THE
AMARNA LETTERS

Edited and Translated by William L. Moran

The Johns Hopkins University Press
Baltimore and London

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Tell e l - A m a r n a tablets.
T h e A m a r n a letters / edited a n d translated by W i l l i a m L . M o r a n .
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I S B N 0 - 8 0 1 8 - 4 2 5 1 - 4 (alk. paper)
1. A s s y r o - B a b y l o n i a n letters—Translations into E n g l i s h .
2. A k k a d i a n language—Texts. 3. Egypt—History—Eighteenth
dynasty, ca. 1 5 1 0 - 1 3 2 0 B . C . — S o u r c e s . 4. M i d d l e E a s t —
History—To 6 2 2 — S o u r c e s . I . Moran, W i l l i a m L . I I . Title.
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Contents

Preface ix
Introduction xiii
Editorial Apparatus xli
Abbreviations and Short Titles xliii

The Amarna Letters i

Index of Words Discussed 371
Index of Proper Names 379

Map of the Near East in the Amarna Period 1
Map of Vassal Cities and Egyptian Administrative Centers 124

Preface

A little more than a century has passed since the discovery of the
Amarna letters. At first virtually unique and so extraordinary that even
their genuineness was seriously questioned, these letters over the years
have gradually acquired context and perspective. As subsequent discov­
eries made clear, the Amarna letters reflect a cosmopolitan culture, a
"cuneiform culture," that throughout most of the second millennium
B . C . extended from the mountains to the east of Assyria and Babylonia,
across the Fertile Crescent, over into Asia Minor.
Though seen now as only part of a much larger picture, the
Amarna letters still remain documents of the highest importance and
still form, as one cuneiformist once put it so enthusiastically, "une des
collections les plus precieuses du monde." This importance derives
mainly from the rich evidence they provide for the social and political
history of Syria and Palestine in the fourteenth century B . C . They may,
therefore, be read as a kind of preface to biblical history, and it is for this
reason, above all, that they have been, and continue to be, the subject of
the most diligent inquiry and reflection. Indeed, one can safely predict
that as long as the Bible retains in our culture its unique importance,
the Amarna letters will command the serious attention of historian and
exegete.
Over the years, too, there has been great progress in our under­
standing of these letters. Collations of the originals by various scholars
have yielded a more accurate reading of the text. Grammatical and
lexical studies have vastly extended our grasp of the language of the
letters. Unfortunately, however, since J . A. Knudtzon's magisterial
edition, in 1 9 0 7 - 1 5 , of the letters known at that time, the results of all
this progress have remained scattered in dictionaries, monographs, dis­
sertations, anthologies, articles, and footnotes. Except to the narrow
specialist, they have been practically inaccessible.
A long-standing desideratum, therefore, and one with ever-
increasing urgency, has been a translation of the entire corpus that
reflects the advances of the last seventy-five years. It was to meet this
demand that the present work was undertaken.
A translation: that is my main objective, and, I might almost say,
my only objective. The Introduction aims principally at tracing in

ix

the primary. I regret that consid­ erations of space often made it impossible to give in these notes due recognition to counterarguments and divergent views. at the time. the Louvre (Paris). the British Mu­ seum (London). the Oriental Museum (Chicago). who very kindly made available to me the results of the collations by the late Edmund I. I have also taken a certain liberty in the translation of some particles. the Egyptian Museum (Cairo). too. applies. there were thirteen that eluded me. Gordon of most of the letters housed in London and Cairo. I am most grateful. This limitation was com­ pensated for to some extent through the generosity of Albert E. which I gratefully acknowledge. the Musees royaux dArt and d'Histoire (Brussels). they were either destroyed. Gordon's contribution is not a small one. My time being limited. lexi­ cal. The translation is. and contextual—that support the translation. however. in general. and for all their kind assistance and courtesy. I was able in 1973—74 to collate almost all of the letters. often replacing a more literal. It might be added.PREFACE broad outline the form and the content of the translations that follow. at the time the Director of the Albright Institute in Jerusalem. Those who have confronted the translation of hinne in the Hebrew Bible will recognize the option and perhaps sympathize with the inconsistency. if ever. With the support of the American Council of Learned Societies and of Harvard University. the collations were at times not sign by sign. the prose of the Amarna letters is. but recognized difficulty by recognized difficulty. paratactic version with a subor­ dinate clause. that here traduttore traditore seldom. lost. to my col­ leagues Volkert Haas and Gemot Wilhelm for their contributing. the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York). the Ashmolean Museum (Oxford). I heartily thank the authorities of the Arkeoloji Muzeleri (Istanbul). misplaced. with the lack of felicity the term usually implies. re- x . Where the transla­ tion is not literal is in its grammatical correctness. and the Vor- derasiatisches Museum (Berlin). what is called literal. As will become evident to the reader. Of the notes accompanying the translations. or on loan. For granting me access to the Amarna letters. For the most part. Besides those that had disappeared many years before. purpose is to indicate the reading of the cuneiform text on which the translation is based and to offer the arguments—grammatical. at best. pedestrian. a virtue that conceals the solecisms and barbarisms of the language of so much of the original text. if not exclu­ sive. Glock.

and most warmly. the translations of the letters written in the Hittite and Hurrian languages. PREFACE spectively. It tries to bring the latter up to date. I must mention by name Carolyn I. Les Lettres d'El Amarna (Paris. my copyeditor. the translation that follows often represents a considerable improvement of my earlier ef­ fort. but I do thank her. both by their published work and by their unpublished manuscripts they very generously placed at my disposal. Finally. and Anson Rainey—have put me particularly in their debt. which was enormous. Nadav Na'aman. Moser. As a result. I am grateful to the Johns Hopkins University Press for making my work available in English and to the editorial staff for their painstaking labors on my behalf. XI . I thank them. I do not try to describe her contribution. it also not infrequently corrects and expands. The present work is a revision of an earlier one that appeared in French. 1987). Since the earlier publication three scholars—Shlomo Izre'el.

.

1 7 ) p. the Cairo museum (at first 3 1 . by purchase. Sayce says that the r tablets were found in 1 8 8 6 . but the evidence for this high number. at least for a while. a plain on the east bank of the Nile about 190 miles south of Cairo. Eventually." It was here. also known as Akhenaten. 3. VAB 2 / 1 . besides 3 fragments belonging with British Museum tablets and other unnumbered fragments). H . the Louvre (1. estimated the loss at 1 5 0 . Sayce. C . the "heretic king" and "first monotheist. On the uncertainty as to the eventual numbers in the Berlin and Cairo museums.Introduction i. 1 5 8 4 . For the corrections of A. AJSL 33 ( 1 9 1 6 . even­ tually 49 or 50. There are conflicting accounts of the dis­ covery. nor all the ways. and the Golenischeff tablets (see below) were published in the cuneiform copies of Ludwig Abel by Hugo Winckler in 1 8 8 9 .2 0 0 tablets. eventually 202 or 2 0 3 . were the four tablets of the 1 . the British Museum (at first 8 1 . plus a fragment belonging with a British Museum tablet). F ° the history of the publications. by which more than 300 tablets came into the possession of antiquities dealers and private collectors. 5ff. XIII . pp. most renowned as a religious reformer. pp. 1 2 . Discoveries and publications c The Amarna tablets take their name from el. and we will never know how many tablets may have been found 2 and later lost or destroyed. On the various versions of the discovery and dispersal of the tablets. plus a fragment belonging with a Berlin tablet. eventually 95). see the former's account in AJSL 3 3 ( 1 9 1 6 . Sayce mentioned by Knudtzon. 90. probably in 1887. Akhetaten was founded by Amenophis IV. eventually 7). Most of the Berlin and Cairo collections. see n.Amarna. among the ancient ruins. This was the site of Akhetaten. see J . p. natives came upon clay tablets with some writing on them and 1 began clandestine diggings. which is not supported by other arguments.9 0 (WA). or confiscation. that. gift. 89f. the capital of ancient Egypt for a brief period in the fourteenth century B . perhaps many and de­ vious. see Anson F.1 7 ) pp. The cuneiform copies of the British Museum tablets appeared in 1 8 9 2 ( B B ) .8 7 . Knudtzon. 2. Rainey. most of the tablets made their way to museums: the Vorderasiatisches Museum in Berlin (at first about 160. iff.. 3 Remain­ ing in private hands. 2 AOAT 8 . one of the most famous of Egyptian kings. 2 / 2 . A. the Louvre tablet. often called. comes from reports of questionable accuracy.

1964). AJSL 3 3 [ 1 9 1 6 . 4 3 . Ebeling. 3 5 1 ) have been lost or destroyed. M. 9. if. English trans. 5 (Berlin. 2 3 0 . 8 2 . then on to the Haskell Oriental Museum at the University of Chicago in 1 9 1 5 (Luckenbill and Allen. N o w in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in N e w York (L.9 In 1 9 0 3 . 160. EA 1 4 . 3 4 4 . which seems to have been lost and will probably never be found. 6. EA 15. Metcalf. In 1896. and even today his work remains of fundamental importance. 4 the three of the Russian Egyptologist Vla­ dimir Golenischeff. Knudt­ zon published the first volume of his magisterial Die El-Amarna- 11 Tafeln. these went to the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford. see below. 1 8 4 . 8 were transliterated and translated by Hugo Winckler. see below. A cuneiform copy of this tablet. 1 5 .). EA 7 0 . 8. after earlier stops in the Art Institute of Chicago in 1894. 1 6 9 . The Tell el-Hesi tablet is in the Istanbul Arkeoloji Muzeleri. More fortunate was Sir Flinders Petrie. Perhaps given to the museum in Moscow in 1 9 1 1 (Kuhne. 3 5 8 inscribed tablets were known. EA 28. In the British Museum since May 1903 (information from museum authorities). on the cuneiform copies. Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna. 1896). 1 0 . Chassinat..' the one of the American missionary Chauncey 6 7 Murch. 2 . 1 3 7 . Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 21 [ 1 9 2 6 ] pp. When the location of the ruins where the tablets had been discov­ ered was determined. Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek. 153- 1 1 . see below. One of the fragments was uninscribed. EA 260.7 6 ) . The second volume of commentary by O. in E . was never published. all the known tablets. acquired two more tablets. Cuneiform copies by Sayce in Tell el Amarna. and in that year—a landmark in the history of Amarna studies—the Norwegian Assyriologist J . Egyptian authorities explored the site but failed to find more tablets.1 7 ] pp. his readings and translations excelled by far those of all his predecessors. 4. 1896). 8). VAB 2/1—2 (reprint. see below.9 2 . only seven are relevant here. another is part of EA 1 4 . on the cuneiform copies. Weber and glossaries by E . EA 26. who found 22 fragments in 1 8 9 1 . 5. 2 3 6 . in their first comprehensive edition. director of 1'Institut fran^ais d'arche- 10 ologie orientale du Caire. pp. VAB 2 / 1 . Knudtzon's numbering of the tablets became standard. N o w in the Oriental Institute in Chicago. Aalen. 1 3 5 . The Tell-el-Amarna Letters (New York. on the cuneiform copy. eds. 996. appeared in 1 9 1 5 . 3 4 2 . to­ gether with a letter that had been found at Tell el-Hesi in Palestine. see below. n. 6 1 . p. 7. Bull. 2 9 2 .. see below. Of these. XIV . see VAB 2 / 1 . EA 3 3 3 . Schrader et al. and the one of the French Assyriologist Jules Oppert. A.INTRODUCTION merchant Rostovitz Bey. with additional remarks by Knudtzon. Four (EA 1 3 5 . By 1907. by J . of which it is a fragment. see below. Based on painstaking collations of all except the Murch and Chassinat tablets and on an unrivaled knowledge of almost every aspect of the corpus. 1 9 0 .

EA 3 7 8 ) . P. a n d the rest. Klengel. Jerusalem 1984 (Jerusalem. See HKL 1. 4 3 2 ) . 264. 2 1 0 .8 3 . in K . For a survey of the Amarna archive. 1 (Wiesbaden. 1 9 8 2 ) . 2.s. 1 8 . VS n . 1974. H. Musee Cinquantenaire. Veenhof. 1986). on this number. . See below. nff. JEA 1 1 (1925) pp.G . B .3 6 7 . INTRODUCTION Since 1907 an additional 24 tablets have come to light. if. 4 7 8 . F. The Archive Of the 382 tablets. col. ed. see D. in Biblical Archaeology Today. now in the British Museum.s. col. I . ' 4 The most recent to appear perhaps goes back to the explorations under Petrie in 1 8 9 1 . Walker. Rainey in 1 9 7 0 . R . EA 369). With the exception of EA 3 8 0 . XV . AOAT 8. ' 3 and eight more in the excava­ tions of 1 9 2 6 . EA 3 7 0 . p. Heintz. was introduced by C. 1985). . 4 9 3 . 1978. Gadd. GM 15 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. has given the code numbers EA 380 and 3 8 1 . The Tell El-Amarna Tablets. To these two numbers J .1 2 . certain characteristic features. Artzi. the location of EA I do not know.s.1 2 .1 4 . EA 3 8 2 .' to the first clandestine diggings of the fellahin. A n earlier edition by S. Schroeder. pp. OLZ.). 2d rev. see P. EA 3 7 0 . The Egyptian Exploration Society discovered one tablet in its excavations of 1 9 2 1 . ic^f. called attention to VAT 3781 (already noted by Schroe­ der.. Or n. C . syllabaries (EA 348. Brussels (see be­ low. O. 1917. 379). Or n.1 4 are VS 1 2 .. 1 3 2 . 369). Orn.. Gordon. 190 (now EA 3 7 9 .8 2 . Two were published by O. ed._/C5 31 (1979) p. 1 5 ) . Four more have turned up in the Berlin collection. A . n. 1917.) and added the "Sammelnummer" VAT 8 5 2 5 (almost entirely illegible fragments). ) The tablets discovered in 1 9 1 1 . to which two were added by the excavations of the Deutsche Orient- 1 2 Gesellschaft in 1 9 1 1 . only 32 are not letters or inventories attached 8 to letters.3 5 8 . D . 1 4 . and outstanding problems.3 7 . 1 6 2 . 3 5 6 . The Louvre (see below. 23off.1 5 Schroeder published new cuneiform copies of the Berlin collection in VS 1 1 . Hence the number 382 for the most recent discovery (see n. S. 2 5 . 3 6 [ 1 9 6 7 ] p. I05f. See below. OLZ. 1 6 (1947) pp. 16 (1947) pp. one as recently as 1979.. Artzi. was not successful and is mentioned here as a matter of historical record. B . C. 350. EA 3 5 9 now belongs to the Cairo collection. xvii. now in the British Museum. Edzard. (In 1 9 1 4 . EA 368 (see E . 1 9 3 (now EA 359) and VS 1 2 . col. (Toronto. 2 3 9 ^ . 2 vols. based on Knudtzon's EA 1 . 2 5 8 . 2 6 2 . Gordon. EA 3 6 2 . which eventually 6 were made available to museums. 1 3 . pp.6 7 ) .7 7 . The content of this small group is quite diverse. Finally. 1 6 .9 2 . lexical texts (EA 1 2 . the "post-Knudtzon" 17 tablets were ably edited by Anson F.5 9 ..2 4 . 1 9 3 9 ) . iff. pp. pp. E . Proceedings of the International Congress on Biblical Archaeol­ ogy. 2 4 9 . 1 5 . A . 179 (now EA 360) and OLZ. Mercer of the tablets then known (EA 1 . (now EA 361). 2. 1 7 . Cuneiform Archives and Libraries (Istanbul.' Some belong in the Mesopotamian scribal tradition: myths and epics (EA 340?. Smith and C. 6 9 . Edel. 88. The numbering EA 359!?. 375?).7 2 . Index Documentaire d'el-Amarna. and the British Museum (see below. now in the Ashmolean Museum.

p. 2 6 0 . The first concerns foreign powers that dealt with Egypt more or less on a basis of equality.4 7 . Alasia (EA 3 3 . syllabary. Despite the Babylonian ductus of EA 356— 58 (Kiihne. 3 8 0 . 20. 7 0 . " the find-spot also of EA 368. EA 4 3 . Knudtzon's as­ signments. throughout. 3 5 5 ) were in "two early rubbish-pits" under the building where the other tablets were found and therefore antedating them.8 1 ) . EA y/i was discovered in "clerk house no. it seems that all except one were found in 20 the same place. these tablets were hardly written in Babylonia (so Knudtzon.5 4 . 2 5 . VAB 2 / 1 . and only occasionally have been proved wrong. Berliner Beitrage zum Vorderen Orient. 2 2 . p. 1 2 . eds. I (Berlin. 2 3 6 . 2 3 . 3 1 7 . in central Syria. the more extensive part of which was devoted to affairs of state conducted in the Egyptian language. most of the tablets he found (part of EA 1 4 . 1 9 0 . 2 5 ) . Renger.3 2 ) .INTRODUCTION 3 5 1 . Artzi. on another (EA 368). 4 3 . The other and by far the larger part concerns Syro- Palestine and its various local rulers. maintains that they were written in Egypt. According to Petrie. 3 7 2 . 3 Furthermore. 3 4 2 . lexicon). Mittani 2 2 (EA 17. pp." The name. . i 3 8 f .1 4 . note also the absence of poetic line divisions. 3 4 9 . most of whom were Egyptian vassals.7 7 . 1 3 5 . and moves down. that of Baby- 1 9 .4 0 ) . p. however. On EA 1 8 . 21 to those conducted in foreign languages. 1 3 9 ) . in H .6 1 . 6 1 . an unparalleled list of Egyptian words written in syllabic cuneiform with equivalences in Babylonian written 19 either syllabically or logographically. a god-list (EA 374). See EA 6 3 . for a Babylonian scribe is not likely to have introduced peripheral features (many plene-writings. 3 4 5 . 184. Arzawa (EA 3 1 . bis.J . See Kiihne. 2 1 . often only on grounds of clay texture and paleography. The arrangement of these letters begins in the north. For strong reasons to doubt this earlier level.4 4 ) . 1 2 0 ) . Nissen and J . 2 2 .6 5 . Jahrtausend v. which are often very fragmentary. were 2 remarkably successful. In Die El-Amarna-Tafeln Knudtzon divided the correspondence into two parts. The genres of the other 14 (EA 3 4 2 . This was identified by inscriptions as "The Place of the Letters of the Pharaoh.3 0 ) . remain to be determined. Mesopotamkn und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Vorder- asien vom 4. our only concern in this volume. One tablet is perhaps an amulet (EA 3 5 5 ) . P.1 8 . 1. Perhaps an import (Kiihne. may refer to a larger complex. ) . This is not to deny that they may also be imports. 3 7 3 ) . 3 6 0 . Of the 3 5 0 letters and inventories (EA 1 3 . and Hatti (EA 4 1 . the arrangement moves counterclockwise: Babylonia (EA 1 . see the note to the letter. XVI . Assyria (EA 1 5 . in each dossier (for example. ending in southern Palestine. n. Chr. p.. 3 7 6 . the smaller (the actual find-spot). see Kiihne. n. 1 9 8 2 ) . On a map. On one is a tale of Hurrian origin (EA 3 4 1 ) . 2 9 5 . 3 5 3 .1 4 ) . 2 f . pp. 3 1 7 .1 6 ) .. 1 9 .

INTRODUCTION

Ionia or Jerusalem), Knudtzon also attempted to order the letters
chronologically. Here the task was more difficult and the results less
firm.
Most of the archive consists of letters received, but a small number
2
were written in Egypt. 4 Two letters (EA i, 5 ) , plus one inventory (EA
14), were directed to Babylonia, one to Arzawa (EA 3 1 ) , and the rest to
1
vassals (EA 99, 1 6 2 - 6 3 , 9°^ 3^7, 3 6 9 - 7 0 ) . Their presence in the
archive probably has more than one explanation. If one may assume
that, in general, copies were made only of those letters that bore on
matters of considerable importance and required more than some sort of
simple record or notation, one would judge that, with the exception of
EA 1 6 2 , the letters to vassals are not copies and, probably because of
2
oversight, were not sent. ' Indeed, letters to vassals seem to have been
somewhat infrequent, and even less often such as to demand copies./
26
Hence we should not expect to find many in the archive.
Correspondence with major powers, however, was quite another
matter. This was, at times at least, rather regular and often, if not
always, dealt with serious issues—for example, marriage negotiations.
If Egyptian practice was to make copies of such letters, we must ask
27
why there are so few in the archives. Perhaps the explanation is that
usually the letters were first written in Egyptian, and then a translation
28
was prepared. It was the latter that was sent off, though perhaps
occasionally the Egyptian messenger may have also carried a copy of the
29
original. The original, if important enough to be saved, would be
filed, but in the Egyptian, not the foreign, language section. If so, and

24. On EA 1 2 , see the letter, n. 1.
2 5 . See F. Pintore, OA 11 (1972) p. 1 2 6 , n. 1 4 5 .
26. See M . Liverani, OA 10 (1971) pp. 253ff., translated in Three Amarna Essays,
Monographs on the Ancient Near East, 1/5 (Malibu, 1979), pp. 36°.
2 7 . On roughly contemporary practice at Nippur, see F. Kraus, JCS 1 (1947) p . 1 1 2 ,
and R . B i g g s , JCS 19 (1965) p. 96 and n. 1 3 . A t Boghazkoy, see KUB 3, 24 + ; K B o 1, 1 0
and 1 4 . A t Ugarit, see PRU 3 , pp. 4f.; PRU 4, p. 294 (probably not a copy); Ugar. 5, nos.
2i, 24, 28, 3 2 , 3 4 , 36. A t Mari, in the Old Babylonian period, copies of letters are
common, especially in "the ministry of foreign affairs"; see A . Finer, Cuneiform Archives and
Libraries (see n. 18), pp. 1 5 5 , 157.
28. Cf. the "originals" in Hurrian from Mittani (EA 24), in Hittite at Boghazkoy
(H. Otten, AfO 19 [ 1 9 5 9 - 6 0 ] p. 3 9 ; AfO, Beiheft 1 2 , pp. 6 4 O , and perhaps in Ugaritic at
Ugarit (PRU 5, no. 8). The Egyptians were certainly familiar with the practice, and they
seem to have called the translations "copies"; thus, EA 27 is a "copy" of a Hurrian original
(Kiihne, pp. 4 4 f , n. 209).
29. Cf. EA 24. A messenger needing an interpreter might prefer to have rhe Egyp­
tian version available.

XVII

INTRODUCTION

assuming that they too were not victims of oversight and simply not
sent, then we must consider EA i, 5, 1 4 , and 3 1 exceptional, being
drafts or copies of the translations and filed accordingly in the foreign
language section.

3. Language and Writing
The Amarna letters are manifestations of the "cuneiform culture"
that was shared in the fourteenth century B . C . throughout the ancient
Near East. As it appears in these letters it is largely a provincial and, in
many respects, a very heterogeneous culture, the product of a long,
complex history, of which we know but a very small part.
In some sense this history begins at least a thousand years before
the Amarna period. By the middle of the third millennium B . C . not
only had cuneiform writing been introduced into Syria, but already at
that early date, as the celebrated discoveries at ancient Ebla have shown,
it was being used in a breadth of application and with a sophistication
3
rivaling those of the great centers in Sumer and Akkad. ° By the first
quarter of the second millennium B . C . knowledge of cuneiform writing
had spread far and wide, and Babylonian had become the principal
31
language of a cosmopolitan culture. It was the language of interna­
tional relations, but often, too, of local affairs, both legal and adminis­
trative. It was also a language of learning.
In Upper Mesopotamia and the west there developed a regional
dialect, a kind of koine, which was also introduced into Anatolia, thus
32
laying the foundations of the Hittite cuneiform tradition. A regional
syllabary appeared and took root in Syria. Also discernible are the
33
influences of other traditions and other languages. These were mainly

30. For a general introduction, see P. Matthiae, Un impero ritrovato (Turin, 1 9 7 7 ) , in
English as Ebla: An Empire Rediscovered, trans. Christopher Holme (Garden City, N . J . ,
1 9 8 1 ) ; G . Pettinato, Ebla: Un impero inciso nell' argilla (Milan, 1979), translated as The
Archives of Ebla: An Empire Inscribed in Clay (Garden City, N . J . , 1 9 8 1 ) . On the local language
and its place within the Semitic family, see L . Cagni, ed., La lingua di Ebla (Naples, 1 9 8 1 ) .
3 1 . See the survey of R . Labat, Syria 39 (1962) pp. iff.
3 2 . See K . Balkan, Letter of King Anum-hirbi of Mama to King Warshama of Kanish
(Ankara, 1 9 5 7 ) , p. 2 7 ; E . von Schuler, in M . Liverani, ed., La Siria nel Tarda Bronzo (Rome,
1969), pp. ii3f.
3 3 . As the Mari archives continue to be published, we find sporadic examples of
deviations from the standard language that in the Amarna period are common or even the
rule: gender of nouns (alum, "city," feminine, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 6 : 1 4 ' ; no. 3 5 8 , note g);
confusion of pronouns (mimma and mamma, AEM 1/2, no. 5 3 5 , note d; mannum and mTnum,

xviii

INTRODUCTION

West Semitic and Hurrian, the very forces that would be mainly re­
sponsible for the language and writing that we find in the Amarna let­
34
ters centuries later.
With the exception of EA 1 5 (Assyrian), EA 24 (Hurrian), and EA
3
3 1 - 3 2 (Hittite), ' the language of the Amarna letters is Babylonian,
but for the most part it is a Babylonian profoundly different from that
of the previous international age. It reflects many of the developments
that one finds in the "good" Middle Babylonian language of the letters
3 6
from Babylonia itself (EA 2—4, 6 - 1 1 ) . But if the cuneiform culture of
the provinces was to some extent up-to-date, it was not infrequently, as
is usually the way with provinces, also behind the times. This is true of
the writing: a logogram that had been replaced by another logogram
centuries before in the scribal schools of Babylonia survives in the
37
provincial culture; an exercise once part of the scribal training but
38
long abandoned in Babylonia is still part of the provincial curriculum;
old orthographies are retained, sometimes mixed together with the
39
modern ones; and so on. In the language, too, one finds a similar
quaint and archaic quality. The provincial scribes, perhaps at times
because of analogues in their own native language, may use old com­
mon or dialectal forms that had otherwise disappeared centuries be-

no. 4 0 2 , note c); morpheme analysis (kima i-ia-ti-ia, "like me," AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 4 , note e);
thematic vowels (haldqu, /a/, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 9 1 , note p); lexicon (initma, "that," introducing
object clauses, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 5 2 3 , note k; aranu, "to be a sinner/criminal," AEM 1 / 1 , no.
39, note c; 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 2 , note d; (tf)aradu, "to serve," AEM 1 / 1 , no. 1 4 8 , note b; 1 / 2 , no.
377, note b; see J AOS 107 { 1 9 8 7 ] p. 135a). One can speak of "les lettres 'barbares'" (AEM
1/2, pp. 5if.).
34. The main evidence of the Hurrian influence is the syllabary, for which see Labat,
Syria 39 (1962) pp. I4f. In the letters of Aplahanda of Carchemish (ARMT 5, 5 - 1 1 ) confu­
sion of gender, often a sign of Hurrian influence, is fairly frequent, especially in ARMT 5, 7.
3 5 . On the Hurrian letter, see n. 28. The Arzawa scribe, probably because of
incompetence in any form of Babylonian, expressly requests that the correspondence be
carried on in Hittite (EA 52:241.). Whether Assur-uballif's use of Assyrian (EA 1 5 ) and
Hurro-Akkadian (EA 16) reflecrs a conscious avoidance of normative Babylonian is not clear.
(On the term "Hurro-Akkadian," see the text below and n. 4 4 . )
36. The modernizarion of western Old Babylonian, which is nor ro be understood as
a direct development, in an unbroken tradition, is more evident in the north, in the Hurro-
Akkadian tradition, just as archaisms of language are more common in the south (see
below).
3 7 . See B . Landsberger and H . Gikerbock, AfO 1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 - 3 9 ) PP- 55ff- '< A- Falken-
stein, ZA 5 3 (1965) p. 7 5 , discussion of line 1 0 7 ; Giiterbock, Festschrift Heinrich Otten
(Wiesbaden, 1 9 7 5 ) , pp. 7iff.; W. Moran, Acta Sumerologica 5 (1983) pp. I75f.
38. See Nougayrol, AS 1 6 , pp. 29fF., on EA 3 5 0 and parallels at Ugarit.
3 9 . E . g . , in EA 38 the old wriring a-wa-ta along with later a-ma-ta.

XIX

INTRODUCTION

40
fore. Their lexicon is full of words that by the fourteenth century
B . C . had either disappeared completely from the Babylonian language
or lived on only in the elevated language reserved for the solemnities of
41
myth, epic, hymns, and prayers. It is this combination of the old and
the new that is so typically provincial and so distinctive of the Amarna
cuneiform culture.
Equally distinctive, however, are many features that are specifi­
cally peripheral and are not found in normal written Babylonian, either
42
in its contemporary or earlier forms. Some few are shared across the
43
entire area; more commonly, one must distinguish two general tradi­
tions, northern and southern, within both of which further distinctions
are necessary. They divide along a line, roughly, from Sumur on the
coast to Qatna inland.
The northern tradition, which is the more widely diffused, is
44
generally called Hurro-Akkadian. The name indicates the dominant
influence of the Hurrians in the formation and the diffusion of both the
language and the graphic system in which it was written. It is Hurro-
Akkadian that we find in one letter from Assyria (EA i 6 ) ; 5 in the 4

letters from Mittani (EA 17, 1 9 - 2 3 , 2 5 - 3 0 ) , Hatti (EA 4 1 - 4 4 ) , Ugarit
(EA 4 5 - 4 9 ) , Nuhasse (EA 5 1 ) , and Qatna (EA 5 2 - 5 5 ) ; and in many of
the letters from Amurru (EA 1 5 6 - 6 1 , 1 6 4 - 7 1 ) . Nevertheless, the lan-

40. E . g . , dual forms of rhe pronoun (BASOR 2 1 1 [ 1 9 7 3 ] pp. 5off.) and ti- preforma-
tive in third masculine plural forms of the verb, which is first attested in a language perhaps
related to earlier Eblaic ( H . Limer, Syria 52 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. 37ff., esp. p. 48; J . - M . Durand,
MARI 1 [ 1 9 8 2 } pp. 8if., lines 2 1 - 2 4 ; 1- Gelb, Syro-Mesopotamian Studies 1/1 [ 1 9 7 7 ] pp. 9f.;
D. O. Edzard, Miscellanea Babylonica, Melanges M . Birot [Paris, 1 9 8 5 } , pp. 85f.). In the
latter instance, however, because the preformative is found in later West Semitic languages
(Ugaritic), its origins need not go back to the early second millennium B . C . For the Amarna
evidence, see S. Izre'el, VP 19 (1987) pp. 79fF.
4 1 . E . g . , awTlu, "man," as a designation of the ruler of a city; qaqqadu, "head," in
the sense of "self, person"; various adverbs (anumma, appuna(ma), afranu, pdndnu); and the
prepositional phrase ana ser, "towards." Note also dialectal giltappu, "footstool," at Mari,
Chagar Bazar, K u m i d u (EA 195), and Qatna.
42. See the survey by Kiihne, pp. 5ff.
4 3 . The north seems to influence the south.
44. The Nuzi dialect of the eastern highlands is also Hurro-Akkadian; see G . W i l -
helm, Untersuchungen zum Hurro-Akkadischen von Nuzi, AOAT 9. As a designation of the
language as used in the west, Huehnergard, Akkadian, p. 20 and n. 3 4 , prefers "Syro-
Anatolian," the influence of Hurrian being at times inconsiderable (see below).
4 5 . This suggests that Hurro-Akkadian was socially acceptable even in milieus
where one might expect a certain contempt for its provincial character.

XX

INTRODUCTION

- 6
guage also differs considerably from site to site, * especially so far as the
47
immediate influence of the, Hurrian language is concerned. A measure
of the complexity of dialectal developments and relationships is, for
example, the fact that at the same site the language of the letters may
48
differ considerably from that of the legal documents.
Also belonging to the northern tradition are the letters that are
southernmost in origin, the letters from Egypt. The language and
writing of these letters are quite unlike what we find just to the north­
east along the Egyptian border, in Palestine, and on the Phoenician
coast. Their closest ties are farther north, especially in the writing
system and, above all, in the sign forms. Many of the latter are typically
Hittite, and the relationship can only be onet>f direct dependence on or
49
derivation from a common source. The language itself, however, lacks
many of the more common Hurro-Akkadian features, and so the bor­
rowing must have occurred at a relatively early date.
In the southern tradition the transformation of the Babylonian
language and the resulting deviation from normal usage were far more
radical than in most forms of Hurro-Akkadian. Indeed, so radical is the
transformation that one may ask whether the language of this tradition,
even when qualified as "extremely barbarized," should be called Babylo­
nian at all. It is a pidgin in which the Babylonian component is mainly
lexical, whereas the grammar is profoundly West-Semitized, most no-

4 6 . In the Amarna corpus, Hurrian influence is most evident in the letters from
Mittani and Qatna; on the former, see Kiihne, p. 9, n. 40, and H.-P. Adler, AOAT 2 0 1 , pp.
io ff.
5

4 7 . At Boghazkoy A . Kammenhuber, Or n.s. 45 (1976) p. 1 3 7 , sees two traditions,
Hurrian and Hittite, plus the influence of direct imports from Babylonia, as formative of
Boghazkoy-Akkadian. At ancient Emar, D. Arnaud, AAS 25 (1979) pp. 87ff., finds both a
Syrian and a Syro-Hittite tradition.
48. This is the case at Ugarit; see Huehnergard, Akkadian, pp. 22off., with refer­
ence to T. Finley, "Word Order in the Clause Structure of Syrian Akkadian" (Ph.D. diss.,
University of California at Los Angeles, 1979). There is also in the legal texts evidence of an
Old Babylonian, North Syrian background; see J . Greenfield, in M . Ellis, ed., Essays on the
Ancient Near East in Memory ofJacob Joel Finkelstein (Hamden, Conn., 1 9 7 7 ) , pp. 8yff.
49. This was shown by K . Riemschneider in a paper delivered before the 186th
annual meeting of the American Oriental Society, March 1 6 , 1 9 7 6 ; see also G . Beckman,
JCS 35 (1983) pp. i i 2 f . , and G . Wilhelm, Studien zur Altdgyptischen Kultur 11 (1984) pp.
6436°. Note, however, that in the Amarna archive the Egyptian material includes two
letters in non-Hittite ductus, EA 1 and 369, the former of which manifests a strong
preference for verb-subject-object word order, as is the rule in Egyptian and was noted long
ago by Bohl, Sprache, p. 78. On EA 3 6 9 , see below EA 3 6 9 , n. 1.

xxi

INTRODUCTION

tably in the word order and, most important of all, in the verbal
system. 5° The language can only be described as an entirely new code,
only vaguely intelligible (if at all) to the West Semite because of the
lexicon, and to the Babylonian because of the grammar.
It is regrettable that translations either cannot or do not reflect the
diversity of language and writing within the corpus itself and the dis­
tance of the several dialects from the normative language of Babylonia.
They should be read with an awareness of this limitation, correcting so
far as possible the impression of a colorless uniformity and grammatical
propriety.

4. The International Correspondence
The form of the letters is pretty much the same everywhere,
though the letters from Alasia (EA 3 3 - 4 0 ) have certain peculiarities. 5'
In the usual form, the address, which is directed to the scribe who will
read the letter, is usually of the type "Say to PN. Thus P N . " 5 This 2
2

form was inherited from the Old Babylonian period, and neither then
nor as used here did it carry any implications of the relative social status
of the correspondents. Another form, however, "Thus PN: Say to P N , " 2

appears in two letters from Egypt (EA 5 and 3 1 ) and in one from
Boghazkoy (EA 4 1 ) . This is a different usage according to which the
sender, if he is the superior or the equal of the addressee, names himself
first, and therefore, in this system, the first and more common form

5 0 . This is a subject with a long history of inquiry; see the outline by Kiihne, pp.
8f., n. 3 6 , II p-III, and add the work of A . Rainey and his students, most notably S. Izre'el.
Rainey has shown that regularly the (preformative) verb base, with no additional marker (u-
durative, ^-injunctive), no matter what "tense" (iparras, iptaras, iprus), if a statement of
fact, has past-time reference (IOS i [ 1 9 7 1 ] pp. 86ff.; UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. 3 9 5 ? . ) . The same
usage is found in a letter from Tyre a century later; see D. Arnaud, Syria 59 (1982) p. 1 0 4 .
Wirhin the southern corpus rhere are two somewhat erratic blocks, the letters from Jerusa­
lem and those from Abi-Milku of Tyre. On rhe former, see Jerusalem Scribe; on the latter, a
dissertation by Cecilia Grave, to be presented to the University of Lund, is in progress (see
OA 1 9 [ 1 9 8 0 ] pp. 2 0 5 ? . ; UF 1 2 [ 1 9 8 0 ] pp. 22iff.; Or n.s. 5 1 [ 1 9 8 2 ] pp. i6iff.).
5 1 . For the various forms of address and greeting in Akkadian letters, see the survey
of E . Salonen, StOr 38, esp. pp. 6iff. on the Amarna lerters.
5 2 . In the international correspondence, we retain the conventional translarion of
umma by "thus," except in EA 1 9 : 3 and 2 9 : 2 , where it seems that umma was understood in
the sense of "word, message" (Rainey, BiOr 37 [ 1 9 8 0 ] p. 96). The latter meaning seems to
have been the rule in the Syro-Palestinian area (see EA 1 4 4 , n. 1 ) , as first noted by W. F.
Albright (BASOR 87 [ 1 9 4 2 ] p. 3 3 , n. 7 ) , and it was not unknown to Hittite scribes (A.
Goetze, JCS 2 [ 1 9 4 8 ] p. 2 2 4 ; see also P. Berger, UF 1 { 1 9 6 9 ] p. 2 1 8 ; Izre'el, IOS 8 { 1 9 7 8 ] p.
68; Huehnergard, Akkadian, p. 1 4 4 , n. 1 1 2 ; M . Kossmann, JEOL 30 ( { 1 9 8 7 - 8 8 ] pp.
38ff.).

xxii

INTRODUCTION

noted above ("Say to PN . . . " ) is employed only by an inferior writing to
a superior. 5 3
A salutation—which as such was an innovation of the Old Babylo­
nian period—follows, and it consists of two parts. The first is a report
on one's own well-being: "For me all goes well." Since it is omitted in
the Assyrian letters (EA 1 5 - 1 6 ) , it seems to have been optional. The
second part, never omitted and therefore probably not optional, is an
expression of good wishes for the addressee, usually beginning with
"May all go well with you," which is then elaborated and extended to
the household, to wives and children, courtiers and troops, even horses
and chariots. 54
The body of the letter is, naturally, /mich less stereotyped, and
formal conventions are few and variable. Two types of letters, especially
in combined form, dominate the international correspondence. These
are what Jean Nougayrol called lettre d'envoi and lettre d'injonction. 55
Under the first we should place EA 2 - 3 , 5, 2 1 , 3 1 , and 4 1 ; they charac­
5 6
teristically end with "I (herewith) send... . " Lettres d'injonction are EA
4, 7, 28, and 3 8 - 3 9 , and they usually end with one or more injunc­
tives. 57 As I already mentioned, however, most common of all are
combinations, which we find in EA 6, 8 - 9 , 1 5 - 1 7 , 1 9 - 2 0 , 2 3 , 2 6 - 2 7 ,
2
9 , 3 3 - 3 5 , 40, and 44.
Occasionally, there is either a double letter (EA 12)—i.e., the same
person is addressed but by a third party—or a postscript (EA 32)—i.e.,
the writer sends a message to a third party, who in the case in question
was the addressee's scribe and whose services, therefore, were needed in

5 3 . See Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, pp. 66f. Though "say" (qibT-md) is absent in EA 3 4 ,
this letter probably reflects the same usage. This seems more likely than a survival of the
form of the Old Akkadian-Ur III periods (cf. E . Sollberger, TCS 1, pp. 2 f . ) .
54. W. von Soden, AfO 1 8 (1958) p. 3 6 9 , saw in this type of salutation a feature of
an official as opposed to a private letter. Characteristic of the Egyptian letters is the addition
of a parallel report on one's own household, etc. It seems that, in general, inferiors did not
report on the state of their own person (cf. EA 1 2 ) , though this is hardly the explanation of
EA 1 5 - 1 6 . Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, p. 67, has noted that the Hittite king and other high-
ranking courtiers report only on themselves and do not wish well to their inferiors. (In
Ugar. 5, no. 3 3 : 3 ' , read gabbu da\n-n\(i iulmu.) Cf. the conclusions of Egyptian letters
from the king to vassals (see below, sect. 5). Note that in Hittite usage (cf. EA 3 1 : 4 )
A N 5 E . K U R . R A . M E S may contrast with E R I N . M E S and mean, not "horses," but "chariot-
fighters" (see A . Kammenhuber, Die Arier im Vorderen Orient [Heidelberg, 1968}, p. 2 2 , n.
30a).
5 5 . Ugar. 5, pp. 67f.
56. EA 2 , rev. 9(?); 3 : 3 4 ; 5 : 1 8 ; 2 1 : 3 8 ; 3 1 : 2 8 ; 4 1 : 4 3 .
57. EA 4:4off.; 7:8off.; 28:29flf.; 39.-iofF.

XXlll

INTRODUCTION

communicating and perhaps explaining the message of the letter to his
8
master.'
The prevalence of the combination of envoi and injonction reflects
the complex social, economic, and political relationships of the corre­
spondents, and the customs and ideology associated with them. Ac­
cording to the conceptions of the time, the most basic political relation­
ship between the rulers was an alliance of "brotherhood," which made
them brothers and members of the same family and household. They
were thus united by the bond of love and friendship that befits broth­
ers, 59 and the visible expression of this bond was the exchange of
60
gifts. "From the time my ancestors and your ancestors made a mutual
declaration of friendship, they sent beautiful greeting-gifts to each
other, and refused no request for anything beautiful" (EA 9 : 7 - 1 0 ) .
"Send me much gold, and you, for your part, whatever you want from
my country, write me so that it may be taken to you" (EA 9 : 1 6 - 1 8 ) . "If
your purpose is graciously one of friendship, send me much gold. And
this is your house. Write me so what you need may be fetched" (EA
6 1
1 6 : 3 2 - 3 4 ) . Acknowledgment of gifts received, praise of the gifts or

58. In EA 42-.2j{. perhaps the scribe sends a brief message either to the addressee of
the letter or to a third party. In the vassal correspondence, too, there are postscripts, all to
the Egyptian scribe who will read the letters (EA 2 8 6 - 8 9 , 316). In EA 170:36$. both the
addressor and the addressees are different from those in the first part of the letter. EA 128 is
probably a double letter. On these additions to letters, see A . Leo Oppenheim, AS, 16, pp.
2536°., and Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, p. 67, with references to earlier literature. Other double
letters: R S 3 4 . 1 3 4 , Ugar. 7, pis. X V - X V I ; (the following references from J . Huehnergard)
PRU 6, no. 7; R S 3 4 . 1 6 1 , Ugar. 7, pi. X L ; R S 3 4 . 1 7 1 , Ugar. 7, pi. L I I . Emar 6/3 2 6 3 - 6 4 are
double letters; 2 6 6 is exrraordinary, being four complere letters from the same correspon­
dent. Emar 6/3 2 6 1 is also unusual; it is sent by two correspondents who, after the greeting,
send individual messages, the first being introduced by umma (line 10), the second by the
logogram I N I M , "word" (see above, n. 5 2 ) .
59. B y the Amarna period "love" (ramulra'amu and derivatives) had become part of
the terminology of international relations; see V. Korosec, Mednarodni odnosajipo klinopisnih
porocilih iz el-amarnskega in hetitskega drzavnega arhiva (Internarional relations according to
cuneiform reports from the Tell al-Amarna and Hittite State Archive) (Ljubljana, 1 9 5 0 ) , p.
340 (English summary, p. 3 9 3 ) . It is a favorite term of Tusratta (EA 17 ff., passim), when he
speaks of the relationship between equals, but elsewhere in the Amarna letters it is also used
of the relationship between sovereign and vassal (EA 5 3 : 4 1 ; 1 1 4 : 6 8 ; 1 2 1 : 6 1 ; 1 2 3 : 2 3 ;
1 3 8 : 7 1 ^ ; see Catholic Biblical Quarterly 25 [ 1 9 6 3 ] pp. 77S.). On "friendship" (fdbutu) and
related terms, see M . Weinfeld, JAOS 93 (1973) pp. i9off., and below, EA 1 3 6 , n. 5.
60. See C . Zaccagnini, ho scambio dei doni nel Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV-XIII
(Rome, 1 9 7 3 ) , which was inspired by Liverani, OA 11 (1972) pp. 297ff. (rranslated in Three
Amarna Essays [see n. 2 6 ] , pp. 2iff.).
6 1 . This also belongs to the formal language of treaties: "We are all sons of Sup-

XXIV

JAOS 95 (1975) pp. "From long ago and ever after the city Mari and Babylon have been one house and one finger that cannot be separated (na-ab'-tu-qi'-im)" (AEM 1 / 2 . La femme dans le Proche Orient Antique (Paris. pp. see Kiihne.).. p. Burna-Burias of Babylonia tells how a predecessor refused to support a coalition of Canaanite kings against Egypt. The language goes back ar least to the Old Babylonian period. there is little else in the interna­ tional correspondence. see also ARMT 1. 2 0 : 2 5 . 9 : 1 9 . BaghdaderMitteilungen 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] p. 1 9 7 0 ] . P. 449:i5f.M . 8 2 : 7 . 5 8 : 2 5 ) . Weidner. and implies growing Assyrian truculence and aspira­ 6 tions. INTRODUCTION even a frank expression of disappointment. and lists of goods exchanged at the time of marriage. 1056°. ed. pp. Uruk and Babylon are "one house" (A. 8 : 1 3 . but he says nothing more about the larger political scene. and according to ii 7 2 . 289 and n.3 5 .3 8 . pp. pp.2 8 ) . reprint. Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien: Die Staatsvertra'ge in akkadischer Sprache aus dem Archiv von Boghazkb'i. but it also involves the ex­ 62 change of goods. 8. "This house is your house. 2 : 1 3 ' ) . In the private sphere. also "one man" (EA 2 0 : 1 7 ) . XXV . about an eighth of a ton of silver. proposals of marriage. Artzi. A . EA 7 : 1 1 .). Cf. See Pintore. Tusratta of Mittani tells of the difficulties at­ tending his accession to the throne and makes a passing reference to the 64 Hittites.. 177ft. the discussions of gifts asso­ ciated with this friendship. Larsa and Eshnunna are also "one house" (TIM 1. Boghazkoi-Studien 8 [Leipzig. esp. According to EA 1 4 ii 3 4 .8 2 . 7 8 : 2 7 . 1 9 6 4 ] . p. reveals the dangers of inter­ national trade. Schulman. Zeebari. and Kraus. Hildesheim and N e w York.2 0 . 64. there piluliumaS and our house is one" (E. petition of countergifts to respond to the gifts now being dispatched—these and related topics dominate much of the international correspondence. 7of. 3 0 . F. 7 2 ) . One of the related topics is marriage. 236°. ibid. EA 7 : 7 3 . in the case of marriage the economic value was considerable.. Ishi-Addu of Qatna wrote to Isme-Dagan of Assyria. i n J . expression of the motivation behind the exchange of gifts. Falken- stein. for marriage not only binds the correspondents even closer together. Hammurabi of Babylon is quoted as declaring. Altbabylonische Briefe des Iraq-Museums [n. Matrimonio. 282ff.p.4 2 . On EA 1 4 as a list of marriage gifts. Rollig. p. over a half a ton of gold was used on the gifts listed in the previous lines. P. even 63 staggering.. 6 5 . as are their kings (ibid. 2 6 : 1 6 . 1 5 2 : 2 0 ("my house is your house and my purse your purse"). see AbB 1. Apart from declarations of friendship. 86:8f. If in the gifts customarily exchanged the economic value was not always great and symbolic values were often as important. ARMT 1 0 . see also W. Durand. the daughter of Amenophis IV. ' In the mention of Mayati. . 1987)... BiOr 22 (1965) p. 6 3 . What is missing in your house? Does not a brother give a brother (his) request?" (ARMT 5. RLA 4. 62. 7i6ff. see also A . 561'i if. 1 9 2 3 . no. JNES 38 (1979) pp.. Michalowski. On dynastic marriages. 4.

whose views have gained some currency.. Redford. 7 . 3 2 ) . see O. ed. see A . Probably always a member of the military. idem. Political Disposition. IEJ 3 1 (1981) pp.M . no.). see also the text below on military operations. I72ff. especially his religious reforms. in the Amarna letters. M . the area was divided into two or three provinces. Durand. Na'aman. K . Bar-Ilan 1 3 (1976) iff. Mesopotamia. . I02ff. pp. iff. de Vaux.. PEQ 104 (1972) pp. Miscella­ nea Babylonica (see n. If there was a 66. But all this adds up to little information. The Vassal Correspondence 68 The vassal correspondence reflects the Egyptian administration 69 fbf its territories in Syria and Palestine. pp. who is. Hachmann. if there were only two provinces. p. one of a network. 2 6 . M . The highest official was usually called "commissioner" (rabisu). i 8 3 f . idem. see the survey of D. INTRODUCTION 66 is an opaque reflection of events at the Egyptian court. IEJ 31 { 1 9 8 1 ] pp. ZDPV 98 2 (1982) pp. but occasionally so were other Egyprian officials of lesser rank. below sakanu in the letters from Jerusalem). Weber.. I07ff.. whereas J . In EA 2 5 6 : 9 and 362:69. whereas Helck (see n. 5 1 9 . BASOR 241 (1981) pp. Beziehungen .2 7 . I05ff. Power and Propaganda. 1 0 . Drawer. N . It thus includes. see EA 3 5 . see especially Liverani and Several.. A . 1 0 . O. R . Addu-nirari of Nuha&se (EA 5 1 ) . 3 ) . and there is not a hint of the religious 6 reforms that make the Amarna period so notable in Egyptian history. i x . M . La Siria nel Tardo Bronzo (see n. 2 4 6 ? . the Phoeni­ cian coast. A. AEM 1 / 2 . p.x i ) . 16yfF. . pp. Liverani. iff. whether or not he was bound by oath and a vassal in the strict sense. All of rhese officials also shared rhe designation "magnate" (rabu.. Histoire ancienne d'lsrael. Several. Altman. Against the once common view that the Amarna letters reflect Egypt's neglect of its territories and the absorption of Amenophis I V in internal matters. defends three. note d). he resided in a garrison city. rabisu is glossed by su-ki-ni and su-ki-na. n. note j . RLA 7 / 5 . 7 0 . without specific ti­ 70 t l e . ) . and his province took in most of Palestine. One was sta­ tioned in Gaza. pp. esp. 3 1 6 : 1 6 ' and note b. 26. argues for only two provinces.. p. 1 9 7 1 ) . 40). no. J ." from a West Semitic verb "to dwell" (see AEM 1 / 1 . pp. esp. pp. M . and cf. 449ff. 4 6 7 ? . 1 9 7 9 ) . EA 1 1 rev. The rerm vassal is used loosely of any ruler subordinate to the Egyptian king. iff. CAH 2 / 1 . each under an Egyptian official. Abdul Kader Mohammad. VAB 2 / 2 . At the time of the Amarna letters. EA 1.8 . P. ed. 1 9 5 9 ) . (cf.. 68. 1 1 8 8 . . Donald B . 69. des origines a I'installation en Canaan (Paris. 4 9 . and from there he looked after Egyptian interests in the city-states and crown-lands within his territory. A l t . Weinstein. pp.. ? 5. 7 (Copenhagen. 1984)... in Liverani. 8 2 . Na'aman. pp. Wiggermann.. 67. Aziru of Amurru (EA 156fF. n. Edzard and F. MDOG 92 (i960) pp. and the rulers of Ugarit (EA 4 5 . English summary on pp. R . Amurru. Annates du Service des Antiquite's de t'Egypte 56 (1959) pp... no. Albright. in my opinion "one who provides" (cf. I7ff. Political Disposition. proposes "Resident. West Semitic *sokinu (Hebrew soken). i66ff. The crux is the status of Sumur. ch. 1 6 8 . Kitchen. pp. Kleine Schriften.5. proposes four provinces. W. respectively. I23ff.. CAH 2 / 2 . Akhenaten. the Heretic King (Princeton. 69). 3 (Munich. RA 61 (1967) pp. in Mogens Trolle Larsen.6 . for example. and. n. XXVI . On rhe alleged request of the AlaSian king that the Egyptians form no alliances with the Hittites or Babylonians. §2. 8off. Frandsen. Helck. 96ff.

Le Palais et la Royaute"[Paris. "man") or "kings" (sarru) or. Another official was in Kumidu. 1 9 7 4 I . by the 73 Egyptian term.. meeting other exactions of goods and personnel. pp. lit. 3466°. non-Egyptian term the city-state rulers used of themselves (Na'aman. Lorton.7 0 . 18). 9 (Lyons and Paris. . 1 9 7 4 ) . on the hazannu at Boghazkoy. p. 74. 4 ) . which is used in EA only by Abi-Milku of Tyre (EA 1 4 9 : 3 0 . the borders of which remain ill-defined. OA 1 4 [ 1 9 7 5 I pp. 2). 1 9 8 2 ) . see also Archeologie au Levant: Recueil a la memoire de Roger Saidah. 3 6 9 . sect. were the native local rulers. 133fF. According ro Hachmann. 1 6 2 . and would appear to go back 74 to an old tradition.8 3 . Subject to these officials.2 ) . 7 3 . who are usually referred to as "mayors" (hazannu) but are also called "rulers" (awilu. no. always names the inferior first (see above. A / 2 . There follows an introduction to the message proper that is peculiar to the Pharaoh's letters to vassals. pp. and protecting caravans. see D. These and the following remarks apply also to the king's letters discovered at Kumidu. were the payment of tribute. its administrative center was Sumur and its principal 71 territory Amurru. <. 6off. the Egyptian official dis­ placed the native rulers. obviously ignoring any implications of social status. UF 20 (1988) pp. Saarbriicker Beitrage zur Alter- tumskunde 7 (1970) pp. the hazannu was usually a royal appointee. However. besides Egyptian underlings. lit. As used in the western periphery in the fifteenth to thirteenth centuries B . The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dynasty XVIII (Baltimore. xxvii . Garelli. see D. Edzard. see F. not just to vassals. i8f. "princes" (wr. in P. Among their obliga­ tions. 7 3 ) . 7 2 . serie archeol. Picchioli. Egyptian wr. With the exception of EA 1 6 2 . ed. furnishing corvee labor on crown-lands. larru was the nonadministrative. 93ff. 367. as preserved they are formally very similar. over to the Dam­ 72 ascene and down into northern Transjordan. 1 8 2 . a usage that goes back to the Syrian koine of Old Babylonian times (see CAD. and he administered an area from Qades in southern Syria down to Hazor in northern Palestine. sect. Six or seven letters in the vassal correspondence are from the Pha­ raoh (EA 99. one usually did not use hazannu but awilu. I I: w a s 5 39)> applied by the Egyptians to all foreign rulers. (Kumidu 1 .•){.). 57b). which may not have been the same in each province.. O. n. The province probably extended from Byblos to an area south of Ugarit. and inland to about the Orontes River. INTRODUCTION third province. The address.. supplying Egyptian troops in transit and reinforcing them. if the place of rule was indicated. pp. "great one"). 190?. and it seems to be based on Egyptian models: "He (I?) hereby sends (send?) this tablet 7 1 . and the term as said of the local rulers implied their incorporation within the administration as "fonctionnaires peripheriques" (Liverani. Schriftdokumente aus Kamid el-Loz. see above. ZDPV 98 (1982) pp. C . The use of awilu ro designate the local ruler suggests the Old Babylonian period (see n. Collection de la Maison de l'Orient mediterranean.6 3 . 1 2 .

367. K u m i d u 1—2)ox. 162 passim.1 1 . Late-Egyptian Miscellanies. p. Late-Egyptian Miscellanies.. 1 9 .. saying to you . Caminos.1 4 ) . pp. J . "which is 70 by/near you"). 3 6 9 : 2 1 ) . 1 0 . one sees that the main purpose of the king's writing was to acquire personnel and other goods. As first recognized by Liverani. lit. 4. pp. 7. 7. confirmed by letters of the vassals to the king. Late-Egyptian Miscella­ nies [London. and to arrange for supplies for his troops. p. 193:66°. On EA 369 as extra chorum. . Liverani. OA 1 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p. lit." is meant to correspond to Egyptian c hn dd.7 0 . 3 6 7 : 6 . and p. For the short form. 3 1 3 . all letters end in virtually the same words. 367. and again there are underlying Egyptian models. and some of the passages here taken as third person are ambiguous and could be in the first person. "lest the king find fault [lit. The command may be repeated (EA 369:14).2 . 2 6 ] . a crime] in you" (EA 3 6 7 : 1 0 ^ and "do not let yourself be found fault with" (Caminos. pp. anaqabe(EA 369). 76. "with saying. 7 5 Three times (EA 99> 367. "to speak. "do not become negligent" (EA 3 6 7 : 1 4 ) and "slack not" (Caminos. The rest of the vassal correspondence is concerned almost exclu- 7 5 . which he calls "Egyprian spring letters.. two 77 injunctions also with close Egyptian parallels. who also established on the basis of Egyptian parallels the meaning of "which is by/near you. 370:7). twice ruled off and included in the introductory section (EA 367. 1 8 . n. 370). Vicino Oriente 2 (1979) p. 1 9 8 ) . Huehnergard points to PRU 4. 2:6). XXV1I1 .. 1 3 . rendering Egyptian tn. 2 0 . 3 7 0 . 9). 7 ) . 367. 3 : 3 8 0 "My saying/speech" (Edzard) accords with neither EA 369 nor the Egyptian parallel. see EA 3 6 9 . 8. 3 6 9 . an expression of the Pharaoh's approval. 3 6 . 1 9 8 ) . 1. 1. "this is good" (EA 9 9 : 1 7 . For difficulties with this view. " (EA 99. The conclusion of EA 369 is without parallel.. and 3 6 9 . and K u m i d u 1 . pp. by informing the 78 inferior of the king's prosperity and power. 78. if he is obedient. the message begins with the command to be on one's guard and to guard "the place of the king where you are" (lit. 2 2 . 5. 2 6 2 . n. n. see EA 99. followed by injunctions virtually identical with those continuing EA 99. . Cf. 3 6 7 ." See also Liverani. 369:5. studies the form and the background of EA 99. The king usually speaks of himself in the third person (EA 99:8f. n. Cf. (For the infinitive expressing purpose without ana. see EA 367. 1 9 5 4 I . 7 7 .. Wesselius. and along with more specific orders the vassal may be urged to obey without fault or negligence. to introduce Egyptian officials and secure obedience to their orders. following a longer or shorter form. for the long form. and 3 7 0 . He may also be prom­ ised to hear. Finally. in the same position. "This letter is brought to you to the following effect" (R. 1 6 .tw nk ss pn n dd hn^ dd. "be not remiss" (ibid. 52 (translared in Three Amarna Essays [see n. 17—19. For a brief analysis of the two forms. It seems likely that qabe (EA 99. 1 1 . Lingering over Words. 22ff. EA 162 and 3 7 0 . but at Kumidu the first person is also attested ("send me": K u m i d u 1 : 5 . see J . UF 1 5 (1983) p. 367.7 0 ) . From these letters. n." in his opinion examples of a standard annual procedure. KBo 1. 3 7 0 ) ." and therefore to introduce direct quotation. 2 5 8 .INTRODUCTION to you. after the address and immediately before the message. 34iff. 68.

86f. To the identification of himself the vassal regularly adds various expressions of self-abasement. 8 1 . 1 3 7 ) . Unter- suchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen "Gebetsbeschworungen" (Rome.[ i a ] (Amenophis I V ? Tutankhamun? see below. 4 The prostration formula. . 40). 1 6 4 . i66f. points to the same form in letters written in Egyptian. 82 only by title. and.. EA 7 1 . I 0 2 84. n i . in lines 7. which in the Byblos letters always pre­ cedes the salutation of an official. 1 0 2 . 169(F). In the address. 5 5 : 1 . . . sect. Egyptian general to vassal (EA 96. or both. see W. Those sending the letters may be a group of vassals (EA 2 0 0 . 7 4 5 . the Lady of Byblos. On umma. i29(?). 77. 8 3 . iqtabi in EA 5 9 : 5 . 2io(?). p. . I 9 5 f ." see n. where we also find "Rib-Hadda speaks [ 1 7 times]/writes (9 times] to the king . 1 5 8 . Letters to Egyptian officials and courtiers: EA 62. 7 3 . EA 1 2 . 8 2 .8 7 . and 3 6 2 . a copy sent to central archives?). 1 6 . xxix . 3 3 3 . in the body of the letter. n. see above.£ » . " or simply "To the (2) 8 o k i n g . 8 6 . 77. cf. they are very similar. is omitted only once in a letter to the king (EA 44) and once 7 9 .> 7 . "message. the (senior) citizens of a city (EA 59. n. Formally. 3 0 ) .. cf. In letters addressed to the king the desire is expressed that the goddess. B E is a logogram for belu. p. as a concluding formula (Edzard. Another unusual form is found in EA 1 2 6 . The king's name appears in EA 5 3 : 1 . 1 9 7 6 ) . Again. Mayer.. 7 1 (cf.2 0 . 8 2 . 26. but always follows the salutation of the king. 2 3 8 . with "the gods" as subject. 95> . 9 3 . On postscriprs. Message of P N . EA 44 is from an independent Hittite prince. 5 0 . at K u m i d u . grant power to the king. give the addressee honor in the 8 king's sight. pp. . 5 9 ) . Liverani. cf. or a vassal's locum tenensltenentes (EA i 6 9 f ) . . Exceptions: female correspondents (EA 48. and in letters to Egyptian officials it is hoped that Aman or the Lady of Byblos. EA 1 0 0 is unique. comparable are EA 260 and 8 1 3 1 7 .i ] b . " . . Only once does an inferior report on his own well-being (EA 1 4 5 . to which are usually added various honorifics. and 59 from the city of Tunip. the vast majority begin ei­ ther "Say to the king/PN . 7 3 . 80. and see also 2 7 3 - 74). 98. 49. 1 7 8 . . The king is almost never addressed by name. and only 83 rarely does he wish his superior well (EA 44—45. It may be doubted that EA 2 1 0 was m addressed to king [. cf. On iqbiliStapar as examples of Koinzidenzfall. INTRODUCTION sively with letters from subordinate rulers or vassals to the king or high 79 Egyptian officials. 58. Lingering over Words.1 8 . 2 5 6 .. etc. 4). as frequently in EA). since he would be named without title (see VAB 2 / 1 . . 3 4 4 . to an Egyptian official. 1 4 5 . the letters from Byblos are a notable exception. ZA 66 [ 1 9 7 6 } p. 1 3 . 1 0 0 ) . also i i 3 : 3 2 f . i37(?). 5 2 . 6 4 : 1 8 . see the text above at n. " The exceptions are confined almost entirely to the letters of Rib-Hadda of Byblos. 25r(?). 45 and 49 from probably inde­ pendent rulers of Ugarit. 9 5 . though regional differences are observable. note f) or the homage of proskynesis (see the text below). Salutations are rare.

"Seven times" means "over and over. 297f.6 .. 2 2 7 : 5 ? ." which in Palestin­ ian letters is made even more explicit. . 3 2 1 : 1 5 ? . 94. 1 9 6 . 3 0 6 . 328:21?. . cf. cf. p. "as to the king's 89 90 91 writing/saying". . with the addition of "(both) on 8 the belly and on the back. also 167?). 1 9 2 . pp. in Biblical Archaeology Today (see n. . A . . 325:10?.1 8 . In letters to officials one simply declares the prostration. 3 0 4 : 1 9 ? .. . . 2 3 1 : 1 4 ^ 2 9 2 : 2 i f . EA 1 4 1 . " . EA 1 9 1 . . Bulletin University Museum 20 (1956) pp. For Liverani. 3 0 5 : 1 8 ? .. also EA 77 and 9 5 . EA ioo:t4f. 3 1 7 : 2 1 . but rather only in reply to a letter from the k i n g . n. 2 3 0 : 9 ? . 316:10?. 98. Associated with this command is at times an­ 97 98 other. wrote neither regularly nor on their 87 own initiative. 364:14?. to guard (pay close atten- 8 5 ... fig. . see EA 1. See above n. 2 9 4 ^ . . 7'-&4\ 9:9'> 1 2 1 : 9 . 2 2 1 : 1 1 ? . EA 2 9 2 : 2 0 . for the representation of Syrian vassals in both positions. . see Edzard. 1 9 5 4 ) . 246. Hermann. .. 86. "the 92 9 word(s) . EA 2 2 3 . Fischer. 276°. 96. 294:8f. . 7 8 ) . 3 2 1 . On epistolary inuma. . 2 3 3 .. 2 5 2 . 320:16?. 3 3 7 . Zeitschrift fur dgyptische Sprache 90 (1963) pp.. "the king . in both form and content. EA 2 0 1 . 2 9 3 ." a vassal's reply to an "Egyptian spring letter" (see n. c a s o 9 2 . 225. "you have written". 3 2 2 : 1 7 ? . 3 0 3 . On the quality of composition and the general poverty of lexicon. 327:1?. either cited directly or alluded t o . 2 5 5 . 2 6 1 . . EA 267. also 6 3 . EA 1 1 9 . 2 2 2 . 252f. 89. 1 2 3 : 3 0 ^ 1 2 5 : 9 ^ i 2 6 : 3 i f . "everything/whatever. . 2 5 3 f . see H . also 3oif. f ' 65.. 2 1 6 . . 3 0 3 : 1 9 ? . 2 1 ( 1 9 5 7 ) pp. wrote". 7 6 ." On Egyptian proskynesis. . . " 3 The king's letters are often cited. 9 3 . 364.. Lingering over Words.. is frequently quoted ' and even more fre­ 96 quently alluded t o . 88.. 34.5 . EA 2 1 6 : 1 2 ? . EA 6 3 : 9 ^ 1 4 2 : 1 1 ? . 2 8 3 . 269. 2 2 4 . 2 1 3 . but in letters to the king this is usually said to be performed "seven times and seven times. . 5 2f. ibid. 9 1 . I 2 i f .. Pritchard. 2 2 0 : 1 1 . The Ancient Near East in Pictures (Princeton. Campbell. 2 4 3 : 1 0 ? . 328f. 1 7 ) . 3 4 2 ? . 4 and to guard the place of the king where 9 the vassal is (see above). 1 2 2 : 1 0 . 9 7 . See J . 2 4 3 . 275—77.. ll TI 9 5 . 1 1 2 : 9 . in most instances reference to protection indicates a "Syro-Palestinian spring letter.. 1 3 0 . His command to be on one's 9 guard or to guard oneself. XXX . . 1 3 0 : 1 6 ? .INTRODUCTION in a letter to an official (EA 1 6 6 . 90. 326:9?. Most vassals. 3 5 ? . 2 4 3 . pp. and very many of the letters begin by acknowledging in different ways that 88 the king's letter has been received: "I have heard". . it seems. . 321:23?. 3i4:nf. 9. 239. 247. to Egyptian officials. I25f. 2 2 o f . 3 1 9 : 1 5 ? . . is quite 86 varied. Chronology. 5.. 307:3?." ' The body of the vassal letters. 8 7 .

but at times at least it certainly looks to specific missions (cf. eds. AbB 9. for example. see above). it is clear that the king has not succeeded in his attempt to have Aziru rebuild Sumur or to get him to come to Egypt (EA 1561?. and rhe remarks of Durand. but it need not. 1 0 2 . 2 6 ] . The use ofana pant may reflect Egyptian r-h'. 6 3 : 1 1 . note. was probably never isolated (cf.t (Pintore. pp.). 3 7 0 ) . he insists that it is 99. EA 367. 1 9 1 . 98:8. he does not reply that he will do so. Vicino Oriente 2 [ 1 9 7 9 ] p. See especially Liverani. (translared in Three Amarna Essays [see n. p... ARMT 2 1 . some cited 101 verbatim. 1 4 4 : 6 ' . Biblical and Related Studies Presented to Samuel Iwry (Winona Lake. OA 10 ( 1 9 7 1 ) pp. 3 3 7 : 8 . 7 5 ) . 1985). 324f. M . see also Liverani. For the narrative patterns and rhe self-perception in R i b - Hadda's correspondence. and for my criricisms and a somewhat different analysis. others easily inferred from context. Liverani. One is to prepare "before the arrival" (ana pant) of the Egyptian troops. 2 1 3 . Lab'ayu does not hesitate to make known his displeasure at certain orders of the king (EA 2 5 2 ) . Thus. in one way or another.). 130:108°. for it goes 102 far beyond the routines that we find in most of the EA archive. The command to be on one's guard. Late-Egyptian Miscellanies (see n. 8 . This may refer to the vassal's general duties. etc. On the background of these preparations. 2 0 1 . also EA 2 5 6 ) . The vassals reply to other commands and charges.). 2 1 6 . p. for example. "archers" in the literal translation that I have followed.^ The vassal occasionally cites the actual order (EA 1 4 1 : 2 1 . i73ff- xxxi . and the best-attested preparations are those of supplies for Egyptian troops in transit (EA ^. AbB 7. 1 9 8 . INTRODUCTION tion to?) or listen to the king's commissioner. EA 567. 1 0 1 . 283:8f. n. 227. 1 0 0 . 1 3 7 : 2 9 . 3 0 2 . Stol.1 8 . 56:26. he states his compliance. Caminos. If he is told to guard himself and the city where he is. EA 1 0 2 : 1 5 ^ . Morschauser. 1 1 2 : 4 2 ^ 1 2 9 : 3 5 . Rib- Hadda writes and writes. 1 5 8 . 1 2 9 .5 4 ) emphatically denies the serious charges brought against him by others and repeated by the king (cf. n.. In view of EA 5:15—17. 3ff. 1 1 7 . see Rainey.2 2 . i 6 i : 3 i f . 1 1 7 : 5 .6 . and note too inapani'va F. Cf.). 3 6 9 . 2 0 2 . see the text below and nn.6-j:i^&. There were also orders. 1 9 3 . 199 and p . see. Kort and S. 2 massaru).. "to prepare" (EA 99:ioff. 4 1 3 . 87. 1 4 4 . 1746°. see also 2 2 6 and 2 9 2 : 2 9 ? . and n e in two other letters (EA 2 5 3 . pp.. AOAT. 3 3 7 . to be distinguished from auxiliaries (tillatu) and garrison-troops (massartu. I 4 i f . where the order is to have things ready before the arrival of rhe Pharaoh. p.. AO n { 1 9 7 2 } p. Altorientalische Forschungen 1 (1974) pp. 8 3 . 2 0 3 . irs survival in the periphery seems quite probable. EA 6 5 . 69). Ind. see A . but al­ 100 ways. But the most unusual correspondence as well as by far the longest is that between the king and Rib-Hadda of Byblos. 2536°. see also p. and they do so not always with an unquestioning submissivene^s. . Kraus. for in Old Babylonian ana pant has the same temporal meaning. The troops in quesrion were the regular army units.1 1 ) .

. cf. . .. EA 2 7 2 : 1 0 ? . 1 5 8 : 4 ? . endlessly reiterating his requests and his complaints. know (idu) that . frequently on 106 their own initiative. Ugar. 7 8 : 7 ? . EA 1 0 4 : 6 ? . see also 1 0 6 : 1 3 ? . ( ? ) .2 2 . 1 0 9 . . 307. politics were dominated by two 1 0 3 . 2 2 6 : 6 ? . . to a single letter of the king he sends. ." and of "the city of the king where I am. 1 0 6 . . . where "safe and sound" is said of "the place of the king. EA ii2:ioff. pp. . . ) . s e e also 1 0 0 : 8 ? . 2 6 4 : 2 3 ? . . p.. my lord. Since the writer may go on to describe the parlous situation of the city that is "safe and sound" (salmat). or of other dangers. cf. EA i47:7of. . . where I am. 2 4 9 : 5 ? . 68. 1 2 3 : 3 0 ^ . . The lerrers referred to in the text fall. . 3 0 9 : 2 6 ? . . . 1 0 4 . 2 7 3 : 8 ? . . 1 2 : 6 ? . . it seems. be(come) informed. . see also 77:7ft". 2 6 8 : 8 ? . . 8 8 : 6 ? .. . . . 2 3 0 : 2 0 ? . " 107 108 and they tell of the city as "safe and sound. 1 0 7 . EA 7 2 : i ? . the letters to and from vassals often refer to political events. 2 7 9 : 9 ? . . 1 0 8 . . . did not simply reply to the various de­ mands of the king. 2 7 0 . 2 8 2 : 1 5 ? . 3 3 0 : 9 ? . 2 6 5 : 1 4 ^ 2 7 4 : i 7 f . . 2 ? . also EA 2 3 0 : 4 . . . Told. io he replies that this also is impossible. 2 8 1 : 3 0 ? . 1 4 4 : 1 0 ? . i 2 6 : 3 3 f . gave Rib-Hadda the occasion to insist that he alone was loyal and suffering for his lord. who i o complained that Rib-Hadda wrote to him more than any local ruler. of course. Lingering over Words." EA 2 6 7 : 1 5 ? . n o . however. . . "to learn. . 4 The impression that one gets of a tireless and boring correspondent. 7 5 : 6 ? . of lost 109 110 territory." For Liverani. . . i2i:ioff. 1 4 9 : 8 1 ? . also 2 1 5 . cf. Such reports are often introduced by "may the king. 1 1 4 : 6 ? . 7 6 : 7 ? . 2 4 5 : 4 6 ^ 2 7 3 : 2 5 ^ A virtual synonym of idu is lamadu. . calling attention to something in particular or summing up the letter as a 111 whole. . 7 4 : 5 ? . 2 5 0 : 4 ? . 1 2 5 : 1 1 f.. EA 6 8 : 9 ? . Letters also end this way. Unlike the international correspondence. EA 1 4 5 : 2 4 ? . 1 4 3 : 3 6 ? . 8 1 : 6 ? . 9 0 : 5 ? . too often indeed for even the barest summary here. n6:6ff. in part at least. In the north. . Already in the Old Babylonian period we find occasional declarations of a city's well-being followed immediately by a report on the strength of the security forces (AbB 5. 2 4 4 : 8 ? . my lord. to send a certain wood." or threatened. i n . under what Nougayrol. ARMT 2 . and 3 3 0 : 9 ? . . 2 8 7 : 5 9 . 3 0 1 : 2 1 ? . 1 0 5 . . as they were at times urged to d o . 308 rev. . the meaning must have shifted from the original one of "well-being. i3o:i9ff. 5 This. 3 4 5 ? . I 2 2 : n f f . 2 3 8 : 2 9 ? . 3 . EA 126:4s. nine letters in reply. EA 1 2 4 : 3 5 ? . ." respectively. 2 5 7 : 8 ? . 1 1 9 : 1 0 ? . 5. 1 4 9 : 5 4 ? . They also reported on their own situation and on anything they thought of possible interest to the crown. . i5i:5of.." and though used much less frequently.. they XXXI1 . . "7:6ff. it is otherwise indistinguishable. clearly allude to the vassal's duty to guatd the place of the king where he is (see the text above) and suggest that "safe and sound" means that the place remains under the loyal protection of the vassal. called "lettres d'information. ' And he does so not once. was also shared by the king (the foreign office). 6 4 : 8 ? . 7 9 : 7 ? . Some vassals.INTRODUCTION 10 impossible. 117:84(1". see EA 5 4 : 4 ? . too.

OA 10 (1971) p. most recently defended by Na'aman (see n. 1 1 7 ) . pp. 2 1 6 . see also 5 3 : 1 1 ? . the appearance of a new threat to Egyptian power. sees in the preparation for rhe troops simply reference to an xxxin . 5 7 ? . 4 5 . Lingering over Words.4 2 . 2 6 7 ? . EA 5 5 : 2 4 . 3 5 ? . 7 ) ." These preparations seem to reflect plans for a single campaign and the dispatch of Egyptian troops through Palestine to Syria. 3 2 4 . 1 4 9 : 3 5 ? . 1 4 ? .6 2 . ) . Rivistastorica italiana 77 (1965) pp. that for Liverani rhe vassal correspondence is shot through wirh extensive and constant misundersrandings. 1 1 4 . 2 2 7 . . defines rhe group by their references to subjects mentioned in the Egyptian letter of command (EA 367) and/or references ro preparations before rhe arrival of Egyptian troops: EA 5 5 . On the rise of Amurru and rhe appeal to the disaffected. Lingering over Words. 9 8 : 5 .3 2 . especially Albright and Na'aman. along with Aitagama of Qades. partly through exploitation of social unrest and disaffec­ 112 tion. 1 1 2 . and then solidified by his able son and successor.6 . Be it noted. This correspondence presents a scene of constant rivalries. EA 1 5 6 ? 1 1 6 . Bar-Ilan Departmental Researches: Bar-llan Studies in History (1978) pp." are mostly "late-summer letters. was charged with being a Hittite ally and. sect. in his own letters someone quite different is por­ 11 trayed. 5 6 ? . . 1 4 7 . Liverani. pp. 3 3 7 . 2 5 9 . here without comment. Berytus 31 (1983) 4iff. Aziru. 65.4 3 .1 8 . 2 6 ] . RSO 4 0 ( 1 9 6 5 ) pp. 6. 1 1 7 . "4 Needless to say. (translated in Three Amarna Essays [see n. who never tired of accusing the rulers of Amurru of disloyalty and treason." sent. iff. INTRODUCTION major developments—first. at the time an Egyptian official came to collect the annual tribute. 4 1 (Three Amarna Essays [see n. 1 4 1 . r 93> '95> 2 0 1 . 1 4 4 . The emergence of Amurru—which was achieved by a certain c Abdi-Asirta.3 8 ." A probable excep­ tion to the isolation of the south from events to the north and the Hittite threat is seen in those letters that speak of preparations by the 7 vassals before the arrival of Egyptian troops. 69. Aziru —was the object of unceasing protest by Rib-Hadda of Byblos. and second. 1 5 3 . a despoiler of Egyptian territory. 3 9 7 ? . 1 9 1 . 1 7 4 . This is the more common opinion. 1 9 7 : 3 1 ? ' 1 1 5 . both linguistic and political. 3 1 5 ? . . .. . 3 8 . see Klengel. n. Others 113 shared this view of Aziru. and Lingering over Words. 1 4 0 : 8 . 1 4 7 : 6 8 . 343f. the resurgent Hittites. the emergence of a new state. See below. . Amurru. pp. and attacks 6 and counterattacks among the small city-states. there to confront the Hittites and 8 former Egyptian vassals supporting them. p. Altman.2 0 . idem. 3 4 1 ? . 1 1 8 . see especially RA 61 (1967) iff. r l : 5 5 9 .2 5 . with Hittite support.. in his theory. pp. 2 9 2 . .7 6 . As the Hittite threat became evident. Liverani. See n. Na'aman. 2 6 ] . 5 9 : 2 1 . shifting coalitions. 1 1 3 . MIO 10 (1964) pp. ' The vassal correspondence in the south is more insular in its inter­ ests and less reflective of international tensions.

History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt (Toronto. High. see Wilhelm and Boese. Hildesheim A g y p ­ tologische Beitrage (Hildesheim. Middle. some of bewildering complexity.INTRODUCTION 6. The Road to Kadesh. 3 1 1 . pp. Chronology. Untersuchungen zur Chro­ nologic und Geschichte des Neuen Reiches.. or Low? Acts of an International Colloquium on Absolute Chronology Held at the University of Gothenburg. annual procedure according to which Egyptian troops accompanied an Egyptian official in the late summer in his tour of vassals' cities to collect tribute. The longer the co-regencies. spans at most about thirty years. 2. G . 88fF. Middle.. Agyptologische Abhandlungen. Murnane. n. which dates the reception of this letter in the thirty-sixth year of Amenophis III. Kiihne. no. See K . 1985). Krauss. The extremes depend on the number of years. 1 9 . Boese. Helck. pp. The archive begins about the thirtieth year of Amenophis III and extends no later than the first year or so of Tutankhamun. and see the bibliography. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature. Redford. Beziehungen. in Paul Astrom. 1 1 9 . Band 1 1 (Wies­ baden. Part 1. 1962). Das Endeder Amarnazeit: Beitrage zur Geschichte und Chronologie des Neuen Reiches. pp. 115fF. 1978). and in general. 1 9 8 7 ) . The arguments for an earlier date of the Arzawa correspondence have been refuted by F. or Low? (see n. the shorter the period. perhaps only fifteen or so. The upper limit is sug­ gested. Kitchen. R . however. 1 0 3 ? ." The Amarna archive. 1967). 74ff. this does not imply a date for the writing of the letter. ZA 7 1 (1982) pp. one assigns to the co-regencies of Ameno- phis IV with Amenophis III. noff. 1 2 1 . ed. if any. that still elude definitive solution. by the hieratic docket on EA 2 3 . Starke. pp. EA 3 1 . D. 1 3 0 . Hotnung. 1 2 3 . See also Pintore. p. XXXIV . and 2 4 . pp. app. nothing in the 121 archive argues clearly for an earlier date. . both relative and absolute. by inference from internal evidence. presents many problems. 6. 20th-22nd August 1987. and these provide only a broad framework within which many and often quite different reconstructions of the course of events reflected in the Amarna 9 letters are possible and have been defended. 63ff. Chronology Despite a long history of inquiry. Pocket Book 56 (Gothenburg.. On EA 1 6 . High.. and OA 1 2 (1973) pp. 2 9 9 ? .2 1 . see n. 22iff. i68ff. E . OA 1 1 (1972) pp. first of all. (See. the chronology of the Amarna letters. Wilhelm and J . Consensus obtains only about what is obvious.. 1 2 0 . Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs: A Study in Relative Chronology (Liverpool. 42 (Chicago.2 5 fit into the previous five years or so. esp. The Babylonian correspondence with Ame­ nophis III also fits well into his last years. William J . certain established facts. 1 1 9 ) . at which time 120 the court abandoned the site of Akhetaten.) Even if one sees in EA 3 1 : 2 5 . and of Smenkhkare with Amenophis IV. EA 17. Then. 1964).. it is now generally agreed.2 7 reference to events in Hittite history far back in the reign of Amenophis I I I . pp. Campbell.

1 8 4 . 93ff. The other letters (EA 42—44). see Campbell. Chronology. 1 2 3 . presents a fairly clear if rather general sequence of three pe­ riods: an earlier and a later Rib-Hadda of Byblos. if not later. is either Amenophis IV. n. In the second period. 1969). 1). See n. and prob­ 127 ably Amenophis III was k i n g . 1 The Alasia letters (EA 3 3 . or at least the vast majority. Chronology. Kitchen. 2 3 1 . The correspondence of the northern vassals. EA 15 and 1 6 were probably separated by a fair interval. u. 1 2 4 . 86. High. to the reign of Amenophis IV.6 2 ) was Rib-Hadda's main enemy. 82f.1 5 (co-regency of ca.9 5 . Z. 1 2 5 .). 1 2 6 . to explain why the Byblos XXXV . 80. ibid. pp. I2 Arzawa—Amenophis III. 1. according to one's reconstruction of Hittite history. and one post-Rib- c Hadda. Rib-Hadda's letters fall in this period. See n. 4 Of the Hittite letters. EA 41 is addressed tQ Huriya. year 3 0 of Amenophis III until year 4 . non liquet. n. if not impossible. would assign all vassal letters. several exchanges of envoys. the successor of Tutankhamun (see EA 1 6 . Putting the entire early period in the feign of Amenophis III is not universally accepted. On the chronology of the international correspondence and for a critical review of earlier opinions. 137 and EA 9. Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs (see n. with few exceptions. 4off. Wilhelm and Boese. p. If. The possibility of the later date depends on the identity of the recipient of EA 9. Klengel. one can only guess how this letter made its way to the abandoned capital. Middle. or Smenkhkare. Tutan- 125 khamun. Geschichte Syriens im 2.5 (very short co- regency or no co-regency) or year 1 4 . To the first are to be assigned EA 6 8 . If the addressee of EA 1 6 was Aya. 1 1 9 ) . pp. The assignment of EA 8 3 . it is very difficult. it seems. Teil 2 (Berlin. 1 1 9 ) . perhaps even as late as the first year or so of Tu- 122 tankhamun. 12 Assyrian—late in the reign of Amenophis IV. Jahrtausendv.. ^ Since. 1 2 1 . since the latter implies. ' Mittanian—ca. EA 101—38 and 12 2. we lack this valuable evidence for establishing the relative chro­ nology of their letters. The arguments for placing EA 6 8 . n.4 0 ) : again non liquet. 1 3 8 and EA 41.. see n.3 5 . 10 years) of Amenophis IV. INTRODUCTION Within this framework we may locate some of the international correspondence a little more precisely: Babylonian—the last years of Amenophis III until late in the reign of Amenophis IV.) depend on questionable translations and readings. pp. who. the vassals never address the king by name. n. however. or Low? (see n. pp. in this period Abdi- Asirta of Amurru (EA 6 0 .7 0 in the second Rib-Hadda period (Camp­ bell. 4.8 6 is also not without difficulties (Campbell. see Kiihne. any one of which could explain EA 9 : 3 1 . 1. however. 1 2 7 .

1 3 1 . ) . 57. probably not long afterwards. 84).) Some letters have been placed in these later reigns on other grounds. . nota­ bly Abi-Milku of Tyre (EA 1 4 6 . he hears not a word about his father? Different scribes with differenr arguments are not the explanation. Had he known at the time of the early letters of a previous defeat and capture of his archenemy. Chronology. are unresolved issues. One point of reference is the figure of Lab'ayu (EA 2 5 2 . who undoubtedly were Addu-Nirari (EA 5 1 ) and A k i - Te&Sup. 3 6 2 ) the success the present king's father. pp.). according to Redford. History and Chronology [see n.u>-r . EA 5 9 : 1 5 . If Amenophis I V had a long co-regency with his father.9 2 . PRU 4. after the fire in the palace of Ugarit (Liverani. Aitagama was a contemporary of Akizzi of Qatna (EA 5 2 . how could he have failed ro insist on their being mentioned and mentioned often? 1 2 8 . who clearly belongs to the earliest level of this correspondence. BiOr 2 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] pp. La storia di Ugarit.t-hpr. Amenophis IV's daughter. a hiatus in Rib-Hadda's letters c during which Abdi-A5irta is captured and eventually dies or is killed. is Amenophis I V urged to do as his father did to Abdi-A5irta. Das c c Ende der Amarnazeit [see n. recalls (EA 1 0 8 . Why. and Niqmaddu of Ugarit (EA 49). etc. before Smenkhkare. 1 8 ) .). Arsawuyaof Ruhizzi (Ruhisu) (EA 1 9 1 . J . 1 9 6 2 ] . apart from the question of co-regency (EA 1 4 7 and 1 5 5 . see 5 3 : 3 5 ? . see also 1 4 0 . however. Meritaten [Mayati]. His death provides a terminus ante and post quern for a good number of letters. but see Krauss. Chronology. and the post-Rib-Hadda period would have to be assigned mainly to the reigns of Smenkhkare and Tutankhamun. The correspondence of the southern vassals has certain clear se­ quences and correlations. Aitagama of QadeS (EA 1 5 1 : 5 9 ) . He is ruler. see 53:4!?..). when wriring in the Aziru period. when c Aziru is the enemy. ten Cate. ) . certainly Amenophis I I I . p. on EA 2 1 0 . 169. he does nor refer to it even once. 220. one would put nh. and whether within it some letters are addressed to his 129 successors. 68. introduces new protagonists. 1 3 2 . 8 3 ) . cf. p . 3 6 3 ) . n. There is. 149:49. Studi Semitici 6 [Rome. Chronology. Das Ende der Amarnazeit.5 5 ) and Aitagama of Qades (EA 1 8 9 ) . EA 1 3 9 . . see the table at the end of the Introduction. beginning with the exile and. pp. Just when this period begins in the reign of Amenophis IV. see 1 4 6 : 1 5 . and Amenophis IV was on the throne. 275f. (Following Krauss. 1 1 9 ] . respectively (see Nougayrol. H . The last period. 1 1 7 . according to Ph. Rib-Hadda's correspondence with Amenophis I V covered a period of at least five years (Campbell. Rib-Hadda died about the same time as his master. ) . ) . etc.9 7 . 3 2 ? . the death of Rib-Hadda (EA 162:7 ff. R i b - Hadda did not leave the composition of his letters without his own contribution (Campbell. p. 8 2 . had in an earlier action against 'Abdi-ASirta. and therefore the example of his father even more pertinent. see above.INTRODUCTION 362 were written. 7if. 1 2 9 . Biryawazaof A p u ( U p u .. 1 4 7 : 6 6 . Besides. and two kings of Nuhasse and N i ' i (see EA 5 3 : 4 0 ? . Among the contemporaries of Abi-Milku were Zimredda of Sidon (EA I44f.5 5 . pp.). as may be inferred from the fact that Abi-Milku wrote EA 1 5 1 : 5 5 ! ? . scribes span the two periods (Campbell. The length of this period is unknown. EA i 9 4 . c but when writing in the Abdi-A5irta period. Aziru (passim). 88). 1 1 9 ] . p. 2 7 ? . but its time span is more difficult to deter­ mine.5 4 ) . s e e 1 5 1 : 6 2 ) . 1 7 1 . but when the enemy is 'Abdi-ASirta. see 5 3 : 3 5 ? . in the time of Amenophis IV (EA 5 3 : 1 . 128 and new synchronisms. Teuwatti of Lapana (EA 1 9 3 .

a letter from Lab'ayu: "year 1 2 " or "year 32"? If the first. 1 3 3 . not to the Aten. Chronology. to whom a letter was addressed very 130 probably by Amenophis I I I . but from 1 3 0 . One is the reading of the hieratic docket on EA 254. There seem to be few if any southern letters after this time. it is perhaps to be explained by the fact that. then a short co-regency remains a possibility. INTRODUCTION also a contemporary of Surata of Akka (EA 2 3 2 . but it would have to be established. shortly after Rib- 1 3 2 Hadda's exile and before his death (EA 1 4 2 : 1 5 . whom Rib-Hadda survived (EA 1 3 1 . He was dead before Rib-Hadda. inspired by the same plans for a Syrian campaign. both northern and southern. then it must refer to Amenophis IV and would require a very late 133 date for the entire southern corpus. pp. 69f. see EA 2 4 5 ) and of Milkilu of Gazru (EA 2 6 7 . 1 1 7 . See Campbell. . 1 3 4 . If so. epigraph- ically. It would also bring down the date of Rib-Hadda's correspondence.e. and if the first reading is correct. to make preparations before the arrival of Egyp­ 131 tian troops. then not only are the two correspondences linked and a number of synchronisms es­ tablished. and probably not long after the latter's death. 1 3 1 . then it could refer only to Amenophis III and would put the earliest level of the southern correspondence with comparable levels of the northern and interna­ I 3 tional correspondences. late in this Pharaoh's reign.1 8 . 1 3 2 . Another correlation between the northern and southern correspon­ dences is probably found in the warnings to a number of vassals. See the text above at nn. whereas the southern letters were still relevant for the administration. If these warnings were all issued at virtually the same time. a possibly even more serious crux concerns the reading of the hieratic docket on EA 2 7 : "[yea]r 2" or "[year} 12"? It raises. If the more recent northern correspondence was left behind at Akhetaten. but suffers from the same difficulties as the alleged early date of EA 31 (see above. The major cruces are several.7 1 ) . If the second. for EA 287 and 289 speak only of Lab'ayu's sons at a time when Pawuru (EA 287:45). 4 Another and. depending on one's interpretation of the letter. The letter is addressed to the former. is still alive. but the relative date is also clear—i. n. not from the Amarna letters. 121). In EA 369 the king attributes his power to A m u n .. on one reading of the letter. "Year 2 2 " is another possibility.3 1 ) . the pro­ foundly altered situation in the north made letters written there of no practical value. 3 6 2 ) . the vexing and still unsettled question of the co-regency of Amenophis IV with his father.

however. the name looks like Nibhurureya (Tutankhamun) rather than Naphurureya (Amenophis I V ) or A(na)hururiya (Smenkhkare). As it stands. This high date. which are only encouraged by the uncertainties afflicting contemporary Hittite history.1 2 . 3 7 . 1 3 4 3 B . In this view. This would also make dating the reference to the Hittites in EA 7 5:3 5 fF. N o t does it seem likely at all that after twelve years or more. friend­ ship is requested and promised in EA 2 7 : 9 . JEA 2 3 [ 1 9 3 7 I p. more problematic than ever. Ancient Egyptian Coregencies. On one reading of the evidence no reflection is possible. See Kiihne. well into the reign of Amenophis IV. and a long 13 one of ten years or so. 7 4 . 1 2 4 ? Murnane accepts the teading " 1 2 " but denies its bearing on the co-regency problem. Tusratta would still be urging that a promise made by Amenophis III be kept now by his son. C . Goetze. however. or Low? (see n. . 1 3 6 . 1 1 9 ) . strongly suggests a period of transition when friendship must be reestablished. 431". JCS 1 0 { 1 9 5 6 ] p. xxxviii . For the arguments supporting this much later accession date. This would be late in the reign of Amenophis III and provide a broad chronological framework for references to Hittite aggression. But if the second is right. ca. as seems virtually cerrain. see Wilhelm and Boese.INTRODUCTION other evidence.4 0 . Another and urgent problem is whether the Amarna data reflect the six-year Hurri war that Suppiluliumas waged in Syria late in his reign. p. 1 3 8 0 B . If. Redford. with strong arguments assembled in favor of a much later date. however. Early in the war SuppiluliumaS learned of the death of the Egyptian king BibhururiyaS (variant: Nibhururiyas) and received the widow's extraordinary request for a Hittite prince to replace him ( H . 1 9 4 . seems inescapable. 3 1 9 ) . 40 (Chicago. 94. allowing therefore conflict­ ing interpretations. Middle. The way. C . Unfortunately.7 8 . ANET. 1 3 7 . A . ' A tissue of problems is the correlation of the data of the Amarna letters with the history of the Hittites and their expansion into Syria. History and Chronology [see n. William J . for it was under him that the Hittites moved onto the larger political scene and through their ambitions came into conflict with Egypt. Most scholars have put Suppiluliumas on the throne ca. this would be many years after the abandonment of the site of Akheta­ 137 ten and well out of the Amarna framework. 1 9 7 7 ) . Basic to the discussion of the Amarna data is the date of the accession of Suppiluliumas to the Hittite throne. But other readings are 1 3 5 . Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. has been challenged. then one either postulates confusion in the Hittite tradition (Albright. then a co-regency. the Amarna framework collapses to a decade. no. with the exception of EA 1 7 0 . Murnane. and the period of possibly 136 relevant Hittite activities is greatly reduced. the Amarna letters speak in rather general terms of Hittite activities.. pp. pp. for it dates an early stage of the war at the time of the death of Tutankhamun. the Hurri war is reflected in the Amarna letters. High. Giiterbock.

Studies in Honor of George R. 2 4 9 . or Low? [see n. w-r ) c (1336-1335) Smenkhkare 1336-1334 (1335-1332) Tutankhamun l 334. Note that. or Low? (see n. p. which are also "low. WZKM 7 1 [ 1 9 7 9 } pp. of Krauss.1 3 1 9 / 1 8 ) or 1324-1319 Hittite Suppiluliumas 1 3 8 0 . 1 9 7 6 ) . according to the "low chronology" (see E . Das Ende der Amarnazeit [see n.1 3 2 1 ( 1 3 2 3 / 2 2 . INTRODUCTION also possible. Hughes. pp. 1 1 9 ) . 1 5 8 ? . if Aya is addressed in EA 16. High. i9ff. 1 1 9 ] . Studies (see n. 249f. and indeed more probable. Middle. 2 1 8 . 99ff. 1 1 9 ) . pp. 1 9 7 6 ] . p. Middle. . 2 0 2 .! 350 Burna-Burias II 1349-1323 Egypt Amenophis III May 1 3 8 6 ^ 1 3 4 9 ( 1 3 9 0 . on the assumption that the dead king (see n. Krauss. 1 1 9 ) . Wilhelm and Boese. p . The Assyrian and Babylonian dates are those of J . Wilhelm and Boese. For the lower dates. xxxix . or Low? (see n.). 3 9 [Chicago. whose identity is so important. The Babylonian dates have a margin error of ± 5 'years. but lowered by ten years. Smenkh­ kare. For criticisms of this view and a reconstruction that assumes the dead king was Smenkhkare. In either one the Amarna data are most certainly relevant and part 138 of the history of the six-year war. 1 3 7 ) was Amenophis IV. in parentheses. 1 4 0 . Materials and Studies for Kassite History: A Catalogue of Cuneiform Sources Pertaining to Specific Monarchs of the Kassite Dynasty.). High. Wente and C. see Wilhelm and Boese. J .3 5 l 2 2 1 (I33 . including the Amarna data. 96ff. pp. Van Siclen. offers an extensive reconstruction of the history. A . p. 1 1 9 ) . Absolute dates of kings reigning in the Amarna period cannot be 1 9 fixed with certainty. pp. The following reflect most recent studies: ' Kingdom King Dates of reign Assyria Assur-uballit 1353-1318 Babylonia Kadasman-Enlil I ( 1 3 6 4 ) . 1 (Chicago.1 3 4 0 ( 1 3 4 3 ." are rhose of Wente and Van Siclen. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. 3 1 . pp. 5 4 ? . no. 1 3 9 .. The Egyptian chronologies.1 3 5 2 ) Amenophis IV 1350-1334 (1352-1336) (^nh. Das Ende der Amarnazeit (see n. High. io7f. Das Ende der Amarnazeit (see n. Brinkman. Boese and G . rooff.323/22) Aya 1 3 2 4 . see Wente and Van Siclen. pp. pp. 1 3 8 . t-hpr. esp. The dead king. 139).) or argues that Niphururiya was by a development in the Egyptian language a possible form of the prenomen of Amenophis IV (Krauss. vol. Wilhelm. is in one reading Amenophis IV. only the low Assyrian chronology is compatible with the Egyptian chronologies presented here. . in another. and. Middle. 1 1 9 ] .1 3 2 3 / 2 2 or 1319/18)^° 1 1 9 ] .

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). not Misru.Editorial Apparatus T h e following symbols are used in the translations and transcriptions: { ] restored text [. I M = B a l u . W i t h the exception of several well-known geographic names ( E g y p t . Yapahu. In addition. Whenever a logogram has been employed. the following appear in the text: boldface numbers line numbers (also in the notes) paragraph indent indication of a line of separation traced across the surface of the tablet (a usage that was especially widespread in the N o r t h ) italics translation doubtful (for italics in notes. see below) centered colon indication of a gloss (the gloss is translated only if it has a different meaning from the word glossed. and although w e know that geo­ graphic names are generally in the genitive (the country/the city of 4. glosses in Akkadian are not indicated) For the transliteration of Sumero-Akkadian passages the following conventions apply: Sumerian roman type Sumerogram small caps Akkadian reading certain: italics reading dubious: roman A s always. through­ out these letters the short form "§umur" has been used rather than the long form "$umuru.. and not Yapa u. I have tried to resolve these in what seemed the simplest.] missing text obscure or greatly damaged text ( ) omission by scribe (( )) sign(s) repeated by error r sign(s) partially illegible ( ) word(s) supplied by editor to clarify text In addition." xli . not Urusa- lim. Jerusalem. c syllabic writings have been kept. for example. the (diptotic) form of the text has usually been kept. if not always the most consistent. I have given a more exact c d c transcription—for instance. however.. In general. proper names present problems.geographic name). i R = A b d u . fashion. etc. thus. I have retained the ancient forms.

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AIPHOS Annuaire de I'lnstitut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves (Brussels) AJSL American Journal of Semitic Languages (Chicago) ANET J . Akkadisches Handworterbuch. 1: H .Abbreviations and Short Titles AAAS Annales archeologiques arabes syriennes (Damascus) AbB Altbabylonische Briefe (Leiden) Adler Hans-Peter Adler. (Bristol and London. 1963-80) Barnett. 1 9 2 6 ) BAM F. 1 9 7 7 ) BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research (Baltimore. 2 d ed. Hilprecht. Illustrations of Old Testament History. 2d ed. (Berlin and Leipzig. von Soden. then Graz) AHw W. B u d g e . Die babylonisch-assyrische Medezin in Texten und Untersuchungen. Illustrations R . 1—3 (Wiesbaden. AOAT 201 (1976) AEM Archives epistolaires de Mari (Paris) AfO Archiv fiir Orientforschung (Berlin. vols. Pritchard. pt. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. 1 9 6 9 ) AO Antiquites orientales (the Louvre) AOAT(S) Alter Orient und Altes Testament (Sonderreihe) (Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn) AoF Altorientalische Forschungen (Berlin) Arch Anz Archd'ologischer Anzeiger (Berlin) ARM(T) Archives royales de Mari: Transcriptions et traductions (Paris) ArOr Archiv Orientdlni (Prague) AS Assyriological Studies. now Baltimore) BB C . vol. The Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum (London. M a s s . Kocher. Bezold and E . 3d ed. Gressmann. 6 vols. ed. 1965-81). Barnett. Altorientalische Texte zum Alten Testament.. Series A : Cuneiform Texts. The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago) Ash Ashmolean Museum (Oxford) ATAT H . Old Babylonian Inscriptions Chiefly from Nippur. 1 8 9 6 ) Bi Biblica (Rome) xliii . V. (Princeton. then Cambridge. (Berlin and N e w York. then Philadelphia. 2 (Philadelphia. W . . Das Akkadische des Konigs Tusratta von Mitanni. 1 8 9 2 ) BE The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania.

117-58 = {1-42] Emar Daniel Arnaud. vols. 1 9 7 1 ) HKL R . I .v. X I I (Paris. Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik. 4 (Gottingen. von Soden. "Shechem in the Amarna Archive. vol. and Erganzungsheft. Helck. Campbell. 1 9 7 8 ) . 1970-75) Campbell.2 (Cambridge. 191-207 EA El Amarna (refers to the numbering of the letters in 2 VAB 2 / 1 and Rainey.. Die Beziebungen Agyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. Brief Elmar Edel. vols.4 (Paris. Chronology E . Die Sprache der Amarnabriefe. pp.ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES BiOr Bibliotheca Orientalis (Leiden) BJPES Bulletin of the Jewish Palestine Exploration Society (Jerusalem) BM British Museum Bohl. F. und 2. American Oriental Series. Borger. Agyptologische Abhandlungen. 1 9 8 5 . 1 9 6 5 ) . Recherches au pays dAs'tata. 1 9 5 2 ) . A O A T 8 ) Ebeling E . 1 9 6 7 . Shechem: The Biography of a Biblical City ( N e w York and Toronto. .3 (Berlin. Emar 6 . 1 9 6 9 ) GM Gottinger Miszellen. in ATAT (q. 3 9 ( N e w Haven. Cahiers de la Sociite Asiatique. Habiru J . pp. Analecta Orientalia 4 7 (Rome. Spracbe Franz M .7 5 ) xliv . Ernest W r i g h t . 5 (Wiesbaden. Hablpiru Moshe Greenberg. Shechem E . Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur. The Chronology of the Amarna Letters (Baltimore. 1 9 5 4 ) BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (London) C Cairo (Egyptian Museum) CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago and Gliickstadt) CAH The Cambridge Ancient History. T h . Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen. 1 9 6 4 ) Campbell.) Edel. 2 d e d . 3 d ed.. Jahrtausend v. F. Ebeling. 1 9 5 5 ) Helck. The Hablpiru. Analecta Orientalia 3 3 (Rome. 1 . Campbell." in G . N o . 1 . Beziebungen W. Leipziger Semitische Studien V / 2 (Leipzig.8 7 ) GAG W . Bottero. Le Problem des Habiru a la 4' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Chr. Der Brief des agyptischen Wesirs Pasiyara an den Hethiterkb'nig HattuTili und verwandte Keilschriftbriefe. Beitrage zur dgyptologischen Diskussion (Gottingen) Gordon Unpublished notes on EA tablets in London and Cairo (see Preface) Greenberg. 1 9 0 9 ) Bottero. Philologisch- historische Klasse. Bohl. 1 .

Vorderasiatische Abteilung (Berlin) Kiihne Cord Kiihne. now Baltimore) JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology (London) JEOL Jaarbericht van het Voorasiatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap. Ex Oriente Lux (Leiden) Jerusalem Scribe W . 1 9 9 0 ) LTBA L . Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna. Lingering over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Literature in Honor of William L. ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES HSS Harvard Semitic Series/Studies (Cambridge. Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek (Berlin. 1 9 3 3 ) MARl Mari: Annates de Recherches Interdisciplinaires (Paris) xlv . H S S 3 2 (Atlanta. Moran. The Akkadian ofUgarit. eds. and P. Ugaritic Vocabulary in Syllabic Ugaritic Vocabulary Transcription. Roberts. 1 9 8 9 ) Huehnergard. 1 9 9 1 ) JANES Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University ( N e w York) JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society ( N e w Haven. 5.6 6 JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies (Chicago) JQR Jewish Quarterly Review (Philadelphia) JSOR Journal of the Society of Oriental Research (Toronto) JSS Journal of Semitic Studies (Manchester) KB H . Die lexicalischen Tafelserien der Babylonier und Assyrern in den Berliner Museen. Amorite Personal Names in the Mari Texts: A Structural and Lexical Study (Baltimore. Goedicke and J ." in H . E . 1 9 8 7 ) Huffmon. "The Syrian Scribe of the Jerusalem Amarna Letters. Winckler. then Philadelphia. Huehnergard. AOAT 17 (1973) Lingering over Words T. H S S 4 1 (Atlanta. Abusch.. Amurru Shlomo Izre'el. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Steinkeller. 1 8 9 6 ) KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi (Leipzig) Knudtzon See VAB KUB Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazkoi. 2 vols. J . Huehnergard. (Berlin. J . HSS 34 Akkadian (Atlanta. L . Huffmon. 1 9 7 5 ) . Mass.. HSS 37 (Atlanta. Schrader et a l . Huehnergard. Matous and W .1 4 6 . Unity and Diversity (Baltimore and London. 1965) IEJ Israel Exploration Journal (Jerusalem) IOS Israel Oriental Studies (Tel A v i v ) Izre'el. Die Chronologic der internationalen Korrespondenz von El-Amarna. vol. now A n n Arbor) JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies ( N e w Haven. eds.) Huehnergard. Moran. von Soden. APNMT Herbert B . PP. . Amurru Akkadian: A Linguistic Study. J .

Memoires V. "Tablettes d'el-Amarna de la collection Rostovicz. 1 9 7 3 . in Hebrew) NABU Nouvelles assyriologiques breves et utilitaires (Paris) OA Oriens Antiquus (Rome) OLZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung (Leipzig. 2 d ed. 1 9 7 8 ) PN personal name PRU Le Palais royal d'Ugarit. AOAT Tablets 8." in Memoires publiees par les membres de la Mission archeologique frangaise au Caire. Canaanite in the Amarna Tablets: Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Particles and Adverbs (forthcoming) RB Revue biblique (Paris) RHA Revue hittite et asianique (Paris) RLA Reallexikon der Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archaologie (Berlin and Leipzig. El Amarna Anson F. El Amarna Tablets 359-379.ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES MDOG Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin (Berlin) MIO Mitteilungen des Institut fur Orientforschung (Berlin) MSL Materialien zum sumerischen Lexjkon (Rome) MUSJ Melanges de I'Universite Saint-Joseph (Beirut) Na'aman. Sayce. 1 9 5 7 . 6 (Paris. Mission de Ras Shamra V I . then Berlin) Oppenheim. F. Orientalia. 1 . M . X I (Paris.s. "The Political Disposition and Disposition Historical Development of Eretz-Israel according to the Amarna Letters. pis. cuneiform copies by A ." pts.7 0 ) RA Revue d'assyriologie et d'archeologie orientale (Paris) Rainey. P. 1 8 9 4 ) . University of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia) PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly (London) PJB Paldstinajahrbuch (Berlin) Pintore. Rainey. Tell el Amarna W . I X . Letters from Mesopotamia (Chicago and London. Matrimonio Franco Pintore. pp. 1 8 9 2 ) . 297-312 xlvi . Rainey. vols. nova series (Rome) PBS Publications of the Babylonian Section.. Leo Oppenheim.6 . V I I . 1 9 6 7 ) Or n. LPM A . / / matrimonio interdinastico nel Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV—XIII. D . then Berlin and New York) RN royal name RS Ras Shamra RSO Rivista degli studi orientali (Rome) Sayce. Political Nadav Na'aman. Petrie. Orient is Antiqui Collectio X I V (Rome. University Museum.2 ( P h . O. Tell el Amarna (London. H . 2 . Tel-Aviv University. Scheil. diss. 1 9 7 8 ) Rainey. XXXI- XXXIII Scheil.. (Kevelaer and Neukirchen. Particles Anson F.

" Or n. J . 1 9 7 7 ) von Soden W . Amarna Ronald E Youngblood. Schroeder. Textes du Proche- Proche-Orient Orient ancien et histoire d'lsrael (Paris. Moran.s. diss. 1-2 (Leipzig. p p . since 1 9 3 9 : Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archaologie (Berlin) ZAW Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (Berlin. Aalen. Mission de Ras Shamra X V I (Paris.H a d d i . A b e l . Berlin) VBoT A . Weber und E . 7..3 4 SMEA Studi Miceni ed Egeo-Anatolici (Rome) SSDB W . 2 . 1915) WA H . Babylonian Texts ( N e w Haven) Youngblood. Dropsie College. Kbnigliche Museen zu Berlin. Mission de Ras Shamra X V I I I (Paris. Die El-Amarna-Tafeln. 1 9 0 7 . D . 1 9 5 0 ) StBoT Studien zu den Boghazkoy-Texten (Wiesbaden) StOr Studia Orientalia (Helsinki) TCS Texts from Cuneiform Sources (Locust Valley. vol.3 (Berlin.. 2 1 ( 1 9 5 2 ) . Johns Hopkins University. Hefte 1 1 . Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler der Kbniglichen Museen zu Berlin.1 5 . 1 9 6 8 ) . in Mitteilungen aus den Orientalischen Sammlungen. "A Syntactical Study of the Dialect of Byblos as Reflected in the Amarna Tablets" ( P h . A . Y ) THeth Texte der Hethiter (Heidelberg) TIM Texts in the Iraq Museum (Baghdad) UF Ugarit-Forschungen (Neukirchen-Vluyn) Ugar. Prince of Byblos" ( P h . Ugaritica: vol. "The A m a r n a Correspondence Correspondence of R i b . Ebeling. Anmerkungen und Register bearbeitet von O. Verstreute Boghazkb'i-Texte (Marburg. L . Knudtzon. von Soden. Textes du Jacques Briend and Marie-Joseph Seux. Hefte 1 . rpt. al-Ouche et al. 4 2 6 . 1 9 3 0 ) VS O.. diss. N . 1 9 7 8 ) VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliotek. W i n c k l e r und L . 1 9 6 1 ) ZA Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete. Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. . vol. 5. D . then Berlin and N e w York) ZDPV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins (Stuttgart) xlvii . 1889-90) WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes (Vienna) YOS Yale Oriental Series.1 2 (Berlin. Nougayrol et a l . 1 9 6 4 ) VAT Vorderasiatische Teil (der Staatlichen Museen. A . Gotze. J . ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES Seux. "Zu den Amarnabriefen aus Babylon und Assur..

