ANCH 340 Barbarian Europe: Celts and

Germans

Essay 2 Question: Topic 5: Describe and assess

the role of women in Celtic and/or Germanic
society, how did this role differ from the role of
women in Greek and Roman society?

1
This essay will examine the role of women in pre-Roman Celtic society, and
compare their position to women in Greek and Roman society during the
same period. In doing so, a picture will emerge that clearly shows that
Celtic, and Germanic women, fared far better in many respects to other
women in antiquity. Unfortunately, as the Celts left no written evidence, we
only have the Roman and Greek written sources to rely on, and in general,
they are biased with an agenda designed to portray Celtic women as
barbaric, when they described them at all. The archaeological evidence,
however, does give an insight into the lives of some of the more powerful
women in the Celtic world, from which we can draw some conclusions
about the status of women in general in that society.

Firstly, it is important to examine the written sources and the bias inherent in
them. The Celts left no written evidence of their own. Lindsay Allason-
Jones states that it is not until AD51 that any female is mentioned by name
in these sources, specifically by Tacitus in reference to Queen Cartimandua.1
The modern written sources have debated the bias of these ancient writers,
particularly Tacitus, and it is necessary to examine these works with the
authors bias and intent, as invaluable as they may be. Nikki Howarth argues
that the ancient sources distrusted and disapproved of female rulers such as
those in the Celtic world, and accordingly, promoted the otherness of the
barbarian queens into a stereotype that was accepted in the Roman
world.2This view is supported by Francois LHoir, who argues that Tacitus
viewed women with any power as unduly and inappropriately obsessed
with it.3Tacitus, LHoir argues, was just as harsh toward Roman women who
sought power and influence, seeing them as usurpers of masculine
power.4Indeed, Tacitus descriptions of both Cartimandua and Boudica are

1 Lindsay Allason-Jones, Women in Roman Britain, London, 1989, p. 13.

2 Nikki Howarth, Cartimandua, Queen of the Brigantes, Gloucestershire, 2011,
pp. 24-25.
3 F.S.LHoir, Tacitus and Womens Usurpation of Power,The Classical World,
Vol.88, No. 1 (Sep.-Oct., 1994), p. 5.
4 Ibid.,p. 6.
2
designed to denigrate their achievements because of their sex, Cartimandua
described as an adulterer with a lust and savage temper.5Boudica fares a
little better, as he describes her sacking of the Roman cities in Britain as
being indicative of a barbarians cruelty.6David Rankin agrees the Greek
and Roman writers all present a prejudiced notion of Celtic women.7One
needs to examine why exactly why this is so.

In general, the Greek and Roman writers sought to denigrate the Celtic and
Germanic societies in order to moralise about the superiority of their own
cultures. I. Richmond argues that Tacitus deliberately accentuated
Cartimanduas vices, as he saw them, portraying her as shrewd and
calculating and in the process neglected to address why this was, that she
needed to be so in order to be a powerful piece on the chessboard of Roman
provincial politics.8He argues that the depiction of Cartimandua as a cruel
adulteress was done to emphasize the immorality of Celtic women in
general.9 Francesca LHoir agrees, arguing that the rule of a society by a
woman was unnatural in Tacitus eyes and had no place in Tacitus ideal
society of a government ruled by its people and the Senate.10Ultimately, it
appears that the ancient sources believed it was unnatural for women to
both lead and be involved in the fighting, and had they stayed at home,
knew their place and did not meddle in affairs of state then there would not
have been any problems.11 To the ancient sources, a woman wielding power,
and unfortunately, these seem to be the only Celtic women depicted, was
one of the clearest differences between a civilised and a barbaric society.12

5 Tacitus, The Annals and The Histories, trans. Church, A.J. and Brodribb, New
York, 2003, 3.45.
6 Tacitus, Agricola, trans.A.R.Birley, Oxford, 1999, 16.
7 D.Rankin, Celts and the Classical World, Oxon, 1999, p. 255.
8 I.A. Richmond, Queen Cartimandua, The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 44
(1954), p. 52.
9 Ibid., p. 43.
10 F.S.LHoir,Tacitus and Womens Usurpation of Power, p. 12.
11 Allason-Jones, Women in Roman Britain, London, 1989, p. 19.
12 Terry Jones & Alan Ereira, Barbarians: An Alternative Roman History,
London, 2007, p.51.
3
However, as we shall see from the archaeological evidence, this biased
reporting was not an accurate reflection of Celtic society.

