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The paper looks at space as the material base for social relations- the relation between
people, place and time. The concept of space is omnipotent as it is the eternal stage of
environment building. Daily life in the city is a socio-spatial construct as the social
constitutes the spatial practices. The paper refers to Max Webers concept of oriental; an
urbanism of the East highly entangled with indigenous culture. This is overtly visible in the
Indian market places. Indian market places are fields of social production through material
determinism. Although material determinism leads to rationalization of spaces, the field
itself is an intimate dialogue between people and space, people and people. Hence space in
daily life of a city is deployed to a powerful effect of determining urbanism. The paper
analyses convergence of four concepts - space, daily life, market places and urbanism.
Fundamental concept of space as physical & metaphysical has been overviewed from the
point of view of social studies. The concept of space has been extended to understanding
city as the crucible of daily- life; i.e. socio- economic and socio-spatial interaction and chaos.
The historical vitality of market places as highlights of citys daily life has been traced
leading to determinants explaining the emergent meaning of urbanism pertaining to the
socio-spatial construct.
Introduction-
The paper investigates the fundamental query of space. Space is the concept bordering all
physical and metaphysical phenomena. Architecture can be defined as valuable constructs
of space- in the domain of art and science. Hence, it is rightly said that architecture is about
people, place and time. Henri Lefebvre, in his Rhythmanalysis (1992) states that in daily
life- the bundle of natural rhythms wraps itself in rhythms of social and mental function. By
this he asserts the relationship between space and time- space defining the domain of
everyday life and time keeping the count of human activities. What we see as material
manifestations of concepts that is the definition of space at that moment. It is in this space
that all the rationalities like organization, law and coherent structure coincide with
irrationalities- human whirlpool of emotional chaos & illogical differences. It is the
playground of the intangible and the tangible; a field of dialectics.
Built environments can be understood through morphology and form. The scale of the built
environment varies from micro to macro. Cities are such complex environments of the built
and the unbuilt. Particularly in case of Indian context, cities are transformative landscapes
with cultural complexities, dynamic economics and contested cityscapes for upward mobility.
Socio-spatial aspect, essentially the daily life of a city is in its public realm. Market Places are
melting pots where in life thrives in an ever dynamic setting and hence help define Indian
Urbanism. To understand the indigenousness embedded in the spaces of Indian Market
Places, it is imperative to comprehend Indian Urbanism- the idea of pan- Indianness.
Pawan K. Varma (2004) has asserted the three aspects power, wealth and technology-
power, economic and political, for upward mobility, wealth- as the true pursuit of any true
Indian, pre-empted by traditions and belief, technology- the new paradigm to pan-Indianness
not as a prowess but as a means to a good comfortable beginning of life. Indians were and
are gifted with survival kit: an ability to anticipate opportunity, resilience, flexibility of tactic,
a canniness to judge human needs, and a talent to make the circumstances fit for needs.
Coming from the same crucible, Indian people have developed shared outlooks, common
beliefs, overlapping identities and they garner similar aspirations. The tactic that
international economists use today is that localizing the product so as to conform to the
cognition of the locales.
There also exists the concept of jaatbhai or brotherhood in the markets of India. The
people who run the market are distributed and work as syndicates. As a syndicate, their
understanding of right and wrong is related to efficacy for raid upward mobility. In an
emerging market like India, there already exists an array of home grown options in many
categories, which can offer incredibly tough competition to new entrants. Even after the
liberalization of economy in 1991, markets in India were sophisticated with their own
methods of marketing, their own methods of innovation on consumptions. Best described-
markets in India are and always will be- mind-boggling in terms of its linguistic, cultural and
income diversity (Bijapurkar, 2009). Hence, Indian market places showcase the vigor of daily
life of a city- in terms of negotiation, management and inherent excitement of competition.
The idea of market place is deeply entwined with the idea of commerce in history of
civilizations. While referring to these civilizations, geographical context is a pretext.
I reason thus: Asia has properly no temperate zone, as the place situated in a very cold
climate immediately touch upon those which are exceedingly hot, that is,, Turkey, Persia,
India, China, Korea and Japan. In Europe, on the contrary, the temperate zone is very
extensive.
Herewith, while proposing a political theory regarding nations of the world, Charles de
Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu began with differences in the climate and geography of
regions across globe. Different climate meant different flora-fauna which is the fundamental
reason why there were exclusive natural assets specific to regions. On a global level,
diversity presents opportunities for exchange. Thus there began exchange of valuable goods
through maritime trade routes- the most important in one history being the Spice Route and
overland routes- the important one being the Silk Route.
