Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
SHAWN MICHELLE SMITH
For Sandy, Jay, Shannon, and especially forJoe
List of Illustrations ix
Acknowledgments xv
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER ONE
Envisioning Race 25
CHAPTER TWO
CHAPTER THREE
CHAPTER FOUR
EPILOGUE
Notes 161
Bibliography 203
Index 217
PLATES (between pages ilo-ifi)
FIGURES
33. Drawing by Sol Eytinge Jun., "After Doing Paris and the Rest
of Europe, the Bridal Party Return to Blackville," Harpers
Weekly, October 26,1878 ...... 85
It is a great pleasure to formally thank the many people and
institutions that have supported the production of this book.
Generous funding for research and writing was provided by a
Visiting Research Fellowship at the Center for the Humanities,
Oregon State University, an Irene Diamond Foundation
Fellowship at the Schomburg Center for Research in Black
Culture, and a Visiting Research Fellowship at the Obert C. and
Grace A. Tanner Humanities Center, University of Utah. The
directors and staff at each of these institutions helped make these
years particularly productive and enjoyable, and I would like to
acknowledge Peter Copek, Wendy Madar, Howard Dodson,
Diana Lachatanere, Dian Alleyne, Peter Hobbs, Gene
Fitzgerald, Holly Campbell, Lindsey Law, Emily Heward, and
Richard Tuttle. Colleagues I met at each of these places
enriched my thinking as this project developed, and I'd like to
thank especially Colin Palmer, Carolyn Adenaike, Ivor Miller,
Lydia Lindsey, Kim Lau, Janet Theiss, Marouf Hasian, Ed
Rubin, Katie Pearce- Sassen, Ryan Spellecy, Crystal Parikh,
Brian Locke, Gillian Brown, and Vince Cheng. Kathryne
Lindberg was a particularly engaging and rigorous interlocutor,
and she, along with Martha Biondi and Shannon Miller, made
periods of hard work fun.
Mary Ison, Barbara Natanson, and Jan Grenci in the Prints and
Photographs Division at the Library of Congress were very
helpful over the course of many years, and I am especially
indebted to Jan for first introducing me to the W. E. B. Du Bois
collections and for later spending several afternoons working
through the albums with me. Mary Yearwood and Sharon
Howard at the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture
shared their expertise and aided me in situating the Georgia
Negro photographs within a broader historical context. I would
also like to thank Karen Jefferson at the Archives Department of
the Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, the
staff of the Atlanta History Center Archives, and that of the
Auburn Avenue Research Center.
Most of the research and writing for this book was undertaken
while I was a faculty member at Washington State University,
and I am grateful to Sue McLeod and Victor Villanueva, chairs
of the Department of English during my tenure, for enabling me
to take research leaves in order to develop this project. I would
also like to thank my colleagues, especially Alex Hammond,
Joan Burbick, Carol Siegel, and Noel Sturgeon, for making my
work at wsu so enriching. Two College of Liberal Arts Initiation
and Completion Grants, an Arts and Humanities Travel Grant,
and funds from the Department of English and the Graduate
School at wsu, helped me to purchase negatives and prints during
my initial research, and I am especially grateful to Karen
DePauw for her support. I completed the final stages of this
work as a member of the Department of American Studies at
Saint Louis University, and I would like to thank my current
c h a i r, Matt Mancini, and dean Mike May for their
extraordinarily generous help in securing funds for final
reproduction of the images. I am grateful for support from a
Mellon Faculty Development Grant, the College of Arts and
Sciences, and the Department of American Studies at Saint Louis
University. My research assistants, Angie Dietz and Nancy
Thompson, were a great help in securing images, proofreading,
and preparing the index. As the manuscript was enter ing the
final stages of production, I had the pleasure of coteaching a
graduate seminar on W. E. B. Du Bois and race with my
colleague Jonathan Smith, and I hope this book will resonate with
some of the richness of that conversation.
Looking back over an extraordinarily long and distinguished
career, W. E. B. Du Bois would remember: "At the beginning of
the twentieth century, when I was but ten years out of college, I
visited the Paris Exposition of i9oo. It was one of the finest,
perhaps the very finest, of world expositions.... I had brought
with me, as excuse for coming, a little display showing the
development of Negroes in the United States, which gained a
gold medal." i Despite his somewhat modest account, Du Bois's
participation in the American Negro Exhibit at the i9oo Paris
Exposition marked a formative moment in his early intellectual
life. The Paris Exposition launched Du Bois into national and
international recognition as an African American scholar and a
le a de r in the emerging field of sociology.' Further, Du Bois
introduced one of his "little displays" with what would become
his most prophetic pronouncement: "The problem of the
twentieth century is the problem of the color-line." At the Paris
Exposition, Du Bois declared that "race" would prove the
defining and most fundamental problem of the age, and his own
work from that period has shaped critical thinking about race for
the past century.
