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9 1992 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
M I C H A E L R. MATTHEWS
ABSTRACT. This paper traces the use of, and arguments for, the history and philosophy of
science in school science courses. Specific attention is paid to the British National Curriculum
proposals and to the recommendations of the US Project 2061 curriculum guidelines. Some
objections to the inclusion of historical material in science courses are outlined and answered.
Mention is made of the Piagetian thesis that individual psychological development mirrors
the development of concepts in the history of science. This introduces the topic of idealisation
in science. Some significant instances are itemised where science education has, at its con-
siderable cost, ignored work in philosophy of science. Arguments for the inclusion of the
history and philosophy of science in science teacher education programmes are given. The
paper finishes with a list of topical issues in present science education where collaboration
between science teachers, historians, philosophers, and sociologists would be of considerable
benefit.
INTRODUCTION
what they mean; it can improve teacher training by assisting the develop-
ment of a richer and more authentic epistemology of science, that is a
greater understanding of the structure of science, and its place in the
intellectual scheme of things. This last matter is the beginning of the sort
of discipline understanding that Schulman (1987) and before him, but
largely neglected, Scheffler (1970) have been urging teacher education
programmes to promote.
There are a number of elements in the rapprochement. By far the most
significant is the inclusion of history and philosophy of science components
in various national school curricula. This is occurring in the national
science curriculum for England and Wales, in the American Project 2061
recommendations for high-school science, in the Danish national school
curriculum, and in the Dutch PLON curricular materials. It is not the
inclusion of HPS as another item of subject matter, but rather the more
general incorporation of HPS themes in the approach to the subject mat-
ter, and teaching, of the curricula. Science curricula have usually included
a section titled 'The Nature of Science': more attention is now being
paid to these sections, and it is increasingly recognised that the history,
philosophy and sociology of science contribute to a better, fuller, and
richer understanding of the questions posed in these sections. One major
opening for historical and philosophical contributions to science education
is in the widespread Science, Technology and Society (STS) programmes
in both schools and universities. These developments have significant
implications for teacher training.
There are other elements and indicators of a rapprochement. One has
been the staging of the first international conference on 'HPS and Science
Teaching' at Florida State University in November 1989. 3 A second is the
series of conferences sponsored by the European Physical Society on
'History of Physics and Physics Teaching' in Pavia (1983), Munich (1986),
Paris (1988), and Cambridge (1990). 4 A third has been the conference
held by the British Society for the History of Science on 'History of Science
and Science Teaching' held at Oxford University in 1987 (Shortland &
Warick 1989). These activities have generated about 300 scholarly papers
on the subject, as well as a great deal of historically and philosophically
informed teaching material. Additionally the American National Science
Foundation has now commenced two programmes to promote HPS in
school science teaching. Some US science teacher education programmes
have made HPS compulsory. One state (Florida) has made completion of
a HPS course necessary for being licensed as a science teacher.
The advocates of HPS in science teaching and in teacher training are
in part arguing for a 'contextualist' approach to science education. That
is a science education that teaches science by teaching it in its social,
historical, philosophical, ethical, and technological contexts. In part this
is a reworking of the old argument that science education should be an
education about science as well as in science. To use the terminology of
the British National Curriculum, school science students should learn
HISTORY, PHILOSOPHY, AND SCIENCE TEACHING 13
CURRICULA REFORMS
The new British National Curriculum in Science, and the American AAAS
2061 Project are worth discussing at the outset of any review of HPS
and science education because they so clearly show the classroom and
programme implications of the rapprochment. The former is a course
already in place; the latter is a long-planned, and comprehensive set of
proposals for a new American school science curriculum.
The British National Curriculum Council introduction to the HPS lobe
of the course (consisting of about 5% of the total programme), says that:
pupils should develop their knowledge and understanding of the ways in which scientific
ideas change through time and how the nature of these ideas and the uses to which they
are put are affected by the social, moral, spiritual and cultural contexts in which they are
developed (NCC 1988, p. 113).
In Britain there has been a long, if thin and uneven, tradition of incorpor-
ating the history of science in science education. This has been well
documented by Edgar Jenkins (1989, 1990) and W. J. Sherratt (1982,
1983). According to Jenkins the first clear statement can be found as far
back as 1855 in the Duke of Argyll's Presidential Address to the British
Association for the Advancement of Science, where he said 'What we
want in the teaching of the young, is, not so much the mere results, as
the methods and, above all, the history of science' (Jenkins 1989, p. 19).