Conforming to the intense activity of global trading, history has witnessed rise and fall of
cities catering to trade. Some of these are the port cities of Quilon, Alexandria, Jaffa, Gaza
etc. Apart from port cities the land voyages created settlements along the ancient spice
trade routes in the Central Asia namely the cities of Bukhara, Samarkand, Tashkent, Osh,
Korla, Wenquan, Lhasa, Kathmandu etc. Transportation of goods along such extensive
geographical fields required places for disembarkment of goods and areas for storage and
distribution. This area had to be networked with the cities they disembarked in, for the
demand of goods was within places of settlements. Thus the concept of markets emerged as
physical spaces where exchange of goods was facilitated. It was a system conceived for the
purpose of commodity exchange. The market places also exhibited social interaction as
these were the places where populace was abuzz with activities of exchange.
As suggested by Adler (2011, p.3) And while Silk was one of the major products
transported from China to the West as far back as the Roman Empire, the trade, especially
in other luxury goods as spices (from India) and gemstones (from western Asia), was active
in both directions. Along with trade in material goods, the Silk Road was a medium of
cultural exchange. One of the prime examples of this was the spread of Buddhism from India
to Afghanistan, China, Korea, Japan and Southeast Asia.
With such a pre-eminence of trade on a global scale, the market places were not only a
platform of interaction and exchange but also places of knowledge dissemination. The very
phenomenon of gathering also made it a place of convivialities.
If subjects of a settlement (the people) are considered as varied points in space of the
settlement, by virtue of the intelligence, the primordial instinct of collectiveness, and
realization of longevity due to collectiveness and communication, all are manifested in the
spatial assemblages where the varied co-ordinates of subjects change in the new formation
of proximity. Market places are perfect exhibits of the same. Market places are not only
components of a city structure, but since ancient times they have been deemed as city
centers. The most simple reason for this is that it becomes an event in everyday life where
in people indulge into communication, exchanges, experiential aspects of the place, and the
movement of goods and people promotes cosmopolitan ambience, furthering the
possibilities of interaction. Thus market places were evidently places of orientation and
identification in the functional and cultural sense. With the advent and continuance of
trading economy, man had existential foothold, for the market form, as spatial form in which
commerce happened, related to his daily existence. This orientation is not only at the global
scale but also at a local scale of a settlement in the identifiable form of Genius Loci
(Norberg- Schulz, 1979).
Markets therewith, were not only physical spaces, but also had the Spirit of Place (Norberg-
Schulz, 1979). Market places are critical part of the evolution of civilizations and still
continue to have the essence of eminent places in the city structure. Market places are
combinations of intangible and tangible within the physical network of spaces and social
network of humans. Indian markets places are products of their own consumer history and
culture. Market places are ingenious combinations and adaptations of as many multiple
solutions as much a space can accommodate within its limit. Market places in India have
large catchments- owing to the population. The Indian market is full of people who want
diversified options- ranging from low-cost solutions to costly brands. The mere
understanding of entrepreneurial venture in the grassroots is where there is diversity.
Hence, in physicality, there is bewildering patchwork quilt with no apparent design or
explainable pattern in design.
Indian Market place in History - The indigenous examples of market places have roots
in the village system of India. The indigenous concept of market place was that of a
temporary market mandi, which is a weekly market system or what is commonly known as
the haat. A mandi is temporal in nature; the physical Image1- 'Haat'- weekly
market place
disappearance and appearance is accounted by the construction of
temporary structures.
BUKHAR
A,
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The bazaars (Bukhara, Isfahan, Chawri Bazaar) were in actuality a human network in the
CONTEXTUAsocio-cultural / religious/ institutional setups, combining the physical fabric with interactive
L SETTING activities of exchange of goods. The Market place becomes a linear experience- as it is the
web of physical spaces, bound to each other through their linearity that is unique in such
market places. The idea of commerce is encompassed in the city as linkages / human
networks.
In defining market places in such a layer as which has origins in colonial period, an
altogether western concept of zoning is encountered. Connaught Place was conceived at the
edge of the new city beautiful (Jain, 2010), with limited access from old core area of Delhi, so
as to maintain the segregation of social classes as well. This resulted in an internalized form
of a market place, a limited realm with clearly defined boundaries.