Albums as Counterarchive
Despite the fact that his name is embossed on the album spines,
Du Bois does not emerge as the "author" of the Georgia Negro
photographs in any simple way. Once again, Thomas E. Askew
made at least some of the photographs, and there is no evidence
suggesting that Du Bois ever used a camera himself. And yet, Du
Bois is clearly marked as the framer and organizer of the images
-it is his name on the spine of the albums, and it is Du Bois who
was awarded a gold medal for this work. Thus, if Du Bois does
not exactly function as an author in this case, he is certainly an
archivist- an assembler of already prepared parts, making
meaning by choosing and placing and pasting images in relation
to one another.
Beginning here with the site of the American Negro Exhibit, its
history and place within the i9oo Paris Exposition, and moving
f r o m this point to the wider context of a history of
representations of race in subsequent chapters, I am interested in
how Du Bois's images evoke and contest the "authorizing
discourses" that enable viewing.31 Du Bois's Georgia Negro
photographs refuse the fiction of "the disengaged look of
universal man,"" challenging the continued authorization of a
white gaze; indeed, such disruptions of a racialized normative
gaze are central to the ways in which the images function as a
counterarchive. Du Bois's photographs engage viewers that
occupy particular historical and cultural positions, and they work
to dismantle and reconfigure the popular and scientific visual
genealogies of African Americans that inform dominant turnof-
the- century viewing practices. If the viewer, at least in part,
produces photographic meaning, Du Bois's albums suggest that
the viewer can also be directed to look and see differently.
Signifying between instrumental archives and sentimental
albums, Du Bois's photographs suggest that representations and
viewing are both determined and determining forces. The
middle-class portrait presupposes the emotional labor of an
invested viewer,33 and with his albums, Du Bois could use that
affective force as a critical wedge against racist interpretation.
By combining and juxtaposing objectifying photographs with
images that evoke a sentimental register, Du Bois reminds
viewers that institutional archives cannot contain individuals, nor
univocally determine photographic meaning. Identification is the
effect not only of an institutionally authorized sur veillance but
also of self-inscription, performance, and posing for a
sympathetic viewer. Personal archives, with their quotidian
images, always compete with institutional archives over the
foundations of knowledge. Indeed, Du Bois's albums, as
counterarchive, suggest that photographic meaning, and even
identity itself, is situated somewhere between the institutional and
the vernacular, between determination and agency, between the
archive and the album.
The "Fashoda incident" and the present Bocr war are only the
outcroppings of a tremendous European invasion of Africa.
This "dark continent" is no longer dark, as the most gigantic
efforts of capital are being directed toward opening up the
continent for the overplus population of Europe. The millions
of native Africans in the continent, who must in some way be
assimilated into the body politic, will more and more force
upon the statesmen of Europe and Africa the same ncgro
problem which this country has struggled with for three
centuries. Whatever faults may be charged to the people of
the United States, the people of African descent in this
country arc civilized, Christianized possessors of vast
educational privileges and owners of perhaps a half billion
dollars' worth of property. They are engaged in every industry
and pursuit common to white Americans, and universally
accredited with rapid progress. America can, therefore,
furnish Europe with such evidences of the negro's value as a
laborer, a producer and a citizen that the statecraft of the old
world will be wiser in the shaping of its African policies 67
The fourth and final chapter focuses more directly on the racial
terror of lynching, returning to the visual nexus of understanding
that informs Du Boisian double consciousness, the Veil, and
se c on d sight, but this time examining representations of
whiteness and the processes of white identification in early
twentieth-century lynching photographs. While my initial work
with these concepts in chapter i is focused through The Souls of
Black Folk, in chapter 4, I read these ideas through Du Bois's
later essay "The Souls of White Folk." In "Spectacles of
Whiteness: The Photography of Lynching," I examine the
representations of spectators' bodies in lynching photographs,
assessing these images as an obscured archive of whiteness.