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.

saying. for my wives. . 'Here is your mistress who stands before you. For your household. "You addressed my me[ssen}gers as your wives were standing gathered in your presence.4 2 And as for your writing me. X I (reverse only).' or the daughter of some Hanigalbatean. PHOTOGRAPH: F. your brother. your horses. who could speak with her and identify her?? 1 7 . for my sons. the well-being of your sister who is here. . "Who is to identify her?"— 32—36 Why don't you send me a dignitary of yours who can 11 tell you the truth. 3 for your sons. Did you. Ikhnaton: Legend and History (London. . ever send here a dignitary of yours-* who knows your sister. 21—25 Moreover. my brother: Thus 2 Nibmuarea. your chariots.' One cannot believe them at 1 . 1970). "My messengers did not know her. 1 Say {t]o Kadasman-Enlil. the king of Egypt. One was the [ .3 2 And as for your writing m e . ] There has been no one among thefm wh]o [knows her. . . ] of Zaqara. an assherder {fr\om { . saying. pi. however. 10—17 I have just heard what you wrote me about. For me all goes well. or of 3 some Ka(s)kean. For you may all go well. {the ot]her. Giles." These are your words that you sent me on your tablet. "Here you are asking for my daughter in marriage.EA 1 The Pharaoh complains to the Babylonian king TEXT: BM 29784. "Perhaps the one my messengers saw was the daughter of some poor man. For me all goes well. . but my sister whom my father gave you was (already) there with you. [ . ] 2 6 . . for my magnates. 8 9 the messengers [who] . (whether) it was my sister who 10 was at your side" —about whom you yourself have now written me. Great King. Who can believe them? The one who was at your 5 side .' But my messengers did not know her. . C O P Y : BB 1. the king of Karadun[i]se. the numerous troops. .2 1 Suppose he spoke with her. For my household. for your magnates. . my horses. G. The men whom you sent here are 6 nobodies. wh~]o was an 7 intimate of your father. ." and (still) you say. for your wives. she did not op[en] her mouth. or perhaps 14 someone from Ugarit. and no one has seen her (so as to know) if now she is alive or if she is dead. all goes well. for your countries. and in my countries all goes very well. may all go very well. and w\ho could identify her]. and then you can believe the one who enters to see her quarters and her relation­ 12 ship with the king? 3 6 .

" These are your words. What reason is there for asking about whether there are troops on hand belonging to you. 16 what reason would there be for one's concealing her de[ath. you and I.. [. l8 and they bri]ng me a greeting-gift.5 2 But if your [sister] were de[ad]. Undoubtedly [your neighboring ? kings are [ri]ch ° (and) mighty. I swear that they have not served 35 you. 28 "Whether I [gi]ve them anything or do not give them anything. "My daughters who are married to neigh[bori]ng kings. gold.. do not listen to 34 them^ Your messengers. 7 7 . So I said to myself. "Estab­ lish friendly brotherhood between us"—these are the words that you wrote me. solemn 2 25 garb. (but) it is not so! Your messengers keep telling 31 you what is not true. "He put my chariots among the chariots of the mayors. we are brothers." So I made up 29 my mind in their regard and I did not gi[ve t]o them anymore. they are going to go on te(l)ling [l]i[e]s just the same. 'Has 0 your master no troops? The girl he gave? to me is not beautiful..THE AMARNA LETTERS all. "You said to my messengers.7 7 As for your writing me the words of my father.'"— these are your words. your sister who is with me? But should she make some acquisition. 88-98 As for your saying to me. and] our 11 presenting someone [else]? [May] Aman [be my witness] . 4 3 .8 8 And as for your writing me. I will send (it) to you! It is a fine thing that 21 you give your daughters in order to acquire a nugget of gold from your neighbors! 6 2 . "Nothing is given to us who go to Egypt. Now. " Th]ese are 1 2 your words. You did not rev(iew) (them) separately. whether there are horses on hand also belonging to you? Please. But what does she have. the chariots 36 needed the horses of my [coun]try—all were my horses. since they report to you saying. .. Your daughters can acquire something from them and send (it) to you. As for your writing 2 . Whether soldiers are on 32 hand or not can be found out for m e . if my messengers [go] there. but I have quarreled because of your messengers. and so they go on t(el)ling lies in order to escape your punish­ ment. Furthermore. You humiliated them before the country where you are. (saying things) like this. and their mouths told lies. 22 never mind! you do not cite his (exact) words. oil. 4 every sort of finery. The next time they went off [and] they told lies to you. they speak with th[em. [more than i]n any other country? He does not tell the truth to the one who sends him! The first time the messen­ 26 27 gers went off to [y]ourf[ather]. The one with you [." Whether the chariots were here or there." Those who come to me—has a single 2 one of them ever come [and not] i received silver. of whom the mouths of both groups are untruthful and whom you sent here. You did not review them separately.} 52—62 And as for your writing me..

for example. see Liverani. In the greeting-formula.). p. . 2 6 9 . Line 2 2 : Knudtzon's qa. on qerib. "Empty-handed" (Pintore. T h e Pharaoh is also addressed as "Great King" by northern vassals. p. 3 . EA 4 1 .J . Greenfield. col. Cf. Reschid and C . esp. p. Sumer 2 3 [ 1 9 6 7 ] p. u-ma-an-di-se (AHw. K U R ka-ra-an-du- nli}-se (Gordon). 2 8 8 ) . "great one") refers to the highest officials of the palace organization. For occurrences. LU ka-DVGVD?): following Pintore. 3 8 ) . O n the West Semitic (at least linguistic) equivalent mlk rb in Ugaritic and its later history in Syria and Palestine. k. p p . cf. important. 7 5 3 5 : 2 4 f . n. 6 4 0 . A . Are we to laugh?i NOTES m 1. Veenhof. 1 9 1 6 . since the prefix appears throughout this letter as ta-. ZA 6 7 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p. n. PRU 4. 3 .. 4 2 : 3 8 6 ^ . see M . lit.). 2 0 : 3 3 ) . "heavy. 1 9 6 7 ) . p. Kiihne. C . 1 5 . JCS 21 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. "{x-y] was given into [his] hand [t]o fet[ch it] for her mother"'! Instead of "mother. Line 2 4 : the reading ti-na-din is quite doubtful. 3 4 3 . 7 . see AHw. and K . T h e exact legal and political implications of the title "Great K i n g . n. 64 ii 1 3 . MARI 4 . for correct qerub. JNES 2 7 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p. p. Read su-ul]-«w u T I (balata). CAD. see J . with references to Durand. in Garelli. line 6 1 . 72fF. Page. I / J . never ti. iXS-ka D U G U D (kabta.y ] a-[n]a SU-/[/'-su a\-na la-q[/-su. Rowton. the term "magnate" (rabu. Starke. certainly with implications of status and noblesse oblige (ARMT 5. no. see also M . pp. 1 8 . p p . the "mother" who accompanies to the Mari court a woman given in marriage (AEM 1 / 2 . the king of Qades (see Ugar. Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) pp. Le Palais et la Royaute (Paris. . confirmed by collation (RA 6 9 [ 1 9 7 5 I p. 4.(cf. p. ed. EA 1 me in order to aggrandize yourself (and) to put oil on the h\ea~\d of a girl." with what goes before. "well-being and life. 5 . perhaps the end of a long sign (Gordon). and then na-din 25 [ x . "empty. ZA 6 5 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p. 1 6 5 . 2 0 9 and n. ARMT 2 3 . 9 1 5 . p. That the Babylonian king is here not given the same title need not imply Egyptian claims of superiority or hostility. A r t z i . Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (Paris. 1 9 7 4 ) . T h e figures mentioned were probably proverbial (Ungnad). for a list of the magnates at the Hittite court. 37 H you for your part sent me one pr{es~\ent. 9 7 9 ) . 3 7 f . 2 . 1 8 1 . 3 1 ) .a-dd (over erasure. cf. Seux. Matrimonio. OA 11 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p p . but as used in the fourteenth to thirteenth centuries B . also line 3 3 . OLZ. p. for the Old Babylonian period. 1 5 6 . and Gordon. in Babylonian sources they are identified as let ekalli. s]a D-de -se s]a qe-ri-ib 4 21 a-na a-bi-ka it s\a u-ma-an-di-se] (cf. 2 9 8 : 2 9 and note f. . 8. 4 i 4 f . lines 1 6 f. 298ff. rtqa. 6 1 ) does not fit the context.. 5 3 . " which is confined to the rulers of the major states. MARI 4.] a-na um-mi-se. also Gotdon)-as-ma-an-en-l/l. p. 7 2 . ta-na-an-din). n o . 6. W i l c k e . Lesser kings also had their magnates. p." contrasting with kabta (line 1 5 ) . It appears in the Old Babylonian period. are not clear. it was perhaps an innovation of the Hittites (F." in context perhaps ummu is better taken as "nurse". 4 0 : 2 9 ^ ) . F. see P. "those of the palace" (S. no. ." and therefore "nobodies" seems preferable to "simpletons" (Ungnad. MARl 3 . and Bardet. of the king of E l a m j C Charpin. u 8 f . 2 4 5 ) or "idle" (AHw. 1 ) .

for a-na a-ma-ra (cf. . . impossible (Gordon).THE AMARNA LETTERS 9. 'ga-(as)-ga-ia: see E . no. If Wl-ta (so Gordon). EA 3 1 : 2 5 . has "to acquire friendship. 4 2 ) . "the lucky ones" (cf. T a . ta-qa-ap (cf. perhaps ^-[ha-at-ka bal-sa-at]. or (ab-ta. p. perhaps in Ugaritic w.. . Particles. 6 ) .s. fa Kl(itti)-ka ?a anumma: interpretation very difficult (see also lines 4 1 . 4 "{your] si[ster is alive". 5 1 . "more than the wives {of neighboring kings . but more recently he has favored ra-si-lu-ta (La femme 4 . n. 1 9 6 5 ) . [lu-ii i . and is especially frequent at the beginning of the body of a letter (see above.d e ] . Cf.2 7 . "like her") is very dubious (on EA 1 3 8 : 6 6 . CAD. p .k. like this"." or the like. . 11. and U R seemed more likely. 4 7 8 . 20. "(to acquire) good thing(s)" (Gordon. though. 6 5 r. quite probable. [. space is small. 4 2 . O n our understanding of la Kl-ka. line 5 0 . .rgmJps I mlk.. very doubtful. "as to the rich (and) mighty k i n g s . 17. "thus. However. 2 1 9 . von Schuler. I could not see the top horizontal that Knudtzon copied (VAB 2 / 1 . . 7 8 . was proposed by Kiihne. Deictic ki probably also explains the use of inuma. 9 6 1 . 5 ) . 1 0 . cf. you give your daughters to . Die Kaskder (Berlin. 1.bHy (PRU 2 . see below). "is poor. 15. 1 2 6 8 ) .. 1 7 . 1 6 . " 21. p . 2 0 6 ) .r i : the reading is virtually certain (also Gordon)." also possible). T h e assumption of a logographic writing of itti is very difficult. 8 9 ) .." halhat. 8 1 . p . . If sa a{n-n]i (Knudtzon) is correct. see Or n. end of line 4 5 . . Since the main question raised by the Babylonian king concerned his sister's welfare. "as to what belongs to an answer"? According to Gordon. 9 1 ) . . with CAD. but the existence of ktka (AHw. sect. N / i . and Rainey. / have made her] a mistress of the household". "As to m y brother's having written m e . 1 4 . kt is also used this way: kf ahtya taspura ma . 9 5 ) . epistolary quod (quod scribis).rb. 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p.ti"'-[ia]. though in line 9 1 "the country where you are" (mati la ittTkd) would be very reminiscent of the stock phrase "the place of the king where you are" in the vassal correspondence (alru sarri sa itttka.. and sa cannot be the feminine pronominal suffix. i8:if. and also by Gordon. if so. 7 ) . "{. K . n. s a y i n g . r 19. which always appears as -le in this letter. with or without following direct quotation (see also lines 3 6 . 1 0 0 1 . 12. l[i-me].. does not seem necessary. . a-na na-ma-ra. " . Julmani (for correct sulmana) seems best taken as "well-being. al-ku-un-Se]. p . " ) . L . 8 8 . T h i s was also Artzi's reading (see CAD). . m[u-ta/ut-se].. 5 6 .]"? 18. p. proposed by Kiihne. 9 1 9 ) : the assumption of a short form of taqabbi (also lines 4 0 . ." a meaning well-attested in the Western Periphery (see AHw. the common expression fern x amaru). "is in need. . " Cf. Perhaps the language is more correct than assumed and the adjectives are attributive rather than predicative. p. end of 4 7 . 3 5 1 . n. AHw. see Introduction. there is room only for ip-t[i].« . end of 4 6 . T h e sign after / / is uncertain: K I (Knudtzon). Introduction. see also PRU 5 . otherwise. AHw. then either ra-si-lu-ta. ku 13. n. one would expect something like lapnat." "she is thus. 7 2 6 . p . . 1 0 . 2 3 7 . p . p . sa{l]-ma (Knudtzon's other proposal). AHw. and therefore liq-ta (CAD. p . p . Epistolary inuma introduces a clause that states the fact of communica­ tion. 5 2 .

8 8 . 6 2 ] . 28. 3 3 . see Veenhof. 23. "to find. For the assumed first person plural (nisdh). p. 1 0 3 1 ) . 5o6ff. ana su-ti-ri-ka (for correct lu-tu-ri-ka. 36. abandoned] the words of my father. nusezziz in line 4 5 . 25. " However. you do not c i t e . p p . H I . t i 24. Matrimonii). . perhaps T-[di]b-bu-bu. 2 5 . otherwise. n. 52f. 30. but in line 8 7 sa-ra-ti (sarrati) favors the alternative interpretation. lumma is understood as introducing a negative assertory oath.ra-fa^ is a possible reading (Gordon). a W e s t Semitism): following Pintore. which I take to imply that the Pharaoh refers to a request by the Babylonian king for an Egyptian girl whom he wishes to have anointed (cf. A ." T 31. 32. i42f. 3 4 8 . 7 1 [ U G U sa i-n]a K [ U ] R sa-ni-ti. 8 M E ( M A / B A ) . and the impossibility of making any sense of the following Za-ah). p . Against N I = lamnu is the writing N I . he speaks of the Pharaoh in both the third and second person. with very few exceptions. 5 . to furnish board and lodging. "that was given. 26. n. . 1 5 8 . add this passage and PRU 3 . i07ff. therefore {anandinsunu)-[ti\ is possible (and no sa-ru-ti)" (Gordon). ) . 6 I 3 probably a cloak or mantle of some sort ("solemn garb" is a gloss). see BASOR 2 1 1 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . A in lines 7 0 and 9 6 . on this meaning of sdhu. instead of the expected tezib one must assume a virtual object-clause. p . masculine plural adjective. tu-fe^-pi-il-su-nu. 35. p. 1 5 ) . and AEM 1 / 2 . T h e feminine gender of the suffix is difficult (the things or words said? confusion of gender?). p p . T h e [z]a "may well be scratches. 27. and to give them gifts^sqe ARMT 2 1 . EA 1 [see Introduction. p . T h e interjection ezib seems preferable. to the dictionaries. H I . cf." 34. O r "they gave" (indefinite plural). T h e venality implied by liqta seems more to the point in context. Perhaps "we are distressed". Perhaps the abstract sarrutu (AHw. 2 7 . are very obscure. Line 9 1 .7 6 ) p p . 22. 29. Matrimonio. Lines 88ff. I assume that in the Babylonian king's complaint. 1 6 9 . discover") is possible. n. Moreover. the word order is verb-object. Either ud-du-ni (CAD. [ii la] el-te-qe. a-na <z-[bi-k]a (Gordon). 37. I / J . . Also possible: "As for your writing me (that) I have gone back on flit. u-ulW-dfi-in a-na m]u-hi-Iu-nu. n.. even though otherwise unknown in the periphery. 3 0 b ) or ut-tu-ni (atu. 38. Pintore. Perhaps better: "do not listen to (any) evil man (lem-na). JEOL 2 4 ( 1 9 7 5 . Long-established custom required the king to welcome royal envoys to his table as often as their rank demanded. 1 8 3 : 1 0 . O n the dual suffix. p. If so. p . EA i n i j f f . hu. nalbalu.

U n g - nad. .fo-»#-/i n [ L U G A L ma-am-ma a-na la ze-er L U G A L D U M U . of gold.a s . EA 4. C O P I E S : WA 2 + WA 5. 9 [mu-tu-si-na lu-u L U G A L u l]u. p. while also implying that to demand more would be unreasonable. 4. . 1 S u G f N (Gordon). } . col. . 5. n. } . the king of Egypt. . . } Reverse 1 . . 5 5 . 1 6—II With regard to my brother's writing me ab[out marriage]. OLZ. [Say} to Mimmuwareya. M E S . the king of Kara[duniyas}. .] your wife. VS 11. .u"' ze-er L U G A L su-nu 1 0 [su-nu-ma sa a-na D U M U . 2. 6 3 .s e .. 2 saying. . and your entire country. a-n[a a-hu-za-ti}: following Kiihne. your horses. M E § . NOTES 1 . fo[r your magnates]. " [ / desir]e [your daughter]. . H e would thus lay the grounds for his own request of an Egyptian princess. may all go very we[ll}. } 20 wooden [ . .i a e-le-eq-qa-a}s-. [ . [. [but their husbands must be a king o]r of royal blood.k a i-ba-as-sa-a am-mi-ni la ta-d\d-di-na: cf. } . I send} to you as [your} greeting-[gift}. M E S . . .e ] h : following Kiihne. . . [my} brother: Thus [K}a[d}as[m}a[n-En}lil. .. } fine horses [ . .h a . ibid.k a a . 1. For me and [m}y country all goes very [well}. My daughters are available. Why have you not g}iven me (one)?4 [ . r 3. These are very conjectural restorations based on the assumption that the Babylonian king wishes to stress the high standards of his own dynasty's customs. M U N U S . .5 [ . .9 1 2 0 shekels [ . [ D U M U . No king has ever gi]ven [his daughters to anyone not of royal blood]. [ D U M U . For you. M U N U S . 3 12—13 [Your daughters are available. 60 shekels' of lapis- lazu[li I send as the greeting-gift of} my [si]s[te]r. for [yo}ur wi[ves}. [These are the only ones whom I accept for my daughters.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 2 Proposals of marriage TEXT: VAT 148 + 2706. M U N U S ." why should you not marry (her)? [ . M U N U S . 6 . 1 9 1 6 . your chariots. 6 . 1 8 1 . for your sons. . cf.s u ul i\d-di-in-si-na-ti.

Just send a delegation to fetch her. 1 9 1 6 . she is nubile. p. A . Pintore." No[r did you 8 send me] my greeting-gift in connection with the festival. you have detained him for six years. Previously. the only 6 thing in six years. [For me all indeed goes wjell. [25 1 men and ] 25 women. [S]ay [to Nim]u'wareya. For you. . 2 4—12 With regard to the girl. grumblings. No]w I am going to hav[e] a house-opening. your [mag]nates may all go very well.3 1 I have built a [ne]w [house]. "Come t[o eat an]d drink. n. [and for you]r 1 [sons]. [ D U M U . m]y [brother]: [Thus Kad]asman-Enlil.. . I[n my house] I have built a [l]arge [ . a palace-opening TEXT: C 4743 (12210). You 4 qui[ck]ly sent him off. It was just 30 minas of gold that you [sent me]. your horses. "' I send [to you in l6 connection with the house-opening].. 4 2 7 .£ } t f : following von Soden. p . confirmed by collation (also Gordon). my daughter. 3 0 minas of gold that looked like silver. p. as commonly in the Old Babylonian period. your chariots. OLZ. you did not send your 7 messenger to me. . col. Your [mes]sengers have see[n the house and the . 2 5 0 . she has become a woman. altogether 50 i[n my service]. When you celebrated a great festival. 5 4 . Matrimonii).3 4 [ . 2 6 . EA 3 EA 3 Marriage. [/ shall not act a]s'4 you yourself did. and you would not detain him for long. NOTES 1. your wives.k following U n g n a d . M E $ . the king of Eg[ypt. . your brother. the king of Karaduniyas. my father would send a messenger to you. See also EA 2 8 7 : 2 6 for pronominal suffix as part of logogram. and he was a witness. D U M U . saying. Come [yourself] 13 to [eat an]d drink with m e .. about whom you 3 wrote to me in view of marriage. . with von Soden and also Kiihne. and you would also send here to my father a 5 beautiful greeting-gift. and are 12 pleased. and you have sent me as my greeting-gift. 2. [and 10 teams of hor]ses I send to you as your greeting-gift. N l . your country. 7 . otherwise. your messenger. M U N U S . 17 3 2 . 11 2 3 . ] for 10 wooden chariots. That gold was melted down in the presence of Kasi.9 My [gi]ft [does not amouri\t to what 10 [I have given you] every yea[r]. C O P Y : WA 1. your household. ] . 13—22 But now when I sent a messenger to you. 1 8 1 .

when I wrote [to youp about marrying your daughter. p . 11. 2 9 2 (discussion).2 2 [Moreove]r. [a-na te-ru-ba-ti]: cf. and anumma is not used in M i d d l e Babylonian. MUNUS = amtltu or sinniftu? See CAD. 2 5 2 . you d[o] as you please. E n d of line 2 5 . A g y p t e n und Altes Testament 5 (Wiesbaden. Were you to give (a daughter). 1 9 : 8 4 ) were perhaps the light t w o - wheeled battle chariot. 6. 1 9 . 1 13. as opposed to the heavier four-wheeled wagons that were used for transport and were reinforced with metal fittings. r 7. "worked with ( K I = itti) silver" (Landesberger in Gordon). "From time immemorial no daughter of the king of Egy[pt] is given to anyone." Why «[o/]?5 You are a king. Kiihne. e d . 4 7 b . p . free restoration: Ttam[ru-ma. E . 10. [wrote to me]. 8 . 4 2 7 . \su\-ul-ma-ni la-a e-em M U . 16. 17. ha-m if-\u\t. i . EA 5 : 1 3 . thirty-fourth. Gordon) 14. but there is not enough room for this restoration. and thirty-seventh years (Kiihne. 2 5 7 f f .THE AMARNA LETTERS 3. lulmant. 1 5 . you. E g y p t i a n gold had a high percentage of silver. 4 2 7 . [ K A M ad-di-na-ak-ku ul ma-si]-i: free restoration. cf. "Wooden chariots" (also EA 9 : 3 7 . [ul ep-pu-us" T\a. p . p . proposed [a-nu-um-ma bt\ta. 26 [i-na-an-»]rf. Fontes atque Pontes: Eine Festgabe fur Hellmut Brunner." 5 . C O P I E S : WA 3. [ £ es-s]a: cf. does not seem likely. Other versions: "of the quality of silver" (Kiihne. 2 5 9 . pp. p . i04f. r r 4. p . p p . . Following AHw. following von Soden. 1-3 2 4 . VS 11. Von Soden. p . p. [akul] iT siti (Gordon). and S . 9. T h e festival was undoubtedly one of three W-festivals celebrated by Amenophis III in his thirtieth.fa: Gordon saw all the signs "quite clearly. A / 2 . ha-du-ii]. 1 9 4 8 ] . g i v i n g it a grayish cast ( A . 4 2 7 . 2 2 7 . 5 4 ) . 1 9 6 . "my (greeting-)gift": following Kiihne. n. in accordance with your practice of not gi{ying]4 (a daughter). p . 8. n.1 2 see von Soden. 2. 27 [u at-ta] alkamma itttya 28 [a-ku-ul] [ a (head of final vertical visible. rf-S[i-ib malm/panl-ia): a phonetic spelling. and CAD. 5 5 . rf-m[i-li]. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries* [London. A t the end of the line ina libbi fits the traces very well. 1 9 8 3 ) . ) . 5 4 . 12. my brother. O n lines 9 . 2 5 4 ) . p . EA 4 Royal deceit and threats T E X T : VAT 1657. the same distinction in Egyptian and Edel's remarks in Manfred G o r g . Lucas. p . tu-\se-bi-la\. saying.

. 1 8 1 . are inserted within. p. for my part. what would be the point of your being pleased to send me (gold)? Once I have finished the work I am engaged on. . that we might come closer to each other? Why. since you did not send me a woman.' NOTES 1 . (as) much (as possible). EA 4 who would s[ay] anything? Since I was told of this message.. see Kiihne. ] Now. right now. That EA 4 belongs to the A m e ­ nophis III-Kadasman-Enlil correspondence is not completely certain. too. . in all haste. IC I will not refuse [one] to y[ou]. then. [ . But if in the months of Tammuz or Ab you do not send me the gold and (with it) I do not finish the work I am engaged on. since temporal clauses regularly pre­ cede. write you about marriage for this very same reason. when I [wrote you] about marriage. 3 . Did not you yourself seek brotherhood and amity. saying. this summer. in the months of Tammuz or Ab. "[Someone's] grown daughters. 1 1 . Send me a beautiful woman as if she were [you]r daughter. I will give you my daughter. So please' send me the gold you [feel prompted t]o. and so wrote me about marriage that we might come closer to each other.5 0 And as to the gold I wrote you about. and von Soden. 9 . ' so I can finish the work that I am engaged on. must be available. the main clause ( G A G {5169b). as here. p . . i. and I would not 7 gifve] my daughter in marriage. refuse you a woman. you need not 11 12 accept] the offspring of my daughter whom I shall s[end to you. and I 6 would not accept it. n. 4 2 8 . [and] when I wrote you about the animals. the main verb must have followed. However. 2. 8 brotherhood and amity.e. and n[ot send her]?? But my daughters being available.' I would send it back to you. OLZ. send me whatever i[s on hand]. . I wrote as 6 follows t[o my brother]. col. 23—35 Perhaps. 7 Who is going to say. 'She is no daughter of the king!'?" But holding to your decision. T h e greeting and perhaps several more lines are completely destroyed. ds-pu-r[a-ak-ku ta-alltal-ta-ap-rd]: first word. and did (not) I. with U n g n a d . beautiful women. did my brother not send me just one woman? Should I. what need will I have of gold? Then you could send me 3. 5 6 . before your messenger [comes] to me. lines 1—3 are too fragmentary for translation. fap-pu-na-»z]rf: [a-nu-um-ra]^ (Knudtzon) is not used in Middle Babylo­ nian. you send the 5 gold I wrote you about. 3 6 . you have not sent me anyone. see EA 3 . 1 9 1 6 . either in the month of Tammuz or 3 in the month of A b . perhaps. If 14 during this summer. or.000 talents of gold. just as you did to me. but} s[end me] any animals requested of you.

and i[n your countries. . 7. copy VS 1 1 ) . 5. sees in the expression as used in line 4 6 reference to a gift that has not been requested. Pintore. 17. 1 8 .£ t « : following von Soden. 1 2 1 . l[a usebbilsi]: following von Soden. 4 2 8 . tultebila[m]: following von Soden. C O P I E S : BB 4 + WA 17. M [ E § sa ma-am-ma]: M E § not collated (cf. "my daughter's seed" (KBo 1. F{or you may all go well. [my] wives. p. kT la na-d\a-ni-im-md\: following Knudtzon and A r o . 10. roughly 1 0 0 tons. OLZ. my brother: For m]e all goes (well). my [horses]. p.. p . zer martiya. T h e fourth ( J u n e . 6. lines i7f. but the distinction is hard to reconcile with the expression in line 4 3 .. n. p. my chariots. 1 3 5 . ] . G A L . O n the grammar of rhetorical questions. After a space of three lines. 1 9 1 6 . "seed". For my household. traces suggest additional writing. p. 1 8 2 . ta-sa-a[b-ba-at u ] : cf. EA 5 Gifts of Egyptian furniture for the Babylonian palace TEXT: BM 29787 + C (12195). 4 2 8 . p. line 18). [your sons. 1 5 5 . Because of the preterite (aspurakku. my ma[ny] troops. very well. 9.THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. Three thousand talents is a huge amount of gold. p.J u l y ) and fifth (July—August) months of the Babylo­ nian calendar. Literally. 1 {Thus Nibmuar]ey[a. For you]r [household. [For me al]l goes well. Say to] 2 Kafdasman-Enlil. 8 : 3 1 ) .. 12. not writing. 10 . StOr 20. 4 2 8 . n. Matrimonii). ibid. see A r o . ki-'P D f U M U M U N U S . a-ka-al-la-a[k-ku-us-si]: following ibid. see VAB 2 / 1 . 8 1 . 11. the king of Karadu]niya[s. the king of Egypt. cf. my magnates. col. we should read u a-na-ku (ul). yo[ur] troops. 13. or. 16. am-mi-ni l[a innaddin]: beginning of a horizontal wedge visible. otherwise. T h a t ul is used rather than la is undoubtedly due to the fact that lines 15—18 are rhetorical questions. 7 4 . as seems more likely. and beneath it. StOr 2 0 . except for s[a . probably a list of gifts. ina (ubi: following U n g n a d . Great King. 14. [yo]ur [horses]. 15. for which there is not enough room. . your [chariots]. see also EA n . must be taken as a question. p. and in [m]y [countries] all goes very. yo]ur [magnates]. may all go] well. von Soden. 4 2 8 . Either ul (line 1 5 ) is still felt and understood in this clause. 8. a hole. for a woman's seed. your] wives. [my sons].

M / i . sect. ARMT 2 1 . These things. 8. and n. I will prepare whatever your messenger selects. ] footrests of ivory. ] (Gordon). I herewith send you. .Nl'GIN . 145a—b. 10. 5 chairs of feb]ony. overlaid with gold. 1 6 : "but now. . if mala. I will send (them) to [yo]u. p. Probably not enough room for L U G A L G A I . 4. Restore either inanna or anumma (cf. T h e join with the Cairo fragment begins here. 5. E . n. of gold. followed by Durand. in the charge of Sutti. E G I B I L is certain. tSU. Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (Paris. Indeed I 5 shall be preparing everything possible before the arrival of your messen­ 6 ger who is bringing your daughter. VAB 2 / 1 . r}e-i[a . p. and the traces here fit G I B I L perfectly. 7 . EA 1:10). n. of silver. overlaid with gold. 3 beds of ebony. "to prepare before the arrival. The weight of the silver: 1 [mi]na. overlaid with ivory and gold.. 9 (In addition). overlaid with gold. ] of ejxiny. 3 5 8 a . p. p. see Seux. [ . stock expression siisuru ana pant. . minima ma-a. 2 . CAD.. [. a 7 greeting-gift of things for the new house: 1 bed of ebony. denied by Gordon) or even ta. "Great K i n g . Note the." 6. 3. of l gold. . 1 0 footrests of ebony. note n. . . Lines 2 4 . the weight of all the gold: 7 minas. . unusual orthography. confuses siisuru and wussuru. E . "to release. . [Total x] minas. overlaid with gold. 1 9 6 7 ) . overlaid with gold. 2 9 9 . p . 8 A shekels. in a letter characterized by the Hittite ductus and the Hittite form of address. ] . This is the first reference to silver. overlaid with 8 gold. N o t e the use of summa as a temporal conjunction." T h i s gives ana pant a meaning for which I know no parallel. 1 0 0 ) . 9. I am sending herewith some furnishings for your house. 4 chairs of ebo{ny]. 10 { . N o t e the form of address (see sect. 4 of the Introduction). as at Boghazkoy. NOTES 1. G I [ B I L ] : in line 1 9 . " at the begin­ ning of line 3 . H I . 10 and 7 shekels. . r 5 . . . CAD.] II . { ." so common in the vassal letters (see the Introduction. . . EA 5 3 13—33 I have [y^*] heard that you have built some n{ew] quar­ 4 ters. 1 lar[ge] chair [o]f ebony. When your messenger returns.W: last sign possibly ad (so Knudtzon. overlaid with gold. 4 5 6 . 1 6 2 . of gold.2 5 are conflated in the W A copy. 1 urussu of ebony. 9 shekels. A . 7 6 .

4. OLZ. [your] sons. 4 2 8 . Write me so that it ma[y be taken to you]. pp. A r o . . p. VS 11. . 1 Sa[y t]o Nimmuwarea. your wives. p. your brother. For me all goes we[ll]. p. 8 . p. amatum lanttum-ma. . . my brother: Thus Burra- Buriyas. my brother]: Thus Burra-Buriya[s. 5 . lu fa-ba-nu]: von Soden. 4 2 8 . n. your magnates. NOTES m 1. cf. ] and 1 [ . cf. 1 2 [Say to Naphujrureya. EA 7 A lesson in geography TEXT: VAT 150 (not collated). 4 2 8 . perhaps "a hostile word" (AHw. } .1 2 Just as previously you and m[y] father were friend[Iy] to one 2 another. It must have been written at least partly on the reverse. A t the end of line 1 0 . LFM. [yo]ur horses. [your] brot[her. A t the end of line 9. 2 0 . ] . anythin[g]4 else whatsoever is not even to be mentioned]. 113ff. and I will write you for what I want from your 6 country so that it may be taken [to m e } .2 2 And as [your] greeting-gift [ . . your chariots. 2. ibid. Great King. 1 0 5 . TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. or perhaps on the line below. see Kiihne. a-ma-tu-u[m}: a rare instance of mimation. For you. iq-[qa-ab-bi]\ following von Soden. 6. 3. EA 8:1 if. 3 2 . the king of [Karaduniyas]. 4 : 4 6 . 1 2 9 . your household. / s[e]n[d you]. p. ni-mu-a/wa/ut-re-a/ia: alternative readings.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 6 An offer of friendship T E X T : VAT 149. C O P I E S : WA 4. see also Schroeder. king of Egy[pt. p . . you and I [should} now [be friendly] t[o one another]. For 12 . 3.. may all go w[ell]. VS 11. EA 3 : 1 2 . 4. lilq&-\ni\. C O P I E S : WA 7. . 1164). StOr 2 0 . . add { . col. 6 4 2 . your country. . Great King. the k\ing of Egypt].s Be­ 5 tween us. . following von Soden. 1 9 1 7 . kin]g of Karaduniyas. 17-19 [• • •} Ui will trust yo[u . 13-17 Wri[te me] for what you want from my country so that it may be taken to you. delete it: following von Soden.

7 For my brother and his household. Furthermore. I send my brother 5 teams of horses. saying. 8—13 From the time the messenger of my brother ar[rived here]. . the 17 journey is difficult]. in my brother's country everything is available and my brother needs absolutely noth­ ing. saying. .! I have not been well. Who is going to tell your brother so he can imme­ diately send you greetings? Would your brother hear that you are ill and still not send you his messenger?" 26—32 I for my part addressed him as follows.4 8 [ . for my horses and [m]y ch[ariots. as I am also told. and so on no occa[sionY has his messenger eaten food 5 and [drunk] spirits [in my comjpany. 4 2 . Furthermore. s[aying]. EA 7 m]e and my household. I am [still b]y no means re[stored to health}.] . We have (however) inherited good relations of long standing from (earlier) kings. . your mes­ senger. . .. I 12 said no [more]. . "Ask your own messenger whether the country is far away and as a result your brother did not hear (about you) and did not 11 send (anyone) to greet you. My [greetings [/ will send t]o yo[u.2 5 [Furthermore]. [ . I send to my brother 4 minas of 18 beautiful lapis lazuli as a routine greeting-gift. "Has my brother not hea[rd] that I am ill? Why. ] and your greetings .6 2 You no[w. and your greet­ ings you shall send to me}. since I asked my own messenger and he said to me that the journey is far. "(It) is not a place close by so your brother can hear (about you) and send you greetings. water cut off. 3 3 . . ] 4 9 . ] M[y] greetings [ . "For my brother. he will [tell you that] I have not been well and that. . I am not sending many beautiful greeting-gifts. '* have detain[ed] my messenger for two [years]." Now. . 1 informed your messenger and sen[t him] (on his way). since I was not well and my brother [showed me 8 no] conc[ern]. as I am told. a Great King. for his horses and [his] cfhariots]. is there really a far­ away country and a close-by one?" He for his part addressed me [as] follows. for] my magnates and my country all goes ver[y well]. saying.4 1 Furthermore. I for my part became an[gry}9 with my brother. I was not angry (any longer). . . my next 13 . In addition. and the weather ho[t]. before es]corting (him on his 1 15 way). 6 . The country is far away. and so we should sen[d]'3 greetings to each other. If you ask [. 1 4 . for his magnates and his country ma[y all go] very [well]. It is these same relations that shall be lasting between us. Inform my messenger imme­ 16 diately sf) he may co[me to m e ] . As soon as the weather improves. has he sho[wn] me no 10 concern? Why has he sent no messenger here and visi[ted me]?" My brother's messenger addressed me. as far as 6 7 my rec[overy] is concerned. . in my country everything too is available and I for my part nee[d] absolutely nothing.

p. 7. Oppenheim: " . one would expect to see traces of the vertical (cf. i robb[ed]. then my brother should 20 seal and send it to me. The first one 23 Biriyawaza rob[bed. {When] is my brother [going to adjudi­ 25 6 cate] this case? [As] my messenger sp[okeY before my brother. 8. whatever my brother wants. Oppenheim seems to emend the text so that Burna-Burias says that no foreign messenger. ibid. 1 8 2 ) . and] his [sec]ond caravan Pamahu. EA 1 1 : 1 9 . that I nearly lost my life. 9. May my brother send me much fine gold so I can use it on my work. had dined with him. ik-[su-da] would be less crowded than i^-fsu-da-an-ni] (Knudtzon).8 2 [Furthermore. ibid. 1 1 ) . n. For Amenophis I V as the addressee of this letter. . am-[ta-la]: not am-{la] (von Soden. ibid.). 2 5 . n. let my brother 19 just write me so it can be taken from the house. 4 2 8 . When I pu[t] the 4 0 minas of 21 gold that were brought to me into a kiln. 8 . A t the beginning of line 2 . "and no medicine has given me any cure" (von Soden. 22 my messenger whom I sent to you.. EA 6 : 2 .a ] .» . pp. restore $E§-i<?. p . 2 9 5 . W h e r e Burna-Burias calls himself brother. and the expression refers to mood or sentiment. not to bodily health. . re-e-s[i la is-su-tt]: the enclitic -ma at the end of the previous clause favors taking the following clause as coordinate.THE AMARNA LETTERS messenger to come I will have bring many beautiful greeting-gifts to my brother. la «/-[ne-sa-an-ni]. 2 . he addresses the Egyptian king in the same way (EA 6.). 4 2 8 . following U n g n a d . Certainly my brother did not check the earlier (shipment of) gold that my brother sent to me. . OLZ. It was only a deputy of my brother who sealed and sent it to me. . But the gold that my brother sends me. my brother should not turn over to the charge of any deputy. non-Egyptian or Egyptian.i]: if «rf-p[a-as libbi] (von Soden. 6. 4. 3 . p . cf. StOr 2 0 . 6 3 . (so) 27 2S 29 [n]ow may Salmu sp[eak] before my brother. see Kiihne.. 6 1 . 4 2 9 ) . p. 7 3 . I sw]ear. i3f. on the assumed ustallalimu rather than ultallalimu. rev. for the position. [a gov]ernor of 2 yours in a vassalage.7 2 Being engaged on a work. NOTES 1. see EA 1. m 5 . and therefore not resit ul is-Ii] (von Soden. Furthermore. [a-di-na] m{t\-im-ma-ma la #/-[ta-la/li-mu]. 1 9 1 6 . and that nothing could help me" (the assumed text is not clear). p. not (even) [10. Another proposal: { U (sammu)] . O n the banquets for messengers. see A r o . see Kiihne. appear[ed]. pa in EA 8 : 2 2 ) . 6 0 . I write to my brother.9 . cf. proposes f H a . n. for in Middle Babylonian . ana »^-a{b-la-t. been robb[ed]. His [thi]ngs should be restored t[o him] and [he] should be compensated] for his losses. <z-<#-/-{ka-(am-)ma}: following von Soden. My brother should make a [personal] check. 292. however. von Soden. 3 7 f . [tw]ice has a caravan of Salmu. col.

1 9 8 ) . B . as throughout this letter. n. see von Soden. n. 2 7 2 . p p . 2 8 ) . current quality" (CAD. at Mari. 24. m 23." Since Burna-Burias hardly wishes to say that the gifts will come from others' houses. JNES 7 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p. 1. L i t . EA io:i9f. 2 5 2 . 2 4 . EA 7 letters the perfect is the normal form of past narrative. si-it-ta [sanati]: following von Soden. If there are to be greetings with the necessary accompanying gifts. ibid. 18. [la-am t]e-re-ed-du-u: following von Soden. 13. ha-ab-t[a-at]\ following von Soden. T h e enclitic in kt iqbun'tm-ma probably looks back to kT iqbuni in line 3 3 . 5 1 . cf. G I b]a-ar-ru-um-ma. 1 7 . for its influence on tenses. so that we send greetings to each other. T h a t the weight of the stone is given implies. 7. ARMT 2 1 . 20. EA 2 9 : 1 1 1 . ul am-la as- s[a-k]u-[ut]: following Gordon. ni-sa-ap-pa-[ralar]\ it is not clear why we should create an anacolu- thon—"the good relations which we have received from the kings in earlier times. 1 9 . 15. T h e gift sa qati seems opposed to the many gifts not sent at the mo­ ment. "normal quality.). the suffix must refer to the indefinite plural subject of the verb. 12. 1 9 1 6 . 6 7 . ibid. Edel. see Veenhof. and therefore is rendered by "also. "pure gold. ruqatu in line 3 2 ) . with von Soden. io:43ff. followed by von Soden. that the stone was unworked (see also EA 8 : 4 3 . 2 0 0 . 1 8 . If i-mu-[ra] is right (Knudtzon). 4 2 9 . 5 1 4 . p. see CAD. In line 3 2 . according to E . p." da-an-n[a-at]. they are not inspired by need. Tusratta. see 3 0 . p. to the message received. 14. p . ana sulmlka. n.. p. n. probably neither version should be excluded. n. 4 3 0 . followed by CAD. 9 7 ) and implies a small number in the break (10 is only a guess). Ah. 1 0 .. n. distinguished 15 .8 2 ) p . see A l b r i g h t . A O A T 1 2 . therefore. AEM 1 / 2 . 4 2 9 ) ."—and restore -[ru] (Ungnad. "from their house. Parpola. Pamahu may be an Egyptian title misunderstood as a personal name. 8 3 . Otherwise von Soden. then "pro[vided for me]"? 11. Burna-BuriaS prefaces his proposal of continued gpod relations with remarks that establish how disinterested both parties are. "by the king". see Aro.. cf. For a slightly different interpretation. A O A T 5 / 2 . S. 4 . [ 1 0 s]a-ar-ru-um-ma: theasseverativelarrumma(Knudtzon) fits the con­ text perfectly (originally. col. no. p. 4 2 9 . n. presumably visit by delegation." 22. 5 0 9 . 2 . ibid. 21. p. 1 1 3 : [ K U . Written bi-ri-ia-ma-za. see Romer. Q . AfO 2 8 ( 1 9 8 1 . In EA. 5ii:2off. ki-sa (kfsa): see the dictionaries. 3 4 3 . p. unless the enclitic coordinates clauses (for this possibility. w h o thought it the Egyptian equivalent of rabisu.8 2 ) p. sa qatim in O l d Assyrian. JEOL 2 7 ( 1 9 8 1 ." might also mean "for your health". Porada. gave only jewelry. i-mu-[ra-an-ni]. these same good relations . and then da-an-n{a-tujtu] (cf. and at Mari (ARMT 2 1 . "for your sulmu. JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p. T h e information is the answer. Provision of an escort for messengers was customary. 5 ) . seeing it also in EA 1 6 2 : 7 4 . li-i{l-li-ka]: following von Soden. amla because of the negative ul. cf. OLZ. 1 6 . p. p. StOr 2 0 . On the syntax of girru ruqatu. For the O l d Babylonian period. perhaps quite perfunctory. 1 6 . p. ibid. 1 8 2 .

your brother. inquire [whether they are de\ad. [t-na\-an-na: following von Soden. . is still serving him. and 10 another man. ibid. pp. Qanaan is your country.4 2 And if they try to deny this to you. having sent their men. 27. the king of Egypt. VS 11. in Hinnatuna of Canaan. 4 3 0 . Line 8 0 : li-id-[bu-ub]. my merchants who were on their way with Ahu-tabu. 26. your household. ibid.4 7 [As a greet]ing-gift I send you 1 mina of lapis lazuli. In your country I have been despoiled. See n. your magnates. . your wives. and Sutatna. the king of Kara[duniyas]. Sum-Adda. may all go very well. the son of 3 Saratum of Akka.3 3 [I] send [ . and so avenge their blood. retained him in his company. so will we be friends with one another. 29. . . §um-Adda. 5. After Ahu-tabu went on to my brother." Now. 16 .[ b u . [ m a . 8 3 4 . and [its] king[s are your servants}. TRANSLATION: Ebeling. These men sh[ould be] brought to you so you can 11 investigate. « / . 6 Bring [them] to account and make compensation] for the money that 7 they took away. "[a pre]fect in your country. For you. 2 6 . your chariots. having blocked 9 the passage of one man of mine.* Inqu[ire from him so] he can inform yofu.THE AMARNA LETTERS between EA 7 : 7 6 (personal name) and 1 6 2 : 7 4 (title). they are going to kill again. 28. the son of Balumme. EA 8 Merchants murdered. right under the Pharaoh's nose! 25. be it a caravan of mine or your own messengers. . toy[o]uposthaste]. 1 and this is what we said: "Just as our fathers were friends with one 2 another. . 4 3 . 8 . Is ki-if-ri a mistake for mi-is- ri.2 1 My brother and I made a mutual declaration of friendship. ibid. my brother: Thus Burra- Buriyas. vengeance demanded T E X T : VAT 152. Put to death the men who put my servants [to] death.4 killed my merchants and took away [th]eir money.t i ] . having been forced into service by Sutatna of Akka. ] . i-[da-an]: following von Soden. and thus become in­ formed. p . your country. For me all goes well. 2 2 . And if you do not put these men to death. the country of E g y p t " ? A n even greater enormity. C O P I E S : WA 8. were detained in Canaan for business matters. your horses. and so messengers between us will thereby be cut off. [u-d"\e-e-Iu: following von Soden. Sa[y to] Naphu'rure[ya].b u ] : following von Soden. yo[ur] sons. 371f.

OLZ. 3 8 : 7 ' . col. and the resulting sense. see Schroeder. If the Babylonian's feet had been literally cut off. 13. 5 . 4 0 ) . cf. i-[du-k]u: following von Soden. N / i . it would have been an extraordinary indignity and hardly mentioned so casually. cf. 8 .ME3 = amelT (also lines 2 8 . p. Following U n g n a d . 1 0 . rev. 4 4 . n. I44f. col. LU. CAD. 17 . 4 3 1 . kikalle in the Babylonian letters EA 1 0 : 3 8 and 1 1 . 1 9 1 6 . sepam nakasum in ARMT 4 . A r o . . 1 6 5 . 22 [x-(x)]-x a-na pa-[ni-k]a ki-i {ka-al-li-ej: at the beginning of the line the very clear [. 9. It is the bearer of the present letter who should have such a role. does not seem satisfactory. EA 8 Se(nd off} my [mess}enger immediately so I may knofw] my brother's 12 [decjision. Besides. . N / i . Following CAD. su-ni-iq-\su-nu-ti-md\: following von Soden. li-it-ta-a\l-kd\\ following von Soden. 4 3 0 . "As soon as I send . . p. 175- 2 . (but not fe-e-ma. 1 7 9 b . von Soden. 1 8 2 . 8 6 : 2 7 . p. 3 0 . ibid. " (von Soden. 9 7 4 a . 1 4 8 ) . one expects a plural—"these men"—not a singular. A r o . Le Palais et la Royaute (Paris. Cf. 5 2 . 3 4 . . 1 2 . pp. ed. 18. ku-\ut-si-da-I\u 4 5 \je-e\-ma\ following von Soden. interchanged the vowels in the first syllable of the names of the two rulers. 4 0 0 . 1 9 7 4 ) . p. 4 3 0 . . (a-a-bu. 1 9 1 5 . 7 . postulates a contamination from s'umma-summa ("or they will treat you hostilely"). Let him be off [to me 13 immediately. NOTES 1 . p. p. 4 . p. 1 6 5 b . It seems unlikely that the Babylonian king would put off to some future date sending the messenger who was to provide the Pharaoh with additional information. 1 9 1 7 . T h e implications of the king's calling them "my merchants" are not clear. T h e scribe. in Garelli. see Brinkman. 1 4 . p. 6. Do not deta[in] my [messjenger. col. von Soden. proposed [amela sa]-/a. ina reli kl ulzizzu: following AHw. ibid. 1 1 . ibid. EA 7 : 5 1 . but. p. StOr 2 0 . as he admits. T h e assumption that nothing followed ki-i in the rather large broken space at the end of the line is supported by neither the previous nor the following lines. Denial can be refuted by two witnesses to the crime who are still available. StOr 2 0 . E n d of line n .. of VS is misleading. k[i-i mi]-tu: von Soden. see Schroeder. . inquire . 4 3 0 . 1 1 .. written on reverse. cf.. p. OLZ. 9 : 3 2 . . OLZ. or his informant. 4 3 0 . 1 8 ) . the form of the pronoun is otherwise unattested in the Middle Babylonian period. rev. 3 .

and refused no request for anything beautiful. as for my Assyrian vassals. and I am quite busy with carrying it out. my brother]: Thus Burra- Buriyas. gold is plentiful. but one then expects the same structure in the parallel clause. your sons. 1 Say to Nibhurrereya. your ma[g]nates. r l 4. may all go very well. all the Canaanites wrote here to him. either Amenophis I V or Tutankhamun (so taken here). your horses. 18 . (if) the gold is plentiful. PHOTOGRAPH: BB. n. I send to you as your greeting-gift 3 minas of genuine lapis lazuli and 5 teams of horses for 5 wooden chariots. ul-te-bi-i-lu-n\t\: following Gordon. O n the end of line 1. the king of Egy£pt. 1 NOTES 1. 6—18 From the time my ancestors and your ancestors made a 2 mutual declaration of friendship. For you. 1 3 7 . whatever you want from my country. see VAB 2 / 2 . inanna-ma hurasu mad. will I not then come and plunder you? How can there be an alliance with me?" For the sake of your ancestor my ancestor did not listen to them. 4 3 1 . they sen[t] beautiful greeting-gifts to each other.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 9 Ancient loyalties. 3. 19—38 In the time of Kurigalzu. Now. Why have you sent me 2 minas of gold? At the moment my work on a temple is extensive." My ancestor sent them this (reply). 1 5 8 5 . Why on their 6 own authority have they come to your country? If you love m e . p." is probably possible. "C{om]e4 to the border of the country so we can revolt and be allied [wi]tfc you. I was not the one who sent them to you. C O P Y : BB 2. 2. 24. saying. My brother has now sent me 2 minas of gold as my greeting-gift. Send me much gold. send me half of what your ancestors (sent). the king of Karad[un]iyas. And you for your part. ku~u~ [s']-da-am-ma: traces support this reading of von Soden. Send them off to me empty- handed. they will conduct no business whatsoever. If you become enemies of the king of Egypt. "Forget about being allied with me. your wives. saying. "Right now. your brother. Hence inanna {sum)-ma seems much more likely. p. see Introduction. but if it is scarce. and are allied with anyone else. send me as much as your ancestors (sent). Now. O n the addressee. write me so that it may be taken to you. new requests TEXT: BM 29785. For me all goes well. your chariots. your household. my ancestor. your country. pi.

. Now. 19 .. th}at did appear.2 4 From the time of Karaindas. Was {the gold ev\er identi­ fied} (as gold)? [ . 4 3 . on cooling off looked like ashes. for your magnates. [it-t]i-ka: despite Knudtzon's correct observations (VAB 2 / 1 . See EA 3 . But if there are some old ones already on hand. . . . . When 4 they put it into the kiln. so that the hide is exactly like that of a live animal. ] 8 let him bring to me. the king of Karad[uniyas]. I send to her as her greeting-gift a necklace of cricket-(shaped) gems. . [Say t]o [Naphu]rar[ey]a. EA 10 Egyptian gold and carpenters TEXT: BM 29786. Let your messenger bring it to me. C O P Y : BB 3. . my messenger. ] friends with e\ach other} [ . . (I am one for whom nothing is scarce. reaches you.' the king of [Egypt: TJhus Burra-Buriyas. . Let them make some n[e]w ones for future delivery. and then when my messenger comes here with your messenger. this seems the only possible reading. and for your country. posthaste. PHOTOGRAPH: BB. then as soon as Sin- disugab. 6. for your house­ hold. . 1 0 4 8 their number. 1 7 .) As for your messenger whom you sent to me. . EA 10 5. ] of a wild ox for . . 25—28 [ . a). not 5 minas of gold appeared. [The . up to the present. n. for your wives. See Introduction. n. . for your chariots. 10. let him immediately. nor have I for my part sent you a beautiful greeting-gift.4 9 I send as your greeting-gift 2 minas of lapis lazuli. There are skilled carpenters where you are. [. pi. lifelike. For you. . l borrow chariot{s] ° and get here. ] . n. T h e absence of any sign of the vertical could reflect a form like that in line 2 9 (il-ti-ia). 5 9 . may all go very well. Let 9 them represent a wild animal. For me all goes wel[l]. p. 2 8 . let them bring (them) here together. ] 5 6 7 29—42 [ . . 3 times have your messengers come to me and you have not sent me a single beautiful greeting-gift. fo[r your sons]. 90. land or aquatic. having heard (about her). and concerning your daughter 11 Mayati. . 7. of lapis lazuli. the 20 minas of gold that were brought here were not all there. they (the ancestors) have been friends. . [. since the messengers of your ancestors came regularly to my ancestors. . . for your troops. though you and I are friends. and you are one for 3 whom nothing is scarce. ] when your messenger . for your horses.

1460b. 1 0 0 ) . 2 1 ." 2. G I im-m&-i]i-ma-a u'-e-du: immattma. T h i s parenthetical remark stresses the independence of the parties and thereby the symbolism of the exchange of gifts. N / i . / will make 12 { . /7-q{u-s'}i (Knudtzon) is hardly right. ma-i-ia. i/-l{a-k]a (Gordon) is equally difficult.THE AMARNA LETTERS And when your messenger [comes] along with Sindisugab. no. NOTES 1 . 4 3 1 .7 2 and n. D U M U . EA 7 : 7 1 . and confirmed by colla­ tion. if the verb is uddH. one expects u'-e-du-[u\. p . minima ana X (w)aqar does not mean that " X has something precious" (which would be. 4 9 [il-la-ka x . 4 . [ K U . f r l 1 1 . EA 4 1 : 3 4 and CAD. M / 2 . « G I G I R . cf. Dictio­ nary of Scientific Biography. p . " See AHw. 9 8 b ) or appropriating (CAD. but that "something is rare/scarce for X . p. mimma aqrulaqartu ana X . 7 . 1 0 0 1 . "which he presented/with which he presented them" (von Soden. 1 0 . the messenger would have to borrow means of transportation. p . cf. M E [ 3 ] : the second and third signs are doubtful. p . so already Landsberger in Gordon. 4 3 4 ) . 3 9 ) . completely obliterated by modern pin scratches on rubbed surface of tablet—so confirmed by Mr. Nil. p .x . 30 [Id i]r-'i-mu-Iu-nu-ti. M E i s : following CAD. I understand naM in the sense of withdrawing from a supply (CAD. and "to bring a wagon" (AHw. 4 3 2 . p. narkabta nalu can hardly mean "to load a wagon" (Oppenheim. T h e usual interpretation—according to which it is stated here that the result of neither one's sending the other party a gift has been "I had nothing precious.a~ -tT: following von Soden. 4 3 1 . correct CAD. 8. rather. Bateman of Bfritish] M [ u s e u m ] who examined surface under a microscope. r 9. but nothing follows (also Gordon). 3 . If the reading is correct. 5 . r 12. O f the na-ap in B B . 7 6 4 a ) does not seem to fit the context. especially s"]i. and you had nothing precious"—must be rejected. 1 5 { 1 9 7 8 ] . Gordon wrote that there are "no traces of original wedges. ] and have (it) brough[t to b]er. EA 7. 1 1 4 a . p. 3 5 7 b . 7 4 b . [a-n]a [na-ap-hu]r-ra-'>e"' -[i]a/a (Gordon saw more of hur than I could). N A G A R . is not supported by collation. 1 3 . . N / 2 . p . or X mimma aqralaqarta Tsuli). a-{n\a p''i-i balp: following von Soden. see VAB 2 / 1 . p. Cf. N / 2 . n. p . . l5 1 0 . n. M E 5 = maru: following von Soden. 6. 20 . For narkabtu as a means of shipping. Landsberger in Gordon. 6 5 6 .x ] e-pu-ulf-ma a-/e-ba-l a"'-a[s}-s{i] (Gordon). p. N o t expecting to have a shipment of animal figures to bring back to Baby­ lonia. p.

your messenger. . . If old ones are not available. . . VS 11. the inte[rpret]er. and to Mihuni. .2 8 [When my father] a[llow]ed [his daughter] to be br[oug]ht to 10 your father. the merchant. was (once) ta]ken [to your father]. the king of Egypt. let them carve new ones and have Salmu. the wife of] my father was mourned [ . ] she die[d] in a [pl]ague [ .$ my neighboring kings [would say]. .l]et them brin[g me . the interpreted. ] that woman [ . 1 sent Hu'a. 6. For you. 5 Mihuni. EA 11 EA 11 Proper escort for a betrothed princess TEXT: VAT 151 + 1878. ] " let them bring me.. and . [Say] to Naphururea. " / ] wrote. [w]ho is going to take her to you? With Haya there are 5 chariots. [saying. [my] broth[er]: Th[us Bur]na- Buriyas. Trees are to be carved from ivory and colored. ] Reverse 1 .. have them brought to 12 me im[mediate]ly. which look like] live [ . . 6 "That woman [may be taken"]. whom you sent to me. . [I] wrote [as fol­ 2 lows]."i 4 9-15 [And you yourself] sent [Haamas]si. 1 5 . 1 6 .2 2 [When] I presented [my daughter] to [Haamassi]. saying. you[r] household. the king of Karaduniy[as. 6 .8 [After the wife of] your father had been mourned. C O P I E S : WA 6 + WA 218. an interpreter. . may all go very we[ll]. your [mess]enger. for yo]ur [horses. . .. Matching plants of the countryside are to be carved. saying. the chariots and soldiers with him are too few. ] 3000 soldie[rs wi]th him [ . bring them to me. and [ . . . let your messenger that comes 13 to me take them. "A daughter of the king who [ . . . .. . . your magnate. Send here many [char]iots 21 . 2 3 . 13-18 As for Haya. ~i But as to the one tak[ing her] to you. they [poujred o[il] on the 8 hea[d of my] daughter. 225. . . [ .1 2 If old ones in the number required are a[vailab]le. ". has already departed for here. [your sons. [my] mess[enger. your brother]. your wives. If Salmu. Are they going to take her to you in 5 chariots? Should I in these circumstances allow her to be brought to you [from m]y [house]. the merchant. F[or me all goes w]ell. and taken to me.. Let [them take] another [to you].l]et them carve [.5 [• • •] • • • [• • • let] them carve [. .] your chariots. "They have transported the daughter of a Great King [t]o Egypt in 5 char[iots"]. [to you]. colored. . .

. what was more lavish than [the gift] to Kurigalzu. 4 6 . 1 9 8 7 ) . A t U g a r i t . Do not send here some other [mag]nate. BiOr 3 4 ( 1 9 7 7 ) pp. sa-[a. is not supported by collation. UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) pp. 8 9 0 . p. cf. p. CAD. puts this passage under qubbatu. 7 9 . [ul-tu as-sa-at] a-bi-ka qu-ub-ba-tu^. 8. saana muhhika /«-q[u-(u)-si]: sa . 22 . "to (be)wail" (AHw.MU[NUS-ti-ia] 1 8 T . ." [he] was rich in stones.8 0 . grammatically less diffi­ cult..2 3 [After] ? your [fa]ther sent [here] to Kurigalzu much gold. [/]/within this year you intend to sen[d here] chariots and soldiers. a-na a-bi-ka i\-q]u-u-ni la-ni-ta-am-ma //-i[l-qu-ni-ku]. 2 7 . p. ^ and showed no concern for me.. Q . EA 7 : 3 2 ) of qubbii. 3f. riiqatu. 7. } how can I send to you? Send me [much gold] so that [/. . 2 1 [i-na E-i]a. Perhaps the girl that had been promised first died and there had been a delay in carrying out the offer of lines 7—8. 9 [u at-ta . ] he must not say. rev. read (i)-/e-q[u-(u)-si]? 9. /e-q[i-i/e-sa]. amity. 1 ) . . [ . and so in the palace 8 [of my ancestor what wajs missing?' That neighboring kings might hear 19 it said. La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique (Paris. 3. rich in 20 silver.-s\ li-il-qu-ni-(ku?)].. p p . As soon as 24 2 p o s s i b l e ] let them take to me much gold that is yours alone. and [good] relations. Among] the kings there are brotherhood.THE AMARNA LETTERS 4 and soldiers so that Haya be the one [to ta]ke' the princess to you. NOTES 1. "Your messenger has received a lar[ge and beautiful] greeting-gift." He . Landsberger in Campbell. n. . ? Send them so [they can take her] immediately]. M U N U S . i5ff. 2 9 : 2 2 ^ . Brooke. "The go[ld is much. And . The princess [on] whose [he]ad oil 1 [has been poured] should not delay here by me. 2 . in EA see also 1 1 .. See. f G I S " it-t]a-du-u: following Landsberger. see Pardee.. 2 2 4 . meaning unknown. and to the mistress of the house [I send] 20 "crickets" of genuine 22 lapis lazuli. Chronology. 4. . and 3 1 : 1 iff.. . . qubbatu as in line 5 (see n. in Symbolae iuridicae et historicae Martino David dedicatae. al-ta-ap-r[a-ak-k\x] 7 [a-ka-an-na al-t]a-ap-ra. stative subjunctive (cf. too. 1 9 6 8 ) . 6. 8 [. rich in [gold]. peace. Tomus Alter (Leiden. p . cf. too. 1 1 9 . n. Q . 26 send] to y[ou a] large [greeting]-gift. [I know] that Mayatu alone did nothing for me by which [I 2 am] res[tored to health]. qa-qa-[d]d DU[MU].. 5 . [a messen]ger should come out to me posthaste 16 and info[rm m e ] . . 69ff.3 4 I s[end] 10 lumps of genuine ' lapis lazuli as your greeting- gift. EA 4 : 1 1 . W i l c k e . ? Let them take to me [much gold}! By the end of [this very] year I wish to bring the work to completion quickly. 1 7 [ D U M U . [ . . and also in Gordon. CAD. ] . C .t i ki-i] . . For this first act of betrothal. 4 . 2 9 2 a ) . 1 8 5 .

G i S . ina ekal(li) [a-bi-ia 2 1 fmi-nu-u i]n-da-ti: following von Soden. ibid. [i-na]: hardly enough room for [bi-ri-it] (von Soden. Two translations have been offered for kT in line 2 6 . 2 5 . the stone was probably artificial. M ] E § ba-al-tu-t[i ma-as-lu]: following Landsberger in Gordon. "of the kiln"). 21. 23. p p . 8 1 ) .. minu Ttatir (line 2 0 ) and minu indati are probably only apparent exceptions to the rule that in Middle Babylonian letters the perfect was not used in questions ( A r o . from whom he has learned to expect nothing. • Lines 26f. attilka-ma: the enclitic seems to stress the identity of the source of the gift. see U n g n a d . M U N U S .l u . 4 3 2 . or (b) because so-and-so. . EA 11 10. 1 9 1 6 . Y . 1 9 7 0 ) . M E S = issr.u m a-bu-ii-a-a D U M U . col. Na'aman. StOr 2 0 . pp.. Matrimonio. For the distinction between "genuine" (lit. p. bHt bhtm and L . 1 0 5 . [su-u(-ma)]: cf. Being rhetorical questions. 1 8 3 . 29f. 1 0 9 . JNES 2 6 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. B y sending the gift (and a small one) to Mayatu under her title it is perhaps suggested that the demands of propriety rather than those of friendship are being met. 2 4 . 18. in the reading of the verb. ibid. . G I ma-a(')-da su-b]i-la-am-ma 3 4 [a-na-ku-ma su- ul-m\a-na ma-a-da a-na k[a-a-sa lu-se-bi-la-ak-ku]. or with Ankhsenpaaten. 1 8 [ D U M U K I } N . see EA 9 : 3 6 and passim in the inventories) and "artificial" (lit. Political Disposition. perhaps in contrast to Mayatu. ar n 1 1 2 2 . 5 [sa a-na . 17. li-iq-b[a-a]: following von Soden. p . ibid. ki-i du-lu-uh-t[i-is): following Kiihne. OLZ. T h e latter is identified either with the famous Nefertiti. M u n t i n g h . . 5 7 : 1 5 6 ) . marat sarri sa I. von Soden. 16. T h i s favors the identity of the two figures. OLZ. col. B . and as nin e (-e-ke ) in Sumerian (Civil." which assumes a causal clause after a main clause. ^mayatu-ma in line 2 6 and the enclitic "Mayatu alone. see O p - penheim. treated me badly. 1 9 1 6 ." which is without parallel. 4 JAOS 1 0 3 [ 1 9 8 3 ] p. T h e title occurs in the badly broken EA 1 : 4 8 and YOS 1 3 ..u [ l .s u ] 4 11. In either case the line of thought and the implied enthymemes are curious: "I gave so-and-so some­ thing. col. 2 0 . Glass and Glassmaking in Ancient Mesopotamia (Corning. 7. p. are often understood as distinguishing Mayatu from the "mistress of the house" in line 2 5 . fma-ia-tu-ma: see EA 1 0 : 4 4 > d . 8 3 . 19. Cf. n. see also Schroeder. his daughter and last wife. 15." 2 6 . OLZ. 9 0 : 2 1 . 14. If the qualifier "genuine" is not used. 13. p.GI§ [a-na qa-q]a-di-sa 1 6 [id-du]-u: following Lands­ berger (see n. see Pintore. 12. 1 9 0 b . (a) whereas so-and-so. 7 ) ." To abide by conventional usage we must read at the end of line 2 5 [ul- te-bi-la i-de] 2 6 ki-i. a sequence that is extremely rare if not quite without parallel. N . EA 7 : 1 3 . / # . [ki-i]: following von Soden. cf. as G A S A N E in a few N e o - Assyrian texts cited in CAD.. "whereas. cf. treated me badly. Amenophis IV's first wife. 1 9 1 7 . rev. 4 3 2 ) . * p . 23 . . h[a-mu-ut-t\a su-bi-i-la: following U n g n a d . 1 8 3 .m a .k u ] : cf. 2 0 . . 1 4 5 . ki lusebilak[ku K U .. ioff. 2 3 { u . "of the mountain". n. and "because.. [\i-\\-q]a-ak-ku.

"From . . . T h e tone of the letter argues against a statement of fact. 1 Say to my lord: Thus the princess. 1 C O P I E S : WA 216. GAG. may all go well. "daughter of the king"). how it can mean "has decided" (Pintore. Kidin-Adad. without comment) is not clear. 61. 1 2 . . For other and bolder restorations and corrections of the text. I would give my life for you. perhaps one destined for the Pharaoh's harem. but suggesting that the perfect be taken as future perfect (cf. instead of "to m y lord" (ana bi-li-ia). COPIES: WA 188. ." 2 3 . proposed "to Biniya. saying. . . .2 2 In the presence of my lord] thus [do I prostrate 2 myself]. Do no[i] 3 wo[rr]y. 2 3 2 .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 12 A letter from a princess T E X T : VAT 1605.2 6 Your servant. n. [..n May the gods of Burra-Buriyas accompany you. ] "eye-stones" of munaru-stone. see Kiihne. 5 [ . i-na pa-[m bi-li-ia] 1 3 a-ka-an-n[a ul-ta-ki-in): Knudtzon could see what looked like u [ l ] . } "eye-stones" of genu[ine] pappardilu-stone. and safely push on so you will see your house (again). T h e script is Babylonian." 2. the m[e]n a[nd yo}ur [ . 5 0 . In line 2 4 . 6 . For you. §8oe). p. not E g y p t i a n . 2 [. / sa aG N I remains unexplained. . it-ku-l[a] tetendanni: following von Soden.. T h e second letter (see the Introduction. . . sect. p .. [. . p. and] . VS 11. or you will have made me sad. For your cities and your household may all go (w)ell. VS 12. date]-stone of carnelian (with?) ziminzu-shzped bead(s). EA 13 Inventory of a dowry T E X T : VAT 1717. and so the letter was probably written in Babylonia and sent by a Babylonian princess (lit. 1 6 7 . Landsberger in Gordon. 4 NOTES 1. your chariots. } .. .3 of gol[d}. 4 ) was added perhaps by the scribe. Matrimonio. . . 4 [ . n. E r g . 197. m p. 4 3 3 . . March in safety. no longer visible. 4. 3 0 8 . see Pintore. Matrimonio.. 3.] my messenger brings (you) colored cloth. T R A N S L A T I O N : Pintore. For other views. 7 (tablet now in two pieces).

{ . . [ ...] . . and g[old]. . .. ivory. ] inlay. } . . 20 A large [ . genuine mu[¥sar]u-stone. . . [kamm]unakku-bed . . 8 9 [.. .. .}. of which 1 clasp is of ebony. . side-bo}ards .. ] . . } . supports and . [. } . [of gold]. and g[old}. .. . [.. . . 30 [ . [ .. .]ofgold. muHaru-stone and g[old}. } . . . . [•••} 25 [ . (with) [claw-fe}et of silver.. [. ] . mounting of g[o]ld. . [. .. . [.. of go]ld. . . ] side-boar[ds along with cla]w-feet. 15 [ . ] genuine [lapis} lazuli. . } . . [ . . 25 . . . . . .[. and gold.. . 10 [ . . . . 13 [ . lapis lazuli and muf[faru-stone). .. . .. . .. . of lapis lazuli. . of gold..... . 11 [. .. } . { . mounting and . . . . .}. A large { .}.. 10 [ ... EA 13 6 5 [ . kammuHakku-bed.. . } inlay. .. . [. . } .} small ziminzu-shaped bead(s) of lapis lazuli (and) m[us?aru- stone]... . ] . . [ . . . . ] . [ . . . and .. [ . .. gold] leaf genuine lapis lazuli and [gold]. an alabaster of [genuin]e [lapis lazuli). [ . in [the] center. .] kamm[uffakku-hed]. A small [ .] [.. [ob]sidian. . J and gfold}. ... cla]sp(s?). . and go[ld}. ] .. Reverse 14 [.}ofgold. [ . gold) leaf. .} kakkussu-stone. . . of gold. } . [. . .. lapis lazuli.... 12 [. . . .]. } .. . . genuine lapis lazuli and [mulsaru-stone]. } and al[aba)ster. . [.. [ . [. . . "lentil" (stones) of lapis lazuli and mussaru-stone. . ] and .]. . } . { .. 5 [ .

MARI 4 . . is pertinent. 4 .. note a. 7. tu-di-it)-te (Gordon).. T h e mus-sa-li of Emar 6 / 4 . "in between" (Gordon). Perhaps be-ra. with their cups. K t J . of bronze. n. T U R = kakkii. ' 6 [. Perhaps [ . 2 9 4 . t]allu-}a.r of bronze.. •] wash-basin for feet. AHw. . . . e]wer of bronze. pp. Gordon proposed " *ta-r}a-am-ma-nu. . n. . a jar for oil. brazi}er of bronze.. { . NOTES 1 . ch]est. . T h e absence of identifying nota­ tion at either the beginning or the end of the tablet suggests that this was one of two or more tablets. identifies mussar(r)u as onyx and cloi­ sonne.THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 [. 1 3 2 5 ) . also lines 1 0 .' 10 [. with their lamp(s?). 1 5 . . 25 [.. 1 3 . .. p." 26 . fl}ask of dufu-stone. from Babylonia.} angurinnu of bronze.' 9 [. "lentil" (or the like)? See also EA 1 4 i 1 3 . . T h i s inventory. argues for "granulated. . Charpin. 1 0 8 . G I ] tu-tii-ur-ru: see AHw. ] . 22 [. Landsberger. p p . of silver. comparing tarammanu in PBS 2 / 2 . . . mounting of g o l d . . 9. probably a daughter of Burna-Burias. a 7. 1 8 . .. 1 2 0 : 5 3 (cf. of gold. 6. G I R . ( . or an ornament so shaped (AHw. AEM 1 / 2 . [ . of silver.. p. uKhi" -»*(cf. . 1 2 3 4 ) . 2 2 4 f f . p . 8 15 [ . 8.] salinnu of bronze. mounting of gold. p. see also D. } .. 21 20 [ .. . of br[onze].. [.. 1 1 . . Written 4 M u S . see EA 1 4 . . [ . spr}inkling-vessels of silver. . also lines 6 and 1 9 . . . . wash-basin for hands. {. of silver... . p. [ . Durand. ARMT 2 1 .. n. 1 2 7 . ta]//»-jar of bronze. sikkatu.. A type of chalcedony. . 1 2. } . is apparently the dowry of a Babylonian princess. 5 1 1 . T A B (von Soden. wi]th its cup.. 4 3 3 ) . . . . 2 3 i f . } wash-basin for hands. . ARMT 2 1 . . ) of bronze]. [ . . . . [ ( . of bronze. fl]ask of lapis lazuli. RA 6 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p. 1 2 7 . tarammu I. . } of bronze. G U . p. . . ] . [ . {.. 20 [. [ . . Durand. between da/«-stone and pappardilu-stcme. of silver. ke]ttle of copper.' [ . .. lapis lazuli. 3. } . 17 [ . n a 10. Annexe V 6 ' . . EA 1 5 : 1 3 ) . . see Limet. 1 3 7 5 . { . . . . a variety of mussar(r)u- stone? IT. . wash-basin for fleet. 5. w]ith their cups.

S U . restore probably [ N I G . not namsu (against CAD. also rev. EA 2 2 iv 1 5 . lines 9. 15. Reading in lines 1 . at least here and in line 2 4 the reading of the logogram is namsitu. 198. Tell el Amarna. for the meaning of musalu...6 : 1 [. 22. M / 2 .].. H A = namsitu). 1 8 6 . 17. as the feminine suffix (ina £asF-sina) makes clear. hu-lu-up-pd]-aq-qu (also Gordon). see also EA 2 2 ii 5 1 . ( + ) Sayce.. see P. pp. For syllabic writing. B A B B A R 4 [. m u } . [.. < >S]EN = ruqqu (Gordon).2 5 below.. Language. ../ « (Landsberger in Gordon). king of Karaduniyas. 3 5 6 f . . . } strung with [ . ed. 19. 8.. &tallu (also line 1 9 ) ..] 27 . .& . 16. p. EA 2 2 iii 2 2 . ^fa-ma- ra-[tu a-di su-up)-ri 5 f. . In view of the feminine suffix (ina kasT-sa) and lines 9 and 2 4 . the syllabic writings. see also Durand. [. ka]m-m[u-sa-ak-kuj 2 [. cf.. ARMT 2 1 .. dn 20. For the restoration of this line and the following one. Gordon recognized kammussakku (the double m is otherwise unattested). MARI 2 . see Durand. ZA 7 2 ( 1 9 8 2 ) pp. p. 2 4 5 ) . lines 2 4 . lS 14. 1891. pp. in Francesca Rochberg-Halton. [. ] 3 [. Steinkeller. iv 2 2 . [. .. Unless the plural of namsu (nemsu) is namsdtu (>namsTtu). . & a-ma-r\a- a-tu x f. napadu. "agate" (banded chalcedony).ZI = M w . cf. al-ta]-/>/-/w i-na l2A. . CAD.. B A B B A R . and History: Philological and Historical Studies Presented to Erica Reiner. EA 14 Inventory of Egyptian gifts TEXT: VAT 1651 + 2711 ( + ) Ash. pp. ] . 2496°. . and W . . 2 5 ii 5 3 . MAR] 5. [king of Egypt.GKR(nurT)-su-nu. p[a-ru]-/i. see Durand. VS 12. no.) x a x (10?) 'siP-up-ri K U . 1 9 8 7 ) . . Farber. . 1 [These things Nap§uru~\tea. . C O P I E S : WA 28 + WA 209..] [. ... L U H . s)ent [to his brother.. too. EA 14 12. note.. iv 60. N / i . mu-s\a-li-ha-tu (AHw. p . perhaps a type of handle. . not collated). 1 2 0 : 1 2 . M E S kam-m[u-sd]-ak-ku 6 (. . GU. cf.. p. Literature. Great King.' 5-7 [•••}••• 2 [ . O n dusu. 2 3 1 ) . [. see EA 14 ii 3 6 . i33f. . 18. kam-m\u-sa-ak-ku x [x x (x)] x K U . American Oriental Series 6 7 ( N e w Haven. 2 4 . [Great King.1-41 (415.. Burna]-Buriyas. [. U M D U 21. } Z U R . 2 2 iv 2 7 . 94f. 1 0 1 3 . 13.

(with) "lentil" (stones) inlaid. [ . broken) 8 9 x kukkubu-containers. of the princes. inlaid.. 6 for the n]eck. 3. (called) tuzuta.]. . inlaid. 40 [. of go]ld. (called) da{f\i. t h e i r [. 3. inlaid. (called) mafuya. for the n]eck. of copper. 11 togg31e pins [(. . 3 . ] .)3. 60 1 h. of go31d.. (called) ra&da.ubun[nu-container. (called) . . of gold. [. . . . (called) kubu. . . o]{gold.'3 55 2 female figurines . which . large. (22-31. of gold. 3. inlaid. inlaid. (called) wizza. o]f gold. set with gold. . . ] . silver and gold. (with) a female figurine [ . 3 . . . of gol]d. . . inlaid. ] their [ ... x goblets of silver (and) go[ld . 5 . .]. 45 [ . and 1 small one. . ] . 3 .. .3. of gold. inlaid. (called) 12 haragabaL 50-54 [. and 1 small kukku[bu]-cont&iner. . [ . inlaid.. of gol3d. of gold. for the hand. . in their center. inlaid. . . fo]r bathing. . . 10 a pa}il. ] .. (called) anahu. of gold. set with stones. [of gold]. o3f gold [and of silver. 1 "cucumber" [that is] an oil-container. of} gold.. standing. ] . . . 15 containers of oil. . . . . of gold3. . of gold. . of gold. . of gold. . . . . . (called) nas7i. in]Iaid. ] . .^ of gold. . 7 15 [ . . . ] . . of g o l d ] . . . ." (called) namfa. . . inlaid.THE AMARNA LETTERS 3 10 [ . 3 . filled with "{sw]eet-[oil]. silver. 20 [ .4 . . of gold. set with stones. 35 [ . of gl]ass. 28 . . of gold. . 1 hubunnu-container [. . of gold.. of g]old. ] . . o3f gold. . inlaid. .. inlaid.

. . of gold. daba'uhi is its name. 29 . 24 1 tube for eye-paint. 18 [1 container for eye-paint. . 1 (with) i ibe[x] lying in its center. overlaid with gold. their handles. of gold. . fx] large finger-rings. . ] . -stone. of gold. overlaid with gold. of the king's wife. . 1 female figurine. . 2 6 knives. 10 very wide hand-bracelets that are strung with stones. of silver and gold. EA 14 i small cont[ain]er (of aromatics). and 1 small one. . 1 small container (of aromatics). of gold and . 20 fx] hand-bracelets. . puati is its name. and 1 small one. entirely. } . of the king. 1 female figurine. . . . of g o l d . ] . with inlays. 80 fx] razors. 70 [ 1 ] small tallu-\at. 23 7 gold tubes. overlaid with gold. 3 pairs of foot-bracelets. of gold. . [ . 16 [and] i sfmall one]. fx] pails. with pomegranates on their top. nam{J]a is its name. . 21 3 (pairs of) gold sandals. for bath[ing]. with kibbu-omaments of polished gold. of ?us~sugu-wood. of gold. of gold. . full of eye-paint. 19 fx] finger-rings with gold plating. 65 [ . of gold. zimiu is its name. zillahta is its name. mahda is their name. (called) haragabas. . of silver and gold. 22 1 3 gold bowls. ' 8 goblets { . . of gold. 29 15 2 chariots. fx] razors. and a stopper of lapis lazuli in the middle. 75 19 gold rings for the finger. of gold. of the king's daughter. (called) kitini. of gold. 2 1 large statuette that is overlaid with gold. [ 1 ] small kukkubu-containet. and 3 tubes with gold plating. 26 10 4 ladles with claws.«irrlaid. strung with stones. which is studded with gold and copper in its middle. 11 { . 5 1 gold box of sippar(r)atu-cosmetics. . of bronze. ] . of gold. . of gold. ? 28 and its pedestal is overlaid with silver. 5 of gold. 9 necklace-plaques.

] . overlaid with gold. 5 thrones. 1 haragabas. overlaid with gold.. 25 L. 3 [x hand-bracelets)." o[f silver]." of silver. of silver. 1 throne. of silver. 45 1 sieve. of gold. . overlaid with gold. wadha is its name. 3 1 (female) monkey. overlaid with gold. ] overlaid with gold. [ . 3 s[mal]l measuring-vessels. zillahta (is its name). o[f silv]er. for [ . [. . [al]ong with its cover. ] . .. 2 chairs. 6hubunnu-coatamtK. . . ] . 3 4 1 (vessel called) "large. . 1 pail. [o]f silver. puati is its name. of silver. female figurines for its feet. of silver]. . ' 1 oblong pot. 1 small tallu-]ai. of cedar. of silver. J . [ . for an oil-container. ] overlaid with gold. [o]f silver. .} [To]ta[l of all the gold]: 1 2 0 0 mi[nas.. 30 [. of silver. also of silver. ' [hand-bracelets]. 40 1 lar[ge] pot. 3 [large] washing-bowls. of silfver . delicate work. . . 3° i bed. of silver. overlaid with gold. of Canaan. for a brazier. . .. namsa is its name. for a brazier. of fussugu-wood. of silver. 1 ladle. overlaid with gold. i headrest. 20 i bed. . 1 upright chest. [ . .THE AMARNA LETTERS 2 chariots. i ship. of silver. with its daughter on its lap. of s[ilver]. of silver.] 32 [ . . 11 bowls. 1 kukkubu-contamet.] [ . . 35 1 [large] measuring-ves[sel. . ] . overlaid with gold. 33 1 [large] mabru. burner is its name. overlaid with gold and sahpu. ] . 50 23 kukkubu-zoTAaixyzts. x] shekels of gold.. of "sun"-stone. . their [ . . o]f silver. along with all its gear. . its [han]dles o[f. i chair . 1 "pomegranate. 30 . 10 goblets. full of "sweet-oil".. . [and] 1 large hubunnu-container. . puati is its name. . inlaid. . of silver. and 6 small ships that one tows.

60 [1 box of s]ippar(r)dtu-cosmeucs. . kuldu is its name. [ . 18 st[ones . for a brazier. of bronze. ] . . . . . . fo[r . . . . . [. 3 . ] . . . } . . The to[talJ: [ 3 ] 2 mirrors. set with lston]es.]. [ . . [ . .$ 1 mi[rr}o[r]. 5 very long . . 3 small . . } . 3 b[eds. . of gold. of gold. [ . for a barber. . . . of pure silver]. of silver. .. . 85 2 tall p[o]ts.. . 80 mi[rrors . [ . [ . . . ] . of silver. 3? 3 (pairs of) sandals. . 3 [lar]ge. . of bronze. } . 8 65 1 mi[rr}o[r. . 1 [throne}. of silver and g[ol]d. . for bathing. ] .. overlaid with silver and gold. horses. of bronze. } . 12 large mi[rr]ors. . 20 [ . . 80 5 . 3i . 90 m[irrors . o]f bronze. hand [. o]f bronze. The to[ta]l of all the silver: 292 [minas]. . . of bronze. of s[ilver]. . an[d . . of silver. EA 14 55 29 ladles. . The tota[l] of all the silver and g[old]: 1500 ( + x) minas and 4 6 ^ 2 shekels. of bronz]e.. in 2 . } . . overlaid [with silver and gold]. . . 3 9 1 small container (of aromatics). ] 4 ° . of bronze. o]f bronze. . . fo]r a brazier. [ . 70 and a st[opper in the cen]ter. . and 3 shekels [of silver]. 75 20 mi[rr]ors.]. o[f bronze. [x ladljes. 5 . 6 plots . 6 with which one curls the hair. .. . . . 16 ra[zors. handles of boxwood and ebony. . 1 headre[st]. of silver. 1 kukkubu-cont&mev. . . . nassa is its name. 12 . hunima is its name.]. . their [hand]les. 2 [ . of silver]. . . oblong plots].. . .. of silver]. ] . . . of silver and gold. of pure silver. of pure silver.. of bronze. . . 3 1 box. mouth. . [o]f bronze. ] . .. .. . [ . . their [mjouth. of silver. of bronze. . its spout.

4 i2[o £]#«z«-cloaks. 20 stone jars. adaha (quality)." 9 kukkubu-cor\x&va.. full of "sweet oil". 1 byssos (quality). in size (equal to) 2 (pieces of) [fine] linen c[loth]. 20 [s]ma[ll] (pieces of) [fine] linen cloth. for a bar[ber].43 25 5 large [tu]nzu-cloaks. 100 large (pieces of) (fine) linen cloth. kubu is its name. ^ [go]ld.. tabarru-red. 44 [ 1 ] linen cloth. bys[sos] (quality). 2 250 thin girdles. tabarru-red. not ami-red. full of "sweet oil".4 20 (pieces of) [fi]ne linen cloth. decorated with 46 borders. for the front of the body. of bronze. byssos (quality). 51 ladles. 4 [.. (adafea) (quality). of linen cloth. in size (equal to) 6 (pieces of) [fine] li[nen cloth]. idru (quality).. 20 sh[eke]ls. (adafca) (quality). [x] (pieces of) fine linen cloth." (called) azida.. all set with stones.r. o}f bron[ze]. their [hanjdles. full of "sweet oil. 41 for their length(wise strips?). 6V2 half «//#-cloths(?). 1 double-sized (piece of) [fine] linen cloth for a festive-garment. paqa (quality). idru (quality). [adaha] (quality). for the king's bed.]. decorated with borders. of stone. of bronze. all together: 300 [( + x)} objects. idru (quality). 3 (pieces of) fine linen cloth. namla is its name. The total of the linen cloth: 1 0 9 2 . byssos (quality). (called) akunu. 41 ladles. 35 1 9 stone jars. 20 1 5 0 (pieces of) fine l[in]en cloth. robe. 2 5 0 thin mantles. colored ami-red. which are full of "sweet oil. The weight of the bronze: 10 8[6o m]inas. (for) shawl(s). by[ssos] (quality). full of "sweet oil. 1 "cucumber. 100 small (pieces of) fine linen cloth. The t[ot]al of the [ob}jects of [bronjze. 1 (piece of) fine linen cloth. 30 6 (pieces of) fine linen cloth." 32 . 15 thin mantles. for the front of the body. 15 35 thin ma[ntl]es. 40 [large] (pieces of) [fine] linen cloth. of a. of ebony. and 6 / 2 half (»/)/«-cloths(?): 1 stone l>uttu-\a." of stone.er%. tabarru-red.THE AMARNA LETTERS 5 57 razo[rs.

. The total of empty stone-vessels: 160 and 3 . of stone. of stone. alsa is its name. 3 pails. fuibta is its name. ] . . [ . . of stone. [and] 1 small one just li[ke i]t. of stone. [1} kukkubu-container.].. . . . is its name. . [andx smal]l ones. EA 14 6 large stone vessels. 21 female figurines. of stone. [x] kukkubu-containers. . full of "sweet oil". . ] . 50 60 1 cripple. maziqta is its name. . . 3 kukkubu-containers. . of stone. . 1 container of oil. 2 large goblets. of stone. 55 [. . full of "sweet oil". of stone. of stone. 70 1 bowl. . of white stone. zillafeta is its name. . of stone. 3 8 ilqillatu-vesseis. kuba is its name. kuifeku is its name. ] . . 1 headrest. 45 [The t]otal of the stone vessels full of "sweet oil": [x]ooo and 7 vessels. of stone. .4 full of "sweet oil". nasfo is its name. of stone. and 2 . of stone. of stone. . . o]f stone. [ . [ . of duiu-stone. of hina-stone. and 1 sma[ll one] ju[st like it]. full of "sweet oil". sabnaku is its name. . of stone. . . 2 headrests. 65 2 agannu-bowls. . namia is its name. [x] kukkubu-containers. . ] . 1 tall kanduru-vessel. [x] em[pty] boxes. [and] 1 sm[all one] just like it. . wadha is its name. of white stone. of stone. of stone. [ . [x] onagers. 9 containers of oil. kuba-puwanah is its name. . kuihku is its name. 8 [x j]ars. is its name. 49 [. 3 5 haragabas.. along with] their stands. and X sm]all ones just like them.. of stone. of stone. vessels ." 40 [x] kukkubu-containers. 33 . . [ . with a jar in his hand. . 51 1 kukkubu-container. . . 50 [x] galdu. full of "sweet oil. full of "sweet oil". 1 sieve. is its name. [x] jugs. A lar{ge .. 3 jars. of stone. wadha is its name. of stone. . of stone.

3 4 7 (line 4: "when he (Burna-Buriyas) gave his daughter to him").. 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p p .. idem. i05fF. 19 combs. containers of oil. 1 0 1 7 . EA 2 2 iii 3 5 . \eh-l]i-pa-ak-ki. 6. of stained ivory.^ containers of oil. decorated' with apples. 3 oxen. . Here and passim. Cf. of stained ivory. . 5 3 IV [ . [.. 10 plants.s.. . . of ebony and ivory. Brief p. T h e inventory of EA 1 4 is characterized by the frequent addition of the Egyptian names of the various objects. 15 3 ibexes. 259E 5 . dates. [. Cf. For the restoration. } . 9 plants. Or n. 7 0 . of stained ivory. pp. 3 . n. of stained ivory. of stained ivory. 54 (and) kurumanu. [ . esp.. 34 . } (called) [z]a. . cf. J AOS 9 3 ( 1 9 7 3 ) pp. . . kuba is its name. sa ti-i\k-ki\ also i 1 6 . . Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) pp. sAm-mu-hu (AHw. ibid.s. delicate work. of ebony and ivory.. . { . [ . n. Lambdin. 375 containers of oil. . and [ .6 2 scattered signs and phrases) NOTES 1. of stained ivory. 44 containers of oil. 1 small container (of aromatics). 5 29 "cucumbers. (called) 2 ^ . 3 kukkubu-Q. . a kind of glass.55 of stained ivory. Helck. . for which see especially T. 362fF." containers of oil. 2 75 9 boxes.^ 3 headrests. see Oppenheim. . (called) upfa. 7 1 . ii 2 and sa tikki. of stained ivory. ( 2 0 . pomegranates. p . Beziehungen. . of stained ivory. of ebony and ivory. delicate work. 1 0 9 ) . Kiihne. } in its center. of stained ivory. sukkukat. . 7. See EA 1 3 : 9 . . . of stained ivory.. "necklace" (Edel. of e}bony. . ii 1 1 . p. and 1 ox on top. [ . 37off. S.? 2 boxes. 10 1 9 toggle pins. p.. 2 9 5 . of stained ivory. various sorts. of stained ivory. 1 5 8 6 . delicate work. 2. 3 4 2 . p . Edel. 6 13 boxes. CAD. of stained ivory.ov&vxT&v. for a barber.THE AMARNA LETTERS 117 whetstones. of stained ivory. called mahan. 6 (pairs of) animal paws. ] . n 4. see VAB 2 / 2 . 142).. . p.]. Brief.

1 9 . with AHw. 24. Klein. Cf." "for the wife/daughter of the king. 3 8 .su. According to CAD. idem. 2 5 6 b . used with an oil-container (ii 5 3 ) and by a barber (ii 5 5 . Here. H . 1« M A / « 8 ' E R E N . . 28. when the gift is "of the king's wife/ daughter". see H . goblet. CAD's "which children can pull" does not translate the text. EA 2 6 : 6 5 . 19. K . ." since everything is for the king. 12. Stager. 2 2 ) . a small (metal) bowl or ladle. not the sandal itself. semen fob. du-ti-n~]i-du (tudinetu). 1 9 9 . ARM 2 5 . see Huehnergard. iv 5. 9 2 8 b . i 6 3 . . G A L is probably to be read kasu. M / 2 . 1 9. and additional small presents for the king's wife and daughter would not be listed here. 3 4 1 . A ru-ku-bu . 10. meqitu. samnu tabu—d. Perhaps the designation of a container according to its form (Gordon). and CAD. n. "chest". ii 3 and note E in previous line. p. Following an unpublished proposal of CAD. EA 14 8. Kiihne. Durand. 8 3 b . "Sweet oil" ( I D U G . ( ( E ) ) mi-qi-ti. Or n. cf. see CAD. 1 5 9 . ARMT 2 5 . Mayer. 13. st'-ha-ru. sa sarri. hardly means "for the king. i 5 5 S 30. in Rochberg-Halton. 2 8 9 . 5 8 ( 1 9 8 9 ) p . 2 7 : i 9 f f . CAD. [ . JSS 2 8 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p. p. n. 2 7 6 . Deller. 1 9 7 a . In EA. dates. probably "madder. 2 4 5 . ii 5 0 . T 1 14. 3 1 . p. sees the nalpattu used "for fingernails. . see Robert M . 2 7 4 . E . 1 qi-U.. Ugaritic Vocabulary. ZA 7 3 ( ^ 8 3 ) pp. too. 1 6 6 . 11. p. assuming sa sehheriiti. iv 1 8 . ta-a-ba). ARMT 2 1 . cf. in recipes of the O l d Babylonian period. p. pp. 26. It is assumed that mihhus = muhhus. also ii 5 4 . N/i. 23. iv 1 0 . tatbtku. G I I D U } G . qanu. J r . For the reading and meaning elsewhere. M / 2 . MARI. ed.7 ) . . but rather the best beer plus a wide range of aromatics. 21. figs. p p . a female figurine. here and in ii 5 8 . AHw. iii 6 . 2 0 2 ) . p . W i l h e l m . 1 du-ra-h{u i-ri\a q[d]-ab-la-t[u-u]s-su. respectively. 96ff. 22. Farber. see also K . 4 2 1 . p. tP [sa E I (Gordon). 18. 7 2 4 ." 27. 6 « ' M A .. A O A T 9. see also Edel. ci. 1. cf. 17. Limet. Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar. AEM 1 / 1 .5 6 . O n the tudittu. 327fF. Language.M . 6 9 . Literature.2 2 . p. p . p. W h i t i n g . and History (see EA 1 3 . rather than "with claws" (CAD. . 1 0 7 . Veenhof. cf. N o t e .. 3 5 1 .. contained no oil.s. ii 2 6 . 35 . nalpattu. pp. ." are not relevant here. 4 . p. mesenu (sa sepi) is a buckle. quppii rather than quppu. p. ii 9. Cf. pp. cf. In line 5 3 . sussugu = sassugu. J . with G . p. 15. 5 1 8 . AHw. cf. iii 3 8 . p. p p . T h e pwt and pu-wa-ti found at U g a r i t .. . 20. . "cup. see K . and sa assat sarri and sa marti sarri in ii 1 3 — 1 4 . Brief. BiOr 2 5 ( 1 9 6 4 ) p. also EA 2 4 § 2 5 (end). iii 7 0 .. H I .. 2 5 5 f f . 1 9 8 7 ) . cf. Baghdader Mitteilungen 1 6 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . 994. perhaps Canaan is mentioned. W . 5. cf. see L .8 . [x ku-ku-bu sa K U . A S 2 2 (Chicago. 6 1 . . 1 2 7 . 16. the shift in ii 13—14 to lamassu or lamassatu. 29. sahharu. n. On Heb. instead of the text's sehheriiti sa. and other substances. n. 8 1 8 passim and note. 25." though this is not absolutely certain. cf.

p. 8 8 . 5 3 6 . no mistake in gender concord. Brief. see Waetzholdt. 36. 1 9 7 9 ) . In line 6 8 .NfG N A 4 (so CAD). A O A T S 6. and E m a r ( A r n a u d . 4 1 9 . p . Birot. see Edel. CAD. cf. with ARMT 7. w i t h VS 1 2 . For the reading and interpretation of lines n — 2 3 . von Soden. iv 1 1 ) . tup-ni-nu (also iii 4 7 . see ARMT 9. a d a 42. 1 1 6 . 1 M E 2 [ o ]Hu-un-zu. RLA 6 / 1 . 1 3 8 . n. a belt. la a. JCS 3 0 [ 1 9 7 8 ] p . 5.4 6 . p. 1 3 0 8 ) . p p . 1 1 3 9 . 2 . see CAD. 1. . p. M. see van Lerberghe. 4 AHw. such a mistake seems probable in iii 6 2 . Reading 8 S A G . Cf. 556:56'). 3 0 8 . p . and Millstones in the Ancient Near East (Leiden. p. and therefore taking rabd as a substantive. For the reading of this entry. la pa-ni SU G A R tdk-mu-uz-zi-e. A s s u m i n g . D . and in the next line. T h e reading assumes signs that Knudtzon could see but are now no longer visible. see i b i d . 3 2 5 . K . . p. t<x 43. 39. p. AHw. no. 2 5 9 . Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p. see CAD.THE AMARNA LETTERS 31. ARMT 2 1 . ZA 6 7 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p. 41. as at Boghazkoy. p. 277). A ) s[um]-m[u-h]u. Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p. J.mi' (cf. 1 5 0 ) . 46. . Here perhaps "mouth" means r "setting" (for stones. ARMT 9. p. Durand. On Trees. p. 3 1 9 . p. For ami fabi. in the final clause emends the text to sa fe-er (Durand: ser)-fu ikessiru ina libbUunu. r 45. and it is followed by Edel.a (fakattd). p .2 5 . 38. 3 0 7 .6 0 . 44. 7 5 . 7 8 3 passim. a West-Semitized form of nabru. cf. 32. also tilzu (AHw. 2 3 8 . ARMT 2 1 . M. a letter from E g y p t . iii 2 9 ) . 36 . Perhaps a vessel in the shape of a donkey. p. However. reads G A D A instead of D U . du-ul-lu q[a]-at-nu = dullu S I G (also iii 7 5 . B A B B A R K [ U . in Stol. See now gada-sa-ga-dii = ku-u-sa-ga-da = ne-be-hu (Emar 6/4.-M. 2 3 a . Borger. iv 1). B A B B A R N ) A ^ . 34. 1 na-[m]a-a{rpa-ni sa] K U . 1 0 6 . a type of vessel? Cf. Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 (1974) pp. 5 {^&tu]-un-zu. Edel. p . characteristic of Egyptian art. i 7 4 . U g a r i t (Ugar. for example). and in the following line. 1 3 7 5 . Moun­ tains. 418. sees here a colored decoration called la pan muse but offers no explanation of the inserted KUS. R . 1 3 9 . if with VS 1 2 rather than 1 4 (Knudtzon). 8 7 4 b ) . 5 . 176b.2 . 124-25.7 6 . see Edel. see Sally D u n h a m . p . ZA 7 5 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . T h e identification of 5 8 ' T A S K A R I N as boxwood is still not universally accepted. Emar6/4. G ] I . . suggested an undergarment. M / 2 . O n the identification of uM at this period as Ethiopian ebony. 1 na-{ma]-a[rpa-ni sa K U . 3 1 6 . 40. Reading with Edel. cf. 1 2 5 (cf. 2 4 6 . p . see Ugar. n. 4 with Gordon. 33. 2 9 5 . ii 7 5 . n. H e justifies the correction of D A to D U on the mistaken assumption that EA 1 4 comes from Mittani. malbalu for nalbafu in E A 3 6 9 : 9 . which he understands in the sense that the handles are attached by a strip of cloth. 35. 1 2 8 . K A x U = pte (also iii 3 ) . 341T. 7 7 . 37. Durand. O n the tunzu. N]A . mabru. Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 (1974) pp. D U . 5 Gk*-x]-x-D#. for the motif. Green. { H I . AHw. Akkadische Zeichenliste.

A O A T 2 5 . Brief. vol. Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 21 (1926) p. T h e writing of za-a here and in iv 8. and M . n. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions." on which see A . Sjoberg. A O A T 8 . pis. see D . 2 51. p.2.RiG = multulmulfu.. 3 6 8 . 57. 1. is noteworthy and unexplained. in Rochberg-Halton. 1 (Wiesbaden. 1988).. 50. n. "comb". 4 2 . 27f. with reference to earlier literature. CAD. 4 8 4 b ) . n. 9 4 . Grayson. T R A N S L A T I O N : A. a small vessel. Spar. i 6 2 . The Scepter of Egypt. pp. sees in the "cripple" the bowlegged god Bes. 52. I49f. see Rainey. 4 0 9 a .. see Rainey. and History (see above. 1 (obverse). 1959). Literature. I. according to E d e l „ Brief. p p . Hayes. A l l the uses of S I G as predicated of fabrics in EA 1 4 should be added to CAD. p. 8 8 . Brief. p. Q . p. Moran. pp. "apple (tree). 1 5 6 . 114. K . Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art: Tablets. p. EA 15 Assyria joins the international scene TEXT: Metropolitan Museum of Art 24. n. cf. 1 (New York. p. fig..4 3 . 1 7 4 . p. ] kd-an-du-ri-su-nu (cf. iv 6 2 . p. 2 (Cambridge. 49. 1 7 4 . «' GA. 3 2 .s. Mass. 47f. T h i s seems very plausible. p. a type of container.11.C. 3 6 8 . [ . < « ' > H A § H U R (Gordon) = halhuru. . on the reading sabnakii. besides L a m b d i n . see C i v i l . J 45. iii 6 4 ) . [x "^k]i-ir-re-tu (AHw. 5 54. 1 2 8 . 1 7 6 : 1 3 . Cuneiform Texts (see above). ed. . 1972). Miscellanea Babylonica (see Introduction. e d . Or n. 56. too. . Cones. JCS 4 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p. "(of) fine (threads)". note. Bar-llan Departmental Researches: Bar-llan Studies in History (1978). See above. 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p . his representa­ tion serving to ward off various evils. see Edel. 37 . 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p. K . Language. 4 0 ) . p. «• 3 - 5 55. 9 5 . EA 15 47. 112-13. and Bricks of the Third and Second Millennia B. according to L a m b d i n . miUu: gloss to Vil 48. see Edel. 1 1 ) .. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N S A N D T R A N S L A T I O N S : Artzi. ed. It was. p. That is. 1. subatu S I G . 296. since he was extremely popular at this time. Emar 6 / 3 . 182 (obverse). Beyer. 53. On the Egyptian term. Or n. A s s u m i n g du-Ia-hu is an error for du-ra-hu. Spar. Bulletin de I'lnstitut frangais d'archeologie orientate du Caire 2 (1902) p. 2 A O A T 8 . C i v i l . fig. On luibta. so much smaller than the other signs. n. C. 170. W. pp. P H O T O G R A P H S : Bull. 1 2 8 . in I.s. on the Sumerogram. COPIES: Scheil.

If interpreted correctly. EA 1 6 : 3 . Bottero. n. See A . He should see what you are like and what your country is like. p p . 2 ) . king of Egypt. On the alleged connection between this bead and one found in E g y p t bearing a cuneiform inscription. Einleitung (see n. [l]a tu^-ka-as-su: following CAD. 5 3 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p.THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 2 Say to the king of Efgypt}: Thus Assur-ubal[Iit. Great King].1 5 I send my messenger to you to visit you 4 6 and to visit your country.s. For you. Sachs. your household. n. 2 9 8 . 1 5 . 2. u^-ma: following Knudtzon and Artzi (see n. 2 6 . 38 .' my predecessors have not 7 written. see A r t z i . " [ . . RA 4 3 ( 1 9 4 9 ) pp. . Perhaps m[i-is-sa-ri]. i4f. 3 7 1 . Great King.?> for your chariots and your troops. cf. pp. adi annisa: see Or n. EA 1 6 : 5 . see Borger. p. and then leave for here. 3 2 . the unusual word-order probably lays stress on the fact of sending a messenger. king of [Assy]ria. 7 . cf. 8. 2 9 5 b . your household and your country may all go well. 2off." see R . [1} send you a beautiful chariot. 3 ) . p . [ K U ) R most likely (so A t t z i .2 2 Do [no}t delay the messenger whom I send to you for a visit. p . AfO 1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 . . p. 4. EA 1 6 : 2 . and J . the king of As]syria. unless the spelling is tied to the language (Hurro-Akkadian). today I write to you. Bar-llan Studies [see EA 1 5 headnote]). 9. ah-ha-ii-ia: following von Soden. Sfay] to . for your {couri\try. This reading is confirmed by Spar's copy (Cuneiform Texts [see headnote above)). as your greeting-gift. . NOTES 1. 4 3 3 . 2 horses. with Artzi and Grayson. 1 9 6 1 ) . cf.3 9 ) p. 1 (Leiden. C O P Y : WA 9- TRANSLATION: Grayson. Einleitung in die assyrischen Konigsinschriften. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (see EA 1 5 headnote). may all go well. 1. my brother: Thus Assur-uballit. since there is no basis in this letter for assuming the possibility of the peripheral writing of anumma. 8 [and] 1 date-stone of genuine lapis lazuli. . 1. Up to now. 6. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions. 5 . K . EA 16 The profit motive TEXT: C 4746 (12209). 48f. on the emergence of the title "king of Assyria. On beads in the shape of (unripe) dates. 9 1 6 . For the restotation. He should visit and then leave for here. Borger. your brother. 5 For you. 3. 7 .

[I] 15 detfain]ed them until I could write and the pursuing Suteans be taken for me. T h e reading of the name is uncertain. . do they keep [my] messengers alive} They are made to die in the sun! NOTES m 1 . n. Write me so what you need may be fetched. Instead of n[a-a]p-hu-lr}i-i-x mr (Knudtzon. 9-12 I send as your greeting-gift a beautiful royal chariot outffitt]ed for me. .2 5 fW]hen the king of Hanigalbat *[wr}ote to your father in 10 Egy[pt]. concrete expressions of. ' replacing y as glide. seems comparable. send me much gold. . and generally accepted). Certainly 2 your messengers shall reside with me as objects of grefat soli]citude. 1 9 . and 2 white horses? also [out]ntted for me. my ancestor.2 1 When Assur-nadin-aljhe. tfk'-ni-e is virtually certain. Reference is to the care and honors shown messengers (see EA 1. 35—36 We are countries far apart. one simply gathers it u p .-bu-ri-i-[tu'-[x-x. If Gordon's reading of the beginning of the name is correct. I was very happy. 20 9 talents of gold were sent to him. then let him (a messenger) stay out and let him die right there 16 in the sun. Why are you so sparing of 8 it?? I am engaged in building a new palace. 3 2 . 2 2 . 1 chariot 4 not outfitted. (but) for the king himself there must be a profit. Gordon read hu-[r]uJ[t]a. - 4 3 5 5 Why should messengers be made to stay constantly out in the sun and so die in the sun? If staying out in the sun means profit for the king. the praenomen of A y a . Suteans had been their pursuers (and) they were in mortal danger. Surely my messengers are not to be delayed in reaching me. 13-18 Is such a present that of a Great King?' Gold in your 6 country is dirt. the happi- 39 .3 1 [Now]' 1 am the [equal] of the king of Hani{galba]t. Are our messengers to be always 14 on the march with (only) such results? 37-42 As to your messengers having been delayed in reaching you. EA 16 6 . and implied by. 1 12 2 6 . I thought the last sign might be 'a. Or otherfwijse. [h]e sent 20 talents of gold to him.3 4 If your purpose is graciously one of friendship. then only hpr-hprw-r'. but 1 you sent me [ . And this is your house. why should they [d]ie in the sun? As to the messengers we 11 18 have exchanged} . and 1 seal of genuine lapis lazuli. and it is not enough ffjor the pay ^ of my messengers on the journey to and back.8 When I saw your [me]ssfen]gers. . 2 5 ) . wrote to Egypt. ] of gold. 2. Send me as much gold as is needed for its adornment.

