Gypsies Music and Politics Balkans

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Florian Noetzel GmbH Verlag
Gypsies, Music, and Politics in the Balkans: A Case Study from Kosovo
Author(s): Svanibor Pettan
Source: The World of Music, Vol. 38, No. 1, Music of the Roma (1996), pp. 33-61
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33
Gypsies, Music, and Politics

in the Balkans: A Case Study
from Kosovo
Svanibor Pettan
Abstract
Theauthor examinestheadaptability
ofGypsy musiciansin oneofthemultiethnic,
tenseregions
politically in theBalkans.
Thisadaptability
is examined withregard to
instrumentation, andmanner
repertoire, Alladaptive
ofperformance. strategies
point to
thecosmopolitanpositionofGypsymusicians.
Their
adaptability
appearstobea creative
inwhich
process improvisatorytreatment
ofelements
ofvariousoriginplaysanimpor-
tantrole.Theresults
ofthecomparisonofmusical
datamatch thoseofthecomparison of
extramusical thatvariation
ones,thussuggesting as theoutcome mightbea prominent
notonlyofGypsy
feature inKosovo,
musicianship butalsooftheKosovo Gypsy culture
ingeneral.
I. Introduction
In his article"Balkan Gypsies: an Introduction,"WilliamG. Lockwood

claimsthat"theBalkansconstitutea laboratorypar excellenceforGypsystud-
ies" and that"Balkan Gypsiesconstitute, in a numberof differentrespects...
themostimportant Gypsycommunity in theworld" (1985:97 and 91). He sup-
ports these statementsin fivepoints:
1. The Balkans are the primaryand continualsource of European Gypsies,
past and present;
of Gypsiesin a singlesettle-
2. The Balkanshave the densestconcentration
ment1,in Europe2,and in theworld;
3. Balkan Gypsiesshow a comparativelyhighdegreeof culturalheterogene-
ity3;
34 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
4. Theyshow a comparatively
highdegreeof culturalmaintenance4;
5. Theyshow a comparatively
highdegreeof culturalchange5.
While refering to the fifthpoint,Lockwood pointsto the considerableadapt-
abilityof theGypsiesin theBalkans.
In fact,it is "adaptability"thatservesas a keyword in severalwritings
about the survivalof Gypsyidentity(e.g. Kephart1990) and theirsuccess in
music(e.g. Gojkovi1977). WhatI intendto do in thisarticleis to examinethis
adaptability in the extremely challengingconditions.
Dictionaryentriessuch as e.g. "balkanization"and "balkanism"remindus
of thewidespreadimageof theBalkansas a regionof permanentconflict.The
meetingpointof East and West,Asia and Europe, Islam and Christianity, the
Easternand WesternChurch,untilrecently, the Warsawand NATO alliances,
etc., it is trulya place of severetensionsand conflicts, presently withBosnia-
Herzegovina as the focus. The Balkans are home to national communities of
variousorigins(Turks,Romanians,Greeks,Albanians,and Slavs/Bulgarians,
Macedonians,Serbs,Montenegrins, ethnicMuslims,and, partly, Croats),most
of themorganizedin nation-states.6 The Gypsiescould be added onlywiththe
clear notionthattheyclaim no territory and do not fitinto the nation-state
framework.
The predominant religiousaffiliations in theBalkansincludeIslam,Ortho-
dox Christianity, and- to an extent - RomanCatholicism.Ethnicand religious
identity oftenmatchone another,so theterm"ethno-religious communities" as
suggested for the ethnic Muslims,Serbs, and Croats of Bosnia-Herzegovina
(Bringa1993:82) can to some extentbe applied to the broaderregion.In this
close relationship, religiousaffiliation is mostoftenmisusedforpoliticalgains.
At timesof conflictit is shownthatsympathies fortheconfronted sides follow
historically rooted religious lines (e.g. Greek-Serbian, Turkish-Bosnian Mus-
lim). Gypsies themselves make up the most strikingexception to the ethno-
religiousprinciple.
Standardizedlanguagesin the BalkansincludeTurkish,Romanian,Greek,
Albanian,and a numberof mutuallyintelligible Slavictongues.Romanimaybe
added to them,thoughno standardization attempthas been generallyaccepted
there.7Some Balkan Gypsiesdo not considerRomanitheirnativetongueand
do not speak it at all, while manyspeak it in additionto a numberof other
tonguesused in the broaderarea. In countriessuch as Romaniaand Bulgaria
Gypsieswere forbiddeneven to sing in Romaniin public (Cartner1991:21;
Zang 1991:12).
At thetimeof myresearch(1983-1991) theBalkanswas hostto bothcapi-
talismand communism and atleastto theremnants ofglobalinterests instrumen-
talizedwithintheNATO and Warsawalliances.Certainly, and
political economic
system, as well as in
membership globalmilitary alliances,has had no impacton
thesocio-politicalstatusof theGypsies,which,to variousextents,continuesto
be low in all Balkannation-states.8
Pettan. intheBalkans 35
andPolitics
, Music,
Gypsies
This statuscan be examinedon two mutuallyrelatedlevels:(1) in Gypsies'