Le Corbusier defined city in zones, as the colonial predecessors, separating the civil
activities. Chandigarh with its planned architectural compositions and formal image was
highly monitored for creation of sanitized environment (Sagar, 2002): new urban image of
Independent India.
One of the unique attempts at combining the traditional and the modern experience of
shopping is the City Centre, Kolkata. Designed by Charles Correa, this example is unique
pertaining to the Indian context. As an attempt in redefining shopping experience,
combinations of linear and central spaces were created. Hence, although being a singular
entity, City Centre Kolkata, through its multiple entries becomes decentralized and
accessible.
The interior of the mall is an intriguing series of streets and chowks (linear and central
elements respectively).
The most controlled form of shopping environment is the mall, a concept borrowed from
United States of America. Malls are super enclosures of market places, with highest degree
of spatial organization so as to have global codes of interface and communication (Cha,
Chung, Gunter, Herman, Hosaya, Leong, Matsuhita, McMorrough, Palop-Casada, Schafer,
Vinh, Weiss, Wyman 2000) The recreated internalized form is extremely formal, with no
relation with city networks, hence making it altogether exclusive in nature.
Through the study of examples from different time periods, exhibiting different cultural
hegemonies, it is apparent that the notion of an India urban space becomes eclectic. The
idea of an Indian identity is that of the shared identity. Decoding the physical environment
needs shifting cultural references and adaptability has to be understood with the
transformative processes through which the Indian landscapes tend to change. To formulate
a holistic or exclusive identity of Indian spaces is difficult, and hence with multiple
qualitative and experiential spaces, the concept of randomization of spaces is an
identifiable and relevant factotum pertaining to the formulation of theory of Indian
Urbanism.
Commerce as an activity can be operated in many scales. As the exchange of goods is the
first activity which created the economic networks, the urban areas with their multiple
actors are fraught with degrees of modus operandi for commerce to occur. The combination
of economic network vis-a-vis the human network creates degrees of relationships which
thrive in crucible of cities.
The first and foremost modus operandi a human being, with his
mobility as an operational system- what is commonly termed as
a hawker. It is the most transparent form of operation, with no
hierarchical levels of communication and hence becomes a
single system of commerce dependent only upon the place
conducive for tapping.
Figure 1 Hawkers
The other mobile system is the shop on wheels, the vendors, with a little added advantage
of vehicular mobility. Both the hawker and the vendor account for the physical manifestation
of informal economy of India. As urban centers are wishful landscapes as much they are
anticipatory landscapes, in the Indian context, the comprehension of informal activities as a
natural part of cities is important. The phenomenon of congregation of hawkers and vendors
and the phenomenon of place making in Indian Figure 2 Vendors
cities can be deemed as one and the same. A
common example is that of the chaupati-
distinctively an area with organization of hawkers and vendors, forming an assemblage in
the existing city networks where the predominant activity is food consumption. With new
post-independence planning of cities, and with the emergence of neighbourhood came the
concept of corner- shops. As the configuration of cities changed and expanded ,
decentralization of provisions became important. The outcome of this is the corner-shop
typology, associated with neighbourhoods.
The spatial analysis of Indian Market Places has been done through two case examples.
Spatial Character- Juxtaposition of the U- shaped planes (Ching, 1996) create spatial
expansions and contractions- a resultant of organic structure.
User- buyer interface- The typologies of interfaces help define the degree of
seamlessness and transition in turn helping in defining personalization of spaces.
Territoriality (Habraken, 1998) - It is the behavioral pattern of seller and buyers exhibiting
fluidity and flexibility. Territoriality is resultant of externalized spaces- which give
opportunities of control as opposed to internalized spaces which have imposed control.
Enclosures & Vertical Surface Articulation- The third dimension is defined through
degrees of opacity and porosity. The physical elements impact the experience. Surfaces are
personal canvases in random combinations which result into graft (Fenton, 1985).
Case example exhibits market place with planned and self- evolved character.
Territoriality (Habraken, 1998) - The degree of fluidity and flexibility remain the
same. The practice of personalization of spaces causes externalization of spaces.
Conclusions-
The spatial seamlessness as concluded from spatial and territorial studies accounts for the
externalization. . The built environment , when analyzed through spatial typologies
suggests that the physical spaces are open and porous, and there are less physical edges
w.r.t. approachability into the built , then the domains of public and private overlap creating
seamlessness. The built environment in turn induces formation of a strong human network of
local actors without global agent. When the network is a local one, it has more power to
accommodate actors and activities. Once, the code of interaction and transactions become
global supplemented with global agent, then the realm tends to become exclusive in terms
of level of approachability and participation. This can be observed in case of malls, where, as
mentioned before, the built environment is highly regularized as the actors are global in
nature and hence they require standardization of forms and codes. The human network is
indirect through global agents. Hence the possibility of personal human relationships is
negated as the channels of communication have a hierarchical path.