It is generally agreed, even by the ancient sources, that Celtic women had
more freedoms and a more equal role in their societies than other women in
antiquity. The sources inform us that queens and rulers of the female gender
were not uncommon and that the Celts admit no distinction of sex in their
royal successions.13Cassius Dio states the Celts chose Boudica, who was
thought worthy to be their leader and who directed the conduct of the entire
war... but who, in a rather backhanded compliment, was possessed of
greater intelligence than often belongs to women.14 But of the other classes
of women in Celtic society, we know little apart from what the
archaeological evidence provides. One could argue, as Antonia Fraser does,
that while strong-minded and powerful queens did exist, the status of
women in Celtic society on the whole was not superior to that of
men.15Nonetheless, Dorothy Watts argues that the general picture from the
literary evidence of Celtic women is one of considerable freedom and
status.16 The truth, as one shall see, most probably lies somewhere in
between the two extremes of powerful Celtic queens and their relatively less
powerful Greek and Roman counterparts.

Celtic women do appear to have had more freedoms than many other
women at that time. Watts argues that they enjoyed relatively high status,
some had genuine power and they were generally treated with respect by
their men she argues that the archaeological evidence does not point to
domestic violence, or broken bones, and that the archaeological evidence
shows that female bones were no more or less inferior to that of mens, in

13 Tacitus, Agricola, 16.

14 Cassius Dio, Roman History, 62.2, from ANCH340 Barbarian Europe Topic
Notes and Documents, Topic 3: Women, UNE, 2013.
15 Antonia Fraser, The Warrior Queens: Boadiceas Chariot, London, 1988, p.
19.
16 Dorothy Watts, Boudiccas Heirs: Women in Early Britain, Oxon, 2005, p. 16.
4
relation to health and nutrition.17 Watts points to the evidence from various
burials around Britain, with jewellery, bronze and iron mirrors and some
clothing, all of high quality, being found as early as the fourth century BC in
Yorkshire to the first century AD in Verulamium.18 That numerous objects
such as these have been found does seem to indicate a level of some comfort
and prestige, and Fraser agrees that these exquisitely decorated bronze
mirrors can be seen to indicate a freer kind of tribal life with less
constraint than their Roman counterparts.19

Therefore, one could argue that even women of lesser importance than their
queens in the Celtic world, were still afforded some luxuries and freedoms
that set them apart from other women in antiquity. As Rankin argues, we
may suppose that both men and women were regulated in their personal
relationships by a complex set of rules now substantially lost.20In other
words, what is indicated as acceptable for the powerful and wealthy must
indicate in some way what was acceptable for the other social spheres in
that society. Watts agrees that while women may not have had the same
status of men, they were still valued in their society and had considerable
power and influence.21The ancient sources tell us of women other than
queens who in fact, did wield considerable influence. Tacitus informs us the
Germanic tribes believed women to have a certain sanctity and prescience,
and they do not despise their counsels, or make light of their
answers.22There is no reason to believe that this was not so in Celtic society
either.

In one particular way, Celtic women had far more rights than Greek and
Roman women, and this was in relation to marriage and dowries. The most

17 Ibid., pp. 150-151.

18 Ibid., p. 121.
19 Fraser, The Warrior Queens: Boadiceas Chario,t p. 51.
20 Rankin, Celts and the Classical World, p. 248.
21 Watts, Boudiccas Heirs: Women in Early Britain, p. 12.
22 Tacitus, Germania, trans. A.R.Birley,Oxford, 1999, 8.
5
reliable contemporary source for this is Caesar, who relates that upon
marriage, the husband added the same amount to the dowry as the wife
bought into the marriage. This amount is kept separate and profits laid by,
and whoever survives the marriage retains the whole amount.23 It is this
ability to own property that separates Celtic women from other women at
that time, as neither Greek nor Roman women could inherit property.
P.B.Ellis states that under the ancient Brehon Laws, the female heir could
inherit full property rights if there was no male heir in the family.24 Ellis also
states that there were nine types of marriage permissible in the Irish and
Welsh laws, and that divorce was permitted for a number of reasons, that
women could initiate the divorce and that women were protected from rape
and sexual harassment.25Although these laws were written down later than
the period examined here, they still give us an indication of the society that
developed those laws, which would have been influenced by tradition, local
custom and social moral values.26 Likewise, the archaeological evidence
supports property ownership for Celtic women. Allason-Jones argues that a
curse tablet from Bath dated fourth century AD lists a woman called
Veloriga as the head of her family, evidence that Celtic women took part in
transactions and owned property.27