unsuccessful attemptsto achieverecognition fromstatelegislatorsas a national
minority, and (2) in discriminationcaused by local authorities.It is probably
truethattheGypsyemancipationmovementachievedmorein Yugoslaviathan
elsewherein the Balkans (see Puxon 1980:4; Poulton 1989:29), but truena-
tionalminority rightswerenot achieved- neitherin 1978 whenIndia was em-
phasized as the home countryof the Gypsies(Reemtsma1990:18),nor in the
late 1980s when some Gypsycommunities triedto attaintheserightsthrough
presenting themselvesas the Egyptiannationalminority (Sudetic 1990:4)9.
However,a seriousstudyshouldtakeintoconsideration notonlythehostile
faceoftheBalkans,but also thefacethatclearlyshowscommonalities and inter-
actionamongits inhabitants. As earlyas in 1916, the linguistBernardGilliat-
Smith(who used to call himselfGypsyPetulengro),authorof the influential
linguisticdistinctionbetweenVlach and non-Vlachdialectsof Romani,wrote
the followingsentences:
A hostofexpressionsmustbe regarded as neither Turkish,
exclusively Bulgarian,
Rumanian, norGreek,butas beingcommonto themall,and to thefourcan be
addedRomaniandAlbanian... Allthisforms a BalkanSprachschatz
, a striking
evi-
denceof influence
and counter-influence
exercisedforcenturiesamong racesin
spiteoftheirmutualhostility
to one another(Petulengro1915-16:68).
The conceptof a Balkan Sprachschatz should also findits place in the studyof
Balkanmusic.Sense of theexistenceof hostilities in the Balkansdoes not pre-
ventmusicalinfluencesamongethnically, religiously,and linguisticallydistinc-
tive communities.It was Gypsymusicians,recognizedas mediatorsbetween
Orientaland southernSlav musicalcultures(see Petrovi1974:157),who sig-
contributed
nificantly to the creationof a BalkanMusikschatz , or,moreappro-
Musikbund
priately, , to paraphrasethe linguistictermSprachbundintroduced
by KristinSandfeldin 193O.10
2. Gypsies in Kosovo"
Up to 1989,Kosovo was an autonomousprovincewithinSerbiaand Yugo-

slavia,whilein the 1990s it is an integralpartof Serbiaand of therump,newly
createdFederalRepublicofYugoslavia,which- atthemoment - hasnotreceived
fullinternationalrecognition yet. Politicaltensionin Kosovo is keptundercon-
trolbymeansofpolice and military force.
The principalethnicgroupsin Kosovo are theAlbaniansand theSerbs,the
remainder being- in orderthatfollowscensusfigures - ethnicMuslims,12 Gyp-
sies,Montenegrins, Turksand Croats.13Principalreligiousaffiliations include:
Islam,OrthodoxChristianity and RomanCatholicism.The officially recognized
36 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
languagesspokenin Kosovo at thetimeof myresearchwere:Albanian,Serbo-

Croatian,and Turkish.14
The highestpoliticalstatuswas thatofa nation("naro'),
followedbynationalminoritystatus("nrodnost"), and thelowestwas thatofan
Data in Table 1 suggestthatKosovo has all
ethnicgroup ("etnickgrupa"15).
necessaryelementsto be consideredas a kindof Balkansin miniature:16
Ethnicity % Religion Language PoliticalStatus

Albanian 115 Islam(Catholicism) Albanian national minority
Serbian 13.2 OrthodoxChristianity Serb/Croat nation
Muslim 3.7 Islam Serb/Croat nation
Gypsy 2.2 Islam(Orth.Christianity) Romani,Alb. ethnic
group
Montenegrin1.7 OrthodoxChristianity Serb/Croat nation
Turkish 0.8 Islam Turkish national
minority
Croatian 0.6 Catholicism Serb/Croat nation
Table1. Population
ofKosovo
The table shows thatGypsies,unlikemost othergroups,are not unifiedby

meansof a commonlanguageor religion,and thattheirpoliticalstatusis lower
thanthatof othergroupsin Kosovo.17
TatomirVukanoviindicatesMadjupi and Gabelji as two principalGypsy
groupsin Kosovo. Madjupi are Albanianor Serbianspeaking,permanently set-
tled Gypsieswho "concealtheiroriginalrace,pretending to be eitherSerbians
or Albanians,"whileGabelji are Romanispeaking,eitherpermanently settled
or semi-nomadicGypsies (Vukanovi1961:82). Both names are of Albanian
originand Vukanovidoes notindicatewho actuallyuses them.In properAlba-
nianform,theyshouldbe spelledas Magjupt(sing.Magjup) and Gabelt (sing.
Gabel). Duringmyfieldwork I foundthatGypsiespreferthenamesArlije(sing.
Arlija)and Gurbetja(sing.Gurbeti).These namesreflectthetwodominantdia-
lectsof Romanispokenin Kosovo,Arlijaand Gurbet.Albanian-speaking Gyp-
sies areknownas Akalije(sing.Akalija).
The centurieslong disputeabout Kosovo betweenits two principalethnic
groups,the Albaniansand the Serbs,startedto intensify rapidlyin the 1980s.
The crisisculminatedin 1989 when the Serbiangovernment sus-
unilaterally
pended constitutional autonomyof Kosovo and fullyintegrated theregioninto
Serbia.Politicalanalystswho expecteda Yugoslavwar to startin Kosovo now
look on it as thepossiblenextwar-tornregion,subsequentto theformerYugo-
slav republicsof Slovenia,Croatia,and Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Duringthe 1980s,boththeAlbaniansand theSerbstriedto ensuresupport
fortheirgoals fromsmallerethnicgroups.It is documentedby Gypsiesthem-
selvesthattheyweresubjectedto manipulation in regardto theircensusaffilia-
tion(Berberski1984,Menekshe1972).Atthesametime,nationalminority rights,
Pettan.Gypsies,
Music intheBalkans 37
, andPolitics
whichtheGypsiesthemselves advocated,werenotgrantedto them.The dispute

in whichKpsovo Gypsiesare enmeshedand whichtheywould prefernotto be
involvedin,remindsmeofa conversationI had in 1990withmyhostinthecityof
Prizren,therenownedGypsymusicianSerifCano. I askedSerifwhetherhis an-
intheSerbo-Turkish
cestorsparticipated wars.He answeredenthusiastically
"Yes,
yes- butI forgeton whoseside."
3. Interaction
all non-Gypsy
Virtually ethniccommunities in Kosovo look upon Gypsiesas
an inferior
group.Such an attitudeis determined by racial,ethnic,religious,oc-
cupational,regional,personal,and otherfactors.The social positionof Gypsy
musiciansmayappearparadoxical.Theyareappreciatedin thewayskilfulcrafts-
menare. For exclusivelyGypsymusiciansknowhow to accompanycertaincus-
toms,whichnon-Gypsies consideressentialtotheirethnicandregionalidentities.18
The followingare some of therepercussions on Gypsymusiciansof thepresent
tensionsin Kosovo:
inter-ethnic
1. Lifein a "policestate"(as thesituationin Kosovohas recently beendescribed

