Paper Title: Religion and Faith: Categories in the Social Sciences

Author: Sensenig-Dabbous, Eugne R.

Institutional Affiliation: Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science (FPSPAD), Notre Dame
University and Institute for Social, Religious and Civil Society Studies (ISORCS), Lebanon

This paper was prepared for Continuity + Change: Perspectives on Science and Religion, June 3-7,
2006 in Philadelphia, PA, USA, a program of the Metanexus Institute (www.metanexus.net).

Paper Abstract:
This paper is in essence a response from the social sciences to a process initiated by the Metanexus
Lebanese Local Group in the so called hard sciences. Through the initiative of the Department of
Social and Behavioural Sciences at NDU, discourse on the religion/science interface has been
expanded to include research in the social sciences and humanities. From the perspective of a political
scientist, I wish to distinguish between two dichotomies, both of which are extremely import to our
field. On the one hand, there is the separation of "church and state," i.e. the creation of a non-religious
public sphere in which individuals and groups of all persuasions can interact on equal terms; in other
words, the establishment of a non-confessional market of ideas on an ideologically level playing field.
Often erroneously termed secularism, support for a secular public sphere does not necessarily go hand-
in-hand with the relegation of religion to the private sphere, as if faith were merely something that
goes on behind closed doors.
On the other hand, a vibrant relationship between personal faith and politics has all too often been
portrayed by Western scholars as a threat to the separation of organised religion and the state, which
they considered to be one of the most significant achievements of the European Enlightenment. The
issue of "the secular" and the distinction between secularism and secularity (or almania and almana in
Arabic, lacisme and lacit in French) is indeed the core of this paper. Political analysis enlightens the
manner in which we teach the social sciences in institutions of higher education. However, does the
fact that my university (NDU) is a Christian (Maronite-Catholic) institution enlighten the manner in
which we teach politics to our students?

The Central European concept of Betroffenheit (personal agency or subjectivity) can help explicate
this thorny issue. Based on the assumption that subjectivity, i.e. the manner in which one is affected by
a specific field of research, is indeed a key research asset, the Betroffene, or personally affected
researcher, is both scientist and social agent. Faith-based Betroffenheit is a unique scientific tool
according to this approach. If one were to accept this position, it could lay the foundation for the
presupposition that personal religious faith could both enrich and enlighten social science research. To
illustrate the points above, that is 1) the role of 'the secular' in society and science, 2) the unique
contribution of personal faith as a research tool and 3) the value of being a subjective, rather than an
objective scientist - I will use a few excerpts from two well know Hollywood films (Witness and
English Patient) and one lesser known Church produced film (Entertaining Angels), all three of which
deal directly with the issue of religion and politics.

Author Biography:
Eugne Richard Sensenig-Dabbous, born 1956 in Harrisonburg, Virginia, has been an Assistant
Professor for Political Science, concentration European and American Studies, at the Notre Dame
University (Lebanon) since 2003. He was a senior research associate at the Ludwig Boltzmann
Institute for Social and Cultural Studies, Salzburg Austria, from 1985 to 2001 and co-director of the
GenderLink Diversity Centre Salzburg from 1996 to 2003. He completed his MA in German
Literature (concentration 19th century bourgeois realism and GDR socialist realism) and his Ph.D. in
Political Science (Cold War Labour Studies) at the Paris Lodron University, in 1984 and 1985
respectively. His areas of interests and publication include: Abrahamic interfaith dialogue, migration
and minority studies, Austrian Orientalism, gender studies, the social history of Alpine mining and
cultural studies. He has written 5 books and c. 60 scholarly articles.
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Paper Text:

I. Introduction
This lecture is in essence a response from the social sciences to a process initiated by Eric L.
Weislogel, Ph.D, Director of the Local Societies Initiative of the Metanexus Institute
(http://www.metanexus.net/metanexus_online/lsi.asp). Dr. Weislogel has championed dialogue between
science and religion for many years, a process which has highlighted mainly the so called "hard
sciences," such as physics, biology, astronomy, chemistry or medicine. Through the initiative of the
Department of Social and Behavioural Sciences at NDU, discourse on the religion/science interface at
NDU has been expanded to include research in the social sciences and humanities, including
sociology, media studies, literature, cultural studies, psychology and my discipline, political science.