In what has become one of his most widely quoted propositions,
W. E. B. Du Bois describes "double-consciousness" as "the sense
o f always looking at one's self through the eyes of others," i
thereby drawing on a visual paradigm to articulate African
American identity in the Jim Crow United States. It is the
negotiation of disparate gazes and competing visions that
imposes the "two-ness" of double consciousness. The recognition
of violently distorted images of blacknessthose projected
"through the eyes of [white] others" -produces the psychological
and social burden of attempting to assuage "two souls, two
thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals."'
The role of the mother in the African American boy's initial ego
construction and later double consciousness is taken up quite
explicitly in James Weldon Johnson's novel The Autobiography
of an Ex-colored Man (1912). In Johnson's fictional depiction of
a dawning double consciousness, an inverted mirror stage is
made surprisingly literal, as a young boy runs to the mirror to
see, for the first time, his own blackness. As in Du Bois's The
Souls of Black Folk, the discovery of racism first comes at
school, and a white woman again functions as the vehicle for
that discovery. However, for Johnson's narrator, the initial scene
of racism is doubly charged, for it is also the moment in which
the child himself first learns of his African American heritage.
After a white woman classifies Johnson's narrator among the
children of color in his class, he returns home to scrutinize
himself in the mirror: "I rushed up into my own little room, shut
the door, and went quickly to where my looking-glass hung on
the wall. For an instant I was afraid to look, but when I did, I
looked long and earnestly." In his face, the child discovers the
dark eyes and hair and lashes that frame his whiteness, the
darkness that he himself finds "strangely fascinating." But for
Johnson's narrator, this second mirror stage also requires the
corroboration of the mother:
In his 1926 essay "Criteria of Negro Art," W. E. B. Du Bois
muses: "Suppose the only Negro who survived some centuries
hence was the Negro painted by white Americans in the novels
and essays they have written. What would people in a hundred
years say of black Americans?" 1 Du Bois argues that African
American art must testify to African American identities,
providing a record to challenge a long legacy of racist
representation, and such testimony was, in fact, central to much
African American artistic production and self-representation
throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. As
Henry Louis Gates Jr., has argued, "In the first decades of the
nineteenth century, the few prominent blacks who obtained
access to the middle and upper classes commissioned paintings,
and later photographs, of themselves, so that they could
metaphorically enshrine and quite literally perpetuate the
example of their own identities."' At the turn of the century,
portraits of African Americans implicitly signified in relation to
images of "the Negro painted by white Americans," and by
collecting hundreds of portraits of African Americans that
"hardly square" with "typical" (white supremacist) ideas, Du Bois
was reinscribing African American identities, using photography
to represent "the human face of blackness" so forcefully hidden
behind "representations of blackness as absence, as nothingness,
as deformity and depravity." 3
Signifyin(g) on Science
He would take our pictures and let us see that those who said
we were invisible were lying. That those who said we were
ugly were lying. That those who claimed we were less than
human were lying. That those who said we did not love each
other, and marry, and produce children, and suffer, and grow
old were lying. Mr. Polk would let us bloom in the safe zone
before his camera, and we saw ourselves differently through
his lenses. We saw ourselves shining in all of our specificity.
I n all of our generalities. In all our terrible humanness. We
saw ourselves just shinc.58
In "Of the Coming of John," a short story in The Souls of Black
Folk, W. E. B. Du Bois examines the wide-ranging cultural
anxieties that his celebration of an African American elite
engaged. "Of the Coming of John" tells of a young African
American man's return to his small Southern town after seeking
an education in the North. John comes home a teacher, ready to
"uplift" a largely reticent rural population. His newfound
knowledge alienates him from his African American family and
friends, and strains the rigidly racialized class hierarchy
enforced by Southern whites. In a particularly charged scene,
John is "put in his place" by a white judge who is the father of his
forme r playmate, a young white man whose fate becomes
tragically entwined with John's own.' The judge proclaims:
Now I like the colored people, and sympathize with all their
reasonable aspirations; but you and I both know, John, that in
this country the Negro must remain subordinate, and can
never expect to be the equal of white men. In their place,
your people can be honest and respectful; and God knows, I'll
do what I can to help them. But when they want to reverse
nature, and rule white men, and marry white women, and sit
in my parlor, then, by God! we'll hold them under if we have
to lynch every Nigger in the land?