Nonetheless, we do have evidence regarding the succession of property

under Celtic law, in the case of Boudica, whose husband Prasutagus left his
property in equal shares to his daughters and the Roman emperor. It was this
action that precipitated much of what would later become vengeful
retaliation by Boudica and the Iceni tribe. Margaret Donsbach argues that
Prasutagus will had no legal precent under either Celtic or Roman law and
that under Celtic law, succession as chief was chosen by consent of the tribe

23 Caesar, Gallic War, Mobilereference.com, 2010, 6.19.

24 P.B.Ellis, The Ancient Celts, Oxford, 1997, p. 43 . Although the Brehon Laws
are from the fifth century AD they still give us an indication of the society that
developed these laws.
25 Ibid., p. 97.
26 Allason-Jones, Women in Roman Britain, London, 1989,p. 15.
27 Ibid., p. 20.
6
and not by a will.28 She argues that the writing of this will, uncommon under
Celtic tradition, may have been an attempt by Prasutagus to retain a degree
of independence for his people and respect for his family.29This argument is
supported by Christoph Bulst, who also adds that the will may have been an
attempt by Prasutagus to force his clearly anti-Roman wife to avoid conflict
and thereby protect the Iceni from total Roman conquest30. Clearly, as
history shows, this did not eventuate.

However, Caesar also relates that just as women may have had equal
dowries to their husband, equally did they share in his misfortunes, stating
Husbands have power of life and death over their wives and if a man
died in suspicious circumstances, his wife, family and slaves were
interrogated and if proof be obtained, put them to severe torture, and kill
them.31Tacitus states that the Germanic tribes have a strict marriage code,
and that the husband brings the dowry to the wife only.32 But, like the Celtic
tribes in Gaul described by Caesar, the wife is still her husbands partner in
toil and danger, destined to suffer and to dare with him alike both in peace
and in war.33In this respect, one could argue that this was in fact true
equality, suffering both the fortunes and misfortunes of a marriage alliance.
It certainly appears that marriage amongst the Celts and Germans was seen
as both a way to build an alliance but also to offer protection to a woman
who could own property, and therefore have rights in her tribe as a result.
Tacitus states that amongst the Germanic tribes, girls were not hurried into
marriage; the same age and a similar stature is required; well-matched and
vigorous they wed34 Joan Alcock argues that girls could be sent for
fostering until the age of fourteen, which was deemed by the Celts to be the

28 Margaret Donsbach, Celtic War Queen Who Challenged Rome, Military

History, Apr. 2004; 21,1., p 53.
29 Ibid.
30 C.M. Bulst, The Revolt of Queen Boudicca in A.D.60, Historia: Zeitschrift
fur Alte Geschichte, Bd. 10, H. 4 (Oct., 1961), p. 498.
31 Caesar, Gallic War, 2010, 6.19.
32 Tacitus, Germania, 18.
33 Ibid.
34 Ibid., 20
7
marriageable age.35This indicates a certain amount of consideration upon
the part of the girls parents to ensure a happy marriage, although it would
be unrealistic to think that some marriages were not made for alliances.
Barry Cunliffe states marriage was a means of social and cross-tribal
bonding citing the chief of the Helveti marrying his daughter to the leader
of the Aedua in an attempt to consolidate power.36Whether or not the woman
involved consented to this is unknown, but as evidence does seem to point
to some equality in marriage, it could be surmised that her opinion was
taken into consideration.