From the perspective of a political scientist, I wish to distinguish from the very start between two
dichotomies, both of which are extremely import to our field. On the one hand, the separation of
"church and state," i.e. the creation of a non-religious public sphere in which individuals and groups of
all persuasions can interact on equal terms; in other words, the establishment of a non-confessional
market of ideas on an ideologically level playing field. Often erroneously termed secularism, support
for a secular public sphere does not necessarily go hand-in-hand with the relegation of religion to the
private sphere, as if faith were merely something that goes on behind closed doors, so to speak.

On the other hand, a vibrant relationship between personal faith and politics has all too often been
portrayed by Western scholars as a threat to the separation of organised religion and the state, which
they considered to be one of the most significant achievements of the European Enlightenment. I will
return to the issue of "the secular" and the distinction between secularism and secularity (or almania
and almana in Arabic, lacisme and lacit in French) later on this evening. At the moment I only wish
to point out that NDU's Communio group, which has been using both an ecumenical and interfaith
approach to participate in debates initiated by Cardinal Josef Ratzinger and Hans Urs von Balthasar
(http://www.communio-icr.com/) has been dealing with this thorny issue for some time, incorporating the
perspectives of both Sunni and Shi'ia participants. The establishment of the Institute for Social,
Religious and Civil Society Studies (ISORCS) at the beginning of the decade, has helped lay the
groundwork for the leading role that NDU faculty and students are now beginning to play in interfaith
dialogue within our country and between the Lebanon and our European neighbours.

Political analysis enlightens the manner in which we teach the social sciences in institutions of higher
education. However, does the fact that NDU is a Christian university enlighten the manner in which
we teach politics to our students? In his introduction to Father Roger Chikri's book, Catholic Schools
in the United States, Dr. Ameen Rihani, NDU's vice president for sponsored research and
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development, states that "an educational commitment supported with spiritual values is one of the
major challenges of education in the 21st century and one of the major concerns of modern Catholic
education at the university level" (9). Dr. Chikri convincingly demonstrates in his study that most
Catholic teachers consider their profession to be a 'mission.' I quote: "Their challenges are to see
students grow in faith and knowledge of the world in the light of faith and Christian values" (99). At
the conclusion of my speech I will deal with our experience in the department of political science and
our mandate to provide knowledge, insight and basic research skills as a faith-based institution.

Finally, you will be learning some German this evening. The Central European concept of
Betroffenheit is based on the assumption that subjectivity, i.e. the manner in which one is affected by a
specific field of research, is indeed a key research asset. Subjectivity is a unique scientific tool
according to this approach. If one were to accept this position, it could lay the foundation for the
presupposition that personal religious faith could both enrich and enlighten social science research, a
question I will be discussing at some length later own.

To illustrate the points above, that is 1) the role of 'the secular' in society and science, 2) the unique
contribution of personal faith as a research tool and 3) the value of being a subjective, rather than an
objective scientist - I will use a few excerpts from two well know Hollywood films and one lesser
known Church produced film, all three of which deal directly with the issue of religion and politics.

II) Ian Barbours Four Models

As part of the Metanexus Local Societies Initiative in Lebanon, scholars and students from several
Lebanese universities have spent all of the last academic year studying physics and religion, including
an understanding of the metaphysical and natural theology. This academic year we are moving on to
biology; next year, 2005/2006, I hope we will deal with the social sciences.

Our work on religion and science has been based to a large extent on positions taken over the years by
Ian Barbour, which he spelled out in a succinct manner between 1989 and 1991 in his Scottish
Gifford Lectures series. Barbour offers four models for the religion/science interface and I thank Dr.
Edward Alam for collecting the material upon which I base the following discourse, this collaboration
indeed being a good example of the synergy which exists between our two faculties here at NDU.
Accordingly, Barbour's four models include the following:
- Clash and Conflict
- Indifference
- Dialogue
- Integration

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In the social sciences, starting as early as the Enlightenment, the Clash and Conflict model has been
predominant. The secular has been interpreted to represent an antagonistic contradiction between
religion and government rather than either dialogue or indifference between faith and politics, more on
this at the end of this evening's lecture.

III) A Superficial Introduction to Social Sciences

Traditionally, social science textbooks have moved historically from the normative or prescriptive,
e.g. Plato, Hobbes and Locke to the empirical or descriptive, e.g. Aristotle and Machiavelli. Textbook
authors generally have assumed that the normative is subjective and thus biased and not truly
scientific, whereas the empirical must be based on a 'hard science,' or positivist approach (Heywood).

