o u n d s that the form should be 2d m a s ­ c u l i n e s i n g u l a r — w h i c h it is: taparras + suffix r e f e r r i n g t o fyarrdna (line 2 8 . pp. T h e joy t h a t q u a l i f i e s t h e j o u r n e y refers t o t h e p l e a s u r e at h e a r i n g t h e brother's g r e e t i n g a n d a t s e e i n g t h e g i f t s t h a t a c c o m p a n y it. i b i d . ina libbi marasu. ra-'a-mu-ut-t[a la] 3 2 a-ma-as-sP: t [ a .t i ] : only a g u e s s . f e m i ­ n i n e ) . 15. 27:50^. . [for] youf [mag]nates. 6 6 . Matrimonio.] y: x. b u t not m [ a ( G o r d o n ) . 11. for [your] sons./ » 4 3 sa D U M U 4 i » im-tar-sti-ma. For you m[ay all go well.l a ] . K i i h n e . "my gift" ( K i i h n e . ) . a t [ a . 17. R e a d pa-n[a]-nu or pa-n[a\-''a'-nu (Gordon). f r o m t h e u p p e r e d g e d o w n w a r d s . w r i t t e n in h i e r a t i c . K i i h n e . 1 9 0 . Fo]r Tadu-Heba. tz-[na s u l m a n l y a ( l i n e 3 9 . In line 3 1 . p. . EA 27:4if. 10. 7. whom [I love and who loves me: Thus T]usratta. 11. see K i i h n e . for] your [house]hold. your father-in-law. y.a w a y [ a ] a b o v e in line 6 4 . x [. 44 . my brother. n o t <s[a (so K n u d t z o n ) . line 3 8 is free r e s t o r a t i o n ) . p . 12. your mother. i-na § [ A . r e t a i n e d b y A d l e r ) is c e r t a i n l y w r o n g . to-s[e-(e)-bi-li]. 14. ) the wife of the k i n g of U p p e r E g y p t . p r o b a b l y n o t n ] a ( G o r d o n ) . see EA 19:64^. n. 86 . 3 9 . cf.b i . who loves you. 21 (lines 13-31). Great King. [m]y daug[hter. my son-in-law.. 2193. n.k u . rf-r[a-a]m-we ( K n u d t z o n . not an-ni-'P (Gordon). O n t h e e n d o f line 4 2 . T h e n u m b e r is u n c e r t a i n . cf. For me all goes well. p . 29:139. b u t c e r t a i n l y m o r e t h a n 1: t h e h e a d o f v e r t i c a l j u s t v i s i b l e is t o t h e r i g h t b o t h o f t h e b r o k e n . t h e c o r r e c t r e a d ­ i n g w a s g i v e n b y W i n c k l e r . KB 5. p . n. T h e e n d of the line reads " ( . I f t h e s u b j e c t is s e c o n d f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r . a s mitharis s h o w s . i f p l u r a l . " EA 27 The missing gold statues again T E X T : VAT 233 ( + ) 2197. s i m p l e taparras ( A d l e r ) is c e r t a i n l y wrong. 1 9 0 . 3 9 . the king of Egyjpt. rf#-»/-t[a] ( A d l e r ) . 3 9 . "not likely" ( G o r d o n ) . Pintore. 1 9 0 . b u t consisting of more than one p i e c e . T h e r e is r o o m for a t l e a s t o n e m o r e s i g n . COPIES: WA 23 (only VAT 233). 9. for the rest of your wives]. VS 11.s a . t h e n w e m u s t a s s u m e a r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n . . your wife.THE AMARNA LETTERS m o s t unlikely. no. sulmant. your brother}. 13. 1.. 1 [Say to Naplmrreya.

shall I not be desirous of my brother's lo[ve]?3 At this very moment I show you 1 0 times more l[ov]e than I did to your father! 13-18 And your father. a statue o/Tadu-Heba. and my brother is not to complain. but 9 you have reduced (them) greatly. then I will send you 1 0 times more than this. 87 . I will give you. thus spo[k]e my brother. my brother's messenger. very well. along with the statues. there much gold and goods beyond measure. [M]y messengers saw with their own eyes that they were recast. that day I make a festive occasion. 3 5 . so now show love [to me. which I am sending to my brother. You have sent plated ones of wood. my 6 7 daughter. here the statues. and they bring her here and I see her." Every one of my messengers that were staying in Egypt saw the gold for the statues with their own eyes. 9—12 My brother said this: "Ju[st] as you always showed love to my father.3 6 Yet there is nothing I know of in which I have failed my brother. When Mane brought the bride-price. Your father himself recast the statues [i]n the presence of my messengers. much additional gold and (other) goods beyond measure. 2 7-8 [Ma]ne. [came and] I heard the [gr]eeting o[f my brother] and I [r]ejoiced greatly. Nor have you sent me the goods that your father was going to send me. too. Mimmureya. for your country. and] for [whatever else belongs to you]. [for] your [hor]ses. "Don't talk of giving statues just of solid cast gold.3 4 But my brother has not sent the solid (gold) statues that your father was going to send. s[aid] this on his tablet. "See with your own eyes. and they saw with their own eyes that they were entirely of pure gold. Mim­ 4 mureya: "These goods that I have now sent are nothing. Any day that I hear the greetings of my brother. Mimmureya. may all go [ve]ry. and your father said." And my messen­ gers did see with their own eyes! 3 2 . f[or your troops. These goods that I have now sent to you." Af]ter my brother is desirous of my love. one of myself and a second statue. and he 8 made them entirely of pure gold. I have sent to you with this understanding' that. for statues of solid cast gold." 1 9 . 2 8 .3 1 He showed much additional gold. EA 27 for your chariots. which was beyond mea­ sure and which he was sen[d]ing to me. I have sent nothing. Mimmureya. I saw the goods that my brother [sen}t and I re[jo]iced greatly. I will give you ones made also of lapis lazuli. when my brother hands over my wife whom I have asked for. He said to my messengers.2 7 I also asked your father.

came to me. . so s[how love t[o me]. and have told them to hurry]. ] . how your father [would speak] with me [and did not forget his lo}ve [for my father]. and may he not hold them back. my brother's messenger. . 59-62.7 8 [And n]ow my brother h[as sai]d: "Ju[st] as you [always showed love] to my fa[th]er. 89-92 I herewith [send post]has[te] Piriss[i and Tulubri. 4 1 ." Thus did I speak to Haamassi. . Accordingly. . . 43—44 May my brother now give me the statues of solid gold that I a[sk]ed your father for. . May [m]y brother not [detain them. his messenger. [/ may he]ar [my l brother's greeting]. and within 3 months] he sent back [Haamasfi] po[sthas]te. I will let [Mane]. there were four sacks [full of gold that he sent me].8 2 [M]a[ne. And [with gold being the dirt] in [my] brother's country. . My brother's] mother [knows everything.. . nor has my brother sent all the additional goods that your father o[rde]red sent. ~i 93-98 [May] my brother's [messengers] come to me [wi]th Pi- 18 rissi. '4 7 4 . my brother. 63-68 . . He wi[ll s]ee that [ . and I heard them. [but] no one else knows [them. . 52-54 . . 55—58 [/ sent Haamassi] posth[aste t]o [Mimmureya. I will now show 1 0 times—much—more love to Naphurreya. .7 3 [The wor]ds that [/ used to speak] t[o your father]. your mother].5 1 . no one [knows. [according] to the custom [of kings]. ] . "My brother m[ust a]s[k}'5 his mother [ . 88 .8 8 . [Your father] sent me [much gold]. . [ / heard] my [brother's words and I rejoi[ced] gre[atly]. 7 9 . . . . . reported my brother's words. the messengers of each] one will turn ba[ck]. May 12 my brother ask [Haa]massi. . ] . [and Mane know th]em. and how [/] would speak with your father and [maintained] the lo[ve that he had from my father]. posthaste [ . . . [ . 11 [why] have [the statues] been a source of such distr[ess] to my brother that he has not [given them to me . . (but) release them so] they can report back to me. ] . your father. Teye. . . and that [your fa]ther [used to speak to m]e. m]y brother's [messenger. 10 your messenger. THE AMARNA LETTERS 37-40 When [Ha]amassi. ] . and re[joice]. I spoke as follows: "Just as I always showed love to Mimmureya. . ." My brother will see th[at] I sh[all show great love to my brother. l 6 8 3 . . . . .'3 6 9 . 4 5 .4 2 But now my brother has not sent me the statues of solid gold. with a small escort. K[el]i[y]a. I have] said.

O n musler. . with] many goods [may my] brother [honor me. the feast. . . n. 99-103 [W}h[en} my brother's [mes]sengers [arrive} a[long wi]th [Pirissi . . silbulu d o e s n o t m e a n "to send back. [. } . 8. n. p . I]n my brother's [countr]y g[ol]d is as plentiful a]s dirt. F o l l o w i n g K n u d t z o n . a n d CAD. [ . Hurrian-style. . p. EA 27 my [brothe]r's [messenger}. ) . . mount[ed] on gold. 1 s[et] of stones [mounted] on gold—[for] Tadu-Heba. 2 4 b . 3 8 . . § 2 5 ( e n d ) . p . 1 [c]ity-sh\tt. 2 7 7 a . May they bring back to me [muc]h [gold]. . p . 2 1 . followed by K i i h n e . 3. } pair(s?) fo[r the hjand. shall I not b e d e s i r o u s of f r i e n d [ s h i p ] w i t h m y b r o t h e r ? " 4. 5 per string.1 5 . . . 5 6 . as your greeting-gift: 1} shirt. May he send me [m]uch [gold in or]der that my brother. the kimru-ieast. b e c a u s e o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f s p a c e . " I f t h e s e c o n d s t a t u e were for T a d u . O r : "{Af ] t e r m y b r o t h e r is d e s i r o u s o f f r i e n d s h i p w i t h m e . " G r e a t K i n g . [May] my brother [cause me no dis]tress. Matrimonio. 113 I send [1 scent container fil]led [with "sweet oil"]. 2 4 .]-stone. NOTES 1. 112 [1 scent container] fil[led] with "sweet [o]il". 3 1 b . [ . n. . 5. 89 . annu s e e m s t o b e t h e d e m o n s t r a t i v e p r o n o u n r a t h e r t h a n a n i n t e r j e c t i o n or a d v e r b . p p . I d o not r e s t o r e L U G A L G A L . p . . . 1 8 3 . "let g o . col.] of my brother. [my daughter. O n t h e d i v i s i o n o f c l a u s e s . " a n d in t h e o m i s s i o n see n o i m p l i c a t i o n s of h o s t i l i t y (see EA 1. [At] the kim[ru- fe]ast. . 3 9 .. t h e s c r i b e w o u l d h a r d l y have w r i t t e n ana salam Taduheba.H e b a . [So] may they arrive [ . n. EA 14 ii 1 1 . [ M ^ ] my [bro]ther [. a s K i i h n e . may honor me. go. Gladly shall I send Mane to . p . f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . i b i d . 1 9 1 .. P i n t o r e .] more than his father did. Lo scambio dei doni durante i secoli XV-XIIl (EA 1 9 .. p .. 2. "as m u c h as this" (line 1 8 ) . O L Z 1 9 1 6 . followed by Z a c c a g n i n i . your mother. A g a i n s t t h e latter. 1 [. 1 r[ob]e. t h e p l a t e d ones in lines 3 2 f f . Matrimonio. B o t h s t a t u e s w e r e for T u s r a t t a ' s p o s s e s s i o n (cf. . and if they do so [arri]v[e] f[or . no—in [Herewith. y]our 20 wife." 6. S e e AHw. [with the gold and m]any [good]s. 3 9 . an-nu-u u-nu-fcT (also line 6): in v i e w o f mala anni. lit. see U n g n a d . Z . For a different o p i n i o n see K n u d t z o n . . \it-tal-ka u\. n.. a n d A d l e r . Cf. n. 7. then 19 h]ow will I treat them! . 104—109 May my bro[ther] send me much gold. a n d therefore ana iyali h a r d l y m e a n s "for m e . and m[y} mes[seng}ers [my brother shall let go]. 1 2 ) . 2). . A d l e r a r g u e s o t h e r w i s e . EA 2 4 . . 1 8 1 . a n d P i n t o r e . / shall invite them] t[o celebrate] a great feast. . "eye- stones" of genuine hulalu-stone. 1 set of stones mount[ed] on gold—for Teye. 1 9 1 . . has s u g g e s t e d . " see K i i h n e .

L i n e s 9 9 . 105. pp... c o l . your brother. lines 9 9 . 8 0 . p. p e r h a p s a festival ( l i n e 8 7 .9 2 . For you may all go well. 13. Au-us]-me-e-ma hT- [uh-du] seems more probable. h a s p r o p o s e d . parsu sa sarranT. 2 0 5 .7 3 . 4 3 f . 8 6 . 1 4 . i-na § A . COPY: Scheil.g i f t s . [ d a y . who loves you. n.1 8 . " See t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . 15. 14. Memoires. for your chariots. a h i e r a t i c d o c k e t : "[ye}ar 2 . n. the king of Mittan[i]. 1 9 7 6 ) . a n d it h a s n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h f u n e r a l rites for A m e n o p h i s I I I or w i t h ^ . 16. a s D . cf. reference t o a s h i p ­ m e n t of g o l d (line 6 3 ) . For your household. a n d T e s s u p a n d A m o n ( l i n e 8 7 ) . EA 28 Messengers detained and a protest TEXT: BM 37645. n o t e santtu salmu in l i n e 1 9 . n. my son-in-law. cf. in t h e c a s t l e o f H^-m-iht. R e d f o r d . t h e d e t e n t i o n o f his o w n m e s s e n g e r s in E g y p t ( l i n e 8 4 ) . "the g r e e t i n g . M e n t i o n o f M a n e ( l i n e 8 3 ) . O n lines 8 9 . w h e n o n e w a s i n t h e s o u t h e r n city. b e g i n n i n g a t t h e b o t t o m o f t h e t a b l e t . p r o b a b l y lapikta uppuqta in line 2 1 . p . your mother. your wife. rev. a n d cf. for the rest of your wives. 12. my daughter.9 8 ) . b u t in l i n e 9 2 [. C f . EA 2 6 : 7 . first m o n t h o f w i n t e r . tultemty. for your sons. for 90 . pi. p . the 2 mistress of Egypt. 1 ( W a r m i n s t e r .1 0 9 ) . . p ./ a f\a 3 E $ . p r o b a b l y a b o u t l e t t i n g h i m g o (cf. 302. 19. s e e K i i h n e . for Teye. the king of Egyp[t]. p p . 6 a n d note 1 3 5 . lines 9 3 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 5 0 . L i n e s 6 9 . O n t h e left e d g e . your father-in-law.5 8 . XVIII). 226-29- 1 Say to Naphurereya. were m e a g e r " ( R S 3 4 . F o r t h e c o r r e c t i o n o f t h e c o p y in VS 1 1 . 1 4 5 ( e n d ) . 10. M E S ] im-tar-sa-a-ma.[ / W A L A M . " b u t t h i s m e a n i n g is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d .]: l[i-is-t]a-'-[al-si] (Adler) is certainly wrong.1 0 3 a r e free r e s t o r a t i o n s . . KBo 1. 20.f e s t i v a l s . for your magnates. c o p y o f t h e N a h a r i n letter t h a t t h e m e s s e n g e r P i r i s s i and the m e s s e n g e r [ T u l u b r i ] b r o u g h t . . a n d it d o e s n o t fit t h e c o n t e x t w e l l . M e n t i o n o f K e l i y a ( l i n e 5 9 ) a n d T u l u b r i ( l i n e 6 0 ) . 6 6 . OLZ 1 9 1 7 . who lo[ves me] and whom I love: Thus Tusratta. my brother. 1 1 . mtsa. 1 3 6 : 8 . 9.. t o o k zukku t o m e a n "to ( r e ) p o l i s h (after c a s t i n g ) . 3 1 . t h i s r e a d i n g is c e r t a i n ( a d d t o CAD. The Akhenaten Temple Project. sect. Ugar. Julmanati. M / i . 6. . O n l i n e s 5 5 . 11.. a n d see EA 2 6 : 4 2 ^ F o r t h e f e m i n i n e g e n d e r o f salmu.. 3 5 0 ) . l[u-(ii) i-s]a-'a-[al-(si) . s e e S c h r o e d e r . 2 2 .2 7 . 18. For me all goes well. r 17. T h e festival is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d a s c e l e b r a t e d i n t h e M i t t a n i c a p i t a l . TRANSLITERATION A N DTRANSLATION: Adler. s e e K i i h n e . n o t i n E g y p t . . ] . [•. 7.. n. for Tadu-Heba. s e e A d l e r .

EA 28 your horses. M/2. What are messengers? Unless they are birds. altaparsun[il-ti]? 5 . for your country. . are they going to fly and go away? Why does my 7 8 brother suffer so about the messengers? Why can't one [sim]ply g o into the presence of the other and hea[r] [the ot}her's greeting. 2. w h i c h A d l e r m i s u n d e r s t o o d . [my brother's} messenger. Just as your father always showed love to me. misutamma: s i n c e {m)Tsu m o s t often refers t o n u m b e r s . cf. I had said this to my brother: "I am going to detain Mane. D e t e r m i n a t i v e o m i t t e d in c o p y .' Earlier. 6. knows all the words that I spoke with yo[ur] father. [that] I may h[ear] my brother's former [ . n. !975)» P. You must ask Teye. 549a. 116). . about them so she can tell you. AHw. after a l l . Section organisee par Daniel A r n a u d (Paris. your mother. l i t . [m]y messengers.s u ] . . may all go very. " 7. 2 1 0 . b u t here clearly is figura­ t i v e . And may my brother listen to nothing from anyone else. p . 4 5 . and for whatever else belongs to you. 4 5 . ana gamratimma: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . 4. CAD. 3. very much every day? 29—36 May my [brother] let my messengers go promptly so I [m]ay hear the greeting [of] my [brothjer . your mother. 4 5 . O t h e r r e n d e r i n g s : "at least" ( T u s r a t t a s e n d s m e s s e n g e r s . p. w h e r e a s the E g y p t i a n k i n g r e m a i n s c o m p l e t e l y s i l e n t . w h y can't o n e have 9i . . [and] both of 9 us rejoice very. p.r # la innesser: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e ." 42—49 Teye. until [my] brother lets my messengers go and they come to m[e]. ] . very well. s i m i l a r l y . 2 5 5 a . " T h e e x p r e s s i o n . NOTES 1. "finally. w h o u n d e r s t a n d s t h e e x p r e s s i o n t o m e a n "to b e s u c c e s s f u l . 10 3 7 . w i t h A d l e r I follow K n u d t z o n . . p ." 6 20-28 And now my brother has absolutely refused to let them go.4 1 1 want to let [Mane] g o and I want to send [my] messen­ gers to m]y [brother] as in the past. 12-19 Pirissi and Tulubri. M U N U S (Gordon). I sent posthaste to 3 my brother. aq-ta-bd-a-Iu-nu-tU] (Gordon). [e-se]-ru or [ n e . libbalu ikkallu. 2 1 0 . K i i h n e . No one else knows them. p . He went to my brother. A r t z i . " i . 2 1 0 ) . and having told them to hurry very. "his h e a r t e a t s h i m . and he has put them under very strict detention. . p . Actes du X X / X ? Congres international des Orientalistes. 3. 8. e . "at once" {CAD. I sent 4 them with a very small escort. for your troops. n. AJ\. and may my brother do abso­ lutely everything I want and not cause me dist[ress}. . so now may my brother always show love to me. is e l s e w h e r e u s e d o f a b d o m i n a l p a i n s . Written I . very much. an o m i t t e d in mi-it-ta-a-an- n[i] ( l i n e 4). n.

11. Great [King]. 1 whom I [lo]ve and who lo[ves me: Message of Tusratta]. for [your] hors[es. EA 29 A long review of Mittanian-Egyptian relations TEXT: VAT 271 + fragments: 1600.'' the words that he would speak with me over and over.. for your magnates. your father. a-ra-am-su. l]u-mel-s[e]>•-/»: A d l e r ' s r e a d i n g . following Scheil's copy. may all go we[ll. I. For] Teye ma[y all go w]el[l. your father. [Say to Naphureya. m]y [brother]. P H O T O G R A P H : WA. my son-in-law. "before") t h e other. [But whatever] Nimmureya. p e r h a p s fits t h e c o n t e x t better. F]or Tadu-Heba. For you may all go well.THE AMARNA LETTERS s u c c e s s w i t h (lit. is d i s p r o v e d by c o l l a t i o n . For the r]est [of your wives'] may all go well. and what[ever he might say] to me. 10. who loves you. 2 (obverse). C O P I E S : WA 24 (without the fragments). {he wrote over and over] about peace. your father. your brother. on that very day I di[d] it. would constantly discuss with me. however. 3-4. 1618-20. 3 . for your chariots. and for whatever else belongs to you. and two unnumbered. For your sons. w i t h i t s i m p l i c a t i o n o f t h e q u i c k d i s m i s s a l a n d r e t u r n o f t h e m e s s e n g e r s . in absolutely nothing did I ever cause him distress. 2197 nos. on that very day 7 [he did] it. VS 11. in absolutely not[hing] did he ever cause me distress. for] your [country]. tha[t] he would write [to] me over and (ov)er.4 It is Teye. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. your father. o f easy a c c e s s to e a c h o t h e r ( t h r o u g h one's m e s s e n g e r s ) . knows all the words of Nimmureya. the principal [and favorite] wife of Nim- mureya. may all go very. T h e n o t i o n . 2 6—10 [From the beginning] of my [king]ship on.5 . your father-in-law. the king of Egypt. whom you must ask about all of them: [what] your father {would write over and over]. for your troops. very well. T[ey]e. your father. too. 6 II—15 {My love for] my {brother] is 10 times greater than what we always had with Nimmureya. 92 . pp. as long as Nim- mureya. Whatever I might say. 2 3 0 . [m}y daughter.5 1 . u -mi-$a{m-ma) 4 (Gordon). u-s[e-em-ra-af] (Gordon). For me all goes we[ll. your mother. 12.. pi. 9. 2195-96 nos. There was nothing el[sep whatsoever that he wrote about over and over to me. £. kin[g of Mittan}i. went on writing to me.

[he] re[joiced]. . . sen]t. He se[nt along] 4 sac[ks'5 f]ull [of] gol[d. and asked for my father's daughter. (37—44) [Nimm]ureya sent Niyu. sacks fu]ll of [gold] to Tadu-Heba. m[y] father. {Was there anything] he did [no}t rejoice about? He rejoiced v[ery]. The [very]firstti[me) I said [to] his messenger. When he wrote 5. your [father. . exceed. .5 4 [Wh]en I gave my [daug]hter and she was brought and 18 Nimmureya. then only under such pressure did he g[iv]e her.? W[hen] Nim­ mureya. . ] . was beyond measure. but everything 93 . . and when I received her bride-price.] . your father. 17 2 8 . . ° He sent back all my messengers that were in residence in (to?) the quarters that {were established] for Tadu-Heba. which belonged to me. the sister] of my father. He gave Keliya's [in]got of gold weighing 1 0 0 0 22 shekels. . {and 1 2 26 ijngot ' of gold [weighing [ 1 0 0 0 shekels] for Keliya. . your father." He made that day a festive occasion along. . J]ust as when one sees [his] pee[r]. which he se[nt] separately. ." Because he sent him posthaste.. y]ou shall eat. He wrote 5.'4 to Nimmureya. . '3 And the br]ide-price that Nimmur[eya]. [out of l]ove.. he shows him respect. he asked for the daughter of [my grandfather. and Nimmureya gave [ . my grandfather. and he br{ought them 2 post]haste. too. ." [When] your messenger came the sec{ond time]. Tadu-Heba lai{d] them {all] out {before) my {messengers). ] . his messenger. "I will [no]t give her. wrote to Arta- tama.. he had that brought to me posthaste [. very much! My brother 19 spoke as follows: "{My brother g]ave {his daughter] in perfect fait{h]. When Nimmureya. made [. . Nimmureya showed them respect with 23 love {and evidence of esteem). 4 Before me {he laid out) 7 sacks {full of) gold. As fa{r as] my [messe]ngers {were concerned). o[il] 12 was poured [on] her head. [yo]ur [fa]ther. but [he did not giv]e her. [he sen]t [him back]. 4 times. ] . [and with]in 3 months. ] . I did not [say]. . he wr[ote] 3 . your father). he did not have {the statues] brought to me. Because of my messenger (32-37) [ ." I sent posthaste Haamass[i]. m[y] brother's [. . "Like {. [w]ith extreme prompt­ ness. . ] . not l6 to me]ntion the jewelry [ . saw her. only under such pressure did he g[iv]e [her]. ri[v]alling in height heaven and earth. Before my messengers [ . 6 times. so Nimmureya showed respect to [my messengers as 2 p]eers and as [f]rie[nds}. And thus {Nimmureya. wrote to me and asked for my daughter. and there was not {a single one) among them who went in and {to whom he did 21 not g]ive {something]. 6 times. . ... .] and 21 he instructed [him]. . my own sister. .. [ . I did 10 [not] say n{6). "Of course 11 I will give her. EA 29 8 1 6 .2 7 When { . with his country. [wro]te to Sut- t[arna]. but he did not give her. When he wrote my grandfather 7 times.. the father of Nimmureya. I ga[ve her.

"Let ev]en me [be dead]. then I spoke as follows: "Nimmureya. [that] is in our hearts. "Na]p[hurey]a. On that day I t[ook] neither food nor water. your father. my brother sent me statues 94 . be alive as long as heaven and ear[th. if [Ni]mmureya. when he let Keliya go and [my brother] sent Mane. the oldest son of Nim­ mureya and Teye. (45-50) [And with regard to] all [the things} that I say. and send them to you." [And] thus Nimmureya. [but] let [my brother. " (50-54) I asked for [2] statues of so(l)id chased gold from Nimmureya." T]hat we love [ . I grieved. .3°if Nimmureya. [nothing] was allowed to be 2 cooked in a p o t . was limitless. . your father. thinking. is not dead." 69—79 [But at the time] when [my brother]firstwrote [to me]. Inquire carefully of Teye. and Nimmureya. [or] in any matter whatsoever caused me distress. your [mother]. and she will expose before Naphureya. 55—60 When [m]y [brother]. .000 as well. is exercising the [king]ship [in his place]. is alive. and in my [brother]'s [country] 10. [When I heard] what was reported. I 28 29 call no one [el}se as witness. . That we love. went to his fate it was reported.. It is Teye—she is your [mother]! —that I call. i[f there is a wo]rd that is not that of Nimmureya. "Naphureya is my brother. [Naphurejya. her husband. distress be caused. did not make [mutual lovefl]ourish. for Teye. [the son of Nimjmureya." 65—68 [Now I went o]n reflecting.n or let 10. in no matter whatsoever. 34 Not[hing whatsoever is going to be cha[ng]ed from the way it was before.THE AMARNA LETTERS else. his mother. whatever he did have brought. your [father]. ever rejected what I said.. ] . if in the things that I say there is [ev}en a single word of [un]truth. [and I] sat [ . together with me. } that [love] was in our hearts. your father. his [principal] wife. 61-64 when they said. Nimmureya. . your father. did not permit that in any mat[ter. very much. [and] we indeed did make (it) last. even o]ne. It is going to become 1 0 times gr[ea]ter [th}an what there was with Nimmureya. his oldest son. [now exercises the kingship] in his place. whom I lov]e and who loves me. [did n]ot say: "When I see to it that there is sufficient [Eg]yptian gold in Hanigalbat. said: "[W]hat are statues of just gold with nothing else [that] my [brot]her has asked for? Don't talk of just go[ld] ones! I will make o[nes with genu]ine lapis }I lazuli (too).] . his father. ' On that day I myself wept. [saying. [your] fat[her]. your [fat]her. And thus [Nimmu]- reya. . the [principal and favorite wife of [Nimmureya].000 be dead in my country. I certainly will not send [. [my brother}. the fact that we always loved (each other) very.

my brother {should] do.] The presents that my brother sent to me and [ . ] ... . So I became angry. . Let him tell [you] (about it).] with 37 the foreign guests. . . gave me. I will do]. "How {the kings ofHanigalbatandEgy]pt {love (one another)]. may my brother give me the statues of [solid ch]ased [gold].. and] they will speak of y{ou]. and (why) 95 . 108—118 [.. Mane. .. . He has not sent him back.]. My [ancestors. . .. } He was delaying. [ . ['. } . and I most urgently asked for much [go]ld that had [not] been work[ed]. my brother's messenger.39 One must not change another's words. and the obj[ects of] my desire {that I asked your father for. The statues o[f solid chased gold that I asked Nimmureya fo]r. {always showed great love] to his ancestors. . .. 3 8 91-99. [I caus]ed {you] no distress [whatsoever. And ri[ght] now {inquire carefully of your mother about] the words that your mother {spo]ke to Keli[ya]. you have not [infor]med me. . since 4 years ago. [(He ca)used] me [dis]tress. . and they will say. {Whatever be the things that I say]. .. 100-107 . . all other countries {will see this. 136-147 [ . [Sta]tues of s(o)lid chased gold I asked for from Nimmureya. {may] my brother {give me] promptly much gold that has not been [wo]rked. . my [br]other. [W]hy is it for [you] a source of distress." [. and he has not informed me. {as] was {only r]ight. I became extremely hostile. . you have not sent. in perfect {faith. and {he] has not [ . . ] Moreover.. [ . he added nothi{ng] more to [it]. . your father.} . . Before Mane came. but you have not given them. . [ . and I rejoiced on that day [. that [ . And the objects of [my desire] . [. . EA 29 (made) of wood. my brother {great]ly {reduced]. . Should L] be confident? My brother has not let my messengers go. ] We [must] love and we must rejoice as long as we live.] . . . One {shall not cause] distress to the ot[her] in anything whatsoever. Your father himself gra[ntedme 40 sta]tues of gold. moreover. W[hen I sa]w the gold [that Nimmure}ya himself {had 35 proni\ised. . . and whatever the things be that my brother {says. . [/ addressed] my magnates as f[oll]ows: "With my brother. It will make {o]ur {countries] happier {than all other countries]. . ] . . 119-135 .. . My messengers. . I have now asked [yjou for. [ . As to what was from Naphureya. [the goods] that Nimmur[e]ya.." If in this way {it makes our countries so very] much [more happy] than all other countries. . .] . } . . I asked for [stat­ ues] of solid chased gold. my brother. that it was not gold and that it was not solid. . 80—90 .. too. . . . i6 then I w{as in] even greater {pai]n than befo[re]. {greatly] re­ joiced. Now. . . } we rejoiced greatly and we indeed made the day a festive occasion..

and] I sent him posthaste to my brother. Shall I cause [my] brother distress? I will send Keliya back to him!" [I spoke to my brother a]s follows: "My brother. and he inde[ed] detains them a long time.1 5 4 [/ reflected]. . [ ." I also s[ai]d. your mother. . . and I have not caused [my brother dis]tress. If I cannot build a mausoleum [for my ancestors].THE AMARNA LETTERS has he not in[quired] if [I did n]ot ask [your father] and if. 1 5 5 . (who is) also Keliya's uncle. that you must in[quire].1 4 7 ) Teye is your mother. Would my brother not make other ones? Would he not give them to me? Would he cause me distress? [ . My brother must not complain that I have not se[nt] Keliya. . . [ . of the entire matter. For what reason [has] my brother's [ . moreover. I [will do] as I have planned.4 "As soon as he lets my messengers go. your father did not grant them to me. . my messenger. [I sent] Masi- badli. That other messenger of mine whom I sent to my brother is the brother of Keliya. . my brother. ] . and if your father did not grant them to me.1 6 1 I [hereby] declare: "My brother has indeed not let my messengers go. the affair of my 4i brother has now become a matter for some kind of de[nuncia]tion. "Keliya should return to my brother. In my brother's country gol]d is as plentiful as [dir]t. and he has taken his seat on the throne of his father no[w become a g]od." Furthermore. and I sent him [to] my [brot]her with friendly intentions. Let my brother do as he pleases. . 96 . to [my] brot[her]. (say that) your father also gave me the statues I asked for and now [I] have asked [my brother for other ones]. If not. [ . but as long as my brother [has detained] my 2 messengers. They (the words?) are not at all t[r]ue. and it is of Teye. Because my brother has not let him go promptly so he might return here. for this reason I have not sent Keliya. He is a man. } . and because my brother has given me no information [with regard to the re]quests that I have made. May my brother give me [statues of] solid [ch]ased [gold] and [much] other gold. . . ( 1 4 3 . . I certainly 44 de[noun]ce [this]. I would like to send back [your] messengers promptly. what can I do for them? 41 1 4 8 . . As long as my brother detains m[y] messengers like something for]gotten. and may my brother not cause me dis[tress. . I indeed de[nou]nce (it). } . . son of the same mother. . I will let Ma[ne] go and [I will send] Keliya [ba]ck to my brother as before. ] . and present their report to me. [Nor is my brother] to tur[n] this into a matter of complaint or anything else. I have detained these men her[e]. or have not s[en]t him [with friendly intentio]ns. [if I did not a]sk for [statues of go]ld [and] much other [gol]d from [your] father. .

[/ will send] a lar[ge] mission. did not ask. your reputation?" {My brother. 50 3 quivers overlaid with gold.. 3 garments. I will do absolutely [every]thing that my brother says. and we will al[ways sh}ow very. . "Why [. inlaid 8 with . [I will se]nd Keliya. 1 1 Now. ] . 166—172 May [my brother] treat me with 1 0 times greater love and brotherliness than his father did. 186-187 [. with the head of a yak.] of gold. . . [3] bows. . 173-181 {My brother] spoke {about Art]asuba and Asali. 3 ma{ces—I [herewith] send [a]s my brother's greeting-gift. ^ overlaid with gold. If my brother grants this. your mother. . [I. . ] . . . en]tered my presence. declaring. . [ . too. Ma[ne. and I said in rheir presence. * and I will treat [them] j[ust a]s my brother wants them treated. "They broke the law in your brother's country. . My brother. (and) [/ will pro]vide*^ a large expedition f[or] my [brothe]r. I have not written as before. . . is Keliya's un­ cle. .^ I had [both of] them. It is like this (now) s[o / can write] and my brother understand me. } «>y-shirts. for in my [bro]ther's country go[ld] is as plentiful as dirt. . EA 29 162-165 [Masiba]dli. ] . . [ . of s"ada{nu]-stone. and the rest of my servants who had been living in Egypt were brought in. and I will send a large mission to my [bro]ther. May my brother let [m]y [messen­ gers go pr[omp]tly. My brother is not to complain. . ] . .. . . 1 pair for the hands. 1 huppa/u-mace* {. as I have requested of my brother. . 3 pairs of [. .]-garments. 1 pair for the hands. [ . [Nor will I myself} cause my brother [dis]tress... .]-stone. 6 ajsk {Mane] how I treated them.] lapis lazuli [ . {. 2 garments—I [herewith] send as the greeting-gifft of Te]ye.. ] . / p{ut them] in chains and {fetter]s. [ . o[o ar]rows of bronze. . for my part]. of <fada(nu)-stone. {May my brother give] the statues of solid ch[as]ed gold. ] . I will do [an]d they are done. and they were convicted in [m]y pre[sence.. But {my brother had said nothing] more. . .] . tra[nspor]ted to a town of mine on the border. may my brother esta[bl]ish the natu{re of their crime}. 182-185 [A]s [my brother's] greeting-gift: 1 gold comb. . whom I sent to my brother. . . very much love t[o] my [brother]. and may he send Mane along with my messengers so that they may co[me . [ . . ] fine [ ." They were br[oug]ht in {before] their [ . . . [1 pair] of earrings of [.. May [my brother n]ot cause me [dis]tress and not hold back. Mane] spoke {of their reputation]. how {was I to know t]heir {crime} Since] my [brother] did not say. 97 . and for this reason I did not execute them. ..]. 1 . . one alongside the other. } . . . then I will send Keliya to my [brothe]r. and may my brother give me much gold that has not been worked for the mausoleum.

P i n t o r e . (2) AHw.t i s a it-ti §E§]-irf. Symbolae . 13. NOTES 1 . 4 garments—[I herewith} se[nd] a[s the gre}eting-gift off Tadu-Heba}." b u t this does not m a k e very g o o d sense h e r e . my [dau}ghter. 1 9 7 4 ] . 98 . . . b u t h a r d l y "I b r o u g h t her. Cf. 2 3 2 f . [ r a . n. " see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . p . a n d therefore o n e m a y not infer a c e r t a i n h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d s T h u t m o s i s I V (so D . 4 1 iii 1 6 9 . 9. 4. 7 10. p . 12. Matrimonio. T h e w r i t i n g u-ul-la could be d u e to t h e influence o f u-ul a n d p e r h a p s a-an-na (cf. The Juridical Terminology of Interna­ tional Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dynasty X V / / / [ B a l t i m o r e . b u t t h i s y i e l d s a n u n u s u a l p o s i t i o n for t h e n e g a t i v e a n d d o e s not a d e q u a t e l y fill t h e s p a c e at t h e e n d o f line 2 1 . i n . n. 1 5 0 . . n. For fighting w i t h all one's h e a r t . 1 4 7 : 1 5 ) . p . 3 3 i 5 2 . 1 4 5 . . p . 2. c 8. p . 1 3 8 . [ N I M ] G I R : very d u b i o u s . 5 2 . . ] . [mus-s]ir (cf. i b i d . n. "joy. fol­ l o w e d b y A d l e r . . p p . w i t h o u t d u p l i c i t y . t h e s u b j e c t here m u s t b e "he." a n d t h e r e ­ fore 1 4 [i-te-pu-ufi.5 3 ) . . n. EA 1 7 : 1 3 . [Sa i l . un­ d i v i d e d loyalty. p p .. EA i :26ff. i . it-ta-ab-k{u]: f o l l o w i n g L a n d s b e r g e r .-stone. fol­ l o w i n g L a n d s b e r g e r . p . " i . 16.m u . G r a m m a r unclear. n. cf. a n d as s a i d o f s o l d i e r s fighting (see B o g h a z k o y references) it m a k e s n o sense at a l l . at-ta-d[in-si]: see VAB 2/2. 4. " m e s s a g e .p a . 3. lit. EA 19:20). 4 K [ u S . t a k e s it as susapinnu. EA 29:30. 19. . O t h e r o p i n i o n s : (1) K n u d t z o n . A s lines 1 2 — 1 5 m a k e clear. L o r t o n .THE AMARNA LETTERS 188-189 [ . p . [istu res LVG]AL-ru-ti-ia: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . " " g a r c o n d'honneur" (PRU 3. . it rf-[ul-la] 2 2 [ l a . " a t t e n d a n t t o t h e g r o o m .r u ] . b u t A d l e r r e t r a c t e d t h i s r e a d i n g in A O A T 2 0 1 . 1 pair for the hands of [sadanu-sto]ne. . e . 7 9 f . n. . "with all his h e a r t . 17.[ u l ] 2 2 [ u l ." c o m p a r i n g H e b r e w ( a n d U g a r i t i c ) gyl. p. . il-ta-nap-(pa)-ru: f o l l o w i n g Adler. a n d a C a n a a n i t i s m in T u s r a t t a ' s l a n g u a g e is not likely. cf. [1 pair of e]arrings [of . ina ku -u-ul s libbtsu. 5 4 ) . k e e p i n g his p a r t o f t h e a g r e e m e n t perfectly.l a ] aq-bi.t a . Martina David dedicatae (see EA n . 15. 7. [mi-im-ma u-u\l. p r o p o s e d it a . 1 1 ) . l i n e 5 2 ) w o u l d m a i n t a i n t h e rhetorical t o n e o f t h e p a s s a g e b e t t e r t h a n "I/he sent" ( K i i h n e . 6.a ] aq-bi. . p. ibid. ] . peace. n. 5 1 v 1 0 . p . . i b i d . 4. 1 7 2 . EA 19:58. p . following Kiihne. n. n. E x t e n d e d n e g o t i a t i o n s s e e m t o have b e e n t h e r u l e in i n t e r d y n a s t i c m a r ­ r i a g e s ( P i n t o r e . mimma sa-n\u-u\. . Matrimonio. O n umma.' a . Cf. p p . e . p p . 1588. 7 1 . 11. . 79f. 2 1 2 . p . 7 ) . Iraq 20 [ 1 9 5 8 ] p . ina ma-ah-[ti-im-ma a . . 3 1 . 1 6 ." S u b j e c t o m i t t e d ? 18. 5. 3 0 . Symbolae . ina s a (text: h[)-nu-ut-t[im-maY. 4 6 . 9 2 7 b . Martino David dedi­ catae. cf. T h e p r a e n o m e n o f T h u t m o s i s I V (mn-hprw-r ) m a y have a p p e a r e d in t h e b r e a k . b u t t h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e for t h i s w o r d e l s e w h e r e in ( p e r i p h e r a l ) A k k a d i a n . .n a p . ina gammurti libbi in A s s y r i a n t r e a t i e s ( W i s e m a n . 3 2 . 1 4 6 ) . M E $ ] : f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . K i i h n e . n. 2 4 . "quiet.n a C")] . 14. so a l s o A d l e r in K i i h n e .

28. 4 2 .a d .s ] i : see line 1 5 6 . 1s T U K U L S A G N A : following Adler. see V A B 2 / 2 .[ t a . 0 0 0 . Cf. VAB 2 / 2 .a n .t a . [ k a .( § u ) } : on t h e f o l l o w i n g u. OLZ. 2 1 2 . 24. rf»2-[ta-ra-as]: following Adler.s u . 31.u m i . [ u m . " 30.t a . ZA 45 (1939) pp. 4 49. P e r h a p s . t h o u g h p e r h a p s e n t e r i n g E g y p t is m e a n t (cf. 4 1 . n. 40. i n . O n lines 1 4 8 .. 4 6 . p . line 3 6 ) . . p . n o t e 5 ) . c o n f i r m e d by collation. [\m\-mar-sa (cf.a .s u . 39.n u a-ti\a (cf. . 2 4 . n." asdbu. Cf. 4 6 . correctly i d e n t i ­ fied sit as the p e r s o n a l p r o n o u n . 33. T h e e n t r a n c e p r o b a b l y is to the P h a r a o h ' s p r e s e n c e (cf. 27. O n t h e rest o f the p a s s a g e see K i i h n e . kf]me amelutu me-he-e[r-s'u] . AHw. 1 9 9 . 54f. m 35. line 4 1 ) .d i ii 1 l\i-sa-nu (cf. 4 0 . w h o correctly rejects a d e r i v a t i o n f r o m nagdlu). 43. 1 5 8 8 . n. [ l a m i m m a ] ( B e r g e r in K i i h n e . L i n e 1 2 2 refers to an o a t h by "my brother" ( A m e n o p h i s III or I V ? ) . 47. see K i i h n e . 1 9 1 6 . 7of. mel 37. 4 6 . 36. he r e t u r n s to the p r o p o s a l o f U n g n a d . see W i l ­ h e l m . O n lines 6 9 . a-na k [ a . p . See Ehelolf. 3 2 [ ' " D U M U . reads ubdruti.m a u-ul u]-ne-ep-pi-is (cf. 2 1 2 . EA 27:328:. [ M E § ] (izqdti) ^ . A O A T 9.s f . after a d i r e c t o b j e c t . EA 1 9 . {!]? [iiyba-r[u-t\i: following K i i h n e . 45. erebu. n. "to b e c o m e d a r k " ( K n u d t z o n . 1 8 4 . a s h e a l s o s u g g e s t s .). p . 4 0 . p . 7 1 [ s a nimmur]eya-[m]a [iq-b]u-[s\i-n]u k[i-i a . EA 29 20. T u s r a t t a s e e m s t o say t h a t t h o u g h offended a n d very angry.5 3 . O n line 1 0 6 . . 41. 1 9 4 ) or the l i k e s e e m s r e q u i r e d by context.7 9 . p . 2 7 1 . p. only t w o h e a d s o f verticals are v i s i b l e . 1 26. / / .t a .m } a [ r ] . p .a l u . ti-se-"en'-nu-u: f o l l o w i n g Adler. a-ha-m[is r a .m a ." in line 1 7 4 ) . 29. 1 9 1 6 . n. 22. 23. b u t in A O A T 2 0 1 . I S 48. 32. [ma-lu-ii i t . 2 1 2 . col.b a l . 38. it'"a '-ka-an-na: f o l l o w i n g A d l e r . 34. a n d " e n t e r i n g . 1 8 4 . Cf. n. 1 9 4 . 46.n u ] .k a . the d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n e x t e n d s t h r o u g h line 60. 1 S u ( p a i r ) ru-uh-tu A or Juruhtu {AHw. lines 2 7 a n d 38f. 3 1 [. 2 1 2 .. mam\ma sa-nd\-am-ma: f o l l o w i n g U n g n a d . 1 3 6 5 ) .EA 26:306°. p p . p . 25. "she k n o w s ./ O . 4 6 . he d i d not s h o w it in t h e p r e s e n c e o f the E g y p t i a n m e s s e n g e r .[i hifilfunu]: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . EA 26:57. Tt-i-it < si-i i-de. followed by E b e l i n g . 1 3 9 9 b . n. col. w h o s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e s e c o n d n u m b e r b e r e a d a s 60 ( X ) 1 0 . 99 . EA 27:21. p . 44. 1287)? 50. p . EA 3o:9f. a n d akdlu d o e s not m e a n "to b e a n g r y " ( A d l e r .a r . . I n s t e a d o f itbaruti. [lu-u u-ki]-i/. "residing.a r / k a r . (not c o n f i r m e d by c o l l a t i o n ) .t a . n. ne-e-pe'-el-x. p .k u a]-na-ku-ma. EA 1 9 : 6 5 ? ) .[ n u ] ./ » . Teyema [umma]k[a] sit: A d l e r in K i i h n e . M E S KlN-ia ki-i) mehriiti n ki' \i\t-ba-a-ru-ti: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . takkal: h a r d l y f r o m ekelu. OLZ.. u{m-ma l]u-ii andkii-ma: following Adler. 21. p .[ § ] U . u [ i ] z . cf.

p. Actes (see EA 28.7 7 ) P P - I 2ff. PHOTOGRAPH: BB. is c e r t a i n l y r i g h t in i d e n t i f y i n g h i m w i t h t h e "fortress c o m m a n d e r o f S i l u " ( E g y p t i a n mr htm ntf). n. p . 1 9 6 .9 7 . pp.1 6 . 2 6 . pi. a r e EA 3 9 . 1 9 6 . 2. servants of my brother: Thus the king. cf. 6). 252-53. 1 5 . 3 0 9 . t h e r e q u e s t for f r e e d o m f r o m v a r i o u s t a x e s a n d t o l l s i n ARM 5 .( r u ) . EA 3 9 . si-ib-su = sibsu? O n t h e seal i m p r e s s i o n o n t h i s t a b l e t . p p . u s u a l l y c a l l e d rabisu (see I n t r o d u c ­ t i o n . 1 9 3 . my brother. p p .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 30 A passport TEXT: BM 29841. Festschrift Alt: Geschichte und Altes Testament Beitrage zur historischen Theologie ( T u b i n g e n . 7 0 ) . C O P Y : BB 58. id-na-x ( G o r d o n ) : x is c e r t a i n l y n o t su. f « : for t h e c o n f u s i o n o f su a n d su in M i t t a n i l e t t e r s . 1 1 . 1 To the kings of Canaan. t h o u g h d i r e c t e d t o o n e I I p l a c e . T h e "brother" is t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g . n. P o r a d a . and as far as his presents) are concerned. 3 100 . T h a t "hand" s h o u l d b e w r i t t e n qdt ( s o O p p e n h e i m a n d A r t z i ) d o e s n o t s e e m likely. 5 ~ 6 . 5 . k a d . PRU 4 . at the E g y p t i a n frontier.. S i m i l a r p a s s p o r t s . 5 1 . LFM. d e l M o n t e . F o r t h e s e n s e . 12-13. b u t E l m a r E d e l . No one is to hold him up. 4. " refers t o t h e h i g h e s t E g y p t i a n official. Provide him with safe 2 entry into Egypt and hand (him) over to the fortress commander of 3 4 Egypt.4 0 . t h i n k s t h a t halzuhlu. n o . AfO 2 5 ( 1 9 7 4 . TRANSLITERATION Adler. Let [him] go on immediately. T R A N S L A T I O N : Oppenheim. t h e n e x t s i g n p o s s i b l y e r a s e d o r m a [ r ] . see E . li-il-l'T'-[i\k (also G o r d o n ) . 2 8 . pp.4 0 . G . see K i i h n e . 15. PRU 4 . PRU 3. a n d t h e " k i n g " is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y t h e ruler o f M i t t a n i . 7. Ugar. my messenger. A N D TRANSLATION: T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N : Artzi. OA 2 2 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p . n. 1 9 5 3 ) . 1 2 6 . p e r h a p s ni. NOTES 1. 134.9 7 . 3. I herewith send Akiya."* he is to owe nothing. p p . "fortress c o m ­ m a n d e r . PRU 3 . to speed posthaste to the king of Egypt. p. 5. p r o b a b l y T u S r a t t a . G o r d o n t h o u g h t t h a t t h e first s i g n m i g h t b e ii-ib rather t h a n u. p .

JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p .2 1 As to the things to be done that you wrote me about (with the words). who . no. Hethitisches Keilschriftlesebuch. "Send it here to me!"—now. 100 (beams of) ebony.2 6 Then they will come (back) to you (and) bring along the bride-price for the daughter." And he will pour oil on her head. your chariot-fighters. 3 light linen (ma)ntles. R e a d i n g ni-mu-wa-(r)e-ia. my messenger. and they must come. C O P I E S : WA 10. (with the instruction): "Let us see the daughter whom they will offer to my 5 majesty in marriage. J And send to me too . my chariot-fighters. 101 . Irsappa:'-' a sack of gold. pt. my children. 8 2 7 . 10 chairs of ebony {inlaid] with ivory. my magnates. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : L. as a greeting-gift. I have 6 sent to you a sack of gold. VBoT. all my property i in my countries. — W L M ] m 1. 3 linen huzzi. 1 (Heidelberg. your troops. 100 linen mutalliyassa. n. (speaks) as follows: Say to 2 Tarhundaradu. 7a. I have sent to you as a greeting-gift a consignment in the charge of my messenger. I960). your property in your countries. people of the country Kaska. 334ff. . 1 7 . my troops. Friedrich. . weighing 20 minas of gold. the king of Arzawa: By me all is well. And behold. 2 2 . 3 chairs of ebony overlaid with beautiful sarpa {andgol]d. I have sent to you Irsappa. my wives. . 1. ] . 100 linen happ{a. For your houses. 1 9 5 . your magnates. I have heard that everything is finished. . 4 ri—16 Behold. En 31 EA 31 Marriage negotiations.1 0 By you (too) may all be well. J . your children. 11 100 linen sawalga. (First) send back quickly your messenger and the messenger from me. For my houses. Rost.3 8 and that the country Hattusa is shattered. Behold. 6 {small} kukkubu-containers of 12 "sweet oil". in Hittite TEXT: C 4741 (12208).3 2 are b y V o l k e r t H a a s .' Great King. 7 .. it is (of) excellent (quality). your wives. no. Nimuwa(r)eya. I will send it (soon) to you. w i t h A l b r i g h t . king of Egypt. NOTES [ T h e t r a n s l a t i o n s a n d n o t e s for EA 3 1 . 3 light 10 linen garments. all is well. MIO 4 (1956) pp. 4 large kukkubu-containtts of "sweet oil". (but) later. may all be very well. 1. 8 linen kusitti. My messenger and your messenger who came.

THE AMARNA LETTERS

a n d E d e l , Studien zur Altdgyptischen Kultur i ( 1 9 7 4 ) p . 1 3 5 ; cf. VAB 2/1, p. 270,
n o t e e. T h e h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e t h a t is m i s s i n g is t h a t o f t h e re, not o f t h e wa
( G o r d o n ) . O n p a l e o g r a p h i c and linguistic g r o u n d s , this and the following letter
are t o b e d a t e d in t h e p e r i o d b e t w e e n t h e H i t t i t e k i n g s A r n u w a n d a I a n d S u p -
p i l u l i u m a I . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e p a l e o g r a p h i c c r i t e r i a e l a b o r a t e d in StBoT 21 and 22,
t h e y a p p r o x i m a t e t h e s c r i p t o f t h e c h a n c e r y o f A r n u w a n d a I; cf. t h e s i g n s A K , A L ,
D U , LI, a n d S A R . T h i s fits t o o w i t h t h e correct d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e p l u r a l
d e t e r m i n a t i v e s M E § a n d HI. A , t h e f r e q u e n t u s e o f e n c l i t i c p r o n o u n s ( n o t e e s p e ­
cially t h e u s e o f t h e e n c l i t i c p r o n o m i n a l s t e m o f t h e p l u r a l , - e , EA 3 1 : 1 8 ) , t h e v e r b
f o r m a-u-ma-ni ( o t h e r w i s e , in O l d H i t t i t e , u-me-ni, StBoT 8, p . 7 8 ) , a n d t h e p l e n e
w r i t i n g s s u c h as hu-u-da-a-ak (EA 3 1 : 2 0 ) a n d al-su-u-li (EA 3 2 : 1 8 , 2 0 , 2 1 ) ; cf. a l s o
CHD 3, pp. 254, 268 M H / M S .
2 . O n t h e l o c a t i o n o f A r z a w a s o m e w h e r e t o t h e w e s t o f C i l i c i a , its history,
a n d EA 3 1 - 3 2 , see H e i n h o l d - K r a h m e r , Arzawa: Untersuchungen zu seiner Geschichte
nach den hethitischen Quellen, THeth 8 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p p . 3 - 4 , 5 0 - 5 5 . T h r o u g h a m a r r i a g e
w i t h a d a u g h t e r o f t h e m o s t p o w e r f u l ruler a m o n g t h e v a r i o u s p r i n c i p a l i t i e s t h a t
w e r e f o u n d in A r z a w a b e f o r e S u p p i l u l i u m a I , E g y p t b e l i e v e d t h a t it c o u l d a s s u r e
t h e loyalty o f t h e c o u n t r y a n d t h u s h e l p i m p e d e t h e r e s u r g e n c e o f t h e H i t t i t e s .
A r z a w a ' s p r e v i o u s i s o l a t i o n m a y b e reflected in t h e fact t h a t c o r r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h it
w a s c a r r i e d on in H i t t i t e a n d n o t , a s w a s c u s t o m a r y , in A k k a d i a n . ( T h e v i e w o f J .
F r i e d r i c h , Or n . s . 8 [ 1 9 3 9 ] p . 3 1 0 , n. 1, t h a t in t h i s l e t t e r are t o b e f o u n d several
"violations o f n o r m a l H i t t i t e s p e e c h " m a y b e q u e s t i o n e d . T h e p o s i t i o n , however,
o f EGIRanda at t h e e n d o f a s e n t e n c e , after t h e v e r b , is a difficulty; cf. L . R o s t ,
MIO 4 [ 1 9 5 6 } p . 3 3 6 . )
3 . T h e t e r m pippit, "all o f one's p o s s e s s i o n s , " is a t t e s t e d o n l y here, a n d it is
d
certain that similar farms—pi-pi-it-hi a-dam-ma (KBo X V I I 1 0 3 rev. i 1 8 ' ) ; pt'-pt-
pi-tarsw KBo X I I I 2 4 8 rev. i 9 ' ) — h a v e n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h pippit. H . Kronasser,
" H e t h i t i s c h pippit e x i s t i e r t n i c h t , " Die Sprache 7 ( 1 9 6 1 ) p p . 1 6 8 - 6 9 , b e l i e v e s t h a t
it is a m i s t a k e for upessar t o b e e q u a t e d w i t h A k k a d i a n subultu.
4. T h e n a m e of the E g y p t i a n messenger appears with the same writing
d
a m o n g H u r r i a n g o d s : see KUB X X X I V 1 0 2 ii 1 3 ( ir-sa-ap-pa dam-ki-ra-a-Ii), and
KUB X X V I I 1 rev. ii 2 3 (ir-sap-pi-ni-isGAM.GkK-ra-a-n). H e i s , therefore, a g o d
o f c o m m e r c e ; on tamgar-(P)Je, " c o m m e r c e , " see I . M . D i a k o n o f f , Hurrisch und
Urartaisch ( M u n i c h , 1 9 7 1 ) , p . 69. T h e g o d I r s a p p a is t h e C a n a a n i t e R e s h e p h ; see
E . L a r o c h e , RHA 3 4 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . i 2 4 f . ; Or n . s . 4 5 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p . 9 7 ; Ugar. 5, p . 5 2 1 .
N o t e , t o o , a t E m a r N e r g a l , t h e B a b y l o n i a n R e s h e p h a s E N K I . L A M , bel mahtri,
"lord o f t h e m a r k e t p l a c e , c o m m e r c e , " Emar 6 / 3 3 7 3 : 7 4 ' ; 3 7 8 : 1 0 .
5 . O n l i n e s n — 1 4 , see G i i t e r b o c k in L a n d s b e r g e r , Symbolae ... Martino
David dedicatae (see EA 1 1 , n. 7 ) , p p . 79f., n. 4. O n t h e r i t e , see EA n , n. 7.
6. O n t h e n o u n zuhalaliya, see O t t e n , StBoT 1 5 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p . 1, a n d H a a s ,
Kratylos 1 6 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 1 6 2 . A c c o r d i n g to G o r d o n , here a n d in line 3 0 t h e first s i g n
is SU a n d not Z U . S e e a l s o F r a n k S t a r k e , "Ein A m a r n a B e l e g fur nbw nfr ' g u t e s
G o l d , ' " GM 5 3 ( 1 9 8 1 ) p p . 55ff.
7. O n t h e v e r b aggas, o f o b s c u r e m e a n i n g ( p e r h a p s "he is d e a d " ) , see
K i i h n e , p p . 96f., n. 4 8 1 .
8. S t a r k e , " Z u r D e u t u n g d e r A r z a w a - B r i e f s t e l l e VBoT I, 2 5 - 2 7 , " Z A 7 1
( 1 9 8 1 ) p p . 2 2 1 - 3 1 , i n t e r p r e t s differently: "I have h e a r d all t h a t y o u s a i d . A n d a l s o

102

EA 32

t h e l a n d o f H a t t u s a is at p e a c e . " T h i s i n g e n i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is b a s e d o n an
E g y p t i a n p a r a l l e l ( ? ) , b u t if o n e t a k e s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h e h i s t o r i c a l i m p l i c a ­
t i o n s , it falls s h o r t of c o n v i c t i o n ; see A . H a g e n b u c h e r , THeth 1 6 ( 1 9 8 9 ) p p . 3G2L
9. O n lines 2 8 - 2 9 , w i t h t h e i r p a r a l l e l s in t h e l e t t e r s o f R a m e s s e s I I , s e e
E d e l , Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 (1974) p. 1 3 5 .
r e a <
10. With Edel, ibid., p p . 1 3 5 - 3 7 , I J 3 G A D A S I G (see EA 14 iii 1 1 ) 3
GADA ( G U ) . E . A S[IG].
11. G o r d o n : e i t h e r B/Pu over a n e r a s u r e , or else A S - B / P u , b u t n o t M U - A S
(cf. M l ) in lines 1, 1 7 , 1 8 , 2 5 ) .
12. T h e o c c u r r e n c e s o f sarpa-, sarpaHi, have b e e n c o l l e c t e d by R o s t , MIO 4
( 1 9 5 6 ) p p . 338ff. ( G o r d o n : G l S . K A L clear; f K U . G ] l G A R . R A . )

EA 32

Reply to EA 31
T E X T : VAT 342.

COPIES: WA 238; VS 12, 202; VBoT, no. 2.
TRANSLITERATION A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Rost, MIO 4 (1956) pp.

328ff.
Behold, (concerning the fact) that Kalbaya has spoken this word to me,
1
"Let us establish a blood-relationship,"
4-6 in this matter I do not trust Kalbaya. He has (indeed) spoken
it as a word, but it was not confirmed on the tablet.
7—9 If you really desire my daughter, (how) should I not give her
to you? I give her to you!
10—13 See to it now that Kalbaya returns quickly with my messen­
ger, and write back to me on a tablet concerning this matter.
14-20 May Nabu, the king of wisdom, (and) Istanus of the Gate­
way graciously protect the scribe who reads this tablet, and around you
2
may they graciously hold the(ir) hands.
21—23 You, scribe, write well to me; put down, moreover, your
name.
24—25 The tablets that are brought here always write in Hittite!

NOTES
1. T h i s t a b l e t is t h e e n d o f a l o n g e r b u t o n l y p a r t i a l l y p r e s e r v e d c o m m u n i ­
c a t i o n r e p l y i n g t o EA 3 1 .
2. B e f o r e line 1 4 t h e r e is a d o u b l e d i v i d i n g - l i n e . O n lines 1 4 - 2 3 , w h i c h a r e
d i r e c t e d t o t h e s c r i b e a t t h e E g y p t i a n c o u r t , see O t t e n , MIO 4 ( 1 9 5 6 ) p p . i 7 9 f E ,
e s p . p . 1 8 5 . S e e a l s o t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 4.

103

THE AMARNA LETTERS

EA 33

An alliance in the making
T E X T : VAT 1654.
C O P I E S : WA 15; VS 11, 13.
PHOTOGRAPH: L. Hellbing, Alasia Problems, Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 57 (Giiteborg, 1979), p. 100
(obverse only).
To the king of Egypt, my brother: Message of the king of Alasiya, your
1
brother. For me all goes well. For you may all go we(ll). For your
2
household, your wives, your sons, your horses, your chariots, and in
your country, may all go [ve]ry well.
9 - 1 8 [More]over, I have heard [t]hafi you are seated on [the th]rone
of your father's house. (You said), "{Let us have] transported (back and
forth) [gift(s) ofp]eace. "4 [I have he]ard the greeting [of] my [brother], and
I . . . [...] . . . [You wr]ote, "[Have transported to me] 200 (talents) of
copper,"' [and I (herewith) have] transported'to you . . . [ . . . } . . . 10 talents
6
[offine copper].
1 9 - 2 6 [The mes]senger [that your father us]ed to se[nd t]o [me] / [let
7
go immediately. So wri[te to me, and] may my [brojther not de[lay] my
8
[m}an that . . . [ . . . ] . . . Let him g(o) [immediately.
2 7 - 3 2 [A]nd'-> year by ye[ar] let my messenger go [into your
presence], and, on you[r part], year by year, your messenger should
10
come from [your] pre[sence] into my presence.

NOTES
1. T h e k i n g a d d r e s s e d w a s p r o b a b l y A m e n o p h i s IV, b u t neither S m e n k h ­
k a r e nor T u t a n k h a m u n m a y b e e x c l u d e d ; see K i i h n e , p . 8 6 . P e r h a p s , t o o , the
e n t i r e A l a s i a c o t r e s p o n d e n c e is t o be p u t in t h e r e i g n o f A m e n o p h i s IV, over a
p e r i o d o f a b o u t a d e c a d e or s o ; for o p i n i o n s , see H e l l b i n g , Alasia Problems (see
h e a d n o t e ) , p . 4 7 , n. 1 9 , a n d EA 3 4 , n. 1 1 .
2. T h e r e is n o p l u r a l m a r k e r w i t h "chariots" or t h e t h r e e p r e c e d i n g nouns
( a l s o EA 3 7 : 6 ; 3 9 : 6 ) , b u t p l u t a l s a r e t h e rule in t h e v a r i o u s f o r m s o f t h e f o r m u l a i c
g r e e t i n g , a n d t h e u n m a r k e d l o g o g r a m is a l s o u s e d for t h e p l u r a l in EA 34:44-45;
39:10—20; 4 0 : 1 6 - 2 8 ; perhaps 3 7 : 3 9 and 3 8 : 2 5 .
3. In l i n e s 1 - 8 t h e left m a r g i n m o v e s i n w a r d , t o t h e r i g h t (see p h o t o ) ,
whereas Knudtzon's restorations [ s a ] - n i - t a ? a n d \a-ri\u-ma at t h e b e g i n n i n g of
l i n e s 9 - 1 0 , respectively, a s s u m e t h e m a r g i n o f l i n e 8. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , the
a s s u m p t i o n o f a b r o k e n s i g n s e e m s i n e s c a p a b l e . In l i n e 1 0 [e/i-n]u-ma seems
p r e f e r a b l e ( K i i h n e , p . 8 6 , n. 427).
4. A c h a n g e of rulers required allies to restate their expressions of friend-

104

EA 34

2
s h i p ; cf. EA 6:8ff.; 8:8ff.; 9:7!?.; 1 7 : 5 1 6 ° . ; 4i:yfF. See a l s o G o e t z e , Kleinasien'
( M u n i c h , 1 9 5 7 ) , p . 98; O t t e n , A / 0 , Beiheft 1 2 , p . 65.
s
T h e f o l l o w i n g r e s t o r a t i o n o f lines 1 2 — 1 3 ' most uncertain: [nu-u]s-te-bi-ri-
mi 13 [ N I G . B A i]a-la-mi. T h e first w o r d , as if f r o m eberu ( a l s o line 1 7 ) , is
r e g u l a r l y u s e d o f c r o s s i n g b o d i e s o f w a t e r a n d w o u l d b e a p p r o p r i a t e in a l e t t e r
f r o m a n i s l a n d ; for o v e r h a n g i n g / - v o w e l , cf. li-li-ki, lines 2 9 , 3 2 ; for t h e f o r m ,
p r o b a b l y S-perfecr, cf. ultebilakku, EA 3 5 : 1 0 ; -mi is a m a r k o f d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n .
5. E n d o f line 1 6 : [ s u - b i - r a - ( m i ) ] . T h e m e a s u r e is a l s o a b s e n t in EA 35:10;
3 6 : 6 ; 40:7, 1 3 ; u n d e r s t a n d "talent(s)" or p e r h a p s " b a r s , i n g o t s " ( K i i h n e , p . 86, n.
4 2 2 ) . O n t h e C y p r i o t e t a l e n t o f 2 8 . 2 k g or 3 5 . 2 5 k g , r o u g h l y t h e s a m e w e i g h t o f
t h e i n g o t s f o u n d at C y p r u s , see A r n a u d , RA 61 (1967) p . 168. N e i t h e r the gift
r e q u e s t e d nor t h e o n e s e n t is n e c e s s a r i l y a c o r o n a t i o n g i f t ( R e d f o r d , History and
Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt [see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 1 9 ] , p . 1 2 6 ) .
6. L i n e 1 7 : [ u u]s-te-bi-ra-ku x [x x ] . W h a t w a s a c t u a l l y s e n t s e e m s t o h a v e
b e e n less t h a n w h a t w a s a s k e d for, b u t t h e difference was p e r h a p s c o m p e n s a t e d for
by a d d i n g (line 1 8 ) , [ x - x ] - A M 1 0 G U . U N [ U R U D U D U G ] ; cf. EA 4 0 : 1 3 .
7. L i n e s 1 9 — 2 2 : [ u D U M ] U si-ip-r[i-su] 20 [ s a A D - k a / } / - t a - n [ a - p a - a r ]
r
21 \a\-na mu-hi-[ia ki-ma] 22 ar-hi-is u"'-[wa-as-si-ir-(su)]. C o m p a r i s o n of pre­
v i o u s r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e a d d r e s s e e ' s p r e d e c e s s o r is f r e q u e n t ; cf. EA 8 : 8 f £ ; 9:66°.;
io:8ff.; 1 5 : 7 6 ° . ; i 7 : 2 i f f . ; 2 7 - 2 9 p a s s i m .
8. L i n e 2 5 : « ' - [ u h - h a r / h a - a r - ( s u ) ] ; w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 108:48, the
D - c o n j u g a t i o n o f kalu ( K n u d t z o n ) is u n a t t e s t e d in EA.
9. O n t h e a p p a r e n t la o f t h e copy, see S c h r o e d e r , O L Z , 1 9 1 7 , col. 1 0 5 .
10. i / > - p [ a - n i - k a ] ; cf. i-pa-ni-ia in t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e . T h a t in(a) should
m e a n b o t h "from" a n d "to" in t h e s a m e s e n t e n c e , in t h e s a m e e x p r e s s i o n , is n o t
very likely. ^ > - p [ a - f i - k a ] , "from y o u r t e r r i t o r y " ?