The immediacy with which Du Bois's fictional white judge
move s from an imagined social equality in the parlor to the
desire to lynch is both terrifying and telling. In Du Bois's
depiction, the middleclass African American man, the man who
might "presume" to sit in a white man's parlor, constitutes, in and
of himself, a source of white rage. In the judge's imagination,
such an economically successful and culturally refined African
American man-a social equalis also one who desires to "marry
white women," overturn a racial hierarchy ("reverse nature"),
and "rule white men." This complicated nexus of white male
anxiety is precisely the set of fears that fueled the rhetoric and
practice of lynching in the postemancipation and
postReconstruction South.
"Darwinian Development"
Du Bois made his first foray into the complicated and politically
contentious debates surrounding so-called Negro criminality in
h i s landmark sociological study, The Philadelphia Negro,
published in 1899. In this early work, Du Bois studies historically
conditioned relationships to property and condemns what he
perceives as "sexual looseness" among urban African
Americans as causes of crime. Here, Du Bois also describes the
economic conditions created by prejudice and discrimination as
forces that block African American opportunity, dulling and
frustrating African American ambition. He articulates an
environmentalist position vis-a-vis crime in The Philadelphia
Negro, arguing that crime "is a phenomenon that stands not
a lone , but rather as a symptom of countless wrong social
conditions" (242). Among the environmental forces that
encouraged crime in Philadelphia's African American
communities at the turn of the century Du Bois cites "stinging
oppression" and lack of opportunity as central causes (241). In a
detailed analysis, Du Bois notes that racial discrimination
severely limits the kinds of opportunities open to African
American men and women, their potential for advancement
within those fields, the pay they receive, and their overall job
security (32255). As Mia Bay has argued: "The facts and figures
[Du Bois] gathered in Philadelphia suggested that an interwoven
combination of racism, poverty, and the lingering aftereffects of
slavery-such as disadvantages in employment-were at the root of
black Philadelphia's social ills." 20
A Model Patriarchy
One of the saddest sights I ever saw was the placing of a $3oo
rosewood piano in a country school in the South that was
located in the midst of the "Black Bclt." Am I arguing against
the teaching of instrumental music to the Negroes in that
community? Not at all; only I should have deferred those
music lessons about twenty-five years. There are numbers of
such pianos in thousands of New England homes, but behind
the piano in the New England home, there were one hundred
years of toil, sacrifice and economy.67
PLATE i. W. E. B. Du Bois, Types ofAmerican Negroes,
Georgia, U.S.A. (i9oo), vol. i, no. 2. Reproduced from the Daniel
Murray Collection, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
PLATE 2. W. E. B. Du Bois, Types ofAmeriran Negroes,
Georgia, U.S.A. (i9oo), vol. i, no. ii. Reproduced from the Daniel
Murray Collection, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
PLATE 3. W. E. B. Du Bois, Types ofAmerican Negroes,
Georgia, U.S.A. (i9oo), vol. i, no. 12. Reproduced from the
Daniel Murray Collection, Library of Congress, Washington,
D.C.
PLATE 4. Bazoline Estelle Usher, Atlanta University student. W.
E. B. Du Bois, Types ofAmerican Negroes, Georgia, U S.A.
(i9oo), vol. i, no. 5. Reproduced from the Daniel Murray
Collection, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
PLATE 5. Photograph by Thomas E. Askew. W. E. B. Du Bois,
Types ofAmericanz Negroes, Georgia, U.S.A. (i9oo), vol. i, no.
59. Reproduced from the Daniel Murray Collection, Library of
Congress, Washington, D.C.
(above) PLATE 6. W. E. B. Du Bois, Types of American
Negroes, Georgia, US. A. (1900), vol. 2, no. 144, and (opposite)
PLATE 7. W. E. B. Du Bois, Types ofAmerican Negroes,
Georgia, US. A. (igoo), vol. i, no. 63. Both reproduced from the
Daniel Murray Collection, Library of Congress, Washington,
D.C.
PLATE 8. W. E. B. Du Bois, Types ofAmerican Negroes,
Georgia, U. S.A. (i9oo), vol. i, no. 9i. Reproduced from the
Daniel Murray Collection, Library of Congress, Washington, D.
C.
PLATE 9. W. E. B. Du Bois, Types ofAmerican Negroes,
Georgia, U.S.A. (i9oo), vol. i, no. 99. Reproduced from the
Daniel Murray Collection, Library of Congress, Washington, D.
C.
(opposite) PLATE io. Photograph by Thomas E. Askew. W. E. B.