Some confusion still remains as to what the social sciences really are. Most would agree that they
include sociology, anthropology, political science and media studies. Others would include
psychology, history and perhaps even aspects of economics (business ethics) and biology (ecological
issues).

In political science, the normative approach was largely discredited through the excesses of liberalism
during the French Revolution and early 19th century laissez-faire phase of the industrial revolution, on
the one hand, and the crimes of 20th century totalitarianism, e.g. based on normative Marxist and
fascist theories, on the other.

An attempt was therefore made to replace the normative and prescriptive approach with a purely
objective, value free understanding of the social sciences. Systems theory, e.g. the work of David
Easton, began measuring inputs, outputs and feedback, using tools developed for the natural
sciences, in an attempt to exclude the subjective influence of the researcher altogether. Rational choice
theory, e.g. based on Gary Beckers Economic Approach to Human Behaviour, assumed that all
individuals are rational players and cost/benefits maximisers. Accordingly, humans are everywhere
and at all times basically the same and act according to enlightened self-interest. Exchange is carried
out in a free marketplace, which is essentially a level playing field respecting the needs and desires of
all its participants.

What are the weaknesses of an objective, positivist approach to the social sciences? First off,
systems theory measures existing political constellations, thus glorifying the status quo and making
it unable to measure change adequately, e.g. the impending Revolution in Iran or the collapse of the
Soviet empire. Furthermore, human beings are often not rational players at all and rarely enjoy equal
access to information. This is particularly evident when studying political reality from the perspective
of the MENA region.
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To deal with these predicaments, John Rawls insisted on the reintroduction of values into the social
sciences, e.g. his use of the veil of ignorance when discussing the human rights agenda. More
importantly, a variety of influential political movements and grassroots initiatives pointed out that the
concepts, models and theories commonly used in political science are anything but neutral. This
counter offensive was initiated by proponents of feminism, multiculturalism and postmodernism. They
have, in my opinion, successfully illustrated respectively that social and economic research serves
the interests of men, that science serves the dominant and/or majority groups and elites and, finally,
that categories, identity and discourse are socio-cultural constructions and that there is no logical
"master narrative" by which we can identify the presence of logic in historical development.

The following traditional African saying, which has recently made its way into the general pool of
common global human wisdom, illustrates all three points simultaneously. "As long as lions don't have
their own historians, the history of hunting will always be written from the perspective of the hunter."

IV) Concept of "Betroffenheit" and subjectivity as an analytical tool

My research as a political scientist and historian (and as a political activist in the fields of minority and
immigrant rights and multiculturalism) in my native Austria over a period of almost three decades, has
convinced me of the following. Firstly, working for the Salzburg NGO, GenderLink Diversity Centre
(www.diversitycentre.org), I was able to study first hand how the issue of gender does enlighten research,
both for women and men. Secondly, my participation in a project studying the abuse of boys and men
with disabilities in the publicly administered Austrian institutions made it painfully clear to me that
disabilities can really only be studied by people with personal insight, i.e. who are either themselves
disabled or who have family members or very close friends with disabilities (Pircher). Finally, a recent
major EU funded project on the stereotyping of Arabs and Muslims in the European media targeting
children and youth, in which NDU and the Beirut International College were directly involved,
convinced me, along with most of the French, German, English, Austrian and Lebanese project
partners that baring the brunt of racist and islamophobic portrayals does enlighten one's understanding
of the subject (Zielinski; Evaluationsbericht).

It must surely be obvious to most observers of the field that the study of religion does play a major
role in the social sciences. Religious beliefs influence the human psyche and thus political behaviour.
Recently, religious leaders have begun to affectively pressure the broadcast media and the film
industry, thus altering their content. Consumer behaviour and preferences are influenced by religion,
often leading to boycotts and loss of lucrative advertising contracts.

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Key topics, which have intrigued political scientists in this century, include the increasing significance
of religiously motivated voting patterns, the spread of so called Jihadist, Muslim fundamentalism, as
well as other religiously motivated forms of political violence and finally the renewed abuse of
religion to justify war, oppression and exploitation, both in the West and the developing world.