EA 34

The Pharaoh's reproach answered
TEXT: BM 29789.
C O P Y : BB 6.
PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100 (obverse only,
illegible).
1
Message of the king of Alasiya to the king of Egypt, my brother: Be
informed that I prosper and my country prospers. And as to your own
prosperity, may your prosperity and the prosperity of your household,
your sons, your wives, your horses, your chariots, your country, be very
great. 7-15 Look, yo(u) are my brother. As to your having written
me, "Why did you not send your messenger to me?", the fact is that I
2
had not heard that you were going to perform a sacrifice. Do not ta[k}e
this at all seriously. 3 Since I have (now) heard (about it), I herewith send
my messenger to you. 1 6 - 2 5 And behold, I (also) send to you with

105

THE AMARNA LETTERS

my messen(g)er 100 talents of copper. Moreover, may your messengers
4
now bring some goods: i ebony bed, goid-(trimmed), . . . ; and a char­
5 6
iot, sfuhttu, with gold; 2 horses; 2 pieces of linen; 50 linen shawls; 2
linen robes; 1 4 (beams of) ebony;? 17 habannatu-\ats of "sweet oil."
8
[And] as to byssos, 4 pieces and 4 shawls. 2 6 - 3 1 {And as] to goods
that are not available {in your country], I am sending {in the charge of] my
[mess}enger a donkey-hide [ . . . } of a bed, and {hab]annatu-)ais that are
9
not available [ . . . } 3 2 - 4 1 .. . 4 2 - 4 9 So an alliance should [be
ma]de between the two of us, and my messen(g)ers should go to you
and your messengers should come to me. Moreover, why have you not
10
sent me oil and linen? As far as I am {concerned, what you yourself
request / will give. 5 0 - 5 3 I herewith send a habannatu-)&t {that] is full
of "sweet oil" to be poured on your head, seeing that you have sat down
on your royal throne."

NOTES
1 . O n t h e writer's r e f e r r i n g t o h i m s e l f first, see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 5 3 .
2 . T h e festival c a n n o t b e i d e n t i f i e d ( C a m p b e l l , Chronology, p . 4 2 ) ; for p o s s i ­
b i l i t i e s w i t h i n t h e r e i g n o f A m e n o p h i s IV, see K i i h n e , p p . 86f. Cf. t h e c o r o n a t i o n
referred t o in l i n e s 5 0 — 5 3 .
3. T h e r e a d i n g ti-Va^-kdn is c e r t a i n . T h e e x p r e s s i o n (mimma) ina libbi
sakdnu o c c u r s a l s o in EA 3 5 : 1 2 , 1 5 , 3 5 (all p a s s i v e ) ; 3 8 : 3 0 ; 1 7 0 : 7 ^
4. su-x-a: x is n e i t h e r hi ( B B , b u t r e j e c t e d in VAB 2 / 1 , p . 2 8 1 , n o t e d ) , n o r ha
( U n g n a d , OLZ, 1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 3 ) ; u over a n e r a s u r e (or nu, G o r d o n ) is p o s s i b l e . su"a,
" p r o v i d e d w i t h m a t t r e s s ( e s ) " ? Cf. se'u sa ersi; o n t h e d i s a g r e e m e n t in g e n d e r , cf.
lalim in line 4.
5. M a y e r , UF 8 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . 2 i 2 f . , c o m p a r e s N u z i sukitu, (a t y p e o f ) c h a r i o t .
6. G U . G A D A ( a l s o line 2 5 ) , t o b e a d d e d t o kUadu (CAD, K , p . 4 4 9 b , "scarf
.worn a r o u n d t h e neck"; AHw, p . 490a, "Halstuch").
7. S e e EA 3 1 : 3 8 , w h e r e E d e l , Brief, p . 1 5 2 , a s s u m e s ( G i S ) , " ( b e a m s ) , " b u t
perhaps repetition of logogram/determinative avoided.
8. S e e EA 1 4 iii n.
9. A t t h e e n d o f l i n e 3 2 , $ E . M E § ( G o r d o n ) . L i n e s 39—40: " . . . m y m e r ­
1
c h a n t s a n d 2 0 m e r c h a n t s o f y o u r s " Cu 2 0 , G o r d o n ) .
10. a-na-ku-[t}e: o n t h e e n c l i t i c , see K r a h m a l k o v , JSS 1 4 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p p . 2 0 3 ^ ;
for t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n anaku . . . anaku (line 4 9 ? ) , cf. EA 3 5 : 2 1 — 2 2 , 5 0 — 5 2 . T h e
a s s u m p t i o n o f a W e s t S e m i t i s n n is e s p e c i a l l y p l a u s i b l e in t h i s letter. A m o n g t h e
A l a s i a letters it is t h e m o s t s t r o n g l y influenced b y t h e W e s t S e m i t i z e d l a n g u a g e
f o u n d e l s e w h e r e in t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s f r o m s o u t h e r n S y r i a a n d f u r t h e r s o u t h ; see
K i i h n e , p . n , n. 4 7 . T o his o b s e r v a t i o n s a d d t h e u s e o f t h e A k k a d i a n s u b j u n c t i v e
as W e s t S e m i t i c i n d i c a t i v e : tinaqqu (line 1 2 ) , tuwassiruni (line 4 8 ) , terilu (terrisu?)
(line 4 9 ) , iddinu (line 4 9 ) . N o t e , t o o , t h e a n o m a l o u s f o r m o f t h e d u a l p r o n o m i n a l
r
suffix in bi- rp-ku-ni (line 4 8 ) , p a r a l l e l e d only b y be-ri-ku-ni in EA 113:18 and
1 1 6 : 3 3 , both l e t t e r s f r o m B y b l o s (see EA 1 1 3 , n. 5 ) .

106

EA 35

II. In a different c o n t e x t , "when y o u s i t . . . " w o u l d a l s o b e p o s s i b l e . T h e
l a n g u a g e s e e m s t o i m p l y a recent e n t h r o n e m e n t , a n d in b o t h t h i s a n d t h e a r r a n g e ­
m e n t for t h e e x c h a n g e o f m e s s e n g e r s (lines 4 2 - 4 6 ) t h i s letter is m u c h l i k e EA 3 3 .
It m a y b e d o u b t e d t h a t t w o s u c h l e t t e r s w o u l d b e sent t o t h e s a m e k i n g .

EA 35

The hand of Nergal
TEXT: BM 29788.
C O P Y : BB 5.
PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100 (obverse only,
illegible).
TRANSLATION: Oppenheim, LFM, pp. 122f.
Sfay to the k]ing of Egypt, my brother: [Message} of the king of
Alasiya, your brother. [F}or me all goes well. For my household, my
wives,' my sons, my magnates, my horses, my chariots, and in my
country, all goes very well. For my brother
6 - 9 may all go well. For your household, your wives, your sons,
your magnates, your horses, your chariots, and in your country, may all
go very well. My brother, I herewith send my messenger with your
messenger to Egypt.
2
1 0 - 1 5 I herewith send to you 500 (talents) of copper. As my
brother's greeting-gift I send it to you. My brother, do not be concerned
that the amount of copper is small. Behold, the hand of Nergal3 is now
in my country; he has slain all the men of my country, and there is not a
4
(single) copper-worker. So, my brother, do not be concerned.
16—18 Send your messenger with my messenger immediately, and
I will send you whatever copper you, my brother, request.
1 9 - 2 2 You are my brother. May he send me silver in very great
quantities. My brother, give me the very best silver, and then I will send
you, my brother, whatever you, my brother, request.
2 3 - 2 6 Moreover, my brother, give me the ox that my messenger
requests,' my brother, and send me, my brother, 2 kukkubu-cont&meTs
of "sweet oil," my brother, and send me one of the experts in vulture
6
augury.
2 7 - 2 9 Moreover, my brother, men of my country keep speaking
with m[e] about my timber that the king of Egypt receives from me.
7
My brother, [give me] the payment due.
3 0 - 3 4 Moreover, here is the situation: a man from [Alasiya} has

107

THE AMARNA LETTERS

died in Egypt, and [his] thing[s] are in your country, though his son
8
and wife are with me. So, my brother, loo\k to] the things of the Alasiya
people and hand them over, my brother, to the charge of my messenger.
3 5 - 3 9 My brother, do not be concerned that your messenger has
stayed 3 years in my country, for the hand of Nergal is in my country
and in my own house. There was a young wife of mine that now, my
9
brother, is dead.
4 0 - 4 2 Send your messenger immediately along with my messen­
ger, with safe passage, and then I will send my brother's greeting-gift
to you.
43—48 Moreover, may my brother send to me in very great quan­
tities the silver that I have asked you for. Send, my brother, the things
that I asked you for. My brother should do quite everything, and then
whatever things you say I will do.
4 9 - 5 3 You have not been put (on the same level) with the king of
10
Hatti or the king of Sanhar. Whatever greeting-gift he (my brother)
sends me, I for my part send back to you double.
5 4 - 5 5 May your messenger come to me as of o\ld, and] may my
1
messenger go to you as of olid].'

NOTES
1. O n t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r , see EA 3 3 , n. 2 .
2 . enuma, as if anumma (cf. EA 3 8 : 1 0 ; 4 0 : 1 2 ; a n d see t h e c o m m e n t s o f
H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian, p p . 1960. T o a p o l o g i z e for s e n d i n g only 5 0 0 t a l e n t s
( ? — s e e EA 3 3 , n. 5 ) , t h e l a r g e s t a m o u n t m e n t i o n e d in t h e e n t i r e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e ,
is s o m e w h a t c u r i o u s . O p p e n h e i m ( " p o u n d s , " " m i n a s " u n d e r s t o o d ? ) r e d u c e s t h e
a m o u n t , b u t c o n s i s t e n c y is r e q u i r e d , a n d t h i s s o l u t i o n a l l e v i a t e s o n l y s o m e w h a t
t h e difficulty. G e o r g i o u , Levant 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 9 6 , t h i n k s o f i r o n y a n d ( m o r e p l a u s i ­
b l y ) s u g g e s t s a p r i o r r e q u e s t f r o m t h e P h a r a o h for m u c h m o r e . T h e a m o u n t w o u l d
s u p p o r t t h e c l a i m o f lines 4 9 - 5 3 . O n E g y p t i a n - A l a s i a n t r a d e r e l a t i o n s in t h i s
p e r i o d , see Y. H o l m e s , A O A T 2 2 , p p . 96ff.
D
3. Whether M A S \ M A § is here t o b e read N e r g a l , or W e s t S e m i t i c R a s p u
( R e s h e p h ; see EA 3 1 , n. 4 ) , or even t h e n a m e o f a n a t i v e C y p r i o t e g o d o f p e s t i ­
l e n c e , r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n ; see H e l l b i n g , p p . 2iff. O n summa, " b e h o l d , " see JCS 7
( 1 9 5 3 ) p p . 79ff.; a l s o AbB 9, 2 5 3 : 1 3 a n d c o m m e n t . R a i n e y , Particles, rejects this
m e a n i n g o f summa, p o i n t i n g t o p a r a l l e l s w h e r e inuma r e p l a c e s summa. N o t e a l s o in
l i n e 3 7 assum. I t d o e s n o t follow, however, t h a t summa m e a n s "since, b e c a u s e , "
which would otherwise be without parallel and without explanation. A s a deictic
p a r t i c l e reflecting W e s t S e m i t i c 'imlhm, summa s t r e s s e s t h e h e r e - a n d - n o w n e s s o f
the situation.
4. W h e t h e r t h e "worker" (epis) is here t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as m e r e l y m i n i n g
t h e c o p p e r (AHw, p . 2 2 7 a , "acquire"), or a l s o r e f i n i n g , e t c . , is n o t clear; cf. EA
36:5, 12, 14.

ro8

EA 36

5. te-ri-is-su, m i s t a k e for e-ri-il-su (VAB 2 / 1 , p . 2 8 5 ) . T h e ox is p r o b a b l y a n
o x - s h a p e d o b j e c t or f i g u r i n e ; live b o v i n e s are u n a t t e s t e d a m o n g t h e g i f t s of t h i s
period.
6. O r " e a g l e - a u g u r y . " T h e s u d d e n r e q u e s t for a very s p e c i a l i z e d d i v i n e r ,
a l o n g w i t h an ox a n d "sweet o i l , " is s u r p r i s i n g , t h e m o r e s o s i n c e n o t h i n g is
k n o w n o f s u c h a f o r m o f d i v i n a t i o n in E g y p t ( B r u n n e r , GM, 25 [ 1 9 7 7 ] pp. 45f.).
O r n i t h o m a n c y , as A r t z i , BiOr 4 1 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p . 2 1 2 has s t r e s s e d , is o f w e s t e r n o r i g i n ;
for t h e M a r i e v i d e n c e , see D u r a n d , A&M I / I , p p . 3 8 , 386f. M c E w a n , ZA 70
( 1 9 8 1 ) p . 6 2 , n. 2 9 , h a s s u g g e s t e d t h a t erii refers here t o t h e N e o p h r o n p e r c n o p -
t e r u s ( E g y p t i a n v u l t u r e ) , w h i c h flies over C y p r u s ( A l a s i a ) on m i g r a t i o n s to a n d
f r o m E g y p t . H e sees t h e r e q u e s t as reflecting t h e c o s m o p o l i t a n c h a r a c t e r o f t h e
E g y p t i a n c o u r t , not a s e v i d e n c e o f a n a t i v e t r a d i t i o n .
7. l A M . M E S (simati), rather t h a n S A M , as n o t i n f r e q u e n t l y in M i d d l e A s ­
s y r i a n a n d at U g a r i t (AHw, p . 1 2 4 0 ; H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian, p . 3 7 3 , n o . i78aa).
8. C e r t a i n l y M A § K [ I M ] , b u t t h e r e a d i n g is u n k n o w n .
9. T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a s s u m e s mtt for c o r r e c t mitat; cf. EA 3 4 , n. 4. T h e
a l t e r n a t i v e , "a s o n or c h i l d h a s d i e d , " has o t h e r g r a m m a t i c a l difficulties.
10. I agree with Vincentelli, RSO 4 6 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . i43ff., that the usual
version of these lines, "Do n o t m a k e an a l l i a n c e w i t h does not fit the
c o n t e x t , a n d t h a t s u c h a r e q u e s t , if m a d e , w o u l d r e q u i r e e x p l a n a t i o n . However,
her o w n v e r s i o n , " D o n o t c o m p a r e ( m e ) w i t h . . . , " h a s its o w n difficulties: tassakin
is in f o r m p a s s i v e , a n d t h e a l l e g e d o b j e c t — t h e c r u c i a l w o r d — i s u n e x p r e s s e d . Cf.
islakin ( l i n e 1 2 ) a l t e r n a t i n g w i t h s t a t i v e sakin (lines 1 5 , 3 5 ) .
r r
11. qad-mi-i[s~] ( l i n e 5 4 ) , qad-mi- W (line 5 5 ) : Su-mi- e"'-[is] ( K n u d t z o n )
is e x t r e m e l y d o u b t f u l , b e c a u s e for e t h e r e is n o t r a c e o f a s e c o n d v e r t i c a l , a n d
s p a c i n g favors o n l y o n e s i g n . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n is a l s o e x t r e m e l y d o u b t f u l ( M a y n a r d ,
JSOR 8 [ 1 9 2 4 ] p . 7 6 ) . For illik as i n j u n c t i v e , cf. the i n j u n c t i v e u s e o f t h e S - p e r f e c t
(ultebilanni, line 2 0 ) , S - p r e t e r i t e (usebila, line 4 4 ) , a n d N - p r e t e r i t e (issakin, line
12).

EA 36

More about copper
TEXT: C 4750 (12187).
C O P Y : WA 19 + WA 20.

PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100.
1
Too fragmentary for translation.
NOTE
1. EA 3 6 is t h e m i d d l e o f a r a t h e r l a r g e t a b l e t c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e e x c h a n g e
o f g o o d s . T h e r e a r e several references t o " d o i n g " c o p p e r (lines 4 ? , 5 , 1 2 , 1 4 ; see EA
3 5 , n. 4 ) . L i n e 6: "[Now] I a m s e n d i n g ( s e n t ? ) t o m y b r o t h e r 1 2 0 ( + x ? , G o r d o n )
(talents) [of coplper; 7 0 (talents) remain . . . " Lines 9 - 1 0 : " [ . . . ] . . . what I sent
y o u w a s l i t t l e . N o w I have l o o k e d for ( m o r e ) [and] I w i l l s e ( n ) d y o u [as much a]s

109

4. VAB 2 / 2 . a n d if h o r s e s a r e a l s o part of the g i f t — t h e reading cannot be confirmed—then this also a r g u e s a g a i n s t t h e g i f t ' s c o m i n g f r o m E g y p t .aV-h[a-i\a ( a l s o G o r d o n ) . I (herewith) promptly dispatch the messenger of my brother. for the horses. G e o r g i o u . 1 2 2 .THE AMARNA LETTERS y o u r h e a r t d e s i r e s . while p a l e o g r a p h i c a l l y p o s s i b l e . g o . [And w ] h a t I a s k [yo]u for (e-ri-su-[k]a) s e n d m e . ./ « x-y-ia ( G o r d o n ) . I n line 1 5 . m m 2 1 . May my brother dispatch my messenger without delay. 2 9 1 . HO . U N ] . A l s o d u b i o u s : ki-na-bi — Canaan. " I n line 6 ( e n d ) . 100 (obverse only. 6. " I t a [ l e n t ] " . 2 . 5 teams of horses. Written a-la-si-ia. 1. t h e n o f c o u r s e t h e g i f t is for t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g . s e e VAB 2 / 1 . and m then may my brother let go x-ul-bar-ra (and) [B]e-[e]l-x-y-z. S E S . p . [F]or my brother may all go well. EA 37 More about silver TEXT: BM 29790. 6 0 ) . 5. [The gree}ting-gift for my brother is 4 5 talents {of copper). r 7. see EA 3 3 .9 w i t h biltu is a l s o f o u n d in EA 3 7 : 9 . . For me all goes well. r l 8. N o t e t h a t S E S is never u s e d a l o n e in t h i s letter. n o t f r o m h i m . I f t h e 5 t a l e n t s a r e o f c o p p e r . for his wives. .2 9 Pa-x-tum-x-e. PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing. p . may all go ve(ry) well. t h e c o n v e n t i o n a l u s e o f t h e h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e for t h e n u m b e r s 1 . n. 2. your [brot]her. 2 3 his chariots. Levant 1 1 [ 1 9 7 9 } P. AS" G [ U . n.1 2 [/ have he\ard the greeting of my brother. p. ha. dan (over a n e r a s u r e ) . s e e Z a c c a g n i n i . 8 . [f]or his sons. let me inquire about [m]y bro[the]r's health. COPY: BB 7.9 7 ) s e e m s o u t o f t h e q u e s t i o n . lulmana sa'dlu = lulma sa'dlu. Send me 9 pure silver. and in his country. illegible). 1 3 . Ku-ni-e-a. For his household. and whatever 7 8 [yo]u n[ee]d put down on a tablet so I can send (it) to you. NOTES 1. p]i-ba-ti. E-tel-lu-na may the cit[y] expel. is q u e s t i o n a b l e b e c a u s e o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f s y l l a b a r y a n d p e r h a p s h i s t o r y ( N a ' a m a n . Alasia Problems. n o t e g . O n t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r . p .( « / 7 ) . n. Lo scambio dei doni durante i secoli XV—Xlll (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . [Sa]y [t]o the k[in]g [of Egypt}. p . 1 0 8 3 . A g i f t o f 5 t a l e n t s o f g o l d or silver ( W e b e r . Political Disposition. m[y brother}: Message [of the king] of 1 Alasiya. 1 9 ) . wh[o] I O with .ak-ku~ (Gordon). n. 2 * . 3. lu-se-bt'l. .2 0 Now may my brother promptly let 5 6 my .

p. x m a y b e a p e r s o n a l n a m e d e t e r m i n a t i v e . then you yourself do as you see fit. 2406°.b a r ( p a ? ) . see A s t o u r .i t . you say to me. 2 3 .r a . since you have not sent back my messen­ ger. U R [ U ] m o r e l i k e l y ( ? — p o s s i b l e ? ) . 100 (obverse only). I myself do not know that they were with them. C O P I E S : WA 11. f o u r t h s i g n . Alasia Problems. If men from my country were (with them). do not be concerned. EA 38 A brotherly quarrel T E X T : VAT 153. 3 But if men from my country did do this. For me all goes well. 7-12 Why. CAD. 102b). in your country. 10. G o r d o n has m K u . your chief wives. pa m o r e likely t h a n as'. I have done nothing 2 of the sort.d ' a m .« / . may all go very well. tarddu m u s t at t h i s p e r i o d m e a n "drive off.p a r / p a . your brother. my brother. seize villages in my own country. among your numerous troops. in . my brother.> « .3 0 Furthermore. For your 1 household. Your messengers must tell me what I am to do. Say to the king of Egypt.r « . 13-18 My brother. men of Lukki. p. 1 9 . C a r r u b a . Indeed. your sons. " L i n e 2 5 : x . e x p e l . year by year. unlikely. Idikalla li-is-pur ( c o m p l e t e l y v i s i b l e ) .." My brother. 256°. Studi classici e orientali 1 7 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p . my brother: Message of the king of Alasiya. among your magnates. my brother. L i n e 2 4 : 1 i . 14. L i n e 2 3 : l a s t s i g n . your horses. PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing. ni m o r e l i k e l y t h a n me. . have b e e n s t u d i e d t o d e t e r m i n e t h e e t h n i c c o m p o s i t i o n o f A l a s i y a . L[et] him write.2 2 You yourself do not know men from my country.2 6 Now./ B < * ( G o r d o n ) . Line 26: B/Pel-x = sa or ta. and for you may all go well.4 2 7 . s e c o n d s i g n . They would not do such a thing. "Men from your country were with them. J AOS 8 4 ( 1 9 6 4 ) p p . which ancestors of yours did such a thin(g) to my ancestors? So no. if c o r r e c t a n d n o t a n a r c h a i s m . do you say such a thing to me.« / . for this tablet it is the king's brother (as messenger). t h e n e x t t w o s i g n s are i l l e g i b l e . h e n d i a d y s (cf. VS 11. send (them back) and I will act as I see fit. b u t w i t h l i t t l e e v i d e n t a w a r e n e s s o f t h e e p i g r a p h i c diffi­ c u l t i e s . "Does my brother not know this?" As far as I am concerned. K . L i n e 2 1 : p r o b a b l y n o p e r s o n a l n a m e d e t e r m i n a t i v e . na . T h e n a m e s in lines 2iff. EA 38 9. your chariots.

My brother.2 0 These men are my merchants. 4. n o . EA 1 9 : 8 5 ? ) . p. 2 . For your 1 household. let my messengers go promptly and safely so that I may hear my brother's greeting. my [brothJer: Message of the king of Alasiya. r e a d la-a e-pu-us ( S c h r o e d e r . Say to the king of Egypt. your country. 5. A g a i n s t copy. 112 . p. 2 8 1 ) . 436). O n t h e r e v e r s e . 2 4 : 7 . S . sekretu (CAD. 2 . see EA 3 3 . n. 4:6. col. A s i n g u l a r v e r b w i t h a p l u r a l s u b j e c t is n o t w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l (EA 1 7 0 : 2 3 . 87." in the Petit Palais (reference from Kiihne. p . PHOTOGRAPHS: Hellbing. 7 3 . 5 : 6 . and in Egypt. n. 1 4 . F o r t h e r e q u e s t o f safe p a s s a g e a n d e x e m p t i o n f r o m i m p o s t . N f T L A M ( S A L . p. see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . EA 39 Duty-free TEXT: C 4748 (12206). a n d n o . NOTES 1. 101. "letter o f t h e p r i n c e o f A l a s a . see VAB 2/1. 2 3 2 : 1 1 ( ? — c f . ) s e e m s less likely. n. U S ' ) . n. The c o n t e x t favors u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e s u b j e c t as t h e a c c u s e d A l a s i a n s . p . " p r i n c e . T h e w r i t i n g is so i n e p t in this p a r a g r a p h t h a t m y v e r s i o n is o n l y o n e o f several p o s s i b i l i t i e s . " O n E g y p t i a n wr. your many horses. 2 9 5 . in h i e r a t i c s c r i p t . cf. 1 9 1 7 . Alasia Problems. your wives. 2. p . your chariots. 5 . 105). " as a d e s i g n a t i o n o f f o r e i g n r u l e r s . 10-13 My brother. Mil. your chief wives. T h e r e a d i n g i s h i r t u or marhitu (CAD. 2 1 : 4 . see E A 3 5 . 1 2 8 . OLZ. n. 2 i 6 f . 2. let them go safely and prom[pt]ly.7 a n d a l s o at A l a l a k h ( G o e t z e . No one making a claim in your name is to 2 approach my merchants or my ship. catalogue of the exhibition. p p . d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m D A M (assatu) in EA 3 9 : 6 . a n d on t h e p l u r a l s in l i n e s iofF. . Ugar. 3.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. n. p. "Toutankhamoun et son temps. and for you may all go well. C O P Y : WA 12. 1 ) . i b i d . 98). p . may all go very well. your brother. O n t h e a b s e n c e o f a p l u r a l m a r k e r . note * . s e e a l s o PRU 3 . your sons. enuma for anumma. Ugar. JCS 1 3 [ 1 9 5 9 } p . PRU 4. For me all goes well. 2 . S e e a l s o EA 4 9 . EA 30.

ana [ U G U . s e e E d e l . O t t e n . my brother. p . I will give it to y[ou]. send (them back) to me safely and promptly. For . . s e e EA 3 3 . a n d VAB 2 / 1 . p. 1 (beam) for a ship. n. 5 . n o t e * * * . 2 ) .1 5 I herewith send as your greeting-gift 5 (talents) of copper. Kadmos 1 [ 1 9 6 3 } pp. and y[pu se]nt5 (only some) lvor[y]. w h i c h is n o t E g y p t i a n . cf. [my] lo[rd].5 I sent t[o him] 9 (talents) of copper. 2 0 : 2 . 1 beam for [a ship]. ) M A § K I M (rabisu). 3 talents offinecopper.t\rival of Su]mhti./ M . . "3 .n [ i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) . a n d p r o b a b l y d e l i v e r e d a t t h e s a m e t i m e . NOTES 1.r [ i ] ( G o r d o n ) . before the z. EA 3 9 : 5 .2 0 [Mojreover. is r e s t o r e d o n t h e b a s i s o f EA 5 7 : 1 3 . 5 . Say [to the gojvernor of Eg[ypt. these men [and] this ship belong to the king. and fo[r you] may all go well. promptly and [saf }ely. 2 2 . 4.2 8 These men are servants of the king. [wh]atever you ask for ac­ cording to [your fancy]. 3 4 1 . PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing. p p . ( O n m e s s e n g e r s c a r r y i n g several l e t t e r s . . t[a]-as-pu-ra-am-ma (Gordon). 2 1 . Beziehungen . my lord. p. 3. my brother. M A 3 K I M . cf. p r o b a b l y refers t o t h e h i g h 2 office o f vizier ( H e l c k . 2. T h e n a m e . T h i s letter w a s w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e a s t h a t o f EA 3 9 . 6 1 2 . n. EA 40 EA 40 Duty-free. } all goes well.2. i 3 o f .2 3 [And as for y]ou. 2 9 7 . O n t h e p l u r a l . . 2 ( r e a d i/e-nu-ma?). a n d a s p r o b a b l y s a i d o f t h e A l a s i a n official it is t o b e c o m p a r e d w i t h L U . 1 5 . n o . 5 . 2 pieces of i[vor]y. p e r h a p s b y t h e s a m e m e s s e n g e r . p r o b a b l y o n e after t h e other. 7 1 6 . and no one making a claim in your name is to approach them. Ugar. Traces fit n e i t h e r i[ydsi n o r m\ahrtya nor UfGU-i. t h e t i t l e o f t h e official in A l a s i a w h o s e n t Ugar. my brother. n. as here s a i d o f t h e E g y p t i a n official. governor to governor TEXT: C 4749 (12190). but h[e] gave"* [no]thing to me. 6 . i 4 5 f . R e a d i n g ana [ p ] a . . Alasia Problems. p e r h a p s n a t i v e p i d d u r i (Steiner. Brief. p . So send [me] (back) the ship {of the king. my brother]: Messa[ge of the governor o]f 1 2 Ala[§iya. 2 4 8 ) . MDOG 9 4 { 1 9 6 3 ] p . 101. I n t h e n e x t l i n e . 1 piece of ivory. C O P Y : WA 13 + 14. 2 4 . 6. My brother. a l s o Ugar.n My brother. i-din-n[a] seems t h e m o s t likely reading ( G o r d o n ) . [ . my lord]. G A L . 1 (beam) of boxwood. b u t p e r h a p s ana [ m ] a h . 7. 2 . 5. S e e EA 3 5 . n o . your brother}.

11 12 a stag. 7-13 Neither my messengers. and i]n your country. your household. NOTES d d 1. . too. 10 minas their weight. have you held back the presents that your father made to me when he was al[iv]e? 16—22 Now. G[reat] King. s e e t h e I n t r o ­ d u c t i o n . your troops. my brother. indeed. and a large piece of lapis lazuli. .? But i]f my brother does not want to give them. nor the request that your father made. For yo]ur [wives].' 2 3 . Suppiluliumas. Let us be helpful to each other. 5 minas its weight. Whatever you want. he gave me absolutely everything.&[ve been r]eadied for . . 3 minas its l weight. "Let us establish only the most 3 friendly relations between us. p a s s i m ) . For you may all go wel[l. [king of Hat]ti.3 8 [ . s e c t . and just as your father and I were desirous of peace between us. [um-ma U T U . 4. ] . . . And. And my own request. that I made to your father. he never refused. 10 3 9 . [yo]u have ascended the throne of your father. 114 . write to me so I can send it to you. and a large stand for [ . . 2 silver disks. . my brother. the king of Eg]ypt. so now too should you and I be friendly with one another. 14-15 Why.2 8 My brother." did I indeed re[fus]e. one [should be standing]. umma s*amlF R N larru rabu i n t r o d u c i n g H i t t i t e l e t t e r s a n d d e c r e e s (PRU 4. as $ 2 large nikiptu-trees. my brother. my brother: 4—6 [For me all goes w]ell. . may all go very well. Say to 2 Huriy[a. let my 8 [broth]er give thefm. whom I sent to your father. I will return them to my brother.4 3 I herewith send you as your greeting-gift: 1 silver rhyton. 1 silver rhyton. 1 [Thus the Sun]. ] . my brother. If my brother [wants to give them]. O n t h e f o r m o f i n t r o d u c t i o n . linen huzzi. I indeed did absolutely eve[ry]thing. saying. one 6 should be seated. [As to the 2 st]atues of gold. 9 when my chariots h. Whatsoever your father said to me. The request 4 (that) I expressed to your father [/ shall express] to my brother.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 41 Of Egyptian-Hittite relations TEXT: C 4747 (122-7). [send me] the 2 [silve]r statues of women. your sons. 2 9 . your chario[ts. a young ram.J 7 ] : cf. do not hold back anything that [I asked] of your father. C O P Y : WA 18.

your 1 horses]. A/i. . and i[n your country. " e t c . 1 2 5 a n d 1 3 8 . "my b r o t h e r . 13. a n d his s u g g e s t i o n o f a r e b u s . 22 [ a . p . . 12. P h i l o l o g i c a l l y . " w h i c h is not 5 a t t a c h e d t o t h e p r e v i o u s w e d g e ( a g a i n s t VAB 2 / 1 . t h e h e a d b e i n g specified (vessel. T h e p a r t i c l e -mi (nippus-mi) indicates d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e . ] may all go well.a' [h}a-sih. U D U .LIM 4 = lidimu). EA 42 A question of honor T E X T : VAT 1655. p . T h e r e a d i n g i-gam-ma-ru-ma is v e r y q u e s t i o n a b l e . r h y t o n s in a n i m a l f o r m . 7. C O P I E S : WA 16.ku': virtually certain ( G o r d o n ) .] 2 8-14 . n. too. 6. T u t a n k h a m u n . see Ehelolf. 9. did you write [to me] with peace in mind? And if [you are my brother]. W h e t h e r a p r o p o s a l o f m a r r i a g e w o u l d b e m a d e so l a c o n i c a l l y m a y a l s o b e d o u b t e d . . see ARMT 2 5 . is q u i t e u n c e r t a i n . ) . and is su[ch conduct] the accepted prac­ 4 tice? My brother. 3.b i ] us-sd-ta (usdtu): f a v o r i n g aqabbi is t h e e n c l i t i c -ma. s e c t . as to the tablet that [you sent me]. for [my part]. n n . ZA 45 (1939) p p . L i n e 9: at-te-ru-tam-''ma* ( G o r d o n ) . while /.q a b .b i . "head o f a g a z e l l e . at t h e e n d o f line 2 8 . T h e r e a d i n g o f t h e s i g n a t t h e e n d o f l i n e 9. 1003. T h e s y n t a x o f lines 7—10 is r a t h e r c o n f u s e d . why [did you 3 put] your name over my name? And who (now) is the one who upsets the good relations [between us]. r 1 8.l a ] . VS 11. O n lines 3 0 . p . your chariots. for [your] tro[ops. or S E = ana. at M a r i . [ . may all go very well. see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . . n o t sunuti. 11.4 1 . [ s u . or S m e n k h k a r e . a n d p e r h a p s a l s o at t h e e n d (mi-ri-il-ta-ia x-y. G o r d o n ) . Suffix is -sunu. 7if. 16. . no. "let's m a k e a m a r r i a g e b e t w e e n u s . 375a (LU. L i n e 3 4 : [la]. T e n t a t i v e l y I f o l l o w K i i h n e ' s r e a d ­ i n g .2 6 And now. C f . G o r d o n read G A D A hu-uz-hu-se. ." G o r d o n a l s o r e s t o r e d a-hu]-uz-za-ta. a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line n . 1 5 . 60). T h e E g y p t i a n k i n g c o u l d b e e i t h e r A m e n o p h i s IV. why have you exalted [your name]. 500. 5. For [ . p. S e e CAD. T h e m a t c h i n g n u m b e r s s u g g e s t the possibility that the nikiptu-tcee was d e p i c t e d o n t h e d i s k s .. 10. " b u t a b r e a k o f five s i g n s s e e m s e x c l u d e d . 6. 1 0 1 . ] . D A G + K I S I M x I R ( ? ) .w r i t i n g for salurru(mma). 2 7 5 o n no. li-it-ti-in-su-nu-ti-(ma) (also G o r d o n ) . 115 . E i t h e r -ma over a n e r a s u r e ( m e a n i n g ? ) . the a r g u m e n t s o f W i l h e l m a n d B o e s e in favor o f t h e last n a m e d a r e v e r y s t r o n g . see A O A T 1 7 . your magnates. 8 2 . a-na. r 4. L U G A L . as e l s e w h e r e at Boghazkoy. EA 42 2. followed b y a " G l o s s e n k e i l .

P e r h a p s a d e f e n s e is offered o f H i t t i t e a t t a c k s o n " H u r r i .2 8 [Thu]s the scribe . VAB 2 / 2 . 4 7 5 . [. t h e list o f n a m e s a t t h e e n d a n d t h e p o s s i b l e t h r e a t n o t t o p u t t h e H i t t i t e on t h e l i s t at a l l .n a i a . p . T h i s is u s u a l l y u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e f o r m o f t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n t o letters b e t w e e n e q u a l s or f r o m s u p e r i o r t o inferior.. . . COPY: Sayce. I f t h e r e s t o r a t i o n in l i n e 2 is c o r r e c t .s i ] 2 0 ta-as-pu-u-ra-a ii lum-ma [§E§-ia at-ta sum-ka] 2 1 am-mi-nim tu-ra-ab-bi ii ^ .. it s e e m s . 1 0 9 4 . 4. . 5. Moorey. NOTE 1. w e m u s t a s s u m e an a d d r e s s e e q u i t e u n f a m i l i a r w i t h s t a n d a r d H i t t i t e p r a c t i c e .5 3 ) p .. NOTES 1. but your 5 name [..m a ] . T h e H i t t i t e p r o v e n i e n c e o f EA 4 2 is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n . pi. 1969). 54. n. too. EA 27. i . 1 9 S E S .m a ] 22 [ri]a- m m bu-ul-tim ki-a-am ha-as-\sa. p . A Z . Beziehungen.c o u n t r y " (line 1 0 ) . . see t h e r e m a r k s of K n u d t z o n . t o recall t h e history o f t h e t w o coun­ t r i e s . EA 43 Of malice and murder T E X T : Ash 1207. . 43 (obverse only. 116 . n. t y p i c a l o f H i t t i t e s c r i b e s . 2. . a m e s s a g e f r o m t h e s c r i b e o f EA 42. I f c o r r e c t . [/ have wrii\ten [the names . P e r h a p s w e s h o u l d t h i n k r a t h e r o f a list o f n a m e s in h i e r a r c h i c a l o r d e r . . T h e letter refers t o m a l i c i o u s men and someone's murder. l i n e 1 0 ) . n. p..f i g h t e r s " r a t h e r t h a n "horses". it is p o s s i b l e w e s h o u l d r e n d e r b y " c h a r i o t . [ .. M i t t a n i . H e l c k . N o t e . T h e a d d r e s s e e is a s k e d . } . 3 . a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h t h e a d d t e s s o r n a m e s h i m s e l f first ( I n t r o d u c t i o n ." 6. see a l s o VAB 2 / 2 . L i n e s 2 1 . see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . T h e c o r r e s p o n d e n t s are o f e q u a l r a n k ( " b r o t h e r s " ) .W as-sum-ma su-lum-me-e [ a . and the Bible (Oxford.. p . Jdhrbuch fur kleinasiatische Forschung 2 ( 1 9 5 2 .k u k i . i093f. If t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is c o r r e c t . Edel. Tell el Amarna. . g o i n g b a c k t o t h e t i m e o f t h e i r g r a n d f a t h e r s .^ . I will bl}ot out. K U R U R U before g e o g r a p h i c a l n a m e s ( K U R U R U hu[r-ri. a n d H i t t i t e p r o v e n i e n c e o f t h e l e t t e r is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n b e c a u s e o f t h e s i g n . X X X I (obverse only). S. [ u m .[ n a . . U S \ D A M ..] 6 2 7 . e .-]ui Su-mi sa] 23 [ (x)]-x-SAR ru-mi-in-x [. 2 6 5 .] 2 5 [a-pa-a]s-fi-it ii. Archaeology. [ . .. p e r h a p s b e t t e r : "I am like a c o r p s e ( a n d ) t h u s am I thought of. Cf. Artefacts. ] Do not .f o r m s o f N I . . .. ] . cf. PHOTOGRAPH: P. . 1 Too fragmentary for translation. p r o b a b l y k i n g s .. 1094.. . t h u s VAB 2 / 2 .2 2 . 4 ) .THE AMARNA LETTERS am tho[ught of as} a (co]rpse. 3. p . 1 8 . sect.] 2 4 {as]-tur ii sum-ka [. erroneously identified as a letter from By bios). L A .

see K i i h n e . the Sun. C O P I E S : WA 29. . Say to the lord. 17. 2 5 . p . for your sons. your son. then it was I that sent greetings to you and had a present brought to you. my father. 16. and I send as your greeting-gift a present of 16 men. A Z . N I ) . my lord]. A m e n o p h i s I I I w o u l d b e t h e a d d r e s s e e o f t h i s l e t t e r ( K i i h n e . 7 . VS 11. t o s o m e e x t e n t . T h e w r i t e r s e e m s n o t t o have b e e n in t h e H i t t i t e c a p i t a l a t t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g . N e w paragraph uncertain. 1 [Say to the king}.' Herewith [7 send ori\ to you your messengers (com­ 4 ing) [from] Hatti. n. your 2 servant. the Sun. P e r h a p s Z i t a w r o t e in t h i s p a r a g r a p h a b o u t h i s new s t a t i o n . } . [my lord: Message of Amm]istam[ru. 1 0 3 . 5 0 8 ) . VS 11. 14-17 18—24 [ . very well]. write me so I can send it to you. my father: Thus Zi[t}a. Whatever you. NOTES 1.2 9 I myself am desirous of gold. my father. 1 fall at] your [feet] 7 times [and 7 times. the Sun. EA 45 Friendly Ugarit TEXT: 1692 (smaller of two fragments not collated). and when they went back to you. m[ay all go very. EA 44 EA 44 From a Hittite prince T E X T : VAT 1656. [for whatever else 3 belongs to the king. the king of Egypt. C O P I E S : WA 177. f o r m s o f A K . 4. 3. . a n d . they came to Hatti. for your (other) wives. for your archer]s. 1 0 2 . b u t h i s s c r i b e w a s e i t h e r t r a i n e d t h e r e o r u n d e r its influence (cf. 2. [M]y father. send me gold. your chief wife. the king's 1 son. the lord. May all go well f ]o[r the king. are desirous of. O n l i n e s 1 8 . I f t h e t i t l e "father" i m p l i e s difference o f a g e . 5 1 2 . n.2 0 . for your household. p . 117 . 5—6 May all go well with the lord. and I also send to my father my own messengers along with your messengers.1 3 On an earlier embassy of any of your messengers. my lord.

1 3 3 ) . I hand them over t[o the Sun. . 8. 1 4 6 — 4 7 p a s s i m . . . . PRU 3 . .. I now ha[nd them over to the Sun. xxxvii). my lord}. I will . p t . E n g l i s h summary.. .b i ] : cf. . my lord}.d i s k ( I . 1 9 9 ) . 9. . 195). [promptly]. CAW. ] (ibid. my lord]. cf. p . EA 46 Ongoing loyalty T E X T : VAT 1694. EA 4 9 : 6 ) ."} 7 3 0 . [And] may [the Sun.. 4 8 0 ... n. . . and thus he sp[oke: " . . 6. 3 [a-na G 1 R . A n n u a l o f B a r I l a n U n i v e r s i t y . p .. . "My S u n .. " a s t h e e m b o d i m e n t s o f royalty. . 2 . p. A l t m a n . ] wrote: "Why . 4f. Why should I ha[ndthem over to you?"} I shall prepare [. M E 3 ] .] a 4. GeschichteSyriens. i44:6ff. J u d a i c a a n d H u m a n i t i e s S e r i e s . my lord. And] I myself [said a]s follows: "These men are [Egyp­ tians]. r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n ( K l e n g e l . . BASOR 9 5 { 1 9 4 4 ] p p . t h e k i n g a d d r e s s e d in EA 4 5 is p r o b a b l y A m e n o p h i s III ( H . t h r o u g h borrowing. as is u s u a l l y h e l d . 7. } and to Egypt [ . W h e t h e r t h i s w a s t h e H i t t i t e k i n g . a n d a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y 4 6 . ] . . 1 3 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . w i t h t r a c e s o f a few s i g n s . EA 4 5 a n d 4 9 . p . . M . Iraq 3 8 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p . 5 2 2 . { . E g y p t i a n a n d .] l[u-u . I am a servant] to the Su[n. o n t h e l i f e .. C O P I E S : WA 179. . . 3 4 0 . and} do you seize [ . Geschichte Syriens. Akkadian. as-su-ri-im-[ma . ] ( H u e h n e r g a r d . VS 11. m 2. M E S pi-{d-i]i-[ka .2 9 Moreover. p .<-> NOTES 1. 2 . 1 7 ) ... K l e n g e l . . 6). 118 . 1 Too fragmentary for translation. 1 4 5 : 2 0 .).. If you sen[d^ . p. 3. H i t t i t e k i n g s were called.. 7 [. (in H e b r e w . e t c . tu-se-bd-[ai . heaven forb[id] that [the Sun. p. 262).4 8 . . All. iff. 1 4 1 p a s s i m . Bar Uan. 3 4 0 a n d p .. . [May he send me] the life of [my spirit. 2 5 4 . D r a w e r .. ] . F r e e r e s t o r a t i o n s . ] . and [/ send] my messenger to the Sun. W i n t e r . 5.g i v i n g b r e a t h a n d s p e e c h o f t h e k i n g . . 2/2. know (this): if . O n U g a r i t ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h E g y p t .).. turn against me. to Ugarit [ . EA i o o : 3 6 f f . . my lord]. 18. [ u (z)-k]dn "-na-am ( p e r h a p s -(ma)) a-na-ku [ a q . kdn-na-am-ma in an EA 4 6 : 5 a n d (a)-kdn -na-ma at B o g h a z k o y (CAD. A second time he wrote [to me].2 1 [..THE AMARNA LETTERS 4 8 . p t .. 1 3 7 : 7 ^ .] 6 [ E R I N . w h i c h w a s a l s o s y m b o l i z e d b y t h e w i n g e d s u n .. my lord. literally. " ] . the king of [. p. and] may [his mouth] 8 speak the life of [my] spirit. see A .. M o r e t h a n 1 0 lines m i s s i n g . a r e f r o m U g a r i t ( A l b r i g h t .& * 1 [it 7 am-qut 4 lu-ii sul-mu a-na] UG[U . . 3off. 2 [um-ma a/am-m]i-is-tam-[ri iK-ka] ( N o u g a y r o l .} and he will acquire [ .} (cf... n.3 5 Moreover. .} Indee[d.

Ask someone able [. however. a n d very p r o b a b l y [it-ti-i]a. f e p . [and n]ow I 2 am truly a servant too to the king.]. C O P I E S : WA 176. 219.ME§-/fc*]. w]hy do you listen [to all the wor]ds of [Ha]nya?? 8 [. 1 2 . n o t "with t h e m " ( t h e m e s s e n g e r s ) . .. [. a n d cf.s e . 19. I see t h e m e a n i n g "also" rather t h a n a m a r k e r o f t h e p r e d i c a t e (ibid. EA 4 7 ) a n d d e c l a r a t i o n s o f loyalty e q u a l t o t h e i r s (lines 2 2 — 2 6 ) .] x la-al le-'a.. p. 5. p . 119 ...k u . 6 [Am I treated in accordance] with the loyal(ty) of my heart? 2 2 .. the Suq. 9.u \d~\-ma ki-it-(ti?).. EA 47 Loyalty unrewarded T E X T : VAT 1693. {m]y [lord]. My ancestors did service [for] your [ancestors. p.ME§. 7. [fR. i b i d . M E 5 = abbd'e (all c a s e s . however. 1 [. 8. H u e h n e r g a r d . 6.... EA 47 NOTE la i. p.b a d}-wa-te. Akkadian. following Huehnergard.. 2 1 8 . c e r t a i n l y n o t y]isdl. 205). 4. "your s e r v a n t s . [And to a]ll the messengers of [other]* kings [you gi]ve your tablet. L i n e 1 5 : tanandin. NOTES 1. a t t e s t e d e l s e w h e r e (see EA 1 6 7 : 3 1 ) . S i n c e we m u s t r e a d i]a in l i n e 2 0 (see c o p y ) . 2 1 6 . is otherwise u n k n o w n at U g a r i t .' To me.. B A . " has t h e s a m e p r o b l e m . 2 3 .3 0 [Moreover. ibid. 219. In v i e w o f EA 4 6 : 1 .. n o t Iii tanandin (Knudtzon). VS 11.2 1 [Moreover. {sa-nu-ti]: enough room? Huehnergard. Assyrianism). p ... p . 2. ittlsunu p r o b a b l y m e a n s . ibid. . I sen]t3 my messenger to my lord. You send (them). [but] your own messenger(s) [you (also)sen]dto them. sees t h e s h o r t f o r m kit as a p o s s i b l e o p t i o n . p r o b a b l y A B .}. b u t "to t h e m " (the k i n g s ) . L i n e 1 3 : [al-ta-p]ar ( i b i d ... 3. 3 1 ) .] . [ g a b .. T h i s W e s t S e m i t i s m .. r e a d ab-ba-e-ia. 2 0 3 . n. O n t h i s c l a u s e see H u e h n e r g a r d . 2 3 . R e f e r e n c e s to "my a n c e s t o r s " (lines i. in t h e e n c l i t i c of ardum-ma. the preformative y being unknown at U g a r i t . . . but my lord did not question him.. [andto] my messenger(s) [you have not giv]en your tablet. 9 5 a n d n. and your own messenger you have not sent [to m]e. 9.

H e b a (Pdgb) w h o w r o t e t o k i n g N i q m a d d a o f U g a r i t .A d d a I I . and Millstones in the Ancient Near East. n. the Sun. BASOR 95 (1944) p p . my lord. [/ he]rewith [send t]o 2 my mistress [ . . EA 49 A request for a physician TEXT: C 4783 (12238).IM. my lord. Liverani. 1 [To . May all go well for the 2 king. Geschichte Syriens. your maidservant. And 7 here[with] (I send) as your greeting-[gift . my mistress. ( L e i d e n . N i q m . . s t A L . see H u e h n e r g a r d . VS 11. t h e r e b y i m p l y i n g t h a t t h i s letter b e l o n g s in t h e t i m e o f N i q m a d d a I I . C O P I E S : WA 181. it d o e s s o t o w a r d s t h e e n d . since if it o c c u r s at all in t h e g r e e t i n g . Give me. ntq-ma. Storia di Ugarit (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . the Sun.. . too. Probably from the queen of U g a r i t to the queen of E g y p t . ask [Hajramassa. see M . . 1 fall [at the feet of] my [mist]ress. my lord.. w r i t i n g p r o b a b l y t o A m e n o p h i s I V ( K l e n g e l . . t h e s u c c e s s o r o f A m m i s t a m r u I (EA 4 5 ) . p t . ] and one-hundred [ . 2. 1 2 8 ) . ] . Message of Niqm-Adda. his ch[ief wife]. U § ] . N o t e t h a t in t h e o t h e r 120 .. 1979). ... . for his (other) wives. a palace attendant that is a 5 6 physician.. palace 4 (attendants) from Cush. 2.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 48 A jar of balsam for my lady T E X T : VAT 1690. Here there is no physician. . 3if. 5 if. [h]is househ[old]. [For] my mistress may all go well. 5 .« / : KfUR. for [everything else belonging to the king]. } 17—26 [ . cf. . p p . EA 38. to] my [fa]ther's house. ] . 5off. . . p p . has p r o p o s e d t o identify t h e f o r m e r a s t h e P u d u ..MESl ( K n u d t z o n ) is e x c l u d e d . ] . Undoubt­ edly. Ugaritic. S t o l . NOTES 1. NOTES m d 1. and] a jar of aromatics: sii-ur-wa (balsam).i the Sun. my lord. the ar]chers. . On Trees. the Sun. . . J. 1 To the king. Look. . for [his sons. 344). f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t . .8 You have given {your maidservant . 20.-H]eba. 2. [Message of. O n t h e f o r m of t h e g l o s s . p p . May my lord give me 2 attendants]. . . C O P Y : WA 204 + 180. [ . 13if. Mountains. p . Previously [hegave . your servant: I fall at the feet of the king. on the m e a n i n g .

2 1 0 ) . t h e E g y p t i a n m e s s e n g e r in EA 20:336°. t h a t "\-ra-ma-sa is a p e r s o n a l n a m e . . . n o t e a. 3 1 8 . NOTE m f 1. 4 : 7 6 . p . cf. p p . E g y p t w a s s o rich in m e d i c i n e s t h a t e v e r y o n e was a p h y s i c i a n . [I] fall at the feet [of] my mistress 7 times and 7 tim[es}. . . i n f f . 2 8 : 7 f . ) . O n t h e f a m e o f E g y p t i a n m e d i c i n e . T h e s c r i b e s e e m s t o have e r a s e d t h e v e r b . 3 3 . Agyptische Arzte und a'gyp- tische Medizin am hethitischen Konigsbof: Neue Funde von Keilschriftbriefen Ramses' II aus Bogazkiiy ( O p l a d e n . only at B y b l o s and farther south. see F e d e r n . 4. w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 3 4 : 1 6 . H u e h n e r g a r d .m u . 2 5 6 : 1 6 6 ° . . It f o l l o w s . 8 9 : 4 1 6 . 3. p . no. [ . 329. ' my mistress: Message of the daughter of [ . m 6. 5 0 . 616a).b i m i m . p . ) . 1 ) . 2 i : 6 ' f . . n. see H u e h n e r g a r d . sa-al-m[i (-mi is not confined t o d i r e c t d i s ­ c o u r s e . 21. e . " T h e K i n g ' s W i f e " . EA 6 9 : 2 8 f . T h i s s e e m s to b e a later p r a c t i c e . my mistress. VAB 2 / 1 . . a s t a t e m e n t a b o u t t h e local s i t u a t i o n . p. t h e h e a d o f o n e h o r i z o n t a l is v i s i b l e . . cf. or s i m p l y sa-al (according to G o r ­ d o n . T h e p r o v e n i e n c e o f t h e t a b l e t is u n k n o w n . n o t e a l s o PRU 3 .u sa L U G A L ] : see t h e l e t t e r s referred t o in n. . 5:7f. EA 50 letters o f t h e k i n g s o f U g a r i t in w h i c h they w i s h w e l l t o the c o r r e s p o n d e n t ' s w i v e s . 5. VS 11. ) . n o . Akkadian. a n d this is n o t c o m p a t i b l e w i t h D [ U M U ] {AHw. . "ask" (on t h e c o n f u s i o n of sibilants. 121 . a s s u m i n g t h e c o n f u s i o n o f s i b i l a n t s a g a i n . . p . [Say] to . is u s e d . T h i s fits t h e c o n t e x t — i . . n o . ] . Perhaps the queen. t h e n an a p p e a l t o t e s t i m o n y (cf.]-ra-ma-sa: in line 2 6 . . Ugar. [ . e t c . n o t e its u s e . . p r o b a b l y only erasures follow). [ ha. . ] . cf. .s u ] . EA 50 Maidservant to her mistress T E X T : VAT 1594. never D A M . 5. w i s e a b o v e all o t h e r s . JCS 14 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . N I T L A M (see EA 3 8 . 2 . see E d e l . and t h e n t o have f o r g o t t e n t o restore it. . your] maidservant. 2 D U M U su-ha-[ri] 20 ' ^ K D U M U ) E . 2 4 : 8 f . A c c o r d i n g t o H o m e r (Odyssey I V 2 3 i f . 2 6 4 : 1 1 6 . no. COPIES: WA 191. i b i d . line 22): at t h e begin­ n i n g o f l i n e 2 0 . t [ a . cf. [ g a b . p r o b a b l y t o c o r r e c t a n error. 1 9 7 6 ) . a l m o s t necessarily. G A L (cf. Akkadian.m u .h a . on t h i s t i t l e and its a p p e a r a n c e in c u n e i f o r m . .u n . I f < * / { l u . see H u e h n e r g a r d . 7. PRU 3 . p .m i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) in line 7 is c o r r e c t . 2 9 : 5 6 .

I a s s u m e otiose M E S \ 6. e t c . The H i t t i t e k i n g ( S u p p i l u l i u m a S ) h a r d l y s e n t t h e t a b l e t s (so A l t m a n . the king of Egypt: Message of Addu- nirari. Shnaton. . [ . . to our lord.' Do not be negligent. VS 11./ ' / . 3 3 . the king of Egypt. . . . [ . 3 7 : 5 1 ^ ) . ] .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 51 Loyalty tempted and preserved T E X T : VAT 559. . a king in Nuhasse. 4 [And] may our lord come forth (this) year. MES\ 122 . . [no] one [shall .P a l e s t i n e . p . my lord. cf.m a : cf. T h e shift t o t h e first p l u r a l . ? / . 2 [/ rejected] (the offer of) tablets of treaty obligations]. my an­ cestor. w h e r e " c o m m i s s i o n e r s " is g l o s s e d b y ma-lik. My lord. my lord. And the king of Hatti {wrote to me about an alliance]. . rev. A k k a d i a n ab(i) abi. 5. n. . and into {h]is power {we will] in{deed restore the lands]. p p . he put oil on his head and [s]poke as follows: "Whom the king of Egypt has made a king. 1. . h e l d to "grandfather. 68f. not. ] . . ana a-si-i-im. 2 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p . " g r a n d f a t h e r . the king.1 7 And now. C O P I E S : WA 30. And if my lord is not [w]illing to come forth himself.6 And [ . {and on whose head] he has put {oil]. S i n c e T h u t m o s i s I I I ( M a n a h p i y a ) was n o t t h e g r a n d f a t h e r o f any o f t h e k i n g s p o s s i b l y a d d r e s s e d in t h i s letter. ] . "grandfather." 2. . i . Now. 3 0 ) . at A l a l a k h . {No]t{e] (that) when Manahpiya. P e r h a p s "advisor" (milku) refers t o o n e o f t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s (rabisu) of S y r o . . 4 7 ) . . Cf. a n c e s t o r " ( L a r o c h e . . 3. your servant. p e r h a p s as a r e w a r d for d e m o n s t r a t e d loyalty (PRU 4. .. . [my lord]. .' made [T]a[ku]. 9 8 4 ^ . . 1 3 . in v i e w o f t h e p l u r a l . and [/ am (still) a servant of] the king of Egypt. u n d o u b t e d l y t h r o u g h t h e influence o f H u r r i a n ammati. [ . . RHA 3 4 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p . and indeed [ . "our l o r d ./. . . he w o u l d have d o n e so o n l y as a final f o r m a l i t y o f t h e a l l i a n c e . . ] : cf. b u t n o t e fi. your ancestor. [ . . B o - g h a z k o y . . " is p e r h a p s b e c a u s e t h e w r i t e r t h i n k s o f h i s a l l i e s . / / . [T}o the Sun. ] . NOTES 1. {may] our lord? {come forth] t[o us]. I fall at the feet of my lord. . a n d U g a r i t (AHw." r 1 4. EA 1 3 1 : 1 5 . [my] ances[tor . ] . ] . b e l o w : "they a r e loyal." m u s t h a v e here a m o r e g e n e r a l m e a n i n g . tuppi riksilrikilti. p p . And now. Chronology. Annual for Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies. You will see that they are loyal to the service of the king. . T h e rest o f t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s in t h i s p a r a g r a p h are free. p r o b a b l y riksdte. p . ] Taku. . may my lord send one of his 6 advisors [to]gether with his troops and chariots. 22. tuppdte u ri-ik-[sa-te . PRU 4. ] . " He gave . N o u g a y r o l . Rev. 7 . my lord. see EA 5 9 : 1 1 a n d C a m p b e l l .

5 6 1 3 6 . isriqsunu.tT la ipaffar (Gordon). In E . see Wilhelm. 7 times. EA 5 5 : 5 3 ? . 4 4 . E n d o f l i n e 6: { . .3 1 . my lord. 1 Say to the king of Egypt: Message of Akizzi. with join to former VAT 1596). 2 7 . my Storm-god. [He/you will find} the houses of Qatna belong to my lord a[lone}.3 5 . a n d "house" is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e r u l i n g d y n a s t y . They did not know of: am-mu-li(?) . .4 6 I will [cert]ainly not rebel agai[nst] the . his tablets. 3. NOTES 1.. AEM 1 / 2 . A O A T 9 p p .. im/ta-am-ma]r. w o r d d i v i s i o n is u n c e r t a i n . "My A d d u is A d d u " ( D . at t h e e n d o f line 1. 8 9 : 4 8 . In t h i s i n s t a n c e we p e r h a p s have a n a d a p t a t i o n . ta or %-na is also p o s s i b l e ( G o r d o n ) .4 1 [Fo]r 3 years. in local t e r m s . r 8. "he s t o l e t h e m . EA 52 EA 52 The loyalty of Qatna TEXT: C 4759 (12197. [s]a K A M . . your servant. my [. 42—43 Come. t h e l a n g u a g e is m o s t o b s c u r e . of my lord or 8 against Bir[u]aza. qi'-bi'-ma. . I n t e r p r e t i n g t h e u as " r e s u m p t i v e " after d i r e c t o b j e c t . EA 7 4 : 1 0 . lM. Le[t them} come in [your] caravan. " is p r o b a b l y a c h a r g e a g a i n s t t h e H i t t i t e k i n g (cf. my lord. : pu-ru x nu la-as-ti- na-an. a n d cf. 3 0 3 . . COPY: WA 196 (before join. I M : r e a d i n g c e r t a i n . A t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r is p r o b a b l y o t i o s e . n o t e b ) . G l o s s e s a r e H u r r i a n . . to my [lo]rd.lM.. 46 [lu\. 123 . a l s o w r i t t e n Ad-di. . 54ff. ? ) . H I . n[t]-ta-nam-[mu-ul]: i n s t e a d o f at. 6.IM. 3 . EA 53:6.* 8-26. 3 2 . o f t h e u s u a l t i t l e or e p i t h e t "My S u n " (EA 4 5 . is o m i t t e d in t h e c o p y a n d o v e r l o o k e d by Knudtzon. I fall at the 2 feet of my lord. M U ? 7. when / wanted [to set out] for my lord. cf. . 5. 4. cf. d d d d 2. 3 5 . the messengers did not know of a caravan (going to Egypt). no published copy of join). A n u n u s u a l l y a b r u p t shift f r o m s e c o n d t o t h i r d p e r s o n in a d d r e s s i n g the Pharaoh. I n t h e r e s t o f t h e p a r a g r a p h . A t t h e e n d o f line 3 1 . 1 ) . n o .7 Inspect.] has abandoned me. n. C h a r p i n .

Vassal Cities and Egyptian Administrative Centers .

I fall [a]t the feet of the king. . . my lord. m[y lo]rd. . . the king of Hatfti] (has) [s]ent* Aitukama out [against] me.] to the king of Hatti. C O P Y : BB 37. the l[andof] Te[ssup]. 2 4 . if Arsawuya of Ruhizzi and Teuwatti of Lapana 125 .1 0 [My] lor[d. and / will not desert}. . [ . . My lord. 52—55 My lord. my lord. . 7 times and [7 times]. . EA 53 EA 53 Of the villain Aitukama TEXT: BM 29820. my lord: Me[ssa}ge of [A]k[i]zz[i]. my lord. And now. . up in flames. the land of my lord. [Si]nce. ] he may fear your presence. "The king. [I 2 belong] to my lord. send archers [that] they may co[me] to this country. . just as I love the king. has survived. and the king of Tunanab. (Only) messengers of my lord have arrived here.5 1 As far as the king. . he co[mes forth. and he took 2 0 0 d[isks .. } . your servant. . my lord. . my lord. will not come forth.4 4 My lord. 1 1 . can. Teu[w]atti of L[apa]na and [A]rsawuya of Ruhizzi place themselves at the disposition of Aitukama. . 4 5 . ] . ] . the land of [m]y lord. . ] .1 6 And now [Aitukam]a has written me and said. To N[am]h[ury]a. my lord. .. . just name their gifts so they can give them.. But] it is being said. [And n]ow. . . let a magnate of the king. .2 3 . He took the (ruler's) house [ . . and he seeks [my] li[fe].3 9 My [l]ord. "[Come] with me to the king of Ha[tti. if he makes this land a matter of concern to my lord. . . and he took [1 d]isk [. these kings are ones who l[ov]e him.] from the house off] Birwaza. Aitukama came and [he sent Up]u. the king of Nii.3 4 . ] that he (it?) may come ag[ainst Ai]tukama so that my lord [ .. May my lord send him (it?) . } . ." I s]aid. then may my lord send archers that they may come here. "How could[Igo* to the ki]ng of Hatti? I am [a ser]vant of the king. [ . and he took 3 [d]is[ks . now [in] the place of the god . [up] i[nflames]. ] . 4 0 . 3 5 . 1 4 . . all of these kings are my lord's servants. [ . 1 7 . . of my lord alone [am I the serv]ant in the place. so too the king of Nuhasse. so[n] of the Sun. and he sends [U]pu." [Andso] may the king." I wrote and [. . the king of Zinzar. 56—62 My lord. my lord. the king of Egypt. . . m[y] lord.

very p o o r l y p r e s e r v e d . see G o e t z e . . one asks 6 for life before my messenger. a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g is u n l i k e l y . O n t h e H u r r i a n g l o s s e s . EA 55:9. [mi-nu-m]e-e. 4. my lord should also know about them that Upu will not belong to my lord. A k i z z i s e e m s t o r e p e a t t h e c h a r g e s o f EA 5 3 a g a i n s t A i t u k a m a a n d h i s a l l i e s . 1 Too badly preserved for translation. t h e W e s t S e m i t i c p r e f o r m a t i v e is not u s e d in t h i s d i a l e c t . since the archers belong to my lord. Daily they write to Aitukama and say as follows: "Come.k u } a-na {f\a be-lt-ia: cf.7 0 My lord. t h e t r a c e s are very f a i n t . 3. If he sends (them) to me. WZKM 47 (1951) p. VS 11. 23. 2 1 3 . { a . rather.THE AMARNA LETTERS remain in Upu. t h e f o r m w o u l d b e yussi (see EA 362:30). takfe] Upu in its entirety. a n d therefore t h e t r a n s l a t i o n s are often e x t r e m e l y d u b i o u s . 1096.i t } . p e r h a p s "life" is t h e f a v o r a b l e r e p l y o f t h e k i n g . {u)-l[e]-es-fr. EA 54 More about Aitukama T E X T : VAT 1868 + 1869 + 1721." 6 3 . and Tassa remains in the Am[q]. 5 . 2. just as Dimaski in Upu : ka -di-hi (falls) at your A 5 feet. NOTES 1. la a-paf-[t&i-(me)]: cf. b e s i d e s . la-a U G [(:) m i . T h i s l e t t e r is over 5 0 lines b u t . p e r h a p s C a r c h e m i s h is m e n t i o n e d . O b s c u r e . r e a d . NOTE 1. so may Qatna : ka^-di-hu-li-ei'(fall) at your feet. e x c e p t for t h e g r e e t i n g . they will enfter] Qatna. EA 5 5 : 6 . ki-i rf-[na-ku al-la-ak . My lord. 126 . a n d t h e r e f o r e y[i]-is-fi ( K n u d t z o n ) is e x c l u d e d . d e c l a r e d in t h e m e s s e n g e r ' s p r e s e n c e or l e a d i n g h i m . T e u w a t t i a n d A r s a w u y a . and F r i e d r i c h .n a . as it w e r e . 6 T h e o b v e r s e o f t h i s t a b l e t is e x t r e m e l y difficult. b a c k t o Q a f n a . I n l i n e 5 1 . I f K n u d t z o n ' s "not d e a d " is c o r r e c t . . ] . 7. 6. RHA 5 (1939) p p . C O P I E S : WA 229 + 232 + 233. I do not fear [at al]P in the presence of the archers of my lord.

my lord: Message of Akizzi.] his ancestors [ . The king of Hatti has 6 taken his gods and the fighting men of Qatna. . C O P Y : BB 36. But now the king of Ha[tti] has sent them up in flames. strong drink. 4 4 . the god of my father. stay for 6 days in . Qatna has been your city.. 28-37 . . 4 . my lord. They now d[wel]l outside of the country of my lord. EA 55 EA 55 A plea for troops TEXT: BM 29819. 53—66 My lord.. ] . . oxen. and has 1 le[d] them away out of the country of my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times. my servants. food. [ . it pleases 127 . may my lord send [(the ransom) money] for the men of Qatna. . .. this country has been your country. if. If. and may my lord ransom them. Now the king of 9 Hatti has taken (the statue of) Simigi. my lord. My lord [. my lord.2 4 My lord. then they would 4 certainly take Aziru. 1 Say to Namhurya. . 3 8 . 7-9 From the time my ancestors were your servants. sheep. the god 8 of my father. If my lord would take this country for his own country. the money for their ransom. when the troops and chariots of my lord have come 2 here. and because of him became famous. has been reconciled to me. 3 1 6 . and goats.6 My lord. . so I can hand over the money. as much as it may be. your servant. Aziru took men of Qatna. were produced for the troops and chariots of my lord. your ancestors made (a statue of) Simigi.. 25—27 If the troops and chariots of my lord do not come forth this 5 year and do not flight]. [ . ] . ] . the troops [c]ome [out]. I seek the path to my lord. Look. . there are my lord's magnates.5 2 My lord.4 3 My lord knows it. If it ple[ases] him. . . 10-15 My lord. then let my lord send this year his troops and his chariots so that they may come out here and all of Nuhasse belong to my lord. I am your servant in this place. My lord knows what the fashioning of divine statues is like. the whole country is in fear of your troops and chariots. the son of the Sun. (and) I belong to my lord. I do not desert my lord. the god of my father. it (the country) will be in fear of Aziru. Now that Simigi. . my lord should ask them. honey and oil.