by Human Rights Watch, see Mertus & Miheli 1994) is not amenableto
musically rich traditionalfeastssuch as those held as late as in the 1980s.So,
Gypsy musicians are nothired as often as before.
2. Due to inter-ethnic distrustand ethnichomogenization, Gypsymusicians
are losingtheirtraditionalpositionsas instrumentalists in non-Gypsyen-
sembles.
3. Due to the worsenedeconomic conditions,Gypsymusiciansare earning
less and less. Therefore,theirensemblesare gettingsmaller.19
4. Non-Gypsyensemblesbased on Gypsymodelsare competingwithGypsies
forthe same market.20
As a result,manyGypsiesmove fromKosovo to WesternEurope (Italyand
Germanyin particular, personalcommunications).
Gypsymusiciansin Kosovo do not judge audiencesaccordingto theireth-
nic or religiousaffiliations.
The mostimportant criterionappearsto be theaudi-
ence's knowledgeof music and dance. Other criteriaincludethe relationship
withthe particularcommunity or specificfamily, and especiallythe expected
levelof audiencegenerosity as reflectedin tip giving.As an example,both the
audiencesmostand least appreciatedby Gypsymusiciansin the Prizrenarea
are made up of ethnicAlbanians,livingin separatecommunities.
The adaptationbyGypsymusiciansto theunfavorable conditionsin Kosovo
willbe discussedin regardto instrumentation, repertoire,and themannerofper-
formance.
38 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
4. Instrumentation
In thecourseoftheirat leastfive-centuries-long
presencein Kosovo,Gypsy
musicianshavepersuadedtheentirepopulationto acceptthemas superiorspe-
cialists.ThroughtheinteractionbetweenGypsymusiciansand theirnon-Gypsy
audiencesthe threeprincipalensembletypesemerged:
1. Shawm-and-drum,21 servingprimarilyin ruralareas;
2. Calgija, performing
mostlyin urbansettings;and
3. Frame drum22couple, performing forfemaleaudiencesin both ruraland
urban areas.23
The audiencesof all ethnicgroupsin mostpartsof Kosovo acceptedtheseen-
sembletypes.
Presently,Gypsymusiciansperform in thesameensembletypes,thoughfor
ethnicallydifferentiated
audiences.Since Serbs rejectshawm-and-drum as be-
ing(ethnically)"Albanian"and (religiously)"Muslim"and call fora brassband,
which is the favoriteensembletypeof ethnicSerbs in centraland southern
Serbia,Gypsybrassbands fromSerbiapropersupplythemarket,in additionto
Kosovo's sole Gypsybrassband.
The considerablechangein the urban calgijaensembleduringthe last six
decadescallsforan explanation.The changeinthisGypsyfavorite ensembletype
reflects but also- I wouldspeculate- theirattemptto cre-
theirzestfornovelty,
ate an "ethnically
neutral"ensembletypeacceptableto all audiences.In thefol-
lowingtable, gradualchangefroma basicallyTurkishensembleto a Western
the
popularmusicensembleis followedin six steps(Table 2):24
Step1 klanet cernane kanun ud dahira

Step2 klanet cernane harmonika - dahira
Step3 klanet cernane harmonika dumbu tarabuka
Step4 saksafon - elektronka dumbu dez
Step5 saksafon - sintisajzer gitara dez
Step6 - gitara sintisajzer bas dez25
Table2. Transformation
ofKosovocalgija
The twoprincipalfactorsthatinfluencedtheultimatechangeof Kosovo calgija

in thecourseof the20thcenturyare
1. Historical,culturaland politicalevents,includinga changeofpoliticalpower
fromTurksto Serbsin 1912,followedbythecontinuousemigration ofTurks
and otherMuslimsfromKosovo to Turkey, temporary Sovietpoliticaland
Vettan. intheBalkans 39
andPolitics
Music,
Gypsies,
culturalinfluence,
and finally, exposuretoWesternvaluesthrough
increasing
media and temporary workof Kosovo people in WesternEuropean coun-
tries;and
2. Gypsyattitudes.
Since all ethnicgroupsin Kosovo sharedthe eventsmentionedunder(1) but
onlyGypsieswentthroughthatmanystepsof changeof theensemble,I would
speculatethatit is because of theirattitudes.Thinkingof calgija as the best
mediumfortheirmusicalexpression,Gypsiesin Kosovo founditworthwhile to
improveit,to makeitmoreattractive. The bestresponseto theirnoveltiescomes
fromtheirGypsyaudiences.
5. Repertoire
Prior to the escalationof ethnictensionsin the 1980s, Gypsymusicians