Graft- The notion of Graft (Fenton, 1985) has been understood through the study of human
tendency of control and the consequent nature
of built environment that is the seamlessness.
Seamlessness refers to the inter-flow of spaces
and hence can be understood as the
negative void in which the matter occurs.
Complementary to seamlessness, graft is the
positive matter which fills the negative void in
random combinations. This is apparent not
only in the physical order of Indian market
places but also in the visual culture that is
practices. The graft exists in a degree in any
type of market. The process of grafting can be
comprehended as a stage in between the
perfect order and perfect chaos. Refereeing to
the graphical representation of the concept,
the perfect order is through- space of
confinement in which the distance between
actors are by principles- the global codes that
are inevitably followed to maintain the order.
Many built environments in the Indian cities go through this process of getting localized from
being globalized. Many have termed this as glocalization (Jencks, Kozak, Takkanon, 2008).
Indians tend to identify more with the local, since the social structure of Indians has been
that of community living. Indians tend to believe in patterns which have the power to
reorganize themselves and not in set patterns which are inflexible culturally. Graft is thus
an outcome of social practices of Indians- an important factor in understanding the process
of externalization in Indian Urbanism.
Inter- relationship matrix: determinants of space as socio-spatial crucible of daily
. The study of Indian market places indicated overlapping of various factors and inter-
relationships. Hence the conclusion of this research is a combinatorial matrix with indicators
of Indian Urbanism, their inter-relationships with stress on the transformation of built
environment. Transformation of built environment is important as the matrix can be a tool
for Urban Designers to understand urbanism pertaining socio-spatial practices in Indian
urban landscapes. The matrix is an outcome of an empirical study. It helps define the Indian
urban arena and establishes a conceptual relationship between the urban actors creating a
network which shall help in the studies of Indian cities.
The matrix is a feedback mechanism loop, and hence the start and the end are unimportant.
Although it is empirical in nature, one may start with the percentile of organized and
unorganized sector in the following fashion-
- Degree of organized / unorganized sector & Territoriality
Pertaining to informal economy of India, the market places succumb to competition of
space occupancy. Every market place has a degree of organized and organized sector
which is quantifiable in terms of economic gains and number of actors in each sector.
The degree of unorganized vs. organized sector will result in a degree of territoriality-
that is claiming of new territories for accommodation leading to redefined
organization of space in terms of incremental physical growth and in terms of
temporary stations. The spatial assemblages of modus operandi of commerce play an
important role in this.
The matrix is based on the feedback mechanism loop system and hence the relevance of
inter-relationships is not unidirectional. The inter-relationships derived from the spatial
studies help decode the Indian urban narrative n a logical manner. The matrix indicates
towards intangible factors that are the undercurrents of the Indian socio-spatial
understanding and asserts the pluralistic nature of Indian cities. It establishes the fact that in
Indian Urbanism, it is the human life (daily life) that shapes and controls the built
environment and as human life is a subject of political, social, economic and religious
factors, the physical configurations of the environment keep changing in tandem with
human configurations. The actor-network relationship defines types of transformations on
the principles of self-organization and characterizes the reality of Indian cities as cities in
transition.
REFERENCES
Bijapurkar R. (2009), We are like that only- Understanding the Logic of Consumer India,
Penguin Portfolio, p.8
Cha T.K., Chung C.J., Gunter J., Herman D., Hodaya H., Leong S.T., Matsuhita K., McMorrough
J., Palop-Casada J., Schafer M., Vinh T., Weiss D.J., Wyman L. (2000), Mutations, Actar
Publishing, p.132
Fenton J. (1985), Pamplet Architecture II- Hybrid Buildings, Princeton Architectural Press
Habraken N.J. (1998), The Structure of the Ordinary, the MIT Press
Jain A.K. (2010), Lutyens Delhi, Lookwell Publication
Jenks M., Kozak P., Takkanon P. (2008), World Cities and Urban Form, Routeledge, p.158
LIST OF IMAGES
Image 2- Mela
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1- Hawkers
Figure 2- Vendors
Figure 9- Graft
LIST OF TABLES