The BAAS repeated these calls at its 1917 conference where it remarked
that the history of science supplied a solvent of that artificial barrier
between literary studies and science which the school timetable sets up
(Jenkins 1989, p. 19). Mach, and those influenced by him, also argued
that in order to understand a theoretical concept it was necessary to
understand its historical development; understanding was necessarily his-
torical. Mach in his 1883 classic said that:
The historical investigation of the development of a science is most needful, lest the
principles treasured up in it become a system of half-understood precepts, or worse, a
system of prejudices. Historical investigation not only promotes the understanding of that
which now is, but also brings new possibilities before us. (Mach 1883/1960, p. 316) 6
Teacher 5 2, (1967). The lessons from the failures of Project Physics are
also instructive, in particular the failure to adequately acquaint teachers
with HPS so that they could cope with the curriculum in the open-ended
and critical manner expected. This has already been identified as a serious
problem for implementation of the 'Nature of Science' component of the
British National Curriculum (NCC 1988, p. 21).
The BSCS was informed by the ideas of the biologist-philosopher-
educationalist J. J. Schwab 7 who promoted the pedagogical creed of 'sci-
ence as enquiry'. Schwab wrote the Teachers' Handbook for the BSCS
curriculum, and in it he advocated the historical approach, saying that
'the essence of teaching of science as enquiry would be to show some of
the conclusions of science in the framework of the way they arise and are
tested . . . . [it] would also include a fair treatment of the doubts and
incompleteness of science" (1963, p. 41). History is also advocated because
it 'concerns man and events rather than conceptions in themselves. There
is a human side to enquiry' (1963, p. 42).
In the early 1960's the International Commission on Physics Education
raised the usefulness of the history of physics for physics education. By
1970 a symposium on the subject was convened at MIT under the direction
of Stephen Brush and Allen King. The proceedings were published (Brush
& King 1972) and contained a significant challenge, by Klein, to the whole
enterprise of using history of physics in physics teaching. This will be
discussed in the next section.
In the 1970's the American Physical Society established a section on
the History, of Physics, at the same time the History of Science Society
established an Education Committee. Both have continued to be active in
educational matters. Stephen Brush has been influential in both, producing
numerous historical studies for use in classrooms?
The history of chemistry in the US has always been more marginal to
pedagogy than the history of physics or biology. There have been many
calls for the inclusion of history of chemistry into chemical education;
these have been documented by Kaufmann (1989).
In other countries the history of science has had a similarly chequered
career in science pedagogy. Brief accounts of the European experiences
can be found in papers contained in Thomsen (1986). Teichmann at the
Deutsches Museum in Munich has replicated historical experiments and
provided notes and instruction for teachers; a similiar effort has been
made by Bevilacqua and associates at the University of Pavia. Krasilchik
(1990) discusses an interesting approach to the subject in Brazil; Tamir
(1989) discusses the situation in Israel.
We are, in other words, planning to select, organize, and present these historical materials
on decidedly nonhistorical, perhaps even antihistorical grounds. This is a very hazardous
enterprise, if we are as concerned about the integrity and quality of the history we teach
as we are about the physics (Klein 1972, p. 12).
He goes on to say:
One reason it is difficultto make the history of physics serve the needs of physics teaching
is an essential difference in the outlooks of physicist and historian. . . . . It is so hard to
imagine combining the rich complexity of fact, which the historian strives for, with the
sharply defined simple insight that the physicist seeks. (Klein 1972, p. 16)
The single most striking feature of this education is that, to an extent totally unknown in
other creative fields, it is conducted entirely through t e x t b o o k s . . , nor are science students
encouraged to read the historical classics of their fields - works in which they might
discover other ways of regarding the problems discussed in their t e x t b o o k s . . , it remains
a dogmatic initiation in a pre-established tradition. (Kuhn 1959/1977, p. 228-229)
This initiation Kuhn says is necessary because 'no part of science has
progressed very far or very rapidly before this convergent educa-
t i o n . . , became possible' (p. 237). Kuhn advanced these ideas about the
virtue of a conformist science education in his most influential The Struc-
ture of Scientific Revolutions where he says that in a science classroom the
history of science should be distorted, and earlier scientists should be
portrayed as working upon the same set of problems that modern scientists
work upon (1970, p. 138). This distortion aims to make the apprentice
scientist feel part of a successful truth-seeking tradition: 'Textbooks thus
begin by truncating the scientist's sense of his discipline's history and then
proceed to supply a substitute for what they have eliminated' (p. 137).