From a more positive perspective, faith-based caucuses and organisations now exist or are being
introduced in the conservative, liberal, social democratic and green parties in Europe and North
America. These include the International League of Religious Socialists (ILRS), which was actually
founded in the 1920s, and now has branches all over Europe, Latin America, parts of Asia and Africa,
including the South African ANC or the 'Christian Socialists' in Tony Blairs Labour Party; faith-
based caucuses and initiatives in the liberal Democratic Party in the US and British Liberal
Democratic Party; and finally and more expectedly, the well known phenomenon of growing activist,
religious support for conservatives like George W. Bush, which has allowed the American Republican
party to make significant inroads into the solidly Democratic Roman Catholic vote in the traditionally
industrialised Northeast and Midwest of the United States.

Allow me to now offer an example which is much closer to home. On 25 March 2003, the late Edward
Said, the renowned Palestinian-American scholar from New Yorks Columbia University, was
speaking for the last time in Lebanon at AUBs Issam Fares Hall. In the Q&A session following his
lecture I asked him to comment on the role that he believed faith-based politics should play in the
utopian, secularist world he was propagating for the Middle East. I insisted that people like Mahatma
Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., Dorothy Day, Desmond Tutu or Cesar Chavez had not merely
instrumentalised religion in order to serve the causes of liberation, peace and justice, but that their
faith was "genuine," i.e. the origin of their political motivation. Those who know Said's work realise
that for him, personal faith could never be the real motivation for progressive political activism and
commitment. His answer therefore is a particularly enlightening example of why secularist science
just doesn't get it.

I quote in following from the Beirut English language Daily Star of 27 March 2003: "When a teacher
from a religiously affiliated university asked him why he stressed the 'secular' nature of human history
when clerics were among the heroes of positive social change, the professor said faith 'must be
secondary' to the human project of justice and equality." As a cultural critic and social scientist, Said
was unable to recognise in religion the strong progressive historical force that it was and still is today.
Secularism, seen in this way, does indeed negate the role of religion as the true motivation for
recognisably enlightened leaders and grassroots initiatives on the global, regional and local playing
fields. Can secularism thus be seen as part of the 'bad science,' which has been at the root of many of

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the normative/prescriptive ideological movements, causing so much suffering throughout the 20th
century?

V) The Debate on Faith-Based Politics and Political Science

I hope that we can now all agree that the real issue is not whether religion and faith play a role in
politics. At issue is also not whether or not liberals and leftist are now instrumentalising faith; Edward
Said was right, religion is a powerful motivator. At issue is the concept of Betroffenheit in the social
sciences. Can researchers be truly objective, or must they be aware of how they are personally and
often unpleasantly affected (betroffen) by the objects they are studying? In order to illustrate how
subjectivity provides insight in the field of media studies, I will now play an excerpt from The English
Patient, which received a total of nine Oscars in the 1990s and was thus one of the most successful
films of the last century. This will be followed by a short scene from the ethnic-thriller, Witness,
starring Harrison Ford, in which an American big city cop hides out with the Amish of Lancaster
County, Pennsylvania in the 1980s.

I have chosen these two films because they illustrate my personal Betroffenheit. My Ras-Beiruti,
Sunni-Muslim wife who is a professor for media studies at the Lebanese American University and
I who grew up in a deeply religious extended Anabaptist family, surrounded by old-order
Mennonites and Amish similar to those portrayed in the film were truly impressed by these films
when we first saw them independently of each other. However, we were both unable to understand the
stereotypical attributes used so craftily in the two box-office hits because of our respective lack of
cultural awareness.

Both films contain a scene in which a veiled woman in The English Patient an Egyptian nurse
wearing a hijab, in Witness the main actress, Rachel, wearing an Amish covering is essentialised
through her unusual clothing, which bears witness to her inherently non-Western "Otherness."
Characteristic of the 'Pocahontas narrative,' Witness's Rachel must choose between her love, which
means being forced to leave her "tribe" and join the metropolitan intruder (the handsome police

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detective from Philadelphia), and staying with her native society in rural eastern Pennsylvania, very
near the town where I spent the first 18 years of my life. The heroine chooses to stay, but before
parting, Rachel relieves the audience's long frustrated desires, by removing her head covering in slow
motion, prior to the final love scene. Middle Eastern audiences did not appreciate the significance of
this act, which was as offensive to local Pennsylvania viewers as an analogous de-veiling of a Muslim
woman by a metropolitan Western male would have been in an Arab/Muslim context. My wife now
uses this sequence in her undergraduate "Media and Society" and "Gender in the Media" courses at the
Lebanese American University.