Du Bois, Types ofAmerican Negroes, Georgia, U.S.A. (i9oo),
vol. i, no. 66, and (above) PLATE II. Photograph by Thomas E.
Askew. W. E. B. Du Bois, Types ofAmerican Negroes, Georgia,
U.S.A. (i9oo), vol. i, no. 53. Both reproduced from the Daniel
Murray Collection, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
(above) PLATE 12. Photograph by Thomas E. Askew. W. E. B.
Du Bois, Types ofAmerican Negroes, Georgia, U.S.A. (1900),
vol. 3, no. 210, and (opposite) PLATE 13. Photograph by Thomas
E. Askew. W. E. B. Du Bois, Types of American Negroes,
Georgia, U. S.A. (1900), vol. 1, no. 42. Both reproduced from
the Daniel Murray Collection, Library of Congress, Washington,
D. C.
PLATE 14. Photograph by Thomas E. Askew. The Summit
Avenue Ensemble. Seated: Clarence Askew, Arthur Askew,
Walter Askew. Standing: Norman Askew, Jake Sansome, Robert
Askew. W. E. B. Du Bois, Negro Life in Georgia, U.S.A. (i9oo),
no. 356. Reproduced from the Daniel Murray Collection, Library
of Congress, Washington, D.C.
Finally, the piano portrait also points to the gender relations that
focus Du Bois's vision of an elite African American patriarchy.
One imagines that the young woman instructed in the refined arts
of music is being trained for an anticipated role as ornament in a
large and stately house. The woman whose "housewifery" (and
lovely piano playing) signals that her husband can fully support
her and sustain their home is confined to a limited sphere of
domestic action, as the display of her "leisure," as well as her
controlled sexuality, is required to anchor her home and family
within the classes of "undoubted respectability." 70 As the young
woman depicted in this image pursues her artistic training,
striving to meet the mark of an elite femininity, her progress is
measured and monitored by the African American man who
watches her from behind. It would appear that her talents are
perfected for his satisfaction. Crystallizing the gender dynamics
that inform Du Bois's Georgia Negro photographs, the image
suggests that an African American patriarchy establishes itself
by keeping African American women firmly fixed within its
sights.
In Dusk of Dawn: An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a
Race Concept (1940), W. E. B. Du Bois, at seventy, considers his
earlywork as a sociologist at Atlanta University and describes
the event that sundered his faith in "facts," eventually compelling
him to forego his academic work in i9io to help found the
NAACP. According to Du Bois:
Figuring Whiteness
Inverted Sentiment
Du Bois became editor of the Crisis eleven years after the
lynching of Samuel Wilkes sundered his faith in the force of
"calm, cool" reason,' and ten years after he completed work on
the Georgia Negro Exhibit. As editor of the NAACP's official
magazine, Du Bois conceived his work as that of antiracist
propaganda, and he continued to utilize photographs prominently
in his pursuit of social justice. Reinforcing his particular vision of
an elite African American patriarchy, Du Bois solicited portraits
of accomplished African Americans to serve as didactic models
of racial uplift, and he reproduced portraits of babies and
children to mark the future potential and investment of the race
in familial terms. Photographic portraits adorn the "Men of the
Month" section, as well as the smaller portion of the magazine
devoted to women's clubs. Du Bois also continued to reproduce
photographs of lynchings to depict the barbarity of extreme
white racism and lawlessness, turning the photographic evidence
of white supremacists back on itself in order to undermine white
claims to civilized, cerebral control.' In the tension between such
honorific and horrific photographs one perceives that "the crisis"
of twentiethcentury race relations was, for Du Bois, at least in
part a crisis of visual representation, a crisis of invisibility and
misperception, a crisis manifest in the visual record of violently
disparate photographs.
Introduction
26 Ibid., 7.
43 Ibid.
45 Ibid., 23-
2 Ibid.
9 Ibid., 114.
16 Ibid., 1:381-84.
17 Ibid., 1399
24 Ibid., i.
25 Ibid., 2.
33 Ibid., 35-
34 Ibid., 113-
35 Rony, The Third L+'ye, 6.
36 Ibid., 17.
52 Ibid., 47-
io Ibid., 45-46.
