THE
AMARNA LETTERS

Edited and Translated by William L. Moran

The Johns Hopkins University Press
Baltimore and London

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Tell e l - A m a r n a tablets.
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1. A s s y r o - B a b y l o n i a n letters—Translations into E n g l i s h .
2. A k k a d i a n language—Texts. 3. Egypt—History—Eighteenth
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Contents

Preface ix
Introduction xiii
Editorial Apparatus xli
Abbreviations and Short Titles xliii

The Amarna Letters i

Index of Words Discussed 371
Index of Proper Names 379

Map of the Near East in the Amarna Period 1
Map of Vassal Cities and Egyptian Administrative Centers 124

Preface

A little more than a century has passed since the discovery of the
Amarna letters. At first virtually unique and so extraordinary that even
their genuineness was seriously questioned, these letters over the years
have gradually acquired context and perspective. As subsequent discov­
eries made clear, the Amarna letters reflect a cosmopolitan culture, a
"cuneiform culture," that throughout most of the second millennium
B . C . extended from the mountains to the east of Assyria and Babylonia,
across the Fertile Crescent, over into Asia Minor.
Though seen now as only part of a much larger picture, the
Amarna letters still remain documents of the highest importance and
still form, as one cuneiformist once put it so enthusiastically, "une des
collections les plus precieuses du monde." This importance derives
mainly from the rich evidence they provide for the social and political
history of Syria and Palestine in the fourteenth century B . C . They may,
therefore, be read as a kind of preface to biblical history, and it is for this
reason, above all, that they have been, and continue to be, the subject of
the most diligent inquiry and reflection. Indeed, one can safely predict
that as long as the Bible retains in our culture its unique importance,
the Amarna letters will command the serious attention of historian and
exegete.
Over the years, too, there has been great progress in our under­
standing of these letters. Collations of the originals by various scholars
have yielded a more accurate reading of the text. Grammatical and
lexical studies have vastly extended our grasp of the language of the
letters. Unfortunately, however, since J . A. Knudtzon's magisterial
edition, in 1 9 0 7 - 1 5 , of the letters known at that time, the results of all
this progress have remained scattered in dictionaries, monographs, dis­
sertations, anthologies, articles, and footnotes. Except to the narrow
specialist, they have been practically inaccessible.
A long-standing desideratum, therefore, and one with ever-
increasing urgency, has been a translation of the entire corpus that
reflects the advances of the last seventy-five years. It was to meet this
demand that the present work was undertaken.
A translation: that is my main objective, and, I might almost say,
my only objective. The Introduction aims principally at tracing in

ix

With the support of the American Council of Learned Societies and of Harvard University. applies. however. I regret that consid­ erations of space often made it impossible to give in these notes due recognition to counterarguments and divergent views. My time being limited. if not exclu­ sive. they were either destroyed. the Oriental Museum (Chicago).PREFACE broad outline the form and the content of the translations that follow. in general. Where the transla­ tion is not literal is in its grammatical correctness. Besides those that had disappeared many years before. Of the notes accompanying the translations. and contextual—that support the translation. lexi­ cal. I am most grateful. The translation is. the British Mu­ seum (London). I heartily thank the authorities of the Arkeoloji Muzeleri (Istanbul). but recognized difficulty by recognized difficulty. purpose is to indicate the reading of the cuneiform text on which the translation is based and to offer the arguments—grammatical. who very kindly made available to me the results of the collations by the late Edmund I. lost. misplaced. what is called literal. and for all their kind assistance and courtesy. re- x . which I gratefully acknowledge. Gordon of most of the letters housed in London and Cairo. often replacing a more literal. the collations were at times not sign by sign. For the most part. to my col­ leagues Volkert Haas and Gemot Wilhelm for their contributing. a virtue that conceals the solecisms and barbarisms of the language of so much of the original text. at the time. For granting me access to the Amarna letters. the Louvre (Paris). paratactic version with a subor­ dinate clause. at the time the Director of the Albright Institute in Jerusalem. This limitation was com­ pensated for to some extent through the generosity of Albert E. the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York). the Egyptian Museum (Cairo). I was able in 1973—74 to collate almost all of the letters. Those who have confronted the translation of hinne in the Hebrew Bible will recognize the option and perhaps sympathize with the inconsistency. I have also taken a certain liberty in the translation of some particles. there were thirteen that eluded me. and the Vor- derasiatisches Museum (Berlin). the primary. or on loan. pedestrian. It might be added. the prose of the Amarna letters is. As will become evident to the reader. with the lack of felicity the term usually implies. the Musees royaux dArt and d'Histoire (Brussels). the Ashmolean Museum (Oxford). too. that here traduttore traditore seldom. Gordon's contribution is not a small one. at best. Glock. if ever.

the translations of the letters written in the Hittite and Hurrian languages. but I do thank her. 1987). Les Lettres d'El Amarna (Paris. both by their published work and by their unpublished manuscripts they very generously placed at my disposal. I must mention by name Carolyn I. As a result. XI . Nadav Na'aman. I am grateful to the Johns Hopkins University Press for making my work available in English and to the editorial staff for their painstaking labors on my behalf. and Anson Rainey—have put me particularly in their debt. I thank them. my copyeditor. it also not infrequently corrects and expands. Moser. The present work is a revision of an earlier one that appeared in French. PREFACE spectively. the translation that follows often represents a considerable improvement of my earlier ef­ fort. and most warmly. Finally. It tries to bring the latter up to date. I do not try to describe her contribution. Since the earlier publication three scholars—Shlomo Izre'el. which was enormous.

.

On the uncertainty as to the eventual numbers in the Berlin and Cairo museums.Introduction i.2 0 0 tablets. A. a plain on the east bank of the Nile about 190 miles south of Cairo. the Louvre (1. 1 5 8 4 . by purchase. 5ff. 1 2 . Knudtzon. see n. 89f. 2 AOAT 8 .1 7 ) pp. at least for a while. There are conflicting accounts of the dis­ covery. AJSL 33 ( 1 9 1 6 . and we will never know how many tablets may have been found 2 and later lost or destroyed. most of the tablets made their way to museums: the Vorderasiatisches Museum in Berlin (at first about 160. Sayce says that the r tablets were found in 1 8 8 6 . 90. gift. Sayce. Most of the Berlin and Cairo collections. For the corrections of A. F ° the history of the publications. among the ancient ruins. eventually 202 or 2 0 3 . estimated the loss at 1 5 0 . comes from reports of questionable accuracy. often called. plus a fragment belonging with a Berlin tablet. XIII . pp. Discoveries and publications c The Amarna tablets take their name from el. On the various versions of the discovery and dispersal of the tablets. Akhetaten was founded by Amenophis IV. 3.1 7 ) p. 2 / 2 . eventually 7).9 0 (WA). see J . see Anson F. besides 3 fragments belonging with British Museum tablets and other unnumbered fragments). see the former's account in AJSL 3 3 ( 1 9 1 6 . perhaps many and de­ vious. natives came upon clay tablets with some writing on them and 1 began clandestine diggings.8 7 . Rainey. H . most renowned as a religious reformer. even­ tually 49 or 50. 2. p. Sayce mentioned by Knudtzon. which is not supported by other arguments. or confiscation. but the evidence for this high number. that. the British Museum (at first 8 1 . The cuneiform copies of the British Museum tablets appeared in 1 8 9 2 ( B B ) . Eventually. eventually 95). pp. the Louvre tablet. plus a fragment belonging with a British Museum tablet). iff.Amarna. also known as Akhenaten. 3 Remain­ ing in private hands. one of the most famous of Egyptian kings. VAB 2 / 1 . were the four tablets of the 1 . the capital of ancient Egypt for a brief period in the fourteenth century B . This was the site of Akhetaten." It was here. the Cairo museum (at first 3 1 .. C . and the Golenischeff tablets (see below) were published in the cuneiform copies of Ludwig Abel by Hugo Winckler in 1 8 8 9 . the "heretic king" and "first monotheist. by which more than 300 tablets came into the possession of antiquities dealers and private collectors. probably in 1887. nor all the ways.

3 5 8 inscribed tablets were known. EA 15. see VAB 2 / 1 . Of these. pp. Weber and glossaries by E . VAB 2 / 1 . all the known tablets. see below. in their first comprehensive edition. 1 9 0 . Metcalf. after earlier stops in the Art Institute of Chicago in 1894. see below. Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 21 [ 1 9 2 6 ] pp. The Tell-el-Amarna Letters (New York. Chassinat. AJSL 3 3 [ 1 9 1 6 . Based on painstaking collations of all except the Murch and Chassinat tablets and on an unrivaled knowledge of almost every aspect of the corpus. and even today his work remains of fundamental importance. see below. Knudt­ zon published the first volume of his magisterial Die El-Amarna- 11 Tafeln. Bull. 1896). 3 4 4 . to­ gether with a letter that had been found at Tell el-Hesi in Palestine. Ebeling. M.1 7 ] pp.9 2 . 1 8 4 . Perhaps given to the museum in Moscow in 1 9 1 1 (Kuhne. which seems to have been lost and will probably never be found. 8 2 . EA 1 4 . EA 28. XIV . 1896). 4 3 . of which it is a fragment. 7. The second volume of commentary by O. 5. A. on the cuneiform copy. Cuneiform copies by Sayce in Tell el Amarna. Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna. 6 1 . The Tell el-Hesi tablet is in the Istanbul Arkeoloji Muzeleri. with additional remarks by Knudtzon. 2 9 2 . EA 26. A cuneiform copy of this tablet. VAB 2/1—2 (reprint. 2 3 6 . When the location of the ruins where the tablets had been discov­ ered was determined. In the British Museum since May 1903 (information from museum authorities). 1 3 7 . on the cuneiform copies. 160. One of the fragments was uninscribed. only seven are relevant here. Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek. eds. see below. N o w in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in N e w York (L.. 1964). 2 3 0 . 3 5 1 ) have been lost or destroyed. 8). Aalen. More fortunate was Sir Flinders Petrie. In 1896.9 In 1 9 0 3 . 8. English trans. EA 3 3 3 . 4 the three of the Russian Egyptologist Vla­ dimir Golenischeff.). EA 7 0 . 1 3 5 . and the one of the French Assyriologist Jules Oppert. appeared in 1 9 1 5 . if.' the one of the American missionary Chauncey 6 7 Murch. 8 were transliterated and translated by Hugo Winckler. EA 260. Four (EA 1 3 5 . p. 9. who found 22 fragments in 1 8 9 1 .. 3 4 2 . Egyptian authorities explored the site but failed to find more tablets. 6. see below. 996. 5 (Berlin. n. by J . Schrader et al. 1 5 . Knudtzon's numbering of the tablets became standard. see below. 4. By 1907. in E . director of 1'Institut fran^ais d'arche- 10 ologie orientale du Caire. acquired two more tablets. another is part of EA 1 4 . was never published. on the cuneiform copies.7 6 ) . his readings and translations excelled by far those of all his predecessors. N o w in the Oriental Institute in Chicago.INTRODUCTION merchant Rostovitz Bey. 2 . 1 6 9 . and in that year—a landmark in the history of Amarna studies—the Norwegian Assyriologist J . see below. then on to the Haskell Oriental Museum at the University of Chicago in 1 9 1 5 (Luckenbill and Allen. 1 0 . 153- 1 1 . these went to the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford.

see P. Mercer of the tablets then known (EA 1 . n. one as recently as 1979. 2 5 . only 32 are not letters or inventories attached 8 to letters. With the exception of EA 3 8 0 . 1 3 . in K . S. ed. Two were published by O.3 5 8 . A . 2 3 9 ^ . 2. See below. 375?).3 7 . Klengel. Or n. 2 6 2 . ic^f. C . 1 9 3 (now EA 359) and VS 1 2 . the location of EA I do not know..' Some belong in the Mesopotamian scribal tradition: myths and epics (EA 340?. in Biblical Archaeology Today.1 4 . 1 6 2 .3 6 7 . INTRODUCTION Since 1907 an additional 24 tablets have come to light. (Toronto.G . 1917. 1 7 .1 5 Schroeder published new cuneiform copies of the Berlin collection in VS 1 1 . now in the British Museum. 1917. pp. EA 3 7 0 .2 4 . The numbering EA 359!?.9 2 .. P._/C5 31 (1979) p. EA 3 7 0 . Gadd. was not successful and is mentioned here as a matter of historical record. pp. was introduced by C. and the British Museum (see below. 1985). EA 369). 16 (1947) pp. Schroeder. ' 3 and eight more in the excava­ tions of 1 9 2 6 . B .' to the first clandestine diggings of the fellahin. 4 3 2 ) . to which two were added by the excavations of the Deutsche Orient- 1 2 Gesellschaft in 1 9 1 1 . a n d the rest. lexical texts (EA 1 2 . Rainey in 1 9 7 0 . EA 3 6 2 . p. 3 6 [ 1 9 6 7 ] p. 264. Gordon. EA 3 5 9 now belongs to the Cairo collection. nff.7 2 . 369). XV . 1 4 . . . VS n . The Archive Of the 382 tablets. E . and outstanding problems. 2d rev. Heintz. the "post-Knudtzon" 17 tablets were ably edited by Anson F.1 4 are VS 1 2 . Four more have turned up in the Berlin collection. 1 6 . H. 4 7 8 .8 3 . A . OLZ. EA 3 7 8 ) . col. xvii. Veenhof. 190 (now EA 3 7 9 . 1 8 . 1 3 2 . Proceedings of the International Congress on Biblical Archaeol­ ogy. Index Documentaire d'el-Amarna. called attention to VAT 3781 (already noted by Schroe­ der. 2 5 8 . Walker. 1974. JEA 1 1 (1925) pp. 179 (now EA 360) and OLZ. EA 3 8 2 . EA 368 (see E . Gordon. 2 4 9 . To these two numbers J .. Orn. 88. on this number. I05f. See below. 1 5 . col. Artzi. The content of this small group is quite diverse. 1 6 (1947) pp. Cuneiform Archives and Libraries (Istanbul. syllabaries (EA 348. based on Knudtzon's EA 1 . pp. Musee Cinquantenaire. The Egyptian Exploration Society discovered one tablet in its excavations of 1 9 2 1 . GM 15 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. ' 4 The most recent to appear perhaps goes back to the explorations under Petrie in 1 8 9 1 . B . 379). Smith and C. iff. 2 vols. 1986). 1 9 8 2 ) . now in the Ashmolean Museum. I .8 2 . certain characteristic features. The Louvre (see below. Artzi. For a survey of the Amarna archive. C. Or n. See HKL 1. col. 1 5 ) . which eventually 6 were made available to museums.) and added the "Sammelnummer" VAT 8 5 2 5 (almost entirely illegible fragments). pp. Finally.s. O.1 2 . Jerusalem 1984 (Jerusalem.s. 2 1 0 . ed. 4 9 3 . 1 9 3 9 ) . (In 1 9 1 4 .. ) The tablets discovered in 1 9 1 1 . Edel. (now EA 361). Brussels (see be­ low.6 7 ) . R . Hence the number 382 for the most recent discovery (see n.1 2 ..). now in the British Museum. A n earlier edition by S. 3 5 6 . if.5 9 . The Tell El-Amarna Tablets. 2. has given the code numbers EA 380 and 3 8 1 . OLZ. 6 9 . see D. 23off. AOAT 8.s. 1978. 1 (Wiesbaden. Edzard.7 7 . 350. D . F.

5 4 . 2 9 5 . see the note to the letter. 21 to those conducted in foreign languages. See Kiihne. and Hatti (EA 4 1 .. maintains that they were written in Egypt. See EA 6 3 . 1 2 . 3 4 5 . eds. for a Babylonian scribe is not likely to have introduced peripheral features (many plene-writings. 3 4 9 .6 1 . p. an unparalleled list of Egyptian words written in syllabic cuneiform with equivalences in Babylonian written 19 either syllabically or logographically. in each dossier (for example. 2 6 0 .. 3 1 7 . were 2 remarkably successful. The other and by far the larger part concerns Syro- Palestine and its various local rulers. 2 5 . which are often very fragmentary. The arrangement of these letters begins in the north. P. that of Baby- 1 9 . 2 3 6 . syllabary.3 0 ) . most of the tablets he found (part of EA 1 4 . throughout. 4 3 . Mesopotamkn und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Vorder- asien vom 4. a god-list (EA 374). 3 7 2 . 1 3 5 . the smaller (the actual find-spot). pp. 3 4 2 . 3 7 6 ." The name. in central Syria. The genres of the other 14 (EA 3 4 2 .4 4 ) .3 2 ) . EA y/i was discovered in "clerk house no. On EA 1 8 .4 0 ) . these tablets were hardly written in Babylonia (so Knudtzon. Berliner Beitrage zum Vorderen Orient. see Kiihne. 3 5 3 .7 7 . most of whom were Egyptian vassals. the arrangement moves counterclockwise: Babylonia (EA 1 .1 4 ) . I (Berlin. VAB 2 / 1 . and only occasionally have been proved wrong. Perhaps an import (Kiihne. 3 7 3 ) . on another (EA 368).INTRODUCTION 3 5 1 .6 5 . This was identified by inscriptions as "The Place of the Letters of the Pharaoh. Alasia (EA 3 3 . our only concern in this volume. In Die El-Amarna-Tafeln Knudtzon divided the correspondence into two parts. 1 3 9 ) . 7 0 .8 1 ) . XVI . 184. On a map. often only on grounds of clay texture and paleography. 1 9 . however. Arzawa (EA 3 1 . Jahrtausend v. n. 1 2 0 ) . 2 5 ) . n. Renger. The first concerns foreign powers that dealt with Egypt more or less on a basis of equality. Assyria (EA 1 5 . 3 1 7 . pp. 3 8 0 . 1 9 8 2 ) . 3 5 5 ) were in "two early rubbish-pits" under the building where the other tablets were found and therefore antedating them. . According to Petrie. ) . One tablet is perhaps an amulet (EA 3 5 5 ) . 1. 2 1 . Chr. 2 3 . i 3 8 f . Of the 3 5 0 letters and inventories (EA 1 3 .4 7 . " the find-spot also of EA 368. in H . the more extensive part of which was devoted to affairs of state conducted in the Egyptian language.1 8 . bis. Nissen and J . may refer to a larger complex. p. and moves down. lexicon). 2 2 . 1 9 0 . ending in southern Palestine. 3 Furthermore.J . 2 f . EA 4 3 . For strong reasons to doubt this earlier level. Artzi. note also the absence of poetic line divisions. remain to be determined. p.1 4 . On one is a tale of Hurrian origin (EA 3 4 1 ) .1 6 ) . Despite the Babylonian ductus of EA 356— 58 (Kiihne. 3 6 0 . p. Mittani 2 2 (EA 17. This is not to deny that they may also be imports. Knudtzon's as­ signments. it seems that all except one were found in 20 the same place. 6 1 . 20. 2 2 .

INTRODUCTION

Ionia or Jerusalem), Knudtzon also attempted to order the letters
chronologically. Here the task was more difficult and the results less
firm.
Most of the archive consists of letters received, but a small number
2
were written in Egypt. 4 Two letters (EA i, 5 ) , plus one inventory (EA
14), were directed to Babylonia, one to Arzawa (EA 3 1 ) , and the rest to
1
vassals (EA 99, 1 6 2 - 6 3 , 9°^ 3^7, 3 6 9 - 7 0 ) . Their presence in the
archive probably has more than one explanation. If one may assume
that, in general, copies were made only of those letters that bore on
matters of considerable importance and required more than some sort of
simple record or notation, one would judge that, with the exception of
EA 1 6 2 , the letters to vassals are not copies and, probably because of
2
oversight, were not sent. ' Indeed, letters to vassals seem to have been
somewhat infrequent, and even less often such as to demand copies./
26
Hence we should not expect to find many in the archive.
Correspondence with major powers, however, was quite another
matter. This was, at times at least, rather regular and often, if not
always, dealt with serious issues—for example, marriage negotiations.
If Egyptian practice was to make copies of such letters, we must ask
27
why there are so few in the archives. Perhaps the explanation is that
usually the letters were first written in Egyptian, and then a translation
28
was prepared. It was the latter that was sent off, though perhaps
occasionally the Egyptian messenger may have also carried a copy of the
29
original. The original, if important enough to be saved, would be
filed, but in the Egyptian, not the foreign, language section. If so, and

24. On EA 1 2 , see the letter, n. 1.
2 5 . See F. Pintore, OA 11 (1972) p. 1 2 6 , n. 1 4 5 .
26. See M . Liverani, OA 10 (1971) pp. 253ff., translated in Three Amarna Essays,
Monographs on the Ancient Near East, 1/5 (Malibu, 1979), pp. 36°.
2 7 . On roughly contemporary practice at Nippur, see F. Kraus, JCS 1 (1947) p . 1 1 2 ,
and R . B i g g s , JCS 19 (1965) p. 96 and n. 1 3 . A t Boghazkoy, see KUB 3, 24 + ; K B o 1, 1 0
and 1 4 . A t Ugarit, see PRU 3 , pp. 4f.; PRU 4, p. 294 (probably not a copy); Ugar. 5, nos.
2i, 24, 28, 3 2 , 3 4 , 36. A t Mari, in the Old Babylonian period, copies of letters are
common, especially in "the ministry of foreign affairs"; see A . Finer, Cuneiform Archives and
Libraries (see n. 18), pp. 1 5 5 , 157.
28. Cf. the "originals" in Hurrian from Mittani (EA 24), in Hittite at Boghazkoy
(H. Otten, AfO 19 [ 1 9 5 9 - 6 0 ] p. 3 9 ; AfO, Beiheft 1 2 , pp. 6 4 O , and perhaps in Ugaritic at
Ugarit (PRU 5, no. 8). The Egyptians were certainly familiar with the practice, and they
seem to have called the translations "copies"; thus, EA 27 is a "copy" of a Hurrian original
(Kiihne, pp. 4 4 f , n. 209).
29. Cf. EA 24. A messenger needing an interpreter might prefer to have rhe Egyp­
tian version available.

XVII

INTRODUCTION

assuming that they too were not victims of oversight and simply not
sent, then we must consider EA i, 5, 1 4 , and 3 1 exceptional, being
drafts or copies of the translations and filed accordingly in the foreign
language section.

3. Language and Writing
The Amarna letters are manifestations of the "cuneiform culture"
that was shared in the fourteenth century B . C . throughout the ancient
Near East. As it appears in these letters it is largely a provincial and, in
many respects, a very heterogeneous culture, the product of a long,
complex history, of which we know but a very small part.
In some sense this history begins at least a thousand years before
the Amarna period. By the middle of the third millennium B . C . not
only had cuneiform writing been introduced into Syria, but already at
that early date, as the celebrated discoveries at ancient Ebla have shown,
it was being used in a breadth of application and with a sophistication
3
rivaling those of the great centers in Sumer and Akkad. ° By the first
quarter of the second millennium B . C . knowledge of cuneiform writing
had spread far and wide, and Babylonian had become the principal
31
language of a cosmopolitan culture. It was the language of interna­
tional relations, but often, too, of local affairs, both legal and adminis­
trative. It was also a language of learning.
In Upper Mesopotamia and the west there developed a regional
dialect, a kind of koine, which was also introduced into Anatolia, thus
32
laying the foundations of the Hittite cuneiform tradition. A regional
syllabary appeared and took root in Syria. Also discernible are the
33
influences of other traditions and other languages. These were mainly

30. For a general introduction, see P. Matthiae, Un impero ritrovato (Turin, 1 9 7 7 ) , in
English as Ebla: An Empire Rediscovered, trans. Christopher Holme (Garden City, N . J . ,
1 9 8 1 ) ; G . Pettinato, Ebla: Un impero inciso nell' argilla (Milan, 1979), translated as The
Archives of Ebla: An Empire Inscribed in Clay (Garden City, N . J . , 1 9 8 1 ) . On the local language
and its place within the Semitic family, see L . Cagni, ed., La lingua di Ebla (Naples, 1 9 8 1 ) .
3 1 . See the survey of R . Labat, Syria 39 (1962) pp. iff.
3 2 . See K . Balkan, Letter of King Anum-hirbi of Mama to King Warshama of Kanish
(Ankara, 1 9 5 7 ) , p. 2 7 ; E . von Schuler, in M . Liverani, ed., La Siria nel Tarda Bronzo (Rome,
1969), pp. ii3f.
3 3 . As the Mari archives continue to be published, we find sporadic examples of
deviations from the standard language that in the Amarna period are common or even the
rule: gender of nouns (alum, "city," feminine, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 6 : 1 4 ' ; no. 3 5 8 , note g);
confusion of pronouns (mimma and mamma, AEM 1/2, no. 5 3 5 , note d; mannum and mTnum,

xviii

INTRODUCTION

West Semitic and Hurrian, the very forces that would be mainly re­
sponsible for the language and writing that we find in the Amarna let­
34
ters centuries later.
With the exception of EA 1 5 (Assyrian), EA 24 (Hurrian), and EA
3
3 1 - 3 2 (Hittite), ' the language of the Amarna letters is Babylonian,
but for the most part it is a Babylonian profoundly different from that
of the previous international age. It reflects many of the developments
that one finds in the "good" Middle Babylonian language of the letters
3 6
from Babylonia itself (EA 2—4, 6 - 1 1 ) . But if the cuneiform culture of
the provinces was to some extent up-to-date, it was not infrequently, as
is usually the way with provinces, also behind the times. This is true of
the writing: a logogram that had been replaced by another logogram
centuries before in the scribal schools of Babylonia survives in the
37
provincial culture; an exercise once part of the scribal training but
38
long abandoned in Babylonia is still part of the provincial curriculum;
old orthographies are retained, sometimes mixed together with the
39
modern ones; and so on. In the language, too, one finds a similar
quaint and archaic quality. The provincial scribes, perhaps at times
because of analogues in their own native language, may use old com­
mon or dialectal forms that had otherwise disappeared centuries be-

no. 4 0 2 , note c); morpheme analysis (kima i-ia-ti-ia, "like me," AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 4 , note e);
thematic vowels (haldqu, /a/, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 3 9 1 , note p); lexicon (initma, "that," introducing
object clauses, AEM 1 / 2 , no. 5 2 3 , note k; aranu, "to be a sinner/criminal," AEM 1 / 1 , no.
39, note c; 1 / 2 , no. 3 1 2 , note d; (tf)aradu, "to serve," AEM 1 / 1 , no. 1 4 8 , note b; 1 / 2 , no.
377, note b; see J AOS 107 { 1 9 8 7 ] p. 135a). One can speak of "les lettres 'barbares'" (AEM
1/2, pp. 5if.).
34. The main evidence of the Hurrian influence is the syllabary, for which see Labat,
Syria 39 (1962) pp. I4f. In the letters of Aplahanda of Carchemish (ARMT 5, 5 - 1 1 ) confu­
sion of gender, often a sign of Hurrian influence, is fairly frequent, especially in ARMT 5, 7.
3 5 . On the Hurrian letter, see n. 28. The Arzawa scribe, probably because of
incompetence in any form of Babylonian, expressly requests that the correspondence be
carried on in Hittite (EA 52:241.). Whether Assur-uballif's use of Assyrian (EA 1 5 ) and
Hurro-Akkadian (EA 16) reflecrs a conscious avoidance of normative Babylonian is not clear.
(On the term "Hurro-Akkadian," see the text below and n. 4 4 . )
36. The modernizarion of western Old Babylonian, which is nor ro be understood as
a direct development, in an unbroken tradition, is more evident in the north, in the Hurro-
Akkadian tradition, just as archaisms of language are more common in the south (see
below).
3 7 . See B . Landsberger and H . Gikerbock, AfO 1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 - 3 9 ) PP- 55ff- '< A- Falken-
stein, ZA 5 3 (1965) p. 7 5 , discussion of line 1 0 7 ; Giiterbock, Festschrift Heinrich Otten
(Wiesbaden, 1 9 7 5 ) , pp. 7iff.; W. Moran, Acta Sumerologica 5 (1983) pp. I75f.
38. See Nougayrol, AS 1 6 , pp. 29fF., on EA 3 5 0 and parallels at Ugarit.
3 9 . E . g . , in EA 38 the old wriring a-wa-ta along with later a-ma-ta.

XIX

INTRODUCTION

40
fore. Their lexicon is full of words that by the fourteenth century
B . C . had either disappeared completely from the Babylonian language
or lived on only in the elevated language reserved for the solemnities of
41
myth, epic, hymns, and prayers. It is this combination of the old and
the new that is so typically provincial and so distinctive of the Amarna
cuneiform culture.
Equally distinctive, however, are many features that are specifi­
cally peripheral and are not found in normal written Babylonian, either
42
in its contemporary or earlier forms. Some few are shared across the
43
entire area; more commonly, one must distinguish two general tradi­
tions, northern and southern, within both of which further distinctions
are necessary. They divide along a line, roughly, from Sumur on the
coast to Qatna inland.
The northern tradition, which is the more widely diffused, is
44
generally called Hurro-Akkadian. The name indicates the dominant
influence of the Hurrians in the formation and the diffusion of both the
language and the graphic system in which it was written. It is Hurro-
Akkadian that we find in one letter from Assyria (EA i 6 ) ; 5 in the 4

letters from Mittani (EA 17, 1 9 - 2 3 , 2 5 - 3 0 ) , Hatti (EA 4 1 - 4 4 ) , Ugarit
(EA 4 5 - 4 9 ) , Nuhasse (EA 5 1 ) , and Qatna (EA 5 2 - 5 5 ) ; and in many of
the letters from Amurru (EA 1 5 6 - 6 1 , 1 6 4 - 7 1 ) . Nevertheless, the lan-

40. E . g . , dual forms of rhe pronoun (BASOR 2 1 1 [ 1 9 7 3 ] pp. 5off.) and ti- preforma-
tive in third masculine plural forms of the verb, which is first attested in a language perhaps
related to earlier Eblaic ( H . Limer, Syria 52 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. 37ff., esp. p. 48; J . - M . Durand,
MARI 1 [ 1 9 8 2 } pp. 8if., lines 2 1 - 2 4 ; 1- Gelb, Syro-Mesopotamian Studies 1/1 [ 1 9 7 7 ] pp. 9f.;
D. O. Edzard, Miscellanea Babylonica, Melanges M . Birot [Paris, 1 9 8 5 } , pp. 85f.). In the
latter instance, however, because the preformative is found in later West Semitic languages
(Ugaritic), its origins need not go back to the early second millennium B . C . For the Amarna
evidence, see S. Izre'el, VP 19 (1987) pp. 79fF.
4 1 . E . g . , awTlu, "man," as a designation of the ruler of a city; qaqqadu, "head," in
the sense of "self, person"; various adverbs (anumma, appuna(ma), afranu, pdndnu); and the
prepositional phrase ana ser, "towards." Note also dialectal giltappu, "footstool," at Mari,
Chagar Bazar, K u m i d u (EA 195), and Qatna.
42. See the survey by Kiihne, pp. 5ff.
4 3 . The north seems to influence the south.
44. The Nuzi dialect of the eastern highlands is also Hurro-Akkadian; see G . W i l -
helm, Untersuchungen zum Hurro-Akkadischen von Nuzi, AOAT 9. As a designation of the
language as used in the west, Huehnergard, Akkadian, p. 20 and n. 3 4 , prefers "Syro-
Anatolian," the influence of Hurrian being at times inconsiderable (see below).
4 5 . This suggests that Hurro-Akkadian was socially acceptable even in milieus
where one might expect a certain contempt for its provincial character.

XX

INTRODUCTION

- 6
guage also differs considerably from site to site, * especially so far as the
47
immediate influence of the, Hurrian language is concerned. A measure
of the complexity of dialectal developments and relationships is, for
example, the fact that at the same site the language of the letters may
48
differ considerably from that of the legal documents.
Also belonging to the northern tradition are the letters that are
southernmost in origin, the letters from Egypt. The language and
writing of these letters are quite unlike what we find just to the north­
east along the Egyptian border, in Palestine, and on the Phoenician
coast. Their closest ties are farther north, especially in the writing
system and, above all, in the sign forms. Many of the latter are typically
Hittite, and the relationship can only be onet>f direct dependence on or
49
derivation from a common source. The language itself, however, lacks
many of the more common Hurro-Akkadian features, and so the bor­
rowing must have occurred at a relatively early date.
In the southern tradition the transformation of the Babylonian
language and the resulting deviation from normal usage were far more
radical than in most forms of Hurro-Akkadian. Indeed, so radical is the
transformation that one may ask whether the language of this tradition,
even when qualified as "extremely barbarized," should be called Babylo­
nian at all. It is a pidgin in which the Babylonian component is mainly
lexical, whereas the grammar is profoundly West-Semitized, most no-

4 6 . In the Amarna corpus, Hurrian influence is most evident in the letters from
Mittani and Qatna; on the former, see Kiihne, p. 9, n. 40, and H.-P. Adler, AOAT 2 0 1 , pp.
io ff.
5

4 7 . At Boghazkoy A . Kammenhuber, Or n.s. 45 (1976) p. 1 3 7 , sees two traditions,
Hurrian and Hittite, plus the influence of direct imports from Babylonia, as formative of
Boghazkoy-Akkadian. At ancient Emar, D. Arnaud, AAS 25 (1979) pp. 87ff., finds both a
Syrian and a Syro-Hittite tradition.
48. This is the case at Ugarit; see Huehnergard, Akkadian, pp. 22off., with refer­
ence to T. Finley, "Word Order in the Clause Structure of Syrian Akkadian" (Ph.D. diss.,
University of California at Los Angeles, 1979). There is also in the legal texts evidence of an
Old Babylonian, North Syrian background; see J . Greenfield, in M . Ellis, ed., Essays on the
Ancient Near East in Memory ofJacob Joel Finkelstein (Hamden, Conn., 1 9 7 7 ) , pp. 8yff.
49. This was shown by K . Riemschneider in a paper delivered before the 186th
annual meeting of the American Oriental Society, March 1 6 , 1 9 7 6 ; see also G . Beckman,
JCS 35 (1983) pp. i i 2 f . , and G . Wilhelm, Studien zur Altdgyptischen Kultur 11 (1984) pp.
6436°. Note, however, that in the Amarna archive the Egyptian material includes two
letters in non-Hittite ductus, EA 1 and 369, the former of which manifests a strong
preference for verb-subject-object word order, as is the rule in Egyptian and was noted long
ago by Bohl, Sprache, p. 78. On EA 3 6 9 , see below EA 3 6 9 , n. 1.

xxi

INTRODUCTION

tably in the word order and, most important of all, in the verbal
system. 5° The language can only be described as an entirely new code,
only vaguely intelligible (if at all) to the West Semite because of the
lexicon, and to the Babylonian because of the grammar.
It is regrettable that translations either cannot or do not reflect the
diversity of language and writing within the corpus itself and the dis­
tance of the several dialects from the normative language of Babylonia.
They should be read with an awareness of this limitation, correcting so
far as possible the impression of a colorless uniformity and grammatical
propriety.

4. The International Correspondence
The form of the letters is pretty much the same everywhere,
though the letters from Alasia (EA 3 3 - 4 0 ) have certain peculiarities. 5'
In the usual form, the address, which is directed to the scribe who will
read the letter, is usually of the type "Say to PN. Thus P N . " 5 This 2
2

form was inherited from the Old Babylonian period, and neither then
nor as used here did it carry any implications of the relative social status
of the correspondents. Another form, however, "Thus PN: Say to P N , " 2

appears in two letters from Egypt (EA 5 and 3 1 ) and in one from
Boghazkoy (EA 4 1 ) . This is a different usage according to which the
sender, if he is the superior or the equal of the addressee, names himself
first, and therefore, in this system, the first and more common form

5 0 . This is a subject with a long history of inquiry; see the outline by Kiihne, pp.
8f., n. 3 6 , II p-III, and add the work of A . Rainey and his students, most notably S. Izre'el.
Rainey has shown that regularly the (preformative) verb base, with no additional marker (u-
durative, ^-injunctive), no matter what "tense" (iparras, iptaras, iprus), if a statement of
fact, has past-time reference (IOS i [ 1 9 7 1 ] pp. 86ff.; UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] pp. 3 9 5 ? . ) . The same
usage is found in a letter from Tyre a century later; see D. Arnaud, Syria 59 (1982) p. 1 0 4 .
Wirhin the southern corpus rhere are two somewhat erratic blocks, the letters from Jerusa­
lem and those from Abi-Milku of Tyre. On rhe former, see Jerusalem Scribe; on the latter, a
dissertation by Cecilia Grave, to be presented to the University of Lund, is in progress (see
OA 1 9 [ 1 9 8 0 ] pp. 2 0 5 ? . ; UF 1 2 [ 1 9 8 0 ] pp. 22iff.; Or n.s. 5 1 [ 1 9 8 2 ] pp. i6iff.).
5 1 . For the various forms of address and greeting in Akkadian letters, see the survey
of E . Salonen, StOr 38, esp. pp. 6iff. on the Amarna lerters.
5 2 . In the international correspondence, we retain the conventional translarion of
umma by "thus," except in EA 1 9 : 3 and 2 9 : 2 , where it seems that umma was understood in
the sense of "word, message" (Rainey, BiOr 37 [ 1 9 8 0 ] p. 96). The latter meaning seems to
have been the rule in the Syro-Palestinian area (see EA 1 4 4 , n. 1 ) , as first noted by W. F.
Albright (BASOR 87 [ 1 9 4 2 ] p. 3 3 , n. 7 ) , and it was not unknown to Hittite scribes (A.
Goetze, JCS 2 [ 1 9 4 8 ] p. 2 2 4 ; see also P. Berger, UF 1 { 1 9 6 9 ] p. 2 1 8 ; Izre'el, IOS 8 { 1 9 7 8 ] p.
68; Huehnergard, Akkadian, p. 1 4 4 , n. 1 1 2 ; M . Kossmann, JEOL 30 ( { 1 9 8 7 - 8 8 ] pp.
38ff.).

xxii

INTRODUCTION

noted above ("Say to PN . . . " ) is employed only by an inferior writing to
a superior. 5 3
A salutation—which as such was an innovation of the Old Babylo­
nian period—follows, and it consists of two parts. The first is a report
on one's own well-being: "For me all goes well." Since it is omitted in
the Assyrian letters (EA 1 5 - 1 6 ) , it seems to have been optional. The
second part, never omitted and therefore probably not optional, is an
expression of good wishes for the addressee, usually beginning with
"May all go well with you," which is then elaborated and extended to
the household, to wives and children, courtiers and troops, even horses
and chariots. 54
The body of the letter is, naturally, /mich less stereotyped, and
formal conventions are few and variable. Two types of letters, especially
in combined form, dominate the international correspondence. These
are what Jean Nougayrol called lettre d'envoi and lettre d'injonction. 55
Under the first we should place EA 2 - 3 , 5, 2 1 , 3 1 , and 4 1 ; they charac­
5 6
teristically end with "I (herewith) send... . " Lettres d'injonction are EA
4, 7, 28, and 3 8 - 3 9 , and they usually end with one or more injunc­
tives. 57 As I already mentioned, however, most common of all are
combinations, which we find in EA 6, 8 - 9 , 1 5 - 1 7 , 1 9 - 2 0 , 2 3 , 2 6 - 2 7 ,
2
9 , 3 3 - 3 5 , 40, and 44.
Occasionally, there is either a double letter (EA 12)—i.e., the same
person is addressed but by a third party—or a postscript (EA 32)—i.e.,
the writer sends a message to a third party, who in the case in question
was the addressee's scribe and whose services, therefore, were needed in

5 3 . See Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, pp. 66f. Though "say" (qibT-md) is absent in EA 3 4 ,
this letter probably reflects the same usage. This seems more likely than a survival of the
form of the Old Akkadian-Ur III periods (cf. E . Sollberger, TCS 1, pp. 2 f . ) .
54. W. von Soden, AfO 1 8 (1958) p. 3 6 9 , saw in this type of salutation a feature of
an official as opposed to a private letter. Characteristic of the Egyptian letters is the addition
of a parallel report on one's own household, etc. It seems that, in general, inferiors did not
report on the state of their own person (cf. EA 1 2 ) , though this is hardly the explanation of
EA 1 5 - 1 6 . Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, p. 67, has noted that the Hittite king and other high-
ranking courtiers report only on themselves and do not wish well to their inferiors. (In
Ugar. 5, no. 3 3 : 3 ' , read gabbu da\n-n\(i iulmu.) Cf. the conclusions of Egyptian letters
from the king to vassals (see below, sect. 5). Note that in Hittite usage (cf. EA 3 1 : 4 )
A N 5 E . K U R . R A . M E S may contrast with E R I N . M E S and mean, not "horses," but "chariot-
fighters" (see A . Kammenhuber, Die Arier im Vorderen Orient [Heidelberg, 1968}, p. 2 2 , n.
30a).
5 5 . Ugar. 5, pp. 67f.
56. EA 2 , rev. 9(?); 3 : 3 4 ; 5 : 1 8 ; 2 1 : 3 8 ; 3 1 : 2 8 ; 4 1 : 4 3 .
57. EA 4:4off.; 7:8off.; 28:29flf.; 39.-iofF.

XXlll

INTRODUCTION

communicating and perhaps explaining the message of the letter to his
8
master.'
The prevalence of the combination of envoi and injonction reflects
the complex social, economic, and political relationships of the corre­
spondents, and the customs and ideology associated with them. Ac­
cording to the conceptions of the time, the most basic political relation­
ship between the rulers was an alliance of "brotherhood," which made
them brothers and members of the same family and household. They
were thus united by the bond of love and friendship that befits broth­
ers, 59 and the visible expression of this bond was the exchange of
60
gifts. "From the time my ancestors and your ancestors made a mutual
declaration of friendship, they sent beautiful greeting-gifts to each
other, and refused no request for anything beautiful" (EA 9 : 7 - 1 0 ) .
"Send me much gold, and you, for your part, whatever you want from
my country, write me so that it may be taken to you" (EA 9 : 1 6 - 1 8 ) . "If
your purpose is graciously one of friendship, send me much gold. And
this is your house. Write me so what you need may be fetched" (EA
6 1
1 6 : 3 2 - 3 4 ) . Acknowledgment of gifts received, praise of the gifts or

58. In EA 42-.2j{. perhaps the scribe sends a brief message either to the addressee of
the letter or to a third party. In the vassal correspondence, too, there are postscripts, all to
the Egyptian scribe who will read the letters (EA 2 8 6 - 8 9 , 316). In EA 170:36$. both the
addressor and the addressees are different from those in the first part of the letter. EA 128 is
probably a double letter. On these additions to letters, see A . Leo Oppenheim, AS, 16, pp.
2536°., and Nougayrol, Ugar. 5, p. 67, with references to earlier literature. Other double
letters: R S 3 4 . 1 3 4 , Ugar. 7, pis. X V - X V I ; (the following references from J . Huehnergard)
PRU 6, no. 7; R S 3 4 . 1 6 1 , Ugar. 7, pi. X L ; R S 3 4 . 1 7 1 , Ugar. 7, pi. L I I . Emar 6/3 2 6 3 - 6 4 are
double letters; 2 6 6 is exrraordinary, being four complere letters from the same correspon­
dent. Emar 6/3 2 6 1 is also unusual; it is sent by two correspondents who, after the greeting,
send individual messages, the first being introduced by umma (line 10), the second by the
logogram I N I M , "word" (see above, n. 5 2 ) .
59. B y the Amarna period "love" (ramulra'amu and derivatives) had become part of
the terminology of international relations; see V. Korosec, Mednarodni odnosajipo klinopisnih
porocilih iz el-amarnskega in hetitskega drzavnega arhiva (Internarional relations according to
cuneiform reports from the Tell al-Amarna and Hittite State Archive) (Ljubljana, 1 9 5 0 ) , p.
340 (English summary, p. 3 9 3 ) . It is a favorite term of Tusratta (EA 17 ff., passim), when he
speaks of the relationship between equals, but elsewhere in the Amarna letters it is also used
of the relationship between sovereign and vassal (EA 5 3 : 4 1 ; 1 1 4 : 6 8 ; 1 2 1 : 6 1 ; 1 2 3 : 2 3 ;
1 3 8 : 7 1 ^ ; see Catholic Biblical Quarterly 25 [ 1 9 6 3 ] pp. 77S.). On "friendship" (fdbutu) and
related terms, see M . Weinfeld, JAOS 93 (1973) pp. i9off., and below, EA 1 3 6 , n. 5.
60. See C . Zaccagnini, ho scambio dei doni nel Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV-XIII
(Rome, 1 9 7 3 ) , which was inspired by Liverani, OA 11 (1972) pp. 297ff. (rranslated in Three
Amarna Essays [see n. 2 6 ] , pp. 2iff.).
6 1 . This also belongs to the formal language of treaties: "We are all sons of Sup-

XXIV

Burna-Burias of Babylonia tells how a predecessor refused to support a coalition of Canaanite kings against Egypt. EA 7 : 1 1 . Schulman. Hammurabi of Babylon is quoted as declaring.2 0 . On dynastic marriages. The language goes back ar least to the Old Babylonian period. Apart from declarations of friendship. "From long ago and ever after the city Mari and Babylon have been one house and one finger that cannot be separated (na-ab'-tu-qi'-im)" (AEM 1 / 2 . about an eighth of a ton of silver. p. 3 0 .). Larsa and Eshnunna are also "one house" (TIM 1. and lists of goods exchanged at the time of marriage.3 8 . 86:8f. 2 6 : 1 6 . 2 0 : 2 5 .. there piluliumaS and our house is one" (E. 64. ibid. If in the gifts customarily exchanged the economic value was not always great and symbolic values were often as important. reveals the dangers of inter­ national trade. 2 : 1 3 ' ) . Durand. BaghdaderMitteilungen 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] p. 4. On EA 1 4 as a list of marriage gifts. and according to ii 7 2 . Hildesheim and N e w York..4 2 . 177ft. pp. Uruk and Babylon are "one house" (A. no. 449:i5f. Michalowski. RLA 4. BiOr 22 (1965) p. 6 3 . 1987). reprint. Ishi-Addu of Qatna wrote to Isme-Dagan of Assyria. ed. Falken- stein. . the daughter of Amenophis IV. 289 and n. see also ARMT 1. esp. see also A . 1056°.. but he says nothing more about the larger political scene. ' In the mention of Mayati. 7i6ff. 1 9 7 0 ] . P. pp. and Kraus. Zeebari. 561'i if. see Kiihne. XXV . See Pintore.). for marriage not only binds the correspondents even closer together. even 63 staggering.. there is little else in the interna­ tional correspondence. petition of countergifts to respond to the gifts now being dispatched—these and related topics dominate much of the international correspondence. see also W. Boghazkoi-Studien 8 [Leipzig. 236°.. What is missing in your house? Does not a brother give a brother (his) request?" (ARMT 5. Weidner. but it also involves the ex­ 62 change of goods. p. as are their kings (ibid. 1 9 2 3 . 62. i n J .3 5 . 1 9 6 4 ] . La femme dans le Proche Orient Antique (Paris. ARMT 1 0 . Rollig. P. 8 2 : 7 . One of the related topics is marriage. p. INTRODUCTION even a frank expression of disappointment. 282ff. 7 8 : 2 7 . 6 5 . also "one man" (EA 2 0 : 1 7 ) .2 8 ) .8 2 . 5 8 : 2 5 ) . 1 5 2 : 2 0 ("my house is your house and my purse your purse"). Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien: Die Staatsvertra'ge in akkadischer Sprache aus dem Archiv von Boghazkb'i. Artzi. 8. over a half a ton of gold was used on the gifts listed in the previous lines... EA 7 : 7 3 . Altbabylonische Briefe des Iraq-Museums [n.M . expression of the motivation behind the exchange of gifts. F. 9 : 1 9 . According to EA 1 4 ii 3 4 . 8 : 1 3 . JNES 38 (1979) pp. Matrimonio. In the private sphere. "This house is your house. pp. proposals of marriage. 7 2 ) . and implies growing Assyrian truculence and aspira­ 6 tions. pp. A . in the case of marriage the economic value was considerable. see AbB 1.p. the discussions of gifts asso­ ciated with this friendship. 7of. JAOS 95 (1975) pp. Tusratta of Mittani tells of the difficulties at­ tending his accession to the throne and makes a passing reference to the 64 Hittites. Cf.

Drawer. see EA 3 5 . I7ff. I07ff. IEJ 31 { 1 9 8 1 ] pp.. ) . respectively. and the rulers of Ugarit (EA 4 5 . 68. 1 9 5 9 ) . 4 6 7 ? . English summary on pp. 96ff. M . and there is not a hint of the religious 6 reforms that make the Amarna period so notable in Egyptian history. proposes "Resident. and cf. But all this adds up to little information. pp. Bar-Ilan 1 3 (1976) iff. 67. Histoire ancienne d'lsrael. 1 9 7 1 ) . I23ff. ch. de Vaux. 1 1 8 8 .. 16yfF. I05ff.. A. . pp. The highest official was usually called "commissioner" (rabisu). 2 6 . i66ff. Political Disposition.. and from there he looked after Egyptian interests in the city-states and crown-lands within his territory. pp.. idem. BASOR 241 (1981) pp. (cf." from a West Semitic verb "to dwell" (see AEM 1 / 1 . whether or not he was bound by oath and a vassal in the strict sense. Altman. one of a network. Weinstein. Addu-nirari of Nuha&se (EA 5 1 ) . below sakanu in the letters from Jerusalem). des origines a I'installation en Canaan (Paris. R .8 . A . Aziru of Amurru (EA 156fF. 26. XXVI . n. n. Weber. At the time of the Amarna letters. INTRODUCTION 66 is an opaque reflection of events at the Egyptian court. whereas Helck (see n. Probably always a member of the military.). The crux is the status of Sumur. Mesopotamia. Durand. 3 1 6 : 1 6 ' and note b. O. 1 6 8 . pp. iff. 3 2 ) . 40). and. M . 3 (Munich. Kleine Schriften. iff. Liverani.6 . §2. It thus includes. 8 2 . 8off. especially his religious reforms. see the survey of D. 69. Donald B . Wiggermann. Na'aman. see especially Liverani and Several. each under an Egyptian official. 1 0 . defends three. RLA 7 / 5 . esp.. note j . in Mogens Trolle Larsen. R .. Abdul Kader Mohammad. MDOG 92 (i960) pp. One was sta­ tioned in Gaza. i x . in Liverani. pp. ? 5. rabisu is glossed by su-ki-ni and su-ki-na. Frandsen. Albright. in the Amarna letters. the Heretic King (Princeton. RA 61 (1967) pp.. Miscella­ nea Babylonica (see n. Helck. note d).. 1 9 7 9 ) . Edzard and F. Kitchen. Beziehungen . ed. the area was divided into two or three provinces. VAB 2 / 2 . whose views have gained some currency. 5 1 9 . argues for only two provinces. ed. whereas J . ZDPV 98 2 (1982) pp.. W. 1 0 . p. In EA 2 5 6 : 9 and 362:69. IEJ 3 1 (1981) pp. 4 9 . no. Akhenaten. Annates du Service des Antiquite's de t'Egypte 56 (1959) pp. but occasionally so were other Egyprian officials of lesser rank. iff. 3 ) . P. CAH 2 / 1 . 7 . pp. see A . All of rhese officials also shared rhe designation "magnate" (rabu. I72ff.. who is. he resided in a garrison city.x i ) .. Power and Propaganda. Hachmann. esp. . AEM 1 / 2 . see also the text below on military operations. If there was a 66. I02ff. PEQ 104 (1972) pp. Na'aman. 69). p. M . if there were only two provinces. n. Redford. 1984). N . J . EA 1. no. 449ff. pp. M .5.2 7 .M . pp. without specific ti­ 70 t l e . CAH 2 / 2 . and his province took in most of Palestine. The rerm vassal is used loosely of any ruler subordinate to the Egyptian king. pp. Amurru. no. K . p.. Several. Against the once common view that the Amarna letters reflect Egypt's neglect of its territories and the absorption of Amenophis I V in internal matters.. Political Disposition. 2 4 6 ? . idem. 7 0 . in my opinion "one who provides" (cf. EA 1 1 rev. for example. A l t . . i 8 3 f . the Phoeni­ cian coast.. see O. West Semitic *sokinu (Hebrew soken). proposes four provinces. The Vassal Correspondence 68 The vassal correspondence reflects the Egyptian administration 69 fbf its territories in Syria and Palestine. 7 (Copenhagen. La Siria nel Tardo Bronzo (see n. On rhe alleged request of the AlaSian king that the Egyptians form no alliances with the Hittites or Babylonians.

Garelli. "princes" (wr. p. 18). see D. 57b).). 1 9 7 4 I . 133fF. Saarbriicker Beitrage zur Alter- tumskunde 7 (1970) pp. by the 73 Egyptian term. Subject to these officials. The address. and would appear to go back 74 to an old tradition. the Egyptian official dis­ placed the native rulers.8 3 . 7 3 . 7 2 . 4 ) . and it seems to be based on Egyptian models: "He (I?) hereby sends (send?) this tablet 7 1 . I I: w a s 5 39)> applied by the Egyptians to all foreign rulers. xxvii . Collection de la Maison de l'Orient mediterranean. . 3 6 9 . and he administered an area from Qades in southern Syria down to Hazor in northern Palestine. These and the following remarks apply also to the king's letters discovered at Kumidu. lit. Edzard. "man") or "kings" (sarru) or. 3466°. serie archeol. As used in the western periphery in the fifteenth to thirteenth centuries B .2 ) . its administrative center was Sumur and its principal 71 territory Amurru. not just to vassals. 7 3 ) . 1 2 . 1 8 2 . were the payment of tribute. see F. pp. Among their obliga­ tions. on the hazannu at Boghazkoy. 93ff. Schriftdokumente aus Kamid el-Loz. obviously ignoring any implications of social status. "great one"). supplying Egyptian troops in transit and reinforcing them. the hazannu was usually a royal appointee. and protecting caravans. 6off. According ro Hachmann. furnishing corvee labor on crown-lands. sect.7 0 . who are usually referred to as "mayors" (hazannu) but are also called "rulers" (awilu. 1 9 8 2 ) . n. the borders of which remain ill-defined. UF 20 (1988) pp. The use of awilu ro designate the local ruler suggests the Old Babylonian period (see n. and the term as said of the local rulers implied their incorporation within the administration as "fonctionnaires peripheriques" (Liverani. a usage that goes back to the Syrian koine of Old Babylonian times (see CAD. if the place of rule was indicated. and inland to about the Orontes River. ZDPV 98 (1982) pp. OA 1 4 [ 1 9 7 5 I pp. meeting other exactions of goods and personnel. one usually did not use hazannu but awilu. However. in P. With the exception of EA 1 6 2 . pp. i8f. 9 (Lyons and Paris. non-Egyptian term the city-state rulers used of themselves (Na'aman. were the native local rulers. which is used in EA only by Abi-Milku of Tyre (EA 1 4 9 : 3 0 . as preserved they are formally very similar. 1 9 7 4 ) . sect. always names the inferior first (see above. Another official was in Kumidu. 367. ed. Lorton. no. C . lit. Picchioli. 74.. Six or seven letters in the vassal correspondence are from the Pha­ raoh (EA 99. larru was the nonadministrative. Le Palais et la Royaute"[Paris.•){. see D. A / 2 .6 3 . pp. 190?. besides Egyptian underlings. see above. There follows an introduction to the message proper that is peculiar to the Pharaoh's letters to vassals. over to the Dam­ 72 ascene and down into northern Transjordan.. which may not have been the same in each province. The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dynasty XVIII (Baltimore. <. (Kumidu 1 . 1 6 2 .. Egyptian wr. INTRODUCTION third province. The province probably extended from Byblos to an area south of Ugarit. see also Archeologie au Levant: Recueil a la memoire de Roger Saidah. 2). O.

a crime] in you" (EA 3 6 7 : 1 0 ^ and "do not let yourself be found fault with" (Caminos. but at Kumidu the first person is also attested ("send me": K u m i d u 1 : 5 . n. and some of the passages here taken as third person are ambiguous and could be in the first person. n. "do not become negligent" (EA 3 6 7 : 1 4 ) and "slack not" (Caminos. 1 6 . Caminos.tw nk ss pn n dd hn^ dd. if he is obedient. Liverani. 1 3 . 8." See also Liverani. Late-Egyptian Miscella­ nies [London. 3 6 . The king usually speaks of himself in the third person (EA 99:8f. 5. 7 5 Three times (EA 99> 367. (For the infinitive expressing purpose without ana. It seems likely that qabe (EA 99. 162 passim.. 52 (translared in Three Amarna Essays [see n. for the long form. 2 2 . 4. 3 6 7 . following a longer or shorter form. and 3 6 9 . 7. He may also be prom­ ised to hear. pp. 367. Huehnergard points to PRU 4. rendering Egyptian tn. J . 34iff. by informing the 78 inferior of the king's prosperity and power. 1 9 . . 1. followed by injunctions virtually identical with those continuing EA 99. confirmed by letters of the vassals to the king. pp. to introduce Egyptian officials and secure obedience to their orders. and p. saying to you . " (EA 99. 1 9 8 ) . 2 6 ] . "to speak. Late-Egyptian Miscellanies. 1 0 . n. As first recognized by Liverani. Lingering over Words. Vicino Oriente 2 (1979) p. 370:7). 7 7 . all letters end in virtually the same words. n. 1 9 5 4 I ." in his opinion examples of a standard annual procedure.1 1 . see EA 367. From these letters. studies the form and the background of EA 99. 68. 367. "This letter is brought to you to the following effect" (R. and K u m i d u 1 . EA 162 and 3 7 0 . 1 8 . 3 6 9 : 2 1 ) . Cf. For a brief analysis of the two forms. twice ruled off and included in the introductory section (EA 367.. Late-Egyptian Miscellanies. "with saying.INTRODUCTION to you. Finally. 3 7 0 . 76. 7 ) . On EA 369 as extra chorum. 3 1 3 . 9). anaqabe(EA 369). 3 : 3 8 0 "My saying/speech" (Edzard) accords with neither EA 369 nor the Egyptian parallel. and along with more specific orders the vassal may be urged to obey without fault or negligence. and again there are underlying Egyptian models. 3 7 0 ) . 1..7 0 ) . see EA 99. ." and therefore to introduce direct quotation. pp.. The command may be repeated (EA 369:14). 2:6). see J . and to arrange for supplies for his troops. "this is good" (EA 9 9 : 1 7 .2 . 2 5 8 . lit.1 4 ) . For the short form. 193:66°. 3 6 9 .7 0 . 7. K u m i d u 1—2)ox. two 77 injunctions also with close Egyptian parallels. "be not remiss" (ibid. OA 1 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p. who also established on the basis of Egyptian parallels the meaning of "which is by/near you. after the address and immediately before the message. 3 6 7 : 6 . 1 1 . in the same position. which he calls "Egyprian spring letters. Cf. p. "lest the king find fault [lit. The rest of the vassal correspondence is concerned almost exclu- 7 5 ." is meant to correspond to Egyptian c hn dd. 22ff. one sees that the main purpose of the king's writing was to acquire personnel and other goods. 17—19. "which is 70 by/near you"). 2 6 2 . p. 369:5. see EA 3 6 9 . 2 0 . and 3 7 0 . KBo 1. the message begins with the command to be on one's guard and to guard "the place of the king where you are" (lit. The conclusion of EA 369 is without parallel.. 367. XXV1I1 . n. pp. 78. 367. 1 9 8 ) . 370). UF 1 5 (1983) p. For difficulties with this view.. lit. an expression of the Pharaoh's approval. Wesselius.

also i i 3 : 3 2 f . 8 2 . 25r(?). " or simply "To the (2) 8 o k i n g . In the address. . n. to an Egyptian official. but always follows the salutation of the king. points to the same form in letters written in Egyptian. comparable are EA 260 and 8 1 3 1 7 . cf. n i . 40). On umma. Unter- suchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen "Gebetsbeschworungen" (Rome. 1 6 4 .2 0 . 1 3 . Formally. 3 3 3 . a copy sent to central archives?). p. 2 5 6 . 1 7 8 . n. Only once does an inferior report on his own well-being (EA 1 4 5 . and 59 from the city of Tunip. 8 1 . i29(?). the (senior) citizens of a city (EA 59. 26. since he would be named without title (see VAB 2 / 1 . 1 6 . 5 5 : 1 . 77. 82 only by title. give the addressee honor in the 8 king's sight. 7 1 (cf. 77. 1 0 2 . . sect.8 7 . they are very similar. 98. 58. 4 The prostration formula.[ i a ] (Amenophis I V ? Tutankhamun? see below. 9 3 . 1 5 8 . INTRODUCTION sively with letters from subordinate rulers or vassals to the king or high 79 Egyptian officials. is omitted only once in a letter to the king (EA 44) and once 7 9 . The king's name appears in EA 5 3 : 1 . though regional differences are observable. xxix . in the body of the letter. 1 4 5 . and in letters to Egyptian officials it is hoped that Aman or the Lady of Byblos. Lingering over Words. . cf. 1 3 7 ) . 8 6 .£ » . i37(?). and only 83 rarely does he wish his superior well (EA 44—45. 5 0 .. 6 4 : 1 8 .. EA 1 0 0 is unique. grant power to the king. I 0 2 84. the Lady of Byblos. 1 0 0 ) . cf. . Liverani. where we also find "Rib-Hadda speaks [ 1 7 times]/writes (9 times] to the king .1 8 . the letters from Byblos are a notable exception. 7 3 . 3 0 ) . On postscriprs. Letters to Egyptian officials and courtiers: EA 62. see above. iqtabi in EA 5 9 : 5 . In letters addressed to the king the desire is expressed that the goddess. 7 3 . to which are usually added various honorifics. 3 4 4 . pp. as a concluding formula (Edzard.i ] b .. EA 1 2 . I 9 5 f . 45 and 49 from probably inde­ pendent rulers of Ugarit. in lines 7. The king is almost never addressed by name. B E is a logogram for belu. Another unusual form is found in EA 1 2 6 . . 80. etc. 86f. To the identification of himself the vassal regularly adds various expressions of self-abasement. " . as frequently in EA). with "the gods" as subject.> 7 . see the text above at n. or a vassal's locum tenensltenentes (EA i 6 9 f ) . EA 7 1 ." see n. Those sending the letters may be a group of vassals (EA 2 0 0 . . Salutations are rare. 8 3 . Again. 49. p. . 7 4 5 . . and see also 2 7 3 - 74). 1 9 7 6 ) . the vast majority begin ei­ ther "Say to the king/PN . 5 9 ) . Exceptions: female correspondents (EA 48. 5 2 . Message of P N . On iqbiliStapar as examples of Koinzidenzfall. 8 2 . and 3 6 2 . 4). i66f. see W. "message. and. EA 44 is from an independent Hittite prince. " The exceptions are confined almost entirely to the letters of Rib-Hadda of Byblos. cf. It may be doubted that EA 2 1 0 was m addressed to king [. 9 5 . at K u m i d u .. 2io(?). which in the Byblos letters always pre­ cedes the salutation of an official. 95> . Egyptian general to vassal (EA 96. . note f) or the homage of proskynesis (see the text below). ZA 66 [ 1 9 7 6 } p. Mayer. or both. 169(F). 2 3 8 .

in Biblical Archaeology Today (see n. 9 7 . I 2 i f . .6 .. 328f. EA 2 0 1 . EA ioo:t4f. 269. 316:10?. cf. is frequently quoted ' and even more fre­ 96 quently alluded t o . with the addition of "(both) on 8 the belly and on the back.. wrote neither regularly nor on their 87 own initiative. His command to be on one's 9 guard or to guard oneself. 90. 325:10?. 297f. 7 8 ) . 5 2f. 294:8f. to Egyptian officials. "everything/whatever.. 3 0 4 : 1 9 ? .. 2 3 3 . 364. in both form and content. 3 1 7 : 2 1 . 247. is quite 86 varied. . 276°. . 2 6 1 ." ' The body of the vassal letters." a vassal's reply to an "Egyptian spring letter" (see n. . . . 34. 2 2 7 : 5 ? . 3 2 1 . 2 5 2 . 7'-&4\ 9:9'> 1 2 1 : 9 . Fischer. 3i4:nf. for the representation of Syrian vassals in both positions. EA 1 9 1 . to guard (pay close atten- 8 5 . On the quality of composition and the general poverty of lexicon. 2 4 3 : 1 0 ? . 1 3 0 : 1 6 ? . 2 9 4 ^ . See J . 94. fig. 9 3 . see H . 4 and to guard the place of the king where 9 the vassal is (see above). see Edzard. 1 7 ) .. . Hermann. cf. wrote". . 2 1 3 . ll TI 9 5 . 98. 96. 5. 3 2 2 : 1 7 ? . ibid. it seems. also 3oif. 252f. 2 4 3 . EA 2 9 2 : 2 0 . 246. 3 0 6 . . . Lingering over Words. 3 0 3 . "you have written". . See above n. 225. and very many of the letters begin by acknowledging in different ways that 88 the king's letter has been received: "I have heard". 1 3 0 . 275—77.1 8 . "Seven times" means "over and over. 3 4 2 ? . 2 2 4 . 3 0 5 : 1 8 ? . in most instances reference to protection indicates a "Syro-Palestinian spring letter.. also EA 77 and 9 5 . 321:23?. "as to the king's 89 90 91 writing/saying". n. 2 2 o f . The Ancient Near East in Pictures (Princeton. see EA 1.. 327:1?. 320:16?. . 2 5 5 . but rather only in reply to a letter from the k i n g . f ' 65. 2 3 0 : 9 ? . 9. I25f.. XXX . 1 9 2 . 1 1 2 : 9 . Associated with this command is at times an­ 97 98 other. 239. Pritchard. EA 6 3 : 9 ^ 1 4 2 : 1 1 ? . c a s o 9 2 .." which in Palestin­ ian letters is made even more explicit. .. 3 0 3 : 1 9 ? . 2 9 3 . Bulletin University Museum 20 (1956) pp. 3 1 9 : 1 5 ? . p.. also 167?). " . " 3 The king's letters are often cited. 364:14?. 2 2 1 : 1 1 ? .. 3 3 7 . "the king .5 . 8 7 . Zeitschrift fur dgyptische Sprache 90 (1963) pp.. EA 267. 1 2 2 : 1 0 . On epistolary inuma... 7 6 . In letters to officials one simply declares the prostration. pp. . 88. Chronology. . . 307:3?. . EA 1 4 1 . 328:21?. . A . 86. EA 2 1 6 : 1 2 ? . 326:9?. . Campbell. either cited directly or alluded t o . 2 5 3 f . . 2 4 3 . EA 1 1 9 . 3 2 1 : 1 5 ? . 2 8 3 .INTRODUCTION in a letter to an official (EA 1 6 6 . 9 1 ." On Egyptian proskynesis. . 2 2 2 . EA 2 2 3 . 2 3 1 : 1 4 ^ 2 9 2 : 2 i f . 89.. "the 92 9 word(s) . 1 2 3 : 3 0 ^ 1 2 5 : 9 ^ i 2 6 : 3 i f . 2 2 0 : 1 1 . . 1 9 6 . 3 5 ? . For Liverani. . 1 9 5 4 ) . 2 1 ( 1 9 5 7 ) pp. Most vassals. . 2 1 6 . pp. also 6 3 . but in letters to the king this is usually said to be performed "seven times and seven times.

. The command to be on one's guard. 7 5 ) . In view of EA 5:15—17. 6 3 : 1 1 . 2 1 6 .). Rib- Hadda writes and writes.6 . The vassals reply to other commands and charges. but al­ 100 ways. for example. If he is told to guard himself and the city where he is. For the narrative patterns and rhe self-perception in R i b - Hadda's correspondence. 1 0 2 . see the text below and nn. 8 3 . 2 0 2 . n. was probably never isolated (cf. and note too inapani'va F. 1 0 1 . 1 1 2 : 4 2 ^ 1 2 9 : 3 5 . 1 3 7 : 2 9 . see. for example.. OA 10 ( 1 9 7 1 ) pp.2 2 . see A .). and the best-attested preparations are those of supplies for Egyptian troops in transit (EA ^. Lab'ayu does not hesitate to make known his displeasure at certain orders of the king (EA 2 5 2 ) . it is clear that the king has not succeeded in his attempt to have Aziru rebuild Sumur or to get him to come to Egypt (EA 1561?. I 4 i f . See especially Liverani. Cf. Thus. in one way or another. M . see also 2 2 6 and 2 9 2 : 2 9 ? . 8 . AbB 7. 1 5 8 . Liverani. EA 367. and n e in two other letters (EA 2 5 3 . 1 2 9 . 4 1 3 . others easily inferred from context. Stol.. Ind. 3 0 2 . 1 9 1 . AOAT. etc. Altorientalische Forschungen 1 (1974) pp. 56:26. 1 4 4 : 6 ' . he insists that it is 99. but at times at least it certainly looks to specific missions (cf. But the most unusual correspondence as well as by far the longest is that between the king and Rib-Hadda of Byblos.. 2 1 3 . 1 9 3 . EA 1 0 2 : 1 5 ^ . Morschauser. Kort and S. EA 6 5 .1 1 ) . where the order is to have things ready before the arrival of rhe Pharaoh. see above). to be distinguished from auxiliaries (tillatu) and garrison-troops (massartu. 3ff. n. 3 3 7 . One is to prepare "before the arrival" (ana pant) of the Egyptian troops. 2 0 1 . for in Old Babylonian ana pant has the same temporal meaning. EA 567. Biblical and Related Studies Presented to Samuel Iwry (Winona Lake. 1 0 0 .t (Pintore.6-j:i^&. The use ofana pant may reflect Egyptian r-h'. The troops in quesrion were the regular army units.. eds. he states his compliance. 227. 3 7 0 ) . see also p. 1 4 4 .). 1 9 8 . Vicino Oriente 2 [ 1 9 7 9 ] p. 1 1 7 .1 8 . 69). also EA 2 5 6 ) . note. 283:8f. irs survival in the periphery seems quite probable. and they do so not always with an unquestioning submissivene^s. i 6 i : 3 i f . p. 2 massaru). AbB 9. On the background of these preparations. he does not reply that he will do so. pp. see also Liverani.). ARMT 2 1 . 1746°. 130:108°. 1985). This may refer to the vassal's general duties. and for my criricisms and a somewhat different analysis. INTRODUCTION tion to?) or listen to the king's commissioner. There were also orders. 2536°. "to prepare" (EA 99:ioff.^ The vassal occasionally cites the actual order (EA 1 4 1 : 2 1 . 1 1 7 : 5 . 3 3 7 : 8 . for it goes 102 far beyond the routines that we find in most of the EA archive.. 199 and p . 3 6 9 . Late-Egyptian Miscellanies (see n. 2 6 ] . pp. p. but it need not. 98:8. (translared in Three Amarna Essays [see n. and rhe remarks of Durand. some cited 101 verbatim. Caminos. "archers" in the literal translation that I have followed. 2 0 3 .. i73ff- xxxi . 87. 324f.5 4 ) emphatically denies the serious charges brought against him by others and repeated by the king (cf. see Rainey. AO n { 1 9 7 2 } p. p. Kraus.

3 4 5 ? . Letters also end this way. 2 7 0 . 117:84(1". . and 3 3 0 : 9 ? . 2 6 8 : 8 ? . cf. . it is otherwise indistinguishable. i3o:i9ff. . nine letters in reply. Lingering over Words. also 2 1 5 . 4 The impression that one gets of a tireless and boring correspondent. 6 4 : 8 ? . "7:6ff. pp. EA 1 4 5 : 2 4 ? .. the meaning must have shifted from the original one of "well-being. p. EA 2 7 2 : 1 0 ? . . 1 0 4 . I 2 2 : n f f . 9 0 : 5 ? . . frequently on 106 their own initiative. 1 0 7 . . EA 1 2 4 : 3 5 ? . . . gave Rib-Hadda the occasion to insist that he alone was loyal and suffering for his lord. . .." or threatened. 3 0 1 : 2 1 ? . i 2 6 : 3 3 f . EA i47:7of. 7 9 : 7 ? . 2 4 5 : 4 6 ^ 2 7 3 : 2 5 ^ A virtual synonym of idu is lamadu. s e e also 1 0 0 : 8 ? . . where I am. 2 4 9 : 5 ? . too often indeed for even the barest summary here. 2 8 1 : 3 0 ? . however. as they were at times urged to d o . of lost 109 110 territory. . They also reported on their own situation and on anything they thought of possible interest to the crown. was also shared by the king (the foreign office). . 3 0 9 : 2 6 ? . 8 1 : 6 ? . 1 5 8 : 4 ? . 68. 1 0 8 . cf. my lord. 1 0 6 . . see also 77:7ft". ' And he does so not once. i2i:ioff. n6:6ff. Told. 1 2 5 : 1 1 f. of course. see EA 5 4 : 4 ? . clearly allude to the vassal's duty to guatd the place of the king where he is (see the text above) and suggest that "safe and sound" means that the place remains under the loyal protection of the vassal.. it seems. 2 7 3 : 8 ? ." and of "the city of the king where I am. . . " 107 108 and they tell of the city as "safe and sound. . EA 126:4s. Since the writer may go on to describe the parlous situation of the city that is "safe and sound" (salmat). cf. . Some vassals. i5i:5of.2 2 . know (idu) that . 8 8 : 6 ? . ) . 2 8 7 : 5 9 . . too. 2 7 9 : 9 ? . be(come) informed. under what Nougayrol. politics were dominated by two 1 0 3 . . endlessly reiterating his requests and his complaints." respectively. my lord. they XXXI1 . Unlike the international correspondence. . . 1 4 9 : 5 4 ? . 1 1 4 : 6 ? . 307. . 3 . In the north. . io he replies that this also is impossible. 5. 2 4 4 : 8 ? . . see also 1 0 6 : 1 3 ? .. EA 6 8 : 9 ? . . . 7 8 : 7 ? . or of other dangers. 1 4 9 : 8 1 ? . calling attention to something in particular or summing up the letter as a 111 whole. 1 0 5 . Such reports are often introduced by "may the king. 5 This. EA ii2:ioff." and though used much less frequently. 7 5 : 6 ? . . 2 ? . 2 5 7 : 8 ? . EA 7 2 : i ? .INTRODUCTION 10 impossible. EA 1 0 4 : 6 ? . ( ? ) . . Ugar. 1 0 9 . . . also EA 2 3 0 : 4 . .. ARMT 2 . "to learn. . . . 308 rev. 2 3 8 : 2 9 ? ." EA 2 6 7 : 1 5 ? . called "lettres d'information. to a single letter of the king he sends. 1 1 9 : 1 0 ? . 2 6 4 : 2 3 ? . . 3 3 0 : 9 ? . the letters to and from vassals often refer to political events. i n . 2 3 0 : 2 0 ? . 7 6 : 7 ? . 2 5 0 : 4 ? . . 2 2 6 : 6 ? . . . n o . 1 4 3 : 3 6 ? . Already in the Old Babylonian period we find occasional declarations of a city's well-being followed immediately by a report on the strength of the security forces (AbB 5." For Liverani. . 1 2 3 : 3 0 ^ . 1 4 4 : 1 0 ? . where "safe and sound" is said of "the place of the king. . 7 4 : 5 ? . 1 2 : 6 ? . 2 8 2 : 1 5 ? .. did not simply reply to the various de­ mands of the king. . The lerrers referred to in the text fall. 2 6 5 : 1 4 ^ 2 7 4 : i 7 f . to send a certain wood. who i o complained that Rib-Hadda wrote to him more than any local ruler. in part at least. . .

6 2 . partly through exploitation of social unrest and disaffec­ 112 tion. Na'aman. ' The vassal correspondence in the south is more insular in its inter­ ests and less reflective of international tensions. 2 6 ] . 2 6 7 ? . the resurgent Hittites. Be it noted. defines rhe group by their references to subjects mentioned in the Egyptian letter of command (EA 367) and/or references ro preparations before rhe arrival of Egyptian troops: EA 5 5 . Others 113 shared this view of Aziru. . As the Hittite threat became evident. . 3 1 5 ? . was charged with being a Hittite ally and. "4 Needless to say. See n. pp. Liverani. with Hittite support. most recently defended by Na'aman (see n. 1 9 7 : 3 1 ? ' 1 1 5 . Rivistastorica italiana 77 (1965) pp." A probable excep­ tion to the isolation of the south from events to the north and the Hittite threat is seen in those letters that speak of preparations by the 7 vassals before the arrival of Egyptian troops. 3 5 ? . p. 1 4 7 . This is the more common opinion. 1 4 4 . shifting coalitions. 1 4 ? . see especially RA 61 (1967) iff. Liverani. Bar-Ilan Departmental Researches: Bar-llan Studies in History (1978) pp. see also 5 3 : 1 1 ? . there to confront the Hittites and 8 former Egyptian vassals supporting them. 343f. ) . who never tired of accusing the rulers of Amurru of disloyalty and treason." These preparations seem to reflect plans for a single campaign and the dispatch of Egyptian troops through Palestine to Syria. pp. in his theory.2 5 . Aziru —was the object of unceasing protest by Rib-Hadda of Byblos. and Lingering over Words. 5 9 : 2 1 . 1 1 7 . 1 1 8 . 9 8 : 5 . 4 1 (Three Amarna Essays [see n. r 93> '95> 2 0 1 .1 8 . 3 8 . This correspondence presents a scene of constant rivalries. idem. 3 4 1 ? . EA 1 5 6 ? 1 1 6 . See below. pp. Amurru. here without comment. 1 1 7 ) . 2 5 9 . the emergence of a new state. . EA 5 5 : 2 4 . both linguistic and political. 1 7 4 . see Klengel. (translated in Three Amarna Essays [see n. that for Liverani rhe vassal correspondence is shot through wirh extensive and constant misundersrandings. 6. 3 3 7 . along with Aitagama of Qades. and then solidified by his able son and successor. RSO 4 0 ( 1 9 6 5 ) pp. Lingering over Words. and attacks 6 and counterattacks among the small city-states. Altman. sect. 5 7 ? . and second. pp. INTRODUCTION major developments—first. 5 6 ? .7 6 . 1 4 9 : 3 5 ? . The emergence of Amurru—which was achieved by a certain c Abdi-Asirta. 1 4 7 : 6 8 . . 2 2 7 . Aziru. 1 5 3 . n. . 4 5 . On the rise of Amurru and rhe appeal to the disaffected. 1 1 2 . 3 2 4 . especially Albright and Na'aman. 69. . 1 4 0 : 8 . in his own letters someone quite different is por­ 11 trayed.. 65. 3 9 7 ? . 1 4 1 . 1 9 1 . 2 9 2 . 2 1 6 . r l : 5 5 9 . Berytus 31 (1983) 4iff. a despoiler of Egyptian territory.. the appearance of a new threat to Egyptian power.2 0 .6 . 7 ) .4 3 .3 2 ." sent. at the time an Egyptian official came to collect the annual tribute. 1 1 3 . 2 6 ] . MIO 10 (1964) pp. 1 1 4 . OA 10 (1971) p. iff." are mostly "late-summer letters.3 8 . . Lingering over Words.4 2 . sees in the preparation for rhe troops simply reference to an xxxin .

On EA 1 6 . spans at most about thirty years. The longer the co-regencies. 1967). app. D. it is now generally agreed. and these provide only a broad framework within which many and often quite different reconstructions of the course of events reflected in the Amarna 9 letters are possible and have been defended. Kitchen. The upper limit is sug­ gested. 1 9 8 7 ) . Krauss. Middle.. XXXIV . Das Endeder Amarnazeit: Beitrage zur Geschichte und Chronologie des Neuen Reiches." The Amarna archive. and 2 4 . by the hieratic docket on EA 2 3 . Part 1. pp. n. and in general. High. 22iff. pp. the shorter the period. that still elude definitive solution. Consensus obtains only about what is obvious.. at which time 120 the court abandoned the site of Akhetaten. Agyptologische Abhandlungen. 1 2 0 . or Low? (see n. Wilhelm and J . 88fF. Hotnung. 63ff. The Babylonian correspondence with Ame­ nophis III also fits well into his last years. certain established facts. E .2 5 fit into the previous five years or so. . or Low? Acts of an International Colloquium on Absolute Chronology Held at the University of Gothenburg. 1 9 . presents many problems. (See. pp. 1978). Boese. 115fF. p. EA 3 1 . in Paul Astrom. 1 1 9 . the chronology of the Amarna letters. 20th-22nd August 1987. William J .2 1 . see n. 2 9 9 ? . esp. 1985). however. Chronology Despite a long history of inquiry. 74ff. noff. this does not imply a date for the writing of the letter. and of Smenkhkare with Amenophis IV. 1 3 0 . Beziehungen. pp. Starke. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. OA 1 1 (1972) pp. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature. one assigns to the co-regencies of Ameno- phis IV with Amenophis III.2 7 reference to events in Hittite history far back in the reign of Amenophis I I I . Redford. 6... and OA 1 2 (1973) pp. 1 2 1 . pp. annual procedure according to which Egyptian troops accompanied an Egyptian official in the late summer in his tour of vassals' cities to collect tribute. Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs: A Study in Relative Chronology (Liverpool. The archive begins about the thirtieth year of Amenophis III and extends no later than the first year or so of Tutankhamun. 2. Murnane.INTRODUCTION 6. The arguments for an earlier date of the Arzawa correspondence have been refuted by F. The extremes depend on the number of years. nothing in the 121 archive argues clearly for an earlier date. Then. if any. first of all. 42 (Chicago. High. ed. perhaps only fifteen or so. both relative and absolute. no. ZA 7 1 (1982) pp. 3 1 1 . and see the bibliography. Pocket Book 56 (Gothenburg. EA 17. See K . 1 0 3 ? . pp. Middle. Band 1 1 (Wies­ baden. by inference from internal evidence. Chronology. 1 1 9 ) . Campbell. History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt (Toronto.) Even if one sees in EA 3 1 : 2 5 . some of bewildering complexity. Helck. The Road to Kadesh. 1964).. See also Pintore. i68ff. R . Untersuchungen zur Chro­ nologic und Geschichte des Neuen Reiches. Kiihne. G . which dates the reception of this letter in the thirty-sixth year of Amenophis III. Hildesheim A g y p ­ tologische Beitrage (Hildesheim.. 1962). 1 2 3 . see Wilhelm and Boese.

See n. The arguments for placing EA 6 8 . 12 Assyrian—late in the reign of Amenophis IV. Chronology. Tutan- 125 khamun. it seems. n. see Kiihne. Jahrtausendv. to the reign of Amenophis IV..8 6 is also not without difficulties (Campbell. according to one's reconstruction of Hittite history. EA 41 is addressed tQ Huriya. EA 15 and 1 6 were probably separated by a fair interval. 1. The correspondence of the northern vassals. 1 8 4 . 1 The Alasia letters (EA 3 3 . If. Teil 2 (Berlin. Rib-Hadda's letters fall in this period. Wilhelm and Boese. n. 4off. Geschichte Syriens im 2. who.9 5 . 1 2 7 . The other letters (EA 42—44). pp. any one of which could explain EA 9 : 3 1 . The possibility of the later date depends on the identity of the recipient of EA 9. 4. u. EA 101—38 and 12 2.4 0 ) : again non liquet. 93ff. The assignment of EA 8 3 . ^ Since. n. Kitchen. in this period Abdi- Asirta of Amurru (EA 6 0 . to explain why the Byblos XXXV . Putting the entire early period in the feign of Amenophis III is not universally accepted.6 2 ) was Rib-Hadda's main enemy. non liquet. 2 3 1 . would assign all vassal letters. 1). however. n. it is very difficult.5 (very short co- regency or no co-regency) or year 1 4 . the vassals never address the king by name. the successor of Tutankhamun (see EA 1 6 . ibid. Z. 1 2 4 . 1. Chronology. and prob­ 127 ably Amenophis III was k i n g .). if not later. see n. On the chronology of the international correspondence and for a critical review of earlier opinions. INTRODUCTION Within this framework we may locate some of the international correspondence a little more precisely: Babylonian—the last years of Amenophis III until late in the reign of Amenophis IV.) depend on questionable translations and readings. several exchanges of envoys. Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs (see n. 80. or Low? (see n. pp. 86. 4 Of the Hittite letters. if not impossible. pp. is either Amenophis IV. 1 2 5 . If the addressee of EA 1 6 was Aya.1 5 (co-regency of ca. 137 and EA 9. See n. High. pp. Klengel. I2 Arzawa—Amenophis III. since the latter implies. In the second period. 1 1 9 ) . ' Mittanian—ca. presents a fairly clear if rather general sequence of three pe­ riods: an earlier and a later Rib-Hadda of Byblos.. we lack this valuable evidence for establishing the relative chro­ nology of their letters. 82f. 1 1 9 ) . 1 2 3 . 1969). with few exceptions. see Campbell. perhaps even as late as the first year or so of Tu- 122 tankhamun.3 5 .7 0 in the second Rib-Hadda period (Camp­ bell. or at least the vast majority. one can only guess how this letter made its way to the abandoned capital. 1 2 1 . however. and one post-Rib- c Hadda. 10 years) of Amenophis IV. 1 3 8 and EA 41. p. 1 2 6 . To the first are to be assigned EA 6 8 . Middle. year 3 0 of Amenophis III until year 4 . or Smenkhkare.

H . however. and two kings of Nuhasse and N i ' i (see EA 5 3 : 4 0 ? . pp. Chronology. cf. and whether within it some letters are addressed to his 129 successors. 1 3 1 . 220. how could he have failed ro insist on their being mentioned and mentioned often? 1 2 8 . one would put nh. Among the contemporaries of Abi-Milku were Zimredda of Sidon (EA I44f. 8 2 . Chronology. La storia di Ugarit. There is. but its time span is more difficult to deter­ mine. ten Cate.u>-r . . Had he known at the time of the early letters of a previous defeat and capture of his archenemy. 7if. PRU 4. according to Redford. according to Ph. 1 2 9 . One point of reference is the figure of Lab'ayu (EA 2 5 2 . 1 8 ) . apart from the question of co-regency (EA 1 4 7 and 1 5 5 . on EA 2 1 0 .). n. 128 and new synchronisms. J .). Studi Semitici 6 [Rome. Aitagama of QadeS (EA 1 5 1 : 5 9 ) . 3 6 3 ) . he does nor refer to it even once. 8 3 ) . see 53:4!?. 1 1 7 .5 5 ) and Aitagama of Qades (EA 1 8 9 ) . He is ruler. nota­ bly Abi-Milku of Tyre (EA 1 4 6 . when c Aziru is the enemy. ) . who undoubtedly were Addu-Nirari (EA 5 1 ) and A k i - Te&Sup. The correspondence of the southern vassals has certain clear se­ quences and correlations. p. see also 1 4 0 . who clearly belongs to the earliest level of this correspondence. (Following Krauss. Amenophis IV's daughter. after the fire in the palace of Ugarit (Liverani. Das Ende der Amarnazeit. Aziru (passim). but when the enemy is 'Abdi-ASirta. but see Krauss. beginning with the exile and. 88). and therefore the example of his father even more pertinent. Teuwatti of Lapana (EA 1 9 3 . in the time of Amenophis IV (EA 5 3 : 1 . 1 1 9 ] . ) . Das c c Ende der Amarnazeit [see n. 1 9 6 2 ] ..) Some letters have been placed in these later reigns on other grounds. Besides. see above.INTRODUCTION 362 were written. . If Amenophis I V had a long co-regency with his father.t-hpr. 149:49. 1 4 7 : 6 6 .. see 1 4 6 : 1 5 . EA i 9 4 . Biryawazaof A p u ( U p u . certainly Amenophis I I I . is Amenophis I V urged to do as his father did to Abdi-A5irta. are unresolved issues. EA 5 9 : 1 5 . BiOr 2 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] pp. before Smenkhkare. ) . the death of Rib-Hadda (EA 162:7 ff. Rib-Hadda died about the same time as his master. see the table at the end of the Introduction. EA 1 3 9 . had in an earlier action against 'Abdi-ASirta. respectively (see Nougayrol. Chronology. when wriring in the Aziru period. c but when writing in the Abdi-A5irta period. 2 7 ? . 3 6 2 ) the success the present king's father.5 5 .9 2 . and Niqmaddu of Ugarit (EA 49). Aitagama was a contemporary of Akizzi of Qatna (EA 5 2 . 1 3 2 . scribes span the two periods (Campbell. p.5 4 ) . 1 7 1 . History and Chronology [see n. Arsawuyaof Ruhizzi (Ruhisu) (EA 1 9 1 . a hiatus in Rib-Hadda's letters c during which Abdi-A5irta is captured and eventually dies or is killed. ) .). p . see 5 3 : 3 5 ? . etc. His death provides a terminus ante and post quern for a good number of letters. R i b - Hadda did not leave the composition of his letters without his own contribution (Campbell. p. and the post-Rib-Hadda period would have to be assigned mainly to the reigns of Smenkhkare and Tutankhamun. as may be inferred from the fact that Abi-Milku wrote EA 1 5 1 : 5 5 ! ? . The last period.). introduces new protagonists. recalls (EA 1 0 8 . 169. Why. Meritaten [Mayati]. 3 2 ? . pp. see 5 3 : 3 5 ? . Just when this period begins in the reign of Amenophis IV. 275f. he hears not a word about his father? Different scribes with differenr arguments are not the explanation.9 7 . and Amenophis IV was on the throne. s e e 1 5 1 : 6 2 ) . 57. 84). Rib-Hadda's correspondence with Amenophis I V covered a period of at least five years (Campbell. 68. pp. etc. probably not long afterwards. 1 1 9 ] . The length of this period is unknown.

See Campbell. 1 1 7 . a possibly even more serious crux concerns the reading of the hieratic docket on EA 2 7 : "[yea]r 2" or "[year} 12"? It raises. to whom a letter was addressed very 130 probably by Amenophis I I I . but the relative date is also clear—i. then it could refer only to Amenophis III and would put the earliest level of the southern correspondence with comparable levels of the northern and interna­ I 3 tional correspondences. 69f. is still alive. 3 6 2 ) . Chronology. then it must refer to Amenophis IV and would require a very late 133 date for the entire southern corpus. depending on one's interpretation of the letter. and if the first reading is correct. Another correlation between the northern and southern correspon­ dences is probably found in the warnings to a number of vassals. If the second. inspired by the same plans for a Syrian campaign. a letter from Lab'ayu: "year 1 2 " or "year 32"? If the first. the vexing and still unsettled question of the co-regency of Amenophis IV with his father. 1 3 4 . it is perhaps to be explained by the fact that. then not only are the two correspondences linked and a number of synchronisms es­ tablished. whom Rib-Hadda survived (EA 1 3 1 . See the text above at nn. 121). 1 3 3 . then a short co-regency remains a possibility. the pro­ foundly altered situation in the north made letters written there of no practical value. If these warnings were all issued at virtually the same time. not to the Aten. but from 1 3 0 . on one reading of the letter. whereas the southern letters were still relevant for the administration. . for EA 287 and 289 speak only of Lab'ayu's sons at a time when Pawuru (EA 287:45). If so. but suffers from the same difficulties as the alleged early date of EA 31 (see above.e.7 1 ) . pp.. both northern and southern. to make preparations before the arrival of Egyp­ 131 tian troops. n. 1 3 2 . not from the Amarna letters. In EA 369 the king attributes his power to A m u n . 1 3 1 . The major cruces are several. If the more recent northern correspondence was left behind at Akhetaten.1 8 . There seem to be few if any southern letters after this time. late in this Pharaoh's reign. The letter is addressed to the former. shortly after Rib- 1 3 2 Hadda's exile and before his death (EA 1 4 2 : 1 5 .3 1 ) . INTRODUCTION also a contemporary of Surata of Akka (EA 2 3 2 . epigraph- ically. He was dead before Rib-Hadda. It would also bring down the date of Rib-Hadda's correspondence. 4 Another and. but it would have to be established. "Year 2 2 " is another possibility. and probably not long after the latter's death. One is the reading of the hieratic docket on EA 254. see EA 2 4 5 ) and of Milkilu of Gazru (EA 2 6 7 .

no. C . p. A . Most scholars have put Suppiluliumas on the throne ca. ca. however. But if the second is right. the Amarna letters speak in rather general terms of Hittite activities. 94. Unfortunately. pp.4 0 . well into the reign of Amenophis IV. N o t does it seem likely at all that after twelve years or more. for it dates an early stage of the war at the time of the death of Tutankhamun. 1 3 6 . has been challenged. C . 3 7 . Redford. But other readings are 1 3 5 . the Hurri war is reflected in the Amarna letters. As it stands. with strong arguments assembled in favor of a much later date. however. Basic to the discussion of the Amarna data is the date of the accession of Suppiluliumas to the Hittite throne. friend­ ship is requested and promised in EA 2 7 : 9 .INTRODUCTION other evidence.. as seems virtually cerrain. 3 1 9 ) . Ancient Egyptian Coregencies. 40 (Chicago. see Wilhelm and Boese. pp. 1 3 7 . Middle. See Kiihne.1 2 . JCS 1 0 { 1 9 5 6 ] p. Murnane. the Amarna framework collapses to a decade. William J . History and Chronology [see n. 1 3 4 3 B . If. strongly suggests a period of transition when friendship must be reestablished. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. . This high date. and a long 13 one of ten years or so. more problematic than ever. and the period of possibly 136 relevant Hittite activities is greatly reduced. This would also make dating the reference to the Hittites in EA 7 5:3 5 fF. 1 1 9 ) . the name looks like Nibhurureya (Tutankhamun) rather than Naphurureya (Amenophis I V ) or A(na)hururiya (Smenkhkare). 1 9 4 . ANET. Another and urgent problem is whether the Amarna data reflect the six-year Hurri war that Suppiluliumas waged in Syria late in his reign. then a co-regency.7 8 . 431". then one either postulates confusion in the Hittite tradition (Albright. Early in the war SuppiluliumaS learned of the death of the Egyptian king BibhururiyaS (variant: Nibhururiyas) and received the widow's extraordinary request for a Hittite prince to replace him ( H . The way. 1 2 4 ? Murnane accepts the teading " 1 2 " but denies its bearing on the co-regency problem. JEA 2 3 [ 1 9 3 7 I p. xxxviii . ' A tissue of problems is the correlation of the data of the Amarna letters with the history of the Hittites and their expansion into Syria. High. however. this would be many years after the abandonment of the site of Akheta­ 137 ten and well out of the Amarna framework. Giiterbock. Goetze. In this view. allowing therefore conflict­ ing interpretations. Tusratta would still be urging that a promise made by Amenophis III be kept now by his son. which are only encouraged by the uncertainties afflicting contemporary Hittite history. 1 3 8 0 B . This would be late in the reign of Amenophis III and provide a broad chronological framework for references to Hittite aggression. For the arguments supporting this much later accession date. 7 4 . seems inescapable. or Low? (see n. On one reading of the evidence no reflection is possible. 1 9 7 7 ) . with the exception of EA 1 7 0 . for it was under him that the Hittites moved onto the larger political scene and through their ambitions came into conflict with Egypt.

in another.! 350 Burna-Burias II 1349-1323 Egypt Amenophis III May 1 3 8 6 ^ 1 3 4 9 ( 1 3 9 0 . INTRODUCTION also possible. see Wilhelm and Boese. 249f. which are also "low. 1 1 9 ) . on the assumption that the dead king (see n. offers an extensive reconstruction of the history. 1 1 9 ] . 2 0 2 . and. pp.323/22) Aya 1 3 2 4 . 1 3 7 ) was Amenophis IV. Hughes. 1 1 9 ) .1 3 2 1 ( 1 3 2 3 / 2 2 . The Egyptian chronologies. Studies in Honor of George R.. if Aya is addressed in EA 16. vol. 1 1 9 ] . In either one the Amarna data are most certainly relevant and part 138 of the history of the six-year war. or Low? (see n. rooff. Wilhelm and Boese. 1 3 9 . 1 4 0 . A .). Studies (see n. 2 4 9 . Absolute dates of kings reigning in the Amarna period cannot be 1 9 fixed with certainty." are rhose of Wente and Van Siclen. p . . pp.) or argues that Niphururiya was by a development in the Egyptian language a possible form of the prenomen of Amenophis IV (Krauss. p. pp. For the lower dates. WZKM 7 1 [ 1 9 7 9 } pp. including the Amarna data. The following reflect most recent studies: ' Kingdom King Dates of reign Assyria Assur-uballit 1353-1318 Babylonia Kadasman-Enlil I ( 1 3 6 4 ) . Smenkh­ kare. 99ff. and indeed more probable.1 3 2 3 / 2 2 or 1319/18)^° 1 1 9 ] . i9ff. 2 1 8 . 1 (Chicago. 1 3 8 . For criticisms of this view and a reconstruction that assumes the dead king was Smenkhkare. Das Ende der Amarnazeit [see n.3 5 l 2 2 1 (I33 . Note that. Van Siclen. Middle.1 3 1 9 / 1 8 ) or 1324-1319 Hittite Suppiluliumas 1 3 8 0 . 1 1 9 ) . pp. esp.1 3 5 2 ) Amenophis IV 1350-1334 (1352-1336) (^nh. 3 9 [Chicago. whose identity is so important. Brinkman. according to the "low chronology" (see E . 96ff. 5 4 ? . Wilhelm. Das Ende der Amarnazeit (see n. pp. p. The dead king. High. pp. xxxix . p. see Wente and Van Siclen. or Low? [see n. . in parentheses.1 3 4 0 ( 1 3 4 3 . 1 9 7 6 ] . pp. Krauss. High. Boese and G . is in one reading Amenophis IV. Materials and Studies for Kassite History: A Catalogue of Cuneiform Sources Pertaining to Specific Monarchs of the Kassite Dynasty. io7f. or Low? (see n. Middle. 1 1 9 ) . Wilhelm and Boese. J . no. High. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. of Krauss. t-hpr. only the low Assyrian chronology is compatible with the Egyptian chronologies presented here. The Babylonian dates have a margin error of ± 5 'years. The Assyrian and Babylonian dates are those of J . Das Ende der Amarnazeit (see n. Middle. but lowered by ten years.). 139). 1 5 8 ? . Wente and C. 3 1 . w-r ) c (1336-1335) Smenkhkare 1336-1334 (1335-1332) Tutankhamun l 334. 1 9 7 6 ) .

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Jerusalem. not Misru. however. etc. thus. glosses in Akkadian are not indicated) For the transliteration of Sumero-Akkadian passages the following conventions apply: Sumerian roman type Sumerogram small caps Akkadian reading certain: italics reading dubious: roman A s always. c syllabic writings have been kept. and not Yapa u. I have tried to resolve these in what seemed the simplest. and although w e know that geo­ graphic names are generally in the genitive (the country/the city of 4.. fashion. I have given a more exact c d c transcription—for instance. I M = B a l u . In general. W i t h the exception of several well-known geographic names ( E g y p t . proper names present problems. I have retained the ancient forms. Yapahu. the (diptotic) form of the text has usually been kept. if not always the most consistent. through­ out these letters the short form "§umur" has been used rather than the long form "$umuru.geographic name). the following appear in the text: boldface numbers line numbers (also in the notes) paragraph indent indication of a line of separation traced across the surface of the tablet (a usage that was especially widespread in the N o r t h ) italics translation doubtful (for italics in notes." xli .). Whenever a logogram has been employed. for example. not Urusa- lim. i R = A b d u .Editorial Apparatus T h e following symbols are used in the translations and transcriptions: { ] restored text [. In addition. see below) centered colon indication of a gloss (the gloss is translated only if it has a different meaning from the word glossed.] missing text obscure or greatly damaged text ( ) omission by scribe (( )) sign(s) repeated by error r sign(s) partially illegible ( ) word(s) supplied by editor to clarify text In addition..

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Abbreviations and Short Titles AAAS Annales archeologiques arabes syriennes (Damascus) AbB Altbabylonische Briefe (Leiden) Adler Hans-Peter Adler. 1 8 9 2 ) BE The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania. Altorientalische Texte zum Alten Testament. 2d ed. Kocher. Hilprecht. 1 8 9 6 ) Bi Biblica (Rome) xliii . V. now Baltimore) BB C . pt. (Bristol and London. M a s s . . vols. Pritchard.. ed. then Philadelphia. von Soden. 1 9 2 6 ) BAM F. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. AOAT 201 (1976) AEM Archives epistolaires de Mari (Paris) AfO Archiv fiir Orientforschung (Berlin. 3d ed. (Berlin and N e w York. Barnett. Illustrations R . Old Babylonian Inscriptions Chiefly from Nippur. W . Die babylonisch-assyrische Medezin in Texten und Untersuchungen. Das Akkadische des Konigs Tusratta von Mitanni. 1965-81). (Princeton. 2 (Philadelphia. Gressmann. 1 9 6 9 ) AO Antiquites orientales (the Louvre) AOAT(S) Alter Orient und Altes Testament (Sonderreihe) (Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn) AoF Altorientalische Forschungen (Berlin) Arch Anz Archd'ologischer Anzeiger (Berlin) ARM(T) Archives royales de Mari: Transcriptions et traductions (Paris) ArOr Archiv Orientdlni (Prague) AS Assyriological Studies. Akkadisches Handworterbuch. 1—3 (Wiesbaden. 1: H . 6 vols. 2 d ed. Series A : Cuneiform Texts. 1 9 7 7 ) BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research (Baltimore. Bezold and E . 1963-80) Barnett. then Graz) AHw W. Illustrations of Old Testament History. AIPHOS Annuaire de I'lnstitut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves (Brussels) AJSL American Journal of Semitic Languages (Chicago) ANET J . vol. B u d g e . then Cambridge. (Berlin and Leipzig. The Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum (London. The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago) Ash Ashmolean Museum (Oxford) ATAT H .

Die Beziebungen Agyptens zu Vorderasien im 3.2 (Cambridge. Der Brief des agyptischen Wesirs Pasiyara an den Hethiterkb'nig HattuTili und verwandte Keilschriftbriefe. 1 9 6 9 ) GM Gottinger Miszellen. Bottero. 2 d e d . Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur. F. 5 (Wiesbaden. Philologisch- historische Klasse. 1 9 6 7 . Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen. 1 . Le Problem des Habiru a la 4' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Hablpiru Moshe Greenberg. 1 9 8 5 . vol.7 5 ) xliv . pp. Brief Elmar Edel. Recherches au pays dAs'tata. 1 9 5 5 ) Helck. Habiru J .v. 3 9 ( N e w Haven. Jahrtausend v. Helck. 1 9 0 9 ) Bottero. 1 9 6 4 ) Campbell. I . T h . Emar 6 . 191-207 EA El Amarna (refers to the numbering of the letters in 2 VAB 2 / 1 and Rainey. Beitrage zur dgyptologischen Diskussion (Gottingen) Gordon Unpublished notes on EA tablets in London and Cairo (see Preface) Greenberg. Borger. N o . Analecta Orientalia 4 7 (Rome. Ebeling. Campbell. 1 9 7 8 ) . pp.3 (Berlin. 1 9 5 4 ) BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (London) C Cairo (Egyptian Museum) CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago and Gliickstadt) CAH The Cambridge Ancient History. X I I (Paris.. Beziebungen W. Shechem: The Biography of a Biblical City ( N e w York and Toronto. Campbell. vols. Leipziger Semitische Studien V / 2 (Leipzig. A O A T 8 ) Ebeling E . and Erganzungsheft. Cahiers de la Sociite Asiatique. 1 9 5 2 ) . American Oriental Series. und 2. .) Edel. 1 9 6 5 ) . 4 (Gottingen.ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES BiOr Bibliotheca Orientalis (Leiden) BJPES Bulletin of the Jewish Palestine Exploration Society (Jerusalem) BM British Museum Bohl. 1 . Chr. Shechem E . 1 9 7 1 ) HKL R . Bohl. Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik. Ernest W r i g h t . 1 . Analecta Orientalia 3 3 (Rome. in ATAT (q. Chronology E . Spracbe Franz M . 3 d ed. vols. Agyptologische Abhandlungen.8 7 ) GAG W . 1970-75) Campbell. von Soden. F. The Chronology of the Amarna Letters (Baltimore.4 (Paris. Die Sprache der Amarnabriefe." in G . "Shechem in the Amarna Archive. 117-58 = {1-42] Emar Daniel Arnaud.. The Hablpiru.

Amurru Shlomo Izre'el. Lingering over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Literature in Honor of William L. J . "The Syrian Scribe of the Jerusalem Amarna Letters. L . PP. Huffmon.6 6 JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies (Chicago) JQR Jewish Quarterly Review (Philadelphia) JSOR Journal of the Society of Oriental Research (Toronto) JSS Journal of Semitic Studies (Manchester) KB H . Huehnergard. 1 9 9 1 ) JANES Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University ( N e w York) JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society ( N e w Haven. Die lexicalischen Tafelserien der Babylonier und Assyrern in den Berliner Museen. 5. Ex Oriente Lux (Leiden) Jerusalem Scribe W . and P. Die Chronologic der internationalen Korrespondenz von El-Amarna. Winckler. Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna. HSS 34 Akkadian (Atlanta. Vorderasiatische Abteilung (Berlin) Kiihne Cord Kiihne. Schrader et a l . ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES HSS Harvard Semitic Series/Studies (Cambridge. J . Moran. now Baltimore) JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology (London) JEOL Jaarbericht van het Voorasiatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap. Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek (Berlin. Huehnergard. J . HSS 37 (Atlanta. 1 8 9 6 ) KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi (Leipzig) Knudtzon See VAB KUB Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazkoi. Steinkeller. Ugaritic Vocabulary in Syllabic Ugaritic Vocabulary Transcription. Moran. AOAT 17 (1973) Lingering over Words T.1 4 6 .. Amorite Personal Names in the Mari Texts: A Structural and Lexical Study (Baltimore. vol." in H . H S S 3 2 (Atlanta. 1 9 8 9 ) Huehnergard.) Huehnergard. Huehnergard. The Akkadian ofUgarit. 1 9 3 3 ) MARl Mari: Annates de Recherches Interdisciplinaires (Paris) xlv . Roberts. eds. Goedicke and J . 1965) IEJ Israel Exploration Journal (Jerusalem) IOS Israel Oriental Studies (Tel A v i v ) Izre'el. H S S 4 1 (Atlanta. 1 9 8 7 ) Huffmon. eds. von Soden. Abusch. . 1 9 7 5 ) . Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Unity and Diversity (Baltimore and London. 1 9 9 0 ) LTBA L . (Berlin. Matous and W . 2 vols. APNMT Herbert B . Amurru Akkadian: A Linguistic Study. E .. then Philadelphia. now A n n Arbor) JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies ( N e w Haven. Mass.

/ / matrimonio interdinastico nel Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV—XIII. University of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia) PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly (London) PJB Paldstinajahrbuch (Berlin) Pintore. 2 .7 0 ) RA Revue d'assyriologie et d'archeologie orientale (Paris) Rainey. Rainey. then Berlin and New York) RN royal name RS Ras Shamra RSO Rivista degli studi orientali (Rome) Sayce. V I I . Leo Oppenheim. 1 9 7 8 ) PN personal name PRU Le Palais royal d'Ugarit. in Hebrew) NABU Nouvelles assyriologiques breves et utilitaires (Paris) OA Oriens Antiquus (Rome) OLZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung (Leipzig. diss. Canaanite in the Amarna Tablets: Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Particles and Adverbs (forthcoming) RB Revue biblique (Paris) RHA Revue hittite et asianique (Paris) RLA Reallexikon der Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archaologie (Berlin and Leipzig." in Memoires publiees par les membres de la Mission archeologique frangaise au Caire. Rainey.s.6 . I X . "The Political Disposition and Disposition Historical Development of Eretz-Israel according to the Amarna Letters. nova series (Rome) PBS Publications of the Babylonian Section. 1 9 7 8 ) Rainey. 1 . XXXI- XXXIII Scheil. 1 9 6 7 ) Or n. Scheil. 1 8 9 2 ) . AOAT Tablets 8. O. Particles Anson F. Political Nadav Na'aman. F. Mission de Ras Shamra V I . Orientalia. 2 d ed.2 ( P h . "Tablettes d'el-Amarna de la collection Rostovicz. vols. Letters from Mesopotamia (Chicago and London.. pp. 1 9 7 3 .. pis. Tell el Amarna W . Petrie.ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES MDOG Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin (Berlin) MIO Mitteilungen des Institut fur Orientforschung (Berlin) MSL Materialien zum sumerischen Lexjkon (Rome) MUSJ Melanges de I'Universite Saint-Joseph (Beirut) Na'aman. El Amarna Tablets 359-379. El Amarna Anson F. Sayce. then Berlin) Oppenheim. X I (Paris. 1 8 9 4 ) . Tell el Amarna (London." pts. P. M . cuneiform copies by A . Matrimonio Franco Pintore. D . 1 9 5 7 . 297-312 xlvi . H . University Museum. LPM A . Orient is Antiqui Collectio X I V (Rome. Tel-Aviv University. 6 (Paris. Memoires V. (Kevelaer and Neukirchen.

1 9 6 8 ) . Prince of Byblos" ( P h . Hefte 1 1 . 1889-90) WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes (Vienna) YOS Yale Oriental Series. Babylonian Texts ( N e w Haven) Youngblood. vol. al-Ouche et al. N . Kbnigliche Museen zu Berlin. Ugaritica: vol. 4 2 6 . 1 9 0 7 . ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES Seux. Knudtzon. Schroeder. J . Textes du Proche- Proche-Orient Orient ancien et histoire d'lsrael (Paris. A . Die El-Amarna-Tafeln. A . 1 9 3 0 ) VS O. Moran." Or n. Hefte 1 . D . Nougayrol et a l . in Mitteilungen aus den Orientalischen Sammlungen. Anmerkungen und Register bearbeitet von O. 1 9 6 4 ) VAT Vorderasiatische Teil (der Staatlichen Museen..s. vol. Y ) THeth Texte der Hethiter (Heidelberg) TIM Texts in the Iraq Museum (Baghdad) UF Ugarit-Forschungen (Neukirchen-Vluyn) Ugar. Johns Hopkins University.1 5 . then Berlin and N e w York) ZDPV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins (Stuttgart) xlvii . Dropsie College. Mission de Ras Shamra X V I (Paris. Aalen. W i n c k l e r und L . Gotze. 2 1 ( 1 9 5 2 ) . diss. A b e l . Ebeling. "A Syntactical Study of the Dialect of Byblos as Reflected in the Amarna Tablets" ( P h .. "The A m a r n a Correspondence Correspondence of R i b .3 (Berlin. 7. Weber und E .. 1915) WA H . since 1 9 3 9 : Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archaologie (Berlin) ZAW Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (Berlin. 2 . . Verstreute Boghazkb'i-Texte (Marburg. Mission de Ras Shamra X V I I I (Paris.H a d d i . diss. "Zu den Amarnabriefen aus Babylon und Assur. J . Berlin) VBoT A . von Soden. rpt. D . 1 9 5 0 ) StBoT Studien zu den Boghazkoy-Texten (Wiesbaden) StOr Studia Orientalia (Helsinki) TCS Texts from Cuneiform Sources (Locust Valley. 1 9 7 8 ) VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliotek. 1-2 (Leipzig. Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler der Kbniglichen Museen zu Berlin. Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. p p . 1 9 7 7 ) von Soden W . 5..1 2 (Berlin. Amarna Ronald E Youngblood. L .3 4 SMEA Studi Miceni ed Egeo-Anatolici (Rome) SSDB W . Textes du Jacques Briend and Marie-Joseph Seux. 1 9 6 1 ) ZA Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete.