Prior to viewing The English Patient, I wish to quote a brief passage from an article I published
recently dealing with this film. It illustrates just how offensive the ritual thumb removal scene was for
many Arab moviegoers. I must admit that I did not appreciate this point until being made aware of it
by my future wife. Her insight greatly enhanced my understanding of the intertextuality of this
Hollywood masterpiece.

"(The director) Minghella, presumably with the acquiescence of (the novelist) Ondaatje, does
introduce one scene in which an Arab plays an active role, covering seven pages of the screenplay.
The Canadian spy Caravaggio has his thumbs removed in Tobruk by a Muslim nurse ('She is Arab,
unbearably young, pure. Her head is covered.' Screenplay, 114), the punishment Minghella's Germans
assume is generally carried out in the Orient against men who commit adultery. The Libyan nurse goes
about her business as if this were something she did every day:

Muller: Ill tell you what Im going to do. This is your nurse by the way. Shes Moslem, so shell
understand all of this. Whats the punishment for adultery is it the hands that are cut off?
Caravaggio: Dont cut me. Come on. Ill give you names. Please please oh, please I promise.
Jesus Christ! (11517; Jesus Christ! is not contained in the published screenplay)" (Sensenig-
Dabbous, 175).

Both ethnic and religious identities do obviously enlighten the study of the arts and media; can the
same really be said of the social sciences? Does religious faith itself provide added value in the
study of politics and other social phenomena?

The following selection of scenes taken from the biographical feature film Entertaining Angels, a St.
Paul Media Production, dealing with the early life of the former Marxist/feminist and co-founder of
the Catholic Workers movement in the United States, Dorothy Day, is indicative of the inability of
well-intentioned secular reformers to understand the motivation of the faith-based left. Raised in a
Protestant home and starting her political career as a supporter of the women's suffrage movement and
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the Communist party, Day converted to Catholicism early on in life. Though she changed the source
of her political activism she didn't alter its trajectory. She enjoyed the grudging support of her own
diocese in New York City in her work with immigrants, labour unions and the homeless, but
nevertheless was often opposed by both the mainstream members of the Church, as well as being
ridiculed by her former leftist comrades.

To paraphrase the title of a recent book published by the Evangelical Protestant peace and social
justice activist Jim Wallis, the conservatives in Dorothy Day's Roman Catholic diocese got it wrong
when they rejected the concept of the "social Gospel," so urgently needed during the years of the Great
Depression. The left, on the other hand, just didn't get it (Wallis).

Most of the social science community, like Edward Said, neglect or outright reject spirituality as a
phenomenological category. Without the personal experience (Betroffenheit) to back it up, they totally
miss the point. This is one of those rare occasions in which I agree with the recently re-elected US
president, George W. Bush. He was right when he stated during this fall's third presidential debate that
one can not accurately describe the political power of faith in conventional terms. I cite from memory:
You have to experience it to understand it.

VI. Concluding Reflections

Where does that leave us as faith-based scholars and educators in a Catholic institute of higher
education? For me personally, it means utilising my Anabaptist religious convictions and faith as a
instructional tool in class, teaching Cultural Pluralism in America and Minority Politics this semester
to a very diverse group of young Christian, Muslim and non-practicing undergraduate seniors in
NDU's political science programme.

As a researcher, it also means using my faith-based insights in order to better understand Muslim
immigrants and indigenous minorities in the European Union, working together with the EuroIslam
study group at NDU, as well as various research and student organisations in Europe. And in an even
more controversial field, it helps me as a faith-based Christian activist to more convincingly condemn

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to exclusion of the Italian parliamentarian, Rocco Buttiglione, from the European Commission
because of his openly lived Roman Catholic faith, or to better interpret the historically unconvincing
rejection of the religious roots of European humanism and its subsequent removal from the EU
constitution.