10. Also pos­ sible: "The ones who delayed . 1 0 0 6 . were the Suteans" (so generally). 1 9 9 1 ) . 3 6 . p. 13. p. 3 8 7 ) . 7 . rev. p. 1 4 3 ) .7). ekalla esleta (Knudtzon). StOr 2 0 . Reference here could be to the bride-price of either TuSratta's sister or daughter. mitu. p p . note the feminine suffixes of uhhuzt-Ja and hilehti-Ia in the following lines (Huehnergard). Horace. and the concluding section. "pursuer"? (so generally) or "guide"? (so Kupper. 4 3 4 ) . 1 0 0 ) . 1 9 6 5 ) . concluding with another rhetorical question (kanna . to external expression. Bar-Ilan Studies in History. 8. T h e language of lines 37ff. L i t .3 6 . Aeneid xii 8 4 . as to its subject (Suteans? so generally. not ella (von Soden. and 9 8 ) . a k-td -la-ifu-nu: following von Soden. p . A r o . 4 3 4 . but cf. n. they were proverbial for their speed (Iliad x 4 3 7 . C . 3 . EA 1 4 ii 3 4 ( 1 2 0 0 minas = 2 0 talents). 8 5 7 a (add ARM 1 0 . "I myself. there is probably reference to bride-price gifts (Kiihne. or a virtual syn­ onym. M / i . AHw. ( N e w York. 4 2 3 b ) and meaning (literal? so generally. 1 9 6 1 ) . p . O n the sentence as question. Lines 3 7 — 4 2 take up the risks of the journey between Assyria and E g y p t . said of people in mortal danger. M / i . . 4 3 4 ) . 7 7 f . p . 4 3 4 . if the number is at all accurate. 3 8 7 ) . n. 1 9 5 7 ] . . 3 8 9 ) . whether the one who ruled before 1 4 3 0 B . Satires i 7. 9. C . Asinaria 2 7 9 . I take la in the sense of "as to" (Middle Babylonian. p. uhhuru. 1 1 1 8 . p. ARM 1 4 . . see von Soden. r . BiOr 9 ( 1 9 5 2 ) p p . In the classical world. p. 12. see Weidner. 4 3 4 . 4 7 a ) . W h i t e horses were highly prized. cf. see C . See also G a r y A . kammd). either intransitive or indefinite third plural subject (cf. . . Fordyce. Plautus. If the dead or 40 . O l d Assyrian? cf. 4 2 3 b ) . and AHw. A Time to Dance: The Expression of Grief and Joy in Israelite Religion (University Park. or the one who ruled 1 4 0 0 . 9 b ) . "why must it linger on in your sight (f«?)/presence (pant)" (AHw. 5 . p p . T h e topic of the size of the gifts. S. p. Moses Finley." is preferable. 1 4 7 . AfO 1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 . M / 2 .5 5 . (so A r t z i . Anderson.1 3 9 1 ( 1 3 9 0 . 1 3 2 . lines 4 3 . p. Catullus (Oxford. 11. I I . i46f. Twenty talents is such a large sum and so much greater than the value of the gifts usually exchanged that. [me-eh-re]-ku (Friedrich in Kiihne. 6. (so Kiihne. Reference is to the gifts brought by the Egyptian messengers of lines 6ff. 1 9 7 8 . 1 " S K l S l B Z A . p. . . cf. Egyptian messengers? so CAD. A Time to Mourn. radii. G l N KUR-e.1 3 8 1 ) B . J o y moves. See von Soden. combines the two: size of gifts (profit) and risks. CAD. 3 . introduced by a rhetorical question. n. see EA ijff. i-is-si-pu-us (esepu): following von Soden.. is ambiguous and open to several interpreta­ tions: mttu (line 3 9 ) . .. 233- 4.THE AMARNA LETTERS ness just mentioned. 7 7 f . Opinion is divided on the identification of the Assyrian king. 3 7 i f . p. p . CAD. p . p. 4 0 . [a-nu-ma]: possible in this dialect. Les nomades en MSsopotamie au temps des rois de Mart [Paris. ed. almost necessarily. i 5 7 f f . 7 8 . [sa-ni-na}-£# (von Soden. 1 4 . The World of Odysseus. ibid.3 9 ) p p . thus making maru liprtka uhhirunikku and maru UprTya uhharuni parallel constructions. but perhaps [a-na-ku]. CAD. occupies lines 1 3 . J . Sachs. p. and others). the reading is virtually certain. 1 5 . P a .

p . Akhenaten. "sun. p . for your magnates.i i i had done an unseemly thing to my country and had slain his lord. C O P Y : BB 9. "foreign country" (Knudtzon. Suppiluliuma. 122-25. 1 5 2 . the Heretic King (Princeton. 4 3 4 ) . my brother's . $ .'-/{/-tap-pa-ru]. and you in turn loved my father. 2 . 1 protagonisti della storia universale. 2 3 5 . for your chariots. all the land of Hatti. fasc. for your sons. thus worshipping his father.3 5 [The ver]y next year^ moreover. for your warriors. Edzard.2 0 When I sat on the throne of my father.a is probable. 1 1 3 ) . I was young. cf. subject. EA 17 those in mortal danger are the Egyptians rather than the Suteans. the k[ing of Egypt}. Sa[y] to Nibmuareya. 17. pi. 8 3 . Donald B . n. [And w}ho 4 els[e] stood with my father [a}s you did? 6 3 0 . ». # ' . I. for your horses. . have been given many interpretations. the king of [M]ittani. may all go very well. Ikhnaton: Legend and History. ) . and in your country. and everyone belonging to them. 1966). p . p. Beziehungen . 260. mainly because of 2 setu or situ: "pestilence" (VAB 2 / 2 . we would have a clearer connection with lines 43fF. pp. 3 2 1 .[ l } a . fatigue" (Kiihne. for your wives.3 . open air" (CAD. For your household. figs. TRANSLITERATION A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. For this reason he would not permit me friendship with anyone who 2 loved m e .. my brother. or perhaps the present tense (-ta-na-ap-). When the enemy advanced against [my] country. 1 9 8 4 ) . indefinite third plural. your brother. For Kelu-Heba may all go well./ £ . my father [g]ave you my sister. p. X I (obverse). p. in turn. Giles. von Soden. AHw. was not remiss about the unseemly things that had been done in my land. EA 7 : 5 3 1 ! . 16. 1 0 9 5 b ) . "depri­ vation. especially the heat and other dangers of the desert (cf. In keeping with this love. 1 8 3 ) . 41 . 1 1 1 . and U D . p. My father loved you. 66 (Milan. I have accordingly written and told you so my brother might hear of these things and rejoice. For me all goes well. H e l c k . p. 1 5 8 7 . 4 1 8 . For you may all go well. p. T h e Assyrian king probably refers to the long journeys mentioned in lines 351T. Lines 43ft". . PHOTOGRAPHS: Kitchen. Redford. AS 1 6 . r 18.2 9 Since you were friendly with my father. Tessup. sees here a reference to Amenophis IV's holding audiences in the sun. my brother: Thus Tuise- ratta. and I slew the slayers of Arta[s]umara.b a r . EA 17 A Mittani bid for a renewed alliance TEXT: BM 29792.

and Tunip-ibri. 42 . and I hear the greeting of my brother and rejoice. 7.. p. 2 2 ) . NOTES 1 . and Lehmann. and cf. 1 2 9 : 5 . p ." 4 6 . Dietrich and O . XI): "Now. Adler. mashu is a Kassite loanword. O n suharu and suhartu. 5 1 .3 8 I herewith send you 1 chariot. is young (seher). May my brother let them go promptly so they can report back to me promptly. sect. 1 9 . p.4 0 As the greeting-gift of my brother. Alalakh.4 5 And as the greeting-gift of Kelu-Heba. see Ugar. 1 9 7 2 ) . he knows nothing (mimma la tde). 1 3 5 . note g ) is excluded. and History (see EA 1 3 . However. and may my brother send his messengers to me that they may bring my brother's greetings to me and I hear them. your lord. see Farber. Literature. pi. gave him into my hand. 65£f. 2 horses. ed. in Rochberg-Halton. 9. Klasse. see Kiihne. and I defeated him. {nu-kur]-//-fl&? (Adler) is not supported by the traces. see M . A t the end of the previous line. 53fF. 8. On "love.5 0 1 herewith send Keliya. in D . 1 3 3 . n." here a represen­ tation of a god. 3 .48iff. 4 . my chief minister. A . 3 . p p . Qatna) argues against such a derivation. 7 . 97-98. 1 gold mashu-t'mgv and a scent container that is full of "sweet oil. my sister. T h e exact implications of "set" (pair?) are not clear. R S 3 4 . 1 set of gold (ear)rings." and so the correspondent writes to an official instead. the restriction of the term to a Hurrian milieu (Mittani. Loretz. Language. n. Edzard. Gesellschaftsklassen im Alten Zweistromland und in den angrenzenden Gebieten.5 4 May my brother seek friendship with me. p p . 1 7 female attendant. 1 8 . p . 7 8 . 5 9 . from the booty from the land of Hatti. despite VAB 2 / 1 . n. following Kiihne. 4 . n. There was [n]ot one of them who return[ed] to his own country. 3 9 . 5 teams of horses. O n this letter. 1 6.. UF 1 0 ( 1 9 7 8 ) pp." see the Introduction. sa-n[u-ti] (Knudtzon) is certain (against Adler). 5 . I send her 8 I set of gold toggle-pins. Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. 3 6 ." but the verb "to kill" argues for primary reference to persons (families and households of the traitors). N F 7 5 (Munich.. 4 1 . I send you 5 chariots. Finet.THE AMARNA LETTERS my lord. T h e exact implications of "young"—legally a minor or something less precise?—are not clear.7 (Ugar. 5. According to Adler. Literally. O . ed. {la k]i-i ka-a-sa. UF I I ( 1 9 7 9 ) PP. 2. n. "god. 3 1 Id-i" ( B B 9.-hist. T I . balaf)-ma. Phil. "everything belonging to them. 1 male attendant. (i-n]a T I (for M U . there by you the king. 8 4 .

Asaro. very well. Great King. whether they belong to the Mittani archive.." I caused 43 .4 you have made it ten times greater than the love shown my father. cf. Say to Nimmureya. and whom I lovfe]: Message of Tusratta. who loves me. for the rest of your wives. For your household. your brother. You yourself went even further and showed very great love to my father. Dec. the king of Mittani. in keeping with our constant and mutual love. 126-27. the king of Egypt. pp. and may Tessup. Now. for your sons. for 2 your chariots. A Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities (London. 3 7 5 f f . this mutual love of ours. cf. for my sister. "Send your daughter here to be my wife and the mistress of Egypt. and H . [my] brother. just as it is now. P H O T O G R A P H S : E. T h e two fragments may not belong to the same letter (Michel A r t z i . 4 6 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p p . Or n. EA 18 EA 18 A lost message T E X T : VAT 1880 ( + ) VAT 1879- COPIES: VS 11. May the gods grant it. F. NOTE i. Dobel. 8 (cf. (1908). pi. King. 1 7 . 1 9 7 5 . note b). for your country. for your horses. private communication. my 1 son-in-law. p. and for whatever else belongs to you. 1 0 . For you may all go well. in 2d ed. EA 19 Love and gold TEXT: BM 29791. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. pi. and Aman make flouriishp for evermore. X X V I .I t ' questionable. Michel. my lord. Budge and L. 128-35. who loves you. his messenger. Great King. [your] father-in-law. for your warriors. 2 s and AfO 2 5 [ 1 9 7 4 .7 7 ] P.s. C O P Y : BB 8. VAB 2 / 1 . X X X I X (obverse). pp.2 4 When my brother sent Mane. 9 . V. saying. may all go very. therefore. A .. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Adler. they always showed 3 love to my ancestors. For me all goes well. 1 3 4 . and neither fragment has the same clay as the other Mittani letters (letter of Allan Dobel.1 6 As far back as the time of your ancestors.5 9 ) . 1 Too fragmentary for translation. WA 217 [ + ] 230 = 226). however. 1900).

and between us let there be friendship. I say. I will l\ea~\d her? in safety to my brother's country. he praised her greatly.3 8 I also asked my brother for much gold. I said. it has been worked. and when I heard (them). May Sauska and Aman make her the image of my 8 brother's desire. "Let us love (each other) very. I am happy about it. and may my brother show me much more love than he did to my father." And thus did I also say: "The gold that my brother sends me may he send for the bride-price as 1 well. and whatever it was my 6 brother sent. I hereby ask for gold from my brother.5 8 I now hereby write to my brother. 3 0 . * I am going to make the paraphernalia. very much. for the mausoleum." 3 9 . gold is as plentiful as dirt." 4 3 .4 8 May my brother send me much more than he did to my father. But though it has been worked." Now. they were very pleasing. and I rejoiced very. very much. 5 9 . May the gods grant that."' 5 4 .2 9 Keliya. "May my brother grant me more than he did to my father and send it to me. my messenger. When he saw her." 3 4 . "In accordance with a favorable an- 1 swer. I rejoiced over it much. just as now gold is plentiful in my 44 . and the other. You 10 sent my father much gold. with such words let us love (each other) forevermore. "May my brother treat me [ten times] better than he did 12 my father. In my brother's country. saying. for the bride-price." I also said to my brother. Still. "May my brother treat me ten times better than he did my father. and may my brother send me much more gold than he did to my father. You sent him large gold jars and gold j u g s . "It may be little or not. and the gold that I ask for from my brother is meant for a double purpose: one. saying. brou[ght] my brother's words to me. "Certainly there is this between us: we love each other." ^ I also said.7 0 May my brother send me in very great quantities gold that has not been worked.5 3 Now my brother has sent the gold. and he saw her.THE AMARNA LETTERS 6 my brother no distress and immediately I said. "Of course!" The one whom my brother requested I showed to Mane. You se[nt him] gold bricks as if they were (just) the equivalent of 11 copper. and may he send much gold that has not been worked." ' 4 9 . saying. not a little but much. Thus did I say to my brother: "I am going to build a mausoleum 1 for my grandfather. 9 2 5 .3 3 When I wrote to my brother.4 2 When I sent Keliya to my brother. I asked for [much] gold.

n. O n the particle -maku (annt-maku). p. and 21 40 pieces of gold shaped like arzallu-stones. its centerpiece being of genuine hulalu-stone set in gold. 45 . li-ne-ep-pf-[su]: against the reading li-ne-eb-bi-[u] (Knudtzon. 1 0 teams of horses. 50a)? 3. see A . so may we love (each other) forevermore. cf. 2 4 . all Babylonia). in the Amarna letters ahamis is never used independently (except EA 2 9 : 4 8 ? ) . to my brother. on an earlier occasion" (Adler). May my brother send me in very large quantities gold that has not been worked. my lord. Forevermore may I constantly hear the greeting of my brother. 80—85 I herewith send as my brother's greeting-gift: 1 gold gob­ 9 let. 2 9 . I follow Kiihne. a line closely parallel to 1 9 : 1 2 ) ." seems plausible. Keliya. hardly "previously. and may my brother not cause me distress. 42 genuine hulalu-stones. and may they be. 1 6 2 . which ill accords with the context. May he let him go promptly so that he may be on his way and I hear my brother's greeting and rejoice exceed­ ingly. followed by Adler) are the implicit assumption of an uncontracted form (an Assyrianism? cf. O n lines 9 . 6. with a counterweight. 3 NOTES 1 . inapandtim-ma. 5 2 . and 9.1 0 ." but "to lament. in.1 3 . let him write and take (it). EA 2 0 : 6 ) : logogram for huradu {CAD. Poebel. "to broaden. "message. 7. and may my brother not detain him. "among the very first things". AS 9.' just as they are now. 8 . EA 2 5 ii 4 1 ) and the meaning of nubbu. as long as 8 they exist. pp. E g y p t . 4 . On umma. G A L ( . E R I N . n. 1 0 wooden- 22 chariots along with everything belonging to them. and 30 women 2 (and) men. except perhaps at Emar. exactly as now. Just as we love (each other) now. I will give ten times more than what my brother asks for. with a counterweight. May Tessup. with inlays of genuine lapis lazuli in its handle. 20 pieces of genuine lapis lazuli. here and elsewhere in EA." nuppusu. itti (EA 6. M E § . lit. p.3 0 . which. inanna atta ki it-ti-{(ia)) a-ha-mel nirtana' 'amu: if the suffix is retained. and 1 9 20 pieces of gold. S. but only with a preposition: ana (EA 4 . 5. its centerpiece being of genuine lapis lazuli set in gold. Babylonia." see Introduction. expand. and this house is my brother's house.' 1 maninnu- necklace. This country is my brother's country. he make it even ten times more plentiful than now. 71—79 I herewith send my messenger. What­ ever my brother needs for his house. 1 9 : 2 8 . and Aman grant that these words that we shall be constantly writing achieve their purpose. May the gold that I ask for not become a source of distress to my brother. EA 19 17 brother's country. 2. besides. does not mean "to proclaim. EA 2 9 : 2 2 . 1 maninnu-neckiace. the syntax is extremely difficult.

n. A / 2 . n. T h e traces are extremely faint. p p . 4 1 0 b . "also. 1 6 . la hpra la epsu does not mean "that cannot be counted" (Knudtzon." Perhaps ma-su-u. followed by Zaccagnini. m . that seems pertinent here. 8 5 . masu with the accusative (number of times). iof. "reach. a typically female adornment. AoF 2 [ 1 9 7 5 } pp. Against simply it-ta-s[e] (Adler) is the probable trace of a vertical (see VAB 2 / 1 . 4 5 . 2i6f. 2 4 2 . 1 2 4 6 . 1 1 4 . 1 1 . [r]u (Gordon). for the equivalence. p.I N A N N A : following AHw. who thinks that the entire passage is ironic. arzallu as a piece of jewelry in N e o - Babylonian times. ktma la er$ ma-su-u: cf. . 1 1 1 . see Durand. 1 4 8 . Following Kiihne. p p . ar- zallu. 2 4 . K .5 3 . p. In HSS 1 6 . 1 0 0 1 . 1 7 ." See also the discussion of S A L . one expects a plural referring to "the gods" (Adler). esp. T h e subject in the singular is surprising and probably an error. and Pintore.^ / . p . 1 5 . p. see Diakonoff and Jankowska. Adler. In Emar 6/3. see AHw. 1 1 5 . 2 3 ." see EA 2 2 i 3 3 . 1 8 . 3 4 ) . "as if they were (only) refined copper" (CAD. du ( B B ) ." a usage. 1 0 . 2 4 . as if from mussuru. O n this passage. 1 1 7 ) . j « . see also CAD. s^KIRIg is a play-writing for kirret (CAD. 4 ) . as noted by W i l h e l m . For slightly different versions of lines 4 9 . 2 1 7 : 8 and 2 5 6 : 8 . "when ones of copper would have sufficed" (Adler) seems much too free. p. cf. 1 9 8 0 ) . would be an unparalleled form. Matrimonio. 1 1 . 2 0 . See EA 3 . Kiihne. A pin or the like (kirissu). is-lim). EA 1 9 : 5 8 . 8. the part lying lowest on the breast. 2 5 . 1 7 . no. I follow Gordon. n. Cf. HSS 1 3 . M E S means "women (and) men. p. does not refer to cremation. that earlier. p. 9a. N I T A . adi sunu-ma (independent pronoun). 2 (Wiesbaden. 4 3 ) . "for working" (Limet. EA 2 0 : 2 f f . 5 5 . 7 3 . n. ARMT 2 1 . 1 3 0 . cf. p. n. "to do a second time" (Pintore. 5 1 2 ) . p. Perhaps the common denominator was "subordinate members of a household. O n sakru.THE AMARNA LETTERS 7 . at Mari. 46 . p. no. and Adler. lu-u-x-Ii: x = [b]a (Knudtzon. 2 6 . p. NABU. ZA 5 3 ( 1 9 6 1 ) p p . 1 2 . p . 3 2 4 . 1 4 . (However. 2 2 . p p . does not seem a likely gift for a king (against AHw. 2 0 . 4 8 4 ) ." see Kiihne. S . see Kiihne. O n karalku. ) . Adler). Cf. is (Adler. see also von Schuler. p. 1 3 . 1 4 8 . 2 5 . Das Archiv des Silwa-TeHup.). i9of. which also argues against it-ta-b[a]l. U § ( N I T A ) in CAD. Winckler. d 2 1 . come to. Lo scambio dei doni nel Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV—XIII (Rome. N o t e . n. p. metals are given ana siprim. ana terhatim-ma: -ma. 3 0 ) . p. S A L . p. 1 9 . M / 2 . O n qablu in a necklace referring to the centerpiece. n. n. K B 5. p. female and male. when apparently it was also made of gold. 1 0 5 4 . i 3 i f . 1 9 7 3 ) . "handle.5 9. n. i 2 4 5 f . 1 9 8 9 . likewise". "mausoleum. the logogram refers to children. MARI 4 . too. Against taking a-as-ni as if from lanu. it-ta-s[e-m]a: it-ta-s[a]r (Knudtzon). and Kiihne. p .. is the restric­ tion in the Mittani letters of initial V-VC writings to verbs primae aleph and primae w a w (Adler. 1 6 5 . see Durand.» J ) . p. 1 0 : 7 5 . Matrimonio.

my mistress. the king of [Egypt]. COPIES: WA 22. I rejoiced on that day as if I had seen my brother in person. I made that day and night a [fes]tive occasion. my messenger. 3 3 . . . your brother. your father-in-law. [he will no]te this: she has become very mature. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Adler. VS 11. for [your] wives. for your [s]ons. 23—27 Within six months.2 2 For this reason. 2 came to take my brother's wife to become the mistress of Egypt. [Fo]r me all goes well. For you [may a]ll go well. 136-43. I will send Keliya.3 2 They will bring [hi]s [wife] to my brother. my brother's messenger. and whe[n they 8 show her to] my brother. 1 read and reread the tablet that he brought to me. I will delifver] my brother's wife and they will bring her to my brother. 9. On t[hat] day 3 shall Hanigalbat and Egypt be [owe]- 4 1 8 . [whom I l]ove and who love[s me: Thus T]usratta. 2 8 . del[iver] my brother's wife. the king of Mitt[ani]. the mi[stress of all lands and of m]y [brother]. She] has been fashioned according to my brother's desire. May Sauska. EA 20 EA 20 Humiliation and wounded feelings TEXT: VAT 191 (not collated). my son-in- law. . w]hom my brother [sent] to 47 . 8-13 In view of friendly relations. But now I will do the work. very well. for your 1 horses. I will now. and I did not do the work.3 8 / herewith [send] Haaramass[i. 14-17 I will carry out my brother's eve[ry] word [t]hat Mane brought to me. may all go very. Mane. . [ . for your magnates. and Mane my brother's mes[senger]. my brother [will note th]at [the greeting-gi]ft that I shall present [is greater] than any before. and they will bring her to my brother. [I was going to se]nd Keliya and Mane promptly. Ma[n]e {has been detainedhe]re a while. the mistress of Egypt. [fpr] your [ch]ariots. and I listened to its words.! and Aman. t[hi]s year. but I had not finished. make her the ima[ge] of [my brother's desire]. Very pleasing indeed were the words of my brother. and . They should be of delicate workmanships It [th]us (came) to letting the w[or]k 6 go. For your household. the god of my brother. Say [to Nim]mureya. for your warriors. [who l]oves you. And. [f]or your country and whatever else belongs to you. furthermore]. my brother. in order to d[o] ten times (more) for my brother's wife. pp.

.' 7 1 .. May he forgive mel * Never again may Tessup. "I cannot say [be]fore you. He will tell my brother. the king of Egypt. [the . and my brother shall do what I want. ] and its base of hiliba-stone set in gold. I have entrusted him with a tablet. permit me to complain against my brother. ] . my lord. .." I said. Just as men love the Sun. (But) if there be someone whom 12 he loves. They were sealed. Mane will indeed arrive. [What]ever is needed is in Egypt more plentiful than dirt. [and] all my brother's [tr]oo[ps] who accompanied Mane.4 5 • •• 4 6 . . loves me very. . [ . and I have treated them with great distinction. did I not tre[at] his troops well? { . . and my brother should [in]quire carefully from him whether I showed him very great honors. gold is more plentiful] than dirt. . my brother." They said.a]ll of them. . [ .'" 60-63 My brother will consider whether I was somewhat dis­ 1 tressed or not. and he is not ill. Truly. very much. ] . Be­ 10 11 sides. and they wept very much. [My] brother. . that is meant for the hand [. . then he would not giv[e] such things to him. "Are all of these gold? They do not lo[ok (like gold)]. saying. that my brother greatly glorify me before my country and before my 16 foreign guests.] . 5 he is just the same.. ] . 'My [brother]. . and my brother will hear from all of them whether I treated them just as was required. that] holds in its hand [ . Mane is not dying. [and] anyone can give 1 anyone J (else) so many things [that] they are beyond calculation. . . my brother loves you very much. so may we as now—may the gods grant us!—forever maintain love [in] our [heartjs. but the gold [ . . 6 4 . Forever will I do what my brother wants. I herewith] send [Haara]massi to my brother . and may my brother treat me even better than he did my father. . They were full of [. 80-84 [I herewit]h send to my brother as my brother's greeting- 17 gift 1 rope-lock. } 3 9 . [the gold that he sent] has now been cu[t o]pe[n^> .7 9 May my brother send me much gold that has not been worked. [ .. . my brother's messenger. Thus have I spoken to my brother that my brother might know. May Tessup and Aman grant that my brother show his love for me. [May my brother read and] reread my} re{port] and hear its words.5 9 [And with regard to the gold] that my brother sent [ .THE AMARNA LETTERS {me}. I gathered together all my [foreign-gu]ests. before all of them. ] . . 48 . of which is o f . . . ] . .. "In Egypt. . as I am used to sa[ying]. ] with beads of genuine hulalu-stone set in gold. .7 0 1 have honored Mane. ..

. 9. my lord" (belt. 1 1 . p. . n. also Ugar. n. p. 1 2 0 . 1 2 7 ) u la aq-ti lu qat-nu: Knudtzon translated as if the text read akalla-sunu. is-sal-[tu] (Kiihne. 1 2 9 . rather than "he is/will be falling ill. see Kiihne. 1 9 1 6 ." 13. This translation. ii-bar- ra-ha-an-ni. 2. despite VAB 2 / 1 . p. A mistake for "your brother"? 11. 16. 4. p. EA 1 9 : 1 5 . K U R u] 2 6 { § E S > i a : cf. Cf. r 5. Tusratta's daughter was not going to replace Teye (cf. use of mannu at N u z i as indefinite pronoun ( W i l h e l m . "mistress of mistresses" ( U n g n a d . 9 1 8 (hesitantly). and on the writing of the latter form see Adler. 2 9 . EA 20 NOTES 1 . n. see Adler and Kiihne. In line 8. p. 4 7 [u-ba- nx-f\u -ia A (cf. OLZ. p. p. cf. Knudtzon's [. [1-en a-mi]-lu-#-t[u].]-a." seems required by context. See also the different interpretations by Adler and Kiihne of the entire passage.( > . Other interpretations: belti be-l[e-ti]. On ubaru. n. n. See EA 19:7. . on pronominal suffixes). the mistress of my land" (Adler. "one man(hood).. a-na [e-pe-es]. EA 2 3 : 1 3 . For other interpretations. [i-im-ma-ar] ( 3 1 ) . 1 2 8 ." following Adler. 20:61). 15." see Kiihne. . [ra-bi] ( 3 2 ) . . §E[§-/'« K U . 3 0 . 1 8 3 ." but as subject and in the nominative case Hi. Kiihne emends to ak-ta'-lu-su- nu. "anyone"? 12. lines 2off. . is probably a mistake for ti-sa-al-ra-ha-an-ni (CAD. 2 8 . Fin- 49 . "to forgive"). Kiihne restores [ D I N G I R .. cf. lines 7 3 f f . 1 2 6 ) . T h e verb. . 14. if correct. col. A O A T 9. but the apparent subjunctive remains unexplained. also "Tessup. G I ] 4 8 [sa u-se-bi-lu] . Schroeder. a-na ds-su: a mistake for ana sa-su? Adler: ana A S (hisehti)-su. 1 3 9 9 a ) . following Adler. 2 9 . 5 . n. ) . lu-ilpa-as-ra (napsuru. In line 2 6 . but neither "I did not trust them" nor "I did not trust (her) to them" (Adler) seems likely in context. EA 2 3 : 3 1 . . adverbial ubdn (see AHw. 3 2 . OLZ. and belt! be-e[l-tu sa} 2 6 [ K U R . and Adler. it-ta-[d]l-ka. 1 3 6 ) . ki-[i u-kal-la-mu-si] 2 9 [i-im\-ma-ar-su: on the sequence kullumu- amaru. . p. AHw. iof. lit. not iltya.). p. 1 9 1 7 . p. "foreign guest. is perhaps better taken with what follows ("I was just about to send .i ] # . 6. . note 3 ) . 3if. 2 8 . EA 2 6 ) . n. is expected (cf. EA 1 9 : 2 i f . I O I . cf. p. pp. "my god(dess). EA 1 4 . n. 1 0 5 . be-el-ti be-l[e-et K U R . 2 6 . Against my version is the absence of any parallel for the use of qatu (uqatti expected) and the failure to indicate the subject of qatnu. i[k-ka-la-a] u-ba-an: cf. Free restorations: fap-pu-na-ma] (line 3 0 ) . 1 4 6 . B. 7 3 . awllutu. 8. G I ] . J . and Tusratta certainly knew it. 82). 3. "for his need. On qatnu said of work (dullu. Reading and restoring (freely): 4 6 [u as-sum K U . 7. 10. p. "my mistress. p. col. uMma-as-s]ar-iw-««-// (Kiihne. " ) . and Adler emend to aq-ti-ip'-su-nu. Kiihne. 2 7 .

1 3 . your father-in-law. 144-47. [my brother's} messenger. I have ex[alted] like gods. 33—411 herewith dispatch to my brother Nahramassi to carry out 2 . 2 4 . " D i d the jargon of diplomacy develop in the periphery a word satamru. NOTES 1. "personal report. EA 21 A necklace for 1 0 0 . otherwise. For my brother and my son-in-law. May they m[ake he]r the image of my brother's desire. l{ik-ru-bu-su] 2 2 . exquisi[te} joy. my brother's interpreter}. M[ay they bless him} and may you. Driver. your brother. May my brother rejoice on t[hat] day. and for whatever else belongs to you. May Simige and Sauska go before her. w i t h Adler. li\ve\ 1 forever. S A G . n. I have never seen men with such an appearance. . and Hane. for your country. A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Say to Nimmureya. n. rather. for your chariots. "whom you have sent to me. JAOS 9 0 { 1 9 7 0 ] p. 0 0 0 years T E X T : VAT 190. the king of Mittani. Great King. my son-in- law. . S 17. for your men. 3 1 . for your wives. May Simige and Sau[ska} grant my brother a gre[af] blessing. K . and one who loves you. VS 11.THE AMARNA LETTERS kelstein. may all go very well. I have sent to my brother to do (x x ) . For your household. For me all goes well. p. . p. 3 4 sa taam ra: Kiihne. has questioned the personal name.2 3 I have given him my daughter to be the wife of my brother. may all go well. 2 4 . / N E S 7 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N Adler. 1 4 3 . In everything about them. pp. 1 0 6 . 2 5 3 . correct CAD. May it rest on the neck of my brother for 100. my brother.000 years. May my gods and the gods of my brother protect them. Great King. whom I love. . . ) ? " Cf. I have given [them} many presents and treated them very kindly. « ' E § . emended the text to read ta-as'-pu'- ra ((a-na) x-x) ana epeli. and I send 1 maninnu-necklace of genuine lapis lazuli and gold as the greeting-gift of my brother.3 2 Mane. . for your sons." from frequently used (introductory) sa atamru. whom I love and who loves me: Thus Tusratta. E d e l . "what I saw (was . JSS 1 2 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. . my brother. K U L (ebel sikkuri). 2. for your horses." 5° . Adler and G . . "1 nahra (made of) massi. 10. 4 8 ) . 5 6 b . lu-u £<*/-t[a-ta]. . the use of amaru in EA 1 5 . king of Egypt. C O P I E S : WA 21. 2 1 . for their report was excellent.

[. [ . ] . all of gold. 4—6 1 whip of pUait. of gold with a reddish tinge. overlaid with gold. .. and their [.7 its guard. its entire upper part is a gold fig­ ure [ . } . and . 23 1 set of torques."3 of go[ld.. its surface . also of gold. . [ • • • o]f alabaster. . . I 4 beautiful horses that run (swiftly). [ . the opening . 1 5 .. 2 12-14 «w»/»»»-necklaces. 6 shekels of gold and 4 shekels of silver have been used on them. . its haft. 9 . 199- TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Adler. . overlaid with gold. . . .3 5 [ 1 ] dagger. . . 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. It is 4 shekels of silver that have been used on it.-stone. . 6 shekels of go[ld} have been used on it. } .. . it is studded with dardarah-otn&ments of gold. its parattitinu. 2 1 . 60 shekels (of gold) were used on it. overlaid with gold. pp. 8 3 2 . . the blade of which is of i[r]on. It is 320 shekels of gold that have been used on it (the chariot). their kustappanni.] of gilamu-ivory. 10 3 6 . of bronze. of genu­ ine hulalu-stone. . . overlaid with silver.[. ] . its thongs.2 2 2 leather nattullu. their center is made of lapis lazuli. overlaid with gold. . of 9 gold. . overlaid with gold. the 5 talli. its base and straps. with designs. 1 seal of genuine hulalu-stone is strung on it. COPIES: WA 26. . 88 (stones) per string. .1 1 2 (leather) ufeatati.. 148-69. ] . . with designs. VS 12.. 6 31 fx} good. their "thorns. . sharp arrows. . 1 2 . . 2 15-20 1 set of bridles. } . overlaid with gold and silver. .3 7 [ 1 ] bow.. its [ . ] .. . their bl[ink]ers. . genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 10 shekels of gold and 20 shekels of silver have been used on them. its tulemus. and the "house" . of gilamu-ivory. . 7—8 2 sa burhi. is studded with dardarah-om&ments. . 24—30 1 (set of) reins. EA 22 EA 22 Inventory of gifts from Tusratta TEXT: VAT 395. of gold with a reddish tinge. for horses.3 1 chariot. . . its [pomm]el is of .* which are variegated like a wild dove. . It is 4 4 shekels that have been used on them. . its covering.}.. of the apisamus-type [ . of ebony with calf figurines.

1 0 shekels of gold have been used on it. 12 44 2 multicolored shirts. and (also) its inlay. which is strung on its rear. overlaid with gold. . . 16 overlaid with gold. ] ..2 1 ha[nd-brac]elet. 6 . . [. of mus[saru]-stone. 62—66 [ . of amutu-metal. of silver. ] . its mesukku- birds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli.}. of stone. its "flint-blade" of genuine hulalu-stone. its top. 41 1 addu-throwstick. . 2 shekels of gold have been used on it. [overlaid with gol]d. { j ] o shekels in weight. of pendu-stone [. . .4 3 1 tilpdnu-bov/. } . a counterweight. genuine lapis lazuli. 10 shekels in weight. its [ . of bronze. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. with eagles of gold as inlay. 1 hulalu-stone. x] shekels of gold have been [used] on it. of iron. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. .. of gold. . 5 8 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 38 1 mace. of gold. 2 times [ . its mesukku-bitds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli.8 1 maninnu-necklace. 45 1 set of snaffles. 15 shekels of gold have been used on it. .5 4 1 leather halter. 14 4 8 .. its inlay. 3 shekels of gold have been used on it. inlaid.5 7 1 bottle. of i[ro}n. 60 [ 1 } counterweight. 5 1 foot-bracelet. 39-40 1 zallewe-knifc. of iron. along with its linen cloth. mounted on gold.5 9 1 fly whisk. overlaid with gold.4 1 hand-bracelet. 300 shekels in weight. which are strung on its straps. 10 shekels in weight. . . 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. of zamiri. 3 . . 3 shekels in weight. its [ha}ft. the tasli. 1 seal of genuine lapis lazuli. cut from 35 genuine lapis lazuli stones. mounted [on gol]d. Its centerpiece is set with fyiliba-stone. of silver. 4 2 . 52 . . .. overlaid with gold. overlaid with gold. ^ of gold. of genuine lapis lazuli. 46 1 pair of gloves that are trimmed with red wool.] its haft. . of pisaii. 11 1 . } . 1 61 [1 si^eve. [ . . 5 5 . and (this) centerpiece o[f hili\b[a-stone\ is mounted on genuine lapis lazuli.'3 47 1 shield . 20 shekels in weight." 4 times overlaid with gold. . [ . . horse-shaped. 2 genuine loulalu- stones. (with) inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. of gold. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it.

the center. . of linen. of alabaster. 2 3 . . . EA 22 35 hiliba-stones. Tukris-style. off shaggy 17 wool]. the handle. 21 adorned. 2 4 3 . 11 1 set of karatnannu. 1 city-shin. richly provided with dardarah-oma- ments of gold.-stone.3 8 1 a>y-shirt. mounted on gold. aHianni-type. 19 {for] the city. beads of genuine lapis lazuli. of colored linen. Hur(rian)- 22 style. ofshaggy wool. its . . 4 shekels of gold have been used on them. 4 1 . 1 pair of leggings. 12 shekels in weight. of blue-purple wool. of gold with a reddish tinge. with karat- nannalla-orn&ments. 3 3 . an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. a genuine hulalu-stone. 3 5 1 pair of shoes. . (with) variegated <*im of blue-purple wool. of blue-purple wool. 3 Its rettu (has) an in[lay] of genuine lapis 53 . ] and their .2 6 1 pair of shoes. mounted on gold. 6 per string. . twisted like a torque. 13 shekels of gold have been used on them. 14—15 1 set of arapsanna. [ . Hurrian-style. 1 4 shekels have been used on it. of gold. Hurrian-style. of shaggy {wool}. its pommel. 6 shekels of gold have been used on them. the haft has an inlay of . . and studded with d^tt^zra^-ornaments of gold. l 8 2 9 . of . 1 pair of «>y-shirts. of gold. of genuine lapis lazuli. . 1 pair of shirts.1 9 1 dagger. their . . . of hiliba-stone. their buttons. 1 6 . 6 iduzzarra. ] .3 4 1 pair of shoes. 9 . of hiliba-stone. 27—28 1 pair of betatu-shoes.3 2 1 pair of shoes. the blade of which is of iron.. of linen. of gold. its rettu overlaid with hiliba-stones and genuine lapis lazuli. the inlay. 36 1 garment of blue-purple wool. their buttons. . [. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. . . its matru.4 7 1 fly-whisk. 20 3 7 . of dusu-colot (leather). 2 shekels in weight. overlaid with gold. the figure of a woman.4 2 1 garment. 1 12—13 head-binding. 1 pair of leggings. of genuine lapis lazuli. 1 pair of shirts. 1 pair of leggings. 2 times overlaid with gold. of colored linen. of shaggy wool. 14 shekels in weight. . of linen. 1 pair of s[as]hes.there}. which have iduzzarri.1 0 1 set for the hand.-st[one]. 1 pair of shirts. set here and {. 20—22 1 zallulu. of linen. in the center. mounted on gold with a reddish tinge. 1 pair of leggings. 39—40 1 linen garment. Hazor-style. 1 robe. of red wool. 1 robe and 1 cap.

1 0 shekels of gold have been used on them. [overlaid with go]ld. in the form) of bull-calves and lions. 52 1 stone-. 4 [shekels] of gold have been used on it. 140 shekels in weight. 2 . 6 shekels of gold hav[e been used] on it. (with) gilamu-ivory. 28 6 9 . .9 1 dagger. its inlay. s ° 30 shekels of gold have been used on it. their astragal-ornaments overlaid with gold. of [genuine l}apis lazu[li}. .. 5 . 67-68 [ . . [ . 1 kuninnu-bowl.. have been used on them. and ivory [mounted on] go[ld .5 0 A mumerritu-scrapet. 10 1 set of salt (containers. of hulalu-stone. [above and] be­ 29 low overlaid with silver. ] 25 shekels of gold have been used on it. of malachite. . 6 5 . its base. of ebony. . an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. . 60 shekels of gold. Its haft. and on 1 of them is the go\d-o[ver\lay double. overlaid with gold. the rim of which is overlaid with gold. ] of marhallu-stone. abov\e and below [ . of gold.. 3 shekels of gold have been used on it. 40 shekels of silver. with a double overlay of gold. with designs.. 7 .. of iron. 1 counterweight. ] . [Its] haft.THE AMARNA LETTERS l a z u l i . . . of mar^allu-stone.4 .6 1 plaque with winged disks and Deluge monster(s).]. . ] . 2 5 5 4 . of genuine lapis lazuli. . . of hiliba- stone. . its haft. its handle 2 times overlaid with gold. 1 helmet-container. 7 0 shekels in weight. of stone. of bronze. 2 4 8 . . ] their rungs [overlaid with] gold. . of .. . [ . . 51 1 wash-basin. of silver. its pommel. 3 times. of (various) stones.. . 53 1 silver tube. . its center and [its] rungs. shekels in weight. .5 6 2 bows . (with) gilamu-ivory. [overlaid with gold. (with) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 54 . . 61 1 0 large combs. . of ebony [ . of bronze. of stone. .• -J> ° f ebony. failiba-stone. 4 a[nd] it is studded [with dardarah-otnaments] of gold. of . 26 59-60 1 makkasu-axe. Its cloth streamers (held by) wire [ . ] . . ] . the blade. . 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. . . its guard.5 8 1 spear.7 3 I. in ![.6 6 1 helmet-container. 3 shekels of silver have been used on it. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. of hiliba-stone. overlaid with gold. . 5 7 . 1 27 62-64 bottle. of alabaster.

of ivory. of gold. without a cover. 44 9 shields. of silver. 32 12 1 small trough. o f . . f[or ho}rses. . 19—20 1 bread shovel. 1 bread shovel. its urukmannu overlaid with silver. . that have been used on it. 1 scent container with kanatku-oil.-stone. 1 bowl. 1 29—35 scent container. 1 scent container with a mixture (of various oils). [f]or a man. 1 3 .M 1 scent container with iaruttu-oil. 1 scent container with sikil-oil. of bronze. for the sarku-soldiets. overlaid with gold and silver. Hurrian-style. 1 bread shovel. of ivory. overlaid with silver. 26 10 pairs of leggings. [of br]onze.-stone. . its hilt.^ 1 37 cuirass set. . It is 2 shekels of gold. 1 scent container with styrax-oil. 40 shekels of silver have been used on it. for horses. 1 0 pairs of boots. 21 1 brazier. of leather. 10 shekels in weight. 18 1 bread shovel. of bronze. 1 scent container with myrtle oil. . its rettu.4 6 100 bows. set with ri[ng]s of bronze. 1 helmet. . of colored material. [ . of bronze. 28 1 susuppu-cloth. of gold . 1 0 pairs of city shirts." 37-41 1 cuirass set. 1 awatamulufhe. . 2 shekels of gold have been used on it. 1 helmet. 1 scent container . of ebony. 60 shekels of silver have been used on it. 27 1 loincloth. 1 0 pairs of shirts. 4 5 . 2 helmets. ] 55 . a mesukku-bitd. of the apisamus-type. with a winged disk. of ebony. 16-17 1 bread shovel.^ 1 scent container with perfanti-oil. 42—43 1 shield. 1 small trough of silver. 40 shekels of silver. . 36 1 0 kirru-pots. with myrrh-scented oil. 1 0 shekels in weight. of gold. . of boxwood.2 5 1 0 bright garments. 1 susuppu-cloth. [x sh]ekels in weight. 1 0 shekels of silver have been used on it. 5 shekels in weight. of leather. 10 robes. 33 trimmed with colored cloth. of silver. overlaid with silver. full of "sweet oil. 1 bread shovel. 10 bowls. 66 shekels in weight. 1 6 cuirass set. 1 0 shekels in weight. EA 22 il 11 i tr{a)y. 1 0 pairs of betatu-shoes. its pommel. 1 22—23 chest. of gold. trimmed with colored cloth. o f . overlaid with gold. of bronze. 2 4 . 1 scent container with elder-oil. of linen. their urukmannu. of silver.1 5 1 bowl.

. . 9 5 dogs. ' for a bed. and 1 bo]w 2 times overlaid with silver. of bronze.. for beds. of jasper. H 51 20 arrows . of bronze.8 1 set of telannu. 1 0 bowls. . 53 20 arrows. fo\r a man. . ] . It is 2 shekels of silver that have been used on it. ." ? of bronze. IV I [ . 49 24 1 0 kettles. with "thor[ns" . 5 dogs. of wood. . 1 sumbiru. 56 1 0 zallewe-knives. 2000 arrows { . 18 1 kettle. . of bronze. . 6 1 spoon. 60 1 0 spears [ . 20 1 brazier. 2 .. . 4 14 1 short spread.. . of bronze. ] . 1 5 7 . . for the foot. 7 . 55 1 0 maces of [ . . of bronze. ] . of bronze. . 1 0 stands. 42 43 12 3 large blankets. together with its cover. . . 46 16 1 bronze helmet as a brazier. 5 shekels in weight. 19 1 0 jars. 8 23 2 bolts. . 30 sakku.$ 3 9 52 20 arrows. 1 0 braziers. of b[ronze}. [. [ . 1 0 sets of angurinnu. 1 set of . of alabaster. of bronze. 8 shekels in weight. 20 arrows . its erattinnu.}• 4—5 [. of bronze. 50 10 javelins. . of silver. ] * / .... .. of gold [ .3 [x] small .{. 44 13 1 long spread. 4 21 1 0 "spears. ] .* of bronze. of bronze. 15 1 blanket. ] . [. 5 shekels in weight. I I 1 (fabric) with cording above and below.. .THE AMARNA LETTERS 47 iooo arrows. for the head. sharp. of elammakku--wood. . . 49 10 javelins. .. . 17 1 ewer.]. of which the trimmings are many-colored. 56 .].. ] . of bronze. of bronze.5 9 1 0 "bull-toes. of bronze.. suku[du-type]. . 1 water-dipper." bound together. . of gold.^ of brfonze. with [bro}nze tips. with ir{pri\ tips. of alabaster. 10 wutru. . . 22 10 washbasins. 1 blanket. 10 6 sarra. of bronze. } 48 3000 arrows [ . .4° 54 20 arrows (to be shot) flaming.

. k u 5 2. 4 6 5 .4 9 It is all of these wedding-gifts.-vessels. ZA 7 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) p. pu-uq-dd-a-ti-su-nu (AHw." but probably to be understood of sharpening the tips. applied to a part of the bridle. EA 22 25 [ . l ' 9> ' M . 42 400 [ ( . 7 . followed by k u S Adler). . 3 . overlaid with bronze. of bronze. 1 9 8 7 ) ." must assume an unparalleled K A . ) } . BSOAS 3 4 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p p . . . 13fF. On habalkinnu. 0 27 1 washing-bowl. } . see M . . 1 chest.-vessels. . 5 sprinklers. . 12 yokes [ ( . probably two. p.-&-\a\-ti-su-nu. along with a brazier. 30 [ ." see CAD. . p. follows AHw.' 9 . p. Hoffner. 31 [ . sarmu. . 4 2 . or perhaps the meaning here is an extended one. p. . his brother and his son-in-law. 2 35 5 spoons. . 32 10 [ . of bronze. of bronze. 26 [x] . ] . On a possible earlier form of talli (ti-sa-ld). He gave them at the same time that he gave Tadu-Heba. Cagni. the king of Mittani. ] of kifkanu-wood. ] . If my reading is correct. K . of bronze. } . . . . the standard form at Boghazkoy and attested in an Old Babylo­ nian forerunner to H A R . On sihpu as "cover(ing). T h e reading K A . 2 3 9 . NOTES 1. . 10 appanannu.^ of bronze.4 3 . 1 33 For 1 0 teams: fx] coverings of a chariot. . it would suggest that the blinkers were in some way attached to the bridle. ed. . . T h e reading of the logogram. . of bronze. gave to Nimmureya. 7 1 . . . "cut. . . and CAD. Perhaps related to the na-tu-la-te in a letter found at K u m i d u . 57 . [ . J . K . 1 pot-stand. . 36 5000 small gunte memetu fr{om the treasury. of bronze. . ) ] . . 1 SU K A . . . [ . 6. ZA 6 3 ( 1 9 7 3 ) P. Ebla. of bronze.55 39 along with their [ . 4 . T A B . not parzillu. p. . of bronze. . of bronze. the chariot-platform. . 3 0 3 . 1975-1985 (Naples. . JCS 2 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p .' 38 { x y]okes54 [for a ch]ariot. B A R is perhaps to be read habalkinnu. to Egypt and to Nimmureya to be his wife. 6 gungubu. in L . .? 34 4 small troughs of elammakku-vjood. 6 4 3 . 1 0 chariot-frames. . .. "bridles for mules. . . . Post- gate. of bronze. 28 [ . . . T A B and at least one. 29 [ . 8 8 0 ) . 5 of every sort. } . of bronze. 1 small trough of boxwood.-vessels. ] . 41 10 teams . 1 incense bowl. p. . A N . . In EA 2 2 and 2 5 . ] . see G . . of bronze. 1 pullustu. } . 40 10 teams [ . see M . [ .-vessels. that Tusratta.5 500 large gunte memetu. G o r g . mistakes in the writing of K U N G I : <§tJ> + N A B (rather than M U L ) . k u 5 G .r a (CAD. . ] . ] . 3 37 10 chariot-poles. 3 0 3 a ) . of bronze. C i v i l . the king of Egypt. 1 5 6 . A N S E (katappu) nap-\z. . 3 0 3 . T A B K U f N G l ] (CAD. 5 . his daughter. n e J s e e a s o W i l h e l m . p. . S.

n a 14. n. 4 0 2 .n ? forerunner. CAD. p. StOr 3 3 . "guard.3 5 ) . p. 6 2 5 . p. MSL 1 0 . p. EA 2 7 : 1 1 0 . as long established by Knudtzon. M E . and the Hurrian-style nahlaptu is known from roughly contemporary documents from Alalakh. N / i . E ( . 1 0 ) . 5 9 L If the qualification is to be understood as [sa] U R U = dli.. 2 1 . note f. see also EA 2 6 6 : 3 2 . CAD. 4 1 . p. 1 9 . O n p. 5 7 ) . Z U = . pitinkak. 1 3 9 b . K . n. 2 5 b ) . IEJ 1 9 [ 1 9 6 9 ] p p . p. Hoffner. is not clear. [1 ma-aS]-ha~lu (AHw. p. 52ff. 9 9 0 b ) . see iv 1 2 . 3 0 9 . "inside of the hand" = la-'d-tum (rahatum) ( G . at Ebla. sees in kaballu a special fabric for sandals or leggings. H o w sakru (Middle Assyrian. iii 2 4 . p. Emar 6 / 4 . p . if a mural crown (PRU 3 . 1 1 5 . p . cf. RA 8 1 ( 1 9 8 7 ) pp. and perhaps Ugarit. 3 4 . p. 1 6 9 . seems more likely. p. and now made explicit by H A R . EA 1 4 iii 1 5 . following A . 2 2 ) . EA 2 5 ii 4 3 . 13:330).2 4 . G A L . S1 13. 1 5 8 . 18. lines ii 3 2 . 1 9 7 6 ) .). see CAD. in view of the trimming. 12. Assuming " S G I R . RLA 6 / 1 . See PRU 3 . 3 4 . . Mittani. CAD.2 . Assuming 4§l. 256:516). p. 5 7 . T A sti-up-pu-ru. 15. 170b)? 11. "glove" (AHw. Is the rettu the lower part of the handle that fits into the palm? Cf. p. 1 9 8 2 ] . O n the tilpdnu-bow. 10. ARMT 2 1 . British School of Archaeology in Iraq (Hertford. p. and iii 2 4 in this inventory. and EA 2 7 : 1 1 0 ) = nahlapti alii (See 58 . p. 4 4 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 8. kin-gfr = la-kar pa-at-ri. ARMT 21. 17. . G I R . 9. "their leggings. 4 8 ) = qaltu (CAD. The Old Babylonian Tablets from Tell al Rimah. Durand. A ) . 8 6 9 ) . p p . 4 2 3 . also seems excluded. "\ZV = surru? (EA 13:17). E n g . proposes k[i-in\-st-Iu-nu. nahlaptu (cf. with which it is also found (lines ii 2 1 . see G o e t z e ^ C S 1 0 ( 1 9 5 6 ) p. Dalley et a l . and see '"SGU U R U in the next line) is an abbreviated t ( i 8 G U . though doubtful." see Salonen. NA 16. 1 6 8 . hardly appears here. JCS 2 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. "for the city" (longer? fuller? more elaborate?). 1 8 4 : 2 1 and note. kaballu I[a i-li] (cf. 1 9 6 5 ) . n. etc. p . : kin = la- ak-ru. p. B A N (not s ^ B A N . i 7 8 f f .TlR = ""iSE. 7 1 : 9 (but cf. Materiali epigrafici di Ebla [Naples. ARMT 7. which also refers tentatively to LTBA 1. 4 1 . note to line 4. 2 2 a . p . p. see Goetze. Emar)/sikru differs from rettu (AHw. sd-di-in-nu. p p .TIR. Z A . Sumerian su-sa.. alu. p. a type of jewelry (ARMT 1 8 . 2 5 0 . S." t a C 19. 3 7 5 a . than a part of the snaffle (Adler. also lines ii 5 4 . 1 8 2 . Z U . 1 §U 8 G U hur-ri [sa] U R U : "«GU (also lines ii 3 9 . iii 1 6 . surru. T h e same abbreviation is found at Boghazkoy. A / 2 . K I N = sakru. 7 7 : 4 3 7 ? . Pettinato. 1 '"SGU U R U (also ii 4 0 . 8 5 4 b . 1 1 7 . ) . 20. iii 4 5 . Salonen. M / i . Groneberg speculates that here the bow may be a musical in­ strument. ARMT 4 2 1 . this garment is perhaps opposed to the type of shirt worn by the military (Waetzoldt. 3 6 5 ) . VAB 2 / 1 . N / i . Boghazkoy. O n gumuru. O n the logogram. etc. and Landsberger. 1 8 . T h e article of apparel called U R U (alu). AHw. Groneberg. the last term taken as i'lu = t ( i s s i G . see B . p. Die Landfahrzeuge des Alten Mesopota- mien [Helsinki. p. Corolla Linguistica (Wiesbaden. 1 §U pi-ti-in-ka-ak ' « H E . 1 9 5 6 ] . on the reading tabarru rather than nabasu.

p. 4 8 . and I. 4 8 5 b . tearing. and in the latter.SIKIL. « B A R . see Dalley. 3 7 ) . 1 0 3 . 94f. sa per -a-zi 6 (also EA 2 5 i 2 7 . non-ornamented". AHw. misreads ii 4 2 as tCi t l 3 « B A R . "helmet. Illingworth. 1 8 3 . "Helmet" is more probably a designation of shape (also ii 6 5 .5 8 ] p. Tel Aviv 10 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p. p. n. 35. p. Mallul. 6 4 . Adler). n. 3 3 0 ) . see Ugar. D U L = kusitu (also ii 4 2 . p. T h e garment sa-bd-at-ti (EA 1 2 0 : 2 1 ) does not seem likely in this con­ text. which indicates a knifelike makkasu as well as an axe ( T U N ) . iii 2 5 . S l M . here it is S l M . 1 3 2 ) .) Tukris (also EA 2 5 iv 2 5 ) was in Luristan and gave its name to metal objects and garments (see tukrilti. originally a cloth for wiping and later (as here) a kind of undergarment worn around the hips." see N ." is never found in a gift list. 5 8 5 . 36. cited CAD. 2 i 8 f . which is to be added to the references in AHw and CAD (CAD. 5 8 9 . p. Often Festschrift (see Introduction. B . 29. ellul ullu.." not "from. 5 . following Adler. 3 5 7 a . 2 8 . 2 . i. 26. "pole. 30. G I G (kanatku). neither here nor in EA 2 5 iv 5 1 is the reading S l M . "(sesame?) oil. see Goetze. 3 1 2 . K . p. On the sarku. around. pa-as-(ju)-ru. M / i . 1 1 . Perhaps S f ( . 23. T U R (buginnu sehru? sussullu?): the difference between B U G I N ( L A G A B x A ) and B U G I N ( L A G A B x N I N D A ) is that the former was used for liquids. n. 3 o 6 f . 2 1 9 : 3 1 ) . Giiter- bock. pp. Singer. S I ) . O n A L A M as "winged disk" here. B U L U G (ballukku). p. "on. Practical Vocabulary of Assur 2 3 7 ^ (Lands­ 5 berger and Gurney. Beziehungen. BiOr 4 3 ( 1 9 8 6 ) p. Deller and K . EA 22 previous line. 4 6 1 a . 37. in line iii 2 2 . inter­ prets as "having a mouse" (piazu. p. L A (nebehu) . 34. p. since pasru. see CAD. 6 1 . 1. p. K . O n susuppu. RLA 4/4—5.e. 3996°. 8 5 5 ) : the qualification seems paralleled at Mari by sapi'-(ih)-ha-zi(-im). 8. D U L / D U L . see K . 33. "an axe". 3 1 . 1 « B A R . 5 32. . see W i l c k e . 9 8 . Iraq 5 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p. and perhaps in line i 2 6 . cf." O n these oils as cosmetics and their containers. la zubbtkulsudi (AHw." presumably "ornamented. 24. 1 5 6 a ) is not an instrument for catching flies (Knudtzon. n. K I L (EA 2 5 iv 5 2 ) is a phonetic writing of I. AEM 1 / 1 . see Helck. . On gurpisu. in M . Morrison and 59 . gi^-il-tu (also iii 2 ) : see CAD. Adler) rather than as a bowl (CAD. ZA 70 ( 1 9 8 1 ) pp. PRU 3 . cf. p." see T i m o t h y Kendall. cf. pp. pur'asu). T h e reference to a handle favors taking makkasu as a cutting instrument (AHw. 1 3 6 7 ) . t ( i 22. O n istu. . N o t e also 2 G i R ma-ka-su (ARMT 2 1 . malu: "full" recalls the contrast in Hittite texts of "full-empty. Contrary to CAD. p. and M . and H . Watanabe. iv 16) than a display helmet. Z . 1 8 ' B U G I N . the latter for kneading dough. a part for g n a w i n g . AHw. which Durand. K . EA 2 5 iv 4 8 ) . 1 Su « f { B } . note to line 1 1 . Corolla Linguistica. p. B A L . T h e difference between this whisk (also EA 2 5 iii 5 2 ) and sa zubbt lull (i 5 8 ) is not clear. also ii 2 7 . 8 0 . 2 9 . 1 2 0 . AfO 1 8 [ 1 9 5 7 . 25. p. tl3 21. . A . I K ) . p. p. B . 27. Iraq 4 8 ( 1 9 8 6 ) pp. no. n. CAD.

"spoon. see C i v i l . I n d . p. iv 4gff.B U . p." see Landsberger. 54. perhaps ARMT 2 2 . M / i . p. Iraq 4 2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p. 3 6 7 . and it is G U N . Adler). R 1 49. p. Dalley. A . S I as suit and rendering "600 goblets (in the form of) oxen. Adler). . not the axle. 1 6 4 r. 46. Cf. 3 5 . it would refer to a part of the chariot. 53. G I = pihu. A m o n g so many household objects. along with poles. 50. RLA 6 / 1 . n. 45.T U / T I . G I as a phonetic writing of S A G .3 ) d itquru. and iii 2 7 . 2011T. 51. and CAD. D A : reading uncertain. 1 3 4 : 1 0 . trim. X not kurTtu.. Adler interprets Z A . 4 0 7 . p. sakku I I (AHw. JAOS 8 8 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p. and see comments of J . 2 . however. If [s\imittu is the correct reading. see also EA 2 5 iv 4 8 . « B U .THE AMARNA LETTERS D. and cf. JCS 2 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p . 7 3 : 7 ) . . and the correspondence of the numbers suggests that for each I 5 « B U G I N . Adler). There is not enough room for &\ia-kd\-a-tu (CAD. 1 3 0 9 a ) . ARMT 2 1 . su-ku-u-[du] (Gordon). "lock. for the determinative. i 1 6 ) . 2 i f . 3 ' " S T U N A N I B A ( S I G . block. p. M E 5 : obscure (see AHw.2 . 6 2 2 . 1 5 if. Dalley. I S note especially the A k k a d o g r a m at Boghazkoy. 7 8 (perhaps zakku). "variegated. 1 0 N I G . M E § (omitted by Adler): on the fabric 4 as hairy or shaggy and the logogram in peripheral texts. pu-uq. S I (ubanatu) ka-sa-tu^ §a G U D . no. by Knudtzon (VAB 2 / 1 . 47. agree in reading U G U N (U + G U N ) ihzetu (a kind of special trimming) here and in EA 2 5 iv 5 0 (cf. pi. I / J . S E E N 2 a n 52. 2 6 4 a . p. Lines 5 1 .3 .da-C[u ] 4 (cf. 44. 60 . then G I D .6 4 . B . S . 3 3 . ' 7 « ) . eds. 1 0 5 . A G . p p . see Edel.5 4 seem to list special types of arrows. 6 1 4 . D A = kuru. with a strainer or sieve attachment (cf. 40." 42. "tostopup. 38. in the next line. 41. "hem. also the plural bubatim. D A (masaddu: AHw. CAD. XV-XVI). G I = pehd. 1 6 2 . O n leather cuirasses for horses. note h). . 43. A s noted. 7 3 . fol­ lowed by Adler). Emar 6 / 4 . p. RA 7 7 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p p .g f d - da apin = ma-sa-ad-du. r 39." O n sunu." are joined here. p. AHw. G f D . 1 6 0 . Context seems to argue against interpreting S u . 1 T U G G U Z . 1 0 . 93f. 3 5 1 . T. T h e form (purrusu) and the reduplication in the corresponding S u - merian term (dug-bur-bilr-ru) indicates a vessel with many "breaches."it is n e v e r a l o g o g r a m f o r a n d pihu is not a lock. 3 0 2 . "spears" must be a kind of poker. CAD. ARMT 2 2 / 2 . n. sa G l S (not I Z I [ A d l e r ] ) . Moran. 1 0 S u . O w e n . 7. p p . 3 ) . T U G . Iraq 4 2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p. Brief. Cf. for a cart (AbB 3 . but if T U G = subatu. Similarly. CAD. 10 § E N (ruqqu? sannu? also Gordon). n i g . Kupper. H . the same sign is found in ii 1 8 ." but though S A G . p. (e^-mu-u. Cf. A . T h e i'lu was highly esteemed ( D u ­ rand. Line 3 3 seems out of place and looks like a heading for 37ff." that is. p. Z A B U . p. 8'SBUGIN. 7 0 : 1 6 6 ' ) 1 0 \&'¥bu-bu-{i\u 4 G I G I R : there is no reason to read ["']« (Knudtzon. G U D ( P U ) . Z A .). 48. p. 1 9 8 1 ) . usually burrumu.TUR ( . O n bubutu as the main beam on either side of the chariot. 7 2 . as in EA 2 5 iv 6 3 . G I D . T U R there was one itquru. Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians ( W i n o n a Lake. 1 0 1 2 ) . see Waetzoldt. 4 6 . D A = arku (not ariktu. p p . ' " « G A D A te^-me-ta ( R S 3 4 . Ugar.

195). Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire. for your troops.GIGIR = sassu {AHw. For me all goes well. and then return. my brother. my son-in-law. 5 ? 55. in Morrison and O w e n . a country that I love. 5 3 ) seems excluded by the logogram and the almost exclusively masculine character of the gifts. Say to Nimmureya.2 5 Now. C O P Y : BB 10. M E S SAL. for your magnates. For your household. very well. . 1 0 3 2 . 1968). who loves you. Matrimonio. Were these gifts originally the bride- price or part of it and then returned to the Egyptian king as a kind of indirect dowry? On the indirect dowry in the Hurrian milieu of N u z i . the mistress of heaven. J AOS 8 8 ( 1 9 6 8 ) pp. L. for your sons. T h e reading of N I G . Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians (see n.KAL. 56. in the time. i7off.1 7 Thus Sauska of Nineveh. may 4 my brother now honor her 1 0 times more than before. CAD." Now I herewith send 2 her. your father-in-law. of my father . (then) at (his) pleasure let her go so that she may come back. 34f. For you may all go well. your wife. 30 (reverse only). S . for Tadu-Heba. EA 23 and it is not clear how it should be distinguished from ntru in the following line. illus. New York and Toronto.3 went to this country. p p . x-y-2 [«'] KI. 1 8 . 3 7 ) . . my daughter. may all go well. EA 23 A goddess travels to Egypt TEXT: BM 29793. 11. May my brother honor her. whom you love. Saggs. Pintore. p. p. too. see C i v i l . T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling. for your country and for whatever else belongs to you. 4. pi. The Greatness That Was Babylon (paperback. For your wives. H. 149.uS. 4 (Ann Arbor.3 0 May Sauska. 372-73. pp. my brother 61 . vol. Waterman. 170-73. B A . pp. the king of Mittani. protect us. p. see Kiihne. for your chariots. no. mistress of all lands: "I wish to go to Egypt. pi. for your horses. and terhatu in the sense of "dowry" (Knudtzon. eds. the king of Egypt. On the difficulty in general of distinguishing the two. 1930).. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. may all go very. 23. 2 6 . PHOTOGRAPHS: B B . 1 1 3 . and just as earlier she dwelt there and they honored her.MES remains uncertain. n. and she is on her way. pp. tentatively. whom I love and who loves me: Thus Tusratta. 9f. see Katarzyna Grosz.

3 7 . It may be doubted that Tusratta would say anything so obvious. is a connection with the solemnities associated with the marriage of Tusratta's daugh­ ter. 1 7 8 . but it is not supported by collation. cf. She is "our mistress" (line 2 8 ) and. 1) to support Tusratta's request that the statue be returned. T h e writing ia-Ti-ma-a indicates a question.3 2 Is Sauska for me alone my god(dess). see Kiihne. p. 62 . n. It is uncertain whether this letter is referred to as a "copy" (Egyptian myt. 3 . A reading i-en-nu-tu^ "the first time" (Adler. either Gordon's or my own. 100. Sauska's role.H e b a (see EA 1 9 : 6 ) . One (the king) was in the southern villa (of) the House of Rejoicing. ) . VAB 2 / 2 . pa-na-a-nu (Gordon). on the implications of the term. of making Tadu-Heba answer to the king's desires (EA 1 9 : 2 4 . along with A m a n . These lines are hardly an affirmation (so Knudtzon.000 years. too. T h i s much seems clear: "Year 3 6 . against K n u d t z o n ) . if he did. also Gordon). p. and the implied negative answer explains why the Pharaoh may expect to share with Tusratta in the protection and blessings of the goddess. or that. therefore. our goddess.. but this explanation rests purely on analogy and finds no support in this letter. 1 7 3 . nn. cf. written in black ink and the hieratic script." See Kiihne. 2 . there are three lines of Egyptian. NIN-»/ 5 (Adler). 1 7 6 . A O A T 3 6 ( 1 9 8 1 ) p. EA 1 : 7 2 ) . and for my brother 6 not his god(dess)? NOTES 1 . Weber. cf. lu-ul-lik-ma-me (Adler. n. 3 1 . More likely. day 1. Following lines 3 i f . declares. 6 5 . 5. 4th month of winter.. see EA 2 7 . 6. 20:25ff. 3 7 . the previous visit mentioned in lines i8f.7 7 . n. And let us act as friends.THE AMARNA LETTERS and me. perhaps on the occasion of the marriage of K e l u . 21:16).t). . p. would make perfect sense./ # . x =4 D I N G I R ? y = I§? 4 . he would say it here and not five lines earlier when the return of the statue is mentioned (lines 2 4 f . One explanation of the goddess's visit is that she was to heal the aged and ailing Egyptian king. it seems. contrary to what Use Wegner. p. x-y- BE/nu (possible. and may our mistress? grant both of us great joy. 2 0 . the reading of part of which remains uncertain. 1 0 5 0 . and note. Gestalt und Kult der Utar- Sawulka in Kleinasien. T h e statue sent by Tusratta need not have been the statue worshipped in the temple in Nineveh. Adler.

. . . your wives. 1932). . your father-in-law. and I did all that totally 70 . very graciously. your] magnates. . . your envoy. 4 who loves you. pp. ] . . . And earlier 66 . your land and your [possessions. . totally. 5 [May all] go we[ll with you]. 48 . . . very 68 . 6 5 . 63 . COPIES: WA 27.6 6 . . of my grandfather . . good . wh[om I love (and) who loves me: 3 Thus (speaks) Tu]sra[tt]a. . Otten in Farber. . .6 4 (destroyed or unintelligible). from the . . . very 57 . For m[y so]n-in-law. to Mane. . . which 55 . . Assutemiwuya. your envoy. . . . fine oil(?) for his head. may all go very well. Mane. Friedrich. 71 with my [ . 200. . he sent to me 51 . . of the (genitive plural) . And give me your daughter as my wife! 52 . . your war chariots. Or n. (and) with those whom I love. 54 . .3 2 . the king of Egypf. . my son-in- law]. And I did not express 53 . my brother. and my entire . . . . 6 [your children. very. . . 49 . your brother}. 73 saw all the things that I did. now my brother has sent. my father Suttarna's daughter . fine oil(?) for his head. . all that 58 . Mane. the mistress of the land of Egypt 6 3 . . my brother 50 . . . Kleinasiatische Sprachdenkmaler (Berlin. . your [hor}ses. 72 your envoy. improved readings. I did gra­ ciously.2 [Say to Nim]murey[a. 62 my brother's [wife]. . . . . the ki[ng of the land of Mittani. of my brother . TRANSLITERATION: J . . 60 . everything [ve}ry. . ' §i 1 1 . VS 12. . §6 59 . 40 (1971) pp. . very 69 .s. . . two . . . All goes well with me. . . . §7 65 . my entire land very. . 7 yo[ur troops]. . . . 61 . 67 my brother us(?) very. EA 24 EA 24 A letter in Hurrian about marriage and friendship TEXT: VAT 422. §§2-4 (badly damaged) §5 47 . . 8 . . graciously 56 .

your envoy.000 . in a favorable way. . . §9 83 And Keliya. II 1 . and may my brother hear them . very much. . . Amanu. Ea-sarri and all 78 the gods love us in their hearts very. his father. 85 the lord of Egypt. 103 . 114 Keliya. . and the pieces of booty left your brother's 90 country amazed. So the gift went off. 106 his father. very correctly And when about all I had not done 6 for my brother's wife 7 I heard from Keliya and Mane. my envoy. 64 . . 4 And my brother has . So shall it be (lit. 8 I was/did . ." Thus 96 . 10. 79 For long years may fw]e(!) with great joy very. . . . . . 95 . . 10 very. . . . 93 and he reported as follows: "He has .. 104 The things that my brother in connection with the gift 105 did for Simige. delivered . . gift. . . 9 to the dowry for my brother's wife .THE AMARNA LETTERS §8 74 As now my brother loves me. the 99 . . very much. the city of Simige. . . . and . . 97 . . in a way according to my brother's heart n . his god. my(!) envoy. . . . 109 he will make. made a . . he had it come. 76 so may Tessup. gener­ ously. message. in consideration of the gift.2 (destroyed) 3 . the way 94 . 75 as now I love my brother. . . . 84 and he re­ ported as follows: "Your brother Nimmureya. very much. that of Simige . did he speak. very delightful. . . I have allowed to depart. 113 . The . when they left. 82 most graciously do." And Keliya expressly announced the gift's departure. and Mane. I . 98 which are made for him. §10 n o And may my brother not distress himself about that matter. . i n My brother's envoys whom 112 I allowed to depart(?) (and whom) I sent. So he has . these will Simige give to my brother. those . and they are coming to my brother. . . . . 87 and to Simige. 81 may one for the other. we might . And the things that we wish for ourselves. 107 and all the things that my brother 108 wishes in (his) heart. . . . Sauska. . these may 101 Simige and Aman and Ea-sarri 102 for my brother and his land . . . from our . . . . so they are). very much 80 rejoice. . . his god. . he conducted (it). of the land of my brother. them 5 . between us. 86 And from Ihibe. 77 Simige. 88 And all the gifts of his forefathers 89 were very. . 91 and your brother himself. . . was 92 amazed. objects that my brother 100 made for the gift. .

. . . . . . . [I will] in view of 63 what my brother dispatches. are one. . which my 65 . . all 21 . and may my brother 13 heed it. If the 59 four . totally. comes. . me. in . 81 So shall it be (lit. . 77 and(?) we(!) do not(!) guide well the .. .. . . 62 rejoiced exceedingly. . .1 6 and when earlier Mane br[ought(?)] what my brother had dispatched {as] my gift. that my brother 20 dispatched. Just as . me. 17 I assem­ bled my entire land 1 8 and my nobles.5 8 And now may my brother send Mane. 7 1 1 am the k[ing] of the land of Egypt. 51 . . have done. . 1 5 . . . 5 3 . . . . my nobles will . 73 And what both these lands do not w a n t . . them very much. . .7 9 Whosoever did not carry on a relationship full of love in the manner of my forefathers (and) my own (manner). . . they may all . . and I addressed (them): "My land 27 will . they 70 among them are also of one mind. . . over the one large dowry . §12 25 And he did .5 4 I f . . . From that . . §15 65 And the things which in our midst Tessup and Amanu 66 . . . . my brother's envoy. . . .. . fashion 26 . 2 8 . 60 golden . . .. . other lands. . Know (this)! §14 5 7 .. . so shall we together [in ou]r midst 68 and we. 52 may the gods not ordain . 75 if those great things . .. And Mane. 7 8 . . so they are). two . . of ivory. 23 . . . . 24 they may . that my brother 22 dispatched are . . EA 24 §" 1 2 And I want just (lit. . . one thing) to say something to my brother. between us. . . and over that 55 I would rejoice in my heart exceedingly. And my brother will inform me . 83 all . another matter that 80 all things for us . . . 76 in our marriage alliance our gods .. as many as there are .. distressed . . 72 and my brother is the ki[ng] of the Hurrian land (sic). . . . . . of our gods. . . . my brother will dispatch a shipment of gold as my gift.3 3 (badly damaged) §13 34-49 (badly damaged) 50 . . . of Tessup (and) Amanu. they may be satisfactory . my brother's 1 4 envoy.. . Just as I 6 1 . 64 [rejoice] exceedingly. 74 and we together do not w a n t . the Hurrian land 69 and the land of Egypt. . 56 And so I have said them (these words) now to my brother. . Land . 82 For us may they . And I addressed 19 Mane: "All . . . . . When a dowry is broughtQ). . . 67 loves. .

. she is pleasing. not. . . 13 my brother will see her . my servants. the other 88 lands. If 87 . . .. . . so it is). is pleas­ ant. so am I). . . . in view of his/her/its matter. I will have with my brother a relationship full of love. . . Mane . . And she comes 14 to my brother. . . 99 . . . . . what the 7 land of Egypt does not want at all. . . 89 and all other lands. 117 have . . 109 sent . . it. . in a brilliant way very much . . . in my land . if 91 Mane is not. 3 Just as that entire . . . . there does not exist 96 a man(!) like [him] in all the world . 118—24 (badly damaged) 125 Just as . .. is very good. my brot[her . 97 Thus my brother in my land 98 .. §17 95 Mane. From this . that I saw . does not exist. I l l 1 And my brother wanted a wife . 92 the others that I make. your envoy. him . . . where are they? So 93 may my brother carry on with me a relationship full of love. 94 all lands . so shall it be (lit. . . The word that 102 Mane will communicate to my brother is graci[ous] and 103 true.1 5 (badly damaged) §19 116 The other . and she has gone 12 to my brother. 1 1 3 .. . What the 6 Hurrian land does not want at all. 112 exceedingly . all that my brother's wife shows 8 to my brother. . . . . and she has gone [to my] broth[er]. according to my brother's 66 . And guards has [my] brother . . . §20 11 And now I have given my brother's wife. . 2 and now I have given her. §16 86 May my brother send off Mane. sees . 101 . . are present. 5 So shall it be (lit. . . . So 10 shall it be (lit. . So shall it be (lit. and it is [M]ane [my bro]ther has sent. does not exist. . . I have proper/y given. is not 9 . . 105 Towards his affairs it is not hostile. . . . . . . all envoys are present. who come with Mane. . . and he tells me (that) my affairs . . . . ] land . . . so it is). 110 And he has come . 90 If I to my head . . 106 . . . and my brother .THE AMARNA LETTERS brother 84—85 . . It is not evil 104 (and) hostile towards my brother. . . . . 111 And Mane . . . . And may my brother . . . that he made . §18 107-8 But now [m]y brother {has s}ent. . . . of my brother. . 100 My brother did . . so it is). . . When she comes. 4 that entire .

the tablets of the dowries of my marriage alliance (through sister and father's sister) are not available. 39 again is available. that it is befitting my brother. And the tablet(!) 41 of the dowry from me. . . . and may all other lands 26 and the nobles (and) all envoys be present.. and so I have . . . §24 4 9 1 just (lit. EA 24 heart. We . . 29 If it is spread out in the view of my brother. . . . 45 —my brother 46 . . 54 And with just a single dispatch of mine I have done 67 . . in view of that not(!?). . did for your father are . §23 44 If . . . 19 They come 20 to my brother. . 34 And may he spread out the dowry and may it be pleasing. And I wish to say: 5 2 . and they are . 17 and we are not . 42 and may my brother hear that the dowry is very extensive. . belonging to me. my grandfather. . my brother much more than my forefathers. . and they are . . . . . . And may my brother take 31 all the nobles and all the envoys 32 and all other lands and the war charioteers 33 whom my brother desires. 36 And the tablet of her dowry is available. 18 (The things) that I have dispatched to my brother I have dispatched. . §21 21 And now when the wife of my brother comes. one thing) want to say something to my brother. . . . 24 they may show. . 43 that it is splendid. . my father's sister. and my .5 3 The things that Artatama. my father's daughter. and may my brother heed it. my sister. 47 And my brother knows in their regard 48 that they exist(ed). 27 And they may show his dowry to my brother. my grandfather's daugh­ ter. and my brother will see them. 37 And there is . . . 50 I have . and there is nobody who does not know it. which I gave. . 28 and they may spread out everything irf the view of my brother. . May my brother have their tablets given to him 40 and may he hear (the words of) both their (tablets). . 23 may my . . . which the kings (also) know. . from our . . . 15 And again my brother will see a dowry 16 . and may my brother go. §22 35 And there is . 22 when she shows herself to my brother. 51 in great love. . And the entire land may my brother 25 assemble. may he have given to him. 38 And the tablet of her dowry . 30 on/from the earth may .

. The gifts that 5 8 .) with just a single dispatch of mine I have done ten times as much. . in comparison with mine they are not equivalent. . 96 .. .. 105 the lord of Egypt. And in respect to my brother . 106 And Immureya made a molten gold image. me much. so it is). So shall it be (lit." 68 . . . 64 Thus will I deal loyally with my brother. thus 65 will I be most loving.. the daughter of Tusratta. And I . . 7 9 . much more than my fore­ fathers. 87 And my brother has . pleasing (things). And may my brother 72 make me rich in respect to the kings. 93 but I also know that for my brother.. With much gold 74 may my brother have me provided. 90—92 I have requested from my brother a molten gold image of my daughter. As 102 they should be spoken. Of my sister. may he not distress my heart! And in the measure in which it appears. . 104 the lord of Mittani. . . . so shall it be (lit. Before earth 101 (and) before the heavens are the words spoken. .5 9 my grandfather (and) father dispatched to your father (and) to you. gold . So shall it be (lit. . §25 66—67 And for the horses my brother did not reward me with gold the way my forefathers (were rewarded).. . that your father to my grandfather 68 earlier dispatched—what you to my father 69 earlier dispatched was much more than that of your father. whom he gave as wife of Immureya. I know that my brother loves me exceedingly. So shall it be (lit. . . 61 And now my brother is going to see (the things) that I 6 2 .. may my brother give pleasing (things). Thus I will dispatch to my brother (gifts). according to] my heart. that a gold image for me might 100 . 97 may my brother give an ivory image. (well. The golden . 88 And may my brother make me rich in respect to my land. . . As 98-99 I shall speak to my goddess. in his land. . my vassalsQ) 73 (and) the other lands. 55~57 Similarly.THE AMARNA LETTERS ten times as much. 107 and full of love dispatched it to Tusratta. so am I). .6 3 have dispatched to my brother. so am I). . 94 much. 89 And may my brother not distress my heart! For that . 70 And my brother has not given to me the equivalent 71 of what he dispatched to my father. And my heart 76 may he not distress. so they are): "This 103 molten gold image is Tadu-Heba. thus they are . . And next. carry out my business. the wife of my brother. . 77—78 may m[y brothe]r erect a mo[lt}en gold image . . the things that my father did for you. . . . And may my brother 75 also . from the heart. Sauska of Niniveh. And may my brother 95 not .8 5 (badly damaged) And may he not distress my heart! And may my brother give. 60 and they . 86 in the manner desired.

But should. . . to my brother. . 1 1 4 . But what Keliya and Mane will say 28—29 about my brother (or) about his land. §28 30 And now. there be for me an ene[my] 1 1 6 — i f only he did not exist!—I will write to my brother. 119—24 (unintelligible) §27 IV 1 And I want to say something (lit.1 8 and my brother will dispatch to the land of Egypt. they (the words) are true and right. all the things 3 1 that my brother has named (and) wants. to the great . . My brother's wife 34 I have 69 . has thus 14 been actually expressed. . and may my brother 1 5 . If. 1 1 7 . . . That my brother has made the . arms. 8 And for (or: among) the people of Awar he has made provision. EA 24 §26 108 And because of all this we both are of one mind and love one another . . 19—may my brother 20 not hear those words if Mane and Keliya 2 1 do not say them. And an evil word that anyone may say about me (or) about my land. . arms. lord/ king. . these 32—33 have I done tenfold. . they could . . how­ ever. 109 exceedingly. 3 Those do not come into the presence of the Great . My brother is brotherly (minded). And evil words are not spoken to my brother. But the (words) that Mane and Keliya say 2 2 about me (or) about my land. and may my brother hear them. it before his land regarding the great . . one thing) more to my brother: 2 In my brother's presence there are not many evil words spoken. . . 6 . . has reported 1 2 and Parattu . . . then I would be very distressed. on the other hand. . . that . And in our lands n o peace prevails. 1 1 And now again a . If only an enemy of my brother i n did not exist! But should in the future an enemy 1 1 2 invade my brother's land. 24—25 That too that anyone might ex­ press to me about my brother (or) about his land.. 4 An evil word . . .7 and with satisfaction have I again heard him. 10 my brother had not done them this way. . 9 I heard this and I rejoiced. and he has . . armor. armor. This word is in . informs me(?). . my brother has . . and everything concerning the enemy of my brother 1 1 5 will be at his disposition. and I will hear them. (then) my brother writes 1 1 3 to me. 2 3 they are true and right. . . . . way spoken. And with not a single word have I distressed my brother's heart. 1 6 . and everything concerning my(!) enemy. . . 26—27 those (words) I will not hear if Keliya and Mane do not say them. . and the Human land. . 5 And for the satisfaction of my person he has spoken to me.1 8 . . 1 3 That word comes. .

. . . she my . . And it (the dowry) is coming.THE AMARNA LETTERS given. and my brother will see 48 what I have given as the dowry for the wife of my brother. And may my gods know. and my brother will see them. 50 In the view of my brother may it be satisfactory. . . §29 40 And may my brother not detain my envoys. . §3i 51 May my brother let my envoys go as soon as possible 52 so they can leave. for a word. . 61 And . . 59 And may my brother know it. I have not detained them. . too. . . . my envoys—Keliya is a magnate. May he send only Mane. 53 so he can leave together with my envoy! Any other envoy 54 may my brother not send. . . . them . And I have . And may my brother know it. . And . . 63 . me. . my brother's envoy. . 62 both of them. . 35—39 I have sent off Mane. and as my . 561 do not want him. . . And she is pure. . . speaks in some 7° . . And that is the thing 108 that has [been demanded]. may he not . 49 It is . . who is pleasing to my brother's heart. . me 47 to the dowry for the wife of my brother. (them). 41 And may my brother not . 65 and may the gods of my brother know! If 66-68 (unintelligible) §§33-34 (badly damaged) 107 to my [brother] it is . . §30 45 My brother may say: "You yourself have also detained my envoys. (I have sent off) Keliya and Ar-Tessup and Asali. as my clay-tablet scribe—to my brother. 57 No! May my brother send Mane! §32 58 And this wife of my brother whom I have given. And may my brother send Mane along. . . are available. threefold 64 . both of them. If she . And you . this (woman) is pure (a virgin?). . and Asali is . . . . And my envoys 42 may my brother let go as fast as possible. 44 and I will rejoice very much over the well-being of my brother. It is . As 109 . . . 43 And I would like to hear (about the) well-being (and the) favorable situation of my brother. and my brother should know it. and my mother has . And I would . Now. . . she will speak." 46 No. 60 . . If 55 my brother does not send Mane and sends someone else. . most magnificently.

. 3 7 2 . §35 i n In my heart I wish to be on the best of terms with my brother 1 1 2 and to love one another. 1 1 8 Tessup and Amanu. Hurrisch und Urartdisch (Munich. p p . and H . 1 1 7 may the gods guide both of us together. — W L M ] 1 . EA 24 other way. D . J . one another exceedingly.s.9 6 . H . Bush. S M E A 2 4 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p p . . they 1 3 0 love . . And may my brother keep faith 1 1 3 perfectly. see G . . "A G r a m m a r of the Hurrian Language" ( P h . Das Hurritologische Archiv . T h e content is often obscure even where the text is not damaged. . Archdologischer Anzeiger [ 1 9 8 4 ] pp. . and if they . E . [ 1 9 7 5 ] ) . . 1 1 9 And may we be protected. T h e interpretation of the text is associated especially with the names of Messerschmidt. 1 2 0 and may we . . 5 4 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . T h e "Mittani letter" is the only document in the Amarna archives writ­ ten in the Hurrian language. 9 8 . F. . and these were consulted in numerous in­ stances. the relevant literature may be found in the extensive bibliography in the appendix to the latest comprehensive grammar of Hurrian. . . and in our hearts we wish to love one another 1 1 4 . Brandeis University. 2 1 5 . M . T h e Staatliche Museen zu Berlin very generously made photos available. between us. . Glossaire de la langue hourrite. . Friedrich. . Thiel. And we wish to be friendly (to each other). 4 8 7 . Thiel et al. . . And may we . . Immureya is the Egyptian king. Laroche has published a lexicon. Tusratta is the Hurrian king. 71 . they 1 2 7 . 1 9 7 1 ) . RHA 3 4 ( 1 9 7 6 ) and 3 5 ( 1 9 7 7 ) . As 1 2 2 man loves Simige on seeing him. reprinted as a monograph in the series Etudes et Commentaires. And so . Speiser.1 5 (destroyed or unintelligible) As by Seri 1 1 6 (and) your god our life (and) our fate are determined. Goetze. .. 1 2 9 . .. W . Otten. between them .1 1 3 . and C . ZA 7 8 ( 1 9 8 8 ) pp. T h e Hurrian-Hittite bilinguals discovered at Boghazkoy (see H . Pbonematik und grammatische Struktur des Hurrischen.2 3 9 . that §imige shines upon. So shall it be (lit. . . diss. our fathers.7 5 ) have been used for this preliminary translation only to the extent that parts of them have been discussed in various articles of H . 1 2 6 . our lords. NOTE [The translation and note for EA 2 4 are by G e m o t W i l h e l m . 1 9 6 4 ) . . us. Thus . 128 . And between us 1 2 1 we wish to love one another in brotherly fashion and close attachment. Otten and E . so we are).J . in V Haas. N e u prior to J u l y 1 9 9 0 .. For the grammar also to be noted are I. . And all the lands that 1 2 5 exist on the earth. . idem. And in our relationship one will wish for 1 2 4 the goodfate{\?) of the other. Diakonoff. des Altorientalischen Seminars der Freien Universitat Berlin (Berlin. 9 3 ( 1 9 8 0 ) . . . Girbal. ZA 7 3 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p p . . For a new interpretation of several passages. and Bush. and since this language is quite inadequately under­ stood. 1 2 3 to love one another. idem. Or n. all for us . the translation must be provisional and tentative. n o may [my br]other not hear the (things) that (in reality) are not [said]. so do we want. . W i l h e l m . 9 6 . 1 2 2 — 3 6 .2 2 .

25 1 set of toggle pins.. 2 3 1 set of toggle pins. of genuine fculla^lu-stone. their top of genuine hiliba-stone. their c[o]nes of genuine lapis 2 lazuli. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 7 hiliba-stones. their top of hiliba-stone. .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 25 Inventory of gifts from Tusratta TEXT: VAT 340 ( + ) fragments 2191 a-c. 2. pp. their top of genuine lapis lazuli. (with) inlay. of gold. of genuine hulalu-stone. 29 1 set of toggle pins. their cones of genuine lapis lazuli. their top of genu­ ine hulalu-stone. 1 s e t 18-19 of earrings. their top of hiliba-stone. . 24 1 set of toggle pins. no. . 1 4 72 . (with) inlay. their [cones] of genuine hulalu-stone.. of g]old. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. their top of genuine hulalu-stone. ] . (with) inlay.2 1 1 set of earrings. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. of solid gold. (with) inlay. and their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone. 3 1 1 set of toggle pins. of gold with a reddish tinge (and) of . 17 1 set of ear[rings. VS 12. 201. . COPIES: WA 25 (without fragments). of genuine [ . and their kukkubu of genuine lapis lazuli. 2 0 . . 28 1 set of toggle pins. of gold]. i 1 1-15C. of gold. 3 22 1 set of toggle pins. 26 1 set of toggle pins. their top of hiliba- stone. their top of genuine hulalu-stone. their top of genuine hulalu-stone. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 33—34 1 "weave": 6 genuine lapis lazuli stones.. 4 on each. their top of genuine hulalu- stone. their [cones] of genuine lapis lazuli. 1 6 1 set [of earrings. . their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone.}. of solid gold. their top of hiliba-stone.. 174-205. 27 1 set of toggle pins.. (with) inlay. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. 30 [ 1 se]t of toggle pins. 3 2 [ 1 se]t of toggle pins.

mounted on gold." of gold: 1 hiliba-stone. 40 [1 mani]nnu-necklace (with) a counterweight: 28 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 72 strings of genuine lapis lazuli and gold. 43 { 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. 10 hiliba-stones. 38 [1 maninnu-neckiace.-stone] mounted on gold. 26 hiliba-stones. 46 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. mounted on gold. 48 1 maninnu-neckiace. 44 1 maninnu-neckiace. .. 28 hi{liba-stones]. 38 (pieces of) gold. cut: 34 genuine hulalu-stones. 4 . 47 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. 42 [1 mani]nnu-necklace. 3 5 . the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. fx] strings of lapis lazuli. EA 25 bikru-gems of gold. the centerpiece a [. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. cut: 30 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 13 seal-shaped stones of genuine lapis lazuli. 20 hikru-gems of gold. of gold. 35 [. x hil~\iba-stones. 28 hiliba-stones. 39 (pieces of) gold leaf. 37 [1 "wea]ve. 28 hiliba-stones. cut: 4 3 [genuine lapis lazuli stones}. 25 hiliba-stones. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold.. cut: 26 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 4 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 38 (pieces of) gold leaf. cut: 38 genuine lapis lazuli stones. cut: 26 genuine lapis lazuli stones. x hiliba-stones. . 13 per string. cut: 32 [genuine lapis lazuli stones. . . cut: 25 genuine lapis lazuli stones.* the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. mounted on gold. 45 1 maninnu-neckiace. 38 strings of gold. ] - stones. the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 40 strings of gold. of seal-shaped stones. 73 . 39 [1 mani]nnu-necklace. cut: 37 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 41 [1 mari\innu-necklace. 50 1 maninnu-neckiace. the center[piece] a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. cut: 38 [genuine lapis lazuli stone]s. the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 2 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone.3 6 1 "weave": 9 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 49 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. its centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. [the centerpiece] a sankallu-stone mounted on gold. of seal-shaped stones of lapis lazuli.

5 7 . ] . . . along with their covers [ . . 48 (pieces of) gold leaf. ] are strung [on] gold wire. 5 . ] . 1 6 sankallu-stones.5 8 [ 1 mani]nnu-necklace (with) counterweight: 14 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 3 3 (pieces of) gold. . [x + ] 6 feulalu- stones. the centerpiece a . . . . along with their [co]vers. a thin (band) overlaid with 74 . . ] 24 gold kamaru. .4 [x] utuppu: 60 genuine lapis lazuli stones. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. . .]• 1 3 . "cricket]s. cut: 34 obsidian stones. } genuine lapis lazuli stones. 180 "worms" of genuine hulalu-stone.. of gold. 67-68 [ .2 [x a]skiru?hu-vessels. 55—56 1 maninnu-necklace (with) counterweight: 1 4 genuine lapis lazuli stones.-stone] mounted on gold. ] . (x + ) ] 5 "worms" of gold. 54 1 maninnu-necklace. ii 1 . 62 [ . 6 61 [ . 1 0 "cr[icke]ts" of fydiba-stone. . . 7 1 . . . 8 t>u{lalu-stones . the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold.. .THE AMARNA LETTERS 51 1 maninnu-necklace. . a .-stone] mounted on gold. [ . . the centerpiece] a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. . 59-60 [1 maninnu-necklace . 69 [ . ] of genuine lapis lazuli. . 16 carnelian stones. 63 genuine feulalu stones. 35 (pieces of) gold.. sankallu-stones. . 70 [ . . 26 gold k{ama]ru. . .5 3 1 maninnu-necklace. . the cen­ terpiece a ge]nuine [. 24 genuine hulalu-stones. ] . . cut: 17 genuine lapis lazuli stones. . 5 pomegranates of sankallu-stone. x] genuine hulalu-stones. 65—66 [ . 1 6 genuine §ulalu-stones. . their tops [ . gazelle [. [ .6 [ ." of {genuine] l[apis lazuli"]. . . [the centerpiece. . . 3 0 (pieces of) gold {leaf. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. . : 1 2 2 genuine lapis lazuli stones. {the center­ piece] a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. ] . 24 (pieces of) gold leaf. 1 7 hiliba-stones. [ . . 2 5 5 Marhafi-stones. . . ] . 63—64 [ . 10 pomegranates of carnelian. . mounted on gold. . . . cut: 2 3 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 5 2 . .7 2 [ . the centerpiece a sankallu-stone mounted on gold. 25 genuine hulalu-stones. . ] genuine hulalu-stone.-stone] mounted on gold. . . .

(with) mesukku-bhds. of gold. for the hand. n per string.-stone mounted on gold. .u-]evje\s. 1 new-moon crescent of [genuine] hulalu-stone. 2 1 . genuine hulalu-stone. 1 finger-ring. of genuine hulalu-stone. overlaid with gold. of solid gold. 3 finger-rings. of solid gold. mounted on gold. 2 new-moon crescents of genuine lapis lazuli. 5 finger-rings. of genuine lapis lazuli. 7—8 { . 2 2 6 . . of genuine lapis lazuli. . 2 foot-bracelets. of solid gold. of iron. (with) inlay. 4 bikru-gems of gold. 9—10 [x] large [ . the mesukku-birds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 2 75 . . ] . 2 9 . mounted on gold [ . of gold tinged with red. . for 8 the hand. . . 1 . mounted on gold. of genuine lapis lazuli. their ulluru of hiliba-stone. for a seal-shaped stone. not mounted. ] . mounted on gold. not mounted. 2 finger-rings. . . of mussaru-stone. of gold. 1 seal- shaped stone of genuine lapis lazuli mounted on gold. . set [in] genuine [lapis lazu]li. . 1 3 . . . their centerpiece a genu­ ine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. . . the centerpiece a genu­ ine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. genuine obsidian. 30 shekels of gold [have been used] on them. 20 2 1 9 "crickets. 390 shekels in weight. 4 . . mounted on gold.2 7 hand-bracelets.1 7 3 sets of small agarh. (mounted) on gold.3 1 1 small torque. . for the hand.1 4 1 set of large agarhu-]ewe\s. . 2 4 . genuine ^ulalu-stone. 18 2 "eye"-stones. 1 ulluru of hiliba-stone. . . of ir[on}. 14 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone. 28 10 thin bracelets. ] 3 genuine hulalu-stones (for a) counterweight. genuine obsidian. 2 finger-rings. of 9 malachite. .2 3 3 finger-rings. of genuine joulalu-stone. EA 25 gold. n . not mounted. 1 5 . mounted on gold. mu[s?aru)-stone. 30 shekels in weight. mus saru-stone.2 5 1 4 hand-bracelets. ] .1 2 [ . 2 finger-rings. 1 3 per string. 1 seal-shaped stone of pendu mounted on gold. 3 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone. of hiliba-stone. 1 2 bikru-gems and a seal-shaped stone of genuine hulalu-stone." of genuine lapis lazuli. of gold tinged with red [ . ] new-moon crescents of genuine hulalu-stone. 19 1 3 "eye"-stones. one attached to the other.

-stone. 34—35 1 harufyu. of gold. ] Their b[ut]tons' are of loiUba-stone. i?4 shekels of silver have been overlaid on them. its handle a 5 6 . . of gold.'9 56—57 1 mirror. overlaid with ivory and gold. 40 shekels in weight. 30 shekels in weight. 1 2 3 shekels in weight. mounted on gold. This jewelry is for keeping 11 {girded]. ifearufhu. its handle [a pan]ther [overlaid with] gold. 76 . . overlaid with gold. 5 4 . . 8 52 30 shekels of silver (we)re overpaid]' on them. . 4 7 .4 2 1 0 pairs of boots and . 2 genuine hulalu-stones (to serve as) counterweights. its handle a 17 s[wal]low overlaid with gold. 4 3 . of ebony. . 6 [ . iharushu. of genuine hulalu-stone. . its top of hiliba-stone mounted on gold. 20 shekels in weight.4 6 1 ointment receptacle. . 3 shekels of gold have been [used] on them. of gold. its rettu of . the handle a figure of alabaster. its handle a Delugue-monster overlaid with gold. 40 shekels in weight. . . of ivory. 14 shekels in weight. of gold. of genuine hulalu-stone. [ . overlaid with g]ol[d}. . 32—33 1 pin. (mounted) on gold." of gold. its top of hiliba-stone mounted on gold. . . of gold.4 4 1 ointment receptacle. of silver. 53 1 wa[shba]sin. . mo[unted on] gold. its top of genuine lapis lazuli mounted on gold. its handle a figure of a woman." of gold.' 2 genuine lapis lazuli stones [are set]' in the center. 1 parakkatanu. of gold. 51 1 oin(t)ment receptacle. 6 "weaves. of gold. of genuine hulalu-stone. 80 shekels in weight.5 0 1 ointment receptacle. . i 4 shekels of gold have been overlaid on them. 1 washbasin of silver. 10 36—40 1 {bunc]h ofgrapes. . 1 alkali container of silver. .' its rettu of alabaster. 100 shekels of gold hafve been used] o[n them]. 1 harushu. 1 ussab- nannu.5 5 1 water-dip(per). of silver. 7 small pomegranates. 11 "worms. one genuine lapis lazuli stone [is set] in the center. ] . 58—59 1 mirror. . It is set here {and there] with lapis lazuli and alabaster. its rettu of abasmu-stone. . of gold. 1 alkali container of gold. I 2 3 4 1 . 4 9 . 1 huzunu. . its retifu) overlaid with gold. its rettu of marhallu-stone. 4 . . 1 3 shekels in weight. its handle a figure 3 of a woman. . 3 . of gold. of gol[d . 1 pin.THE AMARNA LETTERS genuine lapis lazuli stones (to serve as) counterweights. of gold. 4 4 5 .4 8 1 ointment receptacle. y/2 shekels of gold have been u[sed] on them.

. 10 shekels of gold. . . [ . . . 16 shekels of gold [have been used on them]. 63 1 heart. 67 1 0 combs.. . 1 { . along with [their] (c)ov[ers . 3 22—23 W sets offlas\ks. . 1 3 [ .] 12 1 [. 62 1 kuninnu-bowl. 66 1 0 combs. . 1 set of . . . . of silver [ . EA 25 60—61 1 kuninnu-bowl. . . 72 10 combs. of silver. ] 20 shekels of gold [ . [. ala]baster. . . 24—25 [ . { . o]f the country . hu]Ialu-stone { . of silver [ . . 26 [ . 4 2 4 shekels of gol[d have been used on the]m. . of silver [ . 1 s e t or 23 16—17 "flasks. . .. ] . of silver. . st]rung on a w[ire of gold]. . 32 [x sets of askurus\hu-vessels. . 20 shekels in weight. 29 25 sets of askuru\shu-vessels . . 30 shekels in 21 weight. along with [their] c[overs . ] their [ . . .2 1 26 sets of fla(sks). . 30 shfekels of silver . 2 0 . its inside and its base have been overlaid with gold. of silver. . . . . . } . . } .. 65 20 combs.]. . along with their covers [ . . . [ . have been used o]n them. . . 300 shekels [ . 27—28 25 sets of askurus [A#-vessels . along with their covers. ... . 4 2 / [ 4 shekels of silver have been used on the]m. iii I-II [. ] . 30 [ . 1 genuine lapis lazuli stone is set in it. . ] . . of silver [ . eb]ony [ . . . 73 10 combs. 3 1 8 . . of silver { . of stone. } .] . . ] . } . ) ] . . ] strung. [ ( . . ] . ] . 10 [.. . . of gold.. ] . .. . 68 10 combs. ] . . . . ] . . of gold. . . . of silver.}-stone. 2 33—34 1 set 4 of [ . 22 1 5 1 set of angurbinnu. . 64 30 hearts. } . 2000 [ . . ] . ] . . of ram-horn [ . . . [ . 69 10 combs. 30—31 [ . 70 { 1 0 co}mbs. . . . (with) inlay. . ) } . overlaid with gold. . . 900 shekels i[n weight}. am]ong whi[ch] 1 of [. genuine lapis lazuli. . of sil}ver. . . . .)}. . } . } . of gold. ] . 77 . . .1 9 25 sets of flasks. . ] . 1 comb of 20 mol[ten] g l a s s . .. ] . of silver [ . . along with [their] co[vers . 14 [ . } . .. [(. . ] . ] . . .. of silver [ . . of silver [ ( .. . 71 10 combs. the inlay. .

overlaid with gold 3 times.]-stone. overlaid with gold. 2 "weaves. of gold. It {is set] here and {there] with genuine lapis lazuli [ . .5 4 1 fly whisk. 42 shekels of gold [have been used] on [them]. their top of lapis lazuli. 5 2 . . 8 foot-bracelets. . . } . inlay and [its] re{ttu) of alabaster. carnelian stones. overlaid with gold. 46 1 lulutu (animal) horn-rhyton. . . . inlay. 45 1 aurochs horn-rhyton. of ivory [ . its rettu of [. with a gold 21 knob. . of gold. their cones of fyiliba-stone. } overlaid [with gold]. . and [its] 26 stand is se[t here and there with . overlaid with gold. 12 shekels of [gold have been used on them]. overlaid with gold 3 times. . 35 shekels of gold [have been used] on them.6 2 2 sets of earrings. . . its rettu and its handle . . . } .. of hulalu-stone. . . its rettu of ebony. [ . This jew­ 28 elry is for the 2 principal ladies-in-waiting. 1 2 shekels of [gold have been used o]n t[hem}. of gold. ] . . 18 [shekels] of gold [have been used on them}.. 48 90 shekels of gold have been used on them. . overlaid with gold. overlaid with gold 2 times. . 1 2 hand-bracelets. 47 1 lulutu (animal) horn-rhyton. Among [which] 1 [ . } its {p]arattatinu. . .}. . 3 7 . on one of which the rettu is of ebony. . 2 sets of earrings. . 5 9 . . . ." [of . of lapis lazuli. their kukkubu. strung on a wire of gold. of gold. 39-40 5 horn-rhytons . of gold. ] . their rettu of ivory. its rettu of [. 36 [x horn-rhytons . ] and hili{ba]-stone . 5 5 . of fciliba-stone. [ . . ] overlaid [with go]ld. 3 1 3 [shekels of gold}. their rettu of ivory. their cones. 5 1 1 4 giant aurochs horn-rhytons. ] their [ . . of hiliba-stone.THE AMARNA LETTERS 25 35 25 ho{rn-rhytons . and its wire strung with genuine hulalu-stones. ] overlaid [with gol]d . [have been used o]n t[hem]. 4 9 . genuine lapis lazuli stones. . of gold.. . .-stone [ . overlaid with gold. } overlaid with gold. [ . of hula{lu)-stone.. its rettu of ivory.5 8 2 sets of kapissuhfcu-omaments. of gold. [ . . 43 1 aurochs horn-rhyton. [// is se]t here and there with lapis lazuli (and) ...5 0 20 ayigalluhu (animals) horn-rhytons. 9 maninnu-nec\d&ces. .]-stone. . 2 s{ets of toggle pins]. 16 shekels [of gold have been used on them].] overlaid with gold. their top of hulalu- 78 . . . 30 shekels of gold [have been used] on [them]. inlay of [genuine] lapis lazuli. 2 sets of toggle pins.. 42 1 aurochs horn-rhyton. . 41 5 small horn-rhytons. 44 1 mountain-ox horn-rhyton.3 8 [ . } . . overlaid with gold. their .

overlaid with gold. x shekels of . . hav[e been used o]n it. . 2 "weaves. of silver.. x maninnu- necklaces]. ] have been us[ed on them]. of horn. n spindles. of gol]d. 3 3 spindles. 36 shekels of silver have been us[ed] on them. for 100 dowry-women. . of gold. of gold and silver. of dusu-stone. . . ." 40 she[kels of silver have been used on them]. . 2 68 [1 plaque]. . [ . 64-67 4[o]o foot-bracelets. [ . 60 shekels of silver have been used on them. } . . of blue-purple wool. . ] 6 shekels of [si]lver [ . 8 [. EA 25 stone.74 shekels in wei[ght]. ] . . overlaid with [sil}ver. [x spindles. . . 100 sets of tog­ 30 gle pins. of al[abas]ter. of . [ . ] . overlaid with gold and silver. for 10 2< ) pages.3 [• • •]. . 38 shekels of silver. 1440 shekels of silver [have been used] on th[em]. 10-11 [ . 16 spindles. 1 0 foot-bracelets. .. 1 subtu-garment. . withfigure]sof Deluge-monsters.] tallu-\ars. overlaid with gold and silver. of lapis lazuli. .' 10 shekels of go[ld] have been used on them. with figures o]f apsasu-animals... ofgo[ld. [x shekels of gold. ] . . 9 [ . x shekels of silver]. . .7 2 [x spindles. . of gold. 8 foot-bracelets. ] of blue-purple wool.5 [1 plaque.. . 69 [1 plaqu]e. of gold. with a gold knob. . 3 0 hand-bracelets. o f . for j ] o [me]n. . 7 0 .7 7 [. of silver. . It is 208 shekels of gold that [have been used] on [them]. for 30 [dowry]-women. [ . of lapis lazuli. of gold. . 100 shekels of gold have been used on it. . ." of lapis lazuli and hiliba-stone. . 12 hand-bracelets. 7 [ . of silver. Its front [ . . with kaziru-hgures. . 7 6 .] goblets [. of gold and silver. 4 . shekels of . ] 15 (shekels) have been used o[n it. ] shekels of gold. [x shekels of . 30 sets of earrings. . ] . their cones of lapis-lazuli. 79 . .}. . . . 8 shekels in weight. . 26 spindles. . [x spindles.. . 6 [. with kaziru-hgures.. 47 [ . [This] jewe[lry] is for the 2 principal ladies-in- waiting. . [have been used on it/them]. of .a [ov]erlaid with gol[d]. . . . 7 3 . of gold. 1 0 shekels in weight. 63 10 hand-bracelets.} 1 0 spindles. } have been used on them. } . . . . . is set. in] weight. . 15 shekels of gold have been used on them. their top [ . . . of gold. .. . iv 1 . ] . for women. 15 shekels of gold.7 5 [1 . 12-13 [ .}-stone. .

5 2 2 scent containers. of many-colored cloth. of many-colored cloth. [ . . of bo]xwood. . 4 blankets. . [ 1 ] kettle. overlaid with silver. have been used [on] it. 41 with kanatku-oil.2 0 [ . ." 56 1 ewer. . . overlaid with gold and silver. 30 shekels of silver. 27 [ . . for the feet. ] . 49 30 large blankets. of bronze. [x] che[sts . ejbony. . .-garments. of which the trimmings are many-colored. 380 shekels in weight. . [A figure]. . with sikil-oil. . 2 8 . [A figure]. ] lapis lazuli. Tukris-style. . ] have been used {on them]. [ .. with myrrh-scented oil.. .3 1 [x ches]ts. for the head. [ . with cording above and below. 1 scent container. . 17 [ . .. with persantu-oil. . . . of ivory... of bronze. . 1 6 shekels of silver have been used on them. 64 [shekels of silver]. of bronze. . ] of lapis lazuli. 2 1 . . . 4 blankets. . 53 2 scent containers. theirf[ig]ures. of [ . . . for women. with elder- oil. i9 48 41 r[obes]. of . [x] small [j]ars. [have been used o]n [it].. have been used on them.4° 51 1 scent container. . 54 1 scent container. 1 scent container. . ] . 37 1 garment.36 45 4 [sh]irt[s]. . of many-colored cloth. 57 [x] large [jar]s. 6 shekels of gold. overlaid with gold. . . i[o fabri]cs. 55 10 kirru-pots that are full of "sweet oil. ] . . . of sil]ver. of ivory. with myr­ tle oil.] 3 shekels of gold.2 2 [ . withfigure]sof deer34 . . [their] bot[tom .] pots [ . [.} . . . . of bronze. 12 shekels of gold. ] . [. for a bed. [ . } . . . 58 [ . . 4 long spreads. 25—26 [ . . with elder-oil. 26 shekels of silver. 23—24 [ .1 6 [ . . ] of elammakku-v/ood. ] . . 1 8 . of many-colored cloth. x shekels of .. of br[onze}. } overpaid] with gold. x c]he[sts. ] . . 80 . 3 47 40 [ .. . . of 8 many-colored cloth. [i]o susinnu-gatments. over­ laid with gold and silver. of boxwood. 46 1 . 50 2 sh[or]t spreads. . 1 (scent container). . . ] its side-board^' [ . ] . . for a bed. with myrtle oil. . . 2 shekels [of gold] hav[e been used o]n them. . . overlaid with gold and silver.THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 4 . ] . . . . . . ] . withfigureso}/lions [ . its side-board [ . . 1 scent container. ] . of iv[ory . 32-44 [.

of bronze. ARMT 2 1 .. w h i c h is a l s o the r e g u l a r w r i t i n g e l s e w h e r e . 1 4 9 . "a b u n c h o f g r a p e s m a d e o f p r e c i o u s stones" (CAD. . of bronze. of bronze}. 5 ) . 65—67 It is all these [ob]jects (and) dowry-personnel t[hat 4 7 Tu}sratta. K . ] . For s t o n e s a n d other o b j e c t s f r o m t h e c o u n t r y M a r h a s i . of elammakku- wood. KUB 2 2 . W a s tamlfi a l s o t h e n a m e o f a m a t e r i a l ? S e e below. however. . 7. . a n d n o t e mar-ha-su at U g a r i t r a t h e r t h a n t h e u s u a l marhusu. of elammakku-wood. .2 3 . 10. n. EA 2 2 ii 2 4 . ka-ma-ru (also i 6 2 ) is f o u n d at M a r i (first p o i n t e d o u t t o m e b y S. 2 8 3 on 4 4 5 . p. 1 0 wash[basins. identification o f t h e m a t e r i a l . O n e e x p e c t s h e r e .. . [ . S . 2 4 2 . the king of Mittani. L i e b e r m a n ) as a k i n d of o r n a m e n t a t i o n on a n e c k l a c e ( ? ) . sa su-ur-k[u -si) 8 ( L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ) . . [ . a chair.. of bronze}. followed by S a l o n e n . a n d a vase. [of bronze]. 43 4 4 62 [1 water-dip\per. 63 [x] small troughs. 2 0 small troughs. 1975-198} (see EA 2 2 .} ga[ve . . cf. however. } her [. p. 42 60 [ . 46 are the dowry-personnel. 3 0 . ] . A g a i n s t marhallu. . M / i . K n u d t z o n read \mar-ha-lim. Cf.5 are b r o k e n . of bronze. EA 25 59 [ . T h e a s s u m p t i o n o f a n u n c o n t r a c t e d f o r m . . . . o n e w o u l d e x p e c t a d e s i g n a t i o n o f p e r s o n n e l . of boxwood. p. " 9. . n 5. p . . I follow CAD. . 13. NOTES 1. ii 2 1 . a n d A d l e r ) . " m e a n s "loose. 2 7 9 on 2 3 0 . l 9(>9s. p . p . 81 . is difficult (an A s s y r i a n i s m ? ) ..6 1 . u n a t t a c h e d . iii 60. L i n e s 1 . ku -dup-pi-a-na 8 (AHw. relation t o kuduppanu unclear). . 494 ( r e a d i n g gumbu or guduppu. r e t a i n s K n u d t z o n ' s z[i- h]u-[u]n-na-tum. I / J . 61 [ 1 0 brajziers. sa qdti. Ebla. 190). 4. CAD. 6. See EA 1 3 : 1 4 a n d n o t e . {i)s-hu-un-na-tu 4 ( G o r d o n ) . 2 0 knives. 2 4 1 . 2. 6 . 1 0 sets of angurin\nu. ] . "for t h e h a n d . 8. 1 container for alkali. p. and p. p r o b a b l y m o s t l y concerning earrings. 2 8 1 ." 3. p[u]-ti-in-na-su-nu ( G o r d o n ) . See note 3 a b o v e . 3 2 7 ) . not o f f u n c t i o n . 499. t h e last s i g n b e c o m i n g li for A d l e r . p. see t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f D u r a n d . L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ten­ t a t i v e l y c o m p a r e d samsdti. are t h e a b s e n c e o f d o u b l i n g a n d t h e a p p a r e n t g e n i t i v e . J . 2 7 0 women. 11. see CAD. ARMT 2 5 .4 2 . . sa-Za-tu :4 p r o b a b l y t h e s a m e as sa-an-Za-[t]i in line iii 5 7 ( A d l e r .1 5 have only e n d s o f l i n e s . 3 0 men. of bronze. a n d L i m e t . 7 0 : 2 0 . p . W i t h t h e s e c o n d . c o n t r a s t n mar-hal-lu (EA 2 2 ii 67. "disks. . } . a n d there is no other e v i d e n c e t h a t kuduppanu d e r i v e s f r o m c o n t r a c t i o n . F r o m iii 5 9 . a n d sa-izaj-a-tu^. as in i 2 7 — 3 2 . t w i c e ) a n d ^mar-hal-lu (below. S e e C i v i l . 12. 45 64 { 2 0 + x s]poons. p p . A c c o r d i n g t o L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n . Die Fussbekleidung der Alten Mesopotamien [Helsinki. of bronze. 6 1 . ii 4 9 ) .