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Giles. the king of Karadun[i]se. . and then you can believe the one who enters to see her quarters and her relation­ 12 ship with the king? 3 6 . however. pi. your horses. ] of Zaqara. wh~]o was an 7 intimate of your father. all goes well. and no one has seen her (so as to know) if now she is alive or if she is dead. One was the [ .3 2 And as for your writing m e . the numerous troops. . [ . Did you. 10—17 I have just heard what you wrote me about. Great King." These are your words that you sent me on your tablet. 8 9 the messengers [who] . 1 Say {t]o Kadasman-Enlil. but my sister whom my father gave you was (already) there with you. "You addressed my me[ssen}gers as your wives were standing gathered in your presence. 21—25 Moreover. Ikhnaton: Legend and History (London. for my sons. ." and (still) you say. . 3 for your sons. ] There has been no one among thefm wh]o [knows her. for your countries. For me all goes well.' But my messengers did not know her. who could speak with her and identify her?? 1 7 .4 2 And as for your writing me. . 'Here is your mistress who stands before you. my brother: Thus 2 Nibmuarea. the well-being of your sister who is here. PHOTOGRAPH: F. . . an assherder {fr\om { . she did not op[en] her mouth.EA 1 The Pharaoh complains to the Babylonian king TEXT: BM 29784. "Who is to identify her?"— 32—36 Why don't you send me a dignitary of yours who can 11 tell you the truth. Who can believe them? The one who was at your 5 side . your chariots. "My messengers did not know her. . {the ot]her. (whether) it was my sister who 10 was at your side" —about whom you yourself have now written me.' One cannot believe them at 1 . for my wives. for my magnates. ever send here a dignitary of yours-* who knows your sister. G. saying. . For you may all go well. or of 3 some Ka(s)kean. and in my countries all goes very well. for your wives. "Here you are asking for my daughter in marriage. The men whom you sent here are 6 nobodies. and w\ho could identify her]. "Perhaps the one my messengers saw was the daughter of some poor man. .2 1 Suppose he spoke with her. saying. For my household. may all go very well. ] 2 6 . For your household. my horses. X I (reverse only). . the king of Egypt.' or the daughter of some Hanigalbatean. for your magnates. or perhaps 14 someone from Ugarit. 1970). C O P Y : BB 1. your brother. For me all goes well.

you and I.7 7 As for your writing me the words of my father. "My daughters who are married to neigh[bori]ng kings. What reason is there for asking about whether there are troops on hand belonging to you. and so they go on t(el)ling lies in order to escape your punish­ ment. The next time they went off [and] they told lies to you. 88-98 As for your saying to me." So I made up 29 my mind in their regard and I did not gi[ve t]o them anymore. 4 every sort of finery. Undoubtedly [your neighboring ? kings are [ri]ch ° (and) mighty. we are brothers. oil. 7 7 . "You said to my messengers. they are going to go on te(l)ling [l]i[e]s just the same. I swear that they have not served 35 you. they speak with th[em. solemn 2 25 garb.} 52—62 And as for your writing me. whether there are horses on hand also belonging to you? Please. As for your writing 2 . 22 never mind! you do not cite his (exact) words." Whether the chariots were here or there. gold. But what does she have. and their mouths told lies. and] our 11 presenting someone [else]? [May] Aman [be my witness] .. 4 3 . [more than i]n any other country? He does not tell the truth to the one who sends him! The first time the messen­ 26 27 gers went off to [y]ourf[ather]. Whether soldiers are on 32 hand or not can be found out for m e ..8 8 And as for your writing me. do not listen to 34 them^ Your messengers. I will send (it) to you! It is a fine thing that 21 you give your daughters in order to acquire a nugget of gold from your neighbors! 6 2 . Now.. " Th]ese are 1 2 your words. You humiliated them before the country where you are. . Your daughters can acquire something from them and send (it) to you. You did not rev(iew) (them) separately. l8 and they bri]ng me a greeting-gift. if my messengers [go] there. your sister who is with me? But should she make some acquisition." These are your words. "He put my chariots among the chariots of the mayors. "Nothing is given to us who go to Egypt. [. So I said to myself. The one with you [. the chariots 36 needed the horses of my [coun]try—all were my horses.. of whom the mouths of both groups are untruthful and whom you sent here. since they report to you saying.. but I have quarreled because of your messengers.5 2 But if your [sister] were de[ad]. You did not review them separately." Those who come to me—has a single 2 one of them ever come [and not] i received silver. "Estab­ lish friendly brotherhood between us"—these are the words that you wrote me. 16 what reason would there be for one's concealing her de[ath. (saying things) like this.THE AMARNA LETTERS all. 'Has 0 your master no troops? The girl he gave? to me is not beautiful. (but) it is not so! Your messengers keep telling 31 you what is not true. 28 "Whether I [gi]ve them anything or do not give them anything.'"— these are your words. Furthermore.

n o . C . line 6 1 . 5 . esp. " which is confined to the rulers of the major states. 7 5 3 5 : 2 4 f . 2 9 8 : 2 9 and note f. F. I / J . are not clear. p. Line 2 4 : the reading ti-na-din is quite doubtful. EA 1 me in order to aggrandize yourself (and) to put oil on the h\ea~\d of a girl. 3 7 f . ZA 6 5 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p. Greenfield. 7 . p. but as used in the fourteenth to thirteenth centuries B . cf. for a list of the magnates at the Hittite court. O n the West Semitic (at least linguistic) equivalent mlk rb in Ugaritic and its later history in Syria and Palestine. JNES 2 7 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p. "well-being and life. important.] a-na um-mi-se. 1 5 6 . for the Old Babylonian period. Le Palais et la Royaute (Paris. "great one") refers to the highest officials of the palace organization. cf. Starke. Cf. iXS-ka D U G U D (kabta.(cf. 2 8 8 ) . 3 4 3 .y ] a-[n]a SU-/[/'-su a\-na la-q[/-su. of the king of E l a m j C Charpin. 298ff. also line 3 3 . 1 5 . A . K U R ka-ra-an-du- nli}-se (Gordon). MARI 4. In the greeting-formula. It appears in the Old Babylonian period. lit. "{x-y] was given into [his] hand [t]o fet[ch it] for her mother"'! Instead of "mother. n. Kiihne. 1 9 6 7 ) . on qerib. 4. 6 4 0 . W i l c k e . MARI 4 . p. never ti. certainly with implications of status and noblesse oblige (ARMT 5. see M . 72fF." and therefore "nobodies" seems preferable to "simpletons" (Ungnad. "heavy. 8. and then na-din 25 [ x . MARl 3 . 1 8 . "empty. That the Babylonian king is here not given the same title need not imply Egyptian claims of superiority or hostility. 37 H you for your part sent me one pr{es~\ent. p. Sumer 2 3 [ 1 9 6 7 ] p. k. p. see also M . "Empty-handed" (Pintore. 9 1 5 . pp. with references to Durand. Read su-ul]-«w u T I (balata). 1 9 1 6 . OLZ. 4 2 : 3 8 6 ^ ." with what goes before. and K . and Bardet. since the prefix appears throughout this letter as ta-. 1 6 5 . see AHw. 3 . 5 3 . see P. p p . Matrimonio. . T h e exact legal and political implications of the title "Great K i n g . p p . confirmed by collation (RA 6 9 [ 1 9 7 5 I p." contrasting with kabta (line 1 5 ) . T h e Pharaoh is also addressed as "Great King" by northern vassals. 3 8 ) . 3 1 ) . 1 8 1 . perhaps the end of a long sign (Gordon). see J . Are we to laugh?i NOTES m 1. LU ka-DVGVD?): following Pintore. Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (Paris. JCS 21 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. . A r t z i . ARMT 2 3 . for correct qerub. u 8 f . 3 . for example. in Babylonian sources they are identified as let ekalli. CAD.J .. EA 4 1 . p. 4 i 4 f . rtqa. n. Lesser kings also had their magnates. see Liverani. 2 4 5 ) or "idle" (AHw. 1 ) . col. p. Line 2 2 : Knudtzon's qa. "those of the palace" (S. T h e figures mentioned were probably proverbial (Ungnad). ed. ta-na-an-din). no. the term "magnate" (rabu. . 6.. . and Gordon. n. ZA 6 7 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p. OA 11 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p p . in Garelli. 1 9 7 4 ) .a-dd (over erasure. Veenhof. Seux.). Reschid and C . p. lines 1 6 f. 4 0 : 2 9 ^ ) . Rowton. 2 . 7 2 . 9 7 9 ) . 64 ii 1 3 .). also Gotdon)-as-ma-an-en-l/l. it was perhaps an innovation of the Hittites (F. 2 0 : 3 3 ) . Page. 2 0 9 and n. 2 6 9 . PRU 4. For occurrences. p. Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) pp. the "mother" who accompanies to the Mari court a woman given in marriage (AEM 1 / 2 . u-ma-an-di-se (AHw. s]a D-de -se s]a qe-ri-ib 4 21 a-na a-bi-ka it s\a u-ma-an-di-se] (cf. 6 1 ) does not fit the context. no. p. the king of Qades (see Ugar." in context perhaps ummu is better taken as "nurse".

" a meaning well-attested in the Western Periphery (see AHw.rb. 4 7 8 . "As to m y brother's having written m e . 7 ) . see below). . epistolary quod (quod scribis). see Introduction. Die Kaskder (Berlin. AHw. a-na na-ma-ra. AHw. . 'ga-(as)-ga-ia: see E . Julmani (for correct sulmana) seems best taken as "well-being. . p . 1 0 0 1 . "the lucky ones" (cf. sa{l]-ma (Knudtzon's other proposal). l[i-me]. 12. . "as to the rich (and) mighty k i n g s . like this". EA 3 1 : 2 5 . 20.. with or without following direct quotation (see also lines 3 6 . 2 3 7 ." halhat. end of 4 7 . . s a y i n g . quite probable. p . " Cf. .]"? 18. p . 3 5 1 . p . no. " ) . very doubtful. 6 ) . 4 2 ) . L . N / i . 2 0 6 ) . I could not see the top horizontal that Knudtzon copied (VAB 2 / 1 . space is small. 8 8 . was proposed by Kiihne." also possible). p . 4 "{your] si[ster is alive". 7 2 6 . p . 4 2 . end of 4 6 . the common expression fern x amaru). [. see Or n. with CAD. Since the main question raised by the Babylonian king concerned his sister's welfare. 1 4 . perhaps in Ugaritic w. "like her") is very dubious (on EA 1 3 8 : 6 6 . 1 2 6 8 ) . though. then either ra-si-lu-ta. line 5 0 . for a-na a-ma-ra (cf.2 7 . If Wl-ta (so Gordon). "(to acquire) good thing(s)" (Gordon. and sa cannot be the feminine pronominal suffix. see also PRU 5 .d e ] . . .. and is especially frequent at the beginning of the body of a letter (see above. and U R seemed more likely. end of line 4 5 . T h i s was also Artzi's reading (see CAD).THE AMARNA LETTERS 9. 5 2 . T h e assumption of a logographic writing of itti is very difficult. n. "is poor. "more than the wives {of neighboring kings . n. m[u-ta/ut-se]. p. von Schuler." or the like. ." "she is thus. 6 5 r. 8 1 . Introduction. O n our understanding of la Kl-ka. cf. 1 0 . fa Kl(itti)-ka ?a anumma: interpretation very difficult (see also lines 4 1 . "thus. 1. T a . or (ab-ta. 9 1 ) . T h e sign after / / is uncertain: K I (Knudtzon). CAD. " . "is in need. p . 9 5 ) . / have made her] a mistress of the household". 1 9 6 5 ) . has "to acquire friendship. .. " 21. 9 1 9 ) : the assumption of a short form of taqabbi (also lines 4 0 . ta-qa-ap (cf. one would expect something like lapnat. r 19. perhaps ^-[ha-at-ka bal-sa-at].« . Perhaps the language is more correct than assumed and the adjectives are attributive rather than predicative. 8 9 ) . p . K . n. and Rainey. ku 13.bHy (PRU 2 . 1 0 . but more recently he has favored ra-si-lu-ta (La femme 4 . proposed by Kiihne. impossible (Gordon).. . Particles. "{. Epistolary inuma introduces a clause that states the fact of communica­ tion. sect. 5 ) . though in line 9 1 "the country where you are" (mati la ittTkd) would be very reminiscent of the stock phrase "the place of the king where you are" in the vassal correspondence (alru sarri sa itttka. 5 1 . p. 2 1 9 . al-ku-un-Se]. there is room only for ip-t[i]. and therefore liq-ta (CAD.. . . kt is also used this way: kf ahtya taspura ma . but the existence of ktka (AHw. p . "as to what belongs to an answer"? According to Gordon. p. Deictic ki probably also explains the use of inuma. 9 6 1 . otherwise. 11. 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p. . you give your daughters to . [lu-ii i . if so. does not seem necessary. If sa a{n-n]i (Knudtzon) is correct. 17. which always appears as -le in this letter. Cf. 15. i8:if.rgmJps I mlk. 7 8 . However.ti"'-[ia]. 1 7 ..r i : the reading is virtually certain (also Gordon). n. and also by Gordon. AHw. 5 6 .k..s. 1 6 .

JEOL 2 4 ( 1 9 7 5 . he speaks of the Pharaoh in both the third and second person. Lines 88ff. n. T h e venality implied by liqta seems more to the point in context. For the assumed first person plural (nisdh). 8 8 . 5 . to the dictionaries. 2 5 . you do not c i t e . abandoned] the words of my father. p p . Perhaps "we are distressed"." 34. 5o6ff. p . . i42f. Either ud-du-ni (CAD. Perhaps the abstract sarrutu (AHw. 25. [ii la] el-te-qe. p . p. EA i n i j f f . 26. O r "they gave" (indefinite plural). p . are very obscure. 23. nusezziz in line 4 5 . and AEM 1 / 2 . n. A in lines 7 0 and 9 6 . "to find. O n the dual suffix. ana su-ti-ri-ka (for correct lu-tu-ri-ka. "that was given. with very few exceptions. ) . Against N I = lamnu is the writing N I . 8 M E ( M A / B A ) . perhaps T-[di]b-bu-bu. 37. Perhaps better: "do not listen to (any) evil man (lem-na). . u-ulW-dfi-in a-na m]u-hi-Iu-nu. Matrimonio. 36. t i 24. therefore {anandinsunu)-[ti\ is possible (and no sa-ru-ti)" (Gordon). otherwise.. .ra-fa^ is a possible reading (Gordon). 32. 7 1 [ U G U sa i-n]a K [ U ] R sa-ni-ti. n. see Veenhof. T h e interjection ezib seems preferable. add this passage and PRU 3 . 1 0 3 1 ) . H I . 30. If so. masculine plural adjective. 3 0 b ) or ut-tu-ni (atu." T 31. H I . 27. see BASOR 2 1 1 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . p. and to give them gifts^sqe ARMT 2 1 . 1 6 9 . p. the word order is verb-object. a W e s t Semitism): following Pintore. 1 5 ) . on this meaning of sdhu. Pintore. hu. but in line 8 7 sa-ra-ti (sarrati) favors the alternative interpretation. 3 3 . discover") is possible. 28. T h e feminine gender of the suffix is difficult (the things or words said? confusion of gender?). Moreover. 6 I 3 probably a cloak or mantle of some sort ("solemn garb" is a gloss). and the impossibility of making any sense of the following Za-ah). n. Matrimonii). " However. i07ff. cf. nalbalu. I assume that in the Babylonian king's complaint. tu-fe^-pi-il-su-nu. lumma is understood as introducing a negative assertory oath. EA 1 [see Introduction. A . 6 2 ] . Also possible: "As for your writing me (that) I have gone back on flit. a-na <z-[bi-k]a (Gordon). p p . even though otherwise unknown in the periphery. 1 5 8 . 38. I / J . Line 9 1 . 29. 3 4 8 . Long-established custom required the king to welcome royal envoys to his table as often as their rank demanded. to furnish board and lodging. 22. 52f. 2 7 . p . T h e [z]a "may well be scratches. instead of the expected tezib one must assume a virtual object-clause. 35. 1 8 3 : 1 0 .7 6 ) p p . which I take to imply that the Pharaoh refers to a request by the Babylonian king for an Egyptian girl whom he wishes to have anointed (cf.

} .] your wife. . OLZ.fo-»#-/i n [ L U G A L ma-am-ma a-na la ze-er L U G A L D U M U . VS 11.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 2 Proposals of marriage TEXT: VAT 148 + 2706. No king has ever gi]ven [his daughters to anyone not of royal blood]. . . ibid. " [ / desir]e [your daughter]. . M E § .5 [ . } Reverse 1 .k a i-ba-as-sa-a am-mi-ni la ta-d\d-di-na: cf. 2 saying. For me and [m}y country all goes very [well}. n. [." why should you not marry (her)? [ . } fine horses [ . fo[r your magnates]. 4.s e .k a a .h a . 3 12—13 [Your daughters are available. Why have you not g}iven me (one)?4 [ . 2. . the king of Egypt. .a s . . 9 [mu-tu-si-na lu-u L U G A L u l]u. C O P I E S : WA 2 + WA 5. . for your sons. . . } 20 wooden [ . for [yo}ur wi[ves}. 1 6—II With regard to my brother's writing me ab[out marriage]. the king of Kara[duniyas}. r 3. [my} brother: Thus [K}a[d}as[m}a[n-En}lil. . M E S .u"' ze-er L U G A L su-nu 1 0 [su-nu-ma sa a-na D U M U .. For you. [Say} to Mimmuwareya. 5 5 .e ] h : following Kiihne. [ D U M U . M U N U S . M U N U S . [ D U M U .s u ul i\d-di-in-si-na-ti. [These are the only ones whom I accept for my daughters. cf. M U N U S . a-n[a a-hu-za-ti}: following Kiihne. } . . . your horses. 1 S u G f N (Gordon). col. . NOTES 1 . may all go very we[ll}. [ . 6 3 . while also implying that to demand more would be unreasonable.9 1 2 0 shekels [ . I send} to you as [your} greeting-[gift}. 6 . . [but their husbands must be a king o]r of royal blood. My daughters are available. p. These are very conjectural restorations based on the assumption that the Babylonian king wishes to stress the high standards of his own dynasty's customs. . U n g - nad. H e would thus lay the grounds for his own request of an Egyptian princess. 1 9 1 6 . 1 8 1 . 1. 5. . and your entire country. . M E S .i a e-le-eq-qa-a}s-. . 6 . } . your chariots. M U N U S . .. 60 shekels' of lapis- lazu[li I send as the greeting-gift of} my [si]s[te]r. EA 4. of gold.

9 My [gi]ft [does not amouri\t to what 10 [I have given you] every yea[r]. the king of Eg[ypt. Previously. your country. you did not send your 7 messenger to me. For you.. your wives. Come [yourself] 13 to [eat an]d drink with m e .. [S]ay [to Nim]u'wareya. ] for 10 wooden chariots. about whom you 3 wrote to me in view of marriage. D U M U . your chariots. [25 1 men and ] 25 women. 4 2 7 . your messenger. N l . [For me all indeed goes wjell. Your [mes]sengers have see[n the house and the . and you would not detain him for long. and he was a witness." No[r did you 8 send me] my greeting-gift in connection with the festival. When you celebrated a great festival. p. with von Soden and also Kiihne. p . 11 2 3 . 5 4 . I[n my house] I have built a [l]arge [ . NOTES 1. and you have sent me as my greeting-gift. you have detained him for six years. 1 8 1 .3 1 I have built a [ne]w [house]. "' I send [to you in l6 connection with the house-opening]. [/ shall not act a]s'4 you yourself did. It was just 30 minas of gold that you [sent me]. "Come t[o eat an]d drink. . your [mag]nates may all go very well. 1 9 1 6 . . otherwise. Matrimonii). p. the only 6 thing in six years. M E $ . ] . 13—22 But now when I sent a messenger to you. . No]w I am going to hav[e] a house-opening. That gold was melted down in the presence of Kasi. M U N U S . [ D U M U . grumblings. 2 5 0 . and you would also send here to my father a 5 beautiful greeting-gift. and are 12 pleased. EA 3 EA 3 Marriage. .£ } t f : following von Soden.. 2 6 . A . Pintore. 17 3 2 . saying. C O P Y : WA 1. 2 4—12 With regard to the girl. the king of Karaduniyas.k following U n g n a d . my daughter. a palace-opening TEXT: C 4743 (12210). See also EA 2 8 7 : 2 6 for pronominal suffix as part of logogram. Just send a delegation to fetch her. your household. OLZ. my father would send a messenger to you. as commonly in the Old Babylonian period. she has become a woman. col. your horses. [and for you]r 1 [sons]. she is nubile. 2. m]y [brother]: [Thus Kad]asman-Enlil. 7 . n. confirmed by collation (also Gordon). You 4 qui[ck]ly sent him off. 3 0 minas of gold that looked like silver. [and 10 teams of hor]ses I send to you as your greeting-gift. .3 4 [ . altogether 50 i[n my service]. your brother.

O n lines 9 . Lucas. and S . E . p. p .fa: Gordon saw all the signs "quite clearly. Were you to give (a daughter). 4 2 7 . p . 1 9 6 . "From time immemorial no daughter of the king of Egy[pt] is given to anyone. 1-3 2 4 . 16. saying.1 2 see von Soden. you d[o] as you please. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries* [London. 2 5 9 . 9. "Wooden chariots" (also EA 9 : 3 7 . Other versions: "of the quality of silver" (Kiihne. 8 . 1 9 4 8 ] . 1 9 . n. [ £ es-s]a: cf. 1 9 8 3 ) . p ." Why «[o/]?5 You are a king. 10. tu-\se-bi-la\. proposed [a-nu-um-ma bt\ta. [wrote to me]. ) . in accordance with your practice of not gi{ying]4 (a daughter). 27 [u at-ta] alkamma itttya 28 [a-ku-ul] [ a (head of final vertical visible. as opposed to the heavier four-wheeled wagons that were used for transport and were reinforced with metal fittings. thirty-fourth. and anumma is not used in M i d d l e Babylonian. 17. free restoration: Ttam[ru-ma. Following AHw. rf-S[i-ib malm/panl-ia): a phonetic spelling. 2 2 7 . E g y p t i a n gold had a high percentage of silver. E n d of line 2 5 . "worked with ( K I = itti) silver" (Landesberger in Gordon). cf. 6. pp. p . . the same distinction in Egyptian and Edel's remarks in Manfred G o r g . EA 5 : 1 3 . 2 5 7 f f . does not seem likely. you.2 2 [Moreove]r. Von Soden. and CAD. 4 2 7 . [a-na te-ru-ba-ti]: cf. and thirty-seventh years (Kiihne. p p . p . EA 4 Royal deceit and threats T E X T : VAT 1657. \su\-ul-ma-ni la-a e-em M U . lulmant. C O P I E S : WA 3. when I wrote [to youp about marrying your daughter. VS 11. Gordon) 14. "my (greeting-)gift": following Kiihne. p . 4 7 b . 5 4 ) . g i v i n g it a grayish cast ( A . p . i . r r 4. 26 [i-na-an-»]rf. 5 5 . p . 8. T h e festival was undoubtedly one of three W-festivals celebrated by Amenophis III in his thirtieth. [akul] iT siti (Gordon). r 7. 5 4 . my brother. e d . 11. rf-m[i-li]. A t the end of the line ina libbi fits the traces very well. A g y p t e n und Altes Testament 5 (Wiesbaden. A / 2 . 2 9 2 (discussion)." 5 . p . MUNUS = amtltu or sinniftu? See CAD. [ K A M ad-di-na-ak-ku ul ma-si]-i: free restoration. 2 5 2 . i04f. 1 13. ha-du-ii]. 2 5 4 ) . 2. but there is not enough room for this restoration. 4 2 7 . 1 9 : 8 4 ) were perhaps the light t w o - wheeled battle chariot. Fontes atque Pontes: Eine Festgabe fur Hellmut Brunner. ha-m if-\u\t. 1 5 . Kiihne. p . 12.THE AMARNA LETTERS 3. following von Soden. n. [ul ep-pu-us" T\a.

000 talents of gold. T h e greeting and perhaps several more lines are completely destroyed. just as you did to me. 1 8 1 . and I would not 7 gifve] my daughter in marriage. Did not you yourself seek brotherhood and amity. i. [ . and so wrote me about marriage that we might come closer to each other. 23—35 Perhaps.' NOTES 1 . . what would be the point of your being pleased to send me (gold)? Once I have finished the work I am engaged on. before your messenger [comes] to me. when I [wrote you] about marriage.' I would send it back to you. I will give you my daughter. send me whatever i[s on hand]. (as) much (as possible). 1 1 . However. 3 . saying. 9 . If 14 during this summer.e. But if in the months of Tammuz or Ab you do not send me the gold and (with it) I do not finish the work I am engaged on. 'She is no daughter of the king!'?" But holding to your decision. write you about marriage for this very same reason. . and I 6 would not accept it. must be available. p. but} s[end me] any animals requested of you. OLZ. you need not 11 12 accept] the offspring of my daughter whom I shall s[end to you. since you did not send me a woman. you send the 5 gold I wrote you about. . 2. fap-pu-na-»z]rf: [a-nu-um-ra]^ (Knudtzon) is not used in Middle Babylo­ nian. see EA 3 . in all haste. and von Soden. I wrote as 6 follows t[o my brother]. did my brother not send me just one woman? Should I. [and] when I wrote you about the animals. n. 8 brotherhood and amity. refuse you a woman. Send me a beautiful woman as if she were [you]r daughter. the main verb must have followed. as here. right now. 4 2 8 . "[Someone's] grown daughters. 5 6 . see Kiihne. col.5 0 And as to the gold I wrote you about. since temporal clauses regularly pre­ cede. EA 4 who would s[ay] anything? Since I was told of this message. this summer. p . are inserted within. So please' send me the gold you [feel prompted t]o. and n[ot send her]?? But my daughters being available. either in the month of Tammuz or 3 in the month of A b . with U n g n a d . IC I will not refuse [one] to y[ou]. ds-pu-r[a-ak-ku ta-alltal-ta-ap-rd]: first word. then. the main clause ( G A G {5169b). That EA 4 belongs to the A m e ­ nophis III-Kadasman-Enlil correspondence is not completely certain. ] Now. and did (not) I. for my part.. lines 1—3 are too fragmentary for translation. 7 Who is going to say. too. you have not sent me anyone. 1 9 1 6 . beautiful women. or. . in the months of Tammuz or Ab. that we might come closer to each other? Why. perhaps. what need will I have of gold? Then you could send me 3. ' so I can finish the work that I am engaged on. . 3 6 .

p. Matrimonii). 16. 7. 10 . l[a usebbilsi]: following von Soden. T h a t ul is used rather than la is undoubtedly due to the fact that lines 15—18 are rhetorical questions. the king of Egypt. for which there is not enough room. 8 1 . my brother: For m]e all goes (well). my chariots. am-mi-ni l[a innaddin]: beginning of a horizontal wedge visible. StOr 20. tultebila[m]: following von Soden. zer martiya. Three thousand talents is a huge amount of gold. 13. Pintore. copy VS 1 1 ) . Great King. "seed". ina (ubi: following U n g n a d . ibid. your] wives. 1 5 5 . 1 3 5 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. kT la na-d\a-ni-im-md\: following Knudtzon and A r o . lines i7f. line 18). p. [my sons]. 4 2 8 .. very well. 15. Say to] 2 Kafdasman-Enlil. 5. probably a list of gifts. as seems more likely. EA 5 Gifts of Egyptian furniture for the Babylonian palace TEXT: BM 29787 + C (12195). ] . 4 2 8 . we should read u a-na-ku (ul). 11. cf. see also EA n . 10.. yo]ur [magnates]. and beneath it. see A r o . p. yo[ur] troops. StOr 2 0 . Literally. 1 {Thus Nibmuar]ey[a. OLZ. my magnates. ki-'P D f U M U M U N U S . 4 2 8 . otherwise. and in [m]y [countries] all goes very. [my] wives. [yo]ur [horses]. Either ul (line 1 5 ) is still felt and understood in this clause. "my daughter's seed" (KBo 1. col. .. For my household. 8.J u l y ) and fifth (July—August) months of the Babylo­ nian calendar. 8 : 3 1 ) . C O P I E S : BB 4 + WA 17. For you]r [household. or. 12. sees in the expression as used in line 4 6 reference to a gift that has not been requested. 4 2 8 . n. the king of Karadu]niya[s. n. for a woman's seed. 9. and i[n your countries. 14. Because of the preterite (aspurakku. a hole. F{or you may all go well. p. O n the grammar of rhetorical questions. . [your sons. ta-sa-a[b-ba-at u ] : cf. 1 8 2 . 1 2 1 . [For me al]l goes well.£ t « : following von Soden. p. your [chariots]. roughly 1 0 0 tons. may all go] well. M [ E § sa ma-am-ma]: M E § not collated (cf. my [horses]. not writing. G A L . p. 17. except for s[a . T h e fourth ( J u n e . but the distinction is hard to reconcile with the expression in line 4 3 . 1 8 . After a space of three lines. 7 4 . must be taken as a question. see VAB 2 / 1 . p. a-ka-al-la-a[k-ku-us-si]: following ibid. 6. p . 1 9 1 6 . my ma[ny] troops. von Soden. traces suggest additional writing.

T h e join with the Cairo fragment begins here. 1 0 0 ) . 4 chairs of ebo{ny]. tSU. p . { .Nl'GIN . . Lines 2 4 . . E . . E G I B I L is certain. 4. 5. ] (Gordon). N o t e the form of address (see sect. see Seux. ARMT 2 1 . overlaid with gold. r}e-i[a . 10 { . n. . 1 6 : "but now. unusual orthography. Indeed I 5 shall be preparing everything possible before the arrival of your messen­ 6 ger who is bringing your daughter. 7 . 9 (In addition). overlaid with 8 gold." T h i s gives ana pant a meaning for which I know no parallel. overlaid with gold. 2 . VAB 2 / 1 . 4 5 6 . 3 beds of ebony. of gold. 1 6 2 . I will send (them) to [yo]u. . p. the weight of all the gold: 7 minas." so common in the vassal letters (see the Introduction. 1 urussu of ebony. 1 9 6 7 ) . in a letter characterized by the Hittite ductus and the Hittite form of address. 1 0 footrests of ebony.2 5 are conflated in the W A copy. p.. ] of ejxiny. r 5 . NOTES 1. in the charge of Sutti. overlaid with gold. 1 lar[ge] chair [o]f ebony. followed by Durand. " at the begin­ ning of line 3 . 3 5 8 a . Note the. n. 7 6 .. . E . . 8. 5 chairs of feb]ony. . . overlaid with ivory and gold. 9. 145a—b. [. I am sending herewith some furnishings for your house. and n. N o t e the use of summa as a temporal conjunction. of l gold. Restore either inanna or anumma (cf. [ . 3. minima ma-a. Probably not enough room for L U G A L G A I . a 7 greeting-gift of things for the new house: 1 bed of ebony. "to prepare before the arrival. overlaid with gold. 8 A shekels. "Great K i n g . of gold. note n. as at Boghazkoy. I herewith send you. p. p. A . 2 9 9 . When your messenger returns. G I [ B I L ] : in line 1 9 . confuses siisuru and wussuru. ] . The weight of the silver: 1 [mi]na. overlaid with gold. 9 shekels. M / i . CAD. 4 of the Introduction). . "to release. 10. denied by Gordon) or even ta. H I . 10 and 7 shekels. sect. EA 5 3 13—33 I have [y^*] heard that you have built some n{ew] quar­ 4 ters. This is the first reference to silver. . These things.W: last sign possibly ad (so Knudtzon. EA 1:10). ] footrests of ivory. overlaid with gold. . . stock expression siisuru ana pant. [Total x] minas. of silver. CAD." 6.] II . and the traces here fit G I B I L perfectly. I will prepare whatever your messenger selects. if mala. Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (Paris.

see Kiihne. 5 . [yo]ur horses. your household. . perhaps "a hostile word" (AHw. 4 2 8 . delete it: following von Soden.2 2 And as [your] greeting-gift [ . EA 8:1 if. VS 11. kin]g of Karaduniyas. my brother: Thus Burra- Buriyas. VS 11. your wives. p. p. . p. 6. ibid. Write me so that it ma[y be taken to you]. n. anythin[g]4 else whatsoever is not even to be mentioned]. 1 2 [Say to Naphujrureya. my brother]: Thus Burra-Buriya[s.s Be­ 5 tween us. your magnates. . ] . 4 : 4 6 . 3 2 .. . king of Egy[pt. A t the end of line 9. . / s[e]n[d you]. lilq&-\ni\. amatum lanttum-ma. For 12 . and I will write you for what I want from your 6 country so that it may be taken [to m e } . a-ma-tu-u[m}: a rare instance of mimation. LFM. Great King. EA 3 : 1 2 . . NOTES m 1. ] and 1 [ . the k\ing of Egypt]. your chariots. . p. the king of [Karaduniyas]. EA 7 A lesson in geography TEXT: VAT 150 (not collated). 3. . StOr 2 0 . following von Soden. cf. It must have been written at least partly on the reverse. 3. Great King. iq-[qa-ab-bi]\ following von Soden. 1 0 5 . you and I [should} now [be friendly] t[o one another]. [your] brot[her. p . 1164). 4 2 8 . C O P I E S : WA 4. [your] sons. C O P I E S : WA 7.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 6 An offer of friendship T E X T : VAT 149. 6 4 2 . 1 2 9 . 4. ni-mu-a/wa/ut-re-a/ia: alternative readings. OLZ. 1 Sa[y t]o Nimmuwarea. 1 9 1 7 . may all go w[ell]. For me all goes we[ll]. 17-19 [• • •} Ui will trust yo[u . . your brother. or perhaps on the line below. col. see also Schroeder. 2 0 . } . cf. 13-17 Wri[te me] for what you want from my country so that it may be taken to you. add { .1 2 Just as previously you and m[y] father were friend[Iy] to one 2 another. 4. For you. 8 . 2. p. 113ff. your country. TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. A r o . pp. A t the end of line 1 0 . lu fa-ba-nu]: von Soden. . 4 2 8 .

.4 8 [ . ." Now. . 6 . ] and your greetings . I for my part became an[gry}9 with my brother. and the weather ho[t]. As soon as the weather improves. in my country everything too is available and I for my part nee[d] absolutely nothing. I send to my brother 4 minas of 18 beautiful lapis lazuli as a routine greeting-gift. I was not angry (any longer). I am not sending many beautiful greeting-gifts. has he sho[wn] me no 10 concern? Why has he sent no messenger here and visi[ted me]?" My brother's messenger addressed me. saying. . It is these same relations that shall be lasting between us. saying. "Has my brother not hea[rd] that I am ill? Why. Who is going to tell your brother so he can imme­ diately send you greetings? Would your brother hear that you are ill and still not send you his messenger?" 26—32 I for my part addressed him as follows. the 17 journey is difficult]. . In addition. Furthermore. water cut off.! I have not been well. We have (however) inherited good relations of long standing from (earlier) kings. . My [greetings [/ will send t]o yo[u. and your greet­ ings you shall send to me}. 1 informed your messenger and sen[t him] (on his way). The country is far away. .6 2 You no[w. and so on no occa[sionY has his messenger eaten food 5 and [drunk] spirits [in my comjpany. is there really a far­ away country and a close-by one?" He for his part addressed me [as] follows. If you ask [. my next 13 . for my horses and [m]y ch[ariots. "(It) is not a place close by so your brother can hear (about you) and send you greetings.7 For my brother and his household. ] M[y] greetings [ . EA 7 m]e and my household.2 5 [Furthermore]. for his magnates and his country ma[y all go] very [well]. . he will [tell you that] I have not been well and that. 4 2 . and so we should sen[d]'3 greetings to each other. I am [still b]y no means re[stored to health}.4 1 Furthermore. 3 3 .. as far as 6 7 my rec[overy] is concerned. for his horses and [his] cfhariots]. . 8—13 From the time the messenger of my brother ar[rived here]. . . ] 4 9 . Inform my messenger imme­ 16 diately sf) he may co[me to m e ] . saying. I send my brother 5 teams of horses. '* have detain[ed] my messenger for two [years]. before es]corting (him on his 1 15 way). [ . since I was not well and my brother [showed me 8 no] conc[ern]. a Great King. for] my magnates and my country all goes ver[y well]. your mes­ senger. since I asked my own messenger and he said to me that the journey is far. Furthermore. in my brother's country everything is available and my brother needs absolutely noth­ ing.] . as I am told. "For my brother. 1 4 . I 12 said no [more]. "Ask your own messenger whether the country is far away and as a result your brother did not hear (about you) and did not 11 send (anyone) to greet you. as I am also told. . s[aying].

appear[ed]. pa in EA 8 : 2 2 ) . and that nothing could help me" (the assumed text is not clear). following U n g n a d . one would expect to see traces of the vertical (cf. not to bodily health.). 8. cf. I sw]ear. 2 9 5 . 292. 6. W h e r e Burna-Burias calls himself brother. i robb[ed]. May my brother send me much fine gold so I can use it on my work. 1 9 1 6 . my brother should not turn over to the charge of any deputy. see Kiihne.. But the gold that my brother sends me. la «/-[ne-sa-an-ni]. (so) 27 2S 29 [n]ow may Salmu sp[eak] before my brother. ibid. n. p. for the position. 1 1 ) . My brother should make a [personal] check. "and no medicine has given me any cure" (von Soden. cf. Oppenheim: " . been robb[ed]. [a-di-na] m{t\-im-ma-ma la #/-[ta-la/li-mu]. . {When] is my brother [going to adjudi­ 25 6 cate] this case? [As] my messenger sp[okeY before my brother.» .. NOTES 1. however. on the assumed ustallalimu rather than ultallalimu. . m 5 . p. [a gov]ernor of 2 yours in a vassalage. 1 8 2 ) . von Soden. pp. he addresses the Egyptian king in the same way (EA 6. 7 3 . and the expression refers to mood or sentiment. Certainly my brother did not check the earlier (shipment of) gold that my brother sent to me. 9. 6 0 . It was only a deputy of my brother who sealed and sent it to me. that I nearly lost my life. 4 2 8 . [tw]ice has a caravan of Salmu. let my brother 19 just write me so it can be taken from the house. whatever my brother wants. OLZ. 4 2 8 . ibid. proposes f H a . 3 . Oppenheim seems to emend the text so that Burna-Burias says that no foreign messenger. not (even) [10. p. 6 1 . 7. . ana »^-a{b-la-t. 6 3 . His [thi]ngs should be restored t[o him] and [he] should be compensated] for his losses. n. The first one 23 Biriyawaza rob[bed. n. had dined with him. A t the beginning of line 2 .7 2 Being engaged on a work. ik-[su-da] would be less crowded than i^-fsu-da-an-ni] (Knudtzon). ibid. 22 my messenger whom I sent to you. I write to my brother. 3 7 f . restore $E§-i<?. see EA 1. Another proposal: { U (sammu)] . p . then my brother should 20 seal and send it to me. Furthermore. p . for in Middle Babylonian . see A r o . EA 6 : 2 . For Amenophis I V as the addressee of this letter. 8 .a ] . . EA 1 1 : 1 9 .). 2 . When I pu[t] the 4 0 minas of 21 gold that were brought to me into a kiln. and therefore not resit ul is-Ii] (von Soden. non-Egyptian or Egyptian. O n the banquets for messengers. and] his [sec]ond caravan Pamahu. am-[ta-la]: not am-{la] (von Soden. rev. 4.8 2 [Furthermore. 2 5 . <z-<#-/-{ka-(am-)ma}: following von Soden. see Kiihne. 4 2 9 ) . re-e-s[i la is-su-tt]: the enclitic -ma at the end of the previous clause favors taking the following clause as coordinate. col.THE AMARNA LETTERS messenger to come I will have bring many beautiful greeting-gifts to my brother. i3f.9 . StOr 2 0 .i]: if «rf-p[a-as libbi] (von Soden.

ki-sa (kfsa): see the dictionaries. 1 0 . and then da-an-n{a-tujtu] (cf. Parpola. 1 9 . cf. AfO 2 8 ( 1 9 8 1 . "pure gold. 9 7 ) and implies a small number in the break (10 is only a guess). AEM 1 / 2 . n. 6 7 . For the O l d Babylonian period. EA 7 letters the perfect is the normal form of past narrative. as throughout this letter. Ah. 12. Burna-BuriaS prefaces his proposal of continued gpod relations with remarks that establish how disinterested both parties are. For a slightly different interpretation. sa qatim in O l d Assyrian. see Veenhof. 4 3 0 . p."—and restore -[ru] (Ungnad. and at Mari (ARMT 2 1 . io:43ff. If i-mu-[ra] is right (Knudtzon). "by the king". according to E .. EA 2 9 : 1 1 1 . n. followed by CAD. In line 3 2 . L i t .. T h a t the weight of the stone is given implies. OLZ. "for your sulmu. 2 5 2 ." da-an-n[a-at]. 1. If there are to be greetings with the necessary accompanying gifts. 1 9 1 6 .8 2 ) p . p . "from their house. 2 7 2 ." 22. they are not inspired by need. so that we send greetings to each other. Otherwise von Soden. see von Soden. 1 1 3 : [ K U . 4 2 9 ) . 15. n. p. 1 8 . EA io:i9f. T h e enclitic in kt iqbun'tm-ma probably looks back to kT iqbuni in line 3 3 . JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p. see 3 0 . si-it-ta [sanati]: following von Soden. unless the enclitic coordinates clauses (for this possibility. w h o thought it the Egyptian equivalent of rabisu. see Romer. 7. m 23. 1 6 . 5 0 9 . 18. li-i{l-li-ka]: following von Soden. G I b]a-ar-ru-um-ma. n. 2 . Edel. for its influence on tenses. JEOL 2 7 ( 1 9 8 1 . ha-ab-t[a-at]\ following von Soden. 1 8 2 ." Since Burna-Burias hardly wishes to say that the gifts will come from others' houses. 14. 2 4 . ibid. with von Soden. current quality" (CAD. Porada. StOr 2 0 . 5 ) . p.8 2 ) p. cf. A O A T 5 / 2 . presumably visit by delegation. i-mu-[ra-an-ni]. p p . 24. 4 2 9 . Written bi-ri-ia-ma-za. 1 9 8 ) . 4 2 9 . that the stone was unworked (see also EA 8 : 4 3 . Tusratta. [ 1 0 s]a-ar-ru-um-ma: theasseverativelarrumma(Knudtzon) fits the con­ text perfectly (originally. then "pro[vided for me]"? 11. at Mari. see CAD. ibid. In EA. seeing it also in EA 1 6 2 : 7 4 . "normal quality. ARMT 2 1 . 13. A O A T 1 2 . ana sulmlka. gave only jewelry. see Aro. perhaps quite perfunctory. followed by von Soden. JNES 7 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p. p. these same good relations ." might also mean "for your health". distinguished 15 . to the message received. n. T h e gift sa qati seems opposed to the many gifts not sent at the mo­ ment. S. 3 4 3 . Q .). p. 1 7 . 5 1 . 5ii:2off. p. 20. 2 8 ) . 8 3 . ruqatu in line 3 2 ) . col. see A l b r i g h t . p. and therefore is rendered by "also. ibid. therefore. p. ul am-la as- s[a-k]u-[ut]: following Gordon. T h e information is the answer. p.. 5 1 4 . cf. ni-sa-ap-pa-[ralar]\ it is not clear why we should create an anacolu- thon—"the good relations which we have received from the kings in earlier times. Provision of an escort for messengers was customary. the suffix must refer to the indefinite plural subject of the verb. 1 6 . ibid. [la-am t]e-re-ed-du-u: following von Soden. amla because of the negative ul. 21. no. probably neither version should be excluded. n. On the syntax of girru ruqatu. Pamahu may be an Egyptian title misunderstood as a personal name. B . 2 0 0 . n. p. 4 .

4 7 [As a greet]ing-gift I send you 1 mina of lapis lazuli. your wives. . your brother.3 3 [I] send [ . For you. 2 6 . 28. were detained in Canaan for business matters. may all go very well. so will we be friends with one another. 4 3 0 . After Ahu-tabu went on to my brother.* Inqu[ire from him so] he can inform yofu. 6 Bring [them] to account and make compensation] for the money that 7 they took away. 2 2 . i-[da-an]: following von Soden. Sa[y to] Naphu'rure[ya]. ] . and so avenge their blood. EA 8 Merchants murdered. TRANSLATION: Ebeling. 29. my brother: Thus Burra- Buriyas.4 2 And if they try to deny this to you. having blocked 9 the passage of one man of mine. and Sutatna. . Is ki-if-ri a mistake for mi-is- ri. 16 . . Qanaan is your country. Put to death the men who put my servants [to] death. C O P I E S : WA 8. ibid. and [its] king[s are your servants}. your household. inquire [whether they are de\ad. your magnates. And if you do not put these men to death. yo[ur] sons. and 10 another man. my merchants who were on their way with Ahu-tabu. toy[o]uposthaste]. the country of E g y p t " ? A n even greater enormity. 27. 8 3 4 .2 1 My brother and I made a mutual declaration of friendship. Sum-Adda.4 killed my merchants and took away [th]eir money.b u ] : following von Soden. 5. right under the Pharaoh's nose! 25. See n. the son of Balumme. is still serving him. For me all goes well. and thus become in­ formed. "[a pre]fect in your country. These men sh[ould be] brought to you so you can 11 investigate. the king of Kara[duniyas].t i ] . your chariots. Line 8 0 : li-id-[bu-ub]. §um-Adda. retained him in his company. the king of Egypt.[ b u . be it a caravan of mine or your own messengers. 4 3 . . [t-na\-an-na: following von Soden. . In your country I have been despoiled. 371f. « / . . 8 . in Hinnatuna of Canaan. [ m a . having sent their men. having been forced into service by Sutatna of Akka. vengeance demanded T E X T : VAT 152. 26." Now. ibid. your country. they are going to kill again. p . [u-d"\e-e-Iu: following von Soden. pp. VS 11. the son of 3 Saratum of Akka.THE AMARNA LETTERS between EA 7 : 7 6 (personal name) and 1 6 2 : 7 4 (title). 1 and this is what we said: "Just as our fathers were friends with one 2 another. your horses. ibid. and so messengers between us will thereby be cut off.

i-[du-k]u: following von Soden. 3 0 . . in Garelli. p. 1 6 5 b . postulates a contamination from s'umma-summa ("or they will treat you hostilely"). cf. 5 2 . EA 8 Se(nd off} my [mess}enger immediately so I may knofw] my brother's 12 [decjision. von Soden. LU. 1 9 1 7 . OLZ. T h e scribe. p. E n d of line n . 13. 1 4 8 ) . 4 3 0 . 4 . I44f. ed. p. 3 . proposed [amela sa]-/a. 9 : 3 2 . 1 6 5 . p. Besides. inquire . col. EA 7 : 5 1 . If the Babylonian's feet had been literally cut off. StOr 2 0 . " (von Soden.. 1 8 2 . 4 3 0 . written on reverse. rev. interchanged the vowels in the first syllable of the names of the two rulers. NOTES 1 . "As soon as I send . Following U n g n a d . su-ni-iq-\su-nu-ti-md\: following von Soden. 1 0 . CAD. p. n. Le Palais et la Royaute (Paris. rev. as he admits. k[i-i mi]-tu: von Soden. 5 . . the form of the pronoun is otherwise unattested in the Middle Babylonian period. one expects a plural—"these men"—not a singular. 3 8 : 7 ' . StOr 2 0 . Following CAD. see Brinkman. 1 7 9 b . p. and the resulting sense. 9. 1 1 . Do not deta[in] my [messjenger. T h e assumption that nothing followed ki-i in the rather large broken space at the end of the line is supported by neither the previous nor the following lines. see Schroeder. of VS is misleading. (a-a-bu. cf. li-it-ta-a\l-kd\\ following von Soden. ibid. A r o . OLZ. Denial can be refuted by two witnesses to the crime who are still available. It seems unlikely that the Babylonian king would put off to some future date sending the messenger who was to provide the Pharaoh with additional information. ibid. 7 . 1 1 . 8 6 : 2 7 . 22 [x-(x)]-x a-na pa-[ni-k]a ki-i {ka-al-li-ej: at the beginning of the line the very clear [. 4 4 . 175- 2 . ku-\ut-si-da-I\u 4 5 \je-e\-ma\ following von Soden. . it would have been an extraordinary indignity and hardly mentioned so casually. . 4 3 0 .ME3 = amelT (also lines 2 8 . . N / i . or his informant. (but not fe-e-ma. see Schroeder. 1 9 1 6 . sepam nakasum in ARMT 4 . 4 0 0 . col. does not seem satisfactory. It is the bearer of the present letter who should have such a role. cf. A r o . ibid. 17 . p. kikalle in the Babylonian letters EA 1 0 : 3 8 and 1 1 . 4 3 1 . 1 2 . 4 3 0 . ina reli kl ulzizzu: following AHw. OLZ. 1 4 . 4 0 ) .. 1 9 1 5 . 1 8 ) . p. Let him be off [to me 13 immediately. . pp. 3 4 . 9 7 4 a . 8 . p.. N / i . T h e implications of the king's calling them "my merchants" are not clear. . von Soden. p. Cf. col. 6. but. 1 9 7 4 ) . 18.

either Amenophis I V or Tutankhamun (so taken here).THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 9 Ancient loyalties. 24. my brother]: Thus Burra- Buriyas. Send them off to me empty- handed. they will conduct no business whatsoever. as for my Assyrian vassals. they sen[t] beautiful greeting-gifts to each other. inanna-ma hurasu mad. Now. O n the addressee. see VAB 2 / 2 ." My ancestor sent them this (reply). p. your country. and refused no request for anything beautiful. Send me much gold. saying. PHOTOGRAPH: BB. but if it is scarce. see Introduction. "Forget about being allied with me. new requests TEXT: BM 29785. And you for your part. For you. 1 NOTES 1. 6—18 From the time my ancestors and your ancestors made a 2 mutual declaration of friendship. all the Canaanites wrote here to him. ku~u~ [s']-da-am-ma: traces support this reading of von Soden. Why have you sent me 2 minas of gold? At the moment my work on a temple is extensive. ul-te-bi-i-lu-n\t\: following Gordon. 19—38 In the time of Kurigalzu. your household. "Right now. "C{om]e4 to the border of the country so we can revolt and be allied [wi]tfc you. send me half of what your ancestors (sent). pi. will I not then come and plunder you? How can there be an alliance with me?" For the sake of your ancestor my ancestor did not listen to them. saying. and I am quite busy with carrying it out. 2." is probably possible. your chariots. (if) the gold is plentiful. and are allied with anyone else. but one then expects the same structure in the parallel clause. whatever you want from my country. my ancestor. 3. send me as much as your ancestors (sent). your ma[g]nates. your sons. p. r l 4. I was not the one who sent them to you. I send to you as your greeting-gift 3 minas of genuine lapis lazuli and 5 teams of horses for 5 wooden chariots. 1 3 7 . may all go very well. your brother. If you become enemies of the king of Egypt. For me all goes well. 18 . your wives. Hence inanna {sum)-ma seems much more likely. n. the king of Egy£pt. gold is plentiful. 1 5 8 5 . 1 Say to Nibhurrereya. C O P Y : BB 2. 4 3 1 . Why on their 6 own authority have they come to your country? If you love m e . your horses. write me so that it may be taken to you. O n the end of line 1. the king of Karad[un]iyas. Now. My brother has now sent me 2 minas of gold as my greeting-gift.

fo[r your sons]. 10. C O P Y : BB 3.' the king of [Egypt: TJhus Burra-Buriyas. n. 3 times have your messengers come to me and you have not sent me a single beautiful greeting-gift. not 5 minas of gold appeared. for your horses. 7. . . l borrow chariot{s] ° and get here. and concerning your daughter 11 Mayati. for your troops. EA 10 5. There are skilled carpenters where you are. my messenger. p. . Let them make some n[e]w ones for future delivery. EA 10 Egyptian gold and carpenters TEXT: BM 29786. land or aquatic. For you. See Introduction. 1 7 . though you and I are friends. . For me all goes wel[l]. 2 8 . . [The . the 20 minas of gold that were brought here were not all there. so that the hide is exactly like that of a live animal. 4 3 . since the messengers of your ancestors came regularly to my ancestors. . . . n. 1 0 4 8 their number. . 25—28 [ . a). . 90. I send to her as her greeting-gift a necklace of cricket-(shaped) gems. ] . reaches you. on cooling off looked like ashes. having heard (about her).. [it-t]i-ka: despite Knudtzon's correct observations (VAB 2 / 1 . let him immediately. 6. then as soon as Sin- disugab. T h e absence of any sign of the vertical could reflect a form like that in line 2 9 (il-ti-ia). ] 8 let him bring to me.2 4 From the time of Karaindas. [Say t]o [Naphu]rar[ey]a.. [. See EA 3 . lifelike. th}at did appear. . and you are one for 3 whom nothing is scarce. posthaste. . for your house­ hold. and then when my messenger comes here with your messenger. n. of lapis lazuli. ] when your messenger . and for your country. pi. for your wives. up to the present. . ] 5 6 7 29—42 [ . Let 9 them represent a wild animal. Was {the gold ev\er identi­ fied} (as gold)? [ . Let your messenger bring it to me. . . the king of Karad[uniyas]. . . But if there are some old ones already on hand. [. ] of a wild ox for . (I am one for whom nothing is scarce. for your magnates. for your chariots. When 4 they put it into the kiln. 5 9 . let them bring (them) here together. . PHOTOGRAPH: BB. they (the ancestors) have been friends. 19 .) As for your messenger whom you sent to me. Now. ] friends with e\ach other} [ . this seems the only possible reading. may all go very well.4 9 I send as your greeting-gift 2 minas of lapis lazuli. nor have I for my part sent you a beautiful greeting-gift.

and "to bring a wagon" (AHw. p . 1 0 0 ) . 20 . p . i/-l{a-k]a (Gordon) is equally difficult. I understand naM in the sense of withdrawing from a supply (CAD. but nothing follows (also Gordon). cf. 7 .x ] e-pu-ulf-ma a-/e-ba-l a"'-a[s}-s{i] (Gordon). 1 3 . Gordon wrote that there are "no traces of original wedges.7 2 and n. / will make 12 { . 4 3 4 ) . p . M E i s : following CAD. and confirmed by colla­ tion. p. "which he presented/with which he presented them" (von Soden. O f the na-ap in B B . D U M U . 3 . 1 0 . Dictio­ nary of Scientific Biography. . a-{n\a p''i-i balp: following von Soden. 4 3 2 . [ K U . Cf. or X mimma aqralaqarta Tsuli). n. 6. 1 0 0 1 . p . p. r 12. the messenger would have to borrow means of transportation. 4 3 1 . rather. G I im-m&-i]i-ma-a u'-e-du: immattma. " See AHw. p . correct CAD. so already Landsberger in Gordon. T h i s parenthetical remark stresses the independence of the parties and thereby the symbolism of the exchange of gifts. 1 5 { 1 9 7 8 ] . 6 5 6 . 7 4 b . minima ana X (w)aqar does not mean that " X has something precious" (which would be. N / i . 8. r 9. 9 8 b ) or appropriating (CAD. n. /7-q{u-s'}i (Knudtzon) is hardly right. 1460b. if the verb is uddH. one expects u'-e-du-[u\. p. 5 . 4 3 1 . p . p. EA 7. p." 2. 4 . see VAB 2 / 1 . N / 2 . f r l 1 1 . p .x . l5 1 0 . Bateman of Bfritish] M [ u s e u m ] who examined surface under a microscope.a~ -tT: following von Soden. completely obliterated by modern pin scratches on rubbed surface of tablet—so confirmed by Mr. 7 6 4 a ) does not seem to fit the context. ma-i-ia. For narkabtu as a means of shipping. p. 3 9 ) . EA 7 : 7 1 . EA 4 1 : 3 4 and CAD. cf. is not supported by collation. 2 1 . and you had nothing precious"—must be rejected. but that "something is rare/scarce for X . 3 5 7 b . 4 9 [il-la-ka x . N o t expecting to have a shipment of animal figures to bring back to Baby­ lonia. 30 [Id i]r-'i-mu-Iu-nu-ti.THE AMARNA LETTERS And when your messenger [comes] along with Sindisugab. NOTES 1 . narkabta nalu can hardly mean "to load a wagon" (Oppenheim. M E 5 = maru: following von Soden. If the reading is correct. Landsberger in Gordon. N A G A R . M / 2 . no. mimma aqrulaqartu ana X . Nil. especially s"]i. [a-n]a [na-ap-hu]r-ra-'>e"' -[i]a/a (Gordon saw more of hur than I could). T h e usual interpretation—according to which it is stated here that the result of neither one's sending the other party a gift has been "I had nothing precious. N / 2 . « G I G I R . M E [ 3 ] : the second and third signs are doubtful. . ] and have (it) brough[t to b]er. 1 1 4 a .

[ . your messenger. "A daughter of the king who [ . F[or me all goes w]ell. an interpreter. . ] 3000 soldie[rs wi]th him [ . ..2 2 [When] I presented [my daughter] to [Haamassi]. C O P I E S : WA 6 + WA 218."i 4 9-15 [And you yourself] sent [Haamas]si. . Let [them take] another [to you]. . . 1 sent Hu'a. . Send here many [char]iots 21 . . 225.8 [After the wife of] your father had been mourned.1 2 If old ones in the number required are a[vailab]le.l]et them brin[g me . [w]ho is going to take her to you? With Haya there are 5 chariots. and [ . [I] wrote [as fol­ 2 lows]. and taken to me. "They have transported the daughter of a Great King [t]o Egypt in 5 char[iots"]. . VS 11. . ] Reverse 1 . [my] mess[enger. . the merchant. your magnate. colored. the merchant. Matching plants of the countryside are to be carved. ~i But as to the one tak[ing her] to you. ..5 [• • •] • • • [• • • let] them carve [. which look like] live [ . may all go very we[ll]. your wives. . For you. . . and . . ".. the interpreted. . . 2 3 . If old ones are not available. has already departed for here. [Say] to Naphururea. Trees are to be carved from ivory and colored. ] that woman [ . bring them to me.2 8 [When my father] a[llow]ed [his daughter] to be br[oug]ht to 10 your father. the chariots and soldiers with him are too few.l]et them carve [. [saying. saying. 6. the king of Karaduniy[as. EA 11 EA 11 Proper escort for a betrothed princess TEXT: VAT 151 + 1878. . ] " let them bring me. 6 . If Salmu. . . the wife of] my father was mourned [ . ] she die[d] in a [pl]ague [ . and to Mihuni. 1 5 .. whom you sent to me. .$ my neighboring kings [would say]. for yo]ur [horses. 13-18 As for Haya. [to you]. [my] broth[er]: Th[us Bur]na- Buriyas. you[r] household. " / ] wrote. . Are they going to take her to you in 5 chariots? Should I in these circumstances allow her to be brought to you [from m]y [house]. 6 "That woman [may be taken"]. . let your messenger that comes 13 to me take them. saying. your brother]. they [poujred o[il] on the 8 hea[d of my] daughter. let them carve new ones and have Salmu. the inte[rpret]er. 5 Mihuni. 1 6 . your [mess]enger. was (once) ta]ken [to your father].. the king of Egypt. have them brought to 12 me im[mediate]ly. [your sons.] your chariots.

2 9 : 2 2 ^ . . 2 7 . and also in Gordon. ? Send them so [they can take her] immediately]. p. too. peace. 8 [. /e-q[i-i/e-sa]. 1 1 9 . 1 9 8 7 ) . in EA see also 1 1 . 1 ) . cf. "to (be)wail" (AHw. ? Let them take to me [much gold}! By the end of [this very] year I wish to bring the work to completion quickly. amity. [ . 1 7 [ D U M U . riiqatu. 2 . .. ] he must not say. 2 2 4 .t i ki-i] . Among] the kings there are brotherhood. EA 7 : 3 2 ) of qubbii. Perhaps the girl that had been promised first died and there had been a delay in carrying out the offer of lines 7—8. 1 8 5 .8 0 . "The go[ld is much. And . . f G I S " it-t]a-du-u: following Landsberger. qubbatu as in line 5 (see n. 4 6 .MU[NUS-ti-ia] 1 8 T . Tomus Alter (Leiden. [a messen]ger should come out to me posthaste 16 and info[rm m e ] . qa-qa-[d]d DU[MU]. 3. grammatically less diffi­ cult. ^ and showed no concern for me. rich in [gold]. UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) pp. p . Q . Landsberger in Campbell.. La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique (Paris. a-na a-bi-ka i\-q]u-u-ni la-ni-ta-am-ma //-i[l-qu-ni-ku]. [ul-tu as-sa-at] a-bi-ka qu-ub-ba-tu^. 22 . al-ta-ap-r[a-ak-k\x] 7 [a-ka-an-na al-t]a-ap-ra.. 8 9 0 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 4 and soldiers so that Haya be the one [to ta]ke' the princess to you.2 3 [After] ? your [fa]ther sent [here] to Kurigalzu much gold.-s\ li-il-qu-ni-(ku?)]. 69ff. too.. M U N U S . C . p. rich in 20 silver. see Pardee. cf.. ] . i5ff. 4 . EA 4 : 1 1 . CAD. stative subjunctive (cf. . puts this passage under qubbatu. "Your messenger has received a lar[ge and beautiful] greeting-gift." He . 5 . rev. 7. [ . meaning unknown. . Brooke. . See. } how can I send to you? Send me [much gold] so that [/. CAD. .. and to the mistress of the house [I send] 20 "crickets" of genuine 22 lapis lazuli. and 3 1 : 1 iff. The princess [on] whose [he]ad oil 1 [has been poured] should not delay here by me. 8. 4. . 7 9 . 2 9 2 a ) . sa-[a. . n. n.. W i l c k e . 26 send] to y[ou a] large [greeting]-gift. read (i)-/e-q[u-(u)-si]? 9. what was more lavish than [the gift] to Kurigalzu. 6. [/]/within this year you intend to sen[d here] chariots and soldiers. BiOr 3 4 ( 1 9 7 7 ) pp. Chronology. Q . saana muhhika /«-q[u-(u)-si]: sa . and so in the palace 8 [of my ancestor what wajs missing?' That neighboring kings might hear 19 it said. Do not send here some other [mag]nate. 1 9 6 8 ) . . and [good] relations. 2 1 [i-na E-i]a. As soon as 24 2 p o s s i b l e ] let them take to me much gold that is yours alone. A t U g a r i t . 9 [u at-ta . p p . in Symbolae iuridicae et historicae Martino David dedicatae. NOTES 1.3 4 I s[end] 10 lumps of genuine ' lapis lazuli as your greeting- gift. p. [I know] that Mayatu alone did nothing for me by which [I 2 am] res[tored to health].. For this first act of betrothal. is not supported by collation. 3f." [he] was rich in stones.

9 0 : 2 1 . 5 [sa a-na . 2 0 . 7 ) . from whom he has learned to expect nothing. h[a-mu-ut-t\a su-bi-i-la: following U n g n a d . p . 2 5 .. the stone was probably artificial.l u . 17.. 16. . 4 JAOS 1 0 3 [ 1 9 8 3 ] p. 1 4 5 . • Lines 26f. pp. ibid. G i S . T h e latter is identified either with the famous Nefertiti. 29f. For the distinction between "genuine" (lit. 4 3 2 ) .. p. Matrimonio. M u n t i n g h . StOr 2 0 . T h e title occurs in the badly broken EA 1 : 4 8 and YOS 1 3 . treated me badly. marat sarri sa I. 1 9 1 6 . 19.. n. attilka-ma: the enclitic seems to stress the identity of the source of the gift." 2 6 . "of the kiln"). . 14.GI§ [a-na qa-q]a-di-sa 1 6 [id-du]-u: following Lands­ berger (see n. or with Ankhsenpaaten. 1 8 [ D U M U K I } N . 8 1 ) . . 2 3 { u . in the reading of the verb. 21. EA 7 : 1 3 . p.u [ l .k u ] : cf.m a . p p . * p . 1 8 3 . . n. minu Ttatir (line 2 0 ) and minu indati are probably only apparent exceptions to the rule that in Middle Babylonian letters the perfect was not used in questions ( A r o . 13. col. or (b) because so-and-so. ki-i du-lu-uh-t[i-is): following Kiihne. 2 0 . see U n g n a d . 2 4 . Two translations have been offered for kT in line 2 6 . col. M U N U S . 1 9 1 7 . ina ekal(li) [a-bi-ia 2 1 fmi-nu-u i]n-da-ti: following von Soden." which assumes a causal clause after a main clause. OLZ. (a) whereas so-and-so. / # . treated me badly.. Cf. col. bHt bhtm and L . N . rev. p." which is without parallel. ibid. Political Disposition. 4 3 2 . [i-na]: hardly enough room for [bi-ri-it] (von Soden. 1 0 9 . von Soden. see EA 9 : 3 6 and passim in the inventories) and "artificial" (lit. 18. cf. a sequence that is extremely rare if not quite without parallel. G I ma-a(')-da su-b]i-la-am-ma 3 4 [a-na-ku-ma su- ul-m\a-na ma-a-da a-na k[a-a-sa lu-se-bi-la-ak-ku]. 1 0 5 . ioff. see Pintore. In either case the line of thought and the implied enthymemes are curious: "I gave so-and-so some­ thing. perhaps in contrast to Mayatu. OLZ. Amenophis IV's first wife. ibid. fma-ia-tu-ma: see EA 1 0 : 4 4 > d . 1 9 1 6 . B . Y .u m a-bu-ii-a-a D U M U . [su-u(-ma)]: cf. B y sending the gift (and a small one) to Mayatu under her title it is perhaps suggested that the demands of propriety rather than those of friendship are being met. and "because. 15. EA 11 10. cf. Being rhetorical questions. 23 . "whereas.. see also Schroeder. are often understood as distinguishing Mayatu from the "mistress of the house" in line 2 5 . 1 9 0 b . 7.s u ] 4 11. Glass and Glassmaking in Ancient Mesopotamia (Corning. T h i s favors the identity of the two figures. "of the mountain". li-iq-b[a-a]: following von Soden. ^mayatu-ma in line 2 6 and the enclitic "Mayatu alone. 5 7 : 1 5 6 ) . as G A S A N E in a few N e o - Assyrian texts cited in CAD. see O p - penheim. M E S = issr. ar n 1 1 2 2 . 1 8 3 . [\i-\\-q]a-ak-ku. M ] E § ba-al-tu-t[i ma-as-lu]: following Landsberger in Gordon. Na'aman. his daughter and last wife. 23. 12." To abide by conventional usage we must read at the end of line 2 5 [ul- te-bi-la i-de] 2 6 ki-i. If the qualifier "genuine" is not used. ki lusebilak[ku K U . . OLZ. and as nin e (-e-ke ) in Sumerian (Civil. [ki-i]: following von Soden. 1 9 7 0 ) . 8 3 . JNES 2 6 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p.

n May the gods of Burra-Buriyas accompany you. no longer visible. instead of "to m y lord" (ana bi-li-ia). EA 13 Inventory of a dowry T E X T : VAT 1717. . / sa aG N I remains unexplained. VS 11. "From . "daughter of the king"). 2 3 2 . 7 (tablet now in two pieces). date]-stone of carnelian (with?) ziminzu-shzped bead(s). [. VS 12. n. March in safety." 2. . 4...THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 12 A letter from a princess T E X T : VAT 1605. saying. In line 2 4 . p. sect. or you will have made me sad. 1 6 7 . 3 0 8 . 4 ) was added perhaps by the scribe. Matrimonio. . Do no[i] 3 wo[rr]y. . perhaps one destined for the Pharaoh's harem. . 4 NOTES 1. . m p. may all go well. For other views. . see Kiihne. without comment) is not clear. and] .2 2 In the presence of my lord] thus [do I prostrate 2 myself]. For you. [. but suggesting that the perfect be taken as future perfect (cf. Matrimonio. the m[e]n a[nd yo}ur [ . . T h e second letter (see the Introduction. 5 0 . 3. how it can mean "has decided" (Pintore. 4 3 3 . p. 61. } . see Pintore. T R A N S L A T I O N : Pintore. T h e tone of the letter argues against a statement of fact. . your chariots. §8oe). .2 6 Your servant.] my messenger brings (you) colored cloth. 4 [ . .. n. . E r g .. GAG." 2 3 . not E g y p t i a n . COPIES: WA 188. 6 . 2 [. 1 2 . . Landsberger in Gordon. I would give my life for you. 1 C O P I E S : WA 216. } "eye-stones" of genu[ine] pappardilu-stone. 5 [ . proposed "to Biniya. T h e script is Babylonian. ] "eye-stones" of munaru-stone. and safely push on so you will see your house (again). 1 Say to my lord: Thus the princess. p . For other and bolder restorations and corrections of the text. i-na pa-[m bi-li-ia] 1 3 a-ka-an-n[a ul-ta-ki-in): Knudtzon could see what looked like u [ l ] . 197. . For your cities and your household may all go (w)ell.3 of gol[d}. and so the letter was probably written in Babylonia and sent by a Babylonian princess (lit.. . Kidin-Adad. it-ku-l[a] tetendanni: following von Soden.

}ofgold. . .. Reverse 14 [. . . . and gold. . . [. . [ob]sidian. [ ... . in [the] center. mounting of g[o]ld. } . 11 [. . [ . . ] . 12 [.}. } .] [. } inlay. . . . [of gold]. . . } . cla]sp(s?). and g[old]. [. kammuHakku-bed. . [ . [ . 15 [ .. [.. ] .]. . ..} kakkussu-stone... [ . (with) [claw-fe}et of silver. { . . . . . . . . . genuine mu[¥sar]u-stone.. . 10 [ . .. ... [. [. gold] leaf genuine lapis lazuli and [gold]... of lapis lazuli. . . [ .. . . [. . . A large { . } . .. [ . [. . . } . 20 A large [ .. .}. 30 [ .[. { .. .. ivory. . an alabaster of [genuin]e [lapis lazuli). . . lapis lazuli... . . . 5 [ . . . .. ] . [.. . } . [ . ] genuine [lapis} lazuli. } .. of go]ld.]. } . ] side-boar[ds along with cla]w-feet. . EA 13 6 5 [ . [. 8 9 [. side-bo}ards . mounting and . ] and . . 10 [ . . [kamm]unakku-bed . . of gold. { .. and .... . ] inlay. . supports and . ..] .. .. lapis lazuli and muf[faru-stone). 13 [ . .. [ . . . J and gfold}. . . . [•••} 25 [ .. genuine lapis lazuli and [mulsaru-stone]. .. .] kamm[uffakku-hed]. and g[old}. of gold.. } .. and go[ld}. muHaru-stone and g[old}. . . . . . . gold) leaf. of which 1 clasp is of ebony. 25 . . ] . . ... .. A small [ . .} small ziminzu-shaped bead(s) of lapis lazuli (and) m[us?aru- stone]. . .}. ] .]ofgold. } and al[aba)ster. "lentil" (stones) of lapis lazuli and mussaru-stone. .. } ..

p.. [ .. ARMT 2 1 . 17 [ . .] salinnu of bronze. Written 4 M u S . 7. also lines 1 0 . fl}ask of dufu-stone. wash-basin for hands. Perhaps be-ra.. of bronze. G I ] tu-tii-ur-ru: see AHw. see Limet.' 9 [. wi]th its cup. Landsberger. . n. . n a 10. 20 [. 1 2 7 . . 9. p. RA 6 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p.. p. . EA 1 5 : 1 3 ) . a 7. 1 0 8 . 1 2 3 4 ) .. . 1 5 . . AEM 1 / 2 . 2 3 i f ... . of silver. mounting of gold. . } . . ( . [ . A type of chalcedony. . 25 [. . } . brazi}er of bronze. 5. Annexe V 6 ' . see also D. see EA 1 4 . spr}inkling-vessels of silver. fl]ask of lapis lazuli. G I R . T U R = kakkii. T h e mus-sa-li of Emar 6 / 4 . 5 1 1 . 21 20 [ . p p . of br[onze]. 1 1 . "lentil" (or the like)? See also EA 1 4 i 1 3 . } wash-basin for hands. T A B (von Soden. . ) of bronze]. ARMT 2 1 ." 26 . "in between" (Gordon). . . } . mounting of g o l d . {. of gold. a jar for oil. 2 2 4 f f . a variety of mussar(r)u- stone? IT.' [ . Durand.. 1 2 7 . . NOTES 1 . G U . . with their cups. 4 3 3 ) . 8 15 [ . tarammu I. ta]//»-jar of bronze. [ . n.. . { . 3. . . w]ith their cups. from Babylonia. 1 2. . argues for "granulated. 1 3 . lapis lazuli. K t J .. between da/«-stone and pappardilu-stcme. also lines 6 and 1 9 . t]allu-}a. . ke]ttle of copper. . of silver. uKhi" -»*(cf. [ . pp.. [ ( .r of bronze. p. •] wash-basin for feet. 1 8 . ch]est. .. 2 9 4 . T h e absence of identifying nota­ tion at either the beginning or the end of the tablet suggests that this was one of two or more tablets. . Perhaps [ . tu-di-it)-te (Gordon). . p. . [ .. . . comparing tarammanu in PBS 2 / 2 . [. . with their lamp(s?). n. . 8. .} angurinnu of bronze. { . . 6.' 10 [. note a. ] . ] .. . . . Charpin. sikkatu. AHw. Durand. ' 6 [. identifies mussar(r)u as onyx and cloi­ sonne. . 22 [... of silver. of bronze. of silver. . {. e]wer of bronze. . . 1 3 2 5 ) . } of bronze. 1 2 0 : 5 3 (cf.. or an ornament so shaped (AHw. Gordon proposed " *ta-r}a-am-ma-nu. p . T h i s inventory. is apparently the dowry of a Babylonian princess. probably a daughter of Burna-Burias. 1 3 7 5 . . is pertinent..THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 [. [ .. 4 . wash-basin for fleet. . MARI 4 . . .

B A B B A R 4 [.. 198. EA 14 Inventory of Egyptian gifts TEXT: VAT 1651 + 2711 ( + ) Ash. In view of the feminine suffix (ina kasT-sa) and lines 9 and 2 4 . Steinkeller... p[a-ru]-/i.] [.6 : 1 [. . . also rev.. Unless the plural of namsu (nemsu) is namsdtu (>namsTtu).. MAR] 5. ] . Gordon recognized kammussakku (the double m is otherwise unattested). [. [. . M E S kam-m[u-sd]-ak-ku 6 (. 2 3 1 ) . the syllabic writings. & a-ma-r\a- a-tu x f. . and History: Philological and Historical Studies Presented to Erica Reiner. GU.. 1 9 8 7 ) . 94f. [. 1 [These things Nap§uru~\tea. . p. B A B B A R . ZA 7 2 ( 1 9 8 2 ) pp. no.. } Z U R . too. CAD. king of Karaduniyas.. lines 9.& . kam-m\u-sa-ak-ku x [x x (x)] x K U . EA 2 2 iv 1 5 . 2496°. . perhaps a type of handle. lines 2 4 . pp. MARI 2 . C O P I E S : WA 28 + WA 209. 8. Great King. . . p. VS 12. [. &tallu (also line 1 9 ) .2 5 below. [. 2 2 iv 2 7 . ] 3 [. Language. . mu-s\a-li-ha-tu (AHw. For syllabic writing. [king of Egypt.. 13. . < >S]EN = ruqqu (Gordon)... see EA 14 ii 3 6 . Literature. . not namsu (against CAD. at least here and in line 2 4 the reading of the logogram is namsitu. American Oriental Series 6 7 ( N e w Haven. . see also EA 2 2 ii 5 1 . m u } . napadu.. [Great King. 2 4 . U M D U 21.. lS 14.' 5-7 [•••}••• 2 [ . see also Durand. note. S U . . not collated). . cf. ka]m-m[u-sa-ak-kuj 2 [. 16. 15. dn 20. ed. M / 2 .. cf. EA 2 2 iii 2 2 . see Durand. al-ta]-/>/-/w i-na l2A. For the restoration of this line and the following one. .. cf. as the feminine suffix (ina £asF-sina) makes clear. hu-lu-up-pd]-aq-qu (also Gordon).GKR(nurT)-su-nu.. in Francesca Rochberg-Halton. ^fa-ma- ra-[tu a-di su-up)-ri 5 f... EA 14 12./ « (Landsberger in Gordon). 2 5 ii 5 3 . iv 60.) x a x (10?) 'siP-up-ri K U . . restore probably [ N I G . and W . [. 17. Reading in lines 1 . .ZI = M w .]. pp. ARMT 2 1 . ( + ) Sayce. 3 5 6 f .1-41 (415. L U H . O n dusu. Burna]-Buriyas. pp. 1891. for the meaning of musalu. Tell el Amarna. Farber. 1 0 1 3 .. 1 2 0 : 1 2 . s)ent [to his brother. "agate" (banded chalcedony). see Durand. 22. 18. see P. iv 2 2 . 1 8 6 .] 27 . 2 4 5 ) . N / i .. i33f. p. 19. } strung with [ . H A = namsitu). p .

of gold. t h e i r [. 28 . . 15 containers of oil. (called) nas7i. .]. large. . . . of gold.. . . . 20 [ . of gold. . set with stones. and 1 small kukku[bu]-cont&iner. . 11 togg31e pins [(. ] . for the n]eck. . . 3 . . . 3. . (called) . of go]ld. . (with) "lentil" (stones) inlaid.^ of gold. of gl]ass. . 5 .. of g]old. . inlaid. . inlaid. .. 3 . of gold. . . of gold. . o]f gold. .ubun[nu-container. of gold. [. (called) anahu. . 6 for the n]eck. 3 . inlaid. . . (called) mafuya. . fo]r bathing. ] . (called) wizza. . of copper. 10 a pa}il. ] . for the hand. [ . . (called) da{f\i. 3. . standing. . (22-31. (with) a female figurine [ .3.. of gol]d.]." (called) namfa. o3f gold. . ] . . . inlaid.. . . of go31d. 3 . (called) ra&da. . o3f gold [and of silver. ] . . . of the princes.4 . and 1 small one.. ] their [ . of gold. of gold. . . inlaid. . filled with "{sw]eet-[oil]. o]{gold. inlaid. 35 [ . inlaid. inlaid. of gol3d... ] . of gold3. 40 [.. of gold. . . 1 hubunnu-container [. . inlaid. broken) 8 9 x kukkubu-containers. inlaid. silver and gold. set with stones. . in their center. [of gold]. ] . 1 "cucumber" [that is] an oil-container. 3. ] . of g o l d ] . inlaid. silver. which . of gold. . (called) tuzuta.THE AMARNA LETTERS 3 10 [ . x goblets of silver (and) go[ld . . .. 60 1 h. set with gold. . . [ .)3. . of gold. 7 15 [ . (called) 12 haragabaL 50-54 [. in]Iaid. inlaid. of} gold. (called) kubu.'3 55 2 female figurines . 45 [ . .

of gold. . fx] pails. of g o l d . . their handles. 16 [and] i sfmall one]. [ 1 ] small kukkubu-containet. 1 (with) i ibe[x] lying in its center. . . daba'uhi is its name. and 1 small one. full of eye-paint. 29 . . 75 19 gold rings for the finger. and 3 tubes with gold plating. and a stopper of lapis lazuli in the middle. 1 small container (of aromatics). of gold. . -stone. with inlays. 9 necklace-plaques. 22 1 3 gold bowls. of the king's wife. ] . 65 [ . of gold. of gold. and 1 small one. overlaid with gold. 18 [1 container for eye-paint. zimiu is its name. . which is studded with gold and copper in its middle. 20 fx] hand-bracelets. of silver and gold. 26 10 4 ladles with claws. 2 1 large statuette that is overlaid with gold. 5 of gold. EA 14 i small cont[ain]er (of aromatics). . ] . 21 3 (pairs of) gold sandals. 70 [ 1 ] small tallu-\at. ' 8 goblets { . of gold. 1 female figurine.«irrlaid. 11 { . . . strung with stones. of the king's daughter. 2 6 knives. . 1 female figurine. 29 15 2 chariots. 19 fx] finger-rings with gold plating. zillahta is its name. ] . } . overlaid with gold. [ . . fx] large finger-rings. of gold. 3 pairs of foot-bracelets. of ?us~sugu-wood. with kibbu-omaments of polished gold. of gold. ? 28 and its pedestal is overlaid with silver. . fx] razors. . of the king. (called) kitini. nam{J]a is its name. . of gold and . of gold. of bronze. for bath[ing]. overlaid with gold. of gold. of gold. . 10 very wide hand-bracelets that are strung with stones. of gold. 23 7 gold tubes. of gold. (called) haragabas. 24 1 tube for eye-paint. 80 fx] razors. entirely. . of silver and gold. . . with pomegranates on their top. mahda is their name. puati is its name. 5 1 gold box of sippar(r)atu-cosmetics.

1 small tallu-]ai.. J . 50 23 kukkubu-zoTAaixyzts. of fussugu-wood.. 1 pail. female figurines for its feet. 45 1 sieve. along with all its gear. puati is its name. . delicate work. wadha is its name. zillahta (is its name). [ . . 33 1 [large] mabru. ] .. . for [ . full of "sweet-oil". of silfver . . 1 throne. 11 bowls. overlaid with gold and sahpu. ] . of cedar. ] . [o]f silver. 3° i bed. and 6 small ships that one tows. 25 L. 10 goblets. [and] 1 large hubunnu-container. 35 1 [large] measuring-ves[sel. overlaid with gold. namsa is its name. of silver.} [To]ta[l of all the gold]: 1 2 0 0 mi[nas. [ . ] . for a brazier. 40 1 lar[ge] pot. 1 haragabas. of s[ilver]. . of silver]. i chair . [al]ong with its cover. overlaid with gold. burner is its name. . inlaid. ] overlaid with gold. of "sun"-stone. ] overlaid with gold. of silver.] 32 [ . . . overlaid with gold. 3 [large] washing-bowls. overlaid with gold. . of silver. 2 chairs.] [ . 30 . . . 1 ladle. 1 kukkubu-contamet. ] . with its daughter on its lap. o[f silv]er. of gold. x] shekels of gold. overlaid with gold. 3 1 (female) monkey. . of Canaan. overlaid with gold. overlaid with gold.THE AMARNA LETTERS 2 chariots. . 1 "pomegranate. its [han]dles o[f. [ . 5 thrones. . of silver. . of silver. for an oil-container. [. their [ . of silver.. . . . . of silver." of silver. . 1 upright chest. 3 [x hand-bracelets). of silver. ' [hand-bracelets]. for a brazier. . 3 s[mal]l measuring-vessels. of silver. . i headrest. o]f silver. ' 1 oblong pot. [o]f silver. . of silver. 30 [. also of silver. 20 i bed. puati is its name. 6hubunnu-coatamtK.." o[f silver]. 3 4 1 (vessel called) "large. .. i ship.

] . 12 large mi[rr]ors. .. . ] . 80 mi[rrors . . . . . 3 . of bronze. [ . 3 [lar]ge.. . . . } . 12 . 90 m[irrors . . [ . for a brazier. ] . 18 st[ones .$ 1 mi[rr}o[r]. . oblong plots]. . . . o]f bronze.. . fo[r . . of gold. 3i .. for a barber.]. [ . . . its spout. [ . . 60 [1 box of s]ippar(r)dtu-cosmeucs. their [mjouth. of silver. 3 small . . of pure silver. 1 [throne}. of s[ilver]. . .]. . of bronze. . . of gold. o]f bronze. . [o]f bronze. of silver. } . 75 20 mi[rr]ors. of bronze. hunima is its name. . . of bronze. of silver.. ] . The to[talJ: [ 3 ] 2 mirrors. of silver]. . . . for bathing. 20 [ . . . fo]r a brazier. . and 3 shekels [of silver]. . } . 6 with which one curls the hair. of silver and gold. [x ladljes. . of silver and g[ol]d. [ .. 1 kukkubu-cont&mev. of pure silver]. . o]f bronze. . . } . . 2 [ . ] . . .. [. of silver. 5 . . their [hand]les.. . kuldu is its name. The to[ta]l of all the silver: 292 [minas]. 6 plots .. of pure silver. 3 9 1 small container (of aromatics). o[f bronze.. overlaid [with silver and gold]. . ] 4 ° . of bronze. [ . . 3 b[eds. of silver. [ . . . . . . horses. The tota[l] of all the silver and g[old]: 1500 ( + x) minas and 4 6 ^ 2 shekels. . 3? 3 (pairs of) sandals. . 85 2 tall p[o]ts. ] . handles of boxwood and ebony. 80 5 . of silver]. . . of bronze.]. overlaid with silver and gold. hand [. . mouth. 1 headre[st]. set with lston]es. of bronze. nassa is its name. . 16 ra[zors. . . an[d . 8 65 1 mi[rr}o[r. EA 14 55 29 ladles. 70 and a st[opper in the cen]ter. of bronz]e. in 2 . 5 very long . 3 1 box. . . . [ . . . . . } .

1 double-sized (piece of) [fine] linen cloth for a festive-garment." (called) azida.]. (adafea) (quality). of ebony. of bronze.. 41 ladles. byssos (quality). for a bar[ber]. (adafca) (quality). [x] (pieces of) fine linen cloth. idru (quality). their [hanjdles. 4 [. of a. 20 sh[eke]ls. 35 1 9 stone jars.r. not ami-red. 1 byssos (quality). 3 (pieces of) fine linen cloth. 15 35 thin ma[ntl]es. 15 thin mantles. 100 small (pieces of) fine linen cloth. byssos (quality). in size (equal to) 6 (pieces of) [fine] li[nen cloth]. namla is its name. 2 5 0 thin mantles. decorated with 46 borders. which are full of "sweet oil. 20 stone jars. 51 ladles." 32 . 41 for their length(wise strips?)." 9 kukkubu-cor\x&va. in size (equal to) 2 (pieces of) [fine] linen c[loth]. for the front of the body. all set with stones.er%. (called) akunu.. 44 [ 1 ] linen cloth.4 i2[o £]#«z«-cloaks. tabarru-red. 30 6 (pieces of) fine linen cloth. 20 [s]ma[ll] (pieces of) [fine] linen cloth. for the front of the body. 100 large (pieces of) (fine) linen cloth. bys[sos] (quality).. robe.THE AMARNA LETTERS 5 57 razo[rs. full of "sweet oil". and 6 / 2 half (»/)/«-cloths(?): 1 stone l>uttu-\a. idru (quality). ^ [go]ld. 6V2 half «//#-cloths(?). kubu is its name. 40 [large] (pieces of) [fine] linen cloth. idru (quality). 1 "cucumber. full of "sweet oil". for the king's bed. full of "sweet oil. of linen cloth. (for) shawl(s). The total of the linen cloth: 1 0 9 2 . The weight of the bronze: 10 8[6o m]inas.43 25 5 large [tu]nzu-cloaks. 20 1 5 0 (pieces of) fine l[in]en cloth. o}f bron[ze]. adaha (quality). paqa (quality).. of stone. colored ami-red. all together: 300 [( + x)} objects. full of "sweet oil. of bronze." of stone. by[ssos] (quality). 2 250 thin girdles. The t[ot]al of the [ob}jects of [bronjze. 1 (piece of) fine linen cloth. [adaha] (quality). tabarru-red. tabarru-red.. decorated with borders.4 20 (pieces of) [fi]ne linen cloth.

. [1} kukkubu-container. and 1 sma[ll one] ju[st like it]. 3 jars. of stone. of stone. . . of stone. The total of empty stone-vessels: 160 and 3 . 49 [. of hina-stone." 40 [x] kukkubu-containers. namia is its name. of stone. of stone. of stone. is its name. of stone. . of stone. full of "sweet oil". fuibta is its name. ] . of stone. of stone. wadha is its name. [x] em[pty] boxes. [x] kukkubu-containers. [ . nasfo is its name. [andx smal]l ones. . . .4 full of "sweet oil".. of stone. full of "sweet oil". . 21 female figurines. [and] 1 sm[all one] just like it.]. wadha is its name. . of stone. 1 tall kanduru-vessel. . maziqta is its name. of stone. of white stone. 3 5 haragabas. . 8 [x j]ars. of white stone. ] . 1 sieve. 9 containers of oil. . . 2 headrests. and X sm]all ones just like them. .. EA 14 6 large stone vessels. full of "sweet oil. [x] jugs. 50 [x] galdu. of duiu-stone. 65 2 agannu-bowls. kuba-puwanah is its name. [ . . of stone. [ . zillafeta is its name. ] . . [x] kukkubu-containers. of stone. 51 1 kukkubu-container. of stone. is its name. 70 1 bowl. full of "sweet oil". . and 2 . . 1 headrest. [x] onagers. . kuifeku is its name. of stone. [ . of stone. . . 55 [. . of stone. of stone. . 3 8 ilqillatu-vesseis. 3 kukkubu-containers. kuihku is its name. 2 large goblets. . . 3 pails. with a jar in his hand. A lar{ge .. o]f stone. of stone. . .. vessels . [ . . is its name. . kuba is its name. [and] 1 small one just li[ke i]t. sabnaku is its name. ] . 1 container of oil. . . . along with] their stands. full of "sweet oil". 45 [The t]otal of the stone vessels full of "sweet oil": [x]ooo and 7 vessels. 50 60 1 cripple. alsa is its name. 33 . of stone.

. Brief. } in its center. . 6 13 boxes. (called) upfa. 3 kukkubu-Q. 9 plants. .. sa ti-i\k-ki\ also i 1 6 . of ebony and ivory.]. Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) pp. . [ . decorated' with apples. . delicate work." containers of oil. [. pomegranates.55 of stained ivory. 362fF. of stained ivory.. idem. 19 combs. various sorts. of ebony and ivory. 37off. of stained ivory. p . 3 oxen. see VAB 2 / 2 . 7 1 . n. Kiihne. . . Helck. 1 small container (of aromatics). Cf. for which see especially T. of stained ivory.. p. (called) 2 ^ . Brief p. of stained ivory. Or n. Cf.THE AMARNA LETTERS 117 whetstones. 1 0 9 ) . p.. J AOS 9 3 ( 1 9 7 3 ) pp.s. 3 4 7 (line 4: "when he (Burna-Buriyas) gave his daughter to him"). . 10 1 9 toggle pins. . ( 2 0 . see Oppenheim. 6. ] . containers of oil. 5 29 "cucumbers. Here and passim.^ containers of oil. "necklace" (Edel. of stained ivory. } . 2 75 9 boxes. . For the restoration. 142).? 2 boxes. Beziehungen. 2. 259E 5 . 3 . 15 3 ibexes. 7 0 . . . n. dates. EA 2 2 iii 3 5 . . of ebony and ivory. of stained ivory. [ . of stained ivory. for a barber. T h e inventory of EA 1 4 is characterized by the frequent addition of the Egyptian names of the various objects. [. . } (called) [z]a. p .. called mahan. CAD. of stained ivory. sukkukat. of stained ivory. and [ . [ . 6 (pairs of) animal paws. See EA 1 3 : 9 . and 1 ox on top. 34 .^ 3 headrests. ii 2 and sa tikki. ibid. p. delicate work. of e}bony.s.6 2 scattered signs and phrases) NOTES 1. of stained ivory. 1 0 1 7 . of stained ivory. 5 3 IV [ . . of stained ivory. \eh-l]i-pa-ak-ki. n 4. cf. Lambdin. i05fF. pp.. sAm-mu-hu (AHw.. 10 plants.. . of stained ivory.. 54 (and) kurumanu. kuba is its name. Edel. S. 3 4 2 . { . delicate work. 1 5 8 6 . . . a kind of glass. 44 containers of oil. esp. ii 1 1 . .ov&vxT&v. of stained ivory. 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p p . 2 9 5 . 7. 375 containers of oil.

n. p. 18. J . . [x ku-ku-bu sa K U . meqitu. a female figurine. 994. 26. W h i t i n g . and additional small presents for the king's wife and daughter would not be listed here. but rather the best beer plus a wide range of aromatics. p. 5 8 ( 1 9 8 9 ) p . . a small (metal) bowl or ladle. ii 9. p. E . i 5 5 S 30. 327fF. Language. here and in ii 5 8 . 3 4 1 . p. 2 5 5 f f . 5. On Heb. A O A T 9. Farber. . cf. "Sweet oil" ( I D U G . ZA 7 3 ( ^ 8 3 ) pp. ii 2 6 . 10. Stager. According to CAD. too. ." though this is not absolutely certain. Or n. tP [sa E I (Gordon). sussugu = sassugu. . 15.7 ) . 22. G I I D U } G . 3 8 .8 . assuming sa sehheriiti.. p p . 2 4 5 . figs. 6 1 . J r . ci. CAD's "which children can pull" does not translate the text. perhaps Canaan is mentioned. 6 « ' M A . ii 5 0 . see L . 20. W . iv 1 0 . 5 1 8 . with AHw. 28. 1 9 9 . EA 14 8. cf. T h e pwt and pu-wa-ti found at U g a r i t .su. 2 8 9 . 21. when the gift is "of the king's wife/ daughter". T 1 14.." since everything is for the king. cf." 27. 1 9. In EA. rather than "with claws" (CAD. 1 9 7 a . 29. i 6 3 . 8 3 b . ed.. ii 3 and note E in previous line. Here. 4 2 1 . M / 2 . 13. respectively." "for the wife/daughter of the king. ( ( E ) ) mi-qi-ti. sees the nalpattu used "for fingernails. and other substances. p p . Brief. Baghdader Mitteilungen 1 6 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . iv 5.s. 1 2 7 . instead of the text's sehheriiti sa.. 1 6 6 . Following an unpublished proposal of CAD. N o t e . p. Kiihne. pp. 16. 2 7 4 . . 17. 35 . ARM 2 5 . p. 2 7 : i 9 f f . 2 2 ) . It is assumed that mihhus = muhhus. AHw. iii 3 8 . . see H . 9 2 8 b . used with an oil-container (ii 5 3 ) and by a barber (ii 5 5 . Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar. quppii rather than quppu. A S 2 2 (Chicago.. 1 qi-U. Ugaritic Vocabulary.2 2 . pp. 25. In line 5 3 . ta-a-ba). cf. cf. Klein. Perhaps the designation of a container according to its form (Gordon). A ru-ku-bu . p.. Cf. in Rochberg-Halton. p. 1. sahharu. n. see also Edel.5 6 . 3 5 1 . ARMT 2 1 . 1 9 8 7 ) . cf. 6 9 . AEM 1 / 1 . EA 2 6 : 6 5 . not the sandal itself. . CAD. du-ti-n~]i-du (tudinetu). 19.M . For the reading and meaning elsewhere. mesenu (sa sepi) is a buckle. sa sarri. dates. Limet. p. in recipes of the O l d Babylonian period. 24. 4 . Durand. 1« M A / « 8 ' E R E N . nalpattu. AHw. "chest". "cup. cf. n. . see CAD. 1 5 9 . hardly means "for the king. goblet. pp. [ . . p. N/i. MARI. cf. p. 23. K . contained no oil. tatbtku. n. iii 6 . 12.1 9 . samnu tabu—d. also ii 5 4 . 2 0 2 ) . and History (see EA 1 3 . 1 du-ra-h{u i-ri\a q[d]-ab-la-t[u-u]s-su. H I . iii 7 0 . W i l h e l m . 8 1 8 passim and note. 96ff. JSS 2 8 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p. H . semen fob. 7 2 4 . st'-ha-ru. and sa assat sarri and sa marti sarri in ii 1 3 — 1 4 . p. see Robert M ." are not relevant here. see also K . BiOr 2 5 ( 1 9 6 4 ) p. 2 5 6 b . and CAD.. 1 0 7 . cf. idem. 11. iv 1 8 . M / 2 . Deller. also EA 2 4 § 2 5 (end). Veenhof. see K . see Huehnergard. qanu. Mayer. 3 1 . 2 7 6 . p . the shift in ii 13—14 to lamassu or lamassatu. ARMT 2 5 . with G . Literature. O n the tudittu. probably "madder. p . Cf. G A L is probably to be read kasu.

For the reading and interpretation of lines n — 2 3 . p. For the reading of this entry. B A B B A R K [ U . ARMT 9. w i t h VS 1 2 . 7 7 . reads G A D A instead of D U . On Trees. and it is followed by Edel. Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p. 418. 39.-M. . Borger. 556:56'). von Soden. p. ZA 6 7 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p. p . 4 1 9 . 38. 7 8 3 passim. See now gada-sa-ga-dii = ku-u-sa-ga-da = ne-be-hu (Emar 6/4. see Waetzholdt. 1 0 6 . p . and in the next line. M. Emar6/4. a letter from E g y p t . for the motif. Cf. see Ugar. 1 5 0 ) . 3 1 6 . which he understands in the sense that the handles are attached by a strip of cloth. p. r 45. U g a r i t (Ugar. 1. 46. for example). malbalu for nalbafu in E A 3 6 9 : 9 . 44. 8 8 . 8 7 4 b ) . a type of vessel? Cf. 4 with Gordon. iii 2 9 ) . Reading 8 S A G . N]A . Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 (1974) pp. RLA 6 / 1 . 3 0 8 . i 7 4 . Here perhaps "mouth" means r "setting" (for stones. ARMT 2 1 . 3 0 7 . p . p . Durand. 1 na-[m]a-a{rpa-ni sa] K U . and Millstones in the Ancient Near East (Leiden. tup-ni-nu (also iii 4 7 . 1 1 3 9 . ARMT 2 1 . 2 3 a . in the final clause emends the text to sa fe-er (Durand: ser)-fu ikessiru ina libbUunu. 1 9 7 9 ) . 35. 1 2 5 (cf. T h e reading assumes signs that Knudtzon could see but are now no longer visible. For ami fabi. ii 7 5 . du-ul-lu q[a]-at-nu = dullu S I G (also iii 7 5 . 277). as at Boghazkoy.NfG N A 4 (so CAD). n. 32. 4 AHw. see i b i d . 5 . Akkadische Zeichenliste. 1 3 9 . 5 {^&tu]-un-zu. mabru. Green.2 5 . p. K . cf. { H I . B A B B A R N ) A ^ . p. D U . Edel. a d a 42. K A x U = pte (also iii 3 ) . p . p. . ZA 7 5 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . . 2 9 5 . 2 5 9 . 1 2 8 . 5 Gk*-x]-x-D#. O n the identification of uM at this period as Ethiopian ebony. Moun­ tains. Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p. if with VS 1 2 rather than 1 4 (Knudtzon). p. 36 . see CAD. Perhaps a vessel in the shape of a donkey. M / 2 . O n the tunzu. with ARMT 7. AHw. and therefore taking rabd as a substantive.7 6 . A s s u m i n g . iv 1). 1 3 8 . J. see Sally D u n h a m . a belt. 176b. 1 3 7 5 . 341T. p. also tilzu (AHw. 1 na-{ma]-a[rpa-ni sa K U . In line 6 8 . D . see CAD.2 . 5 3 6 . and in the following line. see van Lerberghe. Reading with Edel. a West-Semitized form of nabru. 36. t<x 43. see Edel. characteristic of Egyptian art. . 2 4 6 . R . 3 1 9 . JCS 3 0 [ 1 9 7 8 ] p . in Stol. cf.4 6 . such a mistake seems probable in iii 6 2 . 1 3 0 8 ) . 1 M E 2 [ o ]Hu-un-zu. and E m a r ( A r n a u d . n. A O A T S 6. p p . G ] I . 34. M. CAD. H e justifies the correction of D A to D U on the mistaken assumption that EA 1 4 comes from Mittani. However. see Edel. 3 2 5 . sees here a colored decoration called la pan muse but offers no explanation of the inserted KUS. iv 1 1 ) . 1 1 6 . n. p. T h e identification of 5 8 ' T A S K A R I N as boxwood is still not universally accepted. p. 2 . see ARMT 9. Birot.a (fakattd).mi' (cf. 124-25. A ) s[um]-m[u-h]u. la a. 7 5 . p .6 0 . 40. 37. la pa-ni SU G A R tdk-mu-uz-zi-e. 41. 2 3 8 . suggested an undergarment. Durand. 5. 33. AHw. Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 (1974) pp. no. no mistake in gender concord.THE AMARNA LETTERS 31. cf. Brief. p.

n. p. < « ' > H A § H U R (Gordon) = halhuru. JCS 4 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p. Moran. 1 (obverse). C i v i l .s. besides L a m b d i n . 56. n. p. Beyer. A O A T 8 . fig. 1 1 ) . Hayes. see Edel. e d . I49f. and M . 1 2 8 . see D . 8 8 . I. since he was extremely popular at this time. see Rainey. p. 2 (Cambridge. Bar-llan Departmental Researches: Bar-llan Studies in History (1978). according to L a m b d i n . Brief.RiG = multulmulfu.. cf. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N S A N D T R A N S L A T I O N S : Artzi. a type of container. 9 5 . ed. and Bricks of the Third and Second Millennia B. sees in the "cripple" the bowlegged god Bes. The Scepter of Egypt. 50. p. 1 (Wiesbaden. "comb". and History (see above. 2 51. pp. A O A T 2 5 . in I. T h i s seems very plausible. Or n. "(of) fine (threads)". . W. [ . 112-13. A s s u m i n g du-Ia-hu is an error for du-ra-hu. vol. pp.4 3 . p. Spar. «' GA. 2 A O A T 8 . 170. EA 15 47. Spar. on the reading sabnakii. «• 3 - 5 55. "apple (tree). 296. 3 6 8 . 53. C. On luibta. p." on which see A . too. 27f. 47f. see Edel. n. p. 182 (obverse). note. . 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p. 3 2 . See above. according to E d e l „ Brief. 37 . his representa­ tion serving to ward off various evils. Cuneiform Texts (see above). P H O T O G R A P H S : Bull. 5 54. CAD.s. ] kd-an-du-ri-su-nu (cf. 49. 2 2 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p . 3 6 8 . 52. 1 7 6 : 1 3 . Brief. 1. K . subatu S I G . That is. Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 21 (1926) p. Miscellanea Babylonica (see Introduction. see C i v i l . is noteworthy and unexplained. ed. 1 5 6 . Emar 6 / 3 .11. 4 8 4 b ) . Grayson. in Rochberg-Halton. On the Egyptian term.2. 4 0 ) . Language. T R A N S L A T I O N : A. p. i 6 2 . p. A l l the uses of S I G as predicated of fabrics in EA 1 4 should be added to CAD. Literature.. 1 7 4 . see Rainey. iv 6 2 . K . so much smaller than the other signs. a small vessel. n. fig. COPIES: Scheil. 1 7 4 . 1959). with reference to earlier literature. iii 6 4 ) . Q . EA 15 Assyria joins the international scene TEXT: Metropolitan Museum of Art 24. Mass. pp. T h e writing of za-a here and in iv 8. on the Sumerogram. 9 4 . 1 2 8 . p.C. p p . [x "^k]i-ir-re-tu (AHw. miUu: gloss to Vil 48. 1972). 57. 1. 4 0 9 a . . 1988). Or n. n.. 114. 1 (New York. It was. pis.. Cones. p. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions. Bulletin de I'lnstitut frangais d'archeologie orientate du Caire 2 (1902) p. J 45. Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art: Tablets. Sjoberg.. 4 2 .

5 . K .3 9 ) p. .THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 2 Say to the king of Efgypt}: Thus Assur-ubal[Iit. 2 9 8 . . Perhaps m[i-is-sa-ri]. your brother. EA 1 6 : 3 . 4. n. Einleitung in die assyrischen Konigsinschriften. 3. Sachs. u^-ma: following Knudtzon and Artzi (see n. 7 . 3 7 1 . as your greeting-gift. ah-ha-ii-ia: following von Soden. since there is no basis in this letter for assuming the possibility of the peripheral writing of anumma.2 2 Do [no}t delay the messenger whom I send to you for a visit. 3 ) . 1. king of [Assy]ria. 1 5 . king of Egypt. 8. today I write to you. your household. cf. RA 4 3 ( 1 9 4 9 ) pp. . 9 1 6 . Einleitung (see n. cf. See A . Up to now. 2 9 5 b .s. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions. 1 (Leiden. i4f. Great King].1 5 I send my messenger to you to visit you 4 6 and to visit your country. 7 . see A r t z i . 8 [and] 1 date-stone of genuine lapis lazuli. " [ . 4 3 3 . the king of As]syria. This reading is confirmed by Spar's copy (Cuneiform Texts [see headnote above)). Bar-llan Studies [see EA 1 5 headnote]). Great King. He should visit and then leave for here. Sfay] to . 2 ) . [l]a tu^-ka-as-su: following CAD. see Borger. . EA 1 6 : 2 . 2 horses. pp. for your {couri\try. 5 For you. 5 3 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p. unless the spelling is tied to the language (Hurro-Akkadian). p. your household and your country may all go well. If interpreted correctly. with Artzi and Grayson. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (see EA 1 5 headnote). 2. 9. EA 1 6 : 5 . On the alleged connection between this bead and one found in E g y p t bearing a cuneiform inscription." see R . p . For you.?> for your chariots and your troops. Bottero. 1. [ K U ) R most likely (so A t t z i . 3 2 . 6. 2 6 . On beads in the shape of (unripe) dates. Borger. 48f. [1} send you a beautiful chariot. cf. He should see what you are like and what your country is like. For the restotation. p. on the emergence of the title "king of Assyria. C O P Y : WA 9- TRANSLATION: Grayson. EA 16 The profit motive TEXT: C 4746 (12209). n. my brother: Thus Assur-uballit. . may all go well. p . the unusual word-order probably lays stress on the fact of sending a messenger. 2off. NOTES 1. 1 9 6 1 ) . p p . adi annisa: see Or n. AfO 1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 .' my predecessors have not 7 written. and J . 38 . and then leave for here.

I thought the last sign might be 'a. . EA 16 6 . 1 chariot 4 not outfitted. concrete expressions of.2 5 fW]hen the king of Hanigalbat *[wr}ote to your father in 10 Egy[pt]. one simply gathers it u p . but 1 you sent me [ . then only hpr-hprw-r'. 2. 1 12 2 6 . 1 9 . the praenomen of A y a . and 2 white horses? also [out]ntted for me. Why are you so sparing of 8 it?? I am engaged in building a new palace.8 When I saw your [me]ssfen]gers. If Gordon's reading of the beginning of the name is correct. 20 9 talents of gold were sent to him. Write me so what you need may be fetched. I was very happy. Reference is to the care and honors shown messengers (see EA 1. then let him (a messenger) stay out and let him die right there 16 in the sun. [h]e sent 20 talents of gold to him. 9-12 I send as your greeting-gift a beautiful royal chariot outffitt]ed for me. Certainly 2 your messengers shall reside with me as objects of grefat soli]citude. - 4 3 5 5 Why should messengers be made to stay constantly out in the sun and so die in the sun? If staying out in the sun means profit for the king. and implied by. [I] 15 detfain]ed them until I could write and the pursuing Suteans be taken for me. n.3 4 If your purpose is graciously one of friendship. 2 5 ) . wrote to Egypt. 35—36 We are countries far apart.3 1 [Now]' 1 am the [equal] of the king of Hani{galba]t. . 2 2 . the happi- 39 . Are our messengers to be always 14 on the march with (only) such results? 37-42 As to your messengers having been delayed in reaching you. ] of gold. .-bu-ri-i-[tu'-[x-x. ' replacing y as glide. and 1 seal of genuine lapis lazuli. my ancestor. send me much gold. and generally accepted). Gordon read hu-[r]uJ[t]a. and it is not enough ffjor the pay ^ of my messengers on the journey to and back. . seems comparable. Surely my messengers are not to be delayed in reaching me. 3 2 .2 1 When Assur-nadin-aljhe. do they keep [my] messengers alive} They are made to die in the sun! NOTES m 1 . tfk'-ni-e is virtually certain. why should they [d]ie in the sun? As to the messengers we 11 18 have exchanged} . Or otherfwijse. 13-18 Is such a present that of a Great King?' Gold in your 6 country is dirt. (but) for the king himself there must be a profit. Instead of n[a-a]p-hu-lr}i-i-x mr (Knudtzon. Suteans had been their pursuers (and) they were in mortal danger. And this is your house. T h e reading of the name is uncertain. Send me as much gold as is needed for its adornment.