In conclusion I would like to quote one of my students, who took part in a debate on "Faith and
Education" on H-TeachPol's history and humanities listserve discussion list recently (H-NET). Carried
out before the backdrop of an increasingly large number of influential, faith-based religious schools of
higher education in America, I asked my students to comment on two questions. First, should faith-
based universities highlight their religious convictions in their teaching and research programmes?
Secondly, if they answered the first question in the affirmative, is this happening in their
undergraduate classes at NDU? The most well argued answers were posted on the internet and also
published later in the NDU Spirit (Cultural Pluralism 20). The following is the response that best
reflects what I have been trying to teach my students.

Olivia P. (Armenian Orthodox)

As a Political Science Department student, I think it is important that professors and students express
their religious perceptions on different issues. However, they should not force their views on each
other. There are no "right" or "wrong" positions in political science as there is no "right" or "wrong"
ideologies or political parties. It is up to individuals to decide for themselves what is acceptable for
them. I believe that professors' religious backgrounds (including atheists) cause them to introduce a
certain paradigm, consciously or unconsciously, influencing their way of seeing things.
Politics is not just about respective governments ruling their states, but rather governments affecting
people's lives in all aspects (e.g. economic, social). Therefore, if a political science professor or a
student discusses and takes a stand about an issue, especially a moral one, it makes complete sense to
reflect on his/her religious identity. So, if you are not aware of his/her background, you might not
understand the reason of his/her perceptions; this is especially important in cases of conflict.
What's more, as a Christian, I personally tend to measure my acquired academic knowledge with my
Christian values most of the time. So, it would be interesting and helpful for me to see what types of
'glasses' each professor looks through when viewing a certain issue. Sometimes this would challenge
my own position, for example making the gap or differences between us even wider with respect to
those professors with different political backgrounds. Despite this danger, throughout my short but
valid experience as a student, I have to admit that fortunately the opposite scenario was more
common.

Bibliography
Gary Becker, Economic Approach to Human Behaviour (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976).
Rocco Buttiglione, following the withdrawal of the controversial; Justice & Home Affairs, The Commissioners,
http://www.eu4journalists.com/topic.asp?TID=12&SID=67&langID=1 (download: 10/Nov/05); the
excommunication of Rocco Buttiglione, LICC, connecting with culture, http://www.licc.org.uk/culture/the-
excommunication-of-Rocco-Buttiglione (download: 14/Nov/05).
Fr. Roger C. Chikri, Catholic Schools in the United States: A Study on Job Satisfaction among Teachers (Zouk
Mosbeh: Notre Dame Press, 2003).

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Elfriede Christina Neubauer, Evaluationsbericht zum Projekt: Media Literacy, Decoding stereotypes
Concerning Muslims and Arabs, im Auftrag der EU-Commission (Salzburg: GenderLink OEG, 2004).

Andrew Heywood, Politics (Houndsmills, Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2002).

"H-NET/APSA Discussion List on Teaching of Political Science", Law schools and religious identity,
discussion on faith and political science instruction; posted by Eugene Sensenig-Dabbous
[mailto:sdabbous@ndu.edu.lb], Friday, December 03, 2004 7:23 AM; To: H-TEACHPOL@h-net.msu.edu.
"Cultural Pluralism: Student Reactions," NDU Spirit, 33, (Zouk Mosbeh: NDU Press, 2005), pp. 20-21.
Erika Pircher, et al, Sexualisierte Gewalt im behinderten Alltag: Maenner mit Behinderung als Opfer und
Taeter (Vienna: Bundesministerin fuer Frauenangelegenheiten, Forschungsbericht, 1997).
Erika Pircher and Aiha Zemp, "Weil das alles weh tut mit Gewalt": Sexuelle Ausbeutung von Maedchen und
Frauen mit Behinderung (Vienna: Schriftenreihe der Frauenministerin Bd. 10, 1996).
Edward Saids intellectual star rises over AUB, Palestinian-American scholar delivers seminar on resistance,
David Sheehan - Daily Star staff - David.Sheehan@DAILYSTAR.COM.LB; Lebanese news 27 March 2003,
http://www.dailystar.com.lb/27_03_03/art1.asp (download: 30/Nov/04).
Eugene Sensenig-Dabbous, "Will the Real Almasy Please Stand Up! Transporting Central European
Orientalism via The English Patient," Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24, 2
(2004).
Jim Wallis, God's Politics: Why the Right Gets It Wrong and the Left Doesn't Get It (New York: HarperColins,
2005).
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ROM in English, French and German (Brussels/Lille: European Social Action Network ESAN, 2004).

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