CAD. EA 4 1 : 3 9 ^ . The position. and iv 64. 19. c o m p a n i o n s t o t h e p r i n c e s s far f r o m her n a t i v e l a n d . 22. . 20. S i n c e in ii 4 3 — 4 4 . t h e h a n d l e has s o m e sort o f a figure. [ G A R . a n d s i n c e t h e n u m b e r s m e n t i o n e d e l s e w h e r e are l a r g e .B a b y l o n i a n ) . 15. 28. t h e n t h e o c c a s i o n a l u s e o f m. for 4 or 5 d u e n n a s (pur- sumatum. if n o t decisively. of m. cf. w h e r e s h e r e m a i n e d (AEM 1 / 2 . iv 6 2 . 18. m. VAB 2 / 1 . 25. " w h i c h a r e a l w a y s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h sulapu. is definitely. [GAR-/«]. ] a s an A s s y r i a n i s m . L i k e t h e l a d i e s . t h e s e t w o w o m e n are c e r t a i n l y n o t i n c l u d e d in t h e 2 7 0 w o m e n in iv 6 4 . n o t e 7)- 30. T h e a l k a l i (uhillu. AfO. A d l e r . w e r e p r o b a b l y o f h i g h social s t a n d i n g (see EA 17. has fehruti. 2 1 . M E § in iv 6 4 . S i n c e reference here is t o f u n c t i o n rather t h a n t o a g e . 268:5) a n d the Neo- B a b y l o n i a n " h e a r t s . b u t o f t h e o b j e c t s n a m e d (so AHw. suharf seems the m o r e l i k e l y r e a d i n g (AHw. in t h e list i t s e l f (iii 6 5 . 320). M / 2 . s i m i l a r l y in ii 4 7 . a s t h e t e x t is g e n e r a l l y t a k e n . l i t . 31.. Adler). s[i-nu]-un-t[u ] 4 ( G o r d o n ) . 82 . Cf. p. a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y iii 6 6 . 1 0 8 9 . I f in iv 6 5 mulugi q u a l i f i e s ude. EME(for E M E ) .r h y t o n " ( S I . P r o b a b l y s o m e k i n d o f a c l a s p ( R e i n e r . M E S in iii 64.» # ] : cf.). 23.s h a p e d c u p a t M a r i (ARM 9. 27. 66. "old w o m e n " ) f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e c u s t o m s o f t h e p a l a c e . t h e h e a r t . N A 4 bu-u[s-lu] (CAD. 291a). in v i e w o f 3 0 L U . is a t t e s t e d earlier ( N u z i ) a n d later ( N e o . N o t e the w r i t i n g of angurinnu. r a t h e r t h a n ' " T U R } . [ M E § mu-lu-kt]\ iv 6 4 ) s e e m s p o i n t l e s s — t h a t i s . on line 5 7 . a n d h e n c e its m e n t i o n here w i t h a d i p p e r . no. "knife-blade(s)" (?). 21. A s a d e s i g n a t i o n o f p e r s o n s . M U N U S . T h e t w o w o m e n are referred t o a g a i n in iii 6 2 . T h e y were p r o b a b l y m e m b e r s o f a n o b l e family.THE AMARNA LETTERS 14. p . no. sehheruti). 16. . D A = tarftu. 17. Cf. a g a i n s t t h e l a t t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . n o t o f t h e p e r s o n s i m m e ­ d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g . In v i e w o f t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n t h e n u m b e r s o f o b j e c t s a n d t h o s e o f p e r s o n s in iii 6 4 ( 1 0 0 ) a n d iii 6 6 ( 3 0 ) . pt'-is-sa-tu (AHw. B e i h e f t 1 1 . lit. F o l l o w i n g VS 1 2 . T a k i n g i-sa-as-[su . and c o m m e n t a r y p . ARMT 7. "mother") w h o r a i s e d Q u e e n B e l t u m a n d a c c o m ­ p a n i e d her f r o m Q a t n a t o M a r i . p . " H o r n . I a s s u m e the s a m e feature here. 29. [ L U ] . see MSL 10. cf. S u m e r i a n n a g a ) w a s u s e d for b a t h i n g . M E § . A d l e r ) . a sort o f n u r s e or g o v e r n e s s w h o a c c o m p a n i e s a y o u n g w o m a n (nadftu) e n t e r i n g t h e "cloister" (ARM 10. 26. 2 9 8 : 1 3 6 ° .i n - w a i t i n g of the previous p a r a g r a p h s . t o o . 3 0 in iii 66. t o k e e p Q u e e n B e l t u m in l i n e . these m e n . a n d h e n c e all t h e o b j e c t s l i s t e d in EA 2 5 are t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as m. O n the abalmu-stone. qarnu) as d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m t h e s i m p l e rhyton (bibru. p . 4 7 — 5 1 . 3 ) 0 s e e m s fairly c e r t a i n . "2 sets" ( n o t c o l l a t e d ) . t h e tarftu. 3 0 M U N U S . 298:29ff. 9:i75f. 9 2 ) . w h o are a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y not i n c l u d e d in t h e 3 0 in iv 6 4 . t h e r e q u e s t in AEM 1 / 2 . 5 8 . 869). 2 7 0 in iv 6 4 ) . u{h)-hu-{zu\ (Adler). if it is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d . r o u n d n u m b e r s ( 1 0 0 in iii 6 5 . ii 6 1 . S e e EA 1 3 . p . note 2 2 . a n d t h e n u r s e (ummu. M E § ( K n u d t z o n . cf. p. 24. 4 3 .

o n t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . a n d EA 2 2 iii 5. . 1 1 0 0 w o u l d not b e w r i t t e n 1 1 M E . w i t h VS 1 2 .. A L A M . B o e h m e r . [. 41 TUG.g i f t s . For t h e 3 0 m e n .1 5 . n o o b j e c t s b e i n g a s s i g n e d t o t h e m . kanatku {EA 2 2 iii 3 2 ] .5 5 . N f G .MES [ B A R . p. D A R " ' A . For iv 4 9 . Die Fauna des Alten Mesopotamien . 1 0 0 1 . G I G (kanaktu.. R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f deer ( s t a g s ) were c o m m o n . p r o p o s e s "water-buffalo. e . p . 44. [1 sa m e . p . H A ] (namsu ): t h e a p p a r e n t m i d d l e h o r i z o n t a l m a y b e only a s c r a t c h . t h e r e f o r e . gu -ha]-rf. 10 pe-pa-{wa-Ti\ n x {p\(-pa-wa-si ur-ra-se-na (iv 4 4 . K . 36. if c o r r e c t . D U L ] ? (Cf. "objects o f d e s i r e ? " ) . p . For iv 5 1 .. or.) 40. At the beginning of the line. cf. The usual i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h i s e n t r y is t h a t muliigt qualifies ude. a p p a r e n t l y c o n f i r m e d by t h e c o p y o f V S 1 2 . 37. EA 2 2 iii 2 9 - 36. b e t w e e n ude a n d mulugfas two separate c a t e g o r i e s o f g i f t s c o m p r i s i n g t h e d o w r y s e e m s m o t e p r o b a b l e . iv 6 5 ) .6 4 a s in EA 22 iv 3 4 — 3 5 . D i e t r i c h a n d O . Cf. 8 8 ) . It is not clear. . .p ] u . n. e i t h e r t h e o t h e r 1 7 0 ( 1 4 0 ? ) were also m e n ­ t i o n e d in t h e b r e a k s . 38. Cf. M . G o r ­ don). " b y s s o s ." r 34. 3 5 ) b u t m o r e t h a n VS 1 2 . cf. 39. . . 5 i m 41. R . " p l u s H u r r i a n a d j e c t i v a l e n d i n g -alenni(lu). [x 8 ' ] D f L I M . Despite Knudtzon's auto­ g r a p h (VAB 2 / 1 . Cf. M A § . B e s i d e s t h e 100 ( 1 3 0 ? ) w o m e n referred t o in iii 646". D U B . see iii 6 4 a n d note 3 0 . EA 22 ii 41). no. a l s o G o r d o n : the s i g n in q u e s t i o n is definitely not o n e o f t h e B U L U G . iii 66. o n t h e l a s t w o r d . L [ U H . AHw. I c o u l d see less t h a n K n u d t z o n (VAB 2 / 1 . (. 33. a n d in iv 6 4 t h e s e p e o p l e s e e m t o f o r m a s p e c i a l category. 1 0 0 1 .s i g n s .e s u . 310). t h e n t h e kaztru are h a r d l y c u r l s on f i g u r i n e s {CAD. 1 42.ME§ [sa Va. [ L e i p z i g . rev. p e r s o n n e l as o p p o s e d t o t h e o b j e c t s w i t h w h i c h t h e list h a d been concerned u p t o t h i s p o i n t . [h]a-[z]u-[r]a (iv 40. t h e y w e r e s i m p l y a d d e d in here. mu-lu-gu {ME§] y (cf.. 47. 1 9 3 4 ] . . 1 6 4 . 1 . cf.5 5 . 1 4 3 3 . n o . a l s o G o r d o n . EA 22 iv 11. ii 5 4 . BiOr 2 3 ( 1 9 6 6 ) p .-p]t'-iz-zu-uh-hu (iv 40. as 83 . t h e s e q u e n c e in EA 2 2 iv 2 2 — n a m s u a n d la N E — a n d t h e next e n t r y here. M E S s]a ap-sd-a-((ab))-sd-ti. cf. § U . t h e f o l l o w i n g line. (see iii 6 4 ) . iii 55). see EA 2 2 iv 3 4 — 3 5 a n d n o t e 5 2 . p . e x p l a i n s susinnu as E g y p t i a n sus./(iv 32). A d i s t i n c t i o n . ZA 66 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p p . w h i c h are therefore all d e s i g n a t e d as m. w i t h i n t h e list i t s e l f o n l y p e o p l e s e e m t o b e c a l l e d m. EA 7:81. For t h e a s s u m p t i o n of t h e s a m e n u m b e r o f s p o o n s as t r o u g h s . 46. i8f. 5 ku-ur\-si-i-in-ni. Cf. L a n d s b e r g e r in Gordon.. "ankles" (iv 3 3 . 1 3 3 . [1 G I § .. EA 2 2 ii 40. T h e n u m b e r s s e e m t o b e t o t a l s . p . 4 3 ) . 43. EA 2 2 iv 1 2 . cf.. H o w e v e r . EA 1 3 .-. M . there a r e traces o f o n l y o n e h o r i z o n t a l f o l l o w e d b y o n l y one vertical a n d p o s s i b l y a s m a l l s c r a t c h . [u]-de^-e: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . [. 2 TUG. L o r e t z . and cf. . Cf. i-en. EA 25 32. 3 5 . 35. M E § (itqurati): also G o r d o n . M y r e a d i n g y i e l d s t h e s a m e s e q u e n c e in lines iv 6 3 .l ] i : cf.. EA 2 2 iv 1 4 . but more l i k e l y t h e e n t i r e o b j e c t t e p r e s e n t e d . as s e e m s m o r e likely. 5 45.ME& ( L a n d s b e r g e r .5 0 . i . M E § (ayalT).4 a n d n o t e 1 4 . If gistuppu is c o r r e c t . p e r h a p s t h e kazTru-phnt itself.

your husband. For your household.THE AMARNA LETTERS P i n t o r e . your brother. 1938). [my daughter]. may all go well. [your] husba[nd]. COPIES: BB 11 ( + ) Luckenbill. you. Earlier copies of A 9356: Abel. But you are the on[e. 19-29 [And n]ow. [on the ot]her hand. 2jiff. 7-18 You are the one that knows that I [myself] always showed love [to] Mimmureya. pi. and Mane know. very [well]. For me] all goes well. may all go very. l i k e later A r a m a i c mfliig in p r e - and e a r l y . A[nd the things) that I wou[ld write and] say [t]o Mimmureya. may all go well. Matrimonio. JAOS 8 8 [ 1 9 6 8 } p p . [Keli]ya. you yourself [sai]d to Keliya. ZA 7 (1892) p. on the other ha)nd. 310. your husband. EA 26 To the Queen Mother: some missing gold statues TEXT: BM 29794 ( + ) A 9356 (Oriental Institute). And now you are the one that must not forget your [ljove' for Mimmu[reya].T a l m u d i c t i m e s ( B . P H O T O G R A P H S : B B . one after the other. Chiera. the mistress of Egy[pt]: T[hus Tusjratta. Increase (it) f[or] Naphurre[y]a and maintain (it) for hi[m}. For Tadu-Heba. p . your husband. 7f. my husband. Memoires. No one [el]se knows them (as well). [would alwa]ys write and say to me. [Say] t[o Teye]. For your countries. and that Mimmureya.' " 84 . was already at t h i s p e r i o d d i s t i n g u i s h e d as t h a t p a r t o f t h e d o w r y over w h i c h t h e wife r e t a i n e d s o m e control. the king of [Mittani. always showed love to me. always showed love to yo[ur] father. They Wrote on Clay (Chicago. he did not forge[t]3 his love for your father. your daughter-in-law. and 2 maintained (it) for you. and the things that Mimmureya. p. one after the other. pp.. 9 (BM 29794). "Say to your lord: 1 'Mi[m]mureya. L e v i n e . You must keep on send[ing] 6 7 embassies of joy. p. 1 1 8 . Scheil. for] your son. AJSL 33 (1916) pp. Do not cut [them] off.). 203 (A 9356). who knows much better than all others the things [that] we said [to one an]other. For you may all go w[ell. t h a t m. E. on the other hand. and for whatever else belongs to you. m a i n t a i n s . 206-11. 118. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. fo[r your troops]. and he did not cut o[fFH the [em]bassies that he had been accustomed to sending.

64—66 I [her]ewith [send] as your greeting-gift [x] scent con­ 17 tainers [filled] with "sweet oil. w]hy have they been a source of such dist[ress] to your son that he has not given them to me?'4 Furthermore. NOTES 1. in D u r a n d . 2. sees in t h e (literally) "journey o f joy" reference t o t h e royal p r o c e s s i o n c o n d u c t i n g a b r i d e t o E g y p t . A 9 3 5 6 b e g i n s here (line 2 1 ) a n d w o u l d j o i n B M 2 9 7 9 4 d o w n t h r o u g h line 5 3 . . it-ta-sa-ar-k[a}\ s o K n u d t z o n . [your] husb[and. EA 26 8 3 0 . with 3 [ . 49—57 Wh[y] have you [no]t exposed before Naph[urreya} the words t[hat you your]self. 5 Is this love? I had sa[id]. 2 6 . 2 4 . [You are the one who knows] the words of Mimmureya. . w h e r e t h e r e is n o reference t o m a r r i a g e ." But now he has not [given me] even what his father was accustomed to give. has plated [statues] of wood. statues of solid cast gold and . in D u r a n d . similarly. . La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . 6. In c o n t e x t . p . A r t z i . your son]. p . this s e e m s 85 . and correctly. but] you did not l s[end] ° all of my greeting-gift" that {your husband ordered] to [be sent]. " i n c r e a s e . .. More than ever be[fo]re. -[si] in A d l e r . n." But now Nap[hurreya. 5. " a l s o h a s no d i r e c t o b j e c t e x p r e s s e d . nor { . is going to treat me 1 0 times better than his father did. a n d h e r e n o t e t h a t rubbi. "Naphurre[ya. t h e v e r b a l suffix is d a t i v e c a s e . 5 8 .[ k u ] . I 12 had asked [your husband] for [statues] of sol[id} cast [gold]. said to [me]? If 16 [you] do not expose them before him. im-s[e]: s o K n u d t z o n . . a n d c o r r e c t l y . and may the messen[gers o]f Yuni. and y[ou keep silent].6 3 May your own messengers g[o] regularly with the mes- sen[gers o]f Naphurreya. . Let him treat m[e] 1 0 times better [th]an his father did. is o f a different o p i n i o n . not a c c u s a t i v e . 3. saying." (and) 1 set of stones [set in gold]. With gold being the dirt [in your son's country. ip-r[u-us]\ so K n u d t z o n . [ . ofgold] and genuine lapis lazuli. 13 "[May my brother send me] a[s my greeting-gift. . a n d therefore t h e v e r b in t h i s i n s t a n c e d o e s n o t m e a n "to p r o t e c t " . t]o give J th[is]. t]o Yuni. my wife. a n d c o r r e c t l y . . however. and with your own mouth. [g]o regula[rly} to [you]. I asked .4 8 I will [not} fo[rget] the love for Mimmureya. much—more love to Naphurreya.9 at this very moment. A s the i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g akkdsa m a k e s clear. 6 2 ) . I show 1 0 times— much. usurs[u] in line 2 7 . A r t z i . [r]a-a-mu-ut-ka: t h e s m a l l o b l i q u e w e d g e s u g g e s t i n g [r]u or [r]i m a y b e only a scratch (also G o r d o n ) . my wife. [wi]th love and evidence of es[teem]. can anyone [el]se know? Let [Nap}hurreya give me statues of sol[id} gold! He must cause me no [dis}tress whatsoever. your hus­ band. your son. . A d l e r h a s . my brother]. 4. La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique. } . A d l e r has -[ru-us].

T h e e n d of the line reads " ( . your mother. K i i h n e . n. for] your [house]hold. I f t h e s u b j e c t is s e c o n d f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r . e-te-ti (for ri)-il. [for] youf [mag]nates. 3 9 . for the rest of your wives]. f r o m t h e u p p e r e d g e d o w n w a r d s . 15. T h e n u m b e r is u n c e r t a i n . 17. sulmant. In line 3 1 . no. t h e n w e m u s t a s s u m e a r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n . 11. rf-r[a-a]m-we ( K n u d t z o n . ) . EA 27:4if. your father-in-law. w r i t t e n in h i e r a t i c . r e a d s -[(ma-a?)-me] and r e j e c t s K n u d t z o n ' s taparras-[si] on the g r o u n d s that the form should be 2d m a s ­ c u l i n e s i n g u l a r — w h i c h it is: taparras + suffix r e f e r r i n g t o fyarrdna (line 2 8 . 7. see EA 19:64^. I f t h e r e is n o t e n o u g h r o o m for [ l a ] . 1. your brother}. pp. rf#-»/-t[a] ( A d l e r ) . For me all goes well. 14. tz-[na s u l m a n l y a ( l i n e 3 9 .THE AMARNA LETTERS m o s t unlikely.] y: x. for [your] sons. 11.. EA 27:7—8. the king of Mi[ttani. i-na § [ A . who loves you. b u t c e r t a i n l y m o r e t h a n 1: t h e h e a d o f v e r t i c a l j u s t v i s i b l e is t o t h e r i g h t b o t h o f t h e b r o k e n . my brother. 6 6 ./ » 4 3 sa D U M U 4 i » im-tar-sti-ma. line 3 8 is free r e s t o r a t i o n ) . COPIES: WA 23 (only VAT 233). a t [ a . f e m i ­ n i n e ) . a s mitharis s h o w s . t h e c o r r e c t r e a d ­ i n g w a s g i v e n b y W i n c k l e r . 3 9 . cf. i b i d . 13. r e t a i n e d b y A d l e r ) is c e r t a i n l y w r o n g . 8. R e a d pa-n[a]-nu or pa-n[a\-''a'-nu (Gordon).t i ] : only a g u e s s . may all go [well. K i i h n e . 21 (lines 13-31).k u . 10. x [. whom [I love and who loves me: Thus T]usratta. Fo]r Tadu-Heba. 16. 86 . i f p l u r a l . a n d a n o t h e r l i n e c o n t i n u e d o n t h e left e d g e . see K i i h n e . y. For you m[ay all go well. my son-in-law. 1 9 0 . 212-25. 1 [Say to Naplmrreya. p . p. "my gift" ( K i i h n e . Matrimonio. 29:139. b u t not m [ a ( G o r d o n ) . 44 . " EA 27 The missing gold statues again T E X T : VAT 233 ( + ) 2197. n. 1 9 0 . n. ) the wife of the k i n g of U p p e r E g y p t .s a . not an-ni-'P (Gordon). 1 9 0 . p r o b a b l y n o t n ] a ( G o r d o n ) . [m]y daug[hter. 12. O n t h e e n d o f line 4 2 . 3 9 . . s i m p l e taparras ( A d l e r ) is c e r t a i n l y wrong. ina libbi marasu. Great King. p .. n o t <s[a (so K n u d t z o n ) . Pintore. .( e ) . 9. . F o l l o w i n g l i n e 66 a r e p r o b a b l y t w o lines o f E g y p t i a n . .a w a y [ a ] a b o v e in line 6 4 . 2193. the king of Egyjpt. KB 5. your wife. "not likely" ( G o r d o n ) .b i . For Teye. 27:50^. p . cf. a n d o f t h e " 1 " j u s t b e l o w in line 6 6 ( G o r d o n : 3 or 5 ? ) . p . ra-'a-mu-ut-t[a la] 3 2 a-ma-as-sP: t [ a . b u t consisting of more than one p i e c e . cf. T h e r e is r o o m for a t l e a s t o n e m o r e s i g n . to-s[e-(e)-bi-li].l a ] . T h e joy t h a t q u a l i f i e s t h e j o u r n e y refers t o t h e p l e a s u r e at h e a r i n g t h e brother's g r e e t i n g a n d a t s e e i n g t h e g i f t s t h a t a c c o m p a n y it. ta-pa-ar-ra-as-{si-(mey]. tu- s [ e . T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. VS 11.

thus spo[k]e my brother. when my brother hands over my wife whom I have asked for. 2 7-8 [Ma]ne. I will give you ones made also of lapis lazuli. You have sent plated ones of wood.3 1 He showed much additional gold. too." Every one of my messengers that were staying in Egypt saw the gold for the statues with their own eyes. but 9 you have reduced (them) greatly. Mimmureya. He said to my messengers. Nor have you sent me the goods that your father was going to send me. here the statues.2 7 I also asked your father. Mim­ 4 mureya: "These goods that I have now sent are nothing. and he 8 made them entirely of pure gold.3 6 Yet there is nothing I know of in which I have failed my brother. I will give you. much additional gold and (other) goods beyond measure. a statue o/Tadu-Heba." Af]ter my brother is desirous of my love. which was beyond mea­ sure and which he was sen[d]ing to me. and they saw with their own eyes that they were entirely of pure gold. Your father himself recast the statues [i]n the presence of my messengers. [for] your [hor]ses. [M]y messengers saw with their own eyes that they were recast. shall I not be desirous of my brother's lo[ve]?3 At this very moment I show you 1 0 times more l[ov]e than I did to your father! 13-18 And your father. and] for [whatever else belongs to you]. then I will send you 1 0 times more than this. I have sent to you with this understanding' that. and my brother is not to complain. my brother's messenger. so now show love [to me. 87 ." 1 9 . EA 27 for your chariots. s[aid] this on his tablet. I have sent nothing. Mimmureya. for statues of solid cast gold. for your country. f[or your troops.3 4 But my brother has not sent the solid (gold) statues that your father was going to send. one of myself and a second statue. 2 8 . "Don't talk of giving statues just of solid cast gold. there much gold and goods beyond measure. and your father said. When Mane brought the bride-price." And my messen­ gers did see with their own eyes! 3 2 . along with the statues. that day I make a festive occasion. Any day that I hear the greetings of my brother. very well. "See with your own eyes. [came and] I heard the [gr]eeting o[f my brother] and I [r]ejoiced greatly. These goods that I have now sent to you. may all go [ve]ry. my 6 7 daughter. Mimmureya. which I am sending to my brother. I saw the goods that my brother [sen}t and I re[jo]iced greatly. and they bring her here and I see her. 9—12 My brother said this: "Ju[st] as you always showed love to my father. 3 5 .

with a small escort. . his messenger. l 6 8 3 . . ] . . your mother]. Accordingly. the messengers of each] one will turn ba[ck]. I will now show 1 0 times—much—more love to Naphurreya. 55—58 [/ sent Haamassi] posth[aste t]o [Mimmureya. And [with gold being the dirt] in [my] brother's country. May 12 my brother ask [Haa]massi. and may he not hold them back. [ / heard] my [brother's words and I rejoi[ced] gre[atly]. and have told them to hurry]. how your father [would speak] with me [and did not forget his lo}ve [for my father]. 59-62. . [Your father] sent me [much gold].7 8 [And n]ow my brother h[as sai]d: "Ju[st] as you [always showed love] to my fa[th]er. 10 your messenger.'3 6 9 . 63-68 .8 2 [M]a[ne. '4 7 4 . .8 8 . . [but] no one else knows [them. 52-54 . 11 [why] have [the statues] been a source of such distr[ess] to my brother that he has not [given them to me .7 3 [The wor]ds that [/ used to speak] t[o your father]. . ~i 93-98 [May] my brother's [messengers] come to me [wi]th Pi- 18 rissi. . [/ may he]ar [my l brother's greeting]. K[el]i[y]a. . My brother's] mother [knows everything. . and within 3 months] he sent back [Haamasfi] po[sthas]te. . came to me. . He wi[ll s]ee that [ . so s[how love t[o me]. my brother. [according] to the custom [of kings]. and how [/] would speak with your father and [maintained] the lo[ve that he had from my father]. . May [m]y brother not [detain them. .4 2 But now my brother has not sent me the statues of solid gold. I will let [Mane].5 1 . [and Mane know th]em. . 4 5 . reported my brother's words. . my brother's messenger. . ] . Teye.. . . THE AMARNA LETTERS 37-40 When [Ha]amassi. your father." My brother will see th[at] I sh[all show great love to my brother. "My brother m[ust a]s[k}'5 his mother [ . ] . . . [ . . . I spoke as follows: "Just as I always showed love to Mimmureya. nor has my brother sent all the additional goods that your father o[rde]red sent. . and I heard them. (but) release them so] they can report back to me. 7 9 . m]y brother's [messenger. ] . and that [your fa]ther [used to speak to m]e. 89-92 I herewith [send post]has[te] Piriss[i and Tulubri. and re[joice]. . posthaste [ . there were four sacks [full of gold that he sent me]. . 43—44 May my brother now give me the statues of solid gold that I a[sk]ed your father for. ] . no one [knows." Thus did I speak to Haamassi. . . 88 . . I have] said. 4 1 .

" see K i i h n e . has s u g g e s t e d . I]n my brother's [countr]y g[ol]d is as plentiful a]s dirt. 1 2 ) . . as your greeting-gift: 1} shirt. f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . / shall invite them] t[o celebrate] a great feast. . 5. 1 [c]ity-sh\tt. 3 8 . 5 6 . p . EA 14 ii 1 1 .. EA 2 4 . 3 1 b . ) . " G r e a t K i n g . O r : "{Af ] t e r m y b r o t h e r is d e s i r o u s o f f r i e n d s h i p w i t h m e . p. P i n t o r e . and if they do so [arri]v[e] f[or .1 5 . . . S e e AHw.]-stone. Z .. .] more than his father did. 1 s[et] of stones [mounted] on gold—[for] Tadu-Heba. t h e p l a t e d ones in lines 3 2 f f . y]our 20 wife. 3 9 . n. mount[ed] on gold. [ . a n d CAD. col. . 89 . go. 1 8 1 . 8. p . May he send me [m]uch [gold in or]der that my brother. A g a i n s t t h e latter. then 19 h]ow will I treat them! . O n t h e d i v i s i o n o f c l a u s e s . O n musler. . [May] my brother [cause me no dis]tress. . . Matrimonio. p . Lo scambio dei doni durante i secoli XV-XIIl (EA 1 9 . 2 7 7 a . 1 set of stones mount[ed] on gold—for Teye.] of my brother. 2 4 b . F o l l o w i n g K n u d t z o n . . see U n g n a d . A d l e r a r g u e s o t h e r w i s e . Hurrian-style. [ M ^ ] my [bro]ther [. 1 r[ob]e. "as m u c h as this" (line 1 8 ) . i b i d . may honor me. your mother. n. 3 9 . followed by Z a c c a g n i n i . lit. 112 [1 scent container] fil[led] with "sweet [o]il". 2. [. } . . O L Z 1 9 1 6 . 113 I send [1 scent container fil]led [with "sweet oil"]. 2). p . NOTES 1. followed by K i i h n e . . silbulu d o e s n o t m e a n "to send back. 104—109 May my bro[ther] send me much gold.H e b a . p . annu s e e m s t o b e t h e d e m o n s t r a t i v e p r o n o u n r a t h e r t h a n a n i n t e r j e c t i o n or a d v e r b . a n d therefore ana iyali h a r d l y m e a n s "for m e . a n d A d l e r . 99-103 [W}h[en} my brother's [mes]sengers [arrive} a[long wi]th [Pirissi . . a n d P i n t o r e . [At] the kim[ru- fe]ast. . } pair(s?) fo[r the hjand. " a n d in t h e o m i s s i o n see n o i m p l i c a t i o n s of h o s t i l i t y (see EA 1. . EA 27 my [brothe]r's [messenger}. Cf. Matrimonio. no—in [Herewith. [with the gold and m]any [good]s. "let g o . the feast. Gladly shall I send Mane to . 3. 2 4 . with] many goods [may my] brother [honor me.. a s K i i h n e . [So] may they arrive [ . 2 1 . I d o not r e s t o r e L U G A L G A L . shall I not b e d e s i r o u s of f r i e n d [ s h i p ] w i t h m y b r o t h e r ? " 4. . "eye- stones" of genuine hulalu-stone. § 2 5 ( e n d ) . b e c a u s e o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f s p a c e . 1 8 3 . n. \it-tal-ka u\.. 1 [. [my daughter. B o t h s t a t u e s w e r e for T u s r a t t a ' s p o s s e s s i o n (cf. . an-nu-u u-nu-fcT (also line 6): in v i e w o f mala anni. For a different o p i n i o n see K n u d t z o n . n. p . t h e s c r i b e w o u l d h a r d l y have w r i t t e n ana salam Taduheba. and m[y} mes[seng}ers [my brother shall let go]. n." 6. n. the kimru-ieast. [ . 5 per string. May they bring back to me [muc]h [gold]. 1 9 1 . p p .. . 1 9 1 . . . " I f t h e s e c o n d s t a t u e were for T a d u . 7.

p . L i n e s 6 9 . 14. 3 1 . lines 9 9 . 6. a n d see EA 2 6 : 4 2 ^ F o r t h e f e m i n i n e g e n d e r o f salmu. your father-in-law. s e e K i i h n e . my daughter. 8 6 . For your household. t h e d e t e n t i o n o f his o w n m e s s e n g e r s in E g y p t ( l i n e 8 4 ) . 1 1 . 9. n. n o t i n E g y p t . 8 0 . The Akhenaten Temple Project. [ d a y . s e e K i i h n e . for your magnates. KBo 1. for the rest of your wives.. p e r h a p s a festival ( l i n e 8 7 . O n l i n e s 5 5 . my son-in-law. first m o n t h o f w i n t e r . "the g r e e t i n g . a n d it h a s n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h f u n e r a l rites for A m e n o p h i s I I I or w i t h ^ . were m e a g e r " ( R S 3 4 . 2 0 5 . p. c o l . n. lines 9 3 . TRANSLITERATION A N DTRANSLATION: Adler. Memoires. 1 4 5 ( e n d ) . sect. OLZ 1 9 1 7 . 2 2 .9 2 . . 15. tultemty. p . Ugar. " b u t t h i s m e a n i n g is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d . . n. p p . who lo[ves me] and whom I love: Thus Tusratta. n o t e santtu salmu in l i n e 1 9 . 18. 13. b u t in l i n e 9 2 [. 10. mtsa. 1 3 6 : 8 .. O n t h e left e d g e . EA 2 6 : 7 ..2 7 . a h i e r a t i c d o c k e t : "[ye}ar 2 . . t h i s r e a d i n g is c e r t a i n ( a d d t o CAD.f e s t i v a l s . For me all goes well. Au-us]-me-e-ma hT- [uh-du] seems more probable. s e e A d l e r . p r o b a b l y lapikta uppuqta in line 2 1 . for Tadu-Heba. w h e n o n e w a s i n t h e s o u t h e r n city. c o p y o f t h e N a h a r i n letter t h a t t h e m e s s e n g e r P i r i s s i and the m e s s e n g e r [ T u l u b r i ] b r o u g h t . ] . 1 ( W a r m i n s t e r . R e d f o r d . For you may all go well./ a f\a 3 E $ . reference t o a s h i p ­ m e n t of g o l d (line 6 3 ) . p r o b a b l y a b o u t l e t t i n g h i m g o (cf.5 8 . 1 4 . for your chariots. rev.1 0 3 a r e free r e s t o r a t i o n s . your wife.1 0 9 ) . 7. a n d it d o e s n o t fit t h e c o n t e x t w e l l . O n lines 8 9 . a n d cf. COPY: Scheil. M e n t i o n o f M a n e ( l i n e 8 3 ) . M / i . 6 a n d note 1 3 5 . L i n e s 9 9 . h a s p r o p o s e d . .1 8 . cf. the king of Mittan[i]. your brother. 105. " See t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . the king of Egyp[t].g i f t s . 1 9 7 6 ) .9 8 ) . a s D . in t h e c a s t l e o f H^-m-iht. EA 28 Messengers detained and a protest TEXT: BM 37645. s e e S c h r o e d e r . M e n t i o n o f K e l i y a ( l i n e 5 9 ) a n d T u l u b r i ( l i n e 6 0 ) . my brother..7 3 .. for Teye. 3 5 0 ) . your mother. 4 3 f . p . 19. [•. parsu sa sarranT. b e g i n n i n g a t t h e b o t t o m o f t h e t a b l e t . pi. Julmanati. who loves you. the 2 mistress of Egypt. for your sons. i-na § A . . t o o k zukku t o m e a n "to ( r e ) p o l i s h (after c a s t i n g ) . r 17. T h e festival is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d a s c e l e b r a t e d i n t h e M i t t a n i c a p i t a l .]: l[i-is-t]a-'-[al-si] (Adler) is certainly wrong. for 90 . a n d T e s s u p a n d A m o n ( l i n e 8 7 ) .. XVIII).THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 5 0 . l[u-(ii) i-s]a-'a-[al-(si) .[ / W A L A M . 302. 16. F o r t h e c o r r e c t i o n o f t h e c o p y in VS 1 1 . C f . M E S ] im-tar-sa-a-ma. 6 6 . 226-29- 1 Say to Naphurereya. cf. pp. 11. n. 20. 12.

are they going to fly and go away? Why does my 7 8 brother suffer so about the messengers? Why can't one [sim]ply g o into the presence of the other and hea[r] [the ot}her's greeting. And may my brother listen to nothing from anyone else. s i m i l a r l y . Actes du X X / X ? Congres international des Orientalistes. 549a. 116). NOTES 1. for your troops. your mother. very much. . ana gamratimma: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . an o m i t t e d in mi-it-ta-a-an- n[i] ( l i n e 4). . 2 1 0 ) . p . altaparsun[il-ti]? 5 . your mother. ] . "his h e a r t e a t s h i m . "finally. n. !975)» P. [my brother's} messenger. EA 28 your horses. K i i h n e . so now may my brother always show love to me. A r t z i ." 6 20-28 And now my brother has absolutely refused to let them go.r # la innesser: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . AJ\. p . CAD. " T h e e x p r e s s i o n . w h y can't o n e have 9i . is e l s e w h e r e u s e d o f a b d o m i n a l p a i n s . 4 5 . very well. p. No one else knows them. p. after a l l . . I had said this to my brother: "I am going to detain Mane. . [that] I may h[ear] my brother's former [ . I sent posthaste to 3 my brother. "at once" {CAD. 10 3 7 . 6. 2 5 5 a . p . 4 5 .s u ] . for your country. 3. What are messengers? Unless they are birds.4 1 1 want to let [Mane] g o and I want to send [my] messen­ gers to m]y [brother] as in the past. may all go very. b u t here clearly is figura­ t i v e . p . aq-ta-bd-a-Iu-nu-tU] (Gordon). You must ask Teye. . 4." 42—49 Teye. and he has put them under very strict detention. and may my brother do abso­ lutely everything I want and not cause me dist[ress}. Written I . and for whatever else belongs to you. Section organisee par Daniel A r n a u d (Paris. . misutamma: s i n c e {m)Tsu m o s t often refers t o n u m b e r s . . [and] both of 9 us rejoice very. " 7. 2 1 0 . AHw. D e t e r m i n a t i v e o m i t t e d in c o p y . 3. 4 5 . e . [e-se]-ru or [ n e . I sent 4 them with a very small escort. w h e r e a s the E g y p t i a n k i n g r e m a i n s c o m p l e t e l y s i l e n t . until [my] brother lets my messengers go and they come to m[e]. l i t . " i . He went to my brother. [m]y messengers. 8. O t h e r r e n d e r i n g s : "at least" ( T u s r a t t a s e n d s m e s s e n g e r s . 12-19 Pirissi and Tulubri. 2. n. knows all the words that I spoke with yo[ur] father. n. 2 1 0 .' Earlier. Just as your father always showed love to me. cf. w i t h A d l e r I follow K n u d t z o n . libbalu ikkallu. and having told them to hurry very. w h o u n d e r s t a n d s t h e e x p r e s s i o n t o m e a n "to b e s u c c e s s f u l . w h i c h A d l e r m i s u n d e r s t o o d . about them so she can tell you. M U N U S (Gordon). very much every day? 29—36 May my [brother] let my messengers go promptly so I [m]ay hear the greeting [of] my [brothjer . M/2.

l]u-mel-s[e]>•-/»: A d l e r ' s r e a d i n g . o f easy a c c e s s to e a c h o t h e r ( t h r o u g h one's m e s s e n g e r s ) . 1618-20. a-ra-am-su. 10. p e r h a p s fits t h e c o n t e x t better. 2 6—10 [From the beginning] of my [king]ship on. I. and for whatever else belongs to you. 11. There was nothing el[sep whatsoever that he wrote about over and over to me. 2197 nos. [m}y daughter. u -mi-$a{m-ma) 4 (Gordon). who loves you. kin[g of Mittan}i.'' the words that he would speak with me over and over. C O P I E S : WA 24 (without the fragments). 1 whom I [lo]ve and who lo[ves me: Message of Tusratta]. 3-4.4 It is Teye.5 . the king of Egypt. [Say to Naphureya. your father. For your sons. u-s[e-em-ra-af] (Gordon). EA 29 A long review of Mittanian-Egyptian relations TEXT: VAT 271 + fragments: 1600. pp. is d i s p r o v e d by c o l l a t i o n .. for your troops. however. in absolutely nothing did I ever cause him distress. your mother.. went on writing to me. on that very day 7 [he did] it. 6 II—15 {My love for] my {brother] is 10 times greater than what we always had with Nimmureya. may all go we[ll. and what[ever he might say] to me. your brother. {he wrote over and over] about peace. Great [King]. For me all goes we[ll. Whatever I might say. whom you must ask about all of them: [what] your father {would write over and over]. F]or Tadu-Heba. in absolutely not[hing] did he ever cause me distress. your father. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. P H O T O G R A P H : WA. T h e n o t i o n . your father. 9.5 1 . 92 . too. your father. the principal [and favorite] wife of Nim- mureya. 12. and two unnumbered. VS 11. for your magnates. would constantly discuss with me.THE AMARNA LETTERS s u c c e s s w i t h (lit. £. knows all the words of Nimmureya. "before") t h e other. your father-in-law. [But whatever] Nimmureya. For the r]est [of your wives'] may all go well. tha[t] he would write [to] me over and (ov)er. 2 (obverse). on that very day I di[d] it. for [your] hors[es. For you may all go well. your father. following Scheil's copy. my son-in-law. for your chariots. 2195-96 nos. as long as Nim- mureya. 2 3 0 . m]y [brother]. for] your [country]. 3 . For] Teye ma[y all go w]el[l. T[ey]e. pi. very well. w i t h i t s i m p l i c a t i o n o f t h e q u i c k d i s m i s s a l a n d r e t u r n o f t h e m e s s e n g e r s . may all go very.

the father of Nimmureya." [When] your messenger came the sec{ond time]. I did 10 [not] say n{6). m[y] father. and he br{ought them 2 post]haste. and asked for my father's daughter. your father. too. ] .] and 21 he instructed [him]. . very much! My brother 19 spoke as follows: "{My brother g]ave {his daughter] in perfect fait{h]. . his messenger. but [he did not giv]e her. . '3 And the br]ide-price that Nimmur[eya]. which he se[nt] separately. . my grandfather. When he wrote 5. [out of l]ove. was beyond measure. [ . When Nimmureya. And thus {Nimmureya. your father). .? W[hen] Nim­ mureya. (37—44) [Nimm]ureya sent Niyu. [and with]in 3 months. . . {Was there anything] he did [no}t rejoice about? He rejoiced v[ery]. . J]ust as when one sees [his] pee[r]. . "Of course 11 I will give her. . ] . only under such pressure did he g[iv]e [her]. . but everything 93 .5 4 [Wh]en I gave my [daug]hter and she was brought and 18 Nimmureya. . He se[nt along] 4 sac[ks'5 f]ull [of] gol[d.'4 to Nimmureya. and there was not {a single one) among them who went in and {to whom he did 21 not g]ive {something]. and when I received her bride-price. [w]ith extreme prompt­ ness. sacks fu]ll of [gold] to Tadu-Heba. he wr[ote] 3 . wrote to Arta- tama. EA 29 8 1 6 . . 4 Before me {he laid out) 7 sacks {full of) gold. .. 6 times. [yo]ur [fa]ther." He made that day a festive occasion along. Before my messengers [ . "I will [no]t give her. he shows him respect. "Like {. y]ou shall eat. .. When he wrote my grandfather 7 times.. m[y] brother's [." Because he sent him posthaste. 17 2 8 . which belonged to me. o[il] 12 was poured [on] her head. He gave Keliya's [in]got of gold weighing 1 0 0 0 22 shekels. and Nimmureya gave [ . [he sen]t [him back]. The [very]firstti[me) I said [to] his messenger. He wrote 5. your [father. 6 times. not l6 to me]ntion the jewelry [ . [wro]te to Sut- t[arna]. . ri[v]alling in height heaven and earth. then only under such pressure did he g[iv]e her. Because of my messenger (32-37) [ . exceed. ° He sent back all my messengers that were in residence in (to?) the quarters that {were established] for Tadu-Heba. made [. . my own sister.. Nimmureya showed them respect with 23 love {and evidence of esteem). {and 1 2 26 ijngot ' of gold [weighing [ 1 0 0 0 shekels] for Keliya. . but he did not give her. . he asked for the daughter of [my grandfather.] .. he did not have {the statues] brought to me. ] ." I sent posthaste Haamass[i]. sen]t.2 7 When { . As fa{r as] my [messe]ngers {were concerned). wrote to me and asked for my daughter. I ga[ve her. with his country. your father.. ] . he had that brought to me posthaste [. [he] re[joiced].. 4 times. so Nimmureya showed respect to [my messengers as 2 p]eers and as [f]rie[nds}. the sister] of my father. saw her. . . Tadu-Heba lai{d] them {all] out {before) my {messengers). ] . . I did not [say].

the oldest son of Nim­ mureya and Teye." [And] thus Nimmureya. ' On that day I myself wept. [but] let [my brother. "Let ev]en me [be dead]. [Naphurejya. your father. your father. It is Teye—she is your [mother]! —that I call. the fact that we always loved (each other) very. your [mother]. is not dead. " (50-54) I asked for [2] statues of so(l)id chased gold from Nimmureya. her husband.] . i[f there is a wo]rd that is not that of Nimmureya. his [principal] wife. (45-50) [And with regard to] all [the things} that I say. That we love. was limitless. whatever he did have brought. for Teye. "Na]p[hurey]a. my brother sent me statues 94 . your [father].THE AMARNA LETTERS else. whom I lov]e and who loves me.. ] . if [Ni]mmureya. On that day I t[ook] neither food nor water. his mother. I certainly will not send [. thinking. did not make [mutual lovefl]ourish. [that] is in our hearts. [your] fat[her]. 34 Not[hing whatsoever is going to be cha[ng]ed from the way it was before. if in the things that I say there is [ev}en a single word of [un]truth.. It is going to become 1 0 times gr[ea]ter [th}an what there was with Nimmureya. [When I heard] what was reported. .000 as well. went to his fate it was reported. when he let Keliya go and [my brother] sent Mane. your father. . is exercising the [king]ship [in his place]. his oldest son. and Nimmureya. his father. very much. even o]ne.3°if Nimmureya. [now exercises the kingship] in his place. Nimmureya. then I spoke as follows: "Nimmureya. 61-64 when they said. [my brother}. [nothing] was allowed to be 2 cooked in a p o t . Inquire carefully of Teye. ." T]hat we love [ . [saying. did not permit that in any mat[ter. [the son of Nimjmureya. the [principal and favorite wife of [Nimmureya]. I 28 29 call no one [el}se as witness." 65—68 [Now I went o]n reflecting.000 be dead in my country. is alive. distress be caused. said: "[W]hat are statues of just gold with nothing else [that] my [brot]her has asked for? Don't talk of just go[ld] ones! I will make o[nes with genu]ine lapis }I lazuli (too). your father. [and I] sat [ . and send them to you. . [and] we indeed did make (it) last. ." 69—79 [But at the time] when [my brother]firstwrote [to me]. I grieved. and she will expose before Naphureya. [or] in any matter whatsoever caused me distress. ever rejected what I said. And thus [Nimmu]- reya. together with me. 55—60 When [m]y [brother]. "Naphureya is my brother. and in my [brother]'s [country] 10.n or let 10. [did n]ot say: "When I see to it that there is sufficient [Eg]yptian gold in Hanigalbat. be alive as long as heaven and ear[th. in no matter whatsoever. your [fat]her. } that [love] was in our hearts. .

. . . . ] Moreover. ['. . } . .. . So I became angry. Should L] be confident? My brother has not let my messengers go. .. I became extremely hostile.. i6 then I w{as in] even greater {pai]n than befo[re].39 One must not change another's words. . that it was not gold and that it was not solid. gave me.. {Whatever be the things that I say]. I will do]. he added nothi{ng] more to [it]. moreover..]. . . ] . . } He was delaying.. . I have now asked [yjou for. He has not sent him back. . . } we rejoiced greatly and we indeed made the day a festive occasion. [/ addressed] my magnates as f[oll]ows: "With my brother. and they will say. . and he has not informed me..] with 37 the foreign guests.. . that [ . . The statues o[f solid chased gold that I asked Nimmureya fo]r. and (why) 95 . . and I most urgently asked for much [go]ld that had [not] been work[ed]. As to what was from Naphureya. } . . It will make {o]ur {countries] happier {than all other countries]. One {shall not cause] distress to the ot[her] in anything whatsoever.. 136-147 [ . and whatever the things be that my brother {says. 80—90 . . . ] We [must] love and we must rejoice as long as we live. . . but you have not given them. Before Mane came. .] The presents that my brother sent to me and [ . My messengers. . [ . my [br]other. And ri[ght] now {inquire carefully of your mother about] the words that your mother {spo]ke to Keli[ya].] . And the objects of [my desire] . in perfect {faith. . my brother. your father. since 4 years ago.. I asked for [stat­ ues] of solid chased gold.. [W]hy is it for [you] a source of distress. my brother's messenger. too. my brother {great]ly {reduced].] .. . W[hen I sa]w the gold [that Nimmure}ya himself {had 35 proni\ised. . you have not [infor]med me. Mane. 3 8 91-99. [ . EA 29 (made) of wood. [. and I rejoiced on that day [. [I caus]ed {you] no distress [whatsoever. you have not sent. . . [ .. {greatly] re­ joiced. my brother {should] do. [the goods] that Nimmur[e]ya. . Your father himself gra[ntedme 40 sta]tues of gold. . {as] was {only r]ight.} ." [." If in this way {it makes our countries so very] much [more happy] than all other countries. [(He ca)used] me [dis]tress. [ . and] they will speak of y{ou]. My [ancestors. . . and the obj[ects of] my desire {that I asked your father for. 119-135 . "How {the kings ofHanigalbatandEgy]pt {love (one another)]. {always showed great love] to his ancestors. 100-107 . . Now. 108—118 [. may my brother give me the statues of [solid ch]ased [gold]. all other countries {will see this. . . Let him tell [you] (about it). and {he] has not [ . {may] my brother {give me] promptly much gold that has not been [wo]rked. [Sta]tues of s(o)lid chased gold I asked for from Nimmureya. ] . . .

. and present their report to me. what can I do for them? 41 1 4 8 . . . ( 1 4 3 . Let my brother do as he pleases. and if your father did not grant them to me. and may my brother not cause me dis[tress. my brother. May my brother give me [statues of] solid [ch]ased [gold] and [much] other gold. Would my brother not make other ones? Would he not give them to me? Would he cause me distress? [ . and because my brother has given me no information [with regard to the re]quests that I have made. He is a man. . For what reason [has] my brother's [ ." I also s[ai]d.1 6 1 I [hereby] declare: "My brother has indeed not let my messengers go. If not. [ .1 5 4 [/ reflected]. . . I will let Ma[ne] go and [I will send] Keliya [ba]ck to my brother as before. [I sent] Masi- badli. and it is of Teye. your mother. . As long as my brother detains m[y] messengers like something for]gotten. That other messenger of mine whom I sent to my brother is the brother of Keliya. . but as long as my brother [has detained] my 2 messengers.1 4 7 ) Teye is your mother. . or have not s[en]t him [with friendly intentio]ns. son of the same mother. They (the words?) are not at all t[r]ue. and] I sent him posthaste to my brother. ] . [ . I would like to send back [your] messengers promptly. . and I sent him [to] my [brot]her with friendly intentions. . ] . . that you must in[quire]. for this reason I have not sent Keliya. I have detained these men her[e]. and he has taken his seat on the throne of his father no[w become a g]od. 96 ." Furthermore. . your father did not grant them to me. (say that) your father also gave me the statues I asked for and now [I] have asked [my brother for other ones]. of the entire matter. If I cannot build a mausoleum [for my ancestors]. . I [will do] as I have planned. [if I did not a]sk for [statues of go]ld [and] much other [gol]d from [your] father. "Keliya should return to my brother. . 1 5 5 . moreover. [ . Shall I cause [my] brother distress? I will send Keliya back to him!" [I spoke to my brother a]s follows: "My brother. I certainly 44 de[noun]ce [this]. and I have not caused [my brother dis]tress. (who is) also Keliya's uncle. I indeed de[nou]nce (it). and he inde[ed] detains them a long time. the affair of my 4i brother has now become a matter for some kind of de[nuncia]tion.4 "As soon as he lets my messengers go. } .THE AMARNA LETTERS has he not in[quired] if [I did n]ot ask [your father] and if. } . In my brother's country gol]d is as plentiful as [dir]t. my messenger. to [my] brot[her]. . [Nor is my brother] to tur[n] this into a matter of complaint or anything else. My brother must not complain that I have not se[nt] Keliya. Because my brother has not let him go promptly so he might return here.

] . and I will send a large mission to my [bro]ther. . [/ will send] a lar[ge] mission. [1 pair] of earrings of [. 182-185 [A]s [my brother's] greeting-gift: 1 gold comb. 173-181 {My brother] spoke {about Art]asuba and Asali. May [my brother n]ot cause me [dis]tress and not hold back. your mother. and they were convicted in [m]y pre[sence. . [3] bows.. [ . Ma[ne. ] . as I have requested of my brother. . . 166—172 May [my brother] treat me with 1 0 times greater love and brotherliness than his father did. 1 1 Now. 2 garments—I [herewith] send as the greeting-gifft of Te]ye. very much love t[o] my [brother]. May my brother let [m]y [messen­ gers go pr[omp]tly. ] fine [ . ] . . ] .^ I had [both of] them." They were br[oug]ht in {before] their [ . But {my brother had said nothing] more. . for in my [bro]ther's country go[ld] is as plentiful as dirt. too. and may my brother give me much gold that has not been worked for the mausoleum. tra[nspor]ted to a town of mine on the border. and for this reason I did not execute them. of <fada(nu)-stone. 50 3 quivers overlaid with gold.] lapis lazuli [ . [ . .. . EA 29 162-165 [Masiba]dli. declaring.. 3 pairs of [. with the head of a yak. . . whom I sent to my brother. 6 ajsk {Mane] how I treated them. . 1 huppa/u-mace* {. [I. [Nor will I myself} cause my brother [dis]tress. one alongside the other. } . and the rest of my servants who had been living in Egypt were brought in. . . . I will do [an]d they are done.. It is like this (now) s[o / can write] and my brother understand me. . . may my brother esta[bl]ish the natu{re of their crime}. {May my brother give] the statues of solid ch[as]ed gold. o[o ar]rows of bronze.. .. . I will do absolutely [every]thing that my brother says. [ . . {. . how {was I to know t]heir {crime} Since] my [brother] did not say. } «>y-shirts. . ] . and may he send Mane along with my messengers so that they may co[me . . 3 ma{ces—I [herewith] send [a]s my brother's greeting-gift. . .]-garments. .] . then I will send Keliya to my [brothe]r. . is Keliya's un­ cle. of s"ada{nu]-stone. ^ overlaid with gold. I have not written as before. Mane] spoke {of their reputation]. 1 pair for the hands. My brother is not to complain. . [ . 186-187 [. inlaid 8 with . .]-stone. [ .. your reputation?" {My brother. and we will al[ways sh}ow very. en]tered my presence. [I will se]nd Keliya. . for my part]. . did not ask.] of gold. 1 . . My brother. If my brother grants this. "Why [. 3 garments.. 97 . and I said in rheir presence. . 1 pair for the hands. . . "They broke the law in your brother's country. ] . * and I will treat [them] j[ust a]s my brother wants them treated. / p{ut them] in chains and {fetter]s.]. (and) [/ will pro]vide*^ a large expedition f[or] my [brothe]r. .

79f. 3. p . EA 19:20). n." S u b j e c t o m i t t e d ? 18. 2 3 2 f .' a . . e . 3 1 . mimma sa-n\u-u\. 1 1 ) . ] . p p . n. . t a k e s it as susapinnu. 15." a n d t h e r e ­ fore 1 4 [i-te-pu-ufi. "with all his h e a r t . p. b u t A d l e r r e t r a c t e d t h i s r e a d i n g in A O A T 2 0 1 . b u t t h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e for t h i s w o r d e l s e w h e r e in ( p e r i p h e r a l ) A k k a d i a n . . lit. 1 4 7 : 1 5 ) .[ u l ] 2 2 [ u l .l a ] aq-bi. T h e p r a e n o m e n o f T h u t m o s i s I V (mn-hprw-r ) m a y have a p p e a r e d in t h e b r e a k . n. . [1 pair of e]arrings [of .p a . 4 K [ u S . "quiet. P i n t o r e . EA 19:58. . at-ta-d[in-si]: see VAB 2/2. O n umma. Matrimonio. w i t h o u t d u p l i c i t y . so a l s o A d l e r in K i i h n e . [ N I M ] G I R : very d u b i o u s . 98 . ina gammurti libbi in A s s y r i a n t r e a t i e s ( W i s e m a n . 9 2 7 b . 6. Martino David dedi­ catae.m u . a n d a C a n a a n i t i s m in T u s r a t t a ' s l a n g u a g e is not likely." b u t this does not m a k e very g o o d sense h e r e . 5 4 ) . p . Cf. [Sa i l . 2 4 . n. . 1 9 7 4 ] . p . "joy.n a C")] . ina s a (text: h[)-nu-ut-t[im-maY. e . p . 1 4 6 ) . Matrimonio. 1 7 2 . . 1588. cf. [mus-s]ir (cf. k e e p i n g his p a r t o f t h e a g r e e m e n t perfectly. .a ] aq-bi. 1 pair for the hands of [sadanu-sto]ne. n. p p .n a p . L o r t o n . a n d as s a i d o f s o l d i e r s fighting (see B o g h a z k o y references) it m a k e s n o sense at a l l . A s lines 1 2 — 1 5 m a k e clear. 19. fol­ l o w i n g L a n d s b e r g e r . p r o p o s e d it a . i n . following Kiihne. . i . 12. il-ta-nap-(pa)-ru: f o l l o w i n g Adler. b u t t h i s y i e l d s a n u n u s u a l p o s i t i o n for t h e n e g a t i v e a n d d o e s not a d e q u a t e l y fill t h e s p a c e at t h e e n d o f line 2 1 . l i n e 5 2 ) w o u l d m a i n t a i n t h e rhetorical t o n e o f t h e p a s s a g e b e t t e r t h a n "I/he sent" ( K i i h n e . it-ta-ab-k{u]: f o l l o w i n g L a n d s b e r g e r . 7 ) . 4 1 iii 1 6 9 . 1 4 5 . 3 0 . 3 3 i 5 2 . 14. " see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . 1 5 0 . Cf. 5 2 . p p . " a t t e n d a n t t o t h e g r o o m . 7 1 . t h e s u b j e c t here m u s t b e "he. G r a m m a r unclear. p. p . i b i d . The Juridical Terminology of Interna­ tional Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dynasty X V / / / [ B a l t i m o r e . n. 9. i b i d . 4 6 . ina ku -u-ul s libbtsu. peace. (2) AHw.5 3 ) . n. p . . un­ d i v i d e d loyalty. 13. T h e w r i t i n g u-ul-la could be d u e to t h e influence o f u-ul a n d p e r h a p s a-an-na (cf. Symbolae . 17. 1 3 8 . ina ma-ah-[ti-im-ma a . . 2. Iraq 20 [ 1 9 5 8 ] p .THE AMARNA LETTERS 188-189 [ . my [dau}ghter. n. 3 2 . 2 1 2 .t i s a it-ti §E§]-irf. n. 5. b u t h a r d l y "I b r o u g h t her. ] . " i . . 4. p . K i i h n e . 11. M E $ ] : f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e .. . NOTES 1 . 4. . O t h e r o p i n i o n s : (1) K n u d t z o n . c 8. p . EA 29:30.t a . a n d therefore o n e m a y not infer a c e r t a i n h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d s T h u t m o s i s I V (so D . fol­ l o w e d b y A d l e r . . 7 10. . For fighting w i t h all one's h e a r t . [ r a . it rf-[ul-la] 2 2 [ l a ." c o m p a r i n g H e b r e w ( a n d U g a r i t i c ) gyl. E x t e n d e d n e g o t i a t i o n s s e e m t o have b e e n t h e r u l e in i n t e r d y n a s t i c m a r ­ r i a g e s ( P i n t o r e . p p . Symbolae . 7 9 f . " m e s s a g e . [mi-im-ma u-u\l. n. 5 1 v 1 0 . " " g a r c o n d'honneur" (PRU 3. 4. 1 6 . p . . EA i :26ff. ibid.-stone. cf. .r u ] . 16. 7. 4 garments—[I herewith} se[nd] a[s the gre}eting-gift off Tadu-Heba}. p . [istu res LVG]AL-ru-ti-ia: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . Martina David dedicatae (see EA n . n. EA 1 7 : 1 3 . cf.

EA 1 9 . ZA 45 (1939) pp. 4 6 . 1 9 4 ) or the l i k e s e e m s r e q u i r e d by context. AHw. A O A T 9. 54f. Cf.7 9 . I S 48. 1 9 1 6 . reads ubdruti. P e r h a p s . 4 0 . ne-e-pe'-el-x. 45. . mel 37. 1 5 8 8 . O n lines 6 9 . 38. 1 9 4 . 2 7 1 . ./ O . 1 S u ( p a i r ) ru-uh-tu A or Juruhtu {AHw. see W i l ­ h e l m . 40. n. p . 28. 32. 7 1 [ s a nimmur]eya-[m]a [iq-b]u-[s\i-n]u k[i-i a .t a . he d i d not s h o w it in t h e p r e s e n c e o f the E g y p t i a n m e s s e n g e r .5 3 . 29. / / . cf. p . a n d akdlu d o e s not m e a n "to b e a n g r y " ( A d l e r . p . after a d i r e c t o b j e c t .( § u ) } : on t h e f o l l o w i n g u. n.a r . p . . he r e t u r n s to the p r o p o s a l o f U n g n a d . 36. 33. EA 3o:9f." in line 1 7 4 ) . takkal: h a r d l y f r o m ekelu. ti-se-"en'-nu-u: f o l l o w i n g Adler. {!]? [iiyba-r[u-t\i: following K i i h n e . M E S KlN-ia ki-i) mehriiti n ki' \i\t-ba-a-ru-ti: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . 4 6 .n u a-ti\a (cf. 1 26. T h e e n t r a n c e p r o b a b l y is to the P h a r a o h ' s p r e s e n c e (cf. 1 3 9 9 b . [ l a m i m m a ] ( B e r g e r in K i i h n e . 24. Tt-i-it < si-i i-de. 2 4 . "to b e c o m e d a r k " ( K n u d t z o n .a d . 3 2 [ ' " D U M U . w h o correctly rejects a d e r i v a t i o n f r o m nagdlu). 39. correctly i d e n t i ­ fied sit as the p e r s o n a l p r o n o u n . m 35. mam\ma sa-nd\-am-ma: f o l l o w i n g U n g n a d .t a .t a . 44. See Ehelolf.. 46.m a u-ul u]-ne-ep-pi-is (cf. [ M E § ] (izqdti) ^ . 4 1 . kf]me amelutu me-he-e[r-s'u] . 2 1 2 . (not c o n f i r m e d by c o l l a t i o n ) . see V A B 2 / 2 . line 3 6 ) . O n t h e rest o f the p a s s a g e see K i i h n e . OLZ. 7of.k u a]-na-ku-ma.m a . 0 0 0 .d i ii 1 l\i-sa-nu (cf.a n . 1 9 9 . EA 1 9 : 6 5 ? ) .. 34. EA 26:57. line 4 1 ) . VAB 2 / 2 . p .s u . "she k n o w s . n.t a . c o n f i r m e d by collation. 4 0 . [lu-u u-ki]-i/. 1 9 1 6 . 3 1 [. b u t in A O A T 2 0 1 . n. rf»2-[ta-ra-as]: following Adler. n. 23. . O n line 1 0 6 . OLZ. n. a-ha-m[is r a . 1 3 6 5 ) . n o t e 5 ) . 27. 2 1 2 . a n d " e n t e r i n g . p . erebu. a-na k [ a . followed by E b e l i n g . EA 27:21.). [ma-lu-ii i t . "residing.b a l . 2 1 2 . L i n e 1 2 2 refers to an o a t h by "my brother" ( A m e n o p h i s III or I V ? ) . a s h e a l s o s u g g e s t s .n u ] . 31. col. [\m\-mar-sa (cf. t h o u g h p e r h a p s e n t e r i n g E g y p t is m e a n t (cf. EA 27:328:. see K i i h n e .. 22. 41. only t w o h e a d s o f verticals are v i s i b l e .[ § ] U . 2 1 2 . p .a l u . w h o s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e s e c o n d n u m b e r b e r e a d a s 60 ( X ) 1 0 . 21. p . p. 43. 4 2 ./ » .a . p . n. 1 8 4 . p . u{m-ma l]u-ii andkii-ma: following Adler. 1s T U K U L S A G N A : following Adler. p p . 1 8 4 . " 30. T u s r a t t a s e e m s t o say t h a t t h o u g h offended a n d very angry.[ n u ] ." asdbu. [ u m .s u . lines 2 7 a n d 38f. n. i n . 99 .s f . col. EA 29 20.k a . 1287)? 50. Cf.[i hifilfunu]: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e .u m i . u [ i ] z . p . the d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n e x t e n d s t h r o u g h line 60. Teyema [umma]k[a] sit: A d l e r in K i i h n e . Cf. 4 49.s ] i : see line 1 5 6 . [ k a . it'"a '-ka-an-na: f o l l o w i n g A d l e r .[ t a .a r / k a r . p . 4 6 . O n lines 1 4 8 . I n s t e a d o f itbaruti. 4 6 .EA 26:306°.m } a [ r ] . 25. 47.

15. t h o u g h d i r e c t e d t o o n e I I p l a c e . n. 1 9 6 . and as far as his presents) are concerned. to speed posthaste to the king of Egypt.. T h a t "hand" s h o u l d b e w r i t t e n qdt ( s o O p p e n h e i m a n d A r t z i ) d o e s n o t s e e m likely.( r u ) . p p .9 7 . T h e "brother" is t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g . " refers t o t h e h i g h e s t E g y p t i a n official. G o r d o n t h o u g h t t h a t t h e first s i g n m i g h t b e ii-ib rather t h a n u. p . 5 1 . AfO 2 5 ( 1 9 7 4 . see K i i h n e . F o r t h e s e n s e . I herewith send Akiya. f « : for t h e c o n f u s i o n o f su a n d su in M i t t a n i l e t t e r s . see E . PHOTOGRAPH: BB. No one is to hold him up. 4. "fortress c o m ­ m a n d e r . cf.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 30 A passport TEXT: BM 29841. my brother. PRU 4 . TRANSLITERATION Adler. id-na-x ( G o r d o n ) : x is c e r t a i n l y n o t su. pi. 134. LFM. PRU 3. 1 5 . 12-13.4 0 ."* he is to owe nothing. my messenger.9 7 . 1 9 6 . si-ib-su = sibsu? O n t h e seal i m p r e s s i o n o n t h i s t a b l e t . servants of my brother: Thus the king. n. a n d t h e " k i n g " is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y t h e ruler o f M i t t a n i . A N D TRANSLATION: T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N : Artzi. b u t E l m a r E d e l . 1 9 3 . 1 To the kings of Canaan. PRU 3 . EA 3 9 . n o . k a d . 2. p. NOTES 1. u s u a l l y c a l l e d rabisu (see I n t r o d u c ­ t i o n . Let [him] go on immediately. t h e n e x t s i g n p o s s i b l y e r a s e d o r m a [ r ] . G . 2 6 . Actes (see EA 28. p p . 5 . p r o b a b l y T u S r a t t a . 1 2 6 . 3 0 9 . PRU 4 . pp. pp. 3 100 . a r e EA 3 9 . 5 ~ 6 . li-il-l'T'-[i\k (also G o r d o n ) . p. P o r a d a .1 6 .4 0 . C O P Y : BB 58. 7. 6). 1 9 5 3 ) . t h i n k s t h a t halzuhlu. Festschrift Alt: Geschichte und Altes Testament Beitrage zur historischen Theologie ( T u b i n g e n . OA 2 2 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p . 1 1 . Provide him with safe 2 entry into Egypt and hand (him) over to the fortress commander of 3 4 Egypt. p . 252-53. T R A N S L A T I O N : Oppenheim. 3. 7 0 ) . 2 8 . at the E g y p t i a n frontier.7 7 ) P P - I 2ff. S i m i l a r p a s s p o r t s . t h e r e q u e s t for f r e e d o m f r o m v a r i o u s t a x e s a n d t o l l s i n ARM 5 . p p . p e r h a p s ni. d e l M o n t e . Ugar. is c e r t a i n l y r i g h t in i d e n t i f y i n g h i m w i t h t h e "fortress c o m m a n d e r o f S i l u " ( E g y p t i a n mr htm ntf). n. 5.

and they must come. Hethitisches Keilschriftlesebuch. JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p . your children. NOTES [ T h e t r a n s l a t i o n s a n d n o t e s for EA 3 1 . Rost. (First) send back quickly your messenger and the messenger from me. 10 chairs of ebony {inlaid] with ivory. Friedrich.3 2 are b y V o l k e r t H a a s .. my magnates. . my chariot-fighters. my children. "Send it here to me!"—now. My messenger and your messenger who came. people of the country Kaska. (speaks) as follows: Say to 2 Tarhundaradu. — W L M ] m 1. pt. . Nimuwa(r)eya. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : L. n. all my property i in my countries. may all be very well.' Great King. And behold." And he will pour oil on her head. ] .1 0 By you (too) may all be well.2 6 Then they will come (back) to you (and) bring along the bride-price for the daughter. who . 4 large kukkubu-containtts of "sweet oil". 101 . 2 2 . all is well. 1. (but) later. your troops. . my wives. 334ff. I960). 4 ri—16 Behold. my messenger. your property in your countries. 11 100 linen sawalga. 8 linen kusitti. the king of Arzawa: By me all is well. my troops. 100 linen mutalliyassa. I have heard that everything is finished. your magnates. J . I will send it (soon) to you.3 8 and that the country Hattusa is shattered. no. as a greeting-gift. 3 light 10 linen garments. C O P I E S : WA 10. I have sent to you as a greeting-gift a consignment in the charge of my messenger. 100 (beams of) ebony. no. R e a d i n g ni-mu-wa-(r)e-ia. 100 linen happ{a. w i t h A l b r i g h t . For your houses. it is (of) excellent (quality). I have sent to you Irsappa. 1 7 . 3 chairs of ebony overlaid with beautiful sarpa {andgol]d. J And send to me too . (with the instruction): "Let us see the daughter whom they will offer to my 5 majesty in marriage. 7a. 8 2 7 . En 31 EA 31 Marriage negotiations. Irsappa:'-' a sack of gold. . MIO 4 (1956) pp. 7 . your wives. in Hittite TEXT: C 4741 (12208). For my houses. VBoT. king of Egypt. weighing 20 minas of gold. 3 linen huzzi. 6 {small} kukkubu-containers of 12 "sweet oil". 1 (Heidelberg. 1. 1 9 5 . 3 light linen (ma)ntles. your chariot-fighters. Behold.2 1 As to the things to be done that you wrote me about (with the words). I have 6 sent to you a sack of gold.

THE AMARNA LETTERS

a n d E d e l , Studien zur Altdgyptischen Kultur i ( 1 9 7 4 ) p . 1 3 5 ; cf. VAB 2/1, p. 270,
n o t e e. T h e h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e t h a t is m i s s i n g is t h a t o f t h e re, not o f t h e wa
( G o r d o n ) . O n p a l e o g r a p h i c and linguistic g r o u n d s , this and the following letter
are t o b e d a t e d in t h e p e r i o d b e t w e e n t h e H i t t i t e k i n g s A r n u w a n d a I a n d S u p -
p i l u l i u m a I . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e p a l e o g r a p h i c c r i t e r i a e l a b o r a t e d in StBoT 21 and 22,
t h e y a p p r o x i m a t e t h e s c r i p t o f t h e c h a n c e r y o f A r n u w a n d a I; cf. t h e s i g n s A K , A L ,
D U , LI, a n d S A R . T h i s fits t o o w i t h t h e correct d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e p l u r a l
d e t e r m i n a t i v e s M E § a n d HI. A , t h e f r e q u e n t u s e o f e n c l i t i c p r o n o u n s ( n o t e e s p e ­
cially t h e u s e o f t h e e n c l i t i c p r o n o m i n a l s t e m o f t h e p l u r a l , - e , EA 3 1 : 1 8 ) , t h e v e r b
f o r m a-u-ma-ni ( o t h e r w i s e , in O l d H i t t i t e , u-me-ni, StBoT 8, p . 7 8 ) , a n d t h e p l e n e
w r i t i n g s s u c h as hu-u-da-a-ak (EA 3 1 : 2 0 ) a n d al-su-u-li (EA 3 2 : 1 8 , 2 0 , 2 1 ) ; cf. a l s o
CHD 3, pp. 254, 268 M H / M S .
2 . O n t h e l o c a t i o n o f A r z a w a s o m e w h e r e t o t h e w e s t o f C i l i c i a , its history,
a n d EA 3 1 - 3 2 , see H e i n h o l d - K r a h m e r , Arzawa: Untersuchungen zu seiner Geschichte
nach den hethitischen Quellen, THeth 8 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p p . 3 - 4 , 5 0 - 5 5 . T h r o u g h a m a r r i a g e
w i t h a d a u g h t e r o f t h e m o s t p o w e r f u l ruler a m o n g t h e v a r i o u s p r i n c i p a l i t i e s t h a t
w e r e f o u n d in A r z a w a b e f o r e S u p p i l u l i u m a I , E g y p t b e l i e v e d t h a t it c o u l d a s s u r e
t h e loyalty o f t h e c o u n t r y a n d t h u s h e l p i m p e d e t h e r e s u r g e n c e o f t h e H i t t i t e s .
A r z a w a ' s p r e v i o u s i s o l a t i o n m a y b e reflected in t h e fact t h a t c o r r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h it
w a s c a r r i e d on in H i t t i t e a n d n o t , a s w a s c u s t o m a r y , in A k k a d i a n . ( T h e v i e w o f J .
F r i e d r i c h , Or n . s . 8 [ 1 9 3 9 ] p . 3 1 0 , n. 1, t h a t in t h i s l e t t e r are t o b e f o u n d several
"violations o f n o r m a l H i t t i t e s p e e c h " m a y b e q u e s t i o n e d . T h e p o s i t i o n , however,
o f EGIRanda at t h e e n d o f a s e n t e n c e , after t h e v e r b , is a difficulty; cf. L . R o s t ,
MIO 4 [ 1 9 5 6 } p . 3 3 6 . )
3 . T h e t e r m pippit, "all o f one's p o s s e s s i o n s , " is a t t e s t e d o n l y here, a n d it is
d
certain that similar farms—pi-pi-it-hi a-dam-ma (KBo X V I I 1 0 3 rev. i 1 8 ' ) ; pt'-pt-
pi-tarsw KBo X I I I 2 4 8 rev. i 9 ' ) — h a v e n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h pippit. H . Kronasser,
" H e t h i t i s c h pippit e x i s t i e r t n i c h t , " Die Sprache 7 ( 1 9 6 1 ) p p . 1 6 8 - 6 9 , b e l i e v e s t h a t
it is a m i s t a k e for upessar t o b e e q u a t e d w i t h A k k a d i a n subultu.
4. T h e n a m e of the E g y p t i a n messenger appears with the same writing
d
a m o n g H u r r i a n g o d s : see KUB X X X I V 1 0 2 ii 1 3 ( ir-sa-ap-pa dam-ki-ra-a-Ii), and
KUB X X V I I 1 rev. ii 2 3 (ir-sap-pi-ni-isGAM.GkK-ra-a-n). H e i s , therefore, a g o d
o f c o m m e r c e ; on tamgar-(P)Je, " c o m m e r c e , " see I . M . D i a k o n o f f , Hurrisch und
Urartaisch ( M u n i c h , 1 9 7 1 ) , p . 69. T h e g o d I r s a p p a is t h e C a n a a n i t e R e s h e p h ; see
E . L a r o c h e , RHA 3 4 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . i 2 4 f . ; Or n . s . 4 5 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p . 9 7 ; Ugar. 5, p . 5 2 1 .
N o t e , t o o , a t E m a r N e r g a l , t h e B a b y l o n i a n R e s h e p h a s E N K I . L A M , bel mahtri,
"lord o f t h e m a r k e t p l a c e , c o m m e r c e , " Emar 6 / 3 3 7 3 : 7 4 ' ; 3 7 8 : 1 0 .
5 . O n l i n e s n — 1 4 , see G i i t e r b o c k in L a n d s b e r g e r , Symbolae ... Martino
David dedicatae (see EA 1 1 , n. 7 ) , p p . 79f., n. 4. O n t h e r i t e , see EA n , n. 7.
6. O n t h e n o u n zuhalaliya, see O t t e n , StBoT 1 5 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p . 1, a n d H a a s ,
Kratylos 1 6 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 1 6 2 . A c c o r d i n g to G o r d o n , here a n d in line 3 0 t h e first s i g n
is SU a n d not Z U . S e e a l s o F r a n k S t a r k e , "Ein A m a r n a B e l e g fur nbw nfr ' g u t e s
G o l d , ' " GM 5 3 ( 1 9 8 1 ) p p . 55ff.
7. O n t h e v e r b aggas, o f o b s c u r e m e a n i n g ( p e r h a p s "he is d e a d " ) , see
K i i h n e , p p . 96f., n. 4 8 1 .
8. S t a r k e , " Z u r D e u t u n g d e r A r z a w a - B r i e f s t e l l e VBoT I, 2 5 - 2 7 , " Z A 7 1
( 1 9 8 1 ) p p . 2 2 1 - 3 1 , i n t e r p r e t s differently: "I have h e a r d all t h a t y o u s a i d . A n d a l s o

102

EA 32

t h e l a n d o f H a t t u s a is at p e a c e . " T h i s i n g e n i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is b a s e d o n an
E g y p t i a n p a r a l l e l ( ? ) , b u t if o n e t a k e s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h e h i s t o r i c a l i m p l i c a ­
t i o n s , it falls s h o r t of c o n v i c t i o n ; see A . H a g e n b u c h e r , THeth 1 6 ( 1 9 8 9 ) p p . 3G2L
9. O n lines 2 8 - 2 9 , w i t h t h e i r p a r a l l e l s in t h e l e t t e r s o f R a m e s s e s I I , s e e
E d e l , Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 (1974) p. 1 3 5 .
r e a <
10. With Edel, ibid., p p . 1 3 5 - 3 7 , I J 3 G A D A S I G (see EA 14 iii 1 1 ) 3
GADA ( G U ) . E . A S[IG].
11. G o r d o n : e i t h e r B/Pu over a n e r a s u r e , or else A S - B / P u , b u t n o t M U - A S
(cf. M l ) in lines 1, 1 7 , 1 8 , 2 5 ) .
12. T h e o c c u r r e n c e s o f sarpa-, sarpaHi, have b e e n c o l l e c t e d by R o s t , MIO 4
( 1 9 5 6 ) p p . 338ff. ( G o r d o n : G l S . K A L clear; f K U . G ] l G A R . R A . )

EA 32

Reply to EA 31
T E X T : VAT 342.

COPIES: WA 238; VS 12, 202; VBoT, no. 2.
TRANSLITERATION A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Rost, MIO 4 (1956) pp.

328ff.
Behold, (concerning the fact) that Kalbaya has spoken this word to me,
1
"Let us establish a blood-relationship,"
4-6 in this matter I do not trust Kalbaya. He has (indeed) spoken
it as a word, but it was not confirmed on the tablet.
7—9 If you really desire my daughter, (how) should I not give her
to you? I give her to you!
10—13 See to it now that Kalbaya returns quickly with my messen­
ger, and write back to me on a tablet concerning this matter.
14-20 May Nabu, the king of wisdom, (and) Istanus of the Gate­
way graciously protect the scribe who reads this tablet, and around you
2
may they graciously hold the(ir) hands.
21—23 You, scribe, write well to me; put down, moreover, your
name.
24—25 The tablets that are brought here always write in Hittite!

NOTES
1. T h i s t a b l e t is t h e e n d o f a l o n g e r b u t o n l y p a r t i a l l y p r e s e r v e d c o m m u n i ­
c a t i o n r e p l y i n g t o EA 3 1 .
2. B e f o r e line 1 4 t h e r e is a d o u b l e d i v i d i n g - l i n e . O n lines 1 4 - 2 3 , w h i c h a r e
d i r e c t e d t o t h e s c r i b e a t t h e E g y p t i a n c o u r t , see O t t e n , MIO 4 ( 1 9 5 6 ) p p . i 7 9 f E ,
e s p . p . 1 8 5 . S e e a l s o t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 4.

103

THE AMARNA LETTERS

EA 33

An alliance in the making
T E X T : VAT 1654.
C O P I E S : WA 15; VS 11, 13.
PHOTOGRAPH: L. Hellbing, Alasia Problems, Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 57 (Giiteborg, 1979), p. 100
(obverse only).
To the king of Egypt, my brother: Message of the king of Alasiya, your
1
brother. For me all goes well. For you may all go we(ll). For your
2
household, your wives, your sons, your horses, your chariots, and in
your country, may all go [ve]ry well.
9 - 1 8 [More]over, I have heard [t]hafi you are seated on [the th]rone
of your father's house. (You said), "{Let us have] transported (back and
forth) [gift(s) ofp]eace. "4 [I have he]ard the greeting [of] my [brother], and
I . . . [...] . . . [You wr]ote, "[Have transported to me] 200 (talents) of
copper,"' [and I (herewith) have] transported'to you . . . [ . . . } . . . 10 talents
6
[offine copper].
1 9 - 2 6 [The mes]senger [that your father us]ed to se[nd t]o [me] / [let
7
go immediately. So wri[te to me, and] may my [brojther not de[lay] my
8
[m}an that . . . [ . . . ] . . . Let him g(o) [immediately.
2 7 - 3 2 [A]nd'-> year by ye[ar] let my messenger go [into your
presence], and, on you[r part], year by year, your messenger should
10
come from [your] pre[sence] into my presence.

NOTES
1. T h e k i n g a d d r e s s e d w a s p r o b a b l y A m e n o p h i s IV, b u t neither S m e n k h ­
k a r e nor T u t a n k h a m u n m a y b e e x c l u d e d ; see K i i h n e , p . 8 6 . P e r h a p s , t o o , the
e n t i r e A l a s i a c o t r e s p o n d e n c e is t o be p u t in t h e r e i g n o f A m e n o p h i s IV, over a
p e r i o d o f a b o u t a d e c a d e or s o ; for o p i n i o n s , see H e l l b i n g , Alasia Problems (see
h e a d n o t e ) , p . 4 7 , n. 1 9 , a n d EA 3 4 , n. 1 1 .
2. T h e r e is n o p l u r a l m a r k e r w i t h "chariots" or t h e t h r e e p r e c e d i n g nouns
( a l s o EA 3 7 : 6 ; 3 9 : 6 ) , b u t p l u t a l s a r e t h e rule in t h e v a r i o u s f o r m s o f t h e f o r m u l a i c
g r e e t i n g , a n d t h e u n m a r k e d l o g o g r a m is a l s o u s e d for t h e p l u r a l in EA 34:44-45;
39:10—20; 4 0 : 1 6 - 2 8 ; perhaps 3 7 : 3 9 and 3 8 : 2 5 .
3. In l i n e s 1 - 8 t h e left m a r g i n m o v e s i n w a r d , t o t h e r i g h t (see p h o t o ) ,
whereas Knudtzon's restorations [ s a ] - n i - t a ? a n d \a-ri\u-ma at t h e b e g i n n i n g of
l i n e s 9 - 1 0 , respectively, a s s u m e t h e m a r g i n o f l i n e 8. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , the
a s s u m p t i o n o f a b r o k e n s i g n s e e m s i n e s c a p a b l e . In l i n e 1 0 [e/i-n]u-ma seems
p r e f e r a b l e ( K i i h n e , p . 8 6 , n. 427).
4. A c h a n g e of rulers required allies to restate their expressions of friend-

104

EA 34

2
s h i p ; cf. EA 6:8ff.; 8:8ff.; 9:7!?.; 1 7 : 5 1 6 ° . ; 4i:yfF. See a l s o G o e t z e , Kleinasien'
( M u n i c h , 1 9 5 7 ) , p . 98; O t t e n , A / 0 , Beiheft 1 2 , p . 65.
s
T h e f o l l o w i n g r e s t o r a t i o n o f lines 1 2 — 1 3 ' most uncertain: [nu-u]s-te-bi-ri-
mi 13 [ N I G . B A i]a-la-mi. T h e first w o r d , as if f r o m eberu ( a l s o line 1 7 ) , is
r e g u l a r l y u s e d o f c r o s s i n g b o d i e s o f w a t e r a n d w o u l d b e a p p r o p r i a t e in a l e t t e r
f r o m a n i s l a n d ; for o v e r h a n g i n g / - v o w e l , cf. li-li-ki, lines 2 9 , 3 2 ; for t h e f o r m ,
p r o b a b l y S-perfecr, cf. ultebilakku, EA 3 5 : 1 0 ; -mi is a m a r k o f d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n .
5. E n d o f line 1 6 : [ s u - b i - r a - ( m i ) ] . T h e m e a s u r e is a l s o a b s e n t in EA 35:10;
3 6 : 6 ; 40:7, 1 3 ; u n d e r s t a n d "talent(s)" or p e r h a p s " b a r s , i n g o t s " ( K i i h n e , p . 86, n.
4 2 2 ) . O n t h e C y p r i o t e t a l e n t o f 2 8 . 2 k g or 3 5 . 2 5 k g , r o u g h l y t h e s a m e w e i g h t o f
t h e i n g o t s f o u n d at C y p r u s , see A r n a u d , RA 61 (1967) p . 168. N e i t h e r the gift
r e q u e s t e d nor t h e o n e s e n t is n e c e s s a r i l y a c o r o n a t i o n g i f t ( R e d f o r d , History and
Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt [see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 1 9 ] , p . 1 2 6 ) .
6. L i n e 1 7 : [ u u]s-te-bi-ra-ku x [x x ] . W h a t w a s a c t u a l l y s e n t s e e m s t o h a v e
b e e n less t h a n w h a t w a s a s k e d for, b u t t h e difference was p e r h a p s c o m p e n s a t e d for
by a d d i n g (line 1 8 ) , [ x - x ] - A M 1 0 G U . U N [ U R U D U D U G ] ; cf. EA 4 0 : 1 3 .
7. L i n e s 1 9 — 2 2 : [ u D U M ] U si-ip-r[i-su] 20 [ s a A D - k a / } / - t a - n [ a - p a - a r ]
r
21 \a\-na mu-hi-[ia ki-ma] 22 ar-hi-is u"'-[wa-as-si-ir-(su)]. C o m p a r i s o n of pre­
v i o u s r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e a d d r e s s e e ' s p r e d e c e s s o r is f r e q u e n t ; cf. EA 8 : 8 f £ ; 9:66°.;
io:8ff.; 1 5 : 7 6 ° . ; i 7 : 2 i f f . ; 2 7 - 2 9 p a s s i m .
8. L i n e 2 5 : « ' - [ u h - h a r / h a - a r - ( s u ) ] ; w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 108:48, the
D - c o n j u g a t i o n o f kalu ( K n u d t z o n ) is u n a t t e s t e d in EA.
9. O n t h e a p p a r e n t la o f t h e copy, see S c h r o e d e r , O L Z , 1 9 1 7 , col. 1 0 5 .
10. i / > - p [ a - n i - k a ] ; cf. i-pa-ni-ia in t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e . T h a t in(a) should
m e a n b o t h "from" a n d "to" in t h e s a m e s e n t e n c e , in t h e s a m e e x p r e s s i o n , is n o t
very likely. ^ > - p [ a - f i - k a ] , "from y o u r t e r r i t o r y " ?

EA 34

The Pharaoh's reproach answered
TEXT: BM 29789.
C O P Y : BB 6.
PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100 (obverse only,
illegible).
1
Message of the king of Alasiya to the king of Egypt, my brother: Be
informed that I prosper and my country prospers. And as to your own
prosperity, may your prosperity and the prosperity of your household,
your sons, your wives, your horses, your chariots, your country, be very
great. 7-15 Look, yo(u) are my brother. As to your having written
me, "Why did you not send your messenger to me?", the fact is that I
2
had not heard that you were going to perform a sacrifice. Do not ta[k}e
this at all seriously. 3 Since I have (now) heard (about it), I herewith send
my messenger to you. 1 6 - 2 5 And behold, I (also) send to you with

105

THE AMARNA LETTERS

my messen(g)er 100 talents of copper. Moreover, may your messengers
4
now bring some goods: i ebony bed, goid-(trimmed), . . . ; and a char­
5 6
iot, sfuhttu, with gold; 2 horses; 2 pieces of linen; 50 linen shawls; 2
linen robes; 1 4 (beams of) ebony;? 17 habannatu-\ats of "sweet oil."
8
[And] as to byssos, 4 pieces and 4 shawls. 2 6 - 3 1 {And as] to goods
that are not available {in your country], I am sending {in the charge of] my
[mess}enger a donkey-hide [ . . . } of a bed, and {hab]annatu-)ais that are
9
not available [ . . . } 3 2 - 4 1 .. . 4 2 - 4 9 So an alliance should [be
ma]de between the two of us, and my messen(g)ers should go to you
and your messengers should come to me. Moreover, why have you not
10
sent me oil and linen? As far as I am {concerned, what you yourself
request / will give. 5 0 - 5 3 I herewith send a habannatu-)&t {that] is full
of "sweet oil" to be poured on your head, seeing that you have sat down
on your royal throne."

NOTES
1 . O n t h e writer's r e f e r r i n g t o h i m s e l f first, see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 5 3 .
2 . T h e festival c a n n o t b e i d e n t i f i e d ( C a m p b e l l , Chronology, p . 4 2 ) ; for p o s s i ­
b i l i t i e s w i t h i n t h e r e i g n o f A m e n o p h i s IV, see K i i h n e , p p . 86f. Cf. t h e c o r o n a t i o n
referred t o in l i n e s 5 0 — 5 3 .
3. T h e r e a d i n g ti-Va^-kdn is c e r t a i n . T h e e x p r e s s i o n (mimma) ina libbi
sakdnu o c c u r s a l s o in EA 3 5 : 1 2 , 1 5 , 3 5 (all p a s s i v e ) ; 3 8 : 3 0 ; 1 7 0 : 7 ^
4. su-x-a: x is n e i t h e r hi ( B B , b u t r e j e c t e d in VAB 2 / 1 , p . 2 8 1 , n o t e d ) , n o r ha
( U n g n a d , OLZ, 1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 3 ) ; u over a n e r a s u r e (or nu, G o r d o n ) is p o s s i b l e . su"a,
" p r o v i d e d w i t h m a t t r e s s ( e s ) " ? Cf. se'u sa ersi; o n t h e d i s a g r e e m e n t in g e n d e r , cf.
lalim in line 4.
5. M a y e r , UF 8 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . 2 i 2 f . , c o m p a r e s N u z i sukitu, (a t y p e o f ) c h a r i o t .
6. G U . G A D A ( a l s o line 2 5 ) , t o b e a d d e d t o kUadu (CAD, K , p . 4 4 9 b , "scarf
.worn a r o u n d t h e neck"; AHw, p . 490a, "Halstuch").
7. S e e EA 3 1 : 3 8 , w h e r e E d e l , Brief, p . 1 5 2 , a s s u m e s ( G i S ) , " ( b e a m s ) , " b u t
perhaps repetition of logogram/determinative avoided.
8. S e e EA 1 4 iii n.
9. A t t h e e n d o f l i n e 3 2 , $ E . M E § ( G o r d o n ) . L i n e s 39—40: " . . . m y m e r ­
1
c h a n t s a n d 2 0 m e r c h a n t s o f y o u r s " Cu 2 0 , G o r d o n ) .
10. a-na-ku-[t}e: o n t h e e n c l i t i c , see K r a h m a l k o v , JSS 1 4 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p p . 2 0 3 ^ ;
for t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n anaku . . . anaku (line 4 9 ? ) , cf. EA 3 5 : 2 1 — 2 2 , 5 0 — 5 2 . T h e
a s s u m p t i o n o f a W e s t S e m i t i s n n is e s p e c i a l l y p l a u s i b l e in t h i s letter. A m o n g t h e
A l a s i a letters it is t h e m o s t s t r o n g l y influenced b y t h e W e s t S e m i t i z e d l a n g u a g e
f o u n d e l s e w h e r e in t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s f r o m s o u t h e r n S y r i a a n d f u r t h e r s o u t h ; see
K i i h n e , p . n , n. 4 7 . T o his o b s e r v a t i o n s a d d t h e u s e o f t h e A k k a d i a n s u b j u n c t i v e
as W e s t S e m i t i c i n d i c a t i v e : tinaqqu (line 1 2 ) , tuwassiruni (line 4 8 ) , terilu (terrisu?)
(line 4 9 ) , iddinu (line 4 9 ) . N o t e , t o o , t h e a n o m a l o u s f o r m o f t h e d u a l p r o n o m i n a l
r
suffix in bi- rp-ku-ni (line 4 8 ) , p a r a l l e l e d only b y be-ri-ku-ni in EA 113:18 and
1 1 6 : 3 3 , both l e t t e r s f r o m B y b l o s (see EA 1 1 3 , n. 5 ) .

106

EA 35

II. In a different c o n t e x t , "when y o u s i t . . . " w o u l d a l s o b e p o s s i b l e . T h e
l a n g u a g e s e e m s t o i m p l y a recent e n t h r o n e m e n t , a n d in b o t h t h i s a n d t h e a r r a n g e ­
m e n t for t h e e x c h a n g e o f m e s s e n g e r s (lines 4 2 - 4 6 ) t h i s letter is m u c h l i k e EA 3 3 .
It m a y b e d o u b t e d t h a t t w o s u c h l e t t e r s w o u l d b e sent t o t h e s a m e k i n g .

EA 35

The hand of Nergal
TEXT: BM 29788.
C O P Y : BB 5.
PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100 (obverse only,
illegible).
TRANSLATION: Oppenheim, LFM, pp. 122f.
Sfay to the k]ing of Egypt, my brother: [Message} of the king of
Alasiya, your brother. [F}or me all goes well. For my household, my
wives,' my sons, my magnates, my horses, my chariots, and in my
country, all goes very well. For my brother
6 - 9 may all go well. For your household, your wives, your sons,
your magnates, your horses, your chariots, and in your country, may all
go very well. My brother, I herewith send my messenger with your
messenger to Egypt.
2
1 0 - 1 5 I herewith send to you 500 (talents) of copper. As my
brother's greeting-gift I send it to you. My brother, do not be concerned
that the amount of copper is small. Behold, the hand of Nergal3 is now
in my country; he has slain all the men of my country, and there is not a
4
(single) copper-worker. So, my brother, do not be concerned.
16—18 Send your messenger with my messenger immediately, and
I will send you whatever copper you, my brother, request.
1 9 - 2 2 You are my brother. May he send me silver in very great
quantities. My brother, give me the very best silver, and then I will send
you, my brother, whatever you, my brother, request.
2 3 - 2 6 Moreover, my brother, give me the ox that my messenger
requests,' my brother, and send me, my brother, 2 kukkubu-cont&meTs
of "sweet oil," my brother, and send me one of the experts in vulture
6
augury.
2 7 - 2 9 Moreover, my brother, men of my country keep speaking
with m[e] about my timber that the king of Egypt receives from me.
7
My brother, [give me] the payment due.
3 0 - 3 4 Moreover, here is the situation: a man from [Alasiya} has

107

THE AMARNA LETTERS

died in Egypt, and [his] thing[s] are in your country, though his son
8
and wife are with me. So, my brother, loo\k to] the things of the Alasiya
people and hand them over, my brother, to the charge of my messenger.
3 5 - 3 9 My brother, do not be concerned that your messenger has
stayed 3 years in my country, for the hand of Nergal is in my country
and in my own house. There was a young wife of mine that now, my
9
brother, is dead.
4 0 - 4 2 Send your messenger immediately along with my messen­
ger, with safe passage, and then I will send my brother's greeting-gift
to you.
43—48 Moreover, may my brother send to me in very great quan­
tities the silver that I have asked you for. Send, my brother, the things
that I asked you for. My brother should do quite everything, and then
whatever things you say I will do.
4 9 - 5 3 You have not been put (on the same level) with the king of
10
Hatti or the king of Sanhar. Whatever greeting-gift he (my brother)
sends me, I for my part send back to you double.
5 4 - 5 5 May your messenger come to me as of o\ld, and] may my
1
messenger go to you as of olid].'

NOTES
1. O n t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r , see EA 3 3 , n. 2 .
2 . enuma, as if anumma (cf. EA 3 8 : 1 0 ; 4 0 : 1 2 ; a n d see t h e c o m m e n t s o f
H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian, p p . 1960. T o a p o l o g i z e for s e n d i n g only 5 0 0 t a l e n t s
( ? — s e e EA 3 3 , n. 5 ) , t h e l a r g e s t a m o u n t m e n t i o n e d in t h e e n t i r e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e ,
is s o m e w h a t c u r i o u s . O p p e n h e i m ( " p o u n d s , " " m i n a s " u n d e r s t o o d ? ) r e d u c e s t h e
a m o u n t , b u t c o n s i s t e n c y is r e q u i r e d , a n d t h i s s o l u t i o n a l l e v i a t e s o n l y s o m e w h a t
t h e difficulty. G e o r g i o u , Levant 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 9 6 , t h i n k s o f i r o n y a n d ( m o r e p l a u s i ­
b l y ) s u g g e s t s a p r i o r r e q u e s t f r o m t h e P h a r a o h for m u c h m o r e . T h e a m o u n t w o u l d
s u p p o r t t h e c l a i m o f lines 4 9 - 5 3 . O n E g y p t i a n - A l a s i a n t r a d e r e l a t i o n s in t h i s
p e r i o d , see Y. H o l m e s , A O A T 2 2 , p p . 96ff.
D
3. Whether M A S \ M A § is here t o b e read N e r g a l , or W e s t S e m i t i c R a s p u
( R e s h e p h ; see EA 3 1 , n. 4 ) , or even t h e n a m e o f a n a t i v e C y p r i o t e g o d o f p e s t i ­
l e n c e , r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n ; see H e l l b i n g , p p . 2iff. O n summa, " b e h o l d , " see JCS 7
( 1 9 5 3 ) p p . 79ff.; a l s o AbB 9, 2 5 3 : 1 3 a n d c o m m e n t . R a i n e y , Particles, rejects this
m e a n i n g o f summa, p o i n t i n g t o p a r a l l e l s w h e r e inuma r e p l a c e s summa. N o t e a l s o in
l i n e 3 7 assum. I t d o e s n o t follow, however, t h a t summa m e a n s "since, b e c a u s e , "
which would otherwise be without parallel and without explanation. A s a deictic
p a r t i c l e reflecting W e s t S e m i t i c 'imlhm, summa s t r e s s e s t h e h e r e - a n d - n o w n e s s o f
the situation.
4. W h e t h e r t h e "worker" (epis) is here t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as m e r e l y m i n i n g
t h e c o p p e r (AHw, p . 2 2 7 a , "acquire"), or a l s o r e f i n i n g , e t c . , is n o t clear; cf. EA
36:5, 12, 14.

ro8

EA 36

5. te-ri-is-su, m i s t a k e for e-ri-il-su (VAB 2 / 1 , p . 2 8 5 ) . T h e ox is p r o b a b l y a n
o x - s h a p e d o b j e c t or f i g u r i n e ; live b o v i n e s are u n a t t e s t e d a m o n g t h e g i f t s of t h i s
period.
6. O r " e a g l e - a u g u r y . " T h e s u d d e n r e q u e s t for a very s p e c i a l i z e d d i v i n e r ,
a l o n g w i t h an ox a n d "sweet o i l , " is s u r p r i s i n g , t h e m o r e s o s i n c e n o t h i n g is
k n o w n o f s u c h a f o r m o f d i v i n a t i o n in E g y p t ( B r u n n e r , GM, 25 [ 1 9 7 7 ] pp. 45f.).
O r n i t h o m a n c y , as A r t z i , BiOr 4 1 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p . 2 1 2 has s t r e s s e d , is o f w e s t e r n o r i g i n ;
for t h e M a r i e v i d e n c e , see D u r a n d , A&M I / I , p p . 3 8 , 386f. M c E w a n , ZA 70
( 1 9 8 1 ) p . 6 2 , n. 2 9 , h a s s u g g e s t e d t h a t erii refers here t o t h e N e o p h r o n p e r c n o p -
t e r u s ( E g y p t i a n v u l t u r e ) , w h i c h flies over C y p r u s ( A l a s i a ) on m i g r a t i o n s to a n d
f r o m E g y p t . H e sees t h e r e q u e s t as reflecting t h e c o s m o p o l i t a n c h a r a c t e r o f t h e
E g y p t i a n c o u r t , not a s e v i d e n c e o f a n a t i v e t r a d i t i o n .
7. l A M . M E S (simati), rather t h a n S A M , as n o t i n f r e q u e n t l y in M i d d l e A s ­
s y r i a n a n d at U g a r i t (AHw, p . 1 2 4 0 ; H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian, p . 3 7 3 , n o . i78aa).
8. C e r t a i n l y M A § K [ I M ] , b u t t h e r e a d i n g is u n k n o w n .
9. T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a s s u m e s mtt for c o r r e c t mitat; cf. EA 3 4 , n. 4. T h e
a l t e r n a t i v e , "a s o n or c h i l d h a s d i e d , " has o t h e r g r a m m a t i c a l difficulties.
10. I agree with Vincentelli, RSO 4 6 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . i43ff., that the usual
version of these lines, "Do n o t m a k e an a l l i a n c e w i t h does not fit the
c o n t e x t , a n d t h a t s u c h a r e q u e s t , if m a d e , w o u l d r e q u i r e e x p l a n a t i o n . However,
her o w n v e r s i o n , " D o n o t c o m p a r e ( m e ) w i t h . . . , " h a s its o w n difficulties: tassakin
is in f o r m p a s s i v e , a n d t h e a l l e g e d o b j e c t — t h e c r u c i a l w o r d — i s u n e x p r e s s e d . Cf.
islakin ( l i n e 1 2 ) a l t e r n a t i n g w i t h s t a t i v e sakin (lines 1 5 , 3 5 ) .
r r
11. qad-mi-i[s~] ( l i n e 5 4 ) , qad-mi- W (line 5 5 ) : Su-mi- e"'-[is] ( K n u d t z o n )
is e x t r e m e l y d o u b t f u l , b e c a u s e for e t h e r e is n o t r a c e o f a s e c o n d v e r t i c a l , a n d
s p a c i n g favors o n l y o n e s i g n . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n is a l s o e x t r e m e l y d o u b t f u l ( M a y n a r d ,
JSOR 8 [ 1 9 2 4 ] p . 7 6 ) . For illik as i n j u n c t i v e , cf. the i n j u n c t i v e u s e o f t h e S - p e r f e c t
(ultebilanni, line 2 0 ) , S - p r e t e r i t e (usebila, line 4 4 ) , a n d N - p r e t e r i t e (issakin, line
12).

EA 36

More about copper
TEXT: C 4750 (12187).
C O P Y : WA 19 + WA 20.

PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100.
1
Too fragmentary for translation.
NOTE
1. EA 3 6 is t h e m i d d l e o f a r a t h e r l a r g e t a b l e t c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e e x c h a n g e
o f g o o d s . T h e r e a r e several references t o " d o i n g " c o p p e r (lines 4 ? , 5 , 1 2 , 1 4 ; see EA
3 5 , n. 4 ) . L i n e 6: "[Now] I a m s e n d i n g ( s e n t ? ) t o m y b r o t h e r 1 2 0 ( + x ? , G o r d o n )
(talents) [of coplper; 7 0 (talents) remain . . . " Lines 9 - 1 0 : " [ . . . ] . . . what I sent
y o u w a s l i t t l e . N o w I have l o o k e d for ( m o r e ) [and] I w i l l s e ( n ) d y o u [as much a]s

109

A l s o d u b i o u s : ki-na-bi — Canaan. and in his country. [Sa]y [t]o the k[in]g [of Egypt}. [f]or his sons. I n line 1 5 . n. ha. AS" G [ U . and whatever 7 8 [yo]u n[ee]d put down on a tablet so I can send (it) to you. p]i-ba-ti. For me all goes well. n o t f r o m h i m . Written a-la-si-ia. may all go ve(ry) well.9 w i t h biltu is a l s o f o u n d in EA 3 7 : 9 . . for his wives. VAB 2 / 2 . 6. U N ] . 2 3 his chariots. E-tel-lu-na may the cit[y] expel. NOTES 1. m m 2 1 . Levant 1 1 [ 1 9 7 9 } P. 2 * . O n t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r . r 7. n o t e g .1 2 [/ have he\ard the greeting of my brother. [And w ] h a t I a s k [yo]u for (e-ri-su-[k]a) s e n d m e . Ku-ni-e-a. For his household. g o . for the horses. 6 0 ) . s e e Z a c c a g n i n i . s e e VAB 2 / 1 . A g i f t o f 5 t a l e n t s o f g o l d or silver ( W e b e r . S E S . 1./ « x-y-ia ( G o r d o n ) . Lo scambio dei doni durante i secoli XV—Xlll (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . t h e c o n v e n t i o n a l u s e o f t h e h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e for t h e n u m b e r s 1 . p . 1 9 ) . illegible). I (herewith) promptly dispatch the messenger of my brother. Send me 9 pure silver. see EA 3 3 . r l 8. 2 9 1 . p . N o t e t h a t S E S is never u s e d a l o n e in t h i s letter. p. Alasia Problems. 5.9 7 ) s e e m s o u t o f t h e q u e s t i o n . 1 3 . [F]or my brother may all go well. Political Disposition. p . 3. 100 (obverse only.( « / 7 ) . lu-se-bt'l. HO . COPY: BB 7. t h e n o f c o u r s e t h e g i f t is for t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g . [The gree}ting-gift for my brother is 4 5 talents {of copper). your [brot]her. and m then may my brother let go x-ul-bar-ra (and) [B]e-[e]l-x-y-z. I f t h e 5 t a l e n t s a r e o f c o p p e r . 8 .ak-ku~ (Gordon). m[y brother}: Message [of the king] of 1 Alasiya. 4. EA 37 More about silver TEXT: BM 29790.aV-h[a-i\a ( a l s o G o r d o n ) . PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing.2 9 Pa-x-tum-x-e. 1 0 8 3 . wh[o] I O with . . G e o r g i o u . lulmana sa'dlu = lulma sa'dlu. p . . . is q u e s t i o n a b l e b e c a u s e o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f s y l l a b a r y a n d p e r h a p s h i s t o r y ( N a ' a m a n . while p a l e o g r a p h i c a l l y p o s s i b l e . let me inquire about [m]y bro[the]r's health. 2 . May my brother dispatch my messenger without delay. 5 teams of horses. a n d if h o r s e s a r e a l s o part of the g i f t — t h e reading cannot be confirmed—then this also a r g u e s a g a i n s t t h e g i f t ' s c o m i n g f r o m E g y p t . n. 2. n. " I n line 6 ( e n d ) . " I t a [ l e n t ] " .2 0 Now may my brother promptly let 5 6 my . dan (over a n e r a s u r e ) . n.THE AMARNA LETTERS y o u r h e a r t d e s i r e s . 1 2 2 .

G o r d o n has m K u . among your numerous troops. your chariots. 10. EA 38 9. ni m o r e l i k e l y t h a n me. Alasia Problems. in . unlikely. do you say such a thing to me. L[et] him write. h e n d i a d y s (cf. pa m o r e likely t h a n as'. L i n e 2 4 : 1 i . seize villages in my own country. 7-12 Why. I myself do not know that they were with them. L i n e 2 3 : l a s t s i g n . if c o r r e c t a n d n o t a n a r c h a i s m . s e c o n d s i g n ./ B < * ( G o r d o n ) . I have done nothing 2 of the sort. " L i n e 2 5 : x . EA 38 A brotherly quarrel T E X T : VAT 153.r a . p. 14. your brother. x m a y b e a p e r s o n a l n a m e d e t e r m i n a t i v e . p. Say to the king of Egypt. If men from my country were (with them). 256°.> « . T h e n a m e s in lines 2iff. 3 But if men from my country did do this. then you yourself do as you see fit. for this tablet it is the king's brother (as messenger). your chief wives. "Men from your country were with them. U R [ U ] m o r e l i k e l y ( ? — p o s s i b l e ? ) .4 2 7 . 1 9 .i t . "Does my brother not know this?" As far as I am concerned.« / ." My brother. L i n e 2 1 : p r o b a b l y n o p e r s o n a l n a m e d e t e r m i n a t i v e . year by year. see A s t o u r . PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing. your horses. . 13-18 My brother. do not be concerned. your sons. f o u r t h s i g n . which ancestors of yours did such a thin(g) to my ancestors? So no. C O P I E S : WA 11. C a r r u b a .r « . men of Lukki. my brother: Message of the king of Alasiya. Your messengers must tell me what I am to do. you say to me. 102b). in your country.« / . may all go very well.. 2 3 . e x p e l . For your 1 household. Studi classici e orientali 1 7 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p . my brother. b u t w i t h l i t t l e e v i d e n t a w a r e n e s s o f t h e e p i g r a p h i c diffi­ c u l t i e s .3 0 Furthermore. For me all goes well. my brother. among your magnates. send (them back) and I will act as I see fit. na . Indeed. and for you may all go well. CAD. have b e e n s t u d i e d t o d e t e r m i n e t h e e t h n i c c o m p o s i t i o n o f A l a s i y a . t h e n e x t t w o s i g n s are i l l e g i b l e . They would not do such a thing. 100 (obverse only).p a r / p a . K . J AOS 8 4 ( 1 9 6 4 ) p p . 2406°. since you have not sent back my messen­ ger.2 2 You yourself do not know men from my country.d ' a m .2 6 Now. tarddu m u s t at t h i s p e r i o d m e a n "drive off.b a r ( p a ? ) . my brother. Idikalla li-is-pur ( c o m p l e t e l y v i s i b l e ) . VS 11. Line 26: B/Pel-x = sa or ta.

OLZ. in h i e r a t i c s c r i p t . 2 8 1 ) . O n t h e a b s e n c e o f a p l u r a l m a r k e r . p . My brother. 7 3 . 5 . see E A 3 5 . catalogue of the exhibition. 10-13 My brother. p . your country. N f T L A M ( S A L . 1 2 8 . C O P Y : WA 12. . For your 1 household. 101. 2 9 5 . Alasia Problems. your many horses.7 a n d a l s o at A l a l a k h ( G o e t z e . n. U S ' ) . 2 4 : 7 . see VAB 2/1. r e a d la-a e-pu-us ( S c h r o e d e r . T h e w r i t i n g is so i n e p t in this p a r a g r a p h t h a t m y v e r s i o n is o n l y o n e o f several p o s s i b i l i t i e s . O n t h e r e v e r s e . n. 1 9 1 7 . i b i d .2 0 These men are my merchants. 1 ) . p. 2. your wives. my [brothJer: Message of the king of Alasiya. 436). may all go very well. Mil. 105). S e e a l s o EA 4 9 . 1 4 . F o r t h e r e q u e s t o f safe p a s s a g e a n d e x e m p t i o n f r o m i m p o s t . 112 . p. ) s e e m s less likely. 4:6. p . A s i n g u l a r v e r b w i t h a p l u r a l s u b j e c t is n o t w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l (EA 1 7 0 : 2 3 . enuma for anumma. 4. "letter o f t h e p r i n c e o f A l a s a . n. PHOTOGRAPHS: Hellbing. EA 39 Duty-free TEXT: C 4748 (12206). let them go safely and prom[pt]ly. sekretu (CAD. 2 1 : 4 . and in Egypt. "Toutankhamoun et son temps. your sons. 5. cf. EA 1 9 : 8 5 ? ) . n. PRU 4. T h e r e a d i n g i s h i r t u or marhitu (CAD. p p . 2 . n. 98). col. 87. EA 30. note * . p . your brother. p. Ugar. a n d n o . 2 .THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. Say to the king of Egypt. see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . let my messengers go promptly and safely so that I may hear my brother's greeting. n o . 2 i 6 f . " p r i n c e . 2. " O n E g y p t i a n wr. d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m D A M (assatu) in EA 3 9 : 6 . see EA 3 3 . s e e a l s o PRU 3 . The c o n t e x t favors u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e s u b j e c t as t h e a c c u s e d A l a s i a n s . a n d on t h e p l u r a l s in l i n e s iofF. " as a d e s i g n a t i o n o f f o r e i g n r u l e r s . Ugar. p. No one making a claim in your name is to 2 approach my merchants or my ship. 2 3 2 : 1 1 ( ? — c f . A g a i n s t copy. NOTES 1. n. For me all goes well. your chariots. 5 : 6 ." in the Petit Palais (reference from Kiihne. and for you may all go well. 3. 2 . JCS 1 3 [ 1 9 5 9 } p . your chief wives. S .