S. 7 7 f . G l N KUR-e. Plautus. 13. . A r o . "I myself. ARM 1 4 . 3 8 9 ) . p. mitu. 1 1 1 8 . Reference here could be to the bride-price of either TuSratta's sister or daughter. p p . [sa-ni-na}-£# (von Soden. see Weidner. M / 2 . J o y moves. p. AfO 1 2 ( 1 9 3 7 . 4 3 4 . Aeneid xii 8 4 . 4 3 4 . 8 5 7 a (add ARM 1 0 . 3 8 7 ) . p. .1 3 8 1 ) B . The World of Odysseus. were the Suteans" (so generally). 4 3 4 ) . introduced by a rhetorical question. the reading is virtually certain. . 6. 3 . C . rev. 3 8 7 ) . 1 0 0 ) . Fordyce. StOr 2 0 . and AHw. said of people in mortal danger. 1 4 7 . Egyptian messengers? so CAD. cf. 12. 5 . Asinaria 2 7 9 . O l d Assyrian? cf. Horace. n. M / i . M / i .7). EA 1 4 ii 3 4 ( 1 2 0 0 minas = 2 0 talents). whether the one who ruled before 1 4 3 0 B . 10. AHw.5 5 . cf. p.. p .. A Time to Dance: The Expression of Grief and Joy in Israelite Religion (University Park. but perhaps [a-na-ku]. In the classical world. I take la in the sense of "as to" (Middle Babylonian. as to its subject (Suteans? so generally. . i-is-si-pu-us (esepu): following von Soden. See also G a r y A . a k-td -la-ifu-nu: following von Soden. radii. 1 9 6 5 ) . O n the sentence as question. BiOr 9 ( 1 9 5 2 ) p p . 233- 4. kammd). 9 b ) .3 9 ) p p . 1 3 2 . Sachs. Les nomades en MSsopotamie au temps des rois de Mart [Paris. . see C . P a . 1 9 9 1 ) . "why must it linger on in your sight (f«?)/presence (pant)" (AHw. p.THE AMARNA LETTERS ness just mentioned. p . almost necessarily. 8. (so Kiihne. ibid. is ambiguous and open to several interpreta­ tions: mttu (line 3 9 ) . p. Catullus (Oxford. p. p . p. ekalla esleta (Knudtzon). p ." is preferable. or the one who ruled 1 4 0 0 . . not ella (von Soden. Lines 3 7 — 4 2 take up the risks of the journey between Assyria and E g y p t . concluding with another rhetorical question (kanna . L i t . combines the two: size of gifts (profit) and risks. r . Satires i 7. ed. Bar-Ilan Studies in History. see EA ijff. 7 8 . n. 4 7 a ) . if the number is at all accurate. A Time to Mourn. 1 4 . . . "pursuer"? (so generally) or "guide"? (so Kupper. (so A r t z i . 1 4 3 ) . 3 . p. there is probably reference to bride-price gifts (Kiihne. or a virtual syn­ onym. 3 6 . 4 3 4 . occupies lines 1 3 . Opinion is divided on the identification of the Assyrian king. p. 7 7 f . J . and 9 8 ) . p p . CAD. Also pos­ sible: "The ones who delayed . Reference is to the gifts brought by the Egyptian messengers of lines 6ff. either intransitive or indefinite third plural subject (cf. W h i t e horses were highly prized.3 6 . p . and the concluding section. CAD. 1 0 0 6 . 1 9 5 7 ] . thus making maru liprtka uhhirunikku and maru UprTya uhharuni parallel constructions. n. to external expression. lines 4 3 . CAD. 4 3 4 ) . i 5 7 f f . 4 2 3 b ) and meaning (literal? so generally. T h e language of lines 37ff. C . 1 9 6 1 ) . ( N e w York. 4 0 . 1 9 7 8 . i46f. uhhuru. 1 " S K l S l B Z A .1 3 9 1 ( 1 3 9 0 . 4 2 3 b ) . note the feminine suffixes of uhhuzt-Ja and hilehti-Ia in the following lines (Huehnergard). 11. 7 . T h e topic of the size of the gifts. see von Soden. but cf. 3 7 i f . 1 5 . p. Anderson. p. See von Soden. Moses Finley. I I . If the dead or 40 . and others). they were proverbial for their speed (Iliad x 4 3 7 . 9. [me-eh-re]-ku (Friedrich in Kiihne. [a-nu-ma]: possible in this dialect. Twenty talents is such a large sum and so much greater than the value of the gifts usually exchanged that.

in turn. pi. 4 1 8 . 41 . . Lines 43ft". for your warriors.b a r . EA 7 : 5 3 1 ! . 1 5 8 7 . 16. Edzard. My father loved you. my brother's .i i i had done an unseemly thing to my country and had slain his lord. For you may all go well. and in your country. When the enemy advanced against [my] country. For Kelu-Heba may all go well.2 9 Since you were friendly with my father. 17. "foreign country" (Knudtzon. cf. p. 1 protagonisti della storia universale. fasc. PHOTOGRAPHS: Kitchen. # ' . for your magnates. open air" (CAD. was not remiss about the unseemly things that had been done in my land. ». EA 17 A Mittani bid for a renewed alliance TEXT: BM 29792. p. p . AHw. For this reason he would not permit me friendship with anyone who 2 loved m e . Akhenaten. my brother: Thus Tuise- ratta. thus worshipping his father. 1 0 9 5 b ) . indefinite third plural. have been given many interpretations. Tessup. fatigue" (Kiihne. and I slew the slayers of Arta[s]umara. we would have a clearer connection with lines 43fF. X I (obverse).a is probable. especially the heat and other dangers of the desert (cf. I. . p . T h e Assyrian king probably refers to the long journeys mentioned in lines 351T. 1 9 8 4 ) . sees here a reference to Amenophis IV's holding audiences in the sun. 3 2 1 . "sun. 1966). AS 1 6 . n. the k[ing of Egypt}. C O P Y : BB 9. Suppiluliuma. the Heretic King (Princeton. For your household. 1 1 1 . your brother. and everyone belonging to them. p. may all go very well. subject. and you in turn loved my father. I was young./ £ . Beziehungen . EA 17 those in mortal danger are the Egyptians rather than the Suteans. figs. or perhaps the present tense (-ta-na-ap-). 260. Donald B . TRANSLITERATION A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. 1 1 3 ) .3 5 [The ver]y next year^ moreover. For me all goes well. my father [g]ave you my sister. mainly because of 2 setu or situ: "pestilence" (VAB 2 / 2 . 1 8 3 ) . for your chariots. von Soden.3 . ) . pp. p. Sa[y] to Nibmuareya. "depri­ vation. 122-25. r 18. p . 66 (Milan. my brother.[ l } a . In keeping with this love. p. all the land of Hatti. Redford. 1 5 2 . 2 . and U D . the king of [M]ittani. [And w}ho 4 els[e] stood with my father [a}s you did? 6 3 0 . for your wives. Giles. 4 3 4 ) .'-/{/-tap-pa-ru]. for your sons. Ikhnaton: Legend and History. $ . I have accordingly written and told you so my brother might hear of these things and rejoice. 8 3 . 2 3 5 .2 0 When I sat on the throne of my father. for your horses. H e l c k .. p.

p . sa-n[u-ti] (Knudtzon) is certain (against Adler)... {la k]i-i ka-a-sa. N F 7 5 (Munich. 42 . note g ) is excluded. despite VAB 2 / 1 . pi. see Farber.. 3 . R S 3 4 . T h e exact implications of "young"—legally a minor or something less precise?—are not clear. 5 teams of horses. Literally. my chief minister. following Kiihne. in D . 3 . see Kiihne.-hist. A . A t the end of the previous line. "everything belonging to them. O . n.5 0 1 herewith send Keliya. 1 3 5 . UF I I ( 1 9 7 9 ) PP. 1 6. and I defeated him. On "love. 2.5 4 May my brother seek friendship with me. 1 male attendant. 1 9 7 2 ) . Adler. T h e exact implications of "set" (pair?) are not clear. According to Adler. 1 7 female attendant. n. gave him into my hand. the restriction of the term to a Hurrian milieu (Mittani. he knows nothing (mimma la tde). and I hear the greeting of my brother and rejoice. 3 1 Id-i" ( B B 9. May my brother let them go promptly so they can report back to me promptly. see Ugar. 1 3 3 ." see the Introduction. my sister.4 0 As the greeting-gift of my brother. p. and History (see EA 1 3 . Alalakh. 8 4 . O n this letter. and Tunip-ibri. Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. (i-n]a T I (for M U . sect. 5 . There was [n]ot one of them who return[ed] to his own country." 4 6 . 8. Edzard. and Lehmann. I send you 5 chariots. balaf)-ma. p p . and cf. from the booty from the land of Hatti. Phil. 3 6 . 7 8 . your lord. p. {nu-kur]-//-fl&? (Adler) is not supported by the traces. mashu is a Kassite loanword. T I . 5 1 . p p . n. 4 . ed.4 5 And as the greeting-gift of Kelu-Heba. 65£f." but the verb "to kill" argues for primary reference to persons (families and households of the traitors). n. 3 9 . Language. O n suharu and suhartu. 5. 5 9 . n." and so the correspondent writes to an official instead. XI): "Now. 1 9 . Klasse. and may my brother send his messengers to me that they may bring my brother's greetings to me and I hear them. 1 gold mashu-t'mgv and a scent container that is full of "sweet oil. Gesellschaftsklassen im Alten Zweistromland und in den angrenzenden Gebieten. NOTES 1 . 1 8 . 2 horses. 1 set of gold (ear)rings. Loretz. "god. is young (seher). see M . Finet.48iff. p . Qatna) argues against such a derivation.3 8 I herewith send you 1 chariot. I send her 8 I set of gold toggle-pins. 53fF. 1 2 9 : 5 . 9. 7 . Literature. ed. there by you the king. UF 1 0 ( 1 9 7 8 ) pp. 4 1 . However. 4 .THE AMARNA LETTERS my lord." here a represen­ tation of a god. Dietrich and O .7 (Ugar. in Rochberg-Halton. 97-98. 2 2 ) . 7.

T h e two fragments may not belong to the same letter (Michel A r t z i . EA 18 EA 18 A lost message T E X T : VAT 1880 ( + ) VAT 1879- COPIES: VS 11. Asaro. 9 . very well. Dec. "Send your daughter here to be my wife and the mistress of Egypt. who loves me. in 2d ed. X X X I X (obverse). for your horses. and H . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Adler. therefore. V.4 you have made it ten times greater than the love shown my father. (1908). his messenger. Or n. For me all goes well. P H O T O G R A P H S : E. Dobel. Say to Nimmureya. F. my 1 son-in-law. 128-35. For you may all go well. Great King. [your] father-in-law. 1 9 7 5 . 4 6 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p p . however. who loves you. A . for your sons. my lord. saying. and neither fragment has the same clay as the other Mittani letters (letter of Allan Dobel. pi. pi. King. the king of Egypt. and for whatever else belongs to you." I caused 43 . private communication. You yourself went even further and showed very great love to my father. A Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities (London. just as it is now. cf. EA 19 Love and gold TEXT: BM 29791. for 2 your chariots. pp. they always showed 3 love to my ancestors. X X V I . and whom I lovfe]: Message of Tusratta.1 6 As far back as the time of your ancestors. WA 217 [ + ] 230 = 226).2 4 When my brother sent Mane.5 9 ) . for my sister. for your warriors. For your household. Michel. note b). whether they belong to the Mittani archive. your brother. and may Tessup. 3 7 5 f f . 8 (cf.s. 1 7 . VAB 2 / 1 . Budge and L. in keeping with our constant and mutual love. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler.. Great King. 126-27. pp. 1 0 .. for your country. NOTE i. [my] brother. 2 s and AfO 2 5 [ 1 9 7 4 . May the gods grant it. p. Now. the king of Mittani. and Aman make flouriishp for evermore. for the rest of your wives.I t ' questionable. 1 3 4 . cf. may all go very. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. 1900). this mutual love of ours.7 7 ] P. C O P Y : BB 8.

4 8 May my brother send me much more than he did to my father. "Certainly there is this between us: we love each other. 9 2 5 .5 3 Now my brother has sent the gold. and he saw her. You se[nt him] gold bricks as if they were (just) the equivalent of 11 copper." And thus did I also say: "The gold that my brother sends me may he send for the bride-price as 1 well.3 3 When I wrote to my brother. I am happy about it. "May my brother grant me more than he did to my father and send it to me. I say. You sent him large gold jars and gold j u g s . and between us let there be friendship. saying. it has been worked. gold is as plentiful as dirt. not a little but much. You 10 sent my father much gold.THE AMARNA LETTERS 6 my brother no distress and immediately I said. I rejoiced over it much. and the gold that I ask for from my brother is meant for a double purpose: one. and may my brother send me much more gold than he did to my father. "May my brother treat me [ten times] better than he did 12 my father. I will l\ea~\d her? in safety to my brother's country." I also said to my brother. May Sauska and Aman make her the image of my 8 brother's desire. just as now gold is plentiful in my 44 . and may my brother show me much more love than he did to my father. "May my brother treat me ten times better than he did my father. But though it has been worked. very much. Thus did I say to my brother: "I am going to build a mausoleum 1 for my grandfather. Still. for the mausoleum. and when I heard (them). very much. I said.5 8 I now hereby write to my brother." 3 4 . In my brother's country."' 5 4 . saying." 4 3 . I asked for [much] gold. for the bride-price. with such words let us love (each other) forevermore." ^ I also said. 3 0 . and I rejoiced very.2 9 Keliya. "In accordance with a favorable an- 1 swer. * I am going to make the paraphernalia." 3 9 . he praised her greatly. When he saw her. and the other. "Let us love (each other) very. saying.4 2 When I sent Keliya to my brother. my messenger. and whatever it was my 6 brother sent. I hereby ask for gold from my brother. May the gods grant that. they were very pleasing." Now.3 8 I also asked my brother for much gold.7 0 May my brother send me in very great quantities gold that has not been worked." ' 4 9 . 5 9 . and may he send much gold that has not been worked. "Of course!" The one whom my brother requested I showed to Mane. "It may be little or not. brou[ght] my brother's words to me.

n. on an earlier occasion" (Adler). EA 2 0 : 6 ) : logogram for huradu {CAD." but "to lament.1 0 . cf. 1 maninnu-neckiace. he make it even ten times more plentiful than now. its centerpiece being of genuine lapis lazuli set in gold. EA 2 5 ii 4 1 ) and the meaning of nubbu. 2. I follow Kiihne. Forevermore may I constantly hear the greeting of my brother. May Tessup. to my brother. itti (EA 6. p. all Babylonia). exactly as now." seems plausible. May the gold that I ask for not become a source of distress to my brother. so may we love (each other) forevermore. O n the particle -maku (annt-maku). pp.' 1 maninnu- necklace. M E § ." nuppusu. with a counterweight. see A . 71—79 I herewith send my messenger. 2 4 . lit. does not mean "to proclaim. my lord. expand. 7. a line closely parallel to 1 9 : 1 2 ) . and Aman grant that these words that we shall be constantly writing achieve their purpose. and may my brother not detain him. and this house is my brother's house. except perhaps at Emar. which. Keliya. n. May he let him go promptly so that he may be on his way and I hear my brother's greeting and rejoice exceed­ ingly. its centerpiece being of genuine hulalu-stone set in gold. 5. hardly "previously. On umma. 6. p. inapandtim-ma. G A L ( . 2 9 . O n lines 9 . What­ ever my brother needs for his house. EA 2 9 : 2 2 . I will give ten times more than what my brother asks for. Babylonia. 50a)? 3. here and elsewhere in EA. S. Poebel. and 9. "to broaden. and 21 40 pieces of gold shaped like arzallu-stones. besides. AS 9. This country is my brother's country. in. 1 9 : 2 8 . 3 NOTES 1 . inanna atta ki it-ti-{(ia)) a-ha-mel nirtana' 'amu: if the suffix is retained. E R I N . EA 19 17 brother's country. E g y p t . let him write and take (it). which ill accords with the context.' just as they are now. Just as we love (each other) now. May my brother send me in very large quantities gold that has not been worked. 20 pieces of genuine lapis lazuli. the syntax is extremely difficult. and may my brother not cause me distress. with a counterweight. and 1 9 20 pieces of gold. "message. followed by Adler) are the implicit assumption of an uncontracted form (an Assyrianism? cf. and 30 women 2 (and) men. but only with a preposition: ana (EA 4 .1 3 . 1 0 wooden- 22 chariots along with everything belonging to them. li-ne-ep-pf-[su]: against the reading li-ne-eb-bi-[u] (Knudtzon.3 0 . 80—85 I herewith send as my brother's greeting-gift: 1 gold gob­ 9 let. "among the very first things". 45 . as long as 8 they exist. 8 . with inlays of genuine lapis lazuli in its handle. and may they be. 5 2 . 1 6 2 . in the Amarna letters ahamis is never used independently (except EA 2 9 : 4 8 ? ) . 4 . 1 0 teams of horses." see Introduction. 42 genuine hulalu-stones.

"handle. S A L . 3 2 4 .5 3 . n. p. 1 0 0 1 ." See also the discussion of S A L . O n karalku. 3 0 ) . Lo scambio dei doni nel Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV—XIII (Rome. ana terhatim-ma: -ma. p." see EA 2 2 i 3 3 . p. M / 2 . S . p. i9of. followed by Zaccagnini. 1 9 8 9 . la hpra la epsu does not mean "that cannot be counted" (Knudtzon. "when ones of copper would have sufficed" (Adler) seems much too free. likewise". cf. 4 5 . n. Kiihne." see Kiihne. metals are given ana siprim. 1 6 5 . is (Adler. 1 0 : 7 5 . p. that seems pertinent here. 1 5 .» J ) . T h e traces are extremely faint. ARMT 2 1 . ar- zallu. . n. 1 1 4 . would be an unparalleled form. 1 2 . EA 1 9 : 5 8 . n. n. du ( B B ) . female and male. O n qablu in a necklace referring to the centerpiece. 1 0 ." Perhaps ma-su-u. ZA 5 3 ( 1 9 6 1 ) p p . p. s^KIRIg is a play-writing for kirret (CAD. A / 2 . Cf. no. see Durand. when apparently it was also made of gold. arzallu as a piece of jewelry in N e o - Babylonian times. 1 1 5 . N o t e . I follow Gordon. M E S means "women (and) men. 5 1 2 ) . 1 9 . it-ta-s[e-m]a: it-ta-s[a]r (Knudtzon). 3 4 ) . 5 5 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 7 .5 9. 1 1 . 2 3 . i 3 i f . "also. n. K . 7 3 . For slightly different versions of lines 4 9 . who thinks that the entire passage is ironic. 2 1 7 : 8 and 2 5 6 : 8 . 2 4 2 . 8 5 . 1 1 . In HSS 1 6 . no. 1 3 0 . esp. i 2 4 5 f . see Diakonoff and Jankowska. at Mari. O n sakru. 4 1 0 b . does not seem a likely gift for a king (against AHw. See EA 3 . p. T h e subject in the singular is surprising and probably an error. adi sunu-ma (independent pronoun). cf. a typically female adornment. p. 2 4 . n. 1 4 8 . the part lying lowest on the breast. p. 2 0 . and Adler. [r]u (Gordon).). 2 (Wiesbaden. and Kiihne. N I T A . Matrimonio. does not refer to cremation. see Kiihne.I N A N N A : following AHw. 1 1 7 ) . NABU. n. Winckler. for the equivalence. O n this passage. d 2 1 . EA 2 0 : 2 f f . 9a. 4 3 ) . A pin or the like (kirissu). which also argues against it-ta-b[a]l. Matrimonio. the logogram refers to children. p. masu with the accusative (number of times). 1 1 1 . 46 . 1 0 5 4 . p . "reach. "for working" (Limet. Against taking a-as-ni as if from lanu. p . Against simply it-ta-s[e] (Adler) is the probable trace of a vertical (see VAB 2 / 1 . K B 5. 1 2 4 6 . 2 4 . p. come to. 2 0 . 4 ) . that earlier. 1 8 . p. MARI 4 . see also CAD. p p . j « . p. p. HSS 1 3 . is-lim). see AHw. as if from mussuru. one expects a plural referring to "the gods" (Adler). Adler. m . lu-u-x-Ii: x = [b]a (Knudtzon. 1 4 . ktma la er$ ma-su-u: cf.^ / . p. p. too. 4 8 4 ) . 1 9 7 3 ) . p p . 1 9 8 0 ) ." a usage. iof. 1 7 . 2 5 . Cf. Following Kiihne. 2 2 . 1 3 . In Emar 6/3. "mausoleum. AoF 2 [ 1 9 7 5 } pp.. 8. Das Archiv des Silwa-TeHup. p . is the restric­ tion in the Mittani letters of initial V-VC writings to verbs primae aleph and primae w a w (Adler. U § ( N I T A ) in CAD. p p . 2i6f. see also von Schuler. and Pintore. (However. ) . see Durand. 1 4 8 . "as if they were (only) refined copper" (CAD. 2 5 . 2 6 . 1 7 . "to do a second time" (Pintore. n. 1 6 . Perhaps the common denominator was "subordinate members of a household. Adler). as noted by W i l h e l m .

COPIES: WA 22. [whom I l]ove and who love[s me: Thus T]usratta. I made that day and night a [fes]tive occasion. the mistress of Egypt. [ . 1 read and reread the tablet that he brought to me. my brother's messenger. And. and .3 2 They will bring [hi]s [wife] to my brother. On t[hat] day 3 shall Hanigalbat and Egypt be [owe]- 4 1 8 . for your 1 horses. [I was going to se]nd Keliya and Mane promptly. May Sauska. the mi[stress of all lands and of m]y [brother]. She] has been fashioned according to my brother's desire. [Fo]r me all goes well. my son-in- law. very well.2 2 For this reason. and whe[n they 8 show her to] my brother. for your warriors. [fpr] your [ch]ariots. 2 came to take my brother's wife to become the mistress of Egypt. But now I will do the work. 136-43. and they will bring her to my brother. and I listened to its words.3 8 / herewith [send] Haaramass[i. . 23—27 Within six months. Say [to Nim]mureya. [f]or your country and whatever else belongs to you. VS 11. make her the ima[ge] of [my brother's desire]. Mane. For your household. the king of Mitt[ani]. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Adler. the king of [Egypt]. . furthermore]. w]hom my brother [sent] to 47 . pp. your father-in-law. I will now. Very pleasing indeed were the words of my brother. 3 3 . for your magnates. [he will no]te this: she has become very mature. but I had not finished. and Mane my brother's mes[senger]. EA 20 EA 20 Humiliation and wounded feelings TEXT: VAT 191 (not collated). in order to d[o] ten times (more) for my brother's wife. 8-13 In view of friendly relations.! and Aman. my mistress. my brother [will note th]at [the greeting-gi]ft that I shall present [is greater] than any before. may all go very. 9. Ma[n]e {has been detainedhe]re a while. I rejoiced on that day as if I had seen my brother in person. my brother. . I will delifver] my brother's wife and they will bring her to my brother. . 14-17 I will carry out my brother's eve[ry] word [t]hat Mane brought to me. the god of my brother. [who l]oves you. your brother. I will send Keliya. for [your] wives. my messenger. t[hi]s year. for your [s]ons. For you [may a]ll go well. 2 8 . del[iver] my brother's wife. and I did not do the work. They should be of delicate workmanships It [th]us (came) to letting the w[or]k 6 go.

'" 60-63 My brother will consider whether I was somewhat dis­ 1 tressed or not. . May Tessup and Aman grant that my brother show his love for me. . ] . Mane is not dying. They were full of [. before all of them. so may we as now—may the gods grant us!—forever maintain love [in] our [heartjs. ." They said. and my brother will hear from all of them whether I treated them just as was required. that my brother greatly glorify me before my country and before my 16 foreign guests. . ] . ] . "I cannot say [be]fore you. [ .7 0 1 have honored Mane. permit me to complain against my brother. . [ . . He will tell my brother. [the .' 7 1 . ] .a]ll of them. 80-84 [I herewit]h send to my brother as my brother's greeting- 17 gift 1 rope-lock. . . "In Egypt. . . and he is not ill. that is meant for the hand [. Forever will I do what my brother wants. 'My [brother]. They were sealed. .. that] holds in its hand [ . "Are all of these gold? They do not lo[ok (like gold)]. I herewith] send [Haara]massi to my brother .... my lord. and my brother shall do what I want. of which is o f . but the gold [ . . the king of Egypt. 6 4 . Be­ 10 11 sides. Truly. and my brother should [in]quire carefully from him whether I showed him very great honors. 48 . my brother. .THE AMARNA LETTERS {me}. and they wept very much. .] .4 5 • •• 4 6 . [and] anyone can give 1 anyone J (else) so many things [that] they are beyond calculation. . ] with beads of genuine hulalu-stone set in gold. and I have treated them with great distinction. . Thus have I spoken to my brother that my brother might know. loves me very. I gathered together all my [foreign-gu]ests. as I am used to sa[ying].5 9 [And with regard to the gold] that my brother sent [ . [My] brother. . saying. . my brother's messenger. May he forgive mel * Never again may Tessup.. ] and its base of hiliba-stone set in gold. [the gold that he sent] has now been cu[t o]pe[n^> . very much.. . [and] all my brother's [tr]oo[ps] who accompanied Mane. I have entrusted him with a tablet. } 3 9 . [May my brother read and] reread my} re{port] and hear its words. Just as men love the Sun. 5 he is just the same. ] .7 9 May my brother send me much gold that has not been worked. Mane will indeed arrive. . did I not tre[at] his troops well? { . and may my brother treat me even better than he did my father. my brother loves you very much. [What]ever is needed is in Egypt more plentiful than dirt. . (But) if there be someone whom 12 he loves. then he would not giv[e] such things to him." I said. [ . . gold is more plentiful] than dirt.

9 1 8 (hesitantly). see Kiihne. p. G I ] 4 8 [sa u-se-bi-lu] . p. p. EA 1 9 : 2 i f . lines 2off. is probably a mistake for ti-sa-al-ra-ha-an-ni (CAD. 1 1 . be-el-ti be-l[e-et K U R . On ubaru. 1 9 1 6 . 1 2 9 . Cf. iof. and Adler emend to aq-ti-ip'-su-nu. . n. "foreign guest. p. Against my version is the absence of any parallel for the use of qatu (uqatti expected) and the failure to indicate the subject of qatnu. and Tusratta certainly knew it. EA 1 9 : 1 5 . 5 . J ." but as subject and in the nominative case Hi. n. On qatnu said of work (dullu. G I ] . 14. . Tusratta's daughter was not going to replace Teye (cf.( > . EA 2 3 : 1 3 . 9.). §E[§-/'« K U . my lord" (belt. lu-ilpa-as-ra (napsuru. 3 2 . p. Fin- 49 . n. See EA 19:7. . n. it-ta-[d]l-ka. In line 8." following Adler. p. Free restorations: fap-pu-na-ma] (line 3 0 ) . 1 3 9 9 a ) . 2 9 . but the apparent subjunctive remains unexplained. 4 7 [u-ba- nx-f\u -ia A (cf. ki-[i u-kal-la-mu-si] 2 9 [i-im\-ma-ar-su: on the sequence kullumu- amaru. Kiihne emends to ak-ta'-lu-su- nu. 1 3 6 ) . the mistress of my land" (Adler. p. 2. "my god(dess). [1-en a-mi]-lu-#-t[u]. if correct. 1 4 6 . also "Tessup. ii-bar- ra-ha-an-ni. . 3 0 . col.i ] # . . on pronominal suffixes)." see Kiihne. but neither "I did not trust them" nor "I did not trust (her) to them" (Adler) seems likely in context. a-na ds-su: a mistake for ana sa-su? Adler: ana A S (hisehti)-su. col. OLZ. 4. 1 8 3 . Other interpretations: belti be-l[e-ti]. n. despite VAB 2 / 1 . "anyone"? 12. note 3 ) . " ) . 2 8 . following Adler. Kiihne. For other interpretations. "mistress of mistresses" ( U n g n a d . In line 2 6 . i[k-ka-la-a] u-ba-an: cf. [ra-bi] ( 3 2 ) . 20:61). 7. EA 20 NOTES 1 . and on the writing of the latter form see Adler. . 6. use of mannu at N u z i as indefinite pronoun ( W i l h e l m . 3. p. 3if. is perhaps better taken with what follows ("I was just about to send . . adverbial ubdn (see AHw. EA 2 6 ) ." 13. n. rather than "he is/will be falling ill. is expected (cf. "for his need. ) . cf. n. OLZ. uMma-as-s]ar-iw-««-// (Kiihne. 2 8 . See also the different interpretations by Adler and Kiihne of the entire passage. 82). Schroeder. cf. 1 0 5 . B. T h e verb. 1 2 0 . n. p. p. not iltya. and Adler. p. 1 9 1 7 . p. 15. 1 2 7 ) u la aq-ti lu qat-nu: Knudtzon translated as if the text read akalla-sunu. 1 2 6 ) . lit. EA 1 4 . I O I . r 5. 10. This translation. [i-im-ma-ar] ( 3 1 ) . 8. 2 9 . also Ugar. 2 7 . is-sal-[tu] (Kiihne. K U R u] 2 6 { § E S > i a : cf. "to forgive"). 16.. awllutu. Knudtzon's [.]-a. 2 6 . A O A T 9. "one man(hood).. 1 2 8 . . Reading and restoring (freely): 4 6 [u as-sum K U . Kiihne restores [ D I N G I R . "my mistress. cf. AHw. lines 7 3 f f . pp. p. . a-na [e-pe-es]. A mistake for "your brother"? 11. . and belt! be-e[l-tu sa} 2 6 [ K U R . see Adler and Kiihne. 7 3 . EA 2 3 : 3 1 ." seems required by context.

5 6 b . VS 11. li\ve\ 1 forever. pp. my son-in- law. . 144-47. 4 8 ) . I have given [them} many presents and treated them very kindly. "whom you have sent to me. 3 1 . A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Say to Nimmureya. n. Adler and G . E d e l . and one who loves you. the king of Mittani. "1 nahra (made of) massi. 2 5 3 . w i t h Adler." 5° . / N E S 7 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p. 10. n. K . T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N Adler. 1 3 . May it rest on the neck of my brother for 100. l{ik-ru-bu-su] 2 2 . 1 4 3 . for your men. the use of amaru in EA 1 5 ." from frequently used (introductory) sa atamru. 2 1 . May my gods and the gods of my brother protect them. .3 2 Mane. king of Egypt. M[ay they bless him} and may you. I have never seen men with such an appearance. and Hane. Great King.2 3 I have given him my daughter to be the wife of my brother. JSS 1 2 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. May they m[ake he]r the image of my brother's desire. . whom I love. NOTES 1.THE AMARNA LETTERS kelstein. emended the text to read ta-as'-pu'- ra ((a-na) x-x) ana epeli. whom I love and who loves me: Thus Tusratta. p. rather. for their report was excellent. . May Simige and Sauska go before her. lu-u £<*/-t[a-ta]. correct CAD. " D i d the jargon of diplomacy develop in the periphery a word satamru. otherwise. and for whatever else belongs to you. I have ex[alted] like gods. 3 4 sa taam ra: Kiihne. p. C O P I E S : WA 21. 33—411 herewith dispatch to my brother Nahramassi to carry out 2 . ) ? " Cf. For me all goes well. my brother. I have sent to my brother to do (x x ) . for your chariots. for your horses. 0 0 0 years T E X T : VAT 190. "what I saw (was . . For your household. [my brother's} messenger. my brother's interpreter}. . S 17. May my brother rejoice on t[hat] day. 2 4 . . . for your sons. your father-in-law. . for your country. May Simige and Sau[ska} grant my brother a gre[af] blessing. Great King. Driver. In everything about them. 2. EA 21 A necklace for 1 0 0 . « ' E § . has questioned the personal name. for your wives. "personal report. 1 0 6 .000 years. exquisi[te} joy. your brother. my brother. may all go very well. S A G . 2 4 . For my brother and my son-in-law. may all go well. K U L (ebel sikkuri). JAOS 9 0 { 1 9 7 0 ] p. and I send 1 maninnu-necklace of genuine lapis lazuli and gold as the greeting-gift of my brother.

. ] .. ] . . its surface . its thongs. } . its haft. of ebony with calf figurines. the 5 talli.7 its guard.2 2 2 leather nattullu. their bl[ink]ers. its tulemus. I 4 beautiful horses that run (swiftly).. 148-69. the blade of which is of i[r]on. its covering. . of the apisamus-type [ . 1 5 . VS 12. . 2 12-14 «w»/»»»-necklaces..* which are variegated like a wild dove. .. 60 shekels (of gold) were used on it. . its [ .1 1 2 (leather) ufeatati. . } . COPIES: WA 26. 8 3 2 . is studded with dardarah-om&ments. . genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold."3 of go[ld. 9 . overlaid with gold. ] . } . sharp arrows. its parattitinu. [. 7—8 2 sa burhi. . and the "house" . . 6 shekels of go[ld} have been used on it. . 24—30 1 (set of) reins. for horses. . 6 31 fx} good. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. 23 1 set of torques. with designs. of gilamu-ivory. pp. of gold with a reddish tinge. and their [. . 1 seal of genuine hulalu-stone is strung on it. overlaid with gold.] of gilamu-ivory. its entire upper part is a gold fig­ ure [ . its base and straps. . and . 10 3 6 . [ . . 88 (stones) per string. .. overlaid with gold. . . their center is made of lapis lazuli. its [pomm]el is of . all of gold. of genu­ ine hulalu-stone. their kustappanni. 199- TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Adler.. of gold with a reddish tinge. overlaid with silver. 1 2 . . It is 4 4 shekels that have been used on them. . overlaid with gold and silver. . .3 5 [ 1 ] dagger. ] . their "thorns. . 2 15-20 1 set of bridles.}. . . . It is 320 shekels of gold that have been used on it (the chariot). .. 10 shekels of gold and 20 shekels of silver have been used on them. it is studded with dardarah-otn&ments of gold. with designs.[. [ • • • o]f alabaster. overlaid with gold. . overlaid with gold.3 7 [ 1 ] bow.-stone. EA 22 EA 22 Inventory of gifts from Tusratta TEXT: VAT 395. 2 1 . .. . of 9 gold. 4—6 1 whip of pUait.. the opening . . .3 1 chariot. [ . also of gold. 6 shekels of gold and 4 shekels of silver have been used on them. of bronze. . It is 4 shekels of silver that have been used on it.

of stone. } . which is strung on its rear. ^ of gold.5 7 1 bottle. . overlaid with gold. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. its top. the tasli.4 3 1 tilpdnu-bov/. mounted on gold. 5 1 foot-bracelet. of mus[saru]-stone. (with) inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 41 1 addu-throwstick. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. . ] . which are strung on its straps. its [ . . .] its haft.}. . .5 4 1 leather halter. 15 shekels of gold have been used on it. 52 . . 300 shekels in weight. 4 2 . 39-40 1 zallewe-knifc. and (this) centerpiece o[f hili\b[a-stone\ is mounted on genuine lapis lazuli. . of amutu-metal. of gold. 12 44 2 multicolored shirts. 11 1 ." 4 times overlaid with gold. 3 shekels in weight. of silver. overlaid with gold.'3 47 1 shield . inlaid. 3 shekels of gold have been used on it. 5 8 . of iron. overlaid with gold. 10 shekels in weight.. 62—66 [ . 16 overlaid with gold.5 9 1 fly whisk. genuine lapis lazuli. horse-shaped. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it.. 2 genuine loulalu- stones. its "flint-blade" of genuine hulalu-stone. . . . } . of i[ro}n. 45 1 set of snaffles. its mesukku-bitds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. 1 seal of genuine lapis lazuli. 1 0 shekels of gold have been used on it. of gold. Its centerpiece is set with fyiliba-stone. its inlay. . 14 4 8 . of pisaii. x] shekels of gold have been [used] on it.2 1 ha[nd-brac]elet. 1 61 [1 si^eve. 3 .4 1 hand-bracelet. 2 shekels of gold have been used on it. along with its linen cloth. of zamiri. [... 6 . 2 times [ . mounted [on gol]d. . a counterweight. [ . 60 [ 1 } counterweight. . overlaid with gold.8 1 maninnu-necklace. of bronze. . . of genuine lapis lazuli. of gold. of pendu-stone [.THE AMARNA LETTERS 38 1 mace. of iron. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. . 46 1 pair of gloves that are trimmed with red wool. with eagles of gold as inlay. 10 shekels in weight. its mesukku- birds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. . cut from 35 genuine lapis lazuli stones. [overlaid with gol]d. [ . 5 5 . of silver. its [ha}ft. 20 shekels in weight. { j ] o shekels in weight. ] . and (also) its inlay. 1 hulalu-stone.

and studded with d^tt^zra^-ornaments of gold. of colored linen. 4 shekels of gold have been used on them. 39—40 1 linen garment. 27—28 1 pair of betatu-shoes. .-stone. 1 pair of shirts. 20 3 7 . 6 shekels of gold have been used on them. 1 pair of s[as]hes. 19 {for] the city. . of shaggy {wool}. twisted like a torque. mounted on gold. richly provided with dardarah-oma- ments of gold. of gold. Hurrian-style. 1 robe and 1 cap. 9 . 14—15 1 set of arapsanna. their buttons. 13 shekels of gold have been used on them. of gold. . . . the blade of which is of iron. of linen. of genuine lapis lazuli. its pommel. 1 pair of shirts.4 7 1 fly-whisk. the haft has an inlay of . . which have iduzzarri. of dusu-colot (leather). with karat- nannalla-orn&ments. their buttons. 6 iduzzarra. their . 1 pair of shirts. 1 pair of «>y-shirts. of alabaster. [. Hur(rian)- 22 style. the inlay. ] and their . EA 22 35 hiliba-stones. .there}. 20—22 1 zallulu.3 4 1 pair of shoes. 2 3 .1 0 1 set for the hand. 1 6 . 21 adorned. . Hurrian-style. (with) variegated <*im of blue-purple wool. off shaggy 17 wool]. Hazor-style.. a genuine hulalu-stone. 36 1 garment of blue-purple wool. 3 5 1 pair of shoes. of linen. 1 pair of leggings. 1 robe. ] . 3 Its rettu (has) an in[lay] of genuine lapis 53 . 2 shekels in weight. the figure of a woman. . 1 pair of leggings. of blue-purple wool. beads of genuine lapis lazuli. 12 shekels in weight. of .1 9 1 dagger. in the center. 1 pair of leggings. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it. of gold with a reddish tinge. . 6 per string. . 1 4 shekels have been used on it. 2 times overlaid with gold. the center. of colored linen. of genuine lapis lazuli. its . 1 pair of leggings. of red wool. Tukris-style. set here and {. of gold.3 2 1 pair of shoes.4 2 1 garment. [ . of hiliba-stone. 2 4 3 . 1 12—13 head-binding. . . its rettu overlaid with hiliba-stones and genuine lapis lazuli. its matru.-st[one]. aHianni-type. mounted on gold. of linen. 3 3 . l 8 2 9 . 1 city-shin. of linen. mounted on gold with a reddish tinge. of shaggy wool. ofshaggy wool. overlaid with gold. of hiliba-stone.3 8 1 a>y-shirt. . 11 1 set of karatnannu. 14 shekels in weight.2 6 1 pair of shoes. an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. of blue-purple wool. the handle. 4 1 .

6 shekels of gold hav[e been used] on it. ] their rungs [overlaid with] gold. 5 . (with) gilamu-ivory. and ivory [mounted on] go[ld .5 6 2 bows . its pommel. abov\e and below [ . . Its haft. [overlaid with go]ld. of (various) stones. [ . . with a double overlay of gold. 5 shekels of gold have been used on it. of ebony [ . . in the form) of bull-calves and lions. shekels in weight. of hiliba-stone.. of . 67-68 [ . its handle 2 times overlaid with gold.• -J> ° f ebony. 2 4 8 . 40 shekels of silver. . of malachite. . 1 counterweight. 28 6 9 . 1 kuninnu-bowl.. 3 times. 1 0 shekels of gold have been used on them. an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. . ] 25 shekels of gold have been used on it. 52 1 stone-.9 1 dagger. of hiliba- stone..4 . of bronze. Its cloth streamers (held by) wire [ . . 3 shekels of gold have been used on it. 60 shekels of gold. of alabaster. . [ . its haft. 1 helmet-container. of mar^allu-stone.5 0 A mumerritu-scrapet. 6 5 . 10 1 set of salt (containers. of stone. 26 59-60 1 makkasu-axe. [above and] be­ 29 low overlaid with silver. 7 0 shekels in weight. . its base. (with) gilamu-ivory. . in ![. of bronze. of hulalu-stone. ] . .7 3 I. with designs. 54 .. of ebony. 2 5 5 4 . .5 8 1 spear. .6 6 1 helmet-container. the blade. .6 1 plaque with winged disks and Deluge monster(s). 2 . failiba-stone. overlaid with gold. ] . . of gold.. the rim of which is overlaid with gold. 4 a[nd] it is studded [with dardarah-otnaments] of gold. . . . . .THE AMARNA LETTERS l a z u l i . [overlaid with gold. 6 shekels of gold have been used on it.. of stone. 140 shekels in weight.. of iron. its guard. and on 1 of them is the go\d-o[ver\lay double. ] of marhallu-stone. 1 27 62-64 bottle. have been used on them. . .]. [Its] haft. s ° 30 shekels of gold have been used on it. their astragal-ornaments overlaid with gold. ] . 7 . 5 7 . (with) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. of genuine lapis lazuli. 61 1 0 large combs. . of . ] . its inlay. . . overlaid with gold. . 53 1 silver tube. 3 shekels of silver have been used on it. of silver. its center and [its] rungs. of [genuine l}apis lazu[li}. 4 [shekels] of gold have been used on it. . 51 1 wash-basin.

of ebony. of linen. 1 scent container . [f]or a man. 1 scent container with sikil-oil. for the sarku-soldiets. 33 trimmed with colored cloth. 1 0 pairs of betatu-shoes. 27 1 loincloth. 2 helmets. 40 shekels of silver have been used on it. of silver. . 1 scent container with myrtle oil. of ivory. set with ri[ng]s of bronze. of silver. . of the apisamus-type. . a mesukku-bitd. 44 9 shields. trimmed with colored cloth. 1 helmet. 36 1 0 kirru-pots. of ivory. 1 0 shekels of silver have been used on it. 1 0 pairs of boots. Hurrian-style. 1 0 shekels in weight.2 5 1 0 bright garments. . 66 shekels in weight. of colored material. of bronze. 1 bread shovel. 1 helmet. 1 0 pairs of shirts. 5 shekels in weight. . that have been used on it. its urukmannu overlaid with silver. [ . 40 shekels of silver. 1 3 . . 10 shekels in weight. 19—20 1 bread shovel. with myrrh-scented oil. full of "sweet oil. 1 0 pairs of city shirts.M 1 scent container with iaruttu-oil. It is 2 shekels of gold. ] 55 . f[or ho}rses. overlaid with silver. of bronze. [of br]onze. without a cover. .-stone. of gold. 4 5 . of leather. 1 scent container with kanatku-oil. of bronze. 1 scent container with styrax-oil. for horses. overlaid with gold and silver. 1 scent container with elder-oil.-stone. overlaid with silver. its rettu. 1 29—35 scent container. of boxwood. 16-17 1 bread shovel. of ebony. overlaid with gold. 32 12 1 small trough. 1 awatamulufhe. . 18 1 bread shovel. [x sh]ekels in weight. 1 bread shovel. 1 bread shovel. of gold . 1 susuppu-cloth.^ 1 37 cuirass set. 1 22—23 chest.1 5 1 bowl. o f . 21 1 brazier. EA 22 il 11 i tr{a)y.4 6 100 bows. 1 scent container with a mixture (of various oils). 42—43 1 shield. their urukmannu. 26 10 pairs of leggings. 60 shekels of silver have been used on it. of gold. 2 4 . ." 37-41 1 cuirass set. of gold. of silver. o f . 28 1 susuppu-cloth.^ 1 scent container with perfanti-oil. with a winged disk. its hilt. 2 shekels of gold have been used on it. 10 bowls. 1 small trough of silver. of leather. . 10 robes. 1 6 cuirass set. of bronze. its pommel. 1 bowl. 1 0 shekels in weight.

. of bronze. of bronze. 1 set of . ] * / . 53 20 arrows.. of gold [ . .. ] . 6 1 spoon. . ." ? of bronze. . 1 0 braziers. 1 blanket. 5 dogs. of jasper. 1 0 sets of angurinnu. of elammakku--wood. ] . 1 sumbiru. I I 1 (fabric) with cording above and below.. [ . .. of alabaster." bound together. of silver. sharp. ] .^ of brfonze. 18 1 kettle.. suku[du-type]. . 2000 arrows { . for beds. It is 2 shekels of silver that have been used on it.3 [x] small . ' for a bed. of bronze. of b[ronze}. 50 10 javelins. . with [bro}nze tips. .}• 4—5 [. 1 0 stands. . ] . 4 21 1 0 "spears. of which the trimmings are many-colored. with "thor[ns" . 1 0 bowls. . fo\r a man. of bronze. and 1 bo]w 2 times overlaid with silver. 60 1 0 spears [ . for the head. of gold... ] . 1 water-dipper. [. [. . . } 48 3000 arrows [ . . . . 5 shekels in weight. 56 . . . 5 shekels in weight. of wood.THE AMARNA LETTERS 47 iooo arrows. 10 6 sarra. of bronze. with ir{pri\ tips.8 1 set of telannu. IV I [ . 17 1 ewer. 42 43 12 3 large blankets. .{. of bronze. 46 16 1 bronze helmet as a brazier.5 9 1 0 "bull-toes. .4° 54 20 arrows (to be shot) flaming. . of bronze. . . 15 1 blanket. for the foot.. 9 5 dogs. 55 1 0 maces of [ . of bronze. of bronze. of alabaster. of bronze. of bronze. 56 1 0 zallewe-knives. 22 10 washbasins. of bronze. 8 23 2 bolts. of bronze.. 7 .]. 8 shekels in weight. H 51 20 arrows . its erattinnu. 10 wutru. 30 sakku. together with its cover.$ 3 9 52 20 arrows.* of bronze. 2 . ] . 44 13 1 long spread. . 20 arrows .. 1 5 7 . . 4 14 1 short spread. 49 10 javelins.. 19 1 0 jars. . 20 1 brazier.]. . . 49 24 1 0 kettles.

p. ed. gave to Nimmureya. 1 pullustu. . his brother and his son-in-law. . ] . 6 4 3 . . K . BSOAS 3 4 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p p . J . . . l ' 9> ' M . n e J s e e a s o W i l h e l m . EA 22 25 [ . 1 pot-stand. T A B . of bronze. S. C i v i l . ] . ZA 6 3 ( 1 9 7 3 ) P. see M . Post- gate. ] . . of bronze. On habalkinnu. 30 [ . A N S E (katappu) nap-\z. Cagni. B A R is perhaps to be read habalkinnu. "bridles for mules. 57 .-&-\a\-ti-su-nu.-vessels. and CAD. ZA 7 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) p. of bronze. in L .? 34 4 small troughs of elammakku-vjood. the chariot-platform. 4 2 . . Perhaps related to the na-tu-la-te in a letter found at K u m i d u . 29 [ . . follows AHw. . p. ) } . . NOTES 1. of bronze. p. of bronze. or perhaps the meaning here is an extended one. [ . 6 gungubu. probably two. the standard form at Boghazkoy and attested in an Old Babylo­ nian forerunner to H A R . 40 10 teams [ . If my reading is correct. JCS 2 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p . . } . .-vessels. . 13fF. 2 3 9 . 2 35 5 spoons. 1 9 8 7 ) . ] . .55 39 along with their [ . . . p. 1 chest. k u 5 2. 7 . p. In EA 2 2 and 2 5 . to Egypt and to Nimmureya to be his wife. 3 37 10 chariot-poles. 6. Ebla. . that Tusratta. 1 small trough of boxwood.4 9 It is all of these wedding-gifts." see CAD. 4 6 5 . ] of kifkanu-wood. T A B and at least one." must assume an unparalleled K A . . 31 [ . [ . . "cut. p. 7 1 .^ of bronze." but probably to be understood of sharpening the tips. the king of Egypt. ] . 1 SU K A . T h e reading of the logogram. . of bronze. . of bronze. of bronze. not parzillu. of bronze. ) ] . 28 [ . 5 . A N . . 1 33 For 1 0 teams: fx] coverings of a chariot. .5 500 large gunte memetu.-vessels. 8 8 0 ) . 4 . 3 0 3 . 3 0 3 . see M . ] . . . 1 0 chariot-frames.' 9 . .4 3 . of bronze. overlaid with bronze.. . . along with a brazier. He gave them at the same time that he gave Tadu-Heba. see G . On a possible earlier form of talli (ti-sa-ld). it would suggest that the blinkers were in some way attached to the bridle. K . 1 incense bowl. . 36 5000 small gunte memetu fr{om the treasury.' 38 { x y]okes54 [for a ch]ariot. mistakes in the writing of K U N G I : <§tJ> + N A B (rather than M U L ) . . . . Hoffner. . 5 of every sort. . . 26 [x] . } . of bronze. p. the king of Mittani. . 3 . T A B K U f N G l ] (CAD. . 5 sprinklers. 1975-1985 (Naples. . 10 appanannu. } . 1 5 6 . applied to a part of the bridle. 3 0 3 a ) . 12 yokes [ ( . } . . . 0 27 1 washing-bowl. of bronze. sarmu. T h e reading K A . 41 10 teams .-vessels. G o r g . . . . 32 10 [ . his daughter. . . pu-uq-dd-a-ti-su-nu (AHw. k u 5 G .r a (CAD. followed by k u S Adler). [ . 42 400 [ ( . On sihpu as "cover(ing). . of bronze.

3 6 5 ) . Hoffner.TIR. "guard. G A L . etc. Durand. See PRU 3 . the last term taken as i'lu = t ( i s s i G . British School of Archaeology in Iraq (Hertford. p. 1 1 5 . Die Landfahrzeuge des Alten Mesopota- mien [Helsinki. JCS 2 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p. p p . EA 2 7 : 1 1 0 .). RLA 6 / 1 . StOr 3 3 . p . p. Salonen. 6 2 5 . "inside of the hand" = la-'d-tum (rahatum) ( G . 20. ARMT 21. G I R . Emar 6 / 4 . pitinkak. CAD. and the Hurrian-style nahlaptu is known from roughly contemporary documents from Alalakh. EA 2 5 ii 4 3 . p. p. p. 2 1 . 5 7 ) . 18. 2 5 b ) . 1 5 8 . O n the tilpdnu-bow. alu. proposes k[i-in\-st-Iu-nu. surru. 256:516). IEJ 1 9 [ 1 9 6 9 ] p p . nahlaptu (cf. Z A . on the reading tabarru rather than nabasu. 1 1 7 .2 . O n p. and Landsberger. p. note f. see iv 1 2 .. n. p p . p. if a mural crown (PRU 3 . E ( . ARMT 2 1 . 9 9 0 b ) . though doubtful. 52ff. p. 1 §U pi-ti-in-ka-ak ' « H E . p. [1 ma-aS]-ha~lu (AHw. see G o e t z e ^ C S 1 0 ( 1 9 5 6 ) p. 4 0 2 . 1 0 ) . p. a type of jewelry (ARMT 1 8 . 1 8 . 1 9 . Groneberg. N / i . 7 7 : 4 3 7 ? . n a 14. Z U = . E n g . ARMT 7. n. 3 0 9 . 8 6 9 ) . Boghazkoy. than a part of the snaffle (Adler. 3 4 . see B . 1 8 4 : 2 1 and note. A / 2 . also lines ii 5 4 . "for the city" (longer? fuller? more elaborate?). O n gumuru. M E . 1 '"SGU U R U (also ii 4 0 . this garment is perhaps opposed to the type of shirt worn by the military (Waetzoldt. see also EA 2 6 6 : 3 2 . kaballu I[a i-li] (cf. "\ZV = surru? (EA 13:17). sd-di-in-nu. CAD. "glove" (AHw. and see '"SGU U R U in the next line) is an abbreviated t ( i 8 G U . Z U . H o w sakru (Middle Assyrian. RA 8 1 ( 1 9 8 7 ) pp. with which it is also found (lines ii 2 1 . 1 6 8 . 1 9 5 6 ] . p. 1 9 6 5 ) . 170b)? 11. 4 1 . p. at Ebla. 4 2 3 . following A . and perhaps Ugarit. The Old Babylonian Tablets from Tell al Rimah. NA 16. S. p. which also refers tentatively to LTBA 1. Corolla Linguistica (Wiesbaden. etc. 2 5 0 . as long established by Knudtzon. iii 1 6 . 1 §U 8 G U hur-ri [sa] U R U : "«GU (also lines ii 3 9 . 10. lines ii 3 2 . 7 1 : 9 (but cf. cf.. T A sti-up-pu-ru. . and now made explicit by H A R . seems more likely. is not clear. kin-gfr = la-kar pa-at-ri. Sumerian su-sa. ARMT 4 2 1 . ) . A ) . iii 2 4 . 17. S1 13. p . 1 3 9 b . 4 4 . Is the rettu the lower part of the handle that fits into the palm? Cf. M / i . CAD. O n the logogram. and EA 2 7 : 1 1 0 ) = nahlapti alii (See 58 . Pettinato. 1 8 2 . also seems excluded. p. "their leggings. p. p. 3 7 5 a . p. Groneberg speculates that here the bow may be a musical in­ strument. B A N (not s ^ B A N . EA 1 4 iii 1 5 . MSL 1 0 . : kin = la- ak-ru. 2 2 a . T h e same abbreviation is found at Boghazkoy. p . 5 7 .TlR = ""iSE. K .2 4 . 5 9 L If the qualification is to be understood as [sa] U R U = dli. . i 7 8 f f . p. hardly appears here. in view of the trimming. 12. see CAD. 13:330). and iii 2 4 in this inventory. Assuming 4§l. sees in kaballu a special fabric for sandals or leggings. 3 4 . p. VAB 2 / 1 . see Goetze. note to line 4." see Salonen. T h e article of apparel called U R U (alu). Mittani.3 5 ) . 1 9 8 2 ] . AHw. 1 6 9 . 4 8 ) = qaltu (CAD." t a C 19.THE AMARNA LETTERS 8. K I N = sakru.n ? forerunner. Dalley et a l . 2 2 ) . p . Materiali epigrafici di Ebla [Naples. 9. Emar)/sikru differs from rettu (AHw. 8 5 4 b . N / i . 1 9 7 6 ) . 15. iii 4 5 . Assuming " S G I R . 4 1 . n.

sa per -a-zi 6 (also EA 2 5 i 2 7 ." is never found in a gift list. On the sarku. 1 2 0 . p. and perhaps in line i 2 6 . Iraq 4 8 ( 1 9 8 6 ) pp. N o t e also 2 G i R ma-ka-su (ARMT 2 1 . inter­ prets as "having a mouse" (piazu. and in the latter. 1 « B A R . 5 . D U L / D U L . 9 8 . neither here nor in EA 2 5 iv 5 1 is the reading S l M . A . see Goetze. cf. p. p. p. 2 i 8 f . cited CAD. see W i l c k e . no. K . AHw. PRU 3 . see Helck. . cf. pur'asu)." not "from. RLA 4/4—5. Giiter- bock. Practical Vocabulary of Assur 2 3 7 ^ (Lands­ 5 berger and Gurney. Illingworth. ellul ullu. non-ornamented". T h e reference to a handle favors taking makkasu as a cutting instrument (AHw. 1 3 2 ) . 1 5 6 a ) is not an instrument for catching flies (Knudtzon. Often Festschrift (see Introduction. "pole. p. 2 9 . Morrison and 59 . On gurpisu. tearing. M / i . Mallul. 24.SIKIL. p. T h e garment sa-bd-at-ti (EA 1 2 0 : 2 1 ) does not seem likely in this con­ text. EA 2 5 iv 4 8 ) . malu: "full" recalls the contrast in Hittite texts of "full-empty. following Adler. p. in line iii 2 2 . 4 8 . 4 8 5 b . . 1 1 . misreads ii 4 2 as tCi t l 3 « B A R . T U R (buginnu sehru? sussullu?): the difference between B U G I N ( L A G A B x A ) and B U G I N ( L A G A B x N I N D A ) is that the former was used for liquids. pp. 6 4 . K I L (EA 2 5 iv 5 2 ) is a phonetic writing of I. 5 8 5 . 1 0 3 . "on. 33. tl3 21. 2 1 9 : 3 1 ) . Tel Aviv 10 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p. see Ugar. CAD. and H . B . L A (nebehu) . 34. 3 o 6 f . n. n. note to line 1 1 . 1 Su « f { B } . p. in M . see K . "helmet. pa-as-(ju)-ru. B . p. B A L . i. S I ) . I K ) . p. which Durand. 27. 3 7 ) . Adler). 36. 3 5 7 a . 3 3 0 ) . 3 1 . p. Z . which is to be added to the references in AHw and CAD (CAD. p. Adler) rather than as a bowl (CAD. Corolla Linguistica. K . 3 1 2 . gi^-il-tu (also iii 2 ) : see CAD. 6 1 .. n. 8 0 . Singer. n." O n these oils as cosmetics and their containers. Beziehungen. t ( i 22.e. . AfO 1 8 [ 1 9 5 7 . EA 22 previous line. K . la zubbtkulsudi (AHw.5 8 ] p. 26. iv 16) than a display helmet. 4 6 1 a . 94f. Deller and K . T h e difference between this whisk (also EA 2 5 iii 5 2 ) and sa zubbt lull (i 5 8 ) is not clear. Iraq 5 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p. iii 2 5 . O n istu. 37. Perhaps S f ( ." see N . 30. 8. B U L U G (ballukku). around. 5 32. p. p. p. Watanabe. 1 8 ' B U G I N . 35. see Dalley." presumably "ornamented. 25. and M . n. cf. ZA 70 ( 1 9 8 1 ) pp. AHw. see CAD. 2 8 . which indicates a knifelike makkasu as well as an axe ( T U N ) . and I. . 23. « B A R . p. AEM 1 / 1 . S l M . "Helmet" is more probably a designation of shape (also ii 6 5 . O n susuppu. originally a cloth for wiping and later (as here) a kind of undergarment worn around the hips. Contrary to CAD. 2 . here it is S l M . "(sesame?) oil. a part for g n a w i n g . pp. 29. 8 5 5 ) : the qualification seems paralleled at Mari by sapi'-(ih)-ha-zi(-im). 5 8 9 . BiOr 4 3 ( 1 9 8 6 ) p. also ii 2 7 . 3996°.) Tukris (also EA 2 5 iv 2 5 ) was in Luristan and gave its name to metal objects and garments (see tukrilti. O n A L A M as "winged disk" here. 1 3 6 7 ) . 1. G I G (kanatku). 1 8 3 . the latter for kneading dough. "an axe"." see T i m o t h y Kendall. D U L = kusitu (also ii 4 2 . since pasru.

Similarly. "tostopup. then G I D . 7 3 . Ugar. G U D ( P U ) . no. B . "hem. Cf. R 1 49." O n sunu. 1 0 N I G . « B U . I / J . 1 9 8 1 ) . O w e n . RLA 6 / 1 . 38. 7 8 (perhaps zakku). as in EA 2 5 iv 6 3 . A s noted. 1 6 4 r. ARMT 2 2 / 2 . 44. Dalley. Brief. RA 7 7 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p p . ' " « G A D A te^-me-ta ( R S 3 4 . Iraq 4 2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p. A . D A = arku (not ariktu. H . and the correspondence of the numbers suggests that for each I 5 « B U G I N . however. p. p p . 1 6 0 . Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians ( W i n o n a Lake. Adler). CAD. 3 5 1 . p. 93f. 8'SBUGIN. G I = pihu. Adler). 46. see Waetzoldt. 51. ' 7 « ) . 7 2 . usually burrumu. Moran. T U R there was one itquru. 10 § E N (ruqqu? sannu? also Gordon). also the plural bubatim. 40. ARMT 2 1 .T U / T I . M / i . 6 2 2 . 3 5 . 1 0 S u . S I as suit and rendering "600 goblets (in the form of) oxen.g f d - da apin = ma-sa-ad-du. G I = pehd. p. for a cart (AbB 3 . 3 3 .6 4 . p. 1 3 0 9 a ) . r 39.TUR ( . Line 3 3 seems out of place and looks like a heading for 37ff. 2 i f . see C i v i l . S ."it is n e v e r a l o g o g r a m f o r a n d pihu is not a lock. O n leather cuirasses for horses.B U . 45. the same sign is found in ii 1 8 . 50. p. and iii 2 7 . see also EA 2 5 iv 4 8 . but if T U G = subatu. G I D . D A (masaddu: AHw. D A = kuru. 1 0 5 . p. 60 . 1 5 if. it would refer to a part of the chariot. not the axle. 2 . n. T h e i'lu was highly esteemed ( D u ­ rand. T U G . p." see Landsberger. 3 6 7 . i 1 6 ) . Adler). Cf. S E E N 2 a n 52." 42. block. A m o n g so many household objects.). perhaps ARMT 2 2 . 2 6 4 a . 4 0 7 . O n bubutu as the main beam on either side of the chariot. and it is G U N . If [s\imittu is the correct reading. 1 0 . 1 6 2 . p. Lines 5 1 . CAD. eds." but though S A G . S I (ubanatu) ka-sa-tu^ §a G U D . p. 53. agree in reading U G U N (U + G U N ) ihzetu (a kind of special trimming) here and in EA 2 5 iv 5 0 (cf. 7 3 : 7 ) . 3 ' " S T U N A N I B A ( S I G . "spears" must be a kind of poker. n. Z A B U . p p . 47. Emar 6 / 4 . by Knudtzon (VAB 2 / 1 . A G . 3 0 2 . 4 6 . pi. A . Iraq 4 2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p. in the next line. "spoon. XV-XVI). G f D . . "variegated. T.3 ) d itquru. Kupper. trim. I S note especially the A k k a d o g r a m at Boghazkoy. Context seems to argue against interpreting S u . sa G l S (not I Z I [ A d l e r ] ) . p. CAD. 7. "lock. and see comments of J . n i g . p. sakku I I (AHw. 2011T.2 . 41. p p . 7 0 : 1 6 6 ' ) 1 0 \&'¥bu-bu-{i\u 4 G I G I R : there is no reason to read ["']« (Knudtzon. M E 5 : obscure (see AHw. JCS 2 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p . D A : reading uncertain. 43. Z A ..da-C[u ] 4 (cf. 1 0 1 2 ) . 1 T U G G U Z . p. see Edel." are joined here. Cf. 1 3 4 : 1 0 . note h). 48. 6 1 4 . . su-ku-u-[du] (Gordon)." that is. 3 ) . G I as a phonetic writing of S A G . and CAD. AHw. JAOS 8 8 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p. Dalley.3 . I n d . M E § (omitted by Adler): on the fabric 4 as hairy or shaggy and the logogram in peripheral texts. 54.5 4 seem to list special types of arrows. with a strainer or sieve attachment (cf. iv 4gff. and cf.THE AMARNA LETTERS D. Adler interprets Z A . (e^-mu-u. along with poles. fol­ lowed by Adler). pu-uq. for the determinative. X not kurTtu. There is not enough room for &\ia-kd\-a-tu (CAD. p. T h e form (purrusu) and the reduplication in the corresponding S u - merian term (dug-bur-bilr-ru) indicates a vessel with many "breaches. .

my son-in-law. tentatively.GIGIR = sassu {AHw. my brother 61 . p. 9f. for your chariots. the mistress of heaven. the king of Mittani. Were these gifts originally the bride- price or part of it and then returned to the Egyptian king as a kind of indirect dowry? On the indirect dowry in the Hurrian milieu of N u z i . my daughter. see Katarzyna Grosz. 1968). very well. T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling. . 1 8 . 372-73. p. (then) at (his) pleasure let her go so that she may come back. i7off. Saggs. L.3 0 May Sauska. and just as earlier she dwelt there and they honored her." Now I herewith send 2 her. n. in Morrison and O w e n . the king of Egypt. New York and Toronto. 30 (reverse only). may all go very. p p . 195). your wife. x-y-2 [«'] KI. for your troops. The Greatness That Was Babylon (paperback. and terhatu in the sense of "dowry" (Knudtzon.3 went to this country. 34f. M E S SAL. protect us. whom you love.MES remains uncertain.2 5 Now.KAL. For me all goes well. For your wives. pp.. C O P Y : BB 10. 1 1 3 . 3 7 ) . of my father . J AOS 8 8 ( 1 9 6 8 ) pp. PHOTOGRAPHS: B B . 170-73. 23. 1930). a country that I love. 1 0 3 2 . 5 ? 55. Pintore. no. see Kiihne. who loves you. On the difficulty in general of distinguishing the two. for Tadu-Heba. illus. pi. Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians (see n. whom I love and who loves me: Thus Tusratta. pp. pp. eds. Waterman. in the time. pi. Matrimonio. For your household. too. 2 6 . 56. vol. mistress of all lands: "I wish to go to Egypt. S . 4. p. for your sons.1 7 Thus Sauska of Nineveh. May my brother honor her. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. for your magnates. 11. For you may all go well. for your country and for whatever else belongs to you. see C i v i l . my brother. . EA 23 and it is not clear how it should be distinguished from ntru in the following line. may all go well. T h e reading of N I G .uS. B A . CAD. EA 23 A goddess travels to Egypt TEXT: BM 29793. 4 (Ann Arbor. 149. for your horses. Say to Nimmureya. may 4 my brother now honor her 1 0 times more than before. and then return. 5 3 ) seems excluded by the logogram and the almost exclusively masculine character of the gifts. your father-in-law. and she is on her way. H. Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire.

contrary to what Use Wegner.t). therefore.H e b a (see EA 1 9 : 6 ) . 4th month of winter. x-y- BE/nu (possible. cf. he would say it here and not five lines earlier when the return of the statue is mentioned (lines 2 4 f .7 7 . either Gordon's or my own. These lines are hardly an affirmation (so Knudtzon./ # . p. perhaps on the occasion of the marriage of K e l u . T h i s much seems clear: "Year 3 6 . 3 7 . or that. pa-na-a-nu (Gordon). She is "our mistress" (line 2 8 ) and. there are three lines of Egyptian. It may be doubted that Tusratta would say anything so obvious. and for my brother 6 not his god(dess)? NOTES 1 . Sauska's role. and note. And let us act as friends. too. Adler. One (the king) was in the southern villa (of) the House of Rejoicing. n. is a connection with the solemnities associated with the marriage of Tusratta's daugh­ ter." See Kiihne. n. p. . 1 7 6 . A reading i-en-nu-tu^ "the first time" (Adler. see Kiihne. day 1. 1) to support Tusratta's request that the statue be returned. Gestalt und Kult der Utar- Sawulka in Kleinasien. One explanation of the goddess's visit is that she was to heal the aged and ailing Egyptian king. lu-ul-lik-ma-me (Adler. 1 7 3 . 3 . EA 1 : 7 2 ) . It is uncertain whether this letter is referred to as a "copy" (Egyptian myt. of making Tadu-Heba answer to the king's desires (EA 1 9 : 2 4 . cf.. n. 1 7 8 . nn. would make perfect sense. Weber.000 years. cf. 5. T h e statue sent by Tusratta need not have been the statue worshipped in the temple in Nineveh. T h e writing ia-Ti-ma-a indicates a question. 21:16).THE AMARNA LETTERS and me. 1 0 5 0 . and may our mistress? grant both of us great joy. declares. it seems. 6 5 . also Gordon). but this explanation rests purely on analogy and finds no support in this letter. along with A m a n . VAB 2 / 2 . 2 . 3 7 . 2 0 . the reading of part of which remains uncertain. Following lines 3 i f . p.. 20:25ff. x =4 D I N G I R ? y = I§? 4 . p. 3 1 . More likely. NIN-»/ 5 (Adler). see EA 2 7 . 6. our goddess. against K n u d t z o n ) . if he did.3 2 Is Sauska for me alone my god(dess). written in black ink and the hieratic script. on the implications of the term. the previous visit mentioned in lines i8f. ) . 100. 62 . but it is not supported by collation. and the implied negative answer explains why the Pharaoh may expect to share with Tusratta in the protection and blessings of the goddess. A O A T 3 6 ( 1 9 8 1 ) p.

. the king of Egypf. two . . . . 4 who loves you. . everything [ve}ry. 1932). 72 your envoy. . wh[om I love (and) who loves me: 3 Thus (speaks) Tu]sra[tt]a. very 68 . my brother 50 . my entire land very. . your land and your [possessions. Assutemiwuya. . §6 59 . . . my father Suttarna's daughter . . . Mane. . . . . 7 yo[ur troops]. pp. . . 6 5 . 71 with my [ . and my entire . . your war chariots. 8 . . Mane. . 73 saw all the things that I did. 62 my brother's [wife].2 [Say to Nim]murey[a. very 69 . . of my grandfather . 200. .6 6 . . your wives. your envoy. (and) with those whom I love. my son-in- law]. . ] . I did gra­ ciously.s. my brother. And give me your daughter as my wife! 52 . your [hor}ses. . from the . . . . . 67 my brother us(?) very. Kleinasiatische Sprachdenkmaler (Berlin. 49 . . . COPIES: WA 27. . very graciously. . fine oil(?) for his head. now my brother has sent. 63 . . 60 . EA 24 EA 24 A letter in Hurrian about marriage and friendship TEXT: VAT 422. . 40 (1971) pp. he sent to me 51 . of the (genitive plural) . . to Mane. . improved readings. . . . For m[y so]n-in-law. VS 12. and I did all that totally 70 . . 48 . 5 [May all] go we[ll with you]. And I did not express 53 . Or n. All goes well with me. . your] magnates. Friedrich. . fine oil(?) for his head. And earlier 66 . of my brother . . . TRANSLITERATION: J .6 4 (destroyed or unintelligible). the ki[ng of the land of Mittani. §7 65 . . . . . may all go very well. Otten in Farber. very. . all that 58 . 61 . . your envoy. . your father-in-law. the mistress of the land of Egypt 6 3 . . 6 [your children. . graciously 56 . .3 2 . 54 . . . totally. good . §§2-4 (badly damaged) §5 47 . very 57 . ' §i 1 1 . . . your brother}. which 55 .

. made a . 86 And from Ihibe. your envoy. 97 . the 99 . So shall it be (lit. . message. 87 and to Simige. . from our . . . between us. . objects that my brother 100 made for the gift. . 103 . and may my brother hear them . 113 . . in consideration of the gift. in a way according to my brother's heart n . . . 75 as now I love my brother. . 106 his father. we might . . . . . those . . 98 which are made for him. So he has . . his god. .000 . . . . . . the city of Simige. in a favorable way. 81 may one for the other. the way 94 . 91 and your brother himself. very much. did he speak. . . .. ." Thus 96 . 84 and he re­ ported as follows: "Your brother Nimmureya. . his god. . that of Simige . . 85 the lord of Egypt.2 (destroyed) 3 . 79 For long years may fw]e(!) with great joy very. 10 very. . . gift. And the things that we wish for ourselves. I have allowed to depart. very much. my(!) envoy. when they left. he conducted (it). . and . . 114 Keliya." And Keliya expressly announced the gift's departure. . . 93 and he reported as follows: "He has . and they are coming to my brother. I . very much. was 92 amazed. . my envoy. 104 The things that my brother in connection with the gift 105 did for Simige. . . Ea-sarri and all 78 the gods love us in their hearts very. very correctly And when about all I had not done 6 for my brother's wife 7 I heard from Keliya and Mane. 64 . very delightful. very much 80 rejoice. them 5 . . delivered . . he had it come. 9 to the dowry for my brother's wife . his father. Amanu. . 8 I was/did . gener­ ously. . and the pieces of booty left your brother's 90 country amazed. 4 And my brother has . . The .THE AMARNA LETTERS §8 74 As now my brother loves me. Sauska. 10. so they are). these will Simige give to my brother. . 82 most graciously do. . . 109 he will make. of the land of my brother. . 77 Simige. 76 so may Tessup. So the gift went off. 95 . 88 And all the gifts of his forefathers 89 were very. . §9 83 And Keliya. these may 101 Simige and Aman and Ea-sarri 102 for my brother and his land . and Mane. . . 107 and all the things that my brother 108 wishes in (his) heart. . i n My brother's envoys whom 112 I allowed to depart(?) (and whom) I sent. . II 1 . §10 n o And may my brother not distress himself about that matter. . .

When a dowry is broughtQ). me. . . . in . And Mane.1 6 and when earlier Mane br[ought(?)] what my brother had dispatched {as] my gift. If the 59 four . . of Tessup (and) Amanu. 73 And what both these lands do not w a n t . . .. . and may my brother 13 heed it. And my brother will inform me . 56 And so I have said them (these words) now to my brother. . two . .3 3 (badly damaged) §13 34-49 (badly damaged) 50 . . they 70 among them are also of one mind. . . so they are). . and I addressed (them): "My land 27 will . . . . . 7 8 . . . 52 may the gods not ordain . 64 [rejoice] exceedingly.. between us. 81 So shall it be (lit. . 1 5 . . . . . them very much. From that . . . EA 24 §" 1 2 And I want just (lit. .. and over that 55 I would rejoice in my heart exceedingly.. . . totally. §15 65 And the things which in our midst Tessup and Amanu 66 . . . . 75 if those great things . .. . . other lands. . . And I addressed 19 Mane: "All .. Land . . .7 9 Whosoever did not carry on a relationship full of love in the manner of my forefathers (and) my own (manner). over the one large dowry . . Know (this)! §14 5 7 .. . have done. Just as . . which my 65 . 76 in our marriage alliance our gods . distressed . . . . my brother's 1 4 envoy. . . another matter that 80 all things for us . fashion 26 . [I will] in view of 63 what my brother dispatches. 83 all . . . my nobles will . 77 and(?) we(!) do not(!) guide well the . 82 For us may they . . 23 . §12 25 And he did .5 8 And now may my brother send Mane. comes. are one. of our gods. . . . 24 they may . . .5 4 I f . . 5 3 . . . as many as there are . . . . . . . they may be satisfactory . . 51 . . the Hurrian land 69 and the land of Egypt. . of ivory. . . Just as I 6 1 . 2 8 . so shall we together [in ou]r midst 68 and we. . . one thing) to say something to my brother. they may all . my brother will dispatch a shipment of gold as my gift. . 67 loves.. . . 72 and my brother is the ki[ng] of the Hurrian land (sic). 74 and we together do not w a n t . . . 17 I assem­ bled my entire land 1 8 and my nobles. . 60 golden . that my brother 20 dispatched. that my brother 22 dispatched are . 62 rejoiced exceedingly. all 21 . . me.. 7 1 1 am the k[ing] of the land of Egypt. . . my brother's envoy.

What the 6 Hurrian land does not want at all. . 92 the others that I make. . .. . . I will have with my brother a relationship full of love. If 87 . 99 . . §16 86 May my brother send off Mane. so shall it be (lit. in a brilliant way very much . 1 1 3 . . . she is pleasing. .. . . . 110 And he has come . what the 7 land of Egypt does not want at all. 89 and all other lands. . I have proper/y given. . . . that I saw . . . so am I). . 101 . And she comes 14 to my brother. . . 94 all lands . . so it is). . . . The word that 102 Mane will communicate to my brother is graci[ous] and 103 true. . 118—24 (badly damaged) 125 Just as . 106 . . 97 Thus my brother in my land 98 . my servants. . . . It is not evil 104 (and) hostile towards my brother. . 3 Just as that entire . if 91 Mane is not. . . . does not exist. 117 have . who come with Mane. . . . . . are present. . §18 107-8 But now [m]y brother {has s}ent. him . and he tells me (that) my affairs . . and she has gone [to my] broth[er]. 4 that entire . And may my brother . that he made . in view of his/her/its matter. your envoy. . all envoys are present. 2 and now I have given her. 90 If I to my head . where are they? So 93 may my brother carry on with me a relationship full of love. .THE AMARNA LETTERS brother 84—85 . I l l 1 And my brother wanted a wife . . . so it is). . . . . . And guards has [my] brother . of my brother. 5 So shall it be (lit. and my brother .. all that my brother's wife shows 8 to my brother. 109 sent . .1 5 (badly damaged) §19 116 The other . . so it is). . . §17 95 Mane. . . . in my land . 111 And Mane . 100 My brother did . . does not exist. . sees . . . . 13 my brother will see her . . . the other 88 lands. according to my brother's 66 . . and it is [M]ane [my bro]ther has sent. . not. ] land . . . and she has gone 12 to my brother. . So 10 shall it be (lit. . From this . . §20 11 And now I have given my brother's wife. . . it. . . Mane . . . is pleas­ ant. is very good. . . there does not exist 96 a man(!) like [him] in all the world . When she comes. So shall it be (lit. 112 exceedingly . my brot[her . . . . 105 Towards his affairs it is not hostile.. is not 9 . .

. which I gave. . . and may my brother go. . 22 when she shows herself to my brother. . in view of that not(!?). belonging to me. . 51 in great love. which the kings (also) know. did for your father are . We .5 3 The things that Artatama. §24 4 9 1 just (lit. . . . 24 they may show. and so I have . the tablets of the dowries of my marriage alliance (through sister and father's sister) are not available. . 50 I have . my father's sister. and my brother will see them. . . . May my brother have their tablets given to him 40 and may he hear (the words of) both their (tablets). . . . . 54 And with just a single dispatch of mine I have done 67 . my sister. may he have given to him. And the entire land may my brother 25 assemble. . . 39 again is available. 28 and they may spread out everything irf the view of my brother. . and my . . . . and there is nobody who does not know it. 43 that it is splendid. And may my brother take 31 all the nobles and all the envoys 32 and all other lands and the war charioteers 33 whom my brother desires. EA 24 heart. . . . that it is befitting my brother. 38 And the tablet of her dowry . . my brother much more than my forefathers. 19 They come 20 to my brother. 17 and we are not . 37 And there is . and may my brother heed it. one thing) want to say something to my brother. . . 18 (The things) that I have dispatched to my brother I have dispatched. from our . . . . . my father's daughter. and may all other lands 26 and the nobles (and) all envoys be present. my grandfather's daugh­ ter. . 36 And the tablet of her dowry is available. 45 —my brother 46 . . . . §23 44 If . . . 47 And my brother knows in their regard 48 that they exist(ed). and they are . 15 And again my brother will see a dowry 16 . 30 on/from the earth may . And I wish to say: 5 2 . 29 If it is spread out in the view of my brother. 34 And may he spread out the dowry and may it be pleasing. my grandfather.. §22 35 And there is . §21 21 And now when the wife of my brother comes. and they are . And the tablet(!) 41 of the dowry from me. 23 may my . . 42 and may my brother hear that the dowry is very extensive. 27 And they may show his dowry to my brother.

the wife of my brother. my vassalsQ) 73 (and) the other lands. thus they are . . 93 but I also know that for my brother.. (well. 97 may my brother give an ivory image. 77—78 may m[y brothe]r erect a mo[lt}en gold image . . So shall it be (lit. so am I). me much. . The golden .) with just a single dispatch of mine I have done ten times as much. 87 And my brother has . carry out my business. 90—92 I have requested from my brother a molten gold image of my daughter. So shall it be (lit. 60 and they . 70 And my brother has not given to me the equivalent 71 of what he dispatched to my father. And may my brother 75 also . in comparison with mine they are not equivalent. 89 And may my brother not distress my heart! For that . .. 104 the lord of Mittani. . so shall it be (lit. . . .. much more than my fore­ fathers. . thus 65 will I be most loving. And may my brother 72 make me rich in respect to the kings. . . 88 And may my brother make me rich in respect to my land.5 9 my grandfather (and) father dispatched to your father (and) to you... pleasing (things). . 64 Thus will I deal loyally with my brother.6 3 have dispatched to my brother. 96 . may he not distress my heart! And in the measure in which it appears. the things that my father did for you. §25 66—67 And for the horses my brother did not reward me with gold the way my forefathers (were rewarded). 86 in the manner desired. from the heart. So shall it be (lit. 61 And now my brother is going to see (the things) that I 6 2 . so they are): "This 103 molten gold image is Tadu-Heba. . gold . according to] my heart. Thus I will dispatch to my brother (gifts). may my brother give pleasing (things). Sauska of Niniveh. in his land. . I know that my brother loves me exceedingly. And my heart 76 may he not distress. As 98-99 I shall speak to my goddess. . that a gold image for me might 100 . With much gold 74 may my brother have me provided. so am I). Of my sister. And in respect to my brother . so it is). And next. 94 much. And I . And may my brother 95 not .8 5 (badly damaged) And may he not distress my heart! And may my brother give. . . The gifts that 5 8 . . . . the daughter of Tusratta. . 106 And Immureya made a molten gold image. that your father to my grandfather 68 earlier dispatched—what you to my father 69 earlier dispatched was much more than that of your father. whom he gave as wife of Immureya. ." 68 . .. . . 107 and full of love dispatched it to Tusratta. 55~57 Similarly. Before earth 101 (and) before the heavens are the words spoken. 105 the lord of Egypt. As 102 they should be spoken. 7 9 .THE AMARNA LETTERS ten times as much. . .

That my brother has made the . 119—24 (unintelligible) §27 IV 1 And I want to say something (lit. . has reported 1 2 and Parattu . .1 8 and my brother will dispatch to the land of Egypt. And an evil word that anyone may say about me (or) about my land. . . . that . and may my brother hear them. (then) my brother writes 1 1 3 to me. . and the Human land. . 9 I heard this and I rejoiced. . . 1 1 4 . . . . .7 and with satisfaction have I again heard him. arms. . . 2 3 they are true and right. . If only an enemy of my brother i n did not exist! But should in the future an enemy 1 1 2 invade my brother's land. . . 1 6 . . 5 And for the satisfaction of my person he has spoken to me. 8 And for (or: among) the people of Awar he has made provision. and I will hear them. But should. §28 30 And now. to the great . 3 Those do not come into the presence of the Great . . If. . And evil words are not spoken to my brother. my brother has . . . lord/ king. how­ ever. 24—25 That too that anyone might ex­ press to me about my brother (or) about his land. and everything concerning the enemy of my brother 1 1 5 will be at his disposition. 1 3 That word comes. .1 8 . it before his land regarding the great . . to my brother.. . This word is in . But what Keliya and Mane will say 28—29 about my brother (or) about his land. . informs me(?). 109 exceedingly. and may my brother 1 5 . . on the other hand. And with not a single word have I distressed my brother's heart. has thus 14 been actually expressed. My brother is brotherly (minded). . . . . and everything concerning my(!) enemy. armor. arms. these 32—33 have I done tenfold. then I would be very distressed. And in our lands n o peace prevails. 26—27 those (words) I will not hear if Keliya and Mane do not say them. one thing) more to my brother: 2 In my brother's presence there are not many evil words spoken. 1 1 7 . 10 my brother had not done them this way. . all the things 3 1 that my brother has named (and) wants. 1 1 And now again a . EA 24 §26 108 And because of all this we both are of one mind and love one another . But the (words) that Mane and Keliya say 2 2 about me (or) about my land. and he has . they could . My brother's wife 34 I have 69 . . armor. 6 . they (the words) are true and right. 19—may my brother 20 not hear those words if Mane and Keliya 2 1 do not say them. way spoken. there be for me an ene[my] 1 1 6 — i f only he did not exist!—I will write to my brother. . . 4 An evil word .

62 both of them. 49 It is . 61 And . most magnificently. speaks in some 7° . as my clay-tablet scribe—to my brother. are available. If she . 59 And may my brother know it. . . . As 109 . 65 and may the gods of my brother know! If 66-68 (unintelligible) §§33-34 (badly damaged) 107 to my [brother] it is . Now. 43 And I would like to hear (about the) well-being (and the) favorable situation of my brother. and Asali is . 41 And may my brother not . May he send only Mane. 57 No! May my brother send Mane! §32 58 And this wife of my brother whom I have given. . And my envoys 42 may my brother let go as fast as possible. both of them. It is . . . . . and my mother has . threefold 64 . If 55 my brother does not send Mane and sends someone else. 53 so he can leave together with my envoy! Any other envoy 54 may my brother not send. and my brother will see 48 what I have given as the dowry for the wife of my brother. and my brother will see them. And may my brother send Mane along. And she is pure. And may my gods know. for a word. . .THE AMARNA LETTERS given. . my brother's envoy. . . . . me 47 to the dowry for the wife of my brother. And may my brother know it. . §29 40 And may my brother not detain my envoys. . too. And . and my brother should know it. . them . who is pleasing to my brother's heart. . . §3i 51 May my brother let my envoys go as soon as possible 52 so they can leave. . . And I have . she my . . (them). (I have sent off) Keliya and Ar-Tessup and Asali. . . . . . §30 45 My brother may say: "You yourself have also detained my envoys. . 561 do not want him. my envoys—Keliya is a magnate. . . . And you . this (woman) is pure (a virgin?). . And I would . . . And that is the thing 108 that has [been demanded]. . may he not . I have not detained them. and as my ." 46 No. . 60 . me. And it (the dowry) is coming. . . 63 . 44 and I will rejoice very much over the well-being of my brother. 50 In the view of my brother may it be satisfactory. 35—39 I have sent off Mane. . . she will speak.

7 5 ) have been used for this preliminary translation only to the extent that parts of them have been discussed in various articles of H .. Das Hurritologische Archiv . . . T h e content is often obscure even where the text is not damaged. . And so . see G . ZA 7 8 ( 1 9 8 8 ) pp. 9 6 . idem. . N e u prior to J u l y 1 9 9 0 . [ 1 9 7 5 ] ) .9 6 .s. Pbonematik und grammatische Struktur des Hurrischen. . us. T h e Hurrian-Hittite bilinguals discovered at Boghazkoy (see H . one another exceedingly. and Bush. Tusratta is the Hurrian king. . and if they . Friedrich. des Altorientalischen Seminars der Freien Universitat Berlin (Berlin. §35 i n In my heart I wish to be on the best of terms with my brother 1 1 2 and to love one another. and H . the relevant literature may be found in the extensive bibliography in the appendix to the latest comprehensive grammar of Hurrian. they 1 2 7 . 1 2 0 and may we . T h e interpretation of the text is associated especially with the names of Messerschmidt. Otten. . . diss.1 5 (destroyed or unintelligible) As by Seri 1 1 6 (and) your god our life (and) our fate are determined.J . Speiser. 1 2 3 to love one another. .1 1 3 . in V Haas. . Otten and E . that §imige shines upon. T h e Staatliche Museen zu Berlin very generously made photos available. 4 8 7 . 5 4 ( 1 9 8 5 ) p p . S M E A 2 4 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p p . Laroche has published a lexicon. — W L M ] 1 . Thus . So shall it be (lit. Diakonoff. 2 1 5 . W i l h e l m . 71 . 1 1 8 Tessup and Amanu. NOTE [The translation and note for EA 2 4 are by G e m o t W i l h e l m . And may my brother keep faith 1 1 3 perfectly. and C . M . H . T h e "Mittani letter" is the only document in the Amarna archives writ­ ten in the Hurrian language. and these were consulted in numerous in­ stances.. And may we . Or n. they 1 3 0 love . p p . 1 1 7 may the gods guide both of us together. And all the lands that 1 2 5 exist on the earth. And in our relationship one will wish for 1 2 4 the goodfate{\?) of the other. . . For the grammar also to be noted are I. 3 7 2 . . . . the translation must be provisional and tentative. 1 9 6 4 ) . so do we want. . . and since this language is quite inadequately under­ stood. 1 2 9 . Brandeis University. For a new interpretation of several passages. Hurrisch und Urartdisch (Munich. As 1 2 2 man loves Simige on seeing him. W . and in our hearts we wish to love one another 1 1 4 . 1 1 9 And may we be protected. . And between us 1 2 1 we wish to love one another in brotherly fashion and close attachment. Girbal. "A G r a m m a r of the Hurrian Language" ( P h . Archdologischer Anzeiger [ 1 9 8 4 ] pp. ZA 7 3 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p p . E . . . . our fathers. . between them . our lords. Glossaire de la langue hourrite. . n o may [my br]other not hear the (things) that (in reality) are not [said]. J . D . . Thiel. 1 9 7 1 ) . EA 24 other way. 9 3 ( 1 9 8 0 ) . between us. 1 2 2 — 3 6 .2 3 9 . And we wish to be friendly (to each other). . 128 . 9 8 . all for us . 1 2 6 . reprinted as a monograph in the series Etudes et Commentaires. . . .. Goetze. F. Immureya is the Egyptian king. idem.2 2 . so we are). Bush. RHA 3 4 ( 1 9 7 6 ) and 3 5 ( 1 9 7 7 ) . Thiel et al.

(with) inlay. 27 1 set of toggle pins.}. their top of hiliba-stone. their top of genu­ ine hulalu-stone. 28 1 set of toggle pins. their top of genuine hulalu-stone. their [cones] of genuine hulalu-stone. 29 1 set of toggle pins. no. of genuine hulalu-stone. 17 1 set of ear[rings. their top of hiliba- stone. of gold. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone. 3 2 [ 1 se]t of toggle pins. . their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 25 Inventory of gifts from Tusratta TEXT: VAT 340 ( + ) fragments 2191 a-c. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. of genuine [ . their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone. 7 hiliba-stones. their top of genuine hulalu- stone. of solid gold. of gold]. of gold with a reddish tinge (and) of .2 1 1 set of earrings. . their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. . their top of genuine hulalu-stone. . 201. their top of hiliba-stone. VS 12. (with) inlay.. their top of genuine hulalu-stone. . 2. of solid gold. 3 1 1 set of toggle pins. i 1 1-15C.. 4 on each. of gold. ] . 1 6 1 set [of earrings. their top of genuine lapis lazuli. their top of hiliba-stone. (with) inlay. 3 22 1 set of toggle pins. of g]old. 24 1 set of toggle pins.. 26 1 set of toggle pins. 2 0 . (with) inlay. 1 s e t 18-19 of earrings. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. and their kukkubu of genuine lapis lazuli. (with) inlay. their top of genuine hiliba-stone. their c[o]nes of genuine lapis 2 lazuli. 25 1 set of toggle pins. of genuine fculla^lu-stone. their [cones] of genuine lapis lazuli. 2 3 1 set of toggle pins.. 174-205. and their kukkubu of genuine hulalu-stone. their inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. . pp. 1 4 72 . 33—34 1 "weave": 6 genuine lapis lazuli stones. their cones of genuine lapis lazuli. 30 [ 1 se]t of toggle pins. COPIES: WA 25 (without fragments)..

the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 49 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. 4 . x hiliba-stones. 40 [1 mani]nnu-necklace (with) a counterweight: 28 genuine lapis lazuli stones. x hil~\iba-stones. cut: 32 [genuine lapis lazuli stones. . . 50 1 maninnu-neckiace. mounted on gold. 38 strings of gold. the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 46 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. the centerpiece a [. cut: 26 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 48 1 maninnu-neckiace. 28 hi{liba-stones]. 28 hiliba-stones. . . 43 { 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. 45 1 maninnu-neckiace. cut: 25 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 38 (pieces of) gold. fx] strings of lapis lazuli. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 13 per string. cut: 26 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 4 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 26 hiliba-stones.-stone] mounted on gold. of gold. 47 [ 1 ] maninnu-neckiace. of seal-shaped stones. the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. the center[piece] a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 40 strings of gold." of gold: 1 hiliba-stone.. cut: 30 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 37 [1 "wea]ve. cut: 34 genuine hulalu-stones. cut: 38 [genuine lapis lazuli stone]s. 72 strings of genuine lapis lazuli and gold. ] - stones. its centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. cut: 4 3 [genuine lapis lazuli stones}. 39 (pieces of) gold leaf. 38 [1 maninnu-neckiace. 73 . cut: 38 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 20 hikru-gems of gold.. 3 5 . 38 (pieces of) gold leaf. 10 hiliba-stones. 13 seal-shaped stones of genuine lapis lazuli. EA 25 bikru-gems of gold. cut: 37 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 42 [1 mani]nnu-necklace. 2 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone. 25 hiliba-stones. [the centerpiece] a sankallu-stone mounted on gold. the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 41 [1 mari\innu-necklace. of seal-shaped stones of lapis lazuli. 39 [1 mani]nnu-necklace. 28 hiliba-stones. 44 1 maninnu-neckiace.3 6 1 "weave": 9 genuine lapis lazuli stones.* the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. mounted on gold. 35 [. mounted on gold.

5 2 ..-stone] mounted on gold. . . 63—64 [ . 69 [ . "cricket]s. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 6 61 [ . 25 genuine hulalu-stones. the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. .THE AMARNA LETTERS 51 1 maninnu-necklace. . . mounted on gold. a thin (band) overlaid with 74 . . the centerpiece] a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. ] genuine hulalu-stone." of {genuine] l[apis lazuli"]. 55—56 1 maninnu-necklace (with) counterweight: 1 4 genuine lapis lazuli stones. .2 [x a]skiru?hu-vessels. 3 3 (pieces of) gold. 3 0 (pieces of) gold {leaf. . . . . 54 1 maninnu-necklace. : 1 2 2 genuine lapis lazuli stones. . . . . . . . 1 6 genuine §ulalu-stones. . . 65—66 [ . 1 7 hiliba-stones. . . . gazelle [. . . ] . ] are strung [on] gold wire. 5 pomegranates of sankallu-stone. . the centerpiece a sankallu-stone mounted on gold. cut: 17 genuine lapis lazuli stones. [ . ] 24 gold kamaru. . along with their covers [ . . 59-60 [1 maninnu-necklace . [x + ] 6 feulalu- stones.6 [ . cut: 34 obsidian stones. 62 [ . .5 3 1 maninnu-necklace. 5 7 . . } genuine lapis lazuli stones. 16 carnelian stones. . 180 "worms" of genuine hulalu-stone. ] .-stone] mounted on gold.5 8 [ 1 mani]nnu-necklace (with) counterweight: 14 genuine lapis lazuli stones. 8 t>u{lalu-stones . 1 0 "cr[icke]ts" of fydiba-stone. ] of genuine lapis lazuli. 26 gold k{ama]ru. 1 6 sankallu-stones. [ . ii 1 .. a . ] .7 2 [ . 48 (pieces of) gold leaf. of gold. (x + ) ] 5 "worms" of gold. ] . . . 35 (pieces of) gold. 70 [ . . . . {the center­ piece] a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 10 pomegranates of carnelian. x] genuine hulalu-stones. . sankallu-stones. the centerpiece a genuine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. 2 5 5 Marhafi-stones.]• 1 3 . the centerpiece a genuine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 63 genuine feulalu stones. the centerpiece a . their tops [ . 24 (pieces of) gold leaf. . . .4 [x] utuppu: 60 genuine lapis lazuli stones. . cut: 2 3 genuine lapis lazuli stones. ] . . [ . .. 5 . the cen­ terpiece a ge]nuine [. 67-68 [ . . 24 genuine hulalu-stones. 7 1 . [the centerpiece. along with their [co]vers.-stone] mounted on gold. ] . .

of solid gold. of gold." of genuine lapis lazuli. set [in] genuine [lapis lazu]li. 30 shekels in weight. 5 finger-rings. genuine obsidian. for a seal-shaped stone. their ulluru of hiliba-stone. 3 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone. . the mesukku-birds (have) an inlay of genuine lapis lazuli. ] 3 genuine hulalu-stones (for a) counterweight.2 7 hand-bracelets.1 4 1 set of large agarhu-]ewe\s. . mounted on gold. (with) mesukku-bhds.-stone mounted on gold. of genuine lapis lazuli. 1 3 per string. of gold tinged with red [ . mounted on gold. genuine obsidian. mounted on gold. . n . 9—10 [x] large [ . ] new-moon crescents of genuine hulalu-stone. of genuine joulalu-stone. ] . 1 3 . 7—8 { . 2 foot-bracelets. 2 1 .3 1 1 small torque. of iron. of gold tinged with red. 2 4 . (mounted) on gold. . . 1 seal-shaped stone of pendu mounted on gold. . for the hand. . of gold. 1 5 . the centerpiece a genu­ ine lapis lazuli stone mounted on gold. 2 finger-rings. . ] .1 7 3 sets of small agarh. . 19 1 3 "eye"-stones. 18 2 "eye"-stones. of hiliba-stone. 4 bikru-gems of gold. . . 2 finger-rings.2 5 1 4 hand-bracelets. 2 finger-rings. . 1 seal- shaped stone of genuine lapis lazuli mounted on gold. 4 . . of solid gold. of mussaru-stone. their centerpiece a genu­ ine hulalu-stone mounted on gold. . 1 new-moon crescent of [genuine] hulalu-stone. for the hand. . of solid gold. ] . of 9 malachite. . 2 2 6 . 2 9 . . 3 finger-rings. mus saru-stone. . mounted on gold. 14 seal-shaped stones of genuine hulalu-stone. 30 shekels of gold [have been used] on them. 2 new-moon crescents of genuine lapis lazuli. not mounted. not mounted. mu[s?aru)-stone. mounted on gold. of genuine lapis lazuli. of genuine lapis lazuli. 28 10 thin bracelets. one attached to the other. 1 ulluru of hiliba-stone. for 8 the hand. 20 2 1 9 "crickets. of genuine hulalu-stone.u-]evje\s. of ir[on}. genuine ^ulalu-stone.2 3 3 finger-rings. not mounted. . (with) inlay. EA 25 gold.1 2 [ . . 1 2 bikru-gems and a seal-shaped stone of genuine hulalu-stone. . mounted on gold [ . 1 finger-ring. 1 . genuine hulalu-stone. 390 shekels in weight. overlaid with gold. n per string. 2 75 .

'9 56—57 1 mirror. This jewelry is for keeping 11 {girded]. . 80 shekels in weight. . 40 shekels in weight. mounted on gold. .' 2 genuine lapis lazuli stones [are set]' in the center.-stone. its handle a figure 3 of a woman." of gold. 1 pin. 1 alkali container of silver.5 0 1 ointment receptacle. 51 1 oin(t)ment receptacle. 1 alkali container of gold. 4 4 5 . . .4 6 1 ointment receptacle. of silver. 34—35 1 harufyu. . of gold. 14 shekels in weight. . . 7 small pomegranates.THE AMARNA LETTERS genuine lapis lazuli stones (to serve as) counterweights. of gold. 4 3 .5 5 1 water-dip(per). of genuine hulalu-stone. its rettu of abasmu-stone. 30 shekels in weight. its handle a Delugue-monster overlaid with gold. 1 washbasin of silver. 4 9 . . iharushu. 40 shekels in weight. of gold. 20 shekels in weight. . its top of hiliba-stone mounted on gold. y/2 shekels of gold have been u[sed] on them. ifearufhu. 6 [ . 11 "worms. i?4 shekels of silver have been overlaid on them. overlaid with g]ol[d}. [ . 2 genuine hulalu-stones (to serve as) counterweights. 3 shekels of gold have been [used] on them. its top of hiliba-stone mounted on gold. the handle a figure of alabaster. of silver. It is set here {and there] with lapis lazuli and alabaster. . . 8 52 30 shekels of silver (we)re overpaid]' on them. of gold. one genuine lapis lazuli stone [is set] in the center. of genuine hulalu-stone. 53 1 wa[shba]sin. of gold. 58—59 1 mirror. . its retifu) overlaid with gold. of ivory. 4 7 . . mo[unted on] gold. 1 ussab- nannu. . . 1 huzunu. 3 . its rettu of . of gol[d . its handle a 5 6 . 1 parakkatanu. overlaid with gold. I 2 3 4 1 .4 8 1 ointment receptacle. ] . 1 3 shekels in weight. of gold. its handle [a pan]ther [overlaid with] gold. . 100 shekels of gold hafve been used] o[n them]. ] Their b[ut]tons' are of loiUba-stone. its top of genuine lapis lazuli mounted on gold." of gold. its rettu of marhallu-stone. overlaid with ivory and gold. of genuine hulalu-stone. 10 36—40 1 {bunc]h ofgrapes. (mounted) on gold. i 4 shekels of gold have been overlaid on them. of gold. . 4 .' its rettu of alabaster. 76 . its handle a figure of a woman. 1 harushu. of gold. 6 "weaves. of gold. . .4 2 1 0 pairs of boots and . of ebony. 5 4 . its handle a 17 s[wal]low overlaid with gold. . of gold.4 4 1 ointment receptacle. 1 2 3 shekels in weight. 32—33 1 pin.

71 10 combs. . . . st]rung on a w[ire of gold]. 16 shekels of gold [have been used on them]. . ] .}-stone. . of silver. . (with) inlay. 300 shekels [ . .] . along with [their] co[vers . 69 10 combs. .. . . . . 22 1 5 1 set of angurbinnu. . 30 [ . 30—31 [ . of silver [ . 64 30 hearts. 62 1 kuninnu-bowl. 66 1 0 combs. 30 shfekels of silver . . . ] . EA 25 60—61 1 kuninnu-bowl. [ . ] strung. ] . [ . } . . 1 comb of 20 mol[ten] g l a s s . of silver [ ( .. 63 1 heart. . eb]ony [ . 77 . . . 1 { . 27—28 25 sets of askurus [A#-vessels . . } . .)}. .. . . } . ] . [. of silver [ . . 900 shekels i[n weight}. { . . of silver { . . of silver. . . ] ..2 1 26 sets of fla(sks). of silver [ . ] 20 shekels of gold [ . . . ) } .. . 2 0 . 2000 [ . . of gold.1 9 25 sets of flasks. 10 shekels of gold. . . [ . along with [their] c[overs . 30 shekels in 21 weight. 68 10 combs. } . 1 set of . 70 { 1 0 co}mbs. 14 [ . . along with their covers. of silver. 1 genuine lapis lazuli stone is set in it. . . of silver [ .. .. . of gold. ] . 65 20 combs. . . . 24—25 [ . of silver [ . o]f the country . . . overlaid with gold. . . of ram-horn [ . the inlay. along with [their] (c)ov[ers . 2 33—34 1 set 4 of [ . 29 25 sets of askuru\shu-vessels . . . ] . 72 10 combs. 32 [x sets of askurus\hu-vessels. } . iii I-II [. . . of stone. 4 2 4 shekels of gol[d have been used on the]m.. . am]ong whi[ch] 1 of [. .. of gold. .]. 3 22—23 W sets offlas\ks. . 1 s e t or 23 16—17 "flasks. . . ] . ] . . . 1 3 [ . . ] . . . . of silver. ] . ] . . 26 [ . its inside and its base have been overlaid with gold. . . of silver [ . . . . . [ ( .. } . of sil}ver. . . 4 2 / [ 4 shekels of silver have been used on the]m. .. . . } . . ) ] .. genuine lapis lazuli. . . . ] . 20 shekels in weight. ] . ] their [ .. 10 [. . hu]Ialu-stone { . 67 1 0 combs. . . 3 1 8 . . ] . along with their covers [ . have been used o]n them. ] . [(. } . . ala]baster. . 73 10 combs.] 12 1 [. .

39-40 5 horn-rhytons .] overlaid with gold. } .]-stone. } overlaid [with gold]. . . their top of lapis lazuli.}. 16 shekels [of gold have been used on them]. . of hula{lu)-stone. It {is set] here and {there] with genuine lapis lazuli [ .. . genuine lapis lazuli stones. overlaid with gold. its rettu of ivory. . } .5 8 2 sets of kapissuhfcu-omaments. with a gold 21 knob. their cones of fyiliba-stone..6 2 2 sets of earrings. and its wire strung with genuine hulalu-stones. . 42 1 aurochs horn-rhyton. . of gold. 48 90 shekels of gold have been used on them. of gold.. of lapis lazuli. inlay. . their cones. . . . . overlaid with gold. Among [which] 1 [ . . its rettu and its handle . 1 2 shekels of [gold have been used o]n t[hem}. strung on a wire of gold. . 2 sets of toggle pins. . ] their [ . of fciliba-stone. .3 8 [ . . of gold. ] . 3 1 3 [shekels of gold}. their . carnelian stones. 9 maninnu-nec\d&ces. overlaid with gold 2 times.5 4 1 fly whisk.]-stone.. of ivory [ . [ . . [ . } . its rettu of [. 5 2 . . ] overlaid [with go]ld. 44 1 mountain-ox horn-rhyton. overlaid with gold 3 times. 2 s{ets of toggle pins]. its rettu of ebony. 5 1 1 4 giant aurochs horn-rhytons. ] and hili{ba]-stone . 46 1 lulutu (animal) horn-rhyton. and [its] 26 stand is se[t here and there with .." [of . . its rettu of [. 35 shekels of gold [have been used] on them. . of hulalu-stone. 4 9 . } overlaid with gold. 42 shekels of gold [have been used] on [them]. } its {p]arattatinu. This jew­ 28 elry is for the 2 principal ladies-in-waiting. on one of which the rettu is of ebony. overlaid with gold. 47 1 lulutu (animal) horn-rhyton. . inlay of [genuine] lapis lazuli. .. 45 1 aurochs horn-rhyton. . 30 shekels of gold [have been used] on [them]. . their rettu of ivory. . 1 2 hand-bracelets. . their top of hulalu- 78 . of gold. 18 [shekels] of gold [have been used on them}. of gold. overlaid with gold. 41 5 small horn-rhytons. . inlay and [its] re{ttu) of alabaster. 12 shekels of [gold have been used on them]. overlaid with gold 3 times. [ . their kukkubu. . 43 1 aurochs horn-rhyton. 2 sets of earrings. [// is se]t here and there with lapis lazuli (and) . overlaid with gold. . 8 foot-bracelets. [have been used o]n t[hem]. . ] overlaid [with gol]d .-stone [ . . 3 7 . of gold. 5 9 . overlaid with gold. ..THE AMARNA LETTERS 25 35 25 ho{rn-rhytons . 2 "weaves. ] . . [ . . . . .5 0 20 ayigalluhu (animals) horn-rhytons. of hiliba-stone. 36 [x horn-rhytons . of gold. their rettu of ivory. . 5 5 .

for j ] o [me]n. overlaid with gold and silver. 1440 shekels of silver [have been used] on th[em]. for 100 dowry-women. x maninnu- necklaces]. 7 6 . 15 shekels of gold. with kaziru-hgures. . 8 shekels in weight. 69 [1 plaqu]e. ] . . 1 0 shekels in weight. x shekels of . .74 shekels in wei[ght]. 63 10 hand-bracelets.] tallu-\ars. iv 1 . ] of blue-purple wool. their top [ . their cones of lapis-lazuli. of blue-purple wool." of lapis lazuli and hiliba-stone. of horn. . 64-67 4[o]o foot-bracelets. of . . . } . is set.. .. . of gold. of gold.7 2 [x spindles. [This] jewe[lry] is for the 2 principal ladies-in- waiting. . . .' 10 shekels of go[ld] have been used on them. withfigure]sof Deluge-monsters.. } . of gold and silver. 2 "weaves. of lapis lazuli. . [x spindles. 4 . of gol]d. .3 [• • •]. 8 [.. 2 68 [1 plaque]. of gold. of al[abas]ter.. of . [x shekels of gold. with figures o]f apsasu-animals. ] 15 (shekels) have been used o[n it. . . o f . overlaid with [sil}ver. [x spindles. ] . . . . of silver. 7 0 . x shekels of silver]. EA 25 stone.} 1 0 spindles. 3 0 hand-bracelets. . [ . . 1 subtu-garment. . Its front [ . 16 spindles. 12 hand-bracelets. 10-11 [ . [x shekels of . ] 6 shekels of [si]lver [ . 7 3 . . . . . for 10 2< ) pages. overlaid with gold. [ . n spindles. . . . 9 [ . ] . 47 [ . . 100 sets of tog­ 30 gle pins. . 3 3 spindles. of dusu-stone. with a gold knob. . . 8 foot-bracelets." 40 she[kels of silver have been used on them]. 100 shekels of gold have been used on it. 30 sets of earrings.] goblets [.}. ofgo[ld. for 30 [dowry]-women. . . 60 shekels of silver have been used on them.. of gold and silver. 26 spindles. of lapis lazuli. shekels of . . 15 shekels of gold have been used on them. of gold. It is 208 shekels of gold that [have been used] on [them]. 1 0 foot-bracelets. .7 7 [. of silver. 79 . 12-13 [ . for women. overlaid with gold and silver. with kaziru-hgures.7 5 [1 . [ . 36 shekels of silver have been us[ed] on them. . ] have been us[ed on them]. in] weight. ] .. .a [ov]erlaid with gol[d]. . ] . . . . 6 [. 38 shekels of silver. of silver. of gold. . of gold. . .}-stone. ] shekels of gold. } have been used on them. . hav[e been used o]n it. . 7 [ . . . . . ..5 [1 plaque. [ . [have been used on it/them]. .

[. [A figure]. ] . . [ 1 ] kettle. . } . ] . of many-colored cloth. ] of lapis lazuli. with elder-oil. 1 8 . . . . 80 . over­ laid with gold and silver. . . . . 41 with kanatku-oil. with persantu-oil. . 37 1 garment. with myr­ tle oil.. for a bed.] 3 shekels of gold. . withfigure]sof deer34 . . ] . . . 1 scent container. with cording above and below. 64 [shekels of silver]. .. . of which the trimmings are many-colored. of bronze. . . 55 10 kirru-pots that are full of "sweet oil. [ . 1 (scent container). of ivory. of many-colored cloth. its side-board [ . . 57 [x] large [jar]s.] pots [ . [A figure]. with myrrh-scented oil. . 26 shekels of silver. ] of elammakku-v/ood. of sil]ver. [x] che[sts . 12 shekels of gold. . . of bronze. 380 shekels in weight. for the head. . . [x] small [j]ars. . with elder- oil. 49 30 large blankets. . i[o fabri]cs. of br[onze}. 25—26 [ . . 50 2 sh[or]t spreads. . 17 [ . of ivory.4° 51 1 scent container. withfigureso}/lions [ . 2 1 . . .3 1 [x ches]ts. theirf[ig]ures.36 45 4 [sh]irt[s]. . . [ . 46 1 . 1 6 shekels of silver have been used on them. 27 [ . ." 56 1 ewer. [have been used o]n [it].. .2 2 [ . overlaid with gold. [. x c]he[sts. for women. . 4 blankets.THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 4 . of bronze. . . for the feet. . ] . .-garments. [ . ] . 54 1 scent container. overlaid with gold and silver. for a bed. x shekels of . . of iv[ory . of many-colored cloth.. 3 47 40 [ .2 0 [ . of many-colored cloth. with sikil-oil. 23—24 [ . [their] bot[tom . 53 2 scent containers.. Tukris-style. . . . 58 [ . of bo]xwood. of boxwood. 2 8 . of bronze. of 8 many-colored cloth.1 6 [ .. of [ . ejbony. 30 shekels of silver. overlaid with gold and silver. have been used on them. . .. have been used [on] it. . . ] its side-board^' [ .. 5 2 2 scent containers. 6 shekels of gold.} . overlaid with silver. [i]o susinnu-gatments. ] lapis lazuli. with myrtle oil. 4 blankets. . } overpaid] with gold. ] . ] . . 1 scent container. [ . 1 scent container. . . ] . ] have been used {on them]. ] . . 32-44 [. . . i9 48 41 r[obes]. . of . . 2 shekels [of gold] hav[e been used o]n them. . . 4 long spreads. . ] . .

of bronze. 12. a n d there is no other e v i d e n c e t h a t kuduppanu d e r i v e s f r o m c o n t r a c t i o n . [ . of elammakku-wood. ii 4 9 ) . 2 8 1 . F r o m iii 5 9 . L i e b e r m a n ) as a k i n d of o r n a m e n t a t i o n on a n e c k l a c e ( ? ) . p. K n u d t z o n read \mar-ha-lim. . n 5. W a s tamlfi a l s o t h e n a m e o f a m a t e r i a l ? S e e below.1 5 have only e n d s o f l i n e s . See note 3 a b o v e . 46 are the dowry-personnel. " m e a n s "loose. 3 2 7 ) . are t h e a b s e n c e o f d o u b l i n g a n d t h e a p p a r e n t g e n i t i v e . not o f f u n c t i o n . see t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f D u r a n d . . I / J .6 1 . W i t h t h e s e c o n d . a n d n o t e mar-ha-su at U g a r i t r a t h e r t h a n t h e u s u a l marhusu. M / i . 190). . S e e C i v i l . L i n e s 1 . u n a t t a c h e d . ] . . 5 ) . iii 60. as in i 2 7 — 3 2 . p. of boxwood. . sa su-ur-k[u -si) 8 ( L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ) . . sa-Za-tu :4 p r o b a b l y t h e s a m e as sa-an-Za-[t]i in line iii 5 7 ( A d l e r . Cf. Die Fussbekleidung der Alten Mesopotamien [Helsinki.} ga[ve . 2 7 0 women. "for t h e h a n d . n. is difficult (an A s s y r i a n i s m ? ) . J .4 2 . identification o f t h e m a t e r i a l . " 9. t w i c e ) a n d ^mar-hal-lu (below. p . } her [. ku -dup-pi-a-na 8 (AHw. p. 6 1 . 11. } . 1 0 sets of angurin\nu. . ka-ma-ru (also i 6 2 ) is f o u n d at M a r i (first p o i n t e d o u t t o m e b y S. cf. 3 0 . o n e w o u l d e x p e c t a d e s i g n a t i o n o f p e r s o n n e l . . of bronze. of bronze. of bronze. 4. 7. See EA 1 3 : 1 4 a n d n o t e . 13.. S . however. "a b u n c h o f g r a p e s m a d e o f p r e c i o u s stones" (CAD. 1 0 wash[basins. of bronze}. 2. ARMT 2 1 . p p . a n d A d l e r ) ." 3. For s t o n e s a n d other o b j e c t s f r o m t h e c o u n t r y M a r h a s i . 8. T h e a s s u m p t i o n o f a n u n c o n t r a c t e d f o r m .. 1975-198} (see EA 2 2 . EA 25 59 [ . the king of Mittani. 494 ( r e a d i n g gumbu or guduppu. {i)s-hu-un-na-tu 4 ( G o r d o n ) . a n d L i m e t . 2 0 small troughs. a chair. 6 . 43 4 4 62 [1 water-dip\per. p . A g a i n s t marhallu. . 1 4 9 . . w h i c h is a l s o the r e g u l a r w r i t i n g e l s e w h e r e . p . see CAD. c o n t r a s t n mar-hal-lu (EA 2 2 ii 67. 42 60 [ . 2 7 9 on 2 3 0 . 2 0 knives. sa qdti. EA 2 2 ii 2 4 . L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ten­ t a t i v e l y c o m p a r e d samsdti. p r o b a b l y m o s t l y concerning earrings. CAD. 2 4 1 . a n d a vase. of bronze}. ii 2 1 . r e t a i n s K n u d t z o n ' s z[i- h]u-[u]n-na-tum. ARMT 2 5 . p .. of elammakku- wood. . . t h e last s i g n b e c o m i n g li for A d l e r . . and p. p[u]-ti-in-na-su-nu ( G o r d o n ) . 10. p. [ . however.2 3 . ] . a n d sa-izaj-a-tu^. 65—67 It is all these [ob]jects (and) dowry-personnel t[hat 4 7 Tu}sratta. K . 6. 81 . p. "disks.. 45 64 { 2 0 + x s]poons. 3 0 men. . I follow CAD. 1 container for alkali. 63 [x] small troughs. NOTES 1. followed by S a l o n e n . Ebla. [of bronze]. 2 4 2 . relation t o kuduppanu unclear). O n e e x p e c t s h e r e . 2 8 3 on 4 4 5 . KUB 2 2 . A c c o r d i n g t o L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n . 61 [ 1 0 brajziers. 7 0 : 2 0 . . . ] .5 are b r o k e n . . l 9(>9s. of bronze. 499.

