Settlement Pattern Studies in the Americas Fifty Years since Virt Bdited by Brian R. Billman and Gary M. Feinman SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS Washi heSettlement Pattern Shifts and Political Ranking in the Lake Titicaca Basin, Peru CHARLES STANISH us “Webeginanew generation of seulement archaolog int stein Jange prt by Profesor Wiley and his colleagues in the 140s These ely setemene surveys were designed to systematilly collect surfce dat as a aunet oa anger research program of excavation, mapping, and aria analysis Wiley noted he preface othe Vics Valley survey publication tha wo mor field take were necesary: one ‘vas building the reat chronology while the second wes defining “he astibution of echaeologlcal ses by peso throvghour the valley” (Wiley 1953) He went on note that the overall goals of the survey project were 2 Toctesites nspace and ne define the Function ofthe ses and thei lationship to one snotherm space and time © reconstruct prehitoi eutura insations” and to com parethese data to other aceaso the work ‘fcr the Visi aly project, subsequent surveys were both systematic and intensive (eg. Adams 196%; Blanton 97% Parsons 1971 Sunes et 1979) The term intense refrstorepionalurveysthat were designed to eharacterize the entre study arcs, either throug £00 percent coverage (Gall coverage) or through sail sgufcant sampling strategies. Systemati and inensve surveys have now been conducted around the wold (Ammerman 1982, and we Inve developed methodologies for dealing wih full range of environments ncuding deters, tropical and temperaie forests, and grasslands, Setlementarchacologiss have com bined systematicand intense surface sorey with problem niente excavtionsineeced testo tescanthropological motels. The use of excavation and surface methodologies, combined with vaiou sampling tratgis, ia very power falmeans of assessing ell ange of anthropologieal mod ls (eg se Bhan Rowalewskl 19900) ‘As we begin the nexe generation of regional sais, we realize that stent aechacology fs more han a metho logy forsecovesingarchaeologiel daa roma age ares. t represents a reglonal approach tothe study of significant anthropological problers, Regional approaches are inher enily comparative and repesentacormerstoncof process! tnd empinicie opproachesin anthropologlal archaeology 1m this pape, use a regional approach to mode! the or ss of complex polical and economic orgasization in the “Pdeaea Basin (ig 9.) A fundamental eoncomiantof po Ica rankingisthe capacity of ete grompsto contollabor “The sbilty to coerce or persuade popolations to relocate settlements is one of thermos concrete aivlarchacologially entfiable indicators of elite bor contol Intentve and systematic survey detected sigafcant seulement cif. ata time when the fe il Itegated state organizations were developing inthe cegion. Sites were abandoned ina context of population increase, and people moved into leger and fever setlements, This shift occured only once, daring adeo reer wey fod, eee een nt gue 94 The ene Ae PACIFIC ‘OCEAN . + time period known asthe Midale Formative/ Upper Porm transition that dates from aeound 500 to 200 #.¢ setlement change i explained a the result of the develop sient of matked politcal rnking in the socetes of the ‘Diicaca Basin using this transkonal era when elites were able to persuade or coerce populations into new settlement configurations Settlement patern analyis therefore per ‘mits us to define subtle anthropological proceses under standable only atthe regional level, Analysis of data from another cukoral region in the ‘Americas—the Mascsippian—indicaes that similar pat teen ea be found in another unrelated cultural and histor cal contest. The existence of slmilar settlement pattern The Lae Tete Bais, shifts in ewo distinct and wneelared regions an two cont suggest thar they reflect a common underlying proc ‘ess that operated in che development of complex societies In short, the analysis of settlement data provides insight into the development of rank, labor control seategies, o- Inca centralization, and settlement shifts in che evolution of complex societies, “The Lake Titicaca Basin Bull regional coverage surveys are parvculaly useful nad ceviconments where substantial atchacological reroains can be recovered on the sutface In such contests, a fll118 CHARLES STANISHE room