1 6 1 : 2 1 . i n d e p e n d e n t l y . w i t h t h e suffix -sunu e x p r e s s i v e of e r g a t i v e . then the c o n s t r u c t i o n is u n d e r H u r r i a n i n f l u e n c e . . R e a d U Z : so a l s o . t h e m i s s i n g m e n a n d t h e m i s s i n g g o d . . 3 ) . 4. 1917. M/i. 347a)- EA 56 A declaration of trust T E X T : VAT 1714. G o r d o n a n d N a ' a m a n . f o l l o w e d in t h e n e x t p a r a g r a p h by a t h r e a t o f t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s if t r o o p s are n o t f o r t h c o m i n g . r n 7. i t s e e m s t o b e a r e p l a c i v e o f "sheep a n d g o a t s " ( U D U . 11. OLZ. p . you must not let [me] go 128 . r e a d s ba-as-si-im-ma. 105). 1. 6.. p. 24 (corrections in Schroeder. s h e e p . H M ) . P e r h a p s "the g o d " ( o t i o s e M E § ) . my lord: Message of. 3. 5 4 * . see K i l m e r . EA 1 9 3 : 2 0 ) . n. In c o m p a r a b l e E g y p t i a n t e x t s t h e s e q u e n c e is o x e n . in reverse order. COPIES: WA 173. V o n S o d e n . s i n c e t h e next p a r a g r a p h s s e e m t o t a k e up. just as much as is needed. 9 . And] my [lord] said. n. and. is c e r t a i n a n d kT masi(mmd) is well a t t e s t e d (CAD. [Did I not write] th[is] to my lord. T h e r e a d i n g in t h e b r e a k is m o s t u n c e r t a i n . my lord. Then my lord will become. 1 2 5 : 2 0 . i-pal-la-he."3 and my [lo]rd did not come forth. O n t h e s y n t a x o f t h e p a s s a g e . 2. cf. the king of [Egypt. M E S = senu. the ene]my has . OLZ. t h e s u b j e c t A z i r u . ilteqe u n d e r s t o o d as p a s s i v e . 2 4 . lines 53ff. Geschichte und Altes Testament (see EA 3 0 . see E d e l . 1 7 9 . 3 2 5 : 1 6 ) . "like t h e very s a n d . 5. 10. S i n c e it r e g u l a r l y follows "oxen" ( G U D . EA 29:26. w i t h a n a l t e r n a t i v e "sheep a n d g o a t s " ( " K l e i n v i e h " ) . 4 5 8 . so they can fashion it for me. see a b o v e . 9. If so. [Say to the king. col. more famous than before.pa -lu-nu: f r o m nepu. NOTES 1. p . 4. your servant. K U S ? Cf. 1 9 6 8 . may he give (me) a sack of gold. col. ip. cf. nam m u s t b e t h e s i g n i n t e n d e d . . 4 7 . Political Disposi­ tion.THE AMARNA LETTERS 10 11 him. D e s p i t e t h e form ( m o r e l i k e E N .8 [Look. "to d i s t r a i n " ? 8. because of Simigi. i<7-{te-ri-ib]. n.. n. 5 2 .. VS 11.1 3 I am your servant. g o a t s . "You did not write [to m]e about (their) num[bers]. 3 2 4 : 1 4 . for (the statue of) Simigi. M E S : see EA 124:50. T h e c o n t e x t s e e m s t o r e q u i r e t h a t here t h e r e b e a p r o m i s e o f v i c t o r y over A z i r u . the god of my father. / A O S 9 4 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p . il-te-qe-su-((nu)) (influence o f line 4 3 ) . I fall at the feet of] 1 my [lord]. " b u t t h e ma.

n. Or n . for my part. 2 Sa[y to the Gre]at [King].. 5 NOTES 1. a n d t h e t o w n R u h i z z i ( l i n e 26). 3. 1121. p . P r o v e n i e n c e u n k n o w n . R e f e r e n c e t o H u r r i .. EA 5 3 : 5 8 ) .4 3 . a n d therefore EA 56 m u s t b e c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e A k i z z i c o r r e s p o n d e n c e . 2 7 ) . Sumitta (line 1 3 ) . a n d t h e c i t y T u n i p ( l i n e 1 2 . and there were 3 or 4 kings who were host[ile to] the king of Hatti.n i ] : traces o f p o s s i b l e m [ i .4 3 6 .2 2 . 4 5 and we heard. be informed tha[t] the king of Mittani came 3 forth together [with chariots] and together with an expeditionary force]. A t a k k a m a ( ? — l i n e s 2 3 . P u h u r u ( l i n e 10). 32 (1963) p .4 2 = EA 5 4 : 3 8 .]. s . . 2 . 26. . S e e K l e n g e l . T h e r e a r e references t o "Akizzi.4 2 My lord's messenger came to me and said as follows: "I [journeyed about] in Mittani. C O P I E S : WA 214. i-na [ m i . will not [desert] my lord. EA 57 [from] your hand. 2 3 . 2 9 .' my lord: [Message of] Tehu-Tessup. EA 58 Of the king of Mittani T E X T : VAT 1716.3 5 .^} 5 [la as-pu]r. see VAB 2/2. . 25. k i n g o f Q a t n a " (line 2). 129 . . 4 5 . cf.2 8 . 1 Too fragmentary for translation. 1 ) . COPY: VS 11. I fal[l at] the feet of my lord. an-ni-[ta. [and in] his chariots. I have put my trust [i]n my lord. 1 4 . 5. NOTE 1. EA 57 Of kings and Tunip T E X T : VAT 1738. "the k i n g o f B a r g a " ( l i n e 3)." . I. 4—10 [Mo]reover. 4.l a n d (line 44). O n l y t h e e n d s o f lines are p r e s e r v e d . have d i s ­ appeared. v i s i b l e t o K n u d t z o n . 3. al[l of whom] were [at] my disposal. R e f e r e n c e s t o T a s s u ( l i n e 1 7 . "At the waters [. [your] ser[vant}. but lines 3 6 .." 43-5i . . his troops. VS 11. rev.

. 10. 2.6 5 . p . for 20 years. May our lord give him. 4. To the king of Egypt. c 5. Political Disposition. 5 . //the king of Egypt has given the son of Aki- Tessup. . your servant: Tunip—who ruled it 2 in the past? Did not Manaljpirya : am-ma-ti-wu-u? (your ancestor) rule it?3 9 . then he will surely direct his hand against our lord. and he should inquire of his an­ cients : am-ma-ti (ancient) when we did not belong to our lord. our lord.2 4 And now Aziru is going to hear that in Hittite territory a 7 hostile fate has overtaken your servant.MES" K A S K A L + ? . Rev. 3 : reference t o A b d i .b ] i ha-ia- mi lu x.' we have gone on writing to the king.A s i i r t a or h i s s o n .2 0 My lord. see EA 106. "he ( t h e k i n g ) s a i d . 1 7 * . And we fall at the feet of my lord. we ask for the son of Aki-Tessup from the 6 king. n. : na-ab-ri-il-la-an (?)4 of the king of Egypt. L i n e 6: p e r h a p s [ i q . 2 3 8 ) . 2 5 .1 2 The gods and the . F o t K n u d t z o n ' s Q a t i h u s u p a . dwell in Tunip. w e 29-33 ^ ourselves are negligent and the king of Egypt does nothing about these things that Aziru is doing. call him back from the journey? 2 1 . 3 4 1 . our lord. [ B A D ? ] . thus says Tunip. 4 9 ) . P e r h a p s a d d r e s s e d t o a n official ( " m a g n a t e " . a n d 3 1 7 . For you may all go well. for o n l y EA 1 6 0 — 6 1 ( A m u r r u ) . A l i v e . EA 59 From the citizens of Tunip TEXT: BM 29824. . C O P Y : BB 41. our lord.1 8 (see b e l o w ) b e g i n w i t h t h i s t i t l e .1 7 And now.. b u t t h e " G r e a t K i n g " is m o r e l i k e l y (VAB 2 / 1 . but our messengers have stayed on with the king. 3. Aziru will do to us just as he did to Nii. . ERIN. t h i s w o u l d i n d i c a t e a n o r t h e r n p r o v e n i e n c e . p.2 8 Should his (the king's) troops and his chariots be delayed. your 1 servant. t h e r e is n o t sufficient s p a c e . ' " ( N a ' a m a n .THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. n. cf. the king of Egypt. w h i c h rests p a r t l y o n a m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e g l o s s e s in EA 5 3 : 6 4 . our lord. 1 8 . !30 . 2 6 0 .]. our lord. . And now. EA 9 5 . 1 3 . a ruler (and) your gardener. B e s i d e s the script a n d the clay. why does the king. our lord. our lord: Message of the citizens of Tunip.8 My lord. a-na-mi (-mi is a m a r k e r o f d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e ) me-e [. note h).

s e c o n d year. w i t h t h e i m p l i c a t i o n o f o c c u p y i n g as s o v e r e i g n . C O P I E S : WA 93. the dirt under your feet. h i g h a n d l o w ? one a n d all? 8.2 0 ) .1 4 ) . each i n t r o d u c e d b y u inanna: t h e c o m p l a i n t ( 1 3 . EA 60 c Loyal Abdi-Asirta T E X T : VAT 343. d w e l l . the king of 8 Egypt. 2 5 4 . t h e d a n g e r o f A z i r u ( 2 1 — 3 8 ) . "to s i t .4 6 We have gone on writing to the king. your [ser]vant. R u l e r a n d g a r d e n e r . he did to them as he pleased. 5 . I fall at the feet of the king. Amurru. ) . T h e 2 0 years here a n d in line 4 4 are r o u n d n u m b e r s m e a n i n g nothing m o r e t h a n "a l o n g / c o n s i d e r a b l e t i m e " ( L i v e r a n i . EA 60 3 4 . see H e l c k . 6 9 : 2 5 a n d n o t e ) . my lord. 1 4 . n. p r o b a b l y t h e last k i n g o f T u n i p . after the d e c l a r a t i o n o f loyalty ( l i n e s 5 . w h o s e son h a d b e e n t a k e n t o t h e E g y p t i a n c o u r t for t h e t r a i n i n g g i v e n t o v a s s a l p r i n c e s . or Low? p p . 4 4 ) . 2 0 years" (lines 1 3 . p. j u s t as t h e city I r q a t a a n d its e l d e r s w r o t e t o t h e k i n g b e c a u s e their o w n k i n g h a d b e e n k i l l e d (EA 1 0 0 . it is t a k e n here as asabu. your city. weeps. in the house of the king. P r o b a b l y . I f o n e m a y s p e a k o f its " r e p u b l i c a n " o r g a n i z a t i o n ( L a n d s b e r g e r . for 2 0 years. and its tears flow. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el. N o t e t h e f r a m i n g o f t h e c o m p l a i n t .). 2 2 ) a n d in t h e O l d S y r i a n koine (ARMT 1 3 . 27. OA 1 0 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p . t h e r e q u e s t (15—20). 2 . 155. 2. "20 years . our lord. 131 . 1 4 4 : 5 a n d note. 1 [T]o the king. n. 7 5 : 2 5 f . But our lord did nothing about the(s)e things. n o w d e a d . 1 3 4 ) .4 6 e n c o m p a s s four s e c t i o n s . . " b u t as s a i d o f k i n g s . t h e w o r d g l o s s e d is e q u a l l y u n c e r t a i n . 4. the Sun. NOTES 1. our lord. .4 2 And now Tunip. 3 . VS 11. t h e t e m p o r a r y c h a r a c t e r o f t h i s a r r a n g e m e n t s h o u l d a l s o b e rec­ ognized. 9of. T h e H u r r i a n g l o s s is u n e x p l a i n e d . a s in N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c l a n g u a g e s ( O ' C o n n o r . T h e v e r b is n o t clear. 4 3 . t h e c o m p l a i n t (39—46). Beziehungen.3 8 When Aziru entered Sumur. s o t o o T u n i p (see lines 1 3 . a p p a r e n t l y a reference t o a recent E g y p t i a n d e f e a t . T h u t m o s i s I I I (see EA 5 1 : 4 ) t o o k T u n i p in h i s f o r t y .1 2 ) . High. BASOR 226 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p . p . my lord: fMess]age of 'Abdi-Asratu. 6. 3 9 . and not a single word of our lord has reached u s . a l s o in Three Amarna Essays. 6 1 . 2 4 N A M (limtu) sar-ra-tu^. 3. W i l h e l m a n d B o e s e . 7. Middle. and there is no grasping of our hand. JCS 8 [1954] p. 7ff.T e s s u p . L i n e s 1 3 . pp. W h a t f o l l o w s is very o b s c u r e . t h e g r o u n d s for t h e r e q u e s t . A k i .

T h e k i n g o f M i t t a n i . NOTES 1 . " see C a m p b e l l . 4. the fluctuation in the s a m e letter (EA 1 3 7 ) . then I am the one who guards the harvest of the grain of Sumur and all the lands for the king. T h e quotation m a y extend into the following lines. 4 1 1 ) .{ b ] i ? R e s t o r e u at t h e e n d o f line 1 8 ? A c c o r d i n g to AHw. 9 N o t e . for a comparable fluctuation in the O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d . the Sun. Amurru. my 7 lord. s . Uiconographie du dim Amurru dans la glyptique de la I" dynastie babylonienne ( B r u x e l l e s . 1 9 6 1 ) . 1 9 ) . o]fi the king. 6 . n. 3. s o m e o n e . "zero-forms" (see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . ] and . 9 ) . Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar (see EA 1 4 . W i t h Izre'el. n o . joins with what precedes. all the [k]ing[s] under 4 the king of the Hurri forces seek to wrest the lands from my [ . "Take auxiliary forces to 3 guard the lan[ds] of the king.. The Mighty Acts of God: In Memoriam G. 1. in O l d A s s y r i a n ." 13-19 Indeed. In Ugar. . 1 9 7 6 ) . p . Veenhof. know me and entrust [m]e to 8 the charge of Pahanate. JCS 30 [1978] p. n. see C a r r u b a . not ha-ba-lim. 8. m u c h as g o d s k n o w their c l i e n t s (CAD. e d s . . s p a c e r e q u i r e s r o n e l a r g e or t w o s m a l l s i g n s . T h e n a m e o f t h e g o d d e s s a p p e a r s m o r e f r e q u e n t l y as A s i r t i / a . 4 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p p . 1 1 8 : 1 1 . [my} lord. The Old Babylonian Tablets from Tell Al Rimah (see EA 2 2 . A t the e n d o f line 1 6 . D a l l e y et a l . 5 0 . D e s p i t e the s i n g u l a r suffix on t h e v e r b . T h e t e m p o r a l c l a u s e "when m y c o m m i s s i o n e r . [my] commissioner. the [Su]n. my commissioner. F o r a different view. n. 2I2f. S i n c e l o g o g r a m s o f v e r b s are e x t r e m e l y rare in EA. Ernest Wright ( G a r d e n City.9 As I am a servant of the king and a dog of 2 his house. May the king. c o m p a r e s habal in Ezekiel 1 8 : 1 6 . traces o f l i b " ' . m 6 2 . 1 1 : 5 4 a n d c o m m e n t a r y . [but I g}uard th[em}. [ § ] U (qdti)-ia a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 7 is i m p r o b a b l e . [a-n]a-s'a-ar-s[u-(nu) a . 3 0 .m u r ] : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . b u t ha-ba-si = habdti. s h o w i n g c o n c e r n for. "the g o d w h o k n o w s t h e h o u s e o f your father". 6 [. n o . on t h e e x p r e s s i o n . p . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . When my commissioner is on a mission of the king. see a l s o W h i t i n g . it is b e t t e r t o read the l o g o g r a m as n o u n (infinitive) esed. 4 1 1 . Amurru. . read IK-a-sir -ti. a n d therefore as o b j e c t (CAD. " K n o w i n g " here a n d in s i m i l a r p a s s a g e s i m p l i e s t a k i n g c o g n i z a n c e of. 6. 1 9 . p . 133- 7. p. my commissioner. UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p . 5 1 . a n d the l i t e r a t u r e c i t e d 132 . p . n. . Rainey. IIJ. .2 9 [Look]. 5. . cf. 9 : 2 0 . Or n . . 5. E . " Izre'el. Izre'el.THE AMARNA LETTERS 7 times and 7 times. n. see K u p p e r . p p . s e c t s . .. n o .3 2 May the king. I guard all Amurru for the king. 410L). 1 8 8 ) . [m]y lord. t h o u g h c o n t e x t d o e s not r u l e o u t s u c h an interpretation (Rainey. UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p . 2 . 50) are not t a k e n as p t e t e r i t e s . ie a n d 2a 2 ' . Amurru. t o o . 340. in F r a n k M o o r e C r o s s et a l . there is [Pajhanate. my lord. 1 5 5 7 . my Sun. 10-13 I have repeatedly said to Pahanate. "all the l a n d s " is p e r h a p s a l s o the o b j e c t o f the v e r b . . ask him if I do not guard Sumur and Ullassa. 2 7 6 . a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h "to k n o w " m e a n s "to a c k n o w l e d g e as a v a s s a l .

R e f e r e n c e t o U l l a s s a ( ? — [ U R U u ] l . j[. O n e m o r e line o f i l l e g i b l e t r a c e s o n o b v e r s e . Amurru. EA 2^. {your] ser[vant. a do{g o]f the house of the king. my lord. a n d n i n e f r a g m e n t a r y lines r k i o n t h e reverse.9 . there were no m[en i]n it to [gua]rd it. ] from the hand of the troops of S[eh]lal. . 10-20 and [$um]ur [was afraidof]5 the tr[oo]ps of Sehl[al]. [your] s[ervant. lOff. [my l]or[d: Message of Abd]i-Asirti. then the troops of Sehlal [would certainly have s]ent Sumur and the palace up in fl[am]es. . it is p e r h a p s a f o r m u l a i c e x p r e s s i o n o f loyalty. . A[t . pp. a n d A m u r r u .3 4 When I myself hastened to the rescue from Irqat and arrived in $umur. COPY: Sayce. JCS 2 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p . [So] I myself [has]tened to the 4 rescue from Ir[qat].. [my lord. .1 0 [Wh]at do your words.l a .. 9f.1-41:410. There were n]o men in §umur [to gua]rd it [as he had 2 ord]ered. 28. 3.z r . If I had not been staying in [Irqat]. EA 61 A lost message TEXT: Ash 1893.^2ff. your [ . no. [ . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el. . . . O n the H i t t i t e e v i d e n c e . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el. (you spea]k [like th]is: "Y[ou are an enemy o/E]gypt. Here are the T 33 . my lord: [Mes]sage of Abdi-Asirti.y."' [May my lord listen. there were no men that had stayed on in the palace. EA 62 c Abdi-Asirta to the rescue T E X T : VAT 1680. and'] the mud under your f[ee]t. that you sp]eak. ' NOTE 1. Amurru. 3 ) . . [and] you [committeda crime against Eg]yptians. cf. . ] my lord. end of letter?). ] . c {To P]ahanate. see G o e t z e . S u m u r . With the r e q u e s t t o b e t u r n e d over t o a c o m m i s s i o n e r . the Sun. 4 . pp. r e q u e s t for a r e p l y ( 8 . rev. I fall at the fe]et of my lord. if I had been staying where life was peaceful. VS 11. C O P I E S : WA 158. EA 61 t h e r e . . and I myself [c]ame [before] Sumur and . a r e n u n c i a t i o n o f a u t o n o m y .' 2 1 . . c {To the k]ing. mean? . Tell el Amarna.

ktma qabeka (193:22).] . all of w h i c h are so clear in V S 1 1 a n d w o u l d c o n f i r m K n u d t z o n ' s T U R . 7.a t ] ( b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 2 ) . r r 5. 1 fall at the feet of my king. Amurru. 2. i-na fits t h e t r a c e s very well (na l i k e the na at the e n d o f line 5 0 a n d o n line 5 2 ) . and you keep on listening [to] his [wor]ds. t}o seize the city itself . m 10. p.h a .[ m i LU.. my lord.t ] a . 329:20). . when he writes [ . c Say [t]o the king. In line 4 5 .3 6 And when .. ] . Cf. I did not expel (them) [. L i n e s 5 0 — 5 5 : very p o o r l y p r e s e r v e d . kima qabe sarri (EA 1 4 4 : 2 1 . [x-x in-na]-fe-t[u-m]a. w i t h several very o b s c u r e f o r m s . [li-is-me] 9 [be-li i a ] . JNES 5 [ 1 9 4 6 ] p . b u t t h e w r i t i n g o f isati is u n p a r a l l e l e d . n o . 10 [a-na na-f\a-ri-s"[i ki-ma qa]-be-su. . 9.. 1 3 . An c i m a g e o f A b d i . . pi. [and y}ou 10 keep on listening to them? [And YJsrmaya. 7 times and 7 times.t e M E S : c o n t r a r y to K n u d t z o n (VAB 2 / 2 . 8. the mayors lie to you. servant of the 1 k i n g . [i/a-pan-m-m]a ( B A N clear to K n u d t z o n ) . note c). Free r e s t o r a t i o n : [ a t . [They cam\e to seize [Sumu]r.THE AMARNA LETTERS (only) ones that had stayed on in the palace: Sab-Ilu. . K U R ] 7 [ s a K U R mi]-is-r[i ]' #-[pu-us lum-na] 8 [ a . cf. . 11.4 5 [t\hey [fl]ed from Su­ 9 mur. . etc. see Izre'el.A 5 i r t a p l a c i n g h i m s e l f b e t w e e n the t r o o p s o f Sehlal a n d the b e s i e g e d c i t y ? F o r a different r e a d i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . c o l l a t i o n is not d e c i s i v e . C O P Y : BB 34. 15. EA 106:32). EA 63 Orders obeyed TEXT: BM 29817. [ u i]a-ma-a-ia ( A l b r i g h t .. and they said to me. i-na'' [ I ] Z f . . my lord: Message of Abdi-Asta(r)ti. 6.5 5 As for Ksrmaya. 822). [. 4. . [Of 4 per]sons I saved 7 the lives.). lies [t]o you. . panto (AHw. (the troops) of Sehlal [came wi]th him. Maya.» « . 3 4 . [ p a l . B e g i n n i n g o f line 40: t r a c e s d o n o t favor [ m i ." And so I savfed t]hem from the hand of the troops of Sehlal. I fall 134 . (cf. . PHOTOGRAPH: BB. Amurru. 3 5 1 . . "Save us from the hand of the troops of Sehlal. b u t I c o u l d not see t h e vertical nor t h e h e a d s o f all three h o r i z o n t a l s . " NOTES k 1. He too[k . ktma sa qabelu ( 3 0 2 : 1 8 . u-wi(wa?)-i-mi: f o l l o w i n g Izre'el.. R e a d i n g o f t h e first t w o n a m e s u n c e r t a i n . 3. M E S .] 3 7 .. 1 5 ) . 4 5 . There were (only) 4 men that had stayed on in the palace. Bisitanu.. 25 (was the number of those) whom [the troops of §e]hlal s killed. 6 Arsawa.n i ] m .n a L U j . p .

r m 2. a n d N a ' a m a n a n < : s h o w s t h e c o m m o n s c r i b a l b a c k g r o u n d o f EA 6 3 — 6 5 . EA 64 2 at the feet of the kin[g. my lord. the king. 3 0 0 ) . 2 7 1 : 1 0 ) . NOTES 1. and so [may] the k[ing. pi.. c N a ' a m a n m a k e s A b d i . t h e w r i t i n g 1 G l R . EA 64 Women for the king TEXT: BM 29816. [the lo]rd. 11. S c h r o e d e r . l i n k e d EA 6 5 a n d 3 3 5 . UF 6 [ 1 9 7 4 ] p . to send a magnate to protect me. my] lord. or g i v e n (naddnu: EA 2 4 2 . 1 4 . b r o u g h t (abalu: EA 3 2 7 ) . heed my [wor]ds. a-na GlR. has given orders [t]o me. be informed that the war against me is severe. 3 3 0 : 7 ) is confined t o EA 6 4 . and may it seem good to the king. . and I heed the [or]ders of the king. R a i n e y . 1 9 1 5 . 7-9 The king. i d e m . J 3 3 5 cf. 6 4 : 9 . milanna—or mila anna?). T h e m e a n i n g o f mila (milt.6 5 . If 135 .6 5 a n d c 3 3 5 w e r e all s e n t b y A b d i . proposed on the basis of 2 8 3 : 1 5 . 2 8 2 — 8 4 . M E S in 6 3 : 5 . BASOR 223 [1976] pp. 1 0 . 2 9 3 6 . a n d all f r o m t h e s a m e p l a c e w h e r e S u w a r d a t a r e s i d e d . 2 my lord. 7 4 . 1 7 8 : 9 . I heed all the orders of the king.MES sV LUG[AL] EN-fe . c Say to the king. C O P Y : BB 33. the f o r m o f G i R in 63—65 a n d 2 8 3 . my lord. N o t e a l s o : t h e f o r m o f T U in EA 2 8 3 : 2 4 as well as 6 5 a n d 3 3 5 . [for the wa]r again[st me] is s[ev]ere. 6 4 : 3 . 2 8 3 : 2 2 . p . 31 ( e l s e w h e r e : 1 4 4 : 2 3 . my 1 lord)) and 7 times. 6 7 6 6 . as t h e ten w o m e n s e e m t o have b e e n . [my] lord. has sent orders to me and I am heeding (them). . JNES 3 0 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p p . 3 0 1 ) . PHOTOGRAPH: BB. N a ' a m a n . T h e m e a n i n g o f mi-Ki-tu remains obscure. my lord: Message of Abdi-Astarti. UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p p . m]y l[or]d.A § t a r t i . May the k[iri\g [kri\ow [and be informed. my lord. I fall at the feet of the king. I herewith : ia-pa-aq-ti (send on) 1 0 women .2 3 Moreover.1 3 May the king. 2 8 2 — 8 4 . my lord. h a s d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t EA 6 3 . here and now. c o l s . OLZ. VS 1 2 . 3 2 5 ) . which with only i s t w o e x c e p t i o n s (EA 2 2 5 : 6 . both on the stomach and on the back. 6 5 : 4 . the w r i t i n g da-na-at in 6 3 : 1 3 . are e i t h e r r e a d i e d (susuru: EA 9 9 . . s e n t (ulluru: EA 3 1 4 ) .1 6 [I h]eed (them). 2 2 6 .]. servant of the king. 2. NOTES 1. 3 1 6 . a n d h e n c e t h e m e a n i n g a s s i g n e d to yapaqtt ( K r a h m a l k o v . 7 times ((the feet of the king. 8 .A s t a r t i the successor of Suwardata. T h i n g s r e q u e s t e d b y t h e k i n g . 7 8 6 .

All the orders of [m]y king I h{ee]d. .1 5 and (i) prepare before the arrival of the arch{ers of 2 the kin]g. Line 1 2 : [a]-na pa-ni . your ser- va[nt]. rather t h a n a n o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d infinitive su-si-ru (VAB 2/2. (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . VS 11. 30.A s t a r t i o f EA 63-64. ab"'-td]i + D I N A N N A . the sender of the lettet m u s t be c m mr t h e A b d i . . . my lord. I am heeding (them). NOTE 1. O n l y o n e line m i s s i n g . n. ] . COPIES: WA 175. a well-attested f o r m . NOTES 1. 1 1 . has sent me orders. [. 2. both on the stomach and on the back. my lord. t h e n it s h o u l d refer t o s o m e f a v o r a b l e q u a l i t y o f t h e w o m e n ( L o r e t z a n d M a y e r . my lord. The cities of the king by (me) I guard. 100). L i n e 1 1 : (t)-su-si-ru. ) . Reference to H a y a (line 4).. 4 9 3 f . cf. t h e m a r k e r before E N at t h e e n d o f l i n e 1 6 ) . COPY: VS 11. here and now.1 0 Since the king. 29. t h e e x t r a o r d i n a r y l i g a t u r e of L U G A L + ri in line 6. W h a t e v e r the explanation of the w r i t i n g .~p. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. 1 3 8 3 ) . THE AMARNA LETTERS a n a d j e c t i v e . EA 66 A lost message T E X T : VAT 1702. 1 [Sa]y {to the king. 7 . UF 6 [ 1 9 7 4 ] p p . 136 . Instead of [a]d-[r]a-INANNA. for t h e a s s u m e d l i g a t u r e o f di a n d d i n g i r . I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. b u t t h e g l o s s m a r k e r in front o f it m a y s i m p l y b e a n i n d i c a t i o n o f a runover l i n e (cf. my lord]: Me[ssage of "Abfjdi-Astarti. at the feet of the king. munusmei Read mi-KJ-tu? EA 65 Preparations for Egyptian troops T E X T : VAT 1685.

. VS 11.. . 3. C O P I E S : WA 186. Iff. I [R}ib-Hadd[a sa]ys to his lord. M o s t likely.3 8 . May the king. is c o m p l e t e l y lost.a n . p. 4 9 . i . . my lord. my lord. Now may the Sun call] to account [S]umur. 31. .1 8 He made a [tr]eaty [wi}th the ruler of Gnbla and with the ru[ler o f . the loyal maidservant of the king. Is it pleasing^ A[l]l the E[gyptians wh]o had resided in Sumur. EA 5 1 .n a U T U . and] all the fortress commanders of your land . 59). C O P I E S : WA 80. Great King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. my lord.H a d d a (cf. pp.J v ( e l s e w h e r e in EA. 7 — 1 1 1 fall at the feet of my lord. the city of the Sun. " w r i t t e n U T U . ca]me out and are residing in my land. my lord. [m]y [lord]. 1 1 4 4 ff. [ . . "fortress c o m m a n d e r . a runaway 4 dog. . is safe and J 37 . e x c e p t for a few s i g n s a n d t r a c e s . T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling. Free r e s t o r a t i o n . . see VAB 2 / 2 . g i v e t h e l a n g u a g e a n d writing a northern cast. 4 6 . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 4. r e g u l a r l y at B o g h a z k o y ) . [the 1 ci}ty of the Su[n]. my lord. 6—13 [. NOTES D 1. EA 68 Byblos under attack T E X T : VAT 1239. is A z i t u o f A m u r r u .6 . Hablpiru. [king] of all countries. G r e e n b e r g . ] became 3 c friendly with him. EA 4 5 . . O f t h e o b v e r s e t h e r e a r e p r e s e r v e d o n l y t h r e e f r a g m e n t a r y lines. . . 2. Now he is l[ike] the Apiru. 4 1 ) . . T h e d e s i g n a t i o n hahuhlu. know that Gubla. VS 11. " a n d t h e e p i t h e t "(my) D S u n . 373. DUG. Amarna Correspondence. t h e e n t i r e reverse. 2 1 3 . . p p . and he has seized [Su]mur. EA 67 EA 67 A plea for a reckoning T E X T : VAT 1591. my Sun. the city of the Su[n. n.n a . [and] may the [S]un k[now] (the facts). my lord. a n d f r o m N u h a s S e . it s e e m s .GA-KZ0? = tabuni (see I n t r o d u c t i o n .s i li-is]-al-mi. T h e s u b j e c t o f t h e v e r b is not clear. ] He resides i[n $umur along with] his [troops] (and) along with [his] c[hariots. o n l y in letters f r o m U g a r i t . it c o u l d e v e n b e first p e r s o n . 32.. EA 1 3 7 . . L i n e 8: [ii i . t h e n t h e ruler o f B y b l o s w o u l d be t h e p e r f i d i o u s b r o t h e r o f R i b . T h e i d e n t i t y o f t h e w r i t e r o f t h e letter c a n n o t b e d e t e r m i n e d . 7 times and 7 times. p .

: Message of Rib-Hadda. and. establish your honor] in the pr[esence of 1 the king. Y o u n g b l o o d . see EA 7 4 . 1 9 . Amarna Correspondence.. and there is no one who can rescue me from them. [o}f the Apiru forces [aga}inst me is 2 extremely severe. 10-14 £H said repeatedly. and so may the king not [ne}glect his [ci]ties. NOTES m 1. 3 7 . " t r o u b l e . my lord. my god]. 3 2 0 ) . 2 4 . [ . t h e first s i g n is m o r e l i k e I Z t h a n in t h e c o p y o f VS.. on Appiha's re(ac)hing me. . 1. they have now attacked day and ni[ght} in the war against (me). l a s t s i g n ." Moreover. 2 "They have a[ll} agr[eed] among themselves against [me}. O n iqbi. the commissioner of the king who is in Sumur. [ ri]-ib-ha-ad-a\a\. and so may the king. the bronze : nu-hu-us*-tu was 4 taken. 2 7 . p . d[u] p o s s i b l e . C O P Y : BB 73. ARMT 7. as for all my gates. The w[a}r [agai}nst us is extremely severe.2 4 [M]ore[ov\er. and] if [archers] come out [this 1 year] [. 3 0 .3 [and] I have [no]t been able to make [pe]ace wi[t]h the[m]. " w h i c h leaves t h e b o u n d f o r m b e f o r e s"a u n ­ explained. [Say to . my Sun. [your] lor[d. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood..3 0 Moreover. 15—18 Mor[eo]ver. [/ will be able to mak]e pe[ac]e. pp. n. 3. May the Lady of Gubla. knows the straits : ma-na- A§ that Gubla is in. } . urge 6 with lo[ud cries] the king.4 1 9 . la-a (i)a-qul-me: a w r i t t e n over a n e r a s e d /. 138 .2 6 Through the king's commissioner who is in Sumur.] . G l o s s ( r e a d ma-na-ru!) u n e x p l a i n e d (cf. the goddess of the king. Paha[mna]ta. . . EA 69 Report to an official TEXT: BM 29856. Gubla is alive. 2. however. 5 As[k] Appiha about the w[hole] affair. look.THE AMARNA LETTERS c sound. [o}/Magdalu. not (ne)glect Sumur c lest ever[yo]ne be joined to the Apiru forces. and the forces of Kuasbat are at war with me. b u t n o t d[i]. p .. you yourself know that my towns are threatening me. my lord. 12-18 The war. . I fall at your feet. . . my lord. . there was an out­ cry against me.3 9 Moreover.3 2 It is from the land of Yarimuta that we have acquired provisions. 4Iff. . . p r o p o s e s W e s t S e m i t i c mdnas < ma'nas i'nP).

6. 5. cf. EA 70 Request for Nubian troops TEXT: Golenischeff (see Introduction. 139 . [my lord]. S y n t a x o b s c u r e . 1 3 2 : 5 6 ) . line 3 9 . O n t h e e v i d e n c e o f t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s . since the context s u g g e s t s no other singular subject. A d d r e s s e d t o an E g y p t i a n official. damqatu. 112:20. for o t h e r e v i d e n c e on N u b i a n s in t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y . 1964). . . 1 3 3 : 1 7 ) . 1 0 6 : 4 9 . see P i n t o r e . r e a d i n g ti-ul. F o r t h e e x p r e s s i o n awata leqii. .2 3 [And] send me [x Egyptians and fx me]n from Meluhha. p e r h a p s "are s t r o n g e r t h a n I . and Organization in the Egyptian New Kingdom. W e i n f e l d . C O P Y : WA 67.. . T h e y are a l s o c a l l e d m e n o r t r o o p s o f K a s i ( C u s h ) . a n d M e l u h h a is p r o b a b l y identified as K a S i (EA 1 2 7 : 3 6 . . . [just] as (you did to) the kings [to wh]om you [ga]ve c[bariots]. I f t h i s is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g . and N u b i a n s and N u b i a n troops are m e n ­ t i o n e d f r e q u e n t l y as p a r t o f t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y (EA 95:396. L i n e s 8 . gd[b-bu a . 108:67. . EA 8 2 : 3 2 . "friendly r e l a t i o n s . p p . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. i-pi-is 1 7 [ S I G } . 1 7 5 . 22ff. 1 0 2 : 2 5 . the land of Am[urru] will [certainly] be join[ed . 6Iff. ] . 1 1 4 : 1 4 . I27ff. cf. my lord. know [that] the land of Amurru longs day and [night] for the coming forth of the archers. 1). 1 0 5 . nominative case.1 6 : reference t o M a g d a l u ( ? — l i n e 9). . 2. 1 2 . be-ri-ku-ni. 2. [The d]ay the [arc]hers arri[v]e.3 1 [And] may 4 the king. JAOS 9 3 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p p . Titles. " a n d bel dumqildamiqti.q { a ] : cf. Miinchener agyptologische Studien 6 (Berlin. 7. "friend" (as p o l i t i c a l t e r m s .w a . i i 7 : 8 i f f . " or "are t o o s t r o n g for m e . 1916°. see EA 116:51. Military Rank. OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . sect. see JNES 2 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] p . Amarna Correspondence.7 ( g r e e t i n g ) : o n l y a few s i g n s p r e s e r v e d .. t h e n t h e c o n t e x t a r g u e s t h a t dumqa epesu (itti) is "to m a k e f r i e n d s h i p " . pp.. EA 70 NOTES 1. See EA 129:40-42. . 1 7 . 2 4 . see EA 113:18). and n o t e a l s o nuhultu. " 4.t i ] : for gabbu.).$ so they can gu[ar]d [until the coming] forth of the archers. S e e EA 87:25 and note. "Meluhha" d e s i g n a t e d N u b i a . "to his s o n [ . see S c h u l m a n . b e t w e e n t h e t w o o f u s " ( 1 5 6 . L i n e s 1 . 1 3 2 : 5 6 . t]o the king. dannu eltya.-qe' as t h i r d s i n g u l a r f e m i n i n e passive ( g e n d e r f r o m nuhultu). . 3.5 NOTES 1.

I fal[l] at your feet. } . What shall I be able to d[o]? There will 7 be no place where [men] can enter against [him]. . E R I N . the king 3 knows (this) and because of your wis(d)om he sent you as commis­ sioner. p . 78ff. n a r k a b a t I .THE AMARNA LETTERS I 5 3. t h e VS 1 1 c o p y n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g . 1 4 5 ) is e x ­ c l u d e d . 3 5 . . M E S : t h e e x p r e s s i o n is a l s o f o u n d in EA 1 4 9 : 6 2 . pp. 20 [ki-i]-tna LUGAL. UF 6 [ I 9 7 4 J P. O n e line. [y]our lord.2 2 . . p . O n ti-di-nu as p l u r a l (tiddinu). "wood" ( G l S . the god of the king. Political Disposition. 1 0 7 2 b ) . and [seize . see A l b r i g h t . 1 0 0 . 33. 1591. pa-s/-t[e]: a r e a d i n g M A § [ K I M ) ( K e s t e m o n t in K i i h n e . your lord. w i t h E b e l i n g . p. 1 2 . im-(qu)-ti-ka: f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t . Why have you been negligent. May 2 Aman. 7—16 You are a wise man. 3. 5.MES 2 1 [sa na-a]d-na-ta « [GIGIR. NOTES 1 . establish your honor in the presence of the king. the vizi[er}: Message of Rib-Hadda. 3 6 6 . VAB 2/2. 4. . n o t e c. p . at B o g h a z k o y (AHw. 4. For t h e t i t l e . n. 8. in a n O l d B a b y l o n i a n l e t t e r (AbB 10. M E S at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e x t l i n e .3 0 2 ) . p . Amarna Correspondence. L i n e s 2 0 . 2 2 * . servant and dog. rest o f t a b l e t l o s t . 5. u n l e s s o n e a s s u m e s a n a b e r r a n t f o r m t h a t a l s o differs f r o m M A $ K I M as w r i t t e n in l i n e 1 0 . 2. 8of. VS 11. Biblica 45 (1963) pp. N a ' a m a n . JNES 5 ( 1 9 4 6 ) p . JNES 5 (1946) p. that he takes the land of the king for himself? What is his auxiliary force that it is strong? Through the "Apiru his auxiliary force 4 5 is strong! 23—27 So send me 50 pairs of horses and 200 infantry that I may resist him in Sigata until the coming forth of the archers. isu) h a r d l y s t o o d a l o n e ( G I G I R . 150:11) and 140 .» # ? ) . C O P I E S : WA 72. T h e t r a c e s o f te as d e s c r i b e d in VAB 2 / 2 . tu-ba-(u) w o u l d b e m o r e in a c c o r d w i t h e s t a b l i s h e d u s a g e ( R a i n e y . n.ME§]: cf. 2 8 . 1 [To] Haya. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. EA 71 To a wise man T E X T : VAT 1632. M E S " G l R . a r e s t i l l v i s i b l e . s e e J C S 5 ( 1 9 5 1 ) p . 1 7 0 : 2 2 . not speaking to the king so he c will send archers to take Sumur? 16—22 What is Abdi-Asirta. 1 2 .3 5 Let him not gather together all the "Apiru so he can take Sigat[a] 6 and Ampi.s ] u .

c o u r ­ tesy W. 7. "He will do the same thing to 141 . mu-hi-isu L U . Amarna Correspondence. so that you may come out together with archers and fall upon the land of Amurru? 11—16 If they hear of archers coming out. S u m u r . EA 72 Message lost T E X T : VAT 1712. they will abandon their cities and desert."4 Accordingly. I fall at the feet of my father. 6—11 Why have you been negligent. they are not now being friendly to Abdi-Asirta. ) a n d 6 (rev. lOOf. L a m b e r t ) . EA 76:22. and (they say). G .A s s y r i a n c o p y o f an O l d B a b y l o n i a n tamttu ( N D 4 4 0 1 . See EA 7 6 : 2 3 a n d n o t e . A letter to t h e k i n g . G u b l a . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. C O P Y : VS 11. your lord. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. c w i t h references to I r q a t a ( ? ) . 34.) are f r a g m e n t a r y . 6. To Amanappa. 1 0 2 . Amarna Correspondence. not speaking to the king. pp. my father: Message of Rib-Hadda. n. EA 73 Of ambivalent Amurru TEXT: BM 29798. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. p e r h a p s r e p e a t i n g t h e r e q u e s t o f EA 7 1 t o H a y a ( P i n t o r e . the mayors say. OA 11 [ 1 9 7 2 } p . C O P Y : BB 15. Do not you yourself know that the land of Amurru follows the stronger c party? 17—25 Look. "Let us join them!" All 3 n c e the mayors long for this to be done to "Abdi-Asirta. NOTE 1. 1 2 What will he do to them? [And so] they are longing day and night for the coming out of the archers. your son. 1 0 ) . EA 72 in u n p u b l i s h e d N e o . L i n e s 14 ( o b v . A r d a t a ( ? ) . pp. May the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king. 26—33 s i he sent a message to the men of Ammiya. a n d A p i r u . your lord. 106ff. "Kill your lord and join the c Apiru. A m p i . M E S ] : cf.

p. king of all countries. C O P Y : BB 12. my Sun. t h e m a y o r s need n o t b e t h e a g e n t s o f t h e a c t i o n s l o n g e d c for. I am your [l]oyal servant. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood." S e e a l s o EA 7 4 : 2 6 a n d n o t e . Traces o f o n l y o n e h o r i z o n t a l a r e v i s i b l e .. "to w a i t for. e s p . King 2 of Battle: May [the Lady] of Gubla grant power to the king." is o t h e r w i s e unattested.A s i r t a ( W e b e r . Hablpiru. L i v e r a n i . . is safe and sound. \f\u-tva-Ia-(arlra) til-la-tu. " is a m b i g u o u s . t h a t c A b d i . 3. and to you I have turned. I fall at the feet of my lord. 122ff. So speak to the king. R e c o g n i z i n g .THE AMARNA LETTERS us. your lord. Amarna Correspondence. ipes (ipisl) annutu. 1 1 5 8 . as if s y n o n y m o u s w i t h nenpusu ana. p. 7 times and 7 times. EA 74 Like a bird in a trap TEXT: BM 29795. the lord. 3 9 . O r " ' K i l l y o u r l o r d . 10-12 May the king inspect the tablets of his father's house (for the time) when the ruler in 142 . EA 7 0 : 2 6 ^ ) . NOTES c 1. for you are father and lord to me. a n d bu"ii is r a t h e r c o m m o n in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (cf." 3 3 . w h e r e a s qu"u. however. 366°. ' a n d t h e n t h e y w e r e j o i n e d t o t h e "Apiru. 274. a n d t h e p a s s a g e h a r d l y s p e a k s of t h e i r j o i n i n g A b d i . has now withdrawn his support of his loyal city. Great King. G r e e n b e r g . t h e y t o o d e s i r e d a s h o w o f force by t h e E g y p t i a n s a n d a n i n s u r r e c t i o n in A m u r r u . " 2. [your] lord. 5. P e r h a p s "they a r e n o t f r i e n d l y t o ( l i t .3 8 Report this matter in the presence of the king. 5-10 May the king. 4. the loyal maidservant of the king since the days of his ancestors. know that Gubla. b u t ba fits t h e s p a c e b e t t e r . my lord. The king. N e i t h e r here nor in EA 74:266°. 20. 34. pi. RSO 40 [1965] p . UF 6 (1974) p . tu-bcf-u-na: f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . 302. 1 Rib-Hadda says to [his] lord.—a letter p r o b a b l y s e n t a t t h e s a m e t i m e as EA 7 3 ( n o t e t h e reference t o A m a n a p p a in EA 7 4 : 5 1 ) — i s t h e r e a n y s u g g e s t i o n t h a t t h e local r u l e r s h a d or f o r e s a w any a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h e i r d e a t h or e x p u l s i o n . that an auxiliary force be [s]en(t)' t[o] me with all speed. "to d o / t h e d o i n g o f t h e s e t h i n g s . T h o u g h t h e l a n g u a g e . P H O T O G R A P H : BB. rather. love) A b d i .A s i r t a h a d t h e s a m e d e s i g n s o n t h e m as o n t h e ruler o f A m m i y a .A s i r t a ( b e c a u s e o f ) w h a t he does to t h e m . VAB 2/2. and all the lands will be joined to the "Apiru.4 5 You know my conduct when you were in [SJumur. "to b e j o i n e d to"). pp.

S e u x . Amanappa is with you. they have made an alliance' among them­ selves and. see M . 2 . iltappar) as " K o i n z i d e n z f a l l . and 1 0 then let us fall upon Gubla. 2 3 . . the entire country will be against him and what will 3 he do to us?" Accordingly. .3 8 So now Abdi-Asirta has written to the troops:? "Assemble in the<e1mple of N I N U R T A . 3 1 9 ^ 143 . 13—19 Do not be negligent of your 4 c servant. 5 1 . 5 a n d n.3 0 After taking Sigata for him­ c 1 self. but you do not heed my words. since [in] fact there is no one who will save me from them. May the king heed the words of his servant. n.5 0 Like a bird in a trap : ki-lu- bi (cage).4 5 Should even so the king come out. [May he] give thought to his land.H a d d a s p e a k s / w r i t e s . our sons and daughters (as well as we 5 ourselves) are gone since they have been sold in the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep us alive. to the entire country. a b o u t t h e l e g e n d a r y S a r g o n o f A k k a d . " It w a s p r o b a b l y d r a w n f r o m t h e e p i c . Look. 6 2 . "For lack of a cultivator. " see I n t r o d u c t i o n ." They were won over. sect. Pac{ify yo]ur {land] . as the gods of y{our] land {are ali\ve. . "Kill your leader and then you will be like us and at peace. 8 1 . Behold.6 5 It is good for me to be with you. Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (see EA 1. NOTES 1 . Abdi-Asirta said to the men of Ammiya. Then will (our) sons and daughters be at peace forever. What can I do by [my]self ? This is what I long for day and night. my [lo]rd. O n iqbi (istapar. my field is like a 6 woman without a husband. He is the one that knows and has experienced the stra[its] I am in.2 2 All my villages that are in the c mountains : ha-ar-ri or along the sea have been joined to the Apiru. accordingly. 3 9 . Then let us drive out the mayors from the country that the entire c I 2 country be joined to the Apiru. following c 8 c his message. I am very. EA 74 3 Gubla was not a loyal servant. May he grant provisions for his servant and keep his servant alive so I may guard his [lo]yal [city]. very afraid. 3 0 . 4 5 . Ask him." there is no one that will save it from u[s}. along with our L{ad]y 14 (and) our gods. 57—62 May {the king] vis{it] his [land] and 15 1 {his servant]. T h i s e p i t h e t o f t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g is confined t o t h e l e t t e r s o f R i b . my lord. Why have you neglected your country? I have written like this to the palace. Left to me are Gubla and two towns. May he send a {ma]n of his to stay this time so I may arrifve] in the presence of the king. p p . so am I in Gubla.J . and they are like Apiru. May it seem go[od] in the sight of the k[ing]. 2 ) .5 7 Look. k n o w n b y t h i s n a m e a n d a t t e s t e d at A m a r n a (EA 3 5 9 ) . f{oryou].H a d d a a n d a p p e a r s o n l y w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t o r y f o r m " R i b .. the war of the Apiru against (me) is severe and." 1 9 .

summa. M . T h e a b s e n c e o f U R U (dlu). I f t h e p r e p o s i t i o n qadu. 5 . 1. p . p r o b a b l y as a d i s t i n c t i o n o f a g e (cf. c 8.w o o d ( f u r n i s h i n g s ) of h o u s e s . 10.A s i r t a ' s s p e e c h . 11. U g a r i t i c bahhilru = eflu. n. Matous [ B u d a p e s t . Is qad(d)u the corre­ s p o n d i n g C a n a a n i t e w o r d ? S . eflu i m p l i e s here a c e r t a i n s a r c a s m ("your y o u n g fel­ low"). qa-du-nu. in B . K o m o r o c z y . " b e f o r e E N I N . T h e u s e o f e(lu. 3 . O n l i n e s 3 0 ." G r e e n b e r g . 6. JANES 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . 3 4 .3 4 ) i s .THE AMARNA LETTERS 3. t o w n . 8 4 . 9. W e b e r . it is p r o b a b l y m e a n t t o s u g g e s t a u t h o r i t y . p . JCS 2 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p . S e e n. 1 1 5 9 . 9 0 : 3 7 ) . p . a t Ugarit. in G r e e c e . 8 1 : 3 7 6 . t h e followers o f A b d i .A s i r t a a n d t h e A p i r u w e r e v i r t u a l l y i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e ( G r e e n b e r g . 1 9 4 9 ] . " if it is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g ( [ E ] N -la-ku-nu?)." as a m e t a p h o r for father see L a m b e r t . a l s o EA 8 1 : 1 2 ) . see a l s o JCS 7 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p . RA 7 6 ( 1 9 8 2 ) p . It a p p e a r s e l s e w h e r e in EA l e t t e r s o n l y in 2 9 : 1 5 4 . 1 2 3 6 . H r u s k a a n d G .d a u g h t e r s . but its m e a n i n g is q u i t e unclear. 1 3 7 ii 2 4 ' ) . w h o in EA 7 3 : 2 7 a n d 7 5 : 3 4 is c a l l e d belu. 2 8 1 6 6 . VAB 2/2. S m i t h ' s i d i o s y n c r a t i c v e r s i o n o f EA 7 4 : 1 3 . O . for t h e r e a d i n g . L a t e r . "chiefs. 8 1 : 1 2 ] . 2 3 ) . " U n l e s s . W i t h t h e p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 6 7 : 1 6 6 .N I N . "and let a n a l l i a n c e b e m a d e (for all t h e l a n d s ) " : A l b r i g h t in M e n d e n h a l l (see n.A k k a d i a n N I N . t h e s e q u e n c e is s o n s . 34). 4 2 7 ) b u t a l s o t o l e g a l l a n g u a g e (see t h e d i c t i o n a r i e s u n d e t arotos. . M e n d e n h a l l . U n d o u b t e d l y t h e r e is reference here t o t h e m u r d e r o f t h e ruler o f A m m i y a . " 4. 1 7 ) . n. " s e i g n e u r s " [ a l s o o f EA 7 3 : 2 7 . a r g u e s a g a i n s t a p l a c e . O r "whether t h e ruler in G u b l a has n o t b e e n a loyal s e r v a n t . 4.n a m e B l t . L i v e r a n i . M a r c u s . in 1 4 0 : 1 1 is c a l l e d sarru. 1 6 2 . c c a n d it i m p l i e s t h a t . 12. "like a n / t h e A p i r u .4 1 . "fellow-citizens")? In t h e p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s (EA 7 5 : 1 2 . " d o e s c n o t o c c u r e l s e w h e r e . n. w i t h M e s o p o t a - m i a n a n d o t h e r p a r a l l e l s . n. T h e t e m p l e w a s p r e s u m a b l y t h e s c e n e o f t h e o a t h m e n t i o n e d in l i n e 4 2 . e d s . see R a i n e y . 8 1 : 3 9 . " k i n g . Le Palais et la Royaute. " K n u d t z o n . 8 5 : 1 2 . t h e n it o c c u r s o n l y here in EA w i t h a p r o n o m i n a l suffix ( D . Hebrew Union College Annual 5 8 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . w r o n g . 3 5 4 ) . T h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e t e r m c o u l d b e u s e d as a c o l l e c t i v e ( " p r i n c e s . Ninurta = G a s a r u (JCS 3 1 [ 1 9 7 9 ] p . e d . "city. E d m o n d s . m e a n i n g u n c e r t a i n . "lord" ( E N . aroura. 9 0 : 4 2 6 ) . U R T A .1 7 . or o f t h e d e t e r m i n a t i v e K. p . 2 4 . 2 0 . 1 0 7 .I after i t . 1 4 3 : 2 . 1 9 7 8 ] . p e r h a p s " t o g e t h e r w i t h s o m e o f o u r n u m b e r " (the o l d e r g e n e r a t i o n . Festschrift L. speiro). E d z a r d . p e r h a p s a t t e s t s t o a n o u n qadu (i-mi-iG qa-di-im). see G . see D . U R T A (cf. L o e b C l a s s i c a l Library. is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in r e l a t e d or s i m i l a r p a s s a g e s . O n t h i s p r o v e r b ( a l s o EA 7 5 : 1 5 . 9). 5 . 8 6 . " ( y o u n g . as t h e p a r a l l e l s m a k e p e r f e c t l y clear. p r o b a b l y . a n d L i v e r a n i . Hablpiru. Hablpiru.2 1 . cf. 1 7 . T h e C a n a a n i t e g o d referred t o b y S u m e r o . O n "plow­ i n g t h e field" in S u m e r i a n l i t e r a t u r e see S j o b e r g .1 7 (The Statue of Idri-mi [ L o n d o n . see EA 3 5 . 144 . ARMT 2 2 . 7. p. cf. ii [k]i-tu ti-in-(ni-p\i-us)-ma. t h e m e t a p h o r b e l o n g e d n o t o n l y t o l i t e r a t u r e ( J . a n d on ittu. "seeder-plow. EA 2 9 0 : 1 6 ) . J N E S 6 ( 1 9 4 7 ) p p . n n . p . see a l s o L i e b e r m a n . Elegy and Iambus. BASOR 2 0 0 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p . . a n d . U R T A is n o t k n o w n . 4 . for R i b . Rivista Storica Italiana yj [ 1 9 6 5 ] p . in G a r e l l i . p. a n d B l a u a n d G r e e n f i e l d . IEJ 1 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p .H a d d a . ' 7 2 . t h e r e f o r e . a d u l t ) m a l e . Ugar. n o . vol. 3 2 4 . It is t h e n a r r a t i v e v e r s i o n o f "like u s " in A b d i . 7 8 .

F a l k e n s t e i n . "oath" (JCS 7 [ 1 9 5 3 ] p. 1 9 6 4 ) . 3 3 4 . my field is like a woman without a husband. seized Ar[d]ata. Amarna Correspondence. N o t e t h a t adi ? in t h e m e a n i n g "(along) w i t h " o c c u r s e l s e w h e r e in EA o n l y in t h e J e r u s a l e m letters ( b u t see EA 9 2 : 4 2 a n d n o t e ) . 5 ) . and just now the men of Ammiy(a) have killed the(ir) lord. n. [May the king] give heed [to] the words 2 . Send arc{hers}. EA 75 13.s u ] : f . (Our) sons and daughters and the furnishings of the houses are gone. 3 5 . is safe and c sound. 2 8 . 4 1 4 . N o u g a y r o l . p p . p . c the king] of Irqata. . 3 0 . 1 4 . my Sun.2 1 "For the lack of a cultivator. R U . the ruler of Aras«i. . b u t p e r h a p s n o t a m i s t a k e for N A M . k[ing of all countries]: May the Lady of [Gubla] grant power t[o my lord]. EA 8 5 : 6 i f f .2 5 • • • 5 9 The Apiru killed'* Ad[una. his word[s]. Das Sumerische ( L e i ­ den. 1 5 .2 of [his] servant. A O A T 1. and so they go on tak{in]g (territory for themselves).t a ] : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . R U . but there was no one who (s)aid5 anything to c 6 Abdi-Asirta. {he} is king of Nah(ri)ma c {and} the land of the Gre{at] Kings. of the Apiru agai[nst] me is severe. " N A M . EA 75 Political chaos TEXT: C 4757 (12191). 155ff. 1 5 . the maidservafnt of the king] from ancient times.3 4 Miya. K r e c h e r . 4 . 7 2 : 2 5 ." I have written repeatedly to the palace 2 because of the illness afflicting me. Behold. T h e f o r m yidaggalu ( K n u d t z o n ) m a y n o t serve a s a n i n j u n c t i v e . however. 6-14 [May] the king. . my lord. mdmTtu. a-lna k a . . N A M . {the servant} and dog. is tak[ing the land of the king}. pp. . JCS 1 ( 1 9 4 7 ) p . {and} Abdi-Asirta. ] . {but there is no one] who has looked at 3 the words that {keep arr]iving. . c n6:62f. n. ( N E ) . . R U . yi-da-ga[\ LUGAL] 58 [ K U R ] . . The war. b . M A . C O P Y : WA 79. since they have been sold [in] the land of Yarimuta for ou[r] provisions to keep us alive. I fall at the feet of my lord. Severe is . 2 2 . i 9 3 f . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 145 . 1 [7} times and 7 times. 49—50 [and sen]d a man to [Gubla] that I may [ . PBS 1 / 2 . L i t . w h i c h w o u l d b e yidaggal or yidaggala. Rib-Hadda {says t]o his lord. cf./ a u f l R . 2 6 . "placed a n o a t h . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood.4 8 May the king be informed that the king of Hatti has seized all the countries that 7 8 were vassals of the king of Mitta(ni). know th[at] Gubla. 78. I am afraid.

Z A ( ? ) . 2. 8. p . 2 4 1 . [so] send me [a garris]on of 4 0 0 men a[nd x pairs of h]orses [with all speed. 1519). [ L ] U . K ] I . I fall at the feet of my lord. T I . n o t e n o t o n l y t h e o m i s s i o n o f (na) or (ni). T I is a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g for G U . . 7 times and 7 times. Amarna Correspondence. my lord. " Very h e s i t a n t l y . or the king of Kassu. "all t h e l a n d s affiliated(?) w i t h t h e k i n g o f t h e M i t a ( n n i ) l a n d . For years archers would come 146 . VAB 2/1. pp. amqu[t lu-u]: following Y o u n g b l o o d . ] . UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . D I . P e r h a p s "the d i s t r e s s " .THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1 . R a i n e y .. 1 2 6 : 1 3 . 4. 1 4 5 : 1 9 . know that the war of Abdi-Asirta against me is severe. C O P I E S : WA 74. 7 1 ./ 7 . EA 9 0 : 1 5 . 3 7- 7. EA 76 Of ambition and arrogance T E X T : VAT 324. 3 2 . n. i-du-ku-s[u]. "bearers o f t r i b u t e . . M E [ § ] (cf. my Sun. K U R me- t[a. what is A[bdi]-As[ir]ta. 20 \ti-ik-hx\-du-na. and [h]e himself has taken these two cities. 2 5 . that [h]e strives to take the land of the c king for himself? 1 7 . ZA 76 (1986) p . M E § G A Z " ( ? ) . but [you do not rep]ly [to m]eA 3 0 . 2 2 1 : 1 4 ) . 1 4 6 : 1 2 ) . o f t h e b r e a t h o f t h e k i n g (EA 100:40. b u t a p r e t e r i t e is e x p e c t e d (cf. I68ff. last s i g n e i t h e r lu or na. cf. maris (ana) iyali (EA 1 0 3 : 7 . / i . ZA 63 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 35.3 7 [ . p. n. S e e W i l h e l m . lit. . marsaku a n (EA 106:23). (ia)-aq-bi. abilat 6 6 bilti. 4. VS 11. 160. . that he strives to [ta]ke all the cities of the king. 5. d EA 95. a n d c o m m e n t a r y p p . [fo]r himself? Is he the king of Mittana.2 9 He has just gathered together all the Apiru against Sigata [and] Ampi. I f K U R mi-it-ta refers t o M i t t a n i . cf. kafadu s a i d o f w o r d s (EA 59:46. G o r g . 308. the dog.n ] a : cf. p. D I . 3. 3 6 2 : 5 9 ) . CAH 2/2. [Mojreover. ( U N ) . 19 [ia-nu]. 7 . 73f. o f r e q u e s t s (EA 8 2 : 1 6 ) . Rib-Hadda says to the king of all countries. . I I:I 6. b u t a l s o t h e w r i t i n g w i t h d o u b l e t. Cf.q [ u . EA 6 7 : 1 7 ) . l i n e 1 6 . i55'55?)- R . T h e c o n t e x t r e q u i r e s t h a t t h e l a n d s b e a s s o c i a t e d in s o m e way with M i t t a n i ( ? ) ." It] is [thus that I keep writing to thepal]ace. my lord. . it is p r o p o s e d t h a t K U . He has 3 seized [ . 2 [/ s]aid. "There is no place where [me]n can enter against him. King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. G o e t z e . 1 3 6 : 2 2 . a n d o f t a b l e t s (EA 100:24. . .1 6 May the c king. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. Great King. 1 [H]e wants to take [for himself] the two cities that have remained to c me. " 7 : 6 4 . } . 1 0 4 : 2 2 . Amarna Correspondence. the Sun. . u n p a r a l l e l e d in n i n e o t h e r w r i t i n g s o f t h e n a m e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . " 8. 4 1 .

I c o u l d s e e no certain t r a c e s o f signs t h a t e x c l u d e t h i s o b v i o u s r e s t o r a t i o n (lines 1 4 . Amarna Correspondence. Milkayu^ overlaid one with . As to 7—15 your writing me ffor] copper and for sinnu. h a s m a d e A b d i . a l s o EA 7i:3iff. EA 77 out to inspect [the coun]try. your lord. but I gave his sinnu to [the ruler} of Tyr[e f]or [my] provisions. ana ekalli— EA 74:496. .r u . e t c . 118:86. l i n e 3 9 . pp..A s i r t a i n a c ­ c e s s i b l e ? Cf.a .t e . May [Aman. 8 3 : 7 6 . see a l s o JCS 6 [1952] p . S ] A G ) t h e c a p t u r e o f w h i c h . VS 11. 8 8 : 2 5 . 1746 5. . ) . and yet now that the land of the king and Sumur. p. M E ] S . 36. 89:76. EA 1 0 3 : 5 5 6 . [your] 2 lord. see the ? f o l l o w i n g : kima arhil—EA 7 3 : 4 5 .2 5 [Y]ou yourself [should] know [the straits I am i]n . n o t at all c e r t a i n .s u ] : c o n t r a r y t o K n u d t z o n (VAB 2/1. [ k i .m a a r . 1 3 2 : 5 1 . u la tuterruna .r u a . 178ff. 1 1 2 : 2 2 6 . A l s o p o s s i b l e is "that y o u m a y d r i v e o u t . COPIES: WA 81 (only 1635). anumma . e t c . . 7 4 : 2 4 . your? garrison-city. the god of the king]. . EA 77 A rebellious peasantry T E X T : VAT 1635 + 1700. Is t h i s t h e n a m e o f a c hill or m o u n t a i n ( [ H U R . 6 1 5 . c o n s t r u e d as t h i r d f e m i ­ n i n e s i n g u l a r (cf.t [ a a . . cf. you are a great lord. 2. 7 8 ) . w i t h a shift f r o m m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r (rabd. T h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix is -kunu. 1 2 7 : 3 8 6 . Amarna Correspondence. 1 6 . 3. 85:6. [ G A ] L ii [ l a - a] 2 9 [ t u .S ] A G : sa Pl-x-Za: x = B A R . 4 7 6 S e e a l s o Y o u n g b l o o d . NOTES 1. . You must not neglect this message. p r o b a b l y a p l u r a l of majesty. 1 2 9 : 3 3 6 ° . may the Lady of Gubla be witness:^ there is no copper or sinnu of [cop}per available 4 to me or [to] her unjustly treated ones. and [the Lady of 1 Gu]b[la] establi(sh) your hon[or] in the presence of the king. my father}: Message of [Rib-Hadda.4 6 Send a large force of archers that it may drive out the king's enemies and all lands be joined to the king.n a ] f. I fall [at your feet]. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 6. [ a .n ] a [ a ] . . pp.h i .w a ( t e x t : U D ) . M E § pifati is t h e s u b j e c t . a l s o EA 7 7 : 2 7 ) . [ L U .. have been joined to the "Apiru. 122:536. 8 1 : 9 . 3 8 . EA 7 1 : 1 9 . Wh[y have you been negligent? .t a p . To Ama[nappa. " t h e w r i t e r s h i f t i n g b e t w e e n s e c o n d a n d t h i r d p e r s o n in a d d r e s s i n g t h e k i n g . —EA 8 1 : 2 2 6 . 380. 1 3 1 : 4 0 . r 4.. n o t e h) a n d S c h r o e d e r ' s copy. who [m]oves [agains]t the country.i s a-ri\u-ma [ki-a-ma] 2 8 [ a s . .t o : for t h i s w r i t i n g see EA 4 106:39. [ ..n a S a . Moreover.. ] . I a s s u m e t h a t £ R I N . [ x . you have 6 done nothing.n a ia]-//': for t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s . You do not i47 .. your son}.

