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INTRODUCTION
At the time of Independence in 1947, India was predominantly an agrarian economy with
over 80 percent of the population living in rural areas and about 70 percent of the
population living in rural areas and about 70 percent of the workforce engaged in
agriculture.
In 1950-51, the share of agriculture in national income was 56.5 percent. Yet,
productivity and yields were very low. It was realized that rapid progress in the agricultural
sector was imperative for eradication of widespread poverty and malnutrition prevalent in
the country, and for ameliorating the living standards of the people.
The developments in Indian agriculture from the beginning of the First Five-Year Plan (1951) to
the early 1990s can be studies in three distinct phases:
In the initial phase from 1950 to 67, firm foundations were laid through various steps
initiated in the first three Five-Year Plans (1951-1966) which enabled kickstarting the
agricultural sector in subsequent decades. This was attempted mainly through institutional
changes by way of land reforms and various strategies to boost production.
This lop-sided system was perpetuated by the colonial rulers. It had adverse consequences on
agriculture in colonial rulers. It had adverse consequences on agriculture in colonial India.
Insecurity of tenure and indeterminable rights over land impacted on agricultural operations and
output.
Land records were not maintained systematically which made mortgaging of land to raise funds
difficult for the farmer who had to depend on usurious moneylenders.
All these placed crushing burdens on the peasantry and sporadic riots and peasant uprisings
broke out in different parts of India, particularly Bengal, Andhra and Malabar.
The land reform was to be achieved by eliminating or reducing exploration of small and
marginal farmers, affording security of tenure to sharecroppers and tenants, and providing land
to the landless through redistribution of land.
It involved abolition if intermediaries and allotting surplus land among the tillers and the
landless.
The Indian government was committed to land reforms and consequently laws were passed by
all the State Governments in 1950s touching upon the following aspects:
(i) Abolition of intermediaries;
(ii) Tenancy reforms to regulate fair rent and provide security of tenure to cultivators;
(iii) Ceiling on holding and distribution of surplus land among the landless;
(iv) Consolidation of fragmented landholding and prevention if their further fragmentation,
and
(v) Development of co-operative framing.
The land reforms had to be implemented by the states. The legislative initiatives for land
reforms met with resistance from vested interests in many states. It was argued that tenancy
changes and putting ceilings on landholding would come in conflict with constitutional
guarantees. Another argument was that reducing the size of holdings and distributing land
among many small cultivators would affect the efficiency of operations and adversely impact
agricultural output. It would also prevent the adoption if modern methods of farming and
mechanization of agriculture.
The fact that redistribution of land resulting in smaller holdings would affect productivity has
been contested and some studies have shown that even if such redistribution does not increase
the gross produce, it does not result in a decrease in the produce. It is further argued that
redistribution of land cannot be seen merely from the economic benefits it may confer, but also
on considerations if social justice in view of the wide disparities and inequities prevalent in the
rural sector.
Abolition of Intermediaries
Abolition of intermediaries was one significant step. The intermediaries were abolished within a
few years after the independence covering about 40 percent of the cultivated area.
About 20 million, who were hitherto tanants, became owners of the land and were brought in
direct relationship with the State.
This acted as an incentive for investment and progress of agriculture. Also, considerable areas
of cultivable wastelands and private forests came under the management of government.
As to the other major objective of imposing ceilings on landholdings and distributing the surplus
land among the landless, there were two rounds of legislation, one in 1950s and another in the
early 70s. The state legislatures passed the radical laws imposing ceiling in landholdings.
However, the land reforms were implemented in a half-hearted manner and due to various
factors such as pressure exerted by vested interests, exemptions granted in many cases, and
division of large holdings by families into smaller holdings among the family members to
circumvented land ceiling laws, the reform measures fell short of the avowed objectives.
Especially, it did not meet where erstwhile landlords continued to hold on to large holdings.
Payment of Compensation
While abolishing the intermediaries, the government decided to pay them compensation but as
the basis and rate of compensation was not clearly spelt out, the Zamindari Abolition Acts
were contested by the landowners in High Courts and finally in the Supreme Court. The Court,
while upholding the rights of the State to acquire lands for public purpose, ruled that just and
reasonable compensation be paid to those divested of their lands. As a result, the rates and
ceiling of compensation and methods of determining them were revised, and landlords greatly
benefitted by the higher compensation paid. The compensation was paid in cash to small
landowners while big landowners were paid in bonds.
Also, as a result of the tenancy reforms, tenant-farmers were able to get security of tenure,
have their rents reduced, or buy up the land from the landlords at less than market price. If
they did not buy the land, they could continue perpetually as tenants on that property. Thus,
security of tenure was guaranteed. However, this was also achieved uniformly all over the
country and absentee ownership of land and insecure tenancy reform were mainly achieved in
Kerala, West Bengal, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh, Gujarat, and Assam.
A major challenge to this was the existence of a large number of small and uneconomic
holdings. Though some farm studies had shown an inverse relationship between the size of the
holding and the yields under traditional agriculture, this could not be generalized, as yield of
crops depended on a variety of factors other than the size of the farm.
A countrary view held by some economists in the context of land reforms was that reducing
large holdings into smaller units would hamper production and yields which again was open to
debate.
In the light of these different perspectives, the government conceived a policy of consolidation
if holding by trying to group small farms and promoting co-operative farming.