i : \ wenomiy a gee 9.2, The Te Bain range of anthropological models can be tested because a number of key varables can be controlled. Our regional flhcoverage survey in the southwestern "Titicaca Basin is located in an arid environment where such conditions are ‘ound (Fig. 92). We were able to record ebout 500 sites that represent more then 800 prehispanic and Early Colonial ‘occupations (Stanish et al, 1995/1990), In cis area, we were able co desive population estimates, Incate most sites ater 800 Rc, and test models of the development of complex society in the region. "The Titicaca Basin of the central Andes ranks 28 one of. the great centers of prebispanic cultural evotusion in the Americas. At 3,810 m shove sea level and approximately 8,000 len®n size, Lake Titicace isthe world’s highest nav sable lake. The Titicaca Basin lies in the high and cold ‘Andean high plains or altiplano, At this altude, the at plano environment places fms on, bur provides unique ‘opportunites for, the development of complex society ‘The Titicaca region can be divided into two agricultural and ecological zones thet are relevant to understanding the broad patterns seen in the archaeological recor the sui snd the puna. The sin is located between 3,500 end 4,000 1m above sea level. [e represents the upper limit of plant agriculture. The san Includes the lake edge and the atea 2 fevrkilometers away from the lake. Iris the area of greatest gricultural potential, Pulgae Vial notes the rich variety of| aggicltural products that row in the sunt (1946). These Include many varieties of tubers, legumes, and chenopods, [Not surprisingly the sua is the major area of human settle ‘ment today, especially atthe base of the ills below 4,000 sm, The sunt ig also the region where prehispanic raised ficlds were located an intensive form of ageculrual land ruse practiced since at least 300 AC. in the Titicaca Basin (Erickson 193; Graffam 1992; Kolata 1986; Stanih 1994). Raised fields are feasible along the lakeshore and along tivecs where flat topography permis. There is substantial ecological variation within the sw zone. Rivers cut through the landscape and discharge into the lake. These my as 360 jod bin tenrivets form in the puna, Large pampas are found in some areas of the lake edge; they Were the favored location for raise feds, che most intensive form of prehispanic agricul ture in the region. In other areas, low, rolling hills and bupt mountains sre found near the ke edge, providing rich pockets of ageéulral land that were intensively ut ‘ed in she past an present. “The pais defined asthe ecological zone between 4000 and 4,800, fe isthe primary grazing aea forthe extensive camelid heeds oxmed by many 'Fkicaca Basin peoples. The ‘major agscultual products the tuber, which cin be grown ‘throughout the puna, Akhough tubers can be grown up £9 the now line, the most optimal yields occur Inthe warmer su zones and in the lower puna. Overall by far the most Important econamic procuet of the puna i the camelid, particlarly the lama and the sipaca, Camelids provide ‘woo! arid meat and serve as pack animals. The vicewlly unique capacity of the Titicaca Basin to support euch large ‘cammelid herds hae contebuted to its poscan asa center of| ‘complex society in the Americas. Differene ecologial sts have suggested « more com plex mosaie of resource zones other than the simi/puna distinction (eg, Tell 1968). Tos, for instance, lsts eight zones forthe Tilcaca region (1960), a classification based upon the Holdsdge ystem, Likewise, the Aymara diction- ary compiled by Ludovico Bertonio providesa rch vocab lary of agricultural terms ofthe sixteenth century, suggest ing « much more complex indigenous perception of their environment than the mere sur/puna division (Bertonio 1612), However, Pulgar Vidal's distinction between the ag: riculruel and pastoral zones is adequate for mast analytical Purposes Ix sum, the optimal locations for agricultural expoite tion, as indicated by modeen and recent historical settle: ‘ment patterns, ace the low azeas with tivers near the lake ‘Aceas that provide close acess to puna lands while stil in the well watered an lower sun ageenlural areas ae con sidered superior setlement choices. Prehistoric settlement ppaterns apport this observation and indicate that te ist complex societies developed precisely