establisheda basic repertoire
acceptableto theentireKosovo population.Their
repertoireconsistedof thetunesof all Kosovo ethnicgroupsand fewofforeign
origin.The abilityto performsuch a mixed repertoiredifferentiated Gypsies
fromothermusicians.
In the 1980s, mutuallyopposed Albaniansand Serbs starteddemanding
ethnically Gypsymusiciansrespondedto thischallengein
specificrepertories.
theirown way,by enrichingtheirrepertoire with"ethnically neutral"novelties
fromabroad. Five foreignsourcesin theirrepertoire in the 1980s included:
1. Indian filmmusic;
2. Bosnianand Serbianpopularnovokomponovana narodnamuzika(lit."newly
composedfolkmusic");
3. Turkishpopular arabeskmusic;
4. Turkish,Greek,Bulgarian,and MacedonianGypsymusic;and
5. Westernpop music.
It was in the 1980s thatGypsymusiciansfromKosovo raisedtheprinciple
of "universality,"
i.e. ofperforming
musicsofvariousorigin,to thehighestpoint.
They themselves defined thisprincipleas centralto theirmusicianship,
withthe
clear objectivethatsuch a cosmopolitanorientationbe superiorto ethnically
exclusivenon-Gypsyrepertoires.
Gypsymusiciansin Kosovo tendto avoidperformance ofnationalistic
songs
of whateverethnicgroup,and especiallyof those not in power.26Instead of
performing songs thatcall forhomogenization withina specificethnicgroup,
Gypsies are introducingimprovisedpraise songs withlyricsaddressingindi-
viduals.These songs constitutethe main body of the modernKosovo Gypsy
genre,knownas talavaP
40 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
6. Manner of Performance
Since Gypsymusiciansfeelsuperiorin theirknowledgeof musicas com-
paredto mostof theiraudiences,theyfeelfreeto continueperforming musicof
theirownchoicein spiteofnewconditions.The specificmannerofperformance
enablesthemto do so.
Accordingto myinterviews withGypsymusiciansin Kosovo, theydo not
wantto perform mono-ethnic repertoires.However,theyarenotin a positionto
make such a statementto thosewho hirethem.Therefore,in orderto satisfy
theircustomersand themselvesas well, theymix the tunesof the customer's
ethnicoriginwiththoseoftheirownchoice.In 1991,priorto theperformance at
an Albanianfeast,I somewhatprovocatively askedGypsymusicianswhetherthey
wouldbe playinganySerbiantunes.At somepointduringtheperformance, the
clarinetplayer'sgesturemade me aware thatafterseveralAlbaniantunesthey
wereplayinga Serbiantune.Afterthatthemusiciansreverted to Albaniantunes.
I could see thatnobodyfromthe audiencewas awareof whathad happened.
Later I observedthispracticeat variousplaces.28The characteristic formof a
medleyallowsmusiciansconsiderablefreedomin combining tunesofvariousori-
gin,and also escape to anothertuneor taksimimprovisation ifsomebodyfrom
theaudiencehappensto recognizean "enemytune."
Most of myGypsyinformants in Kosovo did not seemmuchbotheredwith
myquestionwhethertherewas sucha thingas "Gypsymusic."29 Some answered
affirmatively,but werenot able to pointto specificmusicalfeaturesthatwould
differentiateit fromthemusicofotherethnicgroupsin theregion.30 One musi-
cian summarizedthecosmopolitanattitude,expressedbymany,in thesentence
"We do not care whetherit is Turkish,Serbian,or Albanian.We just play it
livelier."31
AnotherGypsymusiciananswered"I do not know.Whatwe playis
weddingmusic,biaveskimuzika?2We mixSerbian,Albanian,Romani,Turkish,
Indian,and Greek tunes."33
Althoughtherearea fewdistinguished GypsycomposersfromKosovowhose
tunesare appreciatedby Gypsyaudiences,thesecomposersare morebeloved
fortheirperforming skills.34
It is performance manner(and oftenalso instru-
mentation),ratherthan tunesthemselves,thatdistinguishGypsyand a non-
Gypsymusicmakingin Kosovo.
Most of the tunesGypsiesin Kosovo consideras being theirown in fact
belongto theBalkanMusikbundmentionedearlier.Here I willdiscussthesong
"PhuroHamze," which Gypsies,both musiciansand non-musicians, in Terzi
Mahala in Prizrenselectedas theirown favorite.They say it is a Gypsysong
because: (1) thelyricsare in Romani35, and (2) thelyricsare about Gypsyindi-
vidualsfromTerziMahala,stillremembered byeldercommunity members.These
twoarguments in factdo makesense:non-Gypsiesin Kosovo reallydo notsing
in Romani,nor about Gypsies.In Terzi Mahala I was able to recordseveral
interpretations of "PhuroHamze" at variousoccasions,and thismade me be-
lievein claimsthatthesongis an "anthem"of thisspecificGypsycommunity.
Vettan. Music
Gypsies, , andPolitics 41
intheBalkans
Fig.1. An ethnic
Muslimshawm-and-drum ensemble
fromthe
area(modeled
Prizren a Gypsy
after ensemble) at a wedding
performs
feastofethnic
Muslims in thevillageofMusnikovo,
1990
The same melodicmouldin thewidelyused scale of makamhicaz, particu-
larlybelovedin theBalkans,has been exploitedfromTurkey("Entarisiala ben
ziyor")bywayofGreece("Dimitroula") all thewayto Bosnia-Herzegovina ("Telai
vice"),with in
lyrics the respectivelanguages (see also Pennanen 1994). I was
able to recordthe same melodyeven as a religioushymnin Arabicin Kosovo.
The questionis: Does thisevidencemake "PhuroHamze"anyless a Gypsytune
fromTerziMahala?In myopinion:no. BlintSrosi'sdefinition of"Gypsymusic"
in itsbroadestsenseimplies"musicperformed and cultivatedbygypsies,though
notbythemexclusively"(1980:864). Carol Silvermanproposedlookingat "any
musicGypsiesperform, regardlessof origin,and see[ing]whattheydo withit"
(Silverman1981:2). As I will show in severalpairs of musicalexamples36, the
Kosovomaterialsupportsthosewhoclaimthatthemannerofperformance rather
thanexclusivity of originof specifictunesshouldattractscholarlyattention.
6.1 Comparison
A
Reasonablysound and broad knowledgeof theingredients to