Like a 148 . UF 5 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . T h e clear gub-lcT of S c h r o e d e r ' s c o p y a g r e e s n e i t h e r w i t h K n u d t z o n ' s c o l l a t i o n nor w i t h m i n e . I am afraid the peasa[ntry] will strike m[e] down. 19Iff. Look].M[E§ U R U gub­ la] 3 3 [ L ] U .q ] a . [ a . 8 3 : 4 5 ! ? .m a . n. UF 5 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . my Sun. EA 6 8 : 2 4 f . C O P I E S : WA 84. ( )mil-ka-yu? K-timabas? 6. and even these he s[trives to ta]ke. I fa[ll] at the feet of [my] lord. my lord. N]ow only two towns remain [to] me. 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . M E § . 1 5 4 .u s . my [S]un. EA 78 Request for a garrison T E X T : VAT 1282. 3 8 5 . Or n ." t h e n ivory is e x c l u d e d . . 1 2 9 : 4 9 ! ? . . 5 8. 2 . b e s i d e s . for lu tide! X 4.«#-[hi-ka u i-te-zi-ib] 3 5 U R U [ g u b . is h a r d l y ivory (SSDB. 3 1 it ia-nu [ERIN.l a a .THE AMARNA LETTERS 7 spefak t]o your lord so he will send you at the head of the archers to c drive off the Apiru from the {rn}ayors. 3 amqut [ a . 4 9 ) . c 7 . [and he has tak]en all [my] cit[ies.n a D I N G I R sa L U G A L ] 4 Eti-ka u N [ I N sa U R U u b g]#£ -[la] 5 ti-di-{nu)-mi: cf.MES pf-ta-ti u] 32 «' MA LU. [Grea]t [King]: May the Lady of [Gubla gr]ant power to [the king. ta-aq-[bu]: see Or n . 37. n. [Rib]-Hadda says [to] his lord. / « / ( L I D ) . see AHw.i r f : cf. 2 4 3 .& * D I N [ G I R .1 6 [M]ay the king. EA 7 i : 4 f . [ p u . a n d n o t ul ( R a i n e y . n o t e d ) . Y o u n g b l o o d . M E S ti-il-qe] 3 4 a-di . followed by R a i n e y . know [that] the war of [ Ab]di-Asirta against m[e is se]vere. B e s i d e s . Amarna Correspondence. then all lands will be joi[ne]d t[o the Apir]u. p. sinnu. NOTES d D 1. pp. my lord]. 7 times and 7 times. Ivory w a s r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e in E g y p t f r o m t h e s o u t h a n d w a s not l i k e l y t o have b e e n t h e o b j e c t o f a s p e c i a l r e q u e s t . . 7 4 : 5 2 . 1 7 . your [me]n. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. p .V . "copper. s . 1048. 95:3ff. x . 2 6 . 3. d e s p i t e sinnu in lines 10 a n d 1 3 . 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . 1 0 . For sinnu. n o t mi (see VAB 2 / 1 . if a t the e n d o f line n the correct r e a d i n g is [ U R j U D U (eru). 8 4 : 3 ^ . 2 4 3 . EA 8 2 : 4 2 ? . 7. king of all countries. is negligent] and there are no [archers]. t h e n e g a t i v e ul is a l w a y s w r i t t e n u-ul in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s ) . 1 8 3 . p . p .m u r ] : cf. 8 7 : 5 f .n a ] hab-Ti-se: t h e r e s i d e n t s o f B y b l o s ? reference t o M i l k a y u ? m 5. s .< & : x. (and) the g[ods} (to bring them) 8 all the wa[y to you so I can abandon Gubla. 1 3 2 : 5 3 ! ? . VS 11. then let a ship [fetch] the men [of Gubla]. 3 . my lor]d.[ ( t i ) ] . If [the king.3 7 If t[hi]s year no c [ar]chers come out. .

2 6 [I]f there are no c ar[chers]. A a n d t h e only m e n t i o n o f e m m e r in EA. p r o b a b l y a reference t o kundsu. {i]f{the kin]g is unable to save me fr[om] his enemies. [King of Ba]ttle: May the Lady [of] Gubla grant [pow]er to the king. they have as a 1 result been striving to [ta}ke over Gubla and Batruna. 34—47 I have nothing at all. 3[o ta-pal] 40 [ A N S E .. COPIES: WA 75. Be informed that since Amanappa reached me.1 9 May my lord heed the w[ords of] his [servant].. . EA 83:216. so am [I] in Gub[la]. . Send me a garrison t[o] guard the city of the king un[til] the archers [co]me out. 197ff. . 7 times and 7 c times.] send me [immediately. here "to fortify" s e e m s clearly e x c l u d e d .4 1 and {send] a ga[rr]ison. 2 and may something be given to me for their food. 2 0 . pp.]: cf. . K U R ] . 27—33 There are two towns that remain to [me]. Like a bird in a trap : ki-lu-bi (cage). R 2. H I . j [ o 2 pairs of hors]es [i]n the char[ge o f ] . Great King.3 7 . and thus all c lands would be joi[ned] to the Apiru. [Ri}b-Hadda says [to] his [lord]. the dog. all the Apiru c have at the urging of Abdi-Asirta turned against me. then al[l la]nds will be joined to the [ Api]ru. my lord. Amarna Correspondence. I have just b[e]en in Batruna. Moreover. 6 . EA 79 bird in a trap. 1 7 . and they want to take th[em] from the king. EA 79 At the brink T E X T : VAT 1634. my Sun. 149 . In line 3 0 . 85:20.1 7 May my lord heed the words of his servant. 112:21. Z I Z . 3 7 . [What is h]e. May my lord sen[d] a garrison to his two towns until the archers come out. 1 3 .1 2 I fall [at] the feet of my lord. 103:43. m[y . S i x t o ten lines m i s s i n g . 38. so am I in Gubla. VS 11.. that 3 [he ta]kes the lands of the king for [him]self ? NOTES 1. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 119:126 3. "emmer. Listen! [Si]nce c Bit-Ar[ha] was seized [at] the urging of Abdi-Asirta. R A \ [ M ] E S [i]-na qa-[at . [then c al]l lands will be [j]oined [to Abd]i-Asirta." written S E . king of all countries.$ NOTES 1. 1 8 . W h a t e v e r t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n "to d o / m a k e a city" e l s e w h e r e .

and he strives to take the two towns. { » / ' } . 3 7 . Why are you 8 negligent o{f the distress afflicting me? I]f within these two months there 150 . 4 7 . "Do not {be negligent. VS 11. but I ki[ll]ed c 4 him.THE AMARNA LETTERS 2 . [and] he has taken all my cities [for] himself. Amarna Correspondence. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. yii-da-na-ni. [Rib-Hadda say]s to [his] lord. c 6-13 [May] the king. At his order was this [de]ed done! I have stayed {like th]is [in] my city and done 5 nothing. I am unable to go out [into the countryside. He said 1 c to the men [of Gubl]a. C a n a a n i t e Q a l p a s s i v e yuddan + i n j u n c t i v e {a} + p r o . and] I have written to the palace. 2 5 . know that the war of Abdi-Asirta is [se]vere. my lord. Great King. 7 5 : 4 1 ? . A r 3 man with a bronze dagger : paf-{r]a [at]tacked m[e]. 9 1 : 4 . pp. I fa[l]l [at the feet] of my lord. 8 6 : 3 2 . [yi-il]-qu: cf. VF 1 ( 1 9 7 5 ) P. 7 times and 7 times. 39. [my lord]." 1 4 . p . I f[ear for] my life.3 3 [Accordingly. yuddana in EA 8 5 : 3 4 . 210ff. [but you do not re]ply [to me]. 205ff. Gubla and Batru[na re]main to me. [And I have writt]en re{peatedly to the palace}. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. A lirdanu \wh~\om I know g{ot away f\o Abdi-Asirta. C O P Y : VS 11. C O P I E S : WA 89. [king of all countries. a n d t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g p l u r a l tilquna in EA 104:17?. 40.2 4 [And so] they became trait(ors) to me. a n d see SSDB. Too fragmentary for translation. a n d Rainey. cf. my [Sun]. pp. EA 81 An attempted assassination T E X T : VAT 1318. K]ing of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power [to the kin]g.4 ° 4 - 3. I was struck [9 6 7 ti]mes. EA 80 A lost message T E X T : VAT 1711. suff. EA 7 1 : 1 6 ? . Amarna Correspondence. "[Ki]ll your lord and be join[ed] to the Apiru 2 like Amm[iya]. 1 5 5 .

C e r t a i n l y t h e "lord" t o b e k i l l e d is R i b . 1 7 [s]a-rf i-de p [ a . so are they in [Gubl]a. or p e r h a p s a n a b b r e v i a t i o n (CAD. 8. then { . n i n e t i m e s S a r g o n c a p t u r e s m e n a n d a n i m a l s (TIM 9. a[s-tap-par a-na]. . 1506. w i t h Y o u n g b l o o d . 7. EA 81 are no archers. 3 9 3 . For t h e c o n f u s i o n o f l o g o g r a m s a n d t h e s o m e w h a t o b s c u r e s y n t a x . II.n i 2 7 [ a .a ] r u ^ / .t a . o n l y at t h e t e n t h a t t a c k i n f l i c t i n g final defeat (VS 1 7 .n a m i . [the fur]nishings of their houses are gone. EA 7 :i f. see J .t a . 41—47 [/] was the one 11 that said to them. (a-qa-bu-na).5 9 . . 2 4 8 ) ." Since they (now) 12 kno[w that] there are none. p .]-/a-ta as-[sum mur-si] 29 [UGU-ia su]m-ma. cf. n i n e t i m e s he d e f e a t e d a n d freed his e n e m i e s . " t r a i ­ tor. EA 88:2of. c r i m i n a l .n i m qa. p.2 . p . n i n e t i m e s he w a s w a r r e d a g a i n s t . 10. i i4f. ] May he not fall [upon] my [city] and take me. ti-du-[\x]: cf. Amarna Correspondence. ar-(nu). S e e EA 8 2 : 3 9 . 9 10 I h{ave written to the pal]ace. 19.n ] a ma-bar : sa-a i n s t e a d o f sa o c c u r s s p o r a d i ­ cally. 1 0 . UJ-lu ar-nu (EA 1 3 8 : 1 0 4 ) .[ t a . EA 9 0 : 5 3 . ar(-(na)?) L U G A L (EA 1 3 8 : 2 1 ) . a n d d u p l i c a t e s ) . their] dau[gh]ters. EA T 82:371}". Wh[at] can I [d]o by my[sel]f ? 5 2 . J 5i . . M E S J : cf. 5. A / 2 . G l a s s n e r . they have tu{rned against] (u)s.p a .l ] a is t h e more probable reading. 220. If within c two months archers do not come ou[t]. see a l s o Sumer 3 2 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p p . 6. 2 9 9 ) . and there was a«[g*ar]rison with us. What (am I to say) to my p e a s a n ­ try]? 3 4 . "[Fo]r l[ac]k of a cultivator their [field} is [li]ke a woman without a husband. [URU g u b . "My god {is sending archers. N o t e .). EA 105:36.a r a .n a E . . UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 4. For arnu. 4 8 . 4 2 . the nine peoples that d i v i d e the world and t h e n i n e c h a m b e r s on each level o f U t n a p i s t i m ' s a r k . 636°. Free r e s t o r a t i o n : [ u a s . 7. [yu-si-r]u: enough space? 12. Paleographically. R e a d GIR : paf-[r\a. NOTES I. 3. 247f. see K n u d t z o n ' s r e m a r k s .. then [ Ab]di-Asirta will cer­ tainly come up and take the two t[owns. too. EA 7 4 : 2 6 a n d n. 4 8 rev. see VAB 2/2. cf. . T h e e x p r e s s i o n "9 t i m e s " m e a n s "over a n d over" or "once a n d for all": N a r a m .5 1 Previously Sumur and [its] men were [stjrong. p. T h e t r a n s l a t i o n follows R a i n e y . a n d see JCS 2 (1948) p p . G A L ] u-ul ta- [qa-al-mi] 2 8 [ a . 252. [ki-na-an-n]a: cf. n o t e d ) .H a d d a . a n d ar(-(nu)?) L U G A L (EA 1 3 9 : 4 0 ) .4 1 Like a bird in a {tr]ap : ki-lu-bi (cage).S i n fights n i n e b a t t l e s in o n e year (YOS 1. [since they have been s]old [i]n the land of [Ya]rimuta [for] provisions to keep them alive. VAB 2 / 1 . Cf.." [Their sons. 5 7 9. Akkadica 40 (1984) p. " cf. see a l s o JCS 2 [ 1 9 4 8 ] p . [a-na E D I N .

306. and my life will be safe while I do what I want to do. p. 4. Say to Am[a]nappa. see Or n ." But I told you. Is it not a fact that I sent my man to the palace. a n d u-ul-ta-sa-as (CAD." 14—22 You ordered me again and again. c 5. R i b . and from another crime what could rescue me? 4 1 .3 0 Let not Abdi-Asi[rta} hear about it.4 6 If within two months there are no archers." NOTES 1. 4. 1 6 : 5 ) . 5 . COPY: Scheil.A s i r t a is t h e v i l l a i n . to protect your life.e v i d e n t t h a t A b d i . J C S 2 (1948) p. my father: Message of Rib-Hadda. Youngblood. I fall at the feet of my father. 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : JCS 2 (1948) pp.1 3 J have said to you again and again. cf. n. and as soon as the mayors hear anything. Otherwise. 47—52 Moreover. "Send a ship to the land of Yarimuta so silver and clothing can get oufi to you from them. he is strong.. "you k e e p s a y i n g t o m e . O n t h e form yi-is-ma. S e e EA 8 1 : 2 4 . o f w h i c h it c o u l d b e t h e literal t r a n s l a t i o n . 247. s . Accordingly.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 82 A threat to abandon Byblos TEXT: BM 37648. Memoires. "Do not fea[r]!" You ordered me again and again. and he gave orders to a man and he attacked me with a bronze dagger. pp.H a d d a u s e d a n e x p r e s s i o n o f c o n t e m p o r a r y c u s t o m a r y law. go off. then I will abandon the city. The (legal) violence done to me is your responsibility. " 3. habdltya elika is very r e m i n i s c e n t o f Sarah's r e p r o a c h t o A b r a h a m . 6. Amarna Correspondence. A/2. p . "Come with all haste. "Send your man to me at the palace. P e r h a p s ta-a[q-bu]. Now I have obeyed. c 1 2 3 . until the archers come out. "I am unable to send (him). do not you yourself know that the land of Amurru longs day and night for the 6 archers? Has it not been distressed : na-aq-sa-pu (have they not been angry)? So tell the king. EA 8 5 : 8 a n d n. 4 2 4 b ) r e j e c t e d for t h r e e r e a s o n s : (1) t h e r e is n o t a s i n g l e i n s t a n c e o f t h e first r 2 5 . if you neglect me." 31—41 All the men whom you gave me 4 have run off. I will send him along with an auxiliary force. 4. 1. your son. 2.H a d d a t h i n k s t h a t it is s e l f . or who would rescue m{e} 2 from him?" You sa[id] to me. 224ff. T h e r e a d i n g ti-ul ta-sa-as m u s t b e r e t a i n e d . I was stabbed 9 times!? He is strong through this crime. and as soon as the request arrives. Ifmdsi c dlekd (Gen. 24lf. "Are c c you unable to rescue me from Abdi-Asirta? All the Apiru are on his side. they write to him. P e r h a p s R i b .

And so I write. together with 8 the men who are loyal to me. or you will not be 1 able to take it back. pp. EA 83 s y l l a b l e in p o l y s y l l a b i c w o r d s w r i t t e n V . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood.5 7 Also for your information: 153 . "I declare Rib-Hadda to be in your charge and whatever 6 (ha)ppens to him to be yofur} responsibility.V C in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . Moreover. 7 times and 7 times. EA 83 Pleas and threats TEXT: BM 29797. 1 3 0 : 4 1 ) . king of all countries. now that over and above everything else Sumur and Bit- 2 Arha have defected. (3) if mat amurri is s i n g u l a r ." So release him. 3 8 . 237ff. my Sun. 7 . [and] a tablet of the king was not put [i]n my man's hand. or like Yapah- c Hadda and Zimredda I will make an alliance with Abdi-Asirta and stay alive.) He is. "The Apiru have taken the entire country!" Not so shall it be said in the days (of the commissioners). my lord. if you do not send word back to me.1 4 Why do you not send back word to me that I may know what I should d[o]? I sent a man of mine to my lord. Listen tfo m]e! 15—20 Wh(y) are you negligent so that your land is being taken? Let it not be said in the days of the c commissioners. t h e n it is f e m i n i n e a n d t h e f o r m w o u l d b e tu-ul-ta-sa-as. especially him." 4 3 . pi. 373f. [R]ib-[Hadda sa]ys to his [lord]. (saying) day and night. and both his horses were taken. I have written for a garrison and horses.4 2 (The other is a citi­ 5 zen of Ibirta. COPY: BB 14. pp. I will abandon the city and go off. 13. "If you do not tell him 7 this. 30—37 may [yo]u put me in Yanhamu's charge so 3 he will give me grain to eat th(at) I may guard for him the king's city. I fall at the feet of my lord. "You gave our son to 4 the king. His family are very upset with me. I assure you. A second man—a man of his—was taken. Send back word to me. but they are not given. 21—29 Moreover. Moreover." 5 1 . P H O T O G R A P H : BB. Great King: May the [L]ady of Gubla grant p[owe]r to the king. tell Ya(n)hamu.5 1 May the troops on campaign not fall upon me. (2) t h e r e are only t w o q u i t e d u b i o u s e x a m p l e s o f / / > / / in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (EA 9 2 : 3 9 . T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling. Moreover. in Yanhamu's house. I will abandon the city and go off. Amarna Correspondence. May the king also give the order and release my man.

5 - 7. "or. In l i n e 5 5 I a s s u m e s o m e f o r m o f kardbu. UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p p . silt e m p h a s i z e s t h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix o f ussirasu (SSDB. 4. RA 82 (1988) p. " 8. is a l w a y s i d e n t i f i e d as t h e m a i d s e r v a n t o f t h e g o d d e s s a n d w a s p r o b a b l y a p r i e s t e s s . UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) P.THE AMARNA LETTERS Ummahnu (along with Milkuru. w h o a l s o a p p e a r s in t h e n e x t t h r e e l e t t e r s . p{ow\erful [pray]s [t]o the L[ady of Gubla for the 9 king. . ana sdlu. R e a d ana a-ka-li-ia §1 ( b e g i n n i n g o f a p a r t i a l l y w r i t t e n u): cf. 22). n o t t h i r d p l u r a l (Or n . L i t . 41. EA 9 1 : 1 7 ) a n d t h e B y b l o s s y l l a ­ bary rule out [t]u. 2 2 6. 6. R e f e r e n c e is b a c k t o lines 3 9 . t h e p r o ­ n o m i n a l suffixes in EA 7 9 : 3 3 . " 9. 5. 106:40 (a-li. G r e e n b e r g . . P e r h a p s t h e q u o t a t i o n b e g i n s w i t h "in t h e d a y s o f t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s " ( K n u d t z o n . 2 6 . is w r i t t e n s l i g h t l y s m a l l e r a n d h i g h e r t h a n t h e rest o f t h e l i n e . NOTES 1. pp. VS 11. as if ti-li-u-na). I t w a s p r o b a b l y i n s e r t e d l a t e r w h e r e it c o u l d fit. n. c e r t a i n l y n o t [i]a (Or n . "who love m e . 2. EA 84 Outrage upon outrage T E X T : VAT 1633. C O P I E S : WA 73. s . T h e context seems to require that with t h e s e c o n d "in t h e d a y s " we s u p p l y "of t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s " (lost by v e r t i c a l h a p l o g - r a p h y ? ) or p e r h a p s "in ( t h e i r ) d a y s . F o r a p o s s i b l e o c c u r r e n c e in O l d B a b y l o n i a n . reference is t o t h e m a n w h o s e d e t e n t i o n is m e n t i o n e d in line 1 2 a n d w h o has m a d e h i s way to Y a n h a m u ' s house. 264ff. U m m a h n u . my lord}. the maidservant of the Lady [of] Gu[bl]a. 1 2 5 : 1 8 . Hablpiru." as i n l i n e 2 4 . 30. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood.t a r ] . s . s e c o n d s i n g u l a r ( K n u d t z o n ) . " for if I u n d e r s t a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e s . 3 ) . "certes").r a . 2146°. C o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f f o r m (cf. see D u r a n d . at t h e e n d o f line 4 4 . 36).b [ u ] ? ) . p . {en)-ni-ip-su: f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . Perhaps "release h i m . alla-mi ( a n d v a r i a n t f o r m s ) m u s t b e g i n a s e n t e n c e or b e p r e c e d e d o n l y b y u. p. t o o . 1 0 5 : 8 5 . 154 . her husband). . "Say t o Y a n h a m u . "to p r a y " ( [ t i . " a n d . w h e r e it b e l o n g s a n d a l o n e m a k e s s e n s e . ta-di-en. 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . T h i s is t h e b a s i s for m y very t e n t a t i v e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f her a c t i v i t i e s in t h i s a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g l e t t e r s . " O n t h i s p a r t i c l e see R a i n e y . [t]a^-din-ni: very p r o b a b l e r e a d i n g .4 0 . L i n e 2 0 : ii. " T h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e p h r a s e o f i t s e l f m i g h t m e a n "in ( f u t u r e ) d a y s " ( K n u d t z o n . 2 9 { i 9 6 0 ] p . Amarna Correspondence. 4. 1 0 9 : 4 1 .i k . a n d n o t a t t h e e n d o f line 4 5 . ti-li-ii. f o l l o w e d b y G r e e n b e r g ) . 3.

'5 send . w h i c h a t B y b l o s ( a l s o EA 1 8 5 . . Gubla is like Hikuptah to my lord! 3 8 .KUR. CAD. 2 1 [LU-(su) ma-an]-g<z (cf. 1030. qtptu = qTpu a t B o g h a z k o y (AHw. lu- wa-Ii/si-ra(-am). as to men's [say]ing in the presence of m]y {lord]. your servant.3 8 May my lord send men to take the posses­ 10 sions of my Adonis to the king. Sumur. {Moreover]. H I . p. a n d EA 9 4 : 6 0 . EA 84 [S}ay [to] the king. T h e a u t h o r i t i e s w o u l d b e t h e E g y p t i a n officials i n S u m u r . [ p a t ( a ) r u / p a t ( a ) r a t ] qt-ip-tu. L U . K U R . Those in authority {have gone off. 109:5. D I D L I . [fo]otstool for your feet. 6. N o t e a l s o : (1) giltappu.2 1 Now. (3) Tde w i t h p r e c a t i v e force. . the traitor and dog. Amarna Correspondence. and yet he (the king) has done nothing.8 6 ) s e e m s t o b e r e p l a c e d by Idru. Umm[ahn]u. p . who is strong. narru = sarru. " in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s o n l y in EA 8 4 a n d 1 0 6 . E(to)-u[r-!>i BE]-ia: f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d . is . be-lt-i[a\. 3 1 . EA 106:15). NOTES 1. " w r i t t e n K U R . 7 times and 7 times. L U L = sarru (AHw. is the activity of c Abdi-Asirta.3 and opened the tre{asure] room of my 4 [lo]rd. . "5 6 21—31 my lord should know (that) they have {not tak]en Gubla. E n d o f l i n e 24: 155 . my lord. "Gubla {has been seiz]ed. pleasing in the sight of the king. ] . p. my lord. L U L remains the m o s t likely teading. A . Furthermore. 3 1 . Sun of all countries: Message of Rib- Hadda. {that he is s]trong? Moreover. 4. send his commis­ 8 sioner. L U . cf. 20 [sa-ab-ta]-*tf-»zi (cf. " {Or] would it be pleasing that he had seized 12 Gubla? {Loo]k. a l s o PRU 4. line 36). 4 2 . indeed. 6 3 . (2) t h e o n l y p r e c a t i v e forms o f usluru in t h e s e l e t t e r s . has been joined to h[i]m. " f o o t s t o o l . al{ong with troops]. He has slept in the bedcha[mber of] my [lord]. my lord's court and [h]is bedchamber. S . in EA 8 4 : 2 6 . 5. Perhaps LU. 1 0 6 : 2 6 . . "All c o u n t r i e s . the man I sent with Puheya. . D I D L I o c c u r s e l s e w h e r e o n l y in EA 1 0 6 . n. p ..KI-/a: f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d . 7. [m}y lord. see EA 1 2 1 . {its ruler is distr]aught. lest that dog take the possessions of your g o d . 922). with the result that the lands of the king are joined to him. 257. Milkur[u . KUR. to guard the city of my lord so 9 that I for my part may (re)build the brickwork and serve my lord. 3." T h e s l e e p i n g quarters a n d the treasury were areas reserved t o t h o s e m o s t i n t i m a t e a n d / o r m o s t t r u s t e d . 4. Moreover. 2. the maidservant of 14 [the Lady of Gubla. the dog. and} her husband. p. my lord. 3 6 . the Sun of all countries. my lord. c 13 as Abdi-NiNURTA. Who is he. 1 8 0 ) . Send him (back) to yo[ur} servant. N o u g a y r o l . . bit urli. cf. may the king.. "maison privee.} and the situation of the lands of my lord is 7 ve[ry} bad. K I .4 4 Moreover. . for the w r i t i n g . . and so he has 2 done nothing for his lands? 1 1 . I fall at the feet of the 1 Sun. K I . in t h e s e l e t t e r s o n l y in EA 8 4 : 2 1 a n d 1 0 6 : 4 7 .LUL = narru.

pp. : hu-ta-ri-ma (?) [. Cross). [and / wouldg]ive [.].. the Sun: [Mes}sage of Rib-Hadda. he does not heed my words." W[ha}t did he give m(e)? I deposited the payment for them 4 5 with Yapah-Hadda. D I N G I R . 33—39 May it be pleasing in the sight of the king. as were given to Su[r]a[t]a. o f wine"? EA 85 Nothing to eat T E X T : VAT 1626. ask him to tell the whole story in your presence. your servant. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. I fal{l} at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times.. 13. my lord. What used to be given in Sumur. 11. my lord.. 1 6 .2 2 May the king. 15.1 5 Though I keep writing like this to the king. 12.] g[rai}n for 4 0 men. 1 Since he has attacked me 3 times this year. 1 1 6 : 5 4 ) . May he grant 4 0 0 men and 3 0 pair[s of h]orses. T h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix (my A d o n i s ) p e r h a p s reflects B y b l i a n 'adonal (suggestion of Frank M . [so that] we may have provisions until you gi\ve thou]ght to your 156 .. since they have been sold in the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep us alive. ul-sir^-ti. x S A R yi-ni. the furnishings of their houses are gone. 8.THE AMARNA LETTERS ma-ri-is ma-g[al]: following Y o u n g b l o o d (cf. 264ff. 2 2 . my lord. "I [ga}ve grain to Rib- Hadda.. SIG 4 (libittu)? 10.3 that they may guard the city for you.3 2 As to Yanhamu's having said. M E S ] : following Y o u n g b l o o d . mil-kur-t[\i}. T h i s m a y b e a s a y i n g ( a l s o EA 1 3 9 : 8 ) g o i n g b a c k t o m u c h e a r l i e r t i m e s w h e n B y b l o s w a s a very i m p o r t a n t p o r t for t h e E g y p t i a n s a n d M e m p h i s w a s t h e capital of E g y p t . heed the words of his loyal servant. we have no grain to eat. and may he give grain that is pro[du]ced in the land of Yarimuta.. 1 1 4 : 5 0 . ". m 14. 9. VS 11. my lord.. their daughters. my lord. Sa[y to the king}. 6 . qa-d[u E R I N . may it now be [g]iven in 6 Gubla. and for two years I have been repeatedly robbed of my grain. 42. Look.. P[uh]eya is with you. May [the Lad]y of Gubla grant [powjer to the king. EA 9 5 : 4 1 . C O P I E S : WA 48. and may he send grain in ships in order to 2 keep his servant and his city alive. What can I say to my peasantry? Their sons. M E S very often h a s a s i n g u l a r referent a n d here s e e m s b e s t referred t o A d o n i s . Amarna Correspondence. 1 0 3 : 7 .

A b d i . ? i .] .. . N o t collated.s f a . w h i c h m a k e s sense a n d is f o l l o w e d h e r e . t h e c o p y o f VS 11 offers IR-su a-na ia-su. Listen to me. [as the kin]g. EA 89:40. EA 8 3 : 5 o f . R e a d ? i .) 7. "you i n q u i r e ( a b o u t ) " ? (Cf. [Wh]y do you not reply. At [thi]s time send a [large] force that they may drive him f[rom the land of Amur]ru. o f c o u r s e ." or "is not available}.l i . 3 9 .. I keep writing like this t[o] the palace for what [I] need. Abdi]-Asirta and the Api[ru have gone i\o Yapah-Hadda 8 9 in [Beiru]t so {an alliance] might be formed. from that c time the lands have been joined to the Apiru. 1 5 9 1 ) t h e r e p r o b a b l y is n o t e n o u g h r o o m ." so I may know [wh]at I should do [un]til the king ar[riv]es and visits his loyaf servant? 63—74 Who is c Abdi-Asirta. UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p . cf.l ] u . 5.H a d d a w o u l d a d m i t t h a t t h o s e he identifies as c "my m e n " are all loyal t o A b d i . p. 4. 5. the king of (Mi)ttana came out as far as Sumur. may he c [g]ive men to guard his [c]ity. O n it ( a l s o EA 1 1 4 : 4 6 . 75—87 May the king heed the words of his servant. send a garrison [to pro]tect [y]our land. 157 .m [ a . a n d for ? / ' .l a . 1 3 0 : 2 4 ) as an a b b r e v i a t i o n o f itti. the servant and dog. 6. we cannot write t[o hi]m (now). K n u d t z o n ' s r e a d i n g . Moreover. p r o p o s e s i-na (qa-at).k ] u (VAB 2 / 2 . 104:16. lifves]. When the commissioner of the k[ing was wi]th us. Accordingly. R a i n e y . it was to hi[m] that [we used to writ]e. 1 3 7 : 4 6 ? .k ] u ( K n u d t z o n ) is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l (cf. to] the Lad[y . 111.A s i r t a ( s o K n u d t z o n ) . lest he gather together all the Apiru and 12 they seize [the city]. i[n ... see EA 2 3 2 a n d cf. truly my men 7 c c are lo[yal to me. Umma[hnu—along with] her [hus]band Milkuru—the maidservant of the La[dy] of Gub[la].m [ a . I n s t e a d o f IR-su ii U R U . Ugaritic Vocabulary. 1 1 4 : 4 8 ) . lest your [city] be seized. EA 88:46ff. 51—63 Moreover.5 0 Moreover. . [ A s ] there is no one in [your] city. since your father's return from Sidon. ] . 2 1 3 . [Te}ll Yanhamu to [tak]e the money [ . I have nothing. 2. see EA 8 2 : 3 7 a n d n. . EA 85 city. n o t a reflex of N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c 'et. my lord? Just let there be one man" whose heart is c one with my heart. . . 3. .i . my lord. from the hand of the magna[te. see H u e h n e r g a r d . T h e s u b j e c t is. It is d o u b t f u l t h a t R i b . . for the people of [Gu]bla in the land of Yarimuta. p . and though wanting to mar[ch] as far as Gubla.A s i r t a . as truly as the king [li]ves. that they [men]tion his name in the presence of the king. NOTES c 1. ] . and I would drive Abdi-Asirta from the land of Amurru. U n d o u b t e d l y t h e r u l e r o f A k k a . b u t an u n d e r l y i n g B y b l i a n bi o f p r o x i m i t y or a c c o m p a n i m e n t ( " u s i n g t h e s e r v i c e s o f " ) c o u l d e x p l a i n t h e u s e o f ina.& . EA 94:12. as there wa[s n]o water for him to drink. "What my servant [re]quests is 10 available. w h i c h m a k e s no s e n s e . he returned to [h]is own land.

n a m i ] ." see AHw. be given t[o his servant]. ] . establish yo[ur] honor [in 1 the presence] of the king. C O P Y : BB 21. . "Yanhamu sent yo[u] grain. "Why should . I fall [at your feet]. EA 86 Complaint to an official TEXT: BM 29804. p. ] 1 7 . May Aman. p . . EA 83:24. 283ff. L U . EA 74:12. U R U .r u ] . d e s p i t e K n u d t z o n ' s l e g i t i m a t e d o u b t s .t a u tu-pa-su [ k i . [ .1 2 is severe." Have you not heard? A servant .lM i-na 4 3 [ U R U b e . [S]o speak to the king [that] it may be 6 presented to the Lady.5 0 Why should the king g[rani] 30 8 pairs of [horses] and you your(self] take 10 pairs? It you t[ake]. end of line. commentary on 44:8.3 0 [And be in]form[ed that Um]mah[nu—along with her husband. 5 2 3 . . 4 1 . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. R o o m for o n l y o n e (fairly l a r g e ) s i g n : cf. speak to [the king] so that [grain]. Do [n]ot hold an[ything] back. cf.t a ] i-ba-si-mi 5 ii i-ia-n[\i]: l[a. 57 [ a . Milku]ru—the ma[idservant of the Lady] of Gub[la . m 8. but from the land of Y[arimuta] let grain be given for [us] to eat.m a ] .n i l [ a . cf. your lord. . ] come out?"3 You have 4 said [ind]eed. b u t still v i s i b l e ) d e s c r i b e d by K n u d t z o n a r e n o t n[u a n d d o n o t b e l o n g t o t h e e n d o f line 5 8 . .w a . . pp. [the god of the king]. Amarna Correspondence.4 0 More­ over. 12. { . 9. 8 3 : 7 .1 7 [S]o now you [yourself] must not [say]. Onadi. {Say to] Ama[nappa]: Message of Rib-Had[da]. .n u . 1 3 . Very tentatively. 158 . Listen to m[e! The war] 6 . M E S G [ A Z al-ku] 42 [a-na ma-ha]r ia- d pa-ah. so we may keep alive until the king g[ives thought] to his city. [ a . 3 1 . EA 76:39. If t h e t r a c e s ( m i s s i n g in V S 1 1 copy. [Or] sen[d ships so I myself] can get [out].a t]u-te-ru 58 [ a . For 3 years I have been constantly plundered] of our grain. 10.2 2 . 165. there is 7 no[thing] to pay for h[orses]. . take al[l of them].THE AMARNA LETTERS Hence ra-[i-mu-ni/ia]. Day and ni[ght it has cri]ed to you {and they s]ay (that) what is taken f[rom tjhem to Mittanfa] is very much. . in v i e w o f p a r a l l e l s (EA 8 1 : 2 3 . I c a n n o t e x p l a i n t h e m .[rmuta]. . . a n d ARMT 1 3 . the product of the land of Yz.[ k a u ] .t u ] . . . "truly. . P r o b a b l y in t h e s e n s e o f "ruler". your lord. 1 3 a . and so come w[ith] archers that you may take the land of 2 Amurru. . 41 . . just as it was [formerly] given to Sumur. 4 5 6 ) . 11.

and I sen[t (him)]. 2 5 . if f r o m asasu ( K n u d t z o n ) .1 4 Why did you lead me astray.2 4 . your servant. pi. -su is t o b e a d d e d .s ] a . p. [To} Amanappa. K n u d t z o n ' s s u g g e s t i o n t h a t in H I S E . C O P Y : BB 22.q e ] . Line 19: [ K U ] § : ma-as-ka. {then I too] must die. for if} you die. {So} come out. and he 2 came out empty-handed./ z ( i G l ) ( h a p l o g r a p h y ) . NOTES 1.KUR. 6 but be on your gua{rd.3 1 {Loo]k. a n d note t h e f o l l o w i n g lines. . 8. [ t a / t i . EA 87 Broken promises TEXT: BM 29805. 1 5 9 . [ . " 3. 4 with loud cries! Let an elite force. . ? 5. f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d . ana nadani ana A[N5E. P e r h a p s a l s o t o b e c o n s i d e r e d is [ t a / t i . saying. Amarna Corre­ spondence. May Aman and the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king. Amarna Correspondence.t a ] a-mi-ni tu-sa-na x f x ] : p e r h a p s not e n o u g h r o o m for atta. EA 8 2 : 5 0 . 294ff. and as a result Batruna was join[ed] to him. my lord. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. urge the king. d-wa-![ir ]: SSDB. your lord. . 2.RA: following Youngblood. . summa t [ i . A t h e first H I a n t i c i p a t e s t h e s e c o n d o n e s e e m s t h e m o s t p l a u s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n (VAB 2 / 1 . pp. 8 .t ] a . Then he heard that there were no troops with him. la-a ta-[aq-bu] 1 4 [ a t . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p p . EA 87 NOTES 1. the Apir]u from it (the gate). . He has stationed the c 3 Apiru and chariots there. m[y] l[or}d: Message of Rib-Hadda. i{a-Ii\. w i t h Y o u n g b l o o d . 5. {together with] chariots. . 8 3 : 2 3 . "Send your messenger here to me before the king so he may give you troops and chariots as a help to you to guard the 1 city"? 15—24 So I listened to your words. p . 287. 4. p e r h a p s . note m ) . see R a i n e y . p. as is t h e u n p a r a l l e l e d u s e o f ana (cf. {advance 5 c with you that / may .i l . An e x a c t p a r a l l e l is EA 1 0 7 : 3 7 ? . 4 1 3 . [i]\x-da-na: "that s h e ? / y o u ? m a y b e p r e s e n t e d . 1 2 2 : 3 9 ) . I fall at the feet of my lord. x is n o t E R [ I N ] (as c o p i e d in B B ) . 424? 159 . Amarna Correspondence. and they have not moved [f]rom the en­ trance of the gate of Gub(la). "it has lifted ( i t s ) face t o y o u (in h o p e ) . p . t h e final vowel is I 7 a difficulty. O n lines 1 5 . p . 2 9 8 . H I .« ' : as if f r o m sasu. 292. " 7. 9 3 : 4 . "hide"? 6. .

3 [Beh]old the city! He has . a n d K n u d t z o n ' s qu-ru-ud (also EA 69:30) is r i g h t . Or n . . F o r t h e m e a n i n g . " g u a r d yourself. my Sun. [N]ow he has taken Batruna. {a-sa-a}m (JNES 8 [ 1 9 4 9 ] p . Moreover. and so we are unable to go out 4 5 into the countryside. 2 8 . he strives to seize 6 Gubla! And [ . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. e-nu-ii: following A l b r i g h t in SSDB. "The war is against] Ardat. cf. . as far as Egypt. la: following A l b r i g h t . and agai[nst . my lord. and all the lands of the king. look. my lord. and so I will stay 12 al(iv)e. . the entrance of the gate of Gubla. should my lord not have wor[d] 11 brought ro hi[s] serv{ant) by tablet. the city to him and I will request a town from him to stay in. has done nothing for [his] servant? 1 3 . is noisy. does [not give heed] to the words of [his] serfvant]. what is [he. I fall [ 7 ] times and 7 times. Y o u n g b l o o d . T h e r e a d i n g ku-ru-ub (JNES 8 [ 1 9 4 9 ] p .THE AMARNA LETTERS 2. with all speed. . pp. may the king. 2 1 . I will [no]t neglect the word of [my] lord. EA 88 Blockaded TEXT: BM 29800.3 9 For my part.2 1 [Moreov]er. an}d Am(mi)y[a and Sigat]a. and he has moved up against me. More­ c over. that he has a[ct}ed as he pleased in the lands of my lord. against Irqat. How long has he not moved from the gate. 2. A]bdi-Asrati. 29 (i960) p . cf. [my] lor[d}. I sent my messenger (each time) that [he toojk my cities and moved u[p aga]inst 2 me. and [may] he hasten [with] all speed chariots and 8 9 [troops] that they may gu[ard the city of the king]. 1 2 4 ) is w r o n g . my lord. JNES 4 3 (1984) p p ." a n d s e e t h e r e m a r k s o f C i v i l .2 8 Moreover. my lord. a[t the feet of my lord]. [Great 1 King]. give heed t[o the words 7 of] his [ser]vant. will c be joined to the Apiru. C O P Y : BB 17. and] may the king." b u t t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e s favor s u c h a m e a n i n g h e r e . my lord. the servant (and) dog. 305ff. 3. p . then Gubla will be joined to him. 4. cf. . and [ . . hasten the 160 . 304. . 10 until] the arr[iva]l of the king. p . . {has done nothing]. . . 159. {Ri]b-Had{da s]ay{s to his lord: Be}fore the king of all countries. 2 9 4 ^ 5. s . 4 0 ." [but the king]. N o t e n o u g h r o o m for ujur ramdnka. 1 7 . 6. .5 1 [Moreov]er. qardu. then . "one w h o s h o u t s . [and yet] the king. i b i d . loyal [ci]ties of the king. Amarna Correspondence. But iff the kjing. my lord. n. . 1 2 5 ) is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y w r o n g . I have w[ritten] 5—12 repeatedly to y[ou.

6. NOTES 1. "we a r e n o t a b l e " ) . G A L . p. K U R . 4 1 5 .A s i r t a w i s h e s to c a p t u r e B y ­ b l o s . s . 50. UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . H I . e . 3 1 0 . x. 2 2 . a n d 3 3 7 . Still. l i n e 2 0 . 1 9 9 0 ) . e s p e c i a l l y c o m p a r a b l e t o EA 8 3 : 4 7 ^ . ) . Amarna Correspondence. u. A in l i n e n . from most ancient times. a n d (3) sense. so t h a t "him" m u s t refer to c A b d i . " a n d . the messenger of the king of Akka is honored more than [my] messeng[er].S [ U ] : a r e a d i n g t h a t K n u d t z o n r e j e c t e d (VAB 2/1.3 9 s e e m to b e a t h r e a t .A s i r t a a n d u na-ri-x at t h e e n d o f l i n e 3 6 m u s t b e a n e x p r e s s i o n for s u r r e n ­ d e r i n g B y b l o s . a n d h e n c e fumma. l i n e 1 6 . my lord. 10. following Y o u n g b l o o d . 2) 2 1 a-sa-am a-na E D I N . AHw. 4 1 5 . M E S (RA 69 { 1 9 7 5 ] p p . 7. 9. 3 ) .h a . see P i n t o r e . 1 2 3 : 3 5 . ti-[su-ru] ( a l s o line 4 1 ) : a s r e q u i r e d b y t h e r u l e s of m o d a l s e q u e n c e .? / ' la yi-na-mu-us (Or n . p o s s i b l y K A B ( K n u d t z o n ) . 420. "look. L i n e s 1 3 . 14 with 2 horses. 3 1 2 . The c o n s t r u c t i o n . O n t h e u s e olandku. n. EA 1 0 2 : 2 9 ) . Gubla is not like the [other] cities. and see Y o u n g b l o o d . t h a t is a s s u m e d h e r e — a n u n m a r k e d p r o t a s i s o f a c o n d i ­ t i o n a l s e n t e n c e — i s w i t h o u t c e r t a i n p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . 2. . See n. UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . p . / » ? ) . p e r h a p s first p l u r a l ( i . however. w h i c h sets u p a c o n t r a s t w i t h "the k i n g . L i n e s 3 4 . R i b - H a d d a s t r e s s e s t h a t now his very o w n c i t y is u n d e r a t t a c k . a c o m m o n a c t i o n o f R i b . Look. "the c i t y has kept away from the entrance o f the c i t y - g a t e " (setu.v e r b e m p h a s i z e s R i b . . b u t n o t e (1) t h e l i g a t u r e o f t h e a l l e g e d as-sad. Gubla is a loyal city of the king. m y l o r d " and w h a t is e x p e c t e d o f h i m (lines 2 3 f f . 5. 3.m u . [my] lo[rd]. L U G A L K U R . 8 5 . OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p p . 4 2 5 . i D ? ta^-si-it. [MRIN. K l .MES]. D e p a r t i n g from normal word order and fronting the object B y b l o s . 9. T h e r e can h a r d l y b e a n y d o u b t t h a t " A b d i . F u r t h e r m o r e . b e h o l d " (see EA 3 5 .H a d d a a n d fellow c i t i z e n s . see A g u s t i n u s G i a n t o . n. Word Order Variation in the Akkadian of Byblos. ma-ni U D . 3 1 7 . 1 5 6 6 ) . [ » l u ] . EA 8 2 : 4 5 . May he not come out [empty-handed]. a-na 1 ( R ) . n o t e b ) . u bal-(td)-ti: cf. \a\-mur U R U U D ( v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n ) §1 x p i ( R a i n e y ) K A . 17. f[or they fur]nished [h]im with a horse. 2 6 0 . K A M . izzib: i n j u n c t i v e ? zero = p r e t e r i t e ? ( S e e I n t r o d u c t i o n .u t : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 8 4 : 3 2 . w i t h o u t pitdti. " lines 1 0 . archers are never r e q u e s t e d for p u r p o s e s o f d e f e n s e . b u t p e r h a p s -{dm r a t h e r t h a n -ut (cf. 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . The f o l l o w i n g s e q u e n c e o f o b j e c t . S t u d i a Pohl 1 5 ( R o m e . 8. n o n . 8 3 : 2 7 .2 1 : see R a i n e y . (2) t h a t t h e p o s t u l a t e d su is i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h e l a s t s i g n o f EA 8 7 : 2 8 ( K n u d t z o n . p .H a d d a ' s fidelity t o t h e w o r d of his m a s t e r .B y b l o s o c c u r r e n c e s in EA 6 2 . "we w i l l d i s t a n c e o u r s e l v e s f r o m t h e c i t y for h i m " (requ?)? 13. n. p. [ K I . A L U G A L G A L ] : cf. M E S . a l s o l i n e 4 0 . na-re-eq. cf. p. [May he furn]ish him (my messenger) . H I . io6ff. hu-mi-[dm. cf. .) 11. see a l s o R a i n e y . 12. 1221?)? 4. 161 . Knudtzon's restoration assumes a f o r m o f g r e e t i n g f o u n d in n o B y b l o s letter. L i n e 1 4 : [il-q]e. EA 88 13 troops (and) chariots that they may guard the city of the king. x = iG or su. as in line 4 1 .

.. killed their mayor. [my} lord." I made connubium with Tyre. Amarna Correspondence.1 4 [Though} I keep writing like this {to thepald\ce.3 9 [//] the king {makes inquiry about my brother]. VS 11. [Rib]-Hadda say[s to his lord. my brother. May the king h(eed) my words. Look at the deed in Tyre. and they go utterly un[hee}ded. H e is t{aking fr}om the king {all} the lands {of the king}. I know (it)! Does the king like it {that c Abdi-A]sirta has taken the sea {in} front of them. n. we will devote ourselves to your service. then the city will say. . . . 3 0 . 43. l64f. Grefat] King: [May the Lady} of Gubla [grant power t}o the king. K i i h n e . about him! We are unable to do anything. [ . away from Abdi-A[sirta. May the king heed [the word]s of (his) servant. My sis(te)r's daughters I had sent to c Ty[re}. there is no mayor's residence like that of the residence in Tyre. . . 322ff. 3 G{ive thought to the com]missioner of the king. EA 5 87:17. my lord. . They killed] him al{ong with my sister . k]ing of all countries. Their words are not true. EA 89 Events in Tyre T E X T : VAT 1627..5 7 Look. 7 times and 7} times. pp. and so they are at 162 ." They are afraid. I know it! 39—47 But if you make inquiry about my brother. offers a different i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : R i b . Will the king not make inquiry about the mayor of Tyre? For his property is as great as the sea.q u . It is like the residence in Ugarit. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: JCS 4 (1950) pp. May he send [ . to­ gether with my sister and her sons. On this account I am afraid. And so he died. 49 [ia-d]i-na . 5 8 . {then} .. . ] He wrote again and again to the king. But] if the king does {not} make inquiry about [my] brother.THE AMARNA LETTERS 14. } .]. I assure you. 5 1 [ u r i . 7 . [but h}is words went unheeded. "This man is not the mayor! Inquire. C O P I E S : WA 49. 1 0 7 . I know it! 4 8 . O king. Even now the king makes no inquiry about his mayor.. [m}y Su[n.. . Exceedingly [gr]eat is the wealth [i}n it. . 5 2 5 . they were on good terms 1 with me. p . .6 7 May {no} property be handed [over to] them. 50 [x x] x . 1 5 . then all lands {will be joined to the king. my words are not [taken to he}art. I fall [at the fee]t of my lord. .2 9 "If the king makes inquiry.t ] a : cf. (But now) they have. that he may stay [in the l}and and {be concerned} 2 for the mayors. Youngblood.H a d d a ' s m e s s e n g e r was deprived of two horses.

Moreover. "For lack of a cultivator my fie[ld] is [l]ike a woman without a [hus]band. stresses the object and underscores the enormity of the crime. the furnishings] of the houses are gone.5 6 [And] yo[ur] me[ss]engers send .' It is to 6 7 you that I have tu[rn]ed. [and] they were [no]t taken to heart. but his eye is on [Gu]bla. Now they have [ta]k[en] my cities." Moreover. "Give thought to [your] city lest Abdi-Asirta take it. R i b . 61 [is-tu] . .A 5 i r t a c o n t r o l s t h e sea a r o u n d t h e i s l a n d t o w n o f T y r e . . . . [our daughters. all the [mayors] are at peace with c Abdi-A[sirta}. . . . [He has taken] all my cities. the word order. 2 9 . 44.1 9 [But] you did not listen to m[e. Amarna Correspondence. 337ff. C O P I E S : WA 53. c 3. pp. and send [x m]en and 30 pairs of [h]ors[es] that [I] may g[ua]rd the city for 8 yo[u]. . . Be in­ 1 formed [that] the war aga[inst me] is severe. VS 11. [S]ay [t]o the king. [your} se[rvant]. 60 /'-[le-qu].3 5 . [ . .H a d d a s e e m s t o say t h a t A b d i . For a d i s c u s s i o n a n d c o m ­ m e n t a r y o n t h e e n t i t e letter. A f t e r t h e a s s e v e r a t i v e p a r t i c l e allu." [My] words went 3 [u]nheeded. . see JCS 4 (1950) p p . my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. 2. 1 9 .1 2 to me. . Li[k]e [a bird] in a tr[ap]. t h u s r e n d e r i n g the r e b e l s s e c u r e . Then fr]om Batruna I 2 wr[ote to yo]u. s[o am I] in [Gub]la. a-ia-ab s"[a]. that [do]g* is [i]n Mittana. [Gubla] alone rem[ains] 8 . Probably Abdi-Asirta. What can I do by myself? You yourself have been c [negligent of your cities so that the Apiru [dog] takes them. 7 times and 7 times].4 7 [Ou]r [sons]. ] . 1631?.v e r b . 3 6 .2 8 Moreover. 6 4 . EA 90 Alone and unheeded T E X T : VAT 1661.6 7 follow Knudtzon's restorations with one exception and these a d d i t i o n s : 5 9 [qa-tQ-su-nu ( t h e r e b e l s in Tyre). EA 90 peace? May the king [ter]rify them! Do I not continue to write of {the)ir crime to the king? NOTES 1. k[a-li]. since they have been so[ld in the land] of Yarimuta (([fo]r)) for provisions to keep [u]s alive. 67 ar- c na-{su)-nu. . . 4 8 . o b j e c t . and if you do not 163 . I was in Sigata and I c wr[ote] to [y]ou. 6 6 [y\xly'\-x)a-\\\-ih-su-nu. [my] Su[n. "Send men to ta[ke the ci]ty for you. L i n e s 5 8 ." 1 3 . 65 [i-na]. I fall at the feet of my lord. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood.

s i E R I N . . 9 0 : 2 6 ? .q ] a . a n e x a c t p a r a l l e l to EA 9o:6ff. M E S p i . . [then] .r ' a in line 4 7 ( c o l l a t e d ) . e s p . followed by E b e l i n g . Amarna Correspondence. t h o u g h t h e s i g n is n o t clearly as as in t h e c o p y o f VS 1 1 . and] it is [to you] that I have tur[ned]. P e r h a p s sal-mu (AHw. 6 1 [it ti\.t e . 4. EA 91:38.n a a . t h e n [ti-il~]-ti-qu-su-nu.s a . "when t h e A p i r u t o o k .n u k a . 2 7 [pa-ni-i]a: see VAB 2/2.m u r . . a n d it a l s o s u g g e s t s the r e s t o r a t i o n 26 [UR. 2. T 10. C O P I E S : WA 56. n o t p l u r a l ( K n u d t z o n . 12. " on t h e b a s i s o f EA 1 0 2 : 2 3 . p ./ » # / . 123:42. L U .n a . see Y o u n g b l o o d . 1 2 6 : 1 1 ) . M E S U R . however. 7. Cf. .r u ] : r e a d i n g s d u b i o u s a n d c o n t e x t unclear. kalbu silt (EA 84:35). " In EA 9 1 : 5 . 164 . less p r o b a b l e t h a n s o m e reference t o t h e m a y o r s (cf. 1 9 ) . VAB 2/2.. K ] U : cf. c 5. 8. 107:30. 3 4 6 . K U is s i n g u l a r . h e n c e [ba-za-nu]. I f p l u r a l . s t a t i s t i c a l l y . 121:48.eP-qe K U R [ a . is. Amarna Corre­ spondence. pp. " a n d ' ' a . Day and night [everyone awaits the coming forth of the ar]ch[ers]I have 12 been plundered of [my grain.[ s a / s i . UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p. not sal-mu. EA 9 i : i 9 f f . hence [yi-il]-ti-qu-su-nu. 3 4 6 . 57—62 Do not be 10 negligent. "lord(s) o f t h e c i t i e s . O n ussiru in line 4 5 as p l u r a l o f " m a j e s t y . [il-qe']: cf. b u t s i n g u l a r . according to the rule of m o d a l sequence. Send ar[chers that they may ta]ke the land of [Amurru]. 1 0 1 4 ) . .THE AMARNA LETTERS send a garrison. with Knudtzon (yi-il-ti-qu. I am afrai[d] for my life. also EA 1 0 9 : 1 7 . [ U R .r i ] : cf. T h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f bel alani. 3. p. P. a n d a l s o . it w o u l d s e e m . 1591. 9 1 : 1 6 . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. g a b .t ] a . . 6 2 [u]r-ra mu-sa p [ a . 8 6 : 3 5 ? . NOTES 1.[ t i ] : cf. 11. 35 Iff. EA 1 1 4 : 1 4 . EA 8 5 : 9 ? . p .[ b u sa] 55 h [ a ] r . ti-[il-qu] or ti-\tl-ti-qu\. I c o u l d n o t see t r a c e s c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o K n u d t - zon's [ l a . 45. p . 54 . r n 9. P r o b a b l y r o o m o n l y for u. G A Z . 4 1 4 ) seems excluded. 94:11.KU].l i a .. [And] al[l] messen­ 9 g e r s that] were b[ou]nd have been relelased]. VS 11. EA 91:39-41. EA 91 A plea for a payoff T E X T : VAT 931. followed by Rainey. 45. .1 4 5 3 ) - 6. T h e r e a d i n g yi-i[s~]-mi at t h e e n d o f line 4 4 ( Y o u n g b l o o d . . e s p . less likely in a c o n t e x t s p e a k i n g o f m a n y c i t i e s .

[and] my own [me]n have become hostile. He has taken [al]l my cities. my lord. 4 .? [ .t a .m i a . [and it will be] joined [to the Apiru}. 14—23 He has attacked me (and) my orchards.& * : cf. [May] you pay a thousand (shekels of) silver and 1 0 0 (shekels of) 4 gold. and i]f there are no [archers] and auxiliary force. i b i d . .n a L U . yi-ll-qu (line 4) a n d yi-il-qa (line 6). . EA 1 3 3 : 2 .m i a .a n . "Why do you [do noth]ing?" (Then B[it]-ar#G*] was taken. but my words go unheeded. EA 91 [Rib-Hadda says to] h[is] lord: I fall [at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times.n u x x (x)} a-na U R U gub-la 36 [ii a . [then there will be no c . ] .3 6 [Mojreover.t [ a a . so that he 3 strives to take Gubla. H e l c k . yi-"da"'-ni-en: f o l l o w i n g G r e e n b e r g . a n d therefore L U . .n ] a K U R . sab ( K n u d t z o n ) is c e r t a i n l y w r o n g .m ] a ia-nu 341ERIN. .n a ia-si ii s u m . M E 5 .t i ] u til-la-ta 35 [ u i a . Free r e s t o r a t i o n : 33 { s i . [listen to me. c 1 so that the Apiru dog tak[es you]r cities?" 6—13 [When] he took Sumur.t a .) [Wh]en he saw [that] there was no one [t]hat said anything 2 [to h]im about Sumur.4 9 [And may] the king. 38).s ] a 4ifa-na a-sf E R I N . Moreover. . 3 1 . t h e n u m b e r s h a r d l y refer to m i n a s ( K n u d t z o n . . Gubla alone remains [t]o me. [ .r a ii m u . 5. / wrote to you. t h o u g h t h e s i g n s e e m s a l i t t l e l a r g e r t h a n da. . 02/'-[li-ik a t ] .n a ia-si ii us]-si-ra ERIN. NOTES 1 . 384). [I wr]ote to you. Beziehungen. give [thought your]se[lf i]o your lands.m a i . 36—41 O king. G A Z . and s]end ar[chers t]o take the land of Amurru. What can I [d]o by myself? I go on writing like this for archers and an auxiliary force. 6.n a ] pa-nu ka-li 4 0 [ u r . 4 2 .the Apiru [t]o attack me.ME5 38 [ p f . . ] for Gubla. so he will go away [fr]om me. G A Z . 3 . his intentions were re[in]forced. are s i n g u l a r . [listen to me. p. . . M E 5 pi-t\i-ti. M E 5 . 23—30 I have c just heard (that) he has gathered together [ajll. M E 5 is a l s o s i n g u l a r ( K n u d t z o n . [Now 6 indeed] everyone aw[aits day and nigh]t [the coming forth of the arch]ers. M E 5 ti-nii-ip-su LUGAL 37 [ s i . T h e forms o f t h e v e r b . pp. 2 . . am-ma-qu-ut: c o n t a m i n a t i o n b y ammassah ( l i n e 16)? T h e g r a m m a r of l i n e 14 is o b s c u r e . U n l e s s e m p h a s i s is i n t e n d e d t h r o u g h g r o s s e x a g g e r a t i o n .t i ii t]i-il-qe K U R a-mur-\r\i 39 [ a . 165 . ] . "W}by have you sat idly by [and] done nothing. 382.MES p i . I have been plundered of my [grain].n u . Hablpiru. G r e e n b e r g . and he strives to take it.n a .

. and I sent my tablet and [m]y [messenger] to the king.» « : sulma Idlulsa'alu as in EA 9 6 : 5 6 . my lord. Rib-Hadda says to the king. to the king of Sidon. 166 . VS 1 1 . . [my] S[un]. he has [n]ow mo[ved] up$ against me. my lord. and they [have] not s[en]t 7 8 their messenger(s) to gre[et] us. 3 7 ) . [m]y [Sun]. .r i . 2 9 . . Amarna Correspondence.[ i } a : cf. 1 2 [. he would [no]t have taken up residence in them. but the k[ing] paid no attention to the words of my tablet and [my] me[ssenger]. pp. . EA 8 1 : 4 6 . 370. and he heard that there was noth­ ing (with him). ] .5 7 . mi-ia^-mi: f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. . If he had made inquiry .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 92 Some help from the Pharaoh T E X T : VAT 868.H a d d a a l l u d e s t o t h i s o r d e r in line 3 9 . [sa]ying. my lord. 46. p. . a-na sa-al J [ u ] l . 8.4 8 Moreover.» z i : i f t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g .. 4 8 . [in regard to] my c c cities that Abdi-Asrati had taken. [ u ] m . "Rib-Hadda will be writing to you for an 6 auxiliary force.]. I wrote to them for help. that [they 12 13 4 should s]end soldiers of an expeditionary force . 7 times and 7 times. . 4. it was a gracious deed of the king. May the Lady of Gub[la] g[rant powe]r to the king. Since there was no auxiliary force that [cam]e out to me. but they have [no]t come.. A[n]d now an evil war has been waged against [me]. t G A ] (fab) $8elTya. Abdi-Asrati hea[rd] that my man had arrived from the king. my lord. the Sun of [all countries]: I fall at the feet of my lord. 17- r . [and so] I sent my messenger. i . 4 1 . who is he. " ' Thispl[eased] me. c 7 . Amarna Correspondence. and all of [y]ou are to g o .m a " . 5. D U G . « r 3.2 9 . C O P I E S : WA 50.1 5 [Moreov]er. . ii: s i g n e x t e n d e d b e c a u s e o f c o n t i n u a t i o n o n e d g e . 360ff. . So what am [I t]o do? s e n t m 16-24 I y messenger to the king. R i b . r . his lord. ii a t-[la]-ku gdb-bu-[k]u-nu. Reference to Abdi-Asirta's occupation of cities? 2. 4 6 : [al-Uu-wi. that he 9 10 [has taken] the men to[gether wi]th the oxen with th[em]? What did he give for t[h]em? As the three of us are brothers." May it seem right in the sight of the king. my lord. 9 7 : 3 . 7 . VS 11.[ m i } . that the king [wr]ote to the king of Beirut. 8 8 : 1 4 . Abdi-A[srati . . 2 5 .4 0 And what could I say? Moreover. ' NOTES . c 1. [m]y lord. . 6.e r . it w o u l d reflect E g y p t i a n u s a g e (EA 1 : 2 6 . and to 4 the king of T[y]re.

see Y o u n g b l o o d . 13. [then] he will be strong forever. L i n e s 5 2 . [a-mur a}-ta-sa-al: following Youngblood. 9 1 : 1 9 . 4 2 4 ) . p . pp. 2. Do not the [com]missioners lo[ng 4 forY> the coming out of the archers? He is stronger than the king! 1 9 . M [ E § ] />-?/'-s{u-nu]: adi. O n e e x p e c t s "the f o u r o f u s . [I]f this year there are no archers. VS 11. Things are [n]ot as they were previ­ ously. T h e s i n g u l a r i n j u n c t i v e is i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e "indicative" m a r k e r . 3 7 6 . B A D .{ q e ] : cf.2 8 Moreover.b [ a . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood.u . EA 93 An angry vassal T E X T : VAT 1663. EA 8 2 : 4 3 . K A S K A L + ?: see EA 109. see K n u d t z o n ' s n o t e . n." 8-18 You are always writing [li]ke this to 2 me! Listen to me. Tell the king to give you 300 men so we can visit the city and regain (it) [for the king}. p. I] was distressed :' na-aq-sa-ap-ti (angry) [a}t your words. R e a d [tu-wd]-si-r[u). 1 ) .MES K A L . " Cf. Amarna Correspondence. / 7 . if we are able to [se]ize Batrun[a] fo]r you. m y l o r d . All. P e r h a p s t h i s is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as a q u o t a t i o n c i t i n g t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s ' fears. 14. NOTES 1. see a l s o EA 7 4 : 5 6 a n d n. 11. following a private c o m m u n i c a ­ t i o n o f N . n. p . a l s o p o s s i b l e b u t less likely is \lu-wd\-si-r\u\ (see EA 8 4 . n. I fall [at] your [f]eet. 47. 167 . then' the c men will abandon Abdi-Asirta. 3. . tf-fdi] G U D . O n t h e c o n f u s i o n in lines 1 8 . 1 6 . d o e s n o t s e n d t r o o p s . 1 3 . t i . P e r h a p s "to visit" (dagalu. l i n e 1 7 a n d EA 8 8 : 1 4 . 5. C O P I E S : WA 55. 375. see EA 8 2 . 10. 6. 8 3 : 4 6 . " T h e s i g n g i v e s e v i d e n c e o f h e s i t a t i o n or c o r r e c t i o n . N a ' a m a n . 49. a n d therefore t h e f o r m is p l u r a l . I w i l l a b a n d o n t h e c i t y o f m y l o r d . . "to l o o k at") is u s e d t o s u g g e s t t h a t a m e r e s h o w o f p o w e r w i l l suffice t o r e g a i n B a t r u n a .n a ] : ti is q u i t e p r o b a b l e . ERIN. ' .2 1 o f sanTta a n d u. "I am [on my] way to y[o]u. 10. 12. 4. [To Am]anappa: [Message of R]ib-Hadda. 372fF. EA 93 9. On [ul}-ta-sa-as (CAD. [Look.5 5 : p e r h a p s "If t h e k i n g .

I do not speak any treacherous word to the king. EA 108:1. "kettle"? 7.7 8 he has 6 brought them water. M E S G A Z : r e a d i n g v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n . his] lord.1 8 Why has my lord not heeded the word of his servant? My lord should know that there is no evil in the words of his servant. 2 9 { i 9 6 0 ] p . Treacherous men say [trea}cherous [things] t[o the king]. my l[ord}. and he is the one who has given them provisions. cf. . my lord. slightly aberrant." Who would ad­ vise. has examined the words and has heard$ the words! I said to the 4 c king. L U . and so may the king give thought (to) his servant.5 8 [ . R 2. C O P Y : WA 78. 6 5 . 6. R e f e r e n c e t o a "singer" (ndru) d o e s not s e e m likely. . . 377ff. [ L U G } A L [ K U ] R . the ki[ng. . n. 1 2 . his {god]: I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. The king. 8. 4 . pp. [the kin]g of [all cou]ntries. [ . ] . [i]s'-[t]a-par. . That fellow is [no]t to make a raid. " t r e a c h e r o u s p e r s o n " (cf. 3. . r 4. NOTES 1. c 7 Since I am the one who checked the Apiru.qf: q u i t e clear a n d as e x p e c t e d (Or n . . my lord. ] 1 9 . He is the one who has given them provisions. ] archers [ . f o r m o f ta.6 4 . "Send archers to take Abdi-Asrata. "He would resist (successfully) the archers of the king. . 1 2 Rib-Hadda [wrijtes to the king. 5. K f : cf. 123:1. see EA 1 4 . p. te-el. my lord. 116:1. 4 6 . K n u d t z o n ' s qu is u n d o u b t e d l y a m i s p r i n t . Cf. . there are hostilities against me. EA 8 4 . n. cf. [Le]t him advise on the spot itself. is-mi ((iG)): p e r h a p s u n e r a s e d b e g i n n i n g of iq-bilbu. 119:1. . K U R . but hardly an at­ c t e m p t t o r e p r o d u c e a f o r m o f sm (VAB 2/2.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 94 Treachery everywhere TEXT: C 4756. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. ] 5 9 . A mi-e: p e r h a p s ame-red ( c l o t h ) s h o u l d not b e r u l e d o u t . 1 ) . n. May the king send his commissioner. 4 ) . t h e p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s c i t e d in n. . G A Z in EA 179:22. EA 96? 168 . Amarna Correspondence. 1592). s . L U na-a-ru ( l i n e 6 0 . 8 {Ear]lier the king ordered {with regard] to the asses that they be g[ive]n to (his loyal] servant [ . . E n d o f line 64: sa-na = Sanna. my lord"? . a l s o 6 3 ? ) . . 1.