In fact, it is Celtic womens sexuality that seems to provide us with the most
evidence about how they were perceived in society, and is the area where
the ancient literary sources seem to be the most descriptive. Aristotle stated
that Celtic women live dissolutely in respect of every sort of dissoluteness,
and luxuriously.37This theme is continued by Caesar who stated that the
Celts had ten or twelve wives in common, and particularly brothers among
brothers, and parents among their children.38Strabo also argues this stating
they are openly to have commerce not only with other women, but also
with their own mothers and sisters, but he does then continue to state that
having said this, we relate without very competent authority.39 Cassius Dio
relates the tale of the Empress Julia Domna, who asked the wife of a Celtic
chief about the open sexual freedoms of their women, and was firmly told
that We fulfil the demands of nature in a much better way than do you
Roman women; for we consort openly with the best men, whereas you let
yourselves be debauched in secret by the vilest.40The Celtic world certainly
seemed to have a more open view of sexual freedom than the Greeks and
Romans, with Diodorus Siculus stating that they generally yield up their
35 Joan Alcock, Daily Life of the Pagan Celts, Oxford, 2009, p. 29.
36 Barry Cunliffe, The Ancient Celts, London, 1997, pp. 109-110.
37 Aristotle, Politics 1269b, from ANCH340 Barbarian Europe Topic Notes and
Documents, Topic 3: Women, UNE, 2013.
38 Caesar, Gallic War, 5.14.
39 Strabo 4.5-4, from ANCH340 Barbarian Europe Topic Notes and Documents,
Topic 3: Women, UNE, 2013.
40 Cassius Dio Roman History 77.16.5, from ANCH340 Barbarian Europe Topic
Notes and Documents, Topic 3: Women, UNE, 2013.
8
virginity to others and this they regard not as a disgrace, but rather think
themselves slighted when someone refuses to accept their freely offered
favours.41One could argue that this corresponds with the Celtic practice of
hospitality, where sexual relations were far more open and tolerated.42

With this greater freedom came greater status for women in the Celtic world
and this is no more apparent than in the multiple examples of Celtic Queens
and warriors who dominate the literary sources. Rankin argues that queens
and other women of noble birth may have been subject to different rules of
living from other Celtic women and could use their position as an act of
diplomacy.43So while Cartimandua was able to divorce her husband and
remarry his sword-bearer, and still retain the right to rule her tribe, she
certainly did so within the binds of what the Romans accepted as womanly
behaviour.44 Tacitus, in particular, judges her actions in remarrying
Vellocatus as shaking her rule to its foundations.45Nonetheless, it was still
Cartimandua who led her people for a long period of time as a ruler in her
own right, and not by her marriage alone. Likewise, Boudica also ruled her
tribe and Tacitus states that this was due to her noble ancestry46and Ellis
supports this, arguing that to be accepted as a ruler of the Iceni she had to
have a bloodline claim in her own right as well as being elected leader in
accordance with Celtic law.47This proves that the Celtic world freely
accepted women as much as men in leading them, as both women had
popular support in their tribes.

Women, in fact, were known not only to lead, but to accompany their men
into battle. Tacitus states that when the Romans attacked the island of Mona,
and its Druids, that among their ranks dashed women, in black attire like

41 Diodorus Siculus, Hist 5.32 in Cunliffe, The Ancient Celts, p. 123.

42 Alcock, Daily Life of the Pagan Celts, p. 36.
43 Rankin, Celts and the Classical World, p. 250.
44 Alcock, Daily Life of the Pagan Celts, p. 39.
45 Tacitus, The Annals and The Histories, 3.45.
46 Ibid., 14.35
47 Ellis, The Ancient Celts, p. 91.
9
the Furies, with hair dishevelled, waving brands.48Ammianus vividly
describes a Celtic female warrior, stronger than he by far and with flashing
eyes, raining punches mingled with kicks49 There is also evidence of
women partaking in negotiations during wartime, with Plutarch recalling
how Celtic women were chosen to be the judges of Celtic men during the
Carthaginian campaign.50Rankin argues that the Celtic women, who had
accompanied their men into Hannibals army, were not an element which
intelligent military management could neglect,51and this alone indicates the
high regard and respect shown by Celtic men toward their women. Finally,
there is the example of Chiomara, the wife of a Celtic chief who was raped
and held for ransom. Plutarch states that when she was ransomed, she, by a
nod, indicated to one man that he should smite the Roman as he was
affectionately taking leave of her and stated that it was a nobler thing
that only one man be alive who has been intimate with me.52 This supports
that her authority was unquestioned by the Celtic men sent to rescue her,
and that she was seen as much a leader as her husband, supporting the
argument that Celtic tribes were both used to , and accepting of, female
leadership.