Stephen Brush developed the Kuhn charge further in his 'Should the
History of Science be Rated X?' (1974). Here it was suggested that history
of science could be a bad influence on students because it undercuts the
certainties of the scientistic dogma so useful for maintaining the enthusi-
asm of the apprentice. He perhaps tongue-in-cheek suggests that history
should be confined to mature scientific audiences.
Kuhn's points can be traced back to reactions to Poincarr's instrumental-
ist account of science at the turn of the century. Heilbron recounts how
the President of the British Association for the advancement of Science
in 1901 said of Poincarr's theory of science that 'If the confidence that his
methods are weapons with which he can fight his way to the truth were
taken from the scientific explorer, the paralysis of those engaged in a
hopeless task would fall upon him' (Heilbron 1983, p. 178).
The Klein-Kuhn charges are serious, but their main points can be
accommodated without jettisoning history from science courses. In peda-
gogy, as in most things, the subject matter frequently needs to be simpli-
fied. This is as true of history of science as it is of economics, or science
itself. The fact that history of science is simplified is no conclusive strike
against it. The pedagogical task is to produce a simplified history that
illuminates the subject matter, yet is not a caricature of the historical
process. The simplification will be relevant to the age group being taught,
and the overall curriculum being presented. The history and the science
can become more complex as the educational situation demands. The
22 M I C H A E L R. M A T T H E W S
Piaget's latest and most extensive argument for the thesis is found in his
Psychogenesis and the History of Science (1989). However the nature of
the 'parallelism' is somewhat unclear in Piaget, and more so in those he
inspired: positions vary from analogy, to weak isomorphism (Mischel 1971,
p. 326), to strong isomorphism (Murray 1979, p. ix)J ~
Thomas Kuhn popularised the 'cognitive ontogeny recapitulates scien-
tific phylogeny' thesis among historians and philosophers of science (Kuhn
1977, p. 21). Conversely the historian of science, Alexander Koyrr, ob-
served that it was Aristotle's physics that taught him to understand Piaget's
children. The philosopher Philip Kitcher has recently (1988) affirmed that
developmental psychologists can gain insights into the linguistic advances
of young children by studying the shifts that have occurred in the history
of science; and that historians and philosophers of science can learn from
experimental results and analyses of child psychologists. Kitchner (1985)
provides a comprehensive bibliography of philosophical literature on Pia-
get.
Nussbaum (1983) provided an early review of literature in science edu-
cation on individual cognition and cultural cognition, or theory develop-
ment, titled 'Classroom Conceptual Change: the Lesson to be Learned
from the History of Science.' Carey has correctly warned that success in
comprehending the complexity of conceptual change in science students
will 'require the collaboration of cognitive scientists and science educators,
who together must be aware of the understanding of science provided by
both historians and philosophers of science' (1986, p. 1125). An extensive
recent review has been by Duschl, Hamilton, and Grandy (1990).
Piaget's work lead to one obvious area of investigation: do the intuitive,
immediate, 'concrete', conceptions of children mirror the early stages in
the development of scientific understanding in different domains? At one
level of simplification the answer is yes. Children do seem to have pre-
instruction understanding, or naive beliefs, that parallel early scientific,
or pre-scientific notions. This has been much-demonstrated for the field
of mechanics. McCloskey (1983), DiSessa (1982), Clement (1983), Cham-
pagne (1980), Whitaker (1983), McDermott (1984), and Robin and Ohlsson
(1989) are just a few to suggest that naive conceptions of force and motion
mirror the fundamentals of Aristotelian dynamics. Bartov has shown that
intuitive conceptions of biological processes are highly teleological (Bartov
1978). Others point to a Lamarckian-like account of inheritance in children
(Brumby 1979). Mas, Perez and Harris (1987) conducted a study on
adolescent beliefs in chemistry among students who had studied up to five
years of chemistry at school. A significant proportion continued to hold the
Aristotelian-like belief that gases had no mass despite repeated teaching of
the atomic hypothesis of gases.