O f t h e e i g h t o t h e r o c c u r r e n c e s o f mardsulmarsu in t h e l e t t e r s f r o m B y ­ b l o s . see EA 7 5 . Then return to get the archer[s] later on. 1 5 . a n d several c l e a r l y refer to d i s t r e s s c a u s e d b y e n e m i e s a n d t h e p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n (EA 103:7." May the \kiri\g 2 of Egypt [sen]d me his commissioner that he may take it for him. 76:19. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. "How great is this land! Your land is extensive. 1 2 . yu-wa-s[i-r}a: there is n o r e a s o n t o read -r}u (see c o p y o f V S n . 131:nff. S i n c e they are a l s o r e g u l a r l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p r o t e c t i o n . . . 7 .p f ] . 112:19?.4 3 [Mor]eover. L i n e 4 4 : after S i g a t a .3 3 • • • The king of Mitta[ni] visited the land of Amurru itself. } Abdi-Asirta is very ill A [Wb]o 5 knows. Say [to] the magnate: [MJessage of Rib-Hadda. Amarna Correspondence.. 2 0 0 [men] of Meluhha [ . w h i c h is a c c u r a t e ) . t w o n o t clearly at all (EA 7 5 : 1 8 . pp.. w i t h t h e s i n g l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 1 3 3 : 1 6 ? . 132:56). " 2 7 . May Aman and the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king. 2 . S i n c e N u b i a n t r o o p s . 116:54. t w o c l e a r l y refer t o p h y s i c a l i l l n e s s (EA 137:29. "to d i e . we s h o u l d u n d o u b t e d l y restore 3 9 [x L U . C O P I E S : WA 70.. [Mo]reover. cf. 48. u S . get [. O f t h e four o c c u r r e n c e s o f mur$u.. 9 9 8 ) [y]u b e f o r e ku-us-da in line 1 7 m u s t be a n r r i n c o m p l e t e ii ([S]I + ( L U ) ) . 388ff. 40? 169 . [w]hat .ru-bif-ka. and t\ake\ everything. 49. "I will g e t you i n t o t h e l a n d o f A m u r r u " . "that I / t h e y m a y g u a r d t h e city. or finally with a garrison (EA 1 1 7 : 7 8 ? ? . a n d s t r o n g r e a s o n s a g a i n s t it. 3 4 . 1 3 1 : 2 6 . EA95 EA 95 Men from Meluhha T E X T : VAT 1668. T h e d u b i o u s ( V A B 2 / 1 . 98:11?. see EA 9 2 . VS 11.. . 1 1 6 : 5 8 . OA n [ 1 9 7 2 ] p. too. . " in t h e n e x t line. 1 0 5 ) . mdtu. 2 ) . simply w i t h s o l d i e r s (EA 127:36. when he dies. see P i n t o r e . . come yourself with all speed. n o t o n e clearly refers to p h y s i c a l i l l n e s s . n. c ? EA 71:30?. L i n e 2 0 : u^-sli]. a l w a y s o r a p p e a r in c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h E g y p t i a n s (EA 70:18?. M E 5 ] . 3 2 ) . A b d i . 5. 44—53 • • - NOTES 1. 3 6 2 : 5 9 ) .2 6 [A]s to your wr[it]ing me. p . and he said.]3 (and) c get. Trub. . 3.). e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e it is not clear w h o is t h e s u b j e c t of B A . "he e n t e r e d . . I fall at [your] feet. c T h e r e f o r e . " in l i n e 2 5 . at t h e e n d o f l i n e 4 0 w e s h o u l d p r o b a b l y r e s t o r e s o m e t h i n g l i k e [anassar(a)i'tinassaru did]. 114:50.A s i r t a m a y s i m p l y b e u n d e r severe d i s t r e s s . . n. your lord. p r o b a b l y U R U [ a m . 108:67." 4.

NOTES 1. VS 11. [/ kn]ow that your reputation with the king is fb]ad. 49. [And] at the same time I am writing [t]o the king about you. 12-21 .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 96 The king's asses T E X T : VAT 1238.ing] asses? What pes[til]ence affects asses so that they cannot 2 3 walk? But watch [o#/]! Do the asses belong to the king or not? Proper­ ties of the king are not lost.H a d d a ' s c l a i m i n g that t h e a s s e s a r e u n a b l e t o leave B y b l o s b e c a u s e t h e y c a n no l o n g e r w a l k . ] . or (cf. then look for the king's asses. l i n e 2 1 .s i . EA 97 A bad reputation T E X T : VAT 1598. He is to [r]eply to me by tablet about the whole af[fair]. i-\ti\u-ma (text: G l S ) . w h i c h c c m e n t i o n s A b d i . hulluqu always 170 . May (your per­ sonal) god show concern for you. indeed.a . 9—11 You did 1 [n]ot cause the loss of {the king's lands. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. To Sumu-Hadd[i ( . May 1 (your personal) god show concern for you and your household. ) : Mes]sage of Yappa[h-Hadda]. BASOR 168 (1962) pp. and so you cannot leave Egypt." 1 2 . . As to your saying. C O P I E S : WA 183. . 50.. 6. VS 11.u r ] : s e e EA 87.. 3. .i r . my son: Message of the general. ta-la-ku-[na]: the writer seems to anticipate R i b . 2. 24ff.A s i r t a or p e r h a p s "the son o f A b d i . " I n EA. 1 0 [ m a t a t s a r r i ] u '-hal-li-iq n t I R . . NOTE 1 m 1.$ { u .) that they are lost. c Say to Rib-Hadda. lines 2off.t a . your father. Cf.2 7 ' ^ pestilence affectfing] men or one affectf. C O P I E S : WA 82. '•Abdi-AIirta c]aused the loss. If the king is the owner of the asses. "I will not permit men from Sumur to enter my city. their owner seeks them out.A § i r t a . Why do you act so towards servants of the king? 28—33 Send men [t]o guard the city. n. # . There s a is a pestilence in Sumur.

60*. EA 98 Losses from Byblos to Ugarit T E X T : VAT 1675. . ] . . a n d " d e s t r u c t i o n " is n o t n e c e s s a r i l y p h y s i c a l . in v i e w o f t h e w i d e s p r e a d u s e o f purris as s t a t i v e / p e r f e c t in EA. VS 11.. C O P I E S : WA 128. (the ruler of . [ U R U ] ar-w[a-d~). first-class horses. 120. . Why have you been ne­ glectful of Sumur so that all lands from Gubla«to Ugarit have become enemies in the service of Aziru? 1 0 . 7. say to you. NOTES 1. 2.. . 15. your lord. and so what can we ourselves do? Write to the palace about this 2 [mat]ter. A n d t h e s a m e is t r u e o f haldqu w i t h a p l a c e as s u b j e c t . 171 . "This is excellent. Hablpiru. see G r e e n b e r g . Political Disposition. TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. We should probably a l s o a l l o w for lam^ ( L U M ) . He has now [st]ationed ships of Arw[ad}a' {i}n Ampi and in Sigata so grain cannot be brought into Sumur. EA 99 From the Pharaoh to a vassal TEXT: C 4742 (12196). . 2 1 . 6 your lord. He herewith 2 sends this tablet to you. 19—26 Nor are we able to enter Sumur. : ' Thus the king.] . [S]ay [to . silver.a: so a l s o N a ' a m a n . 44.2 0 Prepare your 4 daughter for the king. For his troops and 7 chariots in multitude all goes very well. And so let the king. p ." what you have given as contributions to the king to accompany your daughter. . and prepa(re) the contributions: [2)0 first-class slaves. n. 1 0 . It is good [tha]t you are inf(or)med.' chariots. b u t r a t h e r ( E g y p t i a n ) loss o f p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l . saying to you: Be on your guard. . 5 3 2 . LFM.1 8 Sigata and Ampi are enemies. You are to 3 guard the place of the king where you are. C O P Y : WA 202. lum-{mu)-da-ta: f o l l o w i n g AHw. b u t p e r h a p s b e t t e r -(mi).2 6 And know that the king is hale like the Sun in the sky. p. p. p. EA 98 has a p l a c e as o b j e c t . {S]ay [t}o Yanhamu: Message of Yapah-Hadda.

our lord. n. a n d t h u s : [ a .[ i ] r " ' . a n d t h e t r a n s l a t i o n o f susir a n d tamaratu. s e c t .& ? (EA 3 9 : 7 ) . a n d t h i s r e a d i n g w o u l d leave t h e a d d r e s s e e w i t h o u t i n d i c a t i o n o f his p l a c e o f r e s i d e n c e . M E § . R A . (our) lord. 5. T h e t r a c e s . us-sur lu-u 8 na-sa-ra-ta: see I n t r o d u c t i o n . 146. 5). ina ma-a-du ERIN. 4. w h i c h w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d in t h e letters t o v a s s a l s . a r e e x t r e m e l y f a i n t . the Sun: Message from Irqata. r 2. see P i n t o r e . he said to [u}s. u s-f e-bi-la-ku: f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u . EA 2 3 4 : 1 1 ) . When a tablet from the c king arrived (saying) to ra[id] the land that the A[piru] had taken [from} the king. 5.d a m " ' . our lord. sent £>[VM.u]-Bi-ha-a.. N o t " s i l v e r . Truly we are guarding the l[and]J May the king. 2 0 . b o t h f r o m E g y p t . 6 the man whom you pla[ced} over u s . We shall keep the city gate barred until the breath of the king reaches us. i n d e e d . 11-19 When the [ki]ng. 3 "Message of the king: Guard Irqata!" The sons of the traitor to the 4 king seek our harm.d a ' (cf. Irqata see[ks]5 loyalty to the king. To our lord. know that we guard Irqata for him. p . they wa[ged] war with us against the enemy of our lord. 2 1 . K U R . F o r m u l a i c s h o r t form (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . a n d i n d e c l i n a b l e ma-a-ad (EA 367:i6f. a l s o f r o m E g y p t ) .i a r 1 .MES-^Z (EA 38:5) a n d ma-du A N § E . b o t h f r o m A l a s i a . We fall at the feet of the king. May the breath of the king not depart from us. 6.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1.c o a t e d c h a r i o t s " ( O p p e n h e i m ) . 3. O n t h e g i r l as b e i n g g i v e n in m a r r i a g e . it is n o t c e r t a i n t h a t t h e r e w a s a n y t h i n g i n s c r i b e d o n t h i s "line.3 2 As to [silver] having been given to S{u]baru alfong with} 3 0 horses and cha[riots]. 7 times and 7 times. terribly! 172 . our lord. Matrimonio. RA 19 ( 1 9 2 1 ) p . mad (EA 1:9) a n d p e r h a p s mddu (EA 5:10).a s .n a z ] i . m r r G o r d o n c o n s i d e r e d r e a d i n g line 2 as line 1. This tablet is a tablet from Irqata. Severe is the war against us—terribly. May the 2 heart of the king. W h a t K n u d t z o n read as ma in l i n e i m a y n o t b e a s i g n a t a l l . our lord: Message from 1 Irqata and its el(d)ers. To the king. 4. EA 100 The city of Irqata to the king TEXT: BM 29825. 3 3 ." O n t h i s h y p o t h e s i s .D a n g i n . si-ia-tu ba-an-til: as in EA 369:21. s e c t . heed the words of his loyal servants. C O P Y : BB 42. ma-a-du ( l i n e 26. however. 100. P H O T O G R A P H : BB.4 4 May he grant a gift to his servant(s) so our enemies will see this 8 9 and eat dirt. a n d r e g u l a r l y in b o t h l o n g a n d s h o r t f o r m s ) is p r o b a b l y n o t a p r e d i c a t e . may you know the mind of Irqata. 7. cf. pi.

O n t h e "breath" (sdru) o f t h e k i n g . as o c c a s i o n a l l y e l s e w h e r e (EA 84:21. 137:30?. " fairly c o m m o n in EA).a t ] (sahdfu. ) . T h e k i n g ' s o r d e r t o g u a r d t h e c i t y w a s s t a n d a r d in l e t t e r s t o v a s s a l s ( I n t r o d u c t i o n . sitkunu elilmuhhi.). T h e w r i t e r s d e f e n d t h e m s e l v e s by p o i n t i n g o u t t h a t M i t t a n i h a d c o o p e r ­ c a t e d in t h e w a r a g a i n s t "Abdi-AiSirta a n d his A p i r u f o l l o w e r s . see EA 1 0 1 : 3 0 ) . " p e r h a p s K [ I ] (alru). 8. which K n u d t z o n restores h e r e . 6. 5 ) . " f e m . "to s e e k s o m e o n e . H e b r e w ru^h. however. cf. "place". t h o u g h an a n o m a l o u s f o r m . t h e influence of the West S e m i t i c s u b s t r a t u m is p r o b a b l y t o b e seen in t h e f e m i n i n e g e n d e r a g r e e m e n t (EA 1 0 0 : 3 7 . m e a n s o n l y "to w r i t e a b o u t " . we s h o u l d not e x c l u d e tuba"una N U . 9. 144:18. EA 100 NOTES 1. t h e n t h e a t t a c k on A m u r r u m a y have c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e c a p t u r e o f "Abdi- A s i r t a ( c f . 173 . "To eat d i r t " m e a n s "to b e d e f e a t e d " (CAD. M o r e o v e r . 4 ) . si-b(u)-ti-si: f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t . Tde p r o b a b l y h a s t h e force o f a p r e c a t i v e ." T h i s yields better parallelism. The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dynasty XVIII (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . w h e r e 111 Tde is so c o m m o n . " l a n d . H7:24ff. All. L i n e 2 7 : L U G A L . " b r e a t h . etc. t h e w r i t e r s here have j u s t a s s u r e d t h e k i n g t h a t they a r e g u a r d i n g t h e city. 1 4 0 : 1 0 ) . see e s p . t h e g i f t s were o n l y r i g h t a n d p r o p e r .). s i n c e t h i s l e t t e r has t h e s a m e v e r b a l s y s t e m as t h e Byblos letters. 1 3 9 : 1 5 . uT-sa-ru-mi. ( b u t ) I r q a t a is i n t e n t u p o n loyalty. I n s t e a d o f K [ U R ] (mdta). 2. the f r e q u e n t e x p r e s s i o n alar larri la ittTka nasdru. w h i c h t h e i r actions prove. s e c t . p. t h e y are i n t e n t u p o n war. m u s t b e t h e i m p e r a t i v e o f nasdru. a n d a l s o t h e s a m e u s e o f t h e s y n o n y m o u s fehu in t h e l e t t e r s o f A b i .t u ] .[ h a .. 1 4 3 — 4 5 . ifapdru elilmuhhi. L i n e 2 9 : "our l o r d " is n o t t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g . w h i c h is his m e s s a g e a n d g i v e s life t o his v a s s a l . 2 9 7 : 1 8 . EA 1 2 5 : 3 8 .MES GfAZ i s . I n o t h e r w o r d s . I f m y u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h i s p a s s a g e is at all c o r r e c t . cf. 2 3 . F o r bu"u. EA 1 4 1 . ti-el-ta-\kdn-(lu)"\ (in EA. n. t h e very o n e s r e s p o n ­ s i b l e for k i l l i n g their o w n k i n g w h o m t h e P h a r a o h h a d p l a c e d over t h e m (cf. " in t h e s e n s e o f s e e k i n g his h a r m . "to r a i d . P e r h a p s . r 3.5 5 ) . tu-b[a-u]. 7. 1 4 1 : 1 5 . see L o r t o n . b u t t h e I r q a t a k i n g w h o h a d b e e n k i l l e d . a n d they g o on t o a s s e r t t h e i r loyalty. R e a d i n g s : L i n e 2 5 : ana / ^ . A t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f a letter. "in t h e k i n g ' s r e g a r d . w h o h a d l e a r n e d o f t h e city's g i v i n g g i f t s t o M i t t a n i . 106:47. cf. O n t h e E g y p t i a n b a c k g r o u n d . p p . 1 3 6 ( 6 T h o u g h t h e c o n c e p t i o n as it a p p e a r s in EA is u n d o u b t e d l y o f E g y p t i a n o r i g i n . JNES 5 (1946) p. 256). 4.n ( e n o u g h r o o m in 2 6 ? ) . EA 7 5 : 2 6 6 . ( K U R ) . Lines 2 6 6 : LU. 5 . L i n e 2 8 : K [ u ] R is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n .M i l k u (EA 1 4 6 . EA io8:28ff. s a i d o f royal appointments. I u n d e r s t a n d t h i s very difficult p a s s a g e as follows: t h e loyalty o f I r q a t a h a d b e e n q u e s t i o n e d b y t h e k i n g .

s o t h a t t h i s s h o u l d b e r e a d . for they have killed Abdi-Asirta. Seize the ships of the men of Arwada that are with you in Egypt. Political Disposition. a n d therefore I a s s u m e t h a t he is a l s o c r i t i c i z e d h e r e . independently. 7. i b i d . UF 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p . N a ' a m a n . 10. 6 3 * . 1 3 8 : 1 3 8 . 9 4 . F o r a n o t h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e lines ("if/when t h e s h i p s o f t h e a r m y d o n o t enter . 3 3 . P e r h a p s H a y a is here a b s o l v e d o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . " [ . yf. a n d K n u d t z o n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n (VAB 2 / 1 . 4 5 4 ? . t h e n they w i l l k i l l . p p . 245. s .2 5 Moreover. na-ad-na (EA 89:16).1 8 Moreover. If we [do] not {give] (it) to the land of 7 Amurru. NOTES 1 . mtnu. If.. so also. " ) a n d i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s . 1. and W i l h e l m . n o t e s c a n d e) is e x a c t . . T h e l a s t s i g n c o u l d n o t p o s s i b l y b e {t\a.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 101 c The death of Abdi-Asirta TEXT: BM 29827. 2 5 1 . . 2 . 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p .4 since they had no wool and he had no garments of lapis lazuli or MAR-stone color : bu-bu-mar(?) to give as tribute? to the land of Mittana. why is there war {against] the king? Is it not Haya? {No]w. ] . see Eretz Israel 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . H a y a is c r i t i c i z e d for t h e a d v i c e he g i v e s t h e k i n g . "why. 1 1 . 6 though Haya [s]ays. . S e e n. n. 8. Political Disposition. see A l t m a n ." 2 5 . I u n d e r s t a n d t h e t h r u s t o f lines i8ff. m 9. however. n. T h i s is t h e s e c o n d o f a t w o .t a b l e t letter. T h e r e a d i n g lK-a-(si)-ir-{t\a (Or n . a n d very p r o b a b l y b y R i b . as t h e s p a c e is m u c h t o o s m a l l . / / a servant seize a bo{a]t. 1 5 8 . 6 3 * . 4. let him give it to you. . 4. p .H a d d a . they are now with you. . n. cf. U N : see RA 69 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . a n d o f 174 . l i k e EA 1 1 3 .a d . 1 9 . G U . not they! 3 2 . UF 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p p . the ships of the army are not to enter the land of Amurru.n u ] m'-nu: for t h e f o r m . r 6. . p . A l t m a n . 1 8 . 5. for they have c killed Abdi-Asirta. 1 2 3 Moreover. . It was the king that placed him over them. . Be informed of the affairs of your loyal servant. 6 9 ? It is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y a d d r e s s e d t o t h e k i n g . C O P Y : BB 44. 3) is q u i t e w r o n g ." as in EA 1 2 6 : 1 4 . 3.3 1 to whom do these cities belong? Is it not to the king? Put a man in each city and let him not allow a ship c 8 from the land of Amurru (to enter). " N o t ( b e c a u s e o f ) H a y a " ( N a ' a m a n . whose ships have attacked me? Is it not the men of Arwada? Indeed. then {the men] of Tyre and the men of Sidon and the men of Beirut will furnish (it). . 3 3 ) . [U]RU sur-rz: f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n . ZA 6 3 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . 8. 1 1 . p .3 8 Let the king tell the 3 cities and the ships of the army not to go to the land of 9 Amurru. n. . [ n a .

K . / am utterly ruined. "you left m e in a n e m p t y h o u s e " ( O l d A s s y r i a n . In t h i s a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g lines ti-di s e e m s b e s t t a k e n as an i n j u n c t i v e . [As soon as you eri]ter~i the city. an e m p t y r u i n " ( A . ] : ' Message of Rib-Hadda. do not [del]ay your arrival. the Sun of all coun­ tries. 2. a-na-yi. . your lord. Moreover. [S]ay [to . [ . T h e a n a l y s i s of talapparta a n d t h e even m o r e difficult ti-ih-ta-ti (line 13) r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n . listen to me. and go in there.) l R (for t h e d e t e r m i n a t i v e w i t h c o m m o n n o u n s . Why did you write? Now you are going to come 3 into an empty house. t h e s i m i l a r u s e o f ba^al in 175 . though informed. EA 102 An empty house TEXT: BM 29806. . note a). i69ff. C O P Y : BB 23.) ^ .a n . Moreover. . 3. t r a n s . UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . A n y A m u r r u s h i p i n t e r c e p t e d is t o b e t u r n e d over t o t h e k i n g . 27). "Go. "I a m d e s o l a t e in an e m p t y [ h o u s e ] " ( T a a n a c h L e t t e r . Berytus 31 [ 1 9 8 3 ] p .1 9 Moreover.[ t ] a (cf.3 8 Moreover. NOTES m 1. Now. p p . 2 8 . no. . c i t e d by AEM 1 / 1 . you know that. you have 2 delayed coming out. H e b r e w '"niyyd). G l o c k . 60. 20—28 Now Ampi is at war with me. u sabdt (for t h e use o f t h e i n f i n i t i v e .. my lord. } . 8 . Do not be afraid. see B o h l . I am afraid. 9f. EA 102 c o u r s e we m a y not a s s u m e a w r i t i n g o f t h e n a m e w i t h o n e s i g n o m i t t e d a n d an u n p a r a l l e l e d [t]ay Very tentatively." know that the war against me is very severe and I have been unable to go. A n " e m p t y h o u s e " s e e m s to have been a p o p u l a r i m a g e o f d e s t i t u t i o n a n d d e s o l a t i o n : cf. because of the situation. "I have e n t e r e d an e m p t y h o u s e . p . 20). o f A l b e r t E . I fall at your feet. Know that all are traitors. B a l k a n . Everything is gone. May the Lady of Gubla. . 5. Go] in. and accord­ ingly I am unable to go. see R a i n e y .n i . Perhaps addressed to [ i a . n. 4. establish your honor in the presence of the king. 2:6. the goddess of the king. see JCS 4 m [ 1 9 5 0 ] p p . n. [and send] archers [to capture the city of the king]. 234.h a ] . 8 1 8 . Letter of King Anum-hirbi of Mama to King Warshama of Kanish ( A n k a r a . Hasten your arrival with all speed. . Cf. T h e p r o p e r t y o w n e r s ( a l s o EA 1 3 8 : 4 9 ) . Know that they are traitors. and you must not inquire about me from my enemies. 5 EA 2 4 5 : 2 8 . stay in Sumur until I arrive.m [ i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) . Know t(hat) the magnate and the 5 c lords of the city are at peace with the sons of Abdi-Asirta. EA 316:166°. Sprache. your 6 [lord. 2 5 7 L T h e s a m e letter is referred to in lines 146°. no. 4 as to your writing me. it is from there that you must write [me]. 1 9 5 7 ) . 16.

p . we will take all the lands for the king. . heed the [wjords of his loyal servant. VAB 2 / 2 . may the king. expel the traitors from his land. 2 5 6 . 40—49 may it seem right in the s[igh}t of the lord. the Sun. the Sun of all countries. 5. my lord. I left Gubla. 7. EA 103 Critical days for Sumur T E X T : VAT 1208. "were n o t w i t h m e . 7 times and 7 times. "the lords o f H a l b a . e . 1 4 3 ) . " i . 1 §umur and Irqata remain to the magnate. and the entire country is theirs. " a n d therefore EA 1 0 3 w o u l d have b e e n w r i t t e n f r o m t h e r e . and give me 20 pairs of horses. NOTES 1. see EA 1 1 4 . T h e s i e g e o f S u m u r . and send an auxiliary force with all speed to Sumur in order to guard it. P r o b a b l y ma-ar-sa-(at): f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . your servant. As the entire garrison has fled from Sumur. n. 2 . my lord. [xx ir]-ba-ta: t h e w o r d order. I fall at the feet of my lord. heed the words of his loyal servant. But if arch[ers] are on hand. [S]end an 1 auxiliary force with all speed to §umur in order to guard [ijt [un]til the arrival of the archers of the king. 3. C O P Y : WA 77. 3 0 . " Ugar. then there will not be a city remaining to you. They have occupied the land of Amurru. h a d a p p a r e n t l y n o t yet b e g u n . P e r h a p s "I a m n o w in $ u m u r . 2 5 2 6 6. s t r e s s e s where the letter should be written. My situation is very difficult. my Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda. UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . my lord.3 9 May the king. heed the words of his loyal servant. 5 0 . 5 . 7. w i t h t h e a d v e r b i a l p h r a s e f r o n t e d . 52. n. w h i c h b e g i n s t o b e m e n t i o n e d in EA 1 0 4 . 2 0 . Free restoration. 1. VS 11. May the king. the Sun.5 7 and few people are still in the city. [T}o the king. 176 . but 2 Zimredda and Yapah-Hadda were no[t wi]th me. ia-[nu]. If you do not ((not)) se(n)d archers. IEJ 16 (1966) p p . see R e v i v . Whatever is left of the garrison is in 3 difficulty. my Sun.THE AMARNA LETTERS c H e b r e w a n d U g a r i t i c (b lbib.2 9 So the [mag]nate keeps writing [t]o them.1 9 May the king. Moreover. The war of the sons of "Abdi-ASirta against me is severe. d i d n o t a s s i s t ? Cf. p . I have now been in $umur because the magnate is in difficulty due to the war. 1 2 0 1 . but they pay n{o} attention to him. Sen(d) a garrison to Sumur and to [I]rqata. my lord.

dlu b e i n g r e g u l a r l y c o n s t r u e d as f e m i n i n e in C a n a a n i t e E A . Ullassa. 2 7 . G r e e n b e r g . They have gone to Ibirta. G r e e n b e r g . E R I N . 3. see RA 6 9 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 1 0 t i m e s first p e r s o n . 796°. p e r h a p s ennepld(line 5 2 ) . C O P Y : WA 60. M E S Bl-la-ti: either B I = ? i / or p r o b a b l y s i m p l y a m i s t a k e for til x ( B E ) . 6—13 May c the king. alkd (line 5 2 ) . "what s h a l l I d o ? . p . they would t[ak]e cities of your mayors. my Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda. 177 . see b e l o w ) . the servant and dog? Are they the king of Kassu or the king of Mittani that they take the land of the king for themselves? Previously. Hablpiru. never t h i r d ( o n EA 1 1 9 : 1 8 . there would be these cit­ c 4 ies with ships. and I would be unable to get out. Ampi. Should they ((they)) hear? that I was entering Sumur. are at war with me. 4 9 . T h e p h r a s e is m o r e p r o b a b l y t h e o b j e c t o f tidukuna. has occupied Ullassa. NOTES 1. b u t c e r t a i n l y A r w a d a is the c i t y in q u e s t i o n .3 9 Now they have driv[en] out your commissioner and have taken his cities for themselves. 38. my lord. 1 8 6 ) . and you did noth­ ing. SeeSSDB. V A B 2 / 2 . What am I to do? I cannot go personally to Sumur. p . If in these circumstances you do nothing. They have taken Ullassa. then they are certainly going to take 1 Sumur and kill the commissioner and the auxiliary force in Sumur. 1 4 0 2 . (2) a t t e s t e d u s a g e . samd-ma. EA 104 EA 104 Ullassa taken TEXT: C 4751 (not collated). t h i r d p l u r a l f e m i n i n e . 2.2 6 So may the king send an auxiliary force to Sumur until the king gives thought to his land. n. " is a s t o c k p h r a s e o f t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s .5 4 They would attack (me). your servant. "they w i l l kill" (so a l s o E b e l i n g . and the sons of Abdi-Asirta in the countryside. A g a i n s t t h e l a t t e r v i e w a r e several c o n s i d e r a t i o n s : (1) t h e a s s u m e d p o s i t i o n o f t h e i n t e r r o g a t i v e p r o n o u n ( u n p a r a l l e l e d in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s ) . Sigata. and an 5 agreement has been made with the "Apiru. 40-48 the cities 2 of Ampi. my lord. 1 4 . f o l l o w e d b y L i v e r a n i . Who are the sons of "Abdi-Asirta. U R U er^-wa-da. Sigata. p. and Gubla would be joined [t]o the "Apiru. 1 6 4 . my Sun 7 times and 7 times. i-pu-Iu-na. so a l s o izzizd ( l i n e 4 9 ) . 1 5 7 . See a l s o Izre'el. the son of Abdi-Asirta. Wahliya. ( 3 ) mtna Tpulunalippusuna. know that Pu-Bahla. AoF 1 { 1 9 7 4 ] p . Erwada. UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p p . "what w i l l t h e a u x i l i a r y forces d o ? " ( K n u d t z o n . Theirs are Ardata. 4. p . Say to the king. I fall at the feet of my lord. Hablpiru. 3 8 ) t h a n t h e s u b j e c t o f i-pu- su-na. All the cities are theirs. a g r e e m e n t w i t h "cities" u n d e r s t o o d . or p e r h a p s s i m p l y a m i s t a k e .

Hablpiru. c Everything belonging to Abdi-Asirta they gave to the [so]ns.2 1 1 se(n)t 3 s[hi]ps to Yanhamu." [. he has accordingly waged war against me. I wro[te repeatedly^ [ . . Look at Sumur! c Like a bird in a trap : ki-lu-bi (cage). "here. are agai[nst it] day and night. E . left Egypt. Now they have taken Ullassa. [but ships] of the people of Arwada were (there) to intercept th[em].. Yapah-Hadda does not let my ships [in]to Yarimuta. for they are the ones that know what 1 is my due concerning [ . p . cf. . p . 7 9 . king of all countries.? May [an]y property of mine in his possession be taken for the king.7 8 . Because my property in his possession is considerable. p . Less likely from the viewpoint o f attested u s a g e . and out they came! Consider the case of the people of Arwada. but there is no [gr]ain for them to eat. When I heard 2 of the ca[ptu}re of Ullassa.. 2 1 6 . 71). Look. EA 105 Sumur under siege T E X T : VAT 1628. 1 4 . and their ships. my Sun. ] . ] . S o CAD.4 5 Let us put the case before Aman-. 53. Great King. the sons of Abdi- Asirta by land. t h o u g h p e r h a p s y i e l d i n g b e t t e r s e n s e . the King of Batt[le}: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. and so now they are strong. en-ni-ip-sa-(at). . in "and (t)here ( t o o ) ( t h e c i t y ) has g o n e over c t o t h e A p i r u " ( G r e e n b e r g . he says. all the c proper(ty) of Abdi-Asirta in their possession was not taken away. pu-u = C a n a a n i t e po. .THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. by an agreement. ] . B o t t e r o . so is Sumur. 7 times and 7 times. 4 4 6 . . VS 11. . } and too[k . they are^ not afraid. but he [r\aide[d .3 3 Accordingly. 2 1 . 3 3 .. . When the archers came out. S e e RA 69 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . Sprache. . that w]e may put the case be[fore them]. I fall at the feet of my lord. and they strive to take Sumur. Yapah-Hadda is at war with me because of [my] property in his possession. . He has wa[ged war agai]nst me. 9 2 ) . 5. . and liVMV-Bi-ha-a and before Yanhamu.. in t h i s p l a c e " ( B o h l . Rib-Hadda says to [his} lord.8 8 [May he s]end [ . and I am unable to go to the aid of Sumur. 1 5 7 . may the king give thought to Sumur. . and let the faithful servant live for the king. They have taken the army ships together with everything belonging to them. . "Rib-[Hadda to\ok [i]t. . 6—13 Moreover. to him. and I cannot send them to Sumur because of the ships of Arwada. a[nd s]o he is against m[e\. p. C O P I E S : WA 51.. 3 8 . Habiru.] 178 . the people of Arwada by sea. The Egyp­ tians that got out of Ullassa are now with me. my lord.

{Let him] move 1 in between the two of them th[at are against it]. 52. 30—40 How can the king say. §[a-ba]t. ina [pa-ni-su-nu]. " 4. and may he send Yanhamu as its commis­ 9 sioner. in my case. may it seem right in the sight of [my] lor[d]. See EA 1 1 8 . e n d : [. " if w i t h K n u d t z o n o n e reads as-[t}a-pa-[ru]. the w e d g e s are very c o m p r e s s e d . I myself am now in distress. Accord­ ingly. I have heard it reported that he is a wise man and (that) everyone loves him. and now its commissioner is dead. mi\-im-mt-ia (cf. Gubla is [from] ancient times the loyal city of my lord. and all its people f[led]. I keep writing to my lord. lines 3 2 . in t h e last s i g n . 1 3 . Yanhamu the parasol-bearer of the king. the kin]g. but they have not been able to capture it. o t h e r w i s e . 3 8 . i. 2 3 . They have been able to raid it. my lord. " R e p e a t e d l y . Look. 8—13 Now as for Sumur. Sumur is now raided up to its city gate. 4 1 . my lord. n. and his loyal servant.2 9 Indeed. 7 5 : 1 7 . J79 . as- [t]a-pa-[ar] (cf. All brothers have des[erted] me. "Why does Rib-Hadda keep sending a tablet to his lord?" 8 Because of the evil that was do[ne] before. and it is severe against me. VS 11.4 9 Moreover. may it seem rig(h)t to my lord. EA 106 NOTES 1. and I am not like Zimredda. L i n e 7 6 .5 I myself can[not get out]. EA 106 Sumur holding out T E X T : VAT 344. C O P I E S : WA 43. 1 3 2 : 1 2 ) .2 2 Moreover. I am not like Yapah-Hadda. 2. EA 7 4 : 4 9 . "Why does Rib-Hadda keep sending a tablet this way 2 to the palace?" He is more distraught^ than his brothers about §umur. 7 times and 7 times. . 3. 4 Look. Great King]. my lord. and especially so noth­ ing like this will be done to me now! Moreover. the Sun of all countries. the war against it is severe. a n d s i m p l y "I w r o t e . 8 1 ) . and I am a footstool for the feet of the king. May my lord [s]end [a commissioner and troop]s with him with al[l 6 speed that he may g]uard it. 1 Rib-Hadda says t[o his lord. There is war against Sumur. the king of all countries: I fall at the feet {of my lord. I was in [Sumur]. . 5. and may he send 2 0 pairs of first-class horses to his servant—there are many men on my side—so that I can march against the enemies of the king. there has been war against me for 5 years.

249. a n i n j u n c t i v e is r e q u i r e d . §. 240. n. see a l s o 2 R a i n e y .THE AMARNA LETTERS Moreover. 7 times and 7 times. Political Disposition. 5. my lord. sect. 1 1 7 3 ." 4. t h o u g h [(u) yi-nd]-sar-n is p o s s i b l e .H a d d a a n e x c e s s i v e l y d i l i g e n t c o r r e s p o n d e n t (see t h e I n t r o ­ duction. M E S ka-ra-[f]i (EA 83:43) and [ E R I N . see 8 4 .D a n g i n . 1 3 . L i n e 2 : . K A L . as my lord is witness. p. " f a n . see G i a n t o . " c a m p .. VAB 2 / 2 . my Sun. t h a t s u r r o u n d § u m u r (EA 104:461?. K o t t s i e p e r . 9 2 . is p r o b a b l y f o r m e d w i t h K A S K A L . . 1 ) . F o r t h e s y n t a x . NOTES 1. The day the troops 10 of my lord's expeditionary force left. 1 0 ) . 10—19 with my mouth I speak words to 180 .ME& K I . L U G A L . I i n t e r p r e t t h e l o g o g r a m s as v a r i a n t s a n d t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f K I . as for all my cities that I have reported on to the king. A O A T . 6. P. [li-ifl-sur-Ii: a s in EA 8 4 : 2 8 (on t h e s c r i b e o f EA 8 4 a n d 1 0 6 .s i ] : t h e d u a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix (BASOR 211 [1973] p p . Following Helck. EA 107 Charioteers but no horses T E X T : VAT 346. karalu. K A S K A L + ? . B A D / K A L x B A D . as in lines 3off. UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p p . M E S k]a-ra-s[u (EA 1 3 4 : 3 9 ) . I . p . 105:116°. cf. Being a loyal servant of the king. s e a a n d l a n d . p . K A S K A L + ? . see a l s o N a ' a m a n .W K U R . "to war.. C O P I E S : WA 41. n. King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. K I in EA 1 2 3 : 3 .t). 6) p r o b a b l y refers t o t h e f o r c e s . 8 0 . 1 9 * . GiR. JNES 5 ( 1 9 4 6 ) p . ma-an-ga: f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u . p . bi-ri-su-ni s[a U G U . I fall at the feet of my lord. p . . \2^S. Great King. the Sun. S t e i n k e l l e r s u g g e s t s K A S x S U D U N (private communication). p . w h o sees here a reflection of E g y p t i a n hbs'w bh(. 5 1 . L U G A L .r i : t h e a p p a r e n t N U N . n. e x p e d i t i o n a r y force".u / n a ] : t h e f o r m is u n a t t e s t e d .M[E§ ? BE-ia LUGAL -r]i. RA 1 9 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p . # . 7. all became enemies. 10. p . a n d he is followed b y AHw. M E S K A L . n. o f a N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c r o o t mgg. a r g u e s in favor. E R I N .). T h e u n i d e n t i f i e d s i g n . 5).[ s u . A l b r i g h t . is a c a r e ­ l e s s l y f o r m e d ri. a n d CAD.. B A D : cf. 3) and K A L . Word Order Variation in the Akkadian of Byblos (see EA 8 8 . g i v e n t h e l i k e l y m e a n ­ ing. 5off. 9. 8. ERIN. 3 . T h e k i n g f o u n d R i b . t o fight. [ B A D ? ] (EA 5 8 . n. T h i s s e e m s t o b e a q u o t a t i o n f r o m a letter o f t h e k i n g . w h i c h w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d . 13). I n a n y c a s e . Rib-Hadda says to (his) lord. E R I N . K U R . king of all countries. B A D . 1 1 1 0 . 3. VS 11. cf. Beziehungen. 55. n. " follows R a n k e in W e b e r . they have not returned. 2. K A S K A L + ? (EA 92. K A L . i-ni-pu-\us\. my lord.b e a r e r .

Seeing that Aziru. appoint as its commis­ 2 sioner someone respected by the kin[g's] mayors. that the sons of Abdi-Asirta do as they please? They have taken the king's horses and chariots. 7 times and 7 times. king of all countries. p. the Sun? I wrote t{o] ((to)) your father. . i 2 5 f f .2 5 In whose lifetime has such a deed been done? False words are now being spoken in the presence of the king. 14. and accordingly.4 8 There is no money to pay for horses. the son of Abdi-Asirta. the Sun. 56. my lord. 3 7 . 1 8 . but I do not have a horse to march against the enemies of the king. Great King. EA 108 the king that are nothing but the truth.2 8 Then if it pleasles] you. a n d cf. and whatever I know or have heard I write to the king. see EA 1 0 8 . Moreover. heed 1 the words of his loyal servant. is in Damascus along with his brothers. that they could res[istY the archers of the king. 2 .1 7 I fall at the feet of my lord. w i t h A l b r i g h t . Beziehungen. and find out about {his] affai[rs]. is it pleasing in the sight of the king. . i 5 5 f . and they have sold into captiv­ 2 3 ity charioteers : /i-x-y(?) and soldiers to ((to)) the land of Su(ba)ru. heed the words of his loyal servant. . I am your loyal servant. EA 108 Unheard-of deeds T E X T : VAT 345. see RA 69 (1975) p p . 1 9 1 8 . cols. 2 9 ^ 3 6 send archers that they might take him. . but fetch Ha'ip to yourself. C O P I E S : WA 42. 2 0 . my lord. 2 5 . I have charioteers {:] jnar-ia-nu-ma. R e a d fukun ina rabisi-Ii D U G U D (kabta) ina . I have not gone to Sumur. NOTES m 1. w i t h its C a n a a n i t e p l u r a l f o r m a t i o n . 2. King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. a l s o EA 129:156 3. 483. May my lord heed c my words. everything is gone so that we might stay alive. may the king. OLZ. ih-ri-pt-{a: E g y p t i a n hry-pdt. VS 11. Moreover. Accordingly. I am afraid. Rib-Hadda writes to his lord. So give me 30 pairs of 3 horses along with chariots. the dogs. If things go as they are now. and he 181 . May the archer-commander stay in Sumur. who is like Baal and 1 c SamaS in the sky.3 3 Wh[o] are they. May the king. Sumur will not stand. my Sun. . 6 . n. examine him. a n d H e l c k . my lord. and the land of the king be at peace. see S c h r o e d e r . T h e s i g n ( s ) a t t h e e n d o f line 4 2 a r e s t i l l u n i d e n t i f i e d . O n t h e g l o s s . my lord. JNES 5 (1946) p.

a n d i 3 2 : i o f f . elilmuhhi). 56. az pdnim. 1 3 2 : 1 6 ? .c . "was c n o t A b d i . 362:20).n i . T h e s t o r m g o d ( p e r h a p s H a d d u r a t h e r t h a n B a a l ) a n d t h e s u n g o d . 2. "they are s t r o n g in their f a c e . I f ni-iq-(bi). NOTES 1. 7. a n d S o l l b e r g e r . p. 7 0 : 2 7 ? .. T h e s a m e l o g o g r a m as EA 1 0 7 : 4 2 . The army furnishes whatever they nefed]. i i 7 : 6 o f f . why do you listen to other men? The king's messengers must bring (news) by night and bring (it) back by night because of the dog. with Rainey.THE AMARNA LETTERS c hefeded] my wor[d}s. the Sun. sfa-su]: perhaps. T h e reading o f the l o g o g r a m as K E S D A a n d t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e g l o s s as i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e s i g n ( § I R . EA 109:40." Truly. lit. 400. ulyaskun 60 lum-ni [ l u m . cf. K A M . p . May the [k]ing he[ed] the words of his servant. 46—58 When I sent 2 messengers to Sumur. I I I A 5 b . O n U D . 5. Inscriptions royales sumeriennes et akkadiennes ( P a r i s . G A (dannu) ina pantsunu. If the king. t h e n t h e e n c l i t i c in K A L A G . K A L A G . ( w i t h and) a n d n 6 : 4 i f . oz pdntm. so SSDB. 8. w a s o f c o u r s e a d i s p l a y o f p o w e r a n d s o m e t h i n g t o b o a s t a b o u t . e . Send me [2)0 men from Meluhha and 20 men from Egypt to guard the city for the king. O n lines 3 4 . Cf. (I am) your loyal se[rvan]t. " reflects C a n a a n i t e i d i o m . they are bold. ti-z[i-zu-na]. see t h e t e x t s c i t e d b y S t u a r t . they 9 will be taken in a day. . 59—69 Moreover. 1 5 7 ^ . respectively) remains unexplained. he^ez 'is rasa* bPpanau. see EA i09:i6fF. we have to{ld) the king.A s i r t a t a k e n to him?" R i b . 79. cf. 3. lumna lumna-ma sakanu in EA i i 3 : i 2 f . my lord. "she a c t s b o l d l y " . i6iff. but I did not give him up. 6. they are stron[g]. Did he not take Abdi- _ Asirta for h[imself]?s 3 4 4 5 Moreover. 10. Because they have 7 taken the horsfes]. and he sent ar[ch]ers. . Qohelet 8 : 1 . (cf. and so they are not afra[id] of the magnate. ) . . since the mayors have not 6 oppotsed] thfem]. " i . Proverbs 7 : 1 3 . c Apiru came from Sumur to take him prisoner. Moreover. and rev[olted? A]nd as for the man of [my] god. 6b. "a w i c k e d m a n 'shows c c s t r o n g ' in h i s face. 2 1 : 2 9 . n. M E 5 as s i n g u l a r . G A (dannu)-me m a t k s direct quotation. t h e g l o s s ( s e c o n d a n d t h i r d s i g n s ni/ i r ? . 182 . 166) are to be rejected. hfezdpanehd. after libbi. see JCS 7 (1953) p.3 8 .b a / m a . they will not prevail.. has he {n}o[t] plotted evils 10 [upon evils a]gainst you. 9. BASOR 211 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . p p .. 1 9 7 1 ) . desires.m a i]-na lib-bi \\S\GVr-ka 61 a pa-[ta- r 1 a r ] « ' L U D I N G I R . "she ' s t r e n g t h e n s ' her f a c e .H a d d a r e t u r n s t o t h i s e v e n t (EA ii7:27f. I retained this man in order to report to the king. T o t a l v i c t o r y in a s i n g l e day. the Sun. w h i c h is a l s o p r o m i s e d in EA 1 0 9 : 1 6 ? .[ i a ] : cf.K u p p e r . . EA 147:14. p o s s i b l y t r a c e s (su?). 4. i38:33f. "They are strong. RLA 5. Because we know that they are 8 strong. ( w i t h U G U . UF 7 (1975) p. Deuteronomy 2 8 : 5 0 .

I am una[ble] to [g]et this man of yours into $[um]ur. they H bound (th)em.5 5 but] now the sons of Abdi-Asirta 11 make men from Egypt prowl about {like do]gs.. 1 5 . 7 times and 7 times. my Sun. . . I fall at the feet of my lord. 57. Accordingly. king of all lands.2 5 {Andso] they have taken [Ull]assa.. in (that) day the king will take them. "[If] the king gives heed for a [d]ay. . I keep saying. only power.3 4 . t]hey sai[d that] I [was your loyal servant]. (But) note well. I am {filrm'i in my resolve. The rans[om price] between 9 us they have set as 50 (shekels of) silver. that I intend for my lord.'3 As all our gods {and the Lady o]f Gubla live. 5 6 . .] a man. ] 3 0 . In times past. and they sold a soldier into captivity in Subaru for their food. The king [. They are the ones who have kid­ 1 0 napped. VS 11. have t[aken] the cities of the king and the [ci]ties of his mayor.6 9 Moreover. c on the side of the sons of Abdi-Asirta. your ancestors did not c deser[t my] ancestors]. 183 .7 (and) they are in pri{son]. COPIES: WA 52. Let them {not] be arrogant towards my lord and {towards] my 14 [li]fe. ] . 4 7 . 3 5 . . and [ .4 6 They go about and [ . the [servan]t and dog. my lord. [Great] King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king." Accordingly. Accordingly. the kings c of Canaan fled bef[ore him. Look. Now the sons of Abdi-Asirta. . They have taken 4 {the treasures of your mayors. Rib-Hadda [says] to his lord. (trjuly {h]e is a 5 man that intends evil fo[r h]is [lord]. And you did nothing [about t]heir [actions] when you heard (of 1 them). your chariots. . For my part. Death would be sweet 12 t[o m]e.' it is power. they are strong. and they intend crime upon cri[me]. ] Yanhamu knows. [And i]f he gives heed for a night. [W]hen Ha[ya and A]manap[pa de]parted fro[m Su]mur. 6—14 whenever the [ki]ng of Mittana was at war with your ancestors. . [but] you have done nothing. All my towns are at war with me. and {they have tak\en the {charioteers]. . . just as they please. They put him in [ . they are the ones that [took] A{rdat]a for themselves. ] : tu-uh-nuQ). I am a loyal servant of the king. The mayors are not just to me. 6 25—29 [Being at war] with me. . EA 109 EA 109 Then and now T E X T : VAT 1629. they seized [ 1 2 men of mine]. . along with the copper {and] his [ . Previously. they are fi{rmp in their [resol}ve. on seeing a man from Egypt. [in (that) n]ight he will 2 take them. [and] the king has no servant like me. and [ . and soldiers.

G ] A (makkiiru): makkiiru is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d in t h e Middle B a b y l o n i a n p e r i p h e r y . AEM 1 / 2 .ME§-i<z]: cf. 3 . 5 . [u U R U ul-l]a-sd. cf. 13. EA 8 5 : 3 9 . 1153b). EA 7 4 : 1 5 . I / J . 3. I n EA 2 9 2 . [ksL-ijSig-a-na-ku. see n o t e k ) . a n i m p r o b a b l y h i g h p r i c e . 15. lumma: see EA 3 5 . T U K U L . [ 1 2 LU. M E § (kakki) da-mi iq-mu- du. 3 9 1 : 5 0 — 5 2 s u g g e s t s h e s i t a n t or e v a s i v e a c t i o n ("tergiverser". & ? . 2 Rainey. A r a n s o m p r i c e o f 5 0 m i n a s ( K n u d t z o n . i f not e n o u g h r o o m . ra-ak-Iu-(lu)-nu. a n d is e x t r e m e l y rare in t h e M i d d l e B a b y l o n i a n w e s t e r n p e r i p h e r y (CAD. 7 ) a n d its u s e e l s e w h e r e as a n asseverative particle. la-ra-qu-ma: i n t e r p r e t e d as C a n a a n i t e p e r f e c t a n d t r a n s l a t e d a c c o r d i n g to context. 6. p. b u t p e r h a p s b e t t e r larraqii-ma. 896). d e l e t i n g reference t o EA 2 0 : 8 0 . 3 . M E § : t h e v e r b m u s t b e ddlu ( a l s o EA 1 1 4 : 6 5 . 9. " in t h e f o l l o w i n g lines. 8 6 . p . a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f M E § in t h e r o u g h l y p a r a l l e l EA 1 1 7 : 6 3 (ina U D .THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. 4 8 4 . p . 2 8 9 : 3 7 . 2 5 6 : 1 0 ? .u ] t : for t h e a s s u m e d liblufu. " n i g h t . a n d p e r h a p s 1 1 0 : 5 4 ) .p e r s o n m a r k e r b y ilti.n u ] : t h e a s s u m e d s y l l a b a r y g (ia ) 8 a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f p a r a l l e l s m a k e t h e s e r e a d i n g s very t e n t a t i v e . apart from the unusually vivid l a n g u a g e . EA 1 1 4 : 8 . EA 2 0 . 93).l i ] : bit kili is well a t t e s t e d in t h e W e s t e r n Periphery.i [ a . P e r h a p s ddlu c o n t r a s t s w i t h t h e p r o p e r o r d e r l y a d v a n c e o f t r o o p s . A O A T . w i t h t h e p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 138:106. 4. 8. T h e m e a n i n g is clearly t r a n s i t i v e . 1188. even i f t h e r a n s o m o f all t w e l v e m e n . 1 7 ) . CAD. or a n o t h e r e x a m p l e o f t h e s p o r a d i c r e p l a c e m e n t o f a / t e . p. n o . p . w o u l d c o m e t o 2 5 0 s h e k e l s a p e r s o n . cf. a n d (4) t h e v e r b is e x t r e m e l y rare a n d t h e s e n s e o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d . 10. 7. see a b o v e . t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f s c r i b a l error b o t h here a n d in EA 1 1 4 (CAD. K A M . cf. L A ( a ) . M E § yilmu Jarru 1 7 [u U D ] . 5 9 b ) is m o s t i m p l a u s i b l e . favor t a k i n g the l o g o g r a m as s i n g u l a r a n d another e x a m p l e of otiose M E § . D . a n d t h e n in a l i t e r a r y t e x t (EA 3 5 9 : 4 . n o t e b ) . 14. K ] A M . 5 0 s h e k e l s p e r p e r s o n . 184 . T I (liblut). 11. (2) kakku is a t t e s t e d o n l y o n c e in EA. i s 12. damiq mutu a-{na. l i s t s u n d e r kakku t h r e e o c c u r r e n c e s . [ l a tYi-if-mu-bUy t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f hu^ is difficult. p . K U . ( 3 ) t h e v a l u e du is n o t e x p e c t e d in t h e B y b l o s s y l l a b a r y . n. a n d therefore w e m u s t a s s u m e e i t h e r a c o n f u s i o n o f t h e G a n d D c o n j u g a t i o n s . n. p . libluf sarru. S e e n. EA 9 1 . a n d in l i n e 2 3 . a n d u n d e r be/ kakki t h r e e o c c u r r e n c e s a t A l a l a h . "they are thieves" (AHw. t h e n p r o b a b l y t h e n u m b e r was o m i t t e d . 2. p l u s its u s e a s a S u m e r o . "to a c t i n d e p e n d e n t l y ( P ) " (AHw.A k k a d o g r a m a t B o - g h a z k o y ) . K A M ) . T h e r e f o r e . cf. T h e p a r a l l e l i s m w i t h t h e s i n g u l a r musa. 1 0 0 s h e k e l s are c o n s i d e r e d o u t r a g e o u s l y h i g h . 1 7 2 ) . adi introducing t h e o b j e c t o f a n o a t h in EA 8 5 : 4 0 . are the following: (1) G l S is t o o s m a l l a s i g n for t h e s p a c e (as K n u d t z o n a l r e a d y n o t e d in VAB 2 / 1 . t h e O l d A s s y r i a n m e a n i n g o f t h e v e r b . M E § yi-il-ti- qu-Iu-nu.d [ i s u . it is a n a c t i o n t y p i c a l o f d o g s (see t h e d i c t i o n a r i e s ) . ia]-i7: a g a i n s t [ 8 } . 1 6 [lum-ma U D . E [ k i . w h i c h w o u l d a l s o fit here a n d in EA 1 1 4 . "they l a i d h o l d o f w e a p o n s o f b l o o d " (AHw. 53 [ T } I . n. K. on 2 0 : 8 0 . mat mi-if-r[i ki-ma] 4 9 [ U R ] . 4. 8 6 (see n. [ N f G . for (a)di.

. . VS 11. references t o A z i r u . L e t t e r to t h e k i n g . 22 i[r-ru]-bu: p e r h a p s . . [W]hy does he not givfe me] (some of) the royal [property that the ships of the 3 army transport. l i n e 5 4 . ] : cf. . 1 7 . Look. cf. EA 110 EA 110 The army's ships T E X T : VAT 1666. 5. EA 108:39.n [ a . .l u . 58. 2. n. N a ' a m a n . 48. .2 4 [If] this [year] there [are no a]rchers. p r o p o s e s allum ba-li-i\x i i ] . b . L U . [. "provisions. 55-end . L e t t e r t o t h e k i n g . 59. EA 1 0 8 : 3 9 . A t the b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 7 .l t x ..n i ] : so a l s o N a ' a m a n . 23 [ a s ] . * 40 [. members of the ar[my] have 2 en[ter]ed Akka [in] or[der to transport ." 185 . or d o e s t h e Glossenkeil indicate a runover line? tu]. COPIES: WA 64 ( a . NOTES 1. 1 * . EA 111 Army activities T E X T : VAT 1631. " W h y d o e s he not c o m e o u t ? " r . 52 . : ba-lu.s u [ m a ] . a l s o EA 111:23. e . a r 3. 2 . 1 4 . . p . hilihtaabdlu. Political Disposition.5 4 [N]o ship of the [ar]my [is] to lea[ve] Can[aan]. C O P I E S : WA 68. mi]-i-na la-a yu-sii. p .n a ] : cf. then all lands c [will be joined] to "the Api]ru. VS 11.[ .b a .] [nee]ded by the king. EA ioi:3f. balit b e i n g e i t h e r s t a t i v e or a n o u n a n d v a r i a n t o f balafu. . > d below. i b i d . . . 4 8 . Political Disposition. c ) . .. and then]* the mayors a[nd .b a . K U R k i " . M E S mi-I[i u].a h . trans]porP to [Aziru].. NOTES 1. 25-end . 4. ? | > .. w h i c h p r o b a b l y b e g a n b y r e c a l l i n g h o w often R i b - H a d d a h a d w r i t t e n in v a i n for a g a r r i s o n a n d t h e n r e n e w i n g t h e r e q u e s t . [tu-bo]-lu-na. .: ba-lu? 2.. f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n . .

I n EA 125:116°. . t o t h e a b s e n c e o f m a n p o w e r . my Sun. Rib-[Hadda says t]o his lord. a n d finally b a c k t o t h e n e e d o f t h e t h r e e m e n . "Get Haya into Sumur. . 1 6 . t h e n t h e q u e s t i o n t o t h e k i n g ' s o r d e r t o g u a r d h i m s e l f .2 8 ) . VS 11. then I will survive to serve the king.2 4 [But i]f the [ki]ng does not [gu]ard me. 5 7 . tstu manni is r e p l a c e d by kl. " f r o m . Truly it was by night that he got (him) into ((into)) Sumur. with all speed. now there are n[o provisions from the king. But [lo]ok. I[f ] the king wants his servant and his city to survive. I have nothing with which to acquire horses. Why does the king.5 9 • • • NOTES 1.H a d d a shifts i m m e d i a t e l y from the q u e s t i o n o f from w h o m or w i t h w h o m t o g u a r d h i m s e l f . h e r e "from w h o m " m a k e s l i t t l e s e n s e . Everything of] mine [is gon]e through being sol[d i]n the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep me alive. I n EA 1 2 6 : 3 3 . t h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m the k i n g ' s c o m m a n d t o t h e a b s e n c e o f m a n p o w e r . 5 0 . 2 my lord. write to me.5 6 Previously. my lord. Cf. " T h o u g h istu. 186 . t h e r e f o r e .. t a k e t h e q u e s t i o n " W i t h m y e n e m i e s .H a d d a ' s l e t t e r s from w h o m o r w h a t he m u s t p r o t e c t h i m s e l f a n d t h e k i n g ' s city. in g e n e r a l . [and there is no garri]son [at my disposal]. n o t e t h e s e q u e n c e : t h e n e e d o f t h e t h r e e m e n t o g u a r d t h e c i t y ( l i n e s 2 3 . 7 times and 7 times.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 112 Questions for the king T E X T : VAT 1664. 9 . who will guard me? If» the king sends men from Egypt and Meluhha. In EA 1 2 3 : 3 1 ." W e m u s t . C O P I E S : WA 57. ki[ng of all lands]. Great [K]ing: [I] fall at the feet of [my] lord. then send a [g]arrison to guard your city and your servant until the king is (really) concerned for his lands. t h i s is n o t t r u e in p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s . 25—39 [No]te well. R i b . w h i c h d o n o t refer t o t h e e n e m i e s a n d peasantry.1 5 "Guard! Be on your guard!" With 1 what shall I guard? With my enemies. "how. [then I will survi]ve. It is q u i t e clear. a l s o in EA 119:96°. ask Haya. or with my peasantry? Who would guard me? If the king guards his servant. and horses in the charge of this man of mine." I paid 1 3 (shekels of) silver and a pair of mantles as the c 4 hire? of the Apiru when he brou(gh)t the tablet into Sumur. a n d 122:106°.5 0 Thus was it pleasing in the si[ght] of the king when you wrote to [your ser]vant. O r " w i t h w h o m . Look. . here y i e l d s g o o d s e n s e . "with w h o m " o b v i ­ o u s l y m a k e s b e t t e r s e n s e . and we could pay the hi(r)e of a man whom we sent. f r o m R i b . sends his archers. 4 0 . and brings peace to his lands. " rather t h a n t h e m u c h rarer e q u i v a l e n t o f / / / / . provisions from the king were at [m]y disposal. 61. a g a i n .

2 8 . summa: see EA 3 5 . 39. . So may the [k]ing be concerned] about Amanmassa [so] he sta[ys with me] . m i n a s w o u l d yield a n excessively h i g h f i g u r e . agriitu. C O P Y : WA 63. 4. there will be no one to bring [my tablet] to you.t a b l e t letter. O c c a s i o n a l l y assum m e a n s "from" in EA ( V A B 2 / 2 . Jerusalem Scribe. n. p . b u t t h e k i n g s e e m s likely. 4—10 Inquire from another may[or]. were p r o b a b l y the s a m e t h i n g . 1 2 Moreover. o t h e r w i s e . n. 1 3 8 5 ) . EA 1 0 1 . O n s h e k e l s rather t h a n m i n a s . . [So send] provisions for the cities t[hat have not] turned again[st you]. . Concerning [my] property [that] is in [his] possession 7 [he should inquire of] my [m]en . . . T h e a d d r e s s e e is n o t clear. NOTES 1. May the Sun establish [my] honor in 10 your presence so that you bring peace to [your servant]. G r e e n b e r g . fr]om Rib-Hadda [and] for the c 8 Apiru has [all of it] be[en acquired] but there is no one that [can td]ke anything belonging to him from my [hand]. T h a t R i b . EA 1 1 3 is a t w o . what have I done t[o] Yapah-Hadda that he plo[ts] evil upon evil against m[e}? As he has plundered two of my ships and my 4 sheep and goats so that the amount of my property in his possession is very large. ] . 1. 9. n. 1 6 5 . 6 8 . . and Yapah-Hadda . [and] they are at peace. . 2. 19—28 [Everything] that [is ta]ken from him [may he 6 (the king) take]. . see EA 1 4 5 : 6 . n. may the king [se]nd his commissioner [to de]cide between 5 the two of us. 1 5 . Hablpiru. see EA 1 0 9 . { . 3 . .3 5 Why am [I] not 9 able like my associates to send a man to the palace? Their cities are theirs.H a d d a is h i m s e l f in S u m u r is not clear. [ . 3 . Yapah-Hadda has commit[ted] a crime. 2 . here a g a i n . For] once he goes off. p. w h o s h o u l d p r o b a b l y b e t h o u g h t o f as b e a r i n g a t a b l e t w i t h t h e k i n g ' s o r d e r s . O n istu = itti. G e t t i n g t h e t a b l e t in a n d g e t t i n g H a y a i n . Is he not 3 [always] committing] or plotting a crime? Look.1 8 Moreover. . . and then he will never leave your side.. 36—48 Tell Amanmassa to sta[y] with me so he can brin[g] my tablet to yo[u. Be informed! [What] has the king done to hi[m]? 1 1 . cf. p . EA 113 or w i t h m y p e a s a n t r y ? " as i r o n i c a l . a n d t h i s 187 . EA 113 War and peace TEXT: C 4753. 1 7 0 : 5 . 1 6 6 . even t h o u g h t h e w o r d o r d e r (initial p o s i t i o n ) s t r e s s e s t h e size o f t h e pay.

I assure you. 5 2 ) . 2 6 . I assure you. he has. I did go and I strongly urged the troops to {guard i]t. EA 1 1 6 : 3 4 6 ° . T h e question was probably asked by the addressee. p. n.THE AMARNA LETTERS s e n s e s e e m s t o fit t h e c o n t e x t b e t t e r t h a n " a b o u t . rights. For t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s . 5 Look. n o t e h ) . 1 1 6 : 3 3 . " R i b . t h e n ina bertnu r e p l a c e s ina berTkunT(ci. C o n t r a r y t o K n u d t z o n (VAB 2/1. Beirut. t h e r e is a m p l e r o o m for yi-il or yu-ul at t h e b e g i n n i n g of line 20. then send back word so I can know what action I am to take. N o t "the t w o o f you" (BASOR 2 1 1 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . cf. my lord. and Sidon. 5. 4. but now they have abandoned it.3 4 Look. a l s o EA 3 4 : 3 3 . [king of all countries. my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord. y[i-pu-Iu\.a ] it-ti-[iu yi-sa-al] 23 £a-na L ] U . and the ransom price between us he has set at 50 1 (shekels of) silver. 2 . King of B]attle: May the La[dy o]f [Gu]bla grant power to the king.2 6 and he has. e l s e w h e r e o n t h e t a b l e t t h e s p a c e c o r r e s p o n d s t o t h r e e or f o u r s i g n s . however. M E § .H a d d a says t h a t . [ y u . as required by the parallelism w i t h the indicative yalkunu. T h e u s e here o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n basta naaanu is u n u s u a l .l i ] . 10. [Rib-Hadda says] to [his] lord. Free r e s t o r a t i o n : / / > . n. May the king give thought to his city and his servant. w h o m R i b . C O P Y : BB 13./ < * . B o t h t e r m s s e e m t o i m p l y e q u a l i t y o f r a n k .u l ] . 1 1 7 : 6 7 6 ° . o n i n q u i r y . 1 8 .s u ] 26 [gab-ba]. I am the enemy. W h a t e v e r t h e n t h e e x p l a n a t i o n . [and] 188 . 4 If you are unable to rescue m[e] from my enemies. EA 1 1 7 : 6 4 6 ° . As Yapah-Hadda is now on the side of Aziru against me.2 1 : [ k a . 8.[ p u . my peas(an)try long only to desert. Everyone in the land of Amurru is at peace with them. 494. Great King. my Sun. cf. It was the men whom I sent to Sumur that he has 2 3 seized. "friends" in EA 1 2 6 : 1 6 . In Wahliya are the ships of the rulers of Tyre. N o t e . for this very reason been going to sea to seize my ships.q e ] . He has seized 12 men of mine.H a d d a n o w q u o t e s . t h a t . T h e b e g i n n i n g o f l i n e s 1 9 .q u . 2 . and obligations. Free restoration: 22 { s a . [ y i . 9. any o t h e r ruler will c o n f i r m t h e c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s o f Y a p a h - Hadda. Cf. w h e n t h e l i t i g a n t s are t h r e e . EA 114 Loyalty and its rewards TEXT: BM 29796. w i t h r e g a r d t o . May the king.i l . I (must) keep writing like (th)is to you about Sumur. seized a ship of mine. w h i c h is f o r c e d . S e e EA 5 5 . here c a l l e d "associates" (cf. 7 times and 7 times. 3 .1 7 that Aziru is at war with me. EA 1 0 6 . 6. T h e o t h e r m a y o r s . . know 7 . ) . {kunf} is first p e r s o n d u a l p r o ­ n o m i n a l suffix. 7. EA a r e 120:45).

as are his mayors. u s u a l l y " t h u s . 1 1 9 : 1 0 ? . w i t h i n v e r s i o n o f w o r d o r d e r s t r e s s i n g t h e i d e n ­ t i t y o f t h e m e n w h o were s e i z e d . ( 3 ) anumma .5 9 Look. to whom he gives thought. 1 2 2 : 5 3 ? . for they make a mayor who serves you with 14 loyalty prowl about. 35—43 How often did I send him and he was unable to get into Sumur! They have blocked 9 all the roads against him. m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r v e r b . T h e u n u s u a l a b s e n c e o f c o o r d i n a t i n g c o n j u n c t i o n s a n d c l a u s e . Who will be loyal were I to die? Look.. h a s a t h i r d f e m i n i n e p l u r a l v e r b . i f W a h l i y a w a s not o n t h e c o a s t . give thought to me. kVamma. then send 10 archers to fetch me. 8 9 : 7 . For what reason is your loyal servant so treated? For service to you! 4 4 . anumma not infrequently i n t r o d u c e s c o o r d i n a t e c l a u s e s (EA 7 8 : 1 ? ? . O n "men" in t h e s e n s e o f " r u l e r s . now 1 Yapah-Hadda does not let them go.} . . 3 .has deserted}. Yapah-Hadda is on the side of Aziru.6 9 W{hy are you negligent? ! {The king must} send a garrison {toprotect] yo[ur loya]l {servant. Give thought to your Joyal servant. r a t h e r t h a n ki-ma. 9. n n . 3 5 )'. 4. And {for this reason I keep wr]itingJ I have 8 sent [. the s a m e s u b j e c t . 3 6 2 : 2 1 ! ? ) . m a k e s t h e d i v i s i o n o f c l a u s e s a n d t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e lines q u i t e difficult.m a r k e r s in lines ioff. 9 0 : 1 8 ? ? . S e e EA 1 0 9 . for t h i s r e s u l t s in a c o n s t r u c t i o n w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s ( f e m i n i n e p l u r a l s u b j e c t . 5 . 1 1 8 : 8 . i o 6 : 8 f £ . w h o n o w h o l d s W a h l i y a (EA 104:11). a l o n g w i t h o u r i g n o r a n c e o f t h e l o c a t i o n o f W a h l i y a . my peasantry got provisions from the land of Yarimuta. " s h a d e s over i n t o 189 . For 2 months he has been encamped against me. . 1 0 3 : 2 0 . EA 7 9 : 4 0 ... . ] a messenger of mine time and again. asa). b u t w h e t h e r s h i p s m i g h t a s a r e s u l t b e at p e a c e w i t h t h e p e o p l e o f A m u r r u is n o t clear. 7 3 .. t h e n it c o u l d n o t serve as a p o r t . O f c o u r s e . "ships" [eleppetu]. ki-(a)-ma.. Prefvijously. l i k e t h i s . 2. for t h e f o l l o w i n g reasons: (1) kttna a s a c o n j u n c t i o n o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s (EA 1 2 7 : 3 1 ) . NOTES 1 .5 0 If you are unable to fetch you[r] servant. I 2: 1 2 8 5 : 6 . ( ) anumma never i n t r o d u c e s a s u b o r d i n a t e c l a u s e . P e r h a p s "in W a h l i y a " b e l o n g s w i t h t h i s c l a u s e ." For this reason my situation is extremely grave. 9 1 : 2 7 . la-qa-i\a\. but now. n. O c c a s i o n a l l y . I t a k e t h e r e m a r k o n t h e s h i p s as i n t e n d e d t o s h o w t h e f r i e n d s h i p o f t h e t h r e e cities t o A z i r u . EA 114 6 the garrison {. t h o u g h it m i g h t refer t o a n o t h e r c r i m e . a n d p e r h a p s h e r e . . 5 5 . ask the other Amanmassa if it was not (from) Alasiya that 12 I sent him to you. 8 2 : 7 . . It would be good to be with you. w h e r e a s anumma ki'amma followed b y lapdru. sab(b)at as an e x p l a n a t o r y c l a u s e .7 4 . The ene­ mies of the king are at war with me. cf. 5 9 . That fellow looks with pleasure on the war against me and against Sumur.. " see I n t r o d u c t i o n . the enemies of the king. I take « . I reject K n u d t z o n ' s v e r s i o n . a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h t h e s h i p s o f t h e t h r e e c i t i e s c a p t u r e t h e m e n s e n t to J u m u r . Moreover. 85:66°. . u s u a l l y in t h e i n d i c a t i v e . 5 1 .. in EA 1 0 5 : 2 0 ? . is q u i t e c o m m o n (EA 74:49.