1 (beam) for a ship. 2 4 . i 3 o f . 3. [my] lo[rd]. t h e t i t l e o f t h e official in A l a s i a w h o s e n t Ugar. my brother. I n t h e n e x t l i n e . cf. G A L . 5 . s e e E d e l . Ugar. C O P Y : WA 13 + 14. I will give it to y[ou]. PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing. these men [and] this ship belong to the king. 7. p p . a l s o Ugar. governor to governor TEXT: C 4749 (12190). before the z. 6. p e r h a p s b y t h e s a m e m e s s e n g e r . my brother. NOTES 1. n. p e r h a p s n a t i v e p i d d u r i (Steiner. n. p r o b a b l y o n e after t h e other. My brother. So send [me] (back) the ship {of the king. 2 9 7 . M A 3 K I M . EA 3 9 : 5 . n o .n My brother. p . and fo[r you] may all go well. i-din-n[a] seems t h e m o s t likely reading ( G o r d o n ) . ) M A § K I M (rabisu). 1 piece of ivory. s e e EA 3 3 . Say [to the gojvernor of Eg[ypt.t\rival of Su]mhti.2 3 [And as for y]ou. 2 ) . 2 2 . Beziehungen . [wh]atever you ask for ac­ cording to [your fancy]. O n t h e p l u r a l . Kadmos 1 [ 1 9 6 3 } pp. cf. n o t e * * * . } all goes well. p. S e e EA 3 5 . i 4 5 f . Alasia Problems. my lord. p. but h[e] gave"* [no]thing to me. O t t e n .r [ i ] ( G o r d o n ) . b u t p e r h a p s ana [ m ] a h . [ . MDOG 9 4 { 1 9 6 3 ] p . 2 pieces of i[vor]y. n o . 3 talents offinecopper. . 1 beam for [a ship]. 6 1 2 . T h e n a m e . T h i s letter w a s w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e a s t h a t o f EA 3 9 . p r o b a b l y refers t o t h e h i g h 2 office o f vizier ( H e l c k .2 0 [Mojreover. a n d VAB 2 / 1 . is r e s t o r e d o n t h e b a s i s o f EA 5 7 : 1 3 . 6 . Traces fit n e i t h e r i[ydsi n o r m\ahrtya nor UfGU-i.2 8 These men are servants of the king. and y[pu se]nt5 (only some) lvor[y].2. 2 . promptly and [saf }ely. a n d a s p r o b a b l y s a i d o f t h e A l a s i a n official it is t o b e c o m p a r e d w i t h L U . For .5 I sent t[o him] 9 (talents) of copper. as here s a i d o f t h e E g y p t i a n official. "3 . p . . n. t[a]-as-pu-ra-am-ma (Gordon). w h i c h is n o t E g y p t i a n .n [ i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) . my brother. my brother]: Messa[ge of the governor o]f 1 2 Ala[§iya.1 5 I herewith send as your greeting-gift 5 (talents) of copper. my lord]. 4. ana [ U G U . 2. 5. 2 1 . . 3 4 1 . . 5 . ( O n m e s s e n g e r s c a r r y i n g several l e t t e r s . 2 4 8 ) . Brief. a n d p r o b a b l y d e l i v e r e d a t t h e s a m e t i m e . ./ M . 1 5 . EA 40 EA 40 Duty-free. send (them back) to me safely and promptly. 1 (beam) of boxwood. 5 . 101. 2 ( r e a d i/e-nu-ma?). and no one making a claim in your name is to approach them. 7 1 6 . your brother}. R e a d i n g ana [ p ] a . 2 0 : 2 .

14-15 Why. . . [king of Hat]ti. my brother. Whatever you want. I will return them to my brother. so now too should you and I be friendly with one another. one [should be standing]. the king of Eg]ypt. 3 minas its l weight. And my own request.3 8 [ .4 3 I herewith send you as your greeting-gift: 1 silver rhyton. your household. he never refused. [yo]u have ascended the throne of your father. Let us be helpful to each other. ] . your chario[ts. he gave me absolutely everything. . one 6 should be seated. "Let us establish only the most 3 friendly relations between us. s e c t . may all go very well.&[ve been r]eadied for . as $ 2 large nikiptu-trees. Say to 2 Huriy[a. and a large stand for [ . write to me so I can send it to you. C O P Y : WA 18. your sons. a young ram. and a large piece of lapis lazuli. have you held back the presents that your father made to me when he was al[iv]e? 16—22 Now.? But i]f my brother does not want to give them. umma s*amlF R N larru rabu i n t r o d u c i n g H i t t i t e l e t t e r s a n d d e c r e e s (PRU 4. 114 . . And. For yo]ur [wives]. and i]n your country. . Whatsoever your father said to me. my brother: 4—6 [For me all goes w]ell. [um-ma U T U . 1 silver rhyton. 5 minas its weight. If my brother [wants to give them]. my brother. 7-13 Neither my messengers. O n t h e f o r m o f i n t r o d u c t i o n . . 10 minas their weight.2 8 My brother. G[reat] King. that I made to your father. ] . 2 silver disks. s e e t h e I n t r o ­ d u c t i o n . . whom I sent to your father. 10 3 9 . NOTES d d 1. nor the request that your father made. p a s s i m ) . The request 4 (that) I expressed to your father [/ shall express] to my brother. [send me] the 2 [silve]r statues of women. your troops.J 7 ] : cf. 11 12 a stag. 4. Suppiluliumas.' 2 3 . . do not hold back anything that [I asked] of your father. my brother." did I indeed re[fus]e. my brother. too. I indeed did absolutely eve[ry]thing. indeed. 2 9 .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 41 Of Egyptian-Hittite relations TEXT: C 4747 (122-7). linen huzzi. For you may all go wel[l. saying. let my 8 [broth]er give thefm. and just as your father and I were desirous of peace between us. [As to the 2 st]atues of gold. 1 [Thus the Sun]. 9 when my chariots h.

L U G A L . see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . 1 0 1 . T u t a n k h a m u n . . and is su[ch conduct] the accepted prac­ 4 tice? My brother. 16. your chariots. r 1 8. is q u i t e u n c e r t a i n . "head o f a g a z e l l e . T h e s y n t a x o f lines 7—10 is r a t h e r c o n f u s e d . a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line n . A/i. no. see Ehelolf. p . 9. t h e h e a d b e i n g specified (vessel. EA 42 2. G o r d o n ) .b i ] us-sd-ta (usdtu): f a v o r i n g aqabbi is t h e e n c l i t i c -ma. p . 500. . a n d p e r h a p s a l s o at t h e e n d (mi-ri-il-ta-ia x-y. 1 5 . or S E = ana." G o r d o n a l s o r e s t o r e d a-hu]-uz-za-ta. r 4. C f . U D U . 7. "let's m a k e a m a r r i a g e b e t w e e n u s . followed b y a " G l o s s e n k e i l . 7if. did you write [to me] with peace in mind? And if [you are my brother]. why have you exalted [your name].] 2 8-14 . T h e m a t c h i n g n u m b e r s s u g g e s t the possibility that the nikiptu-tcee was d e p i c t e d o n t h e d i s k s . T e n t a t i v e l y I f o l l o w K i i h n e ' s r e a d ­ i n g . 8 2 . a-na. ] may all go well. 10. " w h i c h is not 5 a t t a c h e d t o t h e p r e v i o u s w e d g e ( a g a i n s t VAB 2 / 1 . 5.4 1 . Suffix is -sunu. 13. your 1 horses].a' [h}a-sih. as e l s e w h e r e at Boghazkoy. "my b r o t h e r . li-it-ti-in-su-nu-ti-(ma) (also G o r d o n ) . 6. ZA 45 (1939) p p . for [your] tro[ops. " e t c . C O P I E S : WA 16.LIM 4 = lidimu). ) . why [did you 3 put] your name over my name? And who (now) is the one who upsets the good relations [between us]. the a r g u m e n t s o f W i l h e l m a n d B o e s e in favor o f t h e last n a m e d a r e v e r y s t r o n g .. or S m e n k h k a r e . p. VS 11. T h e p a r t i c l e -mi (nippus-mi) indicates d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e . P h i l o l o g i c a l l y . 60). [ . L i n e 3 4 : [la]. G o r d o n read G A D A hu-uz-hu-se.2 6 And now. 1 2 5 a n d 1 3 8 . E i t h e r -ma over a n e r a s u r e ( m e a n i n g ? ) . T h e E g y p t i a n k i n g c o u l d b e e i t h e r A m e n o p h i s IV. For [ . n. 2 7 5 o n no. 3. 22 [ a .l a ] .b i . . L i n e 9: at-te-ru-tam-''ma* ( G o r d o n ) . W h e t h e r a p r o p o s a l o f m a r r i a g e w o u l d b e m a d e so l a c o n i c a l l y m a y a l s o b e d o u b t e d . " b u t a b r e a k o f five s i g n s s e e m s e x c l u d e d . your magnates. [ s u . may all go very well. . see ARMT 2 5 . T h e r e a d i n g o f t h e s i g n a t t h e e n d o f l i n e 9. at M a r i . too. p . D A G + K I S I M x I R ( ? ) . 115 . O n lines 3 0 .ku': virtually certain ( G o r d o n ) . while /.w r i t i n g for salurru(mma). 6. ] .q a b . see A O A T 1 7 . n n . r h y t o n s in a n i m a l f o r m . S e e CAD. a n d his s u g g e s t i o n o f a r e b u s . 1003. s e c t . and i[n your country. as to the tablet that [you sent me]. n o t sunuti. . at t h e e n d o f line 2 8 . 12. 11. 375a (LU. T h e r e a d i n g i-gam-ma-ru-ma is v e r y q u e s t i o n a b l e . for [my part]. EA 42 A question of honor T E X T : VAT 1655. .

L i n e s 2 1 .THE AMARNA LETTERS am tho[ught of as} a (co]rpse. p . 3 . 2. see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . . [ .s i ] 2 0 ta-as-pu-u-ra-a ii lum-ma [§E§-ia at-ta sum-ka] 2 1 am-mi-nim tu-ra-ab-bi ii ^ . Tell el Amarna. a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h t h e a d d t e s s o r n a m e s h i m s e l f first ( I n t r o d u c t i o n . EA 43 Of malice and murder T E X T : Ash 1207. g o i n g b a c k t o t h e t i m e o f t h e i r g r a n d f a t h e r s .] 2 5 [a-pa-a]s-fi-it ii. Cf. p r o b a b l y k i n g s ..] 6 2 7 . .k u k i .. 3. 43 (obverse only. p .f o r m s o f N I . n.. too. NOTES 1. L A . } .2 8 [Thu]s the scribe . t h e list o f n a m e s a t t h e e n d a n d t h e p o s s i b l e t h r e a t n o t t o p u t t h e H i t t i t e on t h e l i s t at a l l . If t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is c o r r e c t . and the Bible (Oxford..^ . . p. T h e c o r r e s p o n d e n t s are o f e q u a l r a n k ( " b r o t h e r s " ) .. . t o recall t h e history o f t h e t w o coun­ t r i e s . . Edel. t h u s VAB 2 / 2 .-]ui Su-mi sa] 23 [ (x)]-x-SAR ru-mi-in-x [. T h e a d d r e s s e e is a s k e d . t y p i c a l o f H i t t i t e s c r i b e s . P e r h a p s w e s h o u l d t h i n k r a t h e r o f a list o f n a m e s in h i e r a r c h i c a l o r d e r . l i n e 1 0 ) . 1 0 9 4 . 4 7 5 . EA 27. e . i093f.. see a l s o VAB 2 / 2 . n.2 2 . .W as-sum-ma su-lum-me-e [ a . [. T h e letter refers t o m a l i c i o u s men and someone's murder. Archaeology. . [/ have wrii\ten [the names . I f c o r r e c t . . T h i s is u s u a l l y u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e f o r m o f t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n t o letters b e t w e e n e q u a l s or f r o m s u p e r i o r t o inferior. PHOTOGRAPH: P. [ u m .m a ] 22 [ri]a- m m bu-ul-tim ki-a-am ha-as-\sa. K U R U R U before g e o g r a p h i c a l n a m e s ( K U R U R U hu[r-ri. . it is p o s s i b l e w e s h o u l d r e n d e r b y " c h a r i o t .n a i a . . i . 116 . a n d H i t t i t e p r o v e n i e n c e o f t h e l e t t e r is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n b e c a u s e o f t h e s i g n .5 3 ) p . but your 5 name [. 54. M i t t a n i ." 6.] 2 4 {as]-tur ii sum-ka [. X X X I (obverse only). 1969). H e l c k . 1 8 . 5. . S.[ n a .. P e r h a p s a d e f e n s e is offered o f H i t t i t e a t t a c k s o n " H u r r i . VAB 2 / 2 . a m e s s a g e f r o m t h e s c r i b e o f EA 42. 1 9 S E S . Jdhrbuch fur kleinasiatische Forschung 2 ( 1 9 5 2 . [ .. . I f t h e r e s t o r a t i o n in l i n e 2 is c o r r e c t ... . pi. it s e e m s . erroneously identified as a letter from By bios). 4... NOTE 1. sect. 2 6 5 .c o u n t r y " (line 1 0 ) . w e m u s t a s s u m e an a d d r e s s e e q u i t e u n f a m i l i a r w i t h s t a n d a r d H i t t i t e p r a c t i c e . Artefacts. A Z . T h e H i t t i t e p r o v e n i e n c e o f EA 4 2 is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n . 1 Too fragmentary for translation. COPY: Sayce. N o t e . ] .m a ] . . p . n. see t h e r e m a r k s of K n u d t z o n .f i g h t e r s " r a t h e r t h a n "horses". cf. 4 ) . Moorey. 1094. p . I will bl}ot out. ] Do not . p e r h a p s b e t t e r : "I am like a c o r p s e ( a n d ) t h u s am I thought of. U S \ D A M . Beziehungen.

my father. for your archer]s. then it was I that sent greetings to you and had a present brought to you.2 0 . [for whatever else 3 belongs to the king. A m e n o p h i s I I I w o u l d b e t h e a d d r e s s e e o f t h i s l e t t e r ( K i i h n e . p . C O P I E S : WA 29.2 9 I myself am desirous of gold. write me so I can send it to you. VS 11. your son. 5—6 May all go well with the lord. Say to the lord. your chief wife. . } . 2. O n l i n e s 1 8 . 14-17 18—24 [ . the king of Egypt. a n d . f o r m s o f A K . T h e w r i t e r s e e m s n o t t o have b e e n in t h e H i t t i t e c a p i t a l a t t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g . 17. Whatever you. the lord. 5 1 2 . for your sons. NOTES 1. 4. [my lord: Message of Amm]istam[ru. p . send me gold. N e w paragraph uncertain. 1 [Say to the king}. P e r h a p s Z i t a w r o t e in t h i s p a r a g r a p h a b o u t h i s new s t a t i o n . the Sun. C O P I E S : WA 177. A Z . b u t h i s s c r i b e w a s e i t h e r t r a i n e d t h e r e o r u n d e r its influence (cf. my father: Thus Zi[t}a. the king's 1 son. n. the Sun. 1 0 3 . my lord]. I f t h e t i t l e "father" i m p l i e s difference o f a g e . 2 5 . 7 . N I ) . are desirous of. EA 44 EA 44 From a Hittite prince T E X T : VAT 1656. very well]. your 2 servant. and I also send to my father my own messengers along with your messengers. . my lord. May all go well f ]o[r the king. and when they went back to you. VS 11. EA 45 Friendly Ugarit TEXT: 1692 (smaller of two fragments not collated). t o s o m e e x t e n t . m[ay all go very. 3. 117 . 1 fall at] your [feet] 7 times [and 7 times. for your household. they came to Hatti. the Sun. 16.' Herewith [7 send ori\ to you your messengers (com­ 4 ing) [from] Hatti. 1 0 2 . n. see K i i h n e . 5 0 8 ) .1 3 On an earlier embassy of any of your messengers. and I send as your greeting-gift a present of 16 men. for your (other) wives. my father. [M]y father.

.. see A . EA 4 5 a n d 4 9 . as-su-ri-im-[ma . . to Ugarit [ . t h e k i n g a d d r e s s e d in EA 4 5 is p r o b a b l y A m e n o p h i s III ( H . p t . { .2 1 [. a r e f r o m U g a r i t ( A l b r i g h t . p. .. . . my lord]. ] . 2 5 4 . . n.<-> NOTES 1. my lord. } and to Egypt [ .} and he will acquire [ . . H i t t i t e k i n g s were called. " a s t h e e m b o d i m e n t s o f royalty. M o r e t h a n 1 0 lines m i s s i n g .. . o n t h e l i f e .. Geschichte Syriens. e t c . D r a w e r . C O P I E S : WA 179. . A second time he wrote [to me].. and thus he sp[oke: " . 3 4 0 a n d p . t h r o u g h borrowing. O n U g a r i t ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h E g y p t . a n d a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y 4 6 .. p. 1 9 9 ) . . M E 3 ] . 2 .& * 1 [it 7 am-qut 4 lu-ii sul-mu a-na] UG[U . 2 . turn against me. [promptly]. 8. . p . VS 11. GeschichteSyriens. . PRU 3 . If you sen[d^ . J u d a i c a a n d H u m a n i t i e s S e r i e s .. 5 2 2 . 1 Too fragmentary for translation. r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n ( K l e n g e l . Iraq 3 8 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p . EA 4 9 : 6 ) .. as is u s u a l l y h e l d . p . And] I myself [said a]s follows: "These men are [Egyp­ tians]. 1 4 1 p a s s i m . .. ] ( H u e h n e r g a r d . 262). [May he send me] the life of [my spirit. tu-se-bd-[ai . .4 8 . 195). 3off. p t . E n g l i s h summary. 6). my lord}. "My S u n . p .} (cf. my lord}. 1 4 5 : 2 0 . [And] may [the Sun.. . 1 3 7 : 7 ^ . 1 4 6 — 4 7 p a s s i m .} Indee[d. A l t m a n . .. 1 7 ) .THE AMARNA LETTERS 4 8 .. M .. I am a servant] to the Su[n. p. . 4f. ] . ] wrote: "Why . 4 8 0 . n. literally. (in H e b r e w . Bar Uan. 9.2 9 Moreover. . .). w i t h t r a c e s o f a few s i g n s . Akkadian. . 7 [. W i n t e r . cf. 3.d i s k ( I . ] (ibid. W h e t h e r t h i s w a s t h e H i t t i t e k i n g . E g y p t i a n a n d . CAW. xxxvii). know (this): if . 3 [a-na G 1 R . the king of [. 1 3 3 ) . heaven forb[id] that [the Sun. BASOR 9 5 { 1 9 4 4 ] p p . w h i c h w a s a l s o s y m b o l i z e d b y t h e w i n g e d s u n . ] .. .g i v i n g b r e a t h a n d s p e e c h o f t h e k i n g . and [/ send] my messenger to the Sun. ..] a 4.. 2/2. 2 [um-ma a/am-m]i-is-tam-[ri iK-ka] ( N o u g a y r o l . i44:6ff. p. All. 7.. my lord.... . 18. and} do you seize [ . I hand them over t[o the Sun. 5. Why should I ha[ndthem over to you?"} I shall prepare [."} 7 3 0 .] l[u-u . my lord]. A n n u a l o f B a r I l a n U n i v e r s i t y .b i ] : cf. I will . iff.3 5 Moreover. EA 46 Ongoing loyalty T E X T : VAT 1694. 1 3 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . " ] . 6. F r e e r e s t o r a t i o n s .). m 2. . and] may [his mouth] 8 speak the life of [my] spirit. K l e n g e l . I now ha[nd them over to the Sun. 118 . . 3 4 0 . EA i o o : 3 6 f f . . kdn-na-am-ma in an EA 4 6 : 5 a n d (a)-kdn -na-ma at B o g h a z k o y (CAD. M E S pi-{d-i]i-[ka . [ u (z)-k]dn "-na-am ( p e r h a p s -(ma)) a-na-ku [ a q . p .] 6 [ E R I N .

2 0 3 . [And to a]ll the messengers of [other]* kings [you gi]ve your tablet. and your own messenger you have not sent [to m]e. 219. R e f e r e n c e s to "my a n c e s t o r s " (lines i.}. H u e h n e r g a r d . 3. 9. 6 [Am I treated in accordance] with the loyal(ty) of my heart? 2 2 . 119 . " has t h e s a m e p r o b l e m . p. I sen]t3 my messenger to my lord. p . r e a d ab-ba-e-ia.. I see t h e m e a n i n g "also" rather t h a n a m a r k e r o f t h e p r e d i c a t e (ibid.. n o t Iii tanandin (Knudtzon).. . Assyrianism). [. 1 2 . My ancestors did service [for] your [ancestors. 4. is otherwise u n k n o w n at U g a r i t . EA 4 7 ) a n d d e c l a r a t i o n s o f loyalty e q u a l t o t h e i r s (lines 2 2 — 2 6 ) . however. p r o b a b l y A B . p. 2 1 8 . . a n d very p r o b a b l y [it-ti-i]a.u \d~\-ma ki-it-(ti?). 3 1 ) . .3 0 [Moreover.. {sa-nu-ti]: enough room? Huehnergard. L i n e 1 5 : tanandin. T h i s W e s t S e m i t i s m .' To me. 19. Ask someone able [. [and n]ow I 2 am truly a servant too to the king. sees t h e s h o r t f o r m kit as a p o s s i b l e o p t i o n . {m]y [lord]. ibid. n. Akkadian.]. NOTES 1. 1 [. 6.. 8. 2 1 6 .. [ g a b . [but] your own messenger(s) [you (also)sen]dto them. 205)... C O P I E S : WA 176.. 7.. You send (them).. p .ME§-/fc*].b a d}-wa-te. 2 3 . [andto] my messenger(s) [you have not giv]en your tablet. 5. L i n e 1 3 : [al-ta-p]ar ( i b i d . 219.ME§. but my lord did not question him...2 1 [Moreover. the preformative y being unknown at U g a r i t . [fR. S i n c e we m u s t r e a d i]a in l i n e 2 0 (see c o p y ) . n o t "with t h e m " ( t h e m e s s e n g e r s ) . ittlsunu p r o b a b l y m e a n s . the Suq. following Huehnergard.k u . f e p .. a t t e s t e d e l s e w h e r e (see EA 1 6 7 : 3 1 ) . EA 47 Loyalty unrewarded T E X T : VAT 1693. "your s e r v a n t s . In v i e w o f EA 4 6 : 1 . c e r t a i n l y n o t y]isdl. p . 9.... M E 5 = abbd'e (all c a s e s .. a n d cf.s e . 2 3 . B A .] x la-al le-'a. in t h e e n c l i t i c of ardum-ma. .. i b i d . EA 47 NOTE la i. b u t "to t h e m " (the k i n g s ) .] . 9 5 a n d n. VS 11. 2. O n t h i s c l a u s e see H u e h n e r g a r d . ibid. however. w]hy do you listen [to all the wor]ds of [Ha]nya?? 8 [. p.

. NOTES 1. VS 11. N o t e t h a t in t h e o t h e r 120 . too. 13if. 20. my lord. his ch[ief wife]. n. ( L e i d e n . Mountains. 344). . Undoubt­ edly. .« / : KfUR.. Here there is no physician. has p r o p o s e d t o identify t h e f o r m e r a s t h e P u d u . 1 To the king. ] .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 48 A jar of balsam for my lady T E X T : VAT 1690.. Storia di Ugarit (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . 2. p t . . 3if. } 17—26 [ . . 1979). p p . C O P Y : WA 204 + 180. ] . a palace attendant that is a 5 6 physician. EA 49 A request for a physician TEXT: C 4783 (12238). . 1 [To . cf. [For] my mistress may all go well. my lord. and] a jar of aromatics: sii-ur-wa (balsam). and Millstones in the Ancient Near East. ntq-ma. EA 38.. Ugaritic. Message of Niqm-Adda. t h e s u c c e s s o r o f A m m i s t a m r u I (EA 4 5 ) . t h e r e b y i m p l y i n g t h a t t h i s letter b e l o n g s in t h e t i m e o f N i q m a d d a I I . . [Message of. May all go well for the 2 king.H e b a (Pdgb) w h o w r o t e t o k i n g N i q m a d d a o f U g a r i t . my lord. the Sun. see M .A d d a I I . for [everything else belonging to the king]. w r i t i n g p r o b a b l y t o A m e n o p h i s I V ( K l e n g e l . [ .. ask [Hajramassa. . for [his sons. Look. on the m e a n i n g .MESl ( K n u d t z o n ) is e x c l u d e d . for his (other) wives. [h]is househ[old]. 1 2 8 ) . J. May my lord give me 2 attendants]. Previously [hegave . your maidservant. palace 4 (attendants) from Cush. p p . the Sun. . BASOR 95 (1944) p p . Liverani. p . O n t h e f o r m of t h e g l o s s . f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t .-H]eba. 5off. [/ he]rewith [send t]o 2 my mistress [ . it d o e s s o t o w a r d s t h e e n d . 5 . NOTES m d 1.i the Sun. to] my [fa]ther's house. .8 You have given {your maidservant . On Trees. Give me.. the Sun. And 7 here[with] (I send) as your greeting-[gift . the ar]chers.IM.. 1 fall [at the feet of] my [mist]ress. 5 if. p p . U § ] . . 2. N i q m . . my mistress. . . since if it o c c u r s at all in t h e g r e e t i n g . S t o l . . . ] . . my lord. . . Geschichte Syriens. your servant: I fall at the feet of the king. s t A L . Probably from the queen of U g a r i t to the queen of E g y p t . C O P I E S : WA 181. 2. see H u e h n e r g a r d . ] and one-hundred [ .

e . It f o l l o w s . p . 4. Agyptische Arzte und a'gyp- tische Medizin am hethitischen Konigsbof: Neue Funde von Keilschriftbriefen Ramses' II aus Bogazkiiy ( O p l a d e n . E g y p t w a s s o rich in m e d i c i n e s t h a t e v e r y o n e was a p h y s i c i a n . ] . JCS 14 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . VAB 2 / 1 . . 2 9 : 5 6 . " T h e K i n g ' s W i f e " . . T h e p r o v e n i e n c e o f t h e t a b l e t is u n k n o w n .s u ] . n o t e a l s o PRU 3 . 616a). I f < * / { l u . . Akkadian. my mistress. . ) . [ . "ask" (on t h e c o n f u s i o n of sibilants. see F e d e r n . n o . e t c . 2 5 6 : 1 6 6 ° . never D A M . H u e h n e r g a r d . . ) . or s i m p l y sa-al (according to G o r ­ d o n .h a . and t h e n t o have f o r g o t t e n t o restore it. [ g a b . ' my mistress: Message of the daughter of [ . on t h i s t i t l e and its a p p e a r a n c e in c u n e i f o r m . T h i s s e e m s to b e a later p r a c t i c e . line 22): at t h e begin­ n i n g o f l i n e 2 0 . 2 . cf. a l m o s t necessarily. your] maidservant.b i m i m . 3. 329.u n . VS 11. no. . ) . t h e n an a p p e a l t o t e s t i m o n y (cf. 121 . 5. 2 1 0 ) . 21. . . a s t a t e m e n t a b o u t t h e local s i t u a t i o n . . [ ha. p . p r o b a b l y only erasures follow). NOTE m f 1. p . 2 6 4 : 1 1 6 . see H u e h n e r g a r d . 2 4 : 8 f . 8 9 : 4 1 6 . O n t h e f a m e o f E g y p t i a n m e d i c i n e .m u . . cf. p. [ . sa-al-m[i (-mi is not confined t o d i r e c t d i s ­ c o u r s e . EA 50 Maidservant to her mistress T E X T : VAT 1594. EA 6 9 : 2 8 f . G A L (cf. p p . t h a t "\-ra-ma-sa is a p e r s o n a l n a m e . n. i n f f . a s s u m i n g t h e c o n f u s i o n o f s i b i l a n t s a g a i n . Akkadian. 1 ) . w i s e a b o v e all o t h e r s . cf. t h e h e a d o f o n e h o r i z o n t a l is v i s i b l e . 2 i : 6 ' f . 2 D U M U su-ha-[ri] 20 ' ^ K D U M U ) E . T h e s c r i b e s e e m s t o have e r a s e d t h e v e r b . T h i s fits t h e c o n t e x t — i . . 5.u sa L U G A L ] : see t h e l e t t e r s referred t o in n. a n d this is n o t c o m p a t i b l e w i t h D [ U M U ] {AHw. p . COPIES: WA 191. m 6. PRU 3 . 2 8 : 7 f . n o t e a. ] . EA 50 letters o f t h e k i n g s o f U g a r i t in w h i c h they w i s h w e l l t o the c o r r e s p o n d e n t ' s w i v e s . .]-ra-ma-sa: in line 2 6 . . . p . n o . Ugar. 5:7f. . 7. 3 1 8 . see E d e l . Perhaps the queen.m i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) in line 7 is c o r r e c t . . 4 : 7 6 .m u . w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 3 4 : 1 6 . t [ a . A c c o r d i n g t o H o m e r (Odyssey I V 2 3 i f . cf. N I T L A M (see EA 3 8 . i b i d . [I] fall at the feet [of] my mistress 7 times and 7 tim[es}. n o t e its u s e . . t h e E g y p t i a n m e s s e n g e r in EA 20:336°. p r o b a b l y t o c o r r e c t a n error. is u s e d . no. 3 3 . 5 0 . [Say] to . only at B y b l o s and farther south. . see H u e h n e r g a r d . 1 9 7 6 ) .

The H i t t i t e k i n g ( S u p p i l u l i u m a S ) h a r d l y s e n t t h e t a b l e t s (so A l t m a n . a king in Nuhasse. p . my lord. 3 7 : 5 1 ^ ) . {may] our lord? {come forth] t[o us]. Now. . tuppdte u ri-ik-[sa-te . 2 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p . My lord. 4 7 ) .' Do not be negligent. and [/ am (still) a servant of] the king of Egypt. . w h e r e " c o m m i s s i o n e r s " is g l o s s e d b y ma-lik.P a l e s t i n e . b u t n o t e fi./. rev. e t c .' made [T]a[ku]. T h e rest o f t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s in t h i s p a r a g r a p h are free. " is p e r h a p s b e c a u s e t h e w r i t e r t h i n k s o f h i s a l l i e s . Rev. to our lord. PRU 4. h e l d to "grandfather. 3. Annual for Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies. tuppi riksilrikilti. Shnaton. And the king of Hatti {wrote to me about an alliance]. he w o u l d have d o n e so o n l y as a final f o r m a l i t y o f t h e a l l i a n c e . . . . A k k a d i a n ab(i) abi. 22./ ' / . in v i e w o f t h e p l u r a l . the king of Egypt. i ." 2. S i n c e T h u t m o s i s I I I ( M a n a h p i y a ) was n o t t h e g r a n d f a t h e r o f any o f t h e k i n g s p o s s i b l y a d d r e s s e d in t h i s letter. 5." m u s t h a v e here a m o r e g e n e r a l m e a n i n g . ] . n. a n c e s t o r " ( L a r o c h e . may my lord send one of his 6 advisors [to]gether with his troops and chariots. RHA 3 4 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p . 68f. [T}o the Sun. the king. . Chronology. . . not. 7 . . ] . [my lord]. {and on whose head] he has put {oil].. {No]t{e] (that) when Manahpiya. [ . MES\ 122 . [no] one [shall . " He gave . p r o b a b l y riksdte. 4 [And] may our lord come forth (this) year. the king of Egypt: Message of Addu- nirari. my lord. b e l o w : "they a r e loyal. my an­ cestor. P e r h a p s "advisor" (milku) refers t o o n e o f t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s (rabisu) of S y r o . . u n d o u b t e d l y t h r o u g h t h e influence o f H u r r i a n ammati. . your ancestor.m a : cf. at A l a l a k h . "grandfather. and into {h]is power {we will] in{deed restore the lands]. . . And now. . .6 And [ . N o u g a y r o l . ] .1 7 And now. . I a s s u m e otiose M E S \ 6. ] . EA 1 3 1 : 1 5 . p . a n d U g a r i t (AHw. . . and indeed [ . 1 3 . . C O P I E S : WA 30. I fall at the feet of my lord. . 3 0 ) . your servant. . he put oil on his head and [s]poke as follows: "Whom the king of Egypt has made a king. T h e shift t o t h e first p l u r a l . VS 11. . ] : cf. cf. p p . / / . p p . NOTES 1. 3 3 . ? / . ana a-si-i-im. . p e r h a p s as a r e w a r d for d e m o n s t r a t e d loyalty (PRU 4. see EA 5 9 : 1 1 a n d C a m p b e l l . . And if my lord is not [w]illing to come forth himself. . ] . 1. ] . [ . "our l o r d .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 51 Loyalty tempted and preserved T E X T : VAT 559. 2 [/ rejected] (the offer of) tablets of treaty obligations]." r 1 4. ] Taku. my lord. ] . [ . " g r a n d f a t h e r . . You will see that they are loyal to the service of the king. 9 8 4 ^ . [my] ances[tor . [ . Cf. . B o - g h a z k o y . .

n[t]-ta-nam-[mu-ul]: i n s t e a d o f at. 5. a n d cf. the messengers did not know of a caravan (going to Egypt). AEM 1 / 2 .* 8-26. : pu-ru x nu la-as-ti- na-an. M U ? 7. 1 ) . to my [lo]rd.. NOTES 1. no published copy of join). my lord.. . 6. EA 5 5 : 5 3 ? . ? ) . EA 53:6. my lord. when / wanted [to set out] for my lord. isriqsunu. G l o s s e s a r e H u r r i a n . im/ta-am-ma]r. I n t h e r e s t o f t h e p a r a g r a p h . [s]a K A M . Le[t them} come in [your] caravan. with join to former VAT 1596).tT la ipaffar (Gordon). my Storm-god. A t t h e e n d o f line 3 1 . I n t e r p r e t i n g t h e u as " r e s u m p t i v e " after d i r e c t o b j e c t . EA 52 EA 52 The loyalty of Qatna TEXT: C 4759 (12197. in local t e r m s . ta or %-na is also p o s s i b l e ( G o r d o n ) . n o t e b ) . In E . . 1 Say to the king of Egypt: Message of Akizzi. n o . COPY: WA 196 (before join. your servant. 3 5 . "he s t o l e t h e m . 123 . qi'-bi'-ma. . at t h e e n d o f line 1. his tablets. cf. r 8. In t h i s i n s t a n c e we p e r h a p s have a n a d a p t a t i o n . 4 4 . "My A d d u is A d d u " ( D . ..3 1 .4 1 [Fo]r 3 years.4 6 I will [cert]ainly not rebel agai[nst] the . A n u n u s u a l l y a b r u p t shift f r o m s e c o n d t o t h i r d p e r s o n in a d d r e s s i n g the Pharaoh. a n d "house" is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e r u l i n g d y n a s t y . a l s o w r i t t e n Ad-di. 46 [lu\. EA 7 4 : 1 0 . . of my lord or 8 against Bir[u]aza.lM.5 6 1 3 6 . w o r d d i v i s i o n is u n c e r t a i n . 7 times. 4. is o m i t t e d in t h e c o p y a n d o v e r l o o k e d by Knudtzon. 3 . " is p r o b a b l y a c h a r g e a g a i n s t t h e H i t t i t e k i n g (cf. A O A T 9 p p . I M : r e a d i n g c e r t a i n . n. o f t h e u s u a l t i t l e or e p i t h e t "My S u n " (EA 4 5 .] has abandoned me. A t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r is p r o b a b l y o t i o s e . H I . 3 2 . d d d d 2.7 Inspect.3 5 . 42—43 Come. 8 9 : 4 8 . 2 7 . t h e l a n g u a g e is m o s t o b s c u r e . 54ff. . E n d o f l i n e 6: { . my [. . They did not know of: am-mu-li(?) . cf. [He/you will find} the houses of Qatna belong to my lord a[lone}. 3. see Wilhelm. I fall at the 2 feet of my lord. . C h a r p i n . lM.IM. 3 0 3 .

Vassal Cities and Egyptian Administrative Centers .

. just as I love the king. send archers [that] they may co[me] to this country. . . all of these kings are my lord's servants. . ] . the king of Egypt. 4 0 . My lord. my lord: Me[ssa}ge of [A]k[i]zz[i]. your servant. and he took [1 d]isk [.] from the house off] Birwaza. my lord. [ . the king of Hatfti] (has) [s]ent* Aitukama out [against] me.4 4 My lord. the land of my lord. . . up in flames. (Only) messengers of my lord have arrived here. "The king. ] that he (it?) may come ag[ainst Ai]tukama so that my lord [ . And now.2 3 . . the king of Nii. and he took 3 [d]is[ks . . the land of [m]y lord. . let a magnate of the king. then may my lord send archers that they may come here. . ] . of my lord alone [am I the serv]ant in the place. my lord. . May my lord send him (it?) ." I wrote and [. my lord. } . ." I s]aid. . so[n] of the Sun. . To N[am]h[ury]a. if he makes this land a matter of concern to my lord. . my lord.1 0 [My] lor[d. Aitukama came and [he sent Up]u. } . He took the (ruler's) house [ . "How could[Igo* to the ki]ng of Hatti? I am [a ser]vant of the king. [I 2 belong] to my lord. m[y lo]rd. he co[mes forth. . will not come forth. . 1 1 . . But] it is being said. ] he may fear your presence. and / will not desert}. 1 7 . 7 times and [7 times]. and the king of Tunanab. . [up] i[nflames]. 2 4 .. . . the king of Zinzar. .5 1 As far as the king. 52—55 My lord. I fall [a]t the feet of the king. and he took 2 0 0 d[isks . 3 5 . . 4 5 . ] . my lord. EA 53 EA 53 Of the villain Aitukama TEXT: BM 29820. has survived. 56—62 My lord. if Arsawuya of Ruhizzi and Teuwatti of Lapana 125 . m[y] lord.. these kings are ones who l[ov]e him. .1 6 And now [Aitukam]a has written me and said. so too the king of Nuhasse.3 9 My [l]ord. now [in] the place of the god .] to the king of Hatti. . [ . . my lord.. . and he seeks [my] li[fe]." [Andso] may the king. Teu[w]atti of L[apa]na and [A]rsawuya of Ruhizzi place themselves at the disposition of Aitukama. and he sends [U]pu. . can. 1 4 . . my lord. the l[andof] Te[ssup]. C O P Y : BB 37. "[Come] with me to the king of Ha[tti. [Si]nce. [And n]ow. ] . [ . .3 4 . just name their gifts so they can give them.

r e a d . WZKM 47 (1951) p. d e c l a r e d in t h e m e s s e n g e r ' s p r e s e n c e or l e a d i n g h i m . and Tassa remains in the Am[q]. t h e f o r m w o u l d b e yussi (see EA 362:30)." 6 3 . t h e t r a c e s are very f a i n t .k u } a-na {f\a be-lt-ia: cf. very p o o r l y p r e s e r v e d . since the archers belong to my lord. 4. If he sends (them) to me. Daily they write to Aitukama and say as follows: "Come. see G o e t z e . T e u w a t t i a n d A r s a w u y a . 6. 1096. VS 11.7 0 My lord. la-a U G [(:) m i . My lord. . I f K n u d t z o n ' s "not d e a d " is c o r r e c t . p e r h a p s "life" is t h e f a v o r a b l e r e p l y o f t h e k i n g . 1 Too badly preserved for translation. 7. and F r i e d r i c h . ki-i rf-[na-ku al-la-ak . NOTES 1. takfe] Upu in its entirety. p e r h a p s C a r c h e m i s h is m e n t i o n e d . ] . EA 5 5 : 6 . t h e W e s t S e m i t i c p r e f o r m a t i v e is not u s e d in t h i s d i a l e c t . T h i s l e t t e r is over 5 0 lines b u t . NOTE 1. 126 . 2 1 3 . la a-paf-[t&i-(me)]: cf. 3. { a .i t } . O n t h e H u r r i a n g l o s s e s . b e s i d e s . I do not fear [at al]P in the presence of the archers of my lord. a n d therefore t h e t r a n s l a t i o n s are often e x t r e m e l y d u b i o u s . O b s c u r e . A k i z z i s e e m s t o r e p e a t t h e c h a r g e s o f EA 5 3 a g a i n s t A i t u k a m a a n d h i s a l l i e s . {u)-l[e]-es-fr.THE AMARNA LETTERS remain in Upu. I n l i n e 5 1 . rather. 23. b a c k t o Q a f n a . 6 T h e o b v e r s e o f t h i s t a b l e t is e x t r e m e l y difficult. they will enfter] Qatna. [mi-nu-m]e-e. a n d t h e r e f o r e y[i]-is-fi ( K n u d t z o n ) is e x c l u d e d . as it w e r e . RHA 5 (1939) p p . . a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g is u n l i k e l y . just as Dimaski in Upu : ka -di-hi (falls) at your A 5 feet. 5 . one asks 6 for life before my messenger. my lord should also know about them that Upu will not belong to my lord. C O P I E S : WA 229 + 232 + 233. e x c e p t for t h e g r e e t i n g . so may Qatna : ka^-di-hu-li-ei'(fall) at your feet.n a . EA 54 More about Aitukama T E X T : VAT 1868 + 1869 + 1721. EA 55:9. 2.

. then they would 4 certainly take Aziru. . my lord. Now that Simigi.] his ancestors [ . and may my lord ransom them. stay for 6 days in . . and because of him became famous. my lord. my lord should ask them. The king of Hatti has 6 taken his gods and the fighting men of Qatna. were produced for the troops and chariots of my lord. . I do not desert my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times.6 My lord. Qatna has been your city. 10-15 My lord. Now the king of 9 Hatti has taken (the statue of) Simigi. I seek the path to my lord. then let my lord send this year his troops and his chariots so that they may come out here and all of Nuhasse belong to my lord. the troops [c]ome [out]. . when the troops and chariots of my lord have come 2 here. so I can hand over the money. If. 28-37 . the god of my father. honey and oil. oxen. the son of the Sun. your ancestors made (a statue of) Simigi. Look. My lord knows what the fashioning of divine statues is like. ] . My lord [. 3 8 . and has 1 le[d] them away out of the country of my lord. EA 55 EA 55 A plea for troops TEXT: BM 29819.. sheep. strong drink. it (the country) will be in fear of Aziru. there are my lord's magnates. my servants. If it ple[ases] him. C O P Y : BB 36. ] . Aziru took men of Qatna. my lord. 4 4 . 7-9 From the time my ancestors were your servants. your servant. . this country has been your country. the money for their ransom. . and goats..5 2 My lord. may my lord send [(the ransom) money] for the men of Qatna. . (and) I belong to my lord. . the god 8 of my father. it pleases 127 . . They now d[wel]l outside of the country of my lord. 53—66 My lord. But now the king of Ha[tti] has sent them up in flames. food. I am your servant in this place. . the god of my father. If my lord would take this country for his own country. the whole country is in fear of your troops and chariots. 1 Say to Namhurya. 3 1 6 . [ .. if. . 25—27 If the troops and chariots of my lord do not come forth this 5 year and do not flight]. [ . my lord: Message of Akizzi. 4 .4 3 My lord knows it. has been reconciled to me. ] . as much as it may be.2 4 My lord.

so they can fashion it for me. R e a d U Z : so a l s o . EA 29:26. T h e c o n t e x t s e e m s t o r e q u i r e t h a t here t h e r e b e a p r o m i s e o f v i c t o r y over A z i r u . may he give (me) a sack of gold. 3. O n t h e s y n t a x o f t h e p a s s a g e . VS 11. for (the statue of) Simigi. col. in reverse order.. . In c o m p a r a b l e E g y p t i a n t e x t s t h e s e q u e n c e is o x e n . " b u t t h e ma. then the c o n s t r u c t i o n is u n d e r H u r r i a n i n f l u e n c e . . 5. i<7-{te-ri-ib]. r e a d s ba-as-si-im-ma. 1 9 6 8 . "You did not write [to m]e about (their) num[bers]. 3 ) . i-pal-la-he.. 9.. ilteqe u n d e r s t o o d as p a s s i v e . P e r h a p s "the g o d " ( o t i o s e M E § ) . p . 24 (corrections in Schroeder. just as much as is needed. w i t h a n a l t e r n a t i v e "sheep a n d g o a t s " ( " K l e i n v i e h " ) . 4 5 8 . 5 2 . cf. I fall at the feet of] 1 my [lord]. you must not let [me] go 128 . because of Simigi. H M ) . cf. 3 2 4 : 1 4 . Then my lord will become."3 and my [lo]rd did not come forth. see a b o v e . K U S ? Cf. s i n c e t h e next p a r a g r a p h s s e e m t o t a k e up. 1. NOTES 1. il-te-qe-su-((nu)) (influence o f line 4 3 ) . OLZ. lines 53ff. And] my [lord] said. M/i. s h e e p . [Say to the king.8 [Look. Political Disposi­ tion. 11. i n d e p e n d e n t l y . n.1 3 I am your servant. 1 6 1 : 2 1 . 1 7 9 . 4. more famous than before. the king of [Egypt. 9 . 4. "like t h e very s a n d .THE AMARNA LETTERS 10 11 him. nam m u s t b e t h e s i g n i n t e n d e d . your servant. col. OLZ. t h e m i s s i n g m e n a n d t h e m i s s i n g g o d . V o n S o d e n . see K i l m e r . the ene]my has . If so.pa -lu-nu: f r o m nepu. p . Geschichte und Altes Testament (see EA 3 0 . n. p. S i n c e it r e g u l a r l y follows "oxen" ( G U D . the god of my father. f o l l o w e d in t h e n e x t p a r a g r a p h by a t h r e a t o f t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s if t r o o p s are n o t f o r t h c o m i n g . t h e s u b j e c t A z i r u . g o a t s . n. . my lord: Message of. 2. 1 2 5 : 2 0 . 3 2 5 : 1 6 ) . w i t h t h e suffix -sunu e x p r e s s i v e of e r g a t i v e . "to d i s t r a i n " ? 8. r n 7. is c e r t a i n a n d kT masi(mmd) is well a t t e s t e d (CAD. 1917. 347a)- EA 56 A declaration of trust T E X T : VAT 1714. 2 4 . 6. / A O S 9 4 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p . COPIES: WA 173. 4 7 . and. G o r d o n a n d N a ' a m a n . T h e r e a d i n g in t h e b r e a k is m o s t u n c e r t a i n . n. M E S : see EA 124:50. M E S = senu. 5 4 * . see E d e l . EA 1 9 3 : 2 0 ) . [Did I not write] th[is] to my lord. 105). i t s e e m s t o b e a r e p l a c i v e o f "sheep a n d g o a t s " ( U D U . 10. my lord. D e s p i t e t h e form ( m o r e l i k e E N . ip.

2 . I. 4 5 and we heard. a n d t h e t o w n R u h i z z i ( l i n e 26). 5. 4—10 [Mo]reover. 2 7 ) . 4 5 . COPY: VS 11. 129 . 5 NOTES 1. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. will not [desert] my lord. his troops. s . . ." . "At the waters [.4 2 My lord's messenger came to me and said as follows: "I [journeyed about] in Mittani.n i ] : traces o f p o s s i b l e m [ i ..l a n d (line 44). . 2 Sa[y to the Gre]at [King]. rev. 32 (1963) p . P u h u r u ( l i n e 10). EA 5 3 : 5 8 ) . a n d therefore EA 56 m u s t b e c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e A k i z z i c o r r e s p o n d e n c e . a n d t h e c i t y T u n i p ( l i n e 1 2 . [your] ser[vant}.2 8 .^} 5 [la as-pu]r.2 2 . 2 9 . have d i s ­ appeared. O n l y t h e e n d s o f lines are p r e s e r v e d ." 43-5i .3 5 . 25. Or n . 3. S e e K l e n g e l . 3. al[l of whom] were [at] my disposal. P r o v e n i e n c e u n k n o w n . C O P I E S : WA 214. k i n g o f Q a t n a " (line 2). VS 11. EA 57 [from] your hand.4 3 6 . i-na [ m i . R e f e r e n c e s t o T a s s u ( l i n e 1 7 . Sumitta (line 1 3 ) .. I have put my trust [i]n my lord. n.4 3 . for my part. 1 ) .4 2 = EA 5 4 : 3 8 . 1121. cf. v i s i b l e t o K n u d t z o n . [and in] his chariots. but lines 3 6 . NOTE 1.]. . see VAB 2/2. "the k i n g o f B a r g a " ( l i n e 3). . and there were 3 or 4 kings who were host[ile to] the king of Hatti.' my lord: [Message of] Tehu-Tessup. 2 3 . R e f e r e n c e t o H u r r i . 4. I fal[l at] the feet of my lord.. A t a k k a m a ( ? — l i n e s 2 3 . EA 57 Of kings and Tunip T E X T : VAT 1738. an-ni-[ta. be informed tha[t] the king of Mittani came 3 forth together [with chariots] and together with an expeditionary force]. p . T h e r e a r e references t o "Akizzi. EA 58 Of the king of Mittani T E X T : VAT 1716. 26. 1 4 .

And we fall at the feet of my lord. our lord. 2 3 8 ) . we ask for the son of Aki-Tessup from the 6 king. b u t t h e " G r e a t K i n g " is m o r e l i k e l y (VAB 2 / 1 . p. C O P Y : BB 41. our lord. note h). F o t K n u d t z o n ' s Q a t i h u s u p a .1 7 And now. your servant: Tunip—who ruled it 2 in the past? Did not Manaljpirya : am-ma-ti-wu-u? (your ancestor) rule it?3 9 . 2 6 0 . EA 59 From the citizens of Tunip TEXT: BM 29824. p . see EA 106. 5 . L i n e 6: p e r h a p s [ i q . cf. c 5. .8 My lord. our lord. "he ( t h e k i n g ) s a i d . A l i v e .b ] i ha-ia- mi lu x. And now.2 0 My lord. Aziru will do to us just as he did to Nii. B e s i d e s the script a n d the clay.1 2 The gods and the . 2 5 . [ B A D ? ] . why does the king. n. : na-ab-ri-il-la-an (?)4 of the king of Egypt. 1 8 . our lord. //the king of Egypt has given the son of Aki- Tessup. dwell in Tunip.. 3 : reference t o A b d i . a-na-mi (-mi is a m a r k e r o f d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e ) me-e [. your 1 servant. ERIN. 10. and he should inquire of his an­ cients : am-ma-ti (ancient) when we did not belong to our lord. 3 4 1 . our lord. but our messengers have stayed on with the king. our lord. for o n l y EA 1 6 0 — 6 1 ( A m u r r u ) . ' " ( N a ' a m a n . P e r h a p s a d d r e s s e d t o a n official ( " m a g n a t e " . 4.. t h i s w o u l d i n d i c a t e a n o r t h e r n p r o v e n i e n c e . !30 .MES" K A S K A L + ? . 4 9 ) . 2. . n. Political Disposition.' we have gone on writing to the king. w e 29-33 ^ ourselves are negligent and the king of Egypt does nothing about these things that Aziru is doing. 1 7 * .1 8 (see b e l o w ) b e g i n w i t h t h i s t i t l e .2 4 And now Aziru is going to hear that in Hittite territory a 7 hostile fate has overtaken your servant.6 5 .2 8 Should his (the king's) troops and his chariots be delayed. a n d 3 1 7 . our lord: Message of the citizens of Tunip. t h e r e is n o t sufficient s p a c e . . For you may all go well. . 3. May our lord give him.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. EA 9 5 . for 20 years.A s i i r t a or h i s s o n . the king of Egypt. then he will surely direct his hand against our lord. To the king of Egypt. thus says Tunip.]. 1 3 . Rev. w h i c h rests p a r t l y o n a m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e g l o s s e s in EA 5 3 : 6 4 . call him back from the journey? 2 1 . a ruler (and) your gardener.

2 4 N A M (limtu) sar-ra-tu^. a p p a r e n t l y a reference t o a recent E g y p t i a n d e f e a t . pp. p. JCS 8 [1954] p. ) . 3 . T h e 2 0 years here a n d in line 4 4 are r o u n d n u m b e r s m e a n i n g nothing m o r e t h a n "a l o n g / c o n s i d e r a b l e t i m e " ( L i v e r a n i . n. 3 9 . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el. R u l e r a n d g a r d e n e r . VS 11. EA 60 3 4 . 27. j u s t as t h e city I r q a t a a n d its e l d e r s w r o t e t o t h e k i n g b e c a u s e their o w n k i n g h a d b e e n k i l l e d (EA 1 0 0 . for 2 0 years. 155. 4. 1 3 4 ) .2 0 ) . n.1 2 ) . and there is no grasping of our hand. t h e c o m p l a i n t (39—46). p r o b a b l y t h e last k i n g o f T u n i p .s e c o n d year. my lord: fMess]age of 'Abdi-Asratu. your [ser]vant.3 8 When Aziru entered Sumur.1 4 ) . my lord. t h e t e m p o r a r y c h a r a c t e r o f t h i s a r r a n g e m e n t s h o u l d a l s o b e rec­ ognized. W h a t f o l l o w s is very o b s c u r e . BASOR 226 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p . it is t a k e n here as asabu. the king of 8 Egypt.T e s s u p . I fall at the feet of the king. 9of. and its tears flow. Beziehungen. your city.). a s in N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c l a n g u a g e s ( O ' C o n n o r . weeps. 2. N o t e t h e f r a m i n g o f t h e c o m p l a i n t . a l s o in Three Amarna Essays. But our lord did nothing about the(s)e things. p . . 1 [T]o the king. 4 4 ) . 4 3 . "to s i t .4 6 We have gone on writing to the king. t h e w o r d g l o s s e d is e q u a l l y u n c e r t a i n . T h e v e r b is n o t clear. 2 . 6. 6 1 . " b u t as s a i d o f k i n g s . "20 years . the dirt under your feet. w i t h t h e i m p l i c a t i o n o f o c c u p y i n g as s o v e r e i g n . he did to them as he pleased. our lord. see H e l c k . OA 1 0 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p . the Sun. and not a single word of our lord has reached u s . or Low? p p . 1 4 4 : 5 a n d note. after the d e c l a r a t i o n o f loyalty ( l i n e s 5 . each i n t r o d u c e d b y u inanna: t h e c o m p l a i n t ( 1 3 . 7 5 : 2 5 f . s o t o o T u n i p (see lines 1 3 . t h e g r o u n d s for t h e r e q u e s t . d w e l l .4 6 e n c o m p a s s four s e c t i o n s . W i l h e l m a n d B o e s e . 2 0 years" (lines 1 3 . n o w d e a d . 131 . 7. A k i . EA 60 c Loyal Abdi-Asirta T E X T : VAT 343. Middle. w h o s e son h a d b e e n t a k e n t o t h e E g y p t i a n c o u r t for t h e t r a i n i n g g i v e n t o v a s s a l p r i n c e s . 5 . 3. 6 9 : 2 5 a n d n o t e ) . T h u t m o s i s I I I (see EA 5 1 : 4 ) t o o k T u n i p in h i s f o r t y . Amurru. 2 2 ) a n d in t h e O l d S y r i a n koine (ARMT 1 3 . t h e r e q u e s t (15—20). I f o n e m a y s p e a k o f its " r e p u b l i c a n " o r g a n i z a t i o n ( L a n d s b e r g e r . our lord.4 2 And now Tunip. 7ff. C O P I E S : WA 93. . 2 5 4 . t h e d a n g e r o f A z i r u ( 2 1 — 3 8 ) . in the house of the king. NOTES 1. T h e H u r r i a n g l o s s is u n e x p l a i n e d . 1 4 . High. P r o b a b l y . L i n e s 1 3 . h i g h a n d l o w ? one a n d all? 8.

9 N o t e . 6..m u r ] : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . n. s h o w i n g c o n c e r n for. the fluctuation in the s a m e letter (EA 1 3 7 ) . "the g o d w h o k n o w s t h e h o u s e o f your father". o]fi the king. ie a n d 2a 2 ' . 50) are not t a k e n as p t e t e r i t e s . p p . JCS 30 [1978] p. n o . [my} lord. t h o u g h c o n t e x t d o e s not r u l e o u t s u c h an interpretation (Rainey. Rainey. 410L). NOTES 1 . p . T h e t e m p o r a l c l a u s e "when m y c o m m i s s i o n e r . 1 1 8 : 1 1 . 3.. UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p . I guard all Amurru for the king. When my commissioner is on a mission of the king. all the [k]ing[s] under 4 the king of the Hurri forces seek to wrest the lands from my [ . c o m p a r e s habal in Ezekiel 1 8 : 1 6 . a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h "to k n o w " m e a n s "to a c k n o w l e d g e as a v a s s a l . ask him if I do not guard Sumur and Ullassa. 340. 133- 7. 1 9 6 1 ) . see a l s o W h i t i n g . Ernest Wright ( G a r d e n City. Veenhof. 4. 1. my commissioner. 3 0 . . . 4 1 1 . p . " see C a m p b e l l . n.{ b ] i ? R e s t o r e u at t h e e n d o f line 1 8 ? A c c o r d i n g to AHw. W i t h Izre'el. The Old Babylonian Tablets from Tell Al Rimah (see EA 2 2 .2 9 [Look]. ] and . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p ." 13-19 Indeed. . Amurru. 9 : 2 0 . m u c h as g o d s k n o w their c l i e n t s (CAD. Izre'el. 5 1 . A t the e n d o f line 1 6 . p . 10-13 I have repeatedly said to Pahanate. not ha-ba-lim.3 2 May the king.9 As I am a servant of the king and a dog of 2 his house. s o m e o n e . 5. s . Amurru. 1 8 8 ) . Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar (see EA 1 4 . 8. . n. on t h e e x p r e s s i o n . a n d the l i t e r a t u r e c i t e d 132 . 6 . 1 9 . then I am the one who guards the harvest of the grain of Sumur and all the lands for the king. [but I g}uard th[em}. 1 9 7 6 ) . 2 . [a-n]a-s'a-ar-s[u-(nu) a . 1 5 5 7 . it is b e t t e r t o read the l o g o g r a m as n o u n (infinitive) esed. " Izre'el.THE AMARNA LETTERS 7 times and 7 times. T h e k i n g o f M i t t a n i . Amurru. t o o . D e s p i t e the s i n g u l a r suffix on t h e v e r b . cf. s e c t s . 1 9 ) . joins with what precedes. 2I2f. UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p . see K u p p e r . 4 1 1 ) . . my lord. Uiconographie du dim Amurru dans la glyptique de la I" dynastie babylonienne ( B r u x e l l e s . In Ugar. n o . b u t ha-ba-si = habdti. [ § ] U (qdti)-ia a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 7 is i m p r o b a b l e . there is [Pajhanate. IIJ. [m]y lord. e d s . m 6 2 . "Take auxiliary forces to 3 guard the lan[ds] of the king. read IK-a-sir -ti. my commissioner. T h e quotation m a y extend into the following lines. p . for a comparable fluctuation in the O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d . traces o f l i b " ' . s p a c e r e q u i r e s r o n e l a r g e or t w o s m a l l s i g n s . "all the l a n d s " is p e r h a p s a l s o the o b j e c t o f the v e r b . my Sun. S i n c e l o g o g r a m s o f v e r b s are e x t r e m e l y rare in EA. E . " K n o w i n g " here a n d in s i m i l a r p a s s a g e s i m p l i e s t a k i n g c o g n i z a n c e of. n. . 9 ) . 2 7 6 . T h e n a m e o f t h e g o d d e s s a p p e a r s m o r e f r e q u e n t l y as A s i r t i / a . p. D a l l e y et a l . in O l d A s s y r i a n . know me and entrust [m]e to 8 the charge of Pahanate. my 7 lord. in F r a n k M o o r e C r o s s et a l . . . Or n . 6 [. [my] commissioner. The Mighty Acts of God: In Memoriam G. see C a r r u b a . May the king. 1 1 : 5 4 a n d c o m m e n t a r y . 4 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p p . F o r a different view. the Sun. the [Su]n. n o . a n d therefore as o b j e c t (CAD. n. "zero-forms" (see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . 5. 5 0 . .

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el. [and] you [committeda crime against Eg]yptians.1 0 [Wh]at do your words. r e q u e s t for a r e p l y ( 8 . Tell el Amarna. ] my lord. [my l]or[d: Message of Abd]i-Asirti. COPY: Sayce. 10-20 and [$um]ur [was afraidof]5 the tr[oo]ps of Sehl[al].9 . . [my lord.1-41:410. VS 11. my lord: [Mes]sage of Abdi-Asirti. 28. pp. R e f e r e n c e t o U l l a s s a ( ? — [ U R U u ] l . there were no m[en i]n it to [gua]rd it. Amurru. .. . Amurru. There were n]o men in §umur [to gua]rd it [as he had 2 ord]ered. if I had been staying where life was peaceful. A[t . With the r e q u e s t t o b e t u r n e d over t o a c o m m i s s i o n e r . a n d A m u r r u ."' [May my lord listen. rev. a n d n i n e f r a g m e n t a r y lines r k i o n t h e reverse. If I had not been staying in [Irqat].3 4 When I myself hastened to the rescue from Irqat and arrived in $umur.l a . no. and I myself [c]ame [before] Sumur and . O n the H i t t i t e e v i d e n c e . ] . JCS 2 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p . EA 61 t h e r e . it is p e r h a p s a f o r m u l a i c e x p r e s s i o n o f loyalty. . I fall at the fe]et of my lord. [your] s[ervant. . EA 61 A lost message TEXT: Ash 1893.z r . pp. my lord. . see G o e t z e . ' NOTE 1. 3. . lOff. C O P I E S : WA 158.' 2 1 . then the troops of Sehlal [would certainly have s]ent Sumur and the palace up in fl[am]es.^2ff. there were no men that had stayed on in the palace. {your] ser[vant. j[. ] from the hand of the troops of S[eh]lal.y. O n e m o r e line o f i l l e g i b l e t r a c e s o n o b v e r s e . [So] I myself [has]tened to the 4 rescue from Ir[qat]. EA 2^. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el. Here are the T 33 . your [ . c {To the k]ing. cf. that you sp]eak.. . c {To P]ahanate. . [ . (you spea]k [like th]is: "Y[ou are an enemy o/E]gypt. S u m u r . 4 . the Sun. mean? . . a do{g o]f the house of the king. a r e n u n c i a t i o n o f a u t o n o m y . . end of letter?). 9f. EA 62 c Abdi-Asirta to the rescue T E X T : VAT 1680. and'] the mud under your f[ee]t. 3 ) .

I did not expel (them) [. ] . .).. EA 63 Orders obeyed TEXT: BM 29817. B e g i n n i n g o f line 40: t r a c e s d o n o t favor [ m i . [ u i]a-ma-a-ia ( A l b r i g h t . . He too[k . see Izre'el. 2. b u t t h e w r i t i n g o f isati is u n p a r a l l e l e d . 9. 7 times and 7 times.4 5 [t\hey [fl]ed from Su­ 9 mur. cf. ktma sa qabelu ( 3 0 2 : 1 8 . note c). 3 5 1 . 11. Bisitanu.n a L U j . the mayors lie to you. kima qabe sarri (EA 1 4 4 : 2 1 . i-na'' [ I ] Z f .5 5 As for Ksrmaya. 15.. t}o seize the city itself . . 1 3 . (the troops) of Sehlal [came wi]th him.a t ] ( b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 2 ) . n o .n i ] m . panto (AHw. L i n e s 5 0 — 5 5 : very p o o r l y p r e s e r v e d . etc. p .. my lord. (cf.[ m i LU. 10 [a-na na-f\a-ri-s"[i ki-ma qa]-be-su. PHOTOGRAPH: BB.A 5 i r t a p l a c i n g h i m s e l f b e t w e e n the t r o o p s o f Sehlal a n d the b e s i e g e d c i t y ? F o r a different r e a d i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Maya.] 3 7 . all of w h i c h are so clear in V S 1 1 a n d w o u l d c o n f i r m K n u d t z o n ' s T U R . [They cam\e to seize [Sumu]r. . Cf. ktma qabeka (193:22).» « . There were (only) 4 men that had stayed on in the palace. 822). [. r r 5. .t ] a . An c i m a g e o f A b d i .] . my lord: Message of Abdi-Asta(r)ti. In line 4 5 . and they said to me.t e M E S : c o n t r a r y to K n u d t z o n (VAB 2 / 2 . " NOTES k 1. . [li-is-me] 9 [be-li i a ] . 6 Arsawa. C O P Y : BB 34.h a . . M E S . . . [i/a-pan-m-m]a ( B A N clear to K n u d t z o n ) .THE AMARNA LETTERS (only) ones that had stayed on in the palace: Sab-Ilu. 4. 3. 3 4 . pi. "Save us from the hand of the troops of Sehlal. 1 fall at the feet of my king. JNES 5 [ 1 9 4 6 ] p .. [Of 4 per]sons I saved 7 the lives. 1 5 ) . i-na fits t h e t r a c e s very well (na l i k e the na at the e n d o f line 5 0 a n d o n line 5 2 ) . R e a d i n g o f t h e first t w o n a m e s u n c e r t a i n . 329:20). [x-x in-na]-fe-t[u-m]a. . . Amurru. w i t h several very o b s c u r e f o r m s . c Say [t]o the king. 7. EA 106:32). 6. 25 (was the number of those) whom [the troops of §e]hlal s killed. 8. [ p a l . I fall 134 .. servant of the 1 k i n g . b u t I c o u l d not see t h e vertical nor t h e h e a d s o f all three h o r i z o n t a l s . [and y}ou 10 keep on listening to them? [And YJsrmaya. c o l l a t i o n is not d e c i s i v e .. K U R ] 7 [ s a K U R mi]-is-r[i ]' #-[pu-us lum-na] 8 [ a .. Free r e s t o r a t i o n : [ a t . 4 5 . when he writes [ .3 6 And when . m 10. and you keep on listening [to] his [wor]ds. Amurru." And so I savfed t]hem from the hand of the troops of Sehlal. p. lies [t]o you. u-wi(wa?)-i-mi: f o l l o w i n g Izre'el.

A s t a r t i the successor of Suwardata. my lord. be informed that the war against me is severe. milanna—or mila anna?). T h e m e a n i n g o f mi-Ki-tu remains obscure. I herewith : ia-pa-aq-ti (send on) 1 0 women . proposed on the basis of 2 8 3 : 1 5 . S c h r o e d e r .MES sV LUG[AL] EN-fe . VS 1 2 . . 31 ( e l s e w h e r e : 1 4 4 : 2 3 . JNES 3 0 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p p . c N a ' a m a n m a k e s A b d i . my] lord. 11. the king. 3 3 0 : 7 ) is confined t o EA 6 4 . c o l s . 2 my lord. servant of the king. BASOR 223 [1976] pp. p . N o t e a l s o : t h e f o r m o f T U in EA 2 8 3 : 2 4 as well as 6 5 a n d 3 3 5 . EA 64 2 at the feet of the kin[g. If 135 . R a i n e y .2 3 Moreover. . has sent orders to me and I am heeding (them). the f o r m o f G i R in 63—65 a n d 2 8 3 . heed my [wor]ds. UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p p . t h e w r i t i n g 1 G l R . 1 7 8 : 9 . 2 9 3 6 .6 5 .]. May the k[iri\g [kri\ow [and be informed. pi. my lord. 6 4 : 3 . a-na GlR. 2 8 2 — 8 4 . to send a magnate to protect me. or g i v e n (naddnu: EA 2 4 2 . OLZ. 7 times ((the feet of the king. has given orders [t]o me.1 3 May the king. J 3 3 5 cf. 2 8 3 : 2 2 .6 5 a n d c 3 3 5 w e r e all s e n t b y A b d i . 2. [my] lord. my lord. c Say to the king. [the lo]rd. the w r i t i n g da-na-at in 6 3 : 1 3 . 3 0 1 ) . b r o u g h t (abalu: EA 3 2 7 ) . EA 64 Women for the king TEXT: BM 29816. 6 7 6 6 . 1 9 1 5 . s e n t (ulluru: EA 3 1 4 ) . m]y l[or]d. 2 2 6 . 3 1 6 . I fall at the feet of the king. T h i n g s r e q u e s t e d b y t h e k i n g . are e i t h e r r e a d i e d (susuru: EA 9 9 . my lord: Message of Abdi-Astarti. and I heed the [or]ders of the king. a n d h e n c e t h e m e a n i n g a s s i g n e d to yapaqtt ( K r a h m a l k o v . as t h e ten w o m e n s e e m t o have b e e n . both on the stomach and on the back. 7 4 . 8 . h a s d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t EA 6 3 .. l i n k e d EA 6 5 a n d 3 3 5 . a n d N a ' a m a n a n < : s h o w s t h e c o m m o n s c r i b a l b a c k g r o u n d o f EA 6 3 — 6 5 . PHOTOGRAPH: BB. my lord. r m 2. [for the wa]r again[st me] is s[ev]ere. i d e m . 1 4 . N a ' a m a n . 7 8 6 . I heed all the orders of the king. 1 0 . T h e m e a n i n g o f mila (milt.A § t a r t i . UF 6 [ 1 9 7 4 ] p . 3 2 5 ) .1 6 [I h]eed (them). and so [may] the k[ing. and may it seem good to the king. 3 0 0 ) . NOTES 1. C O P Y : BB 33. my 1 lord)) and 7 times. M E S in 6 3 : 5 . 2 8 2 — 8 4 . here and now. 6 4 : 9 . which with only i s t w o e x c e p t i o n s (EA 2 2 5 : 6 . 7-9 The king. 2 7 1 : 1 0 ) . . NOTES 1. 6 5 : 4 . a n d all f r o m t h e s a m e p l a c e w h e r e S u w a r d a t a r e s i d e d .

munusmei Read mi-KJ-tu? EA 65 Preparations for Egyptian troops T E X T : VAT 1685. t h e m a r k e r before E N at t h e e n d o f l i n e 1 6 ) . [. ab"'-td]i + D I N A N N A . Instead of [a]d-[r]a-INANNA. COPIES: WA 175. the sender of the lettet m u s t be c m mr t h e A b d i . THE AMARNA LETTERS a n a d j e c t i v e . The cities of the king by (me) I guard. my lord. Reference to H a y a (line 4). b u t t h e g l o s s m a r k e r in front o f it m a y s i m p l y b e a n i n d i c a t i o n o f a runover l i n e (cf. here and now. O n l y o n e line m i s s i n g .A s t a r t i o f EA 63-64. 100). t h e e x t r a o r d i n a r y l i g a t u r e of L U G A L + ri in line 6. EA 66 A lost message T E X T : VAT 1702. has sent me orders. t h e n it s h o u l d refer t o s o m e f a v o r a b l e q u a l i t y o f t h e w o m e n ( L o r e t z a n d M a y e r . my lord.1 0 Since the king. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 2. I am heeding (them). my lord. NOTE 1. UF 6 [ 1 9 7 4 ] p p . VS 11. 1 [Sa]y {to the king. COPY: VS 11. 136 . a well-attested f o r m . 4 9 3 f . cf. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. 1 1 . my lord]: Me[ssage of "Abfjdi-Astarti. Line 1 2 : [a]-na pa-ni . . 7 . . ) . for t h e a s s u m e d l i g a t u r e o f di a n d d i n g i r . W h a t e v e r the explanation of the w r i t i n g . both on the stomach and on the back.1 5 and (i) prepare before the arrival of the arch{ers of 2 the kin]g. ] . 1 3 8 3 ) . (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . . at the feet of the king. 29. n. rather t h a n a n o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d infinitive su-si-ru (VAB 2/2. L i n e 1 1 : (t)-su-si-ru. NOTES 1. 30. your ser- va[nt].~p. All the orders of [m]y king I h{ee]d..

C O P I E S : WA 186. [king] of all countries. it c o u l d e v e n b e first p e r s o n . Great King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. 4. . a n d f r o m N u h a s S e . Iff. 32. the loyal maidservant of the king. is c o m p l e t e l y lost. ] He resides i[n $umur along with] his [troops] (and) along with [his] c[hariots. Free r e s t o r a t i o n . T h e s u b j e c t o f t h e v e r b is not clear. 4 9 .3 8 . t h e e n t i r e reverse. T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling. [the 1 ci}ty of the Su[n]. 2 1 3 . the city of the Su[n. [m]y [lord]. my lord. 4 6 . . see VAB 2 / 2 . Now he is l[ike] the Apiru. "fortress c o m m a n d e r . 7 — 1 1 1 fall at the feet of my lord. it s e e m s . know that Gubla. EA 4 5 . G r e e n b e r g . 2.s i li-is]-al-mi. . [ . NOTES D 1. o n l y in letters f r o m U g a r i t . VS 11.H a d d a (cf. . my lord.J v ( e l s e w h e r e in EA. 59). Hablpiru. a runaway 4 dog. p p . and he has seized [Su]mur. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 31. t h e n t h e ruler o f B y b l o s w o u l d be t h e p e r f i d i o u s b r o t h e r o f R i b . p . p. is A z i t u o f A m u r r u . [and] may the [S]un k[now] (the facts).GA-KZ0? = tabuni (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . and] all the fortress commanders of your land . EA 68 Byblos under attack T E X T : VAT 1239. . 6—13 [. . . . e x c e p t for a few s i g n s a n d t r a c e s . . my lord. my lord. my lord. C O P I E S : WA 80. M o s t likely. . " w r i t t e n U T U . O f t h e o b v e r s e t h e r e a r e p r e s e r v e d o n l y t h r e e f r a g m e n t a r y lines.n a . ] became 3 c friendly with him. DUG. 1 1 4 4 ff. 7 times and 7 times.n a U T U . VS 11. 3. EA 67 EA 67 A plea for a reckoning T E X T : VAT 1591.. T h e d e s i g n a t i o n hahuhlu. L i n e 8: [ii i . " a n d t h e e p i t h e t "(my) D S u n . . Now may the Sun call] to account [S]umur. . May the king. Amarna Correspondence. my lord.. n. 373. i . T h e i d e n t i t y o f t h e w r i t e r o f t h e letter c a n n o t b e d e t e r m i n e d . my Sun. r e g u l a r l y at B o g h a z k o y ) . ca]me out and are residing in my land. . g i v e t h e l a n g u a g e a n d writing a northern cast.a n . the city of the Sun. EA 5 1 . I [R}ib-Hadd[a sa]ys to his lord. pp. 4 1 ) .1 8 He made a [tr]eaty [wi}th the ruler of Gnbla and with the ru[ler o f . Is it pleasing^ A[l]l the E[gyptians wh]o had resided in Sumur. is safe and J 37 . EA 1 3 7 .6 .

my lord. on Appiha's re(ac)hing me.. 2 4 . p . pp. The w[a}r [agai}nst us is extremely severe. my lord. NOTES m 1. } . 2 7 . and the forces of Kuasbat are at war with me. 3 7 . Gubla is alive.4 1 9 .3 0 Moreover. Paha[mna]ta. look. and so may the king not [ne}glect his [ci]ties. my god]. [o}/Magdalu. d[u] p o s s i b l e . 3 0 . Y o u n g b l o o d . p r o p o s e s W e s t S e m i t i c mdnas < ma'nas i'nP). and] if [archers] come out [this 1 year] [. [your] lor[d. and. . 3 2 0 ) . they have now attacked day and ni[ght} in the war against (me)." Moreover. " w h i c h leaves t h e b o u n d f o r m b e f o r e s"a u n ­ explained. [ ri]-ib-ha-ad-a\a\.3 [and] I have [no]t been able to make [pe]ace wi[t]h the[m]. and so may the king. urge 6 with lo[ud cries] the king. I fall at your feet. knows the straits : ma-na- A§ that Gubla is in. you yourself know that my towns are threatening me. [/ will be able to mak]e pe[ac]e. . . C O P Y : BB 73. 138 . [Say to . " t r o u b l e . the goddess of the king. .3 9 Moreover.THE AMARNA LETTERS c sound. t h e first s i g n is m o r e l i k e I Z t h a n in t h e c o p y o f VS. 1. there was an out­ cry against me. 3. EA 69 Report to an official TEXT: BM 29856. 5 As[k] Appiha about the w[hole] affair. [ .. my Sun. n. 4Iff. b u t n o t d[i]. . l a s t s i g n . and there is no one who can rescue me from them.3 2 It is from the land of Yarimuta that we have acquired provisions.2 4 [M]ore[ov\er. 10-14 £H said repeatedly..2 6 Through the king's commissioner who is in Sumur. Amarna Correspondence. my lord. G l o s s ( r e a d ma-na-ru!) u n e x p l a i n e d (cf. the commissioner of the king who is in Sumur. 1 9 . . establish your honor] in the pr[esence of 1 the king. 2 "They have a[ll} agr[eed] among themselves against [me}.. .] . ARMT 7. . 2. the bronze : nu-hu-us*-tu was 4 taken. May the Lady of Gubla. : Message of Rib-Hadda. not (ne)glect Sumur c lest ever[yo]ne be joined to the Apiru forces. 15—18 Mor[eo]ver. 12-18 The war. as for all my gates. [o}f the Apiru forces [aga}inst me is 2 extremely severe. O n iqbi. p . la-a (i)a-qul-me: a w r i t t e n over a n e r a s e d /. however. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. see EA 7 4 . .

Miinchener agyptologische Studien 6 (Berlin. i i 7 : 8 i f f . gd[b-bu a . i-pi-is 1 7 [ S I G } . 1 2 . . "friendly r e l a t i o n s . nominative case.2 3 [And] send me [x Egyptians and fx me]n from Meluhha.7 ( g r e e t i n g ) : o n l y a few s i g n s p r e s e r v e d . "to his s o n [ . ] . [The d]ay the [arc]hers arri[v]e. A d d r e s s e d t o an E g y p t i a n official.. 6. F o r t h e e x p r e s s i o n awata leqii. See EA 129:40-42.$ so they can gu[ar]d [until the coming] forth of the archers. 1 7 5 . " a n d bel dumqildamiqti. [my lord]. 1 0 6 : 4 9 . 2. "friend" (as p o l i t i c a l t e r m s . damqatu. the land of Am[urru] will [certainly] be join[ed . C O P Y : WA 67. a n d M e l u h h a is p r o b a b l y identified as K a S i (EA 1 2 7 : 3 6 . since the context s u g g e s t s no other singular subject. 1 3 3 : 1 7 ) . JAOS 9 3 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p p . Military Rank. see EA 116:51.1 6 : reference t o M a g d a l u ( ? — l i n e 9). " 4. . .w a . see P i n t o r e . . dannu eltya. 1 3 2 : 5 6 . t]o the king.-qe' as t h i r d s i n g u l a r f e m i n i n e passive ( g e n d e r f r o m nuhultu). see EA 113:18). I f t h i s is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g . S e e EA 87:25 and note. 1964). I27ff. OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . . for o t h e r e v i d e n c e on N u b i a n s in t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y . p e r h a p s "are s t r o n g e r t h a n I . .3 1 [And] may 4 the king. O n t h e e v i d e n c e o f t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s . know [that] the land of Amurru longs day and [night] for the coming forth of the archers.q { a ] : cf. 3. 1916°. T h e y are a l s o c a l l e d m e n o r t r o o p s o f K a s i ( C u s h ) . EA 8 2 : 3 2 . cf. "Meluhha" d e s i g n a t e d N u b i a . 6Iff. pp.).. 2. EA 70 NOTES 1. see JNES 2 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] p . b e t w e e n t h e t w o o f u s " ( 1 5 6 . p p . t h e n t h e c o n t e x t a r g u e s t h a t dumqa epesu (itti) is "to m a k e f r i e n d s h i p " . . 1 7 .. r e a d i n g ti-ul. W e i n f e l d . " or "are t o o s t r o n g for m e . 1 0 2 : 2 5 . 1 1 4 : 1 4 . 1). L i n e s 8 . 112:20. 1 3 2 : 5 6 ) . 108:67. L i n e s 1 . 139 . be-ri-ku-ni. EA 70 Request for Nubian troops TEXT: Golenischeff (see Introduction. .t i ] : for gabbu. 22ff.5 NOTES 1. Amarna Correspondence. and n o t e a l s o nuhultu. sect. my lord. line 3 9 . 1 0 5 . 5. see S c h u l m a n . . 2 4 . S y n t a x o b s c u r e . 7. and N u b i a n s and N u b i a n troops are m e n ­ t i o n e d f r e q u e n t l y as p a r t o f t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y (EA 95:396. . cf. [just] as (you did to) the kings [to wh]om you [ga]ve c[bariots]. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. and Organization in the Egyptian New Kingdom. Titles.

JNES 5 (1946) p.s ] u .3 0 2 ) . a r e s t i l l v i s i b l e .MES 2 1 [sa na-a]d-na-ta « [GIGIR. "wood" ( G l S . your lord. 5. pp.» # ? ) . 8of. Political Disposition. rest o f t a b l e t l o s t . Amarna Correspondence. p . For t h e t i t l e . [y]our lord.ME§]: cf. and [seize . u n l e s s o n e a s s u m e s a n a b e r r a n t f o r m t h a t a l s o differs f r o m M A $ K I M as w r i t t e n in l i n e 1 0 . I fal[l] at your feet. n o t e c. May 2 Aman. 20 [ki-i]-tna LUGAL. . 1 4 5 ) is e x ­ c l u d e d . . p. 1 0 7 2 b ) . T h e t r a c e s o f te as d e s c r i b e d in VAB 2 / 2 . 3 6 6 . im-(qu)-ti-ka: f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t . } . p . p . EA 71 To a wise man T E X T : VAT 1632. 1 2 . 5. n. O n ti-di-nu as p l u r a l (tiddinu). n a r k a b a t I . Why have you been negligent. p . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 1 0 0 . 3. 2 8 . E R I N . 78ff. . 2 2 * .THE AMARNA LETTERS I 5 3. M E S " G l R . 7—16 You are a wise man. the god of the king. L i n e s 2 0 . s e e J C S 5 ( 1 9 5 1 ) p . VAB 2/2. servant and dog. NOTES 1 .3 5 Let him not gather together all the "Apiru so he can take Sigat[a] 6 and Ampi. VS 11. UF 6 [ I 9 7 4 J P. JNES 5 ( 1 9 4 6 ) p . 1591. see A l b r i g h t . . establish your honor in the presence of the king. M E S : t h e e x p r e s s i o n is a l s o f o u n d in EA 1 4 9 : 6 2 . 4. Biblica 45 (1963) pp. 150:11) and 140 . t h e VS 1 1 c o p y n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g . the vizi[er}: Message of Rib-Hadda. 3 5 . tu-ba-(u) w o u l d b e m o r e in a c c o r d w i t h e s t a b l i s h e d u s a g e ( R a i n e y . 4. What shall I be able to d[o]? There will 7 be no place where [men] can enter against [him]. 1 7 0 : 2 2 . not speaking to the king so he c will send archers to take Sumur? 16—22 What is Abdi-Asirta. 1 [To] Haya. isu) h a r d l y s t o o d a l o n e ( G I G I R . the king 3 knows (this) and because of your wis(d)om he sent you as commis­ sioner. w i t h E b e l i n g . in a n O l d B a b y l o n i a n l e t t e r (AbB 10. that he takes the land of the king for himself? What is his auxiliary force that it is strong? Through the "Apiru his auxiliary force 4 5 is strong! 23—27 So send me 50 pairs of horses and 200 infantry that I may resist him in Sigata until the coming forth of the archers. 8. 1 2 . C O P I E S : WA 72. N a ' a m a n . at B o g h a z k o y (AHw. 2. 33. M E S at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e x t l i n e . pa-s/-t[e]: a r e a d i n g M A § [ K I M ) ( K e s t e m o n t in K i i h n e . O n e line. n.2 2 .

OA 11 [ 1 9 7 2 } p .) are f r a g m e n t a r y . pp. Amarna Correspondence. A m p i . L i n e s 14 ( o b v . "Kill your lord and join the c Apiru. your lord.A s s y r i a n c o p y o f an O l d B a b y l o n i a n tamttu ( N D 4 4 0 1 . 34. 26—33 s i he sent a message to the men of Ammiya. n."4 Accordingly. NOTE 1. Amarna Correspondence. L a m b e r t ) . 106ff. "Let us join them!" All 3 n c e the mayors long for this to be done to "Abdi-Asirta. my father: Message of Rib-Hadda. c o u r ­ tesy W. May the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king. c w i t h references to I r q a t a ( ? ) . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. they will abandon their cities and desert. 6—11 Why have you been negligent. 1 0 ) . EA 72 Message lost T E X T : VAT 1712. Do not you yourself know that the land of Amurru follows the stronger c party? 17—25 Look. mu-hi-isu L U . 6. so that you may come out together with archers and fall upon the land of Amurru? 11—16 If they hear of archers coming out. a n d A p i r u . G u b l a . pp. G . p e r h a p s r e p e a t i n g t h e r e q u e s t o f EA 7 1 t o H a y a ( P i n t o r e . I fall at the feet of my father. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. A letter to t h e k i n g . To Amanappa. 7. the mayors say. A r d a t a ( ? ) . C O P Y : BB 15. EA 72 in u n p u b l i s h e d N e o . See EA 7 6 : 2 3 a n d n o t e . 1 0 2 . C O P Y : VS 11. EA 76:22. they are not now being friendly to Abdi-Asirta. EA 73 Of ambivalent Amurru TEXT: BM 29798. M E S ] : cf. S u m u r . lOOf. ) a n d 6 (rev. and (they say). "He will do the same thing to 141 . your lord. your son. 1 2 What will he do to them? [And so] they are longing day and night for the coming out of the archers. not speaking to the king.

20. p. 7 times and 7 times. 3.4 5 You know my conduct when you were in [SJumur. the lord. and all the lands will be joined to the "Apiru. EA 74 Like a bird in a trap TEXT: BM 29795. is safe and sound. ' a n d t h e n t h e y w e r e j o i n e d t o t h e "Apiru. and to you I have turned. N e i t h e r here nor in EA 74:266°. 5. NOTES c 1. 5-10 May the king. the loyal maidservant of the king since the days of his ancestors. "to b e j o i n e d to"). RSO 40 [1965] p . \f\u-tva-Ia-(arlra) til-la-tu. The king. 302. "to d o / t h e d o i n g o f t h e s e t h i n g s . your lord. w h e r e a s qu"u. ipes (ipisl) annutu. T h o u g h t h e l a n g u a g e . 366°. " 2. 1 Rib-Hadda says to [his] lord. tu-bcf-u-na: f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . Traces o f o n l y o n e h o r i z o n t a l a r e v i s i b l e . t h e m a y o r s need n o t b e t h e a g e n t s o f t h e a c t i o n s l o n g e d c for." is o t h e r w i s e unattested. 3 9 . rather.3 8 Report this matter in the presence of the king. as if s y n o n y m o u s w i t h nenpusu ana. I fall at the feet of my lord. "to w a i t for.. Amarna Correspondence. a n d t h e p a s s a g e h a r d l y s p e a k s of t h e i r j o i n i n g A b d i . 122ff." S e e a l s o EA 7 4 : 2 6 a n d n o t e . R e c o g n i z i n g . 1 1 5 8 .—a letter p r o b a b l y s e n t a t t h e s a m e t i m e as EA 7 3 ( n o t e t h e reference t o A m a n a p p a in EA 7 4 : 5 1 ) — i s t h e r e a n y s u g g e s t i o n t h a t t h e local r u l e r s h a d or f o r e s a w any a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h e i r d e a t h or e x p u l s i o n . b u t ba fits t h e s p a c e b e t t e r . G r e e n b e r g . pi. has now withdrawn his support of his loyal city. pp.A s i r t a h a d t h e s a m e d e s i g n s o n t h e m as o n t h e ruler o f A m m i y a . King 2 of Battle: May [the Lady] of Gubla grant power to the king. 274. love) A b d i .THE AMARNA LETTERS us. 34. So speak to the king. P e r h a p s "they a r e n o t f r i e n d l y t o ( l i t . a n d bu"ii is r a t h e r c o m m o n in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (cf. my lord. EA 7 0 : 2 6 ^ ) . however. p. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. . 4. that an auxiliary force be [s]en(t)' t[o] me with all speed. UF 6 (1974) p . VAB 2/2. [your] lord." 3 3 . 10-12 May the king inspect the tablets of his father's house (for the time) when the ruler in 142 . O r " ' K i l l y o u r l o r d .A s i r t a ( W e b e r . L i v e r a n i . " is a m b i g u o u s . know that Gubla.A s i r t a ( b e c a u s e o f ) w h a t he does to t h e m . I am your [l]oyal servant. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. king of all countries. Great King. Hablpiru. C O P Y : BB 12. my Sun. t h a t c A b d i . for you are father and lord to me. e s p . t h e y t o o d e s i r e d a s h o w o f force by t h e E g y p t i a n s a n d a n i n s u r r e c t i o n in A m u r r u .

they have made an alliance' among them­ selves and. May he grant provisions for his servant and keep his servant alive so I may guard his [lo]yal [city]. Then will (our) sons and daughters be at peace forever. "Kill your leader and then you will be like us and at peace.H a d d a s p e a k s / w r i t e s .. EA 74 3 Gubla was not a loyal servant.4 5 Should even so the king come out. May the king heed the words of his servant. a b o u t t h e l e g e n d a r y S a r g o n o f A k k a d . 5 1 . so am I in Gubla. sect. Left to me are Gubla and two towns. Look. O n iqbi (istapar. "For lack of a cultivator. . [May he] give thought to his land. S e u x . my lord." They were won over. 57—62 May {the king] vis{it] his [land] and 15 1 {his servant]. May he send a {ma]n of his to stay this time so I may arrifve] in the presence of the king. and 1 0 then let us fall upon Gubla." there is no one that will save it from u[s}. f{oryou]. k n o w n b y t h i s n a m e a n d a t t e s t e d at A m a r n a (EA 3 5 9 ) . iltappar) as " K o i n z i d e n z f a l l . p p . very afraid. the war of the Apiru against (me) is severe and.H a d d a a n d a p p e a r s o n l y w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t o r y f o r m " R i b . " It w a s p r o b a b l y d r a w n f r o m t h e e p i c . my field is like a 6 woman without a husband.5 7 Look.5 0 Like a bird in a trap : ki-lu- bi (cage). since [in] fact there is no one who will save me from them. Amanappa is with you. He is the one that knows and has experienced the stra[its] I am in. Abdi-Asirta said to the men of Ammiya. and they are like Apiru. What can I do by [my]self ? This is what I long for day and night. n.6 5 It is good for me to be with you. accordingly.3 0 After taking Sigata for him­ c 1 self. 2 3 . I am very. Behold. along with our L{ad]y 14 (and) our gods. . 6 2 . Pac{ify yo]ur {land] . to the entire country.2 2 All my villages that are in the c mountains : ha-ar-ri or along the sea have been joined to the Apiru. Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (see EA 1. 4 5 .J . our sons and daughters (as well as we 5 ourselves) are gone since they have been sold in the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep us alive. 3 0 . 13—19 Do not be negligent of your 4 c servant. following c 8 c his message. . " see I n t r o d u c t i o n . NOTES 1 . the entire country will be against him and what will 3 he do to us?" Accordingly. Ask him. 2 ) .3 8 So now Abdi-Asirta has written to the troops:? "Assemble in the<e1mple of N I N U R T A . Why have you neglected your country? I have written like this to the palace. my [lo]rd. Then let us drive out the mayors from the country that the entire c I 2 country be joined to the Apiru. 8 1 . May it seem go[od] in the sight of the k[ing]. T h i s e p i t h e t o f t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g is confined t o t h e l e t t e r s o f R i b . as the gods of y{our] land {are ali\ve." 1 9 . 2 . 3 9 . 3 1 9 ^ 143 . 5 a n d n. see M . but you do not heed my words.

4. " s e i g n e u r s " [ a l s o o f EA 7 3 : 2 7 . "lord" ( E N . see G . 1." G r e e n b e r g . L a t e r . 1 7 . "city. O . 1 9 4 9 ] . p e r h a p s " t o g e t h e r w i t h s o m e o f o u r n u m b e r " (the o l d e r g e n e r a t i o n . "like a n / t h e A p i r u . a n d L i v e r a n i .A s i r t a a n d t h e A p i r u w e r e v i r t u a l l y i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e ( G r e e n b e r g . 1 2 3 6 . S m i t h ' s i d i o s y n c r a t i c v e r s i o n o f EA 7 4 : 1 3 . 8 1 : 1 2 ] . 5 . " 4. aroura.I after i t . 2 0 .1 7 .4 1 . in B . a r g u e s a g a i n s t a p l a c e . E d z a r d . " K n u d t z o n . 9 0 : 3 7 ) . a n d . it is p r o b a b l y m e a n t t o s u g g e s t a u t h o r i t y .n a m e B l t . 4 . 1 7 ) . O r "whether t h e ruler in G u b l a has n o t b e e n a loyal s e r v a n t . w r o n g . t o w n . a n d B l a u a n d G r e e n f i e l d . t h e m e t a p h o r b e l o n g e d n o t o n l y t o l i t e r a t u r e ( J . cf. T h e a b s e n c e o f U R U (dlu). "chiefs. p . 34). Matous [ B u d a p e s t . speiro). for R i b . . or o f t h e d e t e r m i n a t i v e K. RA 7 6 ( 1 9 8 2 ) p . see R a i n e y . n.3 4 ) i s . T h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e t e r m c o u l d b e u s e d as a c o l l e c t i v e ( " p r i n c e s . ARMT 2 2 . n. T h e C a n a a n i t e g o d referred t o b y S u m e r o . in 1 4 0 : 1 1 is c a l l e d sarru. Elegy and Iambus. 8 4 . 7 8 . as t h e p a r a l l e l s m a k e p e r f e c t l y clear. 11. It a p p e a r s e l s e w h e r e in EA l e t t e r s o n l y in 2 9 : 1 5 4 . M a r c u s . ' 7 2 . 1 6 2 . 144 . U n d o u b t e d l y t h e r e is reference here t o t h e m u r d e r o f t h e ruler o f A m m i y a . summa. qa-du-nu. O n l i n e s 3 0 . 5 . 1 1 5 9 . " ( y o u n g . c c a n d it i m p l i e s t h a t . n o . but its m e a n i n g is q u i t e unclear. VAB 2/2. n. cf. U g a r i t i c bahhilru = eflu. vol. U R T A (cf. 4 2 7 ) b u t a l s o t o l e g a l l a n g u a g e (see t h e d i c t i o n a r i e s u n d e t arotos. 2 4 . 3 2 4 . w i t h M e s o p o t a - m i a n a n d o t h e r p a r a l l e l s . Is qad(d)u the corre­ s p o n d i n g C a n a a n i t e w o r d ? S . 3 4 . eflu i m p l i e s here a c e r t a i n s a r c a s m ("your y o u n g fel­ low"). Festschrift L." as a m e t a p h o r for father see L a m b e r t . t h e s e q u e n c e is s o n s . 6. T h e u s e o f e(lu. U R T A is n o t k n o w n . L o e b C l a s s i c a l Library. H r u s k a a n d G . Hebrew Union College Annual 5 8 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . ii [k]i-tu ti-in-(ni-p\i-us)-ma. O n t h i s p r o v e r b ( a l s o EA 7 5 : 1 5 . t h e n it o c c u r s o n l y here in EA w i t h a p r o n o m i n a l suffix ( D . 3 5 4 ) . 9). "seeder-plow. 8 5 : 1 2 . K o m o r o c z y . 3 . Hablpiru. n. " U n l e s s . w h o in EA 7 3 : 2 7 a n d 7 5 : 3 4 is c a l l e d belu. p e r h a p s a t t e s t s t o a n o u n qadu (i-mi-iG qa-di-im). "fellow-citizens")? In t h e p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s (EA 7 5 : 1 2 . p . see a l s o L i e b e r m a n . p r o b a b l y . " k i n g . see a l s o JCS 7 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p . 2 8 1 6 6 . t h e r e f o r e . EA 2 9 0 : 1 6 ) . Ugar. m e a n i n g u n c e r t a i n . "and let a n a l l i a n c e b e m a d e (for all t h e l a n d s ) " : A l b r i g h t in M e n d e n h a l l (see n. Rivista Storica Italiana yj [ 1 9 6 5 ] p . n n . W i t h t h e p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 6 7 : 1 6 6 . 1 0 7 . 9 0 : 4 2 6 ) . JCS 2 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p . It is t h e n a r r a t i v e v e r s i o n o f "like u s " in A b d i . " if it is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g ( [ E ] N -la-ku-nu?). " d o e s c n o t o c c u r e l s e w h e r e . Hablpiru. JANES 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p .2 1 .1 7 (The Statue of Idri-mi [ L o n d o n . a t Ugarit. 7. Le Palais et la Royaute. p . 1 3 7 ii 2 4 ' ) . O n "plow­ i n g t h e field" in S u m e r i a n l i t e r a t u r e see S j o b e r g . 12. in G r e e c e . p .THE AMARNA LETTERS 3. 2 3 ) . 8 1 : 3 9 . e d . 8 1 : 3 7 6 . 1 9 7 8 ] . c 8.d a u g h t e r s . S e e n. " b e f o r e E N I N . a n d on ittu. W e b e r . see EA 3 5 . 10. M . p. I f t h e p r e p o s i t i o n qadu.A k k a d i a n N I N . M e n d e n h a l l .w o o d ( f u r n i s h i n g s ) of h o u s e s . T h e t e m p l e w a s p r e s u m a b l y t h e s c e n e o f t h e o a t h m e n t i o n e d in l i n e 4 2 . . L i v e r a n i .A s i r t a ' s s p e e c h . p . E d m o n d s .H a d d a .N I N . see D . 8 6 . 9. J N E S 6 ( 1 9 4 7 ) p p . p r o b a b l y as a d i s t i n c t i o n o f a g e (cf. is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in r e l a t e d or s i m i l a r p a s s a g e s . t h e followers o f A b d i . BASOR 2 0 0 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p . a d u l t ) m a l e . 1 4 3 : 2 . Ninurta = G a s a r u (JCS 3 1 [ 1 9 7 9 ] p . a l s o EA 8 1 : 1 2 ) . for t h e r e a d i n g . in G a r e l l i . U R T A . e d s . p. IEJ 1 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p .

3 5 .2 5 • • • 5 9 The Apiru killed'* Ad[una. Behold. p . N A M . 2 2 . is safe and c sound. b . 7 2 : 2 5 . EA 75 13.2 1 "For the lack of a cultivator. 155ff. {and} Abdi-Asirta. 3 0 . mdmTtu. c n6:62f. and so they go on tak{in]g (territory for themselves). n. k[ing of all countries]: May the Lady of [Gubla] grant power t[o my lord]. 49—50 [and sen]d a man to [Gubla] that I may [ . EA 8 5 : 6 i f f . but there was no one who (s)aid5 anything to c 6 Abdi-Asirta. 5 ) . F a l k e n s t e i n . . the maidservafnt of the king] from ancient times. {the servant} and dog. R U . n." I have written repeatedly to the palace 2 because of the illness afflicting me. K r e c h e r . is tak[ing the land of the king}. " N A M . his word[s]. R U . c the king] of Irqata. 2 8 . R U .3 4 Miya. UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . cf. "oath" (JCS 7 [ 1 9 5 3 ] p. the ruler of Aras«i. "placed a n o a t h . b u t p e r h a p s n o t a m i s t a k e for N A M .2 of [his] servant. yi-da-ga[\ LUGAL] 58 [ K U R ] . Das Sumerische ( L e i ­ den. . 4 1 4 . seized Ar[d]ata. my lord. and just now the men of Ammiy(a) have killed the(ir) lord. The war. . . L i t . . however. 1 [7} times and 7 times.t a ] : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . 4 . w h i c h w o u l d b e yidaggal or yidaggala. Send arc{hers}. . I am afraid. 1 4 . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood.4 8 May the king be informed that the king of Hatti has seized all the countries that 7 8 were vassals of the king of Mitta(ni). 2 6 . {he} is king of Nah(ri)ma c {and} the land of the Gre{at] Kings. PBS 1 / 2 . ] . I fall at the feet of my lord. know th[at] Gubla. my field is like a woman without a husband. Severe is . p p . 145 . 78. ( N E ) . JCS 1 ( 1 9 4 7 ) p . N o u g a y r o l ./ a u f l R . M A . {but there is no one] who has looked at 3 the words that {keep arr]iving. 1 5 . T h e f o r m yidaggalu ( K n u d t z o n ) m a y n o t serve a s a n i n j u n c t i v e . 1 5 . 6-14 [May] the king. (Our) sons and daughters and the furnishings of the houses are gone. a-lna k a . 3 3 4 . of the Apiru agai[nst] me is severe. EA 75 Political chaos TEXT: C 4757 (12191). A O A T 1. 1 9 6 4 ) .s u ] : f . i 9 3 f . [May the king] give heed [to] the words 2 . N o t e t h a t adi ? in t h e m e a n i n g "(along) w i t h " o c c u r s e l s e w h e r e in EA o n l y in t h e J e r u s a l e m letters ( b u t see EA 9 2 : 4 2 a n d n o t e ) . . Amarna Correspondence. Rib-Hadda {says t]o his lord. C O P Y : WA 79. since they have been sold [in] the land of Yarimuta for ou[r] provisions to keep us alive. my Sun. . pp.

3 7 [ . } . Cf. S e e W i l h e l m . 8. 7 times and 7 times. " Very h e s i t a n t l y . 5. " 7 : 6 4 . . 3 2 . . [fo]r himself? Is he the king of Mittana. C O P I E S : WA 74. 73f. last s i g n e i t h e r lu or na. For years archers would come 146 . a n d o f t a b l e t s (EA 100:24. 1 0 4 : 2 2 . 3 7- 7. P e r h a p s "the d i s t r e s s " . kafadu s a i d o f w o r d s (EA 59:46. b u t a p r e t e r i t e is e x p e c t e d (cf. (ia)-aq-bi. 3. 1 2 6 : 1 3 . what is A[bdi]-As[ir]ta. EA 76 Of ambition and arrogance T E X T : VAT 324. ( U N ) . Rib-Hadda says to the king of all countries. K U R me- t[a. [ L ] U . EA 6 7 : 1 7 ) . 308. 35. 20 \ti-ik-hx\-du-na. Amarna Correspondence. " 8. / i . n o t e n o t o n l y t h e o m i s s i o n o f (na) or (ni). that he strives to [ta]ke all the cities of the king. T I . i55'55?)- R . Great King. 160. 2 5 . [Mojreover. I68ff. T h e c o n t e x t r e q u i r e s t h a t t h e l a n d s b e a s s o c i a t e d in s o m e way with M i t t a n i ( ? ) . p. know that the war of Abdi-Asirta against me is severe. Amarna Correspondence." It] is [thus that I keep writing to thepal]ace. ZA 63 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . . p . Z A ( ? ) . o f r e q u e s t s (EA 8 2 : 1 6 ) . d EA 95. T I is a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g for G U . 2 4 1 . 2 2 1 : 1 4 ) . but [you do not rep]ly [to m]eA 3 0 . . my lord.q [ u . M E [ § ] (cf. K ] I .THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1 . my lord.. I I:I 6. ZA 76 (1986) p . R a i n e y . VAB 2/1. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 7 . [so] send me [a garris]on of 4 0 0 men a[nd x pairs of h]orses [with all speed. "all t h e l a n d s affiliated(?) w i t h t h e k i n g o f t h e M i t a ( n n i ) l a n d . u n p a r a l l e l e d in n i n e o t h e r w r i t i n g s o f t h e n a m e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . 4. ] . I fall at the feet of my lord. He has 3 seized [ . 2. "There is no place where [me]n can enter against him. 2 [/ s]aid. 7 1 . . 4. "bearers o f t r i b u t e . 1519). and [h]e himself has taken these two cities. maris (ana) iyali (EA 1 0 3 : 7 . CAH 2/2. a n d c o m m e n t a r y p p . or the king of Kassu. .2 9 He has just gathered together all the Apiru against Sigata [and] Ampi. 1 [H]e wants to take [for himself] the two cities that have remained to c me./ 7 . G o r g . it is p r o p o s e d t h a t K U . . b u t a l s o t h e w r i t i n g w i t h d o u b l e t. i-du-ku-s[u]. M E § G A Z " ( ? ) . abilat 6 6 bilti. 19 [ia-nu]. I f K U R mi-it-ta refers t o M i t t a n i . cf. G o e t z e . VS 11. l i n e 1 6 . my Sun. 1 4 5 : 1 9 . pp. . marsaku a n (EA 106:23). . King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. 4 1 . the dog.n ] a : cf. UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 1 4 6 : 1 2 ) . the Sun. that [h]e strives to take the land of the c king for himself? 1 7 . o f t h e b r e a t h o f t h e k i n g (EA 100:40. D I . 1 3 6 : 2 2 . EA 9 0 : 1 5 . amqu[t lu-u]: following Y o u n g b l o o d .1 6 May the c king. lit. n. D I . cf. 3 6 2 : 5 9 ) . n. p.

. As to 7—15 your writing me ffor] copper and for sinnu. e t c .t a p . the god of the king].n a ] f. may the Lady of Gubla be witness:^ there is no copper or sinnu of [cop}per available 4 to me or [to] her unjustly treated ones. COPIES: WA 81 (only 1635). 8 8 : 2 5 . T h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix is -kunu. 1 2 9 : 3 3 6 ° .m a a r .n a S a . I fall [at your feet]. I c o u l d s e e no certain t r a c e s o f signs t h a t e x c l u d e t h i s o b v i o u s r e s t o r a t i o n (lines 1 4 . 2. 1 3 1 : 4 0 .t [ a a . EA 1 0 3 : 5 5 6 ..a . you have 6 done nothing.4 6 Send a large force of archers that it may drive out the king's enemies and all lands be joined to the king. Moreover. n o t e h) a n d S c h r o e d e r ' s copy. have been joined to the "Apiru. NOTES 1. cf. M E § pifati is t h e s u b j e c t . and yet now that the land of the king and Sumur. . . your? garrison-city. pp. 7 4 : 2 4 .h i . 7 8 ) . [ L U .. 6. but I gave his sinnu to [the ruler} of Tyr[e f]or [my] provisions. M E ] S .r u . Wh[y have you been negligent? .. . Amarna Correspondence. p r o b a b l y a p l u r a l of majesty. EA 77 A rebellious peasantry T E X T : VAT 1635 + 1700. EA 77 out to inspect [the coun]try. w i t h a shift f r o m m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r (rabd. anumma . ] .w a ( t e x t : U D ) . . . [ k i . e t c .i s a-ri\u-ma [ki-a-ma] 2 8 [ a s .n a ia]-//': for t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s . who [m]oves [agains]t the country. 85:6. 89:76. [ x . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood.s u ] : c o n t r a r y t o K n u d t z o n (VAB 2/1. 118:86. ) .. [ a . pp. 1 2 7 : 3 8 6 .. 1 3 2 : 5 1 . 1746 5. S ] A G ) t h e c a p t u r e o f w h i c h . r 4. l i n e 3 9 . EA 7 1 : 1 9 . [ . and [the Lady of 1 Gu]b[la] establi(sh) your hon[or] in the presence of the king. 380.n ] a [ a ] . I a s s u m e t h a t £ R I N . your son}.. 8 1 : 9 . 122:536. 8 3 : 7 6 . Is t h i s t h e n a m e o f a c hill or m o u n t a i n ( [ H U R . u la tuterruna .A s i r t a i n a c ­ c e s s i b l e ? Cf. 178ff. 1 6 . h a s m a d e A b d i . my father}: Message of [Rib-Hadda. your lord. . To Ama[nappa. p. . VS 11. 6 1 5 . see a l s o JCS 6 [1952] p . [your] 2 lord. you are a great lord.S ] A G : sa Pl-x-Za: x = B A R . " t h e w r i t e r s h i f t i n g b e t w e e n s e c o n d a n d t h i r d p e r s o n in a d d r e s s i n g t h e k i n g . Amarna Correspondence. ana ekalli— EA 74:496.r u a . [ G A ] L ii [ l a - a] 2 9 [ t u . 1 1 2 : 2 2 6 .t o : for t h i s w r i t i n g see EA 4 106:39.t e . 4 7 6 S e e a l s o Y o u n g b l o o d . —EA 8 1 : 2 2 6 . Milkayu^ overlaid one with . a l s o EA 7 7 : 2 7 ) . May [Aman. 3 8 . c o n s t r u e d as t h i r d f e m i ­ n i n e s i n g u l a r (cf. A l s o p o s s i b l e is "that y o u m a y d r i v e o u t . You must not neglect this message.2 5 [Y]ou yourself [should] know [the straits I am i]n . see the ? f o l l o w i n g : kima arhil—EA 7 3 : 4 5 . 36. 3. You do not i47 . n o t at all c e r t a i n . a l s o EA 7i:3iff.

T h e clear gub-lcT of S c h r o e d e r ' s c o p y a g r e e s n e i t h e r w i t h K n u d t z o n ' s c o l l a t i o n nor w i t h m i n e .«#-[hi-ka u i-te-zi-ib] 3 5 U R U [ g u b .m u r ] : cf. for lu tide! X 4. n o t mi (see VAB 2 / 1 . (and) the g[ods} (to bring them) 8 all the wa[y to you so I can abandon Gubla. .1 6 [M]ay the king. I am afraid the peasa[ntry] will strike m[e] down. UF 5 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . x . p . is negligent] and there are no [archers]. 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . C O P I E S : WA 84. c 7 . EA 78 Request for a garrison T E X T : VAT 1282. . 3 . / « / ( L I D ) . sinnu. 4 9 ) . my [S]un. 95:3ff. 37.u s .& * D I N [ G I R .q ] a . 3 8 5 . 1 3 2 : 5 3 ! ? . my lor]d. b e s i d e s . 5 8. 8 7 : 5 f . pp. 8 3 : 4 5 ! ? . 7. Look]. 1 8 3 . EA 6 8 : 2 4 f . N]ow only two towns remain [to] me. EA 7 i : 4 f .MES pf-ta-ti u] 32 «' MA LU. 1 5 4 . ta-aq-[bu]: see Or n . B e s i d e s .< & : x. . Or n . your [me]n. 1048. 2 .3 7 If t[hi]s year no c [ar]chers come out. 19Iff. 7 4 : 5 2 . "copper. [Grea]t [King]: May the Lady of [Gubla gr]ant power to [the king. 8 4 : 3 ^ . [ a . d e s p i t e sinnu in lines 10 a n d 1 3 . 1 2 9 : 4 9 ! ? . 3 1 it ia-nu [ERIN. [ p u . then let a ship [fetch] the men [of Gubla].n a D I N G I R sa L U G A L ] 4 Eti-ka u N [ I N sa U R U u b g]#£ -[la] 5 ti-di-{nu)-mi: cf. s . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. king of all countries." t h e n ivory is e x c l u d e d . M E S ti-il-qe] 3 4 a-di . For sinnu. p. 2 4 3 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 7 spefak t]o your lord so he will send you at the head of the archers to c drive off the Apiru from the {rn}ayors.M[E§ U R U gub­ la] 3 3 [ L ] U . 2 6 . Amarna Correspondence.[ ( t i ) ] . I fa[ll] at the feet of [my] lord. EA 8 2 : 4 2 ? . if a t the e n d o f line n the correct r e a d i n g is [ U R j U D U (eru). Y o u n g b l o o d . a n d n o t ul ( R a i n e y . p . see AHw. p . UF 5 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p .m a . 7 times and 7 times. is h a r d l y ivory (SSDB. M E § . n o t e d ) . t h e n e g a t i v e ul is a l w a y s w r i t t e n u-ul in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s ) . my Sun. VS 11. s . Like a 148 . 1 7 . NOTES d D 1. my lord].l a a . followed by R a i n e y . 1 0 . Ivory w a s r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e in E g y p t f r o m t h e s o u t h a n d w a s not l i k e l y t o have b e e n t h e o b j e c t o f a s p e c i a l r e q u e s t . know [that] the war of [ Ab]di-Asirta against m[e is se]vere. 3 amqut [ a . my lord. then all lands will be joi[ne]d t[o the Apir]u. 2 4 3 .V . [Rib]-Hadda says [to] his lord. If [the king. n. . n.i r f : cf. 3. [and he has tak]en all [my] cit[ies. and even these he s[trives to ta]ke. 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . ( )mil-ka-yu? K-timabas? 6.n a ] hab-Ti-se: t h e r e s i d e n t s o f B y b l o s ? reference t o M i l k a y u ? m 5.