S e e EA 1 3 . 2 7 0 in iv 6 4 ) . I f in iv 6 5 mulugi q u a l i f i e s ude. if n o t decisively. pt'-is-sa-tu (AHw. 18. no. 20. . s[i-nu]-un-t[u ] 4 ( G o r d o n ) . M E § in iv 6 4 . [ L U ] .. " H o r n . on line 5 7 . "mother") w h o r a i s e d Q u e e n B e l t u m a n d a c c o m ­ p a n i e d her f r o m Q a t n a t o M a r i . t h e r e q u e s t in AEM 1 / 2 . t o o . s i m i l a r l y in ii 4 7 . 9 2 ) . T a k i n g i-sa-as-[su . cf. 23. M E § . [ G A R . 3 ) 0 s e e m s fairly c e r t a i n . 22. b u t o f t h e o b j e c t s n a m e d (so AHw. u{h)-hu-{zu\ (Adler). O n the abalmu-stone. 25. t h e h e a r t . 66. 21. M / 2 . I a s s u m e the s a m e feature here. a sort o f n u r s e or g o v e r n e s s w h o a c c o m p a n i e s a y o u n g w o m a n (nadftu) e n t e r i n g t h e "cloister" (ARM 10. n o t e 7)- 30. P r o b a b l y s o m e k i n d o f a c l a s p ( R e i n e r . l i t . and c o m m e n t a r y p . 291a). if it is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d . in t h e list i t s e l f (iii 6 5 . 4 7 — 5 1 . has fehruti. 1 0 8 9 . N o t e the w r i t i n g of angurinnu. 869). a s t h e t e x t is g e n e r a l l y t a k e n . ] a s an A s s y r i a n i s m . p. 320). [ M E § mu-lu-kt]\ iv 6 4 ) s e e m s p o i n t l e s s — t h a t i s . m. The position. 3 0 in iii 66. 2 1 . VAB 2 / 1 . t h e h a n d l e has s o m e sort o f a figure. Cf. "2 sets" ( n o t c o l l a t e d ) . AfO. EME(for E M E ) . M E S in iii 64. 19. "old w o m e n " ) f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e c u s t o m s o f t h e p a l a c e . p . B e i h e f t 1 1 . is definitely. p. n o t o f t h e p e r s o n s i m m e ­ d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g . c o m p a n i o n s t o t h e p r i n c e s s far f r o m her n a t i v e l a n d . a n d h e n c e all t h e o b j e c t s l i s t e d in EA 2 5 are t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as m. p . A d l e r . A d l e r ) . In v i e w o f t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n t h e n u m b e r s o f o b j e c t s a n d t h o s e o f p e r s o n s in iii 6 4 ( 1 0 0 ) a n d iii 6 6 ( 3 0 ) . 26.THE AMARNA LETTERS 14. r o u n d n u m b e r s ( 1 0 0 in iii 6 5 . a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y iii 6 6 . 5 8 . ii 6 1 . 29. M E § ( K n u d t z o n . w h o are a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y not i n c l u d e d in t h e 3 0 in iv 6 4 . 82 . no. "knife-blade(s)" (?).B a b y l o n i a n ) . and iv 64. r a t h e r t h a n ' " T U R } . t h e n t h e o c c a s i o n a l u s e o f m.s h a p e d c u p a t M a r i (ARM 9. suharf seems the m o r e l i k e l y r e a d i n g (AHw. w e r e p r o b a b l y o f h i g h social s t a n d i n g (see EA 17.r h y t o n " ( S I . 3 0 M U N U S . Cf. t h e s e t w o w o m e n are c e r t a i n l y n o t i n c l u d e d in t h e 2 7 0 w o m e n in iv 6 4 . S i n c e reference here is t o f u n c t i o n rather t h a n t o a g e . . 9:i75f. note 2 2 . EA 4 1 : 3 9 ^ . 16. [GAR-/«].). T h e a l k a l i (uhillu. Adler). " w h i c h a r e a l w a y s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h sulapu. CAD. 28. 298:29ff. iv 6 2 . S u m e r i a n n a g a ) w a s u s e d for b a t h i n g . qarnu) as d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m t h e s i m p l e rhyton (bibru. 2 9 8 : 1 3 6 ° . p . 4 3 . t h e tarftu. 15. 31. for 4 or 5 d u e n n a s (pur- sumatum. a g a i n s t t h e l a t t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . w h e r e s h e r e m a i n e d (AEM 1 / 2 . cf. 17. these m e n . 24. lit. sehheruti). F o l l o w i n g VS 1 2 . D A = tarftu. N A 4 bu-u[s-lu] (CAD. S i n c e in ii 4 3 — 4 4 . a n d t h e n u r s e (ummu. a n d h e n c e its m e n t i o n here w i t h a d i p p e r . is a t t e s t e d earlier ( N u z i ) a n d later ( N e o . cf. t o k e e p Q u e e n B e l t u m in l i n e . T h e y were p r o b a b l y m e m b e r s o f a n o b l e family. 27.» # ] : cf. in v i e w o f 3 0 L U . p . see MSL 10. T h e t w o w o m e n are referred t o a g a i n in iii 6 2 . M U N U S . of m. 268:5) a n d the Neo- B a b y l o n i a n " h e a r t s . L i k e t h e l a d i e s . ARMT 7. a n d s i n c e t h e n u m b e r s m e n t i o n e d e l s e w h e r e are l a r g e . A s a d e s i g n a t i o n o f p e r s o n s .i n - w a i t i n g of the previous p a r a g r a p h s .

iv 6 5 ) . mu-lu-gu {ME§] y (cf. 10 pe-pa-{wa-Ti\ n x {p\(-pa-wa-si ur-ra-se-na (iv 4 4 . G I G (kanaktu. p . t h e f o l l o w i n g line. R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f deer ( s t a g s ) were c o m m o n . B e s i d e s t h e 100 ( 1 3 0 ? ) w o m e n referred t o in iii 646". (see iii 6 4 ) . n o . rev. .l ] i : cf. L [ U H . For t h e 3 0 m e n ... . 35. p . 1 9 3 4 ] .. 5 ku-ur\-si-i-in-ni. Cf.6 4 a s in EA 22 iv 3 4 — 3 5 . M A § . a n d EA 2 2 iii 5. For iv 4 9 . If gistuppu is c o r r e c t . AHw. e . p .-p]t'-iz-zu-uh-hu (iv 40. i8f. EA 2 2 iii 2 9 - 36. 8 8 ) . gu -ha]-rf. see iii 6 4 a n d note 3 0 . Cf.. 33.e s u . EA 22 iv 11." r 34.) 40. A L A M . cf. cf. p e r h a p s t h e kazTru-phnt itself. M . L a n d s b e r g e r in Gordon. "objects o f d e s i r e ? " ) . w i t h VS 1 2 . t h e y w e r e s i m p l y a d d e d in here. cf. 39. 1 0 0 1 . B o e h m e r . a l s o G o r d o n . but more l i k e l y t h e e n t i r e o b j e c t t e p r e s e n t e d . EA 2 2 ii 40. o n t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . 41 TUG. Cf. EA 22 ii 41). At the beginning of the line. [1 G I § .. 5 i m 41.-.ME§ [sa Va.s i g n s . p e r s o n n e l as o p p o s e d t o t h e o b j e c t s w i t h w h i c h t h e list h a d been concerned u p t o t h i s p o i n t . Cf. I c o u l d see less t h a n K n u d t z o n (VAB 2 / 1 . 5 45. " b y s s o s . Cf.MES [ B A R . p . D i e t r i c h a n d O . 1 . Despite Knudtzon's auto­ g r a p h (VAB 2 / 1 .1 5 . 1 42. It is not clear.. EA 25 32. D U B . M E § (ayalT). kanatku {EA 2 2 iii 3 2 ] . BiOr 2 3 ( 1 9 6 6 ) p .5 5 .. (. 46. cf. R .4 a n d n o t e 1 4 . M . 1 4 3 3 . iii 66. 43.5 0 . A d i s t i n c t i o n . and cf. M E § (itqurati): also G o r d o n . EA 1 3 .5 5 . For iv 5 1 . 1 6 4 . t h e s e q u e n c e in EA 2 2 iv 2 2 — n a m s u a n d la N E — a n d t h e next e n t r y here.p ] u . G o r ­ don). if c o r r e c t . e x p l a i n s susinnu as E g y p t i a n sus. . 47. e i t h e r t h e o t h e r 1 7 0 ( 1 4 0 ? ) were also m e n ­ t i o n e d in t h e b r e a k s ./(iv 32). 1 0 0 1 . n o o b j e c t s b e i n g a s s i g n e d t o t h e m . or. t h e n t h e kaztru are h a r d l y c u r l s on f i g u r i n e s {CAD. w h i c h are therefore all d e s i g n a t e d as m. M E S s]a ap-sd-a-((ab))-sd-ti. see EA 2 2 iv 3 4 — 3 5 a n d n o t e 5 2 . 1 1 0 0 w o u l d not b e w r i t t e n 1 1 M E . a n d in iv 6 4 t h e s e p e o p l e s e e m t o f o r m a s p e c i a l category. ZA 66 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p p . as s e e m s m o r e likely. [x 8 ' ] D f L I M . no. 4 3 ) . L o r e t z . . b e t w e e n ude a n d mulugfas two separate c a t e g o r i e s o f g i f t s c o m p r i s i n g t h e d o w r y s e e m s m o t e p r o b a b l e . [. n. cf. 44. 2 TUG. 3 5 ) b u t m o r e t h a n VS 1 2 .. EA 2 2 iv 1 2 . D A R " ' A . "ankles" (iv 3 3 . § U . i-en.g i f t s . there a r e traces o f o n l y o n e h o r i z o n t a l f o l l o w e d b y o n l y one vertical a n d p o s s i b l y a s m a l l s c r a t c h . iii 55). 38. The usual i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h i s e n t r y is t h a t muliigt qualifies ude. . Die Fauna des Alten Mesopotamien . 3 5 . w i t h i n t h e list i t s e l f o n l y p e o p l e s e e m t o b e c a l l e d m. a l s o G o r d o n : the s i g n in q u e s t i o n is definitely not o n e o f t h e B U L U G . H A ] (namsu ): t h e a p p a r e n t m i d d l e h o r i z o n t a l m a y b e only a s c r a t c h . ii 5 4 . p . 310). EA 7:81.ME& ( L a n d s b e r g e r . H o w e v e r . N f G . [ L e i p z i g . For t h e a s s u m p t i o n of t h e s a m e n u m b e r o f s p o o n s as t r o u g h s . p. p r o p o s e s "water-buffalo. o n t h e l a s t w o r d . [u]-de^-e: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . a p p a r e n t l y c o n f i r m e d by t h e c o p y o f V S 1 2 . . M y r e a d i n g y i e l d s t h e s a m e s e q u e n c e in lines iv 6 3 . as 83 . . i . t h e r e f o r e . 1 3 3 . [1 sa m e . " p l u s H u r r i a n a d j e c t i v a l e n d i n g -alenni(lu). 37. EA 2 2 iv 1 4 . [. T h e n u m b e r s s e e m t o b e t o t a l s . D U L ] ? (Cf. 36. K . [h]a-[z]u-[r]a (iv 40.

on the other ha)nd. fo[r your troops]. But you are the on[e. and the things that Mimmureya. For Tadu-Heba. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. m a i n t a i n s . For your countries. your husband.). my husband. 206-11. AJSL 33 (1916) pp. 310. who knows much better than all others the things [that] we said [to one an]other. for] your son. pp. Matrimonio. JAOS 8 8 [ 1 9 6 8 } p p . [on the ot]her hand. Increase (it) f[or] Naphurre[y]a and maintain (it) for hi[m}.. L e v i n e . COPIES: BB 11 ( + ) Luckenbill. 2jiff. p. 203 (A 9356). [would alwa]ys write and say to me. For your household. your brother. p. 9 (BM 29794). very [well]. and for whatever else belongs to you.T a l m u d i c t i m e s ( B . always showed love to yo[ur] father. 7f. your husband. ZA 7 (1892) p. For me] all goes well. For you may all go w[ell. l i k e later A r a m a i c mfliig in p r e - and e a r l y . may all go well. 7-18 You are the one that knows that I [myself] always showed love [to] Mimmureya. Chiera. They Wrote on Clay (Chicago. p . may all go very. You must keep on send[ing] 6 7 embassies of joy. Earlier copies of A 9356: Abel. [my daughter].' " 84 . your daughter-in-law. and that Mimmureya. 1 1 8 .THE AMARNA LETTERS P i n t o r e . Memoires. [Keli]ya. No one [el]se knows them (as well). your husband. P H O T O G R A P H S : B B . one after the other. And now you are the one that must not forget your [ljove' for Mimmu[reya]. was already at t h i s p e r i o d d i s t i n g u i s h e d as t h a t p a r t o f t h e d o w r y over w h i c h t h e wife r e t a i n e d s o m e control. and 2 maintained (it) for you. you. [Say] t[o Teye]. "Say to your lord: 1 'Mi[m]mureya. EA 26 To the Queen Mother: some missing gold statues TEXT: BM 29794 ( + ) A 9356 (Oriental Institute). the king of [Mittani. 19-29 [And n]ow. 1938). may all go well. and he did not cut o[fFH the [em]bassies that he had been accustomed to sending. [your] husba[nd]. 118. A[nd the things) that I wou[ld write and] say [t]o Mimmureya. Do not cut [them] off. pi. t h a t m. the mistress of Egy[pt]: T[hus Tusjratta. and Mane know. always showed love to me. one after the other. Scheil. E. he did not forge[t]3 his love for your father. you yourself [sai]d to Keliya. on the other hand.

EA 26 8 3 0 . p . and may the messen[gers o]f Yuni. "Naphurre[ya. ip-r[u-us]\ so K n u d t z o n . t h e v e r b a l suffix is d a t i v e c a s e . ofgold] and genuine lapis lazuli. 2. With gold being the dirt [in your son's country. your hus­ band. with 3 [ . I show 1 0 times— much. [wi]th love and evidence of es[teem]. your son. . w]hy have they been a source of such dist[ress] to your son that he has not given them to me?'4 Furthermore.." But now Nap[hurreya. [your] husb[and. . and correctly.[ k u ] . A r t z i . } . nor { . t]o give J th[is]. NOTES 1. A d l e r has -[ru-us]. statues of solid cast gold and . [g]o regula[rly} to [you]. 5. im-s[e]: s o K n u d t z o n . my wife.4 8 I will [not} fo[rget] the love for Mimmureya. 13 "[May my brother send me] a[s my greeting-gift. 5 Is this love? I had sa[id]. . 6. In c o n t e x t . in D u r a n d . 64—66 I [her]ewith [send] as your greeting-gift [x] scent con­ 17 tainers [filled] with "sweet oil. said to [me]? If 16 [you] do not expose them before him. 49—57 Wh[y] have you [no]t exposed before Naph[urreya} the words t[hat you your]self. a n d c o r r e c t l y . not a c c u s a t i v e . . . a n d c o r r e c t l y . this s e e m s 85 . 3. . my brother]. 6 2 ) ." But now he has not [given me] even what his father was accustomed to give. More than ever be[fo]re. in D u r a n d . 5 8 . A 9 3 5 6 b e g i n s here (line 2 1 ) a n d w o u l d j o i n B M 2 9 7 9 4 d o w n t h r o u g h line 5 3 . La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique. I 12 had asked [your husband] for [statues] of sol[id} cast [gold]. [You are the one who knows] the words of Mimmureya. your son]. saying. p . and with your own mouth. . is o f a different o p i n i o n . however. A s the i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g akkdsa m a k e s clear. can anyone [el]se know? Let [Nap}hurreya give me statues of sol[id} gold! He must cause me no [dis}tress whatsoever. similarly. it-ta-sa-ar-k[a}\ s o K n u d t z o n . a n d h e r e n o t e t h a t rubbi.6 3 May your own messengers g[o] regularly with the mes- sen[gers o]f Naphurreya. A d l e r h a s . . w h e r e t h e r e is n o reference t o m a r r i a g e . my wife.9 at this very moment. a n d therefore t h e v e r b in t h i s i n s t a n c e d o e s n o t m e a n "to p r o t e c t " . [r]a-a-mu-ut-ka: t h e s m a l l o b l i q u e w e d g e s u g g e s t i n g [r]u or [r]i m a y b e only a scratch (also G o r d o n ) . is going to treat me 1 0 times better than his father did. and y[ou keep silent]. has plated [statues] of wood. A r t z i . usurs[u] in line 2 7 . " i n c r e a s e . 2 4 ." (and) 1 set of stones [set in gold]. sees in t h e (literally) "journey o f joy" reference t o t h e royal p r o c e s s i o n c o n d u c t i n g a b r i d e t o E g y p t . [ . " a l s o h a s no d i r e c t o b j e c t e x p r e s s e d . much—more love to Naphurreya. t]o Yuni. 2 6 . n. La femme dans le Proche-Orient antique (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . . but] you did not l s[end] ° all of my greeting-gift" that {your husband ordered] to [be sent]. -[si] in A d l e r . I asked . Let him treat m[e] 1 0 times better [th]an his father did. 4.

your wife. 11. a s mitharis s h o w s . your mother.( e ) . p . . Matrimonio. COPIES: WA 23 (only VAT 233). ra-'a-mu-ut-t[a la] 3 2 a-ma-as-sP: t [ a .s a . your brother}. for [your] sons. r e a d s -[(ma-a?)-me] and r e j e c t s K n u d t z o n ' s taparras-[si] on the g r o u n d s that the form should be 2d m a s ­ c u l i n e s i n g u l a r — w h i c h it is: taparras + suffix r e f e r r i n g t o fyarrdna (line 2 8 . 27:50^. may all go [well. rf#-»/-t[a] ( A d l e r ) . For you m[ay all go well. p r o b a b l y n o t n ] a ( G o r d o n ) . 3 9 . .. T h e n u m b e r is u n c e r t a i n . the king of Mi[ttani. f e m i ­ n i n e ) . T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. tz-[na s u l m a n l y a ( l i n e 3 9 .. T h e r e is r o o m for a t l e a s t o n e m o r e s i g n . K i i h n e .a w a y [ a ] a b o v e in line 6 4 . 3 9 .] y: x. [m]y daug[hter. 17. 1 9 0 . a n d o f t h e " 1 " j u s t b e l o w in line 6 6 ( G o r d o n : 3 or 5 ? ) . rf-r[a-a]m-we ( K n u d t z o n . to-s[e-(e)-bi-li]. no. 29:139. "my gift" ( K i i h n e . see K i i h n e . i b i d . t h e n w e m u s t a s s u m e a r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n ./ » 4 3 sa D U M U 4 i » im-tar-sti-ma. KB 5. p. see EA 19:64^. n. b u t consisting of more than one p i e c e .k u . s i m p l e taparras ( A d l e r ) is c e r t a i n l y wrong. p . p . Pintore. EA 27:7—8. VS 11.l a ] . " EA 27 The missing gold statues again T E X T : VAT 233 ( + ) 2197. p . your father-in-law. ina libbi marasu. b u t not m [ a ( G o r d o n ) . I f t h e s u b j e c t is s e c o n d f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r . who loves you. 21 (lines 13-31).THE AMARNA LETTERS m o s t unlikely. n. t h e c o r r e c t r e a d ­ i n g w a s g i v e n b y W i n c k l e r . Great King. T h e e n d of the line reads " ( . pp. 1 [Say to Naplmrreya. i f p l u r a l . b u t c e r t a i n l y m o r e t h a n 1: t h e h e a d o f v e r t i c a l j u s t v i s i b l e is t o t h e r i g h t b o t h o f t h e b r o k e n . K i i h n e . cf. 16. cf. my son-in-law. n. I f t h e r e is n o t e n o u g h r o o m for [ l a ] . R e a d pa-n[a]-nu or pa-n[a\-''a'-nu (Gordon). e-te-ti (for ri)-il. Fo]r Tadu-Heba. O n t h e e n d o f line 4 2 . cf. F o l l o w i n g l i n e 66 a r e p r o b a b l y t w o lines o f E g y p t i a n . n o t <s[a (so K n u d t z o n ) . 1. my brother. tu- s [ e . For Teye. a t [ a . 8. 3 9 . a n d a n o t h e r l i n e c o n t i n u e d o n t h e left e d g e . . 15. 1 9 0 . 2193. not an-ni-'P (Gordon). the king of Egyjpt. ) .t i ] : only a g u e s s . y. sulmant. r e t a i n e d b y A d l e r ) is c e r t a i n l y w r o n g . line 3 8 is free r e s t o r a t i o n ) . 10. EA 27:4if. 14. ta-pa-ar-ra-as-{si-(mey]. In line 3 1 . for] your [house]hold. 86 . . whom [I love and who loves me: Thus T]usratta. 7. 1 9 0 . x [. ) the wife of the k i n g of U p p e r E g y p t . f r o m t h e u p p e r e d g e d o w n w a r d s . T h e joy t h a t q u a l i f i e s t h e j o u r n e y refers t o t h e p l e a s u r e at h e a r i n g t h e brother's g r e e t i n g a n d a t s e e i n g t h e g i f t s t h a t a c c o m p a n y it. 11. 6 6 . [for] youf [mag]nates. i-na § [ A . For me all goes well. 12. 44 . 13. 212-25. "not likely" ( G o r d o n ) .b i . 9. w r i t t e n in h i e r a t i c . for the rest of your wives].

which I am sending to my brother." Every one of my messengers that were staying in Egypt saw the gold for the statues with their own eyes. Mimmureya. I have sent to you with this understanding' that. so now show love [to me. and they saw with their own eyes that they were entirely of pure gold. but 9 you have reduced (them) greatly. shall I not be desirous of my brother's lo[ve]?3 At this very moment I show you 1 0 times more l[ov]e than I did to your father! 13-18 And your father. here the statues. one of myself and a second statue. "Don't talk of giving statues just of solid cast gold. and your father said. s[aid] this on his tablet. for statues of solid cast gold. 87 . 9—12 My brother said this: "Ju[st] as you always showed love to my father. I will give you. Nor have you sent me the goods that your father was going to send me. thus spo[k]e my brother. He said to my messengers. may all go [ve]ry.3 4 But my brother has not sent the solid (gold) statues that your father was going to send. along with the statues. Your father himself recast the statues [i]n the presence of my messengers. my 6 7 daughter.2 7 I also asked your father.3 6 Yet there is nothing I know of in which I have failed my brother. Any day that I hear the greetings of my brother. and] for [whatever else belongs to you]. very well. and he 8 made them entirely of pure gold. my brother's messenger. Mimmureya. EA 27 for your chariots. [for] your [hor]ses. for your country." And my messen­ gers did see with their own eyes! 3 2 . 2 7-8 [Ma]ne. When Mane brought the bride-price. [came and] I heard the [gr]eeting o[f my brother] and I [r]ejoiced greatly. f[or your troops. too. These goods that I have now sent to you. which was beyond mea­ sure and which he was sen[d]ing to me. I saw the goods that my brother [sen}t and I re[jo]iced greatly. much additional gold and (other) goods beyond measure." 1 9 . "See with your own eyes. You have sent plated ones of wood. when my brother hands over my wife whom I have asked for. a statue o/Tadu-Heba. that day I make a festive occasion. Mim­ 4 mureya: "These goods that I have now sent are nothing. 3 5 . I have sent nothing. I will give you ones made also of lapis lazuli.3 1 He showed much additional gold." Af]ter my brother is desirous of my love. there much gold and goods beyond measure. Mimmureya. [M]y messengers saw with their own eyes that they were recast. and they bring her here and I see her. then I will send you 1 0 times more than this. 2 8 . and my brother is not to complain.

THE AMARNA LETTERS 37-40 When [Ha]amassi. [/ may he]ar [my l brother's greeting]." Thus did I speak to Haamassi.'3 6 9 . my brother. ~i 93-98 [May] my brother's [messengers] come to me [wi]th Pi- 18 rissi. I have] said. . ] . . posthaste [ . . . Teye. .4 2 But now my brother has not sent me the statues of solid gold.5 1 . ] . the messengers of each] one will turn ba[ck]. . . m]y brother's [messenger. and how [/] would speak with your father and [maintained] the lo[ve that he had from my father]. 55—58 [/ sent Haamassi] posth[aste t]o [Mimmureya. ] .8 2 [M]a[ne. . . and I heard them. [according] to the custom [of kings]. and that [your fa]ther [used to speak to m]e. 4 1 . l 6 8 3 . and re[joice]. your mother]. my brother's messenger. I spoke as follows: "Just as I always showed love to Mimmureya. I will now show 1 0 times—much—more love to Naphurreya. . . 59-62. . .7 8 [And n]ow my brother h[as sai]d: "Ju[st] as you [always showed love] to my fa[th]er. 88 . came to me. so s[how love t[o me]. . (but) release them so] they can report back to me. May 12 my brother ask [Haa]massi. . K[el]i[y]a. . . [but] no one else knows [them. with a small escort. [ / heard] my [brother's words and I rejoi[ced] gre[atly].7 3 [The wor]ds that [/ used to speak] t[o your father].8 8 . May [m]y brother not [detain them. [ . ] . ." My brother will see th[at] I sh[all show great love to my brother.. "My brother m[ust a]s[k}'5 his mother [ . . I will let [Mane]. and have told them to hurry]. '4 7 4 . . his messenger. your father. nor has my brother sent all the additional goods that your father o[rde]red sent. 43—44 May my brother now give me the statues of solid gold that I a[sk]ed your father for. 52-54 . [Your father] sent me [much gold]. . . . . . there were four sacks [full of gold that he sent me]. 89-92 I herewith [send post]has[te] Piriss[i and Tulubri. ] . And [with gold being the dirt] in [my] brother's country. 7 9 . 63-68 . 4 5 . . no one [knows. 10 your messenger. [and Mane know th]em. reported my brother's words. 11 [why] have [the statues] been a source of such distr[ess] to my brother that he has not [given them to me . . He wi[ll s]ee that [ . . and within 3 months] he sent back [Haamasfi] po[sthas]te. My brother's] mother [knows everything. . Accordingly. and may he not hold them back. how your father [would speak] with me [and did not forget his lo}ve [for my father].

as your greeting-gift: 1} shirt. 112 [1 scent container] fil[led] with "sweet [o]il". . mount[ed] on gold. go. your mother. 1 s[et] of stones [mounted] on gold—[for] Tadu-Heba. 2 4 b . " G r e a t K i n g . 3 8 . F o l l o w i n g K n u d t z o n . EA 2 4 . col. i b i d . 3 9 . a n d therefore ana iyali h a r d l y m e a n s "for m e . [ . n. p . followed by K i i h n e . 1 set of stones mount[ed] on gold—for Teye.. 3. p . [ M ^ ] my [bro]ther [. EA 27 my [brothe]r's [messenger}. . a s K i i h n e . 1 2 ) . n. " a n d in t h e o m i s s i o n see n o i m p l i c a t i o n s of h o s t i l i t y (see EA 1. Hurrian-style. a n d P i n t o r e . "let g o . For a different o p i n i o n see K n u d t z o n . 113 I send [1 scent container fil]led [with "sweet oil"]. P i n t o r e .. followed by Z a c c a g n i n i . 5 per string. y]our 20 wife. . the kimru-ieast. p. . . Cf. may honor me. . NOTES 1. . 1 8 3 . and m[y} mes[seng}ers [my brother shall let go]. .. § 2 5 ( e n d ) . shall I not b e d e s i r o u s of f r i e n d [ s h i p ] w i t h m y b r o t h e r ? " 4. Z . silbulu d o e s n o t m e a n "to send back.1 5 . [with the gold and m]any [good]s. 2 7 7 a . the feast. Gladly shall I send Mane to . 2). 1 [. then 19 h]ow will I treat them! . 1 9 1 . 2 1 . 1 9 1 . n. 5 6 . " see K i i h n e . f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . and if they do so [arri]v[e] f[or . } . Matrimonio. May he send me [m]uch [gold in or]der that my brother. O n t h e d i v i s i o n o f c l a u s e s . O L Z 1 9 1 6 . 7. annu s e e m s t o b e t h e d e m o n s t r a t i v e p r o n o u n r a t h e r t h a n a n i n t e r j e c t i o n or a d v e r b . O r : "{Af ] t e r m y b r o t h e r is d e s i r o u s o f f r i e n d s h i p w i t h m e . an-nu-u u-nu-fcT (also line 6): in v i e w o f mala anni. lit. . p . 3 9 . see U n g n a d . [May] my brother [cause me no dis]tress. 2 4 . A d l e r a r g u e s o t h e r w i s e . has s u g g e s t e d . \it-tal-ka u\.] more than his father did. [At] the kim[ru- fe]ast. " I f t h e s e c o n d s t a t u e were for T a d u . ) . n. . . p . A g a i n s t t h e latter. . n. a n d CAD. EA 14 ii 1 1 . } pair(s?) fo[r the hjand. no—in [Herewith. p . a n d A d l e r . 89 . S e e AHw. . 99-103 [W}h[en} my brother's [mes]sengers [arrive} a[long wi]th [Pirissi . I]n my brother's [countr]y g[ol]d is as plentiful a]s dirt. b e c a u s e o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f s p a c e . . B o t h s t a t u e s w e r e for T u s r a t t a ' s p o s s e s s i o n (cf. t h e s c r i b e w o u l d h a r d l y have w r i t t e n ana salam Taduheba. . . p p . 1 8 1 . 3 1 b . 2. May they bring back to me [muc]h [gold]. [my daughter.] of my brother. Matrimonio. "as m u c h as this" (line 1 8 ) . "eye- stones" of genuine hulalu-stone. [So] may they arrive [ . . 1 r[ob]e.. 104—109 May my bro[ther] send me much gold. Lo scambio dei doni durante i secoli XV-XIIl (EA 1 9 . t h e p l a t e d ones in lines 3 2 f f ..]-stone. 1 [c]ity-sh\tt.H e b a . O n musler. I d o not r e s t o r e L U G A L G A L . . [. . [ . with] many goods [may my] brother [honor me." 6. 5. / shall invite them] t[o celebrate] a great feast. n. 8. . p .

n. 10. r 17. 2 2 . [•. 12. for the rest of your wives. 226-29- 1 Say to Naphurereya. . 7. OLZ 1 9 1 7 . t h i s r e a d i n g is c e r t a i n ( a d d t o CAD. L i n e s 9 9 . s e e S c h r o e d e r . "the g r e e t i n g . h a s p r o p o s e d . in t h e c a s t l e o f H^-m-iht. reference t o a s h i p ­ m e n t of g o l d (line 6 3 ) . first m o n t h o f w i n t e r . 1 4 5 ( e n d ) . t h e d e t e n t i o n o f his o w n m e s s e n g e r s in E g y p t ( l i n e 8 4 ) . 105. 15. lines 9 3 ..5 8 . s e e K i i h n e . ] . 8 0 . w h e n o n e w a s i n t h e s o u t h e r n city. my brother. 11. 1 9 7 6 ) . your wife. 19. EA 28 Messengers detained and a protest TEXT: BM 37645. For your household. who lo[ves me] and whom I love: Thus Tusratta. mtsa. " See t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . p . p . XVIII). O n t h e left e d g e . n o t e santtu salmu in l i n e 1 9 . the king of Mittan[i]. a s D . for 90 . for your sons. " b u t t h i s m e a n i n g is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d . p e r h a p s a festival ( l i n e 8 7 . t o o k zukku t o m e a n "to ( r e ) p o l i s h (after c a s t i n g ) . for Teye. 14. rev.7 3 . 13. 2 0 5 . Ugar. for Tadu-Heba. p p . . your brother. sect. F o r t h e c o r r e c t i o n o f t h e c o p y in VS 1 1 . cf. Au-us]-me-e-ma hT- [uh-du] seems more probable. the king of Egyp[t]. c o p y o f t h e N a h a r i n letter t h a t t h e m e s s e n g e r P i r i s s i and the m e s s e n g e r [ T u l u b r i ] b r o u g h t . my daughter. Julmanati. a n d cf. 20. n. who loves you. a n d it h a s n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h f u n e r a l rites for A m e n o p h i s I I I or w i t h ^ . For me all goes well. 4 3 f . 1 3 6 : 8 . my son-in-law. b e g i n n i n g a t t h e b o t t o m o f t h e t a b l e t . tultemty. 3 1 ./ a f\a 3 E $ . T h e festival is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d a s c e l e b r a t e d i n t h e M i t t a n i c a p i t a l .1 0 3 a r e free r e s t o r a t i o n s . M E S ] im-tar-sa-a-ma. 1 4 . c o l . 1 1 . a h i e r a t i c d o c k e t : "[ye}ar 2 . pi. i-na § A . 1 ( W a r m i n s t e r ..1 0 9 ) .. O n lines 8 9 . COPY: Scheil. 9. s e e K i i h n e .9 8 ) . R e d f o r d . p r o b a b l y lapikta uppuqta in line 2 1 .9 2 . n.THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 5 0 .g i f t s . n. a n d it d o e s n o t fit t h e c o n t e x t w e l l . s e e A d l e r .f e s t i v a l s . p . b u t in l i n e 9 2 [. for your magnates.2 7 . n o t i n E g y p t . EA 2 6 : 7 . C f . M e n t i o n o f K e l i y a ( l i n e 5 9 ) a n d T u l u b r i ( l i n e 6 0 ) .]: l[i-is-t]a-'-[al-si] (Adler) is certainly wrong. 6. l[u-(ii) i-s]a-'a-[al-(si) . pp. . The Akhenaten Temple Project. parsu sa sarranT. your father-in-law..[ / W A L A M . 6 6 . .1 8 . cf. L i n e s 6 9 . 18. 6 a n d note 1 3 5 . lines 9 9 .. KBo 1. TRANSLITERATION A N DTRANSLATION: Adler. O n l i n e s 5 5 . 8 6 . p r o b a b l y a b o u t l e t t i n g h i m g o (cf. . p. a n d see EA 2 6 : 4 2 ^ F o r t h e f e m i n i n e g e n d e r o f salmu. Memoires. for your chariots. For you may all go well. M e n t i o n o f M a n e ( l i n e 8 3 ) . a n d T e s s u p a n d A m o n ( l i n e 8 7 ) . the 2 mistress of Egypt. your mother. M / i . 16. [ d a y . were m e a g e r " ( R S 3 4 .. 3 5 0 ) . 302.

p . e . s i m i l a r l y . may all go very. and may my brother do abso­ lutely everything I want and not cause me dist[ress}. " T h e e x p r e s s i o n . w h y can't o n e have 9i . about them so she can tell you. "his h e a r t e a t s h i m . very much. until [my] brother lets my messengers go and they come to m[e]. M/2. 10 3 7 . knows all the words that I spoke with yo[ur] father. "at once" {CAD. 4 5 . ana gamratimma: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . No one else knows them. w h e r e a s the E g y p t i a n k i n g r e m a i n s c o m p l e t e l y s i l e n t . p. Section organisee par Daniel A r n a u d (Paris. p. [that] I may h[ear] my brother's former [ . 2 1 0 . And may my brother listen to nothing from anyone else. "finally. cf. is e l s e w h e r e u s e d o f a b d o m i n a l p a i n s . 2. aq-ta-bd-a-Iu-nu-tU] (Gordon). and he has put them under very strict detention. He went to my brother. p . 2 1 0 . 6. [e-se]-ru or [ n e .' Earlier. 3. K i i h n e . and for whatever else belongs to you. n. 4. w i t h A d l e r I follow K n u d t z o n . your mother. w h o u n d e r s t a n d s t h e e x p r e s s i o n t o m e a n "to b e s u c c e s s f u l . EA 28 your horses. libbalu ikkallu. . 116). ] . after a l l . . very well. misutamma: s i n c e {m)Tsu m o s t often refers t o n u m b e r s . CAD. very much every day? 29—36 May my [brother] let my messengers go promptly so I [m]ay hear the greeting [of] my [brothjer . 4 5 . l i t . are they going to fly and go away? Why does my 7 8 brother suffer so about the messengers? Why can't one [sim]ply g o into the presence of the other and hea[r] [the ot}her's greeting. 12-19 Pirissi and Tulubri. [and] both of 9 us rejoice very. and having told them to hurry very. n. . AHw." 42—49 Teye. O t h e r r e n d e r i n g s : "at least" ( T u s r a t t a s e n d s m e s s e n g e r s . Written I . I sent posthaste to 3 my brother. altaparsun[il-ti]? 5 . for your country. NOTES 1.r # la innesser: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . I sent 4 them with a very small escort. your mother. for your troops. 2 1 0 ) . What are messengers? Unless they are birds. 4 5 . !975)» P. p . . n. M U N U S (Gordon). A r t z i . " 7. . You must ask Teye. [my brother's} messenger. " i . 3. . AJ\. p . Actes du X X / X ? Congres international des Orientalistes. so now may my brother always show love to me. b u t here clearly is figura­ t i v e . w h i c h A d l e r m i s u n d e r s t o o d . Just as your father always showed love to me. . 8. [m]y messengers. 2 5 5 a .s u ] . 549a.4 1 1 want to let [Mane] g o and I want to send [my] messen­ gers to m]y [brother] as in the past. an o m i t t e d in mi-it-ta-a-an- n[i] ( l i n e 4)." 6 20-28 And now my brother has absolutely refused to let them go. I had said this to my brother: "I am going to detain Mane. D e t e r m i n a t i v e o m i t t e d in c o p y .

3 .5 . p e r h a p s fits t h e c o n t e x t better. your father. 92 . your father. u-s[e-em-ra-af] (Gordon). is d i s p r o v e d by c o l l a t i o n . 2197 nos. on that very day I di[d] it. "before") t h e other. as long as Nim- mureya. knows all the words of Nimmureya. your brother. and two unnumbered. who loves you. For the r]est [of your wives'] may all go well.THE AMARNA LETTERS s u c c e s s w i t h (lit. for your magnates. a-ra-am-su. I.. EA 29 A long review of Mittanian-Egyptian relations TEXT: VAT 271 + fragments: 1600. your father. {he wrote over and over] about peace. for your chariots. whom you must ask about all of them: [what] your father {would write over and over]. too. For] Teye ma[y all go w]el[l. very well. for] your [country].4 It is Teye. in absolutely not[hing] did he ever cause me distress.'' the words that he would speak with me over and over. 1618-20. T[ey]e. For your sons. 11. l]u-mel-s[e]>•-/»: A d l e r ' s r e a d i n g . m]y [brother]. There was nothing el[sep whatsoever that he wrote about over and over to me. T h e n o t i o n . 12. following Scheil's copy. your mother. F]or Tadu-Heba. may all go we[ll. in absolutely nothing did I ever cause him distress. however. pp. 6 II—15 {My love for] my {brother] is 10 times greater than what we always had with Nimmureya. w i t h i t s i m p l i c a t i o n o f t h e q u i c k d i s m i s s a l a n d r e t u r n o f t h e m e s s e n g e r s . the principal [and favorite] wife of Nim- mureya. For me all goes we[ll. u -mi-$a{m-ma) 4 (Gordon). kin[g of Mittan}i. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Adler. Whatever I might say. 2 (obverse). [Say to Naphureya. o f easy a c c e s s to e a c h o t h e r ( t h r o u g h one's m e s s e n g e r s ) . [m}y daughter. on that very day 7 [he did] it. for [your] hors[es. 2 3 0 . the king of Egypt. and what[ever he might say] to me. tha[t] he would write [to] me over and (ov)er. 3-4. C O P I E S : WA 24 (without the fragments). Great [King]. your father. would constantly discuss with me. P H O T O G R A P H : WA. VS 11.. 2 6—10 [From the beginning] of my [king]ship on. your father-in-law. £. 10. 2195-96 nos.5 1 . may all go very. For you may all go well. for your troops. went on writing to me. 9. 1 whom I [lo]ve and who lo[ves me: Message of Tusratta]. my son-in-law. and for whatever else belongs to you. [But whatever] Nimmureya. pi. your father.

" [When] your messenger came the sec{ond time].. When Nimmureya. As fa{r as] my [messe]ngers {were concerned). my own sister.. . wrote to me and asked for my daughter. (37—44) [Nimm]ureya sent Niyu. but he did not give her. with his country.. only under such pressure did he g[iv]e [her]. m[y] father. and he br{ought them 2 post]haste. [yo]ur [fa]ther. so Nimmureya showed respect to [my messengers as 2 p]eers and as [f]rie[nds}. the father of Nimmureya. too. He gave Keliya's [in]got of gold weighing 1 0 0 0 22 shekels. 6 times. . your father. {and 1 2 26 ijngot ' of gold [weighing [ 1 0 0 0 shekels] for Keliya. my grandfather. . EA 29 8 1 6 . he wr[ote] 3 . then only under such pressure did he g[iv]e her. . saw her. . He wrote 5. ] . sen]t. Nimmureya showed them respect with 23 love {and evidence of esteem). 4 Before me {he laid out) 7 sacks {full of) gold.. exceed. your [father.] and 21 he instructed [him]. Because of my messenger (32-37) [ . [he] re[joiced]. . he had that brought to me posthaste [.. sacks fu]ll of [gold] to Tadu-Heba. I did not [say]. [wro]te to Sut- t[arna]. wrote to Arta- tama. the sister] of my father. he asked for the daughter of [my grandfather. very much! My brother 19 spoke as follows: "{My brother g]ave {his daughter] in perfect fait{h]. [w]ith extreme prompt­ ness. ] ." He made that day a festive occasion along. .2 7 When { . your father. . He se[nt along] 4 sac[ks'5 f]ull [of] gol[d. '3 And the br]ide-price that Nimmur[eya]. ] . When he wrote my grandfather 7 times. ° He sent back all my messengers that were in residence in (to?) the quarters that {were established] for Tadu-Heba. . ] . . . . and Nimmureya gave [ . "Of course 11 I will give her. and asked for my father's daughter. o[il] 12 was poured [on] her head.'4 to Nimmureya. 4 times. [out of l]ove. . The [very]firstti[me) I said [to] his messenger. . "I will [no]t give her. [and with]in 3 months." Because he sent him posthaste. "Like {. . [ . And thus {Nimmureya. [he sen]t [him back]. y]ou shall eat. made [. {Was there anything] he did [no}t rejoice about? He rejoiced v[ery]. 17 2 8 . was beyond measure. . and when I received her bride-price. not l6 to me]ntion the jewelry [ .] . J]ust as when one sees [his] pee[r]. . I ga[ve her. your father).? W[hen] Nim­ mureya. ri[v]alling in height heaven and earth. he did not have {the statues] brought to me. ] . m[y] brother's [.5 4 [Wh]en I gave my [daug]hter and she was brought and 18 Nimmureya. . his messenger. 6 times. Before my messengers [ . . Tadu-Heba lai{d] them {all] out {before) my {messengers). he shows him respect. I did 10 [not] say n{6). When he wrote 5. .. but [he did not giv]e her. but everything 93 . . .. which belonged to me. and there was not {a single one) among them who went in and {to whom he did 21 not g]ive {something]." I sent posthaste Haamass[i]. which he se[nt] separately.

That we love. I 28 29 call no one [el}se as witness. distress be caused. [your] fat[her]. your [mother]. your father. is exercising the [king]ship [in his place]. It is Teye—she is your [mother]! —that I call." 65—68 [Now I went o]n reflecting.. in no matter whatsoever. the fact that we always loved (each other) very. ' On that day I myself wept. Nimmureya. your [fat]her. . his father. . [that] is in our hearts. together with me. and Nimmureya. your father. did not permit that in any mat[ter. And thus [Nimmu]- reya.3°if Nimmureya.. . "Let ev]en me [be dead].THE AMARNA LETTERS else. [now exercises the kingship] in his place. [my brother}. It is going to become 1 0 times gr[ea]ter [th}an what there was with Nimmureya. your [father]. and in my [brother]'s [country] 10. [or] in any matter whatsoever caused me distress. did not make [mutual lovefl]ourish. [nothing] was allowed to be 2 cooked in a p o t . the [principal and favorite wife of [Nimmureya]. [the son of Nimjmureya. (45-50) [And with regard to] all [the things} that I say. On that day I t[ook] neither food nor water. [When I heard] what was reported.] . for Teye.000 as well.n or let 10. my brother sent me statues 94 . 34 Not[hing whatsoever is going to be cha[ng]ed from the way it was before. [and] we indeed did make (it) last. [saying.000 be dead in my country. be alive as long as heaven and ear[th. his oldest son. if [Ni]mmureya. and send them to you. . then I spoke as follows: "Nimmureya. . your father. whatever he did have brought. her husband. his mother. "Na]p[hurey]a. his [principal] wife." [And] thus Nimmureya. [Naphurejya." T]hat we love [ . very much. I certainly will not send [. whom I lov]e and who loves me. 55—60 When [m]y [brother]. and she will expose before Naphureya. was limitless. "Naphureya is my brother. went to his fate it was reported. [but] let [my brother. said: "[W]hat are statues of just gold with nothing else [that] my [brot]her has asked for? Don't talk of just go[ld] ones! I will make o[nes with genu]ine lapis }I lazuli (too). even o]ne. } that [love] was in our hearts. your father. is not dead. " (50-54) I asked for [2] statues of so(l)id chased gold from Nimmureya. ] . the oldest son of Nim­ mureya and Teye. 61-64 when they said. ever rejected what I said. if in the things that I say there is [ev}en a single word of [un]truth. thinking." 69—79 [But at the time] when [my brother]firstwrote [to me]. i[f there is a wo]rd that is not that of Nimmureya. . I grieved. [and I] sat [ . Inquire carefully of Teye. when he let Keliya go and [my brother] sent Mane. is alive. [did n]ot say: "When I see to it that there is sufficient [Eg]yptian gold in Hanigalbat.

moreover. My messengers. ] Moreover. . I became extremely hostile. .. "How {the kings ofHanigalbatandEgy]pt {love (one another)]. since 4 years ago. . And ri[ght] now {inquire carefully of your mother about] the words that your mother {spo]ke to Keli[ya]. [ . . . [ .. [/ addressed] my magnates as f[oll]ows: "With my brother.]. i6 then I w{as in] even greater {pai]n than befo[re]. . . {may] my brother {give me] promptly much gold that has not been [wo]rked. and I rejoiced on that day [. . may my brother give me the statues of [solid ch]ased [gold]. . 119-135 . } . 100-107 . Should L] be confident? My brother has not let my messengers go. . and whatever the things be that my brother {says. .. .. [Sta]tues of s(o)lid chased gold I asked for from Nimmureya..] .] The presents that my brother sent to me and [ . My [ancestors. So I became angry.39 One must not change another's words. . in perfect {faith. . [ . Now. {greatly] re­ joiced. . } He was delaying. {always showed great love] to his ancestors. Mane. [I caus]ed {you] no distress [whatsoever. I have now asked [yjou for. } we rejoiced greatly and we indeed made the day a festive occasion. 80—90 .. W[hen I sa]w the gold [that Nimmure}ya himself {had 35 proni\ised. {Whatever be the things that I say].. . and they will say. . you have not [infor]med me. but you have not given them. that [ . ] . my brother's messenger. my brother {should] do. and (why) 95 . you have not sent. I will do]. . Your father himself gra[ntedme 40 sta]tues of gold. [W]hy is it for [you] a source of distress. ] We [must] love and we must rejoice as long as we live. 136-147 [ . and the obj[ects of] my desire {that I asked your father for. . . . and I most urgently asked for much [go]ld that had [not] been work[ed]. 108—118 [. {as] was {only r]ight... my brother. .. [ . Let him tell [you] (about it). As to what was from Naphureya. . . } . . . [the goods] that Nimmur[e]ya. I asked for [stat­ ues] of solid chased gold.. And the objects of [my desire] . 3 8 91-99. [(He ca)used] me [dis]tress. It will make {o]ur {countries] happier {than all other countries]. my brother {great]ly {reduced]. my [br]other. .] with 37 the foreign guests. . ['. . too." If in this way {it makes our countries so very] much [more happy] than all other countries. your father. .] . . The statues o[f solid chased gold that I asked Nimmureya fo]r. . One {shall not cause] distress to the ot[her] in anything whatsoever. and {he] has not [ ." [. . and he has not informed me. Before Mane came. EA 29 (made) of wood. . . gave me...} . all other countries {will see this. he added nothi{ng] more to [it]. . ] . [. He has not sent him back. and] they will speak of y{ou]. . . that it was not gold and that it was not solid. . .

} ." I also s[ai]d. They (the words?) are not at all t[r]ue. (say that) your father also gave me the statues I asked for and now [I] have asked [my brother for other ones]. If I cannot build a mausoleum [for my ancestors].1 4 7 ) Teye is your mother. . . . [ . for this reason I have not sent Keliya. and] I sent him posthaste to my brother. For what reason [has] my brother's [ . and may my brother not cause me dis[tress. In my brother's country gol]d is as plentiful as [dir]t. or have not s[en]t him [with friendly intentio]ns. and I have not caused [my brother dis]tress. and I sent him [to] my [brot]her with friendly intentions. what can I do for them? 41 1 4 8 ." Furthermore. . ] . I will let Ma[ne] go and [I will send] Keliya [ba]ck to my brother as before. . .1 6 1 I [hereby] declare: "My brother has indeed not let my messengers go. I would like to send back [your] messengers promptly. son of the same mother. Let my brother do as he pleases. and he inde[ed] detains them a long time. If not. . . my messenger. moreover. I indeed de[nou]nce (it). 96 .1 5 4 [/ reflected]. your mother. (who is) also Keliya's uncle. and he has taken his seat on the throne of his father no[w become a g]od. Shall I cause [my] brother distress? I will send Keliya back to him!" [I spoke to my brother a]s follows: "My brother. [I sent] Masi- badli. [if I did not a]sk for [statues of go]ld [and] much other [gol]d from [your] father. [ . and it is of Teye. to [my] brot[her]. of the entire matter. and present their report to me. your father did not grant them to me. "Keliya should return to my brother. . He is a man. } . ] . .THE AMARNA LETTERS has he not in[quired] if [I did n]ot ask [your father] and if. . I have detained these men her[e]. Would my brother not make other ones? Would he not give them to me? Would he cause me distress? [ . That other messenger of mine whom I sent to my brother is the brother of Keliya. . . ( 1 4 3 . [Nor is my brother] to tur[n] this into a matter of complaint or anything else. and because my brother has given me no information [with regard to the re]quests that I have made. the affair of my 4i brother has now become a matter for some kind of de[nuncia]tion. that you must in[quire]. and if your father did not grant them to me. . Because my brother has not let him go promptly so he might return here. As long as my brother detains m[y] messengers like something for]gotten. but as long as my brother [has detained] my 2 messengers. May my brother give me [statues of] solid [ch]ased [gold] and [much] other gold. My brother must not complain that I have not se[nt] Keliya.4 "As soon as he lets my messengers go. . 1 5 5 . I certainly 44 de[noun]ce [this]. my brother. [ . . I [will do] as I have planned.

declaring. too. . and may my brother give me much gold that has not been worked for the mausoleum. [1 pair] of earrings of [. {May my brother give] the statues of solid ch[as]ed gold. . 1 1 Now. . 2 garments—I [herewith] send as the greeting-gifft of Te]ye. . [ . I will do absolutely [every]thing that my brother says. .] of gold. and for this reason I did not execute them. . very much love t[o] my [brother]. ] . 50 3 quivers overlaid with gold. . 182-185 [A]s [my brother's] greeting-gift: 1 gold comb. 6 ajsk {Mane] how I treated them.. 97 . "Why [. I have not written as before.] lapis lazuli [ . [ . (and) [/ will pro]vide*^ a large expedition f[or] my [brothe]r. May [my brother n]ot cause me [dis]tress and not hold back. It is like this (now) s[o / can write] and my brother understand me. with the head of a yak. 3 pairs of [.. . Mane] spoke {of their reputation]. may my brother esta[bl]ish the natu{re of their crime}. 3 ma{ces—I [herewith] send [a]s my brother's greeting-gift. . . . [I.. ] . how {was I to know t]heir {crime} Since] my [brother] did not say. . . 1 . [ .^ I had [both of] them.]-garments. ] fine [ . . May my brother let [m]y [messen­ gers go pr[omp]tly. . . and I will send a large mission to my [bro]ther. your reputation?" {My brother. and I said in rheir presence. 3 garments. 173-181 {My brother] spoke {about Art]asuba and Asali. of s"ada{nu]-stone. I will do [an]d they are done. . one alongside the other. . . 186-187 [. * and I will treat [them] j[ust a]s my brother wants them treated. your mother. o[o ar]rows of bronze. and we will al[ways sh}ow very.] ..]-stone. . . [ . ] . inlaid 8 with . . whom I sent to my brother. did not ask. for my part]. [3] bows. [I will se]nd Keliya. en]tered my presence. 1 pair for the hands.. / p{ut them] in chains and {fetter]s. . . 1 huppa/u-mace* {. 166—172 May [my brother] treat me with 1 0 times greater love and brotherliness than his father did. ] . .. [ . . EA 29 162-165 [Masiba]dli. "They broke the law in your brother's country. . tra[nspor]ted to a town of mine on the border. } . . for in my [bro]ther's country go[ld] is as plentiful as dirt. .. [/ will send] a lar[ge] mission. and the rest of my servants who had been living in Egypt were brought in. is Keliya's un­ cle. . } «>y-shirts. and they were convicted in [m]y pre[sence. . My brother. If my brother grants this.. . [Nor will I myself} cause my brother [dis]tress. . of <fada(nu)-stone. Ma[ne. then I will send Keliya to my [brothe]r. ] . 1 pair for the hands. But {my brother had said nothing] more. ^ overlaid with gold.]. ] . and may he send Mane along with my messengers so that they may co[me . . My brother is not to complain. as I have requested of my brother. {. ." They were br[oug]ht in {before] their [ .

7 9 f . e . w i t h o u t d u p l i c i t y . Iraq 20 [ 1 9 5 8 ] p . " see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . n. ] . The Juridical Terminology of Interna­ tional Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dynasty X V / / / [ B a l t i m o r e . 1 1 ) . lit.m u . p p .a ] aq-bi. n. i . peace. ibid. 79f. c 8.n a p . 14. " a t t e n d a n t t o t h e g r o o m . 1 4 7 : 1 5 ) . p . 1 5 0 . "quiet.r u ] . . 2 1 2 . my [dau}ghter. i n . 4 garments—[I herewith} se[nd] a[s the gre}eting-gift off Tadu-Heba}. 1 6 . . ." a n d t h e r e ­ fore 1 4 [i-te-pu-ufi. 3 1 . EA i :26ff. 1588.t a . p p . 2 4 . . .. " " g a r c o n d'honneur" (PRU 3. n. Symbolae . . it-ta-ab-k{u]: f o l l o w i n g L a n d s b e r g e r . 3. 1 4 6 ) . "with all his h e a r t . p p . [ r a .THE AMARNA LETTERS 188-189 [ . 5 4 ) .' a . Cf. e . p. .t i s a it-ti §E§]-irf. . p . 12. n. EA 19:58. 3 2 . Symbolae . p . T h e w r i t i n g u-ul-la could be d u e to t h e influence o f u-ul a n d p e r h a p s a-an-na (cf. (2) AHw." c o m p a r i n g H e b r e w ( a n d U g a r i t i c ) gyl. 13. 1 4 5 . Cf. mimma sa-n\u-u\. fol­ l o w i n g L a n d s b e r g e r . 1 7 2 . cf. ." S u b j e c t o m i t t e d ? 18. [ N I M ] G I R : very d u b i o u s . 7 1 . [istu res LVG]AL-ru-ti-ia: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . it rf-[ul-la] 2 2 [ l a . P i n t o r e . . t h e s u b j e c t here m u s t b e "he. . un­ d i v i d e d loyalty. 17. i b i d . " i . i b i d . p . p. NOTES 1 . b u t t h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e for t h i s w o r d e l s e w h e r e in ( p e r i p h e r a l ) A k k a d i a n . L o r t o n . ina ku -u-ul s libbtsu. n. . 6. Martina David dedicatae (see EA n . p p . a n d a C a n a a n i t i s m in T u s r a t t a ' s l a n g u a g e is not likely. n. 7. 4.p a . 4 6 . following Kiihne. b u t h a r d l y "I b r o u g h t her. p r o p o s e d it a . Matrimonio.n a C")] . 2. at-ta-d[in-si]: see VAB 2/2. 1 3 8 . 5 1 v 1 0 . "joy. 4. 3 0 . p . [Sa i l . Martino David dedi­ catae. O t h e r o p i n i o n s : (1) K n u d t z o n . EA 29:30. 1 9 7 4 ] . . p . b u t t h i s y i e l d s a n u n u s u a l p o s i t i o n for t h e n e g a t i v e a n d d o e s not a d e q u a t e l y fill t h e s p a c e at t h e e n d o f line 2 1 . 2 3 2 f . 1 pair for the hands of [sadanu-sto]ne. p . EA 1 7 : 1 3 . G r a m m a r unclear. K i i h n e . 98 . EA 19:20). [1 pair of e]arrings [of . t a k e s it as susapinnu. 4.[ u l ] 2 2 [ u l . 15." b u t this does not m a k e very g o o d sense h e r e . a n d therefore o n e m a y not infer a c e r t a i n h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d s T h u t m o s i s I V (so D . ina s a (text: h[)-nu-ut-t[im-maY. n. 5 2 . ina gammurti libbi in A s s y r i a n t r e a t i e s ( W i s e m a n . 4 K [ u S . cf. ] . a n d as s a i d o f s o l d i e r s fighting (see B o g h a z k o y references) it m a k e s n o sense at a l l . k e e p i n g his p a r t o f t h e a g r e e m e n t perfectly. l i n e 5 2 ) w o u l d m a i n t a i n t h e rhetorical t o n e o f t h e p a s s a g e b e t t e r t h a n "I/he sent" ( K i i h n e . n.-stone. 5. " m e s s a g e . . n. Matrimonio. . 11. 3 3 i 5 2 . 16. 4 1 iii 1 6 9 . n.5 3 ) . fol­ l o w e d b y A d l e r . M E $ ] : f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . [mus-s]ir (cf. 7 ) . T h e p r a e n o m e n o f T h u t m o s i s I V (mn-hprw-r ) m a y have a p p e a r e d in t h e b r e a k . . p . For fighting w i t h all one's h e a r t . . 9 2 7 b . p . A s lines 1 2 — 1 5 m a k e clear. so a l s o A d l e r in K i i h n e . cf. O n umma. 19. E x t e n d e d n e g o t i a t i o n s s e e m t o have b e e n t h e r u l e in i n t e r d y n a s t i c m a r ­ r i a g e s ( P i n t o r e . [mi-im-ma u-u\l. n. . p . 7 10. il-ta-nap-(pa)-ru: f o l l o w i n g Adler. 9.l a ] aq-bi. ina ma-ah-[ti-im-ma a . b u t A d l e r r e t r a c t e d t h i s r e a d i n g in A O A T 2 0 1 .

a l u . 1 8 4 .n u ] . 24. 31. . See Ehelolf. 1287)? 50. a s h e a l s o s u g g e s t s .t a . I n s t e a d o f itbaruti. erebu. 1 S u ( p a i r ) ru-uh-tu A or Juruhtu {AHw. col. after a d i r e c t o b j e c t . 4 1 . see V A B 2 / 2 . M E S KlN-ia ki-i) mehriiti n ki' \i\t-ba-a-ru-ti: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . " 30. I S 48. 23. he d i d not s h o w it in t h e p r e s e n c e o f the E g y p t i a n m e s s e n g e r . 44. w h o correctly rejects a d e r i v a t i o n f r o m nagdlu). Tt-i-it < si-i i-de.[ § ] U . p . 43. line 3 6 ) . p. see K i i h n e . [lu-u u-ki]-i/. n. n. 1 9 1 6 . 4 0 . A O A T 9. n. Cf. . p . P e r h a p s . O n lines 6 9 . u{m-ma l]u-ii andkii-ma: following Adler. reads ubdruti.s ] i : see line 1 5 6 . rf»2-[ta-ra-as]: following Adler.a r .a . a n d akdlu d o e s not m e a n "to b e a n g r y " ( A d l e r . O n line 1 0 6 . [ma-lu-ii i t .[i hifilfunu]: f o l l o w i n g K i i h n e . [ u m . 2 1 2 . [ l a m i m m a ] ( B e r g e r in K i i h n e . 25. p . t h o u g h p e r h a p s e n t e r i n g E g y p t is m e a n t (cf. line 4 1 ) . 4 6 . 4 6 . 47. m 35. 39. takkal: h a r d l y f r o m ekelu.[ t a . 2 1 2 .m a u-ul u]-ne-ep-pi-is (cf. 3 2 [ ' " D U M U . 28. 27. a-ha-m[is r a . EA 27:21. n o t e 5 ) . EA 26:57.t a . 1 9 1 6 . / / . p p . 1 26. 2 7 1 . p . b u t in A O A T 2 0 1 . T u s r a t t a s e e m s t o say t h a t t h o u g h offended a n d very angry..s f . 1 9 4 . [ k a . n. correctly i d e n t i ­ fied sit as the p e r s o n a l p r o n o u n . 41. a n d " e n t e r i n g . VAB 2 / 2 . 2 1 2 . 36. OLZ./ O . 33. 40. {!]? [iiyba-r[u-t\i: following K i i h n e . ti-se-"en'-nu-u: f o l l o w i n g Adler. Cf. 54f. O n t h e rest o f the p a s s a g e see K i i h n e . 99 .a r / k a r .m } a [ r ] . w h o s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e s e c o n d n u m b e r b e r e a d a s 60 ( X ) 1 0 ." asdbu. n. 38. EA 3o:9f. Teyema [umma]k[a] sit: A d l e r in K i i h n e . ne-e-pe'-el-x. mel 37.b a l . u [ i ] z ./ » . 34. p .k a . c o n f i r m e d by collation. 0 0 0 . cf. a-na k [ a . 32.[ n u ] . OLZ. 2 4 . i n . EA 1 9 : 6 5 ? ) . col.d i ii 1 l\i-sa-nu (cf. p . 22. 4 6 . 1 5 8 8 . 1 8 4 . see W i l ­ h e l m . p . 21. 1 9 4 ) or the l i k e s e e m s r e q u i r e d by context. 1 9 9 . 4 49. 46. 2 1 2 .n u a-ti\a (cf.a n .s u . L i n e 1 2 2 refers to an o a t h by "my brother" ( A m e n o p h i s III or I V ? ) . . p . p . 29. 4 2 . EA 29 20. .. the d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n e x t e n d s t h r o u g h line 60. n. [\m\-mar-sa (cf.EA 26:306°. he r e t u r n s to the p r o p o s a l o f U n g n a d .t a . 7 1 [ s a nimmur]eya-[m]a [iq-b]u-[s\i-n]u k[i-i a . AHw. EA 27:328:.k u a]-na-ku-ma.u m i . T h e e n t r a n c e p r o b a b l y is to the P h a r a o h ' s p r e s e n c e (cf. 1s T U K U L S A G N A : following Adler. mam\ma sa-nd\-am-ma: f o l l o w i n g U n g n a d .t a . kf]me amelutu me-he-e[r-s'u] ." in line 1 7 4 ) . n. 1 3 9 9 b . it'"a '-ka-an-na: f o l l o w i n g A d l e r . 7of. ZA 45 (1939) pp. (not c o n f i r m e d by c o l l a t i o n ) .m a . p . Cf. 1 3 6 5 ) .s u . "residing. only t w o h e a d s o f verticals are v i s i b l e . p . O n lines 1 4 8 .a d .5 3 . 3 1 [. "she k n o w s . "to b e c o m e d a r k " ( K n u d t z o n .. n. EA 1 9 . lines 2 7 a n d 38f. p .7 9 . followed by E b e l i n g . 45.). 4 6 . 4 0 .( § u ) } : on t h e f o l l o w i n g u. [ M E § ] (izqdti) ^ .

see K i i h n e . AfO 2 5 ( 1 9 7 4 . n. A N D TRANSLATION: T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N : Artzi. " refers t o t h e h i g h e s t E g y p t i a n official. my messenger. 5 . PRU 3 . 2. 3. Ugar. 1 9 5 3 ) . 5 1 . Actes (see EA 28.7 7 ) P P - I 2ff. at the E g y p t i a n frontier. 15.4 0 . PHOTOGRAPH: BB. Let [him] go on immediately. pp. EA 3 9 .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 30 A passport TEXT: BM 29841. G o r d o n t h o u g h t t h a t t h e first s i g n m i g h t b e ii-ib rather t h a n u. PRU 4 . see E . 2 6 . P o r a d a . T h a t "hand" s h o u l d b e w r i t t e n qdt ( s o O p p e n h e i m a n d A r t z i ) d o e s n o t s e e m likely. 1 To the kings of Canaan. to speed posthaste to the king of Egypt..1 6 . and as far as his presents) are concerned. NOTES 1. 5 ~ 6 . Provide him with safe 2 entry into Egypt and hand (him) over to the fortress commander of 3 4 Egypt. n.4 0 . 134. TRANSLITERATION Adler. t h i n k s t h a t halzuhlu. is c e r t a i n l y r i g h t in i d e n t i f y i n g h i m w i t h t h e "fortress c o m m a n d e r o f S i l u " ( E g y p t i a n mr htm ntf). I herewith send Akiya. p p . "fortress c o m ­ m a n d e r . p. 1 9 3 . OA 2 2 ( 1 9 8 3 ) p . 1 9 6 . G . f « : for t h e c o n f u s i o n o f su a n d su in M i t t a n i l e t t e r s . 3 100 . li-il-l'T'-[i\k (also G o r d o n ) . p p . pi. 7. p .( r u ) . 5. S i m i l a r p a s s p o r t s . p p .9 7 . 1 2 6 . p e r h a p s ni. si-ib-su = sibsu? O n t h e seal i m p r e s s i o n o n t h i s t a b l e t . 3 0 9 . servants of my brother: Thus the king. p r o b a b l y T u S r a t t a . id-na-x ( G o r d o n ) : x is c e r t a i n l y n o t su. u s u a l l y c a l l e d rabisu (see I n t r o d u c ­ t i o n .9 7 . p. T R A N S L A T I O N : Oppenheim. t h e n e x t s i g n p o s s i b l y e r a s e d o r m a [ r ] . b u t E l m a r E d e l . 12-13. my brother. 1 9 6 . 4. n. Festschrift Alt: Geschichte und Altes Testament Beitrage zur historischen Theologie ( T u b i n g e n . 6). 2 8 . LFM. 1 1 . C O P Y : BB 58. t h e r e q u e s t for f r e e d o m f r o m v a r i o u s t a x e s a n d t o l l s i n ARM 5 . pp. p . F o r t h e s e n s e . a r e EA 3 9 . d e l M o n t e ."* he is to owe nothing. cf. No one is to hold him up. k a d . t h o u g h d i r e c t e d t o o n e I I p l a c e . T h e "brother" is t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g . PRU 4 . n o . 7 0 ) . 252-53. 1 5 . a n d t h e " k i n g " is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y t h e ruler o f M i t t a n i . PRU 3.

as a greeting-gift. 3 linen huzzi. NOTES [ T h e t r a n s l a t i o n s a n d n o t e s for EA 3 1 . (but) later. (First) send back quickly your messenger and the messenger from me. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : L. 1. no. I have sent to you as a greeting-gift a consignment in the charge of my messenger. and they must come. weighing 20 minas of gold. 10 chairs of ebony {inlaid] with ivory. 100 linen happ{a. Irsappa:'-' a sack of gold. . I have 6 sent to you a sack of gold. in Hittite TEXT: C 4741 (12208). C O P I E S : WA 10. I have heard that everything is finished. people of the country Kaska. your wives. ] . my magnates. my children. En 31 EA 31 Marriage negotiations. may all be very well. 7 . MIO 4 (1956) pp. 3 light linen (ma)ntles. no. J . 7a. And behold. 1 (Heidelberg. your magnates. it is (of) excellent (quality). . 8 2 7 . My messenger and your messenger who came. 2 2 . I960). 3 chairs of ebony overlaid with beautiful sarpa {andgol]d. . 1 7 . — W L M ] m 1. your chariot-fighters. Friedrich. your children. 8 linen kusitti. VBoT. 1 9 5 .3 8 and that the country Hattusa is shattered..' Great King. 11 100 linen sawalga." And he will pour oil on her head.2 1 As to the things to be done that you wrote me about (with the words). all is well. . 1.2 6 Then they will come (back) to you (and) bring along the bride-price for the daughter. all my property i in my countries. who .3 2 are b y V o l k e r t H a a s . the king of Arzawa: By me all is well. (with the instruction): "Let us see the daughter whom they will offer to my 5 majesty in marriage. Hethitisches Keilschriftlesebuch. R e a d i n g ni-mu-wa-(r)e-ia. king of Egypt. 334ff. your property in your countries. my messenger. "Send it here to me!"—now. 4 large kukkubu-containtts of "sweet oil". 4 ri—16 Behold. I will send it (soon) to you. J And send to me too . 100 linen mutalliyassa. JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p . 3 light 10 linen garments. Behold. my troops. n. my wives. For your houses. 100 (beams of) ebony. Rost. 6 {small} kukkubu-containers of 12 "sweet oil". For my houses.1 0 By you (too) may all be well. Nimuwa(r)eya. your troops. 101 . my chariot-fighters. pt. I have sent to you Irsappa. w i t h A l b r i g h t . (speaks) as follows: Say to 2 Tarhundaradu.

THE AMARNA LETTERS

a n d E d e l , Studien zur Altdgyptischen Kultur i ( 1 9 7 4 ) p . 1 3 5 ; cf. VAB 2/1, p. 270,
n o t e e. T h e h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e t h a t is m i s s i n g is t h a t o f t h e re, not o f t h e wa
( G o r d o n ) . O n p a l e o g r a p h i c and linguistic g r o u n d s , this and the following letter
are t o b e d a t e d in t h e p e r i o d b e t w e e n t h e H i t t i t e k i n g s A r n u w a n d a I a n d S u p -
p i l u l i u m a I . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e p a l e o g r a p h i c c r i t e r i a e l a b o r a t e d in StBoT 21 and 22,
t h e y a p p r o x i m a t e t h e s c r i p t o f t h e c h a n c e r y o f A r n u w a n d a I; cf. t h e s i g n s A K , A L ,
D U , LI, a n d S A R . T h i s fits t o o w i t h t h e correct d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e p l u r a l
d e t e r m i n a t i v e s M E § a n d HI. A , t h e f r e q u e n t u s e o f e n c l i t i c p r o n o u n s ( n o t e e s p e ­
cially t h e u s e o f t h e e n c l i t i c p r o n o m i n a l s t e m o f t h e p l u r a l , - e , EA 3 1 : 1 8 ) , t h e v e r b
f o r m a-u-ma-ni ( o t h e r w i s e , in O l d H i t t i t e , u-me-ni, StBoT 8, p . 7 8 ) , a n d t h e p l e n e
w r i t i n g s s u c h as hu-u-da-a-ak (EA 3 1 : 2 0 ) a n d al-su-u-li (EA 3 2 : 1 8 , 2 0 , 2 1 ) ; cf. a l s o
CHD 3, pp. 254, 268 M H / M S .
2 . O n t h e l o c a t i o n o f A r z a w a s o m e w h e r e t o t h e w e s t o f C i l i c i a , its history,
a n d EA 3 1 - 3 2 , see H e i n h o l d - K r a h m e r , Arzawa: Untersuchungen zu seiner Geschichte
nach den hethitischen Quellen, THeth 8 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p p . 3 - 4 , 5 0 - 5 5 . T h r o u g h a m a r r i a g e
w i t h a d a u g h t e r o f t h e m o s t p o w e r f u l ruler a m o n g t h e v a r i o u s p r i n c i p a l i t i e s t h a t
w e r e f o u n d in A r z a w a b e f o r e S u p p i l u l i u m a I , E g y p t b e l i e v e d t h a t it c o u l d a s s u r e
t h e loyalty o f t h e c o u n t r y a n d t h u s h e l p i m p e d e t h e r e s u r g e n c e o f t h e H i t t i t e s .
A r z a w a ' s p r e v i o u s i s o l a t i o n m a y b e reflected in t h e fact t h a t c o r r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h it
w a s c a r r i e d on in H i t t i t e a n d n o t , a s w a s c u s t o m a r y , in A k k a d i a n . ( T h e v i e w o f J .
F r i e d r i c h , Or n . s . 8 [ 1 9 3 9 ] p . 3 1 0 , n. 1, t h a t in t h i s l e t t e r are t o b e f o u n d several
"violations o f n o r m a l H i t t i t e s p e e c h " m a y b e q u e s t i o n e d . T h e p o s i t i o n , however,
o f EGIRanda at t h e e n d o f a s e n t e n c e , after t h e v e r b , is a difficulty; cf. L . R o s t ,
MIO 4 [ 1 9 5 6 } p . 3 3 6 . )
3 . T h e t e r m pippit, "all o f one's p o s s e s s i o n s , " is a t t e s t e d o n l y here, a n d it is
d
certain that similar farms—pi-pi-it-hi a-dam-ma (KBo X V I I 1 0 3 rev. i 1 8 ' ) ; pt'-pt-
pi-tarsw KBo X I I I 2 4 8 rev. i 9 ' ) — h a v e n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h pippit. H . Kronasser,
" H e t h i t i s c h pippit e x i s t i e r t n i c h t , " Die Sprache 7 ( 1 9 6 1 ) p p . 1 6 8 - 6 9 , b e l i e v e s t h a t
it is a m i s t a k e for upessar t o b e e q u a t e d w i t h A k k a d i a n subultu.
4. T h e n a m e of the E g y p t i a n messenger appears with the same writing
d
a m o n g H u r r i a n g o d s : see KUB X X X I V 1 0 2 ii 1 3 ( ir-sa-ap-pa dam-ki-ra-a-Ii), and
KUB X X V I I 1 rev. ii 2 3 (ir-sap-pi-ni-isGAM.GkK-ra-a-n). H e i s , therefore, a g o d
o f c o m m e r c e ; on tamgar-(P)Je, " c o m m e r c e , " see I . M . D i a k o n o f f , Hurrisch und
Urartaisch ( M u n i c h , 1 9 7 1 ) , p . 69. T h e g o d I r s a p p a is t h e C a n a a n i t e R e s h e p h ; see
E . L a r o c h e , RHA 3 4 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . i 2 4 f . ; Or n . s . 4 5 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p . 9 7 ; Ugar. 5, p . 5 2 1 .
N o t e , t o o , a t E m a r N e r g a l , t h e B a b y l o n i a n R e s h e p h a s E N K I . L A M , bel mahtri,
"lord o f t h e m a r k e t p l a c e , c o m m e r c e , " Emar 6 / 3 3 7 3 : 7 4 ' ; 3 7 8 : 1 0 .
5 . O n l i n e s n — 1 4 , see G i i t e r b o c k in L a n d s b e r g e r , Symbolae ... Martino
David dedicatae (see EA 1 1 , n. 7 ) , p p . 79f., n. 4. O n t h e r i t e , see EA n , n. 7.
6. O n t h e n o u n zuhalaliya, see O t t e n , StBoT 1 5 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p . 1, a n d H a a s ,
Kratylos 1 6 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 1 6 2 . A c c o r d i n g to G o r d o n , here a n d in line 3 0 t h e first s i g n
is SU a n d not Z U . S e e a l s o F r a n k S t a r k e , "Ein A m a r n a B e l e g fur nbw nfr ' g u t e s
G o l d , ' " GM 5 3 ( 1 9 8 1 ) p p . 55ff.
7. O n t h e v e r b aggas, o f o b s c u r e m e a n i n g ( p e r h a p s "he is d e a d " ) , see
K i i h n e , p p . 96f., n. 4 8 1 .
8. S t a r k e , " Z u r D e u t u n g d e r A r z a w a - B r i e f s t e l l e VBoT I, 2 5 - 2 7 , " Z A 7 1
( 1 9 8 1 ) p p . 2 2 1 - 3 1 , i n t e r p r e t s differently: "I have h e a r d all t h a t y o u s a i d . A n d a l s o

102

EA 32

t h e l a n d o f H a t t u s a is at p e a c e . " T h i s i n g e n i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is b a s e d o n an
E g y p t i a n p a r a l l e l ( ? ) , b u t if o n e t a k e s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h e h i s t o r i c a l i m p l i c a ­
t i o n s , it falls s h o r t of c o n v i c t i o n ; see A . H a g e n b u c h e r , THeth 1 6 ( 1 9 8 9 ) p p . 3G2L
9. O n lines 2 8 - 2 9 , w i t h t h e i r p a r a l l e l s in t h e l e t t e r s o f R a m e s s e s I I , s e e
E d e l , Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 1 (1974) p. 1 3 5 .
r e a <
10. With Edel, ibid., p p . 1 3 5 - 3 7 , I J 3 G A D A S I G (see EA 14 iii 1 1 ) 3
GADA ( G U ) . E . A S[IG].
11. G o r d o n : e i t h e r B/Pu over a n e r a s u r e , or else A S - B / P u , b u t n o t M U - A S
(cf. M l ) in lines 1, 1 7 , 1 8 , 2 5 ) .
12. T h e o c c u r r e n c e s o f sarpa-, sarpaHi, have b e e n c o l l e c t e d by R o s t , MIO 4
( 1 9 5 6 ) p p . 338ff. ( G o r d o n : G l S . K A L clear; f K U . G ] l G A R . R A . )

EA 32

Reply to EA 31
T E X T : VAT 342.

COPIES: WA 238; VS 12, 202; VBoT, no. 2.
TRANSLITERATION A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Rost, MIO 4 (1956) pp.

328ff.
Behold, (concerning the fact) that Kalbaya has spoken this word to me,
1
"Let us establish a blood-relationship,"
4-6 in this matter I do not trust Kalbaya. He has (indeed) spoken
it as a word, but it was not confirmed on the tablet.
7—9 If you really desire my daughter, (how) should I not give her
to you? I give her to you!
10—13 See to it now that Kalbaya returns quickly with my messen­
ger, and write back to me on a tablet concerning this matter.
14-20 May Nabu, the king of wisdom, (and) Istanus of the Gate­
way graciously protect the scribe who reads this tablet, and around you
2
may they graciously hold the(ir) hands.
21—23 You, scribe, write well to me; put down, moreover, your
name.
24—25 The tablets that are brought here always write in Hittite!

NOTES
1. T h i s t a b l e t is t h e e n d o f a l o n g e r b u t o n l y p a r t i a l l y p r e s e r v e d c o m m u n i ­
c a t i o n r e p l y i n g t o EA 3 1 .
2. B e f o r e line 1 4 t h e r e is a d o u b l e d i v i d i n g - l i n e . O n lines 1 4 - 2 3 , w h i c h a r e
d i r e c t e d t o t h e s c r i b e a t t h e E g y p t i a n c o u r t , see O t t e n , MIO 4 ( 1 9 5 6 ) p p . i 7 9 f E ,
e s p . p . 1 8 5 . S e e a l s o t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , s e c t . 4.

103

THE AMARNA LETTERS

EA 33

An alliance in the making
T E X T : VAT 1654.
C O P I E S : WA 15; VS 11, 13.
PHOTOGRAPH: L. Hellbing, Alasia Problems, Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 57 (Giiteborg, 1979), p. 100
(obverse only).
To the king of Egypt, my brother: Message of the king of Alasiya, your
1
brother. For me all goes well. For you may all go we(ll). For your
2
household, your wives, your sons, your horses, your chariots, and in
your country, may all go [ve]ry well.
9 - 1 8 [More]over, I have heard [t]hafi you are seated on [the th]rone
of your father's house. (You said), "{Let us have] transported (back and
forth) [gift(s) ofp]eace. "4 [I have he]ard the greeting [of] my [brother], and
I . . . [...] . . . [You wr]ote, "[Have transported to me] 200 (talents) of
copper,"' [and I (herewith) have] transported'to you . . . [ . . . } . . . 10 talents
6
[offine copper].
1 9 - 2 6 [The mes]senger [that your father us]ed to se[nd t]o [me] / [let
7
go immediately. So wri[te to me, and] may my [brojther not de[lay] my
8
[m}an that . . . [ . . . ] . . . Let him g(o) [immediately.
2 7 - 3 2 [A]nd'-> year by ye[ar] let my messenger go [into your
presence], and, on you[r part], year by year, your messenger should
10
come from [your] pre[sence] into my presence.

NOTES
1. T h e k i n g a d d r e s s e d w a s p r o b a b l y A m e n o p h i s IV, b u t neither S m e n k h ­
k a r e nor T u t a n k h a m u n m a y b e e x c l u d e d ; see K i i h n e , p . 8 6 . P e r h a p s , t o o , the
e n t i r e A l a s i a c o t r e s p o n d e n c e is t o be p u t in t h e r e i g n o f A m e n o p h i s IV, over a
p e r i o d o f a b o u t a d e c a d e or s o ; for o p i n i o n s , see H e l l b i n g , Alasia Problems (see
h e a d n o t e ) , p . 4 7 , n. 1 9 , a n d EA 3 4 , n. 1 1 .
2. T h e r e is n o p l u r a l m a r k e r w i t h "chariots" or t h e t h r e e p r e c e d i n g nouns
( a l s o EA 3 7 : 6 ; 3 9 : 6 ) , b u t p l u t a l s a r e t h e rule in t h e v a r i o u s f o r m s o f t h e f o r m u l a i c
g r e e t i n g , a n d t h e u n m a r k e d l o g o g r a m is a l s o u s e d for t h e p l u r a l in EA 34:44-45;
39:10—20; 4 0 : 1 6 - 2 8 ; perhaps 3 7 : 3 9 and 3 8 : 2 5 .
3. In l i n e s 1 - 8 t h e left m a r g i n m o v e s i n w a r d , t o t h e r i g h t (see p h o t o ) ,
whereas Knudtzon's restorations [ s a ] - n i - t a ? a n d \a-ri\u-ma at t h e b e g i n n i n g of
l i n e s 9 - 1 0 , respectively, a s s u m e t h e m a r g i n o f l i n e 8. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , the
a s s u m p t i o n o f a b r o k e n s i g n s e e m s i n e s c a p a b l e . In l i n e 1 0 [e/i-n]u-ma seems
p r e f e r a b l e ( K i i h n e , p . 8 6 , n. 427).
4. A c h a n g e of rulers required allies to restate their expressions of friend-

104

EA 34

2
s h i p ; cf. EA 6:8ff.; 8:8ff.; 9:7!?.; 1 7 : 5 1 6 ° . ; 4i:yfF. See a l s o G o e t z e , Kleinasien'
( M u n i c h , 1 9 5 7 ) , p . 98; O t t e n , A / 0 , Beiheft 1 2 , p . 65.
s
T h e f o l l o w i n g r e s t o r a t i o n o f lines 1 2 — 1 3 ' most uncertain: [nu-u]s-te-bi-ri-
mi 13 [ N I G . B A i]a-la-mi. T h e first w o r d , as if f r o m eberu ( a l s o line 1 7 ) , is
r e g u l a r l y u s e d o f c r o s s i n g b o d i e s o f w a t e r a n d w o u l d b e a p p r o p r i a t e in a l e t t e r
f r o m a n i s l a n d ; for o v e r h a n g i n g / - v o w e l , cf. li-li-ki, lines 2 9 , 3 2 ; for t h e f o r m ,
p r o b a b l y S-perfecr, cf. ultebilakku, EA 3 5 : 1 0 ; -mi is a m a r k o f d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n .
5. E n d o f line 1 6 : [ s u - b i - r a - ( m i ) ] . T h e m e a s u r e is a l s o a b s e n t in EA 35:10;
3 6 : 6 ; 40:7, 1 3 ; u n d e r s t a n d "talent(s)" or p e r h a p s " b a r s , i n g o t s " ( K i i h n e , p . 86, n.
4 2 2 ) . O n t h e C y p r i o t e t a l e n t o f 2 8 . 2 k g or 3 5 . 2 5 k g , r o u g h l y t h e s a m e w e i g h t o f
t h e i n g o t s f o u n d at C y p r u s , see A r n a u d , RA 61 (1967) p . 168. N e i t h e r the gift
r e q u e s t e d nor t h e o n e s e n t is n e c e s s a r i l y a c o r o n a t i o n g i f t ( R e d f o r d , History and
Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt [see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 1 9 ] , p . 1 2 6 ) .
6. L i n e 1 7 : [ u u]s-te-bi-ra-ku x [x x ] . W h a t w a s a c t u a l l y s e n t s e e m s t o h a v e
b e e n less t h a n w h a t w a s a s k e d for, b u t t h e difference was p e r h a p s c o m p e n s a t e d for
by a d d i n g (line 1 8 ) , [ x - x ] - A M 1 0 G U . U N [ U R U D U D U G ] ; cf. EA 4 0 : 1 3 .
7. L i n e s 1 9 — 2 2 : [ u D U M ] U si-ip-r[i-su] 20 [ s a A D - k a / } / - t a - n [ a - p a - a r ]
r
21 \a\-na mu-hi-[ia ki-ma] 22 ar-hi-is u"'-[wa-as-si-ir-(su)]. C o m p a r i s o n of pre­
v i o u s r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e a d d r e s s e e ' s p r e d e c e s s o r is f r e q u e n t ; cf. EA 8 : 8 f £ ; 9:66°.;
io:8ff.; 1 5 : 7 6 ° . ; i 7 : 2 i f f . ; 2 7 - 2 9 p a s s i m .
8. L i n e 2 5 : « ' - [ u h - h a r / h a - a r - ( s u ) ] ; w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 108:48, the
D - c o n j u g a t i o n o f kalu ( K n u d t z o n ) is u n a t t e s t e d in EA.
9. O n t h e a p p a r e n t la o f t h e copy, see S c h r o e d e r , O L Z , 1 9 1 7 , col. 1 0 5 .
10. i / > - p [ a - n i - k a ] ; cf. i-pa-ni-ia in t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e . T h a t in(a) should
m e a n b o t h "from" a n d "to" in t h e s a m e s e n t e n c e , in t h e s a m e e x p r e s s i o n , is n o t
very likely. ^ > - p [ a - f i - k a ] , "from y o u r t e r r i t o r y " ?

EA 34

The Pharaoh's reproach answered
TEXT: BM 29789.
C O P Y : BB 6.
PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100 (obverse only,
illegible).
1
Message of the king of Alasiya to the king of Egypt, my brother: Be
informed that I prosper and my country prospers. And as to your own
prosperity, may your prosperity and the prosperity of your household,
your sons, your wives, your horses, your chariots, your country, be very
great. 7-15 Look, yo(u) are my brother. As to your having written
me, "Why did you not send your messenger to me?", the fact is that I
2
had not heard that you were going to perform a sacrifice. Do not ta[k}e
this at all seriously. 3 Since I have (now) heard (about it), I herewith send
my messenger to you. 1 6 - 2 5 And behold, I (also) send to you with

105

THE AMARNA LETTERS

my messen(g)er 100 talents of copper. Moreover, may your messengers
4
now bring some goods: i ebony bed, goid-(trimmed), . . . ; and a char­
5 6
iot, sfuhttu, with gold; 2 horses; 2 pieces of linen; 50 linen shawls; 2
linen robes; 1 4 (beams of) ebony;? 17 habannatu-\ats of "sweet oil."
8
[And] as to byssos, 4 pieces and 4 shawls. 2 6 - 3 1 {And as] to goods
that are not available {in your country], I am sending {in the charge of] my
[mess}enger a donkey-hide [ . . . } of a bed, and {hab]annatu-)ais that are
9
not available [ . . . } 3 2 - 4 1 .. . 4 2 - 4 9 So an alliance should [be
ma]de between the two of us, and my messen(g)ers should go to you
and your messengers should come to me. Moreover, why have you not
10
sent me oil and linen? As far as I am {concerned, what you yourself
request / will give. 5 0 - 5 3 I herewith send a habannatu-)&t {that] is full
of "sweet oil" to be poured on your head, seeing that you have sat down
on your royal throne."

NOTES
1 . O n t h e writer's r e f e r r i n g t o h i m s e l f first, see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 5 3 .
2 . T h e festival c a n n o t b e i d e n t i f i e d ( C a m p b e l l , Chronology, p . 4 2 ) ; for p o s s i ­
b i l i t i e s w i t h i n t h e r e i g n o f A m e n o p h i s IV, see K i i h n e , p p . 86f. Cf. t h e c o r o n a t i o n
referred t o in l i n e s 5 0 — 5 3 .
3. T h e r e a d i n g ti-Va^-kdn is c e r t a i n . T h e e x p r e s s i o n (mimma) ina libbi
sakdnu o c c u r s a l s o in EA 3 5 : 1 2 , 1 5 , 3 5 (all p a s s i v e ) ; 3 8 : 3 0 ; 1 7 0 : 7 ^
4. su-x-a: x is n e i t h e r hi ( B B , b u t r e j e c t e d in VAB 2 / 1 , p . 2 8 1 , n o t e d ) , n o r ha
( U n g n a d , OLZ, 1 9 1 6 , col. 1 8 3 ) ; u over a n e r a s u r e (or nu, G o r d o n ) is p o s s i b l e . su"a,
" p r o v i d e d w i t h m a t t r e s s ( e s ) " ? Cf. se'u sa ersi; o n t h e d i s a g r e e m e n t in g e n d e r , cf.
lalim in line 4.
5. M a y e r , UF 8 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . 2 i 2 f . , c o m p a r e s N u z i sukitu, (a t y p e o f ) c h a r i o t .
6. G U . G A D A ( a l s o line 2 5 ) , t o b e a d d e d t o kUadu (CAD, K , p . 4 4 9 b , "scarf
.worn a r o u n d t h e neck"; AHw, p . 490a, "Halstuch").
7. S e e EA 3 1 : 3 8 , w h e r e E d e l , Brief, p . 1 5 2 , a s s u m e s ( G i S ) , " ( b e a m s ) , " b u t
perhaps repetition of logogram/determinative avoided.
8. S e e EA 1 4 iii n.
9. A t t h e e n d o f l i n e 3 2 , $ E . M E § ( G o r d o n ) . L i n e s 39—40: " . . . m y m e r ­
1
c h a n t s a n d 2 0 m e r c h a n t s o f y o u r s " Cu 2 0 , G o r d o n ) .
10. a-na-ku-[t}e: o n t h e e n c l i t i c , see K r a h m a l k o v , JSS 1 4 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p p . 2 0 3 ^ ;
for t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n anaku . . . anaku (line 4 9 ? ) , cf. EA 3 5 : 2 1 — 2 2 , 5 0 — 5 2 . T h e
a s s u m p t i o n o f a W e s t S e m i t i s n n is e s p e c i a l l y p l a u s i b l e in t h i s letter. A m o n g t h e
A l a s i a letters it is t h e m o s t s t r o n g l y influenced b y t h e W e s t S e m i t i z e d l a n g u a g e
f o u n d e l s e w h e r e in t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s f r o m s o u t h e r n S y r i a a n d f u r t h e r s o u t h ; see
K i i h n e , p . n , n. 4 7 . T o his o b s e r v a t i o n s a d d t h e u s e o f t h e A k k a d i a n s u b j u n c t i v e
as W e s t S e m i t i c i n d i c a t i v e : tinaqqu (line 1 2 ) , tuwassiruni (line 4 8 ) , terilu (terrisu?)
(line 4 9 ) , iddinu (line 4 9 ) . N o t e , t o o , t h e a n o m a l o u s f o r m o f t h e d u a l p r o n o m i n a l
r
suffix in bi- rp-ku-ni (line 4 8 ) , p a r a l l e l e d only b y be-ri-ku-ni in EA 113:18 and
1 1 6 : 3 3 , both l e t t e r s f r o m B y b l o s (see EA 1 1 3 , n. 5 ) .

106

EA 35

II. In a different c o n t e x t , "when y o u s i t . . . " w o u l d a l s o b e p o s s i b l e . T h e
l a n g u a g e s e e m s t o i m p l y a recent e n t h r o n e m e n t , a n d in b o t h t h i s a n d t h e a r r a n g e ­
m e n t for t h e e x c h a n g e o f m e s s e n g e r s (lines 4 2 - 4 6 ) t h i s letter is m u c h l i k e EA 3 3 .
It m a y b e d o u b t e d t h a t t w o s u c h l e t t e r s w o u l d b e sent t o t h e s a m e k i n g .

EA 35

The hand of Nergal
TEXT: BM 29788.
C O P Y : BB 5.
PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100 (obverse only,
illegible).
TRANSLATION: Oppenheim, LFM, pp. 122f.
Sfay to the k]ing of Egypt, my brother: [Message} of the king of
Alasiya, your brother. [F}or me all goes well. For my household, my
wives,' my sons, my magnates, my horses, my chariots, and in my
country, all goes very well. For my brother
6 - 9 may all go well. For your household, your wives, your sons,
your magnates, your horses, your chariots, and in your country, may all
go very well. My brother, I herewith send my messenger with your
messenger to Egypt.
2
1 0 - 1 5 I herewith send to you 500 (talents) of copper. As my
brother's greeting-gift I send it to you. My brother, do not be concerned
that the amount of copper is small. Behold, the hand of Nergal3 is now
in my country; he has slain all the men of my country, and there is not a
4
(single) copper-worker. So, my brother, do not be concerned.
16—18 Send your messenger with my messenger immediately, and
I will send you whatever copper you, my brother, request.
1 9 - 2 2 You are my brother. May he send me silver in very great
quantities. My brother, give me the very best silver, and then I will send
you, my brother, whatever you, my brother, request.
2 3 - 2 6 Moreover, my brother, give me the ox that my messenger
requests,' my brother, and send me, my brother, 2 kukkubu-cont&meTs
of "sweet oil," my brother, and send me one of the experts in vulture
6
augury.
2 7 - 2 9 Moreover, my brother, men of my country keep speaking
with m[e] about my timber that the king of Egypt receives from me.
7
My brother, [give me] the payment due.
3 0 - 3 4 Moreover, here is the situation: a man from [Alasiya} has

107

THE AMARNA LETTERS

died in Egypt, and [his] thing[s] are in your country, though his son
8
and wife are with me. So, my brother, loo\k to] the things of the Alasiya
people and hand them over, my brother, to the charge of my messenger.
3 5 - 3 9 My brother, do not be concerned that your messenger has
stayed 3 years in my country, for the hand of Nergal is in my country
and in my own house. There was a young wife of mine that now, my
9
brother, is dead.
4 0 - 4 2 Send your messenger immediately along with my messen­
ger, with safe passage, and then I will send my brother's greeting-gift
to you.
43—48 Moreover, may my brother send to me in very great quan­
tities the silver that I have asked you for. Send, my brother, the things
that I asked you for. My brother should do quite everything, and then
whatever things you say I will do.
4 9 - 5 3 You have not been put (on the same level) with the king of
10
Hatti or the king of Sanhar. Whatever greeting-gift he (my brother)
sends me, I for my part send back to you double.
5 4 - 5 5 May your messenger come to me as of o\ld, and] may my
1
messenger go to you as of olid].'

NOTES
1. O n t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r , see EA 3 3 , n. 2 .
2 . enuma, as if anumma (cf. EA 3 8 : 1 0 ; 4 0 : 1 2 ; a n d see t h e c o m m e n t s o f
H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian, p p . 1960. T o a p o l o g i z e for s e n d i n g only 5 0 0 t a l e n t s
( ? — s e e EA 3 3 , n. 5 ) , t h e l a r g e s t a m o u n t m e n t i o n e d in t h e e n t i r e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e ,
is s o m e w h a t c u r i o u s . O p p e n h e i m ( " p o u n d s , " " m i n a s " u n d e r s t o o d ? ) r e d u c e s t h e
a m o u n t , b u t c o n s i s t e n c y is r e q u i r e d , a n d t h i s s o l u t i o n a l l e v i a t e s o n l y s o m e w h a t
t h e difficulty. G e o r g i o u , Levant 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 9 6 , t h i n k s o f i r o n y a n d ( m o r e p l a u s i ­
b l y ) s u g g e s t s a p r i o r r e q u e s t f r o m t h e P h a r a o h for m u c h m o r e . T h e a m o u n t w o u l d
s u p p o r t t h e c l a i m o f lines 4 9 - 5 3 . O n E g y p t i a n - A l a s i a n t r a d e r e l a t i o n s in t h i s
p e r i o d , see Y. H o l m e s , A O A T 2 2 , p p . 96ff.
D
3. Whether M A S \ M A § is here t o b e read N e r g a l , or W e s t S e m i t i c R a s p u
( R e s h e p h ; see EA 3 1 , n. 4 ) , or even t h e n a m e o f a n a t i v e C y p r i o t e g o d o f p e s t i ­
l e n c e , r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n ; see H e l l b i n g , p p . 2iff. O n summa, " b e h o l d , " see JCS 7
( 1 9 5 3 ) p p . 79ff.; a l s o AbB 9, 2 5 3 : 1 3 a n d c o m m e n t . R a i n e y , Particles, rejects this
m e a n i n g o f summa, p o i n t i n g t o p a r a l l e l s w h e r e inuma r e p l a c e s summa. N o t e a l s o in
l i n e 3 7 assum. I t d o e s n o t follow, however, t h a t summa m e a n s "since, b e c a u s e , "
which would otherwise be without parallel and without explanation. A s a deictic
p a r t i c l e reflecting W e s t S e m i t i c 'imlhm, summa s t r e s s e s t h e h e r e - a n d - n o w n e s s o f
the situation.
4. W h e t h e r t h e "worker" (epis) is here t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as m e r e l y m i n i n g
t h e c o p p e r (AHw, p . 2 2 7 a , "acquire"), or a l s o r e f i n i n g , e t c . , is n o t clear; cf. EA
36:5, 12, 14.

ro8

EA 36

5. te-ri-is-su, m i s t a k e for e-ri-il-su (VAB 2 / 1 , p . 2 8 5 ) . T h e ox is p r o b a b l y a n
o x - s h a p e d o b j e c t or f i g u r i n e ; live b o v i n e s are u n a t t e s t e d a m o n g t h e g i f t s of t h i s
period.
6. O r " e a g l e - a u g u r y . " T h e s u d d e n r e q u e s t for a very s p e c i a l i z e d d i v i n e r ,
a l o n g w i t h an ox a n d "sweet o i l , " is s u r p r i s i n g , t h e m o r e s o s i n c e n o t h i n g is
k n o w n o f s u c h a f o r m o f d i v i n a t i o n in E g y p t ( B r u n n e r , GM, 25 [ 1 9 7 7 ] pp. 45f.).
O r n i t h o m a n c y , as A r t z i , BiOr 4 1 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p . 2 1 2 has s t r e s s e d , is o f w e s t e r n o r i g i n ;
for t h e M a r i e v i d e n c e , see D u r a n d , A&M I / I , p p . 3 8 , 386f. M c E w a n , ZA 70
( 1 9 8 1 ) p . 6 2 , n. 2 9 , h a s s u g g e s t e d t h a t erii refers here t o t h e N e o p h r o n p e r c n o p -
t e r u s ( E g y p t i a n v u l t u r e ) , w h i c h flies over C y p r u s ( A l a s i a ) on m i g r a t i o n s to a n d
f r o m E g y p t . H e sees t h e r e q u e s t as reflecting t h e c o s m o p o l i t a n c h a r a c t e r o f t h e
E g y p t i a n c o u r t , not a s e v i d e n c e o f a n a t i v e t r a d i t i o n .
7. l A M . M E S (simati), rather t h a n S A M , as n o t i n f r e q u e n t l y in M i d d l e A s ­
s y r i a n a n d at U g a r i t (AHw, p . 1 2 4 0 ; H u e h n e r g a r d , Akkadian, p . 3 7 3 , n o . i78aa).
8. C e r t a i n l y M A § K [ I M ] , b u t t h e r e a d i n g is u n k n o w n .
9. T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a s s u m e s mtt for c o r r e c t mitat; cf. EA 3 4 , n. 4. T h e
a l t e r n a t i v e , "a s o n or c h i l d h a s d i e d , " has o t h e r g r a m m a t i c a l difficulties.
10. I agree with Vincentelli, RSO 4 6 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . i43ff., that the usual
version of these lines, "Do n o t m a k e an a l l i a n c e w i t h does not fit the
c o n t e x t , a n d t h a t s u c h a r e q u e s t , if m a d e , w o u l d r e q u i r e e x p l a n a t i o n . However,
her o w n v e r s i o n , " D o n o t c o m p a r e ( m e ) w i t h . . . , " h a s its o w n difficulties: tassakin
is in f o r m p a s s i v e , a n d t h e a l l e g e d o b j e c t — t h e c r u c i a l w o r d — i s u n e x p r e s s e d . Cf.
islakin ( l i n e 1 2 ) a l t e r n a t i n g w i t h s t a t i v e sakin (lines 1 5 , 3 5 ) .
r r
11. qad-mi-i[s~] ( l i n e 5 4 ) , qad-mi- W (line 5 5 ) : Su-mi- e"'-[is] ( K n u d t z o n )
is e x t r e m e l y d o u b t f u l , b e c a u s e for e t h e r e is n o t r a c e o f a s e c o n d v e r t i c a l , a n d
s p a c i n g favors o n l y o n e s i g n . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n is a l s o e x t r e m e l y d o u b t f u l ( M a y n a r d ,
JSOR 8 [ 1 9 2 4 ] p . 7 6 ) . For illik as i n j u n c t i v e , cf. the i n j u n c t i v e u s e o f t h e S - p e r f e c t
(ultebilanni, line 2 0 ) , S - p r e t e r i t e (usebila, line 4 4 ) , a n d N - p r e t e r i t e (issakin, line
12).

EA 36

More about copper
TEXT: C 4750 (12187).
C O P Y : WA 19 + WA 20.

PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing, Alasia Problems, p. 100.
1
Too fragmentary for translation.
NOTE
1. EA 3 6 is t h e m i d d l e o f a r a t h e r l a r g e t a b l e t c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e e x c h a n g e
o f g o o d s . T h e r e a r e several references t o " d o i n g " c o p p e r (lines 4 ? , 5 , 1 2 , 1 4 ; see EA
3 5 , n. 4 ) . L i n e 6: "[Now] I a m s e n d i n g ( s e n t ? ) t o m y b r o t h e r 1 2 0 ( + x ? , G o r d o n )
(talents) [of coplper; 7 0 (talents) remain . . . " Lines 9 - 1 0 : " [ . . . ] . . . what I sent
y o u w a s l i t t l e . N o w I have l o o k e d for ( m o r e ) [and] I w i l l s e ( n ) d y o u [as much a]s

109

let me inquire about [m]y bro[the]r's health. illegible). may all go ve(ry) well. for his wives. 8 . n o t f r o m h i m . Lo scambio dei doni durante i secoli XV—Xlll (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . see EA 3 3 . " I t a [ l e n t ] " . for the horses. AS" G [ U . 100 (obverse only.ak-ku~ (Gordon).1 2 [/ have he\ard the greeting of my brother. Written a-la-si-ia. 2 * . [f]or his sons. 3. s e e VAB 2 / 1 . p . m m 2 1 .aV-h[a-i\a ( a l s o G o r d o n ) . I (herewith) promptly dispatch the messenger of my brother. n./ « x-y-ia ( G o r d o n ) .THE AMARNA LETTERS y o u r h e a r t d e s i r e s .2 9 Pa-x-tum-x-e. May my brother dispatch my messenger without delay. 4. 2. COPY: BB 7. .9 w i t h biltu is a l s o f o u n d in EA 3 7 : 9 . [And w ] h a t I a s k [yo]u for (e-ri-su-[k]a) s e n d m e . G e o r g i o u . . 2 9 1 . EA 37 More about silver TEXT: BM 29790. 5. Alasia Problems. r l 8. A l s o d u b i o u s : ki-na-bi — Canaan. I n line 1 5 . 1. n. N o t e t h a t S E S is never u s e d a l o n e in t h i s letter. For his household. p. S E S . lu-se-bt'l. 1 0 8 3 . and whatever 7 8 [yo]u n[ee]d put down on a tablet so I can send (it) to you. Political Disposition. Ku-ni-e-a. your [brot]her. g o . 6. 2 3 his chariots.( « / 7 ) . [The gree}ting-gift for my brother is 4 5 talents {of copper). n. PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing. Levant 1 1 [ 1 9 7 9 } P. s e e Z a c c a g n i n i . E-tel-lu-na may the cit[y] expel. . and m then may my brother let go x-ul-bar-ra (and) [B]e-[e]l-x-y-z. I f t h e 5 t a l e n t s a r e o f c o p p e r . U N ] . p . p . p]i-ba-ti. [F]or my brother may all go well.9 7 ) s e e m s o u t o f t h e q u e s t i o n . 1 3 . ha. while p a l e o g r a p h i c a l l y p o s s i b l e . " I n line 6 ( e n d ) . 2 . A g i f t o f 5 t a l e n t s o f g o l d or silver ( W e b e r . HO . n. t h e n o f c o u r s e t h e g i f t is for t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g . r 7. p . NOTES 1. . 5 teams of horses. O n t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r . m[y brother}: Message [of the king] of 1 Alasiya. a n d if h o r s e s a r e a l s o part of the g i f t — t h e reading cannot be confirmed—then this also a r g u e s a g a i n s t t h e g i f t ' s c o m i n g f r o m E g y p t . is q u e s t i o n a b l e b e c a u s e o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f s y l l a b a r y a n d p e r h a p s h i s t o r y ( N a ' a m a n . and in his country. For me all goes well. wh[o] I O with . 6 0 ) . [Sa]y [t]o the k[in]g [of Egypt}. Send me 9 pure silver. 1 9 ) . n o t e g . t h e c o n v e n t i o n a l u s e o f t h e h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e for t h e n u m b e r s 1 . dan (over a n e r a s u r e ) . 1 2 2 . VAB 2 / 2 . lulmana sa'dlu = lulma sa'dlu.2 0 Now may my brother promptly let 5 6 my .

you say to me. C a r r u b a .r « . 14. p. pa m o r e likely t h a n as'. f o u r t h s i g n . G o r d o n has m K u ./ B < * ( G o r d o n ) .d ' a m . my brother: Message of the king of Alasiya. They would not do such a thing. 13-18 My brother. your chief wives. among your numerous troops.b a r ( p a ? ) . do you say such a thing to me. t h e n e x t t w o s i g n s are i l l e g i b l e . For your 1 household. ni m o r e l i k e l y t h a n me. among your magnates. 2 3 . I have done nothing 2 of the sort. K . your horses. For me all goes well. 3 But if men from my country did do this. p. CAD. b u t w i t h l i t t l e e v i d e n t a w a r e n e s s o f t h e e p i g r a p h i c diffi­ c u l t i e s . in your country. which ancestors of yours did such a thin(g) to my ancestors? So no. your sons. " L i n e 2 5 : x .2 2 You yourself do not know men from my country. EA 38 A brotherly quarrel T E X T : VAT 153. my brother.4 2 7 . Studi classici e orientali 1 7 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p . if c o r r e c t a n d n o t a n a r c h a i s m . e x p e l . 102b). seize villages in my own country. C O P I E S : WA 11. L i n e 2 4 : 1 i . my brother. 10. s e c o n d s i g n . Line 26: B/Pel-x = sa or ta. h e n d i a d y s (cf. and for you may all go well. since you have not sent back my messen­ ger." My brother. 1 9 .« / . have b e e n s t u d i e d t o d e t e r m i n e t h e e t h n i c c o m p o s i t i o n o f A l a s i y a . do not be concerned. Alasia Problems. 100 (obverse only). T h e n a m e s in lines 2iff. EA 38 9. I myself do not know that they were with them. Say to the king of Egypt. men of Lukki. Idikalla li-is-pur ( c o m p l e t e l y v i s i b l e ) . year by year. my brother. send (them back) and I will act as I see fit.3 0 Furthermore. your chariots. L[et] him write. 7-12 Why. may all go very well. VS 11. then you yourself do as you see fit. unlikely. na .« / .i t . x m a y b e a p e r s o n a l n a m e d e t e r m i n a t i v e .2 6 Now.r a .. see A s t o u r . 2406°.p a r / p a . "Men from your country were with them. If men from my country were (with them). for this tablet it is the king's brother (as messenger). Your messengers must tell me what I am to do. your brother. in . Indeed.> « . PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing. L i n e 2 3 : l a s t s i g n . tarddu m u s t at t h i s p e r i o d m e a n "drive off. "Does my brother not know this?" As far as I am concerned. 256°. . L i n e 2 1 : p r o b a b l y n o p e r s o n a l n a m e d e t e r m i n a t i v e . J AOS 8 4 ( 1 9 6 4 ) p p . U R [ U ] m o r e l i k e l y ( ? — p o s s i b l e ? ) .

87. s e e a l s o PRU 3 . note * . N f T L A M ( S A L . T h e w r i t i n g is so i n e p t in this p a r a g r a p h t h a t m y v e r s i o n is o n l y o n e o f several p o s s i b i l i t i e s . 2 8 1 ) . 2 9 5 . EA 30. enuma for anumma. PHOTOGRAPHS: Hellbing. " as a d e s i g n a t i o n o f f o r e i g n r u l e r s . T h e r e a d i n g i s h i r t u or marhitu (CAD. The c o n t e x t favors u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e s u b j e c t as t h e a c c u s e d A l a s i a n s . 436). your chief wives. ) s e e m s less likely. 105). OLZ.7 a n d a l s o at A l a l a k h ( G o e t z e . a n d on t h e p l u r a l s in l i n e s iofF. col. 1 4 . p . your country. cf. p. 2 . i b i d . catalogue of the exhibition. see EA 3 3 . A s i n g u l a r v e r b w i t h a p l u r a l s u b j e c t is n o t w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l (EA 1 7 0 : 2 3 . O n t h e r e v e r s e . No one making a claim in your name is to 2 approach my merchants or my ship. in h i e r a t i c s c r i p t . n. Ugar. 4:6. "letter o f t h e p r i n c e o f A l a s a . For me all goes well. your chariots. p. U S ' ) . see VAB 2/1. and in Egypt. let them go safely and prom[pt]ly. O n t h e a b s e n c e o f a p l u r a l m a r k e r . 2 . r e a d la-a e-pu-us ( S c h r o e d e r . your brother. p . your many horses. n. Say to the king of Egypt. may all go very well. " p r i n c e . p . 10-13 My brother. 5. EA 39 Duty-free TEXT: C 4748 (12206). 2 1 : 4 . 1 9 1 7 . F o r t h e r e q u e s t o f safe p a s s a g e a n d e x e m p t i o n f r o m i m p o s t . a n d n o . " O n E g y p t i a n wr. Alasia Problems. Mil. 7 3 . n." in the Petit Palais (reference from Kiihne. Ugar. 2. see E A 3 5 . my [brothJer: Message of the king of Alasiya. 112 . C O P Y : WA 12. p . NOTES 1. S .2 0 These men are my merchants. A g a i n s t copy. let my messengers go promptly and safely so that I may hear my brother's greeting. 4. "Toutankhamoun et son temps. My brother. 2 3 2 : 1 1 ( ? — c f . PRU 4. d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m D A M (assatu) in EA 3 9 : 6 . 1 2 8 . p.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. sekretu (CAD. 101. 5 : 6 . n. S e e a l s o EA 4 9 . n. . 5 . 2. 1 ) . 2 . p. your sons. and for you may all go well. your wives. p p . For your 1 household. JCS 1 3 [ 1 9 5 9 } p . n o . n. 2 4 : 7 . see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . 2 i 6 f . 98). EA 1 9 : 8 5 ? ) . 3.