T h e t r a n s l a t i o n o f lines 52f. 60. T h e r e a r e references t o A z i r u . . EA 9 1 : 2 7 . 8 1 ) . b u t h o w or w h y R i b . A m u r r u .l ] a . r e s p e c t i v e l y ) .H a d d a freeing Alasia. E x c e p t for t h e c u r i o u s marsa (EA 1 0 3 : 4 9 ) .. though f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r (tussaru) is a l s o p o s s i b l e .t a p ] . tf-[na] 6 0 [ m i .l ] a . M E § massdru. as R i b . 1 0 3 : 3 7 . . NOTE 1. P e r h a p s "to it" ( $ u m u r ) . 2 7 . a l s o L U . n. M E S as m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r in EA 7 6 : 3 8 ^ . 12. F. Cf. 1 1 7 : 2 4 . 1 1 . a n d p e r h a p s t h e difficulties o f r e s c u i n g S u m u r . Cf..t u ] (cf. 2. History of Cyprus. in c o n t r a s t . T h e r e f o r e . A l e t t e r t o t h e k i n g o f w h i c h 1 4 lines o n t h e o b v e r s e a n d 9 o n t h e r e v e r s e .9 : 5 [. 13. EA 74:62^ 11. "so.n a . S u m u r .t a : t h e s p a c e s e e m s t o o l a r g e t o b e filled b y e i t h e r ba ( [ b a . B o t h sdbu a n d massartu m u s t refer t o t h e same t r o o p s . M E S massartu as s y n o n y m o u s . 4 3 . 10. a n d it c a n o n l y be J . n.H a d d a n o t e s s o o f t e n .r u ] : cf. Cf.THE AMARNA LETTERS t h e i l l a t i v e . " s i n c e a t t h i s t i m e t h e r e w a s n o l o n g e r a g a r r i s o n at B y b l o s . "in t h e s e c i r c u m ­ stances" [ K n u d t z o n ] .b i . In EA 1 2 6 : 2 5 . 4 9 .MES is i m m e d i a t e l y followed *by E R I N . 7 . see EA 1 1 6 . 7. Free restoration: 6 1 [ L U G A L . E R I N . L i n e 3 1 : [ii p a . O n ti-da-lu-na ( l i n e 6 5 ) . M E S ) massartu is in all clear c a s e s c o n s t r u e d adsensum as m a s c u l i n e p l u r a l : cf.a t / t a ) or T I ( T I . EA 1 1 7 : 7 6 6 ° . 1 Too fragmentary for translation. VS 11. 1 ( C a m b r i d g e .t ] i . p e r h a p s [ii e n . Cf. see below. M E S 7 L U . cf. 6. all o f t h e m f r a g m e n t a r y . v o l . C O P I E S : WA 69. t h e a g r e e ­ m e n t w i t h E R I N . by S m i t h in G .R I N . 9. 1 1 2 : 3 4 . 1 9 4 0 ) . EA 7 9 : 3 0 / 1 2 5 : 1 4 (referred t o b y p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix in lines 3 3 / 1 8 . P r o b a b l y a p e r s o n a l n a m e in t h e b r e a k .t a ) . EA io6:i7f.n a i s . 1 0 3 5 2 0 . EA 115 Message lost T E X T : VAT 1630.n i q a . 8. EA 126:25. ( E R I N .. 1 2 6 : 4 0 . w h y " p r o v i s i o n s for the g a r r i ­ s o n . 1 2 4 : 1 2 . 1 1 9 : 1 1 ) . L [ A . 1 3 0 : 3 7 (massartu s u b j e c t . [ k i . M E S (sdbu) u n d e r s t o o d . H i l l . see EA 1 0 9 . t h i s b e i n g t h e case" (cf. B e s i d e s . M E S massartu is p r o b a b l y therefore p l u r a l (tussarund). has R i b . 8 3 : 4 6 6 ° . " G i v e t h o u g h t t o y o u r loyal s e r v a n t . t h e s u b j e c t o f Ttezib ( l i n e 3 0 ) is n o t massartu. 1. L i n e s 5.H a d d a s h o u l d s e n d a n y o n e f r o m or v i a A l a s i a r e m a i n s o b s c u r e . cf.a t .r » : cf. a l s o referred t o by p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix (EA 1 1 7 : 7 9 . 190 . v e r b s in t h e p l u r a l ) . n.n a . t h e s e q u e n c e ezebu- patdru in EA 7 3 : 1 3 ^ . where ERIN. line 5 4 . on 1 1 7 : 5 0 . . a r e p r e s e r v e d . . p .r u yu)-wa-si-ru-na 62 [a-na na-sa-ar 1 R k i . 1 1 8 : 3 4 ^ ) . w h i l e he is u n c o n c e r n e d for t h e loyal Rib-Hadda. t o earlier a n d b e t t e r d a y s ? 14. 49f. EA 103:37). " T h e k i n g is c o n ­ c e r n e d for t h o s e w h o are d i s l o y a l t o h i m . T h e w o r d o r d e r p u t s s t r e s s o n t h e p l a c e .k [ a . 8 2 : 4 2 ^ .

z i . "in t h e c o u n t r y s i d e " (cf. king of all countries. EA 104:48) 7 [. having paid ransom money. [7 times] and 7 times.3 3 And here is how Yapah-Hadda is not just in my regard: 2 when my man arrived. and the messengers that [came} from the palace were [u]nab[le] to get [in]to Sumur. on the other hand. for [Yapah-Hadda keeps devising] evil upon evil against me. .n a . my situa­ 9 tion is [ext]remely gra[ve].n ] u llb-ba a-na U R [ U s u . O king! Note: did not your 191 .s e . my [lord]. Their actions [are hosti}le to me. King of [Ba]ttle: May the Lady of Gub[la gr]ant power to the king. and I am unable [to d]o anything. Look. let the king take everything for himself. It is like a bird in a t[rap] : ki-lu-[bi} (cage). EA 116 i]-na se-[n]. Aziru and 8 Yapah-Hadda have made an agreement against m e .n a i . Accordingly. and the sons of 1 c Abdi-Asirta seized it. all my towns c have been joined to the Api[ru]. C O P Y : WA 61. 44—55 May the king heed the words of his loyal servant and give provisions to his servant and his maidservant. . there is no o n e t h a t c a n save t h e city f r o m h i m . Gubla. a n d so S u m u r is d i s h e a r t e n e d .4 4 If the king gives (the property) to his servant. " N o t e w e l l .b u U R ] U i-na qa-ti-[s\i u] 9 [ k i .m u . May what is due to me [be gi}ven\5 4 it is very much." may the [ki]ng know that there was an attack on our garrison. They have no[th]ing. " EA 116 Who do they think they are? TEXT: C 4752 (not collated). he bound him. it would please me were I with you and so at peace. As to its being told to you. well and good! Or. 3 4 . And so there has been no one to carry wor[d t]o the king. Note that I am the dirt at your feet. note that I 10 am [your] loyal servant. {Rib-Had]da writes t[o his lord]. 2 5 . my lord. Now as the king is going to send the royal commis­ sioners. I fall at the feet of [m]y lord. su\m-ma i-ia-nu s[a-a] 8 [ u . Great [Kin]g. may the king tell them to decide between us. and whatever I hear I write to [my] lord. "Sumur belongs to the king. Moreover. No[te] this matter. the Sun.6 9 Moreover.r i . some twice. and all of them [are extremely hostile} to 6 me. 6—16 May the king. It was by nig[ht] that I got them in. but I have nothing but distress. some three 7 times. 5 5 . know that the war [again]st us is very severe. [The war] is very severe.i a .2 4 Moreover. 1 7 .' Moreover. give thought to Sumu[r]. But give thought to the fact that I am your loyal servant. Moreover. note that we have been loyal servants of the king from ancie[nt ti]mes.

EA n 8 : i 6 f f . NOTES 1. (2) it is a s s u m e d t h a t t h e r e is a s i g n o m i t t e d ( b u t cf.w : n a r r a t i v e infinitive. [ K U R . EA 7 4 : 1 3 . that they have [t]aken the lands of the king for themselves? 7 0 . cf. U N = massartu. W e r e it n o t for t h e r e s u l t i n g very l o w s u m s . third feminine s i n g u l a r ) o f yad(d)ina kitttya ina qattya in EA n 8 : i 6 f . P e r h a p s " s o m e for t w o ( p e r s o n s ) . Cf. T h e c o n t e x t s e e m s t o r e q u i r e a n i t e r a t i v e (yaskunu. which w o u l d have r e q u i r e d ma'idat. see JCS 4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p .. 10. (2) o f a t h i r d w e a k v e r b t h e f o r m e x p e c t e d here is makttt(zt B y b l o s . p.7 4 The king of Mittani? The king of Kassu? The king of Hatti? May the king send archers (and) Yanha(mu) along with 12 [the prefects from the land of Yarimuta. . as r a n s o m m o n e y " (cf. ytpusu). . n.8 0 The commissioner from Kumidu [. [tu]-ta-na. 2 3 4 : i 5 ( ? ) . 8. " or s o m e t h i n g s i m i l a r . T h e s u b j e c t is not kitttya (CAD. is a s p e c i a l d e v e l o p m e n t ) . 3 3 3 U N is t a k e n a s massartu) a g r e e in r e a d i n g ma-ka -tiA ma-a-un-nu. 6. EA 1 0 9 : 2 7 ) . 1 1 7 . 7. s o m e for t h r e e . O n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n . . n o t a n a d j e c t i v e (AHw.). "my p r o p e r t y . rakla-Iu is a v e r b (cf. and CAD. 948). a n d p r o b a b l y several t i m e s at U g a r i t ( R a i n e y . raksii-{Iu)nu. 1 3 8 : 1 3 5 ) . IOS 3 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . 20b). EA 6 9 .THE AMARNA LETTERS father come out and visit (his) lands and his mayors?" And now the gods and the Sun and the Lady of Gubla have granted that you be seated on the throne of your father's house (to rule) your land. D i f f i c u l t i e s : (1) in EA. 8 6 . 3 . elilmuhhi is e x p e c t e d rather t h a n ana.. n. EA 1 0 3 : 8 . : ma-qa-ti-ma rf-(na) U N . EA 1 0 5 : 3 8 ) . 4 EA 8 8 : 1 7 ) .. " C o m e s o w e c a n r e a c h a n a g r e e m e n t b e t w e e n u s " ( D a l l e y et a l .H a d d a . 9.. 1 3 6 : 1 8 . 591 and 637. L i n e 8: yu-qa-bu-na. amur. n. (4) in c o n t e x t . 15:86°. K . e t c . " T h e difficulties w i t h t h i s r e a d i n g : (1) ka A o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s (ka -bi-it. n. ma'id is p r e d i c a t e d o f mimmtya. iballdtt. w h i c h a l s o refers t o t h e litigation between R i b . "I l a c k a d w e l l i n g . a n d alkamma awatam ina birttini i nilqe. The Old Babylonian Tablets from Tell al Rimah [see EA 2 2 . ( 3 ) t h e m o t i v a t i o n for "oar g a r r i s o n " is not clear. mar -sa-ma? x E r r o r for mur-su-ma? 11. o n e m i g h t a l s o c o n s i d e r " S o m e f e t c h e d (abil) t w o ( s h e k e l s ) . suffix r e f e r r i n g t o massartu (see EA 1 0 3 . T h e s e q u e n c e in l i n e s 5 5 .6 1 o f santta amur. " I r e a d apil ( a c t i v e ? p a s s i v e ? ) . A/i. p p .n u . n.H a d d a and Y a p a h . 2 . t h a t *ma dnu w a s o f f e m i n i n e g e n d e r . 1 6 9 . t h e s t a t e m e n t m a k e s l i t t l e s e n s e . s o m e t h r e e . p.t ] u m : cf.. 1 4 0 a n d 4 3 7 ( t h o u g h on p . 2 .. B o t h AHw. following Izre'el.. 1 1 4 . For awata leqii ina bin. samttT. Who are they. s t a t i v e o f apdlu. 4 7 1 ) . 4 4 ) . the sons of "Abdi-Asirta. 5 . e s p . laqttt. u n d e r s t o o d (cf. n o . sabtu-h. as in EA 114:31. 3. a n d t h e s a m e r u l e e l s e w h e r e . 192 . in o r d e r t o e x p l a i n t h e suffix on sabtu-h. 4. 7 5 . santta amur. CAD. qabftt. (3) t h i s a s s u m e s t h e s u d d e n i n t r u s i o n o f C a n a a n i t e a n d n e c e s s i t a t e s p o s t u l a t i n g . p p .] .. . UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . L i n e s r i f . p r o b a b l y t h e p a s s i v e f o r m (tuttanaltuddana. 1 0 3 5 1 0 . M / i . 1 2 5 : 3 1 . . ibalsdtunu. 10). 1 9 ] . T h e s y n t a x is n o t clear. 6. p. a g a i n s t t h e avail­ c a b l e e v i d e n c e ( H e b r e w ) .

And if the king does not want to sen[d] archers. EA 117 amur . When Amarnappa ca[me]3 with a small force. . 8 the city where he has been sen[ding] chariots. and indeed. "March along with 193 . as they have not come out.2 8 Moreover. the sons of Abdi-Asirta." But they have not come out. Did he c not take Abdi-Asirta along with everything belonging to him. May the Lady of G[ubl]a gr[ant pow]er to the kiag«. [that they have tak]en5 the cities of the king's mayors for [themselves]? They are with 6 you? The cities are in Aziru's se[rvice]. [m]y [Sun]. . Rib-Hadda [writes to his lord]. [ . "There is no one to bring my tablet to the palace. 5 3 . my lord. . I 9 would desire to send a man [ . amur is without close parallel and seems to be extraordinarily emotional language. I am the strong one of the king. the servant (and) dog.3 4 Had I been writing treacherous words to my lord? And you say. I am accordingly afraid and I 2 have turned to my lord.4 3 Moreover. Accordingly. all c the lands will belong to the Apiru. I have sent this man. . And the two men from Egypt whom I sent to the palace have not come out.6 4 Moreover. [m]y Sun. There is treachery against me. "Why do you alone keep writing to me?" Here is my situation: there is not 1 0 . Azaru will certainly be taken like [hi]s f[ather].5 2 Previously. I sent a ma[n] to your father. VS 11. Look. I wrote to the palace that the king should s[en]d ((should send)) a large force. I [sent] men to Egypt an[d] ((and)) 10 a g[ar}ri[so]n was sent to me in their charge. . . [qf]-p[a]-»/: see VAB 2 / 2 . keeps saying. May the king not en[ter] their cities. They are not at peace (with you) from . p. 1 2 . 1 5 9 3 . [my] l[ord]. 4 3 . "Why do you write treacherous words?" If my words are heeded. If th[is] year there are no archers. . [7} times and 7 times. 2 1 . EA 117 A lesson from the past T E X T : VAT 350. .2 1 a mayor from Sumur (south­ ward) that supports me. It is these two men that must bring a tablet to the king. Indeed the king.4 3 5 . I fall at the feet of my lord. may he write to Yanhamu and Pihura. King of [Battle]. . ] . my lord. just as I said? 2 9 . "The two 11 men from Egypt must now come out to me. Great [Kin]g. C O P I E S : W A 4 5 . did I not write to the king. J as far as] Ullassa." 1 And (n)ow. Did I not write to the king. everyone is turned against me. 62. just who are c they.

but Rib-Hadda. [But now]. G r e e n b e r g . Everything that is taken from them belongs to the king. may the king send horses to ((to)) his servant that I may guard the city of the king. T o t h i s R i b - H a d d a r e p l i e s .A s i r t a . 3 9 . 1 2 3 : 3 9 . "Guard! Be on your 12 guar[d]. " A t t r a c t i v e as t h i s t e a d i n g i s . NOTES 1." [wh]at i[s to guard me? Look. n o t Aziru. I [have become af Jraid of my peasantry.i l ] . 64—71 Moreover. May the city not be joined to the Apiru. 194 ." In a day they will take it. in] the days of [my] ances­ tors. If K A L A G . May the king send a com[missioner to] de[ci]de between us. I have litigation with Yapah-Hadda and Ha'(ip). It m a y b e s i m p l y a r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n . [ a la]-qu: cf. Take the land of Amurru. t h e n "when he w a s c o m i n g . " or t o dunnu. a n d t h e s t r o n g o n e t h e n w i l l b e . as to the king's saying. T h e p r e s e n t . t h e k i n g c l a i m e d t h a t t h o s e referred t o were really "with h i m . p r o p o s e d i\t-ti\. it is h a t d l y a s i m p l e s t a t e m e n t o f fact. 5. t h e s i t u a t i o n after A z i r u is t a k e n . q u o t i n g t h e k i n g in a t o n e e i t h e r o f s h o c k a n d sheer d i s b e l i e f or perhaps of bitter sarcasm.H a d d a here a l l u d e s t o t h e letter o f t h e k i n g j u s t m e n t i o n e d . 2. " s t r e n g t h . c 6. b u t the c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t R i b . t h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t s t r e n g t h is u s e d here as i m p l y i n g t r u s t w o r t h i n e s s . 83—94 Moreover. I n s t e a d o f K n u d t z o n ' s d [ a . But you have not wri(tt)en. 7 5 : 4 2 . " o n his s i d e . w h i c h is followed h e r e . 3. L [ U ] : certain. O r p e r h a p s t h e reference is t o t h e f u t u r e . 5. i f yi-la-[ku-nd\ ( K n u d t z o n . '4 What am I to do? May the king se(n)d a gar[ri]son and men from Meluhha to guard c me. May the king send this man of mine with all speed and give a garrison to guard his loyal servant and his city. (i-nd)-an-na. as for me. it s e e m s e x c l u d e d b y c o m p a r i s o n w i t h / / in t h e s a m e l i n e a n d in lines 6 5 a n d 81 ( t h e b r o k e n s i g n l a c k s t h e t w o v e r t i c a l s at t h e b e g i n n i n g ) . EA n 6 : 6 8 f . Let no one else take it for himself.f u t u r e f o r m c o r r e s p o n d ­ i n g t o s i n g u l a r yilqu (EA 7 1 : 1 8 . Thus must I be the one that keeps writing [to] the palace fo[r] a garrison and men from Meluhha. there was property of the king at their disposal. I have nothing. 9 1 : 4 ) is tilquna (EA 104:22). p . sunu ittika: w h e t h e r sunu refers t o t h e m a y o r s or t h e s o n s o f A b d i . "the c i t i e s are w i t h A z i r u . and] a garri[son of 13 the king] was with them.THE AMARNA LETTERS your mayors.g i . yi-la-{ak\. in a n s w e t p e r h a p s t o o n e o f R i b . Only one is st[ro]ng. Habl­ piru. 71—82 Moreover. and along with them men from Meluhha. Everything is gone. having been sold for provisions to keep me alive. " s t r o n g ( o n e ) . see EA 1 0 8 . 4. " as a l w a y s e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . . in w h i c h . " O n laqi in line 2 7 .H a d d a ' s c h a r g e s . the wa[r is severe again]st me. n. a n d see c o p y o f VS 1 1 ) . according ro the practice of your ances­ tors. G A c o r r e s p o n d s t o dannu. May it please the king.

my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. 1 3 2 : 5 6 ( ? ) [ b o t h f r o m B y b l o s ] .. EA i 2 i : n f f . "with. Say to the king. sari: n a r r a t i v e infinitive (cf. p . and so may the king give a garrison to his servant. U R T A ] ( K e s t e m o n t . . Grammaire de I'he'breu biblique [ R o m e . EA 8 8 : 3 1 ? en-ni-ip- sa-(at)?). EA 118 Not like other mayors TEXT: BM 29808 + VAT 1662. 85 [ a . " p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e k i n g . EA 118 7. Cf. VS 11. your servant. [. J o i i o n . to t h e official P a w u r u (line 4 7 . t h e u s e o f the relative p r o n o u n in reference t o n o u n s of place. "to lie. 1 5 1 : 5 9 . H e n c e . § i 6 6 c ) a n d H e b r e w (P. 8. 11. m 9. 4 8 4 ? ) . let him hear my case. T h e a s s u m e d p a s s i v e m e a n i n g o f the v e r b is u n u s u a l . a n d 2 7 1 : 1 8 . n. a n d p e r h a p s sarum at M a r i (AEM 1 / 1 . saru. 1 9 4 8 ] . ennepsa. a n d p e r h a p s t o A z i r u (line 4 7 . " is a l s o p o s s i b l e . 2 7 0 : 2 4 . In l i n e 8 6 . 1 5 1 8 ) . I have litigation. c h a r g e falsely" (VAB 2 / 2 . "the city w h i c h g a v e " ( K n u d t z o n ) are the 8 f o l l o w i n g : (1) t h e v e r b a l prefix w r i t t e n w i t h ia s (ia -am-li-ik. t h e a b s e n c e o f a d e t e r m i n a t i v e is n o t d e c i s i v e ) . lu na-sa-ra-\td\: cf.1 5 May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. R e f e r e n c e s t o S u m u r . Political Disposition. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 3 6 7 : 4 . it is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y an error for massartu. . 8 EA 1 0 5 : 6 . my lord. For t h e a b s e n c e here o f a r e s u m p t i v e p r o n o u n or a n a d v e r b . a n d if ma-sa-ar is the correct r e a d i n g .a ] n .H a d d a refer­ ring to h i m s e l f ) .n u ] . not { t a } ) .. so also N a ' a m a n . EA 1 4 9 : 3 0 . 10. is the o n l y c e r t a i n e x a m p l e ) . [ pa]-wu-ra. see EA 1 3 1 : 1 2 . In line 8 7 I a s s u m e a r e d u c t i o n in n u m b e r o f s i g n s in the l i n e . A g a i n s t ( U R U sa) / « . Berytus 20 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p.] the war against me. 16—23 ^ S t^lv due. O n the gender a g r e e m e n t .r c ' } .» r f : p e r h a p s "Is a s i n g l e ( p e r s o n ) s t r o n g ? " ( R i b . see EA 1 1 6 . 54. 14. i22:nff. n o t e e). n o t e t h e f o l l o w i n g line. for s e n d i n g c h a r i o t s . 1 9 9 . EA 9 9 : 8 . or.d [ i . 2 1 . 1 d { a . 370:5. w h e r e a s t h e n o u n is r e g u l a r l y f e m i n i n e ( e x c e p t i o n . e n e m y . s a i d o f t h e k i n g . EA 1 1 6 . Send the commis­ anc lye m e 1 sioner.ME§ a-b[uyf[i-ia mi-im-mi LUGAL-ri VGV-su-nu] 8 7 [ u ] ma-sa-ar-[(ti) L U G A L . on the J 95 . 1. I can offer no p a r a l l e l s — t h e e v i d e n c e is e x t r e m e l y m e a g e r — e x c e p t t h e g e n e r a l o n e s of A k k a ­ d i a n (GAG § i 6 5 d . no. 125: i4ff. Moreover. 6 ." is s a i d only o f a g a r r i s o n . (2) t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f alu as m a s c u l i n e (prefix { i a } . 1 0 ..pawuru as a c o m m o n n o u n is f o u n d only in l e t t e r s from T y r e . I keep writing like this to the pala[ce].m u r i-nd] 86 UD]. n. 12. yu-u>[a-si-ru]. 1 ) . w h e r e a s elilmuhhi is u s e d w i t h baldtu a n d mhnmu. A g a i n s t t h i s a s the r e a d i n g at the e n d o f l i n e 8 7 ( K n u d t z o n ) . balat sarri. "he has been s e n d i n g " . 13. K e s t e m o n t proposed the reading U R U N [ I N . 1 8 0 : 6 . . "treacherous. 1 1 2 : 9 . Cf. 1 5 9 ) . p p . C O P I E S : BB 25 + WA 54. 1 3 0 : 2 1 6 ° . 49). " a n d sdru. p ..

1696 5 . 2. t h e n w e m u s t u n d e r s t a n d t h e d e s e r ­ t i o n t o have b e e n o n l y p a r t i a l . EA 8 2 : 4 3 6 . 6 7 Look. e i t h e r w e m u s t d e l e t e ana a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f l i n e 4 5 ( a n t i c i p a t i o n o f ana at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line 4 6 a n d f a i l u r e t o e r a s e ? ) . T h e u s u a l m e a n i n g s o f kittu. a n d t h e e x p e c t e d p l u r a l f o r m w o u l d b e tuparriluna. see JCS 4 (1950) p p . may the king send archers and pacify them. 8 3 : 4 6 6 . " j u s t i c e . cf. see a l s o EA 1 1 6 : 2 9 . 3 Look. previously the commissioner at Sumur would [d]ecide between us. 4 5 .4 4 lest I abandon the city and go off to you. t h e s u b j e c t is first p e r s o n a n d pafdru m e a n s "to g o away". 131:31. send the commissioner to take them. p. L i n e s 3 6 .3 9 . " v i n d i c a t i o n . Seeing that my only purpose is to serve the king in accordance with the practice of my ancestors. 6. " d u e . 130:21. I f [ p } a . (39) and 1 2 5 : 3 4 6 m a k e evident. \th~\ey have {gone off} to c c the sons of Abdi-Asirta. It is against me and against Yanhamu that there is war. c o n c e r n i n g " (VAB 2/2. t r u t h . 3 4 .THE AMARNA LETTERS other hand. and so there are no 2 provisions [for] the peasantry. Cf. 2 4 . or w e m u s t t a k e ana in t h e s e n s e o f "as t o . " or. tuballifuna. b o t h b e c a u s e o f EA 1 2 5 : 3 4 6 a n d b e c a u s e o f t h e u n u s u a l t y p e o f e r r o r in t h e u s e o f c a s e e n d i n g s (ana hazdnutu). EA 1 0 4 : 2 5 . both of similar semantic range. 3. As the sons of Abdi- Asirta are hostile to the king. to Si(do)n and Beirut. lines 39ff.5 6 As for the mayors. tilquna. let the king take from the mayors anything of mine for himself. they do not keep writing to the king. d e s p i t e M A S K I M . \yii\-pa-ri-Iu: t a k i n g t h e f o r m a s s i n g u l a r . 196 . 4. but now no mayor listens to hi[m]! The king has no servant like Yanhamu—a loyal servant! NOTES 1. even m o r e concretely. if the peasantry c 4 goes off. 1 1 4 : 5 6 . loyalty. 13746). for t h e p a s s a g e is c o n c e r n e d w i t h c u s t o m a r y a c t i o n in t h e p a s t .r t # ' .' since the cities are theirs and they are at peace. A g a i n s t t h e r e a d i n g ti-ul 1 ( K n u d t z o n ) a r e t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e n u m e r a l a n d t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s t h a t s u p p o r t o u r v e r s i o n : a s t h e s e q u e n c e dla ezebu-pafdru is u s e d in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . A s t h e clear p a r a l l e l s in EA 124:356°. and Sidon a(nd) Beirut do not be­ long (any longer) to the king. M E S . the war [again}st me is severe. " d o n o t fit t h i s p a s s a g e . a n d ttpu- luna. Moreover. 4 9 6 .r u ] is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g . w h i c h s e e m s p r e f e r a b l e . cf. p e r h a p s 1 1 4 : 3 0 6 T h e difference between pafrdti in t h e o t h e r p a s s a g e s a n d ipaffara here is t h e e x p l i c i t m a r k i n g for m o d e in t h e latter. a-{{na))-[m]ur. cf. " Cf. C o n t e x t r e q u i r e s "right" ( K n u d t z o n ) .3 3 Look. H e b r e w sedeq a n d fddqd. the Apiru will seize the city. 7. EA 122:11.

see EA 1 2 4 : 5 1 ? .5 9 this may not be 7 acceptable. 43—52 My only purpose is to serve the king. 7 times and 7 times. May the king pay [n]o attention to the slanders against his loyal [ser}vant that [a treacherous man] may utt{t)ri before {the king. let me tell about all their deeds so the king will know that I am a loyal servant of his.4 2 Rib-Hadda. n.1 3 I fall at the feet of my lord. s . King of Batt(le): May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. N o r . [0]r my lord may give c 6 the small(er) [things] to Abdi-Ha[dda}. my lord.* Everything (belonging to me)—may the king.H a d d a ' s v e r s i o n of w h a t a c t u a l l y h a p p e n e d . 3 0 4 . in m y o p i n i o n . " 2 1 . my lord's having written me. b u t n o f o r m of qabu is c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e t r a c e s . 2 9 ) . is[ol}ated. 2 8 [ i ] . my lord." [wh]at is to guard me? Indeed. NOTES 1.( b u ) : a v e r b o f s p e a k i n g s e e m s r e q u i r e d . 3 3 . 1 4 .. "Guard yourself. "Rib-Hadda has caused the death 2 of (some) royal archers. [i-n\a-sa-[ru]: a c c o r d i n g t o t h e r u l e o f m o d a l s e q u e n c e . Rib-Hadda writes to his lord. I keep writing like this to the palace (for) a [g]ar[ri}son and for horses in order that I may gu[ard}' his [city}. what can I (d)o? As to its having been said to the king. 1 5 ) . but if I die. As to the king. adabbuba in line 2 3 . C O P I E S : WA 44. m]y [lord]. is there e v i d e n t a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n EA 1 1 9 a n d 1 2 2 — 2 4 ( P i n t o r e . my Sun. T h e f o l l o w i n g c l a u s e d o e s n o t m a k e m u c h s e n s e if i n c l u d e d in t h e c h a r g e ( K n u d t z o n .. He knows my loyalty! The king knows how often he has done some kindness to me because I am without duplicity. take [all of it]? for himself. 3. Or n . OA 1 2 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . EA 119 EA 119 Recalling past kindnesses T E X T : VAT 349. 197 . . my lord.2 1 What am I to do? While alive I shall guard the king's city for him. my lord. 6 . 64. which I have declared. T h e g r o u n d s o f t h e c h a r g e a r e n o t clear. [There is n]o one that has report[ed} my loyalty before the king.£ « . VS 11. Now this case is a case concerning my loyalty. Or 5 3 . 2. T h e c l a u s e is u n d e r ­ s t o o d h e r e as t h e r e a s o n w h y R i b . 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p .3 2 since the commissioners are alive. is a servant of the king.H a d d a is p r e p a r e d t o a t t a c k h i s a c c u s e r s : t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s ( ? ) (officials? officers?) a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e e v e n t s in q u e s t i o n are alive a n d w o u l d s u p p o r t R i b .d [ a ] . p e r h a p s trace o f ru as in c o p y o f VS 1 1 . cf. What more shall I say? There is still a second tablet. and it is this that will lay before the king all my things that are in Yapah-Hadda's possession. Great King.

4 [ . . 5 5 ) is n o t a likely r e a d i n g . . braided. 4 0 0 . r n 6. t h o u g h it d o e s n o t s e e m as l i k e l y a n o b j e c t o f qabu.. i o (leather-) . 6 [1} washbasin.. c 5 4 . [1} bed.]. .. .n u . r e e m p h a s i z i n g the e x t e n t o f t h e offer. T h i s p r o p o s a l is here u n d e r s t o o d c to m e a n that the k i n g may want to give s o m e t h i n g to A b d i . . . [. } .. UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . . [. T h e a s s u m e d c o n ­ s t r u c t i o n w i t h t h e infinitive is n o t a t t e s t e d e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . for he is w i l l i n g t o g i v e t o t h e k i n g all h i s s t o l e n p o s s e s s i o n s . K n u d t z o n s a w a w h o l e IM.[.[. .. 4 [ . Cf.. i b i d .b a ] .• io[oo ..THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. ioo swords. u 5 0 [ u .. . . p . 2 j over[laid] with gold. C O P I E S : WA 85.. ) . 49 . . 4 ([re}ed-) . braided. . .. n. EA 120:31. W e m a y n o t e x c l u d e kitttya. .[.t e / t a : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . 4 [ . which o » l y here is j o i n e d t o t h e p r o p o s a l t h a t t h e k i n g t a k e e v e r y t h i n g .}. ...]. . 65.'] . T h e d e c l a r a t i o n p r o b a b l y refers t o t h e imme­ d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g l i n e s . 198 . P e r h a p s at t h e e n d o f line 4 8 [ g a b . } . [.. 15 [. 2000 each [th]eir [weijght. . kitta qabu in lines 3 6 6 T h a t a r e l a t i v e c l a u s e (sa qabTti) s h o u l d b e g i n a s e n t e n c e w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d . ] .. . 8 1 chair ove[rlaid} with gold. ] . . Abdi-he-[ba] ( R a i n e y . annu lalaqe: cf. . EA 120 Stolen goods T E X T : VAT 1636. [1} hammer. . . . . [These are} the things that are wi[th] 2 [Yapah]-Hadda' and I clai[m\:' [ . ] . ] . .}. .. ... 5. . 7 . i b i d . } . 8o sububuA i (leather-) . ioo dag[gers].. . . 4 0 0 . 9 All of them pertain to . .H a d d a ' s loyalty p r o b a b l y in t h e s e n s e o f d e m o n s t r a t i n g it. 5 n. 1 (reed-) ku-ku-tu. . "my d u e " (EA 1 1 8 : i 6 f f . t o o .' { . T h e case c o n c e r n s R i b .H a d d a .^ 5 [/}ooo each their weight.. . 1 (reed-) . .]. . b u t it m i g h t a l s o b e u n d e r s t o o d o f w h a t f o l l o w s . Mi ... VS 11... R a i n e y . cf. . .. 10 1 (reed-) .

nam-si-ti for namsitu (nemsetu)? 7.bst. p . . 2. see CAD. 1 [ G ] U . 4 0 . . "A s e c o n d ( b e d ) " ? 8. u z-sa-lu. P e r h a p s t h e r e m a r k c o n c e r n s o n l y t h e b e d s a n d t h e chair j u s t m e n t i o n e d . 12 90—100 maidservants (and) manservants. AfO 14 ( 1 9 4 1 .H a d d a ' s t h i n g s . See EA 1 1 9 : 5 5 1 ? . no decision was announced. It m a y a l s o b e a s u m m a r y r e m a r k . 15 blankfets}. rs. p . p p . The c king sent Abdi-Hadda and Bin-aZimi to fetch her. . ) . U g a r i t i c mrbd(PRU 5. T h e inventory form. EA 120 l 20 [10 k]ipa[l]allu of bo[xwood]. 2 9 0 ) are t o be r e j e c t e d . . mrbdt (PRU 2 . T h e r e a d i n g is d o u b t f u l . w h i c h I r e t a i n . Die Bibel (see n. c 3 5 . They have waited. B o t h ma-ar-su-u (AHw. . p . " b e d f s ? ] ) . .. 100 (shekels?) of gold. . followed b y mskbt. 7. 8 ) . bo"'-d[u]: w i t h R a i n e y . see E . n o . S u g g e s t i n g t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y is t h e fact t h a t t h e l i t i g a t i o n w i t h Y a p a h . GlS. p . T h e t e a d i n g "90 h u n d r e d " y i e l d s a n a b s u r d l y h i g h n u m b e r a n d a s s u m e s 199 . M / i . P e r h a p s a k i n d o f w e a p o n . see now AHw. 1 9 3 9 ) .H a d d a . K U § L A G A B x ? ze-ru-tu. Ugaritic Vocabulary. ] .pdry. ] . B e s i d e s H e b r e w marbaddim. the king.mlk.TASKARIN? 2 11." And [ . a n d cf. . With regard to . p . w h i c h h i t h e r t o s e e m e d to i n v o l v e o n l y R i b . p.13 25 . Her brother [ .. "Send her things for her. w i t h t h e list o f "her t h i n g s " ( l i n e 3 6 ) in lines 2off. or " 1 2 salu" ( K n u d t z o n ) .4 2 ) p p . . Die Bibel im Lichte der Keilschrift- forschung ( R e c k l i n g h a u s e n . a n d t h e v e r b rbd in c trbd. 154. May [the king inquire] about him. 5 0 : 9 . U g a r i t i c kht. ] .4 5 I herewith [s]end to the kin[g] all the things [o]n a tablet. [He is hostile] to my lord.H a d d a ' s p o s s e s s i o n s . " 10. 4.. 2 7 4 . . 1 1 1 : 1 1 ) . . 12. 5 6 . [ . Z . n o w a l s o s e e m s s o m e h o w c o n c e r n e d w i t h a w o m a n a n d "her t h i n g s . cf. ° 100 chairs. 8 1 . f o l l o w i n g B o n k a m p . B o n k a m p . . They have acted unjustly. is a b a n d o n e d at t h e e n d (lines 26ft. 6. . . 1573b. S a l o n e n . 1 9 6 5 ) . the c o n c l u s i o n o f t h e list o f R i b . "you p r e p a r e t h e b e d o f P i d r i y a w i t h royal covers" (Ugar. .3 4 who will take ac[tion] against him. A O A T . .3 9 And to Abdi-Hadda the king said. it c e r t a i n l y d o e s n o t refer t o m a t e r i a l or w e i g h t . 3. and so there is no [one] 3 0 . p . 4 2 : 2 f . ?). 8 9 . 11 15 sabattu-garments. 6 1 7 ) a n d ma-ar-sa-u (CAD. He is po]werful. . despite Frie- d r i c h . Die Waffen der Alten Meso- potamier ( H e l s i n k i . n o . When the [message'] was* heard. Z A ka-ah-su: see K . . 5. ma-ar. He has acted kindly towards my partner. ma-qi-bu: s e e H u e h n e r g a r d . 2 7 4 ^ . '* NOTES 1. T h e s a m e w o r d a p p e a r s in l i n e 7. 100 . 3 2 9 L 9. or " 1 0 asallu-bowls". p . p. { ..

. [then may he fetch his servant] to himself 200 . 8 . a n d if h i s s i s t e r w a s t o b e f e t c h e d b y e m i s s a r i e s o f t h e k i n g . but in my 1 case.5 3 that you may give p[ea]ce in the lands to the [king's] 5 mayors.THE AMARNA LETTERS an u n p a r a l l e l e d w r i t i n g o f 9 0 0 0 . w e m u s t a l l o w for " 9 0 ." a r e 13. .6 4 [SJend . my lord's. 1 4 . my 2 lord. writing me. my Sun. As to the king. "What is there [wit]h Rib-Hadda?" [So give thou]ght t[o] your [ser]vant and let me tell my [lord'} 2 6 . . my lord.2 5 And] as the war against (me) is very severe. [there are no provisions (or) garrison of the king for [me. b u t t o o t h e r s .H a d d a h a d s t i l l n o t s e n t e i t h e r her or t h e " t h i n g s .4 Have they not been [ki]lled like [do]gs. I220f. U n t i l lines 22ff. T h e p o w e r f u l m a n o f line 2 9 I a s s u m e w a s Y a p a h . c 1 8 . Y a p a h . I n s t e a d o f u-da-me-i[q\ ( K n u d t z o n ) . are b e t t e r u n d e r s t o o d . I f s o . " b u t he is k i n d l y " ? EA 121 Past and present T E X T : VAT 1665. " it w o u l d s e e m t h a t s h e w a s t o b e c o m e p a r t o f t h e royal h a r e m (cf. . 5 0 . 6 0 . may the king [heed] the words of [his] serva[nt] and send archers to {t)a[ke}?> the land of the king for the king. n. VAB 2 / 2 . 4 1 . p e r h a p s on line 2 3 a r e m a r k o n t h e b e a u t y o f t h e f e m a l e s ( U R [ b a s t a ] . o f m a n s e r v a n t s there are none. ] If [the king. love[s] his servant.1 7 "Guard yourself." what is to g[uar]d [me}? Con­ sider that with my ancestors there was a garrison of [the king]. the sons of Abdi- c Asirta have said to the Apiru and the men who have [jojined them.1 0 0 m a i d s e r v a n t s . u da-me-i[q]. n o t t o t h e c r o w n . T h e w o m a n w i t h w h o m lines 28ff. . my lord]. are c o n c e r n e d m u s t have b e e n n a m e d at t h e e n d o f l i n e 2 6 . king of all countries. EA 9 9 ) . Lines 2 2 .5 9 Moreover.H a d d a . and provisions from the k]ing were at th[eir] disposal.n [ a ] ) . . your father}? Now. . W h o t h e p a r t n e r — t h a t i s . "S]end [archers].J 7 . p p . " A l l o f t h i s r e m a i n s q u i t e o b s c u r e .4 0 . T h e c h a r g e w o u l d s e e m t o b e t h a t he d i r e c t s h i s g o o d d e e d s . Rib-Hadda w[rit]es to his lord. 66. VS 11. I fall at the feet of my lord." Did they [no]t take [in a day] the lands for the k[ing. for "90-100.2 5 e x t r e m e l y difficult. and you have done nothing? 5 4 . 6. .4 9 [I wrjote to [the king. Great King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. f r o m w h o m o f c o u r s e he w i l l d e m a n d m u c h in r e t u r n . a n d if s h e h a s " t h i n g s . C O P I E S : WA 59." see EA 1 3 2 . [ . fellow m a y o r — w a s is n o t clear. . S e e t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f W e b e r . [7} times and 7 times.

n. 9 3 . in the days of my ancestors. There 2 is a garri[son] . there was a garrison of the king with them and property of the king was at their disposal. cf. n. but as far as I am concerned. . . K U R .n a U D . of the king with him. M E 5 : f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u . and there is no garr. see JCS 2 (1948) p. u-ul [t\i)-da-ku 53 ki-ma [ U R . 1 2 9 : 5 0 6 EA 122 An enormity T E X T : VAT 1625. M E S pi-fd-ti ( t i ) . . 1 0 . we s h o u l d have t h e a c c u s a t i v e batata. . A m o n g t h e p a r a l l e l s n o t e e s p e c i a l l y EA 1 0 7 : 3 0 a n d t h e s e q u e n c e t h e r e o f lequ-palahu. listen to me. A l l t h e p a r a l l e l s have u tilqe. t h e n t h e s u b j e c t o f laqu is indefinite t h i r d p l u r a l . K A M ] : s e e EA 1 0 8 .4 How long has the city been enraged at me! 40-49 And indeed the city keeps saying. but (my) w(ords) are (not) heeded. [Great] King. . 67. EA i 2 2 : 2 8 f f . 5. 248.e [ l . I f a r c h e r s a r e r e q u e s t e d . " 4.ison of 1 the king with me. n. a-na-ku [u-ui] 1 6 [ba]-la-f u': cf. K U R . K ] U : for t h e p a s s i v e tuddkit. EA 122 NOTES r 1. C O P I E S : WA 47.5 5 Listen to m(e). 3. 132:50. 6. my lord. I keep 6 writing like this to the palace. lest the city revolt. n. do not refused [But whether] the men are at court o[r n]ot. Rib-Hadda writfes t]o his lord.. o n e c o u l d p a r t l y a v o i d t h e difficulty a n d t r a n s l a t e "Let it t a k e . "A deed that has not been done since time immemorial has been done to us!" So may the king heed the words of his servant and send (back) the men. there are no provisions from the king at my dis[pos]al. [ i . Cf. . .3 1 1 must guar[d mys]elf by myself. 1. b u t t h e c o n j u n c t i o n s e e m s o p t i o n a l in g e n e r a l . cf. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. VS 11. Haplography e x p l a i n s t h e o m i s s i o n o f ti. 201 .q e ) : see EA 9 0 . For {my) sake. 9. EA 131:28. EA 74:6off. 31—39 Pahura has committed an enormity against me." consider that previously. 9-19 As to the king's saying. 1 1 4 : 4 5 6 ° . and there are pro[visi]ons from the king at his disposal. . O f c o u r s e . 3 . but for me there is neither garrison nor pro­ visions from the king. What am I to do? 5 0 .D a n g i n . King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. 2. I f [ia-nu] (Knudtzon) were u s e d . RA 19 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p . E R f N .s And he brought 3 men into Egypt. "Guard yourself. 1 9 . king of all countries. He sent Suteans and they killed firdanu-people.

. 7 times and 7 times. Great King. in a l m o s t t h e s a m e w o r d s . NOTES 1 . ramana nasdru: b e s i d e s t h e f r e q u e n t usur ramdnka. 3 . n. a-(wa-tu-ia li-ul) tu-us-mu-na: cf. Pihura [s]ent Suteans. my lord. there is [su]rely going to be a revolt against m[e. king of all countries. T h e u s e o f Suteans probably implies a raid. 4. if [ti-il/el-qe]: s e e EA 1 2 1 . Rib-Hadda writes to his lord. C O P Y : BB 20. [my] lord. killing. 1 6 . i L U G A L . massar[ti L U ] G A L . my [lor]d. does not se[nd] them (back). 2 . I fa(ll) at the feet of my lord. Abd(i)-Milki. 5 .THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1 . see EA 1 3 6 . King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. T h e w o r d o r d e r e m p h a s i z e s t h e o b j e c t . 3 . T h e s a m e c h a r g e . 1 0 3 : 2 0 ? ? . I n lines 2 4 ? . 126:33.r i is h a r d l y r i g h t . 'T-na-sa-r[u ra-mAa-ni-ia: inassar is a l s o p o s s i b l e . n. EA 123 An enormity: another version TEXT: BM 29803. O n ti-im-i. 89:7??../ z U G U (eli)-(ia): cf. 9-15 A deed that has not been done from time immemorial has been 1 done to Gubla. EA 8 1 : 1 6 . a n d t h e r e p e t i t i o n o f "royal" m a k e s n o s e n s e . EA 7 4 : 4 9 ? . 6. C ? Ea 1 2 2 : 3 1 ? ? r 2. 202 .2 8 [If] the king. si-mi ( i a ) . c 3 8 . Yattin-Hadda. and brought them in[to] Egypt. they kill[ed] sirdanu-people. I]f the ki[ng]. since sarriitu is u n k n o w n in t h e vassal l e t t e r s . 2 9 . see a l s o EA 1 2 5 : 1 2 ? . w h i c h clearly w a s w r i t t e n a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e as EA 1 2 2 . 2 2 . and kidnapping. b u t c o n t e x t favors t h e d u r a t i v e .4 3 [Wh]at are the sons of Abdi-Asirta that they have taken the 2 land of the king for themselves? May the king send archers to [take] them.H a d d a a n d have a r o u s e d B y b l o s . It is t h e s e t h r e e m e n t h a t are t h e p r e s s i n g c o n c e r n o f R i b ." with what am I to guard? Send the 3 men whom Pihura brought in c c and then I will survive: Abdi-Rama. is r e p e a t e d in EA 1 2 3 . 2.2 1 [t]ook 3 men. 1 3 2 : - 5 if?. [then] send (back) the [ 3 ] men that I may live and guard the city for the king. Cf.3 7 As to the king's writing. loves [his] loya[l] servant. t h e o m i s s i o n in line 5 5 . (my) Sun. "Guard yourself.

2. [You will] not [ta]ke it ev[er] (again). ." Now. EA 124 EA 124 The tireless correspondent TEXT: C 4755 (12188). the king will [not] come out. (but) my [ci]ties Aziru has taken! 4 1 . 5 "No[w]. cf.. gr]ant and send [a gar]rison [with all s]peed in[to I 2 .. Gubla alone remains to me. EA 1 3 9 : 1 4 . . 79:45ff. servant (and) dog]. he now speaks as follows: "The cities of Ri[b-Hadd]a have been taken [and] §umu[r . ] 3 2 . . he has returned in order to [se]ize Gubla. ] . [my] lord. and (even) mayor[s has killed. that he has taken the ci[ties of the king 1 for himself]. The traitors [have rebelled] agai[nst the king]. h[e n]ow [says] to me. . 7 6 : 1 2 ( 6 . should troops advance against Gubla. Why has 8 the king (not) sent [chari]oteers (and) archers to take the ci[ties]? 9 5 3 ." Why should the[y be the ones] to write [t]o 3 you? Th[ey] have (their) cities. 26.] 61-67 .... .2 6 Who is t[his fellow.] 2 6 . Ri[b- Hadda] 7—13 writes to his lord. . then] he will also take Gubla 10 [fr]om you. alanu ana s[a-su-nu]\ cf. [ . EA 7i:i6ff. "Aziru has taken all my cities. Where am I to make a stand? Loo[k]. And so] may the king make inquiry [ .4 0 [ .k a / a k } : for l i n e s 2 i f . May the La]dy of Gubla [grant po]wer to the king. It [is true]. 1 4 0 : 1 1 . 20 mi-ia-[mi] s[u-ut IRUR. there are no oxen nor any sheep and goats. So give thought to your loyal servant. . you keep talking [li]ke this. "Yo(u) are the one that writes to me more tha[n a]ll 2 the (other) mayors. cf. May the king [give thought] to guarding his city . .6 0 If he is unable to take [them. If the king's desire is J1 to (gu)ar[d his city. they will take it.. 75:4166. my lord. As far 7 as I am concerned.KU] 21 a la-qa U[RU. } whether [things are] like th[is]. [your] ser[vant. for e n d o f l i n e 2 2 . I fall [at the fe]et of my lord. " 2 0 . NOTES 1. [my Sun: Mess]age of Rib-Hadda. as 6 your ancestors did. . 14—19 He is now in fact gathering together all the cities in'order to take it. . 1 3 . C O P Y : WA 62 + WA 64d + WA 65. [7 times and 7 ] times. . at-ta-ma tistapruna (EA 1 1 7 : 8 ) in a v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l context. 3." So [may the king come out].ME§ LUGAL sa- su] 22 u ha-za-nu-\ti d a . [To the k]ing.3 1 .5 2 In fact. at-(ta)-m\a]\ cf. EA 125:336 203 . In view of 4 c the mur[der of Abdi]-Asirta [and] Paw[ura]. .. my Sun. } he sent troo[ps to se]ize Gubla [and to se]ize Batruna.

OA 1 2 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p p .& : p r o b a b l y n o t e n o u g h r o o m for [ y i - il-q]u-/c. I a s s u m e a shift o f p e r s o n s in r e f e r r i n g t o t h e k i n g in lines 5 3 — 5 5 . 2 ) .a t } : t h o u g h diktu o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in p e r i p h e r a l A k k a d i a n ( S . . s .i l . EA 113. and the king was accustomed to give grain for their food from the land of Yarimuta. 6. " 10.2 4 Previously. a n d n o t e t h e a b s e n c e o f "one" b e f o r e U Z .2 4 . . M E S (EA 5 5 . . M E § la-ru-tu is-t\u L U G A L ] : cf. R i b . A g a r r i s o n ( l i n e 5 9 ) is n o t u s e d for offensive p u r p o s e s . M E S : o n t h e w r i t i n g o f ul.H a d d a h a s b e e n a c c u s e d o f b e i n g r e s p o n s i b l e (EA ii9:i8fE. 5 5 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. As to the king. .a r U R U . s e e i n g t h a t t h e v e r b ddku. c 5. see EA 1 0 1 : 5 . 12. 3 u n e m e n d e d text there seems to be no g r a m m a t i c a l l y a n d s t y l i s t i c a l l y a c c e p t a b l e w a y o f r e a d i n g lines 5 4 ? that also makes sense. I have neither oxen 2 nor sheep and goats. [my] lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. 3 . " is u s e d o f b o t h A b d i - A s i r t a a n d P a w u r u . pp. la-a-Kmi)] 5 6 [ t i . u-ul G U D . . 5—13 May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. [na-ak-ru] 4 8 L U . and the peasantry has gone off to towns where 204 . . "Guard yourself and guard the city of the king where 1 you are. saying. P i n t o r e ." Cf. RA 7 6 [ 1 9 8 2 ] p . a-na ( n a ) . 47 . A n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y : "If a t t h e d e a t h o f A b d i . a n d t h e y w e r e n o t . < f i . . . n. . 5 7 . But now Aziru has repeatedly raided me.[ i k . my lord's. LFM. 1 3 1 : 2 2 .A S i r t a a n d P a w u r u t h e k i n g d i d n o t c o m e o u t . 3 0 4 f .H a d d a a s k s w h y t h e k i n g s e n t charioteers (and? o r ? ) a r c h e r s . my S[un]. . EA 125 A study in contrasts TEXT: BM 29802. 9. A n o t h e r reference t o t h e t h r e e B y b l o s c i t i z e n s d e t a i n e d in E g y p t . A s t h e t e x t s t a n d s . n. cf." with what shall I guard myself and the city of [the king]? 1 4 .s f a . 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p p . however. s t i l l t h e p r o p o s e d r e s t o r a t i o n s e e m s c w o r t h y o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n . 2 9 ) . I fall at the feet of my lord. see EA 1 1 8 .3 2 And there is no grain for my food.s u ] 5 8 [id]-na . 130f. he w i l l n o t c o m e o u t now. A l s o possible: "He will not be a b l e . 3 6 2 : 6 9 . . . 2 9 . 7 times and 7 times. n. . 2 5 . To the king. T h e s e a r c h e r s c o u l d t h e n b e c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h o s e for w h o s e d e a t h R i b . 8. L a c k e n b a c h e r .2 9 . see EA I22f. EA 1 2 7 : 2 6 . and t h e n . M E S 5 0 u la-a U Z .49. p . 1 4 5 : 3 7 ) . 11. n o o t h e r clear l i n k s a n < m a n b e t w e e n EA 1 1 9 a n d EA 1 2 2 . a n d h e n c e ana s[abai) is excluded.q ] u . C O P Y : BB 19. 7 .t i / k a . there was a garrison of the king with me. TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. . VAB 2 / 2 . [your] ser[vant]. my lord. Or n . T h e r e a r e . as i f t h e y c o u l d n o t b e e x p e c t e d t o b e s u c c e s s f u l ( W e b e r . i4f. 1 2 0 6 ) . . "to k i l l . 132:45. : cf. Aziru has taken everything.

Moreover. the sons of Abdi-Asirta. C O P I E S : WA 76. 8. i b i d . why does the king give the mayors. s e c t ." how 6 am I to guar[d myself]? 3 4 . but a garrison is not sent. 5 2 3 . n. 3 . 7 .1 3 I am unable to send my ships there. A g a i n s t t h e a l t e r n a t i v e r e a d i n g relulunu ( K n u d t z o n . see lines 276°. but to me not give anything? Previously. and he 5 seeks my life. 1 4 . p. and my lord would send troops to them. 1. 2 . 6 1 ( a l s o in Three Amarna Essays.H a d d a ' s p l i g h t .4 0 The mayors have their towns. " is w i t h o u t f o u n d a t i o n in e i t h e r g r a m m a r or c o n t e x t . . for t h e d a m a g e is s u c h t h a t . S e e EA 5 5 .3 3 But now I write for troops. Say to the king. VS 11. ) is a l s o t h e fact t h a t relu a s t h e d e s i g ­ n a t i o n o f a p e r s o n d o e s n o t a p p e a r in EA. 124:39. 1 Rib-Eddi. since Aziru is at war with me. n. yistak(k?)anu-ni: durative. why does the king compare me with the (other) mayors? 3 3 . o n e w o u l d e x p e c t t o see s o m e t r a c e o f t h e m i s s i n g v e r t i c a l . and nothing at all is given [to m]e. 5. n. "Gua[rd yourself] and [the city of the king where you are]. RA 6 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p . see L i v e r a n i . n. [having said]. Their ships go about as they please. O p p e n h e i m ' s v e r s i o n . my lord]. not punctive ( O p p e n h e i m ) . C ? EA 1 0 0 .4 2 I wrote t[o the king. t h e t r i b e of c A b d i . 2. e . EA 126 3 there is grain for their food. and their pea(sant)ry4 is in their control. 4. S e e also EA 113:30?. 5.A s i r t i ) . my lord: I fall beneath the feet of my lord 7 2 times and 7 times. But Aziru has my cities. 2 6 4 .'ii). 118:45?. la ittTka: see I n t r o d u c t i o n .4 every sort of provision. As for my lord's having written for bo\xwood} it is taken from the lands of Salhi and from Ugarit. EA 126 Rejection of Byblos or Rib-Hadda? T E X T : VAT 1183. b e l o n g f r o m h e a d to t o e t o t h e m ( i . A[s for] the king. 4. Why shall I make an alliance with him? 40-45 What c are the dogs. L i v e r a n i . money and everything for the(ir) provisions were sent from the palace to my ancestors. my friends.2 3 Moreover. and all the mayors 3 are at peace with him. 68. that ((that)) they do as they please and set fire to the cities of the king? NOTES 1 . OA 1 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p . T h e first s i g n s e e m s t o b e hu rather t h a n ri. A reference here t o t h e p e a s a n t r y o f t h e o t h e r m a y o r s w o u l d a l s o yield a m o r e c o m p l e t e c o n t r a s t w i t h R i b . my lord's. and sakdnul litkunu kima m e a n s "to c o m p a r e " . and they get what they need. were t h e s i g n ri. however. " T h e r e g e n t s of t h e o t h e r t o w n s . "They 205 .

3 5 .6 6 So give thought to [your] city. Gub[la is the only c]ity I have. t h o u g h K n u d t z o n ' s J 7 . 2. but troops are not sen[t]. t h e force o f t h e e n c l i t i c escapes m e . 3. then let him abandon it.5 2 So send him along with rescue forces. In s u p p o r t o f t a k i n g i-zi-ba-si in t h e s e n s e of "(then) I w i l l a b a n d o n it. In v i e w o f tu-ul^-qu-na in line 6. I f t h e correct r e a d i n g is « TASKARIN"'-wz<2. b u t te-eq-bu-na in line 2 1 . b e s i d e s 1 0 2 : 2 9 (see a l s o EA 8 8 ." only in EA 1 2 9 : 3 7 a n d 3 6 2 : 5 3 . A n u m b e r o f d i s t i n c t i v e features a s s o c i a t e EA 1 2 6 . "old m a n . (3) fluctuation b e t w e e n {una} a n d \uni\ o n l y in EA 1 2 6 a n d 3 6 2 (EA 1 2 6 : tu-ba-lu-na in lines 5 8 — 5 9 . S e e EA 1 1 3 . the Hittite troops and they have set fire to the country. 4 4 . 4 3 . i 2 6 : 5 o f f . S e e EA 90. 6. 7. (6) kazbutu. a-na-sa-r\u r a . t h e l o g o g r a m is t o b e r e a d as f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r or c o m m o n p l u r a l . in EA. " is p o s s i b l e . (9) t h e E g y p t i a n official. and {my] messenger you do not allow to come out. n. 9. a n d p r o b a b l y 1 2 9 : 7 6 1 6 ." They give all the silver and gold of the king to the c c sons of Abdi-Asirta. "lies. "to s e n d ( t r o o p s ) q u i c k l y . 7 then let him dismiss me. EA 3 6 2 : te-eq-bu-ni in lines 1 7 a n d 2 5 . yti-sa-ru.n i . a n d 3 6 2 . but if me. If the king hates his city. the son of Abdi-Asirta is their [master]. I r e a d ia-ti-ia u~'. i d e n t i c a l a n d u n p a r a l l e l e d e x c e p t p e r h a p s in EA 1 2 9 . a n d n. my lord. perhaps 9 3 : 1 5 . n. b u t ta-di-nu-ni in lines 6 4 — 6 5 . a n d it has a l s o b e e n a r g u e d t h a t t h e k i n g w o u l d not b e a s k e d t o s e n d a r e p l a c e m e n t 206 . Send a man of yours to g[uar]d it. a n d t h e p a r a l l e l i s m o f t h e t w o s e n t e n c e s favors t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f b o t h a p o d o s e s b y u. i n d i c a t i n g t h a t they were w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e ." EA 82:416°. however. and possibly 1 2 8 : 2 3 1 (x-quf ). b e s i d e s i 3 8 : i i 9 . 4. . 1 2 9 . have b e e n c i t e d as p a r a l l e l s . ." I have indfeed sen]t my mes(sen)ger t[o the king]. a n d 1 2 9 : 2 9 = 3 6 2 : 4 5 . and accordingly they are strong. 53—60 I have written repeatedly. w h o s e n a m e is w r i t t e n in several w a y s . (4) H i t t i t e s referred t o as a t h r e a t o n l y in EA 7 5 : 3 5 6 ° . tu-s[a-ru] or tu-s[a-ru~na]: see EA 1 1 4 . n. N o t h i n g r e q u i r e s it. r 7. 7 ) . a n d 3 6 2 . Why is 8 nothing given to me from the palace? .b [ a ] . my [lo]rd. " b e i n g isr u n d e r s t o o d ) . line 4 0 . They have seized all the lands of the king. i n s t e a d o f n o r m a l tu-ba-u-na. 5 . but no word comes back to me. n. " o n l y in EA 1 2 9 : 7 8 a n d 3 6 2 : 7 .m a . 6 1 . a n d 83:456°.9 Now they are mobiliz­ 10 ing the troops of the Hittite countries to seize Gubla. 4. a n d cf. 1. (8)hummutu. 1 2 b e l o w ) .THE AMARNA LETTERS c have taken a[ll] m[y cities]. m a p p e a r i n g as pi-wu-ri o n l y in EA 1 2 9 . n." " b e a m s . (5) teti-ba-u-na o n l y in EA 129 and 3 6 2 . and the sons of Abdi-Asirta give this to the strong 12 king. . And may the [k]ing pay no attention] to the men of the army. T h e l a t t e r s e e m s m o r e likely ("logs. . 3 6 2 : 4 . a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e : (1) t h e g r e e t i n g f o r m u l a o f EA 1 2 6 a n d 3 6 2 . but my lord has done nothing to them. i 3 7 ( ? ) .i a ] : see EA 1 2 2 . (2) t h e w r i t i n g am-qut"'. 1 3 1 . NOTES 1. only 1 2 6 : 3 . ( 7 ) £ A 1 2 9 : 3 2 6 = 3 6 2 : 2 5 6 . see a l s o lines 2 4 .

] . 12. 97? 8. May my lord grant 100 men and 100 soldiers from Kasi. 1 1 9 ] . Z. n. S e e M . is t h e fact t h a t in t h e s t r i c t l y p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s EA 1 2 9 : 3 2 . t h e t i m e reference of teqbuna a n d teqbuni is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y t h e s a m e . and it is 8 9 different. S e e EA 1 0 1 . VS 11.2 9 [Certai]nly. C O P I E S : WA 184. o n e also flees (ndbutu) or a b a n d o n s (ezebu). Yanhamu being [with you]. 150). . la(?). Cry out. 4 ) . pp. M y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . that I may guard the land of my lord until a large force of archers comes out. 4 9 . my lord. n o t e a l s o t h e p a r a l l e l ­ i s m o f teba'una a n d teqbuni. t h e teqbuna o f t h e first is r e p l a c e d in t h e l a t t e r b y teqbuni. but now there has been a controversy among my men. 10. 2 . then there will be no [soldiers from Ka]Ia who will get in. n.2 6 . "Are t h e r e n o t the H i t t i t e t r o o p s . In EA 3 1 6 2 : 2 1 . {and] 207 .. 1 3 . T h e " s t r o n g k i n g " w a s p r o b a b l y t h e H i t t i t e ruler ( M u r n a n e . L i c h t e n s t e i n . K n u d t z o n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e s i g n ( s ? ) is e x a c t . in w h i c h . n. has c h a l l e n g e d t h i s view a n d w o u l d t r a n s l a t e the f o r m s w i t h {uni} as p r e t e r i t e s . "On to GublaV's For who—seeing that everyone is against me—who is to rescue 4 me? {/ assure yo]u.tu)-tu. then may my lord give a garrison of .7 2 ] p . to guard his city. if o n e h a t e s . D e c i s i v e . s e e m s clearer a n d m o r e forceful. . p . t o o . JANES 2 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p . however. as-su is e x c l u d e d . d e p e n d i n g on w h e t h e r the k i n g rejects t h e city i t s e l f or i t s ruler. Gubla is a loyal city. 4..3 3 = 3 6 2 : 2 5 . EA 127 Alone against the world T E X T : VAT 1687. n. . 69. T w[as str]ong. UF 1 6 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . and it will be guarded. 1 0 0 . however. upon the taking of Gubla there will be no men from Egypt {who] will get in here. ?" 9. I am being hard-pressed : si-ir-ti (I am besieged).4 1 And now I declare. 11. T h e latter a r g u m e n t i g n o r e s t h e fact t h a t t h e r e p l a c e m e n t is c a l l e d for o n l y u n d e r the second c o n d i t i o n . and 30 chariots. In ta-di-nu-ni I t a k e {uni} as a free v a r i a n t o f {una} a n d a p e c u l i a r i t y o f t h i s s c r i b e . Izre'el. B u n n e n s . RA 6 1 { 1 9 6 7 ] p . N o t e . EA 127 if he w e r e b e i n g t o l d to a b a n d o n B y b l o s ( L i v e r a n i . n. 9 1 ." 12—22 Let the arch[ers] come out [an]d fetch us. The Road to Kadesh { s e e I n t r o d u c t i o n . 3 7 . see t h e p a s s a g e s c i t e d in CAD. . AIPHOS 20 { 1 9 6 8 . 2 3 . 3 0 . Should Gubla be [jojined? [to] the c { Ap]iru. { . . il(texv. the king should inquire 6 from him [about the sl]anders. . t h e k i n g has t w o p o s s i b l e c o u r s e s o f a c t i o n . my lord: c when? previously Abdi-Asratu used to come up against me. 2 0 6 ) rather t h a n t h e k i n g o f M i t t a n i ( G .2 5 . how frequently. If it is the desire of the king.

see I n t r o d u c t i o n . s t r a i t e n e d " = C a n a a n i t e fur. m EA 1 4 0 ) .H a d d a . - NOTES 1 .. 2. a n d 1 3 very f r a g m e n t a t y lines on t h e reverse. F i v e l i n e s . 5 . T A G l R . issdqifor issTq) + { u } of Canaanite durative. 3.» w la-qe: infinitive r a t h e r t h a n s t a t i v e laqat. 4. "to confine. t h e loyal city. [and it h]as peace." m D c Line 1 2 : [. for t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n .. M E S pifdti is t h e s u b j e c t o f b o t h v e r b s .IM (Hadda/Ba al). "another" ( p a l a v e r ) ? 9.. . w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e as t h a t o f EA 126: 21 [um-ma] i-li-ra- u [pf-ih] 2 2 [ a . m a y c o n t a i n a p o s t s c r i p t o f t h e f u t u r e ruler o f B y b l o s (cf.r a p i l i : I fall 7 t i m e s a n d 7 t i m e s b e n e a t h t h e feet o f t h e k i n g . A n d m a y t h e k i n g . 4. 6. see JCS 4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p p . EA 1 1 9 : 2 6 .n a K I ] .. hear a b o u t t h e d e e d o f ( t h a t ) c r i m i n a l .THE AMARNA LETTERS my lord [ta]kes the land of Amurru [fo]r himself. cf. VS 11. "to b e c o m e narrow. NOTE 1 .l u ] . however. t h e n t h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e c o n t r o v e r s y or p a l a v e r c o n c e r n e d t h e i r loyalty t o R i b . M E S LUGAL E [ N . " O n p o s t s c r i p t s ... t h e f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r a d j e c t i v e rabtti in l i n e 3 9 .fi a n d tilqe are ex­ p e c t e d .n a k]a-ar-fi: cf. 71. i8ifF. c 10. cf. w i t h loss o f v o i c e d i s t i n c t i o n . EA 88:31 (en-ni-ip-sa-(at)l). w i t h a reference t o t h e A p i r u . 8. addressed to the king. "and he was buried. s e c t . L i n e 8: » qe-bi-ir qa-al. kima. [ T h e k i n g ] d i d nothing." 7. tus. [ti-tn-i\p-Ia-mi: l i t . is c o r r e c t . A few s i g n s p r e s e r v e d o n t h e o b v e r s e . " M e s s a g e o f I l i . m y l o r d . [. [ a . p p . "when." is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . If U R I N . L i n e s 2 iff. " T h e A k k a d i a n f o r m s e e m s t o b e a n e r r o ­ n e o u s p e r f e c t . 1 Too fragmentary for translation.. " (nadltna) pa-ni-nu elilmuhhi U[R]U gub-la. a n d if it is p e r t i n e n t h e r e . Zani. m y l o r d . b e s i e g e . 1696°. I f D u r a n d ' s a n a l y s i s o f rihfu in AEM 1 / 1 . "let G u b l a b e j o i n e d " (yaqtula).w ] 2 3 [7 u 7 am\-qut '-ma. C O P I E S : WA 227. A k k a d i a n sidqu. 208 . " EA 128 Message lost TEXT: VAT 1873 (not collated). p e r h a p s "the s l a n d e r s a g a i n s t G u b l a . "(Let u s set) o u r faces u p o n G u b l a . ia-ab-»]i. L a s t w o r d s : "{then I will] d i e . I r e a d is-sd-qu : ft-ir-ti. [ a l . .].