contributing
theBalkanMusikbundis a pre-requisite forcomprehension ofmusicperformed
by Gypsiesin Kosovo. Authorshiptheyclaimforspecifictunesis oftendoubt-
fulin theWesternsense of copyright. For instance,Fadilj Suljejmani,a Gypsy
singerfromthe cityof Uroevac (Ferizaj), claims authorshipof the hit song
"Break Dance," which he recorded in the late 1980s (Sarajevo Disk SBK
3545)(Figure2). I was able to recordthe same melody,sungin Turkish("Dom
domkurunu ")yin theearly1980s fromtheTurkishbaglama(long-neckedlute)
ensemble"Dogru Yol" fromPrizren(Figure 1). "Dom dom kurunu"can be
tracedall thewayto Turkey.37
42 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
Fig.2. "Domdomkurunu"
andPolitics
Music,
Gypsies,
"
Fig.3. BreakDance"
44 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
1. Performance
Medium
"Domdomkurunu"'
SingerwithTurkish-type
baglamaensemble
"BreakDance": SingerwithWestern-type ensemble
amplified
2. Form
"Domdomkurunu"
: A(4)AB(3)BB B' C(1)CCCD(6) E(4)E
abb cdde f ef ghibib
jjjkjjjk
"BreakDance": B(3)B C(1)CCCD(4) E(4)E
A(4)A(4,5)
abbcdde fgh ijjk 111m 111m
3. Melody
"Domdomkurunu"'
In Turkish
makambeyati
"BreakDance": In mixolydian
4. Rhythm
4/4: J 7
"Domdomkurunu"' ^
"BreakDance": 4/4: J J J J
5. Texture
"Domdomkurunu"'
Heterophonic
"BreakDance": Homophonie
6. Tempo
"Domdomkurunu"'J = 92
"BreakDance": J = 100
7. Lyrics
In Turkish
"Domdomkurunu":
"BreakDance": In Romani
Table3. Comparison
A: "Domdomkurunu Dance"
"/"Break
Comments
to Comparison
A (Table3)
1. Performance
medium: In bothtunesthereis a solosingeraccompanied byanensem-
ble.Theensembles varyin instrumentation.
2. Form:The formal structure ofthetwois similar.Textualformfitsmusicalformin
different
ways.
3. Melody:TheTurkish tuneis ina Turkish
modethatcontains a seconddegreehalf-flat.
TheGypsytuneis ina modewithno quarter-tones. Melodicsegments checkedas A,B,
etc.showcloseresemblance inthetwotunes.
4. Rhythm: Withinthesamemetrical framework, theTurkish rhythm playedon the
tarabukais moreelaboratedthantheGypsyrhythm playedon thedrumset.
5. Texture: Allbaglama
Different. players
perform thesamemelody intheTurkishtune.
Gypsy instrumentalists the
accompany singer withtriadic(sometimesunexpected)chords.
6. Tempo:TheGypsytuneis in a faster tempo.
Pettan. Music
Gypsies, intheBalkans 45
, andPolitics
brassbandofJovica
Fig.4. Gypsy fromsouthern
Ajdarevic Serbiaperforms
forethnicSerbsinthecontext
ofa party
foryoung priortotheir
conscripts
service.
formilitary
departure VillageofMogila,1990
7. Lyrics: areindifferent
Thelyrics languagesandarenottopically related.
TheTurkish
tunecontains reflexive with
lyrics political allusions:
"Between theeyebrows/A touchof
a bullet/A huntershotme/Thousand hunterskillme.Ah,I said and cried/Iholdmy
beloved.Sheloweredherneck/God's grace/Nota woundbydagger/Touch ofa bullet.
Come,come/Deadly bullet."Lyrics oftheGypsytunerefer to thefashionable
Western
dance:"Sefet, oh mother/He is a bigpunker/He started
withbreakdance/Hedances
it all thetime.Oh, efet,youniceone/Oh,efcet,youwhiteone/Stopdancingthe
breakdance/Iwillbreakall bottles.I willbringa telephone/Leave mea microphone/
Leavemea microphone/I wantto see youdancing. Breakdance,Sefet/You,niceone,
danceso well."
6.2 Comparison
B
Anotherpair of exampleswithno claimof authorshipon behalfof Gypsies

includesthe song fromthe Indian film"Nagina"(Figure5) and "Kobraoek"
(Figure 6), recordedby the Gypsybrass band led by JovicaAjdarevicfrom
southernSerbia.38Unliketheprevious,textually unrelatedpairof examples,the
title"Kobraoek" alreadysuggeststhe relationto the (female)snake,whichin
factis themeaningof theHindi word "nagin."In spiteof considerablemusical
differenceandlackofsinging, thecassettecoveroftheGypsybrassband suggests
(<Kobraoek"is an Indian folktune(see Duvaki orkestar1991).
46 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
Fig.5. "Nagina"
Pettan. andPolitics
Music
Fig.6. "Kobraoek"
48 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
1. PerformanceMedium
"Nagina"-. SingerwithIndianfilmmusicensemble
"Kobraoek":Brassband
2. Form
"Nagina": A(2)AB(2)BAAC(2)CD(2)DE(2)EF(4)EEEEEEG(6)G
H(3)GEEF
abb abbc
"Kobraoek":
A(4)B(4)BC(1)CCCCCD(4)DE(4)EDDF(8)FG(4)GH(25)DDEEDDFF
3. Melody
"Nagina": In Indianbhairavi
raga
"Kobraoek":
In phrygian
4. Rhythm
"Nagina": 4/4: H J J
"Kobraoek":
4/4: 7J^7^7^
5. Texture
"Nagina": Predominantlymonophonie
"Kobraoek":Homophonie
6. Tempo
"Nagina": J =100
J
"Kobraoek": =160
7. Lyrics
"Nagina": In Hindi
"Kobraoek":-
Table4. Comparison
B: "Nagina"/"Kobra
oek"
Comments B (Table4)
to Comparison
1. Performance medium: The ensemblesdifferconsiderably.A singerappearsonlyin