This last matter, the persistance of intuitive or naive beliefs in the face
of science instruction to the contrary - McCloskey's (1983) demonstration
that 80% of college physics students continued to believe in impetus is
representative of many such studies - has generated productive exchanges
24 MICHAEL R. MATTHEWS
IDEALIZATION IN SCIENCE
In physics lessons there are often assumptions or experiments of thought, which obviously
cannot be realized in actual experiments, like completely excluding air resistance and
other frictional effects or assuming an infinitely lasting linear motion.
The students were asked whether the method was useful or not useful.
11% said it was useless, 'why should I consider something that does not
exist?'; a large group, up to 50%, said it was useful, but only for physics
because physics did not deal with reality, 'I don't need to refer everything
to reality. I am simply interested in physics.'; only about 25% had any
comprehension of the method of idealization in science.
The history of the study of pendulum motion (Matthews 1987, 1990)
can shed much philosophical light upon these pedagogical matters, parti-
cularly the paradoxical finding that students do not believe that physics
deals with reality. Galileo regarded his discovery of isochrony as pivotal
to his whole new physics. Yet his 'discoveries' were vigorously denied by
Guilobaldo del Monte who was Galileo's own patron, and a person de-
scribed by Stillman Drake as the 'greatest mechanician of the 16th cen-
tury.' The argument between them encapsulates the epistemological divide
between the old Aristotelian, empirical science and the new idealistic,
mathematical, experimentalist science characteristic of the Scientific Revo-
lution. Del Monte insisted to Galileo that the pendulums he tested were
not isochronic: cork and brass ones did not have the same period, long
and short ones did not have the same period, all pendulums came to a
halt within two or three dozen oscillations. Galileo replied that these
results applied only to actual pendulums, and that if ideal ones were
studied (where friction, air resistance, and the weight of the string were
eliminated), then they would indeed be found to be isochronic. Galileo
arrived at his law of isochrony by mathematical (specifically geometrical)
calculation. Del Monte asserted that the mathematics was fine, but it was
not physics; physics was to be about the real world, not an ideal one. Not just
del Monte, but Huygens and a host of others disbelieved Galileo's claims
about the isochronic motion of the pendulum; indeed Huygens said that
Galileo must have invented the experiments rather than actually per-
formed them. It is little wonder that when teachers rely on a simple,
unguided discovery method, students will come up with del Monte's result,
not Galileo's. A little history of science can prepare teachers for this
result. A little philosophy of science can assist teachers to interpret the
results to students.
There is a difference between the real objects of the world, and the
theoretical objects of science. To confuse the first with the second is to
confuse Aristotelian with Newtonian science. Di Sessa remarked on the
failure of standard discovery learning that 'it seems that very few subjects,
if any, had learned much characteristically Newtonian from dealing with
the everyday w o r l d . . , thought experiments might be more useful than
"playing around"' (1982, p. 62). To expect students to learn anything
Newtonian by playing around with objects is to underestimate the epis-
HISTORY, PHILOSOPHY, AND SCIENCE TEACHING 27
Martin notes, in contradiction to this, that some scientific theories are not
generalizations, and that most scientific hypotheses are not generated by
induction, and that further, observation requires theory.
This last matter, the lack of awareness of the theory dependence of
observation and its implications, well illustrates the lamentable separation
of professional philosophers of science from science educators, and from
government advisory bodies. The Spirit of Science report was published
in 1966. Inductivism was at that time in full retreat in philosophy of
science: Hanson's Patterns of Scientific Discovery had appeared in 1958,
Popper's Logic of Scientific Discovery had been translated in 1959, Toul-
min's Foresight and Understanding appeared in 1961, Kuhn's Structure of
Scientific Revolutions appeared in 1962. There was ample material close
at hand, to say nothing of material across the Atlantic (Bachelard), and
material further back in time (Collingwood, Fleck) that could have infor-
med the deliberations of such a high ranking US government agency
issuing a major report on science education. Instead the material was
neglected, and dubious slogans were promulgated without any hint that
they were debatable, much less that they were likely to be false.
It was not just Government reports that suffered from an ignorance of
developments in philosophy of science. Robert Gagne, one of the most
influential learning theorists of 1960-80 and a prominent figure behind
inquiry-learning curricula in science, in 1963 lent his considerable prestige
to a debatable view of scientific inquiry as inquiry where:
a set of activities whichbegins with a careful set of systematicobservations, proceeds to
design the measurements required, deafly distinguishesbetween what is observed and
what is inferred.., and drawsreasonableconclusions.(Gagne 1963, from Hodson,forth-
coming).