Women also showed leadership within Celtic religion, with Tacitus referring
to Veleda long regarded by many as a divinity.53Dio Cassius also refers to
her as a virgin prophetess among the Celts, who was said to arbitrate
between rulers and prevent war.54 Dio Cassius described Boudica, prior to
battle, employing a species of divination releasing a hare and diving
meaning from its actions.55 Rankin disagrees, arguing that the ancient

48 Tacitus, The Annals and The Histories ,14.30.

49 Amm. 15.12.1, from ANCH340 Barbarian Europe Topic Notes and Documents,
Topic 3: Women, UNE, 2013.
50 Plutarch Mulier 6, from ANCH340 Barbarian Europe Topic Notes and
Documents, Topic 3: Women, UNE, 2013.
51 Rankin, Celts and the Classical World, p. 252.
52 Plutarch Mulier 22, from ANCH340 Barbarian Europe Topic Notes and
Documents, Topic 3: Women, UNE, 2013.
53 Tacitus, Germania, 8.
54 Dio Cassius in Ellis, The Ancient Celts, p. 93.
55 Dio Cassisus 62.6, from ANCH340 Barbarian Europe Topic Notes and
Documents, Topic 3: Women, UNE, 2013.
10
sources have not seen fit to mention female druids, but it is known that the
Druids never wrote anything down, so it is unlikely the name of a female
Druid would have ever been recorded. The evidence cited already lends
itself to the argument that women had at least some role to play in their
religion. Watts argues that it is likely that women would have participated in
ritual and perhaps even the leadership of their religion, and if nothing else,
women would have been concerned with rituals relating to fertility, health
and childbirth.56The fact that Boudica undertook a religious action prior to
battle, and that this was accepted by her tribe, supports this argument.

Finally, it is in the archaeological evidence that the importance of women

within Celtic society is most clearly seen. Ellis argues that it is clear from
burial sites that Celtic women could and did occupy high social
positions.57He cites many examples of lavish burials from which we can
determine the importance of the woman buried there the Vix burial, with
the largest cauldron of its kind from that period; the Waldalgesheim
noblewoman, found with a wagon, gold torc and other adornments and the
Rheinheim princess grave, with over 200 pieces of jewellery, torcs, armlets,
mirrors and flagons.58These grave goods are of equal, or more importance,
than those found in male graves and Bettina Arnold argues that from this,
we can conclude that women occupied positions of power and
prestige.59Watts agrees, arguing that in death, women were honoured with
graves as deep and large as mens with similar, and even sometimes more
lavish, grave goods.60At the very least, the Celtic world seems to have
afforded its women as much respect in death as their men, and there is no
reason to believe that this was not the case when the women were alive.

56 Watts, Boudiccas Heirs: Women in Early Britain, p. 133.

57 Ellis, The Ancient Celts, p. 43.
58 Ibid., pp. 44-45.
59 Arnold, B., and Gibson, D.B., (eds) Celtic Chiefdom Celtic State, Cambridge,
1995, p. 44.
60 Watts, Boudiccas Heirs: Women in Early Britain, p. 151.
11
To the ancient sources, this respect and the freedoms and rights of Celtic
women must have appeared alien and threatening to the their own status in
societies where their women held very little, if any, power or influence.
While Rankin notes that women in Rome enjoyed high familial and social
status,61ultimately, there was no legal validity to anything Roman women
did unless a man had approved it.62Women in Rome, and in many parts of
the Greek world, could influence their husbands, fathers and brothers, but
their legal rights were considerably less than those of Celtic women.
Howarth argues that women in antiquity were defined by their relationships
to the men in their lives, and in Rome, women depended upon their men for
their status, guidance, financial support and protection.63 In the cases of
Cartimandua and Boudica, this was certainly not the case, as they ruled in
their own birth rite and wielded considerable power and influence.