Though government attempted this in all earnestness backed by an intensive Community
Development programme in the first three Plans, the idea of co-operative farming was not a
success and did not take off. One of the rights to land which they got following the land
reforms.
Nonetheless, the Government accorded priority to agriculture and undertook several other
measures in the first three Plans (1951-66) to enhance production. These included
implementing large and small irrigation projects, steps for soil conservation, dry farming and
land reclaimation, supply of fertilizers and manures, distribution of improved seeds, measures
for plant protection, use of improved ploughs and agricultural implements, and adoption if
scientific agricultural practices. Besides the resources provided under the Plants, finance-short
and medium term loans-from co-operative agencies were also arranged for the farm sector to
boost production.
The gross area under food grains crops (cereals and pulses) increased from 101.19 million (mn.)
hectares (ha) in 1950-51 to 124.91 mn. Ha. In 1970-71.
These steps did not yield results and food grains output increased steadily during the first two
decade of planning
Despite all these favourable trends, the years through 1950s and the 60s were very challenging
for Indian agriculture. Due to acute shortage of food in some years, India had to depend on
food imports from other countries including the U.S. under the PL 480 programme. These
imports helped to meet the shortages and prevent the incidents of runaway food-price
inflation.
Two back-to-back droughts in 1965-66 and 1966-67 made matters even more difficult. Food
garins output dipped to 72.3 mn. tones in 1965-66 and 74.2 mn. tones in 1966-67 but again
recovered to 95.1 mn. Tones in 1967-68.
During this period, there was considerable pressure from the U.S. government on India, during
the Presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson, by discouraging dependence on the U.S. for food aid, and
goading India to take effective steps to adopt scientific. As mentioned earlier, India had already
been taking various steps under the three Plans to increase food output. A new strategy was
initiated from the Third Plan beginning in 1961, and an institutional credit. They took to the
improved farm practices readily and positively, and these initiatives were gradually expanded to
cover more parts of the country. In fact, it may be said that the seeds for the Green revolution,
which was to occur in the coming years, were sown in the early sixties.
But during the second phase, i.e., the eighties, the eastern and western regions showed greater
progress than the north and the south.
It must be recognized that the Green Revolution, which spanned from the mid-sixties to the
early nineties of the last century in two phases, was the result of sustained and tenacious efforts
of Indias agricultural research community led by the renowned Indian agricultural scientists, Dr,
M.S. Swaminathan, and the positive response from the farmers.
The role played by Norman Borlaug, a U.S. biologist who had successfully worked on high-
yielding, diseases-resistant varieties of seeds for wheat production in Mexico, and assisted India
in this pursuit is note-worthy.
Agricultural research was given a boost in the Five-Year Plans and the scientists at the Indian
Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) and other center played a stellar role in accomplishing
this.
Through experimentation, demonstrations involving farmers, and intensive extension schemes
executed under the Plans, the results of research were taken from the Lab-to-Land and farmers
were actively involved and assisted in the process with dramatic results.
It helped India to augment the output of cereals, especially wheat and rice, cut down imports,
build up buffer stocks, and attain self-sufficiency.
It was, indeed, a transformational change in independent Indias growth story.
It must, however, be noted that there are certain limitations in the technology-driven
approach to agriculture.
The cultivation of HYV seeds requires intensive use of fertilizers and assured water supply.
Only about 45 per cent of crop area is covered by irrigation.
About two-thirds of the cultivated area is dependent on monsoon and is subject to its vagaries.
Thus, in the absence of irrigation facilities and with the possibility of deficient monsoon,
farmers run greater risk in adoption practices with the new technologies.
As the wheat growing areas had assured irrigation facilities, the new technology had the
maximum impact on production of wheat.
The same impact was not found in respect of rice, pulses, and oilseeds.
The new seed-technology based intensive farming is neutral as far as the size of the farm is
concerned but it requires more inputs such as optimum dosage of fertilizers and pesticides.
Where small and marginal farmers have been able to provide these, they have achieved the
same results as those holding larger tracks of land.
These factors explain the uneven growth in output as also the inter-regional variations
observed following the adoption of new technology in agriculture.
At the time of Independence, India was a predominatly agricultural country. 80 per cent of
population lived in rural areas and about 70 per cent of the workforce was engaged in
agriculture.
In 1950-51, the share of agriculture in national income was 56.5 per cent. But productivity and
yields were low.
There were three distinct phases in India agriculture between 1951 and 1991: Pre-Green
revolution phase (1951-52 1967-68); Early Green Revolution phase (1968-69 1980-81); later
Green revolution phase (1981-82 - 1991-92)
Land reforms implemented; intermediaries abolished; resistance from vested interests;
Litigation in courts and payment if compensation; Security of tensure for tenant-farmers.
Bhoodan Movement launched by Acharya Vinobha Bhave.
Pre-Green revolution phase (1951-52 - 1967-68); Steps taken to boost output; Increase in area
cultivated and irrigated; Shortages of food and needs fir imports; Pressure on the government to
adopt scientific practices to attain self-sufficiency.
Early Green Revolution phase (1968-69 - 1980-81); New Agricultural Strategy (NAS); Adoption if
high-yielding varieties of seeds; Increase in yields per hectare.
Later Green Revolution phase (1981 1991-92); Higher growth rate of output in the second
phase.
The New Agricultural Strategy was introduced around the Third Plan and Fourth Plan (1961
to 1969). It has been called by various names: modern agricultural technology, seed-
fertiliserwater technology, or simply green revolution