theIndiantuneand is accompanied by an ensemble containingIndianand Western
instruments.The Gypsytuneis performed byan eleven-member brassband.
2. Form:Bothtuneshaveclearly distinct buttheformoftheGypsytuneis
sections,
differentfromtheIndian.The Gypsytunecontainsan improvisatory taksimsection
(H).
3. Melody:Themelodies oftheIndianandoftheGypsy tuneusethesamescale39corre-
spondonlyin theprincipalinstrumentalsection(A). Thoughsimilar enoughto be re-
A in thetwotunesdiffer
lated,sections fromoneanother.
4. Rhythm: Althoughthetunessharemeters, therhythms differ
considerably fromone
another.
andPolitics
, Music,
Gypsies
shawm-and-drum
Fig.7. Gypsy ensemblefromPrizrenaccompaniesfree-style
wrestling
at a wedding
(pelivani) feastofethnic
Muslims
in thevillageofZlipotok,
1987
5. Texture:The Indiantunehas a singlevocalmelody,accompanied in unisonbythe

instruments.In theGypsytunethemelody is playedinthirds
andis accompaniedbya
chordaldrone.
6. Tempo:TheGypsytuneis considerably faster.
Thelyrics
7. Lyrics: oftheIndiantunemean:"I amyourenemy, youaremyenemy/I am
thesnake,youarethesnakecharmer/From birthtobirth,
we arealwaysenemies."The
Gypsytunehasno lyrics.
6.3 ComparisonC
Aftershowingthatthetuneforwhicha Gypsyperformer claimsauthorship

("Break Dance") is more similarto its possible prototypetune ("Dom dom
kurunu") than another tune forwhich Gypsyperformers do not claimauthor-
ship("Kobraoek") to itspossibleprototype tune ("Nagina"),I willturnto two
more pairs of examplesforthe sake of comparison.The firstpair includesa
"non-Gypsy" (Serbian)and a Gypsyversionof a tuneassociatedwiththepopu-
lar Albaniandance shota.40Performers are Milena Markovie withan ensemble
(DISKOS NDK 4567)(Figure8) and a shawm-and-drum ensemblerespectively
(Figure9).
50 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
Fig.8. "ote,moriote"
, andPolitics
Music
Gypsies,
Fig.9. "ota"
52 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
1. PerformanceMedium
"ote,morisote"-.Singerwithensemble
"iota"'. Shawm-and-drum ensemble
2. Form
"ote,moriote": I(2)A(4)AB(4)BBC(4)C(41/2)BBBAABBBI(4)AABBBB
a bb cdd eff ghhh
"iota"'. A(2)AAAAAB(6)AAA
3. Melody
"ote,moriote":In a modeakintomajor, phrasesendon seconddegree
"Sota": In a modeakintomajor, phrasesendon seconddegree
4. Rhythm
"ote,morisote"-. 4/4:h.
h.^ Is.h.h
"Sota"-. 4/4:J!J"3H SI
5. Texture
"ote,morisote"'.Homophonie
"ota"'. Heterophonic
6. Tempo
"ote,morisote"'.J = 120
"ota": J = 92
7. Lyrics
"ote,morisote"-.
In Serbian
"ota":
Table5. Comparison
C: "ote,moriote"/"ota"
Comments
toComparison
C ( Table5)
1.Performance medium: TheSerbiantunehasa vocalpart,andtheGypsy tuneis purely

instrumental.
2. Form:In theSerbiantunetherearefoursections, whilein theGypsytunethereare
onlytwo.In theGypsytune,thefirst sectionis a sequenceofvariationson thesame
melodicmodel,whilethesecondsectionis an improvisatory taksim.
3. Melody:In comparingthemelody oftheSerbianandGypsytune,an outsider might
notfindmanysimilarities.
Foran insider,however, thetwoareinstantly
recognized as
thevariantsofthesametune.The melodies, although have
different, similar
character
and basicoutline(sectionsA in bothexamples).The melodyof theB sectionof the
Gypsytunedoesnothavean equivalent intheSerbiantune.41
Pettan. Music
, andPolitics
4. Rhythm: A melodicsectionthatconstitutes one rhythmic cyclein theSerbiantune

two
encompasses cycles in theGypsytune. The actual rhythms aredifferent.
In
5. Texture: theSerbiantunethemelody haschordal accompaniment, andintheGypsy
tunethemelody performed in
heterophonically section A hasa drone in sectionB.
6. Tempo:The Serbiantuneis considerably fasterthantheGypsytune.The slower
tempoof theGypsytunereflects generallyslowerspeedof themusicofthattypeof
ensemble.
Thelyrics
7. Lyrics: partoftheSerbiantunemean:"Oh,sota, happy
in thetranscribed
sota/1 wantto danceyoufora longtime/Oh, sota, playitto me/Sothatallofus do this
wedding dance.Myeyesburninthefireoflove/Colorful ,42everyone
dimijas adoresme/
Yourfriend wantsme,coinsrumble/But I amwaiting foryou,sweetheart."The Gypsy
tunehasno lyrics.
D
6.4 Comparison
The lastpairof examplesincludesGypsyperformances of thealreadymen-

"
tioned"anthem"oftheGypsiesfromthePrizrenTerziMahala- "PhuroHamze.
Performers are the mahala inhabitants:the old femalesingerMevlida Pumpa
(Figure10) and a muchyoungerman Ragip Gozani withan ensemble(Figure
11).
Fig.10. "PhuroHamze"
54 - theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
Fig.11. "PhuroHamze"
Pettan. Music
, andPolitics
1. Performance
Medium
"Phuro Hamze"'Singerwithframe drum
"Phuro Hamze"'Singerwithalgijaensemble
2. Form
"PhuroHamze": A(4)AB(6)B AABB
a ab b ccdd
"PhuroHamze"' A(4)AB(5)B(6)AAB(6)B(7)B(5)B(6)AABBC(30)
aab b aabb
3. Melody
"PhuroHamze":In makamhicaz
"PhuroHamze":In makamhicaz
4. Rhythm
"PhuroHamze":2/4:nn
"PhuroHamze":2/4:nnnn
5. Texture
"PhuroHamze":
Monophonie
"PhuroHamze":
Homophonie
6. Tempo
"PhuroHamze": J =108
"PhuroHamze": J =104
7. Lyrics
"PhuroHamze":In Romani
"PhuroHamze":In Romani
D: "PhuroHamze'V'Phuro
Table6. Comparison Hamze"
Comments D (Table6)
toComparison
1.Performance medium: Thefirst tuneis performed bya solofemale whoaccom-