Numerous NSF curricula projects of the early 1960's, and the Nuffield
scheme of the 1960's in England suffered similarly from ignorance of
30 M I C H A E L R. M A T T H E W S
Many have argued that HPS should be part of the education of science
teachers - the British Thomson Report in 1918 had said 'some knowledge
of the history and philosophy of science should form part of the intellectual
equipment of every science teacher in a secondary school' (p. 3). One
argument for HPS is that it produces better (more coherent, stimulating,
critical, humane, etc.) teaching. This utilitarian argument is not the only
one: a case can be made for teachers having critical knowledge (meaning
historical and philosophical knowledge) of their subject matter quite inde-
pendently of whether this knowledge is directly used in pedagogy - there
is more to a teacher than meets the classroom.
Michael Polanyi made the obvious point that HPS should be as much
a part of science education as literary and musical criticism is part of
literary and musical education (Harre 1983, p. 141). It would be odd to
HISTORY, PHILOSOPHY, AND SCIENCE TEACHING 31
This ideal has current relevance. As has been mentioned, the new
curricula being developed and implemented in Britain, the US, Denmark,
and Canada will require just such qualities in a teacher if they are to be
successfully taught. Episodes in the history of science, and questions about
the nature (philosophy) of science are part of these curricula. Furthermore
in Britain, the US, Australia and elsewhere there are efforts to identify
outstanding science teachers and to assess teachers. This requires delinea-
ting the qualities of a good science teacher; and increasingly some com-
petence or familiarity with HPS topics is being required.
In the US, the Stanford-based, Carnegie-funded, National Teacher As-
sessment Project, directed by Lee Shulman, is the foremost teacher as-
sessment programme. It is intellectualist in its criteria of teacher com-
petence and rejects the behaviourist, managerial, measures of teacher
competence so long enshrined in evaluation practice. Shulman asks about
the 'missing paradigm' - the command of subject matter - and the ability
to make it intelligible to students, abilities requiring the wider view pro-
vided by HPS. In one of his influential publications, Shulman has said:
To think properly about content knowledge requires going beyond knowledge of the
32 MICHAEL R. MATTHEWS
Ennis in 1979 lists six areas of concern to science teachers that would
benefit by philosophical attention. These are: scientific method, criteria
for critical thinking about empirical statements, the structure of scientific
disciplines, explanation, value judgements by scientists, and test develop-
ment. Ten years later there is point in producing another such list. The
topics I would propose are: Feminism, Constructivism, Ethics, Metaphys-
ics, Idealization, and Rationality. In one form or another these issues and
their implications have surfaced in science education debate. This is not
to say that more prosaic matters ought not to be discussed - research in
Australia showed that about one third of the first year chemistry class in
one university did not know that 'affirming the consequent' was invalid
reasoning: they believed that if A implies B, and B is the case, then A is
then true. This suggests that simple logic and reasoning skills are not out
of place, even if more complex matters cannot be dealt with.
(1) Feminism has provided strong challenges to the assumptions of both
science teaching and of the philosophy of science. It is notorious that
women do not continue on in science studies. There is a mountain of
literature on the subject - see the 1987 special issue of The International
Journal of Science Education. Much of it is empirical, dealing with impedi-
ments to women's progress and interest in science. In addition there is a
philosophical claim demanding a response. Bleier (1984), Harding (1986),
Keller (1985), and Martin (1989) have all argued the case for a masculine
bias in the very epistemology of western science. Science educators have
begun to pay attention to this critique. Martin has said that 'To bring the
gender-based critique into science education is to incorporate teaching
about science into the teaching of science' (Martin, 1989, p. 251). It is
known that ideologies of class, race, and religion have effected the conduct
o f s c i e n c e - Lysencko's genetics, Nazi haematologists finding a Jewish
blood type, and aspects of medieval science provide examples of each. It
is a priori thus possible that sexist ideology can affect science, including
its epistemology. Harding provides a vision of a new kind of knowledge
promoted by feminism, it:
seeks a unity of knowledge combining moral and political with empirical understanding.