37 Susan Gubar has argued that "the secret the biracial infant
holds" is "the lie commingled bloodlines put to the historical
accounts of a segregated culture." Susan Gubar, "What Will
the Mixed Child Deliver? Conceiving Color without Race," in
Racechanges: White Skin, Black Face in American Culture
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 207-
45 Ibid., 149-
48 Ibid., 149-
49 Ibid., 137-38.
3. "Undoubted Respectability"
2 Ibid., 175-
6 The following illustrations are all by Sol Eytinge Jun., and all
w e r e published in Harper's Weekly: "The `Fourth' in
Blackville-`Hold on to Sumfen, She's Goin' off Dis Time'" (July
14,1877); "The Great Blackville Regatta-Grand Spurt at the
Finish" (August 1877); "The Coaching Season in Blackville-the
Grand Start" (September 28, 1878); "FoxHunting in Blackville"
(May 24, 1879); "The Blackville Billiard Club" (March 31,
1883); and "A Blackville Serenade" (June 16,1883)-
ii "The Negro Problem and the New Negro Crime," 1050. In her
important work on lynching and white supremacism, Sandra
Gunning notes the 1889 work of historian Philip A. Bruce, The
Plantation Negro as Freeman, in which Bruce "alleged a
dangerous moral (and by later implications, physical)
regression among postemancipation African Americans,
evidenced in what he saw as a sharp increase in the number
of white women raped by black men." Gunning, Race, Rape,
and Lynching, 21.
20 Mia Bay, "'The World Was Thinking Wrong about Race': The
Philadelphia Negro and Nineteenth-Century Science," in W.
E. B. DuBois, Race, and the City: The Philadelphia Negro and
Its Legacy, ed. Michael B. Katz and Thomas J. Sugrue
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), 52.
David Levering Lewis similarly suggests that The Philadelphia
Negro study was founded on "the novel triad of race-class-
economics." David Levering Lewis, W. L. B. Du Bois, vol. 1,
Biography ofa Race,1868- i919 (New York: Henry Holt,
1993), 208.
24 Ibid.
26 Bay, "'The World Was Thinking Wrong about Race,' " 49; and
Katz and Sugrue, "Introduction," 13-
30 See chapters 7 and 8, "Of the Black Belt" and "Of the Quest
of the Golden Fleece" in Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk, 83-
99, 100-18- See also Du Bois, The Negro American Family.
31 Jacob Riis, How the Other Half Lives (New York: Dover,
1971). Lewis Hine, a later photographer working for labor
reform, also depicted children "ruined" by the strains of
industrial labor.
35 Ibid., 8o-8i.
42 Ibid.
45 Bay, "'The World Was Thinking Wrong about Race,' " 52.
51 Ibid., 67-71, 72 n. 5.
55 Ibid., 195-96.
2 Ibid., 603-
12 Ibid.
16 Ibid., 927.
17 Ibid., 923
28 Crisis so, 2 (1915): 71. The Crisis cites Bishop Gailor, writing
in a Memphis, Tennessee, newspaper. See also Litwack,
"Hellhounds," 11.
45 Ibid., 139-
46 Ibid., 144-
6o Ibid., 154-
16 Derrida, Archive Fever, 16-17, 18, 36. Tony Bennett has also
argued that "more than history is at stake in how the past is
represented. The shape of the thinkable future depends on
how the past is portrayed and on how its relations to the
present are depicted." Tony Bennett, The Birth of the
Museum: Histoiy, Theory, Politics (London: Routledge, 1995),
162.
ARCHIVAL SOURCES
Matthews Collection
General Collection
Allen-Littlefield Collection
W. E. B. Du Bois Papers
PRINTED MATERIALS
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Return to Blackville." Harper's Weekly, October 26, 1878,
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B. DuBois, Race, and the City: The Philadelphia Negro and Its
Legacy, ed. Michael B. Katz and Thomas J. Sugrue, 41-59.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998.
Cooper, Anna Julia. A Voice from the South. 1892. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1988.
Crisis 3, 3 (1912).
.The World and Africa: An Inquiry into the Part which Africa
Has Played in World History. 1946. Enl. ed. New York:
International Publishers, 1965.
Gates, Henry Louis, Jr. Inquiries into Human Faculty and Its
Development. 2d ed. London: J. M. Dent and Sons, 1907.
Posnock, Ross. Color and Culture: Black Writers and the Making
of the Modern Intellectual. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1998.
Riis, Jacob. How the Other Half Lives. 1890. New York:
Dover, 1971.
. "A Search for Self: The Photograph and Black Family Life." In
The Familial Gaze, ed. Marianne Hirsch, 107-23. Hanover,
N.H.: University of New England Press, 1999.