singer
paniesherself
on a frame drum.In thesecondtunethesingeris accompanied byclari-
net,fretted
banjo,gobletshapeddrum,andframe drum.
2. Form:Thetwotunesdiffer inform. In thefirst,
thestanzasfollowoneanother, andin
thesecond,thestanzasare separatedby instrumental interludes.
At one pointan
improvisatorytaksim(C) appearsin thesecondtune.
3. Melody:The melodiesofthetwotunesonlypartially resembleeachother.Each of
themis elaboratedinitsownway.In thefirst tune,themelody ofeachstanzavaries.In
thesecondtune,themelodies ofthestanzasaremoresimilar toeachother;theimprovi-
sationtakesplaceprimarilyin thetaksim.
4. Rhythm:Rhythmic patterns in thetwotunesdiffer fromeachother.
5. Texture:
Differencein texture relatesto thedifferencein performance
media.
56 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
6. Thetempoofthesecondtuneis faster.
Thelyrics
7. Lyrics: aresimilar
butnotidentical.Figure7: "Old Hamzeis notashamed
ofhisbeard/HewantsyoungHajrijaforhimself."
Figure8: "OldHamze is notashamed
ofhisbeard/He walksaroundandlooksfora younggirlforhimself." The ofthe
lyrics
first
tunearelongerandincludeseveralstanzas.
7. Conclusion
The above analysesofpairsoftuneshaveindicatedfirstofall thattheGypsy

repertoire in Kosovo benefitsfroma richvarietyof sourcesinsideand outside
theregion.It demonstrated thatin all Gypsytunesnearlyall themusicalparam-
etersare changedin regardto thepossibleprototypes fromboththenon-Gypsy
and Gypsydomains.Neitherthespecificsassociatedwitha particularensemble
type,nor the transferof a tune fromthe vocal-instrumental to instrumental
domainare consideredobstaclesforitsadoptionand performance. The formal
structure of a tuneis also seen as suitableforchange.The improvisatory man-
ner of a Gypsyperformance is emphasizedin particularthroughthe inclusion
of an improvisatory section,a taksim , whichgivestheperformer an opportunity
to show his skills.The interpretation of melodiesof the tunesvaries.In some
tunesthe similarity is clearlyrecognizable,in othersit is hidden,and known
only to the people familiar withthemusic.In all fourcomparedpairsof tunes
therhythm sometimesconsiderably.
differs, In all cases thetexturesofthecom-
pared tunes differ.
Tempo also varies. The lyrics,when presentin both tunes,
may also in
vary language and content. And,thereis no consistency in thedirec-
tionof thesechanges.
The analyzedexamplessuggestthatGypsymusicianstreatthetunesin a crea-
tivemanner, withall musicalparameters consideredchangeable,regardless ofthe
origin of a tune. According to Irn Kertsz-Wilkinson s resultsfrom research
withVlach Gypsiesin Hungary, their"interest is in whois singing,in whathe or
she says,and how well it is said, irrespective of ... Vlach or Hungarian[origin
of] songs" (Kertsz-Wilkinson 1992:132). I foundthisto be truewith (non-
Vlach) Gypsiesin Kosovo,regardless oftheenormousdifference betweenGypsy
musicalculturesin Hungaryand Kosovo and alsowithinanyofthetwo.Through
the process of adaptationin Gypsyperformance, tunesof whateveroriginin
factbecome Gypsytunes.
8. Tracing Further Research
The studyof "Lambada"in Kosovo some yearsago in whichI compared

Gypsyand non-Gypsy
versionsto theprototype
tune(Pettan1992b) lead me to
andPolitics
Music,
Gypsies,
Fig.12.FemaleGypsyframedrum playershiredtoperform
forwomenat a circumcision
feastofethnic
Turksin thevillageofMamua,1989
the conclusionthatthe key forunderstanding Gypsymusicianshipin broad

termsmightbe theirattitudes. Theirgoal in musicis notto imitatea tune,butto
whichI tendto see as
createa personalizedversionof it.The resultis variation,
a Gypsyculturalmode. I will documentmy opinion withfew extra-musical
examplesof Gypsyculturein Kosovo.
I firstbecame aware of variationwhen membersof one of the most re-
spectedfamiliesof PrizrenGypsymusiciansintroducedthemselvesto me. The
shawmplayerintroducedhimselfas "Redep Manduku."LaterI metRedeps
nephew,who introducedhimselfto me as "MandukiBajram... I am Bajram
Manduka." I noticedthatthe threetimesI heard the familyname fromthe
membersofthefamilyit endedwitha different vowel.I foundsimilarexamples
in otherGypsyfamilies.The banjo playerintroducedhimselfas AhmetKorllari,
but his sisterHatida, the famousframedrumplayer,said her last name was
"Korlak(o)." Membersof anothermusicians familyrememberthattheirlast
name used to be "Kokolar,"but presently some of themuse theform"Koko"
and others"Koka."43
The nameof a musicalinstrument can also vary.Even nextdoor neighbors,
bothprofessional musicians,maycall an instrument by different
names,e.g. the
goblet shaped drum as tarbuk,tarabuk, tarabuka, talbuka,tarambuka , and
darabuka.Titlesof tuneswhichare part of the Gypsyrepertoiremaybe pro-
nounced differently,even by membersof the same ensemble.For instance,
"Lambada"is pronounced"Labanda," "Labamba," etc.
58 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
Variationcan also be observedin the domain of Gypsycustoms.Mirko