[Look]. . . and the lands be joined to the king. They say. ] . my lord's. . If there are no archers. then they 21 will be strong. ] that they should acquire fo[r themselves a]nything? They have piled up prop[erty of] the lands of the king in [their own] han[ds}.. [They have committed] a l c cri[me. If the king. If there are no archers this year. having written. Say t]o the [ki]ng. Batruna remai[ns to me}. It is at pe[ace}. } soldiers and 6 [. [. 2 2 . Who are they. 2 c inq(ui)re abo[ut the s]on[s] of Abdi-Asirt[a. the dogs [ . they have won [the lands] for the Apiru...1 2 May the king. [ . the dogs? If Biryawaza is afraid 28 (o)/the king. On its being [ta]ken [Gubla (itself)] they will u 2 12 [t]ake. so that [the lands of the king belong] to the sons of c 27 Abdi-Asirta. . they will [tak]e ° Gubla. . 70. 2 9 keeps telling the magnate of . [my] lord: [I fall beneath the fee]t (of 1 my lord) 7 times and 7 [times]. If Gubla [is taken. earlier kings guard[ed] Gubla. 209 . they do not come out. as to the king. and they strive to ta[ke] it. . and you yourself must not abandon it.$ Th]ey are against me. ." And now 2 5 . "Surely it cannot be seized. Since a tablet to the mayors is [notpro]duced. ' what will the archers do?" 3 4 . then send ships to 23 fetch me. VS 11. . [then] their aim will be to seize [Gubla]. 4 . EA 129 EA 129 A long review of the situation T E X T : VAT 1637 + 1638.3 4 greatly. . "Troops have indeed come out. "If w[e] seize 1 16 Gubla. W]hat will the troops do [for your servant]. [ . . along with (my) living g o d .*> The mayors of the Jckig . Truly. Rib-Hadda? 22 Fo[r my ancesto]rs. . "Ta[ke (them)]. my lord. . .] 1 3 . m[y l]ord. 14 they are intent on committing [a crime]. may the king hasten the sending of the archers so he may take them. servants (and) d o g s . ] and the magnate of Kumidu. . and the (last) commissioner 7 [was] a wi[se] man who was highly respected. C O P I E S : WA 86 + WA 87.. f ]or they d[o}?> as they 4 please. my 24 lord. 5 5 . Who are they. my lord. May the king.2 1 Now what they too[k ha]d been i[n the charge of] the commissioners of the king. he has not taken them. . to my lord.8 9 the king of [ ."i° they have not taken them.5 4 L[ook]. unless archers come out 2 within this year.2 5 ••• 6 . and] the king of 26 the Hittite countries. my lord. . And 18 19 they are stronger than we are. b[ut they have killed 8 9 10 him] All my cities belong to (t)hem. [Rib]-Add[i. There are no archers. [my] lord.7 4 • • • 7 5 ." you spo[ke] 17 lies : ka-ma-mi(?). Accordingly. not say. they have long[ed] to 13 commit a great [crime].

94—98 Since there are n{o arc]hers. . 16. U R U . 9iff. a n d see EA 1 2 6 .3 . for & z . they took the 33 territo(ry) of Sr. UR.. irttha[t a-na ia-si]: enough room? 11.[ n u ] . y i . EA 106:39 l 7 3> a s s u m i n g here a s p o r a d i c A s s y r i a n i s m (kabbut). b u t 3 6 2 : 2 8 U R U . on t h e s c r i b e o f EA 1 2 9 .H a d d a . They took Pewurfu and ki]lled him. see JCS 4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p . They are [against me]. 14. if [ d a . "to p i l e u p " ) .U R . . EA 3 6 2 : 2 6 has U R U . M E S . line 9 6 a n d EA 362:69.4 . 3. EA 1 2 6 : 1 .n a ] : cf. NOTES m 1. i-nu-\ma la-a] 2 8 s [ u . B e t t e r . t h a t in EA 129:53. a n c i o : 2 7. "to d e s i r e .n a ] : sabu. r 4. is i n t e n d e d t h r o u g h o u t is a l s o r e q u i r e d b y c o n t e x t . w h e r e t h e h o p e is e x p r e s s e d t h a t t h e k i n g will not d i s m i s s t h e t h r e a t s e x p r e s s e d by R i b . as e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (VAB 2/2. p. amur-mi in EA 3 6 2 : 2 7 .q u s u . ti-i}-b[u a r . . T h e r e a d i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f lines 4 .t f / : cf. 10. a n d n o t t h e o u t l y i n g v i l l a g e s .umu]r for themselves.THE AMARNA LETTERS i2 90—94 . a n d t h e p r i z e s o u g h t b y t h e e n e m y a n d feared b y R i b - H a d d a is t h e c a p t u r e o f B y b l o s i t s e l f (EA 3 6 2 : 1 2 ^ ) . t h e ME§ in U R U . EA ? 1 0 2 : 7 ) . 1469). Cf./ a . ana ( s a ) . Bar-llan 1 ( 1 9 6 3 ) p p . mi-am-ma. M E § . and [they killed the commissioner of the king]. / i . ( K I ) .t e (kalbu). ti-e-te-pu-Iu in line 8 8 ./ ] i : t h e k i n g ' s s i l e n c e s h o w s indifference a n d encourages the rebels. 1 [ ri-ib~}-ad-d[i qi-bilbi-mi] 2 [a-n]a [ L U G ] A L be-li-[ia a-na KI.D a n g i n ' s t r a n s l a ­ t i o n . K I in line 3 1 . r 2. N o t e . l i k e ussir. w h i c h follows i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e s e n ­ t e n c e b e g i n n i n g . M E § . .( s a ) . see a l s o T h u r e a u . ka-{al)-bu? 5. M E § L U G A L a-na U Z [ U . sa-bat-mi ni-[nu]: EA 1 2 9 : 3 2 = 3 6 2 ^ . M ] E § qa-[ti-su-nu]: kummiru (kamdru. b u t here U R U . If [the king] is not going to listfen to his servant.KI gub-la]: enough room? 12. TE^-ba (for bdsta. K I . 8 tipusilna a-n[a sa-su-nu] 9 \m~\a-am-ma ku-mi-ru mi-a[m-ma sa] 1 0 [ K ] U R . O n l y t h e city o f B a t r u n a r e m a i n s . r 8. T h a t B y b l o s . o n l y o n e c i t y is referred t o . n. 1 7 0 . l o n g for.s u . 15. 3 6 2 : 1 . p a s s i m ) . M E § 7 u ~T lam-quf'Y.TA] r 3 [ G ] i [ R ] . puhhir. " 17. .ME$. th[ey are str]ong.u t ] 1 6 sa ka-bu-ut ma-gal: cf. e x p l a i n s t h e g l o s s as A k k a d i a n 210 . t o o . K I .k u . 9. Cf. e t c . 38f.s u ] : cf. A r t z i . "If we seize . V-Cnja [qa-at]. In EA 1 2 9 a n d 3 6 2 . ko*-b[ii): as in l i n e 8 1 . a n d s o t h e t r a n s l a t i o n is here often e x t r e m e l y t e n t a t i v e . similarly. 13. [URU. Pewuru. EA 1 2 4 : 2 3 . then may he se]nd ships. 1. LU e [ m ." is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d in t h e periphery. cf. i-pi-il[ar-ni]: EA 1 2 9 : 2 9 = 362:45. a n d p e r h a p s [SA]G -q[d]-di (for qaqqadT. RA 19 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p p .2 r * are e x t r e m e l y difficult.t p u . EA 2 0 9 : 1 6 ) .T . w h i c h is c o m p a r a b l e t o KUR-nu ( o r i g i n a l l y for nukurtu. 6. M E § is e i t h e r o t i o s e or carries w i t h it t h e c o n n o t a t i o n o f " a l l / g r e a t e r G u b l a " (or t h e l i k e ) .

Beziehungen.z a . C O P I E S : WA 46. my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. VAB 2/1. eperu. I d o not a c c e p t t h e a l l e g e d p a r a l l e l in PRU 3. 28. 22. [ a . not balti. . p. 48:16. " t h u s . see N a ' a m a n . n o t e a. p. 94. EA 130 c Life among the Apiru T E X T : VAT 1624.k a \rib-hadda: cf. I p r o p o s e i-pi-(ti) K I . In l i n e 45. ti-n[a-sa-ru-n}a. U R U ( l o g o g r a m r e v e r s e d ) s[u-mu-r]i. your servant. 20. 3. m 21. 29. "your m e s s e n g e r s are b e i n g s e i z e d " ? 26. "territory. I fall at the feet of 211 . r 25. s .[ q u . 1 7 0 . cf. [ u d a . p . a n d B o g h a z k o y ( S u n a s s u r a treaty). u dannu in EA 3 6 2 : 2 8 . r 1 32. my lord. we s h o u l d expect balfa. p . G a z a . 33. T h e m o s t l i k e l y r e a d i n g s e e m s to b e U R U . 16 a b o v e .H a d d a s e e m s t o refer to a letter f r o m the k i n g . Say [t]o the king. a n d so it is u n l i k e l y t h a t U R U s[u-mu- r)i is c o r r e c t . K n u d t z o n ' s r e s t o r a t i o n is g r a m m a t i c a l l y u n a c c e p t a b l e (tiqbilna required). [u \a]-qu-mi.n a i R . EA 130 kdmma-mi. 31.. a n d 362 never i n t r o d u c e s a c i t y s i m p l y by U R U . a n d see n. " W h o are t h e y ? the k i n g o f M i t t a n i ? t h e k i n g of K a s s u ? t h e k i n g o f H i t t i t e c o u n t r i e s ? " Cf. 28) R i b . 1 2 9 .n u ni]i-na . VS 11. May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. b u t b y U R U .. 4. pal-ha (it)-tu L U G A L BE-[/<z}: cf. . / e . EA 116:706 27. 746°. 72. T h e s c r i b e o f EA 1 2 6 .m i ] : a g a i n (see n. tu. dan -«#.t i ] .i^-ba-t{u-na]. 552. . " Cf. 24. M E S or U R U . M E S ) . I f B i r y a w a z a is a f r a i d o f t h e k i n g (as t h e k i n g says he i s ) .. " w h e r e b y t h e s c r i b e e m p h a s i z e s t h a t it is r i g h t to call w h a t t h e k i n g w r o t e lies. which would a l s o fit t h e b r e a k perfectly. they w i l l b e s t r o n g e r . 46. ( K n u d t z o n ) . EA 3 6 2 : 2 7 a n d line 44 below. 23. 19. mi-di la sa-ab-ta-at /><2-[as-ha-at]: see JCS 3 1 (1979) p ." w h i c h is a t t e s t e d in A l a l a k h . P e r h a p s R i b . B u t t h i s w o u l d leave t h e p e r s o n a l n a m e h a n g i n g in t h e air. 249. t h e p a r a l l e l in l i n e 34 s u g g e s t s a r e s t o r a t i o n o f [pi'-td-tu]. K I a [ z . EA 362:27. P e r h a p s . a n d r i g h t after tilquni. S e e n. Political Disposition.H a d d a refers t o h i m s e l f b y n a m e b e c a u s e he is i m p l i c i t l y citing t h e w o r d s o f his enemy. 29 (i960) p . n. I f t h e s h i p s were to fetch " m e a l i v e " . 45 [ a . H e b r e w y d r e ' min. 18. he is n o t s h o w i n g it a n d a t t a c k i n g the k i n g ' s enemies.f f l ] / : cf. n. P e r h a p s b e t t e r : "(If) t h e r e are no archers ( a n d ) t h e y d o n o t c o m e o u t . 4. . A l e p p o .s u ] : d e s p i t e K n u d t z o n ' s o b j e c t i o n s . K I ( . H e l c k . a[r-na] 87 [ e p . T h e "living g o d " is very likely t h e s a m e g o d t h a t is m e n t i o n e d in EA 84:35.m u t . 30. see Or n .

{Though the war against me] is seve[re]." he has not come to me. see L i v e r a n i . they will k i l l . and there is no one who wants to serve them." who can guard me? 2 1 . Wh[at shall I] do? 3 2 . who is going to [gu]ard it? NOTES 1 . my lord. . [the]y are the 1 ones who strik[e] our city. my Sun.4 2 As for the mayors. 15—20 If the king does not send the summer- 2 grain. 1 The corps]e was cas{t aw]ay. [I] will guard it while I am [a]live. then may my lord send 300 sol­ diers. 30 chariots. EA 131 A commissioner killed TEXT: BM 29807. but] a garrison [of the king] was wi(t)h them. There were provisions from the king at their disposal. 2 1 . ti-du-ku-[na Iu\-nu. We are servants of 6 the king. formerly my ancestors [were str]ong. e d . They are like dogs.3 0 They have attacked' commissioners : ma-lik. he was placed in . send a garrison to guard the city. 73). to do? If now there are no provisions from the king for me. p . 2. 4 3 . troops from Gubla have been killed. the king's counselor. 14—20 As to the king's having written me.THE AMARNA LETTERS the king. I f t h e v e r b in q u e s t i o n is sananu.. p e r h a p s "will b e c o m e h o s t i l e " . in G a r e l l i . Sumur has now been seized. 1 [. . 4 and m{e. n. When Pewuru. the city of my lord. M E S (counselors) of the king. "Guard yourself and guard the city of the king where you are. I myself am afraid I will be kil{led.3 1 Look. and it is distressing for us to see that w(e) are going to be taken. . 1 8 8 .5 2 A(ll) lands are at war against me. 7 times and 7 times. If the desire of the king is to guard his city and his servant. . my peasantry is going to 2 fi[gh]t (against me). this is the way they 212 . What am I.. my lord. I have [n]o [provision]s [from the king or gar]ri[son of the king]. There was war against the[m.} 6-14 My lord {us]ed to send a garri[son] to Gubla. 30-40 {Form]erly. . If the desire of the king. Le Palais et la Royaute (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . that they may guard Gubla. n. your servant]. . "Irimayas's'a is coming to you. C O P Y : BB 24. who live among "Apiru. is (to guard) Gubla. When [I] die. should troops a{dv]an{cep on Gubla. 9-14 As to the king's having written to me. w h o n o t e s t h e p a r a l l e l i s m in U g a r i t i c o f nkr a n d tn. and 100 men from Kasi. i n . was killed. they will s[ur]ely take it. i{t] had 8 9 no one for fu{nerary offerin]gs.

T h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t qerebu. e i t h e r a n e g a t i v e is t o b e r e s t o r e d or t h e s e n t e n c e m u s t b e read a s a q u e s t i o n .. I n v i e w ofyilmu (line 3 8 ) . qitrubu a n d taqrubtu. B e g i n n i n g o f l i n e 3 2 : r e a d p r o b a b l y yu-fir or yu-{wa)-Iir. . E n d o f l i n e 3 2 : i f ab-b[u-ka] is the correct r e a d i n g . EA 131 10 acted: the king. . " 4. there is n o o n e . a n d t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t r a c e s is e x t r e m e l y difficult a n d s u b j e c t i v e . cf. the d o u b l i n g m u s t b e i g n o r e d . o n t h e s y n t a x ." wherever are all the cities of the king food and grain [may be found}.[ b a ] . GA]-p{ 3 0 ia-nu a-na la-a-Uu . ia-[a]-t[i l R .. b u t it is q u e s t i o n a b l e w h e t h e r t h e r e is e n o u g h r o o m . p p . .. he (the king) wil[l take everything.s ] i . see Or n . i66f. [ u s . 4 8 . [May the king ask] Yanhamu about th(ese) 6 ma(tt)ers. 2 8 ..KI gub-l{a KASKAL (liarrana)]: if yisabbata is the c o r r e c t r e a d i n g . 29 (i960) p. not m o d a l . . U]S 2 9 yu-n[a-d]a LU KI. M E § qe-e-si are (1) §E is not c o m p l e t e l y c e r t a i n . 213 . 1 5 9 4 . p . 4 1 . n o t e . " h e r e i m p l i e s h o s t i l i t y . they will take it. Political Disposition.q u ] (line 40). N a ' a m a n . t o o .s ] i . did [not] send a small archer force. T h e difficulties w i t h S E . ni-{au) na-ld-qu: very t e n t a t i v e l y t a k e n as p a s s i v e o f leqii (nulaqqu or nulqu e x p e c t e d ) . .'i If] he does not send (them) [to Gubl}a. p r o b a b l y [ y ] u . "to p e r i s h " ? 7. t h e n t r o o p s w i l l a d v a n c e . and [ . T h e final {a} is p r o b a b l y a fossilized v e n t i v e . .. . not pananumma.. If [the king] heeds the words of his servant and [sends] a large archer 12 force. ana sa-a-[su pa-na]-nu-ma: elsewhere in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . . 12.r # : cf. . R e a d AD-b[u-ka] = abilkal 11.' NOTES 1. 6.k a ] : cf. s . Hebrew q°rab. 14. 30 . yti-Ii-ra ( l i n e 1 2 ) a n d yu-Ii-ru (line 1 5 ) . 2 . . . a n d (3) t h e s u b j e c t o f s u p p l i e s is i n t r o d u c e d s u d d e n l y a n d in an u n p a r a l l e l e d m a n n e r . w h i c h is p e r h a p s to b e t a k e n as an indefinite p l u r a l . Now his son has plundered] Sumur. T h e t a b l e t is b a d l y d a m a g e d or e r o d e d h e r e .]'4 He must not ne[glec}t [his city. .4 7 As to its being 1 said 3 be[fore] the king. arch}ers and auxiliary forces [ . (2) qi (GI) is o t h e r w i s e u n k n o w n in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . pdnanu. line 2 8 . A l s o p o s s i b l e ( K n u d t z o n ) : "If .t e a-na 5 URU. u-da-a-k{a]: the r e a d i n g is a l m o s t c e r t a i n . alaqu = haldqu. 5 . and he t[ook} everything.5 6 [ . The lands of Canaan will not belong to the king. "There is no grain (or) food [for] the archers to eat.r u ] ( l i n e 3 9 ) a n d j / ' .. . . [your}fath[er}.s a . udakla LU. see VAB 2 / 2 .f i l . ..6 2 [ . "to a p p r o a c h . r 1 ? 3.r a ( K n u d t ­ z o n ) m u s t a s s u m e an e x t r e m e l y rare p l u r a l o f m a j e s t y . . . R e f e r e n c e to P e w u r u ' s b o d y ? A n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y : " S h o u l d a c o r p s e b e l a i d t o r e s t . [SE. 8. n o t e t h e c h a n g e in n u m b e r i n tilqunali. t h e r e q u e s t for a l a r g e force in lines 38ff. . and he went on 11 with his tr[eacher]ous activities. U n l e s s t h i s p a s s a g e c o n t r a d i c t s EA 1 1 7 : 2 3 6 ° . 10.[ 5 i .]: q u i t e c o n j e c t u r a l . ] 5 7 . . ] . y i . [ y u . p r o p o s e s yu-ba-lli-iq]. " 9. Pahamnata would not listen to me.

and I wrote to your father. my lord. see EA 8 8 . . 29—37 {LJook. your {serjvant. his lord. and he guarded the c{ities] of the king. 15.2 . . ] . K l . ] with the sons of c 4 Abdi-Asirta. . 3. since a commissioner was killed. 8 .m ] a . O n laqi.s u ] .x . Now Ha'ip has hand{ed over] Sumur. If now you are negligent. whose father 5 turned the citi{es] into enemies. { . "then G u b l a w i l l b e a t p e a c e " ? ) . they will take you prisoner. see EA 1 0 8 . May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. {but] no attention is paid {t]o me. . together with his possessions? 19—23 Now Aziru has gathered c a{ll] the Apiru and has said to them. 14. a{sk him] if I did not say to him. EA 132 The hope for peace TEXT: BM 29801. Send ships to fetch the Lady's property and me. . m[y] Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda. Earlier. {Sen]d 5 0 . and the entire land 1 2 c will be taken in a day./ & / 59 { a n a U R U . see EA 1 0 9 . t h e n a f o r m o f nafdru. Yanhamu being with you.. 5. 5 1 . . . M E S an-(nu-tu): cf. m 16. . 2. n. "If Gubla is not .1 0 0 m[en fro]m 6 [Meluh]ha. t h e t h i r d vertical o f ir ( K n u d t z o n . "If we d o n o t . my lord. . "If you make an alliance . 50 chariots.5 9 I keep (wr)iting like this to the pa[lac]e. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. give c thought to Gubla. n.a [ k ] . C O P Y : BB 18. M E § . P e r h a p s n i . . ) s u g g e s t a f o r m o f pasahu (u pashat al gubla.1 8 Moreover. O n t h e o t i o s e M E § in U D .THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 3 . K A M . 8 6 . lami { i . 8. ] " 3 24—28 { . 62 {yi-sa-al ]ia-an-ha-ma a-na a-{wa)-te. . Abdi-Asirta attacked me. . ." He listened t{p me].1 0 0 men and 5 0 . I f a r c h e r s a r e m e n t i o n e d in l i n e 5 7 . t h e n . then Pihura will not stay in Kumidu. . . and all your {ma]yors will be killed. " ? 214 . .[ x ] ( l i n e 2 3 ) . 1 3 2 : 5 6 ? . {to g]uard [the city] for you. "to g u a r d . yti-qa-bu: f o l l o w i n g Izre'el. { . May the king not neglect this deed. [S]ay {to] the king. Se{nd] archers and bring peace to the land. G u b l a . n." Did he not take fo{r himself] Abdi-Asirt{a]. UF 19 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . " is not t o b e r e s t o r e d in t h e b r e a k .5 0 1 said the same thing to Pawuru so he would not listen to the words of Ha'i{p]. "Send the royal archers. P a r a l l e l s (EA 1 1 2 : 3 3 ! ? . your loyal city. 3 7 . B B ) is n o t clear. NOTES 1. EA 132:29?.

A]s Ha'ip is [withyou]. EA 134 Departure of the gods TEXT: C 4754 (12189). L i n e 57: [(ii) ti-n\a-si-r[u\. 29 (i960) p .. OA 1 1 (1972) p . o n line 3 2 . n. 11.2 9 [andhe s]ends a [garris]on 215 . see N a ' a m a n . b u t a p l a u s i b l e r e s t o r a t i o n e s c a p e s m e . s . s e n and then 1 2 . 1 7 0 . [Wh]at am I to do [b]y myself? [The people w]ho were i[n the cit]y have deserted i[n order to g]etprovisions fo]r th[emselves]. Moreover. [Sen]d [troops to Gu]bla. [ . .[ x . { . n. The sons of c Abdi-Asi[rta have taken] all [your] cities. 29 (i960) p . } . [I ke]ep writing like [this] to the king. 167. t h e c o n s t r u c r i o n is a s y n d e t i c . . Political Disposition. s ..* lest Azi[ru ta]ke it. t h e vertical after §1 in B B is c e r t a i n .2 2 they can[not] return. EA 133 m 4.x ] at-ta ki-ta it-[ti D U M U .]' NOTE 1. And there being no [troops i]n the city to smit[e the servant]. . EA 133 Some advice for the king TEXT: VAT 1667 (not collated). VS. give thought your[self t]o your servant and to G u b l a . 2 3 . . 1 0 3 . n. M E § definitely b e l o n g s o n l i n e 3 3 . 24. thfrevil dog. R u l e s o f m o d a l s e q u e n c e e x c l u d e anassiru ( K n u d t z o n ) . C O P I E S : WA 66.. 6. see Pin­ t o r e . M ] E § IR-a-si-ir-ta it la-qu-ka sa- ma a-na [ia-si]: see JCS 4 (1950) p . . O n lines 37ff.a : ka-[si that I may gua]rd [. . for w h i c h see EA 1 2 1 . And [may it seem right] in your sight. OA 11 (1973) p . C O P Y : WA 83. . . I n m y o p i n i o n .. a-pa-si x . 9. From time im[memorial] 2 the g[ods] have not gone aw[ay] from Gubla. n. n. 74. ask him. They [ar]e at war wi[th me. 1. O n the reading of the n u m b e r s . 3. the kin]g. 5. a[nd they have gone for]th. for a s o m e w h a t different v e r s i o n . 1 0 . . 1 0 . p . Or n .* 1 5 . 7—14 [N]ow Aziru has 3 sen[r] troops t[o sei]ze it. s e e P i n t o r e . I f t h e r e is n o t e n o u g h r o o m for t h e c o n j u n c ­ t i o n .1 9 d a [garrison] to your cities with all [sp]eed. . so that we must give u p our gods. s e e Or n . O n t h e g l o s s . 1. 1 0 5 . . ] 5—n Sumur {. [my lord]: [Se(n)]d me 1 0 [men from Meluh]b. . { .. [my] lord.

he has turned again[st Gub]la . 94^°. 137:26).THE AMARNA LETTERS to {bis] ci{ty}.w i [ E R I N . kept saying to me. NOTE 1 .s i . I assfure you]. To their heavenly dwell­ i n g s .] NOTES 0 : l 1. EA 8 2 : 1 5 . N\ow\ the war against me is severe. I fall at the feet of the king. p e r h a p s nadnu. my lord. a b a n d o n i n g t h e i r e a r t h l y o n e s in B y b l o s ? 3. see I n t r o d u c t i o n . R I (kalbi)? In t h e b r e a k t h e r e is r o o m for a n a v e r a g e . and / wrote. U R (kalbu. and I am afraid.s i z e s i g n .. Who has said anything to him? This being true. 2. {/} and Gubla. 1-41: 409. [1R] L U ' U R . ] . " R ? 4. the king's loyal city [ . K U (EA 8 4 : 3 5 . . 3 8 . nadltna in EA 8 9 : 1 6 ) . 132:13. n. taken $umur. my lord. COPY: Sayce. As I have sent a man of mine to the palace. pi. nadttnu: t a k e n as first p l u r a l (cf. 8 1 . . C O P Y : BB 16. L U U R . p o s s i b l y c r o s s e d b y t w o or t h r e e v e r t i c a l s . 3 2 0 : 2 2 . 7 times and 7 times. followed by a s o m e w h a t o b l i q u e w e d g e .. EA 129:7.r a ] . my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. heed the words of his servant. . 216 . Tell el Amarna. He has. I f read correctly. and my wife. [T}o the king. g e n i t i v e o f U R . my own household. 3 2 2 : 1 7 ) . . t u S . K I . no. the dirt at your feet. and U R . 20. 6-15 May the king. 2. EA 135 Message lost T E X T : Ash 1893. 9 5 . Men of Gubla. K U (EA 138:96). under which traces o f a horizontal. why has the ki[ng} not written? 29—38 . . EA 136 Rib-Hadda from Beirut TEXT: BM 29799. your servant. t h e n t h e e r a s u r e . "have b e e n g i v e n u p . 77.4 1 [. "have n o t g o n e u p " (elu). T h i s t a b l e t n o l o n g e r e x i s t s . M E 3 ] : cf. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. Cf. 9. . lit.

37—46 I am now awaiting day and night the archers of the king. my lord. a n d EA 8 2 . a n A s s y r i a n i s m ? L o c k e d o u t o f his o w n h o u s e a n d d r i v e n f r o m h i s city (EA 1 3 7 : 2 4 ? ) . EA 1 3 7 : 1 4 1 ? . 6 3 7 .2 3 Moreover." No word. n. P e r h a p s b e t t e r : " L o o k . EA 136 c 1 "Ally yourself with the son of Abdi-Asirta so we can make peace be­ 2 tween us. 2 . " see EA 3 5 . I did not listen to them. Cf. but he barred the 6 house against m e . 4 2 4 . " c ? EA 1 1 9 : 4 2 . does not have a change of heart. p . has reached his servant. my lord. (my) lord. itttlu sa P N in l i n e 2 9 ) d i s t i n g u i s h EA 1 3 6 ? r o m t h e l e t t e r s w r i t t e n a t B y b l o s . n. g . G A . 217 . I thought to myself. 2 . for sallma epesu (AHw. eddul. my lord. 1 6 9 . repel" (AHw. 1 5 7 4 .3 6 Moreover. EA 137:79. my lord. T h e f o r m id-du-ul is m o r e e a s i l y e x p l a i n e d as a c t i v e . 7. 4. 3 . 6. G A : T U . o n libbu sanu. T h e A k k a d i a n e q u i v a l e n t — i f t h e r e w a s o n e a n d t h e e x p r e s s i o n w a s not s i m p l y "to m a k e tuka"—-was p r o b a b l y tdbiltu (JNES 22 [1963] pp. salma epesu. santta u a n d endu(m) in l i n e 2 4 . Then I returned to my own house. D U G . p . May the king. then I will die. they have given two of my sons and two of my wives to the rebel against the king. "to h a s t e n " ? ussira hutnfa ( i m p e r a t i v e ) . OLZ 7 6 { 1 9 7 1 } c o l s . 3 7 1 : 1 8 . 173?. p . ma'u. If the 7 king. May the king. E . "Come! I must mak(e) an alliance of friendship : T U . m y l o r d . 5. 5. n. give thought to his servant. n. my lord. "to b u r n . I f it is p a s s i v e (CAD. "Send immediately^ a garrison to your servant that they may guard the city for the king. 1 6 .." So I went to his house in order to make an alliance of friendship between (us). I w o u l d d i e .3 8 f r o m B e i r u t . 5 ) . " O n summa. " l o o k . 2. 3. 2 4 6 ? ) . give life to his servant. May the king. however. " c o n f u s e d w i t h hamdfu. n. a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n . 5 9 . F o r t h e k i n g . h e n d i a d y s ? Cf. give thought to his servant. my lord. or p e r h a p s sul -ma x epesu. n. 1 2 3 . K A ' with Ammu- nira. Moreover.H a d d a ' s b r o t h e r (cf. I repeatedly wrote to the king. "another h e a r t . 1 3 7 8 ) . t h e u n n a m e d s u b ­ ject w o u l d b e R i b ." lit. "to p u s h away. 2 6 b ) . 1 1 4 9 b ) . my lord. " d i v i d e d loyalty. p p . K A : t h e g l o s s is a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g o f t h e S u m e r o g r a m D U G . S. a n d "another ?ace" in EA 253:27. p. R i b - H a d d a w r i t e s t h i s l e t t e r a n d EA 1 3 7 . see a l s o EA 1 2 2 . t h e r e is n o d i v i d e d loyalty." But I refused. v o n S o d e n . AHw. from the king. T h e f o r m a t ( c r u d e p a r a - g r a p h i n g s ) a n d s o m e ?eatures o ? t h e l a n g u a g e ( e . NOTES 1 . F o l l o w i n g CAD. . when I was hard pressed. s e e a l s o EA 3 0 2 . BIL? hamafu.

and may the king. knows that the 3 gods of Gubla are holy. my brother turned the city into an enemy in order to give c it to the sons of Abdi-Asrati. not neglect the city. but he returned} empty-handed. knows that I will die for him. Albright. Note. Accordingly.. my lord. did [not] heed the word[s of his servant}. 5 2 . 48ff. my younger brother turned Gubla into an enemy in order to give the city to c the sons of Abdi-Asirta.** Accordingly. I did not give the city to the sons of Abdi-Asrati. 5 9 . Seux. ANET. the city will return to the king. seizes it. into the presence of the king. 36—51 So I herewith send my own son. May the king heed the wo(r)ds of his servant. [his] lord. sect. as soon as they arrive. LFM.5 8 The king. Textes du Proche Orient. my lord. grant 6 archers so they may se[ize] Gubla. 1 4 . but it was not granted. Accordingly. he despised me. not neglect the deed of this dog. my lord. when the archers come forth and they hear 9 (of it). 5 . my lord. my lord." If the king. 483f. 132ff. there is much silver and gold in it. when I had gone to Hammuniri. and much is the property belonging to its temples. a(nd) I was dedicated to the c IQ king. and the pains are severe. 8 be too few to take it. When I was in the city. As there are many that are loyal to me in the city (and) few the traitors in it. pp. and the archers of the king. 2 7 .3 5 I personally am unable to enter the land of Egypt. he had no garri[son].1 4 I wrote repeatedly fo[r a garrison]. and so. my lord. I am old and there is a serious illness in my body. my lord. pp. When my brother saw that my mess(en)ger had come out empty-handed and that there was no garrison with him. my lord. m[y] lord. my lord. and traitor(ous) troops and the sons c 7 of A[bdi]-Asirti not [en]ter it. for I com(mit)ted sins against the gods. a servant of the king.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 137 An old man in exile TEXT: Golenischeff (see Introduction. my lord. 1 Rib-Adfdi says] to the king. I guarded it for my lord. C O P Y : WA 71.6 5 May the king. he committed a crime and drove me from the city. my brothers. [the Sun of all countries]: [I fall] beneath the feet [of the king. like the mayors. 1). 7 times and 7 timfes]. 218 .. I shall not enter the presence of the 5 king. TRANSLATIONS: Oppenheim. The men of my {house} saw that no money had been 2 given. May the king. [and] the king. my lord]. pp.2 6 Moreover. my lord. my lord. they did me injustice and despised me. The king. I sent a mess[enger of mine} to the palace.

1 0 4 May {the king. R i b . . .] the city from B{ur]us{ilim. " . ep-(sa)-ti: cf. my son. O p p e n h e i m . . 219 . NOTES m 1. my lord.'4 there is much property of the king in it. mur-fi-i. my lord. How lo{ng am I to stay with him]} 9 0 ." 7 8 .A d d i . t h e c l a u s e e n u n c i a t e s o n e m o r e reason w h y R i b . I said to my lord. May the king." it will not be strong before the troops of the king. "I confessed" ( K n u d t z o n . no e t y m o l o g y is p r o p o s e d . not neglect this painful deed that has been done to the 6 lands of the king. [my] lord. " R i b . If the king. LFM. p e r h a p s b e t t e r . When the cities became c hostile. . Should it be said to the king about the city. . p p . my lord]. 1 1 3 : 1 1 . EA 8 9 : 1 7 . my lord. Say . shows me favor. {does not return me] to it. of all the cities of Canaan not one will be his. . If the king neglects the city. 4 8 3 ^ . 8 6 0 b ) is t h a t n e i t h e r A k k a ­ d i a n petit nor t h e related root pth in W e s t S e m i t i c l a n g u a g e s ever m e a n s "to confess. p p . " and A l b r i g h t . p . seeing they were stronger than I and there was no breath from the mouth of the king for me. AHw. my lord. . 2. and may the king send him quickly along with troops that they may take the city.H a d d a ' s sins w e r e p r e s u m a b l y n o secret t o t h e g o d s . " A l b r i g h t . being in fear of the sons of Abdi- 1 c Asirta. mursu-ma G A L (rabilrabu). LFM. mur-su-u (cf. . my lord. O p p e n h e i m . my lord. p p . ] as before for the king. "the i l l n e s s is severe". A g a i n s t t h e t e a d i n g ep-ti. P e r h a p s ri-ib-ad-[di qt'-bi'-malmi]. see EA 1 2 6 a n d n. Burusilim became hostile. p.H a d d a c a n n o t g o t o E g y p t . May the king. " ) . ANET. then [.8 9 I herewith send your servant. . May the king. ti-is-la-Uy sald'u (AHw. only O l d Assyrian)? K n u d t z o n and E b e l i n g t r a n s l a t e a s " i n v e i g h a g a i n s t . 3. t o o ( ? ) . [ . possessions of our an(ces)tors in the past. 1 1 4 7 . to the king. . May the king not neglect this matter. and returns me to the city. 5 then I will guard i[t' . "my d i s e a s e has b e c o m e c h r o n i c " ( t o o free). a n d t h i s can h a r d l y b e b e c a u s e h e c o n f e s s e d his sins. " O p p e n h e i m . . u n l e s s o n e a s s u m e s e i t h e r a p a r e n t h e t i c a l r e m a r k or a n u n p a r a l l e l e d c o n s t r u c t i o n ( O p p e n h e i m : "al­ t h o u g h I c o n f e s s e d .. rush' archers to seize the city as quickly as possible. but may he give(e) Burusilim for me 12 to live in.. 1 3 2 ? . EA 137 let him do to his servant as he will. F u r t h e r m o r e . as " r i d i c u l e . as " i n s u l t . but let him not] ab{andon me. 132!?". ] . and may he send troops quickly to take the city. 65—77 I am now with Hammuniri. " all a p p a r e n t l y only f r o m c o n t e x t . is/are g r e a t . . EA 7 5 : 1 8 ? ) magal: s i n c e magal e l s e w h e r e never serves as a n a d j e c t i v e . "the p a i n / p a i n s . "//Gubla becomes their city. d}o as he wi[ll to his servant. [my lord]. heed [the words} of his servant .. If the king. 1. I am with] Hammun[iri . . ] . "It is a strong city." T h e a t t e s t e d m e a n i n g o f "to reveal" d o e s not fit t h e c o n t e x t . ' When I came to Hammuniri because of the sons of Abdi- Asrati. 4. my lord.

tilqu. a n d 9 3 . cf. 1 2 . 6. ) . 80." in line 57 i n d i c a t e s t h a t lines 5 3 . t h e n t h e y w i l l hear ( o f it). R i b . O n a c a u s a l c l a u s e i n t r o d u c e d b y u.J > } / ( K n u d t z o n ) suffers f r o m several difficulties: (1) t h e w r o n g t h e m a t i c v o w e l in B a b y l o n i a n . I follow O p p e n h e i m . te-is-[ba-at]: t h i r d f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r r e q u i r e d i n v i e w o?timtafi in line 44 (see n. M o r e o v e r . w i t h key w o r d s s u p p l i e d . "If t h e y t a k e i t . n. 29?. E g y p t (EA 162:9). hittta epesu: B o - g h a z k o y . see EA 3 5 . t h e t r o o p s t h a t the k i n g m i g h t b e e x p e c t e d to s e n d w o u l d b e t o o few t o c a p t u r e the city. 1 4 . 90?. kinanna. K n u d t z o n . w h i c h is m o r e likely. I t d o e s not i n t r o d u c e an o a t h ( O p p e n h e i m ) . 9. see lines 8 1 ? R i b . " T h e p l u r a l tisbatii in line 98 is p r o b a b l y d u e t o c o n f u s i o n w i t h s i m p l e E R I N . EA ioi:3ff. 104:36?. tina"isu-ni. 12. 28).5 6 are t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f the p e r f i d i o u s b r o t h e r ' s activity. [u-r\i-bu-mi. Lines 67? are e x t r e m e l y difficult. w h i c h is t r e a t e d a s p l u r a l in lines 42(F). timuru.e n d i n g (see EA 1 3 8 . 8iff. 9 3 . .H a d d a ' s not g o i n g to E g y p t o n l y on t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t he h a d v o w e d not t o g o . K U R . tisbatii.H a d d a sinned a g a i n s t t h e g o d s . 11. line 6. I n line 6 2 . A l b r i g h t ) . 39. 1 3 9 : 1 1 ? T h e w o r d o r d e r ( o b j e c t . t h e n the a p p a r e n t a c c u s a t i v e sara should probably be sa-ra-(tulte). 8) a n d ana umi kasddi-Tt. 80. a n d for ff see he-e-fi'm line 3 3 . (2) an over­ h a n g i n g v o w e l . 59. T h e r e a d i n g ti-[i]m-[i]a-U]i. t h e y a l w a y s a p p e a r r i g h t after t h e v e r b (lines 7. 5 2 . P e r h a p s t h e r e is reference t o o n l y o n e t e m p l e . w h i c h fits well w i t h w h a t K n u d t z o n s e e m s t o have seen. m a k e s s e n s e a n d is u n o b j e c t i o n a b l e . O p p e n h e i m . U g a r i t . n.H a d d a d o e s not a s s u m e he w i l l b e r e s t o r e d t o his city (cf.. yi-is-ba-tu-Ii is a l w a y s i n t e r p r e t e d as p l u r a l . For summa w i t h the i n d i c a t i v e . "on its [ ? e m i n i n e ] a r r i v a l . leqU. 97). 5.£ i ] h . 3. o r i g i n a l l y n o d o u b t a w r i t i n g o f nakm. p a s s i v e s e n s e . n o t a s first s i n g u l a r "stative" (so a l s o A l b r i g h t ) b e c a u s e I d o u b t t h e e x i s t e n c e o f t h e { a t u } .H a d d a is s e n d i n g h i s o w n s o n . htfaepes'u: S t a n d a r d B a b y l o n i a n .v e r b ) e m p h a s i z e s t h e ?act t h a t R i b .. . r 8. as 220 . 26. e t c . 77. We m u s t thus take N A . 98. 3 1 . t o lie in t h e p a s t ( K n u d t z o n . w i t h o n l y t w o e x c e p t i o n s ( 8 0 . it s e e m s . "I have r e d e e m e d (by a vow)" ( A l b r i g h t ) .v e r b ) s t r e s s e s the o b j e c t : R i b ." 1 0 . 42?). . . " b u t a g a i n s t t h i s is t h e fact t h a t t h e p l u r a l t h r o u g h o u t t h i s letter h a s t h e { t } . "accordingly. o n l y a d d i n g a r e q u e s t to b e a l l o w e d t o live in a p l a c e a p p a r e n t l y d e a r to h i m . w h e n sarru a n d / o r belt f u n c t i o n a s s u b j e c t o f t h e v e r b . neither o f t h e m c o m p a r a b l e to t h e w o r d o r d e r a s s u m e d h e r e . u n p a r a l l e l e d s e n s e .8 1 ) . 7.{ § } a . semu. O n lumma in t h i s s e n t e n c e .p r e ? o r m a t i v e (tuddanil. 84?. ep-di. M E S . e x c e p t t h a t I t a k e pal-ha-tu a s f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r p a r t i c i p l e .THE AMARNA LETTERS Mutatis mutandis. 7 5 . L i t . 1 0 5 : 3 6 ? . T h e a s s u m e d l e v e l i n g t h r o u g h o f the p e r f e c t for all f u n c t i o n s o f t h e v o l i t i v e h a s m a n y p a r a l l e l s (ezebu. a m e a s u r e o ? the g r a v i t y o ? t h e w h o l e s i t u a t i o n .H a d d a ' s a d v i c e t o t h e k i n g is t o s e n d forces n o w to t a k e t h e c i t y f r o m h i s b r o t h e r before t h e A m u r r u forces o c c u p y it. O p p e n h e i m ) t h a n in t h e f u t u r e ( A l b r i g h t ) . "when t h e a r c h e r s c o m e o u t .). a n d (3) i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ( u n i d e n t i f i e d o b j e c t . suffers f r o m t h e s a m e difficulties: t h e a s s u m e d m e a n i n g is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in A k k a d i a n or W e s t S e m i t i c . 94. R U . 1 3 . 38. T h e g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t e d r e a d i n g / i . for t h e n . \\\tislahil. T h e w o r d o r d e r ( o b j e c t . a n d he e x p r e s s e s his w i l l i n g n e s s t o a c c e p t a n y d e c i s i o n o f the k i n g . I f [ti-r]i-bu-mi ( K n u d t z o n ) is c o r r e c t . I t c o u l d e x p l a i n R i b .

7 times and 7 times' 5-18 As to its being said to the king. " r e a d i n g na-Id-ra-at URU. s . he should} get strong and be like th{em}. } for his servant. Das akkadische Syllabar . 16. Instead of a singular verb with plural subject (EA 8 5 : 7 2 6 ?. EA 138 De profundis T E X T : VAT 351. [the Su}n of all countries: Message of Rib- Ad[d]i. Analecta Orientalia 42 (Rome. p .A s i r t a .3 8 The king has no royal c mayor l[ike m]e who will die [for] my [lo]rd. a n d v o n S o d e n . Ergdnzungsheft zum akkadischen Syllabar. [m}y lord. a-na-sdr-s{f\: cf. . 1 9 7 6 ) . kaspu-na. UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . "Do not leave Beirut since we . Now Aziru has ta[kenV §um[ur]. [my} lord. see BASOR 95 ( 1 9 4 4 ) p . 1 5 3 : 1 5 ) . n. 73. 14. p . f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . 15. see n. "may he g e t t h e t r o o p s m o v i n g " (AHw. p e r h a p s t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r D I D L I s h o u l d b e i g n o r e d .KI 1 U R U . VS 11. When Abdi-Asrati seized 5 Sumur. EA 138 s i m p l y l o g o g r a p h i c for a n y form o f nakdm. 1 9 6 7 ) ." Look at their treacherous {words} . O n tisbatu (line 9 8 ) . a n d K n u d t z o n saw t w o wedges (DIDLI). Or n . n a m e l y . n o .H a d d a c o u l d n o t have s a i d that they actually hold the city ( K n u d t z o n . EA 138:38) and i g n o r e s t h e si.. ] . my lord. s{in}ce [ i } 2 mo[nth}s ago. ." I 1 have not [go]ne to Ap[i]. . here nakrat. and so I wrote to the king. 3 9 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p .2 5 for my entrance into 4 [ . B u r u s i l i m . In line 67. 2 6 . w o u l d b e B y b l o s . T h e city. t h e n R i b . 2 . He is exh\austed. I f it c refers t o the s o n s o f A b d i . i d e m . 1 9 . (they said). "He (should he) in Yapu. "How long shall we contain 221 . . "since there is left but one city. 1 2 9 : 8 0 ? ) . 6. a-na-an-sdr (EA 1 4 7 : 6 1 .. . . p . and when the people of Gubla saw this. 5 0 . 2 5 5 . G e l b . Troops came out [and] took c 6 Sumur and [ Abdi-As]irti. I fall beneath the feet of the king. I guarded the city by (my)self. 5 3 6 . 3 After the re[vol}t of my territory.KAR -ra-rf/ 5 (nakrat). Thus does my lord [ . 4 1 3 . "Behold our city B y b l o s " (Al­ b r i g h t ) t a k e s t h e na o f t h e suffix as first p l u r a l (cf. I am a servant of the king. O r . C O P I E S : WA 58. There was no garrison with (me). . and we will come in to you. I sent a tablet [to] the [palajce of the king. To the king. . n.. A l b r i g h t r e n d e r s t h i s . have I not lived in Beirut? . Now [. 3 1 . T h e w r i t i n g h a r d l y reflects a s s u m e d C a n a a n i t e nafarat. .] has come out to me {since} 4 months ago. your [ser]vant. o f c o u r s e . A n a l e c t a O r i e n t a l i a 4 2 A ( R o m e . p e r h a p s NA. the n u m e r a l w o u l d not b e w r i t t e n w i t h a h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e .R o l l i g . anassar: v o l i t i v e . Just now people from Gubla have written 2 me.. O p p e n h e i m ) . T h e a s s u m e d f e m i n i n e p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix is very difficult. 9 4 3 ) . . 4. 7 * . s e e a l s o EA 2 2 3 5 . . . 1 5 1 : 6 .

They did not pe[rm]it me to enter. he committed a 2 [great] crime. [ . and we ma[de an al]liance so that Ha[mmuniri]. . "Rib-Addi is dead. ] Though I am living in [Beirut]. . 19 Where is a man who has come to him from Egypt?" And so they are being joined to Aziru.THE AMARNA LETTERS c 8 the son of Abdi-Asirti. [Rib-Addi] is living in Beirut. . but no troops were 10 given (to) me. and my word is (still) unheeded. he had stationed (them) in the city. . . . So [may the king give troo]ps that we may seize the cit[y.8 0 Half of the city is on the side of the sons of c Abdi-Asirti. ' Though I 7 sent my son to the palace of the king seconds after' I arrived in Beirut." 80—93 Why is my man whom 18 I se[nt t]o the p[alac]e of the k[ing] detained? For my part. Let's join Aziru!" I said. there has been no man of the king who ha[s come]. . . my lord?" Then my I! brother spoke and [sw]ore to the city.' How can you say. and the city saw'4 that there were foreign troops in the city. "Abandon him. They had a discussion a[n]d the c 12 lords of the city [were jo]ined to the sons of Abdi-Asrati. "I have reached him at Tahda. ] . [ . . and [he 2 6 has sh]own contempt for [A]pi along wi[th .2 1 May the king. our lord is dead. ] Why do you [ . Now I am living in Beirut like a d o g . . 'Rib-Addi is dead. 'Behold. [ . 2 He is a rebel. Then the city said. but I killed them. 9 "How long can you go on killing us? Where will you get people to live in the city?" So I wrote to the palace for troops. If the king listened to his servant and 21 troops were given to me. ." . my lord. 27 ands[o we are out of] hi[s control. . . 9 4 . } 222 . "How could I join him and abandon the king.1 0 9 Previously I would write to the king. "Look. 20 he would not heed my word. ' 7 1 . . t[o the cit]y. } 1 0 9 . ] . the city [would return} to the king. ." So they drove the troops of Aziru 1 fro[m] the city. We went. . The city has said. 51-70 I myse(lf) [w]ent to Beirut for a dis[cuss]ion with Hammuni[ri]. he took the (trea)sures ^ and then drove [m]e away. Our money is completely gone for the war. .5 0 Then they moved against me. and just as is done 6 to a ruler that resides in his own city should be done to m e . since [you know that Gubla has been] a loy(al) city? And . I keep say­ ing to [ . ] to me. . . and half of it is on the side of my lord. [ . [not ne]glect his city so that the city says. So the residents favored my entering the city. They said. he has not had an audience with the king for four months. Let] n[ot] the troops of the c 22 23 sons of Abdi-Asrati [take it] for [themselves] and its people revol[t]. ] the lands of Yapu? Wh[y do you . ] and I. .. . and so we are out of his control?' Let him not write to Egypt or he will take us and our children. "(You say). . and they said to him. In order to give (it) -* to ((to)) Aziru. . My man reports. . when . then [ . ." 3 9 . Let's be joined t]o Aziru. l The rebel against the /b'[ng had taken [troop]s s of Aziru.

1 2 2 .] s e e m s a p o s s i b l e r e a d i n g . my lord. 223 . s i m p l y a m i s t a k e p r o m p t e d p e r h a p s by t h e follow­ ing a-na. L i n e 7: g [ a . n. as r e g u l a r l y in t h e s o u t h e r n t r a d i t i o n . n.H a d d a (see lines 7iff. a n d t h e city. URU. a n d 1 3 8 . N a ' a m a n . see Eretz Israel 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . HI.m ] i . "Please. 6 5 . w h i c h is f r e q u e n t l y s o d e s i g n a t e d in t h i s letter. } . is B y b l o s . i-di-(ni)-ia: m o r e l i k e l y t h a n a n u n a t t e s t e d u s e o f idu.).. I myself did [n]o[t tel]l lie[s to the king.H a d d a d o e s n o t a g r e e . are alive. n o t e a-na at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e x t l i n e .H a d d a s h o u l d leave Beirut and g o to J o p p a . T h e t r e a c h e r y m e n t i o n e d in t h e next l i n e is p r e s u m a b l y t h a t o f a different f a c t i o n . 4. look. strength". a s s u m i n g t h a t a p p a r e n t t r a c e s before da m a y b e i g n o r e d . 9 8 . Cf. r e s t o r e h i m t o his t h r o n e — b u t u s a g e d o e s not s u p p o r t s u c h a r e n d e r i n g .. should be concerned about? And why should we . Gra[in} for my city is held back : ha-si-ri. o f c o u r s e . "arm. . H I . Moreover. w i t h ana in EA 91:26. 40. "against me"?). t h e o n e a g a i n s t R i b . 3. will have no lands. R ] I K[i]-ia: for barti asrtya (itttya. 7. For t h e r e s t o r a t i o n . t h e r e t o r e g a i n h i s s t r e n g t h a n d a l s o to m e e t Api. . Should they seize Beirut. T h e q u e s t i o n a b l e s i g n is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y ni rather t h a n ir. a n d he p o i n t s t o a loyal faction in B y b l o s t h a t s h a r e s h i s view. I f a p r o n o m i n a l suffix is i n t e n d e d .[ i r l u ] da-an-na. l\a-qitqd\. 5. servants of the king. T h e vertical after a-sa-bi in line 4 1 is p e r h a p s t h e u n e r a s e d b e g i n n i n g of an a. lines 4 1 . 6. a p p a r e n t l y an E g y p t i a n official. K U . t h e n na is c e r t a i n l y a m i s t a k e for nu\ cf. . has not been given to me. T o j o i n forces w i t h h i m ? It w o u l d m a k e even b e t t e r s e n s e i f we c o u l d r e n d e r "we will g e t y o u in ( t o G u b l a ) " — t h a t i s . It s e e m s t h a t o n e v i e w at c o u r t was t h a t R i b . 2.{K]I x [./ W ( ( n a ) ) . b u t n o t e ga-mi-ni for gamir in line 3 8 . n. . another man? 29 When I am dead but my sons. EA 138 Against [the men] he a[c]ted treache[rous}ly. G [ A . the people of Gubla keep writing. my lord. "Where are the days when the king. is this the sort of treatment that is to be given to [m]e whom the king. 9. 68f. they will write to the king..3 0 Look." Why has my lord neglect(ed) me? NOTES 1. At the urging of the sons of c Abdi-Asrati he committed that cri(me). 1 3 1 . then the king. . 7 1 * . (my) lord. 2 0 a n d EA 7 5 . R i b . p .3 8 And what is Hammu[ni]ri goi[ng to s]ay? How long I have sta[ye]d with him! May the king give c 28 troops lest the sons of [( Abdi)-As}eratu enter the city. restore us to our city. 8.GAR b e i n g p r o n o u n c e d a n d d e c l i n e d (cf. Political Disposition. P e r h a p s b e t t e r . B A B B A R . Fearful { . my lord]. your lord. used to writfe t}o you? Where are the troops of the days [wh}en they were sent to you?" A nice thing : ha-mu-du (desirable) that was sent from the king. 7)? Very d u b i o u s . Moreover..

) r a t h e r t h a n a s a n d . tiqbu. "after 1 0 g r a i n s . is-tu 1 0 $E-ti (uftdti): l i t .w i : cf. to be explained 7 ei­ ther a s a d e c l e n s i o n o f t h e l o g o g r a m . T h e "death" o f R i b . " h i g h . 12. cf. EA 1 3 7 : 5 1 . R a t h e r t h a n a s s u m e a n o m i s s i o n h e r e . I t a k e M A H a s a l o g o g r a m for seru. 254- 11. EA 1 3 1 : 2 3 . 3 7 f f . with perhaps the connotation o f p l o t t i n g (Rainey. ( n a m e l y ) . M ] E § : t h e first s i g n m a y b e L U ( N a ' a m a n . L i n e 5 0 : [ti-t]e-pu-Iu-mi. M E S (makkurt): cf. p .H a d d a ' s b r o t h e r . I m p e r a t i v e rather t h a n i n d i c a t i v e : following R a i n e y . L i n e s 62—70 a r e very difficult. t h a t t h e r e w e r e f o r e i g n t r o o p s in t h e city. 1 4 1 6 .r a . I n v i e w o f E R I N . A / 2 . " T h e final vowel is p r o b a b l y s i m p l y a q u e s t i o n o f w r i t i n g . n. i b i d . T h e exptession seems i d i o m a t i c for " i m m e d i a t e l y . for t h e c o n s t r u c ­ t i o n . U R .THE AMARNA LETTERS 10. also N e u g e b a u e r ) . r e s t r a i n . or f o r m a l d e c l a r a t i o n ( s e e EA 8 : 1 2 ) . a-na na-da-((na))-n[i] a-na ((a-na)). i86fF. " 20. .H a d d a i n lines 6 2 . cf. l [ a . stru. kT U R . L [ U G A L £ R I N . ( N I G ) . N e u g e b a u e r . A reference t o t h e 224 . 13. p r o b a b l y a w a t e r . In the Babylonian system of weights (180 grains = 1 shekel. . Political Dis­ position. " T h e reference is t o a c l o c k . T h e a n s w e r t o t h i s false c l a i m is t h a t h e n e e d o n l y w r i t e t o t h e k i n g a n d h e w o u l d have t h e s u p p o r t t o c a p t u r e all o f t h e m . in c o n t r a s t w i t h "the l o r d s o f t h e city" w h o have s i d e d w i t h R i b . R e c k o n i n g a c c o r d i n g t o t h e l i g h t e r S y r i a n m i n a (50 shekels) would m e a n only a slight modification.GI . and cf. p r o b a b l y b e t t e r . K I : l o g o g r a m U R . CAD. G I . O . 60 shekels = 1 m i n a ) . s e e VAB 2 / 2 . a n d in line 1 2 4 . cf. di-ki. stay. " b a c k " ( a s u s e d i n p r e p o s i ­ t i o n a l p h r a s e s ) . K I b e i n g g e n i t i v e . 4. mah- (ri)-ka ( p e r h a p s a l s o EA 1 4 0 : 2 5 ) .7 4 ) . 25. " T h e y s a w ( t h e s i t u a t i o n i n ) t h e city. properly U R . s e e T h u r e a u . UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p .c l o c k ( A k k a ­ d i a n maltaktu). i b i d . s e e a l s o line 5 2 . l i n e 9 0 ( b u t here a n i t e t a t i v e is q u i t e p o s s i b l e — " t h e city [ f e m i n i n e ] k e e p s s a y i n g " ) . " p e r h a p s o f inferior s t a t u s . 14.a t i - il-qi-Si]. they keep b e i n g j o i n e d . .H a d d a is p r o b a b l y t h e l e g a l o n e o f l o s s o f office a n d royal s u p p o r t . 23. a l s o t h e g l o s s i n line 1 3 0 : p r o b a b l y asiri. " T h e city k e e p s saying . . . M E S a s f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r i n lines 9 8 a n d 1 2 5 . a n d c o n t r a s t taqbi i n l i n e i n . p . L i n e 6 2 : aslabu. assuming c o n f u s i o n o f v i r t u a l h o m o n y m s . EA 1 0 9 : 2 1 a n d n. T h e t r a n s l a t i o n a s s u m e s t h a t city is c o n s t r u e d ad sensum a s p l u r a l . I n v i e w o f t h e d u r a t i v e in l i n e 9 3 . 4 6 1 b . RA 3 0 [ 1 9 3 3 ] p p .7 0 g i v e s e v i d e n c e o f t h e l o y a l t y he is a b o u t t o c l a i m . o r s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g . s e e EA 1 0 2 . 22. 7 3 . 5 . G A . p p . Isis 3 7 [ 1 9 4 7 ] p p .D a n g i n . 24.c l o c k ( A k k a d i a n dibdibbu.). O n t h e l o r d s o f t h e city. then 10 g r a i n s is l i t t l e m o r e t h a n 1 0 s e c o n d s . it s e e m s l i k e l y t h a t R i b . nn. if 1 m i n a = 4 hours (see dictionaries. K U . 16. 19. "to confine. . ti-bal-ki-~tu*. 5 i f . Iia-si-ri. UR. mah-(ri)-su. " a n d seru. D i s c u s s i o n . EA 362:22f. In v i e w o f t h e lines t h a t i m m e d i a t e l y follow. ) . " r e s i d e n t s . H e b r e w 'asar.a t ] . awilu s e e m s b e t t e r t a k e n a s "ruler" rather t h a n s i m p l y " m a n " ( I n t r o d u c ­ tion. [ u t a . " c 18. cf. 17. 5 21. y[i]-it-wzi: f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y ." 15. P e r h a p s b e t t e r .

a r e f o r m s o f erebu w i t h i a s t h e m a t i c v o w e l .4 0 May the king. EA 139 t r e a s u r e s o f B y b l o s (cf. . EA 137:606°. and [the king of E]ldata. a -na 1 1 3 a-zi-ri [ n i . iT [t]i-pi-il: as p r e s e r v e d . a-p[i]. EA 139 A new voice. J 2 9 .' [your maidservant. 1 8 6 : 2 6 .1 2 Do not neglec[t Gu(b)la]. r 26. 12—17 Here is the crime that Aziru . 5 .u l .p u . and the king of Ir(qata). . Letters from Tell Asmar.t e . my 5 lord. C O P Y : BB 45. 4. or p o s s i b l y an u n f i n i s h e d te. It m a y n o t b e s i m p l y a p r o v i n c i a l a b e r r a t i o n . Moreover. To the king. my Sun]: Message of Ili-ra[pih. T h e v a l u e tit is so rare in EA (never o c c u r r i n g in a l e t t e r f r o m B y b l o s or B e i r u t ) . l i n e 4 5 . t h a t we m u s t c o n s i d e r mi-ta-tu s i r n p l y a m i s t a k e . 4 2 . 7 times and [7 times].$ for he acted as he pleased 4 in the lands of the king. n o t e \t-i\e-ri-ib in W h i t i n g . 1 8 5 : 2 0 . More­ over. 5 0 . against the king: [he kill]ed the king of Ammiya. t h e d u b i o u s s i g n l o o k s m o r e l i k e la ( K n u d t ­ m m m z o n ) . so is Gu(b)la to the king. Knudtzon). 2 9 . behold Gu(b)la! Just as Hikuptah. . a n d t h e o t h e r e v i d e n c e for {dtu} so u n c e r t a i n (pal-ba-tu. . know [I] am his loyal servant. 1 3 8 : 1 2 0 ) . 3 6 . [my] lo[rd. or a-bi-{x] a n d a different p e r s o n . my 2 lord. EA 1 8 5 . your servant]. 225 . EA 129:82. AS 2 2 . [and a co]mmissioner of the king. 1 3 7 : 6 8 . an old story TEXT: BM 29828. n o . And so let him send a garrison to his city—30 to 50 men—as far as Gubla. Aziru is a reb(el) against the king. my lord. message of Gu(b)la. . r 1 m 27.3 8 a n d t h e l e t t e r s f r o m H a s i . pi. Look. ] : cf.MES. 1 8 . 5 7 . P H O T O G R A P H : BB. here a-pi. 7 4 6 ) fits t h e c o n t e x t b e t t e r t h a n o x e n (GUD. see EA 1 3 7 : 3 4 . your city and the city of [your] ancestors] from most ancient times. Where were the things that he sends 9 coveted? It is property belonging to a royal mayor whom he has killed 10 that he sends to you. w h i c h a p p e a r s e l s e w h e r e in EA only in 1 2 7 : 1 9 .2 9 [And indeed] he is now intent on [committing} a cri(me) 6 against the king. (my) lord. 2 : 6 . D i s t i n c t i v e o f EA 1 3 7 . 1 3 8 : 1 2 . the Sun. 2 8 . . 4 0 . Do not neglect the delicts of a serva[nt]. He also broke into Sumur. 1 3 4 . The king is to take (n)o account 8 of whatever Aziru sends him. In line 8. I fall at] the feet of the lord.8 6 .