in this zone, ‘The Jull-Pomata Survey Inthe lst several years, we have conducted regional fall coverage survey of a region in the southwestern Titiesca ‘Basin between the towns of Jl and Pom, The core of ‘our dstabase inchades a survey of en area approximately 360 kr? in size (ig. 9.2). We alo reconnoktered (lange site, jjegmental survey) the area to the south, The entire comt- bined study area ineludes three zones: the Jull-Pomata Io tensive Survey Area, the Ceapla Reconnaissance Area, and Thetake Tice Bai, Pru 119 the Desaguadero River Reconnaissance Area. The Jull Pomata Intensive Survey Area lies along the lake between the lve Pampa in the north and co the pampa directly south of Pomate Inthe intensively sueveyed areas, a pedestian survey was condacted according toa standard archaeological method- logy for atid lands that has been successfully wtized jn ‘Mesoamerica and the central Andes. Wi a few exceptions, the settlement survey was intensive and systematic (100, percent) Crews of three or fous persons walked between 10 and 25 m apart over the entice Jandscape locating sites All sites were located on topographic maps, and detailed data were recorded on a standardized field form. A sketch ‘map was then offen made on the reverse. Most sites were surface collected uizing @ “grab-bag” methodology with ‘a conscious attempt co gather representative sample. We ave very confident that we recorded all extant sites in the survey area, "The reconnoltered areas were surveyed judge ‘mentally nd generllyineluded only large sites in the op ‘mal settiemen locations. These data are not included in the quantitative analyses im the tables, but are useful for clefning the natere and extent of the longer sites in the region south ofthe intensively surveyed zone, Prior research had established a basic ceramic chronol- coy forthe region (AlbarracinJordan and Mathews 1950; ‘Alconini 1993; Bennett 1934; Chéver 1988; Hyslop 1976; Kidder 1943; Ponce 1981; Rydén 1947, 1957; Stanish and ‘Steadman 1994; Tschopik 1946) Tis chronology allowed ‘us to make a preliminary field assessment and fina sts ‘meng based upon analysis ofthe collections in the labo tory, The collections usually contained at least « dozen Aiaguostic sherds, and virtually all f the major sites pro- duced several dozen diagnostics. ‘Each bag from each tte was curated as a stespecifc collection unit as opposed to the creation of type collec: sions for ceramic stules. This permitted us co continually recheck the collections to verify the phasing of the sts. fo ‘most instances, aelitiofal colletions were made if there vas some doubt at 19 whether the samples were repre- semuitive Finally many excavation projecis were (and con- tinue to be) conducted on the large sites, ‘These projecs indirectly est che survey dating method with extensive samples of excavated diagnosis and stratigraphic controls ‘One of the mas important observations in the survey vas the sizeof each sit, Ste size was visually estimated on _saryey by each cree, When a ste was discovered, the entre ‘crew would stop and begin coleesing and/or recorling ata, The crew chief would record the information oo the field form wile the rest of the erew wouk! fan out and make artfict collections, The crew would then define the limi of arcface and/or architectural concentrations. The120 CHARLS sranisH crew chi would ther pae of or estnate the size ofthe ste area ad record tas an areal measurement such a 30 by75m2 ‘A lssie problem in settlement atchacology isthe defi Aion of site Inthe ery dey lower and mile sea ofthe ‘Andes, his is usally nota problem, Site tend tobe geo sraphiclly discrete and ave defined by heavy artifice and/or architecare concenteations. In the Tiieaca Basin sea, the question of where o define the ste its more ‘fa problem. In some cases, such as with occupations on mounds and lated hil, the definion of ase was ily selfevden. In the case of the lows terrace bills eer the lake on the other hand, there is a very high densty of autfactul remains with itl standing achiteture. Crew cfs had 10 make the decision as to whether to lamp a number of artifact concentrations into & single site and callct separate areas within the sie, oF to collect each concentration as singe st, Furthermore, we had to de: ‘ide whether to incude slated cemetery ates 38 pat of a singe seulement oto