And it seeks to unify knowledge of and by the heart with that which is gained by and
about the brains and hand. It sees inquiry as comprising not just the mechanical observation
of nature and others but the intervention of political and moral illumination 'without which
the secrets of nature cannot be uncovered'. (Harding 1986, p. 241)
energy and nuclear war, and so on - are all matters that are raised by
students, and appear in new science curricula. The once straight-forward
and unreflective use of animals for science experiments and laboratory
dissections is now questioned (see Cordero, this issue) and in many places
severely limited. An aim of the New Zealand science syllabus is 'the care
of animals' and recognition of their rights. At the same time in philosophy
these questions are being dealt with in applied ethics, and environmental
ethics courses. Hitherto, partly under the influence of belief in value-free
science, these questions have been ignored in science education. They can
no longer be ignored.
John Ziman and numerous others have correctly pointed out that ortho-
dox science education has for long promulgated naive materialism, primi-
tive positivism, and complacent technocracy (Ziman 1980). These posi-
tions (ideologies) are now in intellectual retreat. The pedagogical
consequences of the 'Death of Value-free Science' must now be faced.
The PLON project in The Netherlands, the SISCON project in the UK,
various Canadian projects (Aikenhead 1980), STS courses and the Project
2061 proposals in the US are the most obvious curricular responses. A
considerable literature on ethics in science education has been generated
(Mendelsohn 1976, Gosling and Musschenga 1985). Teachers can benefit
from considering some of the arguments advanced by philosophers who
have considered similar issues.
The recent exchange between Eger, Hesse, Shimony, and others (Zygon
23 (3), 1988) on 'rationality in science and ethics' (reproduced in Matthews
1991) shows what such collaboration can achieve. Eger (1989) has also
addressed the question of the 'interests' of science, taking up issues that
the work of Habermas and the Frankfurt School pose for understanding
the social role of science and the fundamental structures of the discipline.
(4) Metaphysical issues naturally emerge from the subject matter of
science: Einstein spoke of the scientist being a philosopher in working-
man's clothes. Ethical issues in science raise questions about our respons-
ibility to nature which in turn is prompted by a new conception of nature
itself. The mechanical, Laplacian, world-view of Newtonian science is
being challenged by a new ontology of nature. Gotschl (1990) says that
'The extensive call for responsibility results in an ethical and anthropologi-
cal revolution beside the scientific and technical revolution.' Teachers
ought to have some grasp of the issues: there are a host of competing
ontologies in the market-place waiting to take the place of the mechanical
world-view, some make considerably more sense than others. An HPS
informed science teacher can contribute to the evaluation of them.
Historical studies in science vividly portray the independence of science
and metaphysics. The Galilean/Aristotelian controversy over final caus-
ation, the Galilean/Kepler controversy over the lunar theory of tides, the
Newtonian/Cartesian argument over action at a distance, the Newtonian/
Berkelian argument over the existence of absolute space and time, the
Newtonian/Fresnal argument over the particulate theory of light, the
36 MICHAEL R. M A T T H E W S
Alfred North Whitehead first published sixty years ago in his The Aims
of Education (1923).
The considerable literature generated by the Philosophy for Children
Movement suggests that children are both capable of, and interested
in, pursuing elementary philosophical questions (Lipman & Sharp 1978,
Dawson-Galle 1990). The science classroom provides ample opportunities
to do this.
(5) Idealization is the sine qua non of modern mathematical science,
yet it is very little understood by teachers, it rarely occurs in textbook
accounts of the scientific method, and is often ignored by philosophers
who conduct discussion of induction, falsification, and the testing of theory
completely oblivious to the fact that it is idealized laws and theories that
are being discussed, and simple logic is inappropriate to their evaluation.
Also much science education literature on concept acquisition proceeds
in an Aristotelian manner, in which idealizations are treated as empirical
generalisations. Clearly the acquisitions of the concept of point mass,
frictionless surface, inertial frame, elastic collision, rigid body, etc. does
not occur in the Aristotelian manner, they do not arise from looking at
bodies and inducing common features. Galilean/Newtonian idealization
was a monumental conceptual achievement, arguably something that sepa-
rates human thought from all animal cognition. This achievement must
be imparted to students - they will not acquire the idealisations by looking
at nature. Polish philosophers of science have dealt extensively with
the logic and philosophy of idealization in the sciences (Nowak 1980,
Krajewski 1982).