VAB ill. 9. Aziru even [com]mitted a crime [whjen he was brought 2 [in]to you. 10. p. More­ 3 over. a-ia -ti: g l i k e ayya-mi. his maidservant. lines 2 2 a n d 4 0 . Moreover. and the king of Narima and 226 . See EA 8 4 . 1 the king of Ardata.i s ] ar-(ni/n&): cf. b u t n o l o n g e r a t t e s t e d o n l y in O l d A s s y r i a n . EA 7 5 : 2 5 ? . I fall at the feet of my lord. " a s in A k k a d i a n . lands of the king. is not the king of Hatta active.p f . a n d t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r is u n d o u b t e d l y P a w u r u (cf. C O P I E S : WA 91.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1 . of the king. . your servant. H e b r e w slm leb). a-na-me in EA 1 9 7 : 6 . 7. my Sun: Message of Gubla. he killed the king of Ammiya. for it is all s t o l e n g o o d s . see AEM 1 / 2 . EA 140 Again the crimes of Aziru T E X T : VAT 1639. A z i r u is c h a r g e d w i t h h i s father's c r i m e s . 8. Moreover. He sent {his} men [t]o Itakkama [and] he smote all the lands of Amqu. why did the king communicate through Aziru? He does as he pleases. 7 times and 7 times. 4. E l d a t a is t h e s a m e as A r d a t a (cf. n. b u t "to c o n s i d e r . EA 129:95?. 1 0 6 3 . 6. cf. p a y a t t e n t i o n " (cf. the lord. my lord. S . T h e k i n g is t o d i s r e g a r d A z i r u ' s p a y m e n t s o f t r i b u t e as e x p r e s s i o n s o f a p p a r e n t fealty. your maidservant. A p a r t f r o m t h e u n l i k e l i h o o d o f "one t h a t s i t s o n t h e b a c k o f a servant" ( K n u d t z o n ) . p . " c o m ­ mitted").. p . The crime {was against] us. 1 6 . O n t h e e n c l i t i c .3 3 Gubla alone is a . Line 34: conventional URU gub-la. the Sun. a city of the king from most ancient times. he broke into Sumur and Ullassa. shall not neglect Gubla. VS 11. see EA 3 4 . cf. libba sakanu d o e s n o t m e a n here "to e n c o u r a g e . CAD. to him belong the cities of the king. Now he has sent his men to seize the lands of Amqu and (their) territories. W e see h e r e a g e n e r a l c h a r g e rather t h a n a reference to a n u n n a m e d m a y o r ( W e b e r . 1 0 . [To] the king. n. EA 1 4 0 : 1 2 ) . 4 1 3 . 5 . Moreover. 4 3 6 : 4 3 ) . Aziru killed Aduna. . n o t e t h a t t h e v a l u e sib is not a t t e s t e d in t h e s o u t h e r n t r a ­ dition. To him belongs Sumur. message of Ili-rapih. EA 1 0 9 : 3 6 ) . 1 9 [ i . 75. 3 . 1 2 . the king of Irqata. T h e w r i t i n g gu-la is so f r e q u e n t t h a t it s h o u l d p r o b a b l y b e c o n s i d e r e d a conscious abbreviation. L i n e 2 7 : p r o b a b l y T]a-ra-[q\i (cf. 362:69). 2. He took their cities. B e t w e e n a a n d as u n d e c i p h e r e d traces b u t c e r t a i n l y n o t pa (apas. L i n e 2 3 : yi-de. 5. 1241).1 6 The king. and a magnate. a-na-a-mesti-ri 1{R]: very t e n t a t i v e . a n d see surru (AHw.

the breath of my life: Message of Ammunira. my Sun. the breath of my life. 8 2 * . and . my lord. my lord. my god. 1 9 . EA 141 NOTES 1. and a footstool for his feet. my god. until I see the eyes of the archers of the king. " 3. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. Cf. p . and I have indeed made preparations. including my horses and my chariots and everything of mine that is available to the servant of the king. Moreover. my god. and the heart of your servant and the dirt at the feet of the king. has come forth to his servant and the dirt at his feet. my lord. very 2 carefully. 7 0 ) . aven[g]e his servant. I will indeed guard the city of the king. my lord. "Make preparations before the arrival of the archers of the king. p r o b a b l y t o b e c o n t i n u e d o n a s e c o n d t a b l e t . my Sun. C O P Y : BB 26. and may the eyes of your servant look with pleasure* on life from the king. . (my) lord. my lord. "he c o n s p i r e d w i t h . as to the king. n. my Sun. Political Disposition. 7 times and 7 times. N a ' a m a n . 1 5 . 6 . ana ser: see EA 1 3 8 . m{y] Sun. my Sun and my god. my Sun. my lord. 2 . my god. n. and its 6 wall : hu-mi-tu. your lord. the servant of the king . 1 8 .' I am indeed a servant of the king. I have heard the words of the tablet of the king. n. my lord. my god. has rejoiced very. . 8 2 . having writ­ ten to his servant and the dirt at his feet.1 7 I fall at the feet of the king. pi. my lord. And may the arch(e)rs of the king. may the 2 . Say to the king. . . my Sun. T h e letter b r e a k s off h e r e . my Sun's. . my lord. your servant and the dirt : l a-pa-ru at your feet. T h a t t h e s e n t e n c e is i n t e r r o g a t i v e is not c e r t a i n . smash' the heads of his enemies. very much that the breath of the king. of the king. proposes 2 5 [u-sa. (my) lord. before the arrival of the archers of the king. my lord. . O n yi-pu-su as s i n g u l a r . the breath of my life. EA 1 3 9 : 1 4 ^ T h e c o m m i s s i o n e r o f EA 1 3 9 is here c a l l e d a m a g n a t e ( I n t r o d u c t i o n . 227 . my Sun. 36—48 Moreover. the ruler of Beirut." I listened very.3 5 Moreover. my god. EA 141 Ammunira of Beirut TEXT: BM 29809. the breath of my life.]-mah. see Izre'el. the breath of (my) life. 23. my lord. UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . my lord. the breath of my life.

who is here with me. t e n t a t i v e l y ) .r a (epera). 1 my lord. 1 1 9 . p . 2 sent (thr)ough [Han}i. OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . is a W e s t S e m i t i s m . who is in Gubla. T h e s e p a r a l l e l s . my lord. a r g u e a g a i n s t "I a m ( p r e p a r e d a n d ) ready" (CAD. H A R . my lord. 4. EA 6 5 : 1 1 a n d 2 1 6 : 1 0 . n. r a t h e r t h a n S A H A R .3 228 . with no object expressed. "to l o o k u p o n . 3. 1 4 8 a . and I shall guard Beirut for the king. 1 3 2 a . 2. 11-14 Moreover. 1 5 . amaru ina. cf. (namely) that he has g[i]v[en] the sons of Rib-Hadda. and when I [he]ard the words of the tablet of the king. see a l s o EA 1 4 4 . r e m a i n s u n e x p l a i n e d . may the king.2 4 Moreover. my lord. 3 2 9 : 1 9 ) . 97. to the rebel[s] again[st] the king who are in A[mu]rr[u]. C O P Y : BB 27. CAD. p. In t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g l i n e s a n d lines 4 5 6 ° . ti-ra-'a -as: 4 rasu. " b e ­ hold. pi. A m - m u n i r a p r o b a b l y s t a t e s a w i s h r a t h e r t h a n a fact ( K n u d t z o n . [I fall at the feet] of the king. p p . A / 2 . T h e s u b j e c t . 2. my lord. Moreover. see AHw." a n d a s s u m e that the subject has been o m i t t e d ? 6. a frozen c o n t e x t f o r m ("in t h e d u s t " ) . my lord. 8x) a n d o f first s i n g u l a r d u r a t i v e (isusiru. 166. corresponds to the absolute use of the i m p e r a t i v e in l i n e 2 1 . my heart rejoiced and my eyes [sh]one brightly. sulirdku. 9. 5. O r s h o u l d w e read a-mur. T h i s v e r s i o n is a l s o r e j e c t e d b y P i n t o r e . For "to see t h e e y e s . 1 ) . R e a d S A H A R . " w i t h t h e c o n n o t a t i o n o f p l e a s u r e . R A . 959. useliru. s e e EA 1 0 0 . w h i c h w o u l d r e q u i r e timuruna. n. [To the king. cf. I shall indeed guard him until the king gives thought to his servant. a n e r r o n e o u s a c c u s a t i v e . until the arrival of the archers of the king. 6-10 [/ have hea]rd the words of the tablet that the king. O n the breath of t h e k i n g . I am indeed very much on my guard. your servant [and the dir]t at your feet. A / 2 . as to the ruler of Gubla. be informed of the deed of his brother. N o t "until t h e eyes see t h e archers" ( K n u d t z o n ) .THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. e s p e c i a l l y t h e latter. " see EA 237:16. Moreover. 7 times and 7 times. n. the breath] of my life: [Message of Ammuni}ra. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. 2 H A R or A . cf. wh(o) is here with me. EA 142 News about Byblos TEXT: BM 29810. H e b r e w ra'a ¥. Iii tfmuril in line 3 4 . a n d i t h a s o t h e r p a r a l l e l s in t h e a b s o l u t e u s e o f t h e infinitive (anasuhri. . my lord.

. my lord. ] of the king. 3. 3 6 . C O P I E S : WA 211. } . my lord. si-ki-pu: f o l l o w i n g ARMT 3 . As to the maidservant of the king. my lord. to the king. may {the king. my lord. my lord. your servant and} the dirt at {your] feet. 3 2 . my lord.3 1 Moreover.3 1 {M]ore{ove]r. 95) ( + ) WA 203. I relea{se] (them). w h a t has b e e n s e a r c h e d o u t a n d is ready for delivery. 7 3 b .n a ) SU (qdt) 7 [ h a . be inform{ed} that 6 powerful are the { . {my] l{ord. 3. my lord. fo]r his servant. {i}n sh{ips o/the king]. I fall at the feet of the king. . my lord]. may {the king. my lord. VS 11. ] . i n t e n d e d t o i n t r o d u c e t h e f o l l o w i n g p a r a g r a p h : cf. my lord]. my lord. note how. just as . [ 7 ] times and 7 times. P e r h a p s w e s h o u l d n o t e x c l u d e a n o t h e r v e r s i o n : "as s o o n as t h e s h i p s . the breath of my life. { . NOTES 1 . 1. 2. p . before the arrival of the archers of the king. 229 . . . p. S. .3 3 Moreover. . And I am like a warmer of the horses of the king. the breath] of my {lif]e.3 8 Moreover. p . 10-17 The king. see a l s o CAD. . {th]at have been sailed into Beirut. I shall search it o{ut] and then send it on to the king. my lord.3 5 { . See EA 1 4 1 . the breath of my life. . us-ti-sir ( i . !5. 32. m 2. J so is Beirut for 5 the king. EA 1 4 5 : 1 1 . my lord. I have indeed made preparations. the br[eath} of my life: {Mes]sage of Ammu- nir{a. As to his order. . {Say} to the king. NOTES 1 . . is. {wrote] to his servant and to the dirt : 1 Joa-pa-ru at his feet. . come in. / ha{ve sent}. {I fall at the fee]t of the king. M i s p l a c e d . my lord. . . are used {up . 7 times and 7 times. EA 143 Egyptian ships in Beirut TEXT: VAT 1584 ( + ) C 4764. 3 2 . EA 143 2 5 . my 2 3 lord. 1 8 . as soon as ships of the king. lines n . be info{rmed] that the { . " t h a t i s . I w i l l s e n d ( i t ) . including my horses and ((and)) chariots and everything that is available to me. K U R a-[mu]r-r[i]: reading certain. . . 25.n ] i : cf. 79 (see VS 12. 1 1 5 . t h a t are u n d e r sail for B e i r u t c o m e i n . wherever what was ordered by the king. . . ] . . . n. . . 39-41 Moreover.

is u n c l e a r . my lord. t h i r d f e m i n i n e . know that the war against me is very severe. perhaps DI. 5 . O p p e n h e i m . M a r c u s . a-pa-m in EA 1 4 1 : 4 p r o v e s n o t h i n g . 1 3 . 3 6 6 : 6 (qaqqaru). b u t . my Sun. In m y r e a d i n g . is safe and sound. "I a m in readiness". 2 . my lord. TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. 2 5 5 : 3 ( n o t e fitfu in line 5 ) . 2 2 3 . my lord. Cf. S e e R . s i m i l a r l y . Line 24: za-ta. when he wrote to his servant. umma here p r o b a b l y d o e s n o t m e a n " m e s s a g e of". my lord. the breath of my life: Thus Zimreddi. have been c joined to the Ap{ir}u. VS 11. which he put in my charge. All the cit{i]es that the king put in {m]y chfar]ge. know that Sidon. May the king know that I have made preparations before the arrival of the archers of the king. my lord. in m y 230 . R A : ha-pa-ru in EA 143:11. EA 1 4 5 : 1 0 . however. L i n e 2 3 : i n s t e a d o f ib ( K n u d t z o n ) . T h e relevance o f E Z E N da-aV>-na-ti. " (Emar 6. 126f. L i n e s 2 3 6 r e m a i n h o p e l e s s l y o b s c u r e . JCS 2 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p . pp. and my eyes shone. 2 .1. line 2 1 . as a g l o s s . l a c k s t h e e x p e c t e d {yu}. n. the breath of my life)) 7 times and 7 times. Sun. 2 5 3 : 2 / ' / ' 2 5 4 : 3 . p . at hearing the words of 2 the king. the mayor of Sidon. a n d in c o n t e x t first p e r s o n is n o t likely. "feast o f t h e . 6 . my Sun. "I a m ready. ut-ta-ri-si-na. tu-te-ra-am.2 1 And when I heard the words of the king. cf. May the king put me in the charge of a man that will lead the archers of the king to call to account the cities that have c 3 been joined to the Apiru. EA 144 Zimreddi of Sidon T E X T : VAT 323. and my head went {h}igh. . 6. ta-a[s-r]a-hi: f o l l o w i n g AHw. a g r e e m e n t w i t h E R I N . god. 76. 3. 145:26. LFM. my god. ana S A H A R . also possible. u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e k i n g or t h e l e a d e r o f t h e t r o o p s . ((at the feet of my lord. . da-at-nu = qar-ra-[du] (CAD. p. 1 2 2 ) . T h e a l t e r n a t i v e . so you can restore them to my charge that I may be able to serve the king. my lord. 1337. NOTES 1. I have prepared everything in accordance with the command of the king. C O P I E S : WA 90. D . May the king. as our ancestors (did) before. the maidservant of the king. 1 Say to the king. my lord.THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. 3 6 9 : 4 8 ) . my god. EA 232:3. then my heart rejoiced. breath of my life." See EA 1 4 1 . R e a d i n g tu-ta-ri-si-na: cf.1 2 I fall at the feet of my lord. my lord. M E S pi fat sarri is p o s s i b l e . tu-ti-ra-an-ni. 22—30 May the king. my lord. A s t h e f o l l o w i n g ^ha-za-nu ( n o m i n a t i v e ) i n d i c a t e s .

} . . 2. D e s p i t e EA 3 3 4 : 3 . T h e a d d r e s s e e . "the b r e a t h o f t h e m o u t h o f t h e k i n g " (EA 1 3 7 : 7 ) .. The war is very severe. .l a n d s " s i m p l y t h e provinces? 231 . cf.. EA 1 4 7 : 1 7 ? . subru in t h e g r e e t i n g . my lord. EA 3 3 3 : 4 . and with your greet­ ing from the presence of the king. n. s e e m s t o have i m p l i e d an e x c e p t i o n w o u l d b e in p l a c e . .]. in p e r s o n or b y letter.. NOTES 1 . . b r o u g h t a l o n g w i t h his o w n g r e e t i n g w o r d f r o m t h e k i n g . } . 77.. 5 4 . less likely t h a n s e c o n d m a s c u l i n e . mupeggu?). 370. see K i i h n e . 1. h a r d l y a p l a c e . 5 2 2 . 5. 11—22 I have heard your words that you sent me through . our lord. tutdr + epenthetic vowel ( s p o r a d i c a n d t y p i c a l f e a t u r e o f t h e p e r i p h e r y . \lu-u\ ti-T-de: cf. u[p-ti-/']g-gi: u p . rather. but the breath of his mouth does not reach his servants that are in the hinterlands. b u t .. ybu yourself brought back 3 to me the breath of his mouth. [ . T h e a s s u m e d error m i g h t easily have b e e n o c c a s i o n e d by t h e l o g o g r a m K A just before. EA 1 4 4 : 1 0 . a n d t h e only b r e a t h t h a t is o f a n y i m p o r t a n c e a n d is ever m e n t i o n e d e l s e w h e r e is t h e b r e a t h o f t h e k i n g . T h e m e s s a g e referred t o in l i n e s 6ff." see EA 1 1 2 .] . . West Se­ m i t i c "back" (cf. 1 4 ) + p r o n o m i n a l suffix. has indeed been earnestly adjdressed from his lands. as to your ordering with regard to the lands of Amurru. . "The word you hear from ther[e] you must report to 6 me. " 4. p a s s i m in t h e B y b l o s letters. I fall [at (your) 2 fee]t. 8 0 9 . T h i s is t h e only l e t t e r in w h i c h a v a s s a l r e p o r t s in t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f his l e t t e r o n his o w n w e l l . . .n a m e .f o r m u l a ) ? A r e t h e " b a c k . ) . K A : pi'-su ( t e x t . C O P I E S : WA 182. U 2 U 3. Iii tide inuma . [Sa}y [to . ka): the m e s s e n g e r b r o u g h t t h e b r e a t h o f t h e king b a c k t o t h e v a s s a l (see e s p . . . n..b e i n g . S o m e o n e o t h e r t h a n t h e k i n g . a v i r t u a l c a u s a l c l a u s e in w h i c h t h e p r o n o u n atta e m p h a s i z e s the c o n t r i b u t i o n o f t h e a d d r e s s e e : "I a m w e l l . [May] you know that I am safe and sound. O n istu. . . .] . [ m y lord: Message of Z}imre[ddi]. "with." everyone [has] heard (that) [. . see I n t r o d u c t i o n . . . for it w a s you w h o . F o r m : D of tdru. EA 145 Word on Amurru T E X T : VAT 1695. EA 145 o p i n i o n . lu Tde iniima salmat . . T h e c o n j u n c t i o n p r o b a b l y d o e s not i n t r o d u c e a s e c o n d c l a u s e d e p e n d e n t on inuma.2 9 Moreover. . "the b r e a t h o f his m o u t h " (line 2 0 ) . VS 11. p . [. R e a d su-uh-ri (suhri). UF 3 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p .. .. : ia-aq-wu-un-ka (he awaits you)J [. less clear t h a n in VS 11 c o p y . pagu (AHw. The 4 king. n.

[ . cf. ] take me [ . 5 3 ) . . no.spr. I am the di]rt under the feet (and) sandals of the king. I fall a}t the feet [of the king. 1 4 . Z]imredda. my Sun: Message of A]bi-M[ilku. 232 . am guar[ding Tyr]e. . . and waiting f]or the brea[t]h of [the king. 1 5 1 : 4 9 6 ° . $ . H e b r e w qiwwa~> EA 146 Abi-Milku of Tyre T E X T : VAT 1871. mima [ i a . and I]. p u t in a letter t o m e " ( A . . M i s s i o n d e R a s S h a m r a 1 0 [ P a r i s . EA 1 4 8 : 2 4 .n a li-i]i-Iu-nu: cf. is ho[stile to m]e. my l}o[rd. 7 times and 7 times. [u-qa-(am)]-«rf. H e r d n e r . i-na » . R a i n e y . a l s o t h e c o n c l u s i o n o f a letter in U g a r i t i c .2 2 [No]w. [my Sun. . p.THE AMARNA LETTERS 6.wJt b. iaqwu + n(a) + ka: A k k a d i a n qu"u. 5 . 95). I n favor o f t h e d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n a r e t h e e n c l i t i c . .n i ] : cf. 2 Dai[ly] he does not [per]mit [me to fetch water : m]i-ma. 154:136°./ « [ / . [I cry] out. the ruler of [Sidon. ] . . . w h i c h is r e g u l a r l y a t ­ t a c h e d t o t h e first w o r d o f a d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n (awat-mi). ' NOTES 1.q e ] 4 17 [A : m\i-ma la-a / . .tJm* tmt. . indeed. M o r e t h a n 3 0 lines m i s s i n g . Corpus des tablettes en cuneifomes alphabetiques decouvertes a Ras- Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 d 1939.5 a . my. For m]e [there is to be hostility] until [the breath] of the king com[es] to m[e] with power. w. ? 2 . your ser­ vant. 7 .n u ] 2 1 [ a . ] Apiru . VS 11. . 6-13 You {are the Eternal Sun].. . c i t e s u awata mimma sa telme iltu alrdnum supram itya. The sweet breath [of life belongs t]o my lord. the city of the king. [my] l lor[d. a n d t h e p a r a l l e l s in EA 1 4 9 : 5 5 6 ° . 1 5 4 : 1 8 . 1 9 6 3 ] . . C O P I E S : WA 231.mnm c rgm. 3. 78 (see VS 12. [To the king. Particles. your servant. EA 1 4 8 : 1 3 . "whatever w o r d t h a t y o u have h e a r d f r o m t h e r e p u t in w r i t i n g t o m e " ( T a a n a c h L e t t e r 1 : 1 5 - 18). my lord. [&-sa-d]s-si: enough room? 4. . [There is no] water : m[i-m]a [for] them [to c drin]k. [ . . .d.[ n ] a . "And w h a t e v e r w o r d y o u hear t h e r e .[ d i n . .. . [ . my lord.m a l a . .* . ] .

my lord. 1 6 . I am very happy and : a-ru-u 6 (he is satisfied).. 484. the Sun com(e)s forth over him.3 and all the land is frightened4 at his cry. "When shall I see the face of the king.7 1 1 am indeed guarding Tyre. to his servant—his breath came back! 2 2 . pp. ANET. His city prospers. my lord?" 11 6 1 . When the king. 7 times and 7 times. 8 said : ku-na "(Prepare) before the arrival of a large army. the father of the king. his name exists for­ ever. his lord.5 1 On my front and on : su-ri-ia (my back) I carry the word of the king. accordiog'to the way (of being) of the Sun. does the earth not pr[osp]erV When I heard the gracious me[sse]nger from my lord. yes!") 3 9 . his house prospers. my lord. TRANSLATIONS: Oppenheim. LFM. who gives forth his cry in the sky like Baal. my Sun: Message of Abi-Milku. never (again) does his name exist in all the land. I indeed said to the Sun. my god. my lord. I am the dirt under the sandals of the king. and a brazen 10 wall set up for him.' Now that the breath of the king has come forth to me. who establishes the entire land in peace. his gracious father. by the power of his arm : ha-ap-Ii. yes. 11. Whoever gives heed to the king.2 1 The servant herewith writes to his lord that he heard the gracious messenger of the king who came to his servant. my lord. 2 9 . when I heard the sweet breath and the gracious messenger who came to me. his city is destroyed. If he does not heed the word of the king. EA 147 EA 147 A hymn to the Pharaoh TEXT: BM 29812. my lord." then the 9 servant said to his lord : ia-a-ia-ia ("Yes. 9—15 who gives life by his sweet breath 2 and returns with his north wind. day by day. my lord. his house is destroyed. my lord. pi. my nose was blocked. and the sweet breath that came forth from the mouth of the king.3 8 Because I am happy. all the land was in fear of my lord. To the king. and the sweet breath comes back from the mouth of his lord. for the king. your servant. and serves him in his place. breath had not come back.2 8 Before the arrival of the messenger of the king. the principal city. his lord. 123ff. C O P Y : BB. (But) look at the servant who gives heed to ((to)) his lord. and because of the powerful arm : nu-uh-ti (I am at rest) : ba-fi-i-ti (I am confident). p. I fall at the feet of the king. my 233 . my lord. Albright. 52—60 You are the Sun who comes forth over me. My lord is the Sun who 1 comes forth over all lands day by day.

see A l b r i g h t a n d Oppenheim. cf. 1 5 1 a . VAB 2 / 1 . 5 . 2 2 7 : 5 ? . 1 9 7 . 5 ) . he t h i n k s t h e w r i t e r s rejoice b e c a u s e t r o o p s or t h e k i n g h i m s e l f (EA 2 2 7 ) are s o o n t o a r r i v e . //'-tsi-ijr: f r o m eleru? P e r h a p s b e t t e r . the son of Abdi-Asratu. who compares EA 147:62). Lingering over Words. G r a v e . n o t e d . A u e l e t t e . p p . 11. "day b y day" c reflects E g y p t i a n r nb a n d i m p l i e s t h e d a y s o f all eternity. S i m i l a r l y . 1. BiOr ( 1 9 6 6 ) p . A s o p p o s e d t o m a i n l a n d T y r e . S e e EA 1 0 8 . 2 9 2 : 8 ? . JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p p . Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott: Untersuchun- gen zur altagyptischen Hymnik. 344. 117-18. t h e a u t h o r s p e a k s o f h i m s e l f in b o t h t h e first a n d the third person. 6. Zimredda. about every word he has heard from Egypt. NOTES 1. R S 2 4 . s . 7. independently. n. a n d L i p i n s k i . n. writes daily to the rebel Aziru. 5 1 ( 1 9 8 2 ) p p . O n t h e E g y p t i a n g l o s s . A n E g y p t i a n i s m m e a n i n g "I w a s d i s t r e s s e d . 1 9 5 : 1 6 ? . . 2 5 . 6. 4 0 1 ? . 10. nn. 3. kiina: i m p e r a t i v e s i n g u l a r + {a} a s e in H e b r e w l kd. 7. O n hapsu as t h e d e s i g n a t i o n o f a p a r t o f t h e b o d y r a t h e r t h a n t h e n a m e o f a w e a p o n . to give me water to drink and wood to warm myself. t h e s o u r c e o f t h e writer's joy is n o t s i m p l y his r e c e i v i n g a m e s s a g e f r o m t h e k i n g . 2. UF 1 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . 1 1 9 . R e a d i-sd-kir K A . p . Moreover. OA 1 9 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p p . a l s o t h e p e r s o n a l n a m e yrgbfrl (Ugar. see D u r a n d . see A l b r i g h t . 2 0 5 f f . . 3 3 ? . b u t t h e c o n t e n t o f t h e m e s s a g e — n a m e l y . 1 4 4 : 1 3 ? . JEA 23 (1937) p. Iraq 32 [1970] pp. A c c o r d i n g t o A s s m a n n . 12 and it is good that he knows. 8 9 ? For a different view. For o t h e r v e r s i o n s . cf. w i t h N a ' a m a n . "prepare (transitive). t h a t t h e k i n g is c o m i n g at t h e h e a d o f his t r o o p s . Or n . A c c o r d i n g t o N a ' a m a n . t h e c i t y o f U s u . . cf. 234 ." S o also. until the powerful arm of the king comes forth over me.2 7 . rabttu. Lingering over Words. 4. in a d i s c u s s i o n o f lines 1 6 . RB 8 0 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . M E S ap- pt-ia. i ( B e r l i n . S e e a l s o t h e Introduction. n. 1. t[a}r-gu^-ub: f o l l o w i n g d e M o o r . S e e A l t . . the c king of Sidon. 1 4 2 : 5 ? . 2 7 ? . 2 2 . p . S e e A l b r i g h t . JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p. 1 9 6 9 ) . ? p . see K n u d t z o n ' s n o t e . H e r e . 4 0 2 : " D i d not t h e ( e n t i r e ) l a n d p r o s p e r (ti-[si-i]r) s i n c e it has h e a r d o f t h e gracious messenger from my lord?" 8. make ready. . Hebrew *kun: Niphal. w h i c h is still relevant. v o l . 9. 197. Lingering over Words. p . . 1 8 8 . . ZDMG 8 6 ( 1 9 3 3 ) p p . n. " in a Tell al R i m a h i n s c r i p t i o n ( W a l k e r . P e t e r s o n . e t c . p. THE AMARNA LETTERS lord. S i n c e o n e o f t h e m o s t f r e q u e n t o r d e r s o f t h e k i n g in t h e EA correspon­ d e n c e is t o m a k e p r e p a r a t i o n s before t h e arrival (ana punt) o f t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y (Introduction. see A l b r i g h t . as so often in t h i s letter. 6 0 8 . in EA 1 4 1 : 8 ? . " a s d e m o n s t r a t e d b y G r a v e . . "prepare (intransitive). . i6iff. I herewith write to my lord. n. 3 . 3 2 1 ? . N a ' a m a n . ARMT 2 1 . . p . RSO 4 4 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p p . S e e a l s o EA 1 5 4 . " c a p i t a l . sect. 2 4 6 : 1 6 ) . O n t h e h y m n in lines 5— 15 a n d its E g y p t i a n b a c k g r o u n d . 4 0 2 . be ready" Hiphil. I97ff. S e e C .

May the king ask his commissioner. May the king be concerned about the palace attendants. your servant. and may he charge his commissioner to give Usu to his servant for water. my lord. my lord. person. my lord. May the king. charged me with the guarding of his city. He has taken over the land of the king for the c Apiru. T h e k i n g s of Sidon and Hasura. I write to the king. EA 148 12. L U . for fetching wood. JEA 6 2 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p ." 2. 1 8 3 ? .2 6 My presence will be as pleasing to the king. what I have on hand—100 (units) in weight. my lord. 2 . I t a k e it as a l o g o g r a m for girsequ. C O P Y : WA 99. 26—34 ^ a y the king give attention to his servant. who is familiar with Canaan. c o n s i d e r s u damiq inuma another Egyptianism. has written for glass. i b i d . my lord. my lord. " 3. I fall at the feet of the king. because every day the king of Sidon has captured a palace attendant of mine. G I R ( M E S ) (EA 1 4 9 : 6 2 ) .4 7 The king of Hasura has abandoned his house and has aligned himself with the c Apiru. my lord. 1 give 1 0 palace attendants to guard his city in order that I may enter and see the face of the kifng]. G I R ( a l s o lines 2 6 .1 7 The king. The one who rai[d]s the land of the king is the king of Sidon. for straw. my lord. [m]y god. my lord. give his attention to his servant and give Usu to his servant so he can drink a jug : a-ku-ni of : mi-ma (water). 7 times and 7 times. : " T h o u g h (he) h a s m a d e war ( a g a i n s t m e ) he has n o t r e t u r n e d t h e o a t h o f p e a c e (i.e. 1 8 . for clay. Very tentatively. EA 148 The need for mainland Tyre TEXT: C 4765. 8 3 .. May the king. A l b r i g h t . he is s t i l l n o m i n a l l y a t p e a c e ) . t h o u g h t it m e a n t simply "man. I give to the king. 4 4 . JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p . a n d EA 1 4 9 : 1 8 . my lord. 4 . A l b r i g h t .4 0 Since he has acted hostilely. my Sun: Message of Abi-Milku. E y r e . as when the king. 3 8 . n. To the king. 4 1 . has he 1 not violated the oath? There is not another palace attendant. 2 0 2 . 3 4 . 1 5 1 : 6 0 ) is p r o b a b l y n o t t h e s a m e as E R I N ( M E § ) . NOTES 1. These are 3 treacherous fellows. 235 .

he has not replied to him. [yo]ur servant. my lord. 5 4 . and so we have neither water nor wood. the rebel against the king. [but Zimredda. May the king send 20 palace attendants to guard his city in order that I may go in to the king. who 236 . . my 2 lord. but after I wrote an express tablet to the king. 6 . [has taken posses­ sion ofSumu]r. the maidservant of the king. I am the dirt under the feet and sandals of the king. and see his face. and I am one that brings good news and also bad (news) to the king. [g]ave S u m u r [t]o Aziru. They will not be able to capture Tyre.2 7 What is the life of a palace attendant when breath does not come forth from the mouth of the king. [the re]bel against the king.7 3 If the powerful hand of the king comes. he who does not follow the king. Nor is there a place where we can put the dead. my lord. they will be very afraid. (Still). . The king knows whether you installed me as commissioner in Tyre. chariots. [heard about m]e.4 to capture Tyre. Zimredda seized Usu from (his) servant. So may the king. in the sky. my Sun. the p]rince. give thought to his servant. When I hear the name of the king and the name of his army.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 149 Neither water nor wood TEXT: BM 29811. 3 and the men of Arwada have exchan(ge)d oaths among themselves. I am a commis­ sioner of the king. 7 times and 7 times. May the king give thought to his servant. my lord. The king. 14. my lord. [m]y lo[rd]. that is. my lord. "Write whatever you hear to the king. and they have assembled their ships. my lord. and he lives [for]ever. charged me with guarding Tyre. 2 8 . his lord? But he lives if the king writes {t]o his servant. and infantry. ] . I fall at the feet of the king. it will defeat them. my lord. "Who c]an get you in [to the king?" Hea]r. C O P Y : BB 28. my lord. I abandoned it. Haapi [ . 2 1 .2 0 O 1 king. .6 3 The king. wrote to me on a tablet. He made [my caravan] turn back [fro]m the king. [si]nce last year [my intention has been] to go in [and behojld the face of the king.4 0 For my part. 6 4 . you are like the Sun. and all the land will be afraid. the maidservant of the king. my god: Message of Abi-Milku. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. [saying. . my lord! Aziru. 4 0 . like Baal. c [the son of Abdi]-Asratu. my lord. my lord. They captured Sumur through the instructions of Zimredda. my lord.5 4 May the king not neglect [th]is city and his land. pi. my lord." Zimredda of Sidon. To the king.

my lord.r a . s e e t h e r e m a r k s o f K r a u s s . 2. p . . 237 . " see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n .h i L U G A L si]-ma be-li 3 5 [il-qe URU su-mu]-ra .m i . 7 4 . n. my lord. 1 5 1 : 1 3 6 7 . S e e EA 1 0 8 . . cf. 1. There is no water. H e r e A (ID) rather t h a n Z A G (EA 1 4 7 : 1 2 ) . [my] lo[rd. Das Ende der Amarnazeit (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . that the arm? of the king is absent. n. 1 6 . ] 3 2 .n a U G U . ] . n. and may he not [abandon] his city and his land. 1 1 9 ) . . 5 9 . Why should [a commissioner of] the king. [ . I fall at the feet of the k[in]g. the Sun. . m]y [lord]. . May he send a tablet to his servant so he may go in and see his face. 2 8 [pa-nu-ia (cf. [To] the king. our lord. 7 times and 7 times. n.8 4 [Si}nce last year there has been wa{r a}gainst me. I am like th[i]s 1 m[a]n. NOTES 1 .2 1 May the king give his attention [t]o his servant and give him Usu that he may live and [dr]ink w[ate]r.n i i s . 5. [is ex]ceeding great. 22-32 . [my] lord. 3 . 2 . 1 4 . my Sun: Mes]sage of Abi-Milk[u. and may the king reply to his servant. 2 0 7 . May the king [give thought] to his servant and to his city. . EA i 5 o : n f F . my god. my lord. EA 151:8ft"./ ] # L U G A L be-li-ia 3 3 [ma-an-nu-mi u/i]- le-ri-ib-ka 3 4 [ a . EA 150 Needed: just one soldier TEXT: C 4766. .3 7 [They are wai]ling {i}n thestr[eet(s that) / should] give (them) wood. EA 150 brings the word of the king to Aziru. . [th]ere is no wood. I sent a tablet to the king. 3 . o n " p r i n c e . 4 .« ] i it-te-er-mi 3 2 [ h a r . C O P Y : WA 98. The king. [my] lo[rd]. il-ta-(nu)-ni: f o l l o w i n g G r a v e . . n. 5. [Y]ou gave [t]o my fathers [ . .1 3 The king gave his attention to his servant and gave sol­ diers t[o] guard the city of the kin[g. EA 1 4 7 . n. . 4 .)] a-na i-ri-bi 2 9 {a-na dd\-ga-li pa-ni m L U G A L be-li-ia (cf. my lord. O n t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f line 3 0 . 7 3 . then I would go in to behold the face of the king. but he has not replied to his servant. n. ) 30 [ zi-im-re-dap]a-u>u-ra 31 [is- t e . your servant]. S e e EA 7 1 . Now a palace attendant [is bringing] my tablet to the king. and the traitor knows. move awa[y] from the land? [Zimredda] knows. Should a single soldier guard the city of the king. OA 19 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p .

I fall at the feet of the king. my lord. my lord. give [his] attention and gi[ve] water for 6[ur] drink and wood to his servant. my lord. h e p r o b a b l y refers h e r e t o s u p p o r t g i v e n t o h i s p r e d e c e s s o r . 2 5 . [my] lord. to behold his gracious face. send [his messenger and] his ta[bl]et t[o me]. my lord." The king of Danuna died. his brother became king after his death. 1 2 . H e says h e is l i k e h i m a n d a l s o n e e d s s u c h s u p p o r t . 4 . my god. so I can enter before the king. [I] have devoted myself to\tallyY to {the king). I have experienced the injustices of Zimredda. P i n t o r e .5 8 The king. knows that we are situa[te]d on the sea. my lord. my lord. give me 20 men to guard the city of the king. so I may enter before the king. wrote to me. and I give 5 talents of 3 bronze. we have neither water nor wood. it destroyed half of it and so hal(f) of it has disappeared. my Sun. (rather). my lord. ma{ll)ets. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. my lord]. 3 5 . "Write to me what you have heard in Canaan.M i l k u usually laments the absence of the E g y p t i a n military. n. May the king. I herewith send Ilumilku as messenger to the king. my lord. and may [the king]. ask his commissioner whether I have devoted myself to the king.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTE i. May the king. Etakkama. my lord. the war is 6 with Biryawaza. and Aziru are at war. 7 times and 7 times.4 8 May [the king. I am indeed guarding carefully the city of the king that he put in my charge. 4 9 . my lord.1 1 1 am the dirt under the sandals of the king. t[p seeing] the face of the king. my lord. my gods: Message of Abi-Milku. due to Zimredda of Sidon. and his land is at peace. my lord. for he 238 . EA 151 A report on Canaan TEXT: BM 29813. Fire destroyed the palace4 at Ugarit. but I have not been able. the prince of Qidsu. pi. not abandon his servant. 1 0 2 . To the king. 13. C O P Y : BB 30. OA n ( 1 9 7 2 ) p .M i l k u here calls h i m s e l f a soldier. I have l devoted myself to the service : u-bu-di of the ki[ng]. b u t Pintore does not translate the p a s s a g e . and so he has waged war against me. your servant. 5 . my lord. my lord. Since A b i .7 0 There are no Hittite troops about. my lord. May the ki[ng]. (and) 1 whip. The king. m a i n t a i n s t h a t A b i .'' 5 9 . my lord.3 4 I herewith send my messenger t[o the kin]g. My intention has been to go to see the face of the king.2 4 He heard that I was going to Egypt.

NOTES 1. my l[or]d. 3 0 . 1 1 9 ) . my lord. 922. . my Sun]. [his maidservant. .. . p . n.. . p . [my] g[od. [ . and so may he give provisions. For E t a k k a m a ' s t i t l e . take cognizance of his city.6 6 [ . Or n . [my god. ti-e-ti-s[u]: p r o b a b l y a d e s i g n a t i o n o f T y r e . 1 5 5 : 2 7 ? 2.. my Sun: Me]ssage of Abi- Mi[lk]u. T h e p r e c e d i n g mi-ru-Ti remains obscure: a-na-mi (ur)-ru-di? Cf. my lord. . and the ki]ng. [m]y lord. see a l s o EA 295. n.4 6 . [the dirt und]er the sandals on the feet of [my lo]r[d. 256).6 3 . ] . my god. the rule]r of [Sidon. 2 2 2 . is at war] with me. ] . History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . . As Z]imre[dda. ] 4 7 . " b u t t h e r e p e t i t i o n is c u r i o u s . n. . May the king give his attention to his servant and return : yu-sa (come forth). . May the king. n. EA 152 assembled troops and ships from the cities of Aziru against me. Q. EA 1 4 7 : 4 2 . h a l f n o t . a n d N a ' a m a n . UF 11 (1979) p p . 9 . t h e g l o s s is t a k e n as c reflecting W e s t S e m i t i c bd. the Sun.8 May the king. ] . and he has dev[oted him]self to : d-bu-ud (the service^ of the kin[g. yo[ur] servant. . . "there is n o t h a l ( f ) o f i t . 6 7 4 ? 239 . NOTES 1. EA 152 A demand for recognition T E X T : VAT 1719. [m]y Sun. C O P Y : VS 11. his lord. . 80. n. For t h e v a r i o u s inter­ p r e t a t i o n s o f lines 5 5 .] 5 8 . In addition to the s[oldier]s. 146? 5. 1 2 8 ) . s . 6. . 7. s'hna-(q\)-bu-ma 1«' USAN : qi-na-zu(AHw. the Sun. Is it good that a palace attendant of my lord should become frigh[tened]? All have become frightened. . my l[o]rd [. p p . 51 (1982) p . 7 3 . see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . [wb]ere are the . see L i v e r a n i . [T]o the k[in]g. W i t h G r a v e . Storia di Ugarit (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . n. rather. . 17. 5 . [ . a n d R e d f o r d . 166.5 7 [and] 1 may he give me 80 s\pldiers] to gu[ard] h[is] . . 28ff. . . E L U G A L : as a l r e a d y c o n f i r m e d b y G a d d in Schaeffer. 4. t h a t h a l f was d e s t r o y e d . know that Abi-Milku is a servant [ . a n d o n e w o n d e r s w h e t h e r the m e a n i n g is n o t . ma-[gd\ ma-gal]. I fall] a[t the feet of the king]. . . CAD. {7 times and 7 times]. p . . 5 ? 3. Syria 17 (1936) p p . L i t . [for] the war again[st 2 me is sev]ere.

THE AMARNA LETTERS

2. a-ia8 Z u - x - [ x - x ] : ayya, however, is o t h e r w i s e a t t e s t e d in EA o n l y a t
Byblos.
3. S e e EA 1 5 1 , n. 1.

EA 153

Ships on hold
TEXT: Metropolitan Museum of Art 24.2.12.
COPIES: Scheil, Bulletin de I'Insthut frangais d'archeologie orientale
du Caire 2 (1902) p. 116; I. Spar, ed., Cuneiform Texts (see EA
15), pis. 114-15.
P H O T O G R A P H S : Bull, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art
21 (1926) p. 170, fig. 2 (obverse); Pritchard, The Ancient Near
East in Pictures (see Introduction, n. 85), no. 245 (obverse).
T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Moran, in Spar, ed.,
Cuneiform Texts, pp. 150f.
1
(To] the king, my lord: [Mes]sage of Abi-Milku, your servant. I fall at
your feet 7 times and 7 times. 4 - 1 1 1 have carried out what the king,
my lord, ordered. The entire land is afraid of the troops of the king, my
lord. I have had my men hold ships at the disposition of the troops of the
king, my lord. 1 2 - 2 0 Whoever has disobeyed has no family, has
nothing alive. Since I guafrd the ci]ty of the king, [my] lo[rd], m[y]
s[afety] is the king's responsibility. [May he take cognizance] of his servant
2
who is on his side.

NOTES
1 . W r i t t e n ia-bi-UJGKL, perhaps reflecting a g l i d e between the a-vowels
(um-ma a-bi > yabt).
2. 1 7 [ii S u - u ] l - m [ i ] 1 8 [m]u-bi LUGAL l[i-de ) 4 1 9 a-na iR-Ja sa
2 0 it-ti-Iu. Cf. EA 1 5 4 : 2 7 - 2 9 a n d n. 2 .

EA 154

Orders carried out
T E X T : VAT 1718.
C O P I E S : WA 162; VS 11, 81.

To the king, my lord: Message of Abi-Milku, [your] servant. I fall at
the feet of the king, [m]y lo[rd], 7 times and 7 times. I am the d[i]rt
un(der) the sandals of the king, my lord. 5 - 1 0 I have heard what the

240

EA 155

1
king wrote to his servant, "Let my forces : [ia-k]u-(un) (be prepared))
again[st] Yawa." What the king ordered, that I have carried out with
the greatest joy. 1 1 - 2 0 Moreover, since the departure of the troops of
the king, my lord, from me, the ruler of Sidon does not allow me or my
people to go to land to fetch wood or to fetch water for drinking. He has
killed one man, and he has capt[ured] another. 2 1 - 2 9 [ . . . ] . . . May
2
the king take cognizance of his servant.

NOTES
1. S e e EA 1 4 7 , n. 8. For a n o t h e r r e a d i n g see D o s s i n , RA 30 (1933) pp.
8 f.
9

2. 27 /«{/-mu/mi . . . ] 28 a li-i-de4 L U G A L a-na 29 \K-su.

EA 155

Servant of Mayati
TEXT: BM 29814 ( + ) VAT 1872.
C O P I E S : BB 31 ( + ) WA 228; VS 11, 82.
To the king, [the Sun, my lord]: Message of Abi-M[ilku, your servant. I
fall] at the feet of the k[ing, my lord], 7 times and 7 times. I am the
dirt under the sandals of the k[ing, my lord], and the king is the
Eternfal] Sun. 7—17 The king ordered that the breath (of life) be given
to his servant and to the servant of Mayati, and water : mi-ma be (given)
for his drink, but they have not acted in accordance with the command
of the king, my lord; they have not given (these things). So may the
king give thought to the servant of Mayati, that water be given so he
may live. 1 7 - 2 3 Moreover, O king, my lord, since there is no wo[od,
1
n](o) water, no straw, no supplies, no burial for the de[ad], may the
king, my lord, take cognizance of the servant of Mayati, that life be
gi[ve]n to him. 24—39 Should the king, my lord, give water to drink
to the servant of Mayati, then I will devote myself to his service (and
2
that of) Mayati, my mistress, night and day. Should I en[ter] before
the king, [my] lo[rd], I would be afraid : ir-x-[x](?), [and] unable [to
speak], since the king, the Sun, looked on. But the commissioner has
not done [what] the king [commanded]. He does [not] give [water, a]s the
ki[ng] commanded. 40-47 So may the king take cognizance of his
servant and of Tyre, the city of Mayati, for whatever command has
issued from the mouth of the king to his servant, that he has done. The
word of the king [g]oes : pa-ni-mu (before him).5 4 7 - 5 4 The king is
the Eter[n]al Sun, and I am the loyal servant of the king, [m]y lord.
241

THE AMARNA LETTERS

The ki[ng charged me] with guarfding] the ci[ty] of [M]a[y]ati, my
mistress. 4 . . . [ . . . ] . Moreover, my lord, [since the departure] of the troops
from me, [/ can]not [go] to land. 5 5 - 6 4 Should a ta[bl]et [of] the
king, my lord, arrive, then I will approafch] the land. May the king,
my lord, know the sentiments of the enti[re] land. May the king gifve]
attention to {his] serfvant] and to Tyre, the city of Maya[ti], so [wood
and] water are given that [he] might li[ve]. 6 5 - 7 1 Moreover, [my]
lord [ . . . ] the king should inquire from his commissioner whether
Sumur is [set]tled. As the ruler of Bei[r]ut has done service with one ship,
and the ruler of Sido[n] is doing service with two ships, I will do service
with all yo[ur] ships. So may the king give thought to his servant [and]
protect the s[hips] of the king with all my city.'

NOTES
1 . sa-mu, lit. " p l a c i n g , " u n d e r W e s t S e m i t i c influence (cf. H e b r e w s'im)?
2. BE-ti-ia (belttya): f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , UF 11 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 6 7 5 .
3. F o r t h e v a r i o u s p o s s i b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , see A l b r i g h t , JEA 23 (1937) p.
1 9 7 , n. 2 .
4. S e e n. 2 .
5. F o l l o w i n g G o r d o n ' s r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t : gdb-bi VRV-ia is p l a c e d w i t h
Glossenkeil a t t h e e n d o f line 7 0 b e c a u s e o f insufficient r o o m a t t h e e n d o f l i n e 7 1 .

EA 156

Aziru of Amurru
T E X T : VAT 337.
C O P I E S : WA 34; VS 11, 83.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 15f.
To the king, my lord, my god, my [S]un: Message of Aziru, your
servant. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times.
4 - 8 Now as to a(ny) request that the Sun, my lord, makes, I am
[yo]ur servant forever, and my sons are your servants.
1
9—141 herewith give [my] sons as 2 attendants], and they are to do
2
what the k[ing, my lord], orders. But let him leave [me] in Amurru.

NOTES
1. L U . T [ U R . ( M E § ) : f o l l o w i n g K n u d t z o n ; o n t h e m e a n i n g , see EA 1 7 , n. 7.
On the historical b a c k g r o u n d of the A z i r u correspondence, see m o s t re­
c e n t l y S . Izre'el a n d I . S i n g e r , The General's Letter from Ugarit: A Linguistic and
Historical Evaluation ofRS 20.33, Ugaritica V, n o . 2 0 (Tel Aviv, 1 9 9 0 ) , p p . 1286°.
2. Cf. t h e r e q u e s t o f A z i r u a s r e p o r t e d b y t h e P h a r a o h in EA 162:42—54.

242

EA 157

EA 157

Eager to serve
T E X T : VAT 624.
C O P I E S : WA 36; VS 11, 84.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. IIS.
[S]a[y to] the king, [my] lo[rd, my god, and my Sun]: Message of
Az[iru, your servant}. I f[all] at [the feet of my lord] 7 times and 7
times.
6—8 Now may the king, my lord, know that I am [your] servant
forever. I do not deviate from the orders of my lord.
9—16 My lord, from the very first I have wanted (to enter) the
1 2
service of the king, my lord, but the magnates of Sumur do not
permit me. Now, of dereliction of duty or the slightest thing against
the king I am innocent.' The king, my lord, knows (who the real)
rebels (are).
17—19 And whatever the request o[f the king, my lord], I will
gr[ant] (it).
20-24 ...
2 5 - 3 3 And thus [ . . . ] . . . If the king of Ha[tti] [advances'] for war
against me, the king, my lord, should give me . . . [ . . . } troops and
chariots [t]o help me, and I will guard the land of the king, my lord.
3 4 - 3 6 Moreover, in all haste send me my messenger, and [/ wi]ll
[...].
37-41 And whatever the mayors have given, I too will give to the
king, my lord, my god and my Sun. I will give forever.

NOTES
1. O n L L V I R . M E S , ardutu, "service," see Or n . s . 5 3 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p p . 2 9 8 6 ; so
a l s o Izre'el, Amurru.
2. E g y p t i a n h i g h officials r e s i d i n g i n , or in c h a r g e of, S u m u r , n o t the city's
e l d e r s ( K i t c h e n , Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs [ s e e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 1 9 ] ,
p . 1 7 ) . I n EA 1 7 1 , Y a n h a m u is m e n t i o n e d as o n e o f t h e s e m a g n a t e s .
3. L i t . "I have n o t c o m m i t t e d , " a n d r e a d i n g , w i t h Izre'el, Amurru, la-a
hi-i(-fa ,x n o t laa-hi-i(-ta .x T h e e x p r e s s i o n htta epesu as u s e d in EA 2 7 : 3 5 (failure to
s h o w m e s s e n g e r s d u e h o n o r s ) a n d 1 6 2 : 9 ( f a i l u r e t o d e n o u n c e ) s u g g e s t s that hitu
refers t o n e g l i g e n c e , a d e r e l i c t i o n o f duty. T h i s w o u l d e x p l a i n w h y t h e n o u n s hlfu
a n d httitu a n d t h e v e r b hafu are so rarely u s e d in t h e A m a r n a c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , even
t h o u g h it is filled w i t h d e n u n c i a t i o n s : t h e a c t s d e n o u n c e d are t h o s e o f c o m m i s s i o n
(arnu). P e r f e c t i n n o c e n c e is t o b e g u i l t y o f n e i t h e r (EA 2 5 3 : 1 6 6 ° . ; 2 5 4 : 1 1 1 ? . ) . T h e

243

THE AMARNA LETTERS

d i s t i n c t i o n o f "Yarnu f a u t e d e l i c t u e l l e e t le htfu f a u t e c o n t r a c t u e l l e " ( K e s t e m o n t , in
G a r e l l i , e d . , Le Palais et la Royaute [see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 ] , p . 4 8 1 ) , w h e t h e r or
n o t it o b t a i n s e l s e w h e r e , d o e s n o t s e e m t o e x p l a i n a d e q u a t e l y t h e A m a r n a evi­
d e n c e . N o t e , for e x a m p l e , t h a t a t t h e t i m e o f EA 1 5 7 A z i r u , as h e h i m s e l f
l a m e n t s , is n o t f o r m a l l y an E g y p t i a n v a s s a l , a n d h e is therefore u n d e r n o c o n t r a c t .
T h e b a s i s for K e s t e m o n t ' s c l a i m ( i b i d . , n. 4 6 ) t h a t t h e c a s e o f A z i r u s h o w s h o w t h e
s a m e a c t c o u l d b e , before a p a c t , arnu, a n d after a p a c t , htfu, is n o t clear. T h e
c o n t r a s t I p o s t u l a t e b e t w e e n arnu a n d httu, e t c . , g o e s b a c k t o t h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n
p e r i o d ; cf. awilum sit arnam u hifltam ul Tsu, " T h i s m a n h a s ( c o m m i t t e d ) n e i t h e r s i n
nor fault" (AEM 1 / 2 , n o . 3 1 2 : 1 1 ' , "peche" a n d "faute").

EA 158

Father and son
TEXT: C 4758 (12205).
C O P Y : WA 40.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 20ff.
T[o] Tutu, my lord, [my] father: Message of Aziru, your son, your
1
servant. I fall at the feet of my father. For my father may all go well.
2
5 - 9 Tutu, I herewith gr]ant the re[ques]t of the ki[ng, m]y
l[or}d, [and] whatever may be the request [o]f the king, my lord, he
should write and I w[ill g]rant it.
1 0 - 1 3 Moreover, a[s} you in that place are my father, whatever
may be the request of Tutu, my f[at}her, just write and / will grant it. 3
1 4 - 1 9 [A]s you are my father and my lord, [and] I am your son,
the land of Amurru is your [lan]d, and my house is your house. [Wr]ite
me any request at all of yours, and I will grant your [eve^ry* request.
2 0 - 2 6 [And] you are in the personal service [of the king], my
5
[lord. Hea]ven forbid that treacherous men have spoken maliciously
6
[again]st me in the presence of the king, my lord. And you should not
permit them.
7
2 7 - 3 1 [And a]s you are in the personal service [of the king, m]y
8
lord, representing me, you should not permit malicious talk [ag]ainst
me.
3 2 - 3 5 I am the servant of the king, my lord, and I will [n]ot
deviate from the orders of the king, my lord, or from the orders of Tutu,
my father, forever.
3 6 - 3 8 [But z]/the king, my lord, does not love me and rejects
me, then what a[m] I to s[a]y?

244

EA 159

NOTES
1. ardi-ka-[ma]: as in all o f A z i r u ' s letters; G o r d o n saw p o s s i b l e traces of
ma.
2. [d]t-[t}a-din ( G o r d o n ) . L i n e 7: c e r t a i n l y erihu-'7/T.
3. N e i t h e r i nor ad-din: so a l s o G o r d o n .
4. [ g a b - b ] a : a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y not [ a - m u ] r ; so a l s o G o r d o n . Cf. EA 160:9.
5. [as-s]ur^-[r]i: the A m u r r u f o r m o f Z U R - s i g n is q u i t e clear, a n d the s p e l l ­
i n g as e l s e w h e r e in A z i r u ' s letters (EA 165:20, 1 6 6 : 2 3 ; 1 6 7 : 2 5 ) .
6. [a-na VGV-h]i-ia: so a l s o L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ; cf. line 3 1 .
7. as-ba-ta: bd d u b i o u s ( G o r d o n ) .
r n
8. k i - i - m a a - i a - / ; : L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n , ia d u b i o u s ( G o r d o n ) ; lit. "in
m y place, instead of me."

EA 159

Nothing but the truth
T E X T : VAT 1658.
C O P I E S : WA 35; VS 11, 85.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 24ff.
[T]o the king, my lord, my Sun: [Mess}age of Aziru, your servant. I fall
at the feet of the king, my lord, [m]y [god} and my Sun, 7 times and 7
times.
5 - 1 0 1 do not deviate [fr]om the order[s] of the king, my lord, my
god [and} my [Su]n. [As] you are like Ba[al and y]ou are like the Sun,
[then h}ow could (any) [serva]nts li[e}' to my lord, [my god]?
n - 1 6 [Loo]k, I am going to build Sumur. No[w . . . ] . . .
17-28, 2 9 - 3 8
39-42 [Andas fa}r as the mayor[s] are concerned, [I dec}lare: they
are all [tr]aitors of my lord. [Do not tr]ust them. 3
4 3 - 4 6 [M]y lord, right now, [in] all haste, I am going to build
Sumur. [N}ow, may he trust me [th]at I am going to build Sumur.
[(• • •)]•

NOTES
1. u-ka-az-zi-[bu-mm]: f o l l o w i n g N o u g a y r o l , Ugar. 5 , p . 4 9 , in d e r i v i n g
t h e v e r b f r o m kuzzubu. If 1 0 [ a - m a - t ] e . M E § ( N o u g a y r o l ) , t h e n ukazzi-[ba], "how
c o u l d I tell likes . . . , " I a l s o read 9 [ u k]i-i rathet than {ki-i-k]i-/ (Nougayrol).
S e e a l s o EA 1 0 8 , n. 1.
2. Line 26: [... iT-nu-ta, "vessels, g e a r " ( g i f t s for t h e k i n g ? ) . L i n e s 33ff.:
p r e p a r a t i o n (line 3 8 , a - [ s e - s e - e r ] ) o f ( a d d i t i o n a l ? ) g i f t s for t h e k i n g ( ? ) : G l S . l . M E S ,
"oils" or samassamme (Izre'el; m e a n i n g d i s p u t e d , e i t h e r " s e s a m e " or "linseed"; l i n e

245

THE AMARNA LETTERS

3 2 ) ; [x mn]-na as-si mi-{...], "fx mi)nas of myrtle" ( l i n e 3 4 , assu as a t B o g h a z k o y ? ) ;
fx K U S . M E S J S U N . M E S , "fx hides of] w i l d - c o w s " ( l i n e 3 6 ) .
3. EN-ia-ma \la-(d)] 4 2 [ta-qi-i]p-Iu-nu: cf. line 4 5 . T h e u s e o f t h e p r e t ­
e r i t e f o r m i n s t e a d o f t h e c o r r e c t p r e s e n t - f u t u r e taqdp i s , in t h i s d i a l e c t , n o t a
difficulty.

EA 160

Ships and lumber for the king
TEXT: Golenischeff (Introduction, sect. 1).
C O P Y : WA 34a.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 28ff.
[To] the Great King, [my] l[ord, my god, my Sun: Messa]ge of Aziru,
[your] serva[nt]. I fal[l] at the fee[t of my lord], my god and my Sun, 7
times and 7 times.
5—8 My lord, my god, my Sun, I am your servant, and my sons
and my brothers are servants of the king, my lord, forever.
9 - 1 3 I am indeed preparing all the requests of the king, my lord,
and whatever came forth from the mouth of the king, my lord, I am
preparing.
1 4 - 1 9 I am indeed, in very truth, now [preparing] 8 ships,
box{wo]odlogs, and large logs of [ . . . ] . . . , everything that ca[me forth]
from the mo[uth] of the king, [m]y lord, [my god, my Sun].
2 0 - 3 2 [And], O king, [my lord, as to Sumur, about which] he say[s,
"Why have] you {not] buil[t $umur?"],' [ . . . ] . . . of [my] lo[r]d, [ . . . ] ,
and the kings of Nuha[ss>e] have been at war with [me], and so I have not
built Sumur. This year I will bui[l]d Sumur. My lord, I am your servant
forever. O king, do not listen to the treacherous men that [de]nounce
me be[for]e the king, my lord.
3 3 - 3 7 May the king, my lord, my god and my Sun, send me his
mes[sen]ger so he can fet[ch] everythi[ng] that the kin[g, my lord],
orde[r]s.
3 8 - 4 0 My lord, no[w you are going to hear t]hat I am buil[ding
the city of the king], my lord, my god, [my Sun].
4 1 - 4 4 [And, O k]ing, m[y] lord, send me {your messenger al]ong
with [my] messenger [in] all haste, [and] then he can brin[g] the
tribute of the king, my lord.

246

EA 161

NOTE
i. [EN-ia as-sum URU su-mu-ri] 21 [sa] i-qd-a[b-bi am-mi-(i)-ni]
2 2 [la i}a-bd-an-[ni U R U su-mu-ri]: cf. EA 161:35-40.

EA 161

An absence explained
TEXT: BM 29818.
C O P Y : BB 35.
P H O T O G R A P H : BB, pi. 22.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 3Iff.
To the Great King, my lord, my god, [my Sun]: Message of Aziru, your
servant. I fall at the feet of my lord, [m]y god, my Sun, 7 times and 7
times.
4-10 My lord, I am your servant, and on my arrival in the presence
1
of the king, my lord, I spoke of all my affairs in the presence of the
king, my lord. My lord, do not listen to the treacherous men that
denounce me in the presence of the king, my lord. I am your servant
forever.
11—22 The king, my lord, has spoken about Han'i. My lord, I was
residing in Tunip, and so I did not know that he had arrived. As soon as
I heard, I went up after him, but I did not overtake him. May Han'i
arrive safe and sound so that the king, my lord, can ask him how I
provided for him. My brothers and Bet-ili were at his service; they gave
2 3 4
oxen, sheep and goats, and birds, his food and his strong drink.
a v e
23-34 I g horses and asses [f]or his journey. May the king, my
lord, hear my words. [W]hen I come to the king, my lord, Han'i will go
before me; like a mother and like a father he will provide for me. And
no(w) my lord says, "You hid yourself from Han'i." May your gods and
the Sun be witnesses: (I swear) I was residing in Tunip.
35-40 The king, my lord, has spoken about the building of
Sumur. The kings of Nujjasse have been at war with me and have taken
my cities at the instruction of Hatip. So I have not built it. Now, in all
haste, I am going to build it.
41—46 And may my lord know that Hatip has taken half of the
things that the king, my lord, gave (me). All the gold and silver? that
the king, my lord, gave me, Hatip has taken. May my lord know (this).

247

THE AMARNA LETTERS

4 7 - 5 3 Moreover, the king, my lord, also said, "Why did you
provide for the messenger of the king of Hatti, but did not provide for
my messenger?" But this is the land of my lord, and the king, my lord,
6
made me one of the mayors!
5 4 - 5 6 Let my lord's messenger come to me so I can give all that I
promised in the presence of the king, my lord. I will give food supplies,
ships, oil, logs of boxwood and (other) woods.

NOTES
1. F o l l o w i n g Izre'el, Amurru. A z i r u refers t o t h i s o c c a s i o n a g a i n at t h e very
end o f t h e letter, g i v i n g h i s m e s s a g e a k i n d o f inclusio. It w a s o n t h i s o c c a s i o n , t o o ,
t h a t he w a s p r o b a b l y i n s t a l l e d f o r m a l l y as a m a y o r ; s e e lines 4 7 - 5 3 .
2. S e e EA 5 5 , n. 2 .
3. P r o b a b l y fowl; see K r a u s , AbB 10, 1 2 4 , note a of the translation.
4. O r " b r e a d a n d beer."
5. K U . B A B B A R - ^ : f o l l o w i n g Izre'el, Amurru.
6 . O n e o f t h e m o r e n o t a b l e ignorationes elenchi in t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s .

EA 162

A letter from the Pharaoh:
threats and promises
T E X T : VAT 347.
C O P I E S : WA 92; VS 11, 86.
1
Say [to Aziru], ruler of Amurru: [Thu\s the king, your lord, saying:
The ruler of Gubla, whose brother had cast him away at the gate, [sai]d
to you, "[Ta]ke me and get me into my city. [There is much silvjer, and I
will give it to you. Indeed, there is an abundance of everything, [but
2
n]ot with me." Thus did the ruler speak to you.
7 - 1 1 Do you [n]ot write to the king, my lord, [say]ing, "I am your
servant like all the previous mayors in his city"? Yet you acted delin-
quently by taking the mayor whose brother had cast him away at the
gate, from his city.'
e w a s
12—14 H residing in Sidon and, following your own judg­
ment, you gave him to (some) mayors. Were you ignorant of the treach-
erousness of the men?
15—18 If you really are the king's servant, why did you not de­
4
nounce him before the king, your lord, saying, "This mayor has writ­
ten me, saying, 'Take me to yourself and get me into my city'"?

248

EA 162

1 9 - 2 1 And if you did a[c]t loyally, still all the things you wrote
were not true. In fact, the king has reflected on them as follows, "Every­
thing you have said is not friendly."
2 2 - 2 9 Now the king has heard as follows, "You are at peace with
the ruler of Qidsa.5 The two of you take food and strong drink to­
6
gether." And it is true. Why do you act so? Why are you at peace with
a ruler with whom the king is fighting? And even if you did act loyally,
you considered your own judgment, and his judgment did not count.
7
You have paid no attention to the things that you did earlier. What
happened to you among them that you are not on the side of the king,
8
your lord?
3 0 - 3 2 Con[sider] the people that are [training you for their own
advantage. They want to throw you into the fire. They have lit {the fire),
and (still) you love everything so very much!
33—38 But if you perform your service for the king, your lord,
what is there that the king will not do for you? If for any reason
9
whatsoever you prefer to do evil, and if you plot evil, treacherous
things, then you, together with your entire family, shall die by the axe
of the king.
3 9 - 4 1 So perform your service for the king, your lord, and you
will live. You yourself know that the king does not fail when he rages
10
against all of Canaan.
42—54 And when you wrote, saying, "May the king, my lord,
give me leave this year, and then I will go next year to the king, [my]
11
l[ord]. If this is impossible, I [will send} my son [in m\y [place]" —the
king, your lord, let you off this year, in accordance with what you said.
[Co]me yourself, or send your son, and you will see the king at whose
sight all lan[ds] live. You are not to say, "May he give me this year, too."
If it is impossible to go to the king, your lord, send your son to the
king, your lord, in your place. If it is impossible, he is to come.
5 5 - 6 7 Now the king, your lord, has heard that you wrote to the
king, saying, "May the king, my lord, send Hanni, the messenger of the
king, once more, so I can have the enemies of the king delivered into his
charge." He herewith goes off to you, in accordance with what you said.
So have them delivered, omitting no one. The king, your lord, hereby
sends you the names of the king's ene(mi)es on [this] tablet given to
Hanni, the messenger of the king. Have the[m] delivered to the king,
your lord, omitting no one. Copper fetters are to be put on their ankles.
Here are the men whom you are to have delivered to the king, your
lord:

249

THE AMARNA LETTERS

68 Sarru along with all his sons;
Tuya;
70 Leya along with all his sons;
Pisyari along with all his sons;
72 the son-in-law of Manya, along with his sons,
12
along with his wives;
74 the commissioner, who is expert in sacrilege,
1
that fellow {who) has mocked a resident-alien; ^
76 Daasarti; Baaluma;
14
Nimmahe—he is a brigand in Amurru.
7 8 - 8 1 And know that the king is hale like the Sun in the sky. For
his troops and his chariots in multitude, from the Upper Land to the
Lower Land, the rising of the sun to the setting of the sun, all goes very
1
well. ?

NOTES
1. [ u m - m a - ( a ) - m ] i : umma-mi is a t t e s t e d in EA 1 : 2 6 , 3 7 ( E g y p t ) . W h a t e v e r
t h e correct r e s t o r a t i o n m a y b e , it is clear t h a t no c o n v e n t i o n a l f o r m o f i n t r o d u c t i o n
w a s u s e d . W i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f t h e c o n c l u s i o n (lines 7 8 ? . ) , EA 162 is in f o r m as
well a s c o n t e n t q u i t e u n l i k e t h e P h a r a o h ' s letters t o inferiors (see I n t r o d u c t i o n ,
sect. 5 ) .
2. 5 [ma-ad KU.BAB}BAR . . . 6 [ u i]-ia-nu: free r e s t o r a t i o n s ; n o t e t h e
w r i t i n g i-ia-nu in line 2 7 a n d i-ia-nu-um-ma in l i n e 5 2 . I t is not clear t h a t "take"
m e a n s "take as a v a s s a l , " as p r o p o s e d b y K . M c C a r t e r , OA 1 2 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 1 7 .
3 . T h i s is a d e l i n q u e n c y b e c a u s e u p o n r e c e i v i n g R i b - H a d d a ' s c o m m u n i c a ­
t i o n , A z i r u s h o u l d have i m m e d i a t e l y d e n o u n c e d h i m to t h e k i n g (lines i j f f . ) ; see
EA 1 5 7 , n. 3 .
4. ta-a-ku-ulkar-si-i-su: f o l l o w i n g M c C a r t e r , i b i d . , p p . i5ff. T h e r e a d i n g is
c o n f i r m e d b y c o l l a t i o n ; t h e c o p y is i n e x a c t , a n d t h e r e is a l i g a t u r e o f T E a n d A.
T h e d e n u n c i a t i o n w o u l d a l s o have r e q u i r e d h a n d i n g over t h e v a s s a l t o E g y p t i a n
a u t h o r i t i e s ; cf. EA 2 4 5 : i f f . , a n d see K i i h n e , Andrews University Seminary Studies 1
( 1 9 6 3 ) p p . 7ifF., a n d K e s t e m o n t , in G a r e l l i , e d . , Le Palais et la Royaute (see
I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 ) , p . 4 7 7 . A z i r u w a s , t h e r e f o r e , d o u b l y d e l i n q u e n t .
5. Etakkama.
6. S e e EA 1 6 1 , n. 4. M e a l s s e a l e d a l l i a n c e s a n d w e r e s h a r e d o n l y b y a l l i e s
and friends.
7. T h i s is p r o b a b l y a