divide ito tnd es with single collection areas “Theoretical the clletion of site ares dita should can cel out any subjective difrences becween rer chief in defining the sts, For exaapl, a illsde with atic con centrations that extend ove an area of 300 by 300m cou te considered one site with separate collection aceas fora total of 15 ha of habitation ares, or could be divided nto ‘esses oF Sha each fr a totl of 15 ha, In terms ofthe Calealtions of ttl habitation area pe pviod, the sesize escimates helped standacdize diferences between crew hie “The problem becomes more complex wen we discov ered ste with mulple occupations. Ror instace, if only one of theartfet concentrations the example sbove bad anearly occupation butthe crew chief limped the enti 15 hha as a single site, then this exely occupation could be potently reported as covering 15 a when in fat cow ered much salle area "The problem af mule oceupa- tins on ses became a major problem fo stesle defn vin in the survey. ‘We deat with this problem in a comprehensive manner. Fit the crew chiefs were instructed to favor the epiting of sites and the iboral se of separate site designations, as ‘opposed tothe lumping of ste ares. This allowed ws 10 locate single ocenpation areas on setlement complexe id ‘ect chem as separate ses for analytical purposes Second, all major sites and many minor ones, wee revised many times over the course of several field seasons. Chonges ‘were made where necessary, and this proces served to standarlize the final reporting In number of instances, sites originally defined as a single, lage occipaton were broken up into smaller ones, new surface collections were ‘mail, and the sites were given new catalog numbers Like vis, sites that had multiple occupations were intensively Investigated co assess the extent of those occupations, well ator the inital survey was complete and after our cersenie chronology had been defined. We were able to define fasly precisely the limits of each occupation by period with ex: ‘ensive walkovers. These walkover simply involved spend- ing considerable time on a single ste isolating the dstibu- tion of chronological disgnosties on the surface. ‘The Aisteibution of these diagnostics permited us to define the total area of site occupation per period. Brcavatons in three multicomponent sles inthe area (Tumaruman, Silumocco:Huaguina, and Palecmo) indi cate that the large sites were continually occupied through: ft the pesiads represented on the surface, That is, there ‘were no bressin the occupation evidentin the statigrapby in at least these major sites. Furthermore, the small sites rarely had any evidence that there were deeply buried levels that were not represented on the surface. These data there fore support an interpretation of contemporaneity of lerge and smal sites during the Middle and Upper Formative. Middle to Upper Formative Pesiod Settlement Patterns “The focus of this paper {som the transition between so periods inthe Jul:Pomata area that represent the shift from ‘moderately ranked co significantly ranked socieses. fn the ‘Titicaca Basin a a whole, his corresponds to what we have ‘named the Middle to Upper Formative period transition Middle Formative Period ‘The Middle Formative is abroad chronological petiod that begins between 1300 and 1000 8. and ends between 500 ‘and 200 1: (Table .2). This period represent the existence ‘of moderately ranked socetes, as determined by amumber of independent data, including the relative degree of sie size hleratchies, the existence of craft specialists, the degree Of labor investment in corporate architecture, intensifca fon of agricultural land use and so forth. ‘The Middle For- mative represents the period in which societies more com: plex than small egriculsural vilages ‘developed in the Jule Pomata region, "There are several key archacologicel indices of the devel- ‘opmentof ranked soceses inthe Titicaca region: constric- tion of walled mourels with "public" areas, settlement elus- ter around regional centers, @ three-tiered sitesize ranking (Teble 9.2}, production of stone seulprute, the pro-Wvely swell sidy end bw ‘The >the ind ‘ah tere soy sites ange athe have that +500 arce For: the excl, car ro- ‘table 9 Absolute and Relative Chronology io the Tiiacs Basi. ‘The Lab Peer Baty, Pow 12 Dae Nowin Beivomste soot indo sage a iso