May my lord sen[d] a garrison to his two towns until the archers come out. my Sun. K U R ] . [then c al]l lands will be [j]oined [to Abd]i-Asirta. pp. 85:20. my lord. 7 times and 7 c times. H I . [King of Ba]ttle: May the Lady [of] Gubla grant [pow]er to the king. 119:126 3.2 6 [I]f there are no c ar[chers]. EA 79 At the brink T E X T : VAT 1634. COPIES: WA 75. king of all countries. 6 . .4 1 and {send] a ga[rr]ison.1 9 May my lord heed the w[ords of] his [servant]. j [ o 2 pairs of hors]es [i]n the char[ge o f ] . Listen! [Si]nce c Bit-Ar[ha] was seized [at] the urging of Abdi-Asirta. so am [I] in Gub[la]. {i]f{the kin]g is unable to save me fr[om] his enemies.$ NOTES 1. they have as a 1 result been striving to [ta}ke over Gubla and Batruna. . so am I in Gubla. 38. 197ff. . A a n d t h e only m e n t i o n o f e m m e r in EA. 1 7 .]: cf. 34—47 I have nothing at all. EA 79 bird in a trap. Z I Z . S i x t o ten lines m i s s i n g . 103:43. then al[l la]nds will be joined to the [ Api]ru. 112:21. p r o b a b l y a reference t o kundsu. 1 8 .. Great King. I have just b[e]en in Batruna. 3[o ta-pal] 40 [ A N S E . EA 83:216. VS 11.. Moreover. and they want to take th[em] from the king. "emmer. Be informed that since Amanappa reached me. 3 7 . Send me a garrison t[o] guard the city of the king un[til] the archers [co]me out. the dog. m[y . and thus all c lands would be joi[ned] to the Apiru.1 2 I fall [at] the feet of my lord. [What is h]e. W h a t e v e r t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n "to d o / m a k e a city" e l s e w h e r e . 2 0 . R 2.] send me [immediately.3 7 . that 3 [he ta]kes the lands of the king for [him]self ? NOTES 1. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. R A \ [ M ] E S [i]-na qa-[at . 1 3 . all the Apiru c have at the urging of Abdi-Asirta turned against me. Amarna Correspondence. 27—33 There are two towns that remain to [me]." written S E .. .1 7 May my lord heed the words of his servant. [Ri}b-Hadda says [to] his [lord]. In line 3 0 . Like a bird in a trap : ki-lu-bi (cage). 149 . here "to fortify" s e e m s clearly e x c l u d e d . 2 and may something be given to me for their food.

[king of all countries. c 6-13 [May] the king.2 4 [And so] they became trait(ors) to me. 1 5 5 . Too fragmentary for translation. [but you do not re]ply [to me]. a n d Rainey. Why are you 8 negligent o{f the distress afflicting me? I]f within these two months there 150 . [Rib-Hadda say]s to [his] lord. I was struck [9 6 7 ti]mes. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 3 7 . and he strives to take the two towns. know that the war of Abdi-Asirta is [se]vere. but I ki[ll]ed c 4 him. a n d see SSDB. C a n a a n i t e Q a l p a s s i v e yuddan + i n j u n c t i v e {a} + p r o . { » / ' } . 2 5 . "Do not {be negligent. Amarna Correspondence. [yi-il]-qu: cf. I f[ear for] my life. Great King." 1 4 . A lirdanu \wh~\om I know g{ot away f\o Abdi-Asirta. VF 1 ( 1 9 7 5 ) P. 4 7 . Gubla and Batru[na re]main to me. my [Sun]. pp. A r 3 man with a bronze dagger : paf-{r]a [at]tacked m[e]. a n d t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g p l u r a l tilquna in EA 104:17?. cf. 39. p . yuddana in EA 8 5 : 3 4 . 7 5 : 4 1 ? . At his order was this [de]ed done! I have stayed {like th]is [in] my city and done 5 nothing. Amarna Correspondence. 205ff. He said 1 c to the men [of Gubl]a. EA 80 A lost message T E X T : VAT 1711. [and] he has taken all my cities [for] himself.THE AMARNA LETTERS 2 . 210ff. EA 7 1 : 1 6 ? .3 3 [Accordingly. [And I have writt]en re{peatedly to the palace}. 40. K]ing of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power [to the kin]g. 9 1 : 4 . C O P I E S : WA 89. and] I have written to the palace. 7 times and 7 times. yii-da-na-ni. my lord. pp.4 ° 4 - 3. I fa[l]l [at the feet] of my lord. 8 6 : 3 2 . EA 81 An attempted assassination T E X T : VAT 1318. "[Ki]ll your lord and be join[ed] to the Apiru 2 like Amm[iya]. C O P Y : VS 11. [my lord]. VS 11. suff. I am unable to go out [into the countryside. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood.

they have tu{rned against] (u)s. A / 2 . [yu-si-r]u: enough space? 12. G l a s s n e r . 3 9 3 . EA 105:36. . see a l s o Sumer 3 2 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p p . the nine peoples that d i v i d e the world and t h e n i n e c h a m b e r s on each level o f U t n a p i s t i m ' s a r k . 1 0 . " cf. Paleographically. ti-du-[\x]: cf. EA 7 4 : 2 6 a n d n.2 . 41—47 [/] was the one 11 that said to them. N o t e . see a l s o JCS 2 [ 1 9 4 8 ] p . a n d d u p l i c a t e s ) . 636°.n ] a ma-bar : sa-a i n s t e a d o f sa o c c u r s s p o r a d i ­ cally. 9 10 I h{ave written to the pal]ace. so are they in [Gubl]a. Wh[at] can I [d]o by my[sel]f ? 5 2 . p . cf. 1506. n i n e t i m e s S a r g o n c a p t u r e s m e n a n d a n i m a l s (TIM 9. If within c two months archers do not come ou[t]..a r a . "My god {is sending archers. 10. and there was a«[g*ar]rison with us. ar(-(na)?) L U G A L (EA 1 3 8 : 2 1 ) .t a .). p. UJ-lu ar-nu (EA 1 3 8 : 1 0 4 ) .5 9 . a n d see JCS 2 (1948) p p . 4 8 rev. J 5i . UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . [a-na E D I N . a n d ar(-(nu)?) L U G A L (EA 1 3 9 : 4 0 ) . T h e t r a n s l a t i o n follows R a i n e y . their] dau[gh]ters. w i t h Y o u n g b l o o d . a[s-tap-par a-na]. 3. S e e EA 8 2 : 3 9 . . 7.p a . ] May he not fall [upon] my [city] and take me.4 1 Like a bird in a {tr]ap : ki-lu-bi (cage).n a E . see J . For arnu. o n l y at t h e t e n t h a t t a c k i n f l i c t i n g final defeat (VS 1 7 . For t h e c o n f u s i o n o f l o g o g r a m s a n d t h e s o m e w h a t o b s c u r e s y n t a x .n i m qa. n i n e t i m e s he d e f e a t e d a n d freed his e n e m i e s .[ t a . " t r a i ­ tor. 8. VAB 2 / 1 . (a-qa-bu-na). EA 9 0 : 5 3 . What (am I to say) to my p e a s a n ­ try]? 3 4 . or p e r h a p s a n a b b r e v i a t i o n (CAD. EA 88:2of. p. 2 4 8 ) ." Since they (now) 12 kno[w that] there are none. c r i m i n a l .S i n fights n i n e b a t t l e s in o n e year (YOS 1. NOTES I. Cf. 5 7 9. 7. Free r e s t o r a t i o n : [ u a s .H a d d a . cf. i i4f. M E S J : cf. R e a d GIR : paf-[r\a. see K n u d t z o n ' s r e m a r k s . . 4 2 . T h e e x p r e s s i o n "9 t i m e s " m e a n s "over a n d over" or "once a n d for all": N a r a m . n o t e d ) . then [ Ab]di-Asirta will cer­ tainly come up and take the two t[owns. 252. 2 9 9 ) . 6. [ki-na-an-n]a: cf.t a . 247f. EA T 82:371}". EA 7 :i f. then { .n i 2 7 [ a . 220.]-/a-ta as-[sum mur-si] 29 [UGU-ia su]m-ma. ." [Their sons.. 19. p . 4 8 . n i n e t i m e s he w a s w a r r e d a g a i n s t . [since they have been s]old [i]n the land of [Ya]rimuta [for] provisions to keep them alive. Amarna Correspondence. .n a m i . "[Fo]r l[ac]k of a cultivator their [field} is [li]ke a woman without a husband. Akkadica 40 (1984) p. [URU g u b . see VAB 2/2. II. G A L ] u-ul ta- [qa-al-mi] 2 8 [ a .l ] a is t h e more probable reading.a ] r u ^ / .5 1 Previously Sumur and [its] men were [stjrong. 5. 4. 1 7 [s]a-rf i-de p [ a . EA 81 are no archers. [the fur]nishings of their houses are gone. C e r t a i n l y t h e "lord" t o b e k i l l e d is R i b . too. ar-(nu).

4. 224ff." 31—41 All the men whom you gave me 4 have run off. 2. "Do not fea[r]!" You ordered me again and again. Accordingly. c 5. Memoires. J C S 2 (1948) p.3 0 Let not Abdi-Asi[rta} hear about it. pp. " 3. 4. 1 6 : 5 ) . your son. my father: Message of Rib-Hadda. s . 1. P e r h a p s R i b . or who would rescue m{e} 2 from him?" You sa[id] to me.1 3 J have said to you again and again.H a d d a t h i n k s t h a t it is s e l f .H a d d a u s e d a n e x p r e s s i o n o f c o n t e m p o r a r y c u s t o m a r y law. do not you yourself know that the land of Amurru longs day and night for the 6 archers? Has it not been distressed : na-aq-sa-pu (have they not been angry)? So tell the king. p.4 6 If within two months there are no archers. Amarna Correspondence. a n d u-ul-ta-sa-as (CAD. 306. if you neglect me. he is strong. I will send him along with an auxiliary force. until the archers come out. Say to Am[a]nappa." NOTES 1. and he gave orders to a man and he attacked me with a bronze dagger. Is it not a fact that I sent my man to the palace. and as soon as the request arrives.A s i r t a is t h e v i l l a i n . to protect your life.. R i b . "Come with all haste. cf. p . "I am unable to send (him). and my life will be safe while I do what I want to do. and as soon as the mayors hear anything. 4. S e e EA 8 1 : 2 4 . T h e r e a d i n g ti-ul ta-sa-as m u s t b e r e t a i n e d . EA 8 5 : 8 a n d n. Youngblood. 24lf. Otherwise. 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p ." 14—22 You ordered me again and again. "Are c c you unable to rescue me from Abdi-Asirta? All the Apiru are on his side. P e r h a p s ta-a[q-bu]. see Or n . "Send your man to me at the palace. and from another crime what could rescue me? 4 1 . I was stabbed 9 times!? He is strong through this crime. 5 . O n t h e form yi-is-ma.e v i d e n t t h a t A b d i . Ifmdsi c dlekd (Gen. then I will abandon the city. A/2. they write to him. "Send a ship to the land of Yarimuta so silver and clothing can get oufi to you from them. "you k e e p s a y i n g t o m e . o f w h i c h it c o u l d b e t h e literal t r a n s l a t i o n . go off.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 82 A threat to abandon Byblos TEXT: BM 37648. 247. I fall at the feet of my father." But I told you. 4 2 4 b ) r e j e c t e d for t h r e e r e a s o n s : (1) t h e r e is n o t a s i n g l e i n s t a n c e o f t h e first r 2 5 . 47—52 Moreover. Now I have obeyed. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : JCS 2 (1948) pp. n. habdltya elika is very r e m i n i s c e n t o f Sarah's r e p r o a c h t o A b r a h a m . 6. c 1 2 3 . COPY: Scheil. The (legal) violence done to me is your responsibility.

my Sun. now that over and above everything else Sumur and Bit- 2 Arha have defected." So release him. Send back word to me. COPY: BB 14. 13. especially him. 30—37 may [yo]u put me in Yanhamu's charge so 3 he will give me grain to eat th(at) I may guard for him the king's city. (2) t h e r e are only t w o q u i t e d u b i o u s e x a m p l e s o f / / > / / in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (EA 9 2 : 3 9 . P H O T O G R A P H : BB. 237ff. "You gave our son to 4 the king. Amarna Correspondence. EA 83 Pleas and threats TEXT: BM 29797. "The Apiru have taken the entire country!" Not so shall it be said in the days (of the commissioners). if you do not send word back to me. "I declare Rib-Hadda to be in your charge and whatever 6 (ha)ppens to him to be yofur} responsibility. or like Yapah- c Hadda and Zimredda I will make an alliance with Abdi-Asirta and stay alive. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. Moreover. "If you do not tell him 7 this. pp. pp. 1 3 0 : 4 1 ) .V C in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . (3) if mat amurri is s i n g u l a r ." 4 3 . king of all countries. 7 . 7 times and 7 times. t h e n it is f e m i n i n e a n d t h e f o r m w o u l d b e tu-ul-ta-sa-as. Listen tfo m]e! 15—20 Wh(y) are you negligent so that your land is being taken? Let it not be said in the days of the c commissioners. tell Ya(n)hamu. my lord. His family are very upset with me. [R]ib-[Hadda sa]ys to his [lord]. and both his horses were taken. I fall at the feet of my lord.5 1 May the troops on campaign not fall upon me. And so I write. but they are not given. A second man—a man of his—was taken.1 4 Why do you not send back word to me that I may know what I should d[o]? I sent a man of mine to my lord. Moreover.5 7 Also for your information: 153 . May the king also give the order and release my man. I will abandon the city and go off. I will abandon the city and go off. I assure you. 373f. I have written for a garrison and horses.4 2 (The other is a citi­ 5 zen of Ibirta. or you will not be 1 able to take it back. in Yanhamu's house.) He is. (saying) day and night. [and] a tablet of the king was not put [i]n my man's hand. T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling. 21—29 Moreover." 5 1 . together with 8 the men who are loyal to me. Moreover. Great King: May the [L]ady of Gubla grant p[owe]r to the king. pi. 3 8 . EA 83 s y l l a b l e in p o l y s y l l a b i c w o r d s w r i t t e n V .

Hablpiru. n o t t h i r d p l u r a l (Or n . reference is t o t h e m a n w h o s e d e t e n t i o n is m e n t i o n e d in line 1 2 a n d w h o has m a d e h i s way to Y a n h a m u ' s house. Perhaps "release h i m . L i t . is a l w a y s i d e n t i f i e d as t h e m a i d s e r v a n t o f t h e g o d d e s s a n d w a s p r o b a b l y a p r i e s t e s s . 264ff. as if ti-li-u-na). L i n e 2 0 : ii. pp. c e r t a i n l y n o t [i]a (Or n . R e a d ana a-ka-li-ia §1 ( b e g i n n i n g o f a p a r t i a l l y w r i t t e n u): cf. 2 6 . [t]a^-din-ni: very p r o b a b l e r e a d i n g . ana sdlu. 2 2 6. 36). 22). is w r i t t e n s l i g h t l y s m a l l e r a n d h i g h e r t h a n t h e rest o f t h e l i n e . In l i n e 5 5 I a s s u m e s o m e f o r m o f kardbu. w h o a l s o a p p e a r s in t h e n e x t t h r e e l e t t e r s . EA 9 1 : 1 7 ) a n d t h e B y b l o s s y l l a ­ bary rule out [t]u. alla-mi ( a n d v a r i a n t f o r m s ) m u s t b e g i n a s e n t e n c e or b e p r e c e d e d o n l y b y u.i k . .THE AMARNA LETTERS Ummahnu (along with Milkuru. . see D u r a n d . 2 9 { i 9 6 0 ] p . F o r a p o s s i b l e o c c u r r e n c e in O l d B a b y l o n i a n . 154 . p . G r e e n b e r g . the maidservant of the Lady [of] Gu[bl]a. 4. . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 3 ) . VS 11. 4. T h i s is t h e b a s i s for m y very t e n t a t i v e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f her a c t i v i t i e s in t h i s a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g l e t t e r s . "certes"). " 8.r a . " 9. w h e r e it b e l o n g s a n d a l o n e m a k e s s e n s e . p{ow\erful [pray]s [t]o the L[ady of Gubla for the 9 king. silt e m p h a s i z e s t h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix o f ussirasu (SSDB. t h e p r o ­ n o m i n a l suffixes in EA 7 9 : 3 3 . " O n t h i s p a r t i c l e see R a i n e y . U m m a h n u . her husband). f o l l o w e d b y G r e e n b e r g ) . "Say t o Y a n h a m u . C O P I E S : WA 73. "who love m e . 2146°. Amarna Correspondence. t o o . NOTES 1. 2. 1 0 9 : 4 1 . " T h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e p h r a s e o f i t s e l f m i g h t m e a n "in ( f u t u r e ) d a y s " ( K n u d t z o n . {en)-ni-ip-su: f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . 5. "or. I t w a s p r o b a b l y i n s e r t e d l a t e r w h e r e it c o u l d fit. 3. 1 2 5 : 1 8 . 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . C o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f f o r m (cf. ta-di-en. UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) P. s . 6. UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p p . T h e context seems to require that with t h e s e c o n d "in t h e d a y s " we s u p p l y "of t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s " (lost by v e r t i c a l h a p l o g - r a p h y ? ) or p e r h a p s "in ( t h e i r ) d a y s . at t h e e n d o f line 4 4 . 30. ti-li-ii. R e f e r e n c e is b a c k t o lines 3 9 . 41. 1 0 5 : 8 5 .b [ u ] ? ) . RA 82 (1988) p. s . a n d n o t a t t h e e n d o f line 4 5 . 5 - 7. " for if I u n d e r s t a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e s . P e r h a p s t h e q u o t a t i o n b e g i n s w i t h "in t h e d a y s o f t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s " ( K n u d t z o n . n. EA 84 Outrage upon outrage T E X T : VAT 1633. 106:40 (a-li. s e c o n d s i n g u l a r ( K n u d t z o n ) ." as i n l i n e 2 4 . my lord}.4 0 .t a r ] . p. "to p r a y " ( [ t i . " a n d .

N o u g a y r o l . "5 6 21—31 my lord should know (that) they have {not tak]en Gubla. cf. [ p a t ( a ) r u / p a t ( a ) r a t ] qt-ip-tu. indeed. 109:5. 1 0 6 : 2 6 . lu- wa-Ii/si-ra(-am). is . c 13 as Abdi-NiNURTA. 922). my lord's court and [h]is bedchamber.KI-/a: f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d .. Gubla is like Hikuptah to my lord! 3 8 . 4 2 . a n d EA 9 4 : 6 0 . w h i c h a t B y b l o s ( a l s o EA 1 8 5 . for the w r i t i n g . H I . and so he has 2 done nothing for his lands? 1 1 . n. Amarna Correspondence. N o t e a l s o : (1) giltappu. 7 times and 7 times. your servant. send his commis­ 8 sioner. bit urli." T h e s l e e p i n g quarters a n d the treasury were areas reserved t o t h o s e m o s t i n t i m a t e a n d / o r m o s t t r u s t e d . . ] . . " {Or] would it be pleasing that he had seized 12 Gubla? {Loo]k. p. CAD. p . " in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s o n l y in EA 8 4 a n d 1 0 6 . may the king. Moreover. the dog. {its ruler is distr]aught. the Sun of all countries. 6. my lord.. to guard the city of my lord so 9 that I for my part may (re)build the brickwork and serve my lord. p. the traitor and dog. 2 1 [LU-(su) ma-an]-g<z (cf. A . Send him (back) to yo[ur} servant.'5 send . " w r i t t e n K U R . {that he is s]trong? Moreover. narru = sarru. and} her husband. . lest that dog take the possessions of your g o d . is the activity of c Abdi-Asirta. K I . 1030. 3. and yet he (the king) has done nothing. K U R . the man I sent with Puheya.} and the situation of the lands of my lord is 7 ve[ry} bad. Perhaps LU. 257. L U L = sarru (AHw. L U . Furthermore. Umm[ahn]u. S .8 6 ) s e e m s t o b e r e p l a c e d by Idru. {Moreover]. "All c o u n t r i e s . Who is he. 6 3 . K I . (2) t h e o n l y p r e c a t i v e forms o f usluru in t h e s e l e t t e r s . a l s o PRU 4. T h e a u t h o r i t i e s w o u l d b e t h e E g y p t i a n officials i n S u m u r . 1 8 0 ) . L U L remains the m o s t likely teading. EA 106:15). 4. [m}y lord. my lord. as to men's [say]ing in the presence of m]y {lord]. 20 [sa-ab-ta]-*tf-»zi (cf.KUR.LUL = narru. has been joined to h[i]m. al{ong with troops]. . [fo]otstool for your feet. "Gubla {has been seiz]ed. EA 84 [S}ay [to] the king. my lord. 7. in EA 8 4 : 2 6 . 5. .4 4 Moreover. Milkur[u . NOTES 1. Sumur. KUR. Those in authority {have gone off.2 1 Now. be-lt-i[a\. I fall at the feet of the 1 Sun. 2. E n d o f l i n e 24: 155 . 3 1 . see EA 1 2 1 . the maidservant of 14 [the Lady of Gubla. .3 and opened the tre{asure] room of my 4 [lo]rd. 3 6 . L U . . qtptu = qTpu a t B o g h a z k o y (AHw. " f o o t s t o o l . 4. D I D L I o c c u r s e l s e w h e r e o n l y in EA 1 0 6 . with the result that the lands of the king are joined to him.3 8 May my lord send men to take the posses­ 10 sions of my Adonis to the king. He has slept in the bedcha[mber of] my [lord]. pleasing in the sight of the king. cf. who is strong. p . Sun of all countries: Message of Rib- Hadda. E(to)-u[r-!>i BE]-ia: f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d . "maison privee. my lord. line 36). in t h e s e l e t t e r s o n l y in EA 8 4 : 2 1 a n d 1 0 6 : 4 7 . (3) Tde w i t h p r e c a t i v e force. . p. D I D L I . 3 1 .

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. May he grant 4 0 0 men and 3 0 pair[s of h]orses." W[ha}t did he give m(e)? I deposited the payment for them 4 5 with Yapah-Hadda.. and may he send grain in ships in order to 2 keep his servant and his city alive. ". M E S very often h a s a s i n g u l a r referent a n d here s e e m s b e s t referred t o A d o n i s . What can I say to my peasantry? Their sons.. VS 11. T h i s m a y b e a s a y i n g ( a l s o EA 1 3 9 : 8 ) g o i n g b a c k t o m u c h e a r l i e r t i m e s w h e n B y b l o s w a s a very i m p o r t a n t p o r t for t h e E g y p t i a n s a n d M e m p h i s w a s t h e capital of E g y p t . pp. the Sun: [Mes}sage of Rib-Hadda. 1 1 4 : 5 0 . M E S ] : following Y o u n g b l o o d . he does not heed my words.3 2 As to Yanhamu's having said..] g[rai}n for 4 0 men. my lord. we have no grain to eat. and may he give grain that is pro[du]ced in the land of Yarimuta. 2 2 . Cross). their daughters.1 5 Though I keep writing like this to the king. and for two years I have been repeatedly robbed of my grain. heed the words of his loyal servant. 8. D I N G I R . o f wine"? EA 85 Nothing to eat T E X T : VAT 1626. x S A R yi-ni. since they have been sold in the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep us alive. 13. qa-d[u E R I N . 12. as were given to Su[r]a[t]a. : hu-ta-ri-ma (?) [.THE AMARNA LETTERS ma-ri-is ma-g[al]: following Y o u n g b l o o d (cf. May [the Lad]y of Gubla grant [powjer to the king. Sa[y to the king}. 9.. my lord. I fal{l} at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 15. 6 . 1 6 . C O P I E S : WA 48. 42.2 2 May the king. T h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix (my A d o n i s ) p e r h a p s reflects B y b l i a n 'adonal (suggestion of Frank M . may it now be [g]iven in 6 Gubla.].. SIG 4 (libittu)? 10. 264ff. 33—39 May it be pleasing in the sight of the king. ask him to tell the whole story in your presence. 1 Since he has attacked me 3 times this year. 1 0 3 : 7 . the furnishings of their houses are gone. [and / wouldg]ive [.. P[uh]eya is with you.3 that they may guard the city for you. your servant. Look. 1 1 6 : 5 4 ) . ul-sir^-ti. mil-kur-t[\i}. EA 9 5 : 4 1 .. 11. my lord. my lord. [so that] we may have provisions until you gi\ve thou]ght to your 156 . What used to be given in Sumur. my lord. "I [ga}ve grain to Rib- Hadda.. Amarna Correspondence. m 14.

2.." or "is not available}.) 7. . lest your [city] be seized.l ] u . 3. N o t collated." so I may know [wh]at I should do [un]til the king ar[riv]es and visits his loyaf servant? 63—74 Who is c Abdi-Asirta. 104:16.& . 157 . ? i . 1 3 0 : 2 4 ) as an a b b r e v i a t i o n o f itti. [Wh]y do you not reply. . EA 8 3 : 5 o f . o f c o u r s e .i .] . i[n . I n s t e a d o f IR-su ii U R U . [as the kin]g. Umma[hnu—along with] her [hus]band Milkuru—the maidservant of the La[dy] of Gub[la]. my lord? Just let there be one man" whose heart is c one with my heart. t h e c o p y o f VS 11 offers IR-su a-na ia-su. that they [men]tion his name in the presence of the king. [Te}ll Yanhamu to [tak]e the money [ . and though wanting to mar[ch] as far as Gubla. 4. see H u e h n e r g a r d .. since your father's return from Sidon.l i . A b d i . lest he gather together all the Apiru and 12 they seize [the city]. as there wa[s n]o water for him to drink. . p r o p o s e s i-na (qa-at). When the commissioner of the k[ing was wi]th us. . as truly as the king [li]ves. .m [ a . 111. EA 89:40. 1 5 9 1 ) t h e r e p r o b a b l y is n o t e n o u g h r o o m . from that c time the lands have been joined to the Apiru. K n u d t z o n ' s r e a d i n g . EA 94:12. for the people of [Gu]bla in the land of Yarimuta. ] . truly my men 7 c c are lo[yal to me. At [thi]s time send a [large] force that they may drive him f[rom the land of Amur]ru. the king of (Mi)ttana came out as far as Sumur. he returned to [h]is own land. T h e s u b j e c t is. b u t an u n d e r l y i n g B y b l i a n bi o f p r o x i m i t y or a c c o m p a n i m e n t ( " u s i n g t h e s e r v i c e s o f " ) c o u l d e x p l a i n t h e u s e o f ina. O n it ( a l s o EA 1 1 4 : 4 6 . UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p . p . I keep writing like this t[o] the palace for what [I] need. and I would drive Abdi-Asirta from the land of Amurru.k ] u ( K n u d t z o n ) is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l (cf. see EA 2 3 2 a n d cf. 5. [ A s ] there is no one in [your] city.k ] u (VAB 2 / 2 . p. Accordingly. lifves]. the servant and dog. 1 3 7 : 4 6 ? . 5. "you i n q u i r e ( a b o u t ) " ? (Cf. Listen to me. R e a d ? i . Abdi]-Asirta and the Api[ru have gone i\o Yapah-Hadda 8 9 in [Beiru]t so {an alliance] might be formed. cf.A s i r t a . 6. .H a d d a w o u l d a d m i t t h a t t h o s e he identifies as c "my m e n " are all loyal t o A b d i . 2 1 3 .. NOTES c 1. U n d o u b t e d l y t h e r u l e r o f A k k a . ] . to] the Lad[y . EA 88:46ff. It is d o u b t f u l t h a t R i b . . Moreover.m [ a .l a .. it was to hi[m] that [we used to writ]e.s f a . from the hand of the magna[te. Ugaritic Vocabulary. my lord. I have nothing. see EA 8 2 : 3 7 a n d n. may he c [g]ive men to guard his [c]ity. n o t a reflex of N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c 'et.5 0 Moreover. 75—87 May the king heed the words of his servant. "What my servant [re]quests is 10 available. w h i c h m a k e s no s e n s e . 51—63 Moreover. 3 9 . R a i n e y . EA 85 city. we cannot write t[o hi]m (now). a n d for ? / ' . 1 1 4 : 4 8 ) . send a garrison [to pro]tect [y]our land.A s i r t a ( s o K n u d t z o n ) . w h i c h m a k e s sense a n d is f o l l o w e d h e r e .

Listen to m[e! The war] 6 . ] 1 7 . EA 83:24. I c a n n o t e x p l a i n t h e m .w a .1 2 is severe." Have you not heard? A servant . [ a . . 9. 8 3 : 7 . speak to [the king] so that [grain].t u ] .3 0 [And be in]form[ed that Um]mah[nu—along with her husband. . M E S G [ A Z al-ku] 42 [a-na ma-ha]r ia- d pa-ah. . EA 86 Complaint to an official TEXT: BM 29804. the product of the land of Yz. pp. there is 7 no[thing] to pay for h[orses]. your lord.lM i-na 4 3 [ U R U b e . 5 2 3 . Very tentatively. Amarna Correspondence. "Why should . May Aman. your lord. 165. { .[rmuta].1 7 [S]o now you [yourself] must not [say]. 12. Day and ni[ght it has cri]ed to you {and they s]ay (that) what is taken f[rom tjhem to Mittanfa] is very much. 10. in v i e w o f p a r a l l e l s (EA 8 1 : 2 3 . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. EA 74:12. ] come out?"3 You have 4 said [ind]eed. R o o m for o n l y o n e (fairly l a r g e ) s i g n : cf. "Yanhamu sent yo[u] grain. p .4 0 More­ over. . be given t[o his servant]. EA 76:39. . cf. a n d ARMT 1 3 . commentary on 44:8. [the god of the king]. C O P Y : BB 21. cf. end of line. 57 [ a .t a ] i-ba-si-mi 5 ii i-ia-n[\i]: l[a.2 2 . U R U .r u ] . . b u t still v i s i b l e ) d e s c r i b e d by K n u d t z o n a r e n o t n[u a n d d o n o t b e l o n g t o t h e e n d o f line 5 8 . . "truly. .THE AMARNA LETTERS Hence ra-[i-mu-ni/ia]. 1 3 .n u . . 3 1 . L U . 283ff. 1 3 a .n a m i ] . . If t h e t r a c e s ( m i s s i n g in V S 1 1 copy. 158 . d e s p i t e K n u d t z o n ' s l e g i t i m a t e d o u b t s . . Onadi. p. . but from the land of Y[arimuta] let grain be given for [us] to eat. Milku]ru—the ma[idservant of the Lady] of Gub[la .5 0 Why should the king g[rani] 30 8 pairs of [horses] and you your(self] take 10 pairs? It you t[ake]. . [S]o speak to the king [that] it may be 6 presented to the Lady. m 8. [ . just as it was [formerly] given to Sumur. . 4 1 . and so come w[ith] archers that you may take the land of 2 Amurru.t a u tu-pa-su [ k i . establish yo[ur] honor [in 1 the presence] of the king.n i l [ a . so we may keep alive until the king g[ives thought] to his city. 41 .m a ] .[ k a u ] . ] .a t]u-te-ru 58 [ a . [Or] sen[d ships so I myself] can get [out]. Do [n]ot hold an[ything] back. 11. 4 5 6 ) . I fall [at your feet]. {Say to] Ama[nappa]: Message of Rib-Had[da]." see AHw. For 3 years I have been constantly plundered] of our grain. . take al[l of them]. . P r o b a b l y in t h e s e n s e o f "ruler".

ana nadani ana A[N5E. p . if f r o m asasu ( K n u d t z o n ) . see R a i n e y . 6 but be on your gua{rd. p.RA: following Youngblood. EA 87 NOTES 1. 424? 159 . urge the king. {advance 5 c with you that / may . w i t h Y o u n g b l o o d . O n lines 1 5 . EA 87 Broken promises TEXT: BM 29805. ? 5. [i]\x-da-na: "that s h e ? / y o u ? m a y b e p r e s e n t e d . "hide"? 6. 8. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. Amarna Correspondence. UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p p . f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d . 8 . P e r h a p s a l s o t o b e c o n s i d e r e d is [ t a / t i . I fall at the feet of my lord. the Apir]u from it (the gate). [ t a / t i . t h e final vowel is I 7 a difficulty. for if} you die. pi.q e ] . your lord. and they have not moved [f]rom the en­ trance of the gate of Gub(la). {together with] chariots.t a ] a-mi-ni tu-sa-na x f x ] : p e r h a p s not e n o u g h r o o m for atta. 2. [ . 9 3 : 4 . saying. 292. 4 1 3 . and as a result Batruna was join[ed] to him. your servant.1 4 Why did you lead me astray. and he 2 came out empty-handed. " 7. p . pp.3 1 {Loo]k. "Send your messenger here to me before the king so he may give you troops and chariots as a help to you to guard the 1 city"? 15—24 So I listened to your words. as is t h e u n p a r a l l e l e d u s e o f ana (cf. 1 5 9 . NOTES 1. An e x a c t p a r a l l e l is EA 1 0 7 : 3 7 ? . 2 9 8 . 1 2 2 : 3 9 ) . " 3./ z ( i G l ) ( h a p l o g r a p h y ) . {then I too] must die. Line 19: [ K U ] § : ma-as-ka. 294ff. . 4 with loud cries! Let an elite force. EA 8 2 : 5 0 . m[y] l[or}d: Message of Rib-Hadda.s ] a . p . K n u d t z o n ' s s u g g e s t i o n t h a t in H I S E .2 4 . note m ) . H I . 5. . a n d note t h e f o l l o w i n g lines. 4. . May Aman and the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king. 287. {So} come out. -su is t o b e a d d e d . p. Amarna Corre­ spondence. 8 3 : 2 3 . .« ' : as if f r o m sasu. 2 5 . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. . la-a ta-[aq-bu] 1 4 [ a t . and I sen[t (him)]. summa t [ i . . He has stationed the c 3 Apiru and chariots there. my lord.t ] a . Then he heard that there were no troops with him. p e r h a p s . [To} Amanappa. A t h e first H I a n t i c i p a t e s t h e s e c o n d o n e s e e m s t h e m o s t p l a u s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n (VAB 2 / 1 . Amarna Correspondence. C O P Y : BB 22. d-wa-![ir ]: SSDB. .KUR. "it has lifted ( i t s ) face t o y o u (in h o p e ) . i{a-Ii\. x is n o t E R [ I N ] (as c o p i e d in B B ) .i l .

1 2 4 ) is w r o n g . . my lord. . and so I will stay 12 al(iv)e. the servant (and) dog. . I have w[ritten] 5—12 repeatedly to y[ou. 29 (i960) p . an}d Am(mi)y[a and Sigat]a. . [Great 1 King]. s . . and [ . e-nu-ii: following A l b r i g h t in SSDB. "The war is against] Ardat. I fall [ 7 ] times and 7 times. . T h e r e a d i n g ku-ru-ub (JNES 8 [ 1 9 4 9 ] p . that he has a[ct}ed as he pleased in the lands of my lord. "one w h o s h o u t s . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. against Irqat. EA 88 Blockaded TEXT: BM 29800. A]bdi-Asrati. cf. 4 0 . qardu. give heed t[o the words 7 of] his [ser]vant. 6. cf. How long has he not moved from the gate. will c be joined to the Apiru. as far as Egypt.2 1 [Moreov]er. then Gubla will be joined to him. . 2. 2 9 4 ^ 5. and he has moved up against me. pp. 159. should my lord not have wor[d] 11 brought ro hi[s] serv{ant) by tablet." a n d s e e t h e r e m a r k s o f C i v i l . and] may the king. I sent my messenger (each time) that [he toojk my cities and moved u[p aga]inst 2 me." b u t t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e s favor s u c h a m e a n i n g h e r e . {a-sa-a}m (JNES 8 [ 1 9 4 9 ] p . the city to him and I will request a town from him to stay in. Moreover. my lord. 305ff. and [may] he hasten [with] all speed chariots and 8 9 [troops] that they may gu[ard the city of the king]. {Ri]b-Had{da s]ay{s to his lord: Be}fore the king of all countries. p . 304. Y o u n g b l o o d . C O P Y : BB 17.2 8 Moreover. 10 until] the arr[iva]l of the king. . my lord. a n d K n u d t z o n ' s qu-ru-ud (also EA 69:30) is r i g h t . what is [he. [N]ow he has taken Batruna.5 1 [Moreov]er. But iff the kjing. my Sun. . 1 7 .3 9 For my part. Or n . and so we are unable to go out 4 5 into the countryside. may the king. F o r t h e m e a n i n g . " g u a r d yourself. is noisy. I will [no]t neglect the word of [my] lord. {has done nothing]. hasten the 160 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 2. n." [but the king]. my lord. and agai[nst . the entrance of the gate of Gubla. 2 1 . then . la: following A l b r i g h t . 2 8 . my lord. with all speed. 3 [Beh]old the city! He has . loyal [ci]ties of the king. i b i d . does [not give heed] to the words of [his] serfvant]. N o t e n o u g h r o o m for ujur ramdnka. look. a[t the feet of my lord]. he strives to seize 6 Gubla! And [ . p . my lord. [and yet] the king. . 4. and all the lands of the king. [my] lor[d}. Amarna Correspondence. has done nothing for [his] servant? 1 3 . JNES 4 3 (1984) p p . 3. cf. 1 2 5 ) is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y w r o n g . More­ c over. . .

"we w i l l d i s t a n c e o u r s e l v e s f r o m t h e c i t y for h i m " (requ?)? 13. b u t n o t e (1) t h e l i g a t u r e o f t h e a l l e g e d as-sad. p. 2. The c o n s t r u c t i o n . 1 9 9 0 ) . x. following Y o u n g b l o o d . 3. 9. i D ? ta^-si-it. ) . the messenger of the king of Akka is honored more than [my] messeng[er]. Gubla is a loyal city of the king. . 8. May he not come out [empty-handed]. OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p p . [my] lo[rd]. a n d 3 3 7 . (2) t h a t t h e p o s t u l a t e d su is i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h e l a s t s i g n o f EA 8 7 : 2 8 ( K n u d t z o n . l i n e 2 0 .? / ' la yi-na-mu-us (Or n . [May he furn]ish him (my messenger) . 8 5 . L i n e s 3 4 . A L U G A L G A L ] : cf. 2 2 .H a d d a a n d fellow c i t i z e n s . s . p e r h a p s first p l u r a l ( i . NOTES 1. Gubla is not like the [other] cities. 8 4 : 3 2 . 4 1 5 . K A M . A in l i n e n . n. see A g u s t i n u s G i a n t o . p . M E S (RA 69 { 1 9 7 5 ] p p .A s i r t a a n d u na-ri-x at t h e e n d o f l i n e 3 6 m u s t b e a n e x p r e s s i o n for s u r r e n ­ d e r i n g B y b l o s . 1 2 3 : 3 5 . EA 1 0 2 : 2 9 ) . 3 1 2 . . 4 1 5 . L i n e 1 4 : [il-q]e. n. e s p e c i a l l y c o m p a r a b l e t o EA 8 3 : 4 7 ^ . Amarna Correspondence. T h e r e can h a r d l y b e a n y d o u b t t h a t " A b d i . 50. n o n . w i t h o u t pitdti. see P i n t o r e . 2) 2 1 a-sa-am a-na E D I N . from most ancient times. 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . x = iG or su.u t : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . "we a r e n o t a b l e " ) . 420. "look. Still. 5. 10. p. " a n d . 6. 1 5 6 6 ) . 2 6 0 . See n. 1221?)? 4. m y l o r d " and w h a t is e x p e c t e d o f h i m (lines 2 3 f f . io6ff. w h i c h sets u p a c o n t r a s t w i t h "the k i n g . G A L . and see Y o u n g b l o o d .3 9 s e e m to b e a t h r e a t . 3 1 7 .MES]. n o t e b ) . / » ? ) . p o s s i b l y K A B ( K n u d t z o n ) .S [ U ] : a r e a d i n g t h a t K n u d t z o n r e j e c t e d (VAB 2/1. L U G A L K U R . \a\-mur U R U U D ( v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n ) §1 x p i ( R a i n e y ) K A . 161 . 3 ) .2 1 : see R a i n e y . l i n e 1 6 . H I . Look. 17. H I . [ K I .m u . [ » l u ] . b e h o l d " (see EA 3 5 . 3 1 0 . cf.) 11. 8 3 : 2 7 . p . my lord. 4 2 5 . a-na 1 ( R ) . Knudtzon's restoration assumes a f o r m o f g r e e t i n g f o u n d in n o B y b l o s letter. as in line 4 1 . u bal-(td)-ti: cf. The f o l l o w i n g s e q u e n c e o f o b j e c t . 7. Word Order Variation in the Akkadian of Byblos. a c o m m o n a c t i o n o f R i b . 9. ti-[su-ru] ( a l s o line 4 1 ) : a s r e q u i r e d b y t h e r u l e s of m o d a l s e q u e n c e . na-re-eq. 12. [MRIN. " lines 1 0 .A s i r t a w i s h e s to c a p t u r e B y ­ b l o s . e . K U R . . a n d h e n c e fumma. hu-mi-[dm. "the c i t y has kept away from the entrance o f the c i t y - g a t e " (setu. p. u. K l . archers are never r e q u e s t e d for p u r p o s e s o f d e f e n s e . L i n e s 1 3 . D e p a r t i n g from normal word order and fronting the object B y b l o s . 14 with 2 horses. see a l s o R a i n e y . M E S . a l s o l i n e 4 0 . F u r t h e r m o r e . O n t h e u s e olandku.B y b l o s o c c u r r e n c e s in EA 6 2 . a n d (3) sense. AHw. b u t p e r h a p s -{dm r a t h e r t h a n -ut (cf. EA 8 2 : 4 5 . ma-ni U D . izzib: i n j u n c t i v e ? zero = p r e t e r i t e ? ( S e e I n t r o d u c t i o n . however. f[or they fur]nished [h]im with a horse. UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p .H a d d a ' s fidelity t o t h e w o r d of his m a s t e r . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . EA 88 13 troops (and) chariots that they may guard the city of the king. R i b - H a d d a s t r e s s e s t h a t now his very o w n c i t y is u n d e r a t t a c k . so t h a t "him" m u s t refer to c A b d i .h a . n.v e r b e m p h a s i z e s R i b . cf. S t u d i a Pohl 1 5 ( R o m e . t h a t is a s s u m e d h e r e — a n u n m a r k e d p r o t a s i s o f a c o n d i ­ t i o n a l s e n t e n c e — i s w i t h o u t c e r t a i n p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p .

. Even now the king makes no inquiry about his mayor. Grefat] King: [May the Lady} of Gubla [grant power t}o the king. that he may stay [in the l}and and {be concerned} 2 for the mayors.. n. my lord.. and they go utterly un[hee}ded. {then} . ] He wrote again and again to the king. . My sis(te)r's daughters I had sent to c Ty[re}. 7 . EA 5 87:17. I know it! 39—47 But if you make inquiry about my brother. about him! We are unable to do anything. 1 0 7 . EA 89 Events in Tyre T E X T : VAT 1627. VS 11. 7 times and 7} times. they were on good terms 1 with me. "This man is not the mayor! Inquire." They are afraid.6 7 May {no} property be handed [over to] them. we will devote ourselves to your service. Will the king not make inquiry about the mayor of Tyre? For his property is as great as the sea. Exceedingly [gr]eat is the wealth [i}n it. } .H a d d a ' s m e s s e n g e r was deprived of two horses. 5 1 [ u r i . 5 8 .]. [m}y Su[n. Amarna Correspondence. . O king.. On this account I am afraid. K i i h n e . [but h}is words went unheeded. C O P I E S : WA 49. [Rib]-Hadda say[s to his lord. . Look at the deed in Tyre. But] if the king does {not} make inquiry about [my] brother. May the king h(eed) my words." I made connubium with Tyre. . Their words are not true. 1 5 .t ] a : cf. then the city will say. 3 G{ive thought to the com]missioner of the king. (But now) they have.. p . . then all lands {will be joined to the king.q u . 43. H e is t{aking fr}om the king {all} the lands {of the king}. away from Abdi-A[sirta. offers a different i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : R i b . I assure you. . I know it! 4 8 . May the king heed [the word]s of (his) servant. It is like the residence in Ugarit.2 9 "If the king makes inquiry. my brother. 3 0 . l64f. 322ff. and so they are at 162 . May he send [ .5 7 Look. . And so he died. my words are not [taken to he}art. there is no mayor's residence like that of the residence in Tyre. 50 [x x] x .1 4 [Though} I keep writing like this {to thepald\ce. [my} lord. killed their mayor. I know (it)! Does the king like it {that c Abdi-A]sirta has taken the sea {in} front of them. .THE AMARNA LETTERS 14. [ . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: JCS 4 (1950) pp. 49 [ia-d]i-na . . pp. . 5 2 5 . k]ing of all countries. Youngblood. to­ gether with my sister and her sons. . They killed] him al{ong with my sister . I fall [at the fee]t of my lord..3 9 [//] the king {makes inquiry about my brother].

k[a-li].H a d d a s e e m s t o say t h a t A b d i . . pp. What can I do by myself? You yourself have been c [negligent of your cities so that the Apiru [dog] takes them. "Send men to ta[ke the ci]ty for you.1 9 [But] you did not listen to m[e. I was in Sigata and I c wr[ote] to [y]ou." Moreover. the word order. 61 [is-tu] . A f t e r t h e a s s e v e r a t i v e p a r t i c l e allu. . Be in­ 1 formed [that] the war aga[inst me] is severe. Li[k]e [a bird] in a tr[ap]. 67 ar- c na-{su)-nu.' It is to 6 7 you that I have tu[rn]ed. 4 8 . [S]ay [t]o the king. 3 6 . s[o am I] in [Gub]la. and if you do not 163 . that [do]g* is [i]n Mittana. all the [mayors] are at peace with c Abdi-A[sirta}. 60 /'-[le-qu]. 6 6 [y\xly'\-x)a-\\\-ih-su-nu. . . t h u s r e n d e r i n g the r e b e l s s e c u r e . . "Give thought to [your] city lest Abdi-Asirta take it. ] . c 3. C O P I E S : WA 53. [Gubla] alone rem[ains] 8 . stresses the object and underscores the enormity of the crime. the furnishings] of the houses are gone. Now they have [ta]k[en] my cities. I fall at the feet of my lord. Probably Abdi-Asirta. 337ff. Then fr]om Batruna I 2 wr[ote to yo]u. . 44.5 6 [And] yo[ur] me[ss]engers send . see JCS 4 (1950) p p . .A 5 i r t a c o n t r o l s t h e sea a r o u n d t h e i s l a n d t o w n o f T y r e . EA 90 peace? May the king [ter]rify them! Do I not continue to write of {the)ir crime to the king? NOTES 1. L i n e s 5 8 . 1 9 . 1631?. . EA 90 Alone and unheeded T E X T : VAT 1661. a-ia-ab s"[a].1 2 to me. . my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. . [your} se[rvant]." [My] words went 3 [u]nheeded. VS 11. "For lack of a cultivator my fie[ld] is [l]ike a woman without a [hus]band. [and] they were [no]t taken to heart. . but his eye is on [Gu]bla.3 5 . 65 [i-na]. since they have been so[ld in the land] of Yarimuta (([fo]r)) for provisions to keep [u]s alive. [He has taken] all my cities.2 8 Moreover. 2. and send [x m]en and 30 pairs of [h]ors[es] that [I] may g[ua]rd the city for 8 yo[u]. .6 7 follow Knudtzon's restorations with one exception and these a d d i t i o n s : 5 9 [qa-tQ-su-nu ( t h e r e b e l s in Tyre). o b j e c t . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 2 9 . 6 4 . 7 times and 7 times]. Amarna Correspondence. [my] Su[n. [ . . For a d i s c u s s i o n a n d c o m ­ m e n t a r y o n t h e e n t i t e letter.v e r b ." 1 3 . R i b . Moreover. [our daughters.4 7 [Ou]r [sons]. .

54 .eP-qe K U R [ a . 121:48. 45. T 10. G A Z . EA 9 i : i 9 f f . hence [yi-il]-ti-qu-su-nu. ti-[il-qu] or ti-\tl-ti-qu\. M E S p i . " on t h e b a s i s o f EA 1 0 2 : 2 3 . " a n d ' ' a . EA 1 1 4 : 1 4 .m u r . 3 4 6 . 7. 11.t ] a .THE AMARNA LETTERS send a garrison.l i a .q ] a . 94:11. p. and] it is [to you] that I have tur[ned]. VAB 2/2.. a n d a l s o .r u ] : r e a d i n g s d u b i o u s a n d c o n t e x t unclear.n a a . 4. according to the rule of m o d a l sequence. EA 91:39-41. 9 0 : 2 6 ? . 1 9 ) . L U . with Knudtzon (yi-il-ti-qu.n a .n u k a . Cf. 2. 1591. a n d it a l s o s u g g e s t s the r e s t o r a t i o n 26 [UR. Send ar[chers that they may ta]ke the land of [Amurru]. b u t s i n g u l a r ./ » # / . 164 .[ t i ] : cf. however. . n o t p l u r a l ( K n u d t z o n . "lord(s) o f t h e c i t i e s . g a b . P e r h a p s sal-mu (AHw.s i E R I N .s a . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. followed by E b e l i n g . 12. p . a n e x a c t p a r a l l e l to EA 9o:6ff. 9 1 : 1 6 . . 8. [And] al[l] messen­ 9 g e r s that] were b[ou]nd have been relelased]. O n ussiru in line 4 5 as p l u r a l o f " m a j e s t y . 123:42. . T h e r e a d i n g yi-i[s~]-mi at t h e e n d o f line 4 4 ( Y o u n g b l o o d . e s p . also EA 1 0 9 : 1 7 . UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p. s t a t i s t i c a l l y . Day and night [everyone awaits the coming forth of the ar]ch[ers]I have 12 been plundered of [my grain.KU]. I f p l u r a l . pp. I am afrai[d] for my life. not sal-mu. see Y o u n g b l o o d . "when t h e A p i r u t o o k . " In EA 9 1 : 5 . P. . 1 0 1 4 ) . 107:30. e s p . EA 8 5 : 9 ? . M E S U R .t e .[ s a / s i . Amarna Correspondence. p .r ' a in line 4 7 ( c o l l a t e d ) .. P r o b a b l y r o o m o n l y for u. [il-qe']: cf. it w o u l d s e e m . 3. [then] . K ] U : cf. c 5. p . 3 4 6 . followed by Rainey. 2 7 [pa-ni-i]a: see VAB 2/2. . . r n 9. kalbu silt (EA 84:35). 35 Iff. . EA 91:38. 4 1 4 ) seems excluded. C O P I E S : WA 56. t h e n [ti-il~]-ti-qu-su-nu. Amarna Corre­ spondence. I c o u l d n o t see t r a c e s c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o K n u d t - zon's [ l a . less p r o b a b l e t h a n s o m e reference t o t h e m a y o r s (cf. h e n c e [ba-za-nu]. 8 6 : 3 5 ? . K U is s i n g u l a r . t h o u g h t h e s i g n is n o t clearly as as in t h e c o p y o f VS 1 1 .1 4 5 3 ) - 6. 6 2 [u]r-ra mu-sa p [ a . less likely in a c o n t e x t s p e a k i n g o f m a n y c i t i e s . NOTES 1.[ b u sa] 55 h [ a ] r . EA 91 A plea for a payoff T E X T : VAT 931. 1 2 6 : 1 1 ) . T h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f bel alani. [ U R . 45. is. VS 11. 6 1 [it ti\. .r i ] : cf. 57—62 Do not be 10 negligent.

.s ] a 4ifa-na a-sf E R I N . yi-ll-qu (line 4) a n d yi-il-qa (line 6). t h e n u m b e r s h a r d l y refer to m i n a s ( K n u d t z o n . . 4 .n u . [and] my own [me]n have become hostile.n a ia-si ii us]-si-ra ERIN. 6. [listen to me. Free r e s t o r a t i o n : 33 { s i . [Now 6 indeed] everyone aw[aits day and nigh]t [the coming forth of the arch]ers.n u x x (x)} a-na U R U gub-la 36 [ii a . are s i n g u l a r .n a ia-si ii s u m . 2 .MES p i . M E 5 pi-t\i-ti.n ] a K U R . M E 5 . ] . so he will go away [fr]om me. but my words go unheeded. am-ma-qu-ut: c o n t a m i n a t i o n b y ammassah ( l i n e 16)? T h e g r a m m a r of l i n e 14 is o b s c u r e . t h o u g h t h e s i g n s e e m s a l i t t l e l a r g e r t h a n da. H e l c k .m i a . M E 5 ti-nii-ip-su LUGAL 37 [ s i . and he strives to take it. and s]end ar[chers t]o take the land of Amurru. sab ( K n u d t z o n ) is c e r t a i n l y w r o n g . . I have been plundered of my [grain]. "W}by have you sat idly by [and] done nothing.the Apiru [t]o attack me. . p. [I wr]ote to you. c 1 so that the Apiru dog tak[es you]r cities?" 6—13 [When] he took Sumur. ] for Gubla. give [thought your]se[lf i]o your lands. 382. G A Z . EA 1 3 3 : 2 . Moreover. 5. 23—30 I have c just heard (that) he has gathered together [ajll. [May] you pay a thousand (shekels of) silver and 1 0 0 (shekels of) 4 gold. . 165 . and i]f there are no [archers] and auxiliary force. / wrote to you. "Why do you [do noth]ing?" (Then B[it]-ar#G*] was taken.? [ . . yi-"da"'-ni-en: f o l l o w i n g G r e e n b e r g . 3 1 . . 02/'-[li-ik a t ] . He has taken [al]l my cities. 384).m i a . 38). i b i d . Beziehungen. ] .) [Wh]en he saw [that] there was no one [t]hat said anything 2 [to h]im about Sumur.n a . [and it will be] joined [to the Apiru}.3 6 [Mojreover. 14—23 He has attacked me (and) my orchards. 3 . EA 91 [Rib-Hadda says to] h[is] lord: I fall [at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times.r a ii m u . NOTES 1 . M E 5 . [then there will be no c . his intentions were re[in]forced. . .t a . [ . Gubla alone remains [t]o me. my lord. 4 2 . Hablpiru.m ] a ia-nu 341ERIN. G A Z . .n a L U . U n l e s s e m p h a s i s is i n t e n d e d t h r o u g h g r o s s e x a g g e r a t i o n .& * : cf.ME5 38 [ p f . so that he 3 strives to take Gubla. a n d therefore L U .t i ] u til-la-ta 35 [ u i a .4 9 [And may] the king. 36—41 O king.m a i .a n .t i ii t]i-il-qe K U R a-mur-\r\i 39 [ a .n a ] pa-nu ka-li 4 0 [ u r . What can I [d]o by myself? I go on writing like this for archers and an auxiliary force. G r e e n b e r g . T h e forms o f t h e v e r b . . [listen to me.t [ a a . pp. M E 5 is a l s o s i n g u l a r ( K n u d t z o n .t a .

. Reference to Abdi-Asirta's occupation of cities? 2. [and so] I sent my messenger.4 0 And what could I say? Moreover. Abdi-Asrati hea[rd] that my man had arrived from the king. i . my lord. . 4. and he heard that there was noth­ ing (with him).].5 7 . it was a gracious deed of the king. Amarna Correspondence. and I sent my tablet and [m]y [messenger] to the king. [my] S[un]. . 17- r . Abdi-A[srati .m a " . ' NOTES . who is he. "Rib-Hadda will be writing to you for an 6 auxiliary force. a-na sa-al J [ u ] l . and all of [y]ou are to g o . .4 8 Moreover. 7 . it w o u l d reflect E g y p t i a n u s a g e (EA 1 : 2 6 .2 9 . r . A[n]d now an evil war has been waged against [me]. but the k[ing] paid no attention to the words of my tablet and [my] me[ssenger]. So what am [I t]o do? s e n t m 16-24 I y messenger to the king. he has [n]ow mo[ved] up$ against me. [sa]ying.. 4 1 . p. ii: s i g n e x t e n d e d b e c a u s e o f c o n t i n u a t i o n o n e d g e . my lord. 4 6 : [al-Uu-wi. If he had made inquiry . 2 5 .[ m i } . [ u ] m . .1 5 [Moreov]er. May the Lady of Gub[la] g[rant powe]r to the king.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 92 Some help from the Pharaoh T E X T : VAT 868. 370. ] . t G A ] (fab) $8elTya. Rib-Hadda says to the king. 1 2 [. ..» z i : i f t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g . VS 11. 7 times and 7 times. . [m]y [Sun]. 5.r i .» « : sulma Idlulsa'alu as in EA 9 6 : 5 6 . . . but they have [no]t come. 46. and they [have] not s[en]t 7 8 their messenger(s) to gre[et] us. the Sun of [all countries]: I fall at the feet of my lord. c 7 . Since there was no auxiliary force that [cam]e out to me. 166 . " ' Thispl[eased] me. 8. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. ii a t-[la]-ku gdb-bu-[k]u-nu. R i b . [in regard to] my c c cities that Abdi-Asrati had taken. 4 8 . « r 3. I wrote to them for help. 2 9 . . C O P I E S : WA 50. that he 9 10 [has taken] the men to[gether wi]th the oxen with th[em]? What did he give for t[h]em? As the three of us are brothers. . mi-ia^-mi: f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d .e r . EA 8 1 : 4 6 . 6. my lord. [m]y lord. 360ff. that the king [wr]ote to the king of Beirut. pp. and to 4 the king of T[y]re. that [they 12 13 4 should s]end soldiers of an expeditionary force . to the king of Sidon. 8 8 : 1 4 . VS 1 1 . my lord." May it seem right in the sight of the king. he would [no]t have taken up residence in them.[ i } a : cf. c 1. D U G . Amarna Correspondence.H a d d a a l l u d e s t o t h i s o r d e r in line 3 9 . his lord. my lord. 9 7 : 3 . . 3 7 ) .

see Y o u n g b l o o d . I] was distressed :' na-aq-sa-ap-ti (angry) [a}t your words. T h e s i n g u l a r i n j u n c t i v e is i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e "indicative" m a r k e r . Do not the [com]missioners lo[ng 4 forY> the coming out of the archers? He is stronger than the king! 1 9 . then' the c men will abandon Abdi-Asirta. 3 7 6 . 13. NOTES 1. On [ul}-ta-sa-as (CAD. . 14. N a ' a m a n .MES K A L .{ q e ] : cf. 4 2 4 ) . p . P e r h a p s t h i s is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as a q u o t a t i o n c i t i n g t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s ' fears. [To Am]anappa: [Message of R]ib-Hadda. 1 ) . L i n e s 5 2 . "I am [on my] way to y[o]u. EA 93 9.5 5 : p e r h a p s "If t h e k i n g . 3. 4.u . 47.b [ a . Things are [n]ot as they were previ­ ously. n. [I]f this year there are no archers. P e r h a p s "to visit" (dagalu. I fall [at] your [f]eet. 10. 8 3 : 4 6 . EA 8 2 : 4 3 . M [ E § ] />-?/'-s{u-nu]: adi. m y l o r d . VS 11. tf-fdi] G U D . p . [then] he will be strong forever. p. 11. 5. I w i l l a b a n d o n t h e c i t y o f m y l o r d . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. t i . pp. EA 93 An angry vassal T E X T : VAT 1663. 9 1 : 1 9 . ' . 10. Tell the king to give you 300 men so we can visit the city and regain (it) [for the king}. a l s o p o s s i b l e b u t less likely is \lu-wd\-si-r\u\ (see EA 8 4 .2 1 o f sanTta a n d u. C O P I E S : WA 55. [Look. n. 2. following a private c o m m u n i c a ­ t i o n o f N . 6. 167 . [a-mur a}-ta-sa-al: following Youngblood. B A D . 372fF. ERIN." 8-18 You are always writing [li]ke this to 2 me! Listen to me. see a l s o EA 7 4 : 5 6 a n d n. " Cf. R e a d [tu-wd]-si-r[u). 1 6 . 1 3 . " T h e s i g n g i v e s e v i d e n c e o f h e s i t a t i o n or c o r r e c t i o n . n. l i n e 1 7 a n d EA 8 8 : 1 4 . see EA 8 2 . a n d therefore t h e f o r m is p l u r a l . see K n u d t z o n ' s n o t e . d o e s n o t s e n d t r o o p s . K A S K A L + ?: see EA 109. / 7 .n a ] : ti is q u i t e p r o b a b l e . O n t h e c o n f u s i o n in lines 1 8 . 49. 12. . "to l o o k at") is u s e d t o s u g g e s t t h a t a m e r e s h o w o f p o w e r w i l l suffice t o r e g a i n B a t r u n a .2 8 Moreover. 375. if we are able to [se]ize Batrun[a] fo]r you. All. Amarna Correspondence. O n e e x p e c t s "the f o u r o f u s .

TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. my lord. EA 96? 168 . my lord. my l[ord}. That fellow is [no]t to make a raid. 119:1. c 7 Since I am the one who checked the Apiru. [Le]t him advise on the spot itself. . 1 2 . "Send archers to take Abdi-Asrata. R 2. . 1 2 Rib-Hadda [wrijtes to the king. "He would resist (successfully) the archers of the king. 116:1. 4 ) . E n d o f line 64: sa-na = Sanna. L U na-a-ru ( l i n e 6 0 . M E S G A Z : r e a d i n g v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n . my lord"? . my lord. 1 ) . " t r e a c h e r o u s p e r s o n " (cf. Cf." Who would ad­ vise. his {god]: I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. [i]s'-[t]a-par. K f : cf. .7 8 he has 6 brought them water. . He is the one who has given them provisions. s . I do not speak any treacherous word to the king. . A mi-e: p e r h a p s ame-red ( c l o t h ) s h o u l d not b e r u l e d o u t . [ L U G } A L [ K U ] R . slightly aberrant. C O P Y : WA 78. has examined the words and has heard$ the words! I said to the 4 c king. 6 5 . "kettle"? 7. .6 4 . cf. 8. K n u d t z o n ' s qu is u n d o u b t e d l y a m i s p r i n t . .qf: q u i t e clear a n d as e x p e c t e d (Or n . f o r m o f ta. 1.1 8 Why has my lord not heeded the word of his servant? My lord should know that there is no evil in the words of his servant. 4 6 . The king. te-el. n. EA 8 4 . 4 . p. Amarna Correspondence. is-mi ((iG)): p e r h a p s u n e r a s e d b e g i n n i n g of iq-bilbu. the ki[ng. . pp. but hardly an at­ c t e m p t t o r e p r o d u c e a f o r m o f sm (VAB 2/2. ] . EA 108:1. t h e p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s c i t e d in n. . 377ff. and he is the one who has given them provisions. . Treacherous men say [trea}cherous [things] t[o the king]. NOTES 1. 5. r 4. ] 5 9 . [ . .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 94 Treachery everywhere TEXT: C 4756. n. a l s o 6 3 ? ) . ] 1 9 . K U R . . cf. R e f e r e n c e t o a "singer" (ndru) d o e s not s e e m likely. see EA 1 4 . 6. May the king send his commissioner. 8 {Ear]lier the king ordered {with regard] to the asses that they be g[ive]n to (his loyal] servant [ . 123:1. his] lord. there are hostilities against me. L U . 1592). 2 9 { i 9 6 0 ] p . and so may the king give thought (to) his servant. .5 8 [ . ] archers [ . 3. n. G A Z in EA 179:22. [the kin]g of [all cou]ntries.

and he said. 3. 1 0 5 ) . 49.4 3 [Mor]eover. see EA 7 5 . "How great is this land! Your land is extensive. M E 5 ] . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. O f t h e e i g h t o t h e r o c c u r r e n c e s o f mardsulmarsu in t h e l e t t e r s f r o m B y ­ b l o s . a l w a y s o r a p p e a r in c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h E g y p t i a n s (EA 70:18?. . . 1 3 1 : 2 6 .).A s i r t a m a y s i m p l y b e u n d e r severe d i s t r e s s . . 2 . a n d several c l e a r l y refer to d i s t r e s s c a u s e d b y e n e m i e s a n d t h e p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n (EA 103:7. 98:11?. p . " in l i n e 2 5 . Trub. "that I / t h e y m a y g u a r d t h e city. your lord. [Mo]reover. p r o b a b l y U R U [ a m . " 2 7 . 114:50. S i n c e they are a l s o r e g u l a r l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p r o t e c t i o n . u S . 108:67.p f ] . c T h e r e f o r e . A b d i . a n d s t r o n g r e a s o n s a g a i n s t it. when he dies. O f t h e four o c c u r r e n c e s o f mur$u.. c ? EA 71:30?. . 132:56). [w]hat . } Abdi-Asirta is very ill A [Wb]o 5 knows. 5. w i t h t h e s i n g l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 1 3 3 : 1 6 ? . VS 11. t w o c l e a r l y refer t o p h y s i c a l i l l n e s s (EA 137:29. see EA 9 2 . 48.. S i n c e N u b i a n t r o o p s . 40? 169 . 3 2 ) . 116:54. cf.]3 (and) c get. pp. come yourself with all speed. May Aman and the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king. simply w i t h s o l d i e r s (EA 127:36. 131:nff. I fall at [your] feet. "to d i e . "he e n t e r e d .ru-bif-ka. T h e d u b i o u s ( V A B 2 / 1 . yu-wa-s[i-r}a: there is n o r e a s o n t o read -r}u (see c o p y o f V S n . n. "I will g e t you i n t o t h e l a n d o f A m u r r u " . Then return to get the archer[s] later on. 112:19?.2 6 [A]s to your wr[it]ing me.. n o t o n e clearly refers to p h y s i c a l i l l n e s s . 3 6 2 : 5 9 ) . Say [to] the magnate: [MJessage of Rib-Hadda. 2 ) . 388ff. see P i n t o r e . 1 2 . . . 2 0 0 [men] of Meluhha [ .. e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e it is not clear w h o is t h e s u b j e c t of B A . 1 5 .. 1 1 6 : 5 8 . 7 . 76:19. n. L i n e 4 4 : after S i g a t a . we s h o u l d u n d o u b t e d l y restore 3 9 [x L U . mdtu." 4. . or finally with a garrison (EA 1 1 7 : 7 8 ? ? . at t h e e n d o f l i n e 4 0 w e s h o u l d p r o b a b l y r e s t o r e s o m e t h i n g l i k e [anassar(a)i'tinassaru did]. " in t h e n e x t line. and t\ake\ everything. L i n e 2 0 : u^-sli]. 3 4 . C O P I E S : WA 70. 9 9 8 ) [y]u b e f o r e ku-us-da in line 1 7 m u s t be a n r r i n c o m p l e t e ii ([S]I + ( L U ) ) . 44—53 • • - NOTES 1.3 3 • • • The king of Mitta[ni] visited the land of Amurru itself. get [. too. Amarna Correspondence. . t w o n o t clearly at all (EA 7 5 : 1 8 . EA95 EA 95 Men from Meluhha T E X T : VAT 1668. OA n [ 1 9 7 2 ] p." May the \kiri\g 2 of Egypt [sen]d me his commissioner that he may take it for him. w h i c h is a c c u r a t e ) .

] . then look for the king's asses. To Sumu-Hadd[i ( . . indeed. l i n e 2 1 . n. C O P I E S : WA 82. 1 0 [ m a t a t s a r r i ] u '-hal-li-iq n t I R . May 1 (your personal) god show concern for you and your household. [And] at the same time I am writing [t]o the king about you. . 50. Cf. ta-la-ku-[na]: the writer seems to anticipate R i b . 6..A s i r t a or p e r h a p s "the son o f A b d i . w h i c h c c m e n t i o n s A b d i .$ { u . '•Abdi-AIirta c]aused the loss.s i .t a . VS 11. i-\ti\u-ma (text: G l S ) . lines 2off. 24ff. BASOR 168 (1962) pp. 9—11 You did 1 [n]ot cause the loss of {the king's lands. As to your saying.H a d d a ' s c l a i m i n g that t h e a s s e s a r e u n a b l e t o leave B y b l o s b e c a u s e t h e y c a n no l o n g e r w a l k .i r .ing] asses? What pes[til]ence affects asses so that they cannot 2 3 walk? But watch [o#/]! Do the asses belong to the king or not? Proper­ ties of the king are not lost. "I will not permit men from Sumur to enter my city. 3. Why do you act so towards servants of the king? 28—33 Send men [t]o guard the city.) that they are lost. " I n EA. hulluqu always 170 . . NOTE 1 m 1. If the king is the owner of the asses. . 2. # . He is to [r]eply to me by tablet about the whole af[fair]. or (cf. c Say to Rib-Hadda. and so you cannot leave Egypt.A § i r t a . VS 11.u r ] : s e e EA 87. ) : Mes]sage of Yappa[h-Hadda]. May (your per­ sonal) god show concern for you.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 96 The king's asses T E X T : VAT 1238. EA 97 A bad reputation T E X T : VAT 1598. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood.2 7 ' ^ pestilence affectfing] men or one affectf." 1 2 . NOTES 1. 12-21 . my son: Message of the general. C O P I E S : WA 183. There s a is a pestilence in Sumur. their owner seeks them out. 49. your father. [/ kn]ow that your reputation with the king is fb]ad..a .

He herewith 2 sends this tablet to you. ] . (the ruler of . saying to you: Be on your guard.1 8 Sigata and Ampi are enemies. LFM. 60*. Political Disposition. EA 98 Losses from Byblos to Ugarit T E X T : VAT 1675. see G r e e n b e r g . b u t p e r h a p s b e t t e r -(mi). He has now [st]ationed ships of Arw[ad}a' {i}n Ampi and in Sigata so grain cannot be brought into Sumur. TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. EA 99 From the Pharaoh to a vassal TEXT: C 4742 (12196). And so let the king. 171 . 7. It is good [tha]t you are inf(or)med. 1 0 . 2 1 . say to you. p . .2 6 And know that the king is hale like the Sun in the sky. VS 11.. p. 19—26 Nor are we able to enter Sumur. and prepa(re) the contributions: [2)0 first-class slaves. A n d t h e s a m e is t r u e o f haldqu w i t h a p l a c e as s u b j e c t .] . p. [S]ay [to . 15. . 44. You are to 3 guard the place of the king where you are. NOTES 1. . We should probably a l s o a l l o w for lam^ ( L U M ) . Why have you been ne­ glectful of Sumur so that all lands from Gubla«to Ugarit have become enemies in the service of Aziru? 1 0 . "This is excellent.a: so a l s o N a ' a m a n . lum-{mu)-da-ta: f o l l o w i n g AHw. EA 98 has a p l a c e as o b j e c t . silver. 2. : ' Thus the king. For his troops and 7 chariots in multitude all goes very well. in v i e w o f t h e w i d e s p r e a d u s e o f purris as s t a t i v e / p e r f e c t in EA. n. . . b u t r a t h e r ( E g y p t i a n ) loss o f p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l . C O P I E S : WA 128. C O P Y : WA 202. your lord. .2 0 Prepare your 4 daughter for the king. p.' chariots. and so what can we ourselves do? Write to the palace about this 2 [mat]ter. 120. first-class horses. 5 3 2 . {S]ay [t}o Yanhamu: Message of Yapah-Hadda." what you have given as contributions to the king to accompany your daughter. a n d " d e s t r u c t i o n " is n o t n e c e s s a r i l y p h y s i c a l . Hablpiru.. [ U R U ] ar-w[a-d~). 6 your lord. .

n a z ] i . mad (EA 1:9) a n d p e r h a p s mddu (EA 5:10). (our) lord. our lord. terribly! 172 . To our lord. 5. 7 times and 7 times.3 2 As to [silver] having been given to S{u]baru alfong with} 3 0 horses and cha[riots]. our lord. 3 "Message of the king: Guard Irqata!" The sons of the traitor to the 4 king seek our harm. RA 19 ( 1 9 2 1 ) p . he said to [u}s. 4. F o r m u l a i c s h o r t form (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . i n d e e d . 5). a n d t h i s r e a d i n g w o u l d leave t h e a d d r e s s e e w i t h o u t i n d i c a t i o n o f his p l a c e o f r e s i d e n c e . M E § . 2 1 . EA 2 3 4 : 1 1 ) . Matrimonio.u]-Bi-ha-a.. may you know the mind of Irqata. us-sur lu-u 8 na-sa-ra-ta: see I n t r o d u c t i o n . Truly we are guarding the l[and]J May the king." O n t h i s h y p o t h e s i s . May the 2 heart of the king. a n d i n d e c l i n a b l e ma-a-ad (EA 367:i6f. they wa[ged] war with us against the enemy of our lord. b o t h f r o m A l a s i a . a n d r e g u l a r l y in b o t h l o n g a n d s h o r t f o r m s ) is p r o b a b l y n o t a p r e d i c a t e .i a r 1 . 2 0 . 7. sent £>[VM. b o t h f r o m E g y p t .d a m " ' . 5. r 2.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. s e c t . our lord: Message from 1 Irqata and its el(d)ers.MES-^Z (EA 38:5) a n d ma-du A N § E . 3. 6 the man whom you pla[ced} over u s . know that we guard Irqata for him. 146. however. heed the words of his loyal servants. To the king. W h a t K n u d t z o n read as ma in l i n e i m a y n o t b e a s i g n a t a l l . May the breath of the king not depart from us. a n d t h u s : [ a .D a n g i n . 11-19 When the [ki]ng. Irqata see[ks]5 loyalty to the king. the Sun: Message from Irqata. O n t h e g i r l as b e i n g g i v e n in m a r r i a g e . N o t " s i l v e r . a n d t h e t r a n s l a t i o n o f susir a n d tamaratu.[ i ] r " ' . our lord. This tablet is a tablet from Irqata. 100. T h e t r a c e s . pi. We shall keep the city gate barred until the breath of the king reaches us. C O P Y : BB 42. 6. s e c t . When a tablet from the c king arrived (saying) to ra[id] the land that the A[piru] had taken [from} the king. ina ma-a-du ERIN. R A . w h i c h w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d in t h e letters t o v a s s a l s . cf. it is n o t c e r t a i n t h a t t h e r e w a s a n y t h i n g i n s c r i b e d o n t h i s "line. see P i n t o r e .a s . 4. We fall at the feet of the king. K U R . p .& ? (EA 3 9 : 7 ) . m r r G o r d o n c o n s i d e r e d r e a d i n g line 2 as line 1. a r e e x t r e m e l y f a i n t . Severe is the war against us—terribly. EA 100 The city of Irqata to the king TEXT: BM 29825. 3 3 . P H O T O G R A P H : BB. a l s o f r o m E g y p t ) . si-ia-tu ba-an-til: as in EA 369:21. u s-f e-bi-la-ku: f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u . n.d a ' (cf. ma-a-du ( l i n e 26.c o a t e d c h a r i o t s " ( O p p e n h e i m ) .4 4 May he grant a gift to his servant(s) so our enemies will see this 8 9 and eat dirt.

as o c c a s i o n a l l y e l s e w h e r e (EA 84:21. I f m y u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h i s p a s s a g e is at all c o r r e c t . I n o t h e r w o r d s . cf. p. 4. w h o h a d l e a r n e d o f t h e city's g i v i n g g i f t s t o M i t t a n i . L i n e 2 7 : L U G A L . t h e g i f t s were o n l y r i g h t a n d p r o p e r . uT-sa-ru-mi. cf. t h e very o n e s r e s p o n ­ s i b l e for k i l l i n g their o w n k i n g w h o m t h e P h a r a o h h a d p l a c e d over t h e m (cf. 106:47. 9. O n t h e E g y p t i a n b a c k g r o u n d . 1 4 1 : 1 5 . ifapdru elilmuhhi. T h e w r i t e r s d e f e n d t h e m s e l v e s by p o i n t i n g o u t t h a t M i t t a n i h a d c o o p e r ­ c a t e d in t h e w a r a g a i n s t "Abdi-AiSirta a n d his A p i r u f o l l o w e r s . s e c t . 7. 5 . see EA 1 0 1 : 3 0 ) . P e r h a p s . "To eat d i r t " m e a n s "to b e d e f e a t e d " (CAD. a n d a l s o t h e s a m e u s e o f t h e s y n o n y m o u s fehu in t h e l e t t e r s o f A b i . w h i c h is his m e s s a g e a n d g i v e s life t o his v a s s a l .5 5 ) . si-b(u)-ti-si: f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t . R e a d i n g s : L i n e 2 5 : ana / ^ . m u s t b e t h e i m p e r a t i v e o f nasdru. 256). " f e m . "place". ( K U R ) . EA 1 4 1 . w h e r e 111 Tde is so c o m m o n . etc. 5 ) . 1 4 0 : 1 0 ) . 2 9 7 : 1 8 .M i l k u (EA 1 4 6 .[ h a . 2 3 . " l a n d . M o r e o v e r . s i n c e t h i s l e t t e r has t h e s a m e v e r b a l s y s t e m as t h e Byblos letters. w h i c h t h e i r actions prove. 6. EA 100 NOTES 1. t h e w r i t e r s here have j u s t a s s u r e d t h e k i n g t h a t they a r e g u a r d i n g t h e city.).n ( e n o u g h r o o m in 2 6 ? ) .a t ] (sahdfu. t h e y are i n t e n t u p o n war. we s h o u l d not e x c l u d e tuba"una N U . ( b u t ) I r q a t a is i n t e n t u p o n loyalty. All. "to s e e k s o m e o n e . 4 ) .t u ] . see L o r t o n . t h e influence of the West S e m i t i c s u b s t r a t u m is p r o b a b l y t o b e seen in t h e f e m i n i n e g e n d e r a g r e e m e n t (EA 1 0 0 : 3 7 . ) . L i n e 2 9 : "our l o r d " is n o t t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g . I n s t e a d o f K [ U R ] (mdta). tu-b[a-u]. H e b r e w ru^h. however. a n d they g o on t o a s s e r t t h e i r loyalty. see e s p . O n t h e "breath" (sdru) o f t h e k i n g . r 3.. b u t t h e I r q a t a k i n g w h o h a d b e e n k i l l e d . L i n e 2 8 : K [ u ] R is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n . T h e k i n g ' s o r d e r t o g u a r d t h e c i t y w a s s t a n d a r d in l e t t e r s t o v a s s a l s ( I n t r o d u c t i o n ." T h i s yields better parallelism. The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dynasty XVIII (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . t h o u g h an a n o m a l o u s f o r m . Lines 2 6 6 : LU. 1 3 9 : 1 5 . sitkunu elilmuhhi. " b r e a t h . F o r bu"u. EA 1 2 5 : 3 8 . t h e n t h e a t t a c k on A m u r r u m a y have c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e c a p t u r e o f "Abdi- A s i r t a ( c f . H7:24ff. n. 8. 1 3 6 ( 6 T h o u g h t h e c o n c e p t i o n as it a p p e a r s in EA is u n d o u b t e d l y o f E g y p t i a n o r i g i n . EA 7 5 : 2 6 6 . A t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f a letter. 144:18. m e a n s o n l y "to w r i t e a b o u t " . EA io8:28ff. the f r e q u e n t e x p r e s s i o n alar larri la ittTka nasdru. ti-el-ta-\kdn-(lu)"\ (in EA. " p e r h a p s K [ I ] (alru). JNES 5 (1946) p.MES GfAZ i s . p p . 173 . I u n d e r s t a n d t h i s very difficult p a s s a g e as follows: t h e loyalty o f I r q a t a h a d b e e n q u e s t i o n e d b y t h e k i n g . " in t h e s e n s e o f s e e k i n g his h a r m . 137:30?. " fairly c o m m o n in EA). s a i d o f royal appointments. "in t h e k i n g ' s r e g a r d . Tde p r o b a b l y h a s t h e force o f a p r e c a t i v e . which K n u d t z o n restores h e r e . "to r a i d . 2. cf. 1 4 3 — 4 5 .).

3) is q u i t e w r o n g . S e e n. l i k e EA 1 1 3 . 3 3 . F o r a n o t h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e lines ("if/when t h e s h i p s o f t h e a r m y d o n o t enter . 245. " N o t ( b e c a u s e o f ) H a y a " ( N a ' a m a n . 1 1 . N a ' a m a n . ] . . 3. yf. If. m 9. . [U]RU sur-rz: f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n . see A l t m a n . 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . . If we [do] not {give] (it) to the land of 7 Amurru.t a b l e t letter. p . 6 3 * .a d . 4. . n. U N : see RA 69 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 4. as t h e s p a c e is m u c h t o o s m a l l . T h i s is t h e s e c o n d o f a t w o . mtnu.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 101 c The death of Abdi-Asirta TEXT: BM 29827. 9 4 . i b i d . . " ) a n d i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s .. 3 3 ) . Political Disposition. 8. they are now with you. p . p . . see Eretz Israel 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . NOTES 1 . n o t e s c a n d e) is e x a c t . let him give it to you. for they have c killed Abdi-Asirta. P e r h a p s H a y a is here a b s o l v e d o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . cf. however. Be informed of the affairs of your loyal servant." as in EA 1 2 6 : 1 4 . 1 2 3 Moreover. T h e r e a d i n g lK-a-(si)-ir-{t\a (Or n . 2 5 1 . n. . . 1 9 . r 6.3 1 to whom do these cities belong? Is it not to the king? Put a man in each city and let him not allow a ship c 8 from the land of Amurru (to enter). 5." 2 5 . "why. p p . whose ships have attacked me? Is it not the men of Arwada? Indeed. [ n a .n u ] m'-nu: for t h e f o r m . 6 9 ? It is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y a d d r e s s e d t o t h e k i n g . the ships of the army are not to enter the land of Amurru.4 since they had no wool and he had no garments of lapis lazuli or MAR-stone color : bu-bu-mar(?) to give as tribute? to the land of Mittana. not they! 3 2 .H a d d a . .3 8 Let the king tell the 3 cities and the ships of the army not to go to the land of 9 Amurru. 2 . s . a n d very p r o b a b l y b y R i b . 1. n. 6 though Haya [s]ays. " [ . UF 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p p . 1 5 8 . G U . 4 5 4 ? . a n d o f 174 . T h e l a s t s i g n c o u l d n o t p o s s i b l y b e {t\a. independently. Political Disposition. 10.2 5 Moreover. and W i l h e l m . ZA 6 3 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . why is there war {against] the king? Is it not Haya? {No]w. / / a servant seize a bo{a]t. t h e n they w i l l k i l l . s o t h a t t h i s s h o u l d b e r e a d . A l t m a n . Seize the ships of the men of Arwada that are with you in Egypt. for they have killed Abdi-Asirta. then {the men] of Tyre and the men of Sidon and the men of Beirut will furnish (it). . C O P Y : BB 44. a n d K n u d t z o n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n (VAB 2 / 1 . I u n d e r s t a n d t h e t h r u s t o f lines i8ff. 1 3 8 : 1 3 8 . so also. n. 8. UF 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p . It was the king that placed him over them. 6 3 * . 1 1 . a n d therefore I a s s u m e t h a t he is a l s o c r i t i c i z e d h e r e . 7. H a y a is c r i t i c i z e d for t h e a d v i c e he g i v e s t h e k i n g .1 8 Moreover. 1 8 . na-ad-na (EA 89:16).

20—28 Now Ampi is at war with me. Perhaps addressed to [ i a . I am afraid. the goddess of the king. .3 8 Moreover. Letter of King Anum-hirbi of Mama to King Warshama of Kanish ( A n k a r a .n i . 5. T h e p r o p e r t y o w n e r s ( a l s o EA 1 3 8 : 4 9 ) . A n y A m u r r u s h i p i n t e r c e p t e d is t o b e t u r n e d over t o t h e k i n g . [ .) l R (for t h e d e t e r m i n a t i v e w i t h c o m m o n n o u n s . Know that they are traitors. Moreover. and you must not inquire about me from my enemies. . see B o h l . your 6 [lord. a-na-yi. 27). 20). Now. . no. n. n. "I a m d e s o l a t e in an e m p t y [ h o u s e ] " ( T a a n a c h L e t t e r . EA 102 c o u r s e we m a y not a s s u m e a w r i t i n g o f t h e n a m e w i t h o n e s i g n o m i t t e d a n d an u n p a r a l l e l e d [t]ay Very tentatively. . In t h i s a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g lines ti-di s e e m s b e s t t a k e n as an i n j u n c t i v e . i69ff. an e m p t y r u i n " ( A . "Go.1 9 Moreover. your lord. May the Lady of Gubla. see JCS 4 m [ 1 9 5 0 ] p p . Moreover. establish your honor in the presence of the king. note a). see R a i n e y .. Sprache. c i t e d by AEM 1 / 1 . "I have e n t e r e d an e m p t y h o u s e .a n . T h e a n a l y s i s of talapparta a n d t h e even m o r e difficult ti-ih-ta-ti (line 13) r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n . G l o c k . t r a n s . [and send] archers [to capture the city of the king]. EA 316:166°. EA 102 An empty house TEXT: BM 29806. . B a l k a n . and accord­ ingly I am unable to go. 3. Know t(hat) the magnate and the 5 c lords of the city are at peace with the sons of Abdi-Asirta. "you left m e in a n e m p t y h o u s e " ( O l d A s s y r i a n . 8 1 8 . 2 5 7 L T h e s a m e letter is referred to in lines 146°. } . because of the situation. UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . and go in there. [S]ay [to . 5 EA 2 4 5 : 2 8 . 2 8 . stay in Sumur until I arrive. / am utterly ruined. no. it is from there that you must write [me]. o f A l b e r t E . 8 . NOTES m 1. the Sun of all coun­ tries. C O P Y : BB 23. H e b r e w '"niyyd).m [ i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) . 2. 9f. ] : ' Message of Rib-Hadda. Hasten your arrival with all speed. my lord. I fall at your feet. Know that all are traitors. p p . Why did you write? Now you are going to come 3 into an empty house. p . listen to me. 4. 234. K . you have 2 delayed coming out.[ t ] a (cf. 2:6. [As soon as you eri]ter~i the city." know that the war against me is very severe and I have been unable to go. . do not [del]ay your arrival. Cf. t h e s i m i l a r u s e o f ba^al in 175 . Do not be afraid.h a ] . 60. u sabdt (for t h e use o f t h e i n f i n i t i v e . A n " e m p t y h o u s e " s e e m s to have been a p o p u l a r i m a g e o f d e s t i t u t i o n a n d d e s o l a t i o n : cf. Go] in. 16. 1 9 5 7 ) . though informed. Everything is gone.) ^ . Berytus 31 [ 1 9 8 3 ] p . 4 as to your writing me. you know that.

my Sun.5 7 and few people are still in the city. p . " Ugar. 1 2 0 1 . heed the words of his loyal servant. " a n d therefore EA 1 0 3 w o u l d have b e e n w r i t t e n f r o m t h e r e . expel the traitors from his land. 3. and give me 20 pairs of horses. VS 11. P r o b a b l y ma-ar-sa-(at): f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . 2 0 . I have now been in $umur because the magnate is in difficulty due to the war. heed the [wjords of his loyal servant. P e r h a p s "I a m n o w in $ u m u r . my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord. As the entire garrison has fled from Sumur. 1 §umur and Irqata remain to the magnate. UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 2 5 6 . [S]end an 1 auxiliary force with all speed to §umur in order to guard [ijt [un]til the arrival of the archers of the king. May the king. 40—49 may it seem right in the s[igh}t of the lord. the Sun of all countries. [xx ir]-ba-ta: t h e w o r d order.1 9 May the king. T h e s i e g e o f S u m u r . 3 0 . the Sun. we will take all the lands for the king. EA 103 Critical days for Sumur T E X T : VAT 1208. Moreover. h a d a p p a r e n t l y n o t yet b e g u n . 5 0 . 7 times and 7 times. If you do not ((not)) se(n)d archers. 1. w i t h t h e a d v e r b i a l p h r a s e f r o n t e d . IEJ 16 (1966) p p . I left Gubla. my lord. They have occupied the land of Amurru. But if arch[ers] are on hand. heed the words of his loyal servant. 5. and send an auxiliary force with all speed to Sumur in order to guard it. VAB 2 / 2 . Free restoration. n. . [T}o the king. 52. see EA 1 1 4 . 2 5 2 6 6. Sen(d) a garrison to Sumur and to [I]rqata. ia-[nu]. "were n o t w i t h m e . but 2 Zimredda and Yapah-Hadda were no[t wi]th me. The war of the sons of "Abdi-ASirta against me is severe. p .THE AMARNA LETTERS c H e b r e w a n d U g a r i t i c (b lbib.3 9 May the king. NOTES 1. and the entire country is theirs. 2 . your servant. My situation is very difficult. 7. the Sun.2 9 So the [mag]nate keeps writing [t]o them. then there will not be a city remaining to you. C O P Y : WA 77. Whatever is left of the garrison is in 3 difficulty. w h i c h b e g i n s t o b e m e n t i o n e d in EA 1 0 4 . "the lords o f H a l b a . 7. 1 4 3 ) . my Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda. s t r e s s e s where the letter should be written. see R e v i v . 176 . e . " i . d i d n o t a s s i s t ? Cf. but they pay n{o} attention to him. my lord. n. 5 . my lord. may the king.

See a l s o Izre'el. 38. C O P Y : WA 60. U R U er^-wa-da. p . 4. samd-ma. 1 0 t i m e s first p e r s o n . 1 4 0 2 . p . V A B 2 / 2 . Hablpiru. are at war with me. so a l s o izzizd ( l i n e 4 9 ) . What am I to do? I cannot go personally to Sumur. dlu b e i n g r e g u l a r l y c o n s t r u e d as f e m i n i n e in C a n a a n i t e E A . Hablpiru. my lord. Wahliya. Who are the sons of "Abdi-Asirta. 1 8 6 ) . 177 . They have taken Ullassa. 2. my Sun 7 times and 7 times. All the cities are theirs. AoF 1 { 1 9 7 4 ] p . 1 5 7 . they would t[ak]e cities of your mayors. "what w i l l t h e a u x i l i a r y forces d o ? " ( K n u d t z o n . i-pu-Iu-na. the servant and dog? Are they the king of Kassu or the king of Mittani that they take the land of the king for themselves? Previously. 2 7 . 796°. b u t c e r t a i n l y A r w a d a is the c i t y in q u e s t i o n . Should they ((they)) hear? that I was entering Sumur. 3.3 9 Now they have driv[en] out your commissioner and have taken his cities for themselves. 4 9 . If in these circumstances you do nothing. there would be these cit­ c 4 ies with ships. G r e e n b e r g . t h i r d p l u r a l f e m i n i n e . my lord. see b e l o w ) . a g r e e m e n t w i t h "cities" u n d e r s t o o d . EA 104 EA 104 Ullassa taken TEXT: C 4751 (not collated). p . see RA 6 9 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . Say to the king. never t h i r d ( o n EA 1 1 9 : 1 8 . know that Pu-Bahla. A g a i n s t t h e l a t t e r v i e w a r e several c o n s i d e r a t i o n s : (1) t h e a s s u m e d p o s i t i o n o f t h e i n t e r r o g a t i v e p r o n o u n ( u n p a r a l l e l e d in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s ) . 1 6 4 . and the sons of Abdi-Asirta in the countryside.2 6 So may the king send an auxiliary force to Sumur until the king gives thought to his land. "they w i l l kill" (so a l s o E b e l i n g . then they are certainly going to take 1 Sumur and kill the commissioner and the auxiliary force in Sumur. Theirs are Ardata. Ampi. 3 8 ) t h a n t h e s u b j e c t o f i-pu- su-na. Sigata. 6—13 May c the king. and I would be unable to get out. G r e e n b e r g . and an 5 agreement has been made with the "Apiru. your servant. (2) a t t e s t e d u s a g e . 40-48 the cities 2 of Ampi. and you did noth­ ing. or p e r h a p s s i m p l y a m i s t a k e . "what s h a l l I d o ? . p. " is a s t o c k p h r a s e o f t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . They have gone to Ibirta. the son of Abdi-Asirta.5 4 They would attack (me). n. I fall at the feet of my lord. my Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda. ( 3 ) mtna Tpulunalippusuna. Sigata. UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p p . f o l l o w e d b y L i v e r a n i . and Gubla would be joined [t]o the "Apiru. T h e p h r a s e is m o r e p r o b a b l y t h e o b j e c t o f tidukuna. SeeSSDB. has occupied Ullassa. 1 4 . p e r h a p s ennepld(line 5 2 ) . E R I N . alkd (line 5 2 ) . Ullassa. M E S Bl-la-ti: either B I = ? i / or p r o b a b l y s i m p l y a m i s t a k e for til x ( B E ) . Erwada. NOTES 1.

Great King. and their ships. I wro[te repeatedly^ [ .? May [an]y property of mine in his possession be taken for the king.. and out they came! Consider the case of the people of Arwada. pu-u = C a n a a n i t e po. VS 11.. c Everything belonging to Abdi-Asirta they gave to the [so]ns. S o CAD. Sprache.. B o t t e r o . . Look. He has wa[ged war agai]nst me. . Yapah-Hadda does not let my ships [in]to Yarimuta. that w]e may put the case be[fore them]. The Egyp­ tians that got out of Ullassa are now with me. the people of Arwada by sea. . they are^ not afraid. 6—13 Moreover. en-ni-ip-sa-(at). my lord. 5. he has accordingly waged war against me. my Sun. t h o u g h p e r h a p s y i e l d i n g b e t t e r s e n s e . ] . by an agreement. ] .] 178 . but he [r\aide[d . the sons of Abdi- Asirta by land. I fall at the feet of my lord. } and too[k . p . Rib-Hadda says to [his} lord. 3 3 . . Hablpiru. and they strive to take Sumur. . [but ships] of the people of Arwada were (there) to intercept th[em]. They have taken the army ships together with everything belonging to them. . 53. . E . to him. and liVMV-Bi-ha-a and before Yanhamu. and I am unable to go to the aid of Sumur. S e e RA 69 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p .. . all the c proper(ty) of Abdi-Asirta in their possession was not taken away. 1 4 . for they are the ones that know what 1 is my due concerning [ . are agai[nst it] day and night.8 8 [May he s]end [ . Now they have taken Ullassa. ] . 4 4 6 . a[nd s]o he is against m[e\.THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. p . may the king give thought to Sumur. . p. in "and (t)here ( t o o ) ( t h e c i t y ) has g o n e over c t o t h e A p i r u " ( G r e e n b e r g . and I cannot send them to Sumur because of the ships of Arwada. 2 1 .. left Egypt. he says. C O P I E S : WA 51. and so now they are strong. king of all countries. Habiru.2 1 1 se(n)t 3 s[hi]ps to Yanhamu. Because my property in his possession is considerable.4 5 Let us put the case before Aman-. 2 1 6 . so is Sumur. cf. When I heard 2 of the ca[ptu}re of Ullassa." [. "here. Look at Sumur! c Like a bird in a trap : ki-lu-bi (cage). 7 times and 7 times. Less likely from the viewpoint o f attested u s a g e . When the archers came out. . 71). and let the faithful servant live for the king.7 8 . but there is no [gr]ain for them to eat. . in t h i s p l a c e " ( B o h l . Yapah-Hadda is at war with me because of [my] property in his possession. 7 9 . .3 3 Accordingly. 1 5 7 . 3 8 . 9 2 ) . "Rib-[Hadda to\ok [i]t. . the King of Batt[le}: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. EA 105 Sumur under siege T E X T : VAT 1628. p .

5 I myself can[not get out]. i. the w e d g e s are very c o m p r e s s e d . I keep writing to my lord. 1 3 . and it is severe against me. I myself am now in distress. 3 8 . my lord. C O P I E S : WA 43. " 4. and all its people f[led]. and may he send Yanhamu as its commis­ 9 sioner. 3. I am not like Yapah-Hadda. . and his loyal servant. Great King]. Sumur is now raided up to its city gate. there has been war against me for 5 years. EA 7 4 : 4 9 . Yanhamu the parasol-bearer of the king. the kin]g. 7 5 : 1 7 . may it seem rig(h)t to my lord. I have heard it reported that he is a wise man and (that) everyone loves him. "Why does Rib-Hadda keep sending a tablet to his lord?" 8 Because of the evil that was do[ne] before. I was in [Sumur]. and now its commissioner is dead. 8—13 Now as for Sumur. " if w i t h K n u d t z o n o n e reads as-[t}a-pa-[ru]. in t h e last s i g n . 30—40 How can the king say. May my lord [s]end [a commissioner and troop]s with him with al[l 6 speed that he may g]uard it. EA 106 NOTES 1. 4 Look. my lord. 1 Rib-Hadda says t[o his lord. They have been able to raid it. 4 1 . 1 3 2 : 1 2 ) . 2 3 . 7 times and 7 times. in my case. J79 .2 2 Moreover. VS 11. There is war against Sumur. and I am not like Zimredda. 52.4 9 Moreover. e n d : [. o t h e r w i s e . may it seem right in the sight of [my] lor[d]. the war against it is severe. 8 1 ) . my lord. but they have not been able to capture it. lines 3 2 . Accord­ ingly. .2 9 Indeed. 5. the king of all countries: I fall at the feet {of my lord. the Sun of all countries. mi\-im-mt-ia (cf. as- [t]a-pa-[ar] (cf. and especially so noth­ ing like this will be done to me now! Moreover. and I am a footstool for the feet of the king. and may he send 2 0 pairs of first-class horses to his servant—there are many men on my side—so that I can march against the enemies of the king. §[a-ba]t. Look. EA 106 Sumur holding out T E X T : VAT 344. L i n e 7 6 . a n d s i m p l y "I w r o t e . ina [pa-ni-su-nu]. 2. n. "Why does Rib-Hadda keep sending a tablet this way 2 to the palace?" He is more distraught^ than his brothers about §umur. All brothers have des[erted] me. See EA 1 1 8 . {Let him] move 1 in between the two of them th[at are against it]. " R e p e a t e d l y . Gubla is [from] ancient times the loyal city of my lord.

P. a n i n j u n c t i v e is r e q u i r e d . t h a t s u r r o u n d § u m u r (EA 104:461?. T h i s s e e m s t o b e a q u o t a t i o n f r o m a letter o f t h e k i n g . 1 ) . [li-ifl-sur-Ii: a s in EA 8 4 : 2 8 (on t h e s c r i b e o f EA 8 4 a n d 1 0 6 . UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p p . VAB 2 / 2 . Rib-Hadda says to (his) lord. " c a m p . . A O A T . s e a a n d l a n d . K o t t s i e p e r . p . bi-ri-su-ni s[a U G U .u / n a ] : t h e f o r m is u n a t t e s t e d . ERIN. King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. M E S k]a-ra-s[u (EA 1 3 4 : 3 9 ) . ma-an-ga: f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u . L U G A L . GiR. as my lord is witness. my lord. B A D .THE AMARNA LETTERS Moreover. 5. I n a n y c a s e . e x p e d i t i o n a r y force". K A L . a n d he is followed b y AHw. p . they have not returned. 3. cf. n. L i n e 2 : . 1 9 * . sect.r i : t h e a p p a r e n t N U N . 3 . Beziehungen. 1 1 1 0 . cf.). is a c a r e ­ l e s s l y f o r m e d ri. 105:116°. K U R . g i v e n t h e l i k e l y m e a n ­ ing.. Being a loyal servant of the king. t h o u g h [(u) yi-nd]-sar-n is p o s s i b l e . JNES 5 ( 1 9 4 6 ) p . see 8 4 . p . see a l s o N a ' a m a n . p . 240." 4. 1 0 ) . my Sun. EA 107 Charioteers but no horses T E X T : VAT 346. 8. 6. 9. " f a n . VS 11. p . as in lines 3off. I i n t e r p r e t t h e l o g o g r a m s as v a r i a n t s a n d t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f K I . t o fight. 1 1 7 3 . I fall at the feet of my lord. RA 1 9 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p . K A L . o f a N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c r o o t mgg. K A S K A L + ? . . 5).ME& K I . 10. w h i c h w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d . The day the troops 10 of my lord's expeditionary force left. w h o sees here a reflection of E g y p t i a n hbs'w bh(. M E S K A L . Word Order Variation in the Akkadian of Byblos (see EA 8 8 . 13). the Sun..H a d d a a n e x c e s s i v e l y d i l i g e n t c o r r e s p o n d e n t (see t h e I n t r o ­ duction. 7 times and 7 times. a n d CAD. Political Disposition. i-ni-pu-\us\. 8 0 .b e a r e r . §. \2^S. 3) and K A L . 10—19 with my mouth I speak words to 180 . n. is p r o b a b l y f o r m e d w i t h K A S K A L . 1 3 . as for all my cities that I have reported on to the king.s i ] : t h e d u a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix (BASOR 211 [1973] p p . K I in EA 1 2 3 : 3 . Great King. a r g u e s in favor. K A S K A L + ? (EA 92. M E S ka-ra-[f]i (EA 83:43) and [ E R I N . n. "to war. p . all became enemies. # . 249. n. B A D : cf. 5 1 . B A D / K A L x B A D . 6) p r o b a b l y refers t o t h e f o r c e s . F o r t h e s y n t a x . S t e i n k e l l e r s u g g e s t s K A S x S U D U N (private communication). n. Following Helck. T h e u n i d e n t i f i e d s i g n . A l b r i g h t . 5off.D a n g i n . T h e k i n g f o u n d R i b . see G i a n t o .. K A S K A L + ? .t). E R I N . karalu. king of all countries. E R I N . p. I . NOTES 1. 7. 2. C O P I E S : WA 41. [ B A D ? ] (EA 5 8 . n. 55.M[E§ ? BE-ia LUGAL -r]i. see a l s o 2 R a i n e y . L U G A L .[ s u . 9 2 .W K U R . " follows R a n k e in W e b e r . my lord.

1 8 . who is like Baal and 1 c SamaS in the sky. see S c h r o e d e r . and he 181 . 3 7 . 2 5 . 56. Sumur will not stand. and accordingly. w i t h A l b r i g h t . 7 times and 7 times. I have charioteers {:] jnar-ia-nu-ma. my Sun. May the king.1 7 I fall at the feet of my lord. Great King. JNES 5 (1946) p. 2. Seeing that Aziru. but fetch Ha'ip to yourself. . If things go as they are now. the son of Abdi-Asirta. I am afraid. examine him. 483. So give me 30 pairs of 3 horses along with chariots. heed 1 the words of his loyal servant. . T h e s i g n ( s ) a t t h e e n d o f line 4 2 a r e s t i l l u n i d e n t i f i e d . appoint as its commis­ 2 sioner someone respected by the kin[g's] mayors. the Sun? I wrote t{o] ((to)) your father. see RA 69 (1975) p p . everything is gone so that we might stay alive. Beziehungen. i 5 5 f . Moreover.3 3 Wh[o] are they. Moreover. ih-ri-pt-{a: E g y p t i a n hry-pdt. my lord. n. VS 11. and they have sold into captiv­ 2 3 ity charioteers : /i-x-y(?) and soldiers to ((to)) the land of Su(ba)ru. i 2 5 f f . I have not gone to Sumur. 2 9 ^ 3 6 send archers that they might take him.2 5 In whose lifetime has such a deed been done? False words are now being spoken in the presence of the king. is it pleasing in the sight of the king. 1 9 1 8 . Rib-Hadda writes to his lord. w i t h its C a n a a n i t e p l u r a l f o r m a t i o n . see EA 1 0 8 . and whatever I know or have heard I write to the king. the Sun. . my lord. and find out about {his] affai[rs]. that the sons of Abdi-Asirta do as they please? They have taken the king's horses and chariots. May the archer-commander stay in Sumur. a n d cf. May my lord heed c my words. may the king. the dogs. is in Damascus along with his brothers. 2 . NOTES m 1. R e a d fukun ina rabisi-Ii D U G U D (kabta) ina . OLZ. a l s o EA 129:156 3. that they could res[istY the archers of the king. my lord. my lord.4 8 There is no money to pay for horses. and the land of the king be at peace. . I am your loyal servant. Accordingly. cols. a n d H e l c k . but I do not have a horse to march against the enemies of the king. EA 108 the king that are nothing but the truth. O n t h e g l o s s . heed the words of his loyal servant. . p. 6 . king of all countries. 14. 2 0 . King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king.2 8 Then if it pleasles] you. EA 108 Unheard-of deeds T E X T : VAT 345. C O P I E S : WA 42.

see JCS 7 (1953) p. 1 3 2 : 1 6 ? . has he {n}o[t] plotted evils 10 [upon evils a]gainst you. ) . elilmuhhi). " reflects C a n a a n i t e i d i o m . T h e s a m e l o g o g r a m as EA 1 0 7 : 4 2 . they will not prevail. 1 9 7 1 ) . hfezdpanehd. p. 7. May the [k]ing he[ed] the words of his servant. my lord." Truly.n i . c Apiru came from Sumur to take him prisoner. since the mayors have not 6 oppotsed] thfem]. T h e reading o f the l o g o g r a m as K E S D A a n d t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e g l o s s as i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e s i g n ( § I R . (I am) your loyal se[rvan]t. T h e s t o r m g o d ( p e r h a p s H a d d u r a t h e r t h a n B a a l ) a n d t h e s u n g o d .c . 79. i38:33f. Qohelet 8 : 1 . so SSDB.H a d d a r e t u r n s t o t h i s e v e n t (EA ii7:27f. . with Rainey. 4. t h e g l o s s ( s e c o n d a n d t h i r d s i g n s ni/ i r ? . see EA i09:i6fF. 182 . Moreover. I I I A 5 b .[ i a ] : cf. Inscriptions royales sumeriennes et akkadiennes ( P a r i s . M E 5 as s i n g u l a r . 1 5 7 ^ . Deuteronomy 2 8 : 5 0 . sfa-su]: perhaps. p p . desires. the Sun. ti-z[i-zu-na]. oz pdntm. O n U D . cf. 9. i6iff. "was c n o t A b d i . t h e n t h e e n c l i t i c in K A L A G .. K A M . G A (dannu)-me m a t k s direct quotation. Proverbs 7 : 1 3 . e . If the king. "she ' s t r e n g t h e n s ' her f a c e . the Sun. n. UF 7 (1975) p. 8. 6b. "they are s t r o n g in their f a c e . p . (cf. Did he not take Abdi- _ Asirta for h[imself]?s 3 4 4 5 Moreover. az pdnim. w h i c h is a l s o p r o m i s e d in EA 1 0 9 : 1 6 ? .K u p p e r . 56. 400. "a w i c k e d m a n 'shows c c s t r o n g ' in h i s face. . i i 7 : 6 o f f . ulyaskun 60 lum-ni [ l u m . p o s s i b l y t r a c e s (su?). EA 147:14. BASOR 211 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . 2 1 : 2 9 . a n d S o l l b e r g e r . . NOTES 1. 59—69 Moreover. after libbi. and rev[olted? A]nd as for the man of [my] god. a n d i 3 2 : i o f f . Because we know that they are 8 strong.m a i]-na lib-bi \\S\GVr-ka 61 a pa-[ta- r 1 a r ] « ' L U D I N G I R . lumna lumna-ma sakanu in EA i i 3 : i 2 f . cf. they 9 will be taken in a day. ( w i t h U G U . 362:20). w a s o f c o u r s e a d i s p l a y o f p o w e r a n d s o m e t h i n g t o b o a s t a b o u t . " i . T o t a l v i c t o r y in a s i n g l e day. K A L A G . Send me [2)0 men from Meluhha and 20 men from Egypt to guard the city for the king.b a / m a . 5. Cf.. EA 109:40. 6.3 8 . Because they have 7 taken the horsfes]. "she a c t s b o l d l y " . 46—58 When I sent 2 messengers to Sumur. he^ez 'is rasa* bPpanau. and so they are not afra[id] of the magnate. and he sent ar[ch]ers. we have to{ld) the king. but I did not give him up. . G A (dannu) ina pantsunu. The army furnishes whatever they nefed]. they are stron[g]. see t h e t e x t s c i t e d b y S t u a r t . O n lines 3 4 . 2.THE AMARNA LETTERS c hefeded] my wor[d}s. I f ni-iq-(bi). respectively) remains unexplained. 7 0 : 2 7 ? . they are bold.. 10. "They are strong. I retained this man in order to report to the king.A s i r t a t a k e n to him?" R i b . RLA 5. ( w i t h and) a n d n 6 : 4 i f . 166) are to be rejected. 3. lit. why do you listen to other men? The king's messengers must bring (news) by night and bring (it) back by night because of the dog.

they are the ones that [took] A{rdat]a for themselves. t]hey sai[d that] I [was your loyal servant]. my lord. EA 109 EA 109 Then and now T E X T : VAT 1629. your ancestors did not c deser[t my] ancestors]. and [ . and soldiers.. on seeing a man from Egypt. and they sold a soldier into captivity in Subaru for their food.5 5 but] now the sons of Abdi-Asirta 11 make men from Egypt prowl about {like do]gs. .7 (and) they are in pri{son]. they are strong. And you did nothing [about t]heir [actions] when you heard (of 1 them). [but] you have done nothing. Let them {not] be arrogant towards my lord and {towards] my 14 [li]fe.. I am a loyal servant of the king. Look. . For my part. ] . Now the sons of Abdi-Asirta. that I intend for my lord. The king [. they seized [ 1 2 men of mine]. just as they please." Accordingly. All my towns are at war with me.6 9 Moreover. king of all lands. .' it is power. . They put him in [ .'3 As all our gods {and the Lady o]f Gubla live. and [ . They are the ones who have kid­ 1 0 napped. . 3 5 . The mayors are not just to me. have t[aken] the cities of the king and the [ci]ties of his mayor. The rans[om price] between 9 us they have set as 50 (shekels of) silver. I keep saying. Accordingly. they H bound (th)em. 6—14 whenever the [ki]ng of Mittana was at war with your ancestors. .4 6 They go about and [ . c on the side of the sons of Abdi-Asirta. [W]hen Ha[ya and A]manap[pa de]parted fro[m Su]mur. 6 25—29 [Being at war] with me. In times past. I fall at the feet of my lord. Previously. Rib-Hadda [says] to his lord. [Great] King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. COPIES: WA 52. Death would be sweet 12 t[o m]e. only power. 7 times and 7 times. in (that) day the king will take them. . 4 7 . (trjuly {h]e is a 5 man that intends evil fo[r h]is [lord]. (But) note well. and {they have tak\en the {charioteers]. ] Yanhamu knows. [and] the king has no servant like me. 1 5 . [And i]f he gives heed for a night. your chariots. my Sun. the [servan]t and dog. ] : tu-uh-nuQ). "[If] the king gives heed for a [d]ay. They have taken 4 {the treasures of your mayors. the kings c of Canaan fled bef[ore him. 183 . and they intend crime upon cri[me]. I am {filrm'i in my resolve. .3 4 . I am una[ble] to [g]et this man of yours into $[um]ur.] a man.2 5 {Andso] they have taken [Ull]assa. . ] 3 0 . 5 6 . . 57. . they are fi{rmp in their [resol}ve. . [in (that) n]ight he will 2 take them. Accordingly. VS 11. along with the copper {and] his [ .