3 4 1 . For . i 4 5 f . but h[e] gave"* [no]thing to me. 2 2 . t[a]-as-pu-ra-am-ma (Gordon). 1 (beam) of boxwood. w h i c h is n o t E g y p t i a n . 5. a n d a s p r o b a b l y s a i d o f t h e A l a s i a n official it is t o b e c o m p a r e d w i t h L U . R e a d i n g ana [ p ] a . 2 ( r e a d i/e-nu-ma?). i-din-n[a] seems t h e m o s t likely reading ( G o r d o n ) . 5 . 6 . b u t p e r h a p s ana [ m ] a h . G A L . 3. C O P Y : WA 13 + 14. as here s a i d o f t h e E g y p t i a n official. Brief. EA 3 9 : 5 .2 0 [Mojreover. MDOG 9 4 { 1 9 6 3 ] p . p. your brother}. My brother. n.2. p e r h a p s n a t i v e p i d d u r i (Steiner./ M . Beziehungen . Traces fit n e i t h e r i[ydsi n o r m\ahrtya nor UfGU-i. 1 5 . O t t e n . . I will give it to y[ou]. . Ugar. and fo[r you] may all go well. send (them back) to me safely and promptly. 2 pieces of i[vor]y. 1 beam for [a ship]. a n d VAB 2 / 1 . these men [and] this ship belong to the king. p . 2 9 7 . my lord].t\rival of Su]mhti.1 5 I herewith send as your greeting-gift 5 (talents) of copper. 2 0 : 2 . M A 3 K I M . and y[pu se]nt5 (only some) lvor[y]. a l s o Ugar.r [ i ] ( G o r d o n ) . t h e t i t l e o f t h e official in A l a s i a w h o s e n t Ugar. cf. my brother]: Messa[ge of the governor o]f 1 2 Ala[§iya. n o t e * * * . Kadmos 1 [ 1 9 6 3 } pp. p.n [ i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) . my brother. p r o b a b l y o n e after t h e other. my lord.5 I sent t[o him] 9 (talents) of copper. T h e n a m e . 5 . before the z. . O n t h e p l u r a l .2 8 These men are servants of the king. my brother. 2 . 7. [wh]atever you ask for ac­ cording to [your fancy]. 101. So send [me] (back) the ship {of the king. and no one making a claim in your name is to approach them. "3 . n. ana [ U G U . governor to governor TEXT: C 4749 (12190). 2. 3 talents offinecopper. my brother. I n t h e n e x t l i n e . NOTES 1. i 3 o f . n. p p . promptly and [saf }ely. 4. 7 1 6 . p e r h a p s b y t h e s a m e m e s s e n g e r . 5 . 2 4 . ( O n m e s s e n g e r s c a r r y i n g several l e t t e r s . ) M A § K I M (rabisu). Alasia Problems. .2 3 [And as for y]ou. 2 4 8 ) . T h i s letter w a s w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e a s t h a t o f EA 3 9 . } all goes well. S e e EA 3 5 . p . . n o . [ . [my] lo[rd]. EA 40 EA 40 Duty-free. 6. n o .n My brother. p r o b a b l y refers t o t h e h i g h 2 office o f vizier ( H e l c k . is r e s t o r e d o n t h e b a s i s o f EA 5 7 : 1 3 . s e e E d e l . cf. 2 1 . 2 ) . s e e EA 3 3 . Say [to the gojvernor of Eg[ypt. a n d p r o b a b l y d e l i v e r e d a t t h e s a m e t i m e . PHOTOGRAPH: Hellbing. 6 1 2 . 1 (beam) for a ship. 1 piece of ivory.

let my 8 [broth]er give thefm.&[ve been r]eadied for . write to me so I can send it to you. 7-13 Neither my messengers. If my brother [wants to give them]. p a s s i m ) . 1 [Thus the Sun]. I will return them to my brother. Let us be helpful to each other. and a large stand for [ .2 8 My brother. 10 3 9 . . ] . . G[reat] King. [As to the 2 st]atues of gold. And. . . 1 silver rhyton. and just as your father and I were desirous of peace between us. 114 . "Let us establish only the most 3 friendly relations between us. nor the request that your father made. linen huzzi. NOTES d d 1. And my own request. .3 8 [ . umma s*amlF R N larru rabu i n t r o d u c i n g H i t t i t e l e t t e r s a n d d e c r e e s (PRU 4. [send me] the 2 [silve]r statues of women. that I made to your father. [yo]u have ascended the throne of your father. my brother. your troops. your chario[ts. one [should be standing]. may all go very well. and a large piece of lapis lazuli. 14-15 Why. For yo]ur [wives]. your sons. my brother. 2 9 . C O P Y : WA 18. my brother. 10 minas their weight. s e e t h e I n t r o ­ d u c t i o n . 5 minas its weight. the king of Eg]ypt. .4 3 I herewith send you as your greeting-gift: 1 silver rhyton. Whatever you want. too. 11 12 a stag.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 41 Of Egyptian-Hittite relations TEXT: C 4747 (122-7). s e c t . saying. I indeed did absolutely eve[ry]thing. 3 minas its l weight. For you may all go wel[l.J 7 ] : cf. and i]n your country. indeed.? But i]f my brother does not want to give them. have you held back the presents that your father made to me when he was al[iv]e? 16—22 Now. as $ 2 large nikiptu-trees. so now too should you and I be friendly with one another. Suppiluliumas. a young ram. [um-ma U T U . 2 silver disks. ] . he never refused. he gave me absolutely everything. Say to 2 Huriy[a. 4. my brother: 4—6 [For me all goes w]ell. my brother. do not hold back anything that [I asked] of your father. whom I sent to your father. 9 when my chariots h. Whatsoever your father said to me. . your household. The request 4 (that) I expressed to your father [/ shall express] to my brother. . one 6 should be seated." did I indeed re[fus]e.' 2 3 . O n t h e f o r m o f i n t r o d u c t i o n . [king of Hat]ti.

G o r d o n ) . 6. Suffix is -sunu. is q u i t e u n c e r t a i n ." G o r d o n a l s o r e s t o r e d a-hu]-uz-za-ta. 11. 2 7 5 o n no. a n d p e r h a p s a l s o at t h e e n d (mi-ri-il-ta-ia x-y. "let's m a k e a m a r r i a g e b e t w e e n u s . . " b u t a b r e a k o f five s i g n s s e e m s e x c l u d e d . " e t c . and is su[ch conduct] the accepted prac­ 4 tice? My brother. 8 2 .2 6 And now. or S E = ana.] 2 8-14 . 5. too.a' [h}a-sih. 10. 12. as to the tablet that [you sent me]. " w h i c h is not 5 a t t a c h e d t o t h e p r e v i o u s w e d g e ( a g a i n s t VAB 2 / 1 . EA 42 2. p . ] . . r 4. D A G + K I S I M x I R ( ? ) . T u t a n k h a m u n . T h e r e a d i n g i-gam-ma-ru-ma is v e r y q u e s t i o n a b l e . li-it-ti-in-su-nu-ti-(ma) (also G o r d o n ) . 7if. C f . 1 0 1 . VS 11. why [did you 3 put] your name over my name? And who (now) is the one who upsets the good relations [between us]. 500. while /. A/i. ZA 45 (1939) p p . . [ . a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line n . ) . a n d his s u g g e s t i o n o f a r e b u s . E i t h e r -ma over a n e r a s u r e ( m e a n i n g ? ) . for [my part].b i . For [ . at M a r i . s e c t . r h y t o n s in a n i m a l f o r m . or S m e n k h k a r e . 60). p. 1003. your 1 horses]. T h e m a t c h i n g n u m b e r s s u g g e s t the possibility that the nikiptu-tcee was d e p i c t e d o n t h e d i s k s . may all go very well. see A O A T 1 7 . for [your] tro[ops. a-na. as e l s e w h e r e at Boghazkoy. 7. see Ehelolf. W h e t h e r a p r o p o s a l o f m a r r i a g e w o u l d b e m a d e so l a c o n i c a l l y m a y a l s o b e d o u b t e d . 1 2 5 a n d 1 3 8 . 9. L U G A L . 3. T e n t a t i v e l y I f o l l o w K i i h n e ' s r e a d ­ i n g . 6. U D U . n. . your magnates.q a b . p . "my b r o t h e r . ] may all go well. L i n e 3 4 : [la]. . T h e E g y p t i a n k i n g c o u l d b e e i t h e r A m e n o p h i s IV.4 1 . see ARMT 2 5 . [ s u .w r i t i n g for salurru(mma).b i ] us-sd-ta (usdtu): f a v o r i n g aqabbi is t h e e n c l i t i c -ma. L i n e 9: at-te-ru-tam-''ma* ( G o r d o n ) . t h e h e a d b e i n g specified (vessel. see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n .ku': virtually certain ( G o r d o n ) . why have you exalted [your name]. 375a (LU. r 1 8.LIM 4 = lidimu). T h e r e a d i n g o f t h e s i g n a t t h e e n d o f l i n e 9. . T h e s y n t a x o f lines 7—10 is r a t h e r c o n f u s e d . G o r d o n read G A D A hu-uz-hu-se. T h e p a r t i c l e -mi (nippus-mi) indicates d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e . EA 42 A question of honor T E X T : VAT 1655. 16. no. O n lines 3 0 . 22 [ a .. your chariots. the a r g u m e n t s o f W i l h e l m a n d B o e s e in favor o f t h e last n a m e d a r e v e r y s t r o n g . n o t sunuti. n n . followed b y a " G l o s s e n k e i l . did you write [to me] with peace in mind? And if [you are my brother]. C O P I E S : WA 16. "head o f a g a z e l l e . P h i l o l o g i c a l l y . S e e CAD. 1 5 . p . 13.l a ] . at t h e e n d o f line 2 8 . 115 . and i[n your country.

4 7 5 . and the Bible (Oxford.. T h e a d d r e s s e e is a s k e d . T h e c o r r e s p o n d e n t s are o f e q u a l r a n k ( " b r o t h e r s " ) . K U R U R U before g e o g r a p h i c a l n a m e s ( K U R U R U hu[r-ri. i093f. p. } . e .m a ] . L i n e s 2 1 . Edel. I will bl}ot out. [ u m . Jdhrbuch fur kleinasiatische Forschung 2 ( 1 9 5 2 . p e r h a p s b e t t e r : "I am like a c o r p s e ( a n d ) t h u s am I thought of. 116 . T h e H i t t i t e p r o v e n i e n c e o f EA 4 2 is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n . P e r h a p s a d e f e n s e is offered o f H i t t i t e a t t a c k s o n " H u r r i . 54. ] . n.. sect.f o r m s o f N I . . . [ . it is p o s s i b l e w e s h o u l d r e n d e r b y " c h a r i o t . a n d H i t t i t e p r o v e n i e n c e o f t h e l e t t e r is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n b e c a u s e o f t h e s i g n . 3 .5 3 ) p . EA 27.m a ] 22 [ri]a- m m bu-ul-tim ki-a-am ha-as-\sa. P e r h a p s w e s h o u l d t h i n k r a t h e r o f a list o f n a m e s in h i e r a r c h i c a l o r d e r . 3. T h e letter refers t o m a l i c i o u s men and someone's murder. X X X I (obverse only).s i ] 2 0 ta-as-pu-u-ra-a ii lum-ma [§E§-ia at-ta sum-ka] 2 1 am-mi-nim tu-ra-ab-bi ii ^ ." 6. 2. 5. . w e m u s t a s s u m e an a d d r e s s e e q u i t e u n f a m i l i a r w i t h s t a n d a r d H i t t i t e p r a c t i c e . pi. t h e list o f n a m e s a t t h e e n d a n d t h e p o s s i b l e t h r e a t n o t t o p u t t h e H i t t i t e on t h e l i s t at a l l . a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h t h e a d d t e s s o r n a m e s h i m s e l f first ( I n t r o d u c t i o n . p . . t h u s VAB 2 / 2 . .] 2 5 [a-pa-a]s-fi-it ii..c o u n t r y " (line 1 0 ) . 2 6 5 . n. 1969). [. see a l s o VAB 2 / 2 . see t h e r e m a r k s of K n u d t z o n . 1094. 4. COPY: Sayce. i . . t o recall t h e history o f t h e t w o coun­ t r i e s . g o i n g b a c k t o t h e t i m e o f t h e i r g r a n d f a t h e r s . it s e e m s . l i n e 1 0 ) . S. . 1 0 9 4 .[ n a .n a i a . N o t e .. too. .] 2 4 {as]-tur ii sum-ka [.^ . 43 (obverse only.. a m e s s a g e f r o m t h e s c r i b e o f EA 42. p . p . NOTES 1. Tell el Amarna. 4 ) .. ] Do not . A Z . . NOTE 1. p r o b a b l y k i n g s . . but your 5 name [. .THE AMARNA LETTERS am tho[ught of as} a (co]rpse. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. Cf. I f c o r r e c t .. ...W as-sum-ma su-lum-me-e [ a . 1 8 . EA 43 Of malice and murder T E X T : Ash 1207. PHOTOGRAPH: P. erroneously identified as a letter from By bios). 1 9 S E S .f i g h t e r s " r a t h e r t h a n "horses". t y p i c a l o f H i t t i t e s c r i b e s . see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n .. I f t h e r e s t o r a t i o n in l i n e 2 is c o r r e c t . p . M i t t a n i . [ . VAB 2 / 2 . T h i s is u s u a l l y u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e f o r m o f t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n t o letters b e t w e e n e q u a l s or f r o m s u p e r i o r t o inferior. Archaeology.2 2 . .. Moorey.k u k i . L A . [/ have wrii\ten [the names .] 6 2 7 .-]ui Su-mi sa] 23 [ (x)]-x-SAR ru-mi-in-x [. cf. U S \ D A M .2 8 [Thu]s the scribe .. H e l c k . . n. Beziehungen. Artefacts. If t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is c o r r e c t .

117 . the Sun. VS 11. p . N e w paragraph uncertain. are desirous of. . my lord]. I f t h e t i t l e "father" i m p l i e s difference o f a g e . my lord. my father. 17. 5—6 May all go well with the lord. 3. then it was I that sent greetings to you and had a present brought to you. they came to Hatti. A Z . Whatever you. C O P I E S : WA 177. for your (other) wives. 1 0 2 . 14-17 18—24 [ . O n l i n e s 1 8 . a n d .2 9 I myself am desirous of gold. [for whatever else 3 belongs to the king. A m e n o p h i s I I I w o u l d b e t h e a d d r e s s e e o f t h i s l e t t e r ( K i i h n e . b u t h i s s c r i b e w a s e i t h e r t r a i n e d t h e r e o r u n d e r its influence (cf. NOTES 1. p . . the king's 1 son. the lord. f o r m s o f A K . EA 45 Friendly Ugarit TEXT: 1692 (smaller of two fragments not collated). 1 0 3 .' Herewith [7 send ori\ to you your messengers (com­ 4 ing) [from] Hatti. 16. EA 44 EA 44 From a Hittite prince T E X T : VAT 1656. your chief wife. } . and when they went back to you. very well]. 7 . VS 11. your 2 servant. m[ay all go very. 2 5 . see K i i h n e . and I send as your greeting-gift a present of 16 men. n. N I ) . your son. 4. t o s o m e e x t e n t . write me so I can send it to you. the king of Egypt. P e r h a p s Z i t a w r o t e in t h i s p a r a g r a p h a b o u t h i s new s t a t i o n . C O P I E S : WA 29. for your sons. the Sun. 1 fall at] your [feet] 7 times [and 7 times. 2. T h e w r i t e r s e e m s n o t t o have b e e n in t h e H i t t i t e c a p i t a l a t t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g . 5 0 8 ) . my father: Thus Zi[t}a. for your household. my father.2 0 . [my lord: Message of Amm]istam[ru. the Sun. May all go well f ]o[r the king. send me gold. 5 1 2 .1 3 On an earlier embassy of any of your messengers. and I also send to my father my own messengers along with your messengers. for your archer]s. [M]y father. Say to the lord. n. 1 [Say to the king}.

2 5 4 . 1 4 5 : 2 0 . and [/ send] my messenger to the Sun. { . 2/2. E g y p t i a n a n d . o n t h e l i f e . [promptly]. (in H e b r e w . 3. " a s t h e e m b o d i m e n t s o f royalty. ] . I hand them over t[o the Sun. Akkadian. p. All. p t . .3 5 Moreover.. . GeschichteSyriens.. heaven forb[id] that [the Sun. "My S u n .. w i t h t r a c e s o f a few s i g n s . p. 1 4 6 — 4 7 p a s s i m . . . 1 3 3 ) . .} (cf. . ] ( H u e h n e r g a r d . " ] . 262). . If you sen[d^ . W h e t h e r t h i s w a s t h e H i t t i t e k i n g ...). . EA 46 Ongoing loyalty T E X T : VAT 1694. literally. as-su-ri-im-[ma . CAW. p. my lord}.. A n n u a l o f B a r I l a n U n i v e r s i t y . . C O P I E S : WA 179.2 1 [. EA 4 9 : 6 ) . ] wrote: "Why ..} and he will acquire [ . A l t m a n . to Ugarit [ . iff. VS 11. 6. as is u s u a l l y h e l d . tu-se-bd-[ai . . 18. ] .).. Iraq 3 8 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p . 6). r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n ( K l e n g e l .. I now ha[nd them over to the Sun. t h e k i n g a d d r e s s e d in EA 4 5 is p r o b a b l y A m e n o p h i s III ( H . 3 4 0 .g i v i n g b r e a t h a n d s p e e c h o f t h e k i n g . and} do you seize [ . 1 3 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p ..} Indee[d. my lord.d i s k ( I . 2 .. ] (ibid.<-> NOTES 1. 7. p . Bar Uan. BASOR 9 5 { 1 9 4 4 ] p p . . K l e n g e l . my lord]... A second time he wrote [to me]. ] . n. p t . F r e e r e s t o r a t i o n s . O n U g a r i t ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h E g y p t . 1 Too fragmentary for translation. I will .& * 1 [it 7 am-qut 4 lu-ii sul-mu a-na] UG[U . see A . 3off. m 2. w h i c h w a s a l s o s y m b o l i z e d b y t h e w i n g e d s u n . [And] may [the Sun. . 4f. kdn-na-am-ma in an EA 4 6 : 5 a n d (a)-kdn -na-ma at B o g h a z k o y (CAD. W i n t e r . p.THE AMARNA LETTERS 4 8 . . 8. . 1 3 7 : 7 ^ . . .. cf. . 2 . Geschichte Syriens..b i ] : cf. EA i o o : 3 6 f f . . turn against me. 9.. 195).] a 4. J u d a i c a a n d H u m a n i t i e s S e r i e s . 7 [. and thus he sp[oke: " . know (this): if .2 9 Moreover. . my lord}. . 4 8 0 .. I am a servant] to the Su[n.. t h r o u g h borrowing. M o r e t h a n 1 0 lines m i s s i n g . Why should I ha[ndthem over to you?"} I shall prepare [. 3 4 0 a n d p . my lord. and] may [his mouth] 8 speak the life of [my] spirit. p . p . 118 . p . 1 7 ) . EA 4 5 a n d 4 9 . 1 4 1 p a s s i m . 5.. 1 9 9 ) . E n g l i s h summary. 2 [um-ma a/am-m]i-is-tam-[ri iK-ka] ( N o u g a y r o l . my lord]. xxxvii). H i t t i t e k i n g s were called. } and to Egypt [ . . a r e f r o m U g a r i t ( A l b r i g h t . .. [ u (z)-k]dn "-na-am ( p e r h a p s -(ma)) a-na-ku [ a q . M E S pi-{d-i]i-[ka . PRU 3 . the king of [. And] I myself [said a]s follows: "These men are [Egyp­ tians]. .] 6 [ E R I N . M . 3 [a-na G 1 R . D r a w e r . . M E 3 ] ..4 8 . [May he send me] the life of [my spirit. i44:6ff.] l[u-u . n. e t c . a n d a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y 4 6 . . 5 2 2 ."} 7 3 0 .

. VS 11.. b u t "to t h e m " (the k i n g s ) .u \d~\-ma ki-it-(ti?). H u e h n e r g a r d . p r o b a b l y A B .. is otherwise u n k n o w n at U g a r i t .. 2 1 8 . 6. [. 7. p. 205). 1 [. L i n e 1 5 : tanandin.. [but] your own messenger(s) [you (also)sen]dto them. " has t h e s a m e p r o b l e m . 8. and your own messenger you have not sent [to m]e. 219.b a d}-wa-te. n o t "with t h e m " ( t h e m e s s e n g e r s ) .ME§-/fc*]. 2 1 6 . 19.}. In v i e w o f EA 4 6 : 1 . a t t e s t e d e l s e w h e r e (see EA 1 6 7 : 3 1 ) . however. NOTES 1. B A . 9.. ittlsunu p r o b a b l y m e a n s . 119 . S i n c e we m u s t r e a d i]a in l i n e 2 0 (see c o p y ) . 2 3 . p.. You send (them). 5. n o t Iii tanandin (Knudtzon).] . however.] x la-al le-'a. 2 3 . 6 [Am I treated in accordance] with the loyal(ty) of my heart? 2 2 . ibid. Ask someone able [. 2.ME§. EA 47 Loyalty unrewarded T E X T : VAT 1693. p . I see t h e m e a n i n g "also" rather t h a n a m a r k e r o f t h e p r e d i c a t e (ibid. in t h e e n c l i t i c of ardum-ma... Akkadian.]. ibid. "your s e r v a n t s . 9. 2 0 3 . c e r t a i n l y n o t y]isdl. R e f e r e n c e s to "my a n c e s t o r s " (lines i. 4.. EA 47 NOTE la i.. My ancestors did service [for] your [ancestors. w]hy do you listen [to all the wor]ds of [Ha]nya?? 8 [. [andto] my messenger(s) [you have not giv]en your tablet. the preformative y being unknown at U g a r i t . 3 1 ) . 3.s e ... [And to a]ll the messengers of [other]* kings [you gi]ve your tablet. n. . C O P I E S : WA 176.k u . [ g a b . EA 4 7 ) a n d d e c l a r a t i o n s o f loyalty e q u a l t o t h e i r s (lines 2 2 — 2 6 ) . . the Suq.3 0 [Moreover.. sees t h e s h o r t f o r m kit as a p o s s i b l e o p t i o n . I sen]t3 my messenger to my lord. a n d cf. following Huehnergard. {sa-nu-ti]: enough room? Huehnergard. [and n]ow I 2 am truly a servant too to the king. p. 219.... p .. {m]y [lord]. f e p . a n d very p r o b a b l y [it-ti-i]a.. r e a d ab-ba-e-ia. p . 1 2 .2 1 [Moreover. . i b i d . . but my lord did not question him. [fR. L i n e 1 3 : [al-ta-p]ar ( i b i d . M E 5 = abbd'e (all c a s e s . 9 5 a n d n. Assyrianism).' To me. O n t h i s c l a u s e see H u e h n e r g a r d . T h i s W e s t S e m i t i s m .

VS 11.« / : KfUR. NOTES 1. see M . N o t e t h a t in t h e o t h e r 120 . 1 2 8 ) . 5 if.. ..MESl ( K n u d t z o n ) is e x c l u d e d . . . palace 4 (attendants) from Cush. .IM. 2. 3if. the Sun.H e b a (Pdgb) w h o w r o t e t o k i n g N i q m a d d a o f U g a r i t . the Sun. 344). on the m e a n i n g . for [everything else belonging to the king]. p p .-H]eba. Storia di Ugarit (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . w r i t i n g p r o b a b l y t o A m e n o p h i s I V ( K l e n g e l . ] and one-hundred [ . Ugaritic. since if it o c c u r s at all in t h e g r e e t i n g . 1979). BASOR 95 (1944) p p . . Geschichte Syriens. n.. U § ] . 5 . p . Give me. . and Millstones in the Ancient Near East. . your servant: I fall at the feet of the king. O n t h e f o r m of t h e g l o s s . C O P I E S : WA 181. May my lord give me 2 attendants]. his ch[ief wife].i the Sun. my lord.. May all go well for the 2 king. } 17—26 [ . Here there is no physician. ntq-ma. too. 13if. it d o e s s o t o w a r d s t h e e n d . On Trees. ( L e i d e n . my lord. . my lord. J. S t o l .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 48 A jar of balsam for my lady T E X T : VAT 1690. ask [Hajramassa. s t A L . t h e s u c c e s s o r o f A m m i s t a m r u I (EA 4 5 ) . p p . a palace attendant that is a 5 6 physician.. 5off. . ] . N i q m . Look. 1 fall [at the feet of] my [mist]ress. [For] my mistress may all go well.. . 20. ] . . [Message of.. f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t . t h e r e b y i m p l y i n g t h a t t h i s letter b e l o n g s in t h e t i m e o f N i q m a d d a I I . my lord. your maidservant. . see H u e h n e r g a r d . Liverani. C O P Y : WA 204 + 180. . and] a jar of aromatics: sii-ur-wa (balsam). my mistress. the ar]chers. . 2.A d d a I I . 1 To the king. Mountains. [/ he]rewith [send t]o 2 my mistress [ . . 2. EA 49 A request for a physician TEXT: C 4783 (12238). 1 [To . ] . for [his sons. the Sun. . [ . EA 38. p t . Message of Niqm-Adda. Probably from the queen of U g a r i t to the queen of E g y p t . And 7 here[with] (I send) as your greeting-[gift . for his (other) wives. has p r o p o s e d t o identify t h e f o r m e r a s t h e P u d u . to] my [fa]ther's house. . . NOTES m d 1. Undoubt­ edly. cf. p p . Previously [hegave . [h]is househ[old].8 You have given {your maidservant .

a l m o s t necessarily. . p. e t c . . . cf. t [ a . no. O n t h e f a m e o f E g y p t i a n m e d i c i n e . i n f f .b i m i m . p . 2 D U M U su-ha-[ri] 20 ' ^ K D U M U ) E . p . ) . 4. line 22): at t h e begin­ n i n g o f l i n e 2 0 . 2 . Akkadian. 2 5 6 : 1 6 6 ° . 121 . 329. n o . EA 50 Maidservant to her mistress T E X T : VAT 1594. [I] fall at the feet [of] my mistress 7 times and 7 tim[es}. only at B y b l o s and farther south. . my mistress. e . see E d e l . a s s u m i n g t h e c o n f u s i o n o f s i b i l a n t s a g a i n . 4 : 7 6 . T h e s c r i b e s e e m s t o have e r a s e d t h e v e r b . n. a n d this is n o t c o m p a t i b l e w i t h D [ U M U ] {AHw. p . PRU 3 . 3 1 8 . p r o b a b l y only erasures follow). t h e h e a d o f o n e h o r i z o n t a l is v i s i b l e . 3 3 . 5. [ . ) . 2 i : 6 ' f . your] maidservant. . G A L (cf. H u e h n e r g a r d . . T h i s fits t h e c o n t e x t — i . p r o b a b l y t o c o r r e c t a n error. cf. VAB 2 / 1 . 616a). 2 9 : 5 6 . 8 9 : 4 1 6 . t h e n an a p p e a l t o t e s t i m o n y (cf. n o . ) . see H u e h n e r g a r d . or s i m p l y sa-al (according to G o r ­ d o n . " T h e K i n g ' s W i f e " .s u ] . [ ha. w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 3 4 : 1 6 . ] . 5. EA 50 letters o f t h e k i n g s o f U g a r i t in w h i c h they w i s h w e l l t o the c o r r e s p o n d e n t ' s w i v e s .m u .m i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) in line 7 is c o r r e c t . 2 4 : 8 f . and t h e n t o have f o r g o t t e n t o restore it. no. A c c o r d i n g t o H o m e r (Odyssey I V 2 3 i f . Perhaps the queen. cf. 5:7f. t h e E g y p t i a n m e s s e n g e r in EA 20:336°. [Say] to . 5 0 . sa-al-m[i (-mi is not confined t o d i r e c t d i s ­ c o u r s e . EA 6 9 : 2 8 f . It f o l l o w s . . cf. . Ugar. p . on t h i s t i t l e and its a p p e a r a n c e in c u n e i f o r m .]-ra-ma-sa: in line 2 6 . 3. n o t e a l s o PRU 3 . see F e d e r n . never D A M . 2 6 4 : 1 1 6 . ' my mistress: Message of the daughter of [ . a s t a t e m e n t a b o u t t h e local s i t u a t i o n . n o t e its u s e . 1 9 7 6 ) . I f < * / { l u . m 6. JCS 14 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . . n o t e a. [ g a b . VS 11. p p . 21. . see H u e h n e r g a r d . . Akkadian. "ask" (on t h e c o n f u s i o n of sibilants.u sa L U G A L ] : see t h e l e t t e r s referred t o in n. T h e p r o v e n i e n c e o f t h e t a b l e t is u n k n o w n . 7. p . 2 1 0 ) . E g y p t w a s s o rich in m e d i c i n e s t h a t e v e r y o n e was a p h y s i c i a n . . . 2 8 : 7 f . . . COPIES: WA 191. . i b i d . NOTE m f 1. t h a t "\-ra-ma-sa is a p e r s o n a l n a m e . [ .h a . Agyptische Arzte und a'gyp- tische Medizin am hethitischen Konigsbof: Neue Funde von Keilschriftbriefen Ramses' II aus Bogazkiiy ( O p l a d e n . is u s e d . ] . N I T L A M (see EA 3 8 .u n . . 1 ) .m u . . w i s e a b o v e all o t h e r s . T h i s s e e m s to b e a later p r a c t i c e .

/. ] . P e r h a p s "advisor" (milku) refers t o o n e o f t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s (rabisu) of S y r o . . cf. / / . And if my lord is not [w]illing to come forth himself. C O P I E S : WA 30. . A k k a d i a n ab(i) abi. NOTES 1. The H i t t i t e k i n g ( S u p p i l u l i u m a S ) h a r d l y s e n t t h e t a b l e t s (so A l t m a n . . [ . the king of Egypt.' Do not be negligent. ." m u s t h a v e here a m o r e g e n e r a l m e a n i n g . I a s s u m e otiose M E S \ 6. 4 [And] may our lord come forth (this) year. my lord. . p p ." r 1 4. 4 7 ) . not.P a l e s t i n e . My lord. tuppdte u ri-ik-[sa-te . "grandfather. Now. Cf. . p r o b a b l y riksdte. T h e rest o f t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s in t h i s p a r a g r a p h are free. . p e r h a p s as a r e w a r d for d e m o n s t r a t e d loyalty (PRU 4. ] . . 1. 2 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p .m a : cf.. p . PRU 4. 3 3 . the king. and into {h]is power {we will] in{deed restore the lands]. . . 5. u n d o u b t e d l y t h r o u g h t h e influence o f H u r r i a n ammati. [ ." 2.6 And [ ./ ' / . 3. . . VS 11. ] . see EA 5 9 : 1 1 a n d C a m p b e l l . ana a-si-i-im. in v i e w o f t h e p l u r a l . Annual for Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies. and [/ am (still) a servant of] the king of Egypt. . ] : cf. N o u g a y r o l . . . h e l d to "grandfather. . MES\ 122 . . . [ . " is p e r h a p s b e c a u s e t h e w r i t e r t h i n k s o f h i s a l l i e s . EA 1 3 1 : 1 5 . [my] ances[tor . . . a king in Nuhasse. 2 [/ rejected] (the offer of) tablets of treaty obligations]. the king of Egypt: Message of Addu- nirari. [ . he put oil on his head and [s]poke as follows: "Whom the king of Egypt has made a king. 68f. he w o u l d have d o n e so o n l y as a final f o r m a l i t y o f t h e a l l i a n c e . a n d U g a r i t (AHw. at A l a l a k h . ] .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 51 Loyalty tempted and preserved T E X T : VAT 559. 3 0 ) . may my lord send one of his 6 advisors [to]gether with his troops and chariots. my lord. to our lord. ] . rev. . my an­ cestor. ] . n. I fall at the feet of my lord. ? / . ] Taku. S i n c e T h u t m o s i s I I I ( M a n a h p i y a ) was n o t t h e g r a n d f a t h e r o f any o f t h e k i n g s p o s s i b l y a d d r e s s e d in t h i s letter. [T}o the Sun. {and on whose head] he has put {oil]. 1 3 . and indeed [ . " g r a n d f a t h e r . T h e shift t o t h e first p l u r a l . i . " He gave . Shnaton. your servant. e t c . .' made [T]a[ku]. a n c e s t o r " ( L a r o c h e . {may] our lord? {come forth] t[o us]. Rev. 7 . [my lord]. . . b u t n o t e fi. 9 8 4 ^ . RHA 3 4 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p . p . . . 22. You will see that they are loyal to the service of the king. Chronology. . . ] . b e l o w : "they a r e loyal. your ancestor. "our l o r d . [no] one [shall . w h e r e " c o m m i s s i o n e r s " is g l o s s e d b y ma-lik. tuppi riksilrikilti. my lord. 3 7 : 5 1 ^ ) . p p . B o - g h a z k o y . {No]t{e] (that) when Manahpiya. And now.1 7 And now. And the king of Hatti {wrote to me about an alliance].

EA 52 EA 52 The loyalty of Qatna TEXT: C 4759 (12197. In t h i s i n s t a n c e we p e r h a p s have a n a d a p t a t i o n . . .3 1 . "he s t o l e t h e m . 6. 42—43 Come. .* 8-26. COPY: WA 196 (before join. NOTES 1. 4. H I . . 7 times. im/ta-am-ma]r. n[t]-ta-nam-[mu-ul]: i n s t e a d o f at. ? ) . my Storm-god. [He/you will find} the houses of Qatna belong to my lord a[lone}. EA 5 5 : 5 3 ? . : pu-ru x nu la-as-ti- na-an. 3. r 8. cf. cf. 5. I M : r e a d i n g c e r t a i n . 3 0 3 . n. n o . Le[t them} come in [your] caravan. d d d d 2. . C h a r p i n . ta or %-na is also p o s s i b l e ( G o r d o n ) . EA 7 4 : 1 0 . to my [lo]rd. 2 7 . 123 . EA 53:6. " is p r o b a b l y a c h a r g e a g a i n s t t h e H i t t i t e k i n g (cf. A t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r is p r o b a b l y o t i o s e . In E .7 Inspect. w o r d d i v i s i o n is u n c e r t a i n . o f t h e u s u a l t i t l e or e p i t h e t "My S u n " (EA 4 5 . at t h e e n d o f line 1. see Wilhelm. 1 Say to the king of Egypt: Message of Akizzi. t h e l a n g u a g e is m o s t o b s c u r e . your servant.5 6 1 3 6 . AEM 1 / 2 . his tablets. A O A T 9 p p .3 5 . is o m i t t e d in t h e c o p y a n d o v e r l o o k e d by Knudtzon. my lord. 3 . 46 [lu\.4 6 I will [cert]ainly not rebel agai[nst] the . a n d "house" is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e r u l i n g d y n a s t y . a n d cf. when / wanted [to set out] for my lord. the messengers did not know of a caravan (going to Egypt). I fall at the 2 feet of my lord.] has abandoned me. 8 9 : 4 8 . They did not know of: am-mu-li(?) .. 1 ) . M U ? 7. "My A d d u is A d d u " ( D . lM.. a l s o w r i t t e n Ad-di.. in local t e r m s . my lord. of my lord or 8 against Bir[u]aza. 3 5 . . my [. E n d o f l i n e 6: { . .tT la ipaffar (Gordon). I n t e r p r e t i n g t h e u as " r e s u m p t i v e " after d i r e c t o b j e c t .4 1 [Fo]r 3 years. qi'-bi'-ma. no published copy of join). isriqsunu. A n u n u s u a l l y a b r u p t shift f r o m s e c o n d t o t h i r d p e r s o n in a d d r e s s i n g the Pharaoh. [s]a K A M . 54ff. G l o s s e s a r e H u r r i a n . 3 2 . with join to former VAT 1596). . n o t e b ) . A t t h e e n d o f line 3 1 . 4 4 .IM.lM. I n t h e r e s t o f t h e p a r a g r a p h .

Vassal Cities and Egyptian Administrative Centers .

] to the king of Hatti. 3 5 . 4 0 . my lord. . up in flames. let a magnate of the king." I s]aid. 1 7 .. ] . my lord. "The king. and the king of Tunanab. . 1 4 . the king of Egypt. then may my lord send archers that they may come here. [ . . send archers [that] they may co[me] to this country. . . 52—55 My lord. . ] he may fear your presence. . [Si]nce. the land of [m]y lord. May my lord send him (it?) . [up] i[nflames]. [ . .3 9 My [l]ord. these kings are ones who l[ov]e him. .2 3 . [ . ] .4 4 My lord. ] . my lord. . . 2 4 . has survived. so[n] of the Sun. To N[am]h[ury]a. the king of Zinzar. And now. [And n]ow. can. ] . EA 53 EA 53 Of the villain Aitukama TEXT: BM 29820. just name their gifts so they can give them. m[y] lord. he co[mes forth. the king of Nii. Aitukama came and [he sent Up]u." I wrote and [. your servant. the land of my lord. He took the (ruler's) house [ . "How could[Igo* to the ki]ng of Hatti? I am [a ser]vant of the king. and he seeks [my] li[fe]. . . ] that he (it?) may come ag[ainst Ai]tukama so that my lord [ . . if Arsawuya of Ruhizzi and Teuwatti of Lapana 125 .1 0 [My] lor[d. } .. so too the king of Nuhasse. . my lord. 56—62 My lord. I fall [a]t the feet of the king. Teu[w]atti of L[apa]na and [A]rsawuya of Ruhizzi place themselves at the disposition of Aitukama. my lord: Me[ssa}ge of [A]k[i]zz[i]. and he took 2 0 0 d[isks .1 6 And now [Aitukam]a has written me and said. 4 5 . . . .3 4 . "[Come] with me to the king of Ha[tti. } . the king of Hatfti] (has) [s]ent* Aitukama out [against] me. my lord. . (Only) messengers of my lord have arrived here. m[y lo]rd.5 1 As far as the king. will not come forth. . now [in] the place of the god . . 1 1 . . . of my lord alone [am I the serv]ant in the place. and he took [1 d]isk [.. my lord. if he makes this land a matter of concern to my lord. just as I love the king. and / will not desert}. But] it is being said. and he sends [U]pu.. . C O P Y : BB 37. all of these kings are my lord's servants. . . My lord. . [I 2 belong] to my lord." [Andso] may the king. . 7 times and [7 times]. the l[andof] Te[ssup]. my lord. . and he took 3 [d]is[ks .] from the house off] Birwaza.

r e a d . so may Qatna : ka^-di-hu-li-ei'(fall) at your feet. EA 5 5 : 6 . . t h e W e s t S e m i t i c p r e f o r m a t i v e is not u s e d in t h i s d i a l e c t . 2. 6 T h e o b v e r s e o f t h i s t a b l e t is e x t r e m e l y difficult. p e r h a p s C a r c h e m i s h is m e n t i o n e d . 4. 5 .n a . a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g is u n l i k e l y . they will enfter] Qatna. my lord should also know about them that Upu will not belong to my lord. as it w e r e . a n d t h e r e f o r e y[i]-is-fi ( K n u d t z o n ) is e x c l u d e d . EA 55:9. d e c l a r e d in t h e m e s s e n g e r ' s p r e s e n c e or l e a d i n g h i m . T e u w a t t i a n d A r s a w u y a . 7. 6. b e s i d e s ." 6 3 . I n l i n e 5 1 . 2 1 3 . ] . VS 11. If he sends (them) to me. WZKM 47 (1951) p.7 0 My lord. takfe] Upu in its entirety.k u } a-na {f\a be-lt-ia: cf. [mi-nu-m]e-e. ki-i rf-[na-ku al-la-ak . and F r i e d r i c h . rather. . 126 .THE AMARNA LETTERS remain in Upu. C O P I E S : WA 229 + 232 + 233. RHA 5 (1939) p p . 1096. la-a U G [(:) m i . {u)-l[e]-es-fr. My lord. since the archers belong to my lord. one asks 6 for life before my messenger. e x c e p t for t h e g r e e t i n g . NOTE 1. t h e t r a c e s are very f a i n t . t h e f o r m w o u l d b e yussi (see EA 362:30). see G o e t z e . 3. { a . O n t h e H u r r i a n g l o s s e s . b a c k t o Q a f n a . A k i z z i s e e m s t o r e p e a t t h e c h a r g e s o f EA 5 3 a g a i n s t A i t u k a m a a n d h i s a l l i e s . 1 Too badly preserved for translation. 23. T h i s l e t t e r is over 5 0 lines b u t . I f K n u d t z o n ' s "not d e a d " is c o r r e c t . p e r h a p s "life" is t h e f a v o r a b l e r e p l y o f t h e k i n g . I do not fear [at al]P in the presence of the archers of my lord. very p o o r l y p r e s e r v e d .i t } . la a-paf-[t&i-(me)]: cf. just as Dimaski in Upu : ka -di-hi (falls) at your A 5 feet. and Tassa remains in the Am[q]. a n d therefore t h e t r a n s l a t i o n s are often e x t r e m e l y d u b i o u s . O b s c u r e . NOTES 1. Daily they write to Aitukama and say as follows: "Come. EA 54 More about Aitukama T E X T : VAT 1868 + 1869 + 1721.

your servant.6 My lord. the money for their ransom. I seek the path to my lord. the troops [c]ome [out]. your ancestors made (a statue of) Simigi.. But now the king of Ha[tti] has sent them up in flames. it (the country) will be in fear of Aziru. so I can hand over the money. C O P Y : BB 36.4 3 My lord knows it. Now the king of 9 Hatti has taken (the statue of) Simigi. may my lord send [(the ransom) money] for the men of Qatna.. stay for 6 days in . then let my lord send this year his troops and his chariots so that they may come out here and all of Nuhasse belong to my lord. the god 8 of my father. EA 55 EA 55 A plea for troops TEXT: BM 29819. Now that Simigi. ] . 28-37 . 53—66 My lord. oxen. (and) I belong to my lord.2 4 My lord. My lord [. . 4 . Aziru took men of Qatna.. it pleases 127 . .. has been reconciled to me. when the troops and chariots of my lord have come 2 here. . were produced for the troops and chariots of my lord. my lord: Message of Akizzi. the son of the Sun. . 25—27 If the troops and chariots of my lord do not come forth this 5 year and do not flight]. . 3 1 6 . I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times. Qatna has been your city. and may my lord ransom them. the god of my father. ] . the god of my father. 3 8 . [ . 1 Say to Namhurya. honey and oil.5 2 My lord. ] . . and has 1 le[d] them away out of the country of my lord. the whole country is in fear of your troops and chariots. my lord. If. my servants. My lord knows what the fashioning of divine statues is like. and because of him became famous. my lord. my lord. If my lord would take this country for his own country. my lord should ask them. The king of Hatti has 6 taken his gods and the fighting men of Qatna. If it ple[ases] him. I do not desert my lord. 10-15 My lord. I am your servant in this place. and goats. this country has been your country. They now d[wel]l outside of the country of my lord. if.] his ancestors [ . . strong drink. . there are my lord's magnates. Look. as much as it may be. . [ . sheep. 7-9 From the time my ancestors were your servants. then they would 4 certainly take Aziru. 4 4 . . food. .

3 2 4 : 1 4 . 347a)- EA 56 A declaration of trust T E X T : VAT 1714. D e s p i t e t h e form ( m o r e l i k e E N . 3 2 5 : 1 6 ) . 2. my lord: Message of. 5 2 . w i t h a n a l t e r n a t i v e "sheep a n d g o a t s " ( " K l e i n v i e h " ) . 9. i<7-{te-ri-ib]. T h e c o n t e x t s e e m s t o r e q u i r e t h a t here t h e r e b e a p r o m i s e o f v i c t o r y over A z i r u . i-pal-la-he. .THE AMARNA LETTERS 10 11 him. 4. cf. il-te-qe-su-((nu)) (influence o f line 4 3 ) .1 3 I am your servant. n.pa -lu-nu: f r o m nepu. Then my lord will become. Geschichte und Altes Testament (see EA 3 0 . 2 4 . p . and. ilteqe u n d e r s t o o d as p a s s i v e . G o r d o n a n d N a ' a m a n . s i n c e t h e next p a r a g r a p h s s e e m t o t a k e up. 1 9 6 8 . g o a t s . n. n. s h e e p . 5. r e a d s ba-as-si-im-ma. 1 6 1 : 2 1 . 4 7 . n. "like t h e very s a n d . for (the statue of) Simigi. 1917. EA 29:26. 1 7 9 . 5 4 * . my lord. 9 . 4 5 8 . EA 1 9 3 : 2 0 ) .. " b u t t h e ma. see a b o v e . 4. 3. you must not let [me] go 128 . the ene]my has . 24 (corrections in Schroeder. "You did not write [to m]e about (their) num[bers]. Political Disposi­ tion. just as much as is needed. 3 ) . I fall at the feet of] 1 my [lord]."3 and my [lo]rd did not come forth.8 [Look. 1 2 5 : 2 0 . p. . r n 7. [Say to the king. And] my [lord] said. 10. O n t h e s y n t a x o f t h e p a s s a g e . see E d e l . 1.. ip. / A O S 9 4 ( 1 9 7 4 ) p . P e r h a p s "the g o d " ( o t i o s e M E § ) . col. then the c o n s t r u c t i o n is u n d e r H u r r i a n i n f l u e n c e . the god of my father. 11. p . i t s e e m s t o b e a r e p l a c i v e o f "sheep a n d g o a t s " ( U D U . M E S : see EA 124:50. K U S ? Cf. is c e r t a i n a n d kT masi(mmd) is well a t t e s t e d (CAD. lines 53ff. VS 11. t h e m i s s i n g m e n a n d t h e m i s s i n g g o d . COPIES: WA 173. more famous than before. M/i. If so. R e a d U Z : so a l s o . OLZ. the king of [Egypt. In c o m p a r a b l e E g y p t i a n t e x t s t h e s e q u e n c e is o x e n . col. 105). S i n c e it r e g u l a r l y follows "oxen" ( G U D . in reverse order. w i t h t h e suffix -sunu e x p r e s s i v e of e r g a t i v e . NOTES 1. your servant. M E S = senu. see K i l m e r . i n d e p e n d e n t l y . f o l l o w e d in t h e n e x t p a r a g r a p h by a t h r e a t o f t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s if t r o o p s are n o t f o r t h c o m i n g . t h e s u b j e c t A z i r u . cf. "to d i s t r a i n " ? 8. so they can fashion it for me. [Did I not write] th[is] to my lord. may he give (me) a sack of gold. H M ) . OLZ. because of Simigi. T h e r e a d i n g in t h e b r e a k is m o s t u n c e r t a i n . nam m u s t b e t h e s i g n i n t e n d e d . V o n S o d e n .. . 6.

3. rev. his troops. an-ni-[ta. 4—10 [Mo]reover. .3 5 .4 3 . .4 2 My lord's messenger came to me and said as follows: "I [journeyed about] in Mittani. O n l y t h e e n d s o f lines are p r e s e r v e d . be informed tha[t] the king of Mittani came 3 forth together [with chariots] and together with an expeditionary force]. . P r o v e n i e n c e u n k n o w n .' my lord: [Message of] Tehu-Tessup. 5.2 8 . 3. i-na [ m i . 2 9 . T h e r e a r e references t o "Akizzi. R e f e r e n c e t o H u r r i ." . 1121. R e f e r e n c e s t o T a s s u ( l i n e 1 7 . a n d t h e c i t y T u n i p ( l i n e 1 2 . VS 11. 2 3 . but lines 3 6 . 129 . . EA 57 [from] your hand. 1 4 . n. EA 58 Of the king of Mittani T E X T : VAT 1716. for my part. 4 5 ." 43-5i . a n d therefore EA 56 m u s t b e c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e A k i z z i c o r r e s p o n d e n c e . v i s i b l e t o K n u d t z o n .n i ] : traces o f p o s s i b l e m [ i . a n d t h e t o w n R u h i z z i ( l i n e 26). cf. 1 ) . 2 Sa[y to the Gre]at [King].. I fal[l at] the feet of my lord. 26. A t a k k a m a ( ? — l i n e s 2 3 . 4 5 and we heard. P u h u r u ( l i n e 10). COPY: VS 11.^} 5 [la as-pu]r. I.. S e e K l e n g e l . see VAB 2/2. EA 5 3 : 5 8 ) . p . C O P I E S : WA 214.l a n d (line 44).. 2 .4 2 = EA 5 4 : 3 8 . [your] ser[vant}. 25. s . 32 (1963) p . Sumitta (line 1 3 ) .4 3 6 . 2 7 ) . 4. [and in] his chariots. Or n . will not [desert] my lord. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. and there were 3 or 4 kings who were host[ile to] the king of Hatti. al[l of whom] were [at] my disposal.2 2 .]. I have put my trust [i]n my lord. have d i s ­ appeared. NOTE 1. EA 57 Of kings and Tunip T E X T : VAT 1738. . "the k i n g o f B a r g a " ( l i n e 3). k i n g o f Q a t n a " (line 2). 5 NOTES 1. "At the waters [.

note h). call him back from the journey? 2 1 . !30 . w h i c h rests p a r t l y o n a m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e g l o s s e s in EA 5 3 : 6 4 . our lord. ERIN. cf.A s i i r t a or h i s s o n . 4. //the king of Egypt has given the son of Aki- Tessup. a n d 3 1 7 . our lord.MES" K A S K A L + ? . [ B A D ? ] . we ask for the son of Aki-Tessup from the 6 king. w e 29-33 ^ ourselves are negligent and the king of Egypt does nothing about these things that Aziru is doing. dwell in Tunip..8 My lord. a-na-mi (-mi is a m a r k e r o f d i r e c t d i s c o u r s e ) me-e [. P e r h a p s a d d r e s s e d t o a n official ( " m a g n a t e " .. t h i s w o u l d i n d i c a t e a n o r t h e r n p r o v e n i e n c e . 2 3 8 ) . And we fall at the feet of my lord. L i n e 6: p e r h a p s [ i q . "he ( t h e k i n g ) s a i d . F o t K n u d t z o n ' s Q a t i h u s u p a .1 7 And now. Rev.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1.]. 1 8 .1 2 The gods and the . 3. 10.2 8 Should his (the king's) troops and his chariots be delayed.2 0 My lord. 2 5 . p . B e s i d e s the script a n d the clay. our lord. our lord. and he should inquire of his an­ cients : am-ma-ti (ancient) when we did not belong to our lord. for o n l y EA 1 6 0 — 6 1 ( A m u r r u ) . 3 : reference t o A b d i . EA 59 From the citizens of Tunip TEXT: BM 29824. 3 4 1 . n. To the king of Egypt. 1 3 . thus says Tunip. for 20 years. the king of Egypt.b ] i ha-ia- mi lu x. c 5. C O P Y : BB 41. b u t t h e " G r e a t K i n g " is m o r e l i k e l y (VAB 2 / 1 . then he will surely direct his hand against our lord.' we have gone on writing to the king. A l i v e . May our lord give him. our lord. .1 8 (see b e l o w ) b e g i n w i t h t h i s t i t l e . our lord: Message of the citizens of Tunip. Political Disposition. your 1 servant. 1 7 * . 2 6 0 . a ruler (and) your gardener. . t h e r e is n o t sufficient s p a c e . . EA 9 5 . And now. For you may all go well. why does the king.2 4 And now Aziru is going to hear that in Hittite territory a 7 hostile fate has overtaken your servant. Aziru will do to us just as he did to Nii. our lord. 2. ' " ( N a ' a m a n . . n. but our messengers have stayed on with the king. 4 9 ) . 5 . p. see EA 106. : na-ab-ri-il-la-an (?)4 of the king of Egypt.6 5 . your servant: Tunip—who ruled it 2 in the past? Did not Manaljpirya : am-ma-ti-wu-u? (your ancestor) rule it?3 9 .

our lord. 4. N o t e t h e f r a m i n g o f t h e c o m p l a i n t . the king of 8 Egypt. 6 9 : 2 5 a n d n o t e ) . 3 9 . I f o n e m a y s p e a k o f its " r e p u b l i c a n " o r g a n i z a t i o n ( L a n d s b e r g e r . 1 4 . A k i . in the house of the king. he did to them as he pleased. t h e r e q u e s t (15—20). and not a single word of our lord has reached u s . 7ff. 2 5 4 .2 0 ) . C O P I E S : WA 93. a p p a r e n t l y a reference t o a recent E g y p t i a n d e f e a t . Amurru. 6 1 . High. for 2 0 years. t h e t e m p o r a r y c h a r a c t e r o f t h i s a r r a n g e m e n t s h o u l d a l s o b e rec­ ognized. I fall at the feet of the king. 155. "to s i t . T h e H u r r i a n g l o s s is u n e x p l a i n e d . 2 0 years" (lines 1 3 . 2. t h e d a n g e r o f A z i r u ( 2 1 — 3 8 ) . or Low? p p . T h e v e r b is n o t clear. 6. 4 3 . w h o s e son h a d b e e n t a k e n t o t h e E g y p t i a n c o u r t for t h e t r a i n i n g g i v e n t o v a s s a l p r i n c e s . T h e 2 0 years here a n d in line 4 4 are r o u n d n u m b e r s m e a n i n g nothing m o r e t h a n "a l o n g / c o n s i d e r a b l e t i m e " ( L i v e r a n i . p. EA 60 3 4 . s o t o o T u n i p (see lines 1 3 . 2 4 N A M (limtu) sar-ra-tu^.1 2 ) . h i g h a n d l o w ? one a n d all? 8. 1 4 4 : 5 a n d note. pp. 7. n. Middle. our lord. 5 . 7 5 : 2 5 f . my lord. .3 8 When Aziru entered Sumur. t h e g r o u n d s for t h e r e q u e s t . w i t h t h e i m p l i c a t i o n o f o c c u p y i n g as s o v e r e i g n . 2 . 1 [T]o the king. each i n t r o d u c e d b y u inanna: t h e c o m p l a i n t ( 1 3 . NOTES 1.4 6 We have gone on writing to the king. 27. EA 60 c Loyal Abdi-Asirta T E X T : VAT 343. your city.1 4 ) . 3. p . BASOR 226 [ 1 9 7 7 ] p .4 2 And now Tunip. 131 .4 6 e n c o m p a s s four s e c t i o n s .). P r o b a b l y . 4 4 ) . 1 3 4 ) . it is t a k e n here as asabu. T h u t m o s i s I I I (see EA 5 1 : 4 ) t o o k T u n i p in h i s f o r t y .T e s s u p . ) . a l s o in Three Amarna Essays. and there is no grasping of our hand. OA 1 0 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p . . the dirt under your feet. L i n e s 1 3 . your [ser]vant. 3 . W h a t f o l l o w s is very o b s c u r e . and its tears flow. p r o b a b l y t h e last k i n g o f T u n i p . a s in N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c l a n g u a g e s ( O ' C o n n o r . t h e w o r d g l o s s e d is e q u a l l y u n c e r t a i n . 9of. the Sun. weeps. j u s t as t h e city I r q a t a a n d its e l d e r s w r o t e t o t h e k i n g b e c a u s e their o w n k i n g h a d b e e n k i l l e d (EA 1 0 0 . n o w d e a d . 2 2 ) a n d in t h e O l d S y r i a n koine (ARMT 1 3 . R u l e r a n d g a r d e n e r . after the d e c l a r a t i o n o f loyalty ( l i n e s 5 . W i l h e l m a n d B o e s e . n. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el. t h e c o m p l a i n t (39—46). JCS 8 [1954] p. "20 years . see H e l c k .s e c o n d year. VS 11. my lord: fMess]age of 'Abdi-Asratu. d w e l l . " b u t as s a i d o f k i n g s . But our lord did nothing about the(s)e things. Beziehungen.

133- 7. . my lord. t h o u g h c o n t e x t d o e s not r u l e o u t s u c h an interpretation (Rainey.. 6 . D e s p i t e the s i n g u l a r suffix on t h e v e r b . 6. Izre'el. 1 1 : 5 4 a n d c o m m e n t a r y . n." 13-19 Indeed. "all the l a n d s " is p e r h a p s a l s o the o b j e c t o f the v e r b . 1 9 7 6 ) . " K n o w i n g " here a n d in s i m i l a r p a s s a g e s i m p l i e s t a k i n g c o g n i z a n c e of. 2I2f. on t h e e x p r e s s i o n . not ha-ba-lim. Amurru. 9 ) . b u t ha-ba-si = habdti. T h e k i n g o f M i t t a n i . 4 1 1 ) . Veenhof. [m]y lord. 2 7 6 . s e c t s . In Ugar. my Sun. my commissioner. n. E . UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p . n o . The Old Babylonian Tablets from Tell Al Rimah (see EA 2 2 . JCS 30 [1978] p. 9 N o t e . 50) are not t a k e n as p t e t e r i t e s . p . e d s . see K u p p e r . [ § ] U (qdti)-ia a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 7 is i m p r o b a b l e . p . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . I guard all Amurru for the king. [but I g}uard th[em}. Uiconographie du dim Amurru dans la glyptique de la I" dynastie babylonienne ( B r u x e l l e s . "zero-forms" (see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n . the [Su]n. 1 9 6 1 ) . the Sun. then I am the one who guards the harvest of the grain of Sumur and all the lands for the king. Amurru. May the king.m u r ] : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . . s p a c e r e q u i r e s r o n e l a r g e or t w o s m a l l s i g n s . n o . 1 5 5 7 . for a comparable fluctuation in the O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d . T h e t e m p o r a l c l a u s e "when m y c o m m i s s i o n e r . p . . " see C a m p b e l l . 5. 1 9 ) . 9 : 2 0 . in O l d A s s y r i a n . . the fluctuation in the s a m e letter (EA 1 3 7 ) . see C a r r u b a . 3 0 . The Mighty Acts of God: In Memoriam G.2 9 [Look]. T h e quotation m a y extend into the following lines. 1 8 8 ) . 4. 1 9 . 5 0 . " Izre'el. Ernest Wright ( G a r d e n City. 410L). A t the e n d o f line 1 6 . Or n . Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar (see EA 1 4 . 340. s h o w i n g c o n c e r n for. know me and entrust [m]e to 8 the charge of Pahanate. o]fi the king. p p . all the [k]ing[s] under 4 the king of the Hurri forces seek to wrest the lands from my [ . [my} lord. p . . read IK-a-sir -ti. 3.. n. "Take auxiliary forces to 3 guard the lan[ds] of the king. in F r a n k M o o r e C r o s s et a l . NOTES 1 . T h e n a m e o f t h e g o d d e s s a p p e a r s m o r e f r e q u e n t l y as A s i r t i / a . 6 [. IIJ. a n d the l i t e r a t u r e c i t e d 132 . c o m p a r e s habal in Ezekiel 1 8 : 1 6 . . s . . 2 . . see a l s o W h i t i n g . my commissioner. m 6 2 . "the g o d w h o k n o w s t h e h o u s e o f your father". there is [Pajhanate. W i t h Izre'el. When my commissioner is on a mission of the king. it is b e t t e r t o read the l o g o g r a m as n o u n (infinitive) esed.3 2 May the king. 1 1 8 : 1 1 . 1. 5. n. my 7 lord. D a l l e y et a l .THE AMARNA LETTERS 7 times and 7 times. traces o f l i b " ' . 8. . m u c h as g o d s k n o w their c l i e n t s (CAD. a n d therefore as o b j e c t (CAD. n. joins with what precedes. ask him if I do not guard Sumur and Ullassa. Rainey. UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p .9 As I am a servant of the king and a dog of 2 his house. cf. ] and . 10-13 I have repeatedly said to Pahanate. a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h "to k n o w " m e a n s "to a c k n o w l e d g e as a v a s s a l . 4 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p p .{ b ] i ? R e s t o r e u at t h e e n d o f line 1 8 ? A c c o r d i n g to AHw. S i n c e l o g o g r a m s o f v e r b s are e x t r e m e l y rare in EA. p. [a-n]a-s'a-ar-s[u-(nu) a . Amurru. 4 1 1 . ie a n d 2a 2 ' . F o r a different view. n o . s o m e o n e . t o o . 5 1 . [my] commissioner.

it is p e r h a p s a f o r m u l a i c e x p r e s s i o n o f loyalty. j[. JCS 2 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) p p . and I myself [c]ame [before] Sumur and .1-41:410. EA 62 c Abdi-Asirta to the rescue T E X T : VAT 1680. 4 . 9f. There were n]o men in §umur [to gua]rd it [as he had 2 ord]ered. rev. . COPY: Sayce. EA 61 A lost message TEXT: Ash 1893. r e q u e s t for a r e p l y ( 8 .' 2 1 .. . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el. 28. . c {To P]ahanate. O n e m o r e line o f i l l e g i b l e t r a c e s o n o b v e r s e . a do{g o]f the house of the king. Tell el Amarna. my lord: [Mes]sage of Abdi-Asirti. mean? . . C O P I E S : WA 158. the Sun. O n the H i t t i t e e v i d e n c e . {your] ser[vant.y. 10-20 and [$um]ur [was afraidof]5 the tr[oo]ps of Sehl[al]. ' NOTE 1. ."' [May my lord listen. ] from the hand of the troops of S[eh]lal. (you spea]k [like th]is: "Y[ou are an enemy o/E]gypt. if I had been staying where life was peaceful.1 0 [Wh]at do your words. . end of letter?). Amurru. pp. [my lord. I fall at the fe]et of my lord. . there were no m[en i]n it to [gua]rd it.^2ff.l a . 3. Here are the T 33 . ] .3 4 When I myself hastened to the rescue from Irqat and arrived in $umur. c {To the k]ing. that you sp]eak. With the r e q u e s t t o b e t u r n e d over t o a c o m m i s s i o n e r . then the troops of Sehlal [would certainly have s]ent Sumur and the palace up in fl[am]es. a n d n i n e f r a g m e n t a r y lines r k i o n t h e reverse. S u m u r . lOff. . If I had not been staying in [Irqat]. . EA 61 t h e r e . see G o e t z e . and'] the mud under your f[ee]t. [my l]or[d: Message of Abd]i-Asirti.9 . pp. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el. [ . Amurru. [and] you [committeda crime against Eg]yptians. a r e n u n c i a t i o n o f a u t o n o m y . [So] I myself [has]tened to the 4 rescue from Ir[qat]. my lord. VS 11. a n d A m u r r u . ] my lord. your [ .z r . cf. no. there were no men that had stayed on in the palace. EA 2^. . A[t . 3 ) . [your] s[ervant.. . R e f e r e n c e t o U l l a s s a ( ? — [ U R U u ] l .

lies [t]o you. 7.t ] a . 822). p . I fall 134 . " NOTES k 1.] .» « . [and y}ou 10 keep on listening to them? [And YJsrmaya. An c i m a g e o f A b d i . when he writes [ . note c). 9. . M E S . . In line 4 5 . Free r e s t o r a t i o n : [ a t ... n o . . . 6. 6 Arsawa. and you keep on listening [to] his [wor]ds. 15.).. 11. K U R ] 7 [ s a K U R mi]-is-r[i ]' #-[pu-us lum-na] 8 [ a . u-wi(wa?)-i-mi: f o l l o w i n g Izre'el. r r 5. t}o seize the city itself . [. Amurru. C O P Y : BB 34. and they said to me. ] . EA 63 Orders obeyed TEXT: BM 29817. Bisitanu.n a L U j . There were (only) 4 men that had stayed on in the palace. 8..[ m i LU. 4 5 . "Save us from the hand of the troops of Sehlal. servant of the 1 k i n g . panto (AHw. b u t I c o u l d not see t h e vertical nor t h e h e a d s o f all three h o r i z o n t a l s . 3 4 . i-na'' [ I ] Z f . cf.THE AMARNA LETTERS (only) ones that had stayed on in the palace: Sab-Ilu. He too[k . my lord. Amurru. 4. [ u i]a-ma-a-ia ( A l b r i g h t . .t e M E S : c o n t r a r y to K n u d t z o n (VAB 2 / 2 . . kima qabe sarri (EA 1 4 4 : 2 1 . w i t h several very o b s c u r e f o r m s . ." And so I savfed t]hem from the hand of the troops of Sehlal. I did not expel (them) [. pi. b u t t h e w r i t i n g o f isati is u n p a r a l l e l e d . [i/a-pan-m-m]a ( B A N clear to K n u d t z o n ) .h a . [ p a l . . B e g i n n i n g o f line 40: t r a c e s d o n o t favor [ m i . [li-is-me] 9 [be-li i a ] .5 5 As for Ksrmaya.. R e a d i n g o f t h e first t w o n a m e s u n c e r t a i n . ktma qabeka (193:22). the mayors lie to you. my lord: Message of Abdi-Asta(r)ti.. (cf. m 10. . . .] 3 7 . [They cam\e to seize [Sumu]r. L i n e s 5 0 — 5 5 : very p o o r l y p r e s e r v e d . Cf. all of w h i c h are so clear in V S 1 1 a n d w o u l d c o n f i r m K n u d t z o n ' s T U R . 25 (was the number of those) whom [the troops of §e]hlal s killed. 3 5 1 . i-na fits t h e t r a c e s very well (na l i k e the na at the e n d o f line 5 0 a n d o n line 5 2 ) .A 5 i r t a p l a c i n g h i m s e l f b e t w e e n the t r o o p s o f Sehlal a n d the b e s i e g e d c i t y ? F o r a different r e a d i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .. 7 times and 7 times. EA 106:32). c Say [t]o the king. c o l l a t i o n is not d e c i s i v e . etc. JNES 5 [ 1 9 4 6 ] p . p.4 5 [t\hey [fl]ed from Su­ 9 mur. 1 3 . see Izre'el.a t ] ( b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 2 ) . ktma sa qabelu ( 3 0 2 : 1 8 . 10 [a-na na-f\a-ri-s"[i ki-ma qa]-be-su. [x-x in-na]-fe-t[u-m]a. 1 5 ) . PHOTOGRAPH: BB. 2. 329:20). [Of 4 per]sons I saved 7 the lives. 3. (the troops) of Sehlal [came wi]th him. 1 fall at the feet of my king.n i ] m . Maya.3 6 And when .

my] lord. 1 4 . J 3 3 5 cf. and so [may] the k[ing.. t h e w r i t i n g 1 G l R . and may it seem good to the king. 6 7 6 6 .MES sV LUG[AL] EN-fe . EA 64 Women for the king TEXT: BM 29816. . s e n t (ulluru: EA 3 1 4 ) . my lord. my 1 lord)) and 7 times. servant of the king.A s t a r t i the successor of Suwardata. as t h e ten w o m e n s e e m t o have b e e n . NOTES 1. 2 9 3 6 . both on the stomach and on the back. T h e m e a n i n g o f mila (milt. UF 1 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p p . pi. . 3 3 0 : 7 ) is confined t o EA 6 4 .1 3 May the king. l i n k e d EA 6 5 a n d 3 3 5 . T h e m e a n i n g o f mi-Ki-tu remains obscure. EA 64 2 at the feet of the kin[g. JNES 3 0 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p p . [the lo]rd. c N a ' a m a n m a k e s A b d i . heed my [wor]ds. a n d N a ' a m a n a n < : s h o w s t h e c o m m o n s c r i b a l b a c k g r o u n d o f EA 6 3 — 6 5 . my lord. 2. a n d all f r o m t h e s a m e p l a c e w h e r e S u w a r d a t a r e s i d e d . 6 4 : 9 . be informed that the war against me is severe. 6 4 : 3 . c Say to the king. or g i v e n (naddnu: EA 2 4 2 . a n d h e n c e t h e m e a n i n g a s s i g n e d to yapaqtt ( K r a h m a l k o v . M E S in 6 3 : 5 . I fall at the feet of the king. 3 1 6 . 11. 1 7 8 : 9 . the f o r m o f G i R in 63—65 a n d 2 8 3 . r m 2. and I heed the [or]ders of the king. NOTES 1.1 6 [I h]eed (them). 3 0 1 ) . my lord: Message of Abdi-Astarti. i d e m . 2 8 2 — 8 4 . c o l s . my lord. h a s d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t EA 6 3 . R a i n e y . May the k[iri\g [kri\ow [and be informed. 7 times ((the feet of the king. are e i t h e r r e a d i e d (susuru: EA 9 9 . 3 0 0 ) . m]y l[or]d. has sent orders to me and I am heeding (them). C O P Y : BB 33. 1 0 . the w r i t i n g da-na-at in 6 3 : 1 3 . 2 8 2 — 8 4 . proposed on the basis of 2 8 3 : 1 5 . 2 2 6 . 31 ( e l s e w h e r e : 1 4 4 : 2 3 .]. 3 2 5 ) . p . N a ' a m a n . PHOTOGRAPH: BB.6 5 a n d c 3 3 5 w e r e all s e n t b y A b d i . 2 7 1 : 1 0 ) . here and now. to send a magnate to protect me. b r o u g h t (abalu: EA 3 2 7 ) . VS 1 2 . my lord.2 3 Moreover. a-na GlR. 7-9 The king. BASOR 223 [1976] pp. . OLZ. S c h r o e d e r . has given orders [t]o me.6 5 . I herewith : ia-pa-aq-ti (send on) 1 0 women .A § t a r t i . 2 8 3 : 2 2 . N o t e a l s o : t h e f o r m o f T U in EA 2 8 3 : 2 4 as well as 6 5 a n d 3 3 5 . 7 8 6 . 6 5 : 4 . milanna—or mila anna?). 8 . 1 9 1 5 . I heed all the orders of the king. T h i n g s r e q u e s t e d b y t h e k i n g . the king. UF 6 [ 1 9 7 4 ] p . [my] lord. 2 my lord. 7 4 . [for the wa]r again[st me] is s[ev]ere. If 135 . which with only i s t w o e x c e p t i o n s (EA 2 2 5 : 6 .

t h e n it s h o u l d refer t o s o m e f a v o r a b l e q u a l i t y o f t h e w o m e n ( L o r e t z a n d M a y e r . cf. W h a t e v e r the explanation of the w r i t i n g . 30. L i n e 1 1 : (t)-su-si-ru. 4 9 3 f . COPIES: WA 175. at the feet of the king.1 5 and (i) prepare before the arrival of the arch{ers of 2 the kin]g. I am heeding (them).. here and now. NOTE 1. munusmei Read mi-KJ-tu? EA 65 Preparations for Egyptian troops T E X T : VAT 1685. Line 1 2 : [a]-na pa-ni .~p. a well-attested f o r m . . 1 [Sa]y {to the king. All the orders of [m]y king I h{ee]d. 2. t h e e x t r a o r d i n a r y l i g a t u r e of L U G A L + ri in line 6. COPY: VS 11. Reference to H a y a (line 4). 1 3 8 3 ) . rather t h a n a n o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d infinitive su-si-ru (VAB 2/2. for t h e a s s u m e d l i g a t u r e o f di a n d d i n g i r . my lord]: Me[ssage of "Abfjdi-Astarti. . [. the sender of the lettet m u s t be c m mr t h e A b d i . ab"'-td]i + D I N A N N A .1 0 Since the king. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. 29. . my lord. Instead of [a]d-[r]a-INANNA. (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . b u t t h e g l o s s m a r k e r in front o f it m a y s i m p l y b e a n i n d i c a t i o n o f a runover l i n e (cf. UF 6 [ 1 9 7 4 ] p p . 100). NOTES 1. 1 1 . my lord. t h e m a r k e r before E N at t h e e n d o f l i n e 1 6 ) . EA 66 A lost message T E X T : VAT 1702. ) . 7 . The cities of the king by (me) I guard. your ser- va[nt]. both on the stomach and on the back. THE AMARNA LETTERS a n a d j e c t i v e . my lord. n.A s t a r t i o f EA 63-64. has sent me orders. VS 11. 136 . O n l y o n e line m i s s i n g . ] . I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times.

.GA-KZ0? = tabuni (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . "fortress c o m m a n d e r . VS 11. . C O P I E S : WA 186. 373. . EA 67 EA 67 A plea for a reckoning T E X T : VAT 1591. t h e n t h e ruler o f B y b l o s w o u l d be t h e p e r f i d i o u s b r o t h e r o f R i b . 4 9 . L i n e 8: [ii i . Amarna Correspondence. 2. my lord. [and] may the [S]un k[now] (the facts). my lord. p p . " a n d t h e e p i t h e t "(my) D S u n . T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling. ] became 3 c friendly with him. 1 1 4 4 ff. 4 1 ) .a n . 4. . my lord. r e g u l a r l y at B o g h a z k o y ) . VS 11. EA 1 3 7 . my lord.n a . 7 — 1 1 1 fall at the feet of my lord. Free r e s t o r a t i o n . Hablpiru. .. Now may the Sun call] to account [S]umur. the loyal maidservant of the king. " w r i t t e n U T U . and] all the fortress commanders of your land . [ . 6—13 [. 2 1 3 . EA 5 1 . Now he is l[ike] the Apiru. e x c e p t for a few s i g n s a n d t r a c e s . Great King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king.1 8 He made a [tr]eaty [wi}th the ruler of Gnbla and with the ru[ler o f . a n d f r o m N u h a s S e .. see VAB 2 / 2 .s i li-is]-al-mi. . [the 1 ci}ty of the Su[n]. T h e s u b j e c t o f t h e v e r b is not clear. ca]me out and are residing in my land. t h e e n t i r e reverse. know that Gubla.n a U T U . g i v e t h e l a n g u a g e a n d writing a northern cast. p . DUG. C O P I E S : WA 80. a runaway 4 dog. T h e d e s i g n a t i o n hahuhlu. the city of the Su[n. I [R}ib-Hadd[a sa]ys to his lord. is A z i t u o f A m u r r u . i . 3. is c o m p l e t e l y lost. 59). it c o u l d e v e n b e first p e r s o n . . is safe and J 37 . .3 8 . . my lord. May the king. 7 times and 7 times. . and he has seized [Su]mur. ] He resides i[n $umur along with] his [troops] (and) along with [his] c[hariots. G r e e n b e r g . my lord. Is it pleasing^ A[l]l the E[gyptians wh]o had resided in Sumur. o n l y in letters f r o m U g a r i t . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood.J v ( e l s e w h e r e in EA. [m]y [lord]. [king] of all countries. 31. M o s t likely. T h e i d e n t i t y o f t h e w r i t e r o f t h e letter c a n n o t b e d e t e r m i n e d . n. the city of the Sun. . my Sun. EA 68 Byblos under attack T E X T : VAT 1239.6 . . Iff. O f t h e o b v e r s e t h e r e a r e p r e s e r v e d o n l y t h r e e f r a g m e n t a r y lines. NOTES D 1. . p. 4 6 . 32. it s e e m s .H a d d a (cf. EA 4 5 . pp.

my lord. 1 9 . on Appiha's re(ac)hing me. there was an out­ cry against me. p . and the forces of Kuasbat are at war with me.. . you yourself know that my towns are threatening me. 15—18 Mor[eo]ver.] .3 0 Moreover. establish your honor] in the pr[esence of 1 the king.4 1 9 . 2. NOTES m 1. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. } . [your] lor[d.. 2 7 . 1. my lord. . . 5 As[k] Appiha about the w[hole] affair. my lord. 12-18 The war. O n iqbi. d[u] p o s s i b l e . May the Lady of Gubla. . C O P Y : BB 73. b u t n o t d[i]. and so may the king. p r o p o s e s W e s t S e m i t i c mdnas < ma'nas i'nP). my Sun. .2 6 Through the king's commissioner who is in Sumur.THE AMARNA LETTERS c sound. Gubla is alive. and so may the king not [ne}glect his [ci]ties. 3 7 . Paha[mna]ta. as for all my gates. n. Y o u n g b l o o d . my god]. 2 4 . see EA 7 4 . 3. [ . . . " t r o u b l e . knows the straits : ma-na- A§ that Gubla is in. I fall at your feet. . and] if [archers] come out [this 1 year] [. la-a (i)a-qul-me: a w r i t t e n over a n e r a s e d /. p . 10-14 £H said repeatedly. [o}f the Apiru forces [aga}inst me is 2 extremely severe. [/ will be able to mak]e pe[ac]e. : Message of Rib-Hadda. t h e first s i g n is m o r e l i k e I Z t h a n in t h e c o p y o f VS. 138 . 4Iff. 3 0 . look. 3 2 0 ) . " w h i c h leaves t h e b o u n d f o r m b e f o r e s"a u n ­ explained. [Say to .." Moreover. the commissioner of the king who is in Sumur. and. Amarna Correspondence. EA 69 Report to an official TEXT: BM 29856. they have now attacked day and ni[ght} in the war against (me). not (ne)glect Sumur c lest ever[yo]ne be joined to the Apiru forces. [o}/Magdalu. pp. and there is no one who can rescue me from them. l a s t s i g n .3 [and] I have [no]t been able to make [pe]ace wi[t]h the[m]. the goddess of the king. The w[a}r [agai}nst us is extremely severe. .3 9 Moreover. urge 6 with lo[ud cries] the king. G l o s s ( r e a d ma-na-ru!) u n e x p l a i n e d (cf. [ ri]-ib-ha-ad-a\a\.2 4 [M]ore[ov\er. the bronze : nu-hu-us*-tu was 4 taken. ARMT 7. however.3 2 It is from the land of Yarimuta that we have acquired provisions.. 2 "They have a[ll} agr[eed] among themselves against [me}.

[The d]ay the [arc]hers arri[v]e. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. EA 70 NOTES 1. line 3 9 . and n o t e a l s o nuhultu. 22ff. . T h e y are a l s o c a l l e d m e n o r t r o o p s o f K a s i ( C u s h ) . O n t h e e v i d e n c e o f t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s . 1 7 .7 ( g r e e t i n g ) : o n l y a few s i g n s p r e s e r v e d . 1 0 2 : 2 5 . and N u b i a n s and N u b i a n troops are m e n ­ t i o n e d f r e q u e n t l y as p a r t o f t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y (EA 95:396. Miinchener agyptologische Studien 6 (Berlin. nominative case. 1964). 2. for o t h e r e v i d e n c e on N u b i a n s in t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y . see JNES 2 2 [ 1 9 6 3 ] p . . I27ff.5 NOTES 1. Military Rank. 2. . i i 7 : 8 i f f . "friend" (as p o l i t i c a l t e r m s . 1 0 5 . dannu eltya. Titles. see P i n t o r e . 1 3 2 : 5 6 . I f t h i s is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g . [just] as (you did to) the kings [to wh]om you [ga]ve c[bariots]. 1 3 2 : 5 6 ) . . see EA 116:51. cf. 1 7 5 .1 6 : reference t o M a g d a l u ( ? — l i n e 9).. p e r h a p s "are s t r o n g e r t h a n I .t i ] : for gabbu. ] . 139 . See EA 129:40-42.w a . and Organization in the Egyptian New Kingdom. "to his s o n [ . 1 3 3 : 1 7 ) . a n d M e l u h h a is p r o b a b l y identified as K a S i (EA 1 2 7 : 3 6 . r e a d i n g ti-ul. [my lord]. 6Iff. S y n t a x o b s c u r e . Amarna Correspondence. A d d r e s s e d t o an E g y p t i a n official. see EA 113:18). " a n d bel dumqildamiqti. 1916°.. 1 1 4 : 1 4 .2 3 [And] send me [x Egyptians and fx me]n from Meluhha. 3. 1). my lord. i-pi-is 1 7 [ S I G } . 108:67. .-qe' as t h i r d s i n g u l a r f e m i n i n e passive ( g e n d e r f r o m nuhultu). 1 0 6 : 4 9 . pp.q { a ] : cf. "Meluhha" d e s i g n a t e d N u b i a . L i n e s 1 . " 4. . t]o the king. t h e n t h e c o n t e x t a r g u e s t h a t dumqa epesu (itti) is "to m a k e f r i e n d s h i p " .. . be-ri-ku-ni. since the context s u g g e s t s no other singular subject. W e i n f e l d . 6. S e e EA 87:25 and note. "friendly r e l a t i o n s .3 1 [And] may 4 the king. 1 2 . EA 70 Request for Nubian troops TEXT: Golenischeff (see Introduction. 7. 5. p p . " or "are t o o s t r o n g for m e . . the land of Am[urru] will [certainly] be join[ed . 2 4 . L i n e s 8 . EA 8 2 : 3 2 . gd[b-bu a . know [that] the land of Amurru longs day and [night] for the coming forth of the archers. F o r t h e e x p r e s s i o n awata leqii. b e t w e e n t h e t w o o f u s " ( 1 5 6 . cf. damqatu. C O P Y : WA 67. 112:20. see S c h u l m a n . . sect. OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . JAOS 9 3 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p p . .).$ so they can gu[ar]d [until the coming] forth of the archers.

Political Disposition. the vizi[er}: Message of Rib-Hadda. 2. the king 3 knows (this) and because of your wis(d)om he sent you as commis­ sioner. n. . 4. 1 2 . JNES 5 (1946) p. pp. p . a r e s t i l l v i s i b l e . n. 5. not speaking to the king so he c will send archers to take Sumur? 16—22 What is Abdi-Asirta. see A l b r i g h t . 8of. 20 [ki-i]-tna LUGAL. VAB 2/2.THE AMARNA LETTERS I 5 3. p . Biblica 45 (1963) pp. establish your honor in the presence of the king. O n ti-di-nu as p l u r a l (tiddinu). JNES 5 ( 1 9 4 6 ) p .ME§]: cf. 8. at B o g h a z k o y (AHw. the god of the king. pa-s/-t[e]: a r e a d i n g M A § [ K I M ) ( K e s t e m o n t in K i i h n e . . n o t e c. p . For t h e t i t l e . 1 0 0 .3 5 Let him not gather together all the "Apiru so he can take Sigat[a] 6 and Ampi. Why have you been negligent. 2 8 . 1 [To] Haya. 2 2 * .s ] u .» # ? ) . [y]our lord. M E S " G l R . L i n e s 2 0 . . 3. s e e J C S 5 ( 1 9 5 1 ) p . EA 71 To a wise man T E X T : VAT 1632. tu-ba-(u) w o u l d b e m o r e in a c c o r d w i t h e s t a b l i s h e d u s a g e ( R a i n e y . p . your lord. u n l e s s o n e a s s u m e s a n a b e r r a n t f o r m t h a t a l s o differs f r o m M A $ K I M as w r i t t e n in l i n e 1 0 . t h e VS 1 1 c o p y n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g . "wood" ( G l S . 3 5 . May 2 Aman. that he takes the land of the king for himself? What is his auxiliary force that it is strong? Through the "Apiru his auxiliary force 4 5 is strong! 23—27 So send me 50 pairs of horses and 200 infantry that I may resist him in Sigata until the coming forth of the archers. 33. in a n O l d B a b y l o n i a n l e t t e r (AbB 10. What shall I be able to d[o]? There will 7 be no place where [men] can enter against [him]. UF 6 [ I 9 7 4 J P. 1 7 0 : 2 2 . 150:11) and 140 . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood.2 2 . servant and dog. VS 11. im-(qu)-ti-ka: f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t .3 0 2 ) . n a r k a b a t I . 78ff. M E S at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e x t l i n e . and [seize . 1 0 7 2 b ) . T h e t r a c e s o f te as d e s c r i b e d in VAB 2 / 2 . } . I fal[l] at your feet. E R I N . N a ' a m a n .MES 2 1 [sa na-a]d-na-ta « [GIGIR. Amarna Correspondence. 1 4 5 ) is e x ­ c l u d e d . NOTES 1 . 3 6 6 . C O P I E S : WA 72. 7—16 You are a wise man. rest o f t a b l e t l o s t . isu) h a r d l y s t o o d a l o n e ( G I G I R . . 4. 1591. 1 2 . 5. p. O n e line. w i t h E b e l i n g . M E S : t h e e x p r e s s i o n is a l s o f o u n d in EA 1 4 9 : 6 2 .

A m p i . your lord. "Let us join them!" All 3 n c e the mayors long for this to be done to "Abdi-Asirta. 26—33 s i he sent a message to the men of Ammiya. and (they say). pp. 1 0 2 . 1 2 What will he do to them? [And so] they are longing day and night for the coming out of the archers. L i n e s 14 ( o b v . my father: Message of Rib-Hadda. Amarna Correspondence. they are not now being friendly to Abdi-Asirta. ) a n d 6 (rev. c o u r ­ tesy W. EA 76:22. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. C O P Y : BB 15.A s s y r i a n c o p y o f an O l d B a b y l o n i a n tamttu ( N D 4 4 0 1 . 6. Do not you yourself know that the land of Amurru follows the stronger c party? 17—25 Look. C O P Y : VS 11. so that you may come out together with archers and fall upon the land of Amurru? 11—16 If they hear of archers coming out. See EA 7 6 : 2 3 a n d n o t e . EA 72 Message lost T E X T : VAT 1712. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 1 0 ) ."4 Accordingly. 7. To Amanappa. your son.) are f r a g m e n t a r y . they will abandon their cities and desert. n. Amarna Correspondence. a n d A p i r u . 6—11 Why have you been negligent. "Kill your lord and join the c Apiru. M E S ] : cf. May the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king. pp. OA 11 [ 1 9 7 2 } p . L a m b e r t ) . 1 Too fragmentary for translation. lOOf. "He will do the same thing to 141 . your lord. EA 73 Of ambivalent Amurru TEXT: BM 29798. not speaking to the king. c w i t h references to I r q a t a ( ? ) . EA 72 in u n p u b l i s h e d N e o . A letter to t h e k i n g . 34. G . S u m u r . the mayors say. mu-hi-isu L U . G u b l a . NOTE 1. 106ff. A r d a t a ( ? ) . p e r h a p s r e p e a t i n g t h e r e q u e s t o f EA 7 1 t o H a y a ( P i n t o r e . I fall at the feet of my father.

5. your lord. Traces o f o n l y o n e h o r i z o n t a l a r e v i s i b l e . Amarna Correspondence. however. and to you I have turned. VAB 2/2. 10-12 May the king inspect the tablets of his father's house (for the time) when the ruler in 142 . G r e e n b e r g . 1 1 5 8 . So speak to the king.. e s p . t h e m a y o r s need n o t b e t h e a g e n t s o f t h e a c t i o n s l o n g e d c for. EA 74 Like a bird in a trap TEXT: BM 29795. 20. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. I fall at the feet of my lord. the loyal maidservant of the king since the days of his ancestors.THE AMARNA LETTERS us. 274. that an auxiliary force be [s]en(t)' t[o] me with all speed. 5-10 May the king. 3. 302. NOTES c 1. "to w a i t for. The king. L i v e r a n i . C O P Y : BB 12. " is a m b i g u o u s . as if s y n o n y m o u s w i t h nenpusu ana.4 5 You know my conduct when you were in [SJumur. has now withdrawn his support of his loyal city." 3 3 . w h e r e a s qu"u. p. King 2 of Battle: May [the Lady] of Gubla grant power to the king. my lord. t h e y t o o d e s i r e d a s h o w o f force by t h e E g y p t i a n s a n d a n i n s u r r e c t i o n in A m u r r u . O r " ' K i l l y o u r l o r d . 3 9 ." is o t h e r w i s e unattested. and all the lands will be joined to the "Apiru. know that Gubla. king of all countries.3 8 Report this matter in the presence of the king.A s i r t a ( W e b e r . " 2. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. RSO 40 [1965] p . Great King. 7 times and 7 times. 122ff.A s i r t a ( b e c a u s e o f ) w h a t he does to t h e m . a n d t h e p a s s a g e h a r d l y s p e a k s of t h e i r j o i n i n g A b d i . UF 6 (1974) p . 366°.A s i r t a h a d t h e s a m e d e s i g n s o n t h e m as o n t h e ruler o f A m m i y a . . pp. tu-bcf-u-na: f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . I am your [l]oyal servant. ' a n d t h e n t h e y w e r e j o i n e d t o t h e "Apiru. "to d o / t h e d o i n g o f t h e s e t h i n g s . for you are father and lord to me. 1 Rib-Hadda says to [his] lord. the lord. my Sun. is safe and sound. a n d bu"ii is r a t h e r c o m m o n in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (cf. \f\u-tva-Ia-(arlra) til-la-tu. ipes (ipisl) annutu. rather.—a letter p r o b a b l y s e n t a t t h e s a m e t i m e as EA 7 3 ( n o t e t h e reference t o A m a n a p p a in EA 7 4 : 5 1 ) — i s t h e r e a n y s u g g e s t i o n t h a t t h e local r u l e r s h a d or f o r e s a w any a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h e i r d e a t h or e x p u l s i o n . N e i t h e r here nor in EA 74:266°. love) A b d i . pi." S e e a l s o EA 7 4 : 2 6 a n d n o t e . [your] lord. T h o u g h t h e l a n g u a g e . 4. 34. Hablpiru. t h a t c A b d i . P e r h a p s "they a r e n o t f r i e n d l y t o ( l i t . EA 7 0 : 2 6 ^ ) . p. "to b e j o i n e d to"). R e c o g n i z i n g . b u t ba fits t h e s p a c e b e t t e r .

2 2 All my villages that are in the c mountains : ha-ar-ri or along the sea have been joined to the Apiru. NOTES 1 . Pac{ify yo]ur {land] . but you do not heed my words. O n iqbi (istapar. 4 5 . . Behold.5 7 Look.H a d d a a n d a p p e a r s o n l y w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t o r y f o r m " R i b . 5 a n d n. Look. p p . following c 8 c his message. T h i s e p i t h e t o f t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g is confined t o t h e l e t t e r s o f R i b . Why have you neglected your country? I have written like this to the palace. along with our L{ad]y 14 (and) our gods. as the gods of y{our] land {are ali\ve. Left to me are Gubla and two towns. iltappar) as " K o i n z i d e n z f a l l . May he grant provisions for his servant and keep his servant alive so I may guard his [lo]yal [city]. What can I do by [my]self ? This is what I long for day and night. 3 0 . the entire country will be against him and what will 3 he do to us?" Accordingly. see M . sect. the war of the Apiru against (me) is severe and. they have made an alliance' among them­ selves and. and 1 0 then let us fall upon Gubla. n. my field is like a 6 woman without a husband. accordingly. "For lack of a cultivator. He is the one that knows and has experienced the stra[its] I am in. and they are like Apiru.3 0 After taking Sigata for him­ c 1 self. 13—19 Do not be negligent of your 4 c servant. f{oryou]. since [in] fact there is no one who will save me from them. k n o w n b y t h i s n a m e a n d a t t e s t e d at A m a r n a (EA 3 5 9 ) . Then let us drive out the mayors from the country that the entire c I 2 country be joined to the Apiru. a b o u t t h e l e g e n d a r y S a r g o n o f A k k a d . "Kill your leader and then you will be like us and at peace. our sons and daughters (as well as we 5 ourselves) are gone since they have been sold in the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep us alive. my [lo]rd. May he send a {ma]n of his to stay this time so I may arrifve] in the presence of the king. Ask him. Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (see EA 1. 57—62 May {the king] vis{it] his [land] and 15 1 {his servant]." They were won over.H a d d a s p e a k s / w r i t e s .4 5 Should even so the king come out. 5 1 .3 8 So now Abdi-Asirta has written to the troops:? "Assemble in the<e1mple of N I N U R T A . Abdi-Asirta said to the men of Ammiya. [May he] give thought to his land. S e u x . " see I n t r o d u c t i o n . very afraid. 2 ) . " It w a s p r o b a b l y d r a w n f r o m t h e e p i c .5 0 Like a bird in a trap : ki-lu- bi (cage). . to the entire country. EA 74 3 Gubla was not a loyal servant. 2 .6 5 It is good for me to be with you.." there is no one that will save it from u[s}. so am I in Gubla. 2 3 . Then will (our) sons and daughters be at peace forever. Amanappa is with you. 3 9 . 8 1 . . May it seem go[od] in the sight of the k[ing].J ." 1 9 . May the king heed the words of his servant. my lord. 3 1 9 ^ 143 . I am very. 6 2 .

cf. S e e n. 2 3 ) . JANES 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . . 1 2 3 6 . vol. 4. but its m e a n i n g is q u i t e unclear. 11. a n d B l a u a n d G r e e n f i e l d . O n t h i s p r o v e r b ( a l s o EA 7 5 : 1 5 . 2 8 1 6 6 . in G r e e c e . BASOR 2 0 0 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p . summa. K o m o r o c z y . or o f t h e d e t e r m i n a t i v e K. t h e r e f o r e . L a t e r . " 4.A k k a d i a n N I N . M e n d e n h a l l . W e b e r . Rivista Storica Italiana yj [ 1 9 6 5 ] p . Le Palais et la Royaute. w h o in EA 7 3 : 2 7 a n d 7 5 : 3 4 is c a l l e d belu. IEJ 1 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . p r o b a b l y . p . U n d o u b t e d l y t h e r e is reference here t o t h e m u r d e r o f t h e ruler o f A m m i y a . e d . 1. p r o b a b l y as a d i s t i n c t i o n o f a g e (cf. S m i t h ' s i d i o s y n c r a t i c v e r s i o n o f EA 7 4 : 1 3 . "seeder-plow. "lord" ( E N . O n "plow­ i n g t h e field" in S u m e r i a n l i t e r a t u r e see S j o b e r g .3 4 ) i s . 8 5 : 1 2 .w o o d ( f u r n i s h i n g s ) of h o u s e s . speiro). it is p r o b a b l y m e a n t t o s u g g e s t a u t h o r i t y . cf. 6. aroura. see R a i n e y . O . a r g u e s a g a i n s t a p l a c e . Ugar. a d u l t ) m a l e . 10. 34). p e r h a p s " t o g e t h e r w i t h s o m e o f o u r n u m b e r " (the o l d e r g e n e r a t i o n .N I N . 1 3 7 ii 2 4 ' ) . RA 7 6 ( 1 9 8 2 ) p . L o e b C l a s s i c a l Library. "like a n / t h e A p i r u . U R T A . Matous [ B u d a p e s t . n." as a m e t a p h o r for father see L a m b e r t . 144 . p. H r u s k a a n d G . 1 7 .4 1 . Hebrew Union College Annual 5 8 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p .1 7 . p .A s i r t a ' s s p e e c h . " ( y o u n g . m e a n i n g u n c e r t a i n . U R T A is n o t k n o w n . " s e i g n e u r s " [ a l s o o f EA 7 3 : 2 7 . 5 . n n . see D ." G r e e n b e r g . Elegy and Iambus. p . T h e C a n a a n i t e g o d referred t o b y S u m e r o . t h e n it o c c u r s o n l y here in EA w i t h a p r o n o m i n a l suffix ( D . a l s o EA 8 1 : 1 2 ) . 1 9 7 8 ] . " b e f o r e E N I N . EA 2 9 0 : 1 6 ) . 3 4 . T h e a b s e n c e o f U R U (dlu).n a m e B l t . T h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e t e r m c o u l d b e u s e d as a c o l l e c t i v e ( " p r i n c e s . JCS 2 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p . 1 7 ) . " K n u d t z o n . M . p . see a l s o L i e b e r m a n . 1 6 2 . Hablpiru. n. qa-du-nu. "chiefs. in 1 4 0 : 1 1 is c a l l e d sarru. Ninurta = G a s a r u (JCS 3 1 [ 1 9 7 9 ] p . a n d L i v e r a n i . 8 1 : 3 7 6 . E d z a r d .A s i r t a a n d t h e A p i r u w e r e v i r t u a l l y i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e ( G r e e n b e r g . " if it is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g ( [ E ] N -la-ku-nu?). " k i n g . t h e m e t a p h o r b e l o n g e d n o t o n l y t o l i t e r a t u r e ( J . 3 . 9). in G a r e l l i . 8 1 : 3 9 . is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in r e l a t e d or s i m i l a r p a s s a g e s . T h e u s e o f e(lu. 1 1 5 9 . Festschrift L. for R i b . w i t h M e s o p o t a - m i a n a n d o t h e r p a r a l l e l s .d a u g h t e r s . eflu i m p l i e s here a c e r t a i n s a r c a s m ("your y o u n g fel­ low"). see EA 3 5 . c 8. 8 1 : 1 2 ] . for t h e r e a d i n g . as t h e p a r a l l e l s m a k e p e r f e c t l y clear. in B .1 7 (The Statue of Idri-mi [ L o n d o n .H a d d a . 12. w r o n g . n. " d o e s c n o t o c c u r e l s e w h e r e .THE AMARNA LETTERS 3. 1 4 3 : 2 . . ARMT 2 2 . E d m o n d s . M a r c u s . 4 . a t Ugarit. VAB 2/2. 2 4 . "fellow-citizens")? In t h e p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s (EA 7 5 : 1 2 . t h e followers o f A b d i . 8 4 . t h e s e q u e n c e is s o n s . see G . T h e t e m p l e w a s p r e s u m a b l y t h e s c e n e o f t h e o a t h m e n t i o n e d in l i n e 4 2 . U g a r i t i c bahhilru = eflu. p. L i v e r a n i . t o w n . 5 . " U n l e s s .2 1 . O n l i n e s 3 0 . ii [k]i-tu ti-in-(ni-p\i-us)-ma. 4 2 7 ) b u t a l s o t o l e g a l l a n g u a g e (see t h e d i c t i o n a r i e s u n d e t arotos. Is qad(d)u the corre­ s p o n d i n g C a n a a n i t e w o r d ? S . ' 7 2 . "city. O r "whether t h e ruler in G u b l a has n o t b e e n a loyal s e r v a n t . 1 9 4 9 ] . 7 8 . U R T A (cf.I after i t . 3 5 4 ) . p . It is t h e n a r r a t i v e v e r s i o n o f "like u s " in A b d i . a n d . 3 2 4 . e d s . J N E S 6 ( 1 9 4 7 ) p p . p e r h a p s a t t e s t s t o a n o u n qadu (i-mi-iG qa-di-im). "and let a n a l l i a n c e b e m a d e (for all t h e l a n d s ) " : A l b r i g h t in M e n d e n h a l l (see n. W i t h t h e p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 6 7 : 1 6 6 . 7. 1 0 7 . 9 0 : 4 2 6 ) . see a l s o JCS 7 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p . Hablpiru. n. 2 0 . n o . 9. a n d on ittu. 8 6 . c c a n d it i m p l i e s t h a t . I f t h e p r e p o s i t i o n qadu. 9 0 : 3 7 ) . It a p p e a r s e l s e w h e r e in EA l e t t e r s o n l y in 2 9 : 1 5 4 .

cf. 1 [7} times and 7 times. .2 5 • • • 5 9 The Apiru killed'* Ad[una. my lord. and just now the men of Ammiy(a) have killed the(ir) lord. however. 49—50 [and sen]d a man to [Gubla] that I may [ . 2 6 .3 4 Miya. N o t e t h a t adi ? in t h e m e a n i n g "(along) w i t h " o c c u r s e l s e w h e r e in EA o n l y in t h e J e r u s a l e m letters ( b u t see EA 9 2 : 4 2 a n d n o t e ) . The war. seized Ar[d]ata. EA 75 13. yi-da-ga[\ LUGAL] 58 [ K U R ] . Das Sumerische ( L e i ­ den. since they have been sold [in] the land of Yarimuta for ou[r] provisions to keep us alive. 1 5 . 1 5 .s u ] : f . ] . T h e f o r m yidaggalu ( K n u d t z o n ) m a y n o t serve a s a n i n j u n c t i v e ./ a u f l R . N o u g a y r o l . C O P Y : WA 79. {but there is no one] who has looked at 3 the words that {keep arr]iving. . . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. my Sun. Rib-Hadda {says t]o his lord. Behold. M A . EA 75 Political chaos TEXT: C 4757 (12191). {the servant} and dog. 7 2 : 2 5 . 2 2 . 3 3 4 . b . mdmTtu. is safe and c sound. 4 . . c n6:62f. Severe is . A O A T 1. i 9 3 f . . 78. n. [May the king] give heed [to] the words 2 . pp. 3 5 . 1 9 6 4 ) . his word[s]. 145 . {he} is king of Nah(ri)ma c {and} the land of the Gre{at] Kings. 155ff. I am afraid. I fall at the feet of my lord. 2 8 . 3 0 . p p . . c the king] of Irqata. UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . n. k[ing of all countries]: May the Lady of [Gubla] grant power t[o my lord].4 8 May the king be informed that the king of Hatti has seized all the countries that 7 8 were vassals of the king of Mitta(ni). p . .2 of [his] servant. my field is like a woman without a husband. the maidservafnt of the king] from ancient times." I have written repeatedly to the palace 2 because of the illness afflicting me. R U . N A M . a-lna k a . 5 ) . R U . 1 4 . but there was no one who (s)aid5 anything to c 6 Abdi-Asirta. R U . JCS 1 ( 1 9 4 7 ) p . and so they go on tak{in]g (territory for themselves). "oath" (JCS 7 [ 1 9 5 3 ] p. L i t . (Our) sons and daughters and the furnishings of the houses are gone. of the Apiru agai[nst] me is severe. ( N E ) . EA 8 5 : 6 i f f . " N A M .2 1 "For the lack of a cultivator. F a l k e n s t e i n . know th[at] Gubla. w h i c h w o u l d b e yidaggal or yidaggala. 4 1 4 .t a ] : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . Send arc{hers}. {and} Abdi-Asirta. the ruler of Aras«i. "placed a n o a t h . is tak[ing the land of the king}. PBS 1 / 2 . K r e c h e r . . 6-14 [May] the king. b u t p e r h a p s n o t a m i s t a k e for N A M . Amarna Correspondence.

4 1 . 2. Amarna Correspondence.. [Mojreover. } . cf. K U R me- t[a.3 7 [ . . He has 3 seized [ . M E [ § ] (cf. C O P I E S : WA 74. [fo]r himself? Is he the king of Mittana. o f r e q u e s t s (EA 8 2 : 1 6 ) . the dog. 7 1 ." It] is [thus that I keep writing to thepal]ace. 1519). 4. cf. 3 7- 7. a n d o f t a b l e t s (EA 100:24. " 8. Great King. I fall at the feet of my lord. 2 5 . l i n e 1 6 . my Sun. I68ff. . . ZA 76 (1986) p . 19 [ia-nu]. D I . VS 11. EA 9 0 : 1 5 . what is A[bdi]-As[ir]ta. n o t e n o t o n l y t h e o m i s s i o n o f (na) or (ni). pp. 2 4 1 . (ia)-aq-bi. 1 0 4 : 2 2 .q [ u . kafadu s a i d o f w o r d s (EA 59:46. ( U N ) . 7 times and 7 times. marsaku a n (EA 106:23). . my lord. o f t h e b r e a t h o f t h e k i n g (EA 100:40. p . my lord. 8. EA 6 7 : 1 7 ) . 35. For years archers would come 146 ./ 7 . i-du-ku-s[u].2 9 He has just gathered together all the Apiru against Sigata [and] Ampi. 20 \ti-ik-hx\-du-na. 73f. ] . that [h]e strives to take the land of the c king for himself? 1 7 . know that the war of Abdi-Asirta against me is severe. Rib-Hadda says to the king of all countries. CAH 2/2. King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. 2 2 1 : 1 4 ) . 3 2 . T I is a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g for G U . 3. / i . T I . P e r h a p s "the d i s t r e s s " . p. 1 [H]e wants to take [for himself] the two cities that have remained to c me. but [you do not rep]ly [to m]eA 3 0 . VAB 2/1. . [so] send me [a garris]on of 4 0 0 men a[nd x pairs of h]orses [with all speed. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. amqu[t lu-u]: following Y o u n g b l o o d . that he strives to [ta]ke all the cities of the king. the Sun. i55'55?)- R . Amarna Correspondence. it is p r o p o s e d t h a t K U . a n d c o m m e n t a r y p p . G o r g . d EA 95. ZA 63 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . "bearers o f t r i b u t e . abilat 6 6 bilti. 3 6 2 : 5 9 ) . 5. 2 [/ s]aid. 7 . "all t h e l a n d s affiliated(?) w i t h t h e k i n g o f t h e M i t a ( n n i ) l a n d . last s i g n e i t h e r lu or na. D I . .n ] a : cf. n. 1 4 5 : 1 9 . K ] I . G o e t z e . 1 4 6 : 1 2 ) . S e e W i l h e l m . " 7 : 6 4 . lit. M E § G A Z " ( ? ) . maris (ana) iyali (EA 1 0 3 : 7 . 1 2 6 : 1 3 . b u t a p r e t e r i t e is e x p e c t e d (cf. R a i n e y . n.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1 . 308. EA 76 Of ambition and arrogance T E X T : VAT 324. 160. . [ L ] U . Cf. . and [h]e himself has taken these two cities. I f K U R mi-it-ta refers t o M i t t a n i . 4. UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . u n p a r a l l e l e d in n i n e o t h e r w r i t i n g s o f t h e n a m e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . I I:I 6. "There is no place where [me]n can enter against him. p. T h e c o n t e x t r e q u i r e s t h a t t h e l a n d s b e a s s o c i a t e d in s o m e way with M i t t a n i ( ? ) . Z A ( ? ) . or the king of Kassu. . b u t a l s o t h e w r i t i n g w i t h d o u b l e t. 1 3 6 : 2 2 . " Very h e s i t a n t l y .1 6 May the c king.

you are a great lord. 8 1 : 9 . .A s i r t a i n a c ­ c e s s i b l e ? Cf. w i t h a shift f r o m m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r (rabd.. Is t h i s t h e n a m e o f a c hill or m o u n t a i n ( [ H U R . 380. n o t e h) a n d S c h r o e d e r ' s copy.. T h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix is -kunu. your? garrison-city. but I gave his sinnu to [the ruler} of Tyr[e f]or [my] provisions.m a a r . Milkayu^ overlaid one with .n a ia]-//': for t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s .r u a . —EA 8 1 : 2 2 6 . EA 77 out to inspect [the coun]try. 122:536. 178ff. [ a . I a s s u m e t h a t £ R I N . . VS 11. 118:86. ana ekalli— EA 74:496.a . . You do not i47 . 6. 1 2 7 : 3 8 6 . 1 2 9 : 3 3 6 ° .n ] a [ a ] . cf. To Ama[nappa. 3 8 . 1 3 2 : 5 1 . .t [ a a . 1746 5. EA 7 1 : 1 9 . [ k i .4 6 Send a large force of archers that it may drive out the king's enemies and all lands be joined to the king. who [m]oves [agains]t the country. u la tuterruna . c o n s t r u e d as t h i r d f e m i ­ n i n e s i n g u l a r (cf. 6 1 5 . . [ G A ] L ii [ l a - a] 2 9 [ t u . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. e t c . p. [your] 2 lord.w a ( t e x t : U D ) . 85:6. l i n e 3 9 . 1 6 . [ L U .. [ x . r 4.t a p . 36.r u . h a s m a d e A b d i . my father}: Message of [Rib-Hadda. 8 8 : 2 5 . 7 4 : 2 4 . 4 7 6 S e e a l s o Y o u n g b l o o d . and [the Lady of 1 Gu]b[la] establi(sh) your hon[or] in the presence of the king. p r o b a b l y a p l u r a l of majesty. have been joined to the "Apiru. anumma . I c o u l d s e e no certain t r a c e s o f signs t h a t e x c l u d e t h i s o b v i o u s r e s t o r a t i o n (lines 1 4 . 3. pp. 89:76. and yet now that the land of the king and Sumur. 1 1 2 : 2 2 6 . your lord. you have 6 done nothing. may the Lady of Gubla be witness:^ there is no copper or sinnu of [cop}per available 4 to me or [to] her unjustly treated ones. EA 77 A rebellious peasantry T E X T : VAT 1635 + 1700. " t h e w r i t e r s h i f t i n g b e t w e e n s e c o n d a n d t h i r d p e r s o n in a d d r e s s i n g t h e k i n g .S ] A G : sa Pl-x-Za: x = B A R . see a l s o JCS 6 [1952] p . You must not neglect this message.t o : for t h i s w r i t i n g see EA 4 106:39. a l s o EA 7 7 : 2 7 ) .. . COPIES: WA 81 (only 1635). n o t at all c e r t a i n . NOTES 1. pp. EA 1 0 3 : 5 5 6 . ] . 2.n a ] f. 7 8 ) . As to 7—15 your writing me ffor] copper and for sinnu.. see the ? f o l l o w i n g : kima arhil—EA 7 3 : 4 5 . 8 3 : 7 6 . e t c .h i . S ] A G ) t h e c a p t u r e o f w h i c h . A l s o p o s s i b l e is "that y o u m a y d r i v e o u t . Moreover.s u ] : c o n t r a r y t o K n u d t z o n (VAB 2/1.2 5 [Y]ou yourself [should] know [the straits I am i]n . M E § pifati is t h e s u b j e c t .i s a-ri\u-ma [ki-a-ma] 2 8 [ a s . [ . the god of the king].t e . . a l s o EA 7i:3iff. . May [Aman.. your son}. Wh[y have you been negligent? . ) .n a S a . Amarna Correspondence. M E ] S . I fall [at your feet]. 1 3 1 : 4 0 . Amarna Correspondence.

1048. 5 8.u s .1 6 [M]ay the king. p . 95:3ff. 8 4 : 3 ^ . . . I am afraid the peasa[ntry] will strike m[e] down. EA 7 i : 4 f . d e s p i t e sinnu in lines 10 a n d 1 3 . t h e n e g a t i v e ul is a l w a y s w r i t t e n u-ul in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s ) . Or n . [Grea]t [King]: May the Lady of [Gubla gr]ant power to [the king. 7 4 : 5 2 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 7 spefak t]o your lord so he will send you at the head of the archers to c drive off the Apiru from the {rn}ayors.q ] a . then let a ship [fetch] the men [of Gubla]. 3 1 it ia-nu [ERIN. followed by R a i n e y . p. 37. a n d n o t ul ( R a i n e y . [and he has tak]en all [my] cit[ies. 2 4 3 . is negligent] and there are no [archers].i r f : cf. M E § . b e s i d e s . EA 8 2 : 4 2 ? . my lor]d. for lu tide! X 4. NOTES d D 1. my [S]un. n. "copper. UF 5 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . king of all countries. N]ow only two towns remain [to] me. 1 2 9 : 4 9 ! ? . know [that] the war of [ Ab]di-Asirta against m[e is se]vere.m u r ] : cf. [ p u .l a a . see AHw. T h e clear gub-lcT of S c h r o e d e r ' s c o p y a g r e e s n e i t h e r w i t h K n u d t z o n ' s c o l l a t i o n nor w i t h m i n e . (and) the g[ods} (to bring them) 8 all the wa[y to you so I can abandon Gubla. ( )mil-ka-yu? K-timabas? 6. Ivory w a s r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e in E g y p t f r o m t h e s o u t h a n d w a s not l i k e l y t o have b e e n t h e o b j e c t o f a s p e c i a l r e q u e s t . Like a 148 . then all lands will be joi[ne]d t[o the Apir]u. 8 3 : 4 5 ! ? . ta-aq-[bu]: see Or n . 2 4 3 . 2 .MES pf-ta-ti u] 32 «' MA LU. EA 6 8 : 2 4 f . n. For sinnu.V . I fa[ll] at the feet of [my] lord. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 19Iff. and even these he s[trives to ta]ke. 3 amqut [ a . is h a r d l y ivory (SSDB. If [the king. C O P I E S : WA 84. 1 8 3 . x . Y o u n g b l o o d . my lord]. [Rib]-Hadda says [to] his lord. 3 8 5 .m a . 8 7 : 5 f .& * D I N [ G I R .< & : x." t h e n ivory is e x c l u d e d . 7. M E S ti-il-qe] 3 4 a-di . [ a . 2 6 . p .M[E§ U R U gub­ la] 3 3 [ L ] U . 3 . EA 78 Request for a garrison T E X T : VAT 1282. s . n o t e d ) . if a t the e n d o f line n the correct r e a d i n g is [ U R j U D U (eru).«#-[hi-ka u i-te-zi-ib] 3 5 U R U [ g u b .n a ] hab-Ti-se: t h e r e s i d e n t s o f B y b l o s ? reference t o M i l k a y u ? m 5. 7 times and 7 times. 1 0 . 4 9 ) . . Look]. VS 11. 1 7 .n a D I N G I R sa L U G A L ] 4 Eti-ka u N [ I N sa U R U u b g]#£ -[la] 5 ti-di-{nu)-mi: cf. B e s i d e s . my Sun. p . / « / ( L I D ) . 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . n o t mi (see VAB 2 / 1 . my lord. sinnu. c 7 . 1 3 2 : 5 3 ! ? . 3. Amarna Correspondence. 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p .[ ( t i ) ] . s . 1 5 4 . UF 5 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . . pp.3 7 If t[hi]s year no c [ar]chers come out. your [me]n.