va, nce oot toc aponive fee Lae Moscon Lae cats opsgn Paces arse Regonl erode sea se Sates Pesad "rwamta "Tanaka ¥ “Tanah “ivan tate “Toa, xpansve econ “rowomtu ay en Baty usa ae Late per ered Sumecro Kahan ‘TWenhosynt ——Teematie Pod avs Pace seo csp ay ste Buiy ide ey Silomoces ——_Chipa ‘idahugeol —— Feratne Heder 0 ni eto Chaps ast 100 aly Formate sec luction and exchange of finely made ceramic vessels, and the production and exchange of ther high tats artifacts, “There are two types of regional centers recognized in the survey typology? primary and secondary. A primary regional center Is dlfined as one that is at least twice as “wbles2 SieeType Hierarchy in the Middle and Upper Formative Perio of the Tkcaca Basie ate Forma See Types Upper Bexmatve Ste Types macy ele comers Pate orl cane viper Prone regina enters vies Secondly real ees Lane ilies al iliges Hanes Tange a8 contemporary sites in che area, and which has evidence of constructions requiring labor onganization of some complenity beyond that of a few households. The ‘Middle Formative period primary regional centers repre- sent the home of an emexgent elite group. ‘The majority of primary regional cencers in the south and southwest Tite ‘aca region are found on low, usully nondefendable nace ral hills with domestic tereaces, The corporate architecture Js almost akvays found on the hilltop. We have called this site type Type 3 in the Jul Pomata survey area (ee Stanish eal. 1997 fora complete discussion ofthese and other site sypesin the veglon). Jn some cases, primary regional centers with corporate architetute ate found inthe form of an artifical mound. IE the mound larger that 2,500 1? in size (approximately 50 ‘by 50:m at base), chon itis what we have called ‘Type 1 round, "type t mounds ace built with arifcia ll that was used to construct nondomestc architectural features and representa considerable labor investment. The mounds are122 CHARLES srantsty not just collapsed stractares, but rather represent large ‘quantities of fil intentionally used to create architectral platforms, terraces, and the ike. A secondary regional center Is site of any sbe with domestic residence having some corporate architecture identifiable 1 a regional or elite-rected tradition. In the JulkPomata region, our Type 1 sites usually represent sec- ‘ondary regional centers because they aze always smaller than the Type 3 ses. Secondary regional centers are found ‘on Type 3 sites as wel nthe ullPomata sees, regional ‘centers, both primary and secondary, are confined to Type 1 and Type 3 sites, All other habitation site ypes de not Ihave any evidence of conporate arehitectore. ‘The expressions of the Middle Formative in other areas ‘of the Titicaca Basin include the Qaluyu culture to the ‘orth and the Bnly and Middle Chiripa to the south (Chavez 1988). "The Qaluya type site dung the Middle Formative was characterized by construction of a lange ‘Type 1 mound. At Chisipa, the late Middle Formative (850-500 mc) witnessed the formal facing of a Type 1 ‘mound on at least thrve sides and the construction of add ‘onal wall, During this period, the architecture on the round area incuded a number of structures, presumably residential oud the mound with a possible plaza area in the center (Brownan 1978:808), se appeate that the development of ranked socety oc. curred relatively late in the Juli area compared with the northern and southern "itcaca Basin, ‘The arly sill -occo petiod in the jl area represent the local expression of the Middle Formative. It dates to around 900-200 ac. based upon style comparisons made by Steadman (ia Stanish and Steadman 1994; and see Stanish et al 1995 1936). Te Barly Sillumocco settlement patiern inthe Jal Pomata Intensive Suevey Area fs seen in Figure 93, leis ‘immediately apparent that the tettlement choice was heav- Ay concentrated on the lakeshore with flly 85 percent of the tral habitation area located below 4,000 m. Defensive location was not settlement determinant with site outa the open in the pampa. The 25 siesaverages lite less than 1.0 iin size, with two stes as large as 4a (Table 93) Ie fs significant that the largest luster of Barly sill ‘mocco sites on low hills in. oran the periphery of a major Q-erecau.coem @-scomuermaput cues igure ay Simon (ise Pacman) eles poem Roos & c sie"sed field system. Infact, percent