" n i g h t . [ksL-ijSig-a-na-ku. 13. CAD. 2. b u t p e r h a p s b e t t e r larraqii-ma. w h i c h w o u l d a l s o fit here a n d in EA 1 1 4 . 5 9 b ) is m o s t i m p l a u s i b l e . E [ k i . t h e n p r o b a b l y t h e n u m b e r was o m i t t e d . a n d in l i n e 2 3 .d [ i s u . K U . n o t e b ) . p . a n d p e r h a p s 1 1 0 : 5 4 ) . 2 5 6 : 1 0 ? . la-ra-qu-ma: i n t e r p r e t e d as C a n a a n i t e p e r f e c t a n d t r a n s l a t e d a c c o r d i n g to context. d e l e t i n g reference t o EA 2 0 : 8 0 . " in t h e f o l l o w i n g lines. 3 . a n d is e x t r e m e l y rare in t h e M i d d l e B a b y l o n i a n w e s t e r n p e r i p h e r y (CAD. damiq mutu a-{na. 8. w o u l d c o m e t o 2 5 0 s h e k e l s a p e r s o n . M E § yilmu Jarru 1 7 [u U D ] . 4.A k k a d o g r a m a t B o - g h a z k o y ) . "they are thieves" (AHw. 184 . n. M E § yi-il-ti- qu-Iu-nu. cf. a n d (4) t h e v e r b is e x t r e m e l y rare a n d t h e s e n s e o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d . 2 8 9 : 3 7 . ( 3 ) t h e v a l u e du is n o t e x p e c t e d in t h e B y b l o s s y l l a b a r y . T h e m e a n i n g is clearly t r a n s i t i v e . [u U R U ul-l]a-sd. EA 9 1 . T h e p a r a l l e l i s m w i t h t h e s i n g u l a r musa. M E § (kakki) da-mi iq-mu- du. "they l a i d h o l d o f w e a p o n s o f b l o o d " (AHw. T I (liblut). I n EA 2 9 2 . EA 7 4 : 1 5 . cf. 1 7 2 ) . 7. a n d u n d e r be/ kakki t h r e e o c c u r r e n c e s a t A l a l a h . A r a n s o m p r i c e o f 5 0 m i n a s ( K n u d t z o n . K ] A M . 15. p. 7 ) a n d its u s e e l s e w h e r e as a n asseverative particle. ra-ak-Iu-(lu)-nu. a n d t h e n in a l i t e r a r y t e x t (EA 3 5 9 : 4 . 5 . P e r h a p s ddlu c o n t r a s t s w i t h t h e p r o p e r o r d e r l y a d v a n c e o f t r o o p s . M E § : t h e v e r b m u s t b e ddlu ( a l s o EA 1 1 4 : 6 5 . or a n o t h e r e x a m p l e o f t h e s p o r a d i c r e p l a c e m e n t o f a / t e . lumma: see EA 3 5 . 8 6 (see n. A O A T . 896). even i f t h e r a n s o m o f all t w e l v e m e n . 3. it is a n a c t i o n t y p i c a l o f d o g s (see t h e d i c t i o n a r i e s ) . K A M . AEM 1 / 2 . cf. for (a)di. K A M ) . a n i m p r o b a b l y h i g h p r i c e . see a b o v e . 9. 2 Rainey. 1 0 0 s h e k e l s are c o n s i d e r e d o u t r a g e o u s l y h i g h . p. & ? . mat mi-if-r[i ki-ma] 4 9 [ U R ] . [ N f G . L A ( a ) . 8 6 . a n d therefore w e m u s t a s s u m e e i t h e r a c o n f u s i o n o f t h e G a n d D c o n j u g a t i o n s . I / J . t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f s c r i b a l error b o t h here a n d in EA 1 1 4 (CAD. G ] A (makkiiru): makkiiru is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d in t h e Middle B a b y l o n i a n p e r i p h e r y .l i ] : bit kili is well a t t e s t e d in t h e W e s t e r n Periphery. 1188. 93). l i s t s u n d e r kakku t h r e e o c c u r r e n c e s . (2) kakku is a t t e s t e d o n l y o n c e in EA.p e r s o n m a r k e r b y ilti. EA 8 5 : 3 9 . i s 12. T h e r e f o r e . 3 . t h e O l d A s s y r i a n m e a n i n g o f t h e v e r b . p .n u ] : t h e a s s u m e d s y l l a b a r y g (ia ) 8 a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f p a r a l l e l s m a k e t h e s e r e a d i n g s very t e n t a t i v e . libluf sarru. 1 6 [lum-ma U D . a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f M E § in t h e r o u g h l y p a r a l l e l EA 1 1 7 : 6 3 (ina U D .u ] t : for t h e a s s u m e d liblufu. on 2 0 : 8 0 . 1 7 ) . EA 1 1 4 : 8 . i f not e n o u g h r o o m . 10. favor t a k i n g the l o g o g r a m as s i n g u l a r a n d another e x a m p l e of otiose M E § . K. are the following: (1) G l S is t o o s m a l l a s i g n for t h e s p a c e (as K n u d t z o n a l r e a d y n o t e d in VAB 2 / 1 . 6. see n o t e k ) . ia]-i7: a g a i n s t [ 8 } . "to a c t i n d e p e n d e n t l y ( P ) " (AHw. n. 53 [ T } I .THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. n. EA 2 0 . T U K U L . [ l a tYi-if-mu-bUy t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f hu^ is difficult. cf. [ 1 2 LU. n o . S e e n. p l u s its u s e a s a S u m e r o . 5 0 s h e k e l s p e r p e r s o n . 14. p . 4 8 4 . adi introducing t h e o b j e c t o f a n o a t h in EA 8 5 : 4 0 . apart from the unusually vivid l a n g u a g e . p . 3 9 1 : 5 0 — 5 2 s u g g e s t s h e s i t a n t or e v a s i v e a c t i o n ("tergiverser". w i t h t h e p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 138:106. p . 4.ME§-i<z]: cf. 11.i [ a . D . 1153b).

. L U . 23 [ a s ] . b . EA 108:39. c ) .. K U R k i " . : ba-lu. . . . EA 1 0 8 : 3 9 . ] : cf. hilihtaabdlu. 25-end . trans]porP to [Aziru].." 185 . cf. [tu-bo]-lu-na. 5.s u [ m a ] . "provisions.b a . p .2 4 [If] this [year] there [are no a]rchers.l t x . balit b e i n g e i t h e r s t a t i v e or a n o u n a n d v a r i a n t o f balafu. .] [nee]ded by the king. members of the ar[my] have 2 en[ter]ed Akka [in] or[der to transport .. NOTES 1. 1 4 . ? | > . a l s o EA 111:23. l i n e 5 4 . f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n . . . COPIES: WA 64 ( a . Political Disposition. [. 48.. [W]hy does he not givfe me] (some of) the royal [property that the ships of the 3 army transport. A t the b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 7 . i b i d . 4. EA ioi:3f.. 4 8 . Look.l u . w h i c h p r o b a b l y b e g a n b y r e c a l l i n g h o w often R i b - H a d d a h a d w r i t t e n in v a i n for a g a r r i s o n a n d t h e n r e n e w i n g t h e r e q u e s t . L e t t e r t o t h e k i n g .: ba-lu? 2. 52 . p . * 40 [.5 4 [N]o ship of the [ar]my [is] to lea[ve] Can[aan]. 1 * . > d below. 22 i[r-ru]-bu: p e r h a p s . 59. EA 111 Army activities T E X T : VAT 1631.n [ a . VS 11. or d o e s t h e Glossenkeil indicate a runover line? tu]. VS 11. NOTES 1.a h .[ . M E S mi-I[i u]. mi]-i-na la-a yu-sii. references t o A z i r u .n a ] : cf. N a ' a m a n .n i ] : so a l s o N a ' a m a n . EA 110 EA 110 The army's ships T E X T : VAT 1666. 2. a r 3. and then]* the mayors a[nd . p r o p o s e s allum ba-li-i\x i i ] . .. . 58. then all lands c [will be joined] to "the Api]ru. e . C O P I E S : WA 68. 1 7 . . L e t t e r to t h e k i n g . " W h y d o e s he not c o m e o u t ? " r . 55-end . . 2 . Political Disposition.b a . . n.

C O P I E S : WA 57. " f r o m . [then I will survi]ve. 4 0 . It is q u i t e clear.5 6 Previously. t h i s is n o t t r u e in p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s . write to me. 25—39 [No]te well. t h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m the k i n g ' s c o m m a n d t o t h e a b s e n c e o f m a n p o w e r . I[f ] the king wants his servant and his city to survive. t a k e t h e q u e s t i o n " W i t h m y e n e m i e s .5 0 Thus was it pleasing in the si[ght] of the king when you wrote to [your ser]vant. 9 . 1 6 . Cf. who will guard me? If» the king sends men from Egypt and Meluhha. 2 my lord. then I will survive to serve the king. In EA 1 2 3 : 3 1 . " rather t h a n t h e m u c h rarer e q u i v a l e n t o f / / / / . ki[ng of all lands]. a g a i n .1 5 "Guard! Be on your guard!" With 1 what shall I guard? With my enemies. Why does the king." I paid 1 3 (shekels of) silver and a pair of mantles as the c 4 hire? of the Apiru when he brou(gh)t the tablet into Sumur. t h e n t h e q u e s t i o n t o t h e k i n g ' s o r d e r t o g u a r d h i m s e l f . 5 7 . "with w h o m " o b v i ­ o u s l y m a k e s b e t t e r s e n s e . . a n d 122:106°. a l s o in EA 119:96°. 5 0 .2 4 [But i]f the [ki]ng does not [gu]ard me.H a d d a ' s l e t t e r s from w h o m o r w h a t he m u s t p r o t e c t h i m s e l f a n d t h e k i n g ' s city. 61. and brings peace to his lands. Great [K]ing: [I] fall at the feet of [my] lord. Truly it was by night that he got (him) into ((into)) Sumur. " T h o u g h istu. my Sun. I n EA 1 2 6 : 3 3 . 186 .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 112 Questions for the king T E X T : VAT 1664. tstu manni is r e p l a c e d by kl. ask Haya. I have nothing with which to acquire horses. my lord. and we could pay the hi(r)e of a man whom we sent. Everything of] mine [is gon]e through being sol[d i]n the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep me alive. "Get Haya into Sumur. Look. But [lo]ok. h e r e "from w h o m " m a k e s l i t t l e s e n s e . in g e n e r a l .2 8 ) . I n EA 125:116°.5 9 • • • NOTES 1.H a d d a shifts i m m e d i a t e l y from the q u e s t i o n o f from w h o m or w i t h w h o m t o g u a r d h i m s e l f . n o t e t h e s e q u e n c e : t h e n e e d o f t h e t h r e e m e n t o g u a r d t h e c i t y ( l i n e s 2 3 . . here y i e l d s g o o d s e n s e . Rib-[Hadda says t]o his lord. with all speed. . t o t h e a b s e n c e o f m a n p o w e r . w h i c h d o n o t refer t o t h e e n e m i e s a n d peasantry." W e m u s t . a n d finally b a c k t o t h e n e e d o f t h e t h r e e m e n . [and there is no garri]son [at my disposal]. or with my peasantry? Who would guard me? If the king guards his servant. now there are n[o provisions from the king. R i b . 7 times and 7 times. t h e r e f o r e . sends his archers. provisions from the king were at [m]y disposal. f r o m R i b . "how. O r " w i t h w h o m .. and horses in the charge of this man of mine. VS 11. then send a [g]arrison to guard your city and your servant until the king is (really) concerned for his lands.

what have I done t[o] Yapah-Hadda that he plo[ts] evil upon evil against m[e}? As he has plundered two of my ships and my 4 sheep and goats so that the amount of my property in his possession is very large. n. . For] once he goes off.. a n d t h i s 187 . cf. p . 4. 1 2 Moreover. [ . 1 6 5 . So may the [k]ing be concerned] about Amanmassa [so] he sta[ys with me] . 4—10 Inquire from another may[or]. 39. o t h e r w i s e . 1 5 . there will be no one to bring [my tablet] to you. 36—48 Tell Amanmassa to sta[y] with me so he can brin[g] my tablet to yo[u. Concerning [my] property [that] is in [his] possession 7 [he should inquire of] my [m]en . 1 6 6 . G r e e n b e r g . 3 . Hablpiru. 1 3 8 5 ) . 9. summa: see EA 3 5 . Is he not 3 [always] committing] or plotting a crime? Look. T h a t R i b . Jerusalem Scribe. n. w h o s h o u l d p r o b a b l y b e t h o u g h t o f as b e a r i n g a t a b l e t w i t h t h e k i n g ' s o r d e r s . even t h o u g h t h e w o r d o r d e r (initial p o s i t i o n ) s t r e s s e s t h e size o f t h e pay. may the king [se]nd his commissioner [to de]cide between 5 the two of us. [So send] provisions for the cities t[hat have not] turned again[st you]. G e t t i n g t h e t a b l e t in a n d g e t t i n g H a y a i n . { . b u t t h e k i n g s e e m s likely. . NOTES 1. EA 1 1 3 is a t w o . were p r o b a b l y the s a m e t h i n g . p . 1 7 0 : 5 .H a d d a is h i m s e l f in S u m u r is not clear. . m i n a s w o u l d yield a n excessively h i g h f i g u r e . 1. 19—28 [Everything] that [is ta]ken from him [may he 6 (the king) take]. O n s h e k e l s rather t h a n m i n a s . . see EA 1 0 9 . . n. and Yapah-Hadda . . May the Sun establish [my] honor in 10 your presence so that you bring peace to [your servant]. see EA 1 4 5 : 6 . fr]om Rib-Hadda [and] for the c 8 Apiru has [all of it] be[en acquired] but there is no one that [can td]ke anything belonging to him from my [hand]. . and then he will never leave your side. ] . . 3 . agriitu. EA 1 0 1 . .t a b l e t letter. Be informed! [What] has the king done to hi[m]? 1 1 . EA 113 War and peace TEXT: C 4753. O c c a s i o n a l l y assum m e a n s "from" in EA ( V A B 2 / 2 . EA 113 or w i t h m y p e a s a n t r y ? " as i r o n i c a l . 2 8 . [and] they are at peace.3 5 Why am [I] not 9 able like my associates to send a man to the palace? Their cities are theirs. 2 . C O P Y : WA 63. p. Yapah-Hadda has commit[ted] a crime. 2. n. . .1 8 Moreover. O n istu = itti. here a g a i n . 6 8 . T h e a d d r e s s e e is n o t clear.

"friends" in EA 1 2 6 : 1 6 . For t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s . 10. as required by the parallelism w i t h the indicative yalkunu. C o n t r a r y t o K n u d t z o n (VAB 2/1. M E § . 3 . 4. [Rib-Hadda says] to [his] lord.l i ] . e l s e w h e r e o n t h e t a b l e t t h e s p a c e c o r r e s p o n d s t o t h r e e or f o u r s i g n s . he has. EA 1 1 7 : 6 4 6 ° . 2 . w h o m R i b . I am the enemy. my peas(an)try long only to desert. 7 times and 7 times. May the king give thought to his city and his servant. . n. and obligations. a l s o EA 3 4 : 3 3 . I assure you. It was the men whom I sent to Sumur that he has 2 3 seized. rights. I (must) keep writing like (th)is to you about Sumur. EA 1 1 6 : 3 4 6 ° . 1 8 . ) .a ] it-ti-[iu yi-sa-al] 23 £a-na L ] U . T h e b e g i n n i n g o f l i n e s 1 9 .q e ] . In Wahliya are the ships of the rulers of Tyre. " R i b . I did go and I strongly urged the troops to {guard i]t.[ p u . T h e o t h e r m a y o r s . [and] 188 . [ y u . t h a t . 6. 5 Look. 8. N o t "the t w o o f you" (BASOR 2 1 1 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . but now they have abandoned it.2 1 : [ k a . Cf. EA 1 0 6 . w h e n t h e l i t i g a n t s are t h r e e . 2 .q u . T h e question was probably asked by the addressee.1 7 that Aziru is at war with me. 5. p. 1 1 7 : 6 7 6 ° . o n i n q u i r y .s u ] 26 [gab-ba]. my Sun. N o t e . C O P Y : BB 13. know 7 . He has seized 12 men of mine. EA a r e 120:45). 1 1 6 : 3 3 . 4 If you are unable to rescue m[e] from my enemies. T h e u s e here o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n basta naaanu is u n u s u a l . [ y i .H a d d a n o w q u o t e s ./ < * . and Sidon. cf.3 4 Look. W h a t e v e r t h e n t h e e x p l a n a t i o n . and the ransom price between us he has set at 50 1 (shekels of) silver. S e e EA 5 5 . 9. t h e r e is a m p l e r o o m for yi-il or yu-ul at t h e b e g i n n i n g of line 20. Everyone in the land of Amurru is at peace with them. w h i c h is f o r c e d . {kunf} is first p e r s o n d u a l p r o ­ n o m i n a l suffix. n o t e h ) .u l ] . then send back word so I can know what action I am to take. seized a ship of mine. t h e n ina bertnu r e p l a c e s ina berTkunT(ci. B o t h t e r m s s e e m t o i m p l y e q u a l i t y o f r a n k . I fall at the feet of my lord. King of B]attle: May the La[dy o]f [Gu]bla grant power to the king. for this very reason been going to sea to seize my ships. Great King. cf. however. 7.2 6 and he has. y[i-pu-Iu\. here c a l l e d "associates" (cf. Beirut. n.H a d d a says t h a t . my lord. I assure you.i l . As Yapah-Hadda is now on the side of Aziru against me. any o t h e r ruler will c o n f i r m t h e c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s o f Y a p a h - Hadda. w i t h r e g a r d t o . [king of all countries. Free r e s t o r a t i o n : / / > . my lord. May the king. 494. 5 2 ) . 2 6 . EA 114 Loyalty and its rewards TEXT: BM 29796. Free restoration: 22 { s a .THE AMARNA LETTERS s e n s e s e e m s t o fit t h e c o n t e x t b e t t e r t h a n " a b o u t .

. For 2 months he has been encamped against me. cf. Who will be loyal were I to die? Look. my peasantry got provisions from the land of Yarimuta. . w h o n o w h o l d s W a h l i y a (EA 104:11). anumma not infrequently i n t r o d u c e s c o o r d i n a t e c l a u s e s (EA 7 8 : 1 ? ? . t h e n it c o u l d n o t serve as a p o r t . 3 . u s u a l l y in t h e i n d i c a t i v e . " see I n t r o d u c t i o n . I take « . I 2: 1 2 8 5 : 6 . ask the other Amanmassa if it was not (from) Alasiya that 12 I sent him to you.. w i t h i n v e r s i o n o f w o r d o r d e r s t r e s s i n g t h e i d e n ­ t i t y o f t h e m e n w h o were s e i z e d . O n "men" in t h e s e n s e o f " r u l e r s . . 35—43 How often did I send him and he was unable to get into Sumur! They have blocked 9 all the roads against him. in EA 1 0 5 : 2 0 ? . m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r v e r b . Prefvijously. 3 6 2 : 2 1 ! ? ) . a n d p e r h a p s h e r e ..5 9 Look. 8 9 : 7 . 1 1 9 : 1 0 ? . 5 1 . asa).. u s u a l l y " t h u s .. . I reject K n u d t z o n ' s v e r s i o n . ( 3 ) anumma . For what reason is your loyal servant so treated? For service to you! 4 4 . as are his mayors. S e e EA 1 0 9 . now 1 Yapah-Hadda does not let them go.5 0 If you are unable to fetch you[r] servant. 9 0 : 1 8 ? ? . 3 5 )'. for t h i s r e s u l t s in a c o n s t r u c t i o n w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s ( f e m i n i n e p l u r a l s u b j e c t . kVamma.} . ki-(a)-ma. O f c o u r s e . for they make a mayor who serves you with 14 loyalty prowl about." For this reason my situation is extremely grave. then send 10 archers to fetch me. 5 . i f W a h l i y a w a s not o n t h e c o a s t . Moreover. 2. ( ) anumma never i n t r o d u c e s a s u b o r d i n a t e c l a u s e . m a k e s t h e d i v i s i o n o f c l a u s e s a n d t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e lines q u i t e difficult. Yapah-Hadda is on the side of Aziru. 7 3 . 1 2 2 : 5 3 ? . 5 9 . It would be good to be with you. h a s a t h i r d f e m i n i n e p l u r a l v e r b . That fellow looks with pleasure on the war against me and against Sumur. t h o u g h it m i g h t refer t o a n o t h e r c r i m e . la-qa-i\a\. the s a m e s u b j e c t . is q u i t e c o m m o n (EA 74:49. Give thought to your Joyal servant. "ships" [eleppetu]. .6 9 W{hy are you negligent? ! {The king must} send a garrison {toprotect] yo[ur loya]l {servant. sab(b)at as an e x p l a n a t o r y c l a u s e . P e r h a p s "in W a h l i y a " b e l o n g s w i t h t h i s c l a u s e . " s h a d e s over i n t o 189 . . to whom he gives thought. 1 1 8 : 8 . . for t h e f o l l o w i n g reasons: (1) kttna a s a c o n j u n c t i o n o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s (EA 1 2 7 : 3 1 ) . 5 5 .has deserted}. the enemies of the king. EA 7 9 : 4 0 . a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h t h e s h i p s o f t h e t h r e e c i t i e s c a p t u r e t h e m e n s e n t to J u m u r . 9. EA 114 6 the garrison {. 4. a l o n g w i t h o u r i g n o r a n c e o f t h e l o c a t i o n o f W a h l i y a . T h e u n u s u a l a b s e n c e o f c o o r d i n a t i n g c o n j u n c t i o n s a n d c l a u s e . b u t w h e t h e r s h i p s m i g h t a s a r e s u l t b e at p e a c e w i t h t h e p e o p l e o f A m u r r u is n o t clear. but now. i o 6 : 8 f £ . l i k e t h i s . NOTES 1 . ] a messenger of mine time and again. The ene­ mies of the king are at war with me. 9 1 : 2 7 . 1 0 3 : 2 0 .. O c c a s i o n a l l y . give thought to me. w h e r e a s anumma ki'amma followed b y lapdru. n n . r a t h e r t h a n ki-ma. 8 2 : 7 .m a r k e r s in lines ioff.. And {for this reason I keep wr]itingJ I have 8 sent [. n. 85:66°. I t a k e t h e r e m a r k o n t h e s h i p s as i n t e n d e d t o s h o w t h e f r i e n d s h i p o f t h e t h r e e cities t o A z i r u .7 4 .

EA 115 Message lost T E X T : VAT 1630. " G i v e t h o u g h t t o y o u r loyal s e r v a n t . EA 1 1 7 : 7 6 6 ° . n. 8 1 ) . 1 0 3 5 2 0 . r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . M E S ) massartu is in all clear c a s e s c o n s t r u e d adsensum as m a s c u l i n e p l u r a l : cf. t h e s u b j e c t o f Ttezib ( l i n e 3 0 ) is n o t massartu. 8. EA 126:25. though f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r (tussaru) is a l s o p o s s i b l e . line 5 4 . 1 1 8 : 3 4 ^ ) . t h e s e q u e n c e ezebu- patdru in EA 7 3 : 1 3 ^ . 8 2 : 4 2 ^ . as R i b . 2. NOTE 1. In EA 1 2 6 : 2 5 . Cf.THE AMARNA LETTERS t h e i l l a t i v e . EA 9 1 : 2 7 . 1 Too fragmentary for translation. B e s i d e s . see EA 1 1 6 . 4 9 . n.n a . A m u r r u .t ] i . M E S as m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r in EA 7 6 : 3 8 ^ . a l s o L U . 13. tf-[na] 6 0 [ m i . 1 1 9 : 1 1 ) . a n d p e r h a p s t h e difficulties o f r e s c u i n g S u m u r . 10. " T h e k i n g is c o n ­ c e r n e d for t h o s e w h o are d i s l o y a l t o h i m . M E S 7 L U . t o earlier a n d b e t t e r d a y s ? 14.. p e r h a p s [ii e n .r » : cf. 1 0 3 : 3 7 . b u t h o w or w h y R i b . S u m u r . L [ A . 1 ( C a m b r i d g e . Cf. M E S massartu as s y n o n y m o u s . a n d it c a n o n l y be J . "so. EA 74:62^ 11. C O P I E S : WA 69. H i l l . P r o b a b l y a p e r s o n a l n a m e in t h e b r e a k .r u yu)-wa-si-ru-na 62 [a-na na-sa-ar 1 R k i .l ] a .k [ a . 8 3 : 4 6 6 ° . 6.9 : 5 [. T h e w o r d o r d e r p u t s s t r e s s o n t h e p l a c e . M E S (sdbu) u n d e r s t o o d . L i n e s 5.H a d d a freeing Alasia.a t / t a ) or T I ( T I . p . 1. [ k i . T h e r e a r e references t o A z i r u . on 1 1 7 : 5 0 . cf.l ] a . all o f t h e m f r a g m e n t a r y . 9. where ERIN.b i . 7.. " s i n c e a t t h i s t i m e t h e r e w a s n o l o n g e r a g a r r i s o n at B y b l o s . v e r b s in t h e p l u r a l ) . by S m i t h in G .MES is i m m e d i a t e l y followed *by E R I N . 1 3 0 : 3 7 (massartu s u b j e c t . 190 .t u ] (cf. M E § massdru. n. O n ti-da-lu-na ( l i n e 6 5 ) . . 1 1 2 : 3 4 . has R i b . a r e p r e s e r v e d . "in t h e s e c i r c u m ­ stances" [ K n u d t z o n ] . EA io6:i7f.t a p ] . 1 2 6 : 4 0 .n i q a .. 12. Cf. F. E x c e p t for t h e c u r i o u s marsa (EA 1 0 3 : 4 9 ) .r u ] : cf. a l s o referred t o by p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix (EA 1 1 7 : 7 9 . 1 1 . 1 2 4 : 1 2 . T h e r e f o r e . see below. see EA 1 0 9 . L i n e 3 1 : [ii p a . 1 1 7 : 2 4 .t a : t h e s p a c e s e e m s t o o l a r g e t o b e filled b y e i t h e r ba ( [ b a . Cf. . . . P e r h a p s "to it" ( $ u m u r ) . 2 7 . in c o n t r a s t . E R I N .n a .R I N . EA 7 9 : 3 0 / 1 2 5 : 1 4 (referred t o b y p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix in lines 3 3 / 1 8 . 7 . t h e a g r e e ­ m e n t w i t h E R I N . 1 9 4 0 ) . EA 103:37).a t . A l e t t e r t o t h e k i n g o f w h i c h 1 4 lines o n t h e o b v e r s e a n d 9 o n t h e r e v e r s e . 4 3 . B o t h sdbu a n d massartu m u s t refer t o t h e same t r o o p s . 60.H a d d a s h o u l d s e n d a n y o n e f r o m or v i a A l a s i a r e m a i n s o b s c u r e .H a d d a n o t e s s o o f t e n . t h i s b e i n g t h e case" (cf. w h y " p r o v i s i o n s for the g a r r i ­ s o n . w h i l e he is u n c o n c e r n e d for t h e loyal Rib-Hadda. ( E R I N . History of Cyprus. T h e t r a n s l a t i o n o f lines 52f. VS 11.t a ) . 49f. cf. Free restoration: 6 1 [ L U G A L . M E S massartu is p r o b a b l y therefore p l u r a l (tussarund).n a i s . v o l .

No[te] this matter. there is no o n e t h a t c a n save t h e city f r o m h i m .4 4 If the king gives (the property) to his servant.' Moreover. having paid ransom money.b u U R ] U i-na qa-ti-[s\i u] 9 [ k i . Their actions [are hosti}le to me. and all of them [are extremely hostile} to 6 me. it would please me were I with you and so at peace. EA 116 i]-na se-[n]. {Rib-Had]da writes t[o his lord]. for [Yapah-Hadda keeps devising] evil upon evil against me. Look. and the messengers that [came} from the palace were [u]nab[le] to get [in]to Sumur. all my towns c have been joined to the Api[ru].r i . he bound him. and I am unable [to d]o anything. my [lord]. 2 5 . Note that I am the dirt at your feet.3 3 And here is how Yapah-Hadda is not just in my regard: 2 when my man arrived. 1 7 . know that the war [again]st us is very severe. . 5 5 .n a i ." may the [ki]ng know that there was an attack on our garrison. 3 4 . and whatever I hear I write to [my] lord. 6—16 May the king. Moreover. " EA 116 Who do they think they are? TEXT: C 4752 (not collated). May what is due to me [be gi}ven\5 4 it is very much. Great [Kin]g. 44—55 May the king heed the words of his loyal servant and give provisions to his servant and his maidservant. EA 104:48) 7 [. well and good! Or.6 9 Moreover.2 4 Moreover. Accordingly. It is like a bird in a t[rap] : ki-lu-[bi} (cage). but I have nothing but distress. give thought to Sumu[r]. some three 7 times. Moreover. my situa­ 9 tion is [ext]remely gra[ve]. my lord. As to its being told to you. "Sumur belongs to the king. [The war] is very severe. let the king take everything for himself. some twice. King of [Ba]ttle: May the Lady of Gub[la gr]ant power to the king.s e . O king! Note: did not your 191 . note that we have been loyal servants of the king from ancie[nt ti]mes. on the other hand. king of all countries. a n d so S u m u r is d i s h e a r t e n e d . may the king tell them to decide between us. and the sons of 1 c Abdi-Asirta seized it. But give thought to the fact that I am your loyal servant. Now as the king is going to send the royal commis­ sioners. Aziru and 8 Yapah-Hadda have made an agreement against m e . They have no[th]ing. It was by nig[ht] that I got them in.n a . "in t h e c o u n t r y s i d e " (cf. " N o t e w e l l . C O P Y : WA 61. I fall at the feet of [m]y lord. the Sun.n ] u llb-ba a-na U R [ U s u . su\m-ma i-ia-nu s[a-a] 8 [ u . note that I 10 am [your] loyal servant. And so there has been no one to carry wor[d t]o the king. . Gubla.i a .z i . [7 times] and 7 times.m u .

[ K U R . 4 4 ) . 948). " C o m e s o w e c a n r e a c h a n a g r e e m e n t b e t w e e n u s " ( D a l l e y et a l .. 1 4 0 a n d 4 3 7 ( t h o u g h on p . T h e s u b j e c t is not kitttya (CAD. 6. suffix r e f e r r i n g t o massartu (see EA 1 0 3 . "I l a c k a d w e l l i n g . 1 3 6 : 1 8 . "my p r o p e r t y .H a d d a . T h e c o n t e x t s e e m s t o r e q u i r e a n i t e r a t i v e (yaskunu. 1 0 3 5 1 0 . p r o b a b l y t h e p a s s i v e f o r m (tuttanaltuddana. . B o t h AHw. 15:86°. EA 1 0 3 : 8 . amur. 1 1 7 . 8. The Old Babylonian Tablets from Tell al Rimah [see EA 2 2 . 20b). and CAD. UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . 3 . U N = massartu. n. M / i . rakla-Iu is a v e r b (cf. santta amur. see JCS 4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p .. n. e t c . T h e s y n t a x is n o t clear. t h e s t a t e m e n t m a k e s l i t t l e s e n s e . is a s p e c i a l d e v e l o p m e n t ) . 3 3 3 U N is t a k e n a s massartu) a g r e e in r e a d i n g ma-ka -tiA ma-a-un-nu. EA n 8 : i 6 f f . W e r e it n o t for t h e r e s u l t i n g very l o w s u m s .. EA 6 9 . the sons of "Abdi-Asirta. samttT. 9. p. raksii-{Iu)nu. T h e s e q u e n c e in l i n e s 5 5 . (2) it is a s s u m e d t h a t t h e r e is a s i g n o m i t t e d ( b u t cf. 4 EA 8 8 : 1 7 ) . 192 . 8 6 . K . (4) in c o n t e x t .THE AMARNA LETTERS father come out and visit (his) lands and his mayors?" And now the gods and the Sun and the Lady of Gubla have granted that you be seated on the throne of your father's house (to rule) your land. a n d p r o b a b l y several t i m e s at U g a r i t ( R a i n e y . as r a n s o m m o n e y " (cf. (2) o f a t h i r d w e a k v e r b t h e f o r m e x p e c t e d here is makttt(zt B y b l o s . n. . ( 3 ) t h e m o t i v a t i o n for "oar g a r r i s o n " is not clear. sabtu-h. . 2 . third feminine s i n g u l a r ) o f yad(d)ina kitttya ina qattya in EA n 8 : i 6 f .t ] u m : cf. e s p . Who are they. w h i c h a l s o refers t o t h e litigation between R i b . . 5 . 2 3 4 : i 5 ( ? ) .. ibalsdtunu. laqttt. u n d e r s t o o d (cf.6 1 o f santta amur. t h a t *ma dnu w a s o f f e m i n i n e g e n d e r . " or s o m e t h i n g s i m i l a r . P e r h a p s " s o m e for t w o ( p e r s o n s ) . 7 5 . [tu]-ta-na. that they have [t]aken the lands of the king for themselves? 7 0 . : ma-qa-ti-ma rf-(na) U N .. O n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n . cf. following Izre'el. n o . 6. n. 1 9 ] .). .8 0 The commissioner from Kumidu [.n u . p p . IOS 3 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . 4 7 1 ) . For awata leqii ina bin. 1 1 4 . D i f f i c u l t i e s : (1) in EA. qabftt. " T h e difficulties w i t h t h i s r e a d i n g : (1) ka A o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s (ka -bi-it. mar -sa-ma? x E r r o r for mur-su-ma? 11. NOTES 1. p p . n. o n e m i g h t a l s o c o n s i d e r " S o m e f e t c h e d (abil) t w o ( s h e k e l s ) . (3) t h i s a s s u m e s t h e s u d d e n i n t r u s i o n o f C a n a a n i t e a n d n e c e s s i t a t e s p o s t u l a t i n g .w : n a r r a t i v e infinitive. EA 1 0 9 : 2 7 ) . s o m e t h r e e . p. 1 2 5 : 3 1 . ytpusu). " I r e a d apil ( a c t i v e ? p a s s i v e ? ) . CAD. a n d alkamma awatam ina birttini i nilqe. in o r d e r t o e x p l a i n t h e suffix on sabtu-h.. 10. iballdtt. s o m e for t h r e e . a g a i n s t t h e avail­ c a b l e e v i d e n c e ( H e b r e w ) .7 4 The king of Mittani? The king of Kassu? The king of Hatti? May the king send archers (and) Yanha(mu) along with 12 [the prefects from the land of Yarimuta. ma'id is p r e d i c a t e d o f mimmtya.. s t a t i v e o f apdlu. 591 and 637. 1 6 9 . 4. 3. EA 1 0 5 : 3 8 ) . elilmuhhi is e x p e c t e d rather t h a n ana.] . 10). 2 . A/i. 7. p. 1 3 8 : 1 3 5 ) . which w o u l d have r e q u i r e d ma'idat.H a d d a and Y a p a h . Cf.. L i n e s r i f . as in EA 114:31. L i n e 8: yu-qa-bu-na. a n d t h e s a m e r u l e e l s e w h e r e . n o t a n a d j e c t i v e (AHw. EA 7 4 : 1 3 .

Look.2 1 a mayor from Sumur (south­ ward) that supports me. [qf]-p[a]-»/: see VAB 2 / 2 . . . . p. I am the strong one of the king. I sent a ma[n] to your father. Accordingly. May the king not en[ter] their cities. I have sent this man. as they have not come out. Azaru will certainly be taken like [hi]s f[ather]. King of [Battle]. "Why do you write treacherous words?" If my words are heeded.2 8 Moreover. [7} times and 7 times. "There is no one to bring my tablet to the palace. .5 2 Previously. the servant (and) dog. EA 117 amur . They are not at peace (with you) from . Did he c not take Abdi-Asirta along with everything belonging to him. ." But they have not come out. "March along with 193 ." 1 And (n)ow. 1 2 .4 3 Moreover. C O P I E S : W A 4 5 . Rib-Hadda [writes to his lord]. 5 3 . I am accordingly afraid and I 2 have turned to my lord. May the Lady of G[ubl]a gr[ant pow]er to the kiag«. did I not write to the king. . I wrote to the palace that the king should s[en]d ((should send)) a large force. And the two men from Egypt whom I sent to the palace have not come out. I 9 would desire to send a man [ . 2 1 . Great [Kin]g. It is these two men that must bring a tablet to the king. EA 117 A lesson from the past T E X T : VAT 350. I [sent] men to Egypt an[d] ((and)) 10 a g[ar}ri[so]n was sent to me in their charge. "Why do you alone keep writing to me?" Here is my situation: there is not 1 0 . my lord. When Amarnappa ca[me]3 with a small force. all c the lands will belong to the Apiru. amur is without close parallel and seems to be extraordinarily emotional language. I fall at the feet of my lord. keeps saying. Indeed the king. just as I said? 2 9 . my lord. And if the king does not want to sen[d] archers. [m]y [Sun]. may he write to Yanhamu and Pihura. 1 5 9 3 . [m]y Sun. . just who are c they. [that they have tak]en5 the cities of the king's mayors for [themselves]? They are with 6 you? The cities are in Aziru's se[rvice]. VS 11.6 4 Moreover. 8 the city where he has been sen[ding] chariots.3 4 Had I been writing treacherous words to my lord? And you say. and indeed. [my] l[ord]. everyone is turned against me. Did I not write to the king. the sons of Abdi-Asirta. J as far as] Ullassa. There is treachery against me. 62. ] . If th[is] year there are no archers. [ . . .4 3 5 . "The two 11 men from Egypt must now come out to me. 4 3 .

"the c i t i e s are w i t h A z i r u . 3 9 . p .g i . G r e e n b e r g . in a n s w e t p e r h a p s t o o n e o f R i b . May the king send this man of mine with all speed and give a garrison to guard his loyal servant and his city. 9 1 : 4 ) is tilquna (EA 104:22). the wa[r is severe again]st me. May the city not be joined to the Apiru. but Rib-Hadda. yi-la-{ak\. in w h i c h . 2. and] a garri[son of 13 the king] was with them. according ro the practice of your ances­ tors. I [have become af Jraid of my peasantry.H a d d a ' s c h a r g e s . b u t the c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t R i b . '4 What am I to do? May the king se(n)d a gar[ri]son and men from Meluhha to guard c me. NOTES 1. EA n 6 : 6 8 f . c 6. May it please the king.f u t u r e f o r m c o r r e s p o n d ­ i n g t o s i n g u l a r yilqu (EA 7 1 : 1 8 ." In a day they will take it. 194 . as for me. 5. If K A L A G . and along with them men from Meluhha. may the king send horses to ((to)) his servant that I may guard the city of the king. May the king send a com[missioner to] de[ci]de between us. I have litigation with Yapah-Hadda and Ha'(ip). Let no one else take it for himself. [But now]. " as a l w a y s e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . Everything that is taken from them belongs to the king. having been sold for provisions to keep me alive. it s e e m s e x c l u d e d b y c o m p a r i s o n w i t h / / in t h e s a m e l i n e a n d in lines 6 5 a n d 81 ( t h e b r o k e n s i g n l a c k s t h e t w o v e r t i c a l s at t h e b e g i n n i n g ) . w h i c h is followed h e r e ." [wh]at i[s to guard me? Look. t h e s i t u a t i o n after A z i r u is t a k e n . I have nothing. 83—94 Moreover. a n d t h e s t r o n g o n e t h e n w i l l b e . Everything is gone.H a d d a here a l l u d e s t o t h e letter o f t h e k i n g j u s t m e n t i o n e d . Habl­ piru. T h e p r e s e n t . O r p e r h a p s t h e reference is t o t h e f u t u r e . see EA 1 0 8 . L [ U ] : certain. But you have not wri(tt)en. there was property of the king at their disposal. " s t r o n g ( o n e ) . (i-nd)-an-na. 4. t h e n "when he w a s c o m i n g . " o n his s i d e . Only one is st[ro]ng. it is h a t d l y a s i m p l e s t a t e m e n t o f fact. T o t h i s R i b - H a d d a r e p l i e s . " O n laqi in line 2 7 . Thus must I be the one that keeps writing [to] the palace fo[r] a garrison and men from Meluhha. 1 2 3 : 3 9 . Take the land of Amurru. "Guard! Be on your 12 guar[d]. I n s t e a d o f K n u d t z o n ' s d [ a . q u o t i n g t h e k i n g in a t o n e e i t h e r o f s h o c k a n d sheer d i s b e l i e f or perhaps of bitter sarcasm. 3. It m a y b e s i m p l y a r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n . " s t r e n g t h . " or t o dunnu. 7 5 : 4 2 . i f yi-la-[ku-nd\ ( K n u d t z o n . 5. n o t Aziru. 71—82 Moreover. 64—71 Moreover. as to the king's saying. . G A c o r r e s p o n d s t o dannu. t h e k i n g c l a i m e d t h a t t h o s e referred t o were really "with h i m . p r o p o s e d i\t-ti\. in] the days of [my] ances­ tors.THE AMARNA LETTERS your mayors. a n d see c o p y o f VS 1 1 ) . n. " A t t r a c t i v e as t h i s t e a d i n g i s . [ a la]-qu: cf. t h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t s t r e n g t h is u s e d here as i m p l y i n g t r u s t w o r t h i n e s s . sunu ittika: w h e t h e r sunu refers t o t h e m a y o r s or t h e s o n s o f A b d i .i l ] .A s i r t a .

. (2) t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f alu as m a s c u l i n e (prefix { i a } . EA 1 4 9 : 3 0 . no. 1 5 1 8 ) . Political Disposition.ME§ a-b[uyf[i-ia mi-im-mi LUGAL-ri VGV-su-nu] 8 7 [ u ] ma-sa-ar-[(ti) L U G A L . " is a l s o p o s s i b l e . 1 0 . I can offer no p a r a l l e l s — t h e e v i d e n c e is e x t r e m e l y m e a g e r — e x c e p t t h e g e n e r a l o n e s of A k k a ­ d i a n (GAG § i 6 5 d . .1 5 May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king.] the war against me.a ] n . 1 1 2 : 9 .H a d d a refer­ ring to h i m s e l f ) . a n d p e r h a p s t o A z i r u (line 4 7 . R e f e r e n c e s t o S u m u r . Moreover. n o t e t h e f o l l o w i n g line. T h e a s s u m e d p a s s i v e m e a n i n g o f the v e r b is u n u s u a l .. A g a i n s t t h i s a s the r e a d i n g at the e n d o f l i n e 8 7 ( K n u d t z o n ) . 4 8 4 ? ) .d [ i . "treacherous. and so may the king give a garrison to his servant.m u r i-nd] 86 UD]. i22:nff. 370:5. . lu na-sa-ra-\td\: cf. 1 5 1 : 5 9 . p p . s a i d o f t h e k i n g . or. e n e m y . EA 1 1 6 . Grammaire de I'he'breu biblique [ R o m e . t h e u s e o f the relative p r o n o u n in reference t o n o u n s of place. p . § i 6 6 c ) a n d H e b r e w (P. For t h e a b s e n c e here o f a r e s u m p t i v e p r o n o u n or a n a d v e r b . it is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y an error for massartu. p . C O P I E S : BB 25 + WA 54. Send the commis­ anc lye m e 1 sioner. m 9. a n d 2 7 1 : 1 8 . "with. 1 3 0 : 2 1 6 ° . EA 9 9 : 8 . " p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e k i n g . 12. my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. 54. 1 3 2 : 5 6 ( ? ) [ b o t h f r o m B y b l o s ] . w h e r e a s t h e n o u n is r e g u l a r l y f e m i n i n e ( e x c e p t i o n . K e s t e m o n t proposed the reading U R U N [ I N . Cf. to t h e official P a w u r u (line 4 7 . J o i i o n . . 1 9 9 .r c ' } . 125: i4ff. n. In l i n e 8 6 . " a n d sdru. EA 8 8 : 3 1 ? en-ni-ip- sa-(at)?). O n the gender a g r e e m e n t . 1 d { a . Say to the king. ennepsa. A g a i n s t ( U R U sa) / « . my lord. yu-u>[a-si-ru]. saru. 49). a n d p e r h a p s sarum at M a r i (AEM 1 / 1 . 2 1 . 1 ) . let him hear my case. Cf. 1 9 4 8 ] . see EA 1 3 1 : 1 2 . 13. I have litigation. is the o n l y c e r t a i n e x a m p l e ) . H e n c e . 3 6 7 : 4 . t h e a b s e n c e o f a d e t e r m i n a t i v e is n o t d e c i s i v e ) . on the J 95 .. see EA 1 1 6 . EA i 2 i : n f f . 85 [ a . 1. In line 8 7 I a s s u m e a r e d u c t i o n in n u m b e r o f s i g n s in the l i n e . VS 11.pawuru as a c o m m o n n o u n is f o u n d only in l e t t e r s from T y r e ." is s a i d only o f a g a r r i s o n . sari: n a r r a t i v e infinitive (cf. U R T A ] ( K e s t e m o n t . I keep writing like this to the pala[ce]. "he has been s e n d i n g " . I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. "to lie. [ pa]-wu-ra. "the city w h i c h g a v e " ( K n u d t z o n ) are the 8 f o l l o w i n g : (1) t h e v e r b a l prefix w r i t t e n w i t h ia s (ia -am-li-ik. your servant. c h a r g e falsely" (VAB 2 / 2 . [. so also N a ' a m a n . EA 118 7. w h e r e a s elilmuhhi is u s e d w i t h baldtu a n d mhnmu. 1 5 9 ) . balat sarri. 11.n u ] . a n d if ma-sa-ar is the correct r e a d i n g . 2 7 0 : 2 4 . Berytus 20 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p. 8 EA 1 0 5 : 6 . 1 8 0 : 6 . 14. n. EA 118 Not like other mayors TEXT: BM 29808 + VAT 1662. 16—23 ^ S t^lv due.» r f : p e r h a p s "Is a s i n g l e ( p e r s o n ) s t r o n g ? " ( R i b . not { t a } ) . n o t e e).. 6 . 10. for s e n d i n g c h a r i o t s . 8.

C o n t e x t r e q u i r e s "right" ( K n u d t z o n ) .r t # ' . t r u t h . 2 4 . " d u e . see a l s o EA 1 1 6 : 2 9 . 7. w h i c h s e e m s p r e f e r a b l e . 4 5 . " Cf. L i n e s 3 6 . b o t h b e c a u s e o f EA 1 2 5 : 3 4 6 a n d b e c a u s e o f t h e u n u s u a l t y p e o f e r r o r in t h e u s e o f c a s e e n d i n g s (ana hazdnutu). loyalty. " d o n o t fit t h i s p a s s a g e . the war [again}st me is severe. 3 4 . 130:21. Cf. if the peasantry c 4 goes off. but now no mayor listens to hi[m]! The king has no servant like Yanhamu—a loyal servant! NOTES 1. lines 39ff.' since the cities are theirs and they are at peace. M E S . t h e s u b j e c t is first p e r s o n a n d pafdru m e a n s "to g o away". tilquna. send the commissioner to take them. a n d t h e e x p e c t e d p l u r a l f o r m w o u l d b e tuparriluna.5 6 As for the mayors. for t h e p a s s a g e is c o n c e r n e d w i t h c u s t o m a r y a c t i o n in t h e p a s t .3 9 . the Apiru will seize the city. and so there are no 2 provisions [for] the peasantry. A s t h e clear p a r a l l e l s in EA 124:356°. 4 9 6 . \th~\ey have {gone off} to c c the sons of Abdi-Asirta. " v i n d i c a t i o n . previously the commissioner at Sumur would [d]ecide between us.THE AMARNA LETTERS other hand. 13746). both of similar semantic range. A g a i n s t t h e r e a d i n g ti-ul 1 ( K n u d t z o n ) a r e t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e n u m e r a l a n d t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s t h a t s u p p o r t o u r v e r s i o n : a s t h e s e q u e n c e dla ezebu-pafdru is u s e d in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . they do not keep writing to the king. 2. c o n c e r n i n g " (VAB 2/2. see JCS 4 (1950) p p . It is against me and against Yanhamu that there is war. H e b r e w sedeq a n d fddqd. I f [ p } a . Moreover. EA 1 0 4 : 2 5 . As the sons of Abdi- Asirta are hostile to the king. cf. may the king send archers and pacify them. p e r h a p s 1 1 4 : 3 0 6 T h e difference between pafrdti in t h e o t h e r p a s s a g e s a n d ipaffara here is t h e e x p l i c i t m a r k i n g for m o d e in t h e latter.r u ] is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g . e i t h e r w e m u s t d e l e t e ana a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f l i n e 4 5 ( a n t i c i p a t i o n o f ana at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line 4 6 a n d f a i l u r e t o e r a s e ? ) . " j u s t i c e . 6 7 Look. 3. " or.3 3 Look. 3 Look. cf. d e s p i t e M A S K I M . t h e n w e m u s t u n d e r s t a n d t h e d e s e r ­ t i o n t o have b e e n o n l y p a r t i a l . 8 3 : 4 6 6 . let the king take from the mayors anything of mine for himself. EA 8 2 : 4 3 6 . Seeing that my only purpose is to serve the king in accordance with the practice of my ancestors. 4. 196 . \yii\-pa-ri-Iu: t a k i n g t h e f o r m a s s i n g u l a r . p. 131:31. 1 1 4 : 5 6 .4 4 lest I abandon the city and go off to you. cf. or w e m u s t t a k e ana in t h e s e n s e o f "as t o . 6. (39) and 1 2 5 : 3 4 6 m a k e evident. even m o r e concretely. T h e u s u a l m e a n i n g s o f kittu. and Sidon a(nd) Beirut do not be­ long (any longer) to the king. EA 122:11. tuballifuna. a n d ttpu- luna. 1696 5 . a-{{na))-[m]ur. to Si(do)n and Beirut.

my lord. 43—52 My only purpose is to serve the king. "Guard yourself.1 3 I fall at the feet of my lord. N o r . Rib-Hadda writes to his lord. [0]r my lord may give c 6 the small(er) [things] to Abdi-Ha[dda}. 1 5 ) . s . . my lord's having written me. 2. and it is this that will lay before the king all my things that are in Yapah-Hadda's possession. what can I (d)o? As to its having been said to the king. let me tell about all their deeds so the king will know that I am a loyal servant of his. my lord. T h e g r o u n d s o f t h e c h a r g e a r e n o t clear. " 2 1 . 2 9 ) . 197 ." [wh]at is to guard me? Indeed.. cf. NOTES 1. EA 119 EA 119 Recalling past kindnesses T E X T : VAT 349.4 2 Rib-Hadda.H a d d a ' s v e r s i o n of w h a t a c t u a l l y h a p p e n e d . 7 times and 7 times. n. 6 . I keep writing like this to the palace (for) a [g]ar[ri}son and for horses in order that I may gu[ard}' his [city}. adabbuba in line 2 3 . Great King. King of Batt(le): May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. is a servant of the king. [There is n]o one that has report[ed} my loyalty before the king. which I have declared. OA 1 2 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . 64. He knows my loyalty! The king knows how often he has done some kindness to me because I am without duplicity. C O P I E S : WA 44.. Now this case is a case concerning my loyalty. As to the king.5 9 this may not be 7 acceptable. VS 11. is there e v i d e n t a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n EA 1 1 9 a n d 1 2 2 — 2 4 ( P i n t o r e . b u t n o f o r m of qabu is c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e t r a c e s . is[ol}ated. Or 5 3 . What more shall I say? There is still a second tablet. [i-n\a-sa-[ru]: a c c o r d i n g t o t h e r u l e o f m o d a l s e q u e n c e . Or n . my lord.2 1 What am I to do? While alive I shall guard the king's city for him. 3. 3 0 4 .H a d d a is p r e p a r e d t o a t t a c k h i s a c c u s e r s : t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s ( ? ) (officials? officers?) a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e e v e n t s in q u e s t i o n are alive a n d w o u l d s u p p o r t R i b .3 2 since the commissioners are alive. 2 8 [ i ] . T h e c l a u s e is u n d e r ­ s t o o d h e r e as t h e r e a s o n w h y R i b . my Sun. m]y [lord].* Everything (belonging to me)—may the king. 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p .d [ a ] . p e r h a p s trace o f ru as in c o p y o f VS 1 1 . but if I die. May the king pay [n]o attention to the slanders against his loyal [ser}vant that [a treacherous man] may utt{t)ri before {the king. "Rib-Hadda has caused the death 2 of (some) royal archers. my lord.£ « . T h e f o l l o w i n g c l a u s e d o e s n o t m a k e m u c h s e n s e if i n c l u d e d in t h e c h a r g e ( K n u d t z o n . take [all of it]? for himself. 3 3 . in m y o p i n i o n .( b u ) : a v e r b o f s p e a k i n g s e e m s r e q u i r e d . 1 4 . see EA 1 2 4 : 5 1 ? .

.'] . 5 5 ) is n o t a likely r e a d i n g .THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. R a i n e y . [. 49 . 6 [1} washbasin. u 5 0 [ u .. which o » l y here is j o i n e d t o t h e p r o p o s a l t h a t t h e k i n g t a k e e v e r y t h i n g . [These are} the things that are wi[th] 2 [Yapah]-Hadda' and I clai[m\:' [ .• io[oo . ioo swords.. i o (leather-) . EA 120:31.. i b i d . . t h o u g h it d o e s n o t s e e m as l i k e l y a n o b j e c t o f qabu. C O P I E S : WA 85.. ioo dag[gers]. . . EA 120 Stolen goods T E X T : VAT 1636.[. } . 4 [ ...]. . . 4 [ .. 5 n. .]. ) . .].. t o o . . cf. c 5 4 .' { . ] .. 8o sububuA i (leather-) . "my d u e " (EA 1 1 8 : i 6 f f . [1} bed. . } . 4 0 0 . W e m a y n o t e x c l u d e kitttya. Abdi-he-[ba] ( R a i n e y . 5. 15 [. . } .}. Mi . [1} hammer.b a ] . 9 All of them pertain to . .. T h i s p r o p o s a l is here u n d e r s t o o d c to m e a n that the k i n g may want to give s o m e t h i n g to A b d i . 2 j over[laid] with gold. . .. .[. braided.t e / t a : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . .. .. . T h e a s s u m e d c o n ­ s t r u c t i o n w i t h t h e infinitive is n o t a t t e s t e d e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . b u t it m i g h t a l s o b e u n d e r s t o o d o f w h a t f o l l o w s . P e r h a p s at t h e e n d o f line 4 8 [ g a b . 65. .H a d d a ' s loyalty p r o b a b l y in t h e s e n s e o f d e m o n s t r a t i n g it. .^ 5 [/}ooo each their weight. kitta qabu in lines 3 6 6 T h a t a r e l a t i v e c l a u s e (sa qabTti) s h o u l d b e g i n a s e n t e n c e w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d .H a d d a . 1 (reed-) ku-ku-tu. 4 0 0 . . Cf. . .}.. for he is w i l l i n g t o g i v e t o t h e k i n g all h i s s t o l e n p o s s e s s i o n s . . .[. .n u . 4 [ . .. .. r e e m p h a s i z i n g the e x t e n t o f t h e offer.. T h e case c o n c e r n s R i b . . T h e d e c l a r a t i o n p r o b a b l y refers t o t h e imme­ d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g l i n e s . .. 8 1 chair ove[rlaid} with gold.. 198 . i b i d . 2000 each [th]eir [weijght. annu lalaqe: cf. . ] . K n u d t z o n s a w a w h o l e IM. . . 10 1 (reed-) .. ] . . . r n 6. n.. 1 (reed-) . . 4 ([re}ed-) .. VS 11. braided. .. [. ] . [. UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 7 . . p .

AfO 14 ( 1 9 4 1 . With regard to . . B o n k a m p . p . . p. the king. P e r h a p s a k i n d o f w e a p o n . . and so there is no [one] 3 0 . . mrbdt (PRU 2 . B o t h ma-ar-su-u (AHw. See EA 1 1 9 : 5 5 1 ? . Die Bibel (see n. 100 .. M / i ." And [ . 1 [ G ] U . He is po]werful.4 5 I herewith [s]end to the kin[g] all the things [o]n a tablet.3 4 who will take ac[tion] against him. " 10.pdry. 6 1 7 ) a n d ma-ar-sa-u (CAD. Die Bibel im Lichte der Keilschrift- forschung ( R e c k l i n g h a u s e n . see CAD. a n d t h e v e r b rbd in c trbd. They have waited. w h i c h h i t h e r t o s e e m e d to i n v o l v e o n l y R i b . 6. nam-si-ti for namsitu (nemsetu)? 7. U g a r i t i c kht. "A s e c o n d ( b e d ) " ? 8. p . . 8 ) . the c o n c l u s i o n o f t h e list o f R i b . 5. ] . [He is hostile] to my lord. . despite Frie- d r i c h . T h e inventory form. GlS. ma-qi-bu: s e e H u e h n e r g a r d . 3 2 9 L 9. . " b e d f s ? ] ) . p . . see E . 100 (shekels?) of gold. T h e t e a d i n g "90 h u n d r e d " y i e l d s a n a b s u r d l y h i g h n u m b e r a n d a s s u m e s 199 . p . Die Waffen der Alten Meso- potamier ( H e l s i n k i . 1573b. They have acted unjustly. [ . He has acted kindly towards my partner. 7. 1 9 6 5 ) . 2. K U § L A G A B x ? ze-ru-tu. Her brother [ . is a b a n d o n e d at t h e e n d (lines 26ft. '* NOTES 1. n o .. { . c 3 5 . n o w a l s o s e e m s s o m e h o w c o n c e r n e d w i t h a w o m a n a n d "her t h i n g s . 2 9 0 ) are t o be r e j e c t e d . . ] . . S a l o n e n . p p . followed b y mskbt. u z-sa-lu.mlk. f o l l o w i n g B o n k a m p .. 8 1 .H a d d a . 4. p . n o . . When the [message'] was* heard. ° 100 chairs. . Ugaritic Vocabulary. see now AHw. T h e r e a d i n g is d o u b t f u l . cf.. rs.H a d d a ' s t h i n g s . 1 9 3 9 ) . w i t h t h e list o f "her t h i n g s " ( l i n e 3 6 ) in lines 2off. or " 1 2 salu" ( K n u d t z o n ) . . . w h i c h I r e t a i n . It m a y a l s o b e a s u m m a r y r e m a r k . May [the king inquire] about him. 12 90—100 maidservants (and) manservants.13 25 . . 5 0 : 9 . . p . . T h e s a m e w o r d a p p e a r s in l i n e 7. a n d cf. ) . "Send her things for her. The c king sent Abdi-Hadda and Bin-aZimi to fetch her. bo"'-d[u]: w i t h R a i n e y . P e r h a p s t h e r e m a r k c o n c e r n s o n l y t h e b e d s a n d t h e chair j u s t m e n t i o n e d . p . 4 2 : 2 f .bst. 15 blankfets}. ma-ar. 2 7 4 . p. "you p r e p a r e t h e b e d o f P i d r i y a w i t h royal covers" (Ugar. EA 120 l 20 [10 k]ipa[l]allu of bo[xwood]. 154. 1 1 1 : 1 1 ) . 3. ?). ] . 11 15 sabattu-garments. A O A T .4 2 ) p p . 4 0 . S u g g e s t i n g t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y is t h e fact t h a t t h e l i t i g a t i o n w i t h Y a p a h . 5 6 . . 2 7 4 ^ .TASKARIN? 2 11. 8 9 . 12. Z . Z A ka-ah-su: see K . no decision was announced.3 9 And to Abdi-Hadda the king said. U g a r i t i c mrbd(PRU 5. or " 1 0 asallu-bowls". it c e r t a i n l y d o e s n o t refer t o m a t e r i a l or w e i g h t .H a d d a ' s p o s s e s s i o n s . B e s i d e s H e b r e w marbaddim.

[7} times and 7 times. 1 4 . . S e e t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f W e b e r . "What is there [wit]h Rib-Hadda?" [So give thou]ght t[o] your [ser]vant and let me tell my [lord'} 2 6 . c 1 8 . . I f s o . EA 9 9 ) . I n s t e a d o f u-da-me-i[q\ ( K n u d t z o n ) . and provisions from the k]ing were at th[eir] disposal. . . u da-me-i[q]. " it w o u l d s e e m t h a t s h e w a s t o b e c o m e p a r t o f t h e royal h a r e m (cf. love[s] his servant. . n. for "90-100. your father}? Now.4 9 [I wrjote to [the king.THE AMARNA LETTERS an u n p a r a l l e l e d w r i t i n g o f 9 0 0 0 . o f m a n s e r v a n t s there are none. the sons of Abdi- c Asirta have said to the Apiru and the men who have [jojined them. w e m u s t a l l o w for " 9 0 . C O P I E S : WA 59.4 0 . 6. but in my 1 case. "S]end [archers]. T h e w o m a n w i t h w h o m lines 28ff. . 6 0 .H a d d a .6 4 [SJend . a n d if h i s s i s t e r w a s t o b e f e t c h e d b y e m i s s a r i e s o f t h e k i n g . fellow m a y o r — w a s is n o t clear." a r e 13.H a d d a h a d s t i l l n o t s e n t e i t h e r her or t h e " t h i n g s . T h e p o w e r f u l m a n o f line 2 9 I a s s u m e w a s Y a p a h . U n t i l lines 22ff. VS 11. " b u t he is k i n d l y " ? EA 121 Past and present T E X T : VAT 1665. 66. f r o m w h o m o f c o u r s e he w i l l d e m a n d m u c h in r e t u r n . " A l l o f t h i s r e m a i n s q u i t e o b s c u r e . VAB 2 / 2 . As to the king. my Sun. Y a p a h . I fall at the feet of my lord." see EA 1 3 2 . p p . may the king [heed] the words of [his] serva[nt] and send archers to {t)a[ke}?> the land of the king for the king. 8 . are b e t t e r u n d e r s t o o d .2 5 e x t r e m e l y difficult. [there are no provisions (or) garrison of the king for [me.1 0 0 m a i d s e r v a n t s . .J 7 .5 3 that you may give p[ea]ce in the lands to the [king's] 5 mayors. Lines 2 2 . T h e c h a r g e w o u l d s e e m t o b e t h a t he d i r e c t s h i s g o o d d e e d s . . ] If [the king.1 7 "Guard yourself. 4 1 . king of all countries. writing me. [then may he fetch his servant] to himself 200 . . are c o n c e r n e d m u s t have b e e n n a m e d at t h e e n d o f l i n e 2 6 . n o t t o t h e c r o w n . W h o t h e p a r t n e r — t h a t i s .n [ a ] ) . p e r h a p s on line 2 3 a r e m a r k o n t h e b e a u t y o f t h e f e m a l e s ( U R [ b a s t a ] . my 2 lord.4 Have they not been [ki]lled like [do]gs. I220f. Rib-Hadda w[rit]es to his lord. my lord. and you have done nothing? 5 4 . my lord]. a n d if s h e h a s " t h i n g s . Great King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king." Did they [no]t take [in a day] the lands for the k[ing. [ .2 5 And] as the war against (me) is very severe. b u t t o o t h e r s .5 9 Moreover. 5 0 . my lord's." what is to g[uar]d [me}? Con­ sider that with my ancestors there was a garrison of [the king].

but for me there is neither garrison nor pro­ visions from the king. K U R . n. EA 74:6off. see JCS 2 (1948) p. u-ul [t\i)-da-ku 53 ki-ma [ U R .. . and there are pro[visi]ons from the king at his disposal. A l l t h e p a r a l l e l s have u tilqe. For {my) sake. king of all countries. t h e n t h e s u b j e c t o f laqu is indefinite t h i r d p l u r a l .D a n g i n . n. 6. 9 3 . n.e [ l . in the days of my ancestors. 132:50. cf. . cf. . O f c o u r s e . . 1 2 9 : 5 0 6 EA 122 An enormity T E X T : VAT 1625. .q e ) : see EA 9 0 .s And he brought 3 men into Egypt. 1. lest the city revolt. there was a garrison of the king with them and property of the king was at their disposal. 9-19 As to the king's saying. . o n e c o u l d p a r t l y a v o i d t h e difficulty a n d t r a n s l a t e "Let it t a k e . Haplography e x p l a i n s t h e o m i s s i o n o f ti. A m o n g t h e p a r a l l e l s n o t e e s p e c i a l l y EA 1 0 7 : 3 0 a n d t h e s e q u e n c e t h e r e o f lequ-palahu. K A M ] : s e e EA 1 0 8 . 9. VS 11. .n a U D . listen to me.ison of 1 the king with me. 2. EA i 2 2 : 2 8 f f . M E S pi-fd-ti ( t i ) . . my lord. He sent Suteans and they killed firdanu-people. but (my) w(ords) are (not) heeded. [Great] King. 31—39 Pahura has committed an enormity against me. I f a r c h e r s a r e r e q u e s t e d . "A deed that has not been done since time immemorial has been done to us!" So may the king heed the words of his servant and send (back) the men. 1 0 . a-na-ku [u-ui] 1 6 [ba]-la-f u': cf. but as far as I am concerned. EA 131:28. RA 19 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p . 67. 248. of the king with him. " 4. 3 . do not refused [But whether] the men are at court o[r n]ot. Rib-Hadda writfes t]o his lord. 1 1 4 : 4 5 6 ° .4 How long has the city been enraged at me! 40-49 And indeed the city keeps saying.5 5 Listen to m(e).3 1 1 must guar[d mys]elf by myself. [ i . There 2 is a garri[son] . Cf. 1 9 . M E 5 : f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u . 5. 201 . there are no provisions from the king at my dis[pos]al. b u t t h e c o n j u n c t i o n s e e m s o p t i o n a l in g e n e r a l . we s h o u l d have t h e a c c u s a t i v e batata. I f [ia-nu] (Knudtzon) were u s e d . King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. K U R . I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 3. n. C O P I E S : WA 47. E R f N . I keep 6 writing like this to the palace. EA 122 NOTES r 1. K ] U : for t h e p a s s i v e tuddkit. "Guard yourself. What am I to do? 5 0 . and there is no garr." consider that previously.

2 1 [t]ook 3 men. loves [his] loya[l] servant. 1 6 . Abd(i)-Milki. EA 8 1 : 1 6 . 5 . T h e u s e o f Suteans probably implies a raid. 4. [my] lord.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1 . Rib-Hadda writes to his lord. Cf. they kill[ed] sirdanu-people. C O P Y : BB 20. n. 89:7??. does not se[nd] them (back). see EA 1 3 6 . NOTES 1 .r i is h a r d l y r i g h t . and brought them in[to] Egypt. [then] send (back) the [ 3 ] men that I may live and guard the city for the king. si-mi ( i a ) ./ z U G U (eli)-(ia): cf. b u t c o n t e x t favors t h e d u r a t i v e . "Guard yourself. see a l s o EA 1 2 5 : 1 2 ? . since sarriitu is u n k n o w n in t h e vassal l e t t e r s . 2 2 . king of all countries. 'T-na-sa-r[u ra-mAa-ni-ia: inassar is a l s o p o s s i b l e . T h e s a m e c h a r g e . O n ti-im-i. i L U G A L . 2. 3 . massar[ti L U ] G A L . killing.H a d d a a n d have a r o u s e d B y b l o s . c 3 8 . my [lor]d. Great King. 2 9 . a n d t h e r e p e t i t i o n o f "royal" m a k e s n o s e n s e . 6. I fa(ll) at the feet of my lord. EA 7 4 : 4 9 ? . I n lines 2 4 ? . w h i c h clearly w a s w r i t t e n a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e as EA 1 2 2 . It is t h e s e t h r e e m e n t h a t are t h e p r e s s i n g c o n c e r n o f R i b . is r e p e a t e d in EA 1 2 3 ." with what am I to guard? Send the 3 men whom Pihura brought in c c and then I will survive: Abdi-Rama. n. if [ti-il/el-qe]: s e e EA 1 2 1 . there is [su]rely going to be a revolt against m[e. in a l m o s t t h e s a m e w o r d s . ramana nasdru: b e s i d e s t h e f r e q u e n t usur ramdnka. t h e o m i s s i o n in line 5 5 . 7 times and 7 times.2 8 [If] the king. Pihura [s]ent Suteans. and kidnapping. King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. 2 . C ? Ea 1 2 2 : 3 1 ? ? r 2. I]f the ki[ng]. 1 3 2 : - 5 if?. 202 . EA 123 An enormity: another version TEXT: BM 29803. (my) Sun..4 3 [Wh]at are the sons of Abdi-Asirta that they have taken the 2 land of the king for themselves? May the king send archers to [take] them. 1 0 3 : 2 0 ? ? .3 7 As to the king's writing. T h e w o r d o r d e r e m p h a s i z e s t h e o b j e c t . 9-15 A deed that has not been done from time immemorial has been 1 done to Gubla. Yattin-Hadda.. my lord. a-(wa-tu-ia li-ul) tu-us-mu-na: cf. 3 . 126:33.

. As far 7 as I am concerned.. . 7 6 : 1 2 ( 6 ." So [may the king come out]. May the La]dy of Gubla [grant po]wer to the king. EA 125:336 203 ." Now. 1 3 . there are no oxen nor any sheep and goats. So give thought to your loyal servant. my Sun." Why should the[y be the ones] to write [t]o 3 you? Th[ey] have (their) cities. EA 1 3 9 : 1 4 .] 2 6 . Ri[b- Hadda] 7—13 writes to his lord. Why has 8 the king (not) sent [chari]oteers (and) archers to take the ci[ties]? 9 5 3 .3 1 . the king will [not] come out. If the king's desire is J1 to (gu)ar[d his city. It [is true]. [You will] not [ta]ke it ev[er] (again). h[e n]ow [says] to me. for e n d o f l i n e 2 2 . at-ta-ma tistapruna (EA 1 1 7 : 8 ) in a v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l context.4 0 [ . "Aziru has taken all my cities. . Gubla alone remains to me. [ . (but) my [ci]ties Aziru has taken! 4 1 .6 0 If he is unable to take [them. NOTES 1. I fall [at the fe]et of my lord.] 61-67 .2 6 Who is t[his fellow. 20 mi-ia-[mi] s[u-ut IRUR. and (even) mayor[s has killed. . C O P Y : WA 62 + WA 64d + WA 65.KU] 21 a la-qa U[RU. alanu ana s[a-su-nu]\ cf. 75:4166. [7 times and 7 ] times. 79:45ff. [your] ser[vant.. [my Sun: Mess]age of Rib-Hadda. 14—19 He is now in fact gathering together all the cities in'order to take it. you keep talking [li]ke this.. my lord. 2. " 2 0 . he now speaks as follows: "The cities of Ri[b-Hadd]a have been taken [and] §umu[r . then] he will also take Gubla 10 [fr]om you. [my] lord.. The traitors [have rebelled] agai[nst the king]. as 6 your ancestors did. } whether [things are] like th[is]. . servant (and) dog]. ] . Where am I to make a stand? Loo[k]. .. . at-(ta)-m\a]\ cf. should troops advance against Gubla. cf. And so] may the king make inquiry [ . [To the k]ing.5 2 In fact. 26. May the king [give thought] to guarding his city . EA 7i:i6ff. . "Yo(u) are the one that writes to me more tha[n a]ll 2 the (other) mayors. gr]ant and send [a gar]rison [with all s]peed in[to I 2 . 5 "No[w]. 3. he has returned in order to [se]ize Gubla. cf.k a / a k } : for l i n e s 2 i f . ] 3 2 . 1 4 0 : 1 1 . . that he has taken the ci[ties of the king 1 for himself]. In view of 4 c the mur[der of Abdi]-Asirta [and] Paw[ura].. . they will take it. . . } he sent troo[ps to se]ize Gubla [and to se]ize Batruna.ME§ LUGAL sa- su] 22 u ha-za-nu-\ti d a . . EA 124 EA 124 The tireless correspondent TEXT: C 4755 (12188).

A S i r t a a n d P a w u r u t h e k i n g d i d n o t c o m e o u t . 9. 3 6 2 : 6 9 . T h e r e a r e . n o o t h e r clear l i n k s a n < m a n b e t w e e n EA 1 1 9 a n d EA 1 2 2 . 3 u n e m e n d e d text there seems to be no g r a m m a t i c a l l y a n d s t y l i s t i c a l l y a c c e p t a b l e w a y o f r e a d i n g lines 5 4 ? that also makes sense. 6." with what shall I guard myself and the city of [the king]? 1 4 . see EA I22f. c 5. and t h e n . EA 125 A study in contrasts TEXT: BM 29802.s f a .[ i k .3 2 And there is no grain for my food. . 2 9 ) . 1 3 1 : 2 2 . M E S 5 0 u la-a U Z . . 12. n. As to the king. A n o t h e r reference t o t h e t h r e e B y b l o s c i t i z e n s d e t a i n e d in E g y p t . " 10. 132:45. Aziru has taken everything. 1 2 0 6 ) . VAB 2 / 2 . LFM. 47 . Or n . saying. 130f. 5—13 May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. .s u ] 5 8 [id]-na .q ] u . EA 113. a n d n o t e t h e a b s e n c e o f "one" b e f o r e U Z . and the peasantry has gone off to towns where 204 . 7 times and 7 times. 5 7 . 5 5 . But now Aziru has repeatedly raided me. 8. la-a-Kmi)] 5 6 [ t i . EA 1 2 7 : 2 6 . s . . [na-ak-ru] 4 8 L U . P i n t o r e . however.i l . a n d t h e y w e r e n o t . . [your] ser[vant]. and the king was accustomed to give grain for their food from the land of Yarimuta. 2 5 . A g a r r i s o n ( l i n e 5 9 ) is n o t u s e d for offensive p u r p o s e s . 3 0 4 f . 1 4 5 : 3 7 ) . pp.& : p r o b a b l y n o t e n o u g h r o o m for [ y i - il-q]u-/c. 2 ) . s e e i n g t h a t t h e v e r b ddku. To the king.THE AMARNA LETTERS 4.H a d d a h a s b e e n a c c u s e d o f b e i n g r e s p o n s i b l e (EA ii9:i8fE. "to k i l l .2 4 . 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p p . 3 . < f i . 11. n. " is u s e d o f b o t h A b d i - A s i r t a a n d P a w u r u . . 2 9 . . s t i l l t h e p r o p o s e d r e s t o r a t i o n s e e m s c w o r t h y o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n . 7 . L a c k e n b a c h e r . A l s o possible: "He will not be a b l e . [my] lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. A s t h e t e x t s t a n d s .49.a r U R U .2 4 Previously. M E S (EA 5 5 . : cf. I fall at the feet of my lord.2 9 . T h e s e a r c h e r s c o u l d t h e n b e c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h o s e for w h o s e d e a t h R i b . I have neither oxen 2 nor sheep and goats. n. as i f t h e y c o u l d n o t b e e x p e c t e d t o b e s u c c e s s f u l ( W e b e r .H a d d a a s k s w h y t h e k i n g s e n t charioteers (and? o r ? ) a r c h e r s . . "Guard yourself and guard the city of the king where 1 you are. . my S[un]." Cf. i4f. there was a garrison of the king with me. OA 1 2 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p p . M E § la-ru-tu is-t\u L U G A L ] : cf. . A n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y : "If a t t h e d e a t h o f A b d i . p . . .a t } : t h o u g h diktu o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in p e r i p h e r a l A k k a d i a n ( S . a-na ( n a ) . . u-ul G U D . TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. he w i l l n o t c o m e o u t now. cf. RA 7 6 [ 1 9 8 2 ] p . see EA 1 1 8 .t i / k a . a n d h e n c e ana s[abai) is excluded. . my lord. R i b . my lord's. see EA 1 0 1 : 5 . I a s s u m e a shift o f p e r s o n s in r e f e r r i n g t o t h e k i n g in lines 5 3 — 5 5 . . C O P Y : BB 19. M E S : o n t h e w r i t i n g o f ul.

why does the king compare me with the (other) mayors? 3 3 . 124:39. C ? EA 1 0 0 . EA 126 Rejection of Byblos or Rib-Hadda? T E X T : VAT 1183. n. 1 4 . 2. i b i d . since Aziru is at war with me. 7 . 5. and nothing at all is given [to m]e. however. and their pea(sant)ry4 is in their control. Moreover. and they get what they need. RA 6 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p . not punctive ( O p p e n h e i m ) . Say to the king. "Gua[rd yourself] and [the city of the king where you are]. n.4 every sort of provision. But Aziru has my cities.2 3 Moreover. 6 1 ( a l s o in Three Amarna Essays. " is w i t h o u t f o u n d a t i o n in e i t h e r g r a m m a r or c o n t e x t . p. t h e t r i b e of c A b d i . 5 2 3 . e .3 3 But now I write for troops.4 0 The mayors have their towns. A g a i n s t t h e a l t e r n a t i v e r e a d i n g relulunu ( K n u d t z o n . " T h e r e g e n t s of t h e o t h e r t o w n s . [having said]. S e e EA 5 5 . see L i v e r a n i .1 3 I am unable to send my ships there. b e l o n g f r o m h e a d to t o e t o t h e m ( i . the sons of Abdi-Asirta. yistak(k?)anu-ni: durative. 68. As for my lord's having written for bo\xwood} it is taken from the lands of Salhi and from Ugarit. o n e w o u l d e x p e c t t o see s o m e t r a c e o f t h e m i s s i n g v e r t i c a l . 2 .H a d d a ' s p l i g h t . and sakdnul litkunu kima m e a n s "to c o m p a r e " . O p p e n h e i m ' s v e r s i o n ." how 6 am I to guar[d myself]? 3 4 . but to me not give anything? Previously. 1 Rib-Eddi. A[s for] the king. why does the king give the mayors. S e e also EA 113:30?. were t h e s i g n ri. 5. my lord's.A s i r t i ) . but a garrison is not sent. money and everything for the(ir) provisions were sent from the palace to my ancestors. EA 126 3 there is grain for their food. see lines 276°. 1. L i v e r a n i . OA 1 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p . C O P I E S : WA 76. A reference here t o t h e p e a s a n t r y o f t h e o t h e r m a y o r s w o u l d a l s o yield a m o r e c o m p l e t e c o n t r a s t w i t h R i b . my friends. s e c t . . 118:45?. la ittTka: see I n t r o d u c t i o n .4 2 I wrote t[o the king. 8. my lord]. n. 4. that ((that)) they do as they please and set fire to the cities of the king? NOTES 1 . Their ships go about as they please. "They 205 . 3 . 4. and all the mayors 3 are at peace with him.'ii). 2 6 4 . for t h e d a m a g e is s u c h t h a t . and my lord would send troops to them. and he 5 seeks my life. T h e first s i g n s e e m s t o b e hu rather t h a n ri. VS 11. n. my lord: I fall beneath the feet of my lord 7 2 times and 7 times. Why shall I make an alliance with him? 40-45 What c are the dogs. ) is a l s o t h e fact t h a t relu a s t h e d e s i g ­ n a t i o n o f a p e r s o n d o e s n o t a p p e a r in EA.

i a ] : see EA 1 2 2 . only 1 2 6 : 3 . see a l s o lines 2 4 . a n d 3 6 2 . I r e a d ia-ti-ia u~'. Why is 8 nothing given to me from the palace? . " is p o s s i b l e . line 4 0 . 2. " b e i n g isr u n d e r s t o o d ) ." " b e a m s . and possibly 1 2 8 : 2 3 1 (x-quf ). my lord. n. b u t ta-di-nu-ni in lines 6 4 — 6 5 .9 Now they are mobiliz­ 10 ing the troops of the Hittite countries to seize Gubla. n.b [ a ] . t h e force o f t h e e n c l i t i c escapes m e . a n d cf. S e e EA 90. a n d n. . r 7." EA 82:416°. n. however. and accordingly they are strong. 3 6 2 : 4 . In v i e w o f tu-ul^-qu-na in line 6. 7 then let him dismiss me. b e s i d e s 1 0 2 : 2 9 (see a l s o EA 8 8 . a n d 1 2 9 : 2 9 = 3 6 2 : 4 5 . 1 2 9 . a n d it has a l s o b e e n a r g u e d t h a t t h e k i n g w o u l d not b e a s k e d t o s e n d a r e p l a c e m e n t 206 . 6 1 . but if me. S e e EA 1 1 3 . but my lord has done nothing to them. 3. perhaps 9 3 : 1 5 . a n d p r o b a b l y 1 2 9 : 7 6 1 6 . (5) teti-ba-u-na o n l y in EA 129 and 3 6 2 . And may the [k]ing pay no attention] to the men of the army.m a . a-na-sa-r\u r a . EA 3 6 2 : te-eq-bu-ni in lines 1 7 a n d 2 5 . t h o u g h K n u d t z o n ' s J 7 .5 2 So send him along with rescue forces. then let him abandon it.n i . If the king hates his city. "old m a n . 3 5 . 5 . yti-sa-ru. "lies. a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e : (1) t h e g r e e t i n g f o r m u l a o f EA 1 2 6 a n d 3 6 2 . and {my] messenger you do not allow to come out.THE AMARNA LETTERS c have taken a[ll] m[y cities]. N o t h i n g r e q u i r e s it. "to s e n d ( t r o o p s ) q u i c k l y . T h e l a t t e r s e e m s m o r e likely ("logs. and the sons of Abdi-Asirta give this to the strong 12 king. 53—60 I have written repeatedly.6 6 So give thought to [your] city. tu-s[a-ru] or tu-s[a-ru~na]: see EA 1 1 4 . my [lo]rd. . 4 4 . i n d i c a t i n g t h a t they were w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e . 9. (8)hummutu. (4) H i t t i t e s referred t o as a t h r e a t o n l y in EA 7 5 : 3 5 6 ° . the Hittite troops and they have set fire to the country. n. but no word comes back to me. 4. a n d t h e p a r a l l e l i s m o f t h e t w o s e n t e n c e s favors t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f b o t h a p o d o s e s b y u. w h o s e n a m e is w r i t t e n in several w a y s . 1." only in EA 1 2 9 : 3 7 a n d 3 6 2 : 5 3 . NOTES 1. . Gub[la is the only c]ity I have. t h e l o g o g r a m is t o b e r e a d as f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r or c o m m o n p l u r a l . (9) t h e E g y p t i a n official. 1 3 1 . In s u p p o r t o f t a k i n g i-zi-ba-si in t h e s e n s e of "(then) I w i l l a b a n d o n it. 6. n. i 2 6 : 5 o f f . b e s i d e s i 3 8 : i i 9 . b u t te-eq-bu-na in line 2 1 ." I have indfeed sen]t my mes(sen)ger t[o the king]. have b e e n c i t e d as p a r a l l e l s ." They give all the silver and gold of the king to the c c sons of Abdi-Asirta. (2) t h e w r i t i n g am-qut"'. 7 ) . i 3 7 ( ? ) . (6) kazbutu. (3) fluctuation b e t w e e n {una} a n d \uni\ o n l y in EA 1 2 6 a n d 3 6 2 (EA 1 2 6 : tu-ba-lu-na in lines 5 8 — 5 9 . 4. 4 3 . " o n l y in EA 1 2 9 : 7 8 a n d 3 6 2 : 7 . 1 2 b e l o w ) . i d e n t i c a l a n d u n p a r a l l e l e d e x c e p t p e r h a p s in EA 1 2 9 . Send a man of yours to g[uar]d it. m a p p e a r i n g as pi-wu-ri o n l y in EA 1 2 9 . ( 7 ) £ A 1 2 9 : 3 2 6 = 3 6 2 : 2 5 6 . A n u m b e r o f d i s t i n c t i v e features a s s o c i a t e EA 1 2 6 . but troops are not sen[t]. They have seized all the lands of the king. a n d 3 6 2 . . in EA. the son of Abdi-Asirta is their [master]. i n s t e a d o f n o r m a l tu-ba-u-na. a n d 83:456°. I f t h e correct r e a d i n g is « TASKARIN"'-wz<2. 7.

12. Izre'el. to guard his city. then there will be no [soldiers from Ka]Ia who will get in. 97? 8. is t h e fact t h a t in t h e s t r i c t l y p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s EA 1 2 9 : 3 2 . pp. t o o . d e p e n d i n g on w h e t h e r the k i n g rejects t h e city i t s e l f or i t s ruler. . s e e m s clearer a n d m o r e forceful.2 6 . 69. n. VS 11. The Road to Kadesh { s e e I n t r o d u c t i o n . T h e " s t r o n g k i n g " w a s p r o b a b l y t h e H i t t i t e ruler ( M u r n a n e . il(texv. If it is the desire of the king. 10. ?" 9. C O P I E S : WA 184. In ta-di-nu-ni I t a k e {uni} as a free v a r i a n t o f {una} a n d a p e c u l i a r i t y o f t h i s s c r i b e .. n. ] . 9 1 . and it will be guarded. 11. . . 150). but now there has been a controversy among my men. D e c i s i v e . t h e t i m e reference of teqbuna a n d teqbuni is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y t h e s a m e . 2 3 .2 5 . however. EA 127 Alone against the world T E X T : VAT 1687. if o n e h a t e s .. as-su is e x c l u d e d .2 9 [Certai]nly. Z.4 1 And now I declare. and 30 chariots." 12—22 Let the arch[ers] come out [an]d fetch us. "Are t h e r e n o t the H i t t i t e t r o o p s . 3 0 . upon the taking of Gubla there will be no men from Egypt {who] will get in here.7 2 ] p . {and] 207 . however. EA 127 if he w e r e b e i n g t o l d to a b a n d o n B y b l o s ( L i v e r a n i . Yanhamu being [with you]. May my lord grant 100 men and 100 soldiers from Kasi. . RA 6 1 { 1 9 6 7 ] p . 3 7 . in w h i c h . I am being hard-pressed : si-ir-ti (I am besieged). K n u d t z o n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e s i g n ( s ? ) is e x a c t . la(?). AIPHOS 20 { 1 9 6 8 . JANES 2 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p . . T h e latter a r g u m e n t i g n o r e s t h e fact t h a t t h e r e p l a c e m e n t is c a l l e d for o n l y u n d e r the second c o n d i t i o n . then may my lord give a garrison of . o n e also flees (ndbutu) or a b a n d o n s (ezebu). 4 ) . see t h e p a s s a g e s c i t e d in CAD. In EA 3 1 6 2 : 2 1 . my lord: c when? previously Abdi-Asratu used to come up against me. n o t e a l s o t h e p a r a l l e l ­ i s m o f teba'una a n d teqbuni. 4 9 . 1 0 0 . n. n. how frequently. L i c h t e n s t e i n . t h e teqbuna o f t h e first is r e p l a c e d in t h e l a t t e r b y teqbuni. 2 0 6 ) rather t h a n t h e k i n g o f M i t t a n i ( G . t h e k i n g has t w o p o s s i b l e c o u r s e s o f a c t i o n . T w[as str]ong. UF 1 6 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . . M y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . "On to GublaV's For who—seeing that everyone is against me—who is to rescue 4 me? {/ assure yo]u.tu)-tu. n. N o t e . and it is 8 9 different. p . Should Gubla be [jojined? [to] the c { Ap]iru. { . the king should inquire 6 from him [about the sl]anders. Cry out. that I may guard the land of my lord until a large force of archers comes out. my lord. 4. B u n n e n s . 1 3 . has c h a l l e n g e d t h i s view a n d w o u l d t r a n s l a t e the f o r m s w i t h {uni} as p r e t e r i t e s . S e e EA 1 0 1 .3 3 = 3 6 2 : 2 5 . 1 1 9 ] . S e e M . 2 . Gubla is a loyal city.

" is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s .. [ a . m y l o r d . T A G l R . ia-ab-»]i. .n a k]a-ar-fi: cf. 8. M E S LUGAL E [ N . L a s t w o r d s : "{then I will] d i e . NOTE 1 . F i v e l i n e s .. t h e f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r a d j e c t i v e rabtti in l i n e 3 9 . [ a l . A few s i g n s p r e s e r v e d o n t h e o b v e r s e . Zani.n a K I ] . w i t h loss o f v o i c e d i s t i n c t i o n . - NOTES 1 . "when. 2. t h e loyal city. " (nadltna) pa-ni-nu elilmuhhi U[R]U gub-la. [ti-tn-i\p-Ia-mi: l i t .r a p i l i : I fall 7 t i m e s a n d 7 t i m e s b e n e a t h t h e feet o f t h e k i n g . s e c t . m a y c o n t a i n a p o s t s c r i p t o f t h e f u t u r e ruler o f B y b l o s (cf. for t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n . 4.THE AMARNA LETTERS my lord [ta]kes the land of Amurru [fo]r himself. see JCS 4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p p . 3. cf. EA 1 1 9 : 2 6 . c 10. 71. L i n e s 2 iff. t h e n t h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e c o n t r o v e r s y or p a l a v e r c o n c e r n e d t h e i r loyalty t o R i b . 4. "to b e c o m e narrow. p e r h a p s "the s l a n d e r s a g a i n s t G u b l a . . M E S pifdti is t h e s u b j e c t o f b o t h v e r b s .]. I f D u r a n d ' s a n a l y s i s o f rihfu in AEM 1 / 1 . If U R I N .» w la-qe: infinitive r a t h e r t h a n s t a t i v e laqat. "another" ( p a l a v e r ) ? 9. " O n p o s t s c r i p t s . "to confine. "let G u b l a b e j o i n e d " (yaqtula). hear a b o u t t h e d e e d o f ( t h a t ) c r i m i n a l ." m D c Line 1 2 : [. w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e as t h a t o f EA 126: 21 [um-ma] i-li-ra- u [pf-ih] 2 2 [ a . [. however.H a d d a . A k k a d i a n sidqu. I r e a d is-sd-qu : ft-ir-ti. s t r a i t e n e d " = C a n a a n i t e fur.. 6. tus. "and he was buried. i8ifF. "(Let u s set) o u r faces u p o n G u b l a ." 7.. cf. " EA 128 Message lost TEXT: VAT 1873 (not collated). 5 ... m EA 1 4 0 ) . is c o r r e c t . see I n t r o d u c t i o n . VS 11. w i t h a reference t o t h e A p i r u .w ] 2 3 [7 u 7 am\-qut '-ma. EA 88:31 (en-ni-ip-sa-(at)l). [and it h]as peace. " M e s s a g e o f I l i . " T h e A k k a d i a n f o r m s e e m s t o b e a n e r r o ­ n e o u s p e r f e c t .IM (Hadda/Ba al).l u ] .fi a n d tilqe are ex­ p e c t e d . 208 .. p p . m y l o r d . a n d 1 3 very f r a g m e n t a t y lines on t h e reverse. kima. issdqifor issTq) + { u } of Canaanite durative. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. a n d if it is p e r t i n e n t h e r e . [ T h e k i n g ] d i d nothing. addressed to the king. A n d m a y t h e k i n g . 1696°. L i n e 8: » qe-bi-ir qa-al. b e s i e g e . C O P I E S : WA 227.

"If w[e] seize 1 16 Gubla. 2 9 keeps telling the magnate of . . my lord's. 70. Rib-Hadda? 22 Fo[r my ancesto]rs.7 4 • • • 7 5 . servants (and) d o g s . W]hat will the troops do [for your servant]. Truly. . 209 . [Rib]-Add[i. . as to the king. ] and the magnate of Kumidu. and the lands be joined to the king. . 4 . Who are they.8 9 the king of [ . then send ships to 23 fetch me. to my lord. . Say t]o the [ki]ng. .. ' what will the archers do?" 3 4 . Accordingly. They say. .. ] that they should acquire fo[r themselves a]nything? They have piled up prop[erty of] the lands of the king in [their own] han[ds}.. 14 they are intent on committing [a crime]. so that [the lands of the king belong] to the sons of c 27 Abdi-Asirta. . ] . 2 c inq(ui)re abo[ut the s]on[s] of Abdi-Asirt[a.5 4 L[ook]."i° they have not taken them. f ]or they d[o}?> as they 4 please. b[ut they have killed 8 9 10 him] All my cities belong to (t)hem. and they strive to ta[ke] it. And 18 19 they are stronger than we are. earlier kings guard[ed] Gubla.3 4 greatly. the dogs? If Biryawaza is afraid 28 (o)/the king. EA 129 EA 129 A long review of the situation T E X T : VAT 1637 + 1638. . "Surely it cannot be seized. unless archers come out 2 within this year. and you yourself must not abandon it. If there are no archers this year. having written.$ Th]ey are against me. they have long[ed] to 13 commit a great [crime]. Who are they. Since a tablet to the mayors is [notpro]duced. along with (my) living g o d . the dogs [ . my lord. not say. and the (last) commissioner 7 [was] a wi[se] man who was highly respected. he has not taken them. [They have committed] a l c cri[me.2 1 Now what they too[k ha]d been i[n the charge of] the commissioners of the king. If the king. . It is at pe[ace}. my 24 lord.*> The mayors of the Jckig ." you spo[ke] 17 lies : ka-ma-mi(?). [Look]. they have won [the lands] for the Apiru. [ . May the king. [then] their aim will be to seize [Gubla]. . If there are no archers. [my] lord. On its being [ta]ken [Gubla (itself)] they will u 2 12 [t]ake. . [ . 5 5 . they will [tak]e ° Gubla. then they 21 will be strong. my lord.. . [my] lord: [I fall beneath the fee]t (of 1 my lord) 7 times and 7 [times]. } soldiers and 6 [. "Troops have indeed come out.2 5 ••• 6 . . m[y l]ord. There are no archers. [. my lord.1 2 May the king. If Gubla [is taken. VS 11. and] the king of 26 the Hittite countries. C O P I E S : WA 86 + WA 87. Batruna remai[ns to me}. . may the king hasten the sending of the archers so he may take them. 2 2 . they do not come out." And now 2 5 .] 1 3 . "Ta[ke (them)]. .

r 2. N o t e . r 8. 1 [ ri-ib~}-ad-d[i qi-bilbi-mi] 2 [a-n]a [ L U G ] A L be-li-[ia a-na KI. M E § 7 u ~T lam-quf'Y. b u t here U R U . U R U . K I . 3. 14. on t h e s c r i b e o f EA 1 2 9 . see JCS 4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p . TE^-ba (for bdsta. irttha[t a-na ia-si]: enough room? 11.[ n u ] . O n l y t h e city o f B a t r u n a r e m a i n s . 15. 9iff. . t o o . 1. y i ./ ] i : t h e k i n g ' s s i l e n c e s h o w s indifference a n d encourages the rebels. 6. b u t 3 6 2 : 2 8 U R U . a n d s o t h e t r a n s l a t i o n is here often e x t r e m e l y t e n t a t i v e .KI gub-la]: enough room? 12. mi-am-ma. M E § is e i t h e r o t i o s e or carries w i t h it t h e c o n n o t a t i o n o f " a l l / g r e a t e r G u b l a " (or t h e l i k e ) .ME$.TA] r 3 [ G ] i [ R ] . EA 1 2 4 : 2 3 . cf. Cf. NOTES m 1.4 . . M E § . M ] E § qa-[ti-su-nu]: kummiru (kamdru. [URU.T . a n d p e r h a p s [SA]G -q[d]-di (for qaqqadT. n. ( K I ) . t h a t in EA 129:53. ti-e-te-pu-Iu in line 8 8 . LU e [ m . they took the 33 territo(ry) of Sr. "to p i l e u p " ) . K I . 38f. . 3 6 2 : 1 . amur-mi in EA 3 6 2 : 2 7 . EA 106:39 l 7 3> a s s u m i n g here a s p o r a d i c A s s y r i a n i s m (kabbut).umu]r for themselves.H a d d a .THE AMARNA LETTERS i2 90—94 . 16. as e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (VAB 2/2. "to d e s i r e .( s a ) . M E § . a n d t h e p r i z e s o u g h t b y t h e e n e m y a n d feared b y R i b - H a d d a is t h e c a p t u r e o f B y b l o s i t s e l f (EA 3 6 2 : 1 2 ^ ) .D a n g i n ' s t r a n s l a ­ t i o n . l i k e ussir. 8 tipusilna a-n[a sa-su-nu] 9 \m~\a-am-ma ku-mi-ru mi-a[m-ma sa] 1 0 [ K ] U R . "If we seize . A r t z i . T h a t B y b l o s . K I in line 3 1 .t e (kalbu). " 17. if [ d a .U R . 9.n a ] : cf. They took Pewurfu and ki]lled him.q u s u . EA 1 2 6 : 1 .s u ] : cf. e t c . o n l y o n e c i t y is referred t o . Bar-llan 1 ( 1 9 6 3 ) p p .. / i . is i n t e n d e d t h r o u g h o u t is a l s o r e q u i r e d b y c o n t e x t . 94—98 Since there are n{o arc]hers. UR. Pewuru.t p u . w h i c h follows i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e s e n ­ t e n c e b e g i n n i n g . V-Cnja [qa-at]. sa-bat-mi ni-[nu]: EA 1 2 9 : 3 2 = 3 6 2 ^ . for & z .2 r * are e x t r e m e l y difficult." is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d in t h e periphery. . t h e ME§ in U R U . r 4. ana ( s a ) . EA 3 6 2 : 2 6 has U R U . l o n g for. 1 7 0 .s u ./ a . w h e r e t h e h o p e is e x p r e s s e d t h a t t h e k i n g will not d i s m i s s t h e t h r e a t s e x p r e s s e d by R i b . 10. 13. p. T h e r e a d i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f lines 4 .k u . RA 19 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p p . w h i c h is c o m p a r a b l e t o KUR-nu ( o r i g i n a l l y for nukurtu. e x p l a i n s t h e g l o s s as A k k a d i a n 210 . line 9 6 a n d EA 362:69. th[ey are str]ong. EA 2 0 9 : 1 6 ) . and [they killed the commissioner of the king]. 1469). B e t t e r . ka-{al)-bu? 5. similarly. puhhir. If [the king] is not going to listfen to his servant. a n d n o t t h e o u t l y i n g v i l l a g e s . EA ? 1 0 2 : 7 ) . ti-i}-b[u a r . a n c i o : 2 7.n a ] : sabu. They are [against me].3 . see a l s o T h u r e a u . In EA 1 2 9 a n d 3 6 2 . p a s s i m ) . ko*-b[ii): as in l i n e 8 1 . i-pi-il[ar-ni]: EA 1 2 9 : 2 9 = 362:45. a n d see EA 1 2 6 . then may he se]nd ships.u t ] 1 6 sa ka-bu-ut ma-gal: cf. i-nu-\ma la-a] 2 8 s [ u . M E S . Cf. M E § L U G A L a-na U Z [ U . .t f / : cf.

EA 3 6 2 : 2 7 a n d line 44 below.m u t ." w h i c h is a t t e s t e d in A l a l a k h . EA 130 c Life among the Apiru T E X T : VAT 1624. s .. H e b r e w y d r e ' min. 33. [ a . n. 249. ti-n[a-sa-ru-n}a. P e r h a p s R i b . 29.s u ] : d e s p i t e K n u d t z o n ' s o b j e c t i o n s . " w h e r e b y t h e s c r i b e e m p h a s i z e s t h a t it is r i g h t to call w h a t t h e k i n g w r o t e lies. b u t b y U R U . a[r-na] 87 [ e p .n u ni]i-na . [u \a]-qu-mi. A l e p p o . " W h o are t h e y ? the k i n g o f M i t t a n i ? t h e k i n g of K a s s u ? t h e k i n g o f H i t t i t e c o u n t r i e s ? " Cf. 22. Political Disposition. . r 1 32. my lord. p.k a \rib-hadda: cf. I p r o p o s e i-pi-(ti) K I . 94. M E S ) . P e r h a p s . In l i n e 45. .f f l ] / : cf.n a i R . P e r h a p s b e t t e r : "(If) t h e r e are no archers ( a n d ) t h e y d o n o t c o m e o u t . a n d B o g h a z k o y ( S u n a s s u r a treaty). VS 11. U R U ( l o g o g r a m r e v e r s e d ) s[u-mu-r]i. 48:16. "your m e s s e n g e r s are b e i n g s e i z e d " ? 26. 72. 4. S e e n. a n d r i g h t after tilquni. mi-di la sa-ab-ta-at /><2-[as-ha-at]: see JCS 3 1 (1979) p . he is n o t s h o w i n g it a n d a t t a c k i n g the k i n g ' s enemies. . K n u d t z o n ' s r e s t o r a t i o n is g r a m m a t i c a l l y u n a c c e p t a b l e (tiqbilna required). T h e m o s t l i k e l y r e a d i n g s e e m s to b e U R U .t i ] . 28) R i b . EA 116:706 27. T h e s c r i b e o f EA 1 2 6 .i^-ba-t{u-na]. see N a ' a m a n . K I ( . cf. n o t e a. EA 362:27. 4. . n. a n d so it is u n l i k e l y t h a t U R U s[u-mu- r)i is c o r r e c t . a n d 362 never i n t r o d u c e s a c i t y s i m p l y by U R U .m i ] : a g a i n (see n. r 25. G a z a . 16 a b o v e . VAB 2/1. " t h u s . my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. 45 [ a . 28. pal-ha (it)-tu L U G A L BE-[/<z}: cf. your servant. a n d see n. 23. they w i l l b e s t r o n g e r . 30. p . I f B i r y a w a z a is a f r a i d o f t h e k i n g (as t h e k i n g says he i s ) . I f t h e s h i p s were to fetch " m e a l i v e " . u dannu in EA 3 6 2 : 2 8 . I d o not a c c e p t t h e a l l e g e d p a r a l l e l in PRU 3. H e l c k . we s h o u l d expect balfa.z a . 746°. 19. B u t t h i s w o u l d leave t h e p e r s o n a l n a m e h a n g i n g in t h e air.[ q u .H a d d a refers t o h i m s e l f b y n a m e b e c a u s e he is i m p l i c i t l y citing t h e w o r d s o f his enemy. 20. 46. Say [t]o the king. [ u d a . 18. May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. ( K n u d t z o n ) . 3. T h e "living g o d " is very likely t h e s a m e g o d t h a t is m e n t i o n e d in EA 84:35. 29 (i960) p . / e . Beziehungen. tu. "territory. t h e p a r a l l e l in l i n e 34 s u g g e s t s a r e s t o r a t i o n o f [pi'-td-tu]. " Cf. M E S or U R U . see Or n . 1 7 0 . EA 130 kdmma-mi.H a d d a s e e m s t o refer to a letter f r o m the k i n g . eperu. not balti. 552. p . K I a [ z . 31. C O P I E S : WA 46. 1 2 9 . m 21. I fall at the feet of 211 . which would a l s o fit t h e b r e a k perfectly. 24... p. dan -«#.

and 100 men from Kasi. the city of my lord. "Irimayas's'a is coming to you. but] a garrison [of the king] was wi(t)h them. . w h o n o t e s t h e p a r a l l e l i s m in U g a r i t i c o f nkr a n d tn. p . this is the way they 212 . he was placed in . 30-40 {Form]erly. they will s[ur]ely take it.3 0 They have attacked' commissioners : ma-lik. send a garrison to guard the city. e d . my lord. [the]y are the 1 ones who strik[e] our city. What am I. n. formerly my ancestors [were str]ong. should troops a{dv]an{cep on Gubla. 14—20 As to the king's having written me. 7 times and 7 times. . 15—20 If the king does not send the summer- 2 grain. {Though the war against me] is seve[re]. my lord. and it is distressing for us to see that w(e) are going to be taken. We are servants of 6 the king. Le Palais et la Royaute (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . If the desire of the king is to guard his city and his servant. There were provisions from the king at their disposal. 9-14 As to the king's having written to me. 4 and m{e. 73). my Sun.THE AMARNA LETTERS the king. [I] will guard it while I am [a]live. Sumur has now been seized. Wh[at shall I] do? 3 2 . i{t] had 8 9 no one for fu{nerary offerin]gs. the king's counselor. to do? If now there are no provisions from the king for me. 1 [.4 2 As for the mayors. ti-du-ku-[na Iu\-nu. 2 1 . i n . "Guard yourself and guard the city of the king where you are. They are like dogs. who live among "Apiru. see L i v e r a n i . they will k i l l . EA 131 A commissioner killed TEXT: BM 29807..5 2 A(ll) lands are at war against me. If the desire of the king." he has not come to me. your servant]. 2.3 1 Look. n. 4 3 . p e r h a p s "will b e c o m e h o s t i l e " . was killed. . who is going to [gu]ard it? NOTES 1 .} 6-14 My lord {us]ed to send a garri[son] to Gubla. . C O P Y : BB 24. in G a r e l l i . I f t h e v e r b in q u e s t i o n is sananu. There was war against the[m." who can guard me? 2 1 . my peasantry is going to 2 fi[gh]t (against me). is (to guard) Gubla. . 1 The corps]e was cas{t aw]ay. When [I] die. I have [n]o [provision]s [from the king or gar]ri[son of the king]. . and there is no one who wants to serve them. that they may guard Gubla. When Pewuru. 1 8 8 . then may my lord send 300 sol­ diers. troops from Gubla have been killed.. I myself am afraid I will be kil{led. M E S (counselors) of the king. 30 chariots.

o n t h e s y n t a x . 4 1 . R e a d AD-b[u-ka] = abilkal 11. .s a . . .. 2 . pdnanu. 2 8 .q u ] (line 40). T h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t qerebu. . n o t e . not m o d a l . [SE.KI gub-l{a KASKAL (liarrana)]: if yisabbata is the c o r r e c t r e a d i n g . p . (2) qi (GI) is o t h e r w i s e u n k n o w n in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . .f i l . b u t it is q u e s t i o n a b l e w h e t h e r t h e r e is e n o u g h r o o m . .]: q u i t e c o n j e c t u r a l . B e g i n n i n g o f l i n e 3 2 : r e a d p r o b a b l y yu-fir or yu-{wa)-Iir. they will take it. " h e r e i m p l i e s h o s t i l i t y . 4 8 . 14. [May the king ask] Yanhamu about th(ese) 6 ma(tt)ers. t h e n t r o o p s w i l l a d v a n c e .. u-da-a-k{a]: the r e a d i n g is a l m o s t c e r t a i n .. 213 . there is n o o n e . GA]-p{ 3 0 ia-nu a-na la-a-Uu . a n d (3) t h e s u b j e c t o f s u p p l i e s is i n t r o d u c e d s u d d e n l y a n d in an u n p a r a l l e l e d m a n n e r . . "There is no grain (or) food [for] the archers to eat. Hebrew q°rab. The lands of Canaan will not belong to the king.6 2 [ . and he t[ook} everything.' NOTES 1. n o t e t h e c h a n g e in n u m b e r i n tilqunali. . " 4. "to a p p r o a c h . [ u s . p r o p o s e s yu-ba-lli-iq]. If [the king] heeds the words of his servant and [sends] a large archer 12 force. U n l e s s t h i s p a s s a g e c o n t r a d i c t s EA 1 1 7 : 2 3 6 ° .5 6 [ .. Pahamnata would not listen to me. . [ y u . qitrubu a n d taqrubtu. a n d t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t r a c e s is e x t r e m e l y difficult a n d s u b j e c t i v e . . see Or n . the d o u b l i n g m u s t b e i g n o r e d . did [not] send a small archer force. T h e final {a} is p r o b a b l y a fossilized v e n t i v e . EA 131 10 acted: the king.[ 5 i .'i If] he does not send (them) [to Gubl}a. 12.r u ] ( l i n e 3 9 ) a n d j / ' . [your}fath[er}.s ] i . 10.. . U]S 2 9 yu-n[a-d]a LU KI. s . . . I n v i e w ofyilmu (line 3 8 ) . cf. t h e r e q u e s t for a l a r g e force in lines 38ff. i66f. w h i c h is p e r h a p s to b e t a k e n as an indefinite p l u r a l . y i .. T h e t a b l e t is b a d l y d a m a g e d or e r o d e d h e r e . ] . A l s o p o s s i b l e ( K n u d t z o n ) : "If . R e f e r e n c e to P e w u r u ' s b o d y ? A n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y : " S h o u l d a c o r p s e b e l a i d t o r e s t .. ." wherever are all the cities of the king food and grain [may be found}. see VAB 2 / 2 .r # : cf. "to p e r i s h " ? 7. 6. alaqu = haldqu.]'4 He must not ne[glec}t [his city. E n d o f l i n e 3 2 : i f ab-b[u-ka] is the correct r e a d i n g .r a ( K n u d t ­ z o n ) m u s t a s s u m e an e x t r e m e l y rare p l u r a l o f m a j e s t y . N a ' a m a n . Political Disposition. .[ b a ] . 29 (i960) p. ana sa-a-[su pa-na]-nu-ma: elsewhere in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . . 1 5 9 4 . . p p . Now his son has plundered] Sumur. t o o . line 2 8 . not pananumma. 8.4 7 As to its being 1 said 3 be[fore] the king. arch}ers and auxiliary forces [ . ] 5 7 . he (the king) wil[l take everything. ia-[a]-t[i l R . . and [ . p r o b a b l y [ y ] u . udakla LU. 30 ..s ] i . T h e difficulties w i t h S E . and he went on 11 with his tr[eacher]ous activities. " 9. M E § qe-e-si are (1) §E is not c o m p l e t e l y c e r t a i n . ni-{au) na-ld-qu: very t e n t a t i v e l y t a k e n as p a s s i v e o f leqii (nulaqqu or nulqu e x p e c t e d ) . r 1 ? 3. .k a ] : cf.t e a-na 5 URU. 5 . e i t h e r a n e g a t i v e is t o b e r e s t o r e d or t h e s e n t e n c e m u s t b e read a s a q u e s t i o n . yti-Ii-ra ( l i n e 1 2 ) a n d yu-Ii-ru (line 1 5 ) .