7 times and 7 c times. so am I in Gubla.. Amarna Correspondence. Like a bird in a trap : ki-lu-bi (cage). 112:21.1 7 May my lord heed the words of his servant. R 2.]: cf. all the Apiru c have at the urging of Abdi-Asirta turned against me. [then c al]l lands will be [j]oined [to Abd]i-Asirta. 119:126 3. A a n d t h e only m e n t i o n o f e m m e r in EA.. here "to fortify" s e e m s clearly e x c l u d e d . 1 8 . my Sun.1 9 May my lord heed the w[ords of] his [servant]." written S E . K U R ] . Great King. m[y . and thus all c lands would be joi[ned] to the Apiru. . 34—47 I have nothing at all. 1 7 . R A \ [ M ] E S [i]-na qa-[at . 38. [King of Ba]ttle: May the Lady [of] Gubla grant [pow]er to the king.$ NOTES 1. Z I Z . 2 and may something be given to me for their food. 27—33 There are two towns that remain to [me]. . {i]f{the kin]g is unable to save me fr[om] his enemies. Moreover. 85:20.2 6 [I]f there are no c ar[chers]. EA 83:216. [Ri}b-Hadda says [to] his [lord]. j [ o 2 pairs of hors]es [i]n the char[ge o f ] . that 3 [he ta]kes the lands of the king for [him]self ? NOTES 1. 149 . 3 7 . EA 79 At the brink T E X T : VAT 1634. I have just b[e]en in Batruna. p r o b a b l y a reference t o kundsu.4 1 and {send] a ga[rr]ison. . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. H I . pp. EA 79 bird in a trap.3 7 . the dog. they have as a 1 result been striving to [ta}ke over Gubla and Batruna. May my lord sen[d] a garrison to his two towns until the archers come out.. so am [I] in Gub[la]. king of all countries. 3[o ta-pal] 40 [ A N S E . 197ff. my lord. Listen! [Si]nce c Bit-Ar[ha] was seized [at] the urging of Abdi-Asirta.] send me [immediately. 103:43. then al[l la]nds will be joined to the [ Api]ru. S i x t o ten lines m i s s i n g . Send me a garrison t[o] guard the city of the king un[til] the archers [co]me out. and they want to take th[em] from the king. [What is h]e. VS 11. 2 0 . Be informed that since Amanappa reached me. In line 3 0 .1 2 I fall [at] the feet of my lord. . 1 3 . COPIES: WA 75. "emmer. 6 . W h a t e v e r t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n "to d o / m a k e a city" e l s e w h e r e .

VS 11. [Rib-Hadda say]s to [his] lord. yuddana in EA 8 5 : 3 4 . At his order was this [de]ed done! I have stayed {like th]is [in] my city and done 5 nothing. p . C O P I E S : WA 89. 8 6 : 3 2 . VF 1 ( 1 9 7 5 ) P. { » / ' } .THE AMARNA LETTERS 2 . [And I have writt]en re{peatedly to the palace}. 4 7 . I fa[l]l [at the feet] of my lord. my [Sun]. know that the war of Abdi-Asirta is [se]vere. [my lord]. 9 1 : 4 . I was struck [9 6 7 ti]mes. a n d t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g p l u r a l tilquna in EA 104:17?. I am unable to go out [into the countryside. [yi-il]-qu: cf. but I ki[ll]ed c 4 him. Great King. [and] he has taken all my cities [for] himself. 7 times and 7 times. I f[ear for] my life. Amarna Correspondence.3 3 [Accordingly. a n d Rainey. EA 81 An attempted assassination T E X T : VAT 1318. A r 3 man with a bronze dagger : paf-{r]a [at]tacked m[e]. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. C a n a a n i t e Q a l p a s s i v e yuddan + i n j u n c t i v e {a} + p r o . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. EA 7 1 : 1 6 ? ." 1 4 . A lirdanu \wh~\om I know g{ot away f\o Abdi-Asirta. 205ff. He said 1 c to the men [of Gubl]a. Gubla and Batru[na re]main to me. "[Ki]ll your lord and be join[ed] to the Apiru 2 like Amm[iya].4 ° 4 - 3. Why are you 8 negligent o{f the distress afflicting me? I]f within these two months there 150 . [but you do not re]ply [to me]. and] I have written to the palace. 2 5 . EA 80 A lost message T E X T : VAT 1711. cf. and he strives to take the two towns. suff. C O P Y : VS 11.2 4 [And so] they became trait(ors) to me. [king of all countries. a n d see SSDB. "Do not {be negligent. my lord. K]ing of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power [to the kin]g. pp. 210ff. 1 5 5 . pp. 39. yii-da-na-ni. Amarna Correspondence. Too fragmentary for translation. 7 5 : 4 1 ? . 3 7 . c 6-13 [May] the king. 40.

NOTES I. o n l y at t h e t e n t h a t t a c k i n f l i c t i n g final defeat (VS 1 7 . EA 7 4 : 2 6 a n d n.a ] r u ^ / . [since they have been s]old [i]n the land of [Ya]rimuta [for] provisions to keep them alive. 4.t a . EA 88:2of. 3 9 3 . n i n e t i m e s he w a s w a r r e d a g a i n s t . so are they in [Gubl]a. R e a d GIR : paf-[r\a. .n a E .l ] a is t h e more probable reading. 9 10 I h{ave written to the pal]ace. see K n u d t z o n ' s r e m a r k s . J 5i . 252.. For arnu. their] dau[gh]ters. N o t e . "My god {is sending archers. UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p ." [Their sons. EA 81 are no archers.n ] a ma-bar : sa-a i n s t e a d o f sa o c c u r s s p o r a d i ­ cally." Since they (now) 12 kno[w that] there are none. [URU g u b .]-/a-ta as-[sum mur-si] 29 [UGU-ia su]m-ma.).. and there was a«[g*ar]rison with us. 2 9 9 ) . p. [ki-na-an-n]a: cf. 19. ar-(nu). Wh[at] can I [d]o by my[sel]f ? 5 2 . 4 8 rev. " t r a i ­ tor. they have tu{rned against] (u)s. 4 2 . T h e e x p r e s s i o n "9 t i m e s " m e a n s "over a n d over" or "once a n d for all": N a r a m . . cf. UJ-lu ar-nu (EA 1 3 8 : 1 0 4 ) . What (am I to say) to my p e a s a n ­ try]? 3 4 . 2 4 8 ) . C e r t a i n l y t h e "lord" t o b e k i l l e d is R i b . see J . II. too. n i n e t i m e s he d e f e a t e d a n d freed his e n e m i e s . a n d d u p l i c a t e s ) . ar(-(na)?) L U G A L (EA 1 3 8 : 2 1 ) . EA T 82:371}". Akkadica 40 (1984) p. A / 2 .n a m i . i i4f.5 1 Previously Sumur and [its] men were [stjrong. 3. [a-na E D I N .n i 2 7 [ a .S i n fights n i n e b a t t l e s in o n e year (YOS 1. a n d ar(-(nu)?) L U G A L (EA 1 3 9 : 4 0 ) . see VAB 2/2. EA 7 :i f. 7. 8. . If within c two months archers do not come ou[t].t a .[ t a . Cf. 5. p . 5 7 9. 4 8 . or p e r h a p s a n a b b r e v i a t i o n (CAD. p. "[Fo]r l[ac]k of a cultivator their [field} is [li]ke a woman without a husband. ti-du-[\x]: cf. EA 105:36. S e e EA 8 2 : 3 9 . G l a s s n e r . a n d see JCS 2 (1948) p p . . n o t e d ) .a r a . 6.n i m qa. 247f. the nine peoples that d i v i d e the world and t h e n i n e c h a m b e r s on each level o f U t n a p i s t i m ' s a r k .2 . Free r e s t o r a t i o n : [ u a s . VAB 2 / 1 . [the fur]nishings of their houses are gone. c r i m i n a l . 636°. 7. then { . n i n e t i m e s S a r g o n c a p t u r e s m e n a n d a n i m a l s (TIM 9. see a l s o Sumer 3 2 [ 1 9 7 6 ] p p . (a-qa-bu-na). 220. EA 9 0 : 5 3 .p a . a[s-tap-par a-na]. ] May he not fall [upon] my [city] and take me. 10. then [ Ab]di-Asirta will cer­ tainly come up and take the two t[owns.4 1 Like a bird in a {tr]ap : ki-lu-bi (cage). 1 0 . 41—47 [/] was the one 11 that said to them.5 9 . see a l s o JCS 2 [ 1 9 4 8 ] p . [yu-si-r]u: enough space? 12. G A L ] u-ul ta- [qa-al-mi] 2 8 [ a . 1 7 [s]a-rf i-de p [ a . p . w i t h Y o u n g b l o o d . Paleographically. 1506.H a d d a . Amarna Correspondence. cf. T h e t r a n s l a t i o n follows R a i n e y . For t h e c o n f u s i o n o f l o g o g r a m s a n d t h e s o m e w h a t o b s c u r e s y n t a x . " cf. . M E S J : cf.

4. "Send your man to me at the palace. Memoires. P e r h a p s ta-a[q-bu]. I was stabbed 9 times!? He is strong through this crime. 4 2 4 b ) r e j e c t e d for t h r e e r e a s o n s : (1) t h e r e is n o t a s i n g l e i n s t a n c e o f t h e first r 2 5 .1 3 J have said to you again and again. "Send a ship to the land of Yarimuta so silver and clothing can get oufi to you from them. and as soon as the mayors hear anything. COPY: Scheil. 306. n. Ifmdsi c dlekd (Gen. " 3.A s i r t a is t h e v i l l a i n . Now I have obeyed. J C S 2 (1948) p." 14—22 You ordered me again and again.H a d d a u s e d a n e x p r e s s i o n o f c o n t e m p o r a r y c u s t o m a r y law. c 1 2 3 . then I will abandon the city." NOTES 1.e v i d e n t t h a t A b d i . my father: Message of Rib-Hadda. EA 8 5 : 8 a n d n." 31—41 All the men whom you gave me 4 have run off.4 6 If within two months there are no archers. and from another crime what could rescue me? 4 1 . a n d u-ul-ta-sa-as (CAD. "Are c c you unable to rescue me from Abdi-Asirta? All the Apiru are on his side. 47—52 Moreover. "you k e e p s a y i n g t o m e . 2. go off. "I am unable to send (him). Say to Am[a]nappa. and as soon as the request arrives. "Do not fea[r]!" You ordered me again and again. habdltya elika is very r e m i n i s c e n t o f Sarah's r e p r o a c h t o A b r a h a m . 6. do not you yourself know that the land of Amurru longs day and night for the 6 archers? Has it not been distressed : na-aq-sa-pu (have they not been angry)? So tell the king. p. 1. T h e r e a d i n g ti-ul ta-sa-as m u s t b e r e t a i n e d . I will send him along with an auxiliary force. Otherwise. c 5. they write to him. T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : JCS 2 (1948) pp. Is it not a fact that I sent my man to the palace. and he gave orders to a man and he attacked me with a bronze dagger. and my life will be safe while I do what I want to do. S e e EA 8 1 : 2 4 . 1 6 : 5 ) .H a d d a t h i n k s t h a t it is s e l f . "Come with all haste. Accordingly. 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p . O n t h e form yi-is-ma. Youngblood. if you neglect me." But I told you. 4. p . cf. o f w h i c h it c o u l d b e t h e literal t r a n s l a t i o n . pp. your son. to protect your life.3 0 Let not Abdi-Asi[rta} hear about it.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 82 A threat to abandon Byblos TEXT: BM 37648. I fall at the feet of my father. A/2. 4. P e r h a p s R i b . Amarna Correspondence. R i b . see Or n . or who would rescue m{e} 2 from him?" You sa[id] to me. he is strong. 24lf.. 224ff. 247. The (legal) violence done to me is your responsibility. 5 . until the archers come out. s .

pi. "You gave our son to 4 the king. T R A N S L A T I O N : Ebeling.1 4 Why do you not send back word to me that I may know what I should d[o]? I sent a man of mine to my lord. 7 . I will abandon the city and go off. king of all countries." So release him. (3) if mat amurri is s i n g u l a r . I will abandon the city and go off. (2) t h e r e are only t w o q u i t e d u b i o u s e x a m p l e s o f / / > / / in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (EA 9 2 : 3 9 . or like Yapah- c Hadda and Zimredda I will make an alliance with Abdi-Asirta and stay alive. if you do not send word back to me.5 7 Also for your information: 153 . tell Ya(n)hamu. COPY: BB 14.) He is." 4 3 . my lord. together with 8 the men who are loyal to me. Moreover. Send back word to me. pp. "If you do not tell him 7 this. EA 83 s y l l a b l e in p o l y s y l l a b i c w o r d s w r i t t e n V . 237ff. 13.5 1 May the troops on campaign not fall upon me. Great King: May the [L]ady of Gubla grant p[owe]r to the king. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. especially him. "I declare Rib-Hadda to be in your charge and whatever 6 (ha)ppens to him to be yofur} responsibility. I assure you. A second man—a man of his—was taken. but they are not given. I have written for a garrison and horses. now that over and above everything else Sumur and Bit- 2 Arha have defected. EA 83 Pleas and threats TEXT: BM 29797. 3 8 . Moreover. t h e n it is f e m i n i n e a n d t h e f o r m w o u l d b e tu-ul-ta-sa-as. Listen tfo m]e! 15—20 Wh(y) are you negligent so that your land is being taken? Let it not be said in the days of the c commissioners. Moreover." 5 1 . 30—37 may [yo]u put me in Yanhamu's charge so 3 he will give me grain to eat th(at) I may guard for him the king's city. 1 3 0 : 4 1 ) . His family are very upset with me. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. pp. my Sun. "The Apiru have taken the entire country!" Not so shall it be said in the days (of the commissioners). (saying) day and night.4 2 (The other is a citi­ 5 zen of Ibirta.V C in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . May the king also give the order and release my man. 7 times and 7 times. Amarna Correspondence. [and] a tablet of the king was not put [i]n my man's hand. and both his horses were taken. 21—29 Moreover. [R]ib-[Hadda sa]ys to his [lord]. 373f. in Yanhamu's house. or you will not be 1 able to take it back. And so I write. I fall at the feet of my lord.

EA 84 Outrage upon outrage T E X T : VAT 1633. R e f e r e n c e is b a c k t o lines 3 9 . 2. EA 9 1 : 1 7 ) a n d t h e B y b l o s s y l l a ­ bary rule out [t]u. 3 ) . " for if I u n d e r s t a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e s .b [ u ] ? ) . ti-li-ii. n o t t h i r d p l u r a l (Or n . {en)-ni-ip-su: f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . t h e p r o ­ n o m i n a l suffixes in EA 7 9 : 3 3 . " T h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e p h r a s e o f i t s e l f m i g h t m e a n "in ( f u t u r e ) d a y s " ( K n u d t z o n . 264ff. 3. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. " 9. t o o . w h o a l s o a p p e a r s in t h e n e x t t h r e e l e t t e r s . is w r i t t e n s l i g h t l y s m a l l e r a n d h i g h e r t h a n t h e rest o f t h e l i n e . F o r a p o s s i b l e o c c u r r e n c e in O l d B a b y l o n i a n . In l i n e 5 5 I a s s u m e s o m e f o r m o f kardbu. UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p p . 41.t a r ] . reference is t o t h e m a n w h o s e d e t e n t i o n is m e n t i o n e d in line 1 2 a n d w h o has m a d e h i s way to Y a n h a m u ' s house. 30. VS 11. pp. " 8. n. U m m a h n u . my lord}. "certes"). 2 9 { i 9 6 0 ] p . [t]a^-din-ni: very p r o b a b l e r e a d i n g . "Say t o Y a n h a m u . UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) P. Amarna Correspondence. 1 0 9 : 4 1 . T h e context seems to require that with t h e s e c o n d "in t h e d a y s " we s u p p l y "of t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s " (lost by v e r t i c a l h a p l o g - r a p h y ? ) or p e r h a p s "in ( t h e i r ) d a y s . Perhaps "release h i m .THE AMARNA LETTERS Ummahnu (along with Milkuru. her husband). s e c o n d s i n g u l a r ( K n u d t z o n ) . at t h e e n d o f line 4 4 . f o l l o w e d b y G r e e n b e r g ) . 106:40 (a-li. alla-mi ( a n d v a r i a n t f o r m s ) m u s t b e g i n a s e n t e n c e or b e p r e c e d e d o n l y b y u. is a l w a y s i d e n t i f i e d as t h e m a i d s e r v a n t o f t h e g o d d e s s a n d w a s p r o b a b l y a p r i e s t e s s . 1 0 5 : 8 5 . p . 1 2 5 : 1 8 . I t w a s p r o b a b l y i n s e r t e d l a t e r w h e r e it c o u l d fit. p{ow\erful [pray]s [t]o the L[ady of Gubla for the 9 king. L i n e 2 0 : ii. C O P I E S : WA 73. "or. T h i s is t h e b a s i s for m y very t e n t a t i v e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f her a c t i v i t i e s in t h i s a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g l e t t e r s . " O n t h i s p a r t i c l e see R a i n e y . s . RA 82 (1988) p. 5. 2 6 . P e r h a p s t h e q u o t a t i o n b e g i n s w i t h "in t h e d a y s o f t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s " ( K n u d t z o n . 4. 2146°. C o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f f o r m (cf.i k . . 22)." as i n l i n e 2 4 . 2 2 6. 6. G r e e n b e r g . w h e r e it b e l o n g s a n d a l o n e m a k e s s e n s e .r a . 5 - 7. 154 . . ta-di-en. silt e m p h a s i z e s t h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix o f ussirasu (SSDB. as if ti-li-u-na). Hablpiru. s . 36). "to p r a y " ( [ t i . L i t . 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p .4 0 . 4. " a n d . . see D u r a n d . "who love m e . p. a n d n o t a t t h e e n d o f line 4 5 . the maidservant of the Lady [of] Gu[bl]a. R e a d ana a-ka-li-ia §1 ( b e g i n n i n g o f a p a r t i a l l y w r i t t e n u): cf. NOTES 1. ana sdlu. c e r t a i n l y n o t [i]a (Or n .

" T h e s l e e p i n g quarters a n d the treasury were areas reserved t o t h o s e m o s t i n t i m a t e a n d / o r m o s t t r u s t e d . N o u g a y r o l . (2) t h e o n l y p r e c a t i v e forms o f usluru in t h e s e l e t t e r s . Send him (back) to yo[ur} servant. indeed. Sun of all countries: Message of Rib- Hadda. L U L remains the m o s t likely teading. . . 4.LUL = narru. in t h e s e l e t t e r s o n l y in EA 8 4 : 2 1 a n d 1 0 6 : 4 7 . and} her husband. and so he has 2 done nothing for his lands? 1 1 .3 8 May my lord send men to take the posses­ 10 sions of my Adonis to the king. cf.4 4 Moreover. (3) Tde w i t h p r e c a t i v e force. the man I sent with Puheya. a n d EA 9 4 : 6 0 . 7 times and 7 times. p . is the activity of c Abdi-Asirta. to guard the city of my lord so 9 that I for my part may (re)build the brickwork and serve my lord. K I . send his commis­ 8 sioner. 1 0 6 : 2 6 . in EA 8 4 : 2 6 .. the maidservant of 14 [the Lady of Gubla. . as to men's [say]ing in the presence of m]y {lord]. CAD. D I D L I o c c u r s e l s e w h e r e o n l y in EA 1 0 6 . my lord. n. N o t e a l s o : (1) giltappu. 1 8 0 ) .. 3 1 . 6 3 . Gubla is like Hikuptah to my lord! 3 8 . "maison privee. Sumur. K U R . has been joined to h[i]m. NOTES 1. " {Or] would it be pleasing that he had seized 12 Gubla? {Loo]k. [fo]otstool for your feet. K I . may the king. my lord. p . your servant. I fall at the feet of the 1 Sun. 3 6 . KUR. c 13 as Abdi-NiNURTA. w h i c h a t B y b l o s ( a l s o EA 1 8 5 . " w r i t t e n K U R . who is strong. [m}y lord. T h e a u t h o r i t i e s w o u l d b e t h e E g y p t i a n officials i n S u m u r . 6. p.'5 send . 7. . my lord. 922). 3 1 . narru = sarru. 4. 4 2 .3 and opened the tre{asure] room of my 4 [lo]rd. L U . L U L = sarru (AHw.KI-/a: f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d . qtptu = qTpu a t B o g h a z k o y (AHw.KUR. Perhaps LU. {its ruler is distr]aught. be-lt-i[a\. " f o o t s t o o l . 2. bit urli. pleasing in the sight of the king. S .2 1 Now. "5 6 21—31 my lord should know (that) they have {not tak]en Gubla.} and the situation of the lands of my lord is 7 ve[ry} bad. 2 1 [LU-(su) ma-an]-g<z (cf. {Moreover]. my lord. EA 106:15). 257. 1030. . my lord's court and [h]is bedchamber. Milkur[u . 20 [sa-ab-ta]-*tf-»zi (cf. {that he is s]trong? Moreover. lu- wa-Ii/si-ra(-am). ] . the traitor and dog. "All c o u n t r i e s . . EA 84 [S}ay [to] the king. the dog. al{ong with troops]. Amarna Correspondence. lest that dog take the possessions of your g o d . " in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s o n l y in EA 8 4 a n d 1 0 6 . Moreover. cf. Umm[ahn]u.8 6 ) s e e m s t o b e r e p l a c e d by Idru. 109:5. and yet he (the king) has done nothing. H I . with the result that the lands of the king are joined to him. p. Those in authority {have gone off. a l s o PRU 4. . . "Gubla {has been seiz]ed. E n d o f l i n e 24: 155 . He has slept in the bedcha[mber of] my [lord]. 3. for the w r i t i n g . Who is he. is . [ p a t ( a ) r u / p a t ( a ) r a t ] qt-ip-tu. the Sun of all countries. 5. see EA 1 2 1 . p. D I D L I . Furthermore. L U . A . E(to)-u[r-!>i BE]-ia: f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d . line 36).

SIG 4 (libittu)? 10.2 2 May the king. What used to be given in Sumur. and may he send grain in ships in order to 2 keep his servant and his city alive. C O P I E S : WA 48. 1 6 .. 13. 9. 33—39 May it be pleasing in the sight of the king. since they have been sold in the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep us alive.. 15. qa-d[u E R I N . and for two years I have been repeatedly robbed of my grain. 1 Since he has attacked me 3 times this year.. 11. o f wine"? EA 85 Nothing to eat T E X T : VAT 1626.1 5 Though I keep writing like this to the king. my lord. 2 2 ...]. ask him to tell the whole story in your presence. my lord. as were given to Su[r]a[t]a. x S A R yi-ni. 1 0 3 : 7 . 1 1 4 : 5 0 . Sa[y to the king}.3 that they may guard the city for you. 264ff.] g[rai}n for 4 0 men.. your servant. P[uh]eya is with you. M E S ] : following Y o u n g b l o o d . ul-sir^-ti.. [so that] we may have provisions until you gi\ve thou]ght to your 156 . I fal{l} at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. my lord. he does not heed my words. mil-kur-t[\i}. and may he give grain that is pro[du]ced in the land of Yarimuta. 42. 1 1 6 : 5 4 ) . T h i s m a y b e a s a y i n g ( a l s o EA 1 3 9 : 8 ) g o i n g b a c k t o m u c h e a r l i e r t i m e s w h e n B y b l o s w a s a very i m p o r t a n t p o r t for t h e E g y p t i a n s a n d M e m p h i s w a s t h e capital of E g y p t . [and / wouldg]ive [. May [the Lad]y of Gubla grant [powjer to the king." W[ha}t did he give m(e)? I deposited the payment for them 4 5 with Yapah-Hadda. 6 . the Sun: [Mes}sage of Rib-Hadda. 8. TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. Amarna Correspondence. ". their daughters. m 14.3 2 As to Yanhamu's having said. heed the words of his loyal servant. we have no grain to eat. my lord. Look. pp. "I [ga}ve grain to Rib- Hadda. may it now be [g]iven in 6 Gubla. my lord. What can I say to my peasantry? Their sons. D I N G I R . May he grant 4 0 0 men and 3 0 pair[s of h]orses. EA 9 5 : 4 1 . M E S very often h a s a s i n g u l a r referent a n d here s e e m s b e s t referred t o A d o n i s . the furnishings of their houses are gone. Cross). 12. VS 11. : hu-ta-ri-ma (?) [.. T h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix (my A d o n i s ) p e r h a p s reflects B y b l i a n 'adonal (suggestion of Frank M .THE AMARNA LETTERS ma-ri-is ma-g[al]: following Y o u n g b l o o d (cf.

. i[n . it was to hi[m] that [we used to writ]e. ? i .. I have nothing. 1 1 4 : 4 8 ) . from the hand of the magna[te. O n it ( a l s o EA 1 1 4 : 4 6 . 104:16. the servant and dog. n o t a reflex of N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c 'et. 5.l a .l i . p ." so I may know [wh]at I should do [un]til the king ar[riv]es and visits his loyaf servant? 63—74 Who is c Abdi-Asirta. .m [ a . see H u e h n e r g a r d . EA 88:46ff. that they [men]tion his name in the presence of the king. cf. p r o p o s e s i-na (qa-at). At [thi]s time send a [large] force that they may drive him f[rom the land of Amur]ru. w h i c h m a k e s no s e n s e . 6.) 7. as truly as the king [li]ves. t h e c o p y o f VS 11 offers IR-su a-na ia-su.k ] u ( K n u d t z o n ) is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l (cf. . 1 3 7 : 4 6 ? . my lord. K n u d t z o n ' s r e a d i n g . from that c time the lands have been joined to the Apiru. . . [ A s ] there is no one in [your] city. send a garrison [to pro]tect [y]our land. NOTES c 1. as there wa[s n]o water for him to drink.s f a . 3 9 . I keep writing like this t[o] the palace for what [I] need. Abdi]-Asirta and the Api[ru have gone i\o Yapah-Hadda 8 9 in [Beiru]t so {an alliance] might be formed.. may he c [g]ive men to guard his [c]ity.H a d d a w o u l d a d m i t t h a t t h o s e he identifies as c "my m e n " are all loyal t o A b d i . truly my men 7 c c are lo[yal to me. . UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p . I n s t e a d o f IR-su ii U R U . Moreover. p. 3. [Wh]y do you not reply.. U n d o u b t e d l y t h e r u l e r o f A k k a . Umma[hnu—along with] her [hus]band Milkuru—the maidservant of the La[dy] of Gub[la].A s i r t a ( s o K n u d t z o n ) . see EA 2 3 2 a n d cf.m [ a ." or "is not available}. R a i n e y . When the commissioner of the k[ing was wi]th us. ] . we cannot write t[o hi]m (now). 111. EA 8 3 : 5 o f . 2 1 3 . Accordingly. 75—87 May the king heed the words of his servant. 1 5 9 1 ) t h e r e p r o b a b l y is n o t e n o u g h r o o m . EA 85 city. to] the Lad[y . lifves]. he returned to [h]is own land.& .i . 157 . ] . "you i n q u i r e ( a b o u t ) " ? (Cf. 51—63 Moreover.A s i r t a . "What my servant [re]quests is 10 available.5 0 Moreover. T h e s u b j e c t is.k ] u (VAB 2 / 2 . EA 89:40. R e a d ? i . the king of (Mi)ttana came out as far as Sumur. for the people of [Gu]bla in the land of Yarimuta. 4.l ] u . EA 94:12. b u t an u n d e r l y i n g B y b l i a n bi o f p r o x i m i t y or a c c o m p a n i m e n t ( " u s i n g t h e s e r v i c e s o f " ) c o u l d e x p l a i n t h e u s e o f ina. and I would drive Abdi-Asirta from the land of Amurru. and though wanting to mar[ch] as far as Gubla. Listen to me. 1 3 0 : 2 4 ) as an a b b r e v i a t i o n o f itti. my lord? Just let there be one man" whose heart is c one with my heart. Ugaritic Vocabulary. [as the kin]g. [Te}ll Yanhamu to [tak]e the money [ .] . since your father's return from Sidon. a n d for ? / ' . lest your [city] be seized. see EA 8 2 : 3 7 a n d n.. It is d o u b t f u l t h a t R i b . w h i c h m a k e s sense a n d is f o l l o w e d h e r e . o f c o u r s e . N o t collated. 2. 5. lest he gather together all the Apiru and 12 they seize [the city]. . A b d i .

just as it was [formerly] given to Sumur. Day and ni[ght it has cri]ed to you {and they s]ay (that) what is taken f[rom tjhem to Mittanfa] is very much. m 8.5 0 Why should the king g[rani] 30 8 pairs of [horses] and you your(self] take 10 pairs? It you t[ake]. 11. { . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. EA 76:39. your lord. 12. be given t[o his servant]. 41 .4 0 More­ over. 1 3 a . . . in v i e w o f p a r a l l e l s (EA 8 1 : 2 3 . 5 2 3 . 1 3 . "truly. . . Listen to m[e! The war] 6 . ] come out?"3 You have 4 said [ind]eed. take al[l of them]. [ . . . 4 1 . ] 1 7 . 10." see AHw. . R o o m for o n l y o n e (fairly l a r g e ) s i g n : cf. Very tentatively.m a ] . the product of the land of Yz. M E S G [ A Z al-ku] 42 [a-na ma-ha]r ia- d pa-ah. . {Say to] Ama[nappa]: Message of Rib-Had[da].r u ] .lM i-na 4 3 [ U R U b e . L U . Onadi.t a ] i-ba-si-mi 5 ii i-ia-n[\i]: l[a.3 0 [And be in]form[ed that Um]mah[nu—along with her husband.t a u tu-pa-su [ k i . speak to [the king] so that [grain]. pp. 158 . p . d e s p i t e K n u d t z o n ' s l e g i t i m a t e d o u b t s . . EA 74:12. commentary on 44:8. cf.[rmuta].1 7 [S]o now you [yourself] must not [say]. . . there is 7 no[thing] to pay for h[orses]. so we may keep alive until the king g[ives thought] to his city.n u . . [the god of the king]. 8 3 : 7 . your lord.n i l [ a . If t h e t r a c e s ( m i s s i n g in V S 1 1 copy. EA 86 Complaint to an official TEXT: BM 29804. [ a . p. cf." Have you not heard? A servant . and so come w[ith] archers that you may take the land of 2 Amurru. EA 83:24.THE AMARNA LETTERS Hence ra-[i-mu-ni/ia]. Milku]ru—the ma[idservant of the Lady] of Gub[la . . [Or] sen[d ships so I myself] can get [out]. 57 [ a . establish yo[ur] honor [in 1 the presence] of the king. a n d ARMT 1 3 .[ k a u ] . I c a n n o t e x p l a i n t h e m . For 3 years I have been constantly plundered] of our grain.2 2 . 283ff.w a . May Aman.1 2 is severe. but from the land of Y[arimuta] let grain be given for [us] to eat. I fall [at your feet]. end of line. "Why should . . P r o b a b l y in t h e s e n s e o f "ruler". Amarna Correspondence.a t]u-te-ru 58 [ a . 165.t u ] . 9.n a m i ] . b u t still v i s i b l e ) d e s c r i b e d by K n u d t z o n a r e n o t n[u a n d d o n o t b e l o n g t o t h e e n d o f line 5 8 . [S]o speak to the king [that] it may be 6 presented to the Lady. Do [n]ot hold an[ything] back. . . 3 1 . ] . C O P Y : BB 21. 4 5 6 ) . "Yanhamu sent yo[u] grain. U R U .

"Send your messenger here to me before the king so he may give you troops and chariots as a help to you to guard the 1 city"? 15—24 So I listened to your words. see R a i n e y . {advance 5 c with you that / may . p. 6 but be on your gua{rd. C O P Y : BB 22.2 4 . and as a result Batruna was join[ed] to him. 292. 2 9 8 . . 294ff. Line 19: [ K U ] § : ma-as-ka. my lord. Amarna Correspondence. x is n o t E R [ I N ] (as c o p i e d in B B ) . 4 with loud cries! Let an elite force. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. 4. your servant. [ t a / t i . Amarna Correspondence.i l .3 1 {Loo]k. May Aman and the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king. I fall at the feet of my lord. H I . . saying. -su is t o b e a d d e d . i{a-Ii\. and he 2 came out empty-handed. EA 87 NOTES 1. Then he heard that there were no troops with him.t a ] a-mi-ni tu-sa-na x f x ] : p e r h a p s not e n o u g h r o o m for atta. O n lines 1 5 . 4 1 3 . p e r h a p s . f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d . ana nadani ana A[N5E.RA: following Youngblood. the Apir]u from it (the gate). 8 3 : 2 3 . pi. d-wa-![ir ]: SSDB. [To} Amanappa. [i]\x-da-na: "that s h e ? / y o u ? m a y b e p r e s e n t e d . 2. " 3. NOTES 1. note m ) . for if} you die. t h e final vowel is I 7 a difficulty. 8 . 424? 159 . . summa t [ i . pp. A t h e first H I a n t i c i p a t e s t h e s e c o n d o n e s e e m s t h e m o s t p l a u s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n (VAB 2 / 1 . EA 8 2 : 5 0 .s ] a . p . as is t h e u n p a r a l l e l e d u s e o f ana (cf. 8. p . urge the king. " 7. p . P H O T O G R A P H : BB. . your lord. w i t h Y o u n g b l o o d . . a n d note t h e f o l l o w i n g lines. An e x a c t p a r a l l e l is EA 1 0 7 : 3 7 ? . and they have not moved [f]rom the en­ trance of the gate of Gub(la). la-a ta-[aq-bu] 1 4 [ a t . 1 2 2 : 3 9 ) . {then I too] must die. P e r h a p s a l s o t o b e c o n s i d e r e d is [ t a / t i . . ? 5.1 4 Why did you lead me astray. {So} come out. 9 3 : 4 . if f r o m asasu ( K n u d t z o n ) . EA 87 Broken promises TEXT: BM 29805.KUR. and I sen[t (him)]. "hide"? 6. 1 5 9 . {together with] chariots. [ . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p p . . 287. K n u d t z o n ' s s u g g e s t i o n t h a t in H I S E . "it has lifted ( i t s ) face t o y o u (in h o p e ) .t ] a ./ z ( i G l ) ( h a p l o g r a p h y ) . m[y] l[or}d: Message of Rib-Hadda. p.« ' : as if f r o m sasu. He has stationed the c 3 Apiru and chariots there.q e ] . 2 5 . 5. Amarna Corre­ spondence.

.THE AMARNA LETTERS 2. against Irqat. " g u a r d yourself. Y o u n g b l o o d . 3. then . will c be joined to the Apiru. and [may] he hasten [with] all speed chariots and 8 9 [troops] that they may gu[ard the city of the king]. qardu. 4 0 .5 1 [Moreov]er. the entrance of the gate of Gubla. give heed t[o the words 7 of] his [ser]vant. F o r t h e m e a n i n g . "The war is against] Ardat. 1 2 5 ) is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y w r o n g . . I fall [ 7 ] times and 7 times. s . he strives to seize 6 Gubla! And [ . and all the lands of the king. then Gubla will be joined to him. p . 29 (i960) p . does [not give heed] to the words of [his] serfvant]. . and so I will stay 12 al(iv)e. [N]ow he has taken Batruna. and agai[nst . my lord. TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. . "one w h o s h o u t s ." a n d s e e t h e r e m a r k s o f C i v i l . cf. 2 9 4 ^ 5. 1 2 4 ) is w r o n g . {Ri]b-Had{da s]ay{s to his lord: Be}fore the king of all countries. a[t the feet of my lord]. JNES 4 3 (1984) p p . . . look. hasten the 160 . 4. i b i d . But iff the kjing. a n d K n u d t z o n ' s qu-ru-ud (also EA 69:30) is r i g h t . {a-sa-a}m (JNES 8 [ 1 9 4 9 ] p . I sent my messenger (each time) that [he toojk my cities and moved u[p aga]inst 2 me. How long has he not moved from the gate. I will [no]t neglect the word of [my] lord. as far as Egypt. that he has a[ct}ed as he pleased in the lands of my lord. 159. [Great 1 King]. la: following A l b r i g h t . and] may the king. . cf. [my] lor[d}. has done nothing for [his] servant? 1 3 .3 9 For my part. N o t e n o u g h r o o m for ujur ramdnka. my Sun. 6. 1 7 . . 305ff. 10 until] the arr[iva]l of the king. Or n . an}d Am(mi)y[a and Sigat]a. p . 2. C O P Y : BB 17. . my lord. my lord. e-nu-ii: following A l b r i g h t in SSDB." [but the king]. More­ c over. loyal [ci]ties of the king. the servant (and) dog. my lord. . . cf. 2 8 . T h e r e a d i n g ku-ru-ub (JNES 8 [ 1 9 4 9 ] p . should my lord not have wor[d] 11 brought ro hi[s] serv{ant) by tablet. and [ . my lord." b u t t h e f o l l o w i n g l i n e s favor s u c h a m e a n i n g h e r e . A]bdi-Asrati. pp. I have w[ritten] 5—12 repeatedly to y[ou. {has done nothing].2 8 Moreover. is noisy. 2 1 . EA 88 Blockaded TEXT: BM 29800. may the king. n. my lord. the city to him and I will request a town from him to stay in. with all speed. [and yet] the king. Moreover.2 1 [Moreov]er. . 304. 3 [Beh]old the city! He has . and he has moved up against me. Amarna Correspondence. what is [he. and so we are unable to go out 4 5 into the countryside.

8. io6ff. izzib: i n j u n c t i v e ? zero = p r e t e r i t e ? ( S e e I n t r o d u c t i o n . p. "we w i l l d i s t a n c e o u r s e l v e s f r o m t h e c i t y for h i m " (requ?)? 13. L i n e s 3 4 . p. u bal-(td)-ti: cf. K A M .u t : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . K l . Still. 2) 2 1 a-sa-am a-na E D I N . 1 9 9 0 ) . . " a n d .A s i r t a w i s h e s to c a p t u r e B y ­ b l o s . The c o n s t r u c t i o n . AHw. a c o m m o n a c t i o n o f R i b . ) .? / ' la yi-na-mu-us (Or n . L i n e 1 4 : [il-q]e. l i n e 1 6 . [MRIN. my lord. 8 4 : 3 2 . a n d h e n c e fumma. 9. see A g u s t i n u s G i a n t o . b u t p e r h a p s -{dm r a t h e r t h a n -ut (cf. H I . p. following Y o u n g b l o o d . H I . T h e r e can h a r d l y b e a n y d o u b t t h a t " A b d i . 14 with 2 horses. May he not come out [empty-handed]. L U G A L K U R .H a d d a ' s fidelity t o t h e w o r d of his m a s t e r . M E S (RA 69 { 1 9 7 5 ] p p . 3 1 7 . Amarna Correspondence. n o n . 2. K U R . e s p e c i a l l y c o m p a r a b l e t o EA 8 3 : 4 7 ^ . Gubla is a loyal city of the king. O n t h e u s e olandku. b u t n o t e (1) t h e l i g a t u r e o f t h e a l l e g e d as-sad. G A L . x = iG or su. / » ? ) . however. see a l s o R a i n e y . n. (2) t h a t t h e p o s t u l a t e d su is i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h e l a s t s i g n o f EA 8 7 : 2 8 ( K n u d t z o n . from most ancient times.3 9 s e e m to b e a t h r e a t . "look.S [ U ] : a r e a d i n g t h a t K n u d t z o n r e j e c t e d (VAB 2/1. 6.MES]. 3. . cf. [my] lo[rd]. s . b e h o l d " (see EA 3 5 . ma-ni U D . OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p p . Gubla is not like the [other] cities. so t h a t "him" m u s t refer to c A b d i . n. 12. See n. The f o l l o w i n g s e q u e n c e o f o b j e c t . 3 1 2 . Look.) 11. "we a r e n o t a b l e " ) . f[or they fur]nished [h]im with a horse. and see Y o u n g b l o o d . 8 3 : 2 7 . EA 8 2 : 4 5 . EA 1 0 2 : 2 9 ) . hu-mi-[dm. Knudtzon's restoration assumes a f o r m o f g r e e t i n g f o u n d in n o B y b l o s letter. R i b - H a d d a s t r e s s e s t h a t now his very o w n c i t y is u n d e r a t t a c k . p .v e r b e m p h a s i z e s R i b . 1 2 3 : 3 5 . as in line 4 1 . 2 2 . ti-[su-ru] ( a l s o line 4 1 ) : a s r e q u i r e d b y t h e r u l e s of m o d a l s e q u e n c e . 4 1 5 . [ » l u ] .A s i r t a a n d u na-ri-x at t h e e n d o f l i n e 3 6 m u s t b e a n e x p r e s s i o n for s u r r e n ­ d e r i n g B y b l o s . 420. " lines 1 0 . S t u d i a Pohl 1 5 ( R o m e . 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . e . NOTES 1. 7. A in l i n e n . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . see P i n t o r e . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p .h a . t h a t is a s s u m e d h e r e — a n u n m a r k e d p r o t a s i s o f a c o n d i ­ t i o n a l s e n t e n c e — i s w i t h o u t c e r t a i n p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . p . the messenger of the king of Akka is honored more than [my] messeng[er]. m y l o r d " and w h a t is e x p e c t e d o f h i m (lines 2 3 f f . "the c i t y has kept away from the entrance o f the c i t y - g a t e " (setu. 4 1 5 .H a d d a a n d fellow c i t i z e n s . 8 5 . 5. \a\-mur U R U U D ( v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n ) §1 x p i ( R a i n e y ) K A . archers are never r e q u e s t e d for p u r p o s e s o f d e f e n s e .2 1 : see R a i n e y . [May he furn]ish him (my messenger) . a l s o l i n e 4 0 . a n d 3 3 7 . na-re-eq. 3 ) . EA 88 13 troops (and) chariots that they may guard the city of the king. i D ? ta^-si-it. n. u. F u r t h e r m o r e . cf. D e p a r t i n g from normal word order and fronting the object B y b l o s . w h i c h sets u p a c o n t r a s t w i t h "the k i n g . 1 5 6 6 ) .B y b l o s o c c u r r e n c e s in EA 6 2 . 1221?)? 4. L i n e s 1 3 . a-na 1 ( R ) . 10. 9. . [ K I . 2 6 0 . n o t e b ) . A L U G A L G A L ] : cf. 50. 3 1 0 . p o s s i b l y K A B ( K n u d t z o n ) . x. M E S . Word Order Variation in the Akkadian of Byblos. 4 2 5 . a n d (3) sense. w i t h o u t pitdti. l i n e 2 0 . p e r h a p s first p l u r a l ( i . 17. 161 .m u .

5 7 Look. . and so they are at 162 .]. May the king heed [the word]s of (his) servant.t ] a : cf. . 7 .THE AMARNA LETTERS 14. . 5 2 5 . EA 5 87:17.. And so he died. "This man is not the mayor! Inquire. my brother. {then} . Will the king not make inquiry about the mayor of Tyre? For his property is as great as the sea. n..1 4 [Though} I keep writing like this {to thepald\ce. On this account I am afraid. that he may stay [in the l}and and {be concerned} 2 for the mayors. Youngblood. . K i i h n e . May he send [ . } . 49 [ia-d]i-na . . They killed] him al{ong with my sister . 7 times and 7} times. [Rib]-Hadda say[s to his lord..." I made connubium with Tyre. 1 0 7 . my words are not [taken to he}art. I assure you. Look at the deed in Tyre. 3 0 . then the city will say. C O P I E S : WA 49. . May the king h(eed) my words. 5 1 [ u r i . my lord. VS 11. Their words are not true.2 9 "If the king makes inquiry. 322ff. k]ing of all countries.H a d d a ' s m e s s e n g e r was deprived of two horses. [my} lord. Grefat] King: [May the Lady} of Gubla [grant power t}o the king. I know it! 39—47 But if you make inquiry about my brother. 50 [x x] x . to­ gether with my sister and her sons. . ] He wrote again and again to the king. . 5 8 . [but h}is words went unheeded. 43. I know (it)! Does the king like it {that c Abdi-A]sirta has taken the sea {in} front of them.3 9 [//] the king {makes inquiry about my brother]. [m}y Su[n. I fall [at the fee]t of my lord. away from Abdi-A[sirta. and they go utterly un[hee}ded.q u . (But now) they have. killed their mayor. 3 G{ive thought to the com]missioner of the king. then all lands {will be joined to the king. there is no mayor's residence like that of the residence in Tyre. l64f. But] if the king does {not} make inquiry about [my] brother. p . [ . they were on good terms 1 with me. O king.6 7 May {no} property be handed [over to] them. Amarna Correspondence. Exceedingly [gr]eat is the wealth [i}n it. 1 5 . My sis(te)r's daughters I had sent to c Ty[re}. H e is t{aking fr}om the king {all} the lands {of the king}. we will devote ourselves to your service. about him! We are unable to do anything. pp. I know it! 4 8 . It is like the residence in Ugarit.. EA 89 Events in Tyre T E X T : VAT 1627. . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: JCS 4 (1950) pp. . Even now the king makes no inquiry about his mayor." They are afraid. . offers a different i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : R i b . .

. L i n e s 5 8 .5 6 [And] yo[ur] me[ss]engers send . since they have been so[ld in the land] of Yarimuta (([fo]r)) for provisions to keep [u]s alive. . .2 8 Moreover. 6 6 [y\xly'\-x)a-\\\-ih-su-nu. I was in Sigata and I c wr[ote] to [y]ou. Amarna Correspondence. EA 90 peace? May the king [ter]rify them! Do I not continue to write of {the)ir crime to the king? NOTES 1. . 2 9 . Li[k]e [a bird] in a tr[ap]. 337ff. . pp. [He has taken] all my cities. "Send men to ta[ke the ci]ty for you. k[a-li]. and send [x m]en and 30 pairs of [h]ors[es] that [I] may g[ua]rd the city for 8 yo[u].' It is to 6 7 you that I have tu[rn]ed. Probably Abdi-Asirta. 61 [is-tu] . 3 6 . For a d i s c u s s i o n a n d c o m ­ m e n t a r y o n t h e e n t i t e letter. 1631?. "Give thought to [your] city lest Abdi-Asirta take it. 60 /'-[le-qu]. 1 9 . [S]ay [t]o the king. R i b . 67 ar- c na-{su)-nu. 2. but his eye is on [Gu]bla. . the word order. [Gubla] alone rem[ains] 8 . 44. ] . t h u s r e n d e r i n g the r e b e l s s e c u r e . [my] Su[n. Now they have [ta]k[en] my cities. 6 4 . VS 11.3 5 . . I fall at the feet of my lord. [and] they were [no]t taken to heart. "For lack of a cultivator my fie[ld] is [l]ike a woman without a [hus]band. . 65 [i-na]. o b j e c t ." Moreover. Be in­ 1 formed [that] the war aga[inst me] is severe. see JCS 4 (1950) p p . C O P I E S : WA 53.H a d d a s e e m s t o say t h a t A b d i . my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda.1 9 [But] you did not listen to m[e. . . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. Then fr]om Batruna I 2 wr[ote to yo]u. Moreover. .1 2 to me. s[o am I] in [Gub]la.A 5 i r t a c o n t r o l s t h e sea a r o u n d t h e i s l a n d t o w n o f T y r e . [ . . all the [mayors] are at peace with c Abdi-A[sirta}.4 7 [Ou]r [sons]. A f t e r t h e a s s e v e r a t i v e p a r t i c l e allu. 7 times and 7 times]. [your} se[rvant]. . stresses the object and underscores the enormity of the crime. . EA 90 Alone and unheeded T E X T : VAT 1661.v e r b . What can I do by myself? You yourself have been c [negligent of your cities so that the Apiru [dog] takes them.6 7 follow Knudtzon's restorations with one exception and these a d d i t i o n s : 5 9 [qa-tQ-su-nu ( t h e r e b e l s in Tyre). [our daughters." 1 3 . that [do]g* is [i]n Mittana. the furnishings] of the houses are gone. 4 8 . and if you do not 163 ." [My] words went 3 [u]nheeded. c 3. a-ia-ab s"[a].

8 6 : 3 5 ? . " on t h e b a s i s o f EA 1 0 2 : 2 3 .s i E R I N . with Knudtzon (yi-il-ti-qu.THE AMARNA LETTERS send a garrison.s a . Amarna Corre­ spondence. . 11.r ' a in line 4 7 ( c o l l a t e d ) .n u k a . a n d a l s o . Day and night [everyone awaits the coming forth of the ar]ch[ers]I have 12 been plundered of [my grain. c 5. . p . ti-[il-qu] or ti-\tl-ti-qu\. pp. 2. L U .q ] a . hence [yi-il]-ti-qu-su-nu. 54 . 164 . G A Z . p . . EA 91:38. O n ussiru in line 4 5 as p l u r a l o f " m a j e s t y . I f p l u r a l . 123:42. " a n d ' ' a . . EA 1 1 4 : 1 4 . 2 7 [pa-ni-i]a: see VAB 2/2. . P e r h a p s sal-mu (AHw. NOTES 1.l i a . EA 91 A plea for a payoff T E X T : VAT 931. M E S U R . 6 1 [it ti\. 45.r u ] : r e a d i n g s d u b i o u s a n d c o n t e x t unclear. M E S p i . e s p . 107:30. "lord(s) o f t h e c i t i e s . a n d it a l s o s u g g e s t s the r e s t o r a t i o n 26 [UR. K ] U : cf. s t a t i s t i c a l l y . 121:48. K U is s i n g u l a r ..KU]. [il-qe']: cf.t ] a .r i ] : cf. EA 8 5 : 9 ? . 4 1 4 ) seems excluded. h e n c e [ba-za-nu]. see Y o u n g b l o o d . p . 9 1 : 1 6 . 45. p. C O P I E S : WA 56.eP-qe K U R [ a . not sal-mu. UF 7 [ 1 9 7 5 ] p. [then] . 57—62 Do not be 10 negligent.[ s a / s i . P. 1 0 1 4 ) . also EA 1 0 9 : 1 7 .n a a . Amarna Correspondence. 4. [ U R . 7. less p r o b a b l e t h a n s o m e reference t o t h e m a y o r s (cf. . 1 2 6 : 1 1 ) . I am afrai[d] for my life. 94:11. EA 91:39-41. . less likely in a c o n t e x t s p e a k i n g o f m a n y c i t i e s . VAB 2/2. T h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f bel alani. r n 9. [And] al[l] messen­ 9 g e r s that] were b[ou]nd have been relelased]./ » # / . EA 9 i : i 9 f f . a n e x a c t p a r a l l e l to EA 9o:6ff. it w o u l d s e e m . Send ar[chers that they may ta]ke the land of [Amurru].[ t i ] : cf. 3 4 6 . is..t e . and] it is [to you] that I have tur[ned]. " In EA 9 1 : 5 . 8. n o t p l u r a l ( K n u d t z o n . according to the rule of m o d a l sequence. t h o u g h t h e s i g n is n o t clearly as as in t h e c o p y o f VS 1 1 . 1 9 ) . T 10. 3 4 6 . . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. e s p . 9 0 : 2 6 ? . 6 2 [u]r-ra mu-sa p [ a . t h e n [ti-il~]-ti-qu-su-nu. b u t s i n g u l a r .[ b u sa] 55 h [ a ] r . 1591.n a . 12. g a b . "when t h e A p i r u t o o k . 35 Iff. I c o u l d n o t see t r a c e s c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o K n u d t - zon's [ l a . Cf.1 4 5 3 ) - 6. followed by E b e l i n g . followed by Rainey. 3.m u r . VS 11. however. T h e r e a d i n g yi-i[s~]-mi at t h e e n d o f line 4 4 ( Y o u n g b l o o d . kalbu silt (EA 84:35). P r o b a b l y r o o m o n l y for u.

p.m a i .3 6 [Mojreover. and i]f there are no [archers] and auxiliary force. G A Z .t a . am-ma-qu-ut: c o n t a m i n a t i o n b y ammassah ( l i n e 16)? T h e g r a m m a r of l i n e 14 is o b s c u r e . a n d therefore L U . but my words go unheeded. his intentions were re[in]forced. 38). and he strives to take it. so he will go away [fr]om me.t i ii t]i-il-qe K U R a-mur-\r\i 39 [ a . I have been plundered of my [grain].m i a . yi-ll-qu (line 4) a n d yi-il-qa (line 6). . 4 2 . [then there will be no c . .m ] a ia-nu 341ERIN. and s]end ar[chers t]o take the land of Amurru.s ] a 4ifa-na a-sf E R I N . 6. 02/'-[li-ik a t ] . [I wr]ote to you. Free r e s t o r a t i o n : 33 { s i . give [thought your]se[lf i]o your lands.n a ] pa-nu ka-li 4 0 [ u r . [listen to me. 36—41 O king.r a ii m u . M E 5 ti-nii-ip-su LUGAL 37 [ s i .n a . yi-"da"'-ni-en: f o l l o w i n g G r e e n b e r g . M E 5 . . [and it will be] joined [to the Apiru}. G r e e n b e r g . t h o u g h t h e s i g n s e e m s a l i t t l e l a r g e r t h a n da. [May] you pay a thousand (shekels of) silver and 1 0 0 (shekels of) 4 gold. M E 5 pi-t\i-ti.n a ia-si ii s u m .n ] a K U R . ] .t [ a a . / wrote to you.n u .& * : cf. He has taken [al]l my cities.n a L U . 384). . NOTES 1 . sab ( K n u d t z o n ) is c e r t a i n l y w r o n g . EA 91 [Rib-Hadda says to] h[is] lord: I fall [at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. Beziehungen. 4 . my lord. c 1 so that the Apiru dog tak[es you]r cities?" 6—13 [When] he took Sumur. 14—23 He has attacked me (and) my orchards. What can I [d]o by myself? I go on writing like this for archers and an auxiliary force. Gubla alone remains [t]o me. [ . U n l e s s e m p h a s i s is i n t e n d e d t h r o u g h g r o s s e x a g g e r a t i o n .? [ . EA 1 3 3 : 2 .t i ] u til-la-ta 35 [ u i a . . 5.n a ia-si ii us]-si-ra ERIN. T h e forms o f t h e v e r b . . .a n .m i a . Hablpiru. .t a .4 9 [And may] the king. i b i d .n u x x (x)} a-na U R U gub-la 36 [ii a .ME5 38 [ p f . 165 . 2 . [listen to me. M E 5 is a l s o s i n g u l a r ( K n u d t z o n . 3 . 23—30 I have c just heard (that) he has gathered together [ajll. . . 382. Moreover. [Now 6 indeed] everyone aw[aits day and nigh]t [the coming forth of the arch]ers. H e l c k . 3 1 . "Why do you [do noth]ing?" (Then B[it]-ar#G*] was taken. "W}by have you sat idly by [and] done nothing. t h e n u m b e r s h a r d l y refer to m i n a s ( K n u d t z o n . .the Apiru [t]o attack me. are s i n g u l a r . G A Z . ] . ] for Gubla. M E 5 .MES p i . [and] my own [me]n have become hostile.) [Wh]en he saw [that] there was no one [t]hat said anything 2 [to h]im about Sumur. so that he 3 strives to take Gubla. pp.

[ u ] m . [sa]ying. but they have [no]t come. . to the king of Sidon. my lord. that he 9 10 [has taken] the men to[gether wi]th the oxen with th[em]? What did he give for t[h]em? As the three of us are brothers. Reference to Abdi-Asirta's occupation of cities? 2. 8. D U G . ." May it seem right in the sight of the king. mi-ia^-mi: f o l l o w i n g Y o u n g b l o o d .4 8 Moreover. his lord. [m]y lord. ..4 0 And what could I say? Moreover.[ m i } . Amarna Correspondence. 8 8 : 1 4 . that [they 12 13 4 should s]end soldiers of an expeditionary force . Rib-Hadda says to the king. and all of [y]ou are to g o .]. EA 8 1 : 4 6 . . Abdi-A[srati .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 92 Some help from the Pharaoh T E X T : VAT 868. I wrote to them for help. 2 9 . [and so] I sent my messenger. my lord. R i b . . 2 5 . .1 5 [Moreov]er. 46. 17- r . and I sent my tablet and [m]y [messenger] to the king. 4 8 . 4 6 : [al-Uu-wi. my lord. it w o u l d reflect E g y p t i a n u s a g e (EA 1 : 2 6 . Amarna Correspondence.H a d d a a l l u d e s t o t h i s o r d e r in line 3 9 . and he heard that there was noth­ ing (with him). Since there was no auxiliary force that [cam]e out to me. and to 4 the king of T[y]re. p. VS 1 1 . So what am [I t]o do? s e n t m 16-24 I y messenger to the king. [in regard to] my c c cities that Abdi-Asrati had taken.5 7 . "Rib-Hadda will be writing to you for an 6 auxiliary force. he has [n]ow mo[ved] up$ against me. [m]y [Sun].m a " . 7 times and 7 times. my lord. t G A ] (fab) $8elTya.[ i } a : cf. 1 2 [.» z i : i f t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g . that the king [wr]ote to the king of Beirut. pp. 5. it was a gracious deed of the king. 7 . 360ff.r i . he would [no]t have taken up residence in them. . r . c 7 . 166 . A[n]d now an evil war has been waged against [me]. who is he. . i . the Sun of [all countries]: I fall at the feet of my lord.. ii a t-[la]-ku gdb-bu-[k]u-nu. c 1. . . [my] S[un].e r . ' NOTES . 4 1 . « r 3. VS 11. but the k[ing] paid no attention to the words of my tablet and [my] me[ssenger]. 4.2 9 . 370. ii: s i g n e x t e n d e d b e c a u s e o f c o n t i n u a t i o n o n e d g e .» « : sulma Idlulsa'alu as in EA 9 6 : 5 6 . If he had made inquiry . . a-na sa-al J [ u ] l . ] . my lord. 6. C O P I E S : WA 50. 3 7 ) . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood.. and they [have] not s[en]t 7 8 their messenger(s) to gre[et] us. Abdi-Asrati hea[rd] that my man had arrived from the king. " ' Thispl[eased] me. 9 7 : 3 . May the Lady of Gub[la] g[rant powe]r to the king.

EA 93 9. d o e s n o t s e n d t r o o p s . 372fF. L i n e s 5 2 . 47. " T h e s i g n g i v e s e v i d e n c e o f h e s i t a t i o n or c o r r e c t i o n . All. t i .{ q e ] : cf. . 12. 13. see a l s o EA 7 4 : 5 6 a n d n. n. tf-fdi] G U D . [To Am]anappa: [Message of R]ib-Hadda. 375. 2. I w i l l a b a n d o n t h e c i t y o f m y l o r d . 1 6 . m y l o r d . M [ E § ] />-?/'-s{u-nu]: adi. T h e s i n g u l a r i n j u n c t i v e is i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e "indicative" m a r k e r . [then] he will be strong forever. l i n e 1 7 a n d EA 8 8 : 1 4 . 11. O n t h e c o n f u s i o n in lines 1 8 .MES K A L . EA 93 An angry vassal T E X T : VAT 1663. 8 3 : 4 6 . VS 11. 3.n a ] : ti is q u i t e p r o b a b l e . On [ul}-ta-sa-as (CAD.2 8 Moreover. p . ERIN. 6. 167 . 5. p. / 7 . [a-mur a}-ta-sa-al: following Youngblood. "I am [on my] way to y[o]u. "to l o o k at") is u s e d t o s u g g e s t t h a t a m e r e s h o w o f p o w e r w i l l suffice t o r e g a i n B a t r u n a . NOTES 1. 1 3 . O n e e x p e c t s "the f o u r o f u s . see EA 8 2 . Do not the [com]missioners lo[ng 4 forY> the coming out of the archers? He is stronger than the king! 1 9 . a l s o p o s s i b l e b u t less likely is \lu-wd\-si-r\u\ (see EA 8 4 . a n d therefore t h e f o r m is p l u r a l . TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION: Youngblood. I] was distressed :' na-aq-sa-ap-ti (angry) [a}t your words. I fall [at] your [f]eet. K A S K A L + ?: see EA 109. 14. see K n u d t z o n ' s n o t e . 10.b [ a . p . P e r h a p s "to visit" (dagalu.u . 3 7 6 . Tell the king to give you 300 men so we can visit the city and regain (it) [for the king}. pp. 9 1 : 1 9 . EA 8 2 : 4 3 . n. 1 ) . . P e r h a p s t h i s is t o b e u n d e r s t o o d as a q u o t a t i o n c i t i n g t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s ' fears. 10. n. C O P I E S : WA 55. then' the c men will abandon Abdi-Asirta. B A D .5 5 : p e r h a p s "If t h e k i n g . 49. if we are able to [se]ize Batrun[a] fo]r you. N a ' a m a n . [Look.2 1 o f sanTta a n d u. Things are [n]ot as they were previ­ ously. see Y o u n g b l o o d ." 8-18 You are always writing [li]ke this to 2 me! Listen to me. [I]f this year there are no archers. 4. ' . Amarna Correspondence. following a private c o m m u n i c a ­ t i o n o f N . " Cf. R e a d [tu-wd]-si-r[u). 4 2 4 ) .

. 3. s . but hardly an at­ c t e m p t t o r e p r o d u c e a f o r m o f sm (VAB 2/2. M E S G A Z : r e a d i n g v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n . . 8. EA 96? 168 . 1 ) . p. . [i]s'-[t]a-par.6 4 . my lord"? .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 94 Treachery everywhere TEXT: C 4756. R 2. Cf. 4 6 . E n d o f line 64: sa-na = Sanna. ] archers [ . He is the one who has given them provisions. cf. . his] lord. n. ] 5 9 . has examined the words and has heard$ the words! I said to the 4 c king. [the kin]g of [all cou]ntries. pp. a l s o 6 3 ? ) . and so may the king give thought (to) his servant. . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. . Treacherous men say [trea}cherous [things] t[o the king]. I do not speak any treacherous word to the king. K U R . R e f e r e n c e t o a "singer" (ndru) d o e s not s e e m likely. .1 8 Why has my lord not heeded the word of his servant? My lord should know that there is no evil in the words of his servant. cf. Amarna Correspondence. " t r e a c h e r o u s p e r s o n " (cf. L U . EA 8 4 . n. 123:1. r 4. 1. EA 108:1. The king. K f : cf. . see EA 1 4 . That fellow is [no]t to make a raid. NOTES 1. "Send archers to take Abdi-Asrata. "kettle"? 7. te-el. 1 2 Rib-Hadda [wrijtes to the king. his {god]: I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. 119:1. L U na-a-ru ( l i n e 6 0 . May the king send his commissioner. C O P Y : WA 78. 377ff. t h e p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s c i t e d in n. 2 9 { i 9 6 0 ] p . G A Z in EA 179:22.qf: q u i t e clear a n d as e x p e c t e d (Or n . "He would resist (successfully) the archers of the king. n. K n u d t z o n ' s qu is u n d o u b t e d l y a m i s p r i n t . my lord. 6. 116:1. . 1 2 . is-mi ((iG)): p e r h a p s u n e r a s e d b e g i n n i n g of iq-bilbu. c 7 Since I am the one who checked the Apiru. 1592). my lord. [ . slightly aberrant. ] 1 9 . ] . A mi-e: p e r h a p s ame-red ( c l o t h ) s h o u l d not b e r u l e d o u t . . [ L U G } A L [ K U ] R . 8 {Ear]lier the king ordered {with regard] to the asses that they be g[ive]n to (his loyal] servant [ . my lord. 6 5 . 4 . my l[ord}. f o r m o f ta. the ki[ng. . ." Who would ad­ vise. 5. and he is the one who has given them provisions. 4 ) . there are hostilities against me. [Le]t him advise on the spot itself. .5 8 [ .7 8 he has 6 brought them water.

49. M E 5 ] . 7 . your lord. and he said. w i t h t h e s i n g l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 1 3 3 : 1 6 ? . e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e it is not clear w h o is t h e s u b j e c t of B A . " in l i n e 2 5 . see P i n t o r e . 2 . Trub. 1 3 1 : 2 6 . "I will g e t you i n t o t h e l a n d o f A m u r r u " . get [. "that I / t h e y m a y g u a r d t h e city. see EA 9 2 . 114:50. . "How great is this land! Your land is extensive. 116:54.. S i n c e they are a l s o r e g u l a r l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p r o t e c t i o n . w h i c h is a c c u r a t e ) ." 4. cf. 2 ) . 9 9 8 ) [y]u b e f o r e ku-us-da in line 1 7 m u s t be a n r r i n c o m p l e t e ii ([S]I + ( L U ) ) . and t\ake\ everything. . 3 4 . A b d i . yu-wa-s[i-r}a: there is n o r e a s o n t o read -r}u (see c o p y o f V S n . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. May Aman and the Lady of Gubla establish your honor in the presence of the king. 388ff. Say [to] the magnate: [MJessage of Rib-Hadda. simply w i t h s o l d i e r s (EA 127:36. n o t o n e clearly refers to p h y s i c a l i l l n e s s . 108:67. p r o b a b l y U R U [ a m . t w o c l e a r l y refer t o p h y s i c a l i l l n e s s (EA 137:29. 5. too. come yourself with all speed.p f ] . L i n e 2 0 : u^-sli]. Then return to get the archer[s] later on. [w]hat . 1 0 5 ) . at t h e e n d o f l i n e 4 0 w e s h o u l d p r o b a b l y r e s t o r e s o m e t h i n g l i k e [anassar(a)i'tinassaru did]. 112:19?. . when he dies. .. " in t h e n e x t line. [Mo]reover.. t w o n o t clearly at all (EA 7 5 : 1 8 .3 3 • • • The king of Mitta[ni] visited the land of Amurru itself. O f t h e four o c c u r r e n c e s o f mur$u. 44—53 • • - NOTES 1. T h e d u b i o u s ( V A B 2 / 1 . 1 2 . . pp. c ? EA 71:30?. 48. or finally with a garrison (EA 1 1 7 : 7 8 ? ? . n. S i n c e N u b i a n t r o o p s . L i n e 4 4 : after S i g a t a . 3 6 2 : 5 9 ) . "to d i e .A s i r t a m a y s i m p l y b e u n d e r severe d i s t r e s s . 1 5 . 1 1 6 : 5 8 . O f t h e e i g h t o t h e r o c c u r r e n c e s o f mardsulmarsu in t h e l e t t e r s f r o m B y ­ b l o s . we s h o u l d u n d o u b t e d l y restore 3 9 [x L U . a n d several c l e a r l y refer to d i s t r e s s c a u s e d b y e n e m i e s a n d t h e p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n (EA 103:7. "he e n t e r e d . . Amarna Correspondence. 40? 169 . p ..2 6 [A]s to your wr[it]ing me. VS 11.4 3 [Mor]eover. mdtu. n. 98:11?. . 76:19. } Abdi-Asirta is very ill A [Wb]o 5 knows. a n d s t r o n g r e a s o n s a g a i n s t it. OA n [ 1 9 7 2 ] p. c T h e r e f o r e . .. C O P I E S : WA 70. 3. " 2 7 ." May the \kiri\g 2 of Egypt [sen]d me his commissioner that he may take it for him.). 2 0 0 [men] of Meluhha [ . I fall at [your] feet. u S . 3 2 ) . 131:nff. see EA 7 5 . a l w a y s o r a p p e a r in c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h E g y p t i a n s (EA 70:18?.ru-bif-ka. 132:56).]3 (and) c get. EA95 EA 95 Men from Meluhha T E X T : VAT 1668.

] .A § i r t a . '•Abdi-AIirta c]aused the loss. c Say to Rib-Hadda. "I will not permit men from Sumur to enter my city. If the king is the owner of the asses. 12-21 . or (cf.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 96 The king's asses T E X T : VAT 1238. [And] at the same time I am writing [t]o the king about you. # . There s a is a pestilence in Sumur. Why do you act so towards servants of the king? 28—33 Send men [t]o guard the city. .H a d d a ' s c l a i m i n g that t h e a s s e s a r e u n a b l e t o leave B y b l o s b e c a u s e t h e y c a n no l o n g e r w a l k . 24ff. . TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Youngblood. To Sumu-Hadd[i ( . As to your saying. C O P I E S : WA 82..2 7 ' ^ pestilence affectfing] men or one affectf. Cf. 2. 1 0 [ m a t a t s a r r i ] u '-hal-li-iq n t I R . their owner seeks them out. w h i c h c c m e n t i o n s A b d i . [/ kn]ow that your reputation with the king is fb]ad. then look for the king's asses.$ { u . your father. C O P I E S : WA 183.i r . n. VS 11. l i n e 2 1 . He is to [r]eply to me by tablet about the whole af[fair]. i-\ti\u-ma (text: G l S ) . 9—11 You did 1 [n]ot cause the loss of {the king's lands. . BASOR 168 (1962) pp. NOTES 1. ) : Mes]sage of Yappa[h-Hadda]. NOTE 1 m 1..u r ] : s e e EA 87. . 49. 3.s i . May (your per­ sonal) god show concern for you. my son: Message of the general. lines 2off. and so you cannot leave Egypt.a . hulluqu always 170 . EA 97 A bad reputation T E X T : VAT 1598. " I n EA.) that they are lost." 1 2 .t a .A s i r t a or p e r h a p s "the son o f A b d i . VS 11. 50.ing] asses? What pes[til]ence affects asses so that they cannot 2 3 walk? But watch [o#/]! Do the asses belong to the king or not? Proper­ ties of the king are not lost. May 1 (your personal) god show concern for you and your household. ta-la-ku-[na]: the writer seems to anticipate R i b . indeed. 6.

It is good [tha]t you are inf(or)med. C O P Y : WA 202. For his troops and 7 chariots in multitude all goes very well. 1 0 . [S]ay [to . and so what can we ourselves do? Write to the palace about this 2 [mat]ter.2 0 Prepare your 4 daughter for the king. EA 98 Losses from Byblos to Ugarit T E X T : VAT 1675. 7. . your lord. 6 your lord. b u t r a t h e r ( E g y p t i a n ) loss o f p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l .a: so a l s o N a ' a m a n . TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. saying to you: Be on your guard. NOTES 1. And so let the king. see G r e e n b e r g . p. p. 19—26 Nor are we able to enter Sumur. [ U R U ] ar-w[a-d~).. 120. . . and prepa(re) the contributions: [2)0 first-class slaves.2 6 And know that the king is hale like the Sun in the sky. say to you. Political Disposition. 2 1 . 44. A n d t h e s a m e is t r u e o f haldqu w i t h a p l a c e as s u b j e c t . Hablpiru. p. EA 98 has a p l a c e as o b j e c t . lum-{mu)-da-ta: f o l l o w i n g AHw. 60*.] . . n.' chariots. VS 11. : ' Thus the king. {S]ay [t}o Yanhamu: Message of Yapah-Hadda. first-class horses. He has now [st]ationed ships of Arw[ad}a' {i}n Ampi and in Sigata so grain cannot be brought into Sumur. LFM. 15. He herewith 2 sends this tablet to you. . silver. "This is excellent. Why have you been ne­ glectful of Sumur so that all lands from Gubla«to Ugarit have become enemies in the service of Aziru? 1 0 ." what you have given as contributions to the king to accompany your daughter. We should probably a l s o a l l o w for lam^ ( L U M ) . 5 3 2 . C O P I E S : WA 128. ] . (the ruler of .. . 2. a n d " d e s t r u c t i o n " is n o t n e c e s s a r i l y p h y s i c a l . b u t p e r h a p s b e t t e r -(mi). EA 99 From the Pharaoh to a vassal TEXT: C 4742 (12196). . 171 .1 8 Sigata and Ampi are enemies. You are to 3 guard the place of the king where you are. in v i e w o f t h e w i d e s p r e a d u s e o f purris as s t a t i v e / p e r f e c t in EA. p .

u s-f e-bi-la-ku: f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u . RA 19 ( 1 9 2 1 ) p . heed the words of his loyal servants. a n d t h i s r e a d i n g w o u l d leave t h e a d d r e s s e e w i t h o u t i n d i c a t i o n o f his p l a c e o f r e s i d e n c e . EA 2 3 4 : 1 1 ) . see P i n t o r e .i a r 1 . 7. our lord. 3. P H O T O G R A P H : BB.c o a t e d c h a r i o t s " ( O p p e n h e i m ) .4 4 May he grant a gift to his servant(s) so our enemies will see this 8 9 and eat dirt. 5." O n t h i s h y p o t h e s i s . 4. May the 2 heart of the king. s e c t . they wa[ged] war with us against the enemy of our lord. a r e e x t r e m e l y f a i n t . mad (EA 1:9) a n d p e r h a p s mddu (EA 5:10). a n d i n d e c l i n a b l e ma-a-ad (EA 367:i6f. Irqata see[ks]5 loyalty to the king. 5. 100. To our lord. our lord.3 2 As to [silver] having been given to S{u]baru alfong with} 3 0 horses and cha[riots]. our lord: Message from 1 Irqata and its el(d)ers. R A . ina ma-a-du ERIN. m r r G o r d o n c o n s i d e r e d r e a d i n g line 2 as line 1. Severe is the war against us—terribly. M E § . When a tablet from the c king arrived (saying) to ra[id] the land that the A[piru] had taken [from} the king. he said to [u}s. know that we guard Irqata for him. F o r m u l a i c s h o r t form (see I n t r o d u c t i o n .d a ' (cf. N o t " s i l v e r . s e c t . 2 0 . i n d e e d . n. however. a n d r e g u l a r l y in b o t h l o n g a n d s h o r t f o r m s ) is p r o b a b l y n o t a p r e d i c a t e . our lord. b o t h f r o m A l a s i a .a s . sent £>[VM. May the breath of the king not depart from us. T h e t r a c e s . C O P Y : BB 42. ma-a-du ( l i n e 26.n a z ] i . 6 the man whom you pla[ced} over u s ..[ i ] r " ' . cf. We fall at the feet of the king. (our) lord. 7 times and 7 times. 146. To the king. 2 1 . r 2. terribly! 172 . Truly we are guarding the l[and]J May the king. This tablet is a tablet from Irqata.u]-Bi-ha-a. pi. 3 3 . 3 "Message of the king: Guard Irqata!" The sons of the traitor to the 4 king seek our harm. b o t h f r o m E g y p t .MES-^Z (EA 38:5) a n d ma-du A N § E . a n d t h e t r a n s l a t i o n o f susir a n d tamaratu. a n d t h u s : [ a . Matrimonio. w h i c h w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d in t h e letters t o v a s s a l s . O n t h e g i r l as b e i n g g i v e n in m a r r i a g e . it is n o t c e r t a i n t h a t t h e r e w a s a n y t h i n g i n s c r i b e d o n t h i s "line. 6. EA 100 The city of Irqata to the king TEXT: BM 29825.d a m " ' .& ? (EA 3 9 : 7 ) . K U R . us-sur lu-u 8 na-sa-ra-ta: see I n t r o d u c t i o n . may you know the mind of Irqata. p .THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1.D a n g i n . si-ia-tu ba-an-til: as in EA 369:21. a l s o f r o m E g y p t ) . 11-19 When the [ki]ng. 5). W h a t K n u d t z o n read as ma in l i n e i m a y n o t b e a s i g n a t a l l . 4. the Sun: Message from Irqata. We shall keep the city gate barred until the breath of the king reaches us.

5 5 ) . " p e r h a p s K [ I ] (alru). w h o h a d l e a r n e d o f t h e city's g i v i n g g i f t s t o M i t t a n i . 173 . 8. JNES 5 (1946) p. T h e k i n g ' s o r d e r t o g u a r d t h e c i t y w a s s t a n d a r d in l e t t e r s t o v a s s a l s ( I n t r o d u c t i o n . O n t h e E g y p t i a n b a c k g r o u n d . ( b u t ) I r q a t a is i n t e n t u p o n loyalty. 2 9 7 : 1 8 . cf. 144:18. t h e g i f t s were o n l y r i g h t a n d p r o p e r . w h e r e 111 Tde is so c o m m o n . "in t h e k i n g ' s r e g a r d . "to s e e k s o m e o n e . 256). t h e influence of the West S e m i t i c s u b s t r a t u m is p r o b a b l y t o b e seen in t h e f e m i n i n e g e n d e r a g r e e m e n t (EA 1 0 0 : 3 7 . 6. I u n d e r s t a n d t h i s very difficult p a s s a g e as follows: t h e loyalty o f I r q a t a h a d b e e n q u e s t i o n e d b y t h e k i n g . we s h o u l d not e x c l u d e tuba"una N U . p.[ h a . cf. EA 1 2 5 : 3 8 . 2 3 . H e b r e w ru^h. All. t h e w r i t e r s here have j u s t a s s u r e d t h e k i n g t h a t they a r e g u a r d i n g t h e city. w h i c h t h e i r actions prove. a n d a l s o t h e s a m e u s e o f t h e s y n o n y m o u s fehu in t h e l e t t e r s o f A b i . uT-sa-ru-mi. cf. 1 3 9 : 1 5 . O n t h e "breath" (sdru) o f t h e k i n g . si-b(u)-ti-si: f o l l o w i n g A l b r i g h t . n. m e a n s o n l y "to w r i t e a b o u t " . etc..a t ] (sahdfu.n ( e n o u g h r o o m in 2 6 ? ) . Tde p r o b a b l y h a s t h e force o f a p r e c a t i v e .M i l k u (EA 1 4 6 . ti-el-ta-\kdn-(lu)"\ (in EA. 137:30?. t h e y are i n t e n t u p o n war. 1 4 0 : 1 0 ) . P e r h a p s . 1 3 6 ( 6 T h o u g h t h e c o n c e p t i o n as it a p p e a r s in EA is u n d o u b t e d l y o f E g y p t i a n o r i g i n . m u s t b e t h e i m p e r a t i v e o f nasdru. L i n e 2 7 : L U G A L . a n d they g o on t o a s s e r t t h e i r loyalty. as o c c a s i o n a l l y e l s e w h e r e (EA 84:21. t h e very o n e s r e s p o n ­ s i b l e for k i l l i n g their o w n k i n g w h o m t h e P h a r a o h h a d p l a c e d over t h e m (cf. " f e m . 5 ) . I n s t e a d o f K [ U R ] (mdta). 1 4 1 : 1 5 . see EA 1 0 1 : 3 0 ) . 1 4 3 — 4 5 . 4. "place".t u ] . Lines 2 6 6 : LU.). 7. 106:47. s i n c e t h i s l e t t e r has t h e s a m e v e r b a l s y s t e m as t h e Byblos letters. s e c t . L i n e 2 8 : K [ u ] R is v i r t u a l l y c e r t a i n . r 3. " fairly c o m m o n in EA). The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dynasty XVIII (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . "to r a i d . s a i d o f royal appointments. EA 1 4 1 . " l a n d . sitkunu elilmuhhi. " b r e a t h . which K n u d t z o n restores h e r e . 9. w h i c h is his m e s s a g e a n d g i v e s life t o his v a s s a l . b u t t h e I r q a t a k i n g w h o h a d b e e n k i l l e d . t h o u g h an a n o m a l o u s f o r m . A t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f a letter. H7:24ff. I f m y u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h i s p a s s a g e is at all c o r r e c t . 4 ) . p p . L i n e 2 9 : "our l o r d " is n o t t h e E g y p t i a n k i n g . EA 100 NOTES 1. 5 . ( K U R ) . EA io8:28ff.MES GfAZ i s . see e s p . ifapdru elilmuhhi. "To eat d i r t " m e a n s "to b e d e f e a t e d " (CAD." T h i s yields better parallelism. tu-b[a-u].). EA 7 5 : 2 6 6 . see L o r t o n . " in t h e s e n s e o f s e e k i n g his h a r m . T h e w r i t e r s d e f e n d t h e m s e l v e s by p o i n t i n g o u t t h a t M i t t a n i h a d c o o p e r ­ c a t e d in t h e w a r a g a i n s t "Abdi-AiSirta a n d his A p i r u f o l l o w e r s . 2. M o r e o v e r . R e a d i n g s : L i n e 2 5 : ana / ^ . F o r bu"u. the f r e q u e n t e x p r e s s i o n alar larri la ittTka nasdru. t h e n t h e a t t a c k on A m u r r u m a y have c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e c a p t u r e o f "Abdi- A s i r t a ( c f . ) . however. I n o t h e r w o r d s .

Seize the ships of the men of Arwada that are with you in Egypt. 4 5 4 ? . yf. 3 3 . Political Disposition. n o t e s c a n d e) is e x a c t . why is there war {against] the king? Is it not Haya? {No]w. 8." 2 5 . P e r h a p s H a y a is here a b s o l v e d o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . let him give it to you. If. they are now with you.t a b l e t letter. p . l i k e EA 1 1 3 . If we [do] not {give] (it) to the land of 7 Amurru. na-ad-na (EA 89:16). r 6. "why. 1 3 8 : 1 3 8 . 2 . 1 1 . Political Disposition. for they have c killed Abdi-Asirta. . 6 9 ? It is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y a d d r e s s e d t o t h e k i n g . . . H a y a is c r i t i c i z e d for t h e a d v i c e he g i v e s t h e k i n g . T h e r e a d i n g lK-a-(si)-ir-{t\a (Or n . a n d very p r o b a b l y b y R i b . however. n. 5.H a d d a . s o t h a t t h i s s h o u l d b e r e a d .1 8 Moreover.3 8 Let the king tell the 3 cities and the ships of the army not to go to the land of 9 Amurru. 3) is q u i t e w r o n g . mtnu. C O P Y : BB 44. p . p . the ships of the army are not to enter the land of Amurru. . a n d o f 174 . / / a servant seize a bo{a]t. " N o t ( b e c a u s e o f ) H a y a " ( N a ' a m a n . U N : see RA 69 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 8.n u ] m'-nu: for t h e f o r m . NOTES 1 . .. 10. [ n a . 3 3 ) . i b i d . a n d therefore I a s s u m e t h a t he is a l s o c r i t i c i z e d h e r e . 1 2 3 Moreover. 4. N a ' a m a n . G U . . see A l t m a n . 9 4 . . . UF 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p p . cf. and W i l h e l m . 245. n. 4. 6 though Haya [s]ays. " ) a n d i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s .4 since they had no wool and he had no garments of lapis lazuli or MAR-stone color : bu-bu-mar(?) to give as tribute? to the land of Mittana.a d . 6 3 * ." as in EA 1 2 6 : 1 4 . 1 9 . then {the men] of Tyre and the men of Sidon and the men of Beirut will furnish (it). . . " [ . 1 8 . S e e n. s . for they have killed Abdi-Asirta. n. 2 5 1 . 7. [U]RU sur-rz: f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n . T h e l a s t s i g n c o u l d n o t p o s s i b l y b e {t\a. 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p . so also. n. 6 3 * . F o r a n o t h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e lines ("if/when t h e s h i p s o f t h e a r m y d o n o t enter . It was the king that placed him over them.2 5 Moreover. 3. t h e n they w i l l k i l l . UF 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) p . ] . a n d K n u d t z o n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n (VAB 2 / 1 . I u n d e r s t a n d t h e t h r u s t o f lines i8ff. A l t m a n . p p . not they! 3 2 .3 1 to whom do these cities belong? Is it not to the king? Put a man in each city and let him not allow a ship c 8 from the land of Amurru (to enter). 1 5 8 . see Eretz Israel 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . as t h e s p a c e is m u c h t o o s m a l l . 1.THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 101 c The death of Abdi-Asirta TEXT: BM 29827. 1 1 . whose ships have attacked me? Is it not the men of Arwada? Indeed. independently. Be informed of the affairs of your loyal servant. T h i s is t h e s e c o n d o f a t w o . ZA 6 3 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . m 9.

EA 102 c o u r s e we m a y not a s s u m e a w r i t i n g o f t h e n a m e w i t h o n e s i g n o m i t t e d a n d an u n p a r a l l e l e d [t]ay Very tentatively. [As soon as you eri]ter~i the city. see R a i n e y . K . ] : ' Message of Rib-Hadda. 4.3 8 Moreover.n i . o f A l b e r t E . 3. the goddess of the king. u sabdt (for t h e use o f t h e i n f i n i t i v e . 8 .m [ i ] ( K n u d t z o n ) . 4 as to your writing me. Moreover. and go in there. an e m p t y r u i n " ( A . I fall at your feet. } . a-na-yi. Perhaps addressed to [ i a . . n.a n . you know that. p . C O P Y : BB 23. your lord. . note a). see JCS 4 m [ 1 9 5 0 ] p p . 60. "I have e n t e r e d an e m p t y h o u s e . T h e a n a l y s i s of talapparta a n d t h e even m o r e difficult ti-ih-ta-ti (line 13) r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n . 2:6. [ . stay in Sumur until I arrive. no. t r a n s . Know t(hat) the magnate and the 5 c lords of the city are at peace with the sons of Abdi-Asirta. / am utterly ruined. 2 8 .) ^ . 27). EA 316:166°. . 9f. Why did you write? Now you are going to come 3 into an empty house. "you left m e in a n e m p t y h o u s e " ( O l d A s s y r i a n . Berytus 31 [ 1 9 8 3 ] p . . Letter of King Anum-hirbi of Mama to King Warshama of Kanish ( A n k a r a .) l R (for t h e d e t e r m i n a t i v e w i t h c o m m o n n o u n s . "I a m d e s o l a t e in an e m p t y [ h o u s e ] " ( T a a n a c h L e t t e r . B a l k a n . c i t e d by AEM 1 / 1 . 1 9 5 7 ) . A n " e m p t y h o u s e " s e e m s to have been a p o p u l a r i m a g e o f d e s t i t u t i o n a n d d e s o l a t i o n : cf.h a ] . p p . Do not be afraid. Go] in. 8 1 8 . May the Lady of Gubla. [and send] archers [to capture the city of the king]. you have 2 delayed coming out. 2 5 7 L T h e s a m e letter is referred to in lines 146°." know that the war against me is very severe and I have been unable to go. . [S]ay [to . Cf. H e b r e w '"niyyd). my lord. 5 EA 2 4 5 : 2 8 . because of the situation. T h e p r o p e r t y o w n e r s ( a l s o EA 1 3 8 : 4 9 ) . see B o h l . Moreover. and you must not inquire about me from my enemies. the Sun of all coun­ tries. UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p . no. . establish your honor in the presence of the king. A n y A m u r r u s h i p i n t e r c e p t e d is t o b e t u r n e d over t o t h e k i n g . though informed. EA 102 An empty house TEXT: BM 29806. i69ff. and accord­ ingly I am unable to go. Sprache. Now. do not [del]ay your arrival. 5. listen to me. it is from there that you must write [me]. 2.. 20). Know that they are traitors. Hasten your arrival with all speed. G l o c k . Everything is gone.1 9 Moreover. "Go. your 6 [lord. I am afraid. 20—28 Now Ampi is at war with me. 16. n. Know that all are traitors. 234. t h e s i m i l a r u s e o f ba^al in 175 .[ t ] a (cf. NOTES m 1. In t h i s a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g lines ti-di s e e m s b e s t t a k e n as an i n j u n c t i v e .

my Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda. Whatever is left of the garrison is in 3 difficulty. p .3 9 May the king. If you do not ((not)) se(n)d archers. n. [S]end an 1 auxiliary force with all speed to §umur in order to guard [ijt [un]til the arrival of the archers of the king. May the king. C O P Y : WA 77. 2 . your servant. see EA 1 1 4 . Moreover. 7. 5. I have now been in $umur because the magnate is in difficulty due to the war. 3 0 . VAB 2 / 2 . " a n d therefore EA 1 0 3 w o u l d have b e e n w r i t t e n f r o m t h e r e . P e r h a p s "I a m n o w in $ u m u r . " i . the Sun. EA 103 Critical days for Sumur T E X T : VAT 1208. d i d n o t a s s i s t ? Cf. the Sun. I left Gubla. 5 0 . and send an auxiliary force with all speed to Sumur in order to guard it.1 9 May the king. But if arch[ers] are on hand. [xx ir]-ba-ta: t h e w o r d order. VS 11. and the entire country is theirs. "were n o t w i t h m e . Free restoration. 2 0 . the Sun of all countries. 40—49 may it seem right in the s[igh}t of the lord. 52. T h e s i e g e o f S u m u r . ia-[nu]. heed the words of his loyal servant. 1. " Ugar. h a d a p p a r e n t l y n o t yet b e g u n . my lord. then there will not be a city remaining to you. . p . 7. 2 5 6 . 1 §umur and Irqata remain to the magnate. w i t h t h e a d v e r b i a l p h r a s e f r o n t e d . 1 4 3 ) .5 7 and few people are still in the city. may the king. my lord. 2 5 2 6 6. see R e v i v . my lord. we will take all the lands for the king. NOTES 1.THE AMARNA LETTERS c H e b r e w a n d U g a r i t i c (b lbib. 7 times and 7 times. but they pay n{o} attention to him. e . I fall at the feet of my lord. n. The war of the sons of "Abdi-ASirta against me is severe. They have occupied the land of Amurru. 5 . my Sun. As the entire garrison has fled from Sumur. w h i c h b e g i n s t o b e m e n t i o n e d in EA 1 0 4 . 176 . my lord. IEJ 16 (1966) p p . heed the [wjords of his loyal servant. s t r e s s e s where the letter should be written. 3.2 9 So the [mag]nate keeps writing [t]o them. expel the traitors from his land. My situation is very difficult. heed the words of his loyal servant. but 2 Zimredda and Yapah-Hadda were no[t wi]th me. Sen(d) a garrison to Sumur and to [I]rqata. P r o b a b l y ma-ar-sa-(at): f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . "the lords o f H a l b a . UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . [T}o the king. 1 2 0 1 . and give me 20 pairs of horses.

" is a s t o c k p h r a s e o f t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . EA 104 EA 104 Ullassa taken TEXT: C 4751 (not collated). your servant. Ampi. my Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda. and the sons of Abdi-Asirta in the countryside. the son of Abdi-Asirta.2 6 So may the king send an auxiliary force to Sumur until the king gives thought to his land. or p e r h a p s s i m p l y a m i s t a k e . my lord. Who are the sons of "Abdi-Asirta. never t h i r d ( o n EA 1 1 9 : 1 8 . Wahliya. 2. then they are certainly going to take 1 Sumur and kill the commissioner and the auxiliary force in Sumur. 1 4 0 2 . alkd (line 5 2 ) . the servant and dog? Are they the king of Kassu or the king of Mittani that they take the land of the king for themselves? Previously. "what s h a l l I d o ? . "they w i l l kill" (so a l s o E b e l i n g . Erwada. Say to the king. see b e l o w ) . SeeSSDB. E R I N . b u t c e r t a i n l y A r w a d a is the c i t y in q u e s t i o n . are at war with me. AoF 1 { 1 9 7 4 ] p . Sigata. V A B 2 / 2 . If in these circumstances you do nothing. 177 . and Gubla would be joined [t]o the "Apiru. see RA 6 9 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . my Sun 7 times and 7 times. has occupied Ullassa. C O P Y : WA 60. 1 8 6 ) . a g r e e m e n t w i t h "cities" u n d e r s t o o d . Should they ((they)) hear? that I was entering Sumur. 40-48 the cities 2 of Ampi. 1 0 t i m e s first p e r s o n . Hablpiru. What am I to do? I cannot go personally to Sumur. 4 9 . there would be these cit­ c 4 ies with ships. n. and an 5 agreement has been made with the "Apiru. they would t[ak]e cities of your mayors. so a l s o izzizd ( l i n e 4 9 ) .3 9 Now they have driv[en] out your commissioner and have taken his cities for themselves. 1 4 . t h i r d p l u r a l f e m i n i n e . A g a i n s t t h e l a t t e r v i e w a r e several c o n s i d e r a t i o n s : (1) t h e a s s u m e d p o s i t i o n o f t h e i n t e r r o g a t i v e p r o n o u n ( u n p a r a l l e l e d in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s ) . They have taken Ullassa. 1 6 4 . M E S Bl-la-ti: either B I = ? i / or p r o b a b l y s i m p l y a m i s t a k e for til x ( B E ) . 1 5 7 . I fall at the feet of my lord. All the cities are theirs. 3. G r e e n b e r g . T h e p h r a s e is m o r e p r o b a b l y t h e o b j e c t o f tidukuna. i-pu-Iu-na. f o l l o w e d b y L i v e r a n i . dlu b e i n g r e g u l a r l y c o n s t r u e d as f e m i n i n e in C a n a a n i t e E A . Sigata. U R U er^-wa-da. (2) a t t e s t e d u s a g e . 4. ( 3 ) mtna Tpulunalippusuna. G r e e n b e r g . 2 7 . See a l s o Izre'el. and you did noth­ ing. NOTES 1. p . 38. 6—13 May c the king. Hablpiru. p. know that Pu-Bahla. They have gone to Ibirta. "what w i l l t h e a u x i l i a r y forces d o ? " ( K n u d t z o n . 3 8 ) t h a n t h e s u b j e c t o f i-pu- su-na. my lord. 796°. Theirs are Ardata. p e r h a p s ennepld(line 5 2 ) . samd-ma. UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p p . Ullassa. p .5 4 They would attack (me). p . and I would be unable to get out.

.8 8 [May he s]end [ . and their ships. 7 times and 7 times. my lord. . for they are the ones that know what 1 is my due concerning [ . I fall at the feet of my lord. Now they have taken Ullassa. The Egyp­ tians that got out of Ullassa are now with me. are agai[nst it] day and night. Hablpiru. and so now they are strong.? May [an]y property of mine in his possession be taken for the king. } and too[k . When I heard 2 of the ca[ptu}re of Ullassa.3 3 Accordingly. ] . VS 11. and I am unable to go to the aid of Sumur. he has accordingly waged war against me. S e e RA 69 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 3 3 . They have taken the army ships together with everything belonging to them. by an agreement.. "here. p . the sons of Abdi- Asirta by land. . 9 2 ) . a[nd s]o he is against m[e\.7 8 . in t h i s p l a c e " ( B o h l . 6—13 Moreover. cf. 2 1 . . 3 8 . 2 1 6 . and they strive to take Sumur. in "and (t)here ( t o o ) ( t h e c i t y ) has g o n e over c t o t h e A p i r u " ( G r e e n b e r g . p . Because my property in his possession is considerable. may the king give thought to Sumur. the people of Arwada by sea. 71). left Egypt. t h o u g h p e r h a p s y i e l d i n g b e t t e r s e n s e . 4 4 6 . 1 4 . the King of Batt[le}: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. all the c proper(ty) of Abdi-Asirta in their possession was not taken away. Great King. . . S o CAD. . and I cannot send them to Sumur because of the ships of Arwada. . ] . and let the faithful servant live for the king. that w]e may put the case be[fore them].. ] .4 5 Let us put the case before Aman-. Look. king of all countries. 5. he says. but there is no [gr]ain for them to eat.] 178 . "Rib-[Hadda to\ok [i]t. and out they came! Consider the case of the people of Arwada. c Everything belonging to Abdi-Asirta they gave to the [so]ns. Yapah-Hadda is at war with me because of [my] property in his possession. .2 1 1 se(n)t 3 s[hi]ps to Yanhamu. Sprache." [.. . en-ni-ip-sa-(at). and liVMV-Bi-ha-a and before Yanhamu. C O P I E S : WA 51. EA 105 Sumur under siege T E X T : VAT 1628. E . Less likely from the viewpoint o f attested u s a g e . Look at Sumur! c Like a bird in a trap : ki-lu-bi (cage).. . but he [r\aide[d . B o t t e r o .. Rib-Hadda says to [his} lord. my Sun. He has wa[ged war agai]nst me.THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. Yapah-Hadda does not let my ships [in]to Yarimuta. to him. When the archers came out. [but ships] of the people of Arwada were (there) to intercept th[em]. 7 9 . they are^ not afraid. I wro[te repeatedly^ [ . so is Sumur. . . 53. p. pu-u = C a n a a n i t e po. 1 5 7 . Habiru. p .

there has been war against me for 5 years. 4 1 . Look. lines 3 2 . and his loyal servant. in t h e last s i g n . May my lord [s]end [a commissioner and troop]s with him with al[l 6 speed that he may g]uard it. 1 3 . There is war against Sumur. my lord.2 2 Moreover. 1 Rib-Hadda says t[o his lord. and may he send 2 0 pairs of first-class horses to his servant—there are many men on my side—so that I can march against the enemies of the king. J79 . I myself am now in distress. but they have not been able to capture it. VS 11. "Why does Rib-Hadda keep sending a tablet to his lord?" 8 Because of the evil that was do[ne] before. and now its commissioner is dead. 3 8 . 2 3 . EA 106 Sumur holding out T E X T : VAT 344. n. and may he send Yanhamu as its commis­ 9 sioner. 7 5 : 1 7 . may it seem rig(h)t to my lord. may it seem right in the sight of [my] lor[d]. All brothers have des[erted] me. " R e p e a t e d l y . and I am a footstool for the feet of the king. 8—13 Now as for Sumur. 5.5 I myself can[not get out]. . I am not like Yapah-Hadda. and all its people f[led]. o t h e r w i s e . 2. Sumur is now raided up to its city gate. 3. 52. my lord. Yanhamu the parasol-bearer of the king. i. and it is severe against me. in my case. ina [pa-ni-su-nu]. 8 1 ) . the kin]g. as- [t]a-pa-[ar] (cf. and I am not like Zimredda. I have heard it reported that he is a wise man and (that) everyone loves him.4 9 Moreover. 4 Look. They have been able to raid it. 1 3 2 : 1 2 ) . §[a-ba]t. Great King]. " if w i t h K n u d t z o n o n e reads as-[t}a-pa-[ru]. . the Sun of all countries. my lord. C O P I E S : WA 43. L i n e 7 6 . e n d : [. "Why does Rib-Hadda keep sending a tablet this way 2 to the palace?" He is more distraught^ than his brothers about §umur. EA 106 NOTES 1. Gubla is [from] ancient times the loyal city of my lord. I was in [Sumur]. a n d s i m p l y "I w r o t e . and especially so noth­ ing like this will be done to me now! Moreover. I keep writing to my lord. the war against it is severe. the w e d g e s are very c o m p r e s s e d . the king of all countries: I fall at the feet {of my lord.2 9 Indeed. EA 7 4 : 4 9 . {Let him] move 1 in between the two of them th[at are against it]. 7 times and 7 times. Accord­ ingly. " 4. mi\-im-mt-ia (cf. 30—40 How can the king say. See EA 1 1 8 .

s i ] : t h e d u a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix (BASOR 211 [1973] p p .t). t o fight. 6. Beziehungen. VS 11. 1 ) .D a n g i n . K A L . I i n t e r p r e t t h e l o g o g r a m s as v a r i a n t s a n d t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f K I . e x p e d i t i o n a r y force". 1 0 ) . as for all my cities that I have reported on to the king. 10. 9 2 . K U R . 55. K A S K A L + ? . \2^S. C O P I E S : WA 41.M[E§ ? BE-ia LUGAL -r]i. ma-an-ga: f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u . the Sun. my Sun. GiR. M E S k]a-ra-s[u (EA 1 3 4 : 3 9 ) . g i v e n t h e l i k e l y m e a n ­ ing. a n d he is followed b y AHw. M E S K A L .u / n a ] : t h e f o r m is u n a t t e s t e d . S t e i n k e l l e r s u g g e s t s K A S x S U D U N (private communication).. 1 1 1 0 .ME& K I . B A D . I . p . .. bi-ri-su-ni s[a U G U . I n a n y c a s e .r i : t h e a p p a r e n t N U N . RA 1 9 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p .W K U R . as in lines 3off. sect. K A L .[ s u . a n d CAD. cf. 1 1 7 3 . "to war. 3. 5off. T h e k i n g f o u n d R i b ." 4. 5. is p r o b a b l y f o r m e d w i t h K A S K A L . see 8 4 . a r g u e s in favor. JNES 5 ( 1 9 4 6 ) p . n. p . n. # . i-ni-pu-\us\. karalu. o f a N o r t h w e s t S e m i t i c r o o t mgg. 1 3 . n. 240. 105:116°. K I in EA 1 2 3 : 3 . B A D : cf. 6) p r o b a b l y refers t o t h e f o r c e s .b e a r e r . I fall at the feet of my lord. " follows R a n k e in W e b e r . . A O A T . K o t t s i e p e r . 5). w h o sees here a reflection of E g y p t i a n hbs'w bh(. is a c a r e ­ l e s s l y f o r m e d ri. Being a loyal servant of the king. 13). 3) and K A L . " c a m p . [ B A D ? ] (EA 5 8 . 249. B A D / K A L x B A D . n. 2. F o r t h e s y n t a x . The day the troops 10 of my lord's expeditionary force left. 9. all became enemies. p . 3 . s e a a n d l a n d . " f a n . P. my lord. w h i c h w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d . 7. p . cf. §. 8 0 . E R I N . [li-ifl-sur-Ii: a s in EA 8 4 : 2 8 (on t h e s c r i b e o f EA 8 4 a n d 1 0 6 . NOTES 1. 7 times and 7 times. Political Disposition. 10—19 with my mouth I speak words to 180 . n. 8. my lord. T h i s s e e m s t o b e a q u o t a t i o n f r o m a letter o f t h e k i n g . EA 107 Charioteers but no horses T E X T : VAT 346. as my lord is witness. King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. L U G A L . A l b r i g h t . see a l s o N a ' a m a n . n. Rib-Hadda says to (his) lord. 5 1 . a n i n j u n c t i v e is r e q u i r e d . L i n e 2 : . 1 9 * .H a d d a a n e x c e s s i v e l y d i l i g e n t c o r r e s p o n d e n t (see t h e I n t r o ­ duction.). K A S K A L + ? .THE AMARNA LETTERS Moreover. p . E R I N . K A S K A L + ? (EA 92. Great King. ERIN.. M E S ka-ra-[f]i (EA 83:43) and [ E R I N . t h o u g h [(u) yi-nd]-sar-n is p o s s i b l e . t h a t s u r r o u n d § u m u r (EA 104:461?. p . UF 2 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) p p . VAB 2 / 2 . see a l s o 2 R a i n e y . Following Helck. see G i a n t o . T h e u n i d e n t i f i e d s i g n . they have not returned. L U G A L . king of all countries. Word Order Variation in the Akkadian of Byblos (see EA 8 8 . p.

May the king. heed 1 the words of his loyal servant. my lord. Sumur will not stand. and whatever I know or have heard I write to the king. 6 . w i t h its C a n a a n i t e p l u r a l f o r m a t i o n . see S c h r o e d e r . the son of Abdi-Asirta. R e a d fukun ina rabisi-Ii D U G U D (kabta) ina . I have charioteers {:] jnar-ia-nu-ma. my lord. the Sun. my lord. . Beziehungen. EA 108 the king that are nothing but the truth. O n t h e g l o s s . and he 181 . king of all countries. 2 5 . everything is gone so that we might stay alive. 2 9 ^ 3 6 send archers that they might take him. appoint as its commis­ 2 sioner someone respected by the kin[g's] mayors. w i t h A l b r i g h t . ih-ri-pt-{a: E g y p t i a n hry-pdt. p. 1 8 . King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. who is like Baal and 1 c SamaS in the sky. Accordingly. If things go as they are now. JNES 5 (1946) p. . my lord. VS 11. I am your loyal servant. 2 0 . may the king. C O P I E S : WA 42. the dogs. 2 . 7 times and 7 times. I am afraid. i 2 5 f f . but I do not have a horse to march against the enemies of the king. a n d H e l c k . is it pleasing in the sight of the king. that the sons of Abdi-Asirta do as they please? They have taken the king's horses and chariots. Moreover. May my lord heed c my words. . 3 7 . Moreover. my Sun. cols. see RA 69 (1975) p p . NOTES m 1. is in Damascus along with his brothers. . and they have sold into captiv­ 2 3 ity charioteers : /i-x-y(?) and soldiers to ((to)) the land of Su(ba)ru. the Sun? I wrote t{o] ((to)) your father. EA 108 Unheard-of deeds T E X T : VAT 345. 483. OLZ. 2. 56. Seeing that Aziru.3 3 Wh[o] are they.2 8 Then if it pleasles] you. Rib-Hadda writes to his lord. and find out about {his] affai[rs]. n. see EA 1 0 8 . heed the words of his loyal servant.1 7 I fall at the feet of my lord. Great King. So give me 30 pairs of 3 horses along with chariots.4 8 There is no money to pay for horses. 1 9 1 8 . 14. i 5 5 f . . and accordingly. a l s o EA 129:156 3.2 5 In whose lifetime has such a deed been done? False words are now being spoken in the presence of the king. examine him. I have not gone to Sumur. May the archer-commander stay in Sumur. a n d cf. T h e s i g n ( s ) a t t h e e n d o f line 4 2 a r e s t i l l u n i d e n t i f i e d . and the land of the king be at peace. that they could res[istY the archers of the king. but fetch Ha'ip to yourself.

46—58 When I sent 2 messengers to Sumur. has he {n}o[t] plotted evils 10 [upon evils a]gainst you. lit. and he sent ar[ch]ers. NOTES 1. " i . . K A M . T h e s a m e l o g o g r a m as EA 1 0 7 : 4 2 .3 8 . 7. 79.[ i a ] : cf. 1 9 7 1 ) . he^ez 'is rasa* bPpanau.m a i]-na lib-bi \\S\GVr-ka 61 a pa-[ta- r 1 a r ] « ' L U D I N G I R . O n lines 3 4 . ) . t h e n t h e e n c l i t i c in K A L A G . Because they have 7 taken the horsfes]. elilmuhhi). If the king. Did he not take Abdi- _ Asirta for h[imself]?s 3 4 4 5 Moreover. p p . my lord. EA 109:40. i6iff. see t h e t e x t s c i t e d b y S t u a r t . I f ni-iq-(bi).THE AMARNA LETTERS c hefeded] my wor[d}s. lumna lumna-ma sakanu in EA i i 3 : i 2 f . but I did not give him up. . respectively) remains unexplained. T h e s t o r m g o d ( p e r h a p s H a d d u r a t h e r t h a n B a a l ) a n d t h e s u n g o d . after libbi. sfa-su]: perhaps. T o t a l v i c t o r y in a s i n g l e day. "they are s t r o n g in their f a c e . ( w i t h U G U . G A (dannu) ina pantsunu. they 9 will be taken in a day. cf. cf. . RLA 5. ( w i t h and) a n d n 6 : 4 i f . 2. why do you listen to other men? The king's messengers must bring (news) by night and bring (it) back by night because of the dog. p . May the [k]ing he[ed] the words of his servant. 6. 400. we have to{ld) the king. n. ti-z[i-zu-na]. . 182 . I I I A 5 b . they are bold. 1 5 7 ^ . 9. i i 7 : 6 o f f .K u p p e r . since the mayors have not 6 oppotsed] thfem]. see JCS 7 (1953) p.. 4. w a s o f c o u r s e a d i s p l a y o f p o w e r a n d s o m e t h i n g t o b o a s t a b o u t . see EA i09:i6fF. 56. they are stron[g]. a n d i 3 2 : i o f f . the Sun. ulyaskun 60 lum-ni [ l u m . p o s s i b l y t r a c e s (su?). "They are strong. M E 5 as s i n g u l a r . i38:33f." Truly.n i . 10. with Rainey. they will not prevail. e . desires. hfezdpanehd. (cf. G A (dannu)-me m a t k s direct quotation. t h e g l o s s ( s e c o n d a n d t h i r d s i g n s ni/ i r ? . Because we know that they are 8 strong. Deuteronomy 2 8 : 5 0 . Cf. 8. Moreover. T h e reading o f the l o g o g r a m as K E S D A a n d t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e g l o s s as i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e s i g n ( § I R . and rev[olted? A]nd as for the man of [my] god. 59—69 Moreover.A s i r t a t a k e n to him?" R i b .c . 5. a n d S o l l b e r g e r . "a w i c k e d m a n 'shows c c s t r o n g ' in h i s face. 2 1 : 2 9 . BASOR 211 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p .. O n U D . w h i c h is a l s o p r o m i s e d in EA 1 0 9 : 1 6 ? .b a / m a . 6b. Qohelet 8 : 1 . and so they are not afra[id] of the magnate. 166) are to be rejected. (I am) your loyal se[rvan]t. az pdnim. Send me [2)0 men from Meluhha and 20 men from Egypt to guard the city for the king. p. "she a c t s b o l d l y " . Inscriptions royales sumeriennes et akkadiennes ( P a r i s . the Sun. "she ' s t r e n g t h e n s ' her f a c e . UF 7 (1975) p.. c Apiru came from Sumur to take him prisoner. 3. oz pdntm. 362:20). " reflects C a n a a n i t e i d i o m . I retained this man in order to report to the king. 7 0 : 2 7 ? . K A L A G . EA 147:14.H a d d a r e t u r n s t o t h i s e v e n t (EA ii7:27f. The army furnishes whatever they nefed]. 1 3 2 : 1 6 ? . Proverbs 7 : 1 3 . so SSDB. "was c n o t A b d i .

your chariots. 6—14 whenever the [ki]ng of Mittana was at war with your ancestors. [W]hen Ha[ya and A]manap[pa de]parted fro[m Su]mur. just as they please. They put him in [ . have t[aken] the cities of the king and the [ci]ties of his mayor. and [ . ] : tu-uh-nuQ). Rib-Hadda [says] to his lord. 1 5 . The mayors are not just to me. In times past. The king [. king of all lands. . they seized [ 1 2 men of mine]. (But) note well. They are the ones who have kid­ 1 0 napped. my Sun. "[If] the king gives heed for a [d]ay. along with the copper {and] his [ . [and] the king has no servant like me. ] 3 0 . my lord. I am {filrm'i in my resolve. Previously. . c on the side of the sons of Abdi-Asirta.] a man. they are strong. Accordingly. . And you did nothing [about t]heir [actions] when you heard (of 1 them).3 4 . and they sold a soldier into captivity in Subaru for their food.5 5 but] now the sons of Abdi-Asirta 11 make men from Egypt prowl about {like do]gs. 57. your ancestors did not c deser[t my] ancestors]. and they intend crime upon cri[me]. I keep saying. The rans[om price] between 9 us they have set as 50 (shekels of) silver. only power. 7 times and 7 times. the kings c of Canaan fled bef[ore him. on seeing a man from Egypt. Let them {not] be arrogant towards my lord and {towards] my 14 [li]fe. . . and [ . Look. COPIES: WA 52. . I fall at the feet of my lord. [but] you have done nothing. VS 11. . ] . . and soldiers.. [Great] King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king." Accordingly. [in (that) n]ight he will 2 take them. Accordingly. ] Yanhamu knows.4 6 They go about and [ . 6 25—29 [Being at war] with me. They have taken 4 {the treasures of your mayors. t]hey sai[d that] I [was your loyal servant]. that I intend for my lord.'3 As all our gods {and the Lady o]f Gubla live.2 5 {Andso] they have taken [Ull]assa. Death would be sweet 12 t[o m]e. they H bound (th)em. the [servan]t and dog. For my part. .7 (and) they are in pri{son].' it is power. they are the ones that [took] A{rdat]a for themselves. 4 7 . Now the sons of Abdi-Asirta. 3 5 . (trjuly {h]e is a 5 man that intends evil fo[r h]is [lord]. . they are fi{rmp in their [resol}ve. All my towns are at war with me. . EA 109 EA 109 Then and now T E X T : VAT 1629. 5 6 .. I am una[ble] to [g]et this man of yours into $[um]ur. 183 .6 9 Moreover. in (that) day the king will take them. . and {they have tak\en the {charioteers]. [And i]f he gives heed for a night. I am a loyal servant of the king.

are the following: (1) G l S is t o o s m a l l a s i g n for t h e s p a c e (as K n u d t z o n a l r e a d y n o t e d in VAB 2 / 1 . w h i c h w o u l d a l s o fit here a n d in EA 1 1 4 .d [ i s u . w i t h t h e p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n o f EA 138:106. libluf sarru. 1 7 ) . a n d u n d e r be/ kakki t h r e e o c c u r r e n c e s a t A l a l a h . 5 0 s h e k e l s p e r p e r s o n . EA 1 1 4 : 8 . 10. p . 8 6 (see n. 5 9 b ) is m o s t i m p l a u s i b l e . p . damiq mutu a-{na. "to a c t i n d e p e n d e n t l y ( P ) " (AHw. [u U R U ul-l]a-sd. a n d p e r h a p s 1 1 0 : 5 4 ) . p . 8. M E § : t h e v e r b m u s t b e ddlu ( a l s o EA 1 1 4 : 6 5 . t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f s c r i b a l error b o t h here a n d in EA 1 1 4 (CAD. a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f M E § in t h e r o u g h l y p a r a l l e l EA 1 1 7 : 6 3 (ina U D .l i ] : bit kili is well a t t e s t e d in t h e W e s t e r n Periphery. cf. ra-ak-Iu-(lu)-nu. la-ra-qu-ma: i n t e r p r e t e d as C a n a a n i t e p e r f e c t a n d t r a n s l a t e d a c c o r d i n g to context. 896). 2 Rainey. p . & ? . ( 3 ) t h e v a l u e du is n o t e x p e c t e d in t h e B y b l o s s y l l a b a r y . 2 8 9 : 3 7 . 3 . K. M E § yilmu Jarru 1 7 [u U D ] . p. EA 8 5 : 3 9 . "they are thieves" (AHw. T h e r e f o r e . see a b o v e . a n d (4) t h e v e r b is e x t r e m e l y rare a n d t h e s e n s e o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d . [ N f G . [ l a tYi-if-mu-bUy t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f hu^ is difficult. M E § (kakki) da-mi iq-mu- du. lumma: see EA 3 5 . " n i g h t . [ 1 2 LU.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. K A M . n o .A k k a d o g r a m a t B o - g h a z k o y ) . 13. CAD. G ] A (makkiiru): makkiiru is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d in t h e Middle B a b y l o n i a n p e r i p h e r y . i f not e n o u g h r o o m . 11. cf. EA 2 0 . t h e O l d A s s y r i a n m e a n i n g o f t h e v e r b . K U . adi introducing t h e o b j e c t o f a n o a t h in EA 8 5 : 4 0 . K A M ) . b u t p e r h a p s b e t t e r larraqii-ma.u ] t : for t h e a s s u m e d liblufu. apart from the unusually vivid l a n g u a g e . a n i m p r o b a b l y h i g h p r i c e . n o t e b ) . l i s t s u n d e r kakku t h r e e o c c u r r e n c e s . 4 8 4 . a n d therefore w e m u s t a s s u m e e i t h e r a c o n f u s i o n o f t h e G a n d D c o n j u g a t i o n s . 7 ) a n d its u s e e l s e w h e r e as a n asseverative particle.i [ a . p. a n d in l i n e 2 3 . d e l e t i n g reference t o EA 2 0 : 8 0 . T I (liblut). "they l a i d h o l d o f w e a p o n s o f b l o o d " (AHw. 1 0 0 s h e k e l s are c o n s i d e r e d o u t r a g e o u s l y h i g h . 1188. 15. 9. 3 . 14. ia]-i7: a g a i n s t [ 8 } . 4. 1 6 [lum-ma U D . w o u l d c o m e t o 2 5 0 s h e k e l s a p e r s o n . on 2 0 : 8 0 .p e r s o n m a r k e r b y ilti. AEM 1 / 2 . 53 [ T } I . or a n o t h e r e x a m p l e o f t h e s p o r a d i c r e p l a c e m e n t o f a / t e . 184 . 5 . L A ( a ) . (2) kakku is a t t e s t e d o n l y o n c e in EA. n. cf. [ksL-ijSig-a-na-ku. t h e n p r o b a b l y t h e n u m b e r was o m i t t e d . for (a)di. n. 2 5 6 : 1 0 ? . 1 7 2 ) . even i f t h e r a n s o m o f all t w e l v e m e n . I / J .ME§-i<z]: cf. T h e p a r a l l e l i s m w i t h t h e s i n g u l a r musa. it is a n a c t i o n t y p i c a l o f d o g s (see t h e d i c t i o n a r i e s ) . favor t a k i n g the l o g o g r a m as s i n g u l a r a n d another e x a m p l e of otiose M E § . 6. i s 12. D . mat mi-if-r[i ki-ma] 4 9 [ U R ] . 7. n. 93). A r a n s o m p r i c e o f 5 0 m i n a s ( K n u d t z o n . 1153b). S e e n. K ] A M . a n d is e x t r e m e l y rare in t h e M i d d l e B a b y l o n i a n w e s t e r n p e r i p h e r y (CAD. 3 9 1 : 5 0 — 5 2 s u g g e s t s h e s i t a n t or e v a s i v e a c t i o n ("tergiverser". T U K U L . E [ k i . " in t h e f o l l o w i n g lines. 8 6 . 2. cf. EA 7 4 : 1 5 . EA 9 1 . 4. p l u s its u s e a s a S u m e r o . p . M E § yi-il-ti- qu-Iu-nu. see n o t e k ) . T h e m e a n i n g is clearly t r a n s i t i v e . 3. A O A T .n u ] : t h e a s s u m e d s y l l a b a r y g (ia ) 8 a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f p a r a l l e l s m a k e t h e s e r e a d i n g s very t e n t a t i v e . I n EA 2 9 2 . P e r h a p s ddlu c o n t r a s t s w i t h t h e p r o p e r o r d e r l y a d v a n c e o f t r o o p s . a n d t h e n in a l i t e r a r y t e x t (EA 3 5 9 : 4 .