ofthe population, as calculated by total habitation aea, was located within km of the raised field areas in the entie intensively surveyed area (Table 9.3). The survey data therefore srongly suggest that raised field agriculture was an imporsant component of the Barly Silamocea economy. Raised fl also are found jn che Pomats acea and were constructed in the CChallapampa zone due west of Poona, 25 well as near some Middle Formative sites. Lake resources were intensively exploited, as evidenced bby alarge quantity of fish hone in middens excavated from Early Silumocco components at the tio secondary re- ‘gional centers of Tumatumant and Silumoceo-Huaquina (Stanish and Steadman 1994) There ate only three site in the puna that constitute 15 percent of the population as assessed by total habitation size, In summary, the Farly Sillumocco settlement pattern is characterized bya lakeside sectlement focus, the absence of fortified settlements, a concentration ofa substantial peoportion of the population In the raised-eld areas, and a lack of any archaeologically visible forunal system of camelid pastuting, ‘The Upper Formative Period "The Upper Formative dates from around $00-200 8 and ‘ends erownd AD. 400, Independent data also indicete that the Upper Formative represents the development of the first markedly ranked societies in the Tileaca region, "These societies would correspond to models of complex chiefly organization in the evolutionary anthropological ‘table 93 Population Table for dhe JultPomate tensive Survey Ares ‘The ake Tiaca Basis, ee 123 literature. "The adoption of hereditary socal and poltal sanking, paralleled almort certainly by an economic hier archy, marks the transition from the Middle tothe Upper ormative period in the Thicaca region. The Upper For. -matve i therefore defined as che period in which comple chiefdoms developed and were the dominant political ‘organization. ‘A number of markedly complex saceties developed in the Titicaca Basin at this time—the Cusipata phase of Pu- ‘ara (500-200 8), Pucara Classic (200 RAD. 400), Late CChisipa (500-200 8.6), Kalasasaya (c. 200 Rc. ~ 2. 200), Late Silumaceo (200 BC. ~ AD. 400), Late Ckackachipata (200 nc. ~ aD. 400), an Qeya (A. 200-400), We believe that Kalasasaya ubimately replaced Lote Chips tn the southern Titicaca region and that Qeya, in tur, developed cout of Kalastsaya (See Albarracin-jordan and Mathews 1890; Mathews 1993), ‘The material cocrelates of complex ranked societies in the Tinea Basin incude the elaboration of sione stele styles, the construction of usban eenters, elaboration of ‘ceramic finewares and other elite objects and the develop iment of a mulkezed sectlement hierarchy ‘The two most Important sesin the entie'Titicaca Basin at the time were urban in character, defined as settlements having @ significant proportion of chit resident popolation engaged in nonagricultardl activities and being over 1 km in size. "These sites were Tiwanaku in the south and Pucara in the oth Complex ranked societies developed cater in the north- fern and southern Titicaca region than inthe Jalt-Pomata MitiFormste _UpperFoemathe Thvunuly —_Alplans Ince‘ Clo “rose sea) 304 an ans rie massa ‘Tulse 2s » a we a Mens see on am 1s of on 00 ‘Sterile feds a 2 v “ « » op fred See sone hs) sae an 54 rots sae Mesa stesce ised ie as us aie os ost 35 Pop feed Beas of wal * e 2 a w Ses nee ioc ll a ‘ x 2s a op of non-ai dt ) 1020 sa mss ne 80 Mesa sues pond eld at oo ie ne a7 oa Pop ef nn red de thot tt “ » » 2 ® ‘Suesnpune 2 . 2 2» a 2 ‘op puna) a 200 2 oss are ns ‘Means ie in pa is 200 on asst ous op inp a ett ‘ 4 “ » s124 CHARLAS STANISH. area by several centuries, In this relon, the Late sill rocco period represen the local expression of the Upper Formative complex chiefly societies of the area. Another, complex chiefly society developed south of the Jul egion in the Pomata ates aut of the Hasty Ckackachipara polity of the Middle Formative (Stansh et a. 1995/1996). Our ata suggest thatthe Late Ckackachipata polity isimllar in size and scale to the Late Sillumocco polity and extended from the Pomata area south toward Zopita (ig 2.2). "the Late Silumoceo period occupies the later part of the Upper Formative in the Ju area. It is roughly contem: porary with: Classic Pucars, ‘Tiwanaku J, and Qeya (Ti ‘anak I), The Late SU)umocco dates