Earlier.. ) s u g g e s t a f o r m o f pasahu (u pashat al gubla. { .m ] a . 8. your {serjvant. .1 8 Moreover. see EA 1 0 9 .5 9 I keep (wr)iting like this to the pa[lac]e. Now Ha'ip has hand{ed over] Sumur. G u b l a . M E S an-(nu-tu): cf. 15. t h e n . together with his possessions? 19—23 Now Aziru has gathered c a{ll] the Apiru and has said to them. May the king not neglect this deed. " is not t o b e r e s t o r e d in t h e b r e a k . .2 . O n laqi. . they will take you prisoner. UF 19 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . . "If we d o n o t . "to g u a r d .x . "If Gubla is not . ] " 3 24—28 { . . whose father 5 turned the citi{es] into enemies. lami { i . "Send the royal archers. n. yti-qa-bu: f o l l o w i n g Izre'el. NOTES 1. Yanhamu being with you. . and he guarded the c{ities] of the king. {to g]uard [the city] for you. t h e t h i r d vertical o f ir ( K n u d t z o n .a [ k ] . C O P Y : BB 18. . 8 . . and I wrote to your father. my lord. . . M E § . see EA 1 0 8 . " ? 214 . [S]ay {to] the king. O n t h e o t i o s e M E § in U D . 5 1 .5 0 1 said the same thing to Pawuru so he would not listen to the words of Ha'i{p]. EA 132:29?. a{sk him] if I did not say to him. P a r a l l e l s (EA 1 1 2 : 3 3 ! ? .s u ] .[ x ] ( l i n e 2 3 ) . n. and the entire land 1 2 c will be taken in a day. {but] no attention is paid {t]o me." He listened t{p me]. K l . . 29—37 {LJook. m[y] Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda. K A M . and all your {ma]yors will be killed. 50 chariots.1 0 0 men and 5 0 ." Did he not take fo{r himself] Abdi-Asirt{a]. m 16.1 0 0 m[en fro]m 6 [Meluh]ha. t h e n a f o r m o f nafdru. n. 8 6 . Abdi-Asirta attacked me. 3 7 . 5. 3. your loyal city.THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 3 ./ & / 59 { a n a U R U . Send ships to fetch the Lady's property and me. . Se{nd] archers and bring peace to the land. 2. { . EA 132 The hope for peace TEXT: BM 29801. . If now you are negligent. . I f a r c h e r s a r e m e n t i o n e d in l i n e 5 7 . give c thought to Gubla. since a commissioner was killed. see EA 8 8 . ] . then Pihura will not stay in Kumidu. 62 {yi-sa-al ]ia-an-ha-ma a-na a-{wa)-te. May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. "If you make an alliance . his lord. B B ) is n o t clear. . my lord. ] with the sons of c 4 Abdi-Asirta. {Sen]d 5 0 . . P e r h a p s n i . 1 3 2 : 5 6 ? . I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 14. "then G u b l a w i l l b e a t p e a c e " ? ) .

s .[ x .2 2 they can[not] return. 9. a[nd they have gone for]th. O n t h e g l o s s . I n m y o p i n i o n . R u l e s o f m o d a l s e q u e n c e e x c l u d e anassiru ( K n u d t z o n ) . { ..1 9 d a [garrison] to your cities with all [sp]eed. OA 1 1 (1972) p . 1 0 . Moreover. 29 (i960) p . A]s Ha'ip is [withyou]. s . Or n . o n line 3 2 . . I f t h e r e is n o t e n o u g h r o o m for t h e c o n j u n c ­ t i o n . . so that we must give u p our gods. [ . M E § definitely b e l o n g s o n l i n e 3 3 . { . Political Disposition. 74. 24...a : ka-[si that I may gua]rd [. From time im[memorial] 2 the g[ods] have not gone aw[ay] from Gubla. the kin]g. 11. M ] E § IR-a-si-ir-ta it la-qu-ka sa- ma a-na [ia-si]: see JCS 4 (1950) p . 5. . 6. . s e e P i n t o r e . 1. . [Sen]d [troops to Gu]bla. [my] lord. 1 0 3 . for a s o m e w h a t different v e r s i o n . s e n and then 1 2 . p . L i n e 57: [(ii) ti-n\a-si-r[u\. thfrevil dog. for w h i c h see EA 1 2 1 .. C O P I E S : WA 66. s e e Or n . .* 1 5 . 1 0 5 . 1 7 0 . n. 7—14 [N]ow Aziru has 3 sen[r] troops t[o sei]ze it. a-pa-si x . The sons of c Abdi-Asi[rta have taken] all [your] cities. t h e c o n s t r u c r i o n is a s y n d e t i c . 3. [my lord]: [Se(n)]d me 1 0 [men from Meluh]b. 1 0 . [I ke]ep writing like [this] to the king.x ] at-ta ki-ta it-[ti D U M U .]' NOTE 1. 29 (i960) p . 1. C O P Y : WA 83. O n the reading of the n u m b e r s . And there being no [troops i]n the city to smit[e the servant]. . OA 11 (1973) p . . b u t a p l a u s i b l e r e s t o r a t i o n e s c a p e s m e .* lest Azi[ru ta]ke it. t h e vertical after §1 in B B is c e r t a i n . give thought your[self t]o your servant and to G u b l a . n. EA 133 m 4.. . } . n. 2 3 . . And [may it seem right] in your sight. n. They [ar]e at war wi[th me. O n lines 37ff. VS. [Wh]at am I to do [b]y myself? [The people w]ho were i[n the cit]y have deserted i[n order to g]etprovisions fo]r th[emselves]. . n. ask him. EA 134 Departure of the gods TEXT: C 4754 (12189). EA 133 Some advice for the king TEXT: VAT 1667 (not collated). see N a ' a m a n .2 9 [andhe s]ends a [garris]on 215 . 167. see Pin­ t o r e . ] 5—n Sumur {. .

R I (kalbi)? In t h e b r e a k t h e r e is r o o m for a n a v e r a g e . Cf. lit. [T}o the king. Men of Gubla. . K I . 1 Too fragmentary for translation. I assfure you]. Tell el Amarna. U R (kalbu. Who has said anything to him? This being true.s i . my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. see I n t r o d u c t i o n .r a ] . under which traces o f a horizontal. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. [1R] L U ' U R . K U (EA 138:96). N\ow\ the war against me is severe. 9 5 . and U R . 216 . EA 136 Rib-Hadda from Beirut TEXT: BM 29799. t h e n t h e e r a s u r e . p e r h a p s nadnu. your servant. 20. a b a n d o n i n g t h e i r e a r t h l y o n e s in B y b l o s ? 3. . EA 8 2 : 1 5 . he has turned again[st Gub]la . the dirt at your feet. I fall at the feet of the king. 7 times and 7 times. 132:13. and I am afraid. 94^°. . t u S . .4 1 [. n. my lord. "have n o t g o n e u p " (elu). M E 3 ] : cf. taken $umur.w i [ E R I N . and / wrote. nadltna in EA 8 9 : 1 6 ) . ] . K U (EA 8 4 : 3 5 . 2. " R ? 4. As I have sent a man of mine to the palace. COPY: Sayce. 77. 2. EA 129:7. nadttnu: t a k e n as first p l u r a l (cf. {/} and Gubla.] NOTES 0 : l 1. 3 2 0 : 2 2 . I f read correctly. 3 8 . 9.s i z e s i g n . To their heavenly dwell­ i n g s .THE AMARNA LETTERS to {bis] ci{ty}. pi.. g e n i t i v e o f U R . T h i s t a b l e t n o l o n g e r e x i s t s . 6-15 May the king. no. followed by a s o m e w h a t o b l i q u e w e d g e . why has the ki[ng} not written? 29—38 .. 3 2 2 : 1 7 ) . L U U R . kept saying to me. . and my wife. He has. 8 1 . the king's loyal city [ . my own household. C O P Y : BB 16. my lord. . EA 135 Message lost T E X T : Ash 1893. p o s s i b l y c r o s s e d b y t w o or t h r e e v e r t i c a l s . 137:26). heed the words of his servant. NOTE 1 . "have b e e n g i v e n u p . 1-41: 409.

4. 6. " l o o k . "Send immediately^ a garrison to your servant that they may guard the city for the king. I thought to myself. does not have a change of heart. May the king. g . R i b - H a d d a w r i t e s t h i s l e t t e r a n d EA 1 3 7 . 3 7 1 : 1 8 . I f it is p a s s i v e (CAD. give life to his servant. "to b u r n . S. h e n d i a d y s ? Cf.2 3 Moreover. they have given two of my sons and two of my wives to the rebel against the king. santta u a n d endu(m) in l i n e 2 4 ." So I went to his house in order to make an alliance of friendship between (us). 5 9 . D U G . t h e r e is n o d i v i d e d loyalty. for sallma epesu (AHw. AHw." lit. p p . 37—46 I am now awaiting day and night the archers of the king. n. "to h a s t e n " ? ussira hutnfa ( i m p e r a t i v e ) . s e e a l s o EA 3 0 2 . a n A s s y r i a n i s m ? L o c k e d o u t o f his o w n h o u s e a n d d r i v e n f r o m h i s city (EA 1 3 7 : 2 4 ? ) . " see EA 3 5 . " d i v i d e d loyalty. 1 5 7 4 . my lord. from the king. K A ' with Ammu- nira. a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n . 7. n. but he barred the 6 house against m e . EA 136 c 1 "Ally yourself with the son of Abdi-Asirta so we can make peace be­ 2 tween us. (my) lord. NOTES 1 . see a l s o EA 1 2 2 . 2 4 6 ? ) . itttlu sa P N in l i n e 2 9 ) d i s t i n g u i s h EA 1 3 6 ? r o m t h e l e t t e r s w r i t t e n a t B y b l o s . p . a n d EA 8 2 . 1 3 7 8 ) . T h e f o r m a t ( c r u d e p a r a - g r a p h i n g s ) a n d s o m e ?eatures o ? t h e l a n g u a g e ( e . F o r t h e k i n g . T h e A k k a d i a n e q u i v a l e n t — i f t h e r e w a s o n e a n d t h e e x p r e s s i o n w a s not s i m p l y "to m a k e tuka"—-was p r o b a b l y tdbiltu (JNES 22 [1963] pp. I repeatedly wrote to the king. " c ? EA 1 1 9 : 4 2 . I did not listen to them. p . ma'u." No word. EA 137:79. give thought to his servant." But I refused. "to p u s h away. 5. F o l l o w i n g CAD. . 3. my lord. has reached his servant. OLZ 7 6 { 1 9 7 1 } c o l s . If the 7 king. eddul. v o n S o d e n . 2 . n. or p e r h a p s sul -ma x epesu. 1 1 4 9 b ) . G A : T U . p.. 217 . salma epesu. my lord. a n d "another ?ace" in EA 253:27. 2 . t h e u n n a m e d s u b ­ ject w o u l d b e R i b . o n libbu sanu. May the king.H a d d a ' s b r o t h e r (cf. my lord. T h e f o r m id-du-ul is m o r e e a s i l y e x p l a i n e d as a c t i v e . my lord. 3 . when I was hard pressed. Cf. "Come! I must mak(e) an alliance of friendship : T U . May the king. 1 6 9 . Moreover. 5. 1 2 3 . " O n summa. give thought to his servant. repel" (AHw. BIL? hamafu. EA 1 3 7 : 1 4 1 ? . E . " c o n f u s e d w i t h hamdfu. K A : t h e g l o s s is a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g o f t h e S u m e r o g r a m D U G . n. my lord. 4 2 4 . n. "another h e a r t . then I will die. 5 ) . 1 6 . 6 3 7 . however. 2. p . I w o u l d d i e .3 6 Moreover. 173?. P e r h a p s b e t t e r : " L o o k .3 8 f r o m B e i r u t . m y l o r d . G A . 2 6 b ) . Then I returned to my own house. n. my lord.

Accordingly. not neglect the deed of this dog. when the archers come forth and they hear 9 (of it). 132ff. a(nd) I was dedicated to the c IQ king. my lord. and so.1 4 I wrote repeatedly fo[r a garrison]. my brother turned the city into an enemy in order to give c it to the sons of Abdi-Asrati. my lord.5 8 The king. into the presence of the king. my lord. 48ff." If the king. 1 4 . pp. and may the king. my brothers. 8 be too few to take it. I shall not enter the presence of the 5 king. they did me injustice and despised me.** Accordingly. grant 6 archers so they may se[ize] Gubla. not neglect the city. 483f. The men of my {house} saw that no money had been 2 given.2 6 Moreover. knows that I will die for him. but it was not granted. When I was in the city. [his] lord. Seux. 1). I am old and there is a serious illness in my body. Accordingly.. the city will return to the king. a servant of the king. When my brother saw that my mess(en)ger had come out empty-handed and that there was no garrison with him. my lord. ANET. As there are many that are loyal to me in the city (and) few the traitors in it. when I had gone to Hammuniri. pp. Textes du Proche Orient. my lord]. C O P Y : WA 71. seizes it. my lord. my lord. I sent a mess[enger of mine} to the palace. as soon as they arrive. my lord. he had no garri[son]. 5 9 . May the king heed the wo(r)ds of his servant. I guarded it for my lord. 1 Rib-Adfdi says] to the king. my lord. I did not give the city to the sons of Abdi-Asrati. The king. 5 2 . LFM. he committed a crime and drove me from the city. 2 7 . my lord. my lord. he despised me. and traitor(ous) troops and the sons c 7 of A[bdi]-Asirti not [en]ter it. [and] the king. did [not] heed the word[s of his servant}. and the pains are severe. my lord. knows that the 3 gods of Gubla are holy. 36—51 So I herewith send my own son. TRANSLATIONS: Oppenheim. May the king. m[y] lord. and the archers of the king. 218 . 5 . Note. for I com(mit)ted sins against the gods. 7 times and 7 timfes]. sect. Albright.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 137 An old man in exile TEXT: Golenischeff (see Introduction. my lord. there is much silver and gold in it.3 5 I personally am unable to enter the land of Egypt. and much is the property belonging to its temples.6 5 May the king. like the mayors. pp. [the Sun of all countries]: [I fall] beneath the feet [of the king. but he returned} empty-handed. my younger brother turned Gubla into an enemy in order to give the city to c the sons of Abdi-Asirta..

65—77 I am now with Hammuniri. ] . 4 8 3 ^ . May the king. my lord. mur-su-u (cf. If the king. being in fear of the sons of Abdi- 1 c Asirta. is/are g r e a t . " and A l b r i g h t . " .A d d i . LFM. How lo{ng am I to stay with him]} 9 0 . a n d t h i s can h a r d l y b e b e c a u s e h e c o n f e s s e d his sins. 1 3 2 ? .H a d d a c a n n o t g o t o E g y p t . . my lord. 1 1 4 7 . ." T h e a t t e s t e d m e a n i n g o f "to reveal" d o e s not fit t h e c o n t e x t . and returns me to the city. {does not return me] to it. . If the king. When the cities became c hostile." 7 8 . and may the king send him quickly along with troops that they may take the city.8 9 I herewith send your servant. O p p e n h e i m . "//Gubla becomes their city. May the king. and may he send troops quickly to take the city. AHw. I said to my lord. p p . . " ) . Should it be said to the king about the city. u n l e s s o n e a s s u m e s e i t h e r a p a r e n t h e t i c a l r e m a r k or a n u n p a r a l l e l e d c o n s t r u c t i o n ( O p p e n h e i m : "al­ t h o u g h I c o n f e s s e d . ] .. 1 1 3 : 1 1 .1 0 4 May {the king. "It is a strong city. my lord. "I confessed" ( K n u d t z o n . . R i b . 3. "my d i s e a s e has b e c o m e c h r o n i c " ( t o o free). mursu-ma G A L (rabilrabu). . 132!?". ] as before for the king. "the p a i n / p a i n s . 5 then I will guard i[t' . LFM. my lord]. May the king not neglect this matter. P e r h a p s ri-ib-ad-[di qt'-bi'-malmi]. If the king neglects the city. of all the cities of Canaan not one will be his. shows me favor. . . . "the i l l n e s s is severe". mur-fi-i. ' When I came to Hammuniri because of the sons of Abdi- Asrati. " R i b . " O p p e n h e i m . NOTES m 1. ANET. " A l b r i g h t . then [. F u r t h e r m o r e . t o o ( ? ) . [my] lord. 2. see EA 1 2 6 a n d n. 8 6 0 b ) is t h a t n e i t h e r A k k a ­ d i a n petit nor t h e related root pth in W e s t S e m i t i c l a n g u a g e s ever m e a n s "to confess. no e t y m o l o g y is p r o p o s e d . O p p e n h e i m . heed [the words} of his servant . . my son. my lord. [ . as " i n s u l t .. A g a i n s t t h e t e a d i n g ep-ti. d}o as he wi[ll to his servant.] the city from B{ur]us{ilim. May the king. but may he give(e) Burusilim for me 12 to live in. not neglect this painful deed that has been done to the 6 lands of the king. ti-is-la-Uy sald'u (AHw. my lord. " all a p p a r e n t l y only f r o m c o n t e x t . t h e c l a u s e e n u n c i a t e s o n e m o r e reason w h y R i b . p . but let him not] ab{andon me. EA 137 let him do to his servant as he will. EA 8 9 : 1 7 . seeing they were stronger than I and there was no breath from the mouth of the king for me.'4 there is much property of the king in it.H a d d a ' s sins w e r e p r e s u m a b l y n o secret t o t h e g o d s . p e r h a p s b e t t e r . p p . p. [my lord]. possessions of our an(ces)tors in the past. ep-(sa)-ti: cf. . EA 7 5 : 1 8 ? ) magal: s i n c e magal e l s e w h e r e never serves as a n a d j e c t i v e . Say . I am with] Hammun[iri . my lord. to the king. . rush' archers to seize the city as quickly as possible. 219 . as " r i d i c u l e . only O l d Assyrian)? K n u d t z o n and E b e l i n g t r a n s l a t e a s " i n v e i g h a g a i n s t . Burusilim became hostile. 1. p p . 4. . my lord." it will not be strong before the troops of the king..

for t h e n . cf. o r i g i n a l l y n o d o u b t a w r i t i n g o f nakm.H a d d a ' s a d v i c e t o t h e k i n g is t o s e n d forces n o w to t a k e t h e c i t y f r o m h i s b r o t h e r before t h e A m u r r u forces o c c u p y it. 98. O p p e n h e i m ) t h a n in t h e f u t u r e ( A l b r i g h t ) . e x c e p t t h a t I t a k e pal-ha-tu a s f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r p a r t i c i p l e . 8iff. " T h e p l u r a l tisbatii in line 98 is p r o b a b l y d u e t o c o n f u s i o n w i t h s i m p l e E R I N . w h i c h is t r e a t e d a s p l u r a l in lines 42(F). semu. t h e t r o o p s t h a t the k i n g m i g h t b e e x p e c t e d to s e n d w o u l d b e t o o few t o c a p t u r e the city. I t c o u l d e x p l a i n R i b . U g a r i t . r 8. yi-is-ba-tu-Ii is a l w a y s i n t e r p r e t e d as p l u r a l . leqU. w h i c h fits well w i t h w h a t K n u d t z o n s e e m s t o have seen.).5 6 are t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f the p e r f i d i o u s b r o t h e r ' s activity. 26. a m e a s u r e o ? the g r a v i t y o ? t h e w h o l e s i t u a t i o n . L i t . n. I n line 6 2 . tilqu. M o r e o v e r . 8) a n d ana umi kasddi-Tt. We m u s t thus take N A . " b u t a g a i n s t t h i s is t h e fact t h a t t h e p l u r a l t h r o u g h o u t t h i s letter h a s t h e { t } . T h e r e a d i n g ti-[i]m-[i]a-U]i. 94. T h e g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t e d r e a d i n g / i . 59.£ i ] h . 29?. O n a c a u s a l c l a u s e i n t r o d u c e d b y u. 9 3 .. I f [ti-r]i-bu-mi ( K n u d t z o n ) is c o r r e c t . 104:36?. 28). a n d 9 3 . m a k e s s e n s e a n d is u n o b j e c t i o n a b l e . n o t a s first s i n g u l a r "stative" (so a l s o A l b r i g h t ) b e c a u s e I d o u b t t h e e x i s t e n c e o f t h e { a t u } . EA ioi:3ff. n. A l b r i g h t ) . 80. a n d (3) i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ( u n i d e n t i f i e d o b j e c t . 5. tisbatii. P e r h a p s t h e r e is reference t o o n l y o n e t e m p l e . w h e n sarru a n d / o r belt f u n c t i o n a s s u b j e c t o f t h e v e r b . 1 3 9 : 1 1 ? T h e w o r d o r d e r ( o b j e c t . o n l y a d d i n g a r e q u e s t to b e a l l o w e d t o live in a p l a c e a p p a r e n t l y d e a r to h i m . Lines 67? are e x t r e m e l y difficult. 5 2 . [u-r\i-bu-mi. T h e a s s u m e d l e v e l i n g t h r o u g h o f the p e r f e c t for all f u n c t i o n s o f t h e v o l i t i v e h a s m a n y p a r a l l e l s (ezebu. 1 0 5 : 3 6 ? . 7. ) . 42?). te-is-[ba-at]: t h i r d f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r r e q u i r e d i n v i e w o?timtafi in line 44 (see n. line 6. see EA 3 5 . K n u d t z o n .. I t d o e s not i n t r o d u c e an o a t h ( O p p e n h e i m ) . 39. w i t h key w o r d s s u p p l i e d . For summa w i t h the i n d i c a t i v e . timuru. a n d he e x p r e s s e s his w i l l i n g n e s s t o a c c e p t a n y d e c i s i o n o f the k i n g . . 3. . "accordingly. "when t h e a r c h e r s c o m e o u t . htfaepes'u: S t a n d a r d B a b y l o n i a n .p r e ? o r m a t i v e (tuddanil. 3 1 . t h e n the a p p a r e n t a c c u s a t i v e sara should probably be sa-ra-(tulte). p a s s i v e s e n s e . e t c . . 80.{ § } a . T h e w o r d o r d e r ( o b j e c t . K U R .e n d i n g (see EA 1 3 8 . 38. tina"isu-ni. hittta epesu: B o - g h a z k o y . kinanna. u n p a r a l l e l e d s e n s e . 1 3 . O n lumma in t h i s s e n t e n c e . t h e y a l w a y s a p p e a r r i g h t after t h e v e r b (lines 7. 12. 77. 9. R i b . w h i c h is m o r e likely. O p p e n h e i m . t h e n t h e y w i l l hear ( o f it).THE AMARNA LETTERS Mutatis mutandis. M E S . see lines 8 1 ? R i b .H a d d a ' s not g o i n g to E g y p t o n l y on t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t he h a d v o w e d not t o g o .8 1 ) .H a d d a is s e n d i n g h i s o w n s o n . 7 5 . w i t h o n l y t w o e x c e p t i o n s ( 8 0 . "If t h e y t a k e i t ." in line 57 i n d i c a t e s t h a t lines 5 3 . . 97). 1 2 . "I have r e d e e m e d (by a vow)" ( A l b r i g h t ) . E g y p t (EA 162:9). "on its [ ? e m i n i n e ] a r r i v a l . I follow O p p e n h e i m . 11. (2) an over­ h a n g i n g v o w e l .H a d d a sinned a g a i n s t t h e g o d s .v e r b ) e m p h a s i z e s t h e ?act t h a t R i b . 84?.v e r b ) s t r e s s e s the o b j e c t : R i b . 1 4 . suffers f r o m t h e s a m e difficulties: t h e a s s u m e d m e a n i n g is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in A k k a d i a n or W e s t S e m i t i c . 6." 1 0 .H a d d a d o e s not a s s u m e he w i l l b e r e s t o r e d t o his city (cf. it s e e m s . as 220 . 90?. ep-di.J > } / ( K n u d t z o n ) suffers f r o m several difficulties: (1) t h e w r o n g t h e m a t i c v o w e l in B a b y l o n i a n . R U . t o lie in t h e p a s t ( K n u d t z o n . neither o f t h e m c o m p a r a b l e to t h e w o r d o r d e r a s s u m e d h e r e . a n d for ff see he-e-fi'm line 3 3 . \\\tislahil.

} for his servant. 4." I 1 have not [go]ne to Ap[i]. UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 1 9 6 7 ) . kaspu-na. Das akkadische Syllabar . When Abdi-Asrati seized 5 Sumur. s e e a l s o EA 2 2 3 5 . 9 4 3 ) . 5 3 6 . EA 138 De profundis T E X T : VAT 351. 3 After the re[vol}t of my territory. 7 * . "may he g e t t h e t r o o p s m o v i n g " (AHw.A s i r t a . 1 9 .R o l l i g . Ergdnzungsheft zum akkadischen Syllabar. "How long shall we contain 221 . n. a n d K n u d t z o n saw t w o wedges (DIDLI). He is exh\austed. I f it c refers t o the s o n s o f A b d i . n. 1 2 9 : 8 0 ? ) .. and so I wrote to the king. . 5 0 . Troops came out [and] took c 6 Sumur and [ Abdi-As]irti. 73.H a d d a c o u l d n o t have s a i d that they actually hold the city ( K n u d t z o n . 1 5 1 : 6 . .KAR -ra-rf/ 5 (nakrat). have I not lived in Beirut? . 15. .KI 1 U R U . A l b r i g h t r e n d e r s t h i s . . EA 138 s i m p l y l o g o g r a p h i c for a n y form o f nakdm. 16.. n o . ] . . "He (should he) in Yapu. . Now [. T h e a s s u m e d f e m i n i n e p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix is very difficult. 1 9 7 6 ) . your [ser]vant. T h e city. [the Su}n of all countries: Message of Rib- Ad[d]i. I sent a tablet [to] the [palajce of the king. p e r h a p s t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r D I D L I s h o u l d b e i g n o r e d . 2 . f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . he should} get strong and be like th{em}. the n u m e r a l w o u l d not b e w r i t t e n w i t h a h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e . see n. Just now people from Gubla have written 2 me. p . Instead of a singular verb with plural subject (EA 8 5 : 7 2 6 ?. . I guarded the city by (my)self. and we will come in to you. T h e w r i t i n g h a r d l y reflects a s s u m e d C a n a a n i t e nafarat.3 8 The king has no royal c mayor l[ike m]e who will die [for] my [lo]rd. I fall beneath the feet of the king. O r . see BASOR 95 ( 1 9 4 4 ) p . "Behold our city B y b l o s " (Al­ b r i g h t ) t a k e s t h e na o f t h e suffix as first p l u r a l (cf. . VS 11. A n a l e c t a O r i e n t a l i a 4 2 A ( R o m e . 7 times and 7 times' 5-18 As to its being said to the king. 1 5 3 : 1 5 ) . p . a-na-an-sdr (EA 1 4 7 : 6 1 . n a m e l y .] has come out to me {since} 4 months ago. here nakrat. To the king. I am a servant of the king. Thus does my lord [ . Analecta Orientalia 42 (Rome. my lord. [my} lord. B u r u s i l i m .. a n d v o n S o d e n . . O p p e n h e i m ) . In line 67.. w o u l d b e B y b l o s . 6. t h e n R i b . p . and when the people of Gubla saw this. "Do not leave Beirut since we . 2 6 . a-na-sdr-s{f\: cf. C O P I E S : WA 58. 2 5 5 . "since there is left but one city. . 3 9 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p . O n tisbatu (line 9 8 ) . G e l b . o f c o u r s e . s{in}ce [ i } 2 mo[nth}s ago. Or n . (they said). . s ." Look at their treacherous {words} . There was no garrison with (me). 4 1 3 . anassar: v o l i t i v e . i d e m . 14. . Now Aziru has ta[kenV §um[ur].2 5 for my entrance into 4 [ . " r e a d i n g na-Id-ra-at URU. 3 1 . p e r h a p s NA. [m}y lord. EA 138:38) and i g n o r e s t h e si.

They said. [ . "How could I join him and abandon the king. They had a discussion a[n]d the c 12 lords of the city [were jo]ined to the sons of Abdi-Asrati. ] and I. Let's join Aziru!" I said. . the city [would return} to the king. . [ . and [he 2 6 has sh]own contempt for [A]pi along wi[th . . he took the (trea)sures ^ and then drove [m]e away. but no troops were 10 given (to) me. ] to me. .' How can you say.2 1 May the king. . . . "(You say). Now I am living in Beirut like a d o g . Let's be joined t]o Aziru.THE AMARNA LETTERS c 8 the son of Abdi-Asirti. my lord?" Then my I! brother spoke and [sw]ore to the city. Then the city said. 'Behold. ] . and the city saw'4 that there were foreign troops in the city. . since [you know that Gubla has been] a loy(al) city? And . So [may the king give troo]ps that we may seize the cit[y. ] the lands of Yapu? Wh[y do you . Let] n[ot] the troops of the c 22 23 sons of Abdi-Asrati [take it] for [themselves] and its people revol[t]. .5 0 Then they moved against me." So they drove the troops of Aziru 1 fro[m] the city. } 222 . ' 7 1 . 'Rib-Addi is dead." 3 9 . We went. "Look. The city has said. 9 4 . So the residents favored my entering the city. ] Though I am living in [Beirut]. . . . [ . 2 He is a rebel. t[o the cit]y. 27 ands[o we are out of] hi[s control. ' Though I 7 sent my son to the palace of the king seconds after' I arrived in Beirut. 20 he would not heed my word. and my word is (still) unheeded. and so we are out of his control?' Let him not write to Egypt or he will take us and our children. In order to give (it) -* to ((to)) Aziru. Our money is completely gone for the war. my lord.8 0 Half of the city is on the side of the sons of c Abdi-Asirti. then [ . and half of it is on the side of my lord. but I killed them. 19 Where is a man who has come to him from Egypt?" And so they are being joined to Aziru. "I have reached him at Tahda. [ . . l The rebel against the /b'[ng had taken [troop]s s of Aziru. our lord is dead. If the king listened to his servant and 21 troops were given to me. and just as is done 6 to a ruler that resides in his own city should be done to m e . and they said to him. he committed a 2 [great] crime. . . and we ma[de an al]liance so that Ha[mmuniri]. . . when . [Rib-Addi] is living in Beirut. } 1 0 9 . . ] Why do you [ . . 9 "How long can you go on killing us? Where will you get people to live in the city?" So I wrote to the palace for troops. 51-70 I myse(lf) [w]ent to Beirut for a dis[cuss]ion with Hammuni[ri]. "Rib-Addi is dead. [not ne]glect his city so that the city says. there has been no man of the king who ha[s come]." .1 0 9 Previously I would write to the king." 80—93 Why is my man whom 18 I se[nt t]o the p[alac]e of the k[ing] detained? For my part. . .. . he had stationed (them) in the city. I keep say­ ing to [ . My man reports. "Abandon him. ] . . . They did not pe[rm]it me to enter. . he has not had an audience with the king for four months.

7)? Very d u b i o u s . I myself did [n]o[t tel]l lie[s to the king. my lord. R i b . a s s u m i n g t h a t a p p a r e n t t r a c e s before da m a y b e i g n o r e d .3 0 Look. r e s t o r e h i m t o his t h r o n e — b u t u s a g e d o e s not s u p p o r t s u c h a r e n d e r i n g . I f a p r o n o m i n a l suffix is i n t e n d e d . 7. EA 138 Against [the men] he a[c]ted treache[rous}ly. . 2 0 a n d EA 7 5 . restore us to our city.m ] i .[ i r l u ] da-an-na. i-di-(ni)-ia: m o r e l i k e l y t h a n a n u n a t t e s t e d u s e o f idu. 223 . a n d he p o i n t s t o a loyal faction in B y b l o s t h a t s h a r e s h i s view. 1 2 2 ." Why has my lord neglect(ed) me? NOTES 1. G [ A .. 5. 3. is B y b l o s . 6.). strength".3 8 And what is Hammu[ni]ri goi[ng to s]ay? How long I have sta[ye]d with him! May the king give c 28 troops lest the sons of [( Abdi)-As}eratu enter the city.. "arm. Fearful { . is this the sort of treatment that is to be given to [m]e whom the king. a n d 1 3 8 . my lord]. "Please. H I . 40. T h e t r e a c h e r y m e n t i o n e d in t h e next l i n e is p r e s u m a b l y t h a t o f a different f a c t i o n . Gra[in} for my city is held back : ha-si-ri. URU. . p . 9. w i t h ana in EA 91:26. o f c o u r s e . HI. then the king. t h e o n e a g a i n s t R i b ./ W ( ( n a ) ) . my lord. will have no lands. a p p a r e n t l y an E g y p t i a n official. 9 8 . T o j o i n forces w i t h h i m ? It w o u l d m a k e even b e t t e r s e n s e i f we c o u l d r e n d e r "we will g e t y o u in ( t o G u b l a ) " — t h a t i s . For t h e r e s t o r a t i o n . 68f. Cf. 1 3 1 . 2..H a d d a (see lines 7iff. . servants of the king. the people of Gubla keep writing. t h e r e t o r e g a i n h i s s t r e n g t h a n d a l s o to m e e t Api. as r e g u l a r l y in t h e s o u t h e r n t r a d i t i o n . 8.GAR b e i n g p r o n o u n c e d a n d d e c l i n e d (cf. P e r h a p s b e t t e r . s i m p l y a m i s t a k e p r o m p t e d p e r h a p s by t h e follow­ ing a-na. ..H a d d a d o e s n o t a g r e e . B A B B A R . T h e q u e s t i o n a b l e s i g n is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y ni rather t h a n ir. are alive. a n d t h e city. } . (my) lord. should be concerned about? And why should we . R ] I K[i]-ia: for barti asrtya (itttya. another man? 29 When I am dead but my sons. It s e e m s t h a t o n e v i e w at c o u r t was t h a t R i b . look. Moreover. t h e n na is c e r t a i n l y a m i s t a k e for nu\ cf. 6 5 .{K]I x [. your lord.H a d d a s h o u l d leave Beirut and g o to J o p p a . they will write to the king. has not been given to me. l\a-qitqd\. 4. see Eretz Israel 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . n. . N a ' a m a n . lines 4 1 . At the urging of the sons of c Abdi-Asrati he committed that cri(me). K U . b u t n o t e ga-mi-ni for gamir in line 3 8 . Political Disposition. Moreover. used to writfe t}o you? Where are the troops of the days [wh}en they were sent to you?" A nice thing : ha-mu-du (desirable) that was sent from the king. "Where are the days when the king. Should they seize Beirut. w h i c h is f r e q u e n t l y s o d e s i g n a t e d in t h i s letter. T h e vertical after a-sa-bi in line 4 1 is p e r h a p s t h e u n e r a s e d b e g i n n i n g of an a. n o t e a-na at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e x t l i n e . 7 1 * . n. n.] s e e m s a p o s s i b l e r e a d i n g . L i n e 7: g [ a . "against me"?).

i86fF. G I . " T h e city k e e p s saying . is-tu 1 0 $E-ti (uftdti): l i t . a n d c o n t r a s t taqbi i n l i n e i n . cf. G A . . 4. properly U R .). if 1 m i n a = 4 hours (see dictionaries. ( n a m e l y ) .a t i - il-qi-Si]. they keep b e i n g j o i n e d . ( N I G ) .GI . I m p e r a t i v e rather t h a n i n d i c a t i v e : following R a i n e y . 17. I n v i e w o f E R I N . p . ti-bal-ki-~tu*. EA 362:22f.THE AMARNA LETTERS 10.H a d d a ' s b r o t h e r . N e u g e b a u e r . A reference t o t h e 224 . O . M E S a s f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r i n lines 9 8 a n d 1 2 5 . " h i g h . p . EA 1 3 1 : 2 3 . then 10 g r a i n s is l i t t l e m o r e t h a n 1 0 s e c o n d s . L i n e 6 2 : aslabu. " 20. cf. In v i e w o f t h e lines t h a t i m m e d i a t e l y follow. T h e a n s w e r t o t h i s false c l a i m is t h a t h e n e e d o n l y w r i t e t o t h e k i n g a n d h e w o u l d have t h e s u p p o r t t o c a p t u r e all o f t h e m . Political Dis­ position. 5 i f .H a d d a is p r o b a b l y t h e l e g a l o n e o f l o s s o f office a n d royal s u p p o r t . 25. " r e s i d e n t s . RA 3 0 [ 1 9 3 3 ] p p . mah- (ri)-ka ( p e r h a p s a l s o EA 1 4 0 : 2 5 ) .7 4 ) . 60 shekels = 1 m i n a ) . y[i]-it-wzi: f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . cf.7 0 g i v e s e v i d e n c e o f t h e l o y a l t y he is a b o u t t o c l a i m . " T h e reference is t o a c l o c k . L i n e s 62—70 a r e very difficult. I n v i e w o f t h e d u r a t i v e in l i n e 9 3 . R a t h e r t h a n a s s u m e a n o m i s s i o n h e r e . in c o n t r a s t w i t h "the l o r d s o f t h e city" w h o have s i d e d w i t h R i b . . U R . l [ a .a t ] . 4 6 1 b . for t h e c o n s t r u c ­ t i o n . EA 1 3 7 : 5 1 . " a n d seru. 23. I t a k e M A H a s a l o g o g r a m for seru. it s e e m s l i k e l y t h a t R i b . 7 3 . 5 . mah-(ri)-su. CAD. D i s c u s s i o n . [ u t a . a l s o t h e g l o s s i n line 1 3 0 : p r o b a b l y asiri. . L [ U G A L £ R I N . s e e T h u r e a u . with perhaps the connotation o f p l o t t i n g (Rainey. a n d in line 1 2 4 . T h e "death" o f R i b . i b i d . a-na na-da-((na))-n[i] a-na ((a-na)). L i n e 5 0 : [ti-t]e-pu-Iu-mi. . K I b e i n g g e n i t i v e . or f o r m a l d e c l a r a t i o n ( s e e EA 8 : 1 2 ) . s e e VAB 2 / 2 . o r s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g . 19.w i : cf. UR. 254- 11. " p e r h a p s o f inferior s t a t u s . UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . K U . K I : l o g o g r a m U R . M E S (makkurt): cf. s e e a l s o line 5 2 . 16. p p . 24. M ] E § : t h e first s i g n m a y b e L U ( N a ' a m a n . O n t h e l o r d s o f t h e city. " T h e y s a w ( t h e s i t u a t i o n i n ) t h e city. T h e t r a n s l a t i o n a s s u m e s t h a t city is c o n s t r u e d ad sensum a s p l u r a l . s e e EA 1 0 2 .c l o c k ( A k k a d i a n dibdibbu.r a . 1 4 1 6 . n. kT U R . EA 1 0 9 : 2 1 a n d n.D a n g i n . i b i d . di-ki. r e s t r a i n . Isis 3 7 [ 1 9 4 7 ] p p . " T h e final vowel is p r o b a b l y s i m p l y a q u e s t i o n o f w r i t i n g . stay. assuming c o n f u s i o n o f v i r t u a l h o m o n y m s .c l o c k ( A k k a ­ d i a n maltaktu). l i n e 9 0 ( b u t here a n i t e t a t i v e is q u i t e p o s s i b l e — " t h e city [ f e m i n i n e ] k e e p s s a y i n g " ) . 22. P e r h a p s b e t t e r . t h a t t h e r e w e r e f o r e i g n t r o o p s in t h e city. In the Babylonian system of weights (180 grains = 1 shekel. stru. p r o b a b l y a w a t e r . to be explained 7 ei­ ther a s a d e c l e n s i o n o f t h e l o g o g r a m ." 15. " c 18. ) r a t h e r t h a n a s a n d . awilu s e e m s b e t t e r t a k e n a s "ruler" rather t h a n s i m p l y " m a n " ( I n t r o d u c ­ tion.H a d d a i n lines 6 2 . ) . . cf. p r o b a b l y b e t t e r . 14. 5 21. 3 7 f f . "to confine. " b a c k " ( a s u s e d i n p r e p o s i ­ t i o n a l p h r a s e s ) . H e b r e w 'asar. tiqbu. "after 1 0 g r a i n s . 12. 13. and cf. R e c k o n i n g a c c o r d i n g t o t h e l i g h t e r S y r i a n m i n a (50 shekels) would m e a n only a slight modification. also N e u g e b a u e r ) . . Iia-si-ri. A / 2 . nn. T h e exptession seems i d i o m a t i c for " i m m e d i a t e l y .

MES. 1 3 8 : 1 2 . 4. know [I] am his loyal servant. .2 9 [And indeed] he is now intent on [committing} a cri(me) 6 against the king.' [your maidservant. 225 . (my) lord. T h e v a l u e tit is so rare in EA (never o c c u r r i n g in a l e t t e r f r o m B y b l o s or B e i r u t ) . 1 8 . Where were the things that he sends 9 coveted? It is property belonging to a royal mayor whom he has killed 10 that he sends to you. D i s t i n c t i v e o f EA 1 3 7 . It m a y n o t b e s i m p l y a p r o v i n c i a l a b e r r a t i o n . Letters from Tell Asmar. EA 1 8 5 . or a-bi-{x] a n d a different p e r s o n . EA 137:606°. a r e f o r m s o f erebu w i t h i a s t h e m a t i c v o w e l . a -na 1 1 3 a-zi-ri [ n i . t h e d u b i o u s s i g n l o o k s m o r e l i k e la ( K n u d t ­ m m m z o n ) . 1 3 8 : 1 2 0 ) . my 5 lord. 4 0 . my 2 lord. a-p[i]. . 1 8 5 : 2 0 . In line 8. a n d t h e o t h e r e v i d e n c e for {dtu} so u n c e r t a i n (pal-ba-tu. and [the king of E]ldata. my lord. J 2 9 . EA 139 A new voice. pi. r 26. 7 times and [7 times]. . 1 3 7 : 6 8 . l i n e 4 5 . And so let him send a garrison to his city—30 to 50 men—as far as Gubla. message of Gu(b)la. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. 5 7 .8 6 . here a-pi. 1 8 6 : 2 6 . I fall at] the feet of the lord. iT [t]i-pi-il: as p r e s e r v e d . [and a co]mmissioner of the king. C O P Y : BB 45. 5 0 .u l . Look. Do not neglect the delicts of a serva[nt]. ] : cf. n o t e \t-i\e-ri-ib in W h i t i n g . 7 4 6 ) fits t h e c o n t e x t b e t t e r t h a n o x e n (GUD. your servant]. an old story TEXT: BM 29828.$ for he acted as he pleased 4 in the lands of the king. The king is to take (n)o account 8 of whatever Aziru sends him. 2 9 . 4 2 .t e . your city and the city of [your] ancestors] from most ancient times. . 12—17 Here is the crime that Aziru . or p o s s i b l y an u n f i n i s h e d te. behold Gu(b)la! Just as Hikuptah. and the king of Ir(qata). against the king: [he kill]ed the king of Ammiya. Knudtzon). t h a t we m u s t c o n s i d e r mi-ta-tu s i r n p l y a m i s t a k e . my Sun]: Message of Ili-ra[pih. He also broke into Sumur. 3 6 . see EA 1 3 7 : 3 4 . 2 8 . AS 2 2 .4 0 May the king. [my] lo[rd. . EA 139 t r e a s u r e s o f B y b l o s (cf. Moreover.1 2 Do not neglec[t Gu(b)la].p u . 2 : 6 . 5 . 1 3 4 . More­ over. . To the king. n o . Aziru is a reb(el) against the king.3 8 a n d t h e l e t t e r s f r o m H a s i . the Sun. w h i c h a p p e a r s e l s e w h e r e in EA only in 1 2 7 : 1 9 . r 1 m 27. so is Gu(b)la to the king. EA 129:82.

4. a n d t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r is u n d o u b t e d l y P a w u r u (cf. his maidservant. 1241). my Sun: Message of Gubla. 9. Moreover. 75. T h e k i n g is t o d i s r e g a r d A z i r u ' s p a y m e n t s o f t r i b u t e as e x p r e s s i o n s o f a p p a r e n t fealty. lines 2 2 a n d 4 0 . 1 the king of Ardata. " a s in A k k a d i a n . p a y a t t e n t i o n " (cf. B e t w e e n a a n d as u n d e c i p h e r e d traces b u t c e r t a i n l y n o t pa (apas.p f . n. [To] the king.i s ] ar-(ni/n&): cf. your servant. 1 0 6 3 . C O P I E S : WA 91. 362:69). . I fall at the feet of my lord. 7 times and 7 times. the Sun. p . see AEM 1 / 2 . why did the king communicate through Aziru? He does as he pleases. shall not neglect Gubla. your maidservant. the king of Irqata. 8. 10. EA 140 Again the crimes of Aziru T E X T : VAT 1639. 5. 7. 1 2 . b u t "to c o n s i d e r . A p a r t f r o m t h e u n l i k e l i h o o d o f "one t h a t s i t s o n t h e b a c k o f a servant" ( K n u d t z o n ) . is not the king of Hatta active. 6. Now he has sent his men to seize the lands of Amqu and (their) territories. W e see h e r e a g e n e r a l c h a r g e rather t h a n a reference to a n u n n a m e d m a y o r ( W e b e r . cf. 1 6 .. cf. L i n e 2 3 : yi-de. 5 . p. of the king. . a city of the king from most ancient times. a-ia -ti: g l i k e ayya-mi. my lord. a n d see surru (AHw. EA 7 5 : 2 5 ? . 4 1 3 . to him belong the cities of the king. 2. EA 1 0 9 : 3 6 ) . L i n e 2 7 : p r o b a b l y T]a-ra-[q\i (cf.1 6 The king. T h e w r i t i n g gu-la is so f r e q u e n t t h a t it s h o u l d p r o b a b l y b e c o n s i d e r e d a conscious abbreviation. message of Ili-rapih. Moreover. More­ 3 over. lands of the king. CAD. for it is all s t o l e n g o o d s . 4 3 6 : 4 3 ) . and a magnate. VS 11. He sent {his} men [t]o Itakkama [and] he smote all the lands of Amqu. he killed the king of Ammiya. 1 0 . Aziru even [com]mitted a crime [whjen he was brought 2 [in]to you. libba sakanu d o e s n o t m e a n here "to e n c o u r a g e . and the king of Narima and 226 . VAB ill.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1 . b u t n o l o n g e r a t t e s t e d o n l y in O l d A s s y r i a n . the lord. Aziru killed Aduna. n. H e b r e w slm leb). 1 9 [ i . S . See EA 8 4 . p . n o t e t h a t t h e v a l u e sib is not a t t e s t e d in t h e s o u t h e r n t r a ­ dition. he broke into Sumur and Ullassa. Line 34: conventional URU gub-la. E l d a t a is t h e s a m e as A r d a t a (cf. The crime {was against] us. a-na-a-mesti-ri 1{R]: very t e n t a t i v e . 3 . To him belongs Sumur. see EA 3 4 . EA 1 4 0 : 1 2 ) . A z i r u is c h a r g e d w i t h h i s father's c r i m e s . Moreover. a-na-me in EA 1 9 7 : 6 . O n t h e e n c l i t i c . He took their cities.3 3 Gubla alone is a . EA 129:95?. " c o m ­ mitted").

N a ' a m a n . T h a t t h e s e n t e n c e is i n t e r r o g a t i v e is not c e r t a i n . . my lord. 8 2 * . my lord. 1 9 . "Make preparations before the arrival of the archers of the king. having writ­ ten to his servant and the dirt at his feet.1 7 I fall at the feet of the king. aven[g]e his servant. smash' the heads of his enemies. my Sun. has rejoiced very. the breath of my life. 23. . my Sun and my god. EA 1 3 9 : 1 4 ^ T h e c o m m i s s i o n e r o f EA 1 3 9 is here c a l l e d a m a g n a t e ( I n t r o d u c t i o n . m{y] Sun. Political Disposition. 36—48 Moreover. as to the king. my Sun's. my lord.' I am indeed a servant of the king. 1 8 . my lord. . the breath of my life.3 5 Moreover. my lord. the ruler of Beirut. my lord. and its 6 wall : hu-mi-tu. 7 0 ) . your servant and the dirt : l a-pa-ru at your feet. my lord. n. n. I will indeed guard the city of the king. the breath of (my) life. (my) lord. my god. may the 2 . 1 5 . " 3. very much that the breath of the king. proposes 2 5 [u-sa. Say to the king. . my god. the breath of my life. Cf. including my horses and my chariots and everything of mine that is available to the servant of the king. until I see the eyes of the archers of the king. Moreover. pi. C O P Y : BB 26. And may the arch(e)rs of the king. . and I have indeed made preparations. before the arrival of the archers of the king. my Sun. p . "he c o n s p i r e d w i t h . my Sun. and may the eyes of your servant look with pleasure* on life from the king. and the heart of your servant and the dirt at the feet of the king. 227 . and . my lord. I have heard the words of the tablet of the king. my god. and a footstool for his feet. 7 times and 7 times. my Sun.]-mah. my lord. my Sun. p r o b a b l y t o b e c o n t i n u e d o n a s e c o n d t a b l e t . 6 . (my) lord. my god. has come forth to his servant and the dirt at his feet. n. my god. the breath of my life: Message of Ammunira. very 2 carefully. EA 141 Ammunira of Beirut TEXT: BM 29809. the breath of my life. of the king. my god. . UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . P H O T O G R A P H : BB. your lord. O n yi-pu-su as s i n g u l a r . 8 2 . EA 141 NOTES 1. ana ser: see EA 1 3 8 . my lord. see Izre'el. my lord. my lord. 2 . T h e letter b r e a k s off h e r e . the servant of the king ." I listened very. my Sun.

and when I [he]ard the words of the tablet of the king. 1 1 9 . C O P Y : BB 27. 4. 2 sent (thr)ough [Han}i. [I fall at the feet] of the king. sulirdku. 1 5 . . and I shall guard Beirut for the king. 1 4 8 a .r a (epera). a n e r r o n e o u s a c c u s a t i v e . useliru. corresponds to the absolute use of the i m p e r a t i v e in l i n e 2 1 . I am indeed very much on my guard. t e n t a t i v e l y ) . n. with no object expressed. 2 H A R or A . A / 2 . r a t h e r t h a n S A H A R . " see EA 237:16. O r s h o u l d w e read a-mur. (namely) that he has g[i]v[en] the sons of Rib-Hadda. N o t "until t h e eyes see t h e archers" ( K n u d t z o n ) . Moreover. my lord. 2. 2. the breath] of my life: [Message of Ammuni}ra. w h i c h w o u l d r e q u i r e timuruna. EA 142 News about Byblos TEXT: BM 29810. p. a r g u e a g a i n s t "I a m ( p r e p a r e d a n d ) ready" (CAD. Moreover. 9. H e b r e w ra'a ¥.3 228 . I shall indeed guard him until the king gives thought to his servant. 5. be informed of the deed of his brother. T h e s e p a r a l l e l s . my heart rejoiced and my eyes [sh]one brightly. p p . R e a d S A H A R . cf. amaru ina. my lord. 97. my lord. O n the breath of t h e k i n g . H A R . e s p e c i a l l y t h e latter. my lord. For "to see t h e e y e s . may the king.2 4 Moreover. my lord. T h i s v e r s i o n is a l s o r e j e c t e d b y P i n t o r e . is a W e s t S e m i t i s m . 1 3 2 a . " b e ­ hold. who is in Gubla. p . 8x) a n d o f first s i n g u l a r d u r a t i v e (isusiru. 6-10 [/ have hea]rd the words of the tablet that the king. " w i t h t h e c o n n o t a t i o n o f p l e a s u r e . see AHw. R A . T h e s u b j e c t . 3 2 9 : 1 9 ) . 959. 166. a frozen c o n t e x t f o r m ("in t h e d u s t " ) . 1 ) . ti-ra-'a -as: 4 rasu. 7 times and 7 times. [To the king. pi. 11-14 Moreover. cf. see a l s o EA 1 4 4 . to the rebel[s] again[st] the king who are in A[mu]rr[u]. who is here with me. CAD. a n d i t h a s o t h e r p a r a l l e l s in t h e a b s o l u t e u s e o f t h e infinitive (anasuhri. wh(o) is here with me." a n d a s s u m e that the subject has been o m i t t e d ? 6. your servant [and the dir]t at your feet. my lord. until the arrival of the archers of the king. 1 my lord. EA 6 5 : 1 1 a n d 2 1 6 : 1 0 . r e m a i n s u n e x p l a i n e d . Iii tfmuril in line 3 4 . A m - m u n i r a p r o b a b l y s t a t e s a w i s h r a t h e r t h a n a fact ( K n u d t z o n . In t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g l i n e s a n d lines 4 5 6 ° . 3. n.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. s e e EA 1 0 0 . A / 2 . cf. "to l o o k u p o n . as to the ruler of Gubla. OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . n.

95) ( + ) WA 203. EA 1 4 5 : 1 1 . my lord. } . NOTES 1 . And I am like a warmer of the horses of the king. the breath of my life. C O P I E S : WA 211. fo]r his servant. {i}n sh{ips o/the king]. 1 1 5 . 39-41 Moreover.n ] i : cf. m 2. 3 2 . my lord. my lord. {Say} to the king. / ha{ve sent}. is. {I fall at the fee]t of the king. {wrote] to his servant and to the dirt : 1 Joa-pa-ru at his feet. 32. to the king.3 1 {M]ore{ove]r. may {the king. . 79 (see VS 12. . I w i l l s e n d ( i t ) . 2. my lord. as soon as ships of the king. . ] . EA 143 2 5 . {my] l{ord. my 2 3 lord. 229 . !5. As to the maidservant of the king. be inform{ed} that 6 powerful are the { . . wherever what was ordered by the king. K U R a-[mu]r-r[i]: reading certain. . .3 8 Moreover. As to his order. ] of the king. . 10-17 The king. my lord]. NOTES 1 . See EA 1 4 1 . my lord. my lord. . 7 3 b . I shall search it o{ut] and then send it on to the king. my lord. 1. [ 7 ] times and 7 times. my lord. ] .3 1 Moreover. . . p. P e r h a p s w e s h o u l d n o t e x c l u d e a n o t h e r v e r s i o n : "as s o o n as t h e s h i p s . note how. 3. be info{rmed] that the { . . p . { . come in. 3 6 . your servant and} the dirt at {your] feet. VS 11.3 3 Moreover. n. us-ti-sir ( i . EA 143 Egyptian ships in Beirut TEXT: VAT 1584 ( + ) C 4764. my lord. my lord. my lord]. p . 7 times and 7 times. just as . 3. . i n t e n d e d t o i n t r o d u c e t h e f o l l o w i n g p a r a g r a p h : cf. the breath of my life. . may {the king. w h a t has b e e n s e a r c h e d o u t a n d is ready for delivery. . {th]at have been sailed into Beirut. I relea{se] (them). J so is Beirut for 5 the king. . are used {up . S. including my horses and ((and)) chariots and everything that is available to me. before the arrival of the archers of the king.n a ) SU (qdt) 7 [ h a . . M i s p l a c e d . I fall at the feet of the king. my lord. see a l s o CAD. si-ki-pu: f o l l o w i n g ARMT 3 . the breath] of my {lif]e. . .3 5 { . . 1 8 . . my lord. 3 2 . . lines n . 25. " t h a t i s . t h a t are u n d e r sail for B e i r u t c o m e i n . I have indeed made preparations. the br[eath} of my life: {Mes]sage of Ammu- nir{a.

know that the war against me is very severe. my lord. 2 . umma here p r o b a b l y d o e s n o t m e a n " m e s s a g e of". pp. my lord. n. however. as our ancestors (did) before. JCS 2 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p . "I a m in readiness". my god. May the king know that I have made preparations before the arrival of the archers of the king. line 2 1 . 3 6 9 : 4 8 ) . cf. know that Sidon. ((at the feet of my lord. the mayor of Sidon. LFM. In m y r e a d i n g . 1 3 . 2 . 3. VS 11. s i m i l a r l y . EA 232:3. when he wrote to his servant. Sun. 2 2 3 . NOTES 1. p ." See EA 1 4 1 . so you can restore them to my charge that I may be able to serve the king. my god. S e e R .2 1 And when I heard the words of the king. T h e a l t e r n a t i v e . R e a d i n g tu-ta-ri-si-na: cf. t h i r d f e m i n i n e . at hearing the words of 2 the king. 76. my lord. breath of my life. 6. god. . a-pa-m in EA 1 4 1 : 4 p r o v e s n o t h i n g . u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e k i n g or t h e l e a d e r o f t h e t r o o p s . EA 1 4 5 : 1 0 . a n d in c o n t e x t first p e r s o n is n o t likely. ana S A H A R . my lord. is u n c l e a r . da-at-nu = qar-ra-[du] (CAD. 6 . my Sun. All the cit{i]es that the king put in {m]y chfar]ge. May the king put me in the charge of a man that will lead the archers of the king to call to account the cities that have c 3 been joined to the Apiru. 3 6 6 : 6 (qaqqaru). 1 Say to the king. O p p e n h e i m . tu-ti-ra-an-ni. which he put in my charge. is safe and sound. 2 5 3 : 2 / ' / ' 2 5 4 : 3 . ta-a[s-r]a-hi: f o l l o w i n g AHw. 1 2 2 ) . "I a m ready. May the king. T h e relevance o f E Z E N da-aV>-na-ti. l a c k s t h e e x p e c t e d {yu}. Line 24: za-ta. b u t . a g r e e m e n t w i t h E R I N . my lord. 1337. have been c joined to the Ap{ir}u. . my lord. L i n e s 2 3 6 r e m a i n h o p e l e s s l y o b s c u r e . my lord. C O P I E S : WA 90. my Sun. 5 . EA 144 Zimreddi of Sidon T E X T : VAT 323. my lord. the breath of my life: Thus Zimreddi. the breath of my life)) 7 times and 7 times. A s t h e f o l l o w i n g ^ha-za-nu ( n o m i n a t i v e ) i n d i c a t e s . TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. D . also possible. and my eyes shone. perhaps DI. as a g l o s s . 2 5 5 : 3 ( n o t e fitfu in line 5 ) . in m y 230 . M a r c u s . my lord. ut-ta-ri-si-na.THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. tu-te-ra-am. 22—30 May the king. then my heart rejoiced. p.1 2 I fall at the feet of my lord. "feast o f t h e . " (Emar 6. 126f. M E S pi fat sarri is p o s s i b l e .1. the maidservant of the king. L i n e 2 3 : i n s t e a d o f ib ( K n u d t z o n ) . and my head went {h}igh. Cf. I have prepared everything in accordance with the command of the king. 145:26. R A : ha-pa-ru in EA 143:11.

EA 145 Word on Amurru T E X T : VAT 1695. tutdr + epenthetic vowel ( s p o r a d i c a n d t y p i c a l f e a t u r e o f t h e p e r i p h e r y . 11—22 I have heard your words that you sent me through . . K A : pi'-su ( t e x t . "with. [ m y lord: Message of Z}imre[ddi]. in p e r s o n or b y letter. . "The word you hear from ther[e] you must report to 6 me. . 370.. b u t . EA 3 3 3 : 4 . b r o u g h t a l o n g w i t h his o w n g r e e t i n g w o r d f r o m t h e k i n g . .b e i n g .. as to your ordering with regard to the lands of Amurru. [. . 5 2 2 . rather. 1.] . [May] you know that I am safe and sound. and with your greet­ ing from the presence of the king. VS 11. u[p-ti-/']g-gi: u p . . s e e m s t o have i m p l i e d an e x c e p t i o n w o u l d b e in p l a c e . NOTES 1 ." see EA 1 1 2 . . . West Se­ m i t i c "back" (cf. see K i i h n e . subru in t h e g r e e t i n g . less clear t h a n in VS 11 c o p y . for it w a s you w h o . " 4. a v i r t u a l c a u s a l c l a u s e in w h i c h t h e p r o n o u n atta e m p h a s i z e s the c o n t r i b u t i o n o f t h e a d d r e s s e e : "I a m w e l l . . . cf. n. } . has indeed been earnestly adjdressed from his lands. 5 4 . . "the b r e a t h o f t h e m o u t h o f t h e k i n g " (EA 1 3 7 : 7 ) . . T h i s is t h e only l e t t e r in w h i c h a v a s s a l r e p o r t s in t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f his l e t t e r o n his o w n w e l l . UF 3 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p ." everyone [has] heard (that) [. 5. a n d t h e only b r e a t h t h a t is o f a n y i m p o r t a n c e a n d is ever m e n t i o n e d e l s e w h e r e is t h e b r e a t h o f t h e k i n g . n. 2. T h e c o n j u n c t i o n p r o b a b l y d o e s not i n t r o d u c e a s e c o n d c l a u s e d e p e n d e n t on inuma. EA 1 4 4 : 1 0 ... less likely t h a n s e c o n d m a s c u l i n e . ) . see I n t r o d u c t i o n .n a m e .. . . "the b r e a t h o f his m o u t h " (line 2 0 ) . mupeggu?). [Sa}y [to . The 4 king. 77. n. [ . ybu yourself brought back 3 to me the breath of his mouth. T h e m e s s a g e referred t o in l i n e s 6ff. 1 4 ) + p r o n o m i n a l suffix. h a r d l y a p l a c e . EA 145 o p i n i o n . . . I fall [at (your) 2 fee]t.l a n d s " s i m p l y t h e provinces? 231 . pagu (AHw. my lord. The war is very severe. ka): the m e s s e n g e r b r o u g h t t h e b r e a t h o f t h e king b a c k t o t h e v a s s a l (see e s p . : ia-aq-wu-un-ka (he awaits you)J [. R e a d su-uh-ri (suhri). . 8 0 9 . O n istu.. p a s s i m in t h e B y b l o s letters.]. } . T h e a s s u m e d error m i g h t easily have b e e n o c c a s i o n e d by t h e l o g o g r a m K A just before. but the breath of his mouth does not reach his servants that are in the hinterlands. our lord.. . EA 1 4 7 : 1 7 ? . D e s p i t e EA 3 3 4 : 3 .. Iii tide inuma .f o r m u l a ) ? A r e t h e " b a c k . U 2 U 3. lu Tde iniima salmat . . p .2 9 Moreover. S o m e o n e o t h e r t h a n t h e k i n g . T h e a d d r e s s e e . C O P I E S : WA 182. F o r m : D of tdru. \lu-u\ ti-T-de: cf.] .

The sweet breath [of life belongs t]o my lord. .tJm* tmt. the city of the king. Z]imredda. M o r e t h a n 3 0 lines m i s s i n g . my lord. EA 1 4 8 : 2 4 . I am the di]rt under the feet (and) sandals of the king. 6-13 You {are the Eternal Sun]. . . ] take me [ . my.[ d i n . [my Sun. Particles. and waiting f]or the brea[t]h of [the king. VS 11. I fall a}t the feet [of the king. ] . . .wJt b. . [To the king.5 a . indeed. H e r d n e r . p u t in a letter t o m e " ( A . 5 3 ) .q e ] 4 17 [A : m\i-ma la-a / .* . iaqwu + n(a) + ka: A k k a d i a n qu"u.n i ] : cf. For m]e [there is to be hostility] until [the breath] of the king com[es] to m[e] with power. ./ « [ / . [ . .m a l a . C O P I E S : WA 231. "whatever w o r d t h a t y o u have h e a r d f r o m t h e r e p u t in w r i t i n g t o m e " ( T a a n a c h L e t t e r 1 : 1 5 - 18). $ . 95). [my] l lor[d. 78 (see VS 12. c i t e s u awata mimma sa telme iltu alrdnum supram itya. your ser­ vant. 1 5 1 : 4 9 6 ° . ' NOTES 1. [u-qa-(am)]-«rf. 232 . 1 4 .2 2 [No]w. 154:136°.n a li-i]i-Iu-nu: cf. a l s o t h e c o n c l u s i o n o f a letter in U g a r i t i c . my l}o[rd. w. ] Apiru . ? 2 . a n d t h e p a r a l l e l s in EA 1 4 9 : 5 5 6 ° . 7 . i-na » . . [ . . . mima [ i a .mnm c rgm. ] . [There is no] water : m[i-m]a [for] them [to c drin]k. EA 1 4 8 : 1 3 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 6. and I]. am guar[ding Tyr]e. . 1 5 4 : 1 8 .. .n u ] 2 1 [ a .[ n ] a . no. [I cry] out. 7 times and 7 times. is ho[stile to m]e. [&-sa-d]s-si: enough room? 4. 1 9 6 3 ] . 2 Dai[ly] he does not [per]mit [me to fetch water : m]i-ma.spr.. your servant.d. . cf. w h i c h is r e g u l a r l y a t ­ t a c h e d t o t h e first w o r d o f a d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n (awat-mi). I n favor o f t h e d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n a r e t h e e n c l i t i c . . . [ . the ruler of [Sidon. "And w h a t e v e r w o r d y o u hear t h e r e . my lord. . 5 . Corpus des tablettes en cuneifomes alphabetiques decouvertes a Ras- Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 d 1939. H e b r e w qiwwa~> EA 146 Abi-Milku of Tyre T E X T : VAT 1871. my Sun: Message of A]bi-M[ilku. R a i n e y . 3. p. . M i s s i o n d e R a s S h a m r a 1 0 [ P a r i s . .

his lord. Albright. My lord is the Sun who 1 comes forth over all lands day by day. 484. and because of the powerful arm : nu-uh-ti (I am at rest) : ba-fi-i-ti (I am confident). and serves him in his place. my lord. when I heard the sweet breath and the gracious messenger who came to me.3 and all the land is frightened4 at his cry. my nose was blocked. by the power of his arm : ha-ap-Ii. (But) look at the servant who gives heed to ((to)) his lord. the principal city. 2 9 . His city prospers. his house prospers. his city is destroyed.3 8 Because I am happy. I indeed said to the Sun. my lord. my lord. and the sweet breath comes back from the mouth of his lord. his name exists for­ ever. 1 6 . 11. does the earth not pr[osp]erV When I heard the gracious me[sse]nger from my lord. 9—15 who gives life by his sweet breath 2 and returns with his north wind. my lord. breath had not come back. To the king. the Sun com(e)s forth over him. your servant." then the 9 servant said to his lord : ia-a-ia-ia ("Yes. yes!") 3 9 . my 233 . I fall at the feet of the king. If he does not heed the word of the king. my lord. never (again) does his name exist in all the land. 123ff. my lord?" 11 6 1 . I am the dirt under the sandals of the king. my lord.2 8 Before the arrival of the messenger of the king. "When shall I see the face of the king. my lord. pi.2 1 The servant herewith writes to his lord that he heard the gracious messenger of the king who came to his servant. my lord. all the land was in fear of my lord. LFM.7 1 1 am indeed guarding Tyre. and a brazen 10 wall set up for him. p. and the sweet breath that came forth from the mouth of the king. to his servant—his breath came back! 2 2 . my Sun: Message of Abi-Milku. yes.5 1 On my front and on : su-ri-ia (my back) I carry the word of the king. TRANSLATIONS: Oppenheim. who gives forth his cry in the sky like Baal. When the king. his gracious father. for the king. pp. 8 said : ku-na "(Prepare) before the arrival of a large army. accordiog'to the way (of being) of the Sun. ANET. his lord.. Whoever gives heed to the king. I am very happy and : a-ru-u 6 (he is satisfied). who establishes the entire land in peace. C O P Y : BB. 52—60 You are the Sun who comes forth over me.' Now that the breath of the king has come forth to me. day by day. his house is destroyed. 7 times and 7 times. my god. the father of the king. EA 147 EA 147 A hymn to the Pharaoh TEXT: BM 29812.

s . Lingering over Words. Zimredda. . " a s d e m o n s t r a t e d b y G r a v e . A c c o r d i n g t o N a ' a m a n . p . R S 2 4 . O n t h e h y m n in lines 5— 15 a n d its E g y p t i a n b a c k g r o u n d . A n E g y p t i a n i s m m e a n i n g "I w a s d i s t r e s s e d . n. 1 5 1 a . . b u t t h e c o n t e n t o f t h e m e s s a g e — n a m e l y . //'-tsi-ijr: f r o m eleru? P e r h a p s b e t t e r . S e e A l t . see A l b r i g h t a n d Oppenheim. NOTES 1. . "day b y day" c reflects E g y p t i a n r nb a n d i m p l i e s t h e d a y s o f all eternity. t h e c i t y o f U s u . rabttu. kiina: i m p e r a t i v e s i n g u l a r + {a} a s e in H e b r e w l kd. nn. see D u r a n d .2 7 . "prepare (transitive). 2 2 . Iraq 32 [1970] pp. For o t h e r v e r s i o n s . he t h i n k s t h e w r i t e r s rejoice b e c a u s e t r o o p s or t h e k i n g h i m s e l f (EA 2 2 7 ) are s o o n t o a r r i v e . . " c a p i t a l . see A l b r i g h t . A c c o r d i n g t o A s s m a n n . writes daily to the rebel Aziru. n. be ready" Hiphil. Lingering over Words. 2 0 5 f f . 344. 1 1 9 . 6. . " in a Tell al R i m a h i n s c r i p t i o n ( W a l k e r . 6 0 8 . G r a v e . the c king of Sidon. Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott: Untersuchun- gen zur altagyptischen Hymnik. make ready. ? p . Moreover. 117-18. t h e a u t h o r s p e a k s o f h i m s e l f in b o t h t h e first a n d the third person. v o l . 7. until the powerful arm of the king comes forth over me. I97ff. RB 8 0 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . 1 9 6 9 ) . independently. 3 3 ? . O n hapsu as t h e d e s i g n a t i o n o f a p a r t o f t h e b o d y r a t h e r t h a n t h e n a m e o f a w e a p o n . p p . 4. . about every word he has heard from Egypt. t[a}r-gu^-ub: f o l l o w i n g d e M o o r . 1. i6iff. cf. n. 4 0 1 ? . n. UF 1 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . cf. 2 9 2 : 8 ? . RSO 4 4 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p p . 1 4 2 : 5 ? . 8 9 ? For a different view. i ( B e r l i n . 1 8 8 . N a ' a m a n . 2 2 7 : 5 ? . S i m i l a r l y . as so often in t h i s letter. 5 ) . S e e C . 3 2 1 ? . e t c . OA 1 9 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p p . 10. 3 . VAB 2 / 1 . 5 . M E S ap- pt-ia. S e e a l s o t h e Introduction. 4 0 2 : " D i d not t h e ( e n t i r e ) l a n d p r o s p e r (ti-[si-i]r) s i n c e it has h e a r d o f t h e gracious messenger from my lord?" 8. S e e A l b r i g h t . 3. R e a d i-sd-kir K A . . see A l b r i g h t . P e t e r s o n . 234 . . 12 and it is good that he knows. JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p. O n t h e E g y p t i a n g l o s s . JEA 23 (1937) p. w i t h N a ' a m a n . p. a l s o t h e p e r s o n a l n a m e yrgbfrl (Ugar." S o also. the son of Abdi-Asratu. Or n . 1 9 7 . 2. 6. . ARMT 2 1 . ZDMG 8 6 ( 1 9 3 3 ) p p . w h i c h is still relevant. S e e a l s o EA 1 5 4 . p . 197. BiOr ( 1 9 6 6 ) p . 1 9 5 : 1 6 ? . 9. "prepare (intransitive). Hebrew *kun: Niphal. see K n u d t z o n ' s n o t e . 2 4 6 : 1 6 ) . sect. S e e EA 1 0 8 . who compares EA 147:62). cf. S i n c e o n e o f t h e m o s t f r e q u e n t o r d e r s o f t h e k i n g in t h e EA correspon­ d e n c e is t o m a k e p r e p a r a t i o n s before t h e arrival (ana punt) o f t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y (Introduction. 11. p . n o t e d . 2 7 ? . I herewith write to my lord. 7. n. H e r e . . t h a t t h e k i n g is c o m i n g at t h e h e a d o f his t r o o p s . t h e s o u r c e o f t h e writer's joy is n o t s i m p l y his r e c e i v i n g a m e s s a g e f r o m t h e k i n g . JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p p . 1. 4 0 2 . A u e l e t t e . a n d L i p i n s k i . Lingering over Words. in a d i s c u s s i o n o f lines 1 6 . to give me water to drink and wood to warm myself. in EA 1 4 1 : 8 ? . p . THE AMARNA LETTERS lord. 1 4 4 : 1 3 ? . 5 1 ( 1 9 8 2 ) p p . A s o p p o s e d t o m a i n l a n d T y r e . 2 5 .

give his attention to his servant and give Usu to his servant so he can drink a jug : a-ku-ni of : mi-ma (water). E y r e .4 7 The king of Hasura has abandoned his house and has aligned himself with the c Apiru. my lord. n." 2. for straw. as when the king. EA 148 The need for mainland Tyre TEXT: C 4765. your servant. T h e k i n g s of Sidon and Hasura. : " T h o u g h (he) h a s m a d e war ( a g a i n s t m e ) he has n o t r e t u r n e d t h e o a t h o f p e a c e (i. has he 1 not violated the oath? There is not another palace attendant. my lord. who is familiar with Canaan. 8 3 . my lord. I write to the king. May the king.2 6 My presence will be as pleasing to the king. 7 times and 7 times. my lord. what I have on hand—100 (units) in weight. JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p . my Sun: Message of Abi-Milku. G I R ( a l s o lines 2 6 . my lord. 4 1 . C O P Y : WA 99. JEA 6 2 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . I give to the king. because every day the king of Sidon has captured a palace attendant of mine. has written for glass. May the king. a n d EA 1 4 9 : 1 8 . for fetching wood. A l b r i g h t . my lord. May the king ask his commissioner. 1 8 3 ? . my lord. 3 8 . and may he charge his commissioner to give Usu to his servant for water.1 7 The king. " 3. my lord. c o n s i d e r s u damiq inuma another Egyptianism. I fall at the feet of the king. L U . my lord. 1 5 1 : 6 0 ) is p r o b a b l y n o t t h e s a m e as E R I N ( M E § ) .. The one who rai[d]s the land of the king is the king of Sidon. I t a k e it as a l o g o g r a m for girsequ. A l b r i g h t . t h o u g h t it m e a n t simply "man. 1 give 1 0 palace attendants to guard his city in order that I may enter and see the face of the kifng]. [m]y god. 4 . He has taken over the land of the king for the c Apiru. i b i d . NOTES 1. These are 3 treacherous fellows. 26—34 ^ a y the king give attention to his servant. he is s t i l l n o m i n a l l y a t p e a c e ) . person. for clay. charged me with the guarding of his city. my lord. 3 4 . 235 . 1 8 . 4 4 . G I R ( M E S ) (EA 1 4 9 : 6 2 ) . EA 148 12.4 0 Since he has acted hostilely. 2 .e. Very tentatively. May the king be concerned about the palace attendants. To the king. 2 0 2 .

[the re]bel against the king. my lord! Aziru. and I am one that brings good news and also bad (news) to the king. and all the land will be afraid. "Write whatever you hear to the king. The king knows whether you installed me as commissioner in Tyre. my lord.7 3 If the powerful hand of the king comes. 7 times and 7 times. wrote to me on a tablet.6 3 The king. my 2 lord. . . I fall at the feet of the king. [yo]ur servant. I am a commis­ sioner of the king. they will be very afraid. 4 0 .2 0 O 1 king. To the king. 6 . 3 and the men of Arwada have exchan(ge)d oaths among themselves. [but Zimredda. my lord. [heard about m]e. The king. the p]rince. 2 1 . and they have assembled their ships. 5 4 . the maidservant of the king. C O P Y : BB 28. [g]ave S u m u r [t]o Aziru." Zimredda of Sidon.5 4 May the king not neglect [th]is city and his land. So may the king. my Sun. the maidservant of the king. "Who c]an get you in [to the king?" Hea]r.2 7 What is the life of a palace attendant when breath does not come forth from the mouth of the king.4 to capture Tyre. I abandoned it. Nor is there a place where we can put the dead. and infantry. the rebel against the king. ] .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 149 Neither water nor wood TEXT: BM 29811. I am the dirt under the feet and sandals of the king. my lord. my lord. pi. 2 8 .4 0 For my part. [has taken posses­ sion ofSumu]r. my lord. and he lives [for]ever. he who does not follow the king. you are like the Sun. like Baal. in the sky. he has not replied to him. my lord. my lord. my god: Message of Abi-Milku. that is. but after I wrote an express tablet to the king. my lord. Haapi [ . my lord. chariots. May the king give thought to his servant. [si]nce last year [my intention has been] to go in [and behojld the face of the king. c [the son of Abdi]-Asratu. who 236 . [saying. my lord. my lord. May the king send 20 palace attendants to guard his city in order that I may go in to the king. 6 4 . and see his face. When I hear the name of the king and the name of his army. give thought to his servant. . He made [my caravan] turn back [fro]m the king. Zimredda seized Usu from (his) servant. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. They will not be able to capture Tyre. his lord? But he lives if the king writes {t]o his servant. They captured Sumur through the instructions of Zimredda. charged me with guarding Tyre. my lord. . (Still). 14. [m]y lo[rd]. and so we have neither water nor wood. it will defeat them.

2 0 7 . m]y [lord]. the Sun. n. cf./ ] # L U G A L be-li-ia 3 3 [ma-an-nu-mi u/i]- le-ri-ib-ka 3 4 [ a . The king. [my] lo[rd]. 237 . Should a single soldier guard the city of the king. 7 3 . [Y]ou gave [t]o my fathers [ . p . o n " p r i n c e . 1 6 . May the king [give thought] to his servant and to his city. I sent a tablet to the king. n. our lord. my Sun: Mes]sage of Abi-Milk[u.n a U G U . n. .h i L U G A L si]-ma be-li 3 5 [il-qe URU su-mu]-ra . [To] the king.n i i s . move awa[y] from the land? [Zimredda] knows. your servant]. 1. 7 times and 7 times. S e e EA 7 1 .1 3 The king gave his attention to his servant and gave sol­ diers t[o] guard the city of the kin[g. ] 3 2 . 1 5 1 : 1 3 6 7 . NOTES 1 . May he send a tablet to his servant so he may go in and see his face. 5. EA 150 Needed: just one soldier TEXT: C 4766. . Das Ende der Amarnazeit (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . . 3 . ] . OA 19 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p . 5 9 . and the traitor knows. I fall at the feet of the k[in]g. Why should [a commissioner of] the king. 3 . O n t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f line 3 0 . my lord. . n. [th]ere is no wood. ) 30 [ zi-im-re-dap]a-u>u-ra 31 [is- t e . 4 . my lord. n. I am like th[i]s 1 m[a]n. C O P Y : WA 98. my lord.r a . . " see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . but he has not replied to his servant. 5. . 2. 22-32 . [is ex]ceeding great. EA i 5 o : n f F . 4 .8 4 [Si}nce last year there has been wa{r a}gainst me. that the arm? of the king is absent. . 2 8 [pa-nu-ia (cf. [ . EA 1 4 7 .m i . 1 4 . s e e t h e r e m a r k s o f K r a u s s . EA 151:8ft". then I would go in to behold the face of the king. 1 1 9 ) . There is no water. . [my] lo[rd. S e e EA 1 0 8 . 2 . my god. 7 4 . . .« ] i it-te-er-mi 3 2 [ h a r . n.2 1 May the king give his attention [t]o his servant and give him Usu that he may live and [dr]ink w[ate]r. il-ta-(nu)-ni: f o l l o w i n g G r a v e . .3 7 [They are wai]ling {i}n thestr[eet(s that) / should] give (them) wood. and may the king reply to his servant. my lord. H e r e A (ID) rather t h a n Z A G (EA 1 4 7 : 1 2 ) . and may he not [abandon] his city and his land. n. [my] lord.)] a-na i-ri-bi 2 9 {a-na dd\-ga-li pa-ni m L U G A L be-li-ia (cf. Now a palace attendant [is bringing] my tablet to the king. EA 150 brings the word of the king to Aziru.

so I can enter before the king. my lord. 4 . my Sun. The king. P i n t o r e . my lord. [my] lord. I herewith send Ilumilku as messenger to the king.M i l k u here calls h i m s e l f a soldier.7 0 There are no Hittite troops about. I have experienced the injustices of Zimredda. C O P Y : BB 30.3 4 I herewith send my messenger t[o the kin]g. 7 times and 7 times. m a i n t a i n s t h a t A b i . Fire destroyed the palace4 at Ugarit. my god. my lord].M i l k u usually laments the absence of the E g y p t i a n military.1 1 1 am the dirt under the sandals of the king. I fall at the feet of the king. Since A b i . ma{ll)ets. and may [the king]. My intention has been to go to see the face of the king.'' 5 9 . (and) 1 whip. 13. n. the war is 6 with Biryawaza. my lord. my lord." The king of Danuna died. the prince of Qidsu. my lord. my lord. May the ki[ng].THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTE i. [I] have devoted myself to\tallyY to {the king). not abandon his servant. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. my lord. my lord. his brother became king after his death. and Aziru are at war. but I have not been able. my lord. H e says h e is l i k e h i m a n d a l s o n e e d s s u c h s u p p o r t .4 8 May [the king. ask his commissioner whether I have devoted myself to the king. my lord. 1 2 . so I may enter before the king. t[p seeing] the face of the king. give [his] attention and gi[ve] water for 6[ur] drink and wood to his servant. my lord. 3 5 . May the king. give me 20 men to guard the city of the king. and I give 5 talents of 3 bronze. 5 . h e p r o b a b l y refers h e r e t o s u p p o r t g i v e n t o h i s p r e d e c e s s o r . I am indeed guarding carefully the city of the king that he put in my charge. OA n ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . my gods: Message of Abi-Milku. wrote to me. we have neither water nor wood. my lord. Etakkama. it destroyed half of it and so hal(f) of it has disappeared. "Write to me what you have heard in Canaan. to behold his gracious face.5 8 The king. my lord. 2 5 . (rather). your servant. knows that we are situa[te]d on the sea. 1 0 2 . b u t Pintore does not translate the p a s s a g e .2 4 He heard that I was going to Egypt. my lord. my lord. for he 238 . To the king. EA 151 A report on Canaan TEXT: BM 29813. send [his messenger and] his ta[bl]et t[o me]. due to Zimredda of Sidon. my lord. pi. I have l devoted myself to the service : u-bu-di of the ki[ng]. 4 9 . and so he has waged war against me. May the king. and his land is at peace.

166. the rule]r of [Sidon. and he has dev[oted him]self to : d-bu-ud (the service^ of the kin[g. 4. see a l s o EA 295. 146? 5.5 7 [and] 1 may he give me 80 s\pldiers] to gu[ard] h[is] . p .. [for] the war again[st 2 me is sev]ere. t h e g l o s s is t a k e n as c reflecting W e s t S e m i t i c bd. 51 (1982) p . . and the ki]ng. ] 4 7 . .4 6 . [his maidservant. 17. s'hna-(q\)-bu-ma 1«' USAN : qi-na-zu(AHw. W i t h G r a v e .. Or n . NOTES 1. my Sun]. my l[o]rd [. a n d o n e w o n d e r s w h e t h e r the m e a n i n g is n o t . May the king. "there is n o t h a l ( f ) o f i t . a n d R e d f o r d . my Sun: Me]ssage of Abi- Mi[lk]u. ] . . know that Abi-Milku is a servant [ . yo[ur] servant.. . a n d N a ' a m a n . 7 3 .6 6 [ . . CAD. p . 9 . n. 922. [ . [m]y Sun. his lord. 5 . History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . and so may he give provisions.8 May the king. 28ff. see L i v e r a n i . . EA 152 A demand for recognition T E X T : VAT 1719. the Sun. n. [T]o the k[in]g. rather. E L U G A L : as a l r e a d y c o n f i r m e d b y G a d d in Schaeffer. 2 2 2 . Syria 17 (1936) p p . ] . . . NOTES 1. take cognizance of his city. UF 11 (1979) p p . n. 256). . is at war] with me. . my god.] 5 8 . n. T h e p r e c e d i n g mi-ru-Ti remains obscure: a-na-mi (ur)-ru-di? Cf. {7 times and 7 times]. [my] g[od. .6 3 . p . see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . p p . [m]y lord. 6. 7. 80. As Z]imre[dda. t h a t h a l f was d e s t r o y e d . In addition to the s[oldier]s. . EA 152 assembled troops and ships from the cities of Aziru against me. Storia di Ugarit (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . May the king give his attention to his servant and return : yu-sa (come forth). 5 ? 3. . n. s . the Sun. 1 2 8 ) . 6 7 4 ? 239 . . L i t . my lord. [the dirt und]er the sandals on the feet of [my lo]r[d. 3 0 . . For E t a k k a m a ' s t i t l e . Is it good that a palace attendant of my lord should become frigh[tened]? All have become frightened. 1 1 9 ) . . " b u t t h e r e p e t i t i o n is c u r i o u s . h a l f n o t . [ . n. 1 5 5 : 2 7 ? 2. EA 1 4 7 : 4 2 . ma-[gd\ ma-gal]. . ti-e-ti-s[u]: p r o b a b l y a d e s i g n a t i o n o f T y r e . [wb]ere are the . . I fall] a[t the feet of the king]. . ] . For t h e v a r i o u s inter­ p r e t a t i o n s o f lines 5 5 . Q. my lord. my l[or]d. . C O P Y : VS 11. [my god.

THE AMARNA LETTERS

2. a-ia8 Z u - x - [ x - x ] : ayya, however, is o t h e r w i s e a t t e s t e d in EA o n l y a t
Byblos.
3. S e e EA 1 5 1 , n. 1.

EA 153

Ships on hold
TEXT: Metropolitan Museum of Art 24.2.12.
COPIES: Scheil, Bulletin de I'Insthut frangais d'archeologie orientale
du Caire 2 (1902) p. 116; I. Spar, ed., Cuneiform Texts (see EA
15), pis. 114-15.
P H O T O G R A P H S : Bull, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art
21 (1926) p. 170, fig. 2 (obverse); Pritchard, The Ancient Near
East in Pictures (see Introduction, n. 85), no. 245 (obverse).
T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Moran, in Spar, ed.,
Cuneiform Texts, pp. 150f.
1
(To] the king, my lord: [Mes]sage of Abi-Milku, your servant. I fall at
your feet 7 times and 7 times. 4 - 1 1 1 have carried out what the king,
my lord, ordered. The entire land is afraid of the troops of the king, my
lord. I have had my men hold ships at the disposition of the troops of the
king, my lord. 1 2 - 2 0 Whoever has disobeyed has no family, has
nothing alive. Since I guafrd the ci]ty of the king, [my] lo[rd], m[y]
s[afety] is the king's responsibility. [May he take cognizance] of his servant
2
who is on his side.

NOTES
1 . W r i t t e n ia-bi-UJGKL, perhaps reflecting a g l i d e between the a-vowels
(um-ma a-bi > yabt).
2. 1 7 [ii S u - u ] l - m [ i ] 1 8 [m]u-bi LUGAL l[i-de ) 4 1 9 a-na iR-Ja sa
2 0 it-ti-Iu. Cf. EA 1 5 4 : 2 7 - 2 9 a n d n. 2 .

EA 154

Orders carried out
T E X T : VAT 1718.
C O P I E S : WA 162; VS 11, 81.

To the king, my lord: Message of Abi-Milku, [your] servant. I fall at
the feet of the king, [m]y lo[rd], 7 times and 7 times. I am the d[i]rt
un(der) the sandals of the king, my lord. 5 - 1 0 I have heard what the

240

EA 155

1
king wrote to his servant, "Let my forces : [ia-k]u-(un) (be prepared))
again[st] Yawa." What the king ordered, that I have carried out with
the greatest joy. 1 1 - 2 0 Moreover, since the departure of the troops of
the king, my lord, from me, the ruler of Sidon does not allow me or my
people to go to land to fetch wood or to fetch water for drinking. He has
killed one man, and he has capt[ured] another. 2 1 - 2 9 [ . . . ] . . . May
2
the king take cognizance of his servant.

NOTES
1. S e e EA 1 4 7 , n. 8. For a n o t h e r r e a d i n g see D o s s i n , RA 30 (1933) pp.
8 f.
9

2. 27 /«{/-mu/mi . . . ] 28 a li-i-de4 L U G A L a-na 29 \K-su.

EA 155

Servant of Mayati
TEXT: BM 29814 ( + ) VAT 1872.
C O P I E S : BB 31 ( + ) WA 228; VS 11, 82.
To the king, [the Sun, my lord]: Message of Abi-M[ilku, your servant. I
fall] at the feet of the k[ing, my lord], 7 times and 7 times. I am the
dirt under the sandals of the k[ing, my lord], and the king is the
Eternfal] Sun. 7—17 The king ordered that the breath (of life) be given
to his servant and to the servant of Mayati, and water : mi-ma be (given)
for his drink, but they have not acted in accordance with the command
of the king, my lord; they have not given (these things). So may the
king give thought to the servant of Mayati, that water be given so he
may live. 1 7 - 2 3 Moreover, O king, my lord, since there is no wo[od,
1
n](o) water, no straw, no supplies, no burial for the de[ad], may the
king, my lord, take cognizance of the servant of Mayati, that life be
gi[ve]n to him. 24—39 Should the king, my lord, give water to drink
to the servant of Mayati, then I will devote myself to his service (and
2
that of) Mayati, my mistress, night and day. Should I en[ter] before
the king, [my] lo[rd], I would be afraid : ir-x-[x](?), [and] unable [to
speak], since the king, the Sun, looked on. But the commissioner has
not done [what] the king [commanded]. He does [not] give [water, a]s the
ki[ng] commanded. 40-47 So may the king take cognizance of his
servant and of Tyre, the city of Mayati, for whatever command has
issued from the mouth of the king to his servant, that he has done. The
word of the king [g]oes : pa-ni-mu (before him).5 4 7 - 5 4 The king is
the Eter[n]al Sun, and I am the loyal servant of the king, [m]y lord.
241

THE AMARNA LETTERS

The ki[ng charged me] with guarfding] the ci[ty] of [M]a[y]ati, my
mistress. 4 . . . [ . . . ] . Moreover, my lord, [since the departure] of the troops
from me, [/ can]not [go] to land. 5 5 - 6 4 Should a ta[bl]et [of] the
king, my lord, arrive, then I will approafch] the land. May the king,
my lord, know the sentiments of the enti[re] land. May the king gifve]
attention to {his] serfvant] and to Tyre, the city of Maya[ti], so [wood
and] water are given that [he] might li[ve]. 6 5 - 7 1 Moreover, [my]
lord [ . . . ] the king should inquire from his commissioner whether
Sumur is [set]tled. As the ruler of Bei[r]ut has done service with one ship,
and the ruler of Sido[n] is doing service with two ships, I will do service
with all yo[ur] ships. So may the king give thought to his servant [and]
protect the s[hips] of the king with all my city.'

NOTES
1 . sa-mu, lit. " p l a c i n g , " u n d e r W e s t S e m i t i c influence (cf. H e b r e w s'im)?
2. BE-ti-ia (belttya): f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , UF 11 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 6 7 5 .
3. F o r t h e v a r i o u s p o s s i b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , see A l b r i g h t , JEA 23 (1937) p.
1 9 7 , n. 2 .
4. S e e n. 2 .
5. F o l l o w i n g G o r d o n ' s r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t : gdb-bi VRV-ia is p l a c e d w i t h
Glossenkeil a t t h e e n d o f line 7 0 b e c a u s e o f insufficient r o o m a t t h e e n d o f l i n e 7 1 .

EA 156

Aziru of Amurru
T E X T : VAT 337.
C O P I E S : WA 34; VS 11, 83.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 15f.
To the king, my lord, my god, my [S]un: Message of Aziru, your
servant. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times.
4 - 8 Now as to a(ny) request that the Sun, my lord, makes, I am
[yo]ur servant forever, and my sons are your servants.
1
9—141 herewith give [my] sons as 2 attendants], and they are to do
2
what the k[ing, my lord], orders. But let him leave [me] in Amurru.

NOTES
1. L U . T [ U R . ( M E § ) : f o l l o w i n g K n u d t z o n ; o n t h e m e a n i n g , see EA 1 7 , n. 7.
On the historical b a c k g r o u n d of the A z i r u correspondence, see m o s t re­
c e n t l y S . Izre'el a n d I . S i n g e r , The General's Letter from Ugarit: A Linguistic and
Historical Evaluation ofRS 20.33, Ugaritica V, n o . 2 0 (Tel Aviv, 1 9 9 0 ) , p p . 1286°.
2. Cf. t h e r e q u e s t o f A z i r u a s r e p o r t e d b y t h e P h a r a o h in EA 162:42—54.

242

EA 157

EA 157

Eager to serve
T E X T : VAT 624.
C O P I E S : WA 36; VS 11, 84.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. IIS.
[S]a[y to] the king, [my] lo[rd, my god, and my Sun]: Message of
Az[iru, your servant}. I f[all] at [the feet of my lord] 7 times and 7
times.
6—8 Now may the king, my lord, know that I am [your] servant
forever. I do not deviate from the orders of my lord.
9—16 My lord, from the very first I have wanted (to enter) the
1 2
service of the king, my lord, but the magnates of Sumur do not
permit me. Now, of dereliction of duty or the slightest thing against
the king I am innocent.' The king, my lord, knows (who the real)
rebels (are).
17—19 And whatever the request o[f the king, my lord], I will
gr[ant] (it).
20-24 ...
2 5 - 3 3 And thus [ . . . ] . . . If the king of Ha[tti] [advances'] for war
against me, the king, my lord, should give me . . . [ . . . } troops and
chariots [t]o help me, and I will guard the land of the king, my lord.
3 4 - 3 6 Moreover, in all haste send me my messenger, and [/ wi]ll
[...].
37-41 And whatever the mayors have given, I too will give to the
king, my lord, my god and my Sun. I will give forever.

NOTES
1. O n L L V I R . M E S , ardutu, "service," see Or n . s . 5 3 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p p . 2 9 8 6 ; so
a l s o Izre'el, Amurru.
2. E g y p t i a n h i g h officials r e s i d i n g i n , or in c h a r g e of, S u m u r , n o t the city's
e l d e r s ( K i t c h e n , Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs [ s e e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 1 9 ] ,
p . 1 7 ) . I n EA 1 7 1 , Y a n h a m u is m e n t i o n e d as o n e o f t h e s e m a g n a t e s .
3. L i t . "I have n o t c o m m i t t e d , " a n d r e a d i n g , w i t h Izre'el, Amurru, la-a
hi-i(-fa ,x n o t laa-hi-i(-ta .x T h e e x p r e s s i o n htta epesu as u s e d in EA 2 7 : 3 5 (failure to
s h o w m e s s e n g e r s d u e h o n o r s ) a n d 1 6 2 : 9 ( f a i l u r e t o d e n o u n c e ) s u g g e s t s that hitu
refers t o n e g l i g e n c e , a d e r e l i c t i o n o f duty. T h i s w o u l d e x p l a i n w h y t h e n o u n s hlfu
a n d httitu a n d t h e v e r b hafu are so rarely u s e d in t h e A m a r n a c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , even
t h o u g h it is filled w i t h d e n u n c i a t i o n s : t h e a c t s d e n o u n c e d are t h o s e o f c o m m i s s i o n
(arnu). P e r f e c t i n n o c e n c e is t o b e g u i l t y o f n e i t h e r (EA 2 5 3 : 1 6 6 ° . ; 2 5 4 : 1 1 1 ? . ) . T h e

243

THE AMARNA LETTERS

d i s t i n c t i o n o f "Yarnu f a u t e d e l i c t u e l l e e t le htfu f a u t e c o n t r a c t u e l l e " ( K e s t e m o n t , in
G a r e l l i , e d . , Le Palais et la Royaute [see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 ] , p . 4 8 1 ) , w h e t h e r or
n o t it o b t a i n s e l s e w h e r e , d o e s n o t s e e m t o e x p l a i n a d e q u a t e l y t h e A m a r n a evi­
d e n c e . N o t e , for e x a m p l e , t h a t a t t h e t i m e o f EA 1 5 7 A z i r u , as h e h i m s e l f
l a m e n t s , is n o t f o r m a l l y an E g y p t i a n v a s s a l , a n d h e is therefore u n d e r n o c o n t r a c t .
T h e b a s i s for K e s t e m o n t ' s c l a i m ( i b i d . , n. 4 6 ) t h a t t h e c a s e o f A z i r u s h o w s h o w t h e
s a m e a c t c o u l d b e , before a p a c t , arnu, a n d after a p a c t , htfu, is n o t clear. T h e
c o n t r a s t I p o s t u l a t e b e t w e e n arnu a n d httu, e t c . , g o e s b a c k t o t h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n
p e r i o d ; cf. awilum sit arnam u hifltam ul Tsu, " T h i s m a n h a s ( c o m m i t t e d ) n e i t h e r s i n
nor fault" (AEM 1 / 2 , n o . 3 1 2 : 1 1 ' , "peche" a n d "faute").

EA 158

Father and son
TEXT: C 4758 (12205).
C O P Y : WA 40.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 20ff.
T[o] Tutu, my lord, [my] father: Message of Aziru, your son, your
1
servant. I fall at the feet of my father. For my father may all go well.
2
5 - 9 Tutu, I herewith gr]ant the re[ques]t of the ki[ng, m]y
l[or}d, [and] whatever may be the request [o]f the king, my lord, he
should write and I w[ill g]rant it.
1 0 - 1 3 Moreover, a[s} you in that place are my father, whatever
may be the request of Tutu, my f[at}her, just write and / will grant it. 3
1 4 - 1 9 [A]s you are my father and my lord, [and] I am your son,
the land of Amurru is your [lan]d, and my house is your house. [Wr]ite
me any request at all of yours, and I will grant your [eve^ry* request.
2 0 - 2 6 [And] you are in the personal service [of the king], my
5
[lord. Hea]ven forbid that treacherous men have spoken maliciously
6
[again]st me in the presence of the king, my lord. And you should not
permit them.
7
2 7 - 3 1 [And a]s you are in the personal service [of the king, m]y
8
lord, representing me, you should not permit malicious talk [ag]ainst
me.
3 2 - 3 5 I am the servant of the king, my lord, and I will [n]ot
deviate from the orders of the king, my lord, or from the orders of Tutu,
my father, forever.
3 6 - 3 8 [But z]/the king, my lord, does not love me and rejects
me, then what a[m] I to s[a]y?

244

EA 159

NOTES
1. ardi-ka-[ma]: as in all o f A z i r u ' s letters; G o r d o n saw p o s s i b l e traces of
ma.
2. [d]t-[t}a-din ( G o r d o n ) . L i n e 7: c e r t a i n l y erihu-'7/T.
3. N e i t h e r i nor ad-din: so a l s o G o r d o n .
4. [ g a b - b ] a : a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y not [ a - m u ] r ; so a l s o G o r d o n . Cf. EA 160:9.
5. [as-s]ur^-[r]i: the A m u r r u f o r m o f Z U R - s i g n is q u i t e clear, a n d the s p e l l ­
i n g as e l s e w h e r e in A z i r u ' s letters (EA 165:20, 1 6 6 : 2 3 ; 1 6 7 : 2 5 ) .
6. [a-na VGV-h]i-ia: so a l s o L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ; cf. line 3 1 .
7. as-ba-ta: bd d u b i o u s ( G o r d o n ) .
r n
8. k i - i - m a a - i a - / ; : L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n , ia d u b i o u s ( G o r d o n ) ; lit. "in
m y place, instead of me."

EA 159

Nothing but the truth
T E X T : VAT 1658.
C O P I E S : WA 35; VS 11, 85.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 24ff.
[T]o the king, my lord, my Sun: [Mess}age of Aziru, your servant. I fall
at the feet of the king, my lord, [m]y [god} and my Sun, 7 times and 7
times.
5 - 1 0 1 do not deviate [fr]om the order[s] of the king, my lord, my
god [and} my [Su]n. [As] you are like Ba[al and y]ou are like the Sun,
[then h}ow could (any) [serva]nts li[e}' to my lord, [my god]?
n - 1 6 [Loo]k, I am going to build Sumur. No[w . . . ] . . .
17-28, 2 9 - 3 8
39-42 [Andas fa}r as the mayor[s] are concerned, [I dec}lare: they
are all [tr]aitors of my lord. [Do not tr]ust them. 3
4 3 - 4 6 [M]y lord, right now, [in] all haste, I am going to build
Sumur. [N}ow, may he trust me [th]at I am going to build Sumur.
[(• • •)]•

NOTES
1. u-ka-az-zi-[bu-mm]: f o l l o w i n g N o u g a y r o l , Ugar. 5 , p . 4 9 , in d e r i v i n g
t h e v e r b f r o m kuzzubu. If 1 0 [ a - m a - t ] e . M E § ( N o u g a y r o l ) , t h e n ukazzi-[ba], "how
c o u l d I tell likes . . . , " I a l s o read 9 [ u k]i-i rathet than {ki-i-k]i-/ (Nougayrol).
S e e a l s o EA 1 0 8 , n. 1.
2. Line 26: [... iT-nu-ta, "vessels, g e a r " ( g i f t s for t h e k i n g ? ) . L i n e s 33ff.:
p r e p a r a t i o n (line 3 8 , a - [ s e - s e - e r ] ) o f ( a d d i t i o n a l ? ) g i f t s for t h e k i n g ( ? ) : G l S . l . M E S ,
"oils" or samassamme (Izre'el; m e a n i n g d i s p u t e d , e i t h e r " s e s a m e " or "linseed"; l i n e

245

THE AMARNA LETTERS

3 2 ) ; [x mn]-na as-si mi-{...], "fx mi)nas of myrtle" ( l i n e 3 4 , assu as a t B o g h a z k o y ? ) ;
fx K U S . M E S J S U N . M E S , "fx hides of] w i l d - c o w s " ( l i n e 3 6 ) .
3. EN-ia-ma \la-(d)] 4 2 [ta-qi-i]p-Iu-nu: cf. line 4 5 . T h e u s e o f t h e p r e t ­
e r i t e f o r m i n s t e a d o f t h e c o r r e c t p r e s e n t - f u t u r e taqdp i s , in t h i s d i a l e c t , n o t a
difficulty.

EA 160

Ships and lumber for the king
TEXT: Golenischeff (Introduction, sect. 1).
C O P Y : WA 34a.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 28ff.
[To] the Great King, [my] l[ord, my god, my Sun: Messa]ge of Aziru,
[your] serva[nt]. I fal[l] at the fee[t of my lord], my god and my Sun, 7
times and 7 times.
5—8 My lord, my god, my Sun, I am your servant, and my sons
and my brothers are servants of the king, my lord, forever.
9 - 1 3 I am indeed preparing all the requests of the king, my lord,
and whatever came forth from the mouth of the king, my lord, I am
preparing.
1 4 - 1 9 I am indeed, in very truth, now [preparing] 8 ships,
box{wo]odlogs, and large logs of [ . . . ] . . . , everything that ca[me forth]
from the mo[uth] of the king, [m]y lord, [my god, my Sun].
2 0 - 3 2 [And], O king, [my lord, as to Sumur, about which] he say[s,
"Why have] you {not] buil[t $umur?"],' [ . . . ] . . . of [my] lo[r]d, [ . . . ] ,
and the kings of Nuha[ss>e] have been at war with [me], and so I have not
built Sumur. This year I will bui[l]d Sumur. My lord, I am your servant
forever. O king, do not listen to the treacherous men that [de]nounce
me be[for]e the king, my lord.
3 3 - 3 7 May the king, my lord, my god and my Sun, send me his
mes[sen]ger so he can fet[ch] everythi[ng] that the kin[g, my lord],
orde[r]s.
3 8 - 4 0 My lord, no[w you are going to hear t]hat I am buil[ding
the city of the king], my lord, my god, [my Sun].
4 1 - 4 4 [And, O k]ing, m[y] lord, send me {your messenger al]ong
with [my] messenger [in] all haste, [and] then he can brin[g] the
tribute of the king, my lord.

246

EA 161

NOTE
i. [EN-ia as-sum URU su-mu-ri] 21 [sa] i-qd-a[b-bi am-mi-(i)-ni]
2 2 [la i}a-bd-an-[ni U R U su-mu-ri]: cf. EA 161:35-40.

EA 161

An absence explained
TEXT: BM 29818.
C O P Y : BB 35.
P H O T O G R A P H : BB, pi. 22.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 3Iff.
To the Great King, my lord, my god, [my Sun]: Message of Aziru, your
servant. I fall at the feet of my lord, [m]y god, my Sun, 7 times and 7
times.
4-10 My lord, I am your servant, and on my arrival in the presence
1
of the king, my lord, I spoke of all my affairs in the presence of the
king, my lord. My lord, do not listen to the treacherous men that
denounce me in the presence of the king, my lord. I am your servant
forever.
11—22 The king, my lord, has spoken about Han'i. My lord, I was
residing in Tunip, and so I did not know that he had arrived. As soon as
I heard, I went up after him, but I did not overtake him. May Han'i
arrive safe and sound so that the king, my lord, can ask him how I
provided for him. My brothers and Bet-ili were at his service; they gave
2 3 4
oxen, sheep and goats, and birds, his food and his strong drink.
a v e
23-34 I g horses and asses [f]or his journey. May the king, my
lord, hear my words. [W]hen I come to the king, my lord, Han'i will go
before me; like a mother and like a father he will provide for me. And
no(w) my lord says, "You hid yourself from Han'i." May your gods and
the Sun be witnesses: (I swear) I was residing in Tunip.
35-40 The king, my lord, has spoken about the building of
Sumur. The kings of Nujjasse have been at war with me and have taken
my cities at the instruction of Hatip. So I have not built it. Now, in all
haste, I am going to build it.
41—46 And may my lord know that Hatip has taken half of the
things that the king, my lord, gave (me). All the gold and silver? that
the king, my lord, gave me, Hatip has taken. May my lord know (this).

247

THE AMARNA LETTERS

4 7 - 5 3 Moreover, the king, my lord, also said, "Why did you
provide for the messenger of the king of Hatti, but did not provide for
my messenger?" But this is the land of my lord, and the king, my lord,
6
made me one of the mayors!
5 4 - 5 6 Let my lord's messenger come to me so I can give all that I
promised in the presence of the king, my lord. I will give food supplies,
ships, oil, logs of boxwood and (other) woods.

NOTES
1. F o l l o w i n g Izre'el, Amurru. A z i r u refers t o t h i s o c c a s i o n a g a i n at t h e very
end o f t h e letter, g i v i n g h i s m e s s a g e a k i n d o f inclusio. It w a s o n t h i s o c c a s i o n , t o o ,
t h a t he w a s p r o b a b l y i n s t a l l e d f o r m a l l y as a m a y o r ; s e e lines 4 7 - 5 3 .
2. S e e EA 5 5 , n. 2 .
3. P r o b a b l y fowl; see K r a u s , AbB 10, 1 2 4 , note a of the translation.
4. O r " b r e a d a n d beer."
5. K U . B A B B A R - ^ : f o l l o w i n g Izre'el, Amurru.
6 . O n e o f t h e m o r e n o t a b l e ignorationes elenchi in t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s .

EA 162

A letter from the Pharaoh:
threats and promises
T E X T : VAT 347.
C O P I E S : WA 92; VS 11, 86.
1
Say [to Aziru], ruler of Amurru: [Thu\s the king, your lord, saying:
The ruler of Gubla, whose brother had cast him away at the gate, [sai]d
to you, "[Ta]ke me and get me into my city. [There is much silvjer, and I
will give it to you. Indeed, there is an abundance of everything, [but
2
n]ot with me." Thus did the ruler speak to you.
7 - 1 1 Do you [n]ot write to the king, my lord, [say]ing, "I am your
servant like all the previous mayors in his city"? Yet you acted delin-
quently by taking the mayor whose brother had cast him away at the
gate, from his city.'
e w a s
12—14 H residing in Sidon and, following your own judg­
ment, you gave him to (some) mayors. Were you ignorant of the treach-
erousness of the men?
15—18 If you really are the king's servant, why did you not de­
4
nounce him before the king, your lord, saying, "This mayor has writ­
ten me, saying, 'Take me to yourself and get me into my city'"?

248

EA 162

1 9 - 2 1 And if you did a[c]t loyally, still all the things you wrote
were not true. In fact, the king has reflected on them as follows, "Every­
thing you have said is not friendly."
2 2 - 2 9 Now the king has heard as follows, "You are at peace with
the ruler of Qidsa.5 The two of you take food and strong drink to­
6
gether." And it is true. Why do you act so? Why are you at peace with
a ruler with whom the king is fighting? And even if you did act loyally,
you considered your own judgment, and his judgment did not count.
7
You have paid no attention to the things that you did earlier. What
happened to you among them that you are not on the side of the king,
8
your lord?
3 0 - 3 2 Con[sider] the people that are [training you for their own
advantage. They want to throw you into the fire. They have lit {the fire),
and (still) you love everything so very much!
33—38 But if you perform your service for the king, your lord,
what is there that the king will not do for you? If for any reason
9
whatsoever you prefer to do evil, and if you plot evil, treacherous
things, then you, together with your entire family, shall die by the axe
of the king.
3 9 - 4 1 So perform your service for the king, your lord, and you
will live. You yourself know that the king does not fail when he rages
10
against all of Canaan.
42—54 And when you wrote, saying, "May the king, my lord,
give me leave this year, and then I will go next year to the king, [my]
11
l[ord]. If this is impossible, I [will send} my son [in m\y [place]" —the
king, your lord, let you off this year, in accordance with what you said.
[Co]me yourself, or send your son, and you will see the king at whose
sight all lan[ds] live. You are not to say, "May he give me this year, too."
If it is impossible to go to the king, your lord, send your son to the
king, your lord, in your place. If it is impossible, he is to come.
5 5 - 6 7 Now the king, your lord, has heard that you wrote to the
king, saying, "May the king, my lord, send Hanni, the messenger of the
king, once more, so I can have the enemies of the king delivered into his
charge." He herewith goes off to you, in accordance with what you said.
So have them delivered, omitting no one. The king, your lord, hereby
sends you the names of the king's ene(mi)es on [this] tablet given to
Hanni, the messenger of the king. Have the[m] delivered to the king,
your lord, omitting no one. Copper fetters are to be put on their ankles.
Here are the men whom you are to have delivered to the king, your
lord:

249

THE AMARNA LETTERS

68 Sarru along with all his sons;
Tuya;
70 Leya along with all his sons;
Pisyari along with all his sons;
72 the son-in-law of Manya, along with his sons,
12
along with his wives;
74 the commissioner, who is expert in sacrilege,
1
that fellow {who) has mocked a resident-alien; ^
76 Daasarti; Baaluma;
14
Nimmahe—he is a brigand in Amurru.
7 8 - 8 1 And know that the king is hale like the Sun in the sky. For
his troops and his chariots in multitude, from the Upper Land to the
Lower Land, the rising of the sun to the setting of the sun, all goes very
1
well. ?

NOTES
1. [ u m - m a - ( a ) - m ] i : umma-mi is a t t e s t e d in EA 1 : 2 6 , 3 7 ( E g y p t ) . W h a t e v e r
t h e correct r e s t o r a t i o n m a y b e , it is clear t h a t no c o n v e n t i o n a l f o r m o f i n t r o d u c t i o n
w a s u s e d . W i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f t h e c o n c l u s i o n (lines 7 8 ? . ) , EA 162 is in f o r m as
well a s c o n t e n t q u i t e u n l i k e t h e P h a r a o h ' s letters t o inferiors (see I n t r o d u c t i o n ,
sect. 5 ) .
2. 5 [ma-ad KU.BAB}BAR . . . 6 [ u i]-ia-nu: free r e s t o r a t i o n s ; n o t e t h e
w r i t i n g i-ia-nu in line 2 7 a n d i-ia-nu-um-ma in l i n e 5 2 . I t is not clear t h a t "take"
m e a n s "take as a v a s s a l , " as p r o p o s e d b y K . M c C a r t e r , OA 1 2 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 1 7 .
3 . T h i s is a d e l i n q u e n c y b e c a u s e u p o n r e c e i v i n g R i b - H a d d a ' s c o m m u n i c a ­
t i o n , A z i r u s h o u l d have i m m e d i a t e l y d e n o u n c e d h i m to t h e k i n g (lines i j f f . ) ; see
EA 1 5 7 , n. 3 .
4. ta-a-ku-ulkar-si-i-su: f o l l o w i n g M c C a r t e r , i b i d . , p p . i5ff. T h e r e a d i n g is
c o n f i r m e d b y c o l l a t i o n ; t h e c o p y is i n e x a c t , a n d t h e r e is a l i g a t u r e o f T E a n d A.
T h e d e n u n c i a t i o n w o u l d a l s o have r e q u i r e d h a n d i n g over t h e v a s s a l t o E g y p t i a n
a u t h o r i t i e s ; cf. EA 2 4 5 : i f f . , a n d see K i i h n e , Andrews University Seminary Studies 1
( 1 9 6 3 ) p p . 7ifF., a n d K e s t e m o n t , in G a r e l l i , e d . , Le Palais et la Royaute (see
I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 ) , p . 4 7 7 . A z i r u w a s , t h e r e f o r e , d o u b l y d e l i n q u e n t .
5. Etakkama.
6. S e e EA 1 6 1 , n. 4. M e a l s s e a l e d a l l i a n c e s a n d w e r e s h a r e d o n l y b y a l l i e s
and friends.
7. T h i s is p r o b a b l y a reference t o A z i r u ' s h a v i n g b e c o m e a v a s s a l - m a y o r .
8. T h i s s e e m s t o b e a reference t o a n i n i t i a l c o n t a c t w i t h t h e H i t t i t e s , w h i c h
is a l l u d e d t o e l s e w h e r e , b e f o r e A z i r u ' s final c a p i t