Duhem's felicitious expression 'the logic of a subject is not necessarily
the logic of its presentation' needs to be remembered. History alerts
teachers to the need for a phenomenal, approach to idealisations - stud-
ents need to know what the idealisations relate to.
(6) Rationality is a topic that conjoins HPS and science education. In
HPS the rationality of scientific theory change, that is of the history of
science, has been a hotly contested issue. Rationalists were awakened
from their slumbers by the blast of Kuhn's 1962 Structure in which he said
scientific transformations depend not so much upon rational persuasion as
they do upon mob psychology and the mortality of the aged. Just as
philosophers were coming to terms with this, and Feyerabend's extension
of the thesis (see the defenses of rationalism in Shapere 1984 and Siegel
1987), the Edinburgh school of sociologists of science - David Bloor,
Barry Barnes, Steven Shapin, and Michael Mulkay - further criticised
rationalism in their strong programme which tries to account for all scien-
tific change in externalist terms (for some of the key expositions and
criticisms see Brown 1984). These are major claims that impinge on the
very rationale of science education and deserve the attention of teachers.
Among educators the topic of critical thinking - what is it? how can it
be promoted? is it transferable across disciplines? - has likewise been
38 M I C H A E L R. M A T T H E W S
CONCEUSION
NOTES
in AAAS (1989), and are discussed in Stein (1989). A discussion of STS programmes
and a guide to the literature can be found in McFadden (1989).
3. The conference was based upon six journals containing 55 papers: Educational Philos-
ophy and Theory 20(2), 1988; Interchange 20(2), 1989; Synthese 80(1), 1989; Studies in
Philosophy and Education 10(1), 1990; International Journal of Science Education 12(3),
1990; and Science Education 75(1), 1991. A two volume set of Proceedings was published
(Herget 1989, 1990). A selection of the papers, along with some others, have been
published as a book (Matthews 1991).
4. For Proceedings of the conferences see Bevilacqua & Kennedy (1983), Thomsen (1986),
and Blondel & Brouzeng (1988).
5. Ernst Mach's 19th century writings on science education are as wide-ranging and stimulat-
ing as they are ignored. An introduction to his views can be found in Matthews 1989a.
6. Albert Einstein provides a dramatic confirmation of Mach's views on the utility of
historical investigation. In his autobiographical essay he comments how in the late
nineteenth-century physicists never tired of trying to base Maxwell's theory of electro-
magnetism upon mechanical principles. He says that 'it was Ernst Mach who, in his
History of Mechanics, shook this dogmatic faith; this book exercised a profound influence
upon me in this regard while I was a student' (Schlipp 1951, p. 21). This was the catalyst
that allowed Einstein to 'enter upon a critique of mechanics as the foundation of physics'.
7. Schwab was long associated with the University of Chicago and was imbued with
its 'great books' tradition. He had independently of Kuhn and contemporaneously with
him, enunciated a distinction between 'fluid' and 'stable' periods of scientific inquiry
which parallels Kuhn's better known distinction of 'revolutionary' and 'normal' science.
He sustained a deep involvement with the theory and practice of education comparable
to that of another Chicagoan philosopher-educator, John Dewey. A selection of his
articles is contained in Ford and Pugno (1964). A list of his publications occurs in (Dublin
1989).
8. Brush can be contacted at The Institute for Physical Science and Technology, University
of Maryland, College Park, MD 20747, USA. See his 1988a,b for classroom materials,
and his 1989 for a review of the field.
9. A review of the problems and literature in historiography of science can be found in
Kragh (1987). On connections between the philosophy of science and the history of
science see, to begin with, Giere (1973), McMullin (1975), and Wartofsky (1976).
10. Just whether the recapitulation law is meant to apply to biological or to conceptual
matters has been debated. In places Piaget denies a biological recapitulation, saying 'Let
us guard against returning to the simplistic idea of a necessary parallelism between the
development of the race and that of the individual, a parallelism which biologists have
shown to be equivocal and conjectural (in Kitchener 1986, 6). He is more committed to
a conceptual form of parallelism, and maintains that similar mechanisms are involved
in the transformation of scientific theory as there are in individual conceptual change:
decentration, assimilation-accommodation, equilibration, constructivism etc. Some of
this literature is reviewed in Siegel (1982).
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