In conclusion, Celtic women fared far better legally and socially than
women in either ancient Rome or Greece. This is supported by both the
ancient sources, all male and of Roman or Greek origin, who feared Celtic
women and the power and influence they were able to wield. By demonising
these women and portraying them as barbaric savages, they sought to tell a
moralistic tale to their audiences, designed to ensure women in their own
societies knew their rightful place. It is clear even from this evidence, but
more importantly from the archaeological evidence, that Celtic women were
well-respected in their society, and played an important role in its
functioning, as well as in warfare and religion. In death, as in life, they were
rewarded with care and respect indicative of their status in their world.

61 Rankin, Celts and the Classical World, p. 245.

62 Jones and Ereira, Barbarians: An Alternative Roman History, p. 51.
63 Howarth, Cartimandua, Queen of the Brigantes, p. 142.
12
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

Caesar, Gallic War, Mobilereference.com, 2010.

Tacitus, The Annals and The Histories, trans. Church, A.J. and Brodribb,

W.J, Modern Library Paperback, New York, 2003.

Tacitus, Agricola, trans.A.R.Birley, Oxford Paperbacks, Oxford, 1999.

Tacitus, Germania, trans. A.R.Birley, Oxford Paperbacks, Oxford, 1999.

Secondary Sources

Alcock, Joan, Daily Life of the Pagan Celts, Greenwood, Oxford, 2009.

Allason-Jones, Lindsay, Women in Roman Britain. British Museum

Publications, London, 1989.

Arnold, B., and Gibson, D.B., (eds) Celtic Chiefdom Celtic State,

Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995.

Braund, D., Observations on Cartimandua, Britannia, Vol. 15 (1984), pp.

1-6.

Bulst, C.M., The Revolt of Queen Boudicca in A.D.60, Historia:

Zeitschrift fur Alte Geschichte, Bd. 10, H. 4 (Oct., 1961), pp. 496-509.

Carter, Sue, Cartimandia Licentious Ruler or Political Pawn?, Heritage

Daily, 6 May 2012, available at:

http://www.heritagedaily.com/2012/05/cartimandua-licentious-ruler-or-

political-pawn/36946, last accessed 6 October 2013.

Cunliffe, B., The Ancient Celts, Penguin Books, London, 1997.

13
Donsbach, Margaret, Celtic War Queen Who Challenged Rome, Military

History, Apr. 2004; 21,1., pp. 50-56, 79.

Ellis, P.B., The Ancient Celts, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1997.

Fraser, Antonia, The Warrior Queens: Boadiceas Chariot, George

Weidenfeld & Nicolson Ltd, London, 1988.

Hanson, W.S., and Campbell, D.B., The Brigantes: From Clientage to

Conquest, Britannia, Vol. 17 (1986), pp. 79-89.

Howarth, Nicki, Cartimandua, Queen of the Brigantes, The History Press,

Gloucestershire, 2011.

Jones, Terry & Ereira, Alan, Barbarians: An Alternative Roman History,

BBC Books, London, 2007.

LHoir, F.S., Tacitus and Womens Usurpation of Power, The Classical

World, Vol.88, No. 1 (Sep.-Oct., 1994), pp. 5-25.

Overbeck, J.C., Tacitus and Dio on Boudiccas Rebellion, The American

Journal of Philology, Vol.90, No.2 (Apr., 1969), pp. 129-145.

Rankin, D., Celts and the Classical World, Routledge, Oxon, 1999.

Richmond, I.A., Queen Cartimandua, The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol.

44 (1954), pp. 43-52.

Todd, M., The Early Germans, Wiley-Blackwell, NJ, 2009.

Watts, Dorothy,Boudiccas Heirs: Women in Early Britain, Routledge,

Oxon, 2005.

Ziegler, Michelle. "Brigantia, Cartimandua and Gwenhwyfar." Heroic Age:

A Journal of Early Medieval Northwestern Europe 1 (1999). Available at

http://www.mun.ca/mst/heroicage/issues/1/habcg.htm?

14
 iframe=true&width=100%&height=100%, last accessed 7 October 2013.

Unpageinated.

Websites
The Snettisham Hoard at The British Museum:
http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/pe_pr
b/t/the_snettisham_hoard.aspx, last accessed 7 October 2013.

15