. w h i c h p r o b a b l y b e g a n b y r e c a l l i n g h o w often R i b - H a d d a h a d w r i t t e n in v a i n for a g a r r i s o n a n d t h e n r e n e w i n g t h e r e q u e s t . NOTES 1.a h . C O P I E S : WA 68. p . * 40 [. VS 11. . : ba-lu. 5. 1 * .. [tu-bo]-lu-na. EA 111 Army activities T E X T : VAT 1631. EA ioi:3f.[ .n [ a . n. references t o A z i r u . l i n e 5 4 . [W]hy does he not givfe me] (some of) the royal [property that the ships of the 3 army transport. hilihtaabdlu. mi]-i-na la-a yu-sii. . p r o p o s e s allum ba-li-i\x i i ] . COPIES: WA 64 ( a . L e t t e r t o t h e k i n g . "provisions. K U R k i " .n a ] : cf. ? | > . [. and then]* the mayors a[nd . c ) .b a . .s u [ m a ] . 23 [ a s ] . i b i d . 25-end . a r 3.. 52 .l u . . " W h y d o e s he not c o m e o u t ? " r . EA 1 0 8 : 3 9 . balit b e i n g e i t h e r s t a t i v e or a n o u n a n d v a r i a n t o f balafu. M E S mi-I[i u]. then all lands c [will be joined] to "the Api]ru. . L e t t e r to t h e k i n g ." 185 . Political Disposition. 4 8 . 1 7 . EA 108:39...] [nee]ded by the king. a l s o EA 111:23. 1 4 . 2 . b . . 59. 55-end . cf. A t the b e g i n n i n g o f line 1 7 . Political Disposition. EA 110 EA 110 The army's ships T E X T : VAT 1666. 58. Look.: ba-lu? 2. 48. . 2. . members of the ar[my] have 2 en[ter]ed Akka [in] or[der to transport . f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n .. . trans]porP to [Aziru]. L U . . N a ' a m a n .2 4 [If] this [year] there [are no a]rchers.. e .n i ] : so a l s o N a ' a m a n .b a .l t x . or d o e s t h e Glossenkeil indicate a runover line? tu]. > d below.5 4 [N]o ship of the [ar]my [is] to lea[ve] Can[aan]. p . . ] : cf. NOTES 1. VS 11. 4. 22 i[r-ru]-bu: p e r h a p s .

[and there is no garri]son [at my disposal]. R i b . " T h o u g h istu. my Sun. and brings peace to his lands.1 5 "Guard! Be on your guard!" With 1 what shall I guard? With my enemies.5 0 Thus was it pleasing in the si[ght] of the king when you wrote to [your ser]vant. O r " w i t h w h o m . here y i e l d s g o o d s e n s e . I have nothing with which to acquire horses. 9 .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 112 Questions for the king T E X T : VAT 1664. It is q u i t e clear. tstu manni is r e p l a c e d by kl." W e m u s t . I n EA 125:116°. Look. a l s o in EA 119:96°." I paid 1 3 (shekels of) silver and a pair of mantles as the c 4 hire? of the Apiru when he brou(gh)t the tablet into Sumur. now there are n[o provisions from the king. C O P I E S : WA 57. . ask Haya. But [lo]ok. provisions from the king were at [m]y disposal. h e r e "from w h o m " m a k e s l i t t l e s e n s e . 4 0 . t h e r e f o r e . In EA 1 2 3 : 3 1 . 2 my lord. 25—39 [No]te well.2 4 [But i]f the [ki]ng does not [gu]ard me. Truly it was by night that he got (him) into ((into)) Sumur. sends his archers. t a k e t h e q u e s t i o n " W i t h m y e n e m i e s .2 8 ) . t o t h e a b s e n c e o f m a n p o w e r .5 6 Previously. then I will survive to serve the king. who will guard me? If» the king sends men from Egypt and Meluhha.H a d d a shifts i m m e d i a t e l y from the q u e s t i o n o f from w h o m or w i t h w h o m t o g u a r d h i m s e l f . Cf. "Get Haya into Sumur. or with my peasantry? Who would guard me? If the king guards his servant. 5 7 . t h e n t h e q u e s t i o n t o t h e k i n g ' s o r d e r t o g u a r d h i m s e l f . Rib-[Hadda says t]o his lord. t h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m the k i n g ' s c o m m a n d t o t h e a b s e n c e o f m a n p o w e r . " rather t h a n t h e m u c h rarer e q u i v a l e n t o f / / / / . and we could pay the hi(r)e of a man whom we sent.. . "how. I n EA 1 2 6 : 3 3 .5 9 • • • NOTES 1. 7 times and 7 times. f r o m R i b . " f r o m . I[f ] the king wants his servant and his city to survive. 61. 1 6 . [then I will survi]ve. and horses in the charge of this man of mine. write to me. my lord. in g e n e r a l . 5 0 . t h i s is n o t t r u e in p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s . with all speed. Great [K]ing: [I] fall at the feet of [my] lord. Why does the king. a n d finally b a c k t o t h e n e e d o f t h e t h r e e m e n . then send a [g]arrison to guard your city and your servant until the king is (really) concerned for his lands. a n d 122:106°. 186 . VS 11. w h i c h d o n o t refer t o t h e e n e m i e s a n d peasantry. a g a i n . "with w h o m " o b v i ­ o u s l y m a k e s b e t t e r s e n s e . n o t e t h e s e q u e n c e : t h e n e e d o f t h e t h r e e m e n t o g u a r d t h e c i t y ( l i n e s 2 3 . Everything of] mine [is gon]e through being sol[d i]n the land of Yarimuta for provisions to keep me alive.H a d d a ' s l e t t e r s from w h o m o r w h a t he m u s t p r o t e c t h i m s e l f a n d t h e k i n g ' s city. ki[ng of all lands]. .

b u t t h e k i n g s e e m s likely. T h a t R i b . o t h e r w i s e .H a d d a is h i m s e l f in S u m u r is not clear. [ . So may the [k]ing be concerned] about Amanmassa [so] he sta[ys with me] . . even t h o u g h t h e w o r d o r d e r (initial p o s i t i o n ) s t r e s s e s t h e size o f t h e pay. . May the Sun establish [my] honor in 10 your presence so that you bring peace to [your servant]. here a g a i n . 39. . Be informed! [What] has the king done to hi[m]? 1 1 . 1 2 Moreover. C O P Y : WA 63. EA 1 0 1 . and then he will never leave your side.3 5 Why am [I] not 9 able like my associates to send a man to the palace? Their cities are theirs.t a b l e t letter. O n s h e k e l s rather t h a n m i n a s . p . . G e t t i n g t h e t a b l e t in a n d g e t t i n g H a y a i n . Yapah-Hadda has commit[ted] a crime. Concerning [my] property [that] is in [his] possession 7 [he should inquire of] my [m]en . . NOTES 1. 4—10 Inquire from another may[or]. . 1. 4. O n istu = itti. n. 36—48 Tell Amanmassa to sta[y] with me so he can brin[g] my tablet to yo[u. ] . were p r o b a b l y the s a m e t h i n g . p. w h o s h o u l d p r o b a b l y b e t h o u g h t o f as b e a r i n g a t a b l e t w i t h t h e k i n g ' s o r d e r s . a n d t h i s 187 . 2 8 . 6 8 . 2 . EA 1 1 3 is a t w o . O c c a s i o n a l l y assum m e a n s "from" in EA ( V A B 2 / 2 . 1 5 . 2. Hablpiru. EA 113 War and peace TEXT: C 4753. 3 . see EA 1 0 9 . 9. Is he not 3 [always] committing] or plotting a crime? Look. . For] once he goes off. G r e e n b e r g . n. Jerusalem Scribe. . may the king [se]nd his commissioner [to de]cide between 5 the two of us. 1 6 5 . 1 3 8 5 ) . 1 6 6 . . p . agriitu. fr]om Rib-Hadda [and] for the c 8 Apiru has [all of it] be[en acquired] but there is no one that [can td]ke anything belonging to him from my [hand]. cf..1 8 Moreover. what have I done t[o] Yapah-Hadda that he plo[ts] evil upon evil against m[e}? As he has plundered two of my ships and my 4 sheep and goats so that the amount of my property in his possession is very large. see EA 1 4 5 : 6 . [and] they are at peace. { . and Yapah-Hadda . n. summa: see EA 3 5 . n. m i n a s w o u l d yield a n excessively h i g h f i g u r e . 3 . T h e a d d r e s s e e is n o t clear. 19—28 [Everything] that [is ta]ken from him [may he 6 (the king) take]. EA 113 or w i t h m y p e a s a n t r y ? " as i r o n i c a l . [So send] provisions for the cities t[hat have not] turned again[st you]. 1 7 0 : 5 . . there will be no one to bring [my tablet] to you. .

I did go and I strongly urged the troops to {guard i]t. Everyone in the land of Amurru is at peace with them. 2 . [ y u . 6. May the king give thought to his city and his servant. EA 1 0 6 . rights. King of B]attle: May the La[dy o]f [Gu]bla grant power to the king. 1 1 6 : 3 3 . 494. EA 114 Loyalty and its rewards TEXT: BM 29796. T h e u s e here o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n basta naaanu is u n u s u a l . y[i-pu-Iu\. T h e question was probably asked by the addressee. 10. T h e b e g i n n i n g o f l i n e s 1 9 . w h i c h is f o r c e d . 9. Cf. For t h e r e s t o r a t i o n s . EA 1 1 6 : 3 4 6 ° . t h e r e is a m p l e r o o m for yi-il or yu-ul at t h e b e g i n n i n g of line 20. and Sidon. Free restoration: 22 { s a .l i ] . [and] 188 .2 1 : [ k a . 5. cf. w i t h r e g a r d t o . 2 .3 4 Look. 3 .i l . he has. w h e n t h e l i t i g a n t s are t h r e e . 5 2 ) . p. 7 times and 7 times. "friends" in EA 1 2 6 : 1 6 . and the ransom price between us he has set at 50 1 (shekels of) silver. 1 1 7 : 6 7 6 ° .a ] it-ti-[iu yi-sa-al] 23 £a-na L ] U . I am the enemy. t h a t . ) . 7. {kunf} is first p e r s o n d u a l p r o ­ n o m i n a l suffix. and obligations.H a d d a n o w q u o t e s .s u ] 26 [gab-ba]. 1 8 . B o t h t e r m s s e e m t o i m p l y e q u a l i t y o f r a n k . e l s e w h e r e o n t h e t a b l e t t h e s p a c e c o r r e s p o n d s t o t h r e e or f o u r s i g n s . o n i n q u i r y .[ p u . 8. as required by the parallelism w i t h the indicative yalkunu./ < * . but now they have abandoned it. N o t "the t w o o f you" (BASOR 2 1 1 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p .1 7 that Aziru is at war with me. W h a t e v e r t h e n t h e e x p l a n a t i o n . N o t e . a l s o EA 3 4 : 3 3 . I fall at the feet of my lord. my lord.THE AMARNA LETTERS s e n s e s e e m s t o fit t h e c o n t e x t b e t t e r t h a n " a b o u t . EA 1 1 7 : 6 4 6 ° . He has seized 12 men of mine. 4.q e ] . my lord.H a d d a says t h a t . then send back word so I can know what action I am to take. my peas(an)try long only to desert. [ y i . I assure you. Beirut. I assure you. It was the men whom I sent to Sumur that he has 2 3 seized.q u . for this very reason been going to sea to seize my ships. 2 6 . n o t e h ) .u l ] . know 7 . C O P Y : BB 13. [Rib-Hadda says] to [his] lord. t h e n ina bertnu r e p l a c e s ina berTkunT(ci. EA a r e 120:45). [king of all countries. . any o t h e r ruler will c o n f i r m t h e c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s o f Y a p a h - Hadda. w h o m R i b . C o n t r a r y t o K n u d t z o n (VAB 2/1. cf. n. seized a ship of mine. In Wahliya are the ships of the rulers of Tyre. my Sun. Free r e s t o r a t i o n : / / > . 5 Look. " R i b . T h e o t h e r m a y o r s . Great King. here c a l l e d "associates" (cf. M E § . S e e EA 5 5 . however.2 6 and he has. n. I (must) keep writing like (th)is to you about Sumur. 4 If you are unable to rescue m[e] from my enemies. May the king. As Yapah-Hadda is now on the side of Aziru against me.

5 9 Look. I reject K n u d t z o n ' s v e r s i o n . 4. 85:66°. 3 6 2 : 2 1 ! ? ) . . a n d p e r h a p s h e r e . 5 1 .5 0 If you are unable to fetch you[r] servant. 3 . n n . 5 . EA 7 9 : 4 0 . "ships" [eleppetu]. 9 0 : 1 8 ? ? . NOTES 1 . 5 9 .m a r k e r s in lines ioff. l i k e t h i s . ] a messenger of mine time and again.. 1 1 9 : 1 0 ? . Moreover. EA 114 6 the garrison {. Prefvijously.has deserted}. for they make a mayor who serves you with 14 loyalty prowl about. a l o n g w i t h o u r i g n o r a n c e o f t h e l o c a t i o n o f W a h l i y a . . the s a m e s u b j e c t . 2. 3 5 )'. the enemies of the king. 7 3 . for t h i s r e s u l t s in a c o n s t r u c t i o n w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s ( f e m i n i n e p l u r a l s u b j e c t . w i t h i n v e r s i o n o f w o r d o r d e r s t r e s s i n g t h e i d e n ­ t i t y o f t h e m e n w h o were s e i z e d . " see I n t r o d u c t i o n . then send 10 archers to fetch me. now 1 Yapah-Hadda does not let them go. cf. 8 9 : 7 .. For 2 months he has been encamped against me. kVamma. O f c o u r s e . as are his mayors. w h o n o w h o l d s W a h l i y a (EA 104:11). ask the other Amanmassa if it was not (from) Alasiya that 12 I sent him to you. For what reason is your loyal servant so treated? For service to you! 4 4 . " s h a d e s over i n t o 189 . .. The ene­ mies of the king are at war with me... t h e n it c o u l d n o t serve as a p o r t . m a k e s t h e d i v i s i o n o f c l a u s e s a n d t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e lines q u i t e difficult. t h o u g h it m i g h t refer t o a n o t h e r c r i m e . a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h t h e s h i p s o f t h e t h r e e c i t i e s c a p t u r e t h e m e n s e n t to J u m u r . ( ) anumma never i n t r o d u c e s a s u b o r d i n a t e c l a u s e . to whom he gives thought. is q u i t e c o m m o n (EA 74:49. n. 1 2 2 : 5 3 ? . b u t w h e t h e r s h i p s m i g h t a s a r e s u l t b e at p e a c e w i t h t h e p e o p l e o f A m u r r u is n o t clear. 35—43 How often did I send him and he was unable to get into Sumur! They have blocked 9 all the roads against him.7 4 . Give thought to your Joyal servant. give thought to me. . T h e u n u s u a l a b s e n c e o f c o o r d i n a t i n g c o n j u n c t i o n s a n d c l a u s e . for t h e f o l l o w i n g reasons: (1) kttna a s a c o n j u n c t i o n o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s (EA 1 2 7 : 3 1 ) . I take « . 5 5 . m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r v e r b . That fellow looks with pleasure on the war against me and against Sumur. ki-(a)-ma. 9 1 : 2 7 . S e e EA 1 0 9 . 1 1 8 : 8 . i o 6 : 8 f £ . It would be good to be with you. sab(b)at as an e x p l a n a t o r y c l a u s e . P e r h a p s "in W a h l i y a " b e l o n g s w i t h t h i s c l a u s e . u s u a l l y in t h e i n d i c a t i v e . Who will be loyal were I to die? Look.} . And {for this reason I keep wr]itingJ I have 8 sent [." For this reason my situation is extremely grave. la-qa-i\a\. asa). I t a k e t h e r e m a r k o n t h e s h i p s as i n t e n d e d t o s h o w t h e f r i e n d s h i p o f t h e t h r e e cities t o A z i r u . 9. ( 3 ) anumma . Yapah-Hadda is on the side of Aziru. . r a t h e r t h a n ki-ma. O c c a s i o n a l l y . 8 2 : 7 . . in EA 1 0 5 : 2 0 ? . u s u a l l y " t h u s .. h a s a t h i r d f e m i n i n e p l u r a l v e r b . I 2: 1 2 8 5 : 6 . 1 0 3 : 2 0 . anumma not infrequently i n t r o d u c e s c o o r d i n a t e c l a u s e s (EA 7 8 : 1 ? ? . i f W a h l i y a w a s not o n t h e c o a s t .. O n "men" in t h e s e n s e o f " r u l e r s . w h e r e a s anumma ki'amma followed b y lapdru. my peasantry got provisions from the land of Yarimuta. but now.6 9 W{hy are you negligent? ! {The king must} send a garrison {toprotect] yo[ur loya]l {servant.

v e r b s in t h e p l u r a l ) . S u m u r . . w h i l e he is u n c o n c e r n e d for t h e loyal Rib-Hadda. 1 1 2 : 3 4 . L i n e s 5.9 : 5 [. as R i b . t h i s b e i n g t h e case" (cf. 6. a l s o L U . 13.H a d d a n o t e s s o o f t e n . M E S massartu is p r o b a b l y therefore p l u r a l (tussarund).r u yu)-wa-si-ru-na 62 [a-na na-sa-ar 1 R k i . VS 11. In EA 1 2 6 : 2 5 . t h e s u b j e c t o f Ttezib ( l i n e 3 0 ) is n o t massartu. M E S as m a s c u l i n e s i n g u l a r in EA 7 6 : 3 8 ^ . EA 7 9 : 3 0 / 1 2 5 : 1 4 (referred t o b y p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix in lines 3 3 / 1 8 . n. on 1 1 7 : 5 0 . T h e t r a n s l a t i o n o f lines 52f. line 5 4 . EA 103:37). 1 3 0 : 3 7 (massartu s u b j e c t .H a d d a freeing Alasia. though f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r (tussaru) is a l s o p o s s i b l e . 8 3 : 4 6 6 ° . a n d it c a n o n l y be J . 1 9 4 0 ) . H i l l . 4 3 . 1. see EA 1 0 9 . p .t u ] (cf.l ] a . EA 126:25. 1 0 3 : 3 7 . a r e p r e s e r v e d . 10. 1 1 7 : 2 4 .l ] a . 1 0 3 5 2 0 . T h e r e f o r e . t h e s e q u e n c e ezebu- patdru in EA 7 3 : 1 3 ^ .t ] i . cf. b u t h o w or w h y R i b . History of Cyprus. 1 ( C a m b r i d g e . 1 1 8 : 3 4 ^ ) . n. M E S ) massartu is in all clear c a s e s c o n s t r u e d adsensum as m a s c u l i n e p l u r a l : cf. . EA 1 1 7 : 7 6 6 ° . E x c e p t for t h e c u r i o u s marsa (EA 1 0 3 : 4 9 ) . 4 9 . Cf.n a . EA 115 Message lost T E X T : VAT 1630. O n ti-da-lu-na ( l i n e 6 5 ) .H a d d a s h o u l d s e n d a n y o n e f r o m or v i a A l a s i a r e m a i n s o b s c u r e . 9. M E S massartu as s y n o n y m o u s . 1 1 . p e r h a p s [ii e n . "so. Free restoration: 6 1 [ L U G A L . see EA 1 1 6 . L [ A . 190 . 1 1 9 : 1 1 ) . Cf. [ k i . " T h e k i n g is c o n ­ c e r n e d for t h o s e w h o are d i s l o y a l t o h i m . 1 2 6 : 4 0 . Cf. F. .R I N .THE AMARNA LETTERS t h e i l l a t i v e .t a p ] .. t o earlier a n d b e t t e r d a y s ? 14. B e s i d e s . 7 . A m u r r u .MES is i m m e d i a t e l y followed *by E R I N .b i . NOTE 1.a t . 1 Too fragmentary for translation.r u ] : cf. EA 74:62^ 11. v o l .k [ a . 12. n. M E S 7 L U . 8 2 : 4 2 ^ . 2 7 . EA io6:i7f. EA 9 1 : 2 7 .n a i s . has R i b .t a ) . t h e a g r e e ­ m e n t w i t h E R I N . T h e w o r d o r d e r p u t s s t r e s s o n t h e p l a c e . in c o n t r a s t . r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . 60. E R I N . "in t h e s e c i r c u m ­ stances" [ K n u d t z o n ] . " s i n c e a t t h i s t i m e t h e r e w a s n o l o n g e r a g a r r i s o n at B y b l o s . ( E R I N .. Cf. 49f. P r o b a b l y a p e r s o n a l n a m e in t h e b r e a k . cf.a t / t a ) or T I ( T I . 8 1 ) .t a : t h e s p a c e s e e m s t o o l a r g e t o b e filled b y e i t h e r ba ( [ b a . L i n e 3 1 : [ii p a . w h y " p r o v i s i o n s for the g a r r i ­ s o n . 1 2 4 : 1 2 . 2. B o t h sdbu a n d massartu m u s t refer t o t h e same t r o o p s . tf-[na] 6 0 [ m i . a n d p e r h a p s t h e difficulties o f r e s c u i n g S u m u r . M E § massdru. A l e t t e r t o t h e k i n g o f w h i c h 1 4 lines o n t h e o b v e r s e a n d 9 o n t h e r e v e r s e .r » : cf. 8. a l s o referred t o by p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix (EA 1 1 7 : 7 9 .n a . all o f t h e m f r a g m e n t a r y . C O P I E S : WA 69. M E S (sdbu) u n d e r s t o o d . . 7. " G i v e t h o u g h t t o y o u r loyal s e r v a n t .. T h e r e a r e references t o A z i r u . P e r h a p s "to it" ( $ u m u r ) . see below.n i q a . by S m i t h in G . where ERIN.

s e . for [Yapah-Hadda keeps devising] evil upon evil against me.n a i . king of all countries. Accordingly. my lord. there is no o n e t h a t c a n save t h e city f r o m h i m . 2 5 . note that we have been loyal servants of the king from ancie[nt ti]mes. let the king take everything for himself.2 4 Moreover. But give thought to the fact that I am your loyal servant. Moreover. all my towns c have been joined to the Api[ru]. give thought to Sumu[r]. and all of them [are extremely hostile} to 6 me. .4 4 If the king gives (the property) to his servant. "in t h e c o u n t r y s i d e " (cf. O king! Note: did not your 191 . my [lord]. Their actions [are hosti}le to me. on the other hand. know that the war [again]st us is very severe. but I have nothing but distress. They have no[th]ing. Gubla. EA 104:48) 7 [. may the king tell them to decide between us.i a . As to its being told to you.b u U R ] U i-na qa-ti-[s\i u] 9 [ k i . he bound him. Moreover. the Sun.6 9 Moreover. " N o t e w e l l . C O P Y : WA 61.3 3 And here is how Yapah-Hadda is not just in my regard: 2 when my man arrived. EA 116 i]-na se-[n]. King of [Ba]ttle: May the Lady of Gub[la gr]ant power to the king. and the sons of 1 c Abdi-Asirta seized it. having paid ransom money. It was by nig[ht] that I got them in. well and good! Or.m u . I fall at the feet of [m]y lord. su\m-ma i-ia-nu s[a-a] 8 [ u . a n d so S u m u r is d i s h e a r t e n e d . . [The war] is very severe. Look. my situa­ 9 tion is [ext]remely gra[ve]. Great [Kin]g. And so there has been no one to carry wor[d t]o the king. some twice.n ] u llb-ba a-na U R [ U s u .z i . some three 7 times. and I am unable [to d]o anything. [7 times] and 7 times. note that I 10 am [your] loyal servant. and the messengers that [came} from the palace were [u]nab[le] to get [in]to Sumur. 6—16 May the king. " EA 116 Who do they think they are? TEXT: C 4752 (not collated). Now as the king is going to send the royal commis­ sioners.r i . 44—55 May the king heed the words of his loyal servant and give provisions to his servant and his maidservant. 5 5 . No[te] this matter. {Rib-Had]da writes t[o his lord]. and whatever I hear I write to [my] lord. May what is due to me [be gi}ven\5 4 it is very much.n a .' Moreover. "Sumur belongs to the king. 3 4 . Note that I am the dirt at your feet. it would please me were I with you and so at peace." may the [ki]ng know that there was an attack on our garrison. Aziru and 8 Yapah-Hadda have made an agreement against m e . It is like a bird in a t[rap] : ki-lu-[bi} (cage). 1 7 .

w h i c h a l s o refers t o t h e litigation between R i b . 6. 2 . mar -sa-ma? x E r r o r for mur-su-ma? 11. "my p r o p e r t y . B o t h AHw.7 4 The king of Mittani? The king of Kassu? The king of Hatti? May the king send archers (and) Yanha(mu) along with 12 [the prefects from the land of Yarimuta. 1 3 8 : 1 3 5 ) . " C o m e s o w e c a n r e a c h a n a g r e e m e n t b e t w e e n u s " ( D a l l e y et a l . 4 7 1 ) . [ K U R . L i n e 8: yu-qa-bu-na... amur. 1 0 3 5 1 0 . a g a i n s t t h e avail­ c a b l e e v i d e n c e ( H e b r e w ) . W e r e it n o t for t h e r e s u l t i n g very l o w s u m s . 10). 5 . u n d e r s t o o d (cf. : ma-qa-ti-ma rf-(na) U N . T h e s y n t a x is n o t clear. s o m e for t h r e e . that they have [t]aken the lands of the king for themselves? 7 0 . NOTES 1. cf. a n d t h e s a m e r u l e e l s e w h e r e .8 0 The commissioner from Kumidu [.] . sabtu-h. 15:86°. EA 1 0 3 : 8 .H a d d a and Y a p a h .. n o t a n a d j e c t i v e (AHw. t h a t *ma dnu w a s o f f e m i n i n e g e n d e r . third feminine s i n g u l a r ) o f yad(d)ina kitttya ina qattya in EA n 8 : i 6 f . following Izre'el. iballdtt. T h e s u b j e c t is not kitttya (CAD. suffix r e f e r r i n g t o massartu (see EA 1 0 3 . " or s o m e t h i n g s i m i l a r . is a s p e c i a l d e v e l o p m e n t ) .6 1 o f santta amur. 9. which w o u l d have r e q u i r e d ma'idat... ( 3 ) t h e m o t i v a t i o n for "oar g a r r i s o n " is not clear. ibalsdtunu.n u . 1 2 5 : 3 1 . (3) t h i s a s s u m e s t h e s u d d e n i n t r u s i o n o f C a n a a n i t e a n d n e c e s s i t a t e s p o s t u l a t i n g . 192 . s o m e t h r e e . and CAD. rakla-Iu is a v e r b (cf.THE AMARNA LETTERS father come out and visit (his) lands and his mayors?" And now the gods and the Sun and the Lady of Gubla have granted that you be seated on the throne of your father's house (to rule) your land. a n d p r o b a b l y several t i m e s at U g a r i t ( R a i n e y .). K . 1 4 0 a n d 4 3 7 ( t h o u g h on p . samttT. p r o b a b l y t h e p a s s i v e f o r m (tuttanaltuddana. qabftt. 3 3 3 U N is t a k e n a s massartu) a g r e e in r e a d i n g ma-ka -tiA ma-a-un-nu. EA 6 9 . EA n 8 : i 6 f f . . ytpusu). (2) it is a s s u m e d t h a t t h e r e is a s i g n o m i t t e d ( b u t cf. 1 6 9 . 2 . 948). A/i. 1 1 7 . n. " T h e difficulties w i t h t h i s r e a d i n g : (1) ka A o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s (ka -bi-it.t ] u m : cf. . CAD. M / i . 20b). t h e s t a t e m e n t m a k e s l i t t l e s e n s e . .. 4 EA 8 8 : 1 7 ) . P e r h a p s " s o m e for t w o ( p e r s o n s ) . EA 1 0 5 : 3 8 ) . 7. [tu]-ta-na. 1 1 4 . n o . n. p. the sons of "Abdi-Asirta. L i n e s r i f .. n. 6. "I l a c k a d w e l l i n g .H a d d a . p. 591 and 637. EA 7 4 : 1 3 . 2 3 4 : i 5 ( ? ) . For awata leqii ina bin. 3. D i f f i c u l t i e s : (1) in EA. p p . T h e c o n t e x t s e e m s t o r e q u i r e a n i t e r a t i v e (yaskunu. 10. see JCS 4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p . 4. laqttt. raksii-{Iu)nu. " I r e a d apil ( a c t i v e ? p a s s i v e ? ) . e s p . in o r d e r t o e x p l a i n t h e suffix on sabtu-h.. n. IOS 3 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . santta amur. (4) in c o n t e x t .w : n a r r a t i v e infinitive. 8 6 . p. 1 9 ] . o n e m i g h t a l s o c o n s i d e r " S o m e f e t c h e d (abil) t w o ( s h e k e l s ) . p p . EA 1 0 9 : 2 7 ) . as r a n s o m m o n e y " (cf. e t c . UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . as in EA 114:31. T h e s e q u e n c e in l i n e s 5 5 . ma'id is p r e d i c a t e d o f mimmtya. . a n d alkamma awatam ina birttini i nilqe. 4 4 ) . (2) o f a t h i r d w e a k v e r b t h e f o r m e x p e c t e d here is makttt(zt B y b l o s . s t a t i v e o f apdlu. 8. Who are they. U N = massartu. 3 . . O n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n . 1 3 6 : 1 8 . elilmuhhi is e x p e c t e d rather t h a n ana. The Old Babylonian Tablets from Tell al Rimah [see EA 2 2 . Cf. n. 7 5 .

" But they have not come out. and indeed. 62. just as I said? 2 9 . did I not write to the king. 4 3 . 8 the city where he has been sen[ding] chariots. . as they have not come out.2 8 Moreover. I am the strong one of the king. Did he c not take Abdi-Asirta along with everything belonging to him. 2 1 . my lord. the sons of Abdi-Asirta. I am accordingly afraid and I 2 have turned to my lord. May the king not en[ter] their cities. [ . [my] l[ord]. my lord.2 1 a mayor from Sumur (south­ ward) that supports me. I [sent] men to Egypt an[d] ((and)) 10 a g[ar}ri[so]n was sent to me in their charge. all c the lands will belong to the Apiru. There is treachery against me. EA 117 amur . . 5 3 . I 9 would desire to send a man [ . VS 11. Look. If th[is] year there are no archers. the servant (and) dog.6 4 Moreover. 1 5 9 3 . "There is no one to bring my tablet to the palace. 1 2 ." 1 And (n)ow. It is these two men that must bring a tablet to the king. [m]y [Sun]. keeps saying. .4 3 5 . ] . [m]y Sun. May the Lady of G[ubl]a gr[ant pow]er to the kiag«. And if the king does not want to sen[d] archers.3 4 Had I been writing treacherous words to my lord? And you say. EA 117 A lesson from the past T E X T : VAT 350. C O P I E S : W A 4 5 . Accordingly. King of [Battle]. everyone is turned against me. When Amarnappa ca[me]3 with a small force. "Why do you write treacherous words?" If my words are heeded. amur is without close parallel and seems to be extraordinarily emotional language. And the two men from Egypt whom I sent to the palace have not come out. "The two 11 men from Egypt must now come out to me. . I sent a ma[n] to your father. may he write to Yanhamu and Pihura. [that they have tak]en5 the cities of the king's mayors for [themselves]? They are with 6 you? The cities are in Aziru's se[rvice].5 2 Previously. I wrote to the palace that the king should s[en]d ((should send)) a large force. . p. I fall at the feet of my lord.4 3 Moreover. just who are c they. I have sent this man. . Did I not write to the king. "March along with 193 . [qf]-p[a]-»/: see VAB 2 / 2 . . J as far as] Ullassa. [7} times and 7 times. . Rib-Hadda [writes to his lord]. Azaru will certainly be taken like [hi]s f[ather]. Great [Kin]g. "Why do you alone keep writing to me?" Here is my situation: there is not 1 0 . Indeed the king. . They are not at peace (with you) from .

If K A L A G . may the king send horses to ((to)) his servant that I may guard the city of the king. 1 2 3 : 3 9 . O r p e r h a p s t h e reference is t o t h e f u t u r e . " as a l w a y s e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . w h i c h is followed h e r e . " A t t r a c t i v e as t h i s t e a d i n g i s . "the c i t i e s are w i t h A z i r u . L [ U ] : certain. 64—71 Moreover. G A c o r r e s p o n d s t o dannu. EA n 6 : 6 8 f . [ a la]-qu: cf. and] a garri[son of 13 the king] was with them. having been sold for provisions to keep me alive. 5. a n d see c o p y o f VS 1 1 ) ." In a day they will take it.g i . Let no one else take it for himself. T h e p r e s e n t . Everything is gone. I [have become af Jraid of my peasantry. p r o p o s e d i\t-ti\. '4 What am I to do? May the king se(n)d a gar[ri]son and men from Meluhha to guard c me. yi-la-{ak\. NOTES 1. q u o t i n g t h e k i n g in a t o n e e i t h e r o f s h o c k a n d sheer d i s b e l i e f or perhaps of bitter sarcasm. it s e e m s e x c l u d e d b y c o m p a r i s o n w i t h / / in t h e s a m e l i n e a n d in lines 6 5 a n d 81 ( t h e b r o k e n s i g n l a c k s t h e t w o v e r t i c a l s at t h e b e g i n n i n g ) . Thus must I be the one that keeps writing [to] the palace fo[r] a garrison and men from Meluhha. 2. n o t Aziru. 5. May the king send a com[missioner to] de[ci]de between us. according ro the practice of your ances­ tors. a n d t h e s t r o n g o n e t h e n w i l l b e . in] the days of [my] ances­ tors. 71—82 Moreover. " s t r o n g ( o n e ) . " O n laqi in line 2 7 . 3 9 . " o n his s i d e . the wa[r is severe again]st me. It m a y b e s i m p l y a r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n .A s i r t a . . " s t r e n g t h . n.H a d d a here a l l u d e s t o t h e letter o f t h e k i n g j u s t m e n t i o n e d . t h e n "when he w a s c o m i n g . c 6. i f yi-la-[ku-nd\ ( K n u d t z o n . Take the land of Amurru. 194 ." [wh]at i[s to guard me? Look. I n s t e a d o f K n u d t z o n ' s d [ a . 3. Only one is st[ro]ng. t h e k i n g c l a i m e d t h a t t h o s e referred t o were really "with h i m .H a d d a ' s c h a r g e s . and along with them men from Meluhha. 9 1 : 4 ) is tilquna (EA 104:22). b u t the c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t R i b . But you have not wri(tt)en. May it please the king. in w h i c h . p . G r e e n b e r g . I have litigation with Yapah-Hadda and Ha'(ip). 4. in a n s w e t p e r h a p s t o o n e o f R i b . Everything that is taken from them belongs to the king. see EA 1 0 8 . t h e s i t u a t i o n after A z i r u is t a k e n . there was property of the king at their disposal. T o t h i s R i b - H a d d a r e p l i e s . [But now]. but Rib-Hadda. I have nothing. May the king send this man of mine with all speed and give a garrison to guard his loyal servant and his city.i l ] . Habl­ piru.f u t u r e f o r m c o r r e s p o n d ­ i n g t o s i n g u l a r yilqu (EA 7 1 : 1 8 .THE AMARNA LETTERS your mayors. 7 5 : 4 2 . as for me. " or t o dunnu. it is h a t d l y a s i m p l e s t a t e m e n t o f fact. sunu ittika: w h e t h e r sunu refers t o t h e m a y o r s or t h e s o n s o f A b d i . as to the king's saying. May the city not be joined to the Apiru. 83—94 Moreover. "Guard! Be on your 12 guar[d]. (i-nd)-an-na. t h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t s t r e n g t h is u s e d here as i m p l y i n g t r u s t w o r t h i n e s s .

10. (2) t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f alu as m a s c u l i n e (prefix { i a } . 1 1 2 : 9 . I can offer no p a r a l l e l s — t h e e v i d e n c e is e x t r e m e l y m e a g e r — e x c e p t t h e g e n e r a l o n e s of A k k a ­ d i a n (GAG § i 6 5 d . p . Political Disposition. "the city w h i c h g a v e " ( K n u d t z o n ) are the 8 f o l l o w i n g : (1) t h e v e r b a l prefix w r i t t e n w i t h ia s (ia -am-li-ik. yu-u>[a-si-ru]. " is a l s o p o s s i b l e . "he has been s e n d i n g " . 1 d { a . 8. EA 1 1 6 . n o t e e). Grammaire de I'he'breu biblique [ R o m e . t h e u s e o f the relative p r o n o u n in reference t o n o u n s of place. 11. a n d 2 7 1 : 1 8 .n u ] . w h e r e a s elilmuhhi is u s e d w i t h baldtu a n d mhnmu. Cf. ennepsa. let him hear my case. In l i n e 8 6 . t h e a b s e n c e o f a d e t e r m i n a t i v e is n o t d e c i s i v e ) . 1 ) . C O P I E S : BB 25 + WA 54. EA 118 7. lu na-sa-ra-\td\: cf.a ] n . I have litigation. 12. I keep writing like this to the pala[ce]. 2 1 .r c ' } . For t h e a b s e n c e here o f a r e s u m p t i v e p r o n o u n or a n a d v e r b . a n d p e r h a p s t o A z i r u (line 4 7 . e n e m y . or. n.. 1 5 1 8 ) . saru. 1 9 4 8 ] .» r f : p e r h a p s "Is a s i n g l e ( p e r s o n ) s t r o n g ? " ( R i b . so also N a ' a m a n . EA 9 9 : 8 .pawuru as a c o m m o n n o u n is f o u n d only in l e t t e r s from T y r e . [ pa]-wu-ra.. p . 1 9 9 . 54.d [ i . on the J 95 . . 1 5 9 ) . A g a i n s t ( U R U sa) / « . your servant. 125: i4ff. 4 8 4 ? ) . T h e a s s u m e d p a s s i v e m e a n i n g o f the v e r b is u n u s u a l . EA 118 Not like other mayors TEXT: BM 29808 + VAT 1662. sari: n a r r a t i v e infinitive (cf.m u r i-nd] 86 UD]. Berytus 20 [ 1 9 7 1 ] p. 1 8 0 : 6 . Cf. Send the commis­ anc lye m e 1 sioner. 85 [ a . In line 8 7 I a s s u m e a r e d u c t i o n in n u m b e r o f s i g n s in the l i n e . 13. "to lie. p p .] the war against me. balat sarri. "with. 1 0 . EA 8 8 : 3 1 ? en-ni-ip- sa-(at)?)." is s a i d only o f a g a r r i s o n . to t h e official P a w u r u (line 4 7 . 14. 1 3 2 : 5 6 ( ? ) [ b o t h f r o m B y b l o s ] . a n d p e r h a p s sarum at M a r i (AEM 1 / 1 . 8 EA 1 0 5 : 6 . O n the gender a g r e e m e n t . w h e r e a s t h e n o u n is r e g u l a r l y f e m i n i n e ( e x c e p t i o n . n. 6 . . 1 5 1 : 5 9 .. n o t e t h e f o l l o w i n g line. EA i 2 i : n f f .H a d d a refer­ ring to h i m s e l f ) . " p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e k i n g . U R T A ] ( K e s t e m o n t . 1 3 0 : 2 1 6 ° . 16—23 ^ S t^lv due. "treacherous. no. m 9. 370:5. i22:nff. 3 6 7 : 4 . my lord. 49). . it is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y an error for massartu. VS 11.1 5 May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. and so may the king give a garrison to his servant. R e f e r e n c e s t o S u m u r . a n d if ma-sa-ar is the correct r e a d i n g . c h a r g e falsely" (VAB 2 / 2 . I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. H e n c e . § i 6 6 c ) a n d H e b r e w (P. K e s t e m o n t proposed the reading U R U N [ I N . " a n d sdru. see EA 1 1 6 . for s e n d i n g c h a r i o t s . EA 1 4 9 : 3 0 . see EA 1 3 1 : 1 2 . not { t a } ) .. s a i d o f t h e k i n g . Moreover.ME§ a-b[uyf[i-ia mi-im-mi LUGAL-ri VGV-su-nu] 8 7 [ u ] ma-sa-ar-[(ti) L U G A L . is the o n l y c e r t a i n e x a m p l e ) . J o i i o n . Say to the king. 1. [. 2 7 0 : 2 4 . A g a i n s t t h i s a s the r e a d i n g at the e n d o f l i n e 8 7 ( K n u d t z o n ) . my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda.

Moreover. 3. 3 4 . " v i n d i c a t i o n . c o n c e r n i n g " (VAB 2/2. a-{{na))-[m]ur. tuballifuna. and Sidon a(nd) Beirut do not be­ long (any longer) to the king. 4. It is against me and against Yanhamu that there is war. t h e n w e m u s t u n d e r s t a n d t h e d e s e r ­ t i o n t o have b e e n o n l y p a r t i a l . 196 . A s t h e clear p a r a l l e l s in EA 124:356°. previously the commissioner at Sumur would [d]ecide between us. 1696 5 . EA 122:11. 7. b o t h b e c a u s e o f EA 1 2 5 : 3 4 6 a n d b e c a u s e o f t h e u n u s u a l t y p e o f e r r o r in t h e u s e o f c a s e e n d i n g s (ana hazdnutu). 4 5 . 3 Look. e i t h e r w e m u s t d e l e t e ana a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f l i n e 4 5 ( a n t i c i p a t i o n o f ana at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f line 4 6 a n d f a i l u r e t o e r a s e ? ) . w h i c h s e e m s p r e f e r a b l e . 4 9 6 . Cf.r t # ' . 131:31. I f [ p } a . let the king take from the mayors anything of mine for himself. \th~\ey have {gone off} to c c the sons of Abdi-Asirta. 13746). but now no mayor listens to hi[m]! The king has no servant like Yanhamu—a loyal servant! NOTES 1. even m o r e concretely. Seeing that my only purpose is to serve the king in accordance with the practice of my ancestors. cf. H e b r e w sedeq a n d fddqd. the Apiru will seize the city. (39) and 1 2 5 : 3 4 6 m a k e evident. see a l s o EA 1 1 6 : 2 9 . A g a i n s t t h e r e a d i n g ti-ul 1 ( K n u d t z o n ) a r e t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e n u m e r a l a n d t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s t h a t s u p p o r t o u r v e r s i o n : a s t h e s e q u e n c e dla ezebu-pafdru is u s e d in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s . 2. the war [again}st me is severe. may the king send archers and pacify them.' since the cities are theirs and they are at peace. t h e s u b j e c t is first p e r s o n a n d pafdru m e a n s "to g o away". As the sons of Abdi- Asirta are hostile to the king. " d u e . 6. p. L i n e s 3 6 . C o n t e x t r e q u i r e s "right" ( K n u d t z o n ) . tilquna. \yii\-pa-ri-Iu: t a k i n g t h e f o r m a s s i n g u l a r . T h e u s u a l m e a n i n g s o f kittu. " or. 2 4 . EA 8 2 : 4 3 6 . they do not keep writing to the king.r u ] is t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g . see JCS 4 (1950) p p . cf. and so there are no 2 provisions [for] the peasantry. " d o n o t fit t h i s p a s s a g e . loyalty. for t h e p a s s a g e is c o n c e r n e d w i t h c u s t o m a r y a c t i o n in t h e p a s t . a n d t h e e x p e c t e d p l u r a l f o r m w o u l d b e tuparriluna. or w e m u s t t a k e ana in t h e s e n s e o f "as t o .THE AMARNA LETTERS other hand. if the peasantry c 4 goes off. EA 1 0 4 : 2 5 . M E S . lines 39ff.3 3 Look. p e r h a p s 1 1 4 : 3 0 6 T h e difference between pafrdti in t h e o t h e r p a s s a g e s a n d ipaffara here is t h e e x p l i c i t m a r k i n g for m o d e in t h e latter. 6 7 Look. " j u s t i c e . both of similar semantic range.4 4 lest I abandon the city and go off to you. send the commissioner to take them.3 9 . to Si(do)n and Beirut. a n d ttpu- luna. d e s p i t e M A S K I M . 1 1 4 : 5 6 .5 6 As for the mayors. 130:21. cf. t r u t h . 8 3 : 4 6 6 . " Cf.

43—52 My only purpose is to serve the king. and it is this that will lay before the king all my things that are in Yapah-Hadda's possession. what can I (d)o? As to its having been said to the king. EA 119 EA 119 Recalling past kindnesses T E X T : VAT 349. Or n . 3 0 4 .£ « . cf. 2 9 [ i 9 6 0 ] p .3 2 since the commissioners are alive.. "Rib-Hadda has caused the death 2 of (some) royal archers. 1 4 . my lord. N o r . May the king pay [n]o attention to the slanders against his loyal [ser}vant that [a treacherous man] may utt{t)ri before {the king. I keep writing like this to the palace (for) a [g]ar[ri}son and for horses in order that I may gu[ard}' his [city}. OA 1 2 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p . is a servant of the king. 197 . my Sun.4 2 Rib-Hadda. As to the king. 3. T h e c l a u s e is u n d e r ­ s t o o d h e r e as t h e r e a s o n w h y R i b . [0]r my lord may give c 6 the small(er) [things] to Abdi-Ha[dda}. He knows my loyalty! The king knows how often he has done some kindness to me because I am without duplicity.5 9 this may not be 7 acceptable. Rib-Hadda writes to his lord. p e r h a p s trace o f ru as in c o p y o f VS 1 1 . 7 times and 7 times.* Everything (belonging to me)—may the king. is there e v i d e n t a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n EA 1 1 9 a n d 1 2 2 — 2 4 ( P i n t o r e . NOTES 1. which I have declared. in m y o p i n i o n . my lord. see EA 1 2 4 : 5 1 ? . my lord's having written me. T h e g r o u n d s o f t h e c h a r g e a r e n o t clear. C O P I E S : WA 44. m]y [lord]. take [all of it]? for himself. "Guard yourself. 2 9 ) . let me tell about all their deeds so the king will know that I am a loyal servant of his. [i-n\a-sa-[ru]: a c c o r d i n g t o t h e r u l e o f m o d a l s e q u e n c e . 2 8 [ i ] ." [wh]at is to guard me? Indeed. 3 3 . my lord. s .1 3 I fall at the feet of my lord. my lord. King of Batt(le): May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. 1 5 ) .d [ a ] .H a d d a ' s v e r s i o n of w h a t a c t u a l l y h a p p e n e d . but if I die.H a d d a is p r e p a r e d t o a t t a c k h i s a c c u s e r s : t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s ( ? ) (officials? officers?) a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e e v e n t s in q u e s t i o n are alive a n d w o u l d s u p p o r t R i b . Or 5 3 . VS 11. n.. b u t n o f o r m of qabu is c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e t r a c e s . 6 . [There is n]o one that has report[ed} my loyalty before the king. . 64. Great King.2 1 What am I to do? While alive I shall guard the king's city for him.( b u ) : a v e r b o f s p e a k i n g s e e m s r e q u i r e d . Now this case is a case concerning my loyalty. adabbuba in line 2 3 . is[ol}ated. 2. T h e f o l l o w i n g c l a u s e d o e s n o t m a k e m u c h s e n s e if i n c l u d e d in t h e c h a r g e ( K n u d t z o n . " 2 1 . What more shall I say? There is still a second tablet.

[1} bed. [. i o (leather-) .. t o o . P e r h a p s at t h e e n d o f line 4 8 [ g a b . r n 6. . b u t it m i g h t a l s o b e u n d e r s t o o d o f w h a t f o l l o w s .. 6 [1} washbasin. 4 [ . 2000 each [th]eir [weijght. 8o sububuA i (leather-) . K n u d t z o n s a w a w h o l e IM. 1 (reed-) ku-ku-tu.. annu lalaqe: cf. braided.]. . 9 All of them pertain to . . t h o u g h it d o e s n o t s e e m as l i k e l y a n o b j e c t o f qabu. i b i d . } . .THE AMARNA LETTERS 4.. R a i n e y . which o » l y here is j o i n e d t o t h e p r o p o s a l t h a t t h e k i n g t a k e e v e r y t h i n g ..]. . T h e case c o n c e r n s R i b . for he is w i l l i n g t o g i v e t o t h e k i n g all h i s s t o l e n p o s s e s s i o n s . } ..b a ] .}. . [These are} the things that are wi[th] 2 [Yapah]-Hadda' and I clai[m\:' [ ..• io[oo . . ] . ioo swords. cf... . . 5.. braided.. [. 2 j over[laid] with gold.H a d d a ' s loyalty p r o b a b l y in t h e s e n s e o f d e m o n s t r a t i n g it. [1} hammer.}. . C O P I E S : WA 85. EA 120:31. . .. T h i s p r o p o s a l is here u n d e r s t o o d c to m e a n that the k i n g may want to give s o m e t h i n g to A b d i . ] . . kitta qabu in lines 3 6 6 T h a t a r e l a t i v e c l a u s e (sa qabTti) s h o u l d b e g i n a s e n t e n c e w o u l d b e u n p a r a l l e l e d . UF 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) p . 5 n. . ioo dag[gers].t e / t a : f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y .. . u 5 0 [ u . VS 11. 198 .'] . 8 1 chair ove[rlaid} with gold. p .. 49 . 65. ) . r e e m p h a s i z i n g the e x t e n t o f t h e offer. [... EA 120 Stolen goods T E X T : VAT 1636. Cf. 15 [. .[. . ] .' { . . 4 0 0 . 4 ([re}ed-) . n. Mi . . . . . 7 . ... ] . . . 5 5 ) is n o t a likely r e a d i n g . . . 4 [ . .H a d d a . . . . 4 0 0 . . 1 (reed-) . Abdi-he-[ba] ( R a i n e y ..n u . 10 1 (reed-) . . T h e d e c l a r a t i o n p r o b a b l y refers t o t h e imme­ d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g l i n e s . c 5 4 .[. W e m a y n o t e x c l u d e kitttya. T h e a s s u m e d c o n ­ s t r u c t i o n w i t h t h e infinitive is n o t a t t e s t e d e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s .]. .. i b i d ..[. .. 4 [ . } ... "my d u e " (EA 1 1 8 : i 6 f f . . .^ 5 [/}ooo each their weight.

1 9 3 9 ) . U g a r i t i c mrbd(PRU 5. a n d t h e v e r b rbd in c trbd. no decision was announced.. n o . With regard to . He has acted kindly towards my partner. . ." And [ .H a d d a . May [the king inquire] about him. 8 9 . EA 120 l 20 [10 k]ipa[l]allu of bo[xwood]. [ . 8 ) . 7. p . . .bst. ma-qi-bu: s e e H u e h n e r g a r d . Her brother [ . 5 0 : 9 . . S a l o n e n . " b e d f s ? ] ) . B o n k a m p . the c o n c l u s i o n o f t h e list o f R i b . p .4 2 ) p p . and so there is no [one] 3 0 . 15 blankfets}. S u g g e s t i n g t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y is t h e fact t h a t t h e l i t i g a t i o n w i t h Y a p a h . . [He is hostile] to my lord.4 5 I herewith [s]end to the kin[g] all the things [o]n a tablet. . 100 . Die Waffen der Alten Meso- potamier ( H e l s i n k i . 6 1 7 ) a n d ma-ar-sa-u (CAD.TASKARIN? 2 11.3 4 who will take ac[tion] against him. 4. Die Bibel (see n. '* NOTES 1. 1 9 6 5 ) . 12.. mrbdt (PRU 2 . 1573b. U g a r i t i c kht. p . followed b y mskbt. M / i . "Send her things for her. T h e inventory form. c 3 5 . . see now AHw. B o t h ma-ar-su-u (AHw. p . 1 [ G ] U . 2. T h e t e a d i n g "90 h u n d r e d " y i e l d s a n a b s u r d l y h i g h n u m b e r a n d a s s u m e s 199 . cf. . it c e r t a i n l y d o e s n o t refer t o m a t e r i a l or w e i g h t . ma-ar.13 25 . 4 2 : 2 f . is a b a n d o n e d at t h e e n d (lines 26ft. 4 0 . P e r h a p s a k i n d o f w e a p o n .. "you p r e p a r e t h e b e d o f P i d r i y a w i t h royal covers" (Ugar. w h i c h h i t h e r t o s e e m e d to i n v o l v e o n l y R i b . 12 90—100 maidservants (and) manservants. They have waited. ] . or " 1 2 salu" ( K n u d t z o n ) . see CAD. 3. p . ° 100 chairs. K U § L A G A B x ? ze-ru-tu. see E .pdry. 5. n o w a l s o s e e m s s o m e h o w c o n c e r n e d w i t h a w o m a n a n d "her t h i n g s .H a d d a ' s p o s s e s s i o n s . They have acted unjustly. 154. 2 9 0 ) are t o be r e j e c t e d . ) . . . w i t h t h e list o f "her t h i n g s " ( l i n e 3 6 ) in lines 2off. " 10. . w h i c h I r e t a i n . "A s e c o n d ( b e d ) " ? 8.mlk. See EA 1 1 9 : 5 5 1 ? . . p . . When the [message'] was* heard. rs. the king. or " 1 0 asallu-bowls". 2 7 4 . a n d cf. Z . A O A T . T h e s a m e w o r d a p p e a r s in l i n e 7. Z A ka-ah-su: see K . The c king sent Abdi-Hadda and Bin-aZimi to fetch her. 3 2 9 L 9. u z-sa-lu. n o . He is po]werful. ] . It m a y a l s o b e a s u m m a r y r e m a r k . f o l l o w i n g B o n k a m p . . ?). ] . 8 1 . p. p . B e s i d e s H e b r e w marbaddim. despite Frie- d r i c h . T h e r e a d i n g is d o u b t f u l . . Ugaritic Vocabulary. 11 15 sabattu-garments.H a d d a ' s t h i n g s . 5 6 . 1 1 1 : 1 1 ) . { .3 9 And to Abdi-Hadda the king said. Die Bibel im Lichte der Keilschrift- forschung ( R e c k l i n g h a u s e n . P e r h a p s t h e r e m a r k c o n c e r n s o n l y t h e b e d s a n d t h e chair j u s t m e n t i o n e d . GlS. . p. 6. 2 7 4 ^ . p p . AfO 14 ( 1 9 4 1 .. 100 (shekels?) of gold. . bo"'-d[u]: w i t h R a i n e y . nam-si-ti for namsitu (nemsetu)? 7.

. . 6. Lines 2 2 . Rib-Hadda w[rit]es to his lord. p e r h a p s on line 2 3 a r e m a r k o n t h e b e a u t y o f t h e f e m a l e s ( U R [ b a s t a ] .H a d d a h a d s t i l l n o t s e n t e i t h e r her or t h e " t h i n g s . w e m u s t a l l o w for " 9 0 . W h o t h e p a r t n e r — t h a t i s .THE AMARNA LETTERS an u n p a r a l l e l e d w r i t i n g o f 9 0 0 0 . C O P I E S : WA 59. n. may the king [heed] the words of [his] serva[nt] and send archers to {t)a[ke}?> the land of the king for the king.6 4 [SJend . [7} times and 7 times. n o t t o t h e c r o w n . my Sun. 4 1 . " it w o u l d s e e m t h a t s h e w a s t o b e c o m e p a r t o f t h e royal h a r e m (cf.2 5 e x t r e m e l y difficult.1 7 "Guard yourself. but in my 1 case. and provisions from the k]ing were at th[eir] disposal. c 1 8 . my lord]. 66. 5 0 . " A l l o f t h i s r e m a i n s q u i t e o b s c u r e . u da-me-i[q]. T h e p o w e r f u l m a n o f line 2 9 I a s s u m e w a s Y a p a h . VAB 2 / 2 ." see EA 1 3 2 . my lord's.n [ a ] ) . .5 9 Moreover. love[s] his servant. . VS 11. " b u t he is k i n d l y " ? EA 121 Past and present T E X T : VAT 1665. . your father}? Now. king of all countries. and you have done nothing? 5 4 . . [ . my 2 lord. are c o n c e r n e d m u s t have b e e n n a m e d at t h e e n d o f l i n e 2 6 . a n d if s h e h a s " t h i n g s . ] If [the king. 8 .4 Have they not been [ki]lled like [do]gs. o f m a n s e r v a n t s there are none. for "90-100. [then may he fetch his servant] to himself 200 ." a r e 13.2 5 And] as the war against (me) is very severe. [there are no provisions (or) garrison of the king for [me. 1 4 . I fall at the feet of my lord. As to the king. "S]end [archers]. U n t i l lines 22ff. T h e w o m a n w i t h w h o m lines 28ff. my lord. p p . a n d if h i s s i s t e r w a s t o b e f e t c h e d b y e m i s s a r i e s o f t h e k i n g . .4 0 . Great King: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king." Did they [no]t take [in a day] the lands for the k[ing.J 7 . "What is there [wit]h Rib-Hadda?" [So give thou]ght t[o] your [ser]vant and let me tell my [lord'} 2 6 .1 0 0 m a i d s e r v a n t s . 6 0 . are b e t t e r u n d e r s t o o d . writing me. T h e c h a r g e w o u l d s e e m t o b e t h a t he d i r e c t s h i s g o o d d e e d s . . I f s o ." what is to g[uar]d [me}? Con­ sider that with my ancestors there was a garrison of [the king].4 9 [I wrjote to [the king. b u t t o o t h e r s . fellow m a y o r — w a s is n o t clear. S e e t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f W e b e r . EA 9 9 ) . the sons of Abdi- c Asirta have said to the Apiru and the men who have [jojined them.5 3 that you may give p[ea]ce in the lands to the [king's] 5 mayors. . I220f. I n s t e a d o f u-da-me-i[q\ ( K n u d t z o n ) .H a d d a . f r o m w h o m o f c o u r s e he w i l l d e m a n d m u c h in r e t u r n . Y a p a h .

M E S pi-fd-ti ( t i ) . . n." consider that previously.D a n g i n . A m o n g t h e p a r a l l e l s n o t e e s p e c i a l l y EA 1 0 7 : 3 0 a n d t h e s e q u e n c e t h e r e o f lequ-palahu. K U R . Haplography e x p l a i n s t h e o m i s s i o n o f ti. and there is no garr. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. There 2 is a garri[son] .e [ l . see JCS 2 (1948) p. and there are pro[visi]ons from the king at his disposal. 9. cf. but for me there is neither garrison nor pro­ visions from the king.q e ) : see EA 9 0 . 3. EA i 2 2 : 2 8 f f . n. 31—39 Pahura has committed an enormity against me. . but as far as I am concerned. 67. we s h o u l d have t h e a c c u s a t i v e batata. .4 How long has the city been enraged at me! 40-49 And indeed the city keeps saying. I f [ia-nu] (Knudtzon) were u s e d . king of all countries. He sent Suteans and they killed firdanu-people. Rib-Hadda writfes t]o his lord. 1 1 4 : 4 5 6 ° . K U R . n. there was a garrison of the king with them and property of the king was at their disposal. u-ul [t\i)-da-ku 53 ki-ma [ U R . o n e c o u l d p a r t l y a v o i d t h e difficulty a n d t r a n s l a t e "Let it t a k e . . of the king with him.5 5 Listen to m(e). C O P I E S : WA 47. . 1 0 . VS 11.. RA 19 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p . 201 . 1 9 . 9-19 As to the king's saying. 248. "A deed that has not been done since time immemorial has been done to us!" So may the king heed the words of his servant and send (back) the men. but (my) w(ords) are (not) heeded. 1 2 9 : 5 0 6 EA 122 An enormity T E X T : VAT 1625. O f c o u r s e . my lord. " 4. . Cf.s And he brought 3 men into Egypt. "Guard yourself. do not refused [But whether] the men are at court o[r n]ot. 1.3 1 1 must guar[d mys]elf by myself. EA 74:6off. t h e n t h e s u b j e c t o f laqu is indefinite t h i r d p l u r a l . I f a r c h e r s a r e r e q u e s t e d . in the days of my ancestors. 5. lest the city revolt. M E 5 : f o l l o w i n g T h u r e a u . 132:50. E R f N . A l l t h e p a r a l l e l s have u tilqe. I keep 6 writing like this to the palace. 6.ison of 1 the king with me. cf.n a U D . K ] U : for t h e p a s s i v e tuddkit. King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. EA 122 NOTES r 1. EA 131:28. For {my) sake. What am I to do? 5 0 . [ i . listen to me. n. 9 3 . 2. there are no provisions from the king at my dis[pos]al. 3 . a-na-ku [u-ui] 1 6 [ba]-la-f u': cf. b u t t h e c o n j u n c t i o n s e e m s o p t i o n a l in g e n e r a l . K A M ] : s e e EA 1 0 8 . . . [Great] King.

Great King. It is t h e s e t h r e e m e n t h a t are t h e p r e s s i n g c o n c e r n o f R i b . w h i c h clearly w a s w r i t t e n a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e as EA 1 2 2 . c 3 8 . a n d t h e r e p e t i t i o n o f "royal" m a k e s n o s e n s e . Rib-Hadda writes to his lord. 3 . since sarriitu is u n k n o w n in t h e vassal l e t t e r s . 89:7??. T h e u s e o f Suteans probably implies a raid. I]f the ki[ng]. my lord. 1 6 . see EA 1 3 6 . killing.2 8 [If] the king.2 1 [t]ook 3 men. [then] send (back) the [ 3 ] men that I may live and guard the city for the king. "Guard yourself. massar[ti L U ] G A L . T h e w o r d o r d e r e m p h a s i z e s t h e o b j e c t . 126:33. T h e s a m e c h a r g e . [my] lord. EA 7 4 : 4 9 ? . EA 8 1 : 1 6 . b u t c o n t e x t favors t h e d u r a t i v e .4 3 [Wh]at are the sons of Abdi-Asirta that they have taken the 2 land of the king for themselves? May the king send archers to [take] them. 1 0 3 : 2 0 ? ? . Abd(i)-Milki./ z U G U (eli)-(ia): cf.H a d d a a n d have a r o u s e d B y b l o s . (my) Sun. is r e p e a t e d in EA 1 2 3 . does not se[nd] them (back). 2 9 . 9-15 A deed that has not been done from time immemorial has been 1 done to Gubla. 6. loves [his] loya[l] servant. king of all countries. i L U G A L . in a l m o s t t h e s a m e w o r d s . EA 123 An enormity: another version TEXT: BM 29803. 2. 2 2 . C O P Y : BB 20. NOTES 1 . a-(wa-tu-ia li-ul) tu-us-mu-na: cf. 3 . n. O n ti-im-i. 5 . 'T-na-sa-r[u ra-mAa-ni-ia: inassar is a l s o p o s s i b l e . see a l s o EA 1 2 5 : 1 2 ? . 1 3 2 : - 5 if?. King of Battle: May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king.3 7 As to the king's writing. C ? Ea 1 2 2 : 3 1 ? ? r 2. my [lor]d.r i is h a r d l y r i g h t . Yattin-Hadda. n. si-mi ( i a ) . ramana nasdru: b e s i d e s t h e f r e q u e n t usur ramdnka.. 4. and kidnapping. Cf. 7 times and 7 times. 2 . I fa(ll) at the feet of my lord. if [ti-il/el-qe]: s e e EA 1 2 1 . Pihura [s]ent Suteans. 202 . I n lines 2 4 ? . there is [su]rely going to be a revolt against m[e.. t h e o m i s s i o n in line 5 5 . and brought them in[to] Egypt.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1 ." with what am I to guard? Send the 3 men whom Pihura brought in c c and then I will survive: Abdi-Rama. they kill[ed] sirdanu-people.

EA 124 EA 124 The tireless correspondent TEXT: C 4755 (12188). at-(ta)-m\a]\ cf. cf.. } he sent troo[ps to se]ize Gubla [and to se]ize Batruna. . [my] lord. 1 3 . . as 6 your ancestors did. EA 7i:i6ff. he now speaks as follows: "The cities of Ri[b-Hadd]a have been taken [and] §umu[r .5 2 In fact. for e n d o f l i n e 2 2 . . So give thought to your loyal servant.] 2 6 .6 0 If he is unable to take [them. And so] may the king make inquiry [ . .] 61-67 .2 6 Who is t[his fellow. [You will] not [ta]ke it ev[er] (again). ] 3 2 . Why has 8 the king (not) sent [chari]oteers (and) archers to take the ci[ties]? 9 5 3 . h[e n]ow [says] to me. Ri[b- Hadda] 7—13 writes to his lord. they will take it.3 1 .... . 2. [7 times and 7 ] times. the king will [not] come out. that he has taken the ci[ties of the king 1 for himself].. Gubla alone remains to me. 1 4 0 : 1 1 . 7 6 : 1 2 ( 6 . . my Sun." Why should the[y be the ones] to write [t]o 3 you? Th[ey] have (their) cities. I fall [at the fe]et of my lord. [To the k]ing. . . NOTES 1. If the king's desire is J1 to (gu)ar[d his city. there are no oxen nor any sheep and goats. ] . should troops advance against Gubla. " 2 0 . . In view of 4 c the mur[der of Abdi]-Asirta [and] Paw[ura]. . my lord. 5 "No[w]. at-ta-ma tistapruna (EA 1 1 7 : 8 ) in a v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l context. C O P Y : WA 62 + WA 64d + WA 65...4 0 [ . [ . . 3. 20 mi-ia-[mi] s[u-ut IRUR. 79:45ff. } whether [things are] like th[is]. then] he will also take Gubla 10 [fr]om you.KU] 21 a la-qa U[RU. EA 1 3 9 : 1 4 . [my Sun: Mess]age of Rib-Hadda. May the La]dy of Gubla [grant po]wer to the king." So [may the king come out]. [your] ser[vant. . As far 7 as I am concerned. 14—19 He is now in fact gathering together all the cities in'order to take it. 75:4166. EA 125:336 203 . servant (and) dog]. "Aziru has taken all my cities. he has returned in order to [se]ize Gubla. and (even) mayor[s has killed. "Yo(u) are the one that writes to me more tha[n a]ll 2 the (other) mayors. Where am I to make a stand? Loo[k].ME§ LUGAL sa- su] 22 u ha-za-nu-\ti d a . cf. gr]ant and send [a gar]rison [with all s]peed in[to I 2 . It [is true]. The traitors [have rebelled] agai[nst the king]. (but) my [ci]ties Aziru has taken! 4 1 . alanu ana s[a-su-nu]\ cf.k a / a k } : for l i n e s 2 i f . 26." Now. May the king [give thought] to guarding his city . you keep talking [li]ke this.

cf. Aziru has taken everything.i l . I fall at the feet of my lord. EA 113. 8.THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. saying. 5 5 . M E S : o n t h e w r i t i n g o f ul. pp. 3 0 4 f . as i f t h e y c o u l d n o t b e e x p e c t e d t o b e s u c c e s s f u l ( W e b e r . [na-ak-ru] 4 8 L U . 3 u n e m e n d e d text there seems to be no g r a m m a t i c a l l y a n d s t y l i s t i c a l l y a c c e p t a b l e w a y o f r e a d i n g lines 5 4 ? that also makes sense. 3 .A S i r t a a n d P a w u r u t h e k i n g d i d n o t c o m e o u t ." Cf. 1 2 0 6 ) . VAB 2 / 2 . s . T h e s e a r c h e r s c o u l d t h e n b e c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h o s e for w h o s e d e a t h R i b . . M E S 5 0 u la-a U Z .a r U R U .2 9 . see EA 1 0 1 : 5 . and t h e n . a n d n o t e t h e a b s e n c e o f "one" b e f o r e U Z . . < f i . T h e r e a r e . my lord. 2 9 ) . la-a-Kmi)] 5 6 [ t i . 2 9 ( i 9 6 0 ) p p .& : p r o b a b l y n o t e n o u g h r o o m for [ y i - il-q]u-/c. p . . see EA I22f. A l s o possible: "He will not be a b l e .3 2 And there is no grain for my food. To the king. A n o t h e r reference t o t h e t h r e e B y b l o s c i t i z e n s d e t a i n e d in E g y p t . I a s s u m e a shift o f p e r s o n s in r e f e r r i n g t o t h e k i n g in lines 5 3 — 5 5 . 7 . 7 times and 7 times. . . .49. . 132:45. OA 1 2 [ 1 9 7 3 ] p p . P i n t o r e . n. n. 3 6 2 : 6 9 . LFM. s e e i n g t h a t t h e v e r b ddku. and the king was accustomed to give grain for their food from the land of Yarimuta.t i / k a . C O P Y : BB 19. n o o t h e r clear l i n k s a n < m a n b e t w e e n EA 1 1 9 a n d EA 1 2 2 . I have neither oxen 2 nor sheep and goats. " 10.q ] u .2 4 . A n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y : "If a t t h e d e a t h o f A b d i . and the peasantry has gone off to towns where 204 . see EA 1 1 8 . there was a garrison of the king with me. i4f. A s t h e t e x t s t a n d s . . 11. . 2 5 . a n d t h e y w e r e n o t . EA 1 2 7 : 2 6 .H a d d a a s k s w h y t h e k i n g s e n t charioteers (and? o r ? ) a r c h e r s . "to k i l l . s t i l l t h e p r o p o s e d r e s t o r a t i o n s e e m s c w o r t h y o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n . u-ul G U D .2 4 Previously. . 9. 12. 2 ) . . R i b . . he w i l l n o t c o m e o u t now. 1 4 5 : 3 7 ) . .H a d d a h a s b e e n a c c u s e d o f b e i n g r e s p o n s i b l e (EA ii9:i8fE. M E § la-ru-tu is-t\u L U G A L ] : cf. But now Aziru has repeatedly raided me. TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. EA 125 A study in contrasts TEXT: BM 29802.[ i k ." with what shall I guard myself and the city of [the king]? 1 4 . . [your] ser[vant]. . c 5. a-na ( n a ) . n. [my] lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. L a c k e n b a c h e r . Or n . "Guard yourself and guard the city of the king where 1 you are. A g a r r i s o n ( l i n e 5 9 ) is n o t u s e d for offensive p u r p o s e s .s f a . 6. my S[un]. a n d h e n c e ana s[abai) is excluded. my lord's. As to the king.s u ] 5 8 [id]-na . : cf. M E S (EA 5 5 . however.a t } : t h o u g h diktu o c c u r s o n l y o n c e in p e r i p h e r a l A k k a d i a n ( S . 47 . 130f. 2 9 . 5—13 May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. " is u s e d o f b o t h A b d i - A s i r t a a n d P a w u r u . 5 7 . RA 7 6 [ 1 9 8 2 ] p . 1 3 1 : 2 2 .

7 . 3 . As for my lord's having written for bo\xwood} it is taken from the lands of Salhi and from Ugarit. S e e also EA 113:30?. 5. OA 1 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p . L i v e r a n i . EA 126 3 there is grain for their food. 5. were t h e s i g n ri.H a d d a ' s p l i g h t . but a garrison is not sent. But Aziru has my cities. 1. n. p. 5 2 3 . that ((that)) they do as they please and set fire to the cities of the king? NOTES 1 . and their pea(sant)ry4 is in their control. 4. 1 Rib-Eddi. ) is a l s o t h e fact t h a t relu a s t h e d e s i g ­ n a t i o n o f a p e r s o n d o e s n o t a p p e a r in EA. O p p e n h e i m ' s v e r s i o n . but to me not give anything? Previously. and my lord would send troops to them.4 every sort of provision. see lines 276°. and they get what they need. n. Their ships go about as they please. why does the king compare me with the (other) mayors? 3 3 . however. yistak(k?)anu-ni: durative. see L i v e r a n i . money and everything for the(ir) provisions were sent from the palace to my ancestors. my lord]. my lord's. VS 11. for t h e d a m a g e is s u c h t h a t . 4. b e l o n g f r o m h e a d to t o e t o t h e m ( i . " T h e r e g e n t s of t h e o t h e r t o w n s . C O P I E S : WA 76.1 3 I am unable to send my ships there. A[s for] the king. Why shall I make an alliance with him? 40-45 What c are the dogs. e .2 3 Moreover. 2 6 4 . 1 4 . 68. T h e first s i g n s e e m s t o b e hu rather t h a n ri.A s i r t i ) . A reference here t o t h e p e a s a n t r y o f t h e o t h e r m a y o r s w o u l d a l s o yield a m o r e c o m p l e t e c o n t r a s t w i t h R i b . my lord: I fall beneath the feet of my lord 7 2 times and 7 times. 124:39. not punctive ( O p p e n h e i m ) . s e c t . n. EA 126 Rejection of Byblos or Rib-Hadda? T E X T : VAT 1183. "Gua[rd yourself] and [the city of the king where you are]. "They 205 . t h e t r i b e of c A b d i . 2 . 6 1 ( a l s o in Three Amarna Essays. my friends. and all the mayors 3 are at peace with him. and sakdnul litkunu kima m e a n s "to c o m p a r e " . 8." how 6 am I to guar[d myself]? 3 4 . 118:45?.'ii). S e e EA 5 5 . [having said]. RA 6 1 ( 1 9 6 7 ) p . A g a i n s t t h e a l t e r n a t i v e r e a d i n g relulunu ( K n u d t z o n . since Aziru is at war with me.3 3 But now I write for troops.4 0 The mayors have their towns. o n e w o u l d e x p e c t t o see s o m e t r a c e o f t h e m i s s i n g v e r t i c a l . Say to the king. C ? EA 1 0 0 . n. .4 2 I wrote t[o the king. and he 5 seeks my life. " is w i t h o u t f o u n d a t i o n in e i t h e r g r a m m a r or c o n t e x t . i b i d . why does the king give the mayors. la ittTka: see I n t r o d u c t i o n . Moreover. and nothing at all is given [to m]e. 2. the sons of Abdi-Asirta.

n. 5 . 1 2 b e l o w ) ." only in EA 1 2 9 : 3 7 a n d 3 6 2 : 5 3 . "lies." They give all the silver and gold of the king to the c c sons of Abdi-Asirta. a n d cf. 3. 2. and the sons of Abdi-Asirta give this to the strong 12 king. "to s e n d ( t r o o p s ) q u i c k l y . 1 3 1 . (4) H i t t i t e s referred t o as a t h r e a t o n l y in EA 7 5 : 3 5 6 ° . and accordingly they are strong. (3) fluctuation b e t w e e n {una} a n d \uni\ o n l y in EA 1 2 6 a n d 3 6 2 (EA 1 2 6 : tu-ba-lu-na in lines 5 8 — 5 9 . t h o u g h K n u d t z o n ' s J 7 . line 4 0 . but no word comes back to me. 7. 7 ) . (5) teti-ba-u-na o n l y in EA 129 and 3 6 2 . And may the [k]ing pay no attention] to the men of the army. i d e n t i c a l a n d u n p a r a l l e l e d e x c e p t p e r h a p s in EA 1 2 9 . however. 3 5 . (6) kazbutu. i 3 7 ( ? ) . 4 4 ." EA 82:416°. and possibly 1 2 8 : 2 3 1 (x-quf ). 6 1 . . see a l s o lines 2 4 ." " b e a m s . A n u m b e r o f d i s t i n c t i v e features a s s o c i a t e EA 1 2 6 . S e e EA 90. b e s i d e s i 3 8 : i i 9 . r 7. T h e l a t t e r s e e m s m o r e likely ("logs. 4. a n d 83:456°. (9) t h e E g y p t i a n official. Send a man of yours to g[uar]d it. yti-sa-ru. perhaps 9 3 : 1 5 . N o t h i n g r e q u i r e s it. a-na-sa-r\u r a . i 2 6 : 5 o f f . but my lord has done nothing to them. i n s t e a d o f n o r m a l tu-ba-u-na. EA 3 6 2 : te-eq-bu-ni in lines 1 7 a n d 2 5 . (2) t h e w r i t i n g am-qut"'. b u t ta-di-nu-ni in lines 6 4 — 6 5 . 4. a n d t h e p a r a l l e l i s m o f t h e t w o s e n t e n c e s favors t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f b o t h a p o d o s e s b y u. the Hittite troops and they have set fire to the country.6 6 So give thought to [your] city. In v i e w o f tu-ul^-qu-na in line 6. but troops are not sen[t].m a ." I have indfeed sen]t my mes(sen)ger t[o the king]. " b e i n g isr u n d e r s t o o d ) . my [lo]rd. b e s i d e s 1 0 2 : 2 9 (see a l s o EA 8 8 . . 6. They have seized all the lands of the king. If the king hates his city. m a p p e a r i n g as pi-wu-ri o n l y in EA 1 2 9 . n. " o n l y in EA 1 2 9 : 7 8 a n d 3 6 2 : 7 . 7 then let him dismiss me.b [ a ] . In s u p p o r t o f t a k i n g i-zi-ba-si in t h e s e n s e of "(then) I w i l l a b a n d o n it. t h e force o f t h e e n c l i t i c escapes m e . S e e EA 1 1 3 . the son of Abdi-Asirta is their [master]. a n d 3 6 2 . have b e e n c i t e d as p a r a l l e l s . 9. in EA. b u t te-eq-bu-na in line 2 1 .i a ] : see EA 1 2 2 . tu-s[a-ru] or tu-s[a-ru~na]: see EA 1 1 4 . a n d it has a l s o b e e n a r g u e d t h a t t h e k i n g w o u l d not b e a s k e d t o s e n d a r e p l a c e m e n t 206 . Gub[la is the only c]ity I have. ( 7 ) £ A 1 2 9 : 3 2 6 = 3 6 2 : 2 5 6 . I r e a d ia-ti-ia u~'. a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e : (1) t h e g r e e t i n g f o r m u l a o f EA 1 2 6 a n d 3 6 2 . 1. I f t h e correct r e a d i n g is « TASKARIN"'-wz<2. i n d i c a t i n g t h a t they were w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e . a n d n. . a n d 3 6 2 . Why is 8 nothing given to me from the palace? . n. "old m a n . only 1 2 6 : 3 .5 2 So send him along with rescue forces. 53—60 I have written repeatedly. . NOTES 1. 4 3 . t h e l o g o g r a m is t o b e r e a d as f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r or c o m m o n p l u r a l .n i . then let him abandon it.THE AMARNA LETTERS c have taken a[ll] m[y cities]. n. (8)hummutu. 1 2 9 . but if me.9 Now they are mobiliz­ 10 ing the troops of the Hittite countries to seize Gubla. " is p o s s i b l e . and {my] messenger you do not allow to come out. my lord. 3 6 2 : 4 . a n d p r o b a b l y 1 2 9 : 7 6 1 6 . a n d 1 2 9 : 2 9 = 3 6 2 : 4 5 . n. w h o s e n a m e is w r i t t e n in several w a y s .

. and it is 8 9 different. is t h e fact t h a t in t h e s t r i c t l y p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e s EA 1 2 9 : 3 2 . but now there has been a controversy among my men. "On to GublaV's For who—seeing that everyone is against me—who is to rescue 4 me? {/ assure yo]u. B u n n e n s . my lord. {and] 207 . 69. then may my lord give a garrison of . L i c h t e n s t e i n . 150). In ta-di-nu-ni I t a k e {uni} as a free v a r i a n t o f {una} a n d a p e c u l i a r i t y o f t h i s s c r i b e ." 12—22 Let the arch[ers] come out [an]d fetch us. . . how frequently.7 2 ] p . t h e teqbuna o f t h e first is r e p l a c e d in t h e l a t t e r b y teqbuni. If it is the desire of the king. K n u d t z o n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e s i g n ( s ? ) is e x a c t . ?" 9. upon the taking of Gubla there will be no men from Egypt {who] will get in here. Z. 11. "Are t h e r e n o t the H i t t i t e t r o o p s . 2 3 . Should Gubla be [jojined? [to] the c { Ap]iru. that I may guard the land of my lord until a large force of archers comes out. RA 6 1 { 1 9 6 7 ] p . as-su is e x c l u d e d . T h e " s t r o n g k i n g " w a s p r o b a b l y t h e H i t t i t e ruler ( M u r n a n e . in w h i c h . n. 4 ) . 1 1 9 ] . 1 0 0 . Yanhamu being [with you]. see t h e p a s s a g e s c i t e d in CAD. ] . 97? 8. 3 7 . AIPHOS 20 { 1 9 6 8 . 1 3 . JANES 2 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p . n. la(?). n. UF 1 6 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . I am being hard-pressed : si-ir-ti (I am besieged). d e p e n d i n g on w h e t h e r the k i n g rejects t h e city i t s e l f or i t s ruler. 12. t o o . D e c i s i v e . n o t e a l s o t h e p a r a l l e l ­ i s m o f teba'una a n d teqbuni. 9 1 . p . n. EA 127 if he w e r e b e i n g t o l d to a b a n d o n B y b l o s ( L i v e r a n i . 2 . t h e t i m e reference of teqbuna a n d teqbuni is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y t h e s a m e . S e e M . and 30 chariots. Cry out. t h e k i n g has t w o p o s s i b l e c o u r s e s o f a c t i o n . pp.2 9 [Certai]nly. The Road to Kadesh { s e e I n t r o d u c t i o n . n. Gubla is a loyal city. . In EA 3 1 6 2 : 2 1 . Izre'el. 4 9 . M y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .2 5 . however. and it will be guarded. C O P I E S : WA 184. { . to guard his city. . 3 0 . has c h a l l e n g e d t h i s view a n d w o u l d t r a n s l a t e the f o r m s w i t h {uni} as p r e t e r i t e s . T w[as str]ong. o n e also flees (ndbutu) or a b a n d o n s (ezebu). s e e m s clearer a n d m o r e forceful. N o t e .3 3 = 3 6 2 : 2 5 . if o n e h a t e s .. 4. T h e latter a r g u m e n t i g n o r e s t h e fact t h a t t h e r e p l a c e m e n t is c a l l e d for o n l y u n d e r the second c o n d i t i o n . 10. S e e EA 1 0 1 .2 6 . then there will be no [soldiers from Ka]Ia who will get in. . May my lord grant 100 men and 100 soldiers from Kasi..4 1 And now I declare. il(texv. the king should inquire 6 from him [about the sl]anders. VS 11. my lord: c when? previously Abdi-Asratu used to come up against me.tu)-tu. EA 127 Alone against the world T E X T : VAT 1687. however. 2 0 6 ) rather t h a n t h e k i n g o f M i t t a n i ( G .

[. C O P I E S : WA 227. c 10." 7. "when.IM (Hadda/Ba al). 1 Too fragmentary for translation. . A k k a d i a n sidqu.. [ti-tn-i\p-Ia-mi: l i t . [ a l . 3. F i v e l i n e s . 1696°. 2.]. 5 . I r e a d is-sd-qu : ft-ir-ti." m D c Line 1 2 : [. hear a b o u t t h e d e e d o f ( t h a t ) c r i m i n a l . i8ifF. EA 1 1 9 : 2 6 . p e r h a p s "the s l a n d e r s a g a i n s t G u b l a . " O n p o s t s c r i p t s . " EA 128 Message lost TEXT: VAT 1873 (not collated). w i t h a reference t o t h e A p i r u . b e s i e g e . m EA 1 4 0 ) . m a y c o n t a i n a p o s t s c r i p t o f t h e f u t u r e ruler o f B y b l o s (cf." is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . m y l o r d . see JCS 4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p p .. - NOTES 1 . s e c t . t h e loyal city.fi a n d tilqe are ex­ p e c t e d . . 4. [and it h]as peace. [ a . cf.l u ] . I f D u r a n d ' s a n a l y s i s o f rihfu in AEM 1 / 1 . 8. " T h e A k k a d i a n f o r m s e e m s t o b e a n e r r o ­ n e o u s p e r f e c t . m y l o r d . "to confine.r a p i l i : I fall 7 t i m e s a n d 7 t i m e s b e n e a t h t h e feet o f t h e k i n g . 6. L a s t w o r d s : "{then I will] d i e . M E S pifdti is t h e s u b j e c t o f b o t h v e r b s . w r i t t e n b y t h e s a m e s c r i b e as t h a t o f EA 126: 21 [um-ma] i-li-ra- u [pf-ih] 2 2 [ a . "another" ( p a l a v e r ) ? 9. A n d m a y t h e k i n g . [ T h e k i n g ] d i d nothing. A few s i g n s p r e s e r v e d o n t h e o b v e r s e . addressed to the king. cf. "and he was buried. L i n e s 2 iff. "(Let u s set) o u r faces u p o n G u b l a . " M e s s a g e o f I l i . t h e n t h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e c o n t r o v e r s y or p a l a v e r c o n c e r n e d t h e i r loyalty t o R i b . 4. p p . VS 11. ia-ab-»]i. "to b e c o m e narrow.THE AMARNA LETTERS my lord [ta]kes the land of Amurru [fo]r himself.n a k]a-ar-fi: cf.w ] 2 3 [7 u 7 am\-qut '-ma. see I n t r o d u c t i o n . T A G l R . Zani. "let G u b l a b e j o i n e d " (yaqtula).. is c o r r e c t . for t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n .. kima. M E S LUGAL E [ N . 71. 208 ... EA 88:31 (en-ni-ip-sa-(at)l). issdqifor issTq) + { u } of Canaanite durative. t h e f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r a d j e c t i v e rabtti in l i n e 3 9 .» w la-qe: infinitive r a t h e r t h a n s t a t i v e laqat. " (nadltna) pa-ni-nu elilmuhhi U[R]U gub-la. a n d if it is p e r t i n e n t h e r e . If U R I N . a n d 1 3 very f r a g m e n t a t y lines on t h e reverse.H a d d a . NOTE 1 .n a K I ] . however. L i n e 8: » qe-bi-ir qa-al. w i t h loss o f v o i c e d i s t i n c t i o n . tus.. s t r a i t e n e d " = C a n a a n i t e fur.

along with (my) living g o d . [They have committed] a l c cri[me. On its being [ta]ken [Gubla (itself)] they will u 2 12 [t]ake. ' what will the archers do?" 3 4 . Who are they. Truly. . } soldiers and 6 [. f ]or they d[o}?> as they 4 please. Batruna remai[ns to me}. Rib-Hadda? 22 Fo[r my ancesto]rs. 2 c inq(ui)re abo[ut the s]on[s] of Abdi-Asirt[a. the dogs? If Biryawaza is afraid 28 (o)/the king. Say t]o the [ki]ng.] 1 3 . ] and the magnate of Kumidu. [ . W]hat will the troops do [for your servant]. . and they strive to ta[ke] it. 2 9 keeps telling the magnate of . my lord's. he has not taken them. "Troops have indeed come out. earlier kings guard[ed] Gubla. my 24 lord.2 5 ••• 6 . May the king.. the dogs [ . they will [tak]e ° Gubla. It is at pe[ace}. Since a tablet to the mayors is [notpro]duced. If Gubla [is taken. then they 21 will be strong. as to the king.. having written. and the (last) commissioner 7 [was] a wi[se] man who was highly respected. ] . "Ta[ke (them)].$ Th]ey are against me. . may the king hasten the sending of the archers so he may take them. . my lord. . they have won [the lands] for the Apiru. Who are they. . .7 4 • • • 7 5 . b[ut they have killed 8 9 10 him] All my cities belong to (t)hem. they do not come out. unless archers come out 2 within this year. my lord. 209 . my lord. m[y l]ord. and you yourself must not abandon it. . and the lands be joined to the king." And now 2 5 . . [Rib]-Add[i. and] the king of 26 the Hittite countries. Accordingly. [my] lord: [I fall beneath the fee]t (of 1 my lord) 7 times and 7 [times]. . "If w[e] seize 1 16 Gubla. 70. not say. [then] their aim will be to seize [Gubla]. .*> The mayors of the Jckig .3 4 greatly." you spo[ke] 17 lies : ka-ma-mi(?).. There are no archers.8 9 the king of [ . "Surely it cannot be seized. If there are no archers this year. [. [ . 4 .1 2 May the king."i° they have not taken them. 14 they are intent on committing [a crime]. so that [the lands of the king belong] to the sons of c 27 Abdi-Asirta. . to my lord. [Look]. . ] that they should acquire fo[r themselves a]nything? They have piled up prop[erty of] the lands of the king in [their own] han[ds}. C O P I E S : WA 86 + WA 87.5 4 L[ook]. 5 5 . They say. If there are no archers. 2 2 . . they have long[ed] to 13 commit a great [crime]. . EA 129 EA 129 A long review of the situation T E X T : VAT 1637 + 1638.. VS 11. [my] lord. then send ships to 23 fetch me. And 18 19 they are stronger than we are.2 1 Now what they too[k ha]d been i[n the charge of] the commissioners of the king. If the king. servants (and) d o g s . .

U R . EA 1 2 6 : 1 . M E § L U G A L a-na U Z [ U .H a d d a . 6. b u t 3 6 2 : 2 8 U R U . a n d s o t h e t r a n s l a t i o n is here often e x t r e m e l y t e n t a t i v e . 9iff. o n l y o n e c i t y is referred t o . 10. a n d n o t t h e o u t l y i n g v i l l a g e s . irttha[t a-na ia-si]: enough room? 11. V-Cnja [qa-at].t p u .q u s u . T h e r e a d i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f lines 4 . . RA 19 ( 1 9 2 2 ) p p . LU e [ m . / i . line 9 6 a n d EA 362:69.T . M E S . They are [against me]. i-pi-il[ar-ni]: EA 1 2 9 : 2 9 = 362:45.t f / : cf. . N o t e . r 4.D a n g i n ' s t r a n s l a ­ t i o n . EA ? 1 0 2 : 7 ) . 16. 9. M E § is e i t h e r o t i o s e or carries w i t h it t h e c o n n o t a t i o n o f " a l l / g r e a t e r G u b l a " (or t h e l i k e ) . b u t here U R U .( s a ) . if [ d a . 15.n a ] : cf. K I . a n d see EA 1 2 6 . 13. EA 2 0 9 : 1 6 ) . "to p i l e u p " ) . i-nu-\ma la-a] 2 8 s [ u . "If we seize . a n c i o : 2 7. e x p l a i n s t h e g l o s s as A k k a d i a n 210 .t e (kalbu). ti-e-te-pu-Iu in line 8 8 . a n d p e r h a p s [SA]G -q[d]-di (for qaqqadT.s u . 1 7 0 . O n l y t h e city o f B a t r u n a r e m a i n s ." is o t h e r w i s e u n a t t e s t e d in t h e periphery. 1. and [they killed the commissioner of the king]. sa-bat-mi ni-[nu]: EA 1 2 9 : 3 2 = 3 6 2 ^ . .KI gub-la]: enough room? 12. on t h e s c r i b e o f EA 1 2 9 . . In EA 1 2 9 a n d 3 6 2 . 14. Cf. UR. w h e r e t h e h o p e is e x p r e s s e d t h a t t h e k i n g will not d i s m i s s t h e t h r e a t s e x p r e s s e d by R i b . M ] E § qa-[ti-su-nu]: kummiru (kamdru. amur-mi in EA 3 6 2 : 2 7 . w h i c h follows i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e s e n ­ t e n c e b e g i n n i n g . is i n t e n d e d t h r o u g h o u t is a l s o r e q u i r e d b y c o n t e x t . n. y i . th[ey are str]ong. 1469). t h e ME§ in U R U . r 8./ a . as e l s e w h e r e in t h e B y b l o s l e t t e r s (VAB 2/2./ ] i : t h e k i n g ' s s i l e n c e s h o w s indifference a n d encourages the rebels. TE^-ba (for bdsta. They took Pewurfu and ki]lled him.ME$.k u . then may he se]nd ships.u t ] 1 6 sa ka-bu-ut ma-gal: cf. "to d e s i r e .4 . NOTES m 1. see JCS 4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) p . t h a t in EA 129:53.s u ] : cf. t o o . M E § . EA 3 6 2 : 2 6 has U R U .umu]r for themselves. K I in line 3 1 . puhhir. w h i c h is c o m p a r a b l e t o KUR-nu ( o r i g i n a l l y for nukurtu.[ n u ] . A r t z i . ana ( s a ) .2 r * are e x t r e m e l y difficult. 3 6 2 : 1 .THE AMARNA LETTERS i2 90—94 . Bar-llan 1 ( 1 9 6 3 ) p p . Cf. 1 [ ri-ib~}-ad-d[i qi-bilbi-mi] 2 [a-n]a [ L U G ] A L be-li-[ia a-na KI. p a s s i m ) . 94—98 Since there are n{o arc]hers. l i k e ussir. for & z . a n d t h e p r i z e s o u g h t b y t h e e n e m y a n d feared b y R i b - H a d d a is t h e c a p t u r e o f B y b l o s i t s e l f (EA 3 6 2 : 1 2 ^ ) . ti-i}-b[u a r . they took the 33 territo(ry) of Sr. ka-{al)-bu? 5. ko*-b[ii): as in l i n e 8 1 . e t c .TA] r 3 [ G ] i [ R ] . 3. 8 tipusilna a-n[a sa-su-nu] 9 \m~\a-am-ma ku-mi-ru mi-a[m-ma sa] 1 0 [ K ] U R . K I . l o n g for. U R U . [URU. If [the king] is not going to listfen to his servant. " 17.3 . ( K I ) . . similarly. p. mi-am-ma. see a l s o T h u r e a u .n a ] : sabu. EA 106:39 l 7 3> a s s u m i n g here a s p o r a d i c A s s y r i a n i s m (kabbut). r 2. cf.. 38f. Pewuru. B e t t e r . M E § . T h a t B y b l o s . M E § 7 u ~T lam-quf'Y. EA 1 2 4 : 2 3 .

cf. K I a [ z . 46. P e r h a p s . a n d so it is u n l i k e l y t h a t U R U s[u-mu- r)i is c o r r e c t . see Or n . Say [t]o the king. ti-n[a-sa-ru-n}a. A l e p p o . they w i l l b e s t r o n g e r .H a d d a refers t o h i m s e l f b y n a m e b e c a u s e he is i m p l i c i t l y citing t h e w o r d s o f his enemy. S e e n. 1 7 0 . a n d r i g h t after tilquni. 22. p. Political Disposition. In l i n e 45. 29 (i960) p .i^-ba-t{u-na]. 4. p .H a d d a s e e m s t o refer to a letter f r o m the k i n g . H e b r e w y d r e ' min. a n d B o g h a z k o y ( S u n a s s u r a treaty). C O P I E S : WA 46. 20. T h e m o s t l i k e l y r e a d i n g s e e m s to b e U R U . he is n o t s h o w i n g it a n d a t t a c k i n g the k i n g ' s enemies. u dannu in EA 3 6 2 : 2 8 . 249. which would a l s o fit t h e b r e a k perfectly. T h e "living g o d " is very likely t h e s a m e g o d t h a t is m e n t i o n e d in EA 84:35. tu. r 25. t h e p a r a l l e l in l i n e 34 s u g g e s t s a r e s t o r a t i o n o f [pi'-td-tu]. b u t b y U R U . 29. G a z a . Beziehungen. 16 a b o v e . [ a .s u ] : d e s p i t e K n u d t z o n ' s o b j e c t i o n s .[ q u . 33. we s h o u l d expect balfa. . M E S or U R U . p. m 21. 4. I f B i r y a w a z a is a f r a i d o f t h e k i n g (as t h e k i n g says he i s ) . T h e s c r i b e o f EA 1 2 6 . mi-di la sa-ab-ta-at /><2-[as-ha-at]: see JCS 3 1 (1979) p . ( K n u d t z o n ) . B u t t h i s w o u l d leave t h e p e r s o n a l n a m e h a n g i n g in t h e air. " w h e r e b y t h e s c r i b e e m p h a s i z e s t h a t it is r i g h t to call w h a t t h e k i n g w r o t e lies. 23. 45 [ a . K n u d t z o n ' s r e s t o r a t i o n is g r a m m a t i c a l l y u n a c c e p t a b l e (tiqbilna required). 746°. H e l c k . your servant. U R U ( l o g o g r a m r e v e r s e d ) s[u-mu-r]i.m i ] : a g a i n (see n. 1 2 9 .. " Cf. 94. my lord. " W h o are t h e y ? the k i n g o f M i t t a n i ? t h e k i n g of K a s s u ? t h e k i n g o f H i t t i t e c o u n t r i e s ? " Cf. not balti. 30. I f t h e s h i p s were to fetch " m e a l i v e " . . EA 362:27. VS 11. EA 116:706 27. May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king. M E S ) . . EA 130 kdmma-mi. . EA 130 c Life among the Apiru T E X T : VAT 1624. a n d see n. see N a ' a m a n . dan -«#. "your m e s s e n g e r s are b e i n g s e i z e d " ? 26. 3. K I ( .n a i R . / e . I fall at the feet of 211 . [u \a]-qu-mi. n. s . 31. 72. EA 3 6 2 : 2 7 a n d line 44 below. 24. [ u d a ." w h i c h is a t t e s t e d in A l a l a k h . 48:16. eperu. P e r h a p s R i b .k a \rib-hadda: cf. I d o not a c c e p t t h e a l l e g e d p a r a l l e l in PRU 3. VAB 2/1. "territory. I p r o p o s e i-pi-(ti) K I . my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. 28) R i b . " t h u s . n.t i ] .f f l ] / : cf. a[r-na] 87 [ e p . 552.z a . n o t e a. p . pal-ha (it)-tu L U G A L BE-[/<z}: cf. r 1 32.. P e r h a p s b e t t e r : "(If) t h e r e are no archers ( a n d ) t h e y d o n o t c o m e o u t . 19.n u ni]i-na .. a n d 362 never i n t r o d u c e s a c i t y s i m p l y by U R U . 28.m u t . 18.

What am I. but] a garrison [of the king] was wi(t)h them. and it is distressing for us to see that w(e) are going to be taken. my Sun. . should troops a{dv]an{cep on Gubla. . they will k i l l . 1 8 8 . e d . ti-du-ku-[na Iu\-nu. 9-14 As to the king's having written to me. 2." he has not come to me. w h o n o t e s t h e p a r a l l e l i s m in U g a r i t i c o f nkr a n d tn. i{t] had 8 9 no one for fu{nerary offerin]gs. There were provisions from the king at their disposal. When [I] die. If the desire of the king. 1 [. this is the way they 212 .} 6-14 My lord {us]ed to send a garri[son] to Gubla. 7 times and 7 times. and 100 men from Kasi.THE AMARNA LETTERS the king. . I have [n]o [provision]s [from the king or gar]ri[son of the king]. [I] will guard it while I am [a]live. who live among "Apiru. troops from Gubla have been killed. my lord. . who is going to [gu]ard it? NOTES 1 . "Irimayas's'a is coming to you. 73). the city of my lord.3 0 They have attacked' commissioners : ma-lik. C O P Y : BB 24." who can guard me? 2 1 . They are like dogs. my peasantry is going to 2 fi[gh]t (against me). . n. i n . send a garrison to guard the city. was killed. [the]y are the 1 ones who strik[e] our city. 30 chariots. that they may guard Gubla. n. If the desire of the king is to guard his city and his servant. they will s[ur]ely take it. There was war against the[m. "Guard yourself and guard the city of the king where you are. my lord. I myself am afraid I will be kil{led. see L i v e r a n i . in G a r e l l i . 2 1 . p ..3 1 Look. I f t h e v e r b in q u e s t i o n is sananu. then may my lord send 300 sol­ diers. 4 and m{e. Wh[at shall I] do? 3 2 .5 2 A(ll) lands are at war against me. to do? If now there are no provisions from the king for me. formerly my ancestors [were str]ong. M E S (counselors) of the king.4 2 As for the mayors. he was placed in . 14—20 As to the king's having written me. Le Palais et la Royaute (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . Sumur has now been seized. your servant]. 1 The corps]e was cas{t aw]ay.. the king's counselor. EA 131 A commissioner killed TEXT: BM 29807. 30-40 {Form]erly. When Pewuru. {Though the war against me] is seve[re]. . 4 3 . We are servants of 6 the king. p e r h a p s "will b e c o m e h o s t i l e " . 15—20 If the king does not send the summer- 2 grain. is (to guard) Gubla. and there is no one who wants to serve them.

r a ( K n u d t ­ z o n ) m u s t a s s u m e an e x t r e m e l y rare p l u r a l o f m a j e s t y . . Hebrew q°rab.. GA]-p{ 3 0 ia-nu a-na la-a-Uu . Pahamnata would not listen to me. 4 1 . a n d t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t r a c e s is e x t r e m e l y difficult a n d s u b j e c t i v e . and [ . " 4. p . . . qitrubu a n d taqrubtu. yti-Ii-ra ( l i n e 1 2 ) a n d yu-Ii-ru (line 1 5 ) . .]'4 He must not ne[glec}t [his city. there is n o o n e . r 1 ? 3.]: q u i t e c o n j e c t u r a l . 4 8 . T h e c o n t e x t s u g g e s t s t h a t qerebu. 2 .f i l . ] . p r o b a b l y [ y ] u . . The lands of Canaan will not belong to the king. s . ni-{au) na-ld-qu: very t e n t a t i v e l y t a k e n as p a s s i v e o f leqii (nulaqqu or nulqu e x p e c t e d ) .r # : cf. (2) qi (GI) is o t h e r w i s e u n k n o w n in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s . o n t h e s y n t a x .4 7 As to its being 1 said 3 be[fore] the king. "There is no grain (or) food [for] the archers to eat. . see VAB 2 / 2 . 8.r u ] ( l i n e 3 9 ) a n d j / ' . ana sa-a-[su pa-na]-nu-ma: elsewhere in t h e B y b l o s c o r p u s ..s a . i66f. T h e difficulties w i t h S E . line 2 8 . U n l e s s t h i s p a s s a g e c o n t r a d i c t s EA 1 1 7 : 2 3 6 ° . 12. N a ' a m a n . u-da-a-k{a]: the r e a d i n g is a l m o s t c e r t a i n .q u ] (line 40). If [the king] heeds the words of his servant and [sends] a large archer 12 force. y i . . 6. [May the king ask] Yanhamu about th(ese) 6 ma(tt)ers. " h e r e i m p l i e s h o s t i l i t y . t h e r e q u e s t for a l a r g e force in lines 38ff. . cf. see Or n . arch}ers and auxiliary forces [ . U]S 2 9 yu-n[a-d]a LU KI.[ 5 i . . R e f e r e n c e to P e w u r u ' s b o d y ? A n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y : " S h o u l d a c o r p s e b e l a i d t o r e s t . R e a d AD-b[u-ka] = abilkal 11. [ y u . p r o p o s e s yu-ba-lli-iq]. . "to a p p r o a c h . . .[ b a ] ." wherever are all the cities of the king food and grain [may be found}. .t e a-na 5 URU. M E § qe-e-si are (1) §E is not c o m p l e t e l y c e r t a i n .s ] i ..' NOTES 1.k a ] : cf. 1 5 9 4 . 14. ia-[a]-t[i l R . E n d o f l i n e 3 2 : i f ab-b[u-ka] is the correct r e a d i n g . w h i c h is p e r h a p s to b e t a k e n as an indefinite p l u r a l . n o t e . t o o . 30 . 10. T h e t a b l e t is b a d l y d a m a g e d or e r o d e d h e r e . .6 2 [ . . I n v i e w ofyilmu (line 3 8 ) . they will take it.5 6 [ . pdnanu.. [your}fath[er}. e i t h e r a n e g a t i v e is t o b e r e s t o r e d or t h e s e n t e n c e m u s t b e read a s a q u e s t i o n . the d o u b l i n g m u s t b e i g n o r e d . " 9. b u t it is q u e s t i o n a b l e w h e t h e r t h e r e is e n o u g h r o o m . and he t[ook} everything. [SE.s ] i . n o t e t h e c h a n g e in n u m b e r i n tilqunali. "to p e r i s h " ? 7.. [ u s . t h e n t r o o p s w i l l a d v a n c e . 2 8 . p p . B e g i n n i n g o f l i n e 3 2 : r e a d p r o b a b l y yu-fir or yu-{wa)-Iir. udakla LU.'i If] he does not send (them) [to Gubl}a. not m o d a l . 5 . T h e final {a} is p r o b a b l y a fossilized v e n t i v e . 29 (i960) p. Now his son has plundered] Sumur. 213 . ] 5 7 . and he went on 11 with his tr[eacher]ous activities. . . EA 131 10 acted: the king. . did [not] send a small archer force. . alaqu = haldqu. he (the king) wil[l take everything... A l s o p o s s i b l e ( K n u d t z o n ) : "If . not pananumma.. a n d (3) t h e s u b j e c t o f s u p p l i e s is i n t r o d u c e d s u d d e n l y a n d in an u n p a r a l l e l e d m a n n e r . Political Disposition.KI gub-l{a KASKAL (liarrana)]: if yisabbata is the c o r r e c t r e a d i n g .

[ x ] ( l i n e 2 3 ) . 50 chariots. whose father 5 turned the citi{es] into enemies. Abdi-Asirta attacked me. "Send the royal archers. my lord. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times. " is not t o b e r e s t o r e d in t h e b r e a k . they will take you prisoner. Send ships to fetch the Lady's property and me. "to g u a r d . . If now you are negligent.1 0 0 m[en fro]m 6 [Meluh]ha. his lord. see EA 8 8 .. P a r a l l e l s (EA 1 1 2 : 3 3 ! ? . { . .a [ k ] . n. ] " 3 24—28 { ./ & / 59 { a n a U R U . "If we d o n o t . my lord. m[y] Sun: Message of Rib-Hadda. {to g]uard [the city] for you. your loyal city.x . lami { i . .5 0 1 said the same thing to Pawuru so he would not listen to the words of Ha'i{p]. C O P Y : BB 18. 5 1 . your {serjvant. M E § .1 0 0 men and 5 0 . EA 132 The hope for peace TEXT: BM 29801. "then G u b l a w i l l b e a t p e a c e " ? ) . yti-qa-bu: f o l l o w i n g Izre'el. . [S]ay {to] the king.1 8 Moreover. . together with his possessions? 19—23 Now Aziru has gathered c a{ll] the Apiru and has said to them. M E S an-(nu-tu): cf. K A M . 15. I f a r c h e r s a r e m e n t i o n e d in l i n e 5 7 . and the entire land 1 2 c will be taken in a day. " ? 214 . Earlier. . { . 29—37 {LJook. t h e n a f o r m o f nafdru. 5. EA 132:29?. "If you make an alliance . O n laqi. . see EA 1 0 8 . May the Lady of Gubla grant power to the king.5 9 I keep (wr)iting like this to the pa[lac]e. see EA 1 0 9 . .THE AMARNA LETTERS 1 3 .s u ] . . and all your {ma]yors will be killed. May the king not neglect this deed. then Pihura will not stay in Kumidu. . give c thought to Gubla. 3. 8 . 2. ] with the sons of c 4 Abdi-Asirta. . . since a commissioner was killed." Did he not take fo{r himself] Abdi-Asirt{a]. a{sk him] if I did not say to him. and he guarded the c{ities] of the king. 14. . 62 {yi-sa-al ]ia-an-ha-ma a-na a-{wa)-te. ] . 1 3 2 : 5 6 ? . B B ) is n o t clear. G u b l a . t h e n .2 . . t h e t h i r d vertical o f ir ( K n u d t z o n . ) s u g g e s t a f o r m o f pasahu (u pashat al gubla. NOTES 1. 8 6 . ." He listened t{p me]. {Sen]d 5 0 . n.m ] a . Se{nd] archers and bring peace to the land. O n t h e o t i o s e M E § in U D . . K l . "If Gubla is not . Now Ha'ip has hand{ed over] Sumur. and I wrote to your father. UF 19 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . m 16. P e r h a p s n i . n. 8. {but] no attention is paid {t]o me. Yanhamu being with you. 3 7 .