to approximately 200 mc. to A. 400 based upon styliste comparisons to ‘pottery from the north and south Titeaca Basin regions (Gtanish and Steasiman 19948). One MC. date fom an initial Late Sillumecco floor at the site of Palermo dates to 2180-80 a (uncocrected) or 210-150 86. (corrected). “The Late Silumocco period fs seen in Bigure 9.4, IC 38 characterized by a redaction in the total number of sites and an almost doubling in mean site size. Toal population L L_L— gue 94 Late basco pr oat ote paten ‘increased, and there was major concentration of popula tion in the raise-fed areas increasing ftom 41 percent of the population to almost 70 percent (Table 9.2), Land usein the puna was much reduced, constituting less than 6 per cent ofthe total population concentrated in one relatively lange ste. The obvious conclusion from these settlement datais that natural population inevease was directed toward the raledfeld areas with addtional existing populations slzo pled into this region Daring the Lae Sillamocco period, there was a marked sltesize hierarchy with shes ranging from small Type 2 ‘mounds to the large Type 1 site of Tumanatanl and the impressive Type 3 sites of Palermo and Sitlumocco- Huaquins (Table 94), These three sites in particular are ‘characterized by the presence of corporate architecture in the form of artidal mounds, stone enclosures, and/or sunken courts. These sites represent primary and secon- dary regional centers of the Late Sillamocco polly A significant observation is that more than half of the pops: Fation uring the Late Silumocco period lived in ether the ‘Type { or Type 3 sites (Talo 95), Im other word, moce LAKE TITICACA2 esr SSSR SSS FSGS ‘Table o.4 Site Type the JltPomata Region ebiaion step The take Tea Bai Pow 125 Noam Se ype “ype. Lange at mounds “ype, Sal aie han mene “ype. Low nc ills wih dasiense Tener andteples Type Hii, meni trens “ypes Pier “ype. Dapeed tes baron Ht tant ‘ppe Cemetees “Typed. toned pegs Type 16 Raed els 1ype 1 caerfeokshers “Type 2 Mielsneous(rst cu, apes, hy sores, ete) “ype7. based setdements ‘ree waded ied eet os eat ae ate cnet i pe ‘han 50 percent of the population lived in sites with some form of conporate architecture, Jn general, there was a strong continuigy between the Barly Silumocce and Late Silumacco setilement patterns "The population in both periads was concenteated along the lake edge, relied on raised fields, were nucleated in rele tively few settlements, and were generally evenly spread along the landscape on the lake edge. Notably, the popul ‘on in the ralsed feds reached is highest percentage of any period during Late Silumocco times. Settlement Dynamics in the Middle to Upper Formative ‘Transition “The most significant observation from the Middle Forma- tive/Uppee Formative teansition settlement data for this discussion is that there was an increase in population but a reduction in the ier of sites (Table 9.)- Almost half (4a porcent) of the Middle Formative ses were abandoned even though population increased significantly (about a 40 Table 9s Population por Site Type per Period of Mijr Site Types percent inezeate berween the rue periods tha ae of equal tine length), The eleven sits that were abandoned ware on average about twice as small as those that were not aban doned (mean sizeof abandoned sites was 0.8 ba wile the ‘mean sizeof sites not abandoned wae 118 ba Table 9.6). fact, only one major Middle Formative period site was abandoned (site 342, 82.75 ha site) while all but one site 1 hha and larger continued to be occupied. Only two small Middle Formative hamlets were not abandoned. Equally significant i the observation tha the mean size ofall tes beeween the two periods virtuelly doubled, from 0.92 to L7eba. nother words, mean ste size increased snd populations ‘were drawn into a smaller numberof larger sites, Tables.5 demonstrates that the principal shift was from non- {alle competitors. The abandonment of small villages and alle hamlets in turn, represents the shift by nom-elite or com: ats ‘moner populations to regional centersof successful ones. ter Some of these patterns in some cultural and historical be contests ean be explained by economic or ecologies factors for by che development of conflict that forces population nucleation for protection, "The degree to which canflct was patt of the generalized