* lest Azi[ru ta]ke it.. give thought your[self t]o your servant and to G u b l a . OA 1 1 (1972) p . 3. so that we must give u p our gods. 1. a[nd they have gone for]th. .]' NOTE 1. n. 24. 6. And there being no [troops i]n the city to smit[e the servant]. see N a ' a m a n . a-pa-si x . 29 (i960) p . [I ke]ep writing like [this] to the king. M ] E § IR-a-si-ir-ta it la-qu-ka sa- ma a-na [ia-si]: see JCS 4 (1950) p . M E § definitely b e l o n g s o n l i n e 3 3 . . s e e Or n . 2 3 . } . the kin]g. [Wh]at am I to do [b]y myself? [The people w]ho were i[n the cit]y have deserted i[n order to g]etprovisions fo]r th[emselves]. OA 11 (1973) p . s . 11. 29 (i960) p . b u t a p l a u s i b l e r e s t o r a t i o n e s c a p e s m e . [Sen]d [troops to Gu]bla. Or n . VS. 1 7 0 . C O P I E S : WA 66. 167. s e e P i n t o r e . 5. n. O n lines 37ff. [my] lord. .. I n m y o p i n i o n . 74. And [may it seem right] in your sight. t h e c o n s t r u c r i o n is a s y n d e t i c . see Pin­ t o r e . R u l e s o f m o d a l s e q u e n c e e x c l u d e anassiru ( K n u d t z o n ) . From time im[memorial] 2 the g[ods] have not gone aw[ay] from Gubla. n. O n t h e g l o s s . s . EA 133 Some advice for the king TEXT: VAT 1667 (not collated). I f t h e r e is n o t e n o u g h r o o m for t h e c o n j u n c ­ t i o n . EA 133 m 4.. n. . thfrevil dog. 1 0 3 .a : ka-[si that I may gua]rd [.2 9 [andhe s]ends a [garris]on 215 . . The sons of c Abdi-Asi[rta have taken] all [your] cities. t h e vertical after §1 in B B is c e r t a i n . o n line 3 2 .x ] at-ta ki-ta it-[ti D U M U . 1 0 . C O P Y : WA 83. . . Political Disposition. EA 134 Departure of the gods TEXT: C 4754 (12189). { . L i n e 57: [(ii) ti-n\a-si-r[u\. 1 0 . ask him. 1 0 5 .2 2 they can[not] return.* 1 5 . for w h i c h see EA 1 2 1 . . Moreover. 9. . 1.. { . ] 5—n Sumur {. p .. [my lord]: [Se(n)]d me 1 0 [men from Meluh]b. A]s Ha'ip is [withyou].1 9 d a [garrison] to your cities with all [sp]eed. They [ar]e at war wi[th me.[ x . . n. . for a s o m e w h a t different v e r s i o n . 7—14 [N]ow Aziru has 3 sen[r] troops t[o sei]ze it. . [ . s e n and then 1 2 . O n the reading of the n u m b e r s .

94^°. taken $umur. To their heavenly dwell­ i n g s . .s i z e s i g n . he has turned again[st Gub]la . 3 2 2 : 1 7 ) . . 77. 2. I fall at the feet of the king. 8 1 .w i [ E R I N . ] .. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. Tell el Amarna. 7 times and 7 times.s i . " R ? 4. EA 8 2 : 1 5 . the king's loyal city [ . C O P Y : BB 16. and my wife. my own household. heed the words of his servant. EA 136 Rib-Hadda from Beirut TEXT: BM 29799. and U R . K I . 20.4 1 [. kept saying to me. 2. U R (kalbu. .] NOTES 0 : l 1. t h e n t h e e r a s u r e . 6-15 May the king. 1 Too fragmentary for translation. EA 129:7. 132:13. . Men of Gubla. . NOTE 1 . my lord: Message of Rib-Hadda. pi. followed by a s o m e w h a t o b l i q u e w e d g e .. 1-41: 409. L U U R . lit. t u S . my lord. He has. see I n t r o d u c t i o n . and / wrote. I assfure you]. the dirt at your feet. K U (EA 8 4 : 3 5 .THE AMARNA LETTERS to {bis] ci{ty}. your servant. nadttnu: t a k e n as first p l u r a l (cf. n. Who has said anything to him? This being true. As I have sent a man of mine to the palace. "have n o t g o n e u p " (elu). a b a n d o n i n g t h e i r e a r t h l y o n e s in B y b l o s ? 3. 3 2 0 : 2 2 . 3 8 . why has the ki[ng} not written? 29—38 . K U (EA 138:96). my lord. and I am afraid. g e n i t i v e o f U R . nadltna in EA 8 9 : 1 6 ) . N\ow\ the war against me is severe. 137:26). EA 135 Message lost T E X T : Ash 1893. 9 5 . T h i s t a b l e t n o l o n g e r e x i s t s . p e r h a p s nadnu. {/} and Gubla. .r a ] . 9. no. under which traces o f a horizontal. "have b e e n g i v e n u p . p o s s i b l y c r o s s e d b y t w o or t h r e e v e r t i c a l s . 216 . [T}o the king. M E 3 ] : cf. COPY: Sayce. I f read correctly. Cf. R I (kalbi)? In t h e b r e a k t h e r e is r o o m for a n a v e r a g e . [1R] L U ' U R .

"Send immediately^ a garrison to your servant that they may guard the city for the king. 173?. m y l o r d . T h e f o r m a t ( c r u d e p a r a - g r a p h i n g s ) a n d s o m e ?eatures o ? t h e l a n g u a g e ( e . repel" (AHw. then I will die. I f it is p a s s i v e (CAD. 1 2 3 . " see EA 3 5 . "to p u s h away. my lord. T h e f o r m id-du-ul is m o r e e a s i l y e x p l a i n e d as a c t i v e . when I was hard pressed. S. v o n S o d e n .2 3 Moreover. R i b - H a d d a w r i t e s t h i s l e t t e r a n d EA 1 3 7 . ma'u. I thought to myself. 6 3 7 . my lord. 1 1 4 9 b ) . "Come! I must mak(e) an alliance of friendship : T U . a n A s s y r i a n i s m ? L o c k e d o u t o f his o w n h o u s e a n d d r i v e n f r o m h i s city (EA 1 3 7 : 2 4 ? ) . 2 . (my) lord. h e n d i a d y s ? Cf. I did not listen to them. 2. I repeatedly wrote to the king. see a l s o EA 1 2 2 . "to h a s t e n " ? ussira hutnfa ( i m p e r a t i v e ) . D U G .H a d d a ' s b r o t h e r (cf. my lord. 5 ) . for sallma epesu (AHw. E . n. 4 2 4 . s e e a l s o EA 3 0 2 . " c ? EA 1 1 9 : 4 2 . 6. G A : T U . n. however. n.. 1 6 . If the 7 king. itttlu sa P N in l i n e 2 9 ) d i s t i n g u i s h EA 1 3 6 ? r o m t h e l e t t e r s w r i t t e n a t B y b l o s . 1 5 7 4 . o n libbu sanu. n. santta u a n d endu(m) in l i n e 2 4 . 37—46 I am now awaiting day and night the archers of the king. May the king. NOTES 1 . " d i v i d e d loyalty. Cf. salma epesu. AHw. but he barred the 6 house against m e . my lord. " c o n f u s e d w i t h hamdfu. p. 7." No word. 5. F o l l o w i n g CAD. 2 . " l o o k . 3 . does not have a change of heart. give life to his servant. 5 9 . a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n . 4. p ." But I refused. p p . 2 6 b ) . OLZ 7 6 { 1 9 7 1 } c o l s . give thought to his servant. 3 7 1 : 1 8 . or p e r h a p s sul -ma x epesu.3 6 Moreover. 1 3 7 8 ) . t h e r e is n o d i v i d e d loyalty. p . EA 1 3 7 : 1 4 1 ? . May the king. BIL? hamafu. "to b u r n . EA 136 c 1 "Ally yourself with the son of Abdi-Asirta so we can make peace be­ 2 tween us. a n d "another ?ace" in EA 253:27. n. my lord. "another h e a r t ." lit. EA 137:79. 217 . 5." So I went to his house in order to make an alliance of friendship between (us). K A : t h e g l o s s is a s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g o f t h e S u m e r o g r a m D U G . K A ' with Ammu- nira. my lord. 3. . a n d EA 8 2 . May the king. G A . 2 4 6 ? ) . g . " O n summa. from the king. T h e A k k a d i a n e q u i v a l e n t — i f t h e r e w a s o n e a n d t h e e x p r e s s i o n w a s not s i m p l y "to m a k e tuka"—-was p r o b a b l y tdbiltu (JNES 22 [1963] pp. eddul. Then I returned to my own house. n. t h e u n n a m e d s u b ­ ject w o u l d b e R i b . I w o u l d d i e . they have given two of my sons and two of my wives to the rebel against the king.3 8 f r o m B e i r u t . p . Moreover. has reached his servant. 1 6 9 . my lord. F o r t h e k i n g . give thought to his servant. P e r h a p s b e t t e r : " L o o k .

When I was in the city. he despised me. my lord. 1 4 . 1). my lord. and much is the property belonging to its temples. Seux. pp. my lord. The men of my {house} saw that no money had been 2 given. m[y] lord. my lord. he committed a crime and drove me from the city. into the presence of the king. Note. my lord]. TRANSLATIONS: Oppenheim. not neglect the deed of this dog. and may the king. 7 times and 7 timfes].THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 137 An old man in exile TEXT: Golenischeff (see Introduction. for I com(mit)ted sins against the gods. 1 Rib-Adfdi says] to the king. my brother turned the city into an enemy in order to give c it to the sons of Abdi-Asrati. they did me injustice and despised me. [his] lord. When my brother saw that my mess(en)ger had come out empty-handed and that there was no garrison with him. my lord. I did not give the city to the sons of Abdi-Asrati.3 5 I personally am unable to enter the land of Egypt. [and] the king.6 5 May the king. 5 9 . The king. May the king.5 8 The king. but it was not granted. 5 2 . my lord. and the archers of the king.. my lord. I shall not enter the presence of the 5 king. and traitor(ous) troops and the sons c 7 of A[bdi]-Asirti not [en]ter it. like the mayors. C O P Y : WA 71. my lord. I sent a mess[enger of mine} to the palace. and the pains are severe. my younger brother turned Gubla into an enemy in order to give the city to c the sons of Abdi-Asirta. pp. grant 6 archers so they may se[ize] Gubla. a(nd) I was dedicated to the c IQ king. [the Sun of all countries]: [I fall] beneath the feet [of the king. 218 . I guarded it for my lord. my lord. the city will return to the king.. when the archers come forth and they hear 9 (of it). my lord. there is much silver and gold in it. As there are many that are loyal to me in the city (and) few the traitors in it. but he returned} empty-handed." If the king.** Accordingly. 8 be too few to take it. a servant of the king. did [not] heed the word[s of his servant}. LFM. knows that the 3 gods of Gubla are holy. May the king heed the wo(r)ds of his servant. seizes it. Accordingly. and so. Accordingly. 132ff. not neglect the city. knows that I will die for him.1 4 I wrote repeatedly fo[r a garrison]. my brothers. 5 . as soon as they arrive. he had no garri[son]. Albright. sect. 483f. 2 7 .2 6 Moreover. pp. I am old and there is a serious illness in my body. 48ff. Textes du Proche Orient. 36—51 So I herewith send my own son. my lord. when I had gone to Hammuniri. ANET. my lord.

. . p p .H a d d a c a n n o t g o t o E g y p t . my lord. my lord. my son. EA 8 9 : 1 7 . Burusilim became hostile. my lord]. to the king. " R i b . . R i b . ANET. . ] . and may he send troops quickly to take the city. ' When I came to Hammuniri because of the sons of Abdi- Asrati. "It is a strong city. . P e r h a p s ri-ib-ad-[di qt'-bi'-malmi]. my lord. ep-(sa)-ti: cf. . u n l e s s o n e a s s u m e s e i t h e r a p a r e n t h e t i c a l r e m a r k or a n u n p a r a l l e l e d c o n s t r u c t i o n ( O p p e n h e i m : "al­ t h o u g h I c o n f e s s e d . but let him not] ab{andon me.. If the king. May the king. 1 1 4 7 . . I said to my lord. 65—77 I am now with Hammuniri. [ . 8 6 0 b ) is t h a t n e i t h e r A k k a ­ d i a n petit nor t h e related root pth in W e s t S e m i t i c l a n g u a g e s ever m e a n s "to confess. d}o as he wi[ll to his servant. then [. A g a i n s t t h e t e a d i n g ep-ti. is/are g r e a t . If the king. F u r t h e r m o r e . "//Gubla becomes their city.A d d i . mursu-ma G A L (rabilrabu). 1 1 3 : 1 1 . "I confessed" ( K n u d t z o n . a n d t h i s can h a r d l y b e b e c a u s e h e c o n f e s s e d his sins. 4 8 3 ^ . 2. as " i n s u l t . May the king. LFM. "my d i s e a s e has b e c o m e c h r o n i c " ( t o o free). possessions of our an(ces)tors in the past. 4. How lo{ng am I to stay with him]} 9 0 . p p . ] . Should it be said to the king about the city." 7 8 . If the king neglects the city. EA 7 5 : 1 8 ? ) magal: s i n c e magal e l s e w h e r e never serves as a n a d j e c t i v e . 1. AHw. no e t y m o l o g y is p r o p o s e d ." it will not be strong before the troops of the king.H a d d a ' s sins w e r e p r e s u m a b l y n o secret t o t h e g o d s . 3. [my lord]. but may he give(e) Burusilim for me 12 to live in. " A l b r i g h t . NOTES m 1. May the king. 1 3 2 ? . EA 137 let him do to his servant as he will. "the p a i n / p a i n s . " and A l b r i g h t .. "the i l l n e s s is severe". mur-su-u (cf. . being in fear of the sons of Abdi- 1 c Asirta. . not neglect this painful deed that has been done to the 6 lands of the king. my lord. p p .'4 there is much property of the king in it. mur-fi-i." T h e a t t e s t e d m e a n i n g o f "to reveal" d o e s not fit t h e c o n t e x t . rush' archers to seize the city as quickly as possible. 132!?". ] as before for the king. p e r h a p s b e t t e r . " ) . my lord. as " r i d i c u l e . my lord. see EA 1 2 6 a n d n. and returns me to the city. Say . . " all a p p a r e n t l y only f r o m c o n t e x t . seeing they were stronger than I and there was no breath from the mouth of the king for me.8 9 I herewith send your servant. and may the king send him quickly along with troops that they may take the city. O p p e n h e i m . p . [my] lord. I am with] Hammun[iri . heed [the words} of his servant . LFM.1 0 4 May {the king. t o o ( ? ) . " . only O l d Assyrian)? K n u d t z o n and E b e l i n g t r a n s l a t e a s " i n v e i g h a g a i n s t . . ti-is-la-Uy sald'u (AHw. of all the cities of Canaan not one will be his. p. shows me favor.. O p p e n h e i m . 5 then I will guard i[t' . . When the cities became c hostile.] the city from B{ur]us{ilim. May the king not neglect this matter. my lord. . 219 . " O p p e n h e i m . {does not return me] to it. t h e c l a u s e e n u n c i a t e s o n e m o r e reason w h y R i b .

timuru. 90?." 1 0 . 8) a n d ana umi kasddi-Tt. 28). a m e a s u r e o ? the g r a v i t y o ? t h e w h o l e s i t u a t i o n . tina"isu-ni. p a s s i v e s e n s e . 5. kinanna. te-is-[ba-at]: t h i r d f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r r e q u i r e d i n v i e w o?timtafi in line 44 (see n. EA ioi:3ff. U g a r i t .v e r b ) s t r e s s e s the o b j e c t : R i b . htfaepes'u: S t a n d a r d B a b y l o n i a n . 11. 1 4 . . m a k e s s e n s e a n d is u n o b j e c t i o n a b l e . I f [ti-r]i-bu-mi ( K n u d t z o n ) is c o r r e c t . 94. L i t .8 1 ) . " b u t a g a i n s t t h i s is t h e fact t h a t t h e p l u r a l t h r o u g h o u t t h i s letter h a s t h e { t } . O n a c a u s a l c l a u s e i n t r o d u c e d b y u. I t c o u l d e x p l a i n R i b .. n. 42?). as 220 . 9.{ § } a . .H a d d a ' s not g o i n g to E g y p t o n l y on t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t he h a d v o w e d not t o g o . T h e a s s u m e d l e v e l i n g t h r o u g h o f the p e r f e c t for all f u n c t i o n s o f t h e v o l i t i v e h a s m a n y p a r a l l e l s (ezebu. "I have r e d e e m e d (by a vow)" ( A l b r i g h t ) . a n d 9 3 . [u-r\i-bu-mi. o r i g i n a l l y n o d o u b t a w r i t i n g o f nakm. ep-di. t h e t r o o p s t h a t the k i n g m i g h t b e e x p e c t e d to s e n d w o u l d b e t o o few t o c a p t u r e the city. t h e n t h e y w i l l hear ( o f it). 97).H a d d a d o e s not a s s u m e he w i l l b e r e s t o r e d t o his city (cf. w h i c h fits well w i t h w h a t K n u d t z o n s e e m s t o have seen. 80. w h i c h is t r e a t e d a s p l u r a l in lines 42(F). O p p e n h e i m . 39.). \\\tislahil. o n l y a d d i n g a r e q u e s t to b e a l l o w e d t o live in a p l a c e a p p a r e n t l y d e a r to h i m . n." in line 57 i n d i c a t e s t h a t lines 5 3 . suffers f r o m t h e s a m e difficulties: t h e a s s u m e d m e a n i n g is w i t h o u t p a r a l l e l in A k k a d i a n or W e s t S e m i t i c .. w i t h o n l y t w o e x c e p t i o n s ( 8 0 .v e r b ) e m p h a s i z e s t h e ?act t h a t R i b .£ i ] h . "accordingly. R U . 5 2 .H a d d a is s e n d i n g h i s o w n s o n . 1 3 .e n d i n g (see EA 1 3 8 . 80. a n d he e x p r e s s e s his w i l l i n g n e s s t o a c c e p t a n y d e c i s i o n o f the k i n g . . t h e y a l w a y s a p p e a r r i g h t after t h e v e r b (lines 7. R i b .J > } / ( K n u d t z o n ) suffers f r o m several difficulties: (1) t h e w r o n g t h e m a t i c v o w e l in B a b y l o n i a n . leqU. P e r h a p s t h e r e is reference t o o n l y o n e t e m p l e . We m u s t thus take N A . 77. Lines 67? are e x t r e m e l y difficult. "when t h e a r c h e r s c o m e o u t . I follow O p p e n h e i m . 9 3 . For summa w i t h the i n d i c a t i v e . 29?. yi-is-ba-tu-Ii is a l w a y s i n t e r p r e t e d as p l u r a l . I n line 6 2 . I t d o e s not i n t r o d u c e an o a t h ( O p p e n h e i m ) . r 8. w h e n sarru a n d / o r belt f u n c t i o n a s s u b j e c t o f t h e v e r b . line 6. 59. u n p a r a l l e l e d s e n s e . K n u d t z o n . neither o f t h e m c o m p a r a b l e to t h e w o r d o r d e r a s s u m e d h e r e .H a d d a ' s a d v i c e t o t h e k i n g is t o s e n d forces n o w to t a k e t h e c i t y f r o m h i s b r o t h e r before t h e A m u r r u forces o c c u p y it. M E S . a n d (3) i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ( u n i d e n t i f i e d o b j e c t . 1 0 5 : 3 6 ? . 1 2 . e x c e p t t h a t I t a k e pal-ha-tu a s f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r p a r t i c i p l e .5 6 are t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f the p e r f i d i o u s b r o t h e r ' s activity. 104:36?. T h e g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t e d r e a d i n g / i .THE AMARNA LETTERS Mutatis mutandis. cf. it s e e m s . " T h e p l u r a l tisbatii in line 98 is p r o b a b l y d u e t o c o n f u s i o n w i t h s i m p l e E R I N . 3 1 . t o lie in t h e p a s t ( K n u d t z o n . 98. a n d for ff see he-e-fi'm line 3 3 . 84?. see EA 3 5 .p r e ? o r m a t i v e (tuddanil. for t h e n . ) . A l b r i g h t ) . 6. O p p e n h e i m ) t h a n in t h e f u t u r e ( A l b r i g h t ) . 3. 38. 7 5 . "on its [ ? e m i n i n e ] a r r i v a l . "If t h e y t a k e i t . see lines 8 1 ? R i b . T h e w o r d o r d e r ( o b j e c t .H a d d a sinned a g a i n s t t h e g o d s . 1 3 9 : 1 1 ? T h e w o r d o r d e r ( o b j e c t . tisbatii. w i t h key w o r d s s u p p l i e d . e t c . semu. . 26. E g y p t (EA 162:9). (2) an over­ h a n g i n g v o w e l . O n lumma in t h i s s e n t e n c e . 7. 12. K U R . n o t a s first s i n g u l a r "stative" (so a l s o A l b r i g h t ) b e c a u s e I d o u b t t h e e x i s t e n c e o f t h e { a t u } . M o r e o v e r . hittta epesu: B o - g h a z k o y . tilqu. w h i c h is m o r e likely. T h e r e a d i n g ti-[i]m-[i]a-U]i. 8iff. t h e n the a p p a r e n t a c c u s a t i v e sara should probably be sa-ra-(tulte).

p . i d e m .KI 1 U R U . the n u m e r a l w o u l d not b e w r i t t e n w i t h a h o r i z o n t a l w e d g e . 5 3 6 . s . . your [ser]vant. a-na-sdr-s{f\: cf. "Behold our city B y b l o s " (Al­ b r i g h t ) t a k e s t h e na o f t h e suffix as first p l u r a l (cf. n. 3 After the re[vol}t of my territory. 3 9 ( 1 9 7 0 ) p . A n a l e c t a O r i e n t a l i a 4 2 A ( R o m e . he should} get strong and be like th{em}. p e r h a p s NA.KAR -ra-rf/ 5 (nakrat). B u r u s i l i m . I am a servant of the king. 2 . I guarded the city by (my)self. 14. see BASOR 95 ( 1 9 4 4 ) p . f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . and we will come in to you. I fall beneath the feet of the king. n o . "since there is left but one city. here nakrat. Ergdnzungsheft zum akkadischen Syllabar. "Do not leave Beirut since we . EA 138 De profundis T E X T : VAT 351. . Now Aziru has ta[kenV §um[ur]. T h e city. In line 67. "He (should he) in Yapu. I f it c refers t o the s o n s o f A b d i .A s i r t a . There was no garrison with (me). . o f c o u r s e . T h e w r i t i n g h a r d l y reflects a s s u m e d C a n a a n i t e nafarat. Or n ." Look at their treacherous {words} . EA 138:38) and i g n o r e s t h e si. 15. He is exh\austed. 3 1 . Instead of a singular verb with plural subject (EA 8 5 : 7 2 6 ?. Das akkadische Syllabar . a n d K n u d t z o n saw t w o wedges (DIDLI). 73. ] . O r . a-na-an-sdr (EA 1 4 7 : 6 1 . 7 times and 7 times' 5-18 As to its being said to the king. VS 11. 1 5 3 : 1 5 ) . 1 9 7 6 ) . Just now people from Gubla have written 2 me. . Thus does my lord [ .. have I not lived in Beirut? . . my lord.. kaspu-na. "may he g e t t h e t r o o p s m o v i n g " (AHw. and so I wrote to the king.2 5 for my entrance into 4 [ . 4. n. 6. UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p .H a d d a c o u l d n o t have s a i d that they actually hold the city ( K n u d t z o n . EA 138 s i m p l y l o g o g r a p h i c for a n y form o f nakdm. C O P I E S : WA 58. T h e a s s u m e d f e m i n i n e p l u r a l p r o n o m i n a l suffix is very difficult. . s{in}ce [ i } 2 mo[nth}s ago. . 5 0 . . (they said). s e e a l s o EA 2 2 3 5 .R o l l i g . [my} lord.. I sent a tablet [to] the [palajce of the king. t h e n R i b . A l b r i g h t r e n d e r s t h i s . . } for his servant. w o u l d b e B y b l o s . p e r h a p s t h e p l u r a l m a r k e r D I D L I s h o u l d b e i g n o r e d . Now [. When Abdi-Asrati seized 5 Sumur. " r e a d i n g na-Id-ra-at URU. 1 5 1 : 6 . . Troops came out [and] took c 6 Sumur and [ Abdi-As]irti. 9 4 3 ) . Analecta Orientalia 42 (Rome. anassar: v o l i t i v e . 16. 1 2 9 : 8 0 ? ) .. . O p p e n h e i m ) .] has come out to me {since} 4 months ago. n a m e l y . To the king. 2 5 5 . 1 9 . G e l b ." I 1 have not [go]ne to Ap[i]. 4 1 3 . and when the people of Gubla saw this. p . O n tisbatu (line 9 8 ) . 7 * . 1 9 6 7 ) . "How long shall we contain 221 . [m}y lord. [the Su}n of all countries: Message of Rib- Ad[d]i. p . see n. 2 6 . a n d v o n S o d e n . .3 8 The king has no royal c mayor l[ike m]e who will die [for] my [lo]rd.

[ . 9 "How long can you go on killing us? Where will you get people to live in the city?" So I wrote to the palace for troops. 2 He is a rebel.2 1 May the king. Then the city said. our lord is dead. my lord?" Then my I! brother spoke and [sw]ore to the city. . My man reports.1 0 9 Previously I would write to the king. . . there has been no man of the king who ha[s come]. "(You say)." 80—93 Why is my man whom 18 I se[nt t]o the p[alac]e of the k[ing] detained? For my part. If the king listened to his servant and 21 troops were given to me. "I have reached him at Tahda. They did not pe[rm]it me to enter. . We went. . l The rebel against the /b'[ng had taken [troop]s s of Aziru. ] Why do you [ . [ . Let's be joined t]o Aziru. . "Rib-Addi is dead. ' Though I 7 sent my son to the palace of the king seconds after' I arrived in Beirut. ' 7 1 . [ . "How could I join him and abandon the king. . and they said to him. . 19 Where is a man who has come to him from Egypt?" And so they are being joined to Aziru. when . ] Though I am living in [Beirut]. and so we are out of his control?' Let him not write to Egypt or he will take us and our children. . "Look. So [may the king give troo]ps that we may seize the cit[y. So the residents favored my entering the city.8 0 Half of the city is on the side of the sons of c Abdi-Asirti. I keep say­ ing to [ . . my lord. and my word is (still) unheeded.THE AMARNA LETTERS c 8 the son of Abdi-Asirti. . They had a discussion a[n]d the c 12 lords of the city [were jo]ined to the sons of Abdi-Asrati. and the city saw'4 that there were foreign troops in the city. Let's join Aziru!" I said. "Abandon him. but no troops were 10 given (to) me. and we ma[de an al]liance so that Ha[mmuniri]. 'Rib-Addi is dead. 20 he would not heed my word.' How can you say." . Our money is completely gone for the war. ] . but I killed them.5 0 Then they moved against me. t[o the cit]y. . 9 4 . Let] n[ot] the troops of the c 22 23 sons of Abdi-Asrati [take it] for [themselves] and its people revol[t]. since [you know that Gubla has been] a loy(al) city? And . the city [would return} to the king. } 1 0 9 . . ] .. [not ne]glect his city so that the city says. . . . . In order to give (it) -* to ((to)) Aziru. 'Behold. then [ . . . he took the (trea)sures ^ and then drove [m]e away. and [he 2 6 has sh]own contempt for [A]pi along wi[th . and just as is done 6 to a ruler that resides in his own city should be done to m e . he has not had an audience with the king for four months. . . The city has said." 3 9 . ] and I. and half of it is on the side of my lord. ] to me. [Rib-Addi] is living in Beirut. . . . [ . ] the lands of Yapu? Wh[y do you . he had stationed (them) in the city. 51-70 I myse(lf) [w]ent to Beirut for a dis[cuss]ion with Hammuni[ri]. They said." So they drove the troops of Aziru 1 fro[m] the city. he committed a 2 [great] crime. } 222 . Now I am living in Beirut like a d o g . 27 ands[o we are out of] hi[s control. .

i-di-(ni)-ia: m o r e l i k e l y t h a n a n u n a t t e s t e d u s e o f idu. 68f. 2. s i m p l y a m i s t a k e p r o m p t e d p e r h a p s by t h e follow­ ing a-na.3 0 Look.. n. are alive. strength". 9 8 . "arm.{K]I x [. 7. they will write to the king. Should they seize Beirut. r e s t o r e h i m t o his t h r o n e — b u t u s a g e d o e s not s u p p o r t s u c h a r e n d e r i n g . It s e e m s t h a t o n e v i e w at c o u r t was t h a t R i b . w i t h ana in EA 91:26. At the urging of the sons of c Abdi-Asrati he committed that cri(me)./ W ( ( n a ) ) . "Where are the days when the king.. o f c o u r s e . my lord]. T o j o i n forces w i t h h i m ? It w o u l d m a k e even b e t t e r s e n s e i f we c o u l d r e n d e r "we will g e t y o u in ( t o G u b l a ) " — t h a t i s . K U . I myself did [n]o[t tel]l lie[s to the king. the people of Gubla keep writing. . HI. . a s s u m i n g t h a t a p p a r e n t t r a c e s before da m a y b e i g n o r e d . n. see Eretz Israel 9 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . 6 5 . Cf. } . . 8. . look. your lord. 5. t h e n na is c e r t a i n l y a m i s t a k e for nu\ cf.. is this the sort of treatment that is to be given to [m]e whom the king.m ] i .). 9. 3. . H I .H a d d a s h o u l d leave Beirut and g o to J o p p a . should be concerned about? And why should we . a p p a r e n t l y an E g y p t i a n official. EA 138 Against [the men] he a[c]ted treache[rous}ly. "against me"?). t h e o n e a g a i n s t R i b . w h i c h is f r e q u e n t l y s o d e s i g n a t e d in t h i s letter. p . restore us to our city. T h e t r e a c h e r y m e n t i o n e d in t h e next l i n e is p r e s u m a b l y t h a t o f a different f a c t i o n ." Why has my lord neglect(ed) me? NOTES 1.H a d d a d o e s n o t a g r e e . Political Disposition. 1 2 2 . my lord. b u t n o t e ga-mi-ni for gamir in line 3 8 . I f a p r o n o m i n a l suffix is i n t e n d e d .] s e e m s a p o s s i b l e r e a d i n g . T h e vertical after a-sa-bi in line 4 1 is p e r h a p s t h e u n e r a s e d b e g i n n i n g of an a. will have no lands. t h e r e t o r e g a i n h i s s t r e n g t h a n d a l s o to m e e t Api.. servants of the king.H a d d a (see lines 7iff. G [ A . used to writfe t}o you? Where are the troops of the days [wh}en they were sent to you?" A nice thing : ha-mu-du (desirable) that was sent from the king. 7 1 * . R i b . R ] I K[i]-ia: for barti asrtya (itttya.3 8 And what is Hammu[ni]ri goi[ng to s]ay? How long I have sta[ye]d with him! May the king give c 28 troops lest the sons of [( Abdi)-As}eratu enter the city. a n d t h e city.GAR b e i n g p r o n o u n c e d a n d d e c l i n e d (cf. my lord. another man? 29 When I am dead but my sons. a n d he p o i n t s t o a loyal faction in B y b l o s t h a t s h a r e s h i s view. lines 4 1 . L i n e 7: g [ a . Gra[in} for my city is held back : ha-si-ri. 40. a n d 1 3 8 . 4. B A B B A R . 1 3 1 . "Please. Moreover. 6. URU. has not been given to me. N a ' a m a n . n o t e a-na at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e x t l i n e . Moreover. 2 0 a n d EA 7 5 . 7)? Very d u b i o u s . then the king. l\a-qitqd\. n. 223 .[ i r l u ] da-an-na. P e r h a p s b e t t e r . T h e q u e s t i o n a b l e s i g n is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y ni rather t h a n ir. For t h e r e s t o r a t i o n . is B y b l o s . as r e g u l a r l y in t h e s o u t h e r n t r a d i t i o n . Fearful { . (my) lord.

R a t h e r t h a n a s s u m e a n o m i s s i o n h e r e . P e r h a p s b e t t e r . 24. EA 1 0 9 : 2 1 a n d n. " c 18.).D a n g i n . s e e VAB 2 / 2 . I m p e r a t i v e rather t h a n i n d i c a t i v e : following R a i n e y .a t ] . o r s y l l a b i c w r i t i n g . 60 shekels = 1 m i n a ) . if 1 m i n a = 4 hours (see dictionaries. Iia-si-ri. it s e e m s l i k e l y t h a t R i b . G A . " r e s i d e n t s . p . a l s o t h e g l o s s i n line 1 3 0 : p r o b a b l y asiri. . s e e T h u r e a u . In v i e w o f t h e lines t h a t i m m e d i a t e l y follow. assuming c o n f u s i o n o f v i r t u a l h o m o n y m s . 13. t h a t t h e r e w e r e f o r e i g n t r o o p s in t h e city. cf. U R . I n v i e w o f t h e d u r a t i v e in l i n e 9 3 . 25. In the Babylonian system of weights (180 grains = 1 shekel.r a . 5 21. i b i d . 19. T h e a n s w e r t o t h i s false c l a i m is t h a t h e n e e d o n l y w r i t e t o t h e k i n g a n d h e w o u l d have t h e s u p p o r t t o c a p t u r e all o f t h e m . O n t h e l o r d s o f t h e city. " b a c k " ( a s u s e d i n p r e p o s i ­ t i o n a l p h r a s e s ) .H a d d a i n lines 6 2 . Political Dis­ position. a n d c o n t r a s t taqbi i n l i n e i n . ( N I G ) . y[i]-it-wzi: f o l l o w i n g R a i n e y . " T h e reference is t o a c l o c k . H e b r e w 'asar. " T h e city k e e p s saying . "after 1 0 g r a i n s . CAD. ) ." 15. 3 7 f f . M E S (makkurt): cf. K I b e i n g g e n i t i v e . A / 2 . " h i g h . " 20. " p e r h a p s o f inferior s t a t u s . i b i d . with perhaps the connotation o f p l o t t i n g (Rainey. L i n e s 62—70 a r e very difficult. 5 . p . 4 6 1 b . R e c k o n i n g a c c o r d i n g t o t h e l i g h t e r S y r i a n m i n a (50 shekels) would m e a n only a slight modification. L i n e 5 0 : [ti-t]e-pu-Iu-mi. I n v i e w o f E R I N .H a d d a ' s b r o t h e r . UF 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . awilu s e e m s b e t t e r t a k e n a s "ruler" rather t h a n s i m p l y " m a n " ( I n t r o d u c ­ tion. then 10 g r a i n s is l i t t l e m o r e t h a n 1 0 s e c o n d s . 23.c l o c k ( A k k a ­ d i a n maltaktu). ( n a m e l y ) . . a n d in line 1 2 4 . " T h e y s a w ( t h e s i t u a t i o n i n ) t h e city. L i n e 6 2 : aslabu. mah- (ri)-ka ( p e r h a p s a l s o EA 1 4 0 : 2 5 ) . p r o b a b l y b e t t e r . I t a k e M A H a s a l o g o g r a m for seru. to be explained 7 ei­ ther a s a d e c l e n s i o n o f t h e l o g o g r a m . cf.THE AMARNA LETTERS 10. nn.7 4 ) . 16.a t i - il-qi-Si]. mah-(ri)-su. s e e a l s o line 5 2 . cf. . stru. tiqbu. EA 1 3 7 : 5 1 . D i s c u s s i o n . " T h e final vowel is p r o b a b l y s i m p l y a q u e s t i o n o f w r i t i n g . 7 3 . N e u g e b a u e r . or f o r m a l d e c l a r a t i o n ( s e e EA 8 : 1 2 ) . . ti-bal-ki-~tu*.7 0 g i v e s e v i d e n c e o f t h e l o y a l t y he is a b o u t t o c l a i m . is-tu 1 0 $E-ti (uftdti): l i t . . i86fF. stay. L [ U G A L £ R I N . . p r o b a b l y a w a t e r . s e e EA 1 0 2 . they keep b e i n g j o i n e d . G I . l [ a . 254- 11. 14. 17. O . 5 i f . 4. 22. n. p p . and cf. K I : l o g o g r a m U R . A reference t o t h e 224 . ) r a t h e r t h a n a s a n d . a-na na-da-((na))-n[i] a-na ((a-na)). 12. UR. di-ki.H a d d a is p r o b a b l y t h e l e g a l o n e o f l o s s o f office a n d royal s u p p o r t . in c o n t r a s t w i t h "the l o r d s o f t h e city" w h o have s i d e d w i t h R i b .w i : cf. cf. for t h e c o n s t r u c ­ t i o n . [ u t a . RA 3 0 [ 1 9 3 3 ] p p . kT U R . M E S a s f e m i n i n e s i n g u l a r i n lines 9 8 a n d 1 2 5 . properly U R . "to confine. M ] E § : t h e first s i g n m a y b e L U ( N a ' a m a n .c l o c k ( A k k a d i a n dibdibbu. T h e t r a n s l a t i o n a s s u m e s t h a t city is c o n s t r u e d ad sensum a s p l u r a l .GI . K U . l i n e 9 0 ( b u t here a n i t e t a t i v e is q u i t e p o s s i b l e — " t h e city [ f e m i n i n e ] k e e p s s a y i n g " ) . T h e exptession seems i d i o m a t i c for " i m m e d i a t e l y . T h e "death" o f R i b . " a n d seru. Isis 3 7 [ 1 9 4 7 ] p p . EA 362:22f. 1 4 1 6 . r e s t r a i n . EA 1 3 1 : 2 3 . also N e u g e b a u e r ) .

a -na 1 1 3 a-zi-ri [ n i . (my) lord. 4 2 . In line 8. your city and the city of [your] ancestors] from most ancient times. r 26.t e . a-p[i]. or a-bi-{x] a n d a different p e r s o n . a n d t h e o t h e r e v i d e n c e for {dtu} so u n c e r t a i n (pal-ba-tu. [my] lo[rd. or p o s s i b l y an u n f i n i s h e d te. 1 8 5 : 2 0 . EA 139 t r e a s u r e s o f B y b l o s (cf. 4 0 .p u . know [I] am his loyal servant. 4. And so let him send a garrison to his city—30 to 50 men—as far as Gubla. ] : cf. my 5 lord. your servant]. To the king. 1 3 8 : 1 2 0 ) .1 2 Do not neglec[t Gu(b)la]. 7 4 6 ) fits t h e c o n t e x t b e t t e r t h a n o x e n (GUD. AS 2 2 . my 2 lord. so is Gu(b)la to the king. 225 . 2 9 . EA 1 8 5 .2 9 [And indeed] he is now intent on [committing} a cri(me) 6 against the king.4 0 May the king. pi. Letters from Tell Asmar. . against the king: [he kill]ed the king of Ammiya. EA 137:606°. the Sun. 2 : 6 . . More­ over. my lord. n o t e \t-i\e-ri-ib in W h i t i n g . EA 139 A new voice. The king is to take (n)o account 8 of whatever Aziru sends him.8 6 . 5 7 . C O P Y : BB 45. 1 8 6 : 2 6 .$ for he acted as he pleased 4 in the lands of the king. 1 8 .u l .' [your maidservant. 5 0 . my Sun]: Message of Ili-ra[pih. J 2 9 . He also broke into Sumur. and [the king of E]ldata. see EA 1 3 7 : 3 4 . Where were the things that he sends 9 coveted? It is property belonging to a royal mayor whom he has killed 10 that he sends to you. EA 129:82. and the king of Ir(qata). It m a y n o t b e s i m p l y a p r o v i n c i a l a b e r r a t i o n . iT [t]i-pi-il: as p r e s e r v e d . an old story TEXT: BM 29828. [and a co]mmissioner of the king. . w h i c h a p p e a r s e l s e w h e r e in EA only in 1 2 7 : 1 9 .MES.3 8 a n d t h e l e t t e r s f r o m H a s i . . t h a t we m u s t c o n s i d e r mi-ta-tu s i r n p l y a m i s t a k e . . a r e f o r m s o f erebu w i t h i a s t h e m a t i c v o w e l . r 1 m 27. 7 times and [7 times]. 2 8 . 1 3 7 : 6 8 . 1 3 8 : 1 2 . t h e d u b i o u s s i g n l o o k s m o r e l i k e la ( K n u d t ­ m m m z o n ) . . Knudtzon). D i s t i n c t i v e o f EA 1 3 7 . l i n e 4 5 . Look. n o . Aziru is a reb(el) against the king. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. Moreover. 12—17 Here is the crime that Aziru . I fall at] the feet of the lord. here a-pi. behold Gu(b)la! Just as Hikuptah. 3 6 . Do not neglect the delicts of a serva[nt]. message of Gu(b)la. 5 . 1 3 4 . T h e v a l u e tit is so rare in EA (never o c c u r r i n g in a l e t t e r f r o m B y b l o s or B e i r u t ) .

shall not neglect Gubla. W e see h e r e a g e n e r a l c h a r g e rather t h a n a reference to a n u n n a m e d m a y o r ( W e b e r . the lord. cf. your servant. 1 6 . VAB ill. his maidservant. A z i r u is c h a r g e d w i t h h i s father's c r i m e s . 1 0 . E l d a t a is t h e s a m e as A r d a t a (cf. 9. 7. a n d see surru (AHw.1 6 The king. of the king. The crime {was against] us. n. C O P I E S : WA 91. Aziru killed Aduna. n. 5 . 7 times and 7 times. Moreover. 4 3 6 : 4 3 ) . . 4. EA 140 Again the crimes of Aziru T E X T : VAT 1639.3 3 Gubla alone is a . See EA 8 4 . S . 5. my Sun: Message of Gubla. Now he has sent his men to seize the lands of Amqu and (their) territories. 10. " c o m ­ mitted"). see EA 3 4 . O n t h e e n c l i t i c . B e t w e e n a a n d as u n d e c i p h e r e d traces b u t c e r t a i n l y n o t pa (apas. . p .p f . a-na-me in EA 1 9 7 : 6 . 3 . T h e w r i t i n g gu-la is so f r e q u e n t t h a t it s h o u l d p r o b a b l y b e c o n s i d e r e d a conscious abbreviation. EA 7 5 : 2 5 ? . he broke into Sumur and Ullassa. VS 11. message of Ili-rapih. and a magnate. 1 9 [ i . 1241). b u t "to c o n s i d e r . a n d t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r is u n d o u b t e d l y P a w u r u (cf. 4 1 3 . T h e k i n g is t o d i s r e g a r d A z i r u ' s p a y m e n t s o f t r i b u t e as e x p r e s s i o n s o f a p p a r e n t fealty. 1 2 . 362:69). for it is all s t o l e n g o o d s . He took their cities. 8. To him belongs Sumur.THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1 . see AEM 1 / 2 . he killed the king of Ammiya. libba sakanu d o e s n o t m e a n here "to e n c o u r a g e . the king of Irqata. 75. EA 1 4 0 : 1 2 ) . H e b r e w slm leb). is not the king of Hatta active.i s ] ar-(ni/n&): cf. n o t e t h a t t h e v a l u e sib is not a t t e s t e d in t h e s o u t h e r n t r a ­ dition. p a y a t t e n t i o n " (cf. p . " a s in A k k a d i a n . cf. b u t n o l o n g e r a t t e s t e d o n l y in O l d A s s y r i a n . lines 2 2 a n d 4 0 . 6. lands of the king.. why did the king communicate through Aziru? He does as he pleases. [To] the king. Line 34: conventional URU gub-la. EA 1 0 9 : 3 6 ) . More­ 3 over. A p a r t f r o m t h e u n l i k e l i h o o d o f "one t h a t s i t s o n t h e b a c k o f a servant" ( K n u d t z o n ) . Moreover. CAD. my lord. L i n e 2 3 : yi-de. 1 0 6 3 . a city of the king from most ancient times. p. a-ia -ti: g l i k e ayya-mi. Moreover. the Sun. to him belong the cities of the king. 1 the king of Ardata. He sent {his} men [t]o Itakkama [and] he smote all the lands of Amqu. your maidservant. Aziru even [com]mitted a crime [whjen he was brought 2 [in]to you. 2. I fall at the feet of my lord. EA 129:95?. a-na-a-mesti-ri 1{R]: very t e n t a t i v e . and the king of Narima and 226 . L i n e 2 7 : p r o b a b l y T]a-ra-[q\i (cf.

of the king. "he c o n s p i r e d w i t h . including my horses and my chariots and everything of mine that is available to the servant of the king. Political Disposition. the breath of my life. smash' the heads of his enemies. my lord. my god. my lord. my Sun and my god.1 7 I fall at the feet of the king. very 2 carefully. my god.]-mah. has come forth to his servant and the dirt at his feet. and . my Sun. my lord. your lord. (my) lord. p .3 5 Moreover. my Sun's. my Sun. my god. my god. I have heard the words of the tablet of the king. your servant and the dirt : l a-pa-ru at your feet. my Sun. the ruler of Beirut. proposes 2 5 [u-sa. the breath of my life. Cf. and its 6 wall : hu-mi-tu." I listened very. O n yi-pu-su as s i n g u l a r . my lord. and the heart of your servant and the dirt at the feet of the king. my lord. my lord. see Izre'el. I will indeed guard the city of the king. EA 1 3 9 : 1 4 ^ T h e c o m m i s s i o n e r o f EA 1 3 9 is here c a l l e d a m a g n a t e ( I n t r o d u c t i o n . 7 0 ) . And may the arch(e)rs of the king. EA 141 Ammunira of Beirut TEXT: BM 29809. as to the king. . 23. n. my lord. . T h e letter b r e a k s off h e r e . my Sun. aven[g]e his servant. pi. . my Sun. (my) lord. the breath of (my) life. the breath of my life. has rejoiced very. N a ' a m a n . 1 5 . my lord. ana ser: see EA 1 3 8 . my god. 7 times and 7 times. Moreover. 227 . and may the eyes of your servant look with pleasure* on life from the king. T h a t t h e s e n t e n c e is i n t e r r o g a t i v e is not c e r t a i n . my lord. m{y] Sun. 1 8 . my god. my lord. before the arrival of the archers of the king. may the 2 . until I see the eyes of the archers of the king. the breath of my life. the servant of the king . n. UF 1 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p . "Make preparations before the arrival of the archers of the king. . p r o b a b l y t o b e c o n t i n u e d o n a s e c o n d t a b l e t . 2 . 8 2 * . and a footstool for his feet.' I am indeed a servant of the king. " 3. and I have indeed made preparations. EA 141 NOTES 1. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. my lord. having writ­ ten to his servant and the dirt at his feet. . 6 . my lord. the breath of my life: Message of Ammunira. 36—48 Moreover. 8 2 . very much that the breath of the king. . Say to the king. 1 9 . my Sun. C O P Y : BB 26. n.

[To the king. R e a d S A H A R . 8x) a n d o f first s i n g u l a r d u r a t i v e (isusiru. and I shall guard Beirut for the king. I am indeed very much on my guard. C O P Y : BB 27. 6-10 [/ have hea]rd the words of the tablet that the king. who is in Gubla. 2 sent (thr)ough [Han}i. O r s h o u l d w e read a-mur. A / 2 . e s p e c i a l l y t h e latter. with no object expressed. T h e s e p a r a l l e l s . pi. my lord. my heart rejoiced and my eyes [sh]one brightly. useliru. until the arrival of the archers of the king. Moreover. "to l o o k u p o n . my lord. 7 times and 7 times. A / 2 . Moreover. to the rebel[s] again[st] the king who are in A[mu]rr[u]. " b e ­ hold. T h i s v e r s i o n is a l s o r e j e c t e d b y P i n t o r e . amaru ina. a frozen c o n t e x t f o r m ("in t h e d u s t " ) . 166. n. n. your servant [and the dir]t at your feet. n. r a t h e r t h a n S A H A R . O n the breath of t h e k i n g . EA 6 5 : 1 1 a n d 2 1 6 : 1 0 . as to the ruler of Gubla. my lord. the breath] of my life: [Message of Ammuni}ra. In t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g l i n e s a n d lines 4 5 6 ° . 959. r e m a i n s u n e x p l a i n e d . OA 1 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . 9. wh(o) is here with me. [I fall at the feet] of the king. 97. 1 5 . T h e s u b j e c t . is a W e s t S e m i t i s m . a r g u e a g a i n s t "I a m ( p r e p a r e d a n d ) ready" (CAD. For "to see t h e e y e s . P H O T O G R A P H : BB. H A R . my lord. p. be informed of the deed of his brother. who is here with me. w h i c h w o u l d r e q u i r e timuruna. 2 H A R or A . N o t "until t h e eyes see t h e archers" ( K n u d t z o n ) . sulirdku. Iii tfmuril in line 3 4 . and when I [he]ard the words of the tablet of the king. " w i t h t h e c o n n o t a t i o n o f p l e a s u r e . see a l s o EA 1 4 4 . 1 3 2 a . H e b r e w ra'a ¥. A m - m u n i r a p r o b a b l y s t a t e s a w i s h r a t h e r t h a n a fact ( K n u d t z o n . corresponds to the absolute use of the i m p e r a t i v e in l i n e 2 1 .2 4 Moreover." a n d a s s u m e that the subject has been o m i t t e d ? 6. t e n t a t i v e l y ) . (namely) that he has g[i]v[en] the sons of Rib-Hadda. 5.3 228 . see AHw. 2. my lord. 1 ) . a n d i t h a s o t h e r p a r a l l e l s in t h e a b s o l u t e u s e o f t h e infinitive (anasuhri. R A . cf. cf. 3 2 9 : 1 9 ) . 2. a n e r r o n e o u s a c c u s a t i v e . p p . I shall indeed guard him until the king gives thought to his servant. CAD. 1 my lord. 3. may the king. ti-ra-'a -as: 4 rasu. my lord. 1 1 9 . EA 142 News about Byblos TEXT: BM 29810. 4. p . .THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTES 1. 11-14 Moreover. " see EA 237:16. 1 4 8 a .r a (epera). s e e EA 1 0 0 . cf.

95) ( + ) WA 203. . I have indeed made preparations.3 1 {M]ore{ove]r. 39-41 Moreover. my lord. EA 143 Egyptian ships in Beirut TEXT: VAT 1584 ( + ) C 4764. my lord. And I am like a warmer of the horses of the king. I w i l l s e n d ( i t ) . . just as .3 5 { . wherever what was ordered by the king. 25. my lord. . before the arrival of the archers of the king. my lord.n a ) SU (qdt) 7 [ h a . {wrote] to his servant and to the dirt : 1 Joa-pa-ru at his feet. 3. . . my lord. 3 2 . . . 7 3 b . See EA 1 4 1 . my 2 3 lord. . ] . VS 11. " t h a t i s . S. come in. K U R a-[mu]r-r[i]: reading certain. EA 1 4 5 : 1 1 . I fall at the feet of the king. . / ha{ve sent}. is. P e r h a p s w e s h o u l d n o t e x c l u d e a n o t h e r v e r s i o n : "as s o o n as t h e s h i p s . 79 (see VS 12. {I fall at the fee]t of the king. p . be info{rmed] that the { . m 2. lines n . 3. } . . . 229 . 1 1 5 . 7 times and 7 times. to the king.3 3 Moreover. p . . NOTES 1 . . . . my lord. [ 7 ] times and 7 times. my lord]. . I relea{se] (them). are used {up . the br[eath} of my life: {Mes]sage of Ammu- nir{a. si-ki-pu: f o l l o w i n g ARMT 3 .n ] i : cf. As to his order. !5. as soon as ships of the king. 2. your servant and} the dirt at {your] feet. {Say} to the king. 10-17 The king. n. fo]r his servant. ] of the king. w h a t has b e e n s e a r c h e d o u t a n d is ready for delivery. EA 143 2 5 . C O P I E S : WA 211. {th]at have been sailed into Beirut. may {the king. including my horses and ((and)) chariots and everything that is available to me. t h a t are u n d e r sail for B e i r u t c o m e i n . 3 2 . 32. my lord. my lord]. i n t e n d e d t o i n t r o d u c e t h e f o l l o w i n g p a r a g r a p h : cf. p. . {i}n sh{ips o/the king]. As to the maidservant of the king. I shall search it o{ut] and then send it on to the king. NOTES 1 .3 8 Moreover. my lord. see a l s o CAD. the breath] of my {lif]e. 3 6 . { . us-ti-sir ( i . my lord. {my] l{ord. . . ] . be inform{ed} that 6 powerful are the { . my lord. M i s p l a c e d . J so is Beirut for 5 the king. my lord. 1. the breath of my life. . note how. may {the king. 1 8 . the breath of my life. .3 1 Moreover. my lord.

t h i r d f e m i n i n e . May the king. and my head went {h}igh. M a r c u s . however. JCS 2 ( 1 9 4 8 ) p . L i n e 2 3 : i n s t e a d o f ib ( K n u d t z o n ) . my lord. line 2 1 . Cf. my lord. 2 . In m y r e a d i n g . Line 24: za-ta.THE AMARNA LETTERS 4. is safe and sound. my lord. O p p e n h e i m . 3 6 9 : 4 8 ) . EA 1 4 5 : 1 0 . the breath of my life)) 7 times and 7 times. May the king put me in the charge of a man that will lead the archers of the king to call to account the cities that have c 3 been joined to the Apiru. the mayor of Sidon. R e a d i n g tu-ta-ri-si-na: cf. tu-te-ra-am. my Sun. 3 6 6 : 6 (qaqqaru). s i m i l a r l y . "feast o f t h e . T h e relevance o f E Z E N da-aV>-na-ti. my lord. my Sun. my god. my lord. u n d e r s t o o d o f t h e k i n g or t h e l e a d e r o f t h e t r o o p s . All the cit{i]es that the king put in {m]y chfar]ge. S e e R . LFM. TRANSLATION: Oppenheim. Sun. my god." See EA 1 4 1 . the breath of my life: Thus Zimreddi. god. 1 2 2 ) . perhaps DI. a n d in c o n t e x t first p e r s o n is n o t likely. 145:26. . R A : ha-pa-ru in EA 143:11. p . EA 144 Zimreddi of Sidon T E X T : VAT 323. . 6 . 5 . know that Sidon. C O P I E S : WA 90. my lord. L i n e s 2 3 6 r e m a i n h o p e l e s s l y o b s c u r e . "I a m ready. A s t h e f o l l o w i n g ^ha-za-nu ( n o m i n a t i v e ) i n d i c a t e s . " (Emar 6. 2 2 3 . and my eyes shone. I have prepared everything in accordance with the command of the king. pp.1. as a g l o s s . 22—30 May the king. D . 6. my lord. 2 5 3 : 2 / ' / ' 2 5 4 : 3 . tu-ti-ra-an-ni. know that the war against me is very severe. May the king know that I have made preparations before the arrival of the archers of the king. 1 Say to the king. then my heart rejoiced. da-at-nu = qar-ra-[du] (CAD. 1 3 . so you can restore them to my charge that I may be able to serve the king. a-pa-m in EA 1 4 1 : 4 p r o v e s n o t h i n g . 126f. l a c k s t h e e x p e c t e d {yu}. ana S A H A R . 2 . breath of my life. 3. "I a m in readiness". my lord. in m y 230 . ut-ta-ri-si-na. the maidservant of the king. umma here p r o b a b l y d o e s n o t m e a n " m e s s a g e of". ta-a[s-r]a-hi: f o l l o w i n g AHw. have been c joined to the Ap{ir}u.1 2 I fall at the feet of my lord. is u n c l e a r . M E S pi fat sarri is p o s s i b l e . EA 232:3. cf. as our ancestors (did) before. 1337. T h e a l t e r n a t i v e . NOTES 1. b u t . p. at hearing the words of 2 the king. 2 5 5 : 3 ( n o t e fitfu in line 5 ) . a g r e e m e n t w i t h E R I N . n. my lord. which he put in my charge. when he wrote to his servant.2 1 And when I heard the words of the king. VS 11. also possible. 76. ((at the feet of my lord.

11—22 I have heard your words that you sent me through . UF 3 ( 1 9 7 1 ) p . VS 11. 5 2 2 . . my lord. . p . pagu (AHw. b r o u g h t a l o n g w i t h his o w n g r e e t i n g w o r d f r o m t h e k i n g . see K i i h n e .] . West Se­ m i t i c "back" (cf.l a n d s " s i m p l y t h e provinces? 231 . s e e m s t o have i m p l i e d an e x c e p t i o n w o u l d b e in p l a c e ." see EA 1 1 2 . S o m e o n e o t h e r t h a n t h e k i n g . Iii tide inuma .. T h e a s s u m e d error m i g h t easily have b e e n o c c a s i o n e d by t h e l o g o g r a m K A just before. has indeed been earnestly adjdressed from his lands. I fall [at (your) 2 fee]t. EA 1 4 4 : 1 0 . } ..2 9 Moreover. see I n t r o d u c t i o n . less clear t h a n in VS 11 c o p y . rather. T h e c o n j u n c t i o n p r o b a b l y d o e s not i n t r o d u c e a s e c o n d c l a u s e d e p e n d e n t on inuma.. . "the b r e a t h o f t h e m o u t h o f t h e k i n g " (EA 1 3 7 : 7 ) . n. T h e m e s s a g e referred t o in l i n e s 6ff. 1. D e s p i t e EA 3 3 4 : 3 .. a v i r t u a l c a u s a l c l a u s e in w h i c h t h e p r o n o u n atta e m p h a s i z e s the c o n t r i b u t i o n o f t h e a d d r e s s e e : "I a m w e l l . [Sa}y [to . EA 145 o p i n i o n . h a r d l y a p l a c e . n. K A : pi'-su ( t e x t . The war is very severe. mupeggu?). 8 0 9 .. . ka): the m e s s e n g e r b r o u g h t t h e b r e a t h o f t h e king b a c k t o t h e v a s s a l (see e s p . EA 3 3 3 : 4 .n a m e . "The word you hear from ther[e] you must report to 6 me. 5 4 . . . . T h e a d d r e s s e e . [May] you know that I am safe and sound. as to your ordering with regard to the lands of Amurru. ybu yourself brought back 3 to me the breath of his mouth. C O P I E S : WA 182. [ . U 2 U 3. [ m y lord: Message of Z}imre[ddi]. EA 145 Word on Amurru T E X T : VAT 1695. 2. 1 4 ) + p r o n o m i n a l suffix.f o r m u l a ) ? A r e t h e " b a c k . .. and with your greet­ ing from the presence of the king. cf. ." everyone [has] heard (that) [. .b e i n g . lu Tde iniima salmat . EA 1 4 7 : 1 7 ? . our lord. O n istu. ) . 5. but the breath of his mouth does not reach his servants that are in the hinterlands. p a s s i m in t h e B y b l o s letters. a n d t h e only b r e a t h t h a t is o f a n y i m p o r t a n c e a n d is ever m e n t i o n e d e l s e w h e r e is t h e b r e a t h o f t h e k i n g .. . . n. \lu-u\ ti-T-de: cf. 370. " 4. "with. . . for it w a s you w h o . b u t . F o r m : D of tdru. in p e r s o n or b y letter. .].. subru in t h e g r e e t i n g . 77. . T h i s is t h e only l e t t e r in w h i c h a v a s s a l r e p o r t s in t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f his l e t t e r o n his o w n w e l l . } . . . [. The 4 king. less likely t h a n s e c o n d m a s c u l i n e . tutdr + epenthetic vowel ( s p o r a d i c a n d t y p i c a l f e a t u r e o f t h e p e r i p h e r y . R e a d su-uh-ri (suhri). : ia-aq-wu-un-ka (he awaits you)J [. . "the b r e a t h o f his m o u t h " (line 2 0 ) .] . NOTES 1 . u[p-ti-/']g-gi: u p .

the ruler of [Sidon. ] . 1 5 4 : 1 8 . 3. C O P I E S : WA 231. w h i c h is r e g u l a r l y a t ­ t a c h e d t o t h e first w o r d o f a d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n (awat-mi).m a l a .n u ] 2 1 [ a . iaqwu + n(a) + ka: A k k a d i a n qu"u. my Sun: Message of A]bi-M[ilku. . . 232 . the city of the king.THE AMARNA LETTERS 6. Z]imredda. p. 1 9 6 3 ] . your ser­ vant. 2 Dai[ly] he does not [per]mit [me to fetch water : m]i-ma. M o r e t h a n 3 0 lines m i s s i n g . [To the king. 154:136°. . cf. mima [ i a . . i-na » . [ . "whatever w o r d t h a t y o u have h e a r d f r o m t h e r e p u t in w r i t i n g t o m e " ( T a a n a c h L e t t e r 1 : 1 5 - 18). .tJm* tmt. 1 4 . 95). [&-sa-d]s-si: enough room? 4.. 5 . Corpus des tablettes en cuneifomes alphabetiques decouvertes a Ras- Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 d 1939. Particles. ./ « [ / .* .mnm c rgm. I fall a}t the feet [of the king. 5 3 ) . ] Apiru . I am the di]rt under the feet (and) sandals of the king. I n favor o f t h e d i r e c t q u o t a t i o n a r e t h e e n c l i t i c . . . [ . no. [my Sun. 7 times and 7 times. "And w h a t e v e r w o r d y o u hear t h e r e . . is ho[stile to m]e. R a i n e y .5 a . . p u t in a letter t o m e " ( A . M i s s i o n d e R a s S h a m r a 1 0 [ P a r i s . . H e r d n e r . . my. indeed. .d. . ' NOTES 1.q e ] 4 17 [A : m\i-ma la-a / .[ n ] a . ] take me [ . my l}o[rd.wJt b. The sweet breath [of life belongs t]o my lord. and I]. . EA 1 4 8 : 2 4 . c i t e s u awata mimma sa telme iltu alrdnum supram itya. my lord. w. EA 1 4 8 : 1 3 . [u-qa-(am)]-«rf.2 2 [No]w. [I cry] out. 6-13 You {are the Eternal Sun]. . [ . $ .. .n i ] : cf. 7 . For m]e [there is to be hostility] until [the breath] of the king com[es] to m[e] with power. [my] l lor[d. . VS 11. my lord.spr.n a li-i]i-Iu-nu: cf. ? 2 . [There is no] water : m[i-m]a [for] them [to c drin]k. a n d t h e p a r a l l e l s in EA 1 4 9 : 5 5 6 ° . a l s o t h e c o n c l u s i o n o f a letter in U g a r i t i c . and waiting f]or the brea[t]h of [the king. 1 5 1 : 4 9 6 ° . am guar[ding Tyr]e. your servant. 78 (see VS 12. ] .[ d i n . . H e b r e w qiwwa~> EA 146 Abi-Milku of Tyre T E X T : VAT 1871.

484. who gives forth his cry in the sky like Baal. 52—60 You are the Sun who comes forth over me..2 8 Before the arrival of the messenger of the king. C O P Y : BB. the Sun com(e)s forth over him. his house prospers. 11. Whoever gives heed to the king. my lord. Albright. my god. When the king.' Now that the breath of the king has come forth to me. my lord. EA 147 EA 147 A hymn to the Pharaoh TEXT: BM 29812. my Sun: Message of Abi-Milku.3 8 Because I am happy. pi.3 and all the land is frightened4 at his cry. my lord. his house is destroyed. my lord. yes. the father of the king. my lord. ANET. his city is destroyed. and serves him in his place. 1 6 . to his servant—his breath came back! 2 2 . for the king. 8 said : ku-na "(Prepare) before the arrival of a large army. day by day. I am the dirt under the sandals of the king.5 1 On my front and on : su-ri-ia (my back) I carry the word of the king. does the earth not pr[osp]erV When I heard the gracious me[sse]nger from my lord. all the land was in fear of my lord.7 1 1 am indeed guarding Tyre. I am very happy and : a-ru-u 6 (he is satisfied). yes!") 3 9 . his lord. "When shall I see the face of the king. and the sweet breath that came forth from the mouth of the king. accordiog'to the way (of being) of the Sun. TRANSLATIONS: Oppenheim. my lord?" 11 6 1 . and a brazen 10 wall set up for him. 123ff. pp. To the king. LFM. who establishes the entire land in peace. his name exists for­ ever.2 1 The servant herewith writes to his lord that he heard the gracious messenger of the king who came to his servant. my lord. your servant. my lord. My lord is the Sun who 1 comes forth over all lands day by day. p. If he does not heed the word of the king. never (again) does his name exist in all the land. his gracious father. and because of the powerful arm : nu-uh-ti (I am at rest) : ba-fi-i-ti (I am confident). my 233 . my nose was blocked. (But) look at the servant who gives heed to ((to)) his lord." then the 9 servant said to his lord : ia-a-ia-ia ("Yes. 7 times and 7 times. by the power of his arm : ha-ap-Ii. His city prospers. I indeed said to the Sun. 2 9 . my lord. 9—15 who gives life by his sweet breath 2 and returns with his north wind. when I heard the sweet breath and the gracious messenger who came to me. breath had not come back. and the sweet breath comes back from the mouth of his lord. I fall at the feet of the king. the principal city. his lord.

S i n c e o n e o f t h e m o s t f r e q u e n t o r d e r s o f t h e k i n g in t h e EA correspon­ d e n c e is t o m a k e p r e p a r a t i o n s before t h e arrival (ana punt) o f t h e E g y p t i a n a r m y (Introduction. 344. Moreover. he t h i n k s t h e w r i t e r s rejoice b e c a u s e t r o o p s or t h e k i n g h i m s e l f (EA 2 2 7 ) are s o o n t o a r r i v e . S e e EA 1 0 8 . 197. cf. . "day b y day" c reflects E g y p t i a n r nb a n d i m p l i e s t h e d a y s o f all eternity. 10. Iraq 32 [1970] pp. Lingering over Words. ZDMG 8 6 ( 1 9 3 3 ) p p . see A l b r i g h t a n d Oppenheim. A s o p p o s e d t o m a i n l a n d T y r e . . ? p . 6. 7. 5 . Hebrew *kun: Niphal. 1 9 5 : 1 6 ? . the c king of Sidon." S o also. as so often in t h i s letter. S e e a l s o t h e Introduction. until the powerful arm of the king comes forth over me. BiOr ( 1 9 6 6 ) p . n. p . 2 9 2 : 8 ? . make ready. N a ' a m a n . a n d L i p i n s k i . n o t e d . Or n . RSO 4 4 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p p . 7. n. the son of Abdi-Asratu. see A l b r i g h t . P e t e r s o n . 1 5 1 a . cf. H e r e . 4. A u e l e t t e . Zimredda. . t[a}r-gu^-ub: f o l l o w i n g d e M o o r . 1 9 6 9 ) . t h e c i t y o f U s u . 3. 6 0 8 . t h a t t h e k i n g is c o m i n g at t h e h e a d o f his t r o o p s . O n hapsu as t h e d e s i g n a t i o n o f a p a r t o f t h e b o d y r a t h e r t h a n t h e n a m e o f a w e a p o n . i ( B e r l i n . 8 9 ? For a different view. " c a p i t a l . 6. 2. 1 1 9 . S e e A l t . cf. JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p p . to give me water to drink and wood to warm myself. independently. a l s o t h e p e r s o n a l n a m e yrgbfrl (Ugar. 2 2 7 : 5 ? . G r a v e . n. O n t h e E g y p t i a n g l o s s . see K n u d t z o n ' s n o t e . 2 0 5 f f . "prepare (intransitive). 5 1 ( 1 9 8 2 ) p p . S e e a l s o EA 1 5 4 . nn. . 2 4 6 : 1 6 ) . 3 . n. I herewith write to my lord. VAB 2 / 1 . 117-18. Lingering over Words. p p . in EA 1 4 1 : 8 ? . 2 7 ? . be ready" Hiphil. ARMT 2 1 . JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p. v o l . sect. p . 1. A c c o r d i n g t o N a ' a m a n . Lingering over Words. 2 2 . . 4 0 2 : " D i d not t h e ( e n t i r e ) l a n d p r o s p e r (ti-[si-i]r) s i n c e it has h e a r d o f t h e gracious messenger from my lord?" 8. s . 5 ) . 1 4 2 : 5 ? . . i6iff. rabttu. see A l b r i g h t . 234 . S e e C . w h i c h is still relevant. 11. S i m i l a r l y . UF 1 ( 1 9 6 9 ) p . 9. writes daily to the rebel Aziru. R e a d i-sd-kir K A . 3 3 ? . 1 8 8 . " a s d e m o n s t r a t e d b y G r a v e . For o t h e r v e r s i o n s . M E S ap- pt-ia. S e e A l b r i g h t . n. A c c o r d i n g t o A s s m a n n . JEA 23 (1937) p. about every word he has heard from Egypt. . b u t t h e c o n t e n t o f t h e m e s s a g e — n a m e l y . p . 1 9 7 . RB 8 0 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p p .2 7 . see D u r a n d . 4 0 2 . . p . kiina: i m p e r a t i v e s i n g u l a r + {a} a s e in H e b r e w l kd. p. 3 2 1 ? . . 4 0 1 ? . who compares EA 147:62). Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott: Untersuchun- gen zur altagyptischen Hymnik. I97ff. "prepare (transitive). 1 4 4 : 1 3 ? . . NOTES 1. A n E g y p t i a n i s m m e a n i n g "I w a s d i s t r e s s e d . THE AMARNA LETTERS lord. t h e a u t h o r s p e a k s o f h i m s e l f in b o t h t h e first a n d the third person. O n t h e h y m n in lines 5— 15 a n d its E g y p t i a n b a c k g r o u n d . w i t h N a ' a m a n . t h e s o u r c e o f t h e writer's joy is n o t s i m p l y his r e c e i v i n g a m e s s a g e f r o m t h e k i n g . " in a Tell al R i m a h i n s c r i p t i o n ( W a l k e r . 2 5 . 1. e t c . in a d i s c u s s i o n o f lines 1 6 . 12 and it is good that he knows. OA 1 9 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p p . R S 2 4 . //'-tsi-ijr: f r o m eleru? P e r h a p s b e t t e r .

: " T h o u g h (he) h a s m a d e war ( a g a i n s t m e ) he has n o t r e t u r n e d t h e o a t h o f p e a c e (i. 3 4 . and may he charge his commissioner to give Usu to his servant for water. my lord. your servant. May the king. my lord. I write to the king. 7 times and 7 times. who is familiar with Canaan. 3 8 . JEA 2 3 ( 1 9 3 7 ) p . my lord. 4 1 . May the king be concerned about the palace attendants. I fall at the feet of the king. 26—34 ^ a y the king give attention to his servant. E y r e .4 0 Since he has acted hostilely. 1 give 1 0 palace attendants to guard his city in order that I may enter and see the face of the kifng]. my lord. L U . t h o u g h t it m e a n t simply "man. He has taken over the land of the king for the c Apiru. 8 3 . Very tentatively. 2 . my lord. I give to the king. To the king. my lord. my lord. I t a k e it as a l o g o g r a m for girsequ. n. c o n s i d e r s u damiq inuma another Egyptianism. charged me with the guarding of his city.2 6 My presence will be as pleasing to the king. my lord. 1 5 1 : 6 0 ) is p r o b a b l y n o t t h e s a m e as E R I N ( M E § ) . 235 . my Sun: Message of Abi-Milku. 2 0 2 . JEA 6 2 ( 1 9 7 6 ) p p . EA 148 The need for mainland Tyre TEXT: C 4765. person. These are 3 treacherous fellows. has written for glass. 4 . for fetching wood. The one who rai[d]s the land of the king is the king of Sidon. my lord. what I have on hand—100 (units) in weight. give his attention to his servant and give Usu to his servant so he can drink a jug : a-ku-ni of : mi-ma (water). i b i d . G I R ( a l s o lines 2 6 . A l b r i g h t . 4 4 . May the king ask his commissioner. because every day the king of Sidon has captured a palace attendant of mine. C O P Y : WA 99. for clay. he is s t i l l n o m i n a l l y a t p e a c e ) . 1 8 3 ? . NOTES 1.1 7 The king. " 3. G I R ( M E S ) (EA 1 4 9 : 6 2 ) . my lord. for straw." 2. A l b r i g h t . a n d EA 1 4 9 : 1 8 . May the king.e. T h e k i n g s of Sidon and Hasura. has he 1 not violated the oath? There is not another palace attendant.4 7 The king of Hasura has abandoned his house and has aligned himself with the c Apiru. as when the king. EA 148 12. 1 8 . [m]y god..

my Sun. like Baal. "Write whatever you hear to the king. So may the king. my lord! Aziru. in the sky. I fall at the feet of the king. "Who c]an get you in [to the king?" Hea]r. you are like the Sun. he who does not follow the king. c [the son of Abdi]-Asratu. my lord. and he lives [for]ever. They captured Sumur through the instructions of Zimredda." Zimredda of Sidon. he has not replied to him. They will not be able to capture Tyre. they will be very afraid. and they have assembled their ships. Zimredda seized Usu from (his) servant. . and infantry.4 to capture Tyre. the rebel against the king. The king. and all the land will be afraid. He made [my caravan] turn back [fro]m the king.7 3 If the powerful hand of the king comes. [saying. (Still). his lord? But he lives if the king writes {t]o his servant. who 236 . my lord. [si]nce last year [my intention has been] to go in [and behojld the face of the king. To the king.2 7 What is the life of a palace attendant when breath does not come forth from the mouth of the king. pi. 6 4 . but after I wrote an express tablet to the king. P H O T O G R A P H : BB. my lord. . [heard about m]e. I abandoned it. my lord. May the king send 20 palace attendants to guard his city in order that I may go in to the king. 3 and the men of Arwada have exchan(ge)d oaths among themselves. 14. the p]rince. it will defeat them.4 0 For my part. chariots. my lord. 4 0 . I am a commis­ sioner of the king. my lord. and I am one that brings good news and also bad (news) to the king. C O P Y : BB 28. [but Zimredda. my lord. [yo]ur servant. my lord. When I hear the name of the king and the name of his army. .THE AMARNA LETTERS EA 149 Neither water nor wood TEXT: BM 29811. my lord. the maidservant of the king. wrote to me on a tablet. I am the dirt under the feet and sandals of the king. Nor is there a place where we can put the dead. that is. [has taken posses­ sion ofSumu]r. and see his face. . [m]y lo[rd]. 2 1 . my lord. my lord. Haapi [ .2 0 O 1 king.5 4 May the king not neglect [th]is city and his land. [the re]bel against the king. my 2 lord. May the king give thought to his servant. my god: Message of Abi-Milku. 5 4 . The king knows whether you installed me as commissioner in Tyre. the maidservant of the king. 7 times and 7 times. charged me with guarding Tyre. [g]ave S u m u r [t]o Aziru. ] . give thought to his servant. 2 8 . 6 . and so we have neither water nor wood. my lord.6 3 The king.

our lord. S e e EA 7 1 . [my] lo[rd]. . o n " p r i n c e . O n t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f line 3 0 . Das Ende der Amarnazeit (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . 1 6 . n. . 1 1 9 ) . 5. 3 . [ . Why should [a commissioner of] the king. Now a palace attendant [is bringing] my tablet to the king. my Sun: Mes]sage of Abi-Milk[u.n a U G U . . NOTES 1 . cf. EA 150 brings the word of the king to Aziru. 5 9 . EA i 5 o : n f F . 7 times and 7 times. H e r e A (ID) rather t h a n Z A G (EA 1 4 7 : 1 2 ) . .1 3 The king gave his attention to his servant and gave sol­ diers t[o] guard the city of the kin[g. EA 150 Needed: just one soldier TEXT: C 4766. and may the king reply to his servant. . s e e t h e r e m a r k s o f K r a u s s . n. " see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n .m i . 7 3 . my lord.h i L U G A L si]-ma be-li 3 5 [il-qe URU su-mu]-ra . 3 .« ] i it-te-er-mi 3 2 [ h a r . il-ta-(nu)-ni: f o l l o w i n g G r a v e . 2.2 1 May the king give his attention [t]o his servant and give him Usu that he may live and [dr]ink w[ate]r./ ] # L U G A L be-li-ia 3 3 [ma-an-nu-mi u/i]- le-ri-ib-ka 3 4 [ a . my lord. your servant]. [th]ere is no wood. 2 0 7 . . 7 4 . my god. n. and the traitor knows. C O P Y : WA 98. Should a single soldier guard the city of the king. ] . EA 151:8ft". my lord. ) 30 [ zi-im-re-dap]a-u>u-ra 31 [is- t e . . n. n. then I would go in to behold the face of the king. 2 . 22-32 . S e e EA 1 0 8 . [my] lord. the Sun. The king. . n. 237 . m]y [lord].n i i s . and may he not [abandon] his city and his land. 4 . OA 19 ( 1 9 8 0 ) p . p . 5. [my] lo[rd. ] 3 2 . May the king [give thought] to his servant and to his city. . I am like th[i]s 1 m[a]n. [To] the king. . I fall at the feet of the k[in]g. . There is no water. 1. move awa[y] from the land? [Zimredda] knows. 1 4 .)] a-na i-ri-bi 2 9 {a-na dd\-ga-li pa-ni m L U G A L be-li-ia (cf. [Y]ou gave [t]o my fathers [ .8 4 [Si}nce last year there has been wa{r a}gainst me.3 7 [They are wai]ling {i}n thestr[eet(s that) / should] give (them) wood. but he has not replied to his servant. EA 1 4 7 . 1 5 1 : 1 3 6 7 . 4 . my lord. May he send a tablet to his servant so he may go in and see his face. n.r a . I sent a tablet to the king. [is ex]ceeding great. 2 8 [pa-nu-ia (cf. that the arm? of the king is absent.

for he 238 . it destroyed half of it and so hal(f) of it has disappeared. H e says h e is l i k e h i m a n d a l s o n e e d s s u c h s u p p o r t . not abandon his servant. due to Zimredda of Sidon. t[p seeing] the face of the king.7 0 There are no Hittite troops about.4 8 May [the king. h e p r o b a b l y refers h e r e t o s u p p o r t g i v e n t o h i s p r e d e c e s s o r . ask his commissioner whether I have devoted myself to the king. the prince of Qidsu. Since A b i .'' 5 9 . my lord]. the war is 6 with Biryawaza. my lord. Etakkama. 3 5 . my lord. 7 times and 7 times. give me 20 men to guard the city of the king. I fall at the feet of the king. [my] lord. knows that we are situa[te]d on the sea.3 4 I herewith send my messenger t[o the kin]g. my lord. "Write to me what you have heard in Canaan. my lord. 4 .THE AMARNA LETTERS NOTE i. my gods: Message of Abi-Milku. my Sun. so I can enter before the king.2 4 He heard that I was going to Egypt. your servant. but I have not been able. we have neither water nor wood. give [his] attention and gi[ve] water for 6[ur] drink and wood to his servant. and his land is at peace. my lord. 13. (and) 1 whip. my lord. my god." The king of Danuna died. 4 9 . send [his messenger and] his ta[bl]et t[o me]. to behold his gracious face. ma{ll)ets. his brother became king after his death. my lord.M i l k u here calls h i m s e l f a soldier. pi. Fire destroyed the palace4 at Ugarit. C O P Y : BB 30. my lord. 1 2 . my lord.5 8 The king. [I] have devoted myself to\tallyY to {the king). P H O T O G R A P H : BB. 5 . 2 5 . my lord. I have experienced the injustices of Zimredda. and may [the king]. To the king. May the ki[ng].M i l k u usually laments the absence of the E g y p t i a n military. n. I have l devoted myself to the service : u-bu-di of the ki[ng]. I am indeed guarding carefully the city of the king that he put in my charge. May the king. so I may enter before the king. My intention has been to go to see the face of the king. b u t Pintore does not translate the p a s s a g e . my lord. OA n ( 1 9 7 2 ) p . m a i n t a i n s t h a t A b i . my lord. my lord. and so he has waged war against me. and I give 5 talents of 3 bronze. EA 151 A report on Canaan TEXT: BM 29813. P i n t o r e .1 1 1 am the dirt under the sandals of the king. my lord. my lord. May the king. wrote to me. and Aziru are at war. (rather). 1 0 2 . The king. I herewith send Ilumilku as messenger to the king. my lord.

[ . a n d N a ' a m a n . know that Abi-Milku is a servant [ . s . 166. ] . History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt (see I n t r o d u c t i o n . . [m]y Sun. . 7. . CAD. . my Sun].8 May the king. yo[ur] servant. May the king. [m]y lord. EA 152 A demand for recognition T E X T : VAT 1719. In addition to the s[oldier]s. n. For t h e v a r i o u s inter­ p r e t a t i o n s o f lines 5 5 . EA 152 assembled troops and ships from the cities of Aziru against me. ti-e-ti-s[u]: p r o b a b l y a d e s i g n a t i o n o f T y r e . [his maidservant. NOTES 1. and he has dev[oted him]self to : d-bu-ud (the service^ of the kin[g. and the ki]ng. see a l s o EA 295. n. . 4. . . . 80. May the king give his attention to his servant and return : yu-sa (come forth). ma-[gd\ ma-gal]. 6 7 4 ? 239 . UF 11 (1979) p p . s'hna-(q\)-bu-ma 1«' USAN : qi-na-zu(AHw. Is it good that a palace attendant of my lord should become frigh[tened]? All have become frightened. p p . 2 2 2 . Or n . ] . "there is n o t h a l ( f ) o f i t . . 51 (1982) p . [my] g[od. 922. n. . 9 . Storia di Ugarit (see I n t r o d u c t i o n .4 6 . . C O P Y : VS 11. {7 times and 7 times]. . my lord. [my god. . 5 . p . W i t h G r a v e . . [wb]ere are the . 146? 5. " b u t t h e r e p e t i t i o n is c u r i o u s . t h a t h a l f was d e s t r o y e d . my l[or]d.. the Sun. Syria 17 (1936) p p . a n d R e d f o r d . my Sun: Me]ssage of Abi- Mi[lk]u. take cognizance of his city. . 3 0 . For E t a k k a m a ' s t i t l e . T h e p r e c e d i n g mi-ru-Ti remains obscure: a-na-mi (ur)-ru-di? Cf. 17. [T]o the k[in]g. n. rather. 1 2 8 ) . my god. 7 3 . 6. my lord. .. p . E L U G A L : as a l r e a d y c o n f i r m e d b y G a d d in Schaeffer.5 7 [and] 1 may he give me 80 s\pldiers] to gu[ard] h[is] . 5 ? 3. 256). t h e g l o s s is t a k e n as c reflecting W e s t S e m i t i c bd.. . my l[o]rd [. [ . n. see t h e I n t r o d u c t i o n .6 6 [ . NOTES 1. [for] the war again[st 2 me is sev]ere.6 3 . n. ] . p . . EA 1 4 7 : 4 2 . As Z]imre[dda. . . Q. 1 1 9 ) . the rule]r of [Sidon. is at war] with me. 28ff. and so may he give provisions. L i t . [the dirt und]er the sandals on the feet of [my lo]r[d. the Sun. see L i v e r a n i . a n d o n e w o n d e r s w h e t h e r the m e a n i n g is n o t . h a l f n o t . 1 5 5 : 2 7 ? 2. I fall] a[t the feet of the king]. his lord. ] 4 7 .] 5 8 .

THE AMARNA LETTERS

2. a-ia8 Z u - x - [ x - x ] : ayya, however, is o t h e r w i s e a t t e s t e d in EA o n l y a t
Byblos.
3. S e e EA 1 5 1 , n. 1.

EA 153

Ships on hold
TEXT: Metropolitan Museum of Art 24.2.12.
COPIES: Scheil, Bulletin de I'Insthut frangais d'archeologie orientale
du Caire 2 (1902) p. 116; I. Spar, ed., Cuneiform Texts (see EA
15), pis. 114-15.
P H O T O G R A P H S : Bull, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art
21 (1926) p. 170, fig. 2 (obverse); Pritchard, The Ancient Near
East in Pictures (see Introduction, n. 85), no. 245 (obverse).
T R A N S L I T E R A T I O N A N D T R A N S L A T I O N : Moran, in Spar, ed.,
Cuneiform Texts, pp. 150f.
1
(To] the king, my lord: [Mes]sage of Abi-Milku, your servant. I fall at
your feet 7 times and 7 times. 4 - 1 1 1 have carried out what the king,
my lord, ordered. The entire land is afraid of the troops of the king, my
lord. I have had my men hold ships at the disposition of the troops of the
king, my lord. 1 2 - 2 0 Whoever has disobeyed has no family, has
nothing alive. Since I guafrd the ci]ty of the king, [my] lo[rd], m[y]
s[afety] is the king's responsibility. [May he take cognizance] of his servant
2
who is on his side.

NOTES
1 . W r i t t e n ia-bi-UJGKL, perhaps reflecting a g l i d e between the a-vowels
(um-ma a-bi > yabt).
2. 1 7 [ii S u - u ] l - m [ i ] 1 8 [m]u-bi LUGAL l[i-de ) 4 1 9 a-na iR-Ja sa
2 0 it-ti-Iu. Cf. EA 1 5 4 : 2 7 - 2 9 a n d n. 2 .

EA 154

Orders carried out
T E X T : VAT 1718.
C O P I E S : WA 162; VS 11, 81.

To the king, my lord: Message of Abi-Milku, [your] servant. I fall at
the feet of the king, [m]y lo[rd], 7 times and 7 times. I am the d[i]rt
un(der) the sandals of the king, my lord. 5 - 1 0 I have heard what the

240

EA 155

1
king wrote to his servant, "Let my forces : [ia-k]u-(un) (be prepared))
again[st] Yawa." What the king ordered, that I have carried out with
the greatest joy. 1 1 - 2 0 Moreover, since the departure of the troops of
the king, my lord, from me, the ruler of Sidon does not allow me or my
people to go to land to fetch wood or to fetch water for drinking. He has
killed one man, and he has capt[ured] another. 2 1 - 2 9 [ . . . ] . . . May
2
the king take cognizance of his servant.

NOTES
1. S e e EA 1 4 7 , n. 8. For a n o t h e r r e a d i n g see D o s s i n , RA 30 (1933) pp.
8 f.
9

2. 27 /«{/-mu/mi . . . ] 28 a li-i-de4 L U G A L a-na 29 \K-su.

EA 155

Servant of Mayati
TEXT: BM 29814 ( + ) VAT 1872.
C O P I E S : BB 31 ( + ) WA 228; VS 11, 82.
To the king, [the Sun, my lord]: Message of Abi-M[ilku, your servant. I
fall] at the feet of the k[ing, my lord], 7 times and 7 times. I am the
dirt under the sandals of the k[ing, my lord], and the king is the
Eternfal] Sun. 7—17 The king ordered that the breath (of life) be given
to his servant and to the servant of Mayati, and water : mi-ma be (given)
for his drink, but they have not acted in accordance with the command
of the king, my lord; they have not given (these things). So may the
king give thought to the servant of Mayati, that water be given so he
may live. 1 7 - 2 3 Moreover, O king, my lord, since there is no wo[od,
1
n](o) water, no straw, no supplies, no burial for the de[ad], may the
king, my lord, take cognizance of the servant of Mayati, that life be
gi[ve]n to him. 24—39 Should the king, my lord, give water to drink
to the servant of Mayati, then I will devote myself to his service (and
2
that of) Mayati, my mistress, night and day. Should I en[ter] before
the king, [my] lo[rd], I would be afraid : ir-x-[x](?), [and] unable [to
speak], since the king, the Sun, looked on. But the commissioner has
not done [what] the king [commanded]. He does [not] give [water, a]s the
ki[ng] commanded. 40-47 So may the king take cognizance of his
servant and of Tyre, the city of Mayati, for whatever command has
issued from the mouth of the king to his servant, that he has done. The
word of the king [g]oes : pa-ni-mu (before him).5 4 7 - 5 4 The king is
the Eter[n]al Sun, and I am the loyal servant of the king, [m]y lord.
241

THE AMARNA LETTERS

The ki[ng charged me] with guarfding] the ci[ty] of [M]a[y]ati, my
mistress. 4 . . . [ . . . ] . Moreover, my lord, [since the departure] of the troops
from me, [/ can]not [go] to land. 5 5 - 6 4 Should a ta[bl]et [of] the
king, my lord, arrive, then I will approafch] the land. May the king,
my lord, know the sentiments of the enti[re] land. May the king gifve]
attention to {his] serfvant] and to Tyre, the city of Maya[ti], so [wood
and] water are given that [he] might li[ve]. 6 5 - 7 1 Moreover, [my]
lord [ . . . ] the king should inquire from his commissioner whether
Sumur is [set]tled. As the ruler of Bei[r]ut has done service with one ship,
and the ruler of Sido[n] is doing service with two ships, I will do service
with all yo[ur] ships. So may the king give thought to his servant [and]
protect the s[hips] of the king with all my city.'

NOTES
1 . sa-mu, lit. " p l a c i n g , " u n d e r W e s t S e m i t i c influence (cf. H e b r e w s'im)?
2. BE-ti-ia (belttya): f o l l o w i n g N a ' a m a n , UF 11 ( 1 9 7 9 ) p . 6 7 5 .
3. F o r t h e v a r i o u s p o s s i b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , see A l b r i g h t , JEA 23 (1937) p.
1 9 7 , n. 2 .
4. S e e n. 2 .
5. F o l l o w i n g G o r d o n ' s r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t : gdb-bi VRV-ia is p l a c e d w i t h
Glossenkeil a t t h e e n d o f line 7 0 b e c a u s e o f insufficient r o o m a t t h e e n d o f l i n e 7 1 .

EA 156

Aziru of Amurru
T E X T : VAT 337.
C O P I E S : WA 34; VS 11, 83.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 15f.
To the king, my lord, my god, my [S]un: Message of Aziru, your
servant. I fall at the feet of my lord 7 times and 7 times.
4 - 8 Now as to a(ny) request that the Sun, my lord, makes, I am
[yo]ur servant forever, and my sons are your servants.
1
9—141 herewith give [my] sons as 2 attendants], and they are to do
2
what the k[ing, my lord], orders. But let him leave [me] in Amurru.

NOTES
1. L U . T [ U R . ( M E § ) : f o l l o w i n g K n u d t z o n ; o n t h e m e a n i n g , see EA 1 7 , n. 7.
On the historical b a c k g r o u n d of the A z i r u correspondence, see m o s t re­
c e n t l y S . Izre'el a n d I . S i n g e r , The General's Letter from Ugarit: A Linguistic and
Historical Evaluation ofRS 20.33, Ugaritica V, n o . 2 0 (Tel Aviv, 1 9 9 0 ) , p p . 1286°.
2. Cf. t h e r e q u e s t o f A z i r u a s r e p o r t e d b y t h e P h a r a o h in EA 162:42—54.

242

EA 157

EA 157

Eager to serve
T E X T : VAT 624.
C O P I E S : WA 36; VS 11, 84.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. IIS.
[S]a[y to] the king, [my] lo[rd, my god, and my Sun]: Message of
Az[iru, your servant}. I f[all] at [the feet of my lord] 7 times and 7
times.
6—8 Now may the king, my lord, know that I am [your] servant
forever. I do not deviate from the orders of my lord.
9—16 My lord, from the very first I have wanted (to enter) the
1 2
service of the king, my lord, but the magnates of Sumur do not
permit me. Now, of dereliction of duty or the slightest thing against
the king I am innocent.' The king, my lord, knows (who the real)
rebels (are).
17—19 And whatever the request o[f the king, my lord], I will
gr[ant] (it).
20-24 ...
2 5 - 3 3 And thus [ . . . ] . . . If the king of Ha[tti] [advances'] for war
against me, the king, my lord, should give me . . . [ . . . } troops and
chariots [t]o help me, and I will guard the land of the king, my lord.
3 4 - 3 6 Moreover, in all haste send me my messenger, and [/ wi]ll
[...].
37-41 And whatever the mayors have given, I too will give to the
king, my lord, my god and my Sun. I will give forever.

NOTES
1. O n L L V I R . M E S , ardutu, "service," see Or n . s . 5 3 ( 1 9 8 4 ) p p . 2 9 8 6 ; so
a l s o Izre'el, Amurru.
2. E g y p t i a n h i g h officials r e s i d i n g i n , or in c h a r g e of, S u m u r , n o t the city's
e l d e r s ( K i t c h e n , Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs [ s e e I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 1 1 9 ] ,
p . 1 7 ) . I n EA 1 7 1 , Y a n h a m u is m e n t i o n e d as o n e o f t h e s e m a g n a t e s .
3. L i t . "I have n o t c o m m i t t e d , " a n d r e a d i n g , w i t h Izre'el, Amurru, la-a
hi-i(-fa ,x n o t laa-hi-i(-ta .x T h e e x p r e s s i o n htta epesu as u s e d in EA 2 7 : 3 5 (failure to
s h o w m e s s e n g e r s d u e h o n o r s ) a n d 1 6 2 : 9 ( f a i l u r e t o d e n o u n c e ) s u g g e s t s that hitu
refers t o n e g l i g e n c e , a d e r e l i c t i o n o f duty. T h i s w o u l d e x p l a i n w h y t h e n o u n s hlfu
a n d httitu a n d t h e v e r b hafu are so rarely u s e d in t h e A m a r n a c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , even
t h o u g h it is filled w i t h d e n u n c i a t i o n s : t h e a c t s d e n o u n c e d are t h o s e o f c o m m i s s i o n
(arnu). P e r f e c t i n n o c e n c e is t o b e g u i l t y o f n e i t h e r (EA 2 5 3 : 1 6 6 ° . ; 2 5 4 : 1 1 1 ? . ) . T h e

243

THE AMARNA LETTERS

d i s t i n c t i o n o f "Yarnu f a u t e d e l i c t u e l l e e t le htfu f a u t e c o n t r a c t u e l l e " ( K e s t e m o n t , in
G a r e l l i , e d . , Le Palais et la Royaute [see I n t r o d u c t i o n , n. 7 3 ] , p . 4 8 1 ) , w h e t h e r or
n o t it o b t a i n s e l s e w h e r e , d o e s n o t s e e m t o e x p l a i n a d e q u a t e l y t h e A m a r n a evi­
d e n c e . N o t e , for e x a m p l e , t h a t a t t h e t i m e o f EA 1 5 7 A z i r u , as h e h i m s e l f
l a m e n t s , is n o t f o r m a l l y an E g y p t i a n v a s s a l , a n d h e is therefore u n d e r n o c o n t r a c t .
T h e b a s i s for K e s t e m o n t ' s c l a i m ( i b i d . , n. 4 6 ) t h a t t h e c a s e o f A z i r u s h o w s h o w t h e
s a m e a c t c o u l d b e , before a p a c t , arnu, a n d after a p a c t , htfu, is n o t clear. T h e
c o n t r a s t I p o s t u l a t e b e t w e e n arnu a n d httu, e t c . , g o e s b a c k t o t h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n
p e r i o d ; cf. awilum sit arnam u hifltam ul Tsu, " T h i s m a n h a s ( c o m m i t t e d ) n e i t h e r s i n
nor fault" (AEM 1 / 2 , n o . 3 1 2 : 1 1 ' , "peche" a n d "faute").

EA 158

Father and son
TEXT: C 4758 (12205).
C O P Y : WA 40.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 20ff.
T[o] Tutu, my lord, [my] father: Message of Aziru, your son, your
1
servant. I fall at the feet of my father. For my father may all go well.
2
5 - 9 Tutu, I herewith gr]ant the re[ques]t of the ki[ng, m]y
l[or}d, [and] whatever may be the request [o]f the king, my lord, he
should write and I w[ill g]rant it.
1 0 - 1 3 Moreover, a[s} you in that place are my father, whatever
may be the request of Tutu, my f[at}her, just write and / will grant it. 3
1 4 - 1 9 [A]s you are my father and my lord, [and] I am your son,
the land of Amurru is your [lan]d, and my house is your house. [Wr]ite
me any request at all of yours, and I will grant your [eve^ry* request.
2 0 - 2 6 [And] you are in the personal service [of the king], my
5
[lord. Hea]ven forbid that treacherous men have spoken maliciously
6
[again]st me in the presence of the king, my lord. And you should not
permit them.
7
2 7 - 3 1 [And a]s you are in the personal service [of the king, m]y
8
lord, representing me, you should not permit malicious talk [ag]ainst
me.
3 2 - 3 5 I am the servant of the king, my lord, and I will [n]ot
deviate from the orders of the king, my lord, or from the orders of Tutu,
my father, forever.
3 6 - 3 8 [But z]/the king, my lord, does not love me and rejects
me, then what a[m] I to s[a]y?

244

EA 159

NOTES
1. ardi-ka-[ma]: as in all o f A z i r u ' s letters; G o r d o n saw p o s s i b l e traces of
ma.
2. [d]t-[t}a-din ( G o r d o n ) . L i n e 7: c e r t a i n l y erihu-'7/T.
3. N e i t h e r i nor ad-din: so a l s o G o r d o n .
4. [ g a b - b ] a : a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y not [ a - m u ] r ; so a l s o G o r d o n . Cf. EA 160:9.
5. [as-s]ur^-[r]i: the A m u r r u f o r m o f Z U R - s i g n is q u i t e clear, a n d the s p e l l ­
i n g as e l s e w h e r e in A z i r u ' s letters (EA 165:20, 1 6 6 : 2 3 ; 1 6 7 : 2 5 ) .
6. [a-na VGV-h]i-ia: so a l s o L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n ; cf. line 3 1 .
7. as-ba-ta: bd d u b i o u s ( G o r d o n ) .
r n
8. k i - i - m a a - i a - / ; : L a n d s b e r g e r in G o r d o n , ia d u b i o u s ( G o r d o n ) ; lit. "in
m y place, instead of me."

EA 159

Nothing but the truth
T E X T : VAT 1658.
C O P I E S : WA 35; VS 11, 85.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 24ff.
[T]o the king, my lord, my Sun: [Mess}age of Aziru, your servant. I fall
at the feet of the king, my lord, [m]y [god} and my Sun, 7 times and 7
times.
5 - 1 0 1 do not deviate [fr]om the order[s] of the king, my lord, my
god [and} my [Su]n. [As] you are like Ba[al and y]ou are like the Sun,
[then h}ow could (any) [serva]nts li[e}' to my lord, [my god]?
n - 1 6 [Loo]k, I am going to build Sumur. No[w . . . ] . . .
17-28, 2 9 - 3 8
39-42 [Andas fa}r as the mayor[s] are concerned, [I dec}lare: they
are all [tr]aitors of my lord. [Do not tr]ust them. 3
4 3 - 4 6 [M]y lord, right now, [in] all haste, I am going to build
Sumur. [N}ow, may he trust me [th]at I am going to build Sumur.
[(• • •)]•

NOTES
1. u-ka-az-zi-[bu-mm]: f o l l o w i n g N o u g a y r o l , Ugar. 5 , p . 4 9 , in d e r i v i n g
t h e v e r b f r o m kuzzubu. If 1 0 [ a - m a - t ] e . M E § ( N o u g a y r o l ) , t h e n ukazzi-[ba], "how
c o u l d I tell likes . . . , " I a l s o read 9 [ u k]i-i rathet than {ki-i-k]i-/ (Nougayrol).
S e e a l s o EA 1 0 8 , n. 1.
2. Line 26: [... iT-nu-ta, "vessels, g e a r " ( g i f t s for t h e k i n g ? ) . L i n e s 33ff.:
p r e p a r a t i o n (line 3 8 , a - [ s e - s e - e r ] ) o f ( a d d i t i o n a l ? ) g i f t s for t h e k i n g ( ? ) : G l S . l . M E S ,
"oils" or samassamme (Izre'el; m e a n i n g d i s p u t e d , e i t h e r " s e s a m e " or "linseed"; l i n e

245

THE AMARNA LETTERS

3 2 ) ; [x mn]-na as-si mi-{...], "fx mi)nas of myrtle" ( l i n e 3 4 , assu as a t B o g h a z k o y ? ) ;
fx K U S . M E S J S U N . M E S , "fx hides of] w i l d - c o w s " ( l i n e 3 6 ) .
3. EN-ia-ma \la-(d)] 4 2 [ta-qi-i]p-Iu-nu: cf. line 4 5 . T h e u s e o f t h e p r e t ­
e r i t e f o r m i n s t e a d o f t h e c o r r e c t p r e s e n t - f u t u r e taqdp i s , in t h i s d i a l e c t , n o t a
difficulty.

EA 160

Ships and lumber for the king
TEXT: Golenischeff (Introduction, sect. 1).
C O P Y : WA 34a.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 28ff.
[To] the Great King, [my] l[ord, my god, my Sun: Messa]ge of Aziru,
[your] serva[nt]. I fal[l] at the fee[t of my lord], my god and my Sun, 7
times and 7 times.
5—8 My lord, my god, my Sun, I am your servant, and my sons
and my brothers are servants of the king, my lord, forever.
9 - 1 3 I am indeed preparing all the requests of the king, my lord,
and whatever came forth from the mouth of the king, my lord, I am
preparing.
1 4 - 1 9 I am indeed, in very truth, now [preparing] 8 ships,
box{wo]odlogs, and large logs of [ . . . ] . . . , everything that ca[me forth]
from the mo[uth] of the king, [m]y lord, [my god, my Sun].
2 0 - 3 2 [And], O king, [my lord, as to Sumur, about which] he say[s,
"Why have] you {not] buil[t $umur?"],' [ . . . ] . . . of [my] lo[r]d, [ . . . ] ,
and the kings of Nuha[ss>e] have been at war with [me], and so I have not
built Sumur. This year I will bui[l]d Sumur. My lord, I am your servant
forever. O king, do not listen to the treacherous men that [de]nounce
me be[for]e the king, my lord.
3 3 - 3 7 May the king, my lord, my god and my Sun, send me his
mes[sen]ger so he can fet[ch] everythi[ng] that the kin[g, my lord],
orde[r]s.
3 8 - 4 0 My lord, no[w you are going to hear t]hat I am buil[ding
the city of the king], my lord, my god, [my Sun].
4 1 - 4 4 [And, O k]ing, m[y] lord, send me {your messenger al]ong
with [my] messenger [in] all haste, [and] then he can brin[g] the
tribute of the king, my lord.

246

EA 161

NOTE
i. [EN-ia as-sum URU su-mu-ri] 21 [sa] i-qd-a[b-bi am-mi-(i)-ni]
2 2 [la i}a-bd-an-[ni U R U su-mu-ri]: cf. EA 161:35-40.

EA 161

An absence explained
TEXT: BM 29818.
C O P Y : BB 35.
P H O T O G R A P H : BB, pi. 22.
TRANSLITERATION A N D TRANSLATION: Izre'el, Amurru,
pp. 3Iff.
To the Great King, my lord, my god, [my Sun]: Message of Aziru, your
servant. I fall at the feet of my lord, [m]y god, my Sun, 7 times and 7
times.
4-10 My lord, I am your servant, and on my arrival in the presence
1
of the king, my lord, I spoke of all my affairs in the presence of the
king, my lord. My lord, do not listen to the treacherous men that
denounce me in the presence of the king, my lord. I am your servant
forever.
11—22 The king, my lord, has spoken about Han'i. My lord, I was
residing in Tunip, and so I did not know that he had arrived. As soon as
I heard, I went up after him, but I did not overtake him. May Han'i
arrive safe and sound so that the king, my lord, can ask him how I
provided for him. My brothers and Bet-ili were at his service; they gave
2 3 4
oxen, sheep and goats, and birds, his food and his strong drink.
a v e
23-34 I g horses and asses [f]or his journey. May the king, my
lord, hear my words. [W]hen I come to the king, my lord, Han'i will go
before me; like a mother and like a father he will provide for me. And
no(w) my lord says, "You hid yourself from Han'i." May your gods and
the Sun be witnesses: (I swear) I was residing in Tunip.
35-40 The king, my lord, has spoken about the building of
Sumur. The kings of Nujjasse have been at war with me and have taken
my cities at the instruction of Hatip. So I have not built it. Now, in all
haste, I am going to build it.
41—46 And may my lord know that Hatip has taken half of the
things that the king, my lord, gave (me). All the gold and silver? that
the king, my lord, gave me, Hatip has taken. May my lord know (this).

247

THE AMARNA LETTERS

4 7 - 5 3 Moreover, the king, my lord, also said, "Why did you
provide for the messenger of the king of Hatti, but did not provide for
my messenger?" But this is the land of my lord, and the king, my lord,
6
made me one of the mayors!
5 4 - 5 6 Let my lord's messenger come to me so I can give all that I
promised in the presence of the king, my lord. I will give food supplies,
ships, oil, logs of boxwood and (other) woods.

NOTES
1. F o l l o w i n g Izre'el, Amurru. A z i r u refers t o t h i s o c c a s i o n a g a i n at t h e very
end o f t h e letter, g i v i n g h i s m e s s a g e a k i n d o f inclusio. It w a s o n t h i s o c c a s i o n , t o o ,
t h a t he w a s p r o b a b l y i n s t a l l e d f o r m a l l y as a m a y o r ; s e e lines 4 7 - 5 3 .
2. S e e EA 5 5 , n. 2 .
3. P r o b a b l y fowl; see K r a u s , AbB 10, 1 2 4 , note a of the translation.
4. O r " b r e a d a n d beer."
5. K U . B A B B A R - ^ : f o l l o w i n g Izre'el, Amurru.
6 . O n e o f t h e m o r e n o t a b l e ignorationes elenchi in t h e A m a r n a l e t t e r s .

EA 162

A letter from the Pharaoh:
threats and promises
T E X T : VAT 347.
C O P I E S : WA 92; VS 11, 86.
1
Say [to Aziru], ruler of Amurru: [Thu\s the king, your lord, saying:
The ruler of Gubla, whose brother had cast him away at the gate, [sai]d
to you, "[Ta]ke me and get me into my city. [There is much silvjer, and I
will give it to you. Indeed, there is an abundance of everything, [but
2
n]ot with me." Thus did the ruler speak to you.
7 - 1 1 Do you [n]ot write to the king, my lord, [say]ing, "I am your
servant like all the previous mayors in his city"? Yet you acted delin-
quently by taking the mayor whose brother had cast him away at the
gate, from his city.'
e w a s
12—14 H residing in Sidon and, following your own judg­
ment, you gave him to (some) mayors. Were you ignorant of the treach-
erousness of the men?
15—18 If you really are the king's servant, why did you not de­
4
nounce him before the king, your lord, saying, "This mayor has writ­
ten me, saying, 'Take me to yourself and get me into my city'"?

248

EA 162

1 9 - 2 1 And if you did a[c]t loyally, still all the things you wrote
were not true. In fact, the king has reflected on them as follows, "Every­
thing you have said is not friendly."
2 2 - 2 9 Now the king has heard as follows, "You are at peace with
the ruler of Qidsa.5 The two of you take food and strong drink to­
6
gether." And it is true. Why do you act so? Why are you at peace with
a ruler with whom the king is fighting? And even if you did act loyally,
you considered your own judgment, and his judgment did not count.
7
You have paid no attention to the things that you did earlier. What
happened to you among them that you are not on the side of the king,
8
your lord?
3 0 - 3 2 Con[sider] the people that are [training you for their own
advantage. They want to throw you into the fire. They have lit {the fire),
and (still) you love everything so very much!
33—38 But if you perform your service for the king, your lord,
what is there that the king will not do for you? If for any reason
9
whatsoever you prefer to do evil, and if you plot evil, treacherous
things, then you, together with your entire family, shall die by the axe
of the king.
3 9 - 4 1 So perform your service for the king, your lord, and you
will live. You yourself know that the king does not fail when he rages
10
against all of Canaan.
42—54 And when you wrote, saying, "May the king, my lord,
give me leave this year, and then I will go next year to the king, [my]
11
l[ord]. If this is impossible, I [will send} my son [in m\y [place]" —the
king, your lord, let you off this year, in accordance with what you said.
[Co]me yourself, or send your son, and you will see the king at whose
sight all lan[ds] live. You are not to say, "May he give me this year, too."
If it is impossible to go to the king, your lord, send your son to the
king, your lord, in your place. If it is impossible, he is to come.
5 5 - 6 7 Now the king, your lord, has heard that you wrote to the
king, saying, "May the king, my lord, send Hanni, the messenger of the
king, once more, so I can have the enemies of the king delivered into his
charge." He herewith goes off to you, in accordance with what you said.
So have them delivered, omitting no one. The king, your lord, hereby
sends you the names of the king's ene(mi)es on [this] tablet given to
Hanni, the messenger of the king. Have the[m] delivered to the king,
your lord, omitting no one. Copper fetters are to be put on their ankles.
Here are the men whom you are to have delivered to the king, your
lord:

249

THE AMARNA LETTERS

68 Sarru along with all his sons;
Tuya;
70 Leya along with all his sons;
Pisyari along with all his sons;
72 the son-in-law of Manya, along with his sons,
12
along with his wives;
74 the commissioner, who is expert in sacrilege,
1
that fellow {who) has mocked a resident-alien; ^
76 Daasarti; Baaluma;
14
Nimmahe—he is a brigand in Amurru.
7 8 - 8 1 And know that the king is hale like the Sun in the sky. For
his troops and his chariots in multitude, from the Upper Land to the
Lower Land, the rising of the sun to the setting of the sun, all goes very
1
well. ?

NOTES
1. [ u m - m a - ( a ) - m ] i : umma-mi is a t t e s t e d in EA 1 : 2 6 , 3 7 ( E g y p t ) . W h a t e v e r
t h e correct r e s t o r a t i o n m a y b e , it is clear t h a t no c o n v e n t i o n a l f o r m o f i n t r o d u c t i o n
w a s u s e d . W i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f t h e c o n c l u s i o n (lines 7 8 ? . ) , EA 162 is in f o r m as
well a s c o n t e n t q u i t e u n l i k e t h e P h a r a o h ' s letters t o inferiors (see I n t r o d u c t i o n ,
sect. 5 ) .
2. 5 [ma-ad KU.BAB}BAR . . . 6 [ u i]-ia-nu: free r e s t o r a t i o n s ; n o t e t h e
w r i t i n g i-ia-nu in line 2 7 a n d i-ia-nu-um-ma in l i n e 5 2 . I t is not clear t h a t "take"
m e a n s "take as a v a s s a l , " as p r o p o s e d b y K . M c C a r t e r , OA 1 2 ( 1 9 7 3 ) p . 1 7 .
3 . T h i s is a d e l i n q u e n c y b e c a u s e u p o n r e c e i v i n g R i b - H a d d a ' s c o m m u n i c a ­
t i o n , A z i r u s h o u l d have i m m e d i a t e l y d e n o u n c e d h i m to t h e k i n g (lines i j f f . ) ; see
EA 1 5 7 , n. 3 .
4. ta-a-ku-ulkar-si-i-su