strategies of elite control would conisibute to nucleation of populations. ‘The use of some cs ‘of that labor for siding and conflict overland is one strat EEE ee TEEEE ESSEC ‘The Labe Tica Basin Poss 127 ‘egy that was most Hkely utilized inthe Uppee Formative However, conflie must be understood inthe larger contest ‘of elite emergence as a concomitant of these strategles of contol. The shift from dispersed settlements ro nucleated cones would serve some defensive purposes, of cours, in that it served co aggregate large tumbers of people in a small arca where they could defend themselves sgainst the sporsdic raiding of the period, However, I argue that the principal factor in thi particular cultural context in such ‘cases political: the ability of elites to coerce or persuade ‘groups fo move into their area of politcal influence. Por ‘Moundvlle,Steponatts outlines this process By Mound mes, however, warfare had decreased tothe polnt where serdessents were mostly sll and dispersed "Thus the concerti of people around he Teal enter at Monde wa probably the esl of conscious atempe by ‘he elites to coumerst thi centsfal tendency One ean ‘only goes at how tis concentration ws achieved, bur acess to ntval orto nonlocal goody wel have been important Incentives (Seponaits 93:25) {nthe Jal-Pomata area aswell the development of com petition and conflict does not explain the settlement shifs {nt larger centers Fist, the acsal distance that populations moved was very short, usualy ess than a few kilometers. ‘Second, the loctions of the Upper Formative sites did not fer from the Middle Formative ones—almost all were lo ‘cated onthe low papa areasin nondefendable ress Third, ‘hile «substantial number of people hited locetlons, peo: ple stl continued tive fn afew isolated hamlets that would ‘not have been defensible, Fourth, cere is no evidence of fortification ot defensive works on the Upper Formative sites although substantial fortresses were constructed more ‘hana millenium ater in the Late Intermediate period, In gum, the key observation is that the development of, ranked political systems ceslted in significant setiement parieen shifts that Included the movernent of populations Anco new setlement configurations. tn the transition from the Middle to Upper Formative, che Barly to Late illu: ‘mocto period in the JullPomata area, we see the process of increasing elite capacity ta attract attached populations in stark detail, As settlement archaeology continues to de ‘velop more sophisticated techniques to define more precise settlement and population paxterns, we ate fn a position to test correspondingly more subtle enthropological models. Inthe case of the Jul-Pomata survey data we have demon- seated that the aggregation of populations into fewer and larger etlements is conssten with a wide body of anchro- pological theory of the origin of complex chiefly society. ‘Pruresetslement pattern studies, combined with problem- oe128 CHARLES sTANISH ‘oriented excavations, can provide greater insight into this ‘xitcal proces of political evolution. Acknowledgments “This sxcach wat fonded by the National Scence Foundation (gan BN 9000181 apd DUS.9507780), the WennerCren Foun ston for Anthropoogial Research he Field Museura of Nata ‘al History John Heine Il) Chartsble Tus, Ms. Pana Dodson, [ir Robert Donley Mi. and Mis. Robert PSchaus, and Ms ‘every Melen thank the National inne of Coltre fn Lime and Pano fr thei permission andasitance. Several people read ear drafis ofthis manuseript and pro- ‘vided excellene suggestions, ncudng Ban Bauer, Bran Bilan, eanetBroneon, Liss Cipla, Gary Fetman, Sllzabeth Klar, snd Mat Seldon, lls thal the Following peopl other end ‘hip ane aritance on ous Jul Proece: Make ldenderfes, Percy Callaaya Ch, Ces Chives, Jol Hyslop, Ken ad Lgl Kee, Lge Andrade, joyce Mateus, Mlehuel Moseley, Lapenio Onafte ‘Mansni, Don Rie, rei Gsndarilas Sanden anéEarmando dela ‘Yea M ktratons were sawn by Me. Ele WitReferences ‘Abbot, D.R. 1994 Hohokam Social Strucure and gation Men: sgemens The Ceram Boldence rom the Cen: teal Phoenix Basin, Unpublished Ph.D dlsser ion, Departaen of Aetropology,Arzona Sate Univesity Tempe Abramson, EM 1995 AModelof Huctosting Labor Value and the Es {ablshmentef Sate Power: An Applicaton to the Preigpanle Maya. 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