Barjaktarovi describesthe customof themotherof a circumcisedchildkeep-
ing the prepuceuntiltheson marries(1979:176). Then she putsit in a dishfor
her daughter-in-law, believingthatit willhelp thedaughter-in-law to givebirth
to a male child. Gypsiescall the prepuce "zanga"(Alb. "zhange").44Evidence
obtainedthroughthe courseof myfieldworksuggeststhatmostMuslimGyp-
siesin Kosovo sharethebeliefthatthezangahas to be preservedaftertheact of
circumcision. However,proceduresto be takenwithit in orderto achievecer-
taingoals,and thegoals themselves, differevenwithina singleGypsycommu-
nity.In Klina (Kline) I noticed several variantsof this custom withinone
household.45 ThereI learnedthatthezanga, afterdryingout,shouldbe put in a
hamajlija(amulet)to protectthechildfromtheEvil Eye and otherdangers.In
addition,or instead,the zanga should be put in the waternewlywedsuse to
clean themselveson theirmarriagenight.The goal is eitherto conceivea male
childor "to returnto ones faith,"dependingon the informant. Gypsiesfrom
Klina are likelyto put thezangain water,tea,or coffee,but theyneverput it in
food.
These few extra-musical examples,representing manymore,supportthe
idea ofvariationas a culturalmode. The principleis thesame as in music.Mul-
tiplevariantsof propernames,namesof instruments, titlesof tunes,and diver-
sityin thefieldof customscorrespondto multiplevariantsin music,suggesting
thatthevariationmightbe theoverriding factorfordetermining theGypsycul-
turein Kosovo. Furtherresearchof Gypsycultureshouldbe carriedout along
theselinesin thebroaderBalkanregionand otherpartsoftheworldin orderto
verifywhethervariationmightbe a prominent featureof Gypsyculturein gen-
eral.
[Finalversionreceived:
7 March1996]
Notes
1 SutoOrizari ontheoutskirtsofSkopje.
2 Anestimated 47%ofEurope's Gypsies liveintheBalkans(Lockwood 1985:92).
3 "Itisimpossibletoconstructa comprehensive (Lockwood
typology" Forthemost
1985:95). compre-
hensivelistofnames attributedtoGypsy groupsinYugoslaviaonly, over
containing onehundred
items,seeVukanovi 1983:138-46. Fordiscussionofsomeofthetypologies,
seePettan1992a:42-50.
4 Duetothelong persistenceofpeasant societyintheBalkans(seeLockwood 1985:96).
5 "Themost important ofGypsy
aspect lifeintheBalkanstoday" (Lockwood 1985:98).
6 Theexceptions areBosnia-Herzegovina asa territory,
andethnic Muslimsasa national
community.
7 KepeskiandJusuf's (1980)andM.Cortiade's (1986)
attemptsandeven thedecisions
ofTheCommis-
sionfortheStandardizationoftheRomani Language takenattheFourth Romani CongressinWar-
sawin1990hadlimited impact onRomani intheBalkans.
aspracticed
8 Forinstance,inBulgaria andRomania thatusedtobecommunist countries
withintheEasternBloc
(Warsaw),andinGreece thatisa capitalist
countrywithin
theWestern Bloc(NATO). SeealsoPoulton
1989:39.
Pettan.Gypsies
, Music, intheBalkans 59
andPolitics
9 These communities actually claimed Egyptian ratherthan Gypsy identity.

10 VictorFriedman, personal communication, Boston, 1992.
11 Most Gypsies inKosovo donotbelong totheRom group inthevery narrow, emicallybased notion
described bye.g.Yoors (1967)andSutherland (1975). Otherwise, they dothink ofthemselves as
Roma andprefer Romdenomination rather than anyregional equivalent oftheterm Gypsy (Alb.
"Magjup" and"Gabel," Serbian/Croatian "Ciganin," Turk."ingene").
12 "Muslimani," likethose inBosnia-Herzegovina. Muslims inthereligious sense inKosovo include
ethnicMuslims andTurks, andmost oftheAlbanians andGypsies.
13 According tothe1981census In1991,
figures. Kosovo Albanians refused totake part inthecensus.
Serbian
14 Presently, andCroatian areofficially recognized astwoseparate languages. Inorder toavoid
confusioninregard tothepastandpresent situation,I willusetheform "Serbian/Croatian." Assuch,
itstresses
their mutual andthefact
intelligibility that "Serbo-Croatian" usedtobethemother tongue
ofpeoples other than Serbs andCroats, namely ofethnic Muslims andMontenegrins.
15 There wasconsiderable inconsistency inusing theterm "etnickgrupa" inconstitutional documents.
Thehere presented taxonomy reflectsitsapplication inKosovo inthe1980s.
16 Parentheses inTable1refer toa rather small percentage ofpeople within a givencommunity.
17 Theactual status ofsmaller, non-Gypsy communities inKosovo didnotcorrespond totheirpolitical
statusandwaslowanyway.
18 These practices include, for instance,sunet (circumcision), traditional pelivani (freestylewrestling),
andthekolloja (dance cycle).
19 Technologically improved instruments such assynthesizer easethis process tosome extent.
20 Even more, I noticed several casesinwhich non-Gypsy ensembles performed forGypsy audiences.
21 Theheterogeneous population ofKosovo usesvarious names forshawm, suchas "zurl," "surla,'
"zuma" or"svirla," andfor cylindricaldouble-headed drum, "lodra,""go," "davul" or"tupan" .
22 Def,daire,dahira.
23 Tothem, though lesspresent inKosovo, a brassbandcanbeadded.
24 Within thesame occasion formusic making thesame Gypsy musicians may playtraditionalalgija
instruments (for processions) andWestern amplified instruments (atbanquets).
25 Klanet - clarinet, cernane - violin,kanun - zither,ud- lute,dahira = frame drum, harmonika =
accordion, tarabuka - goblet-shaped drum, diumbus (Turk. cmb) - banjo, saksafon- saxophone,
elektronka - electronic accordion, diez(Engl, jazz)= drum set,gitara = electric sintisajzer
guitar, -
synthesizer,bas- bassguitar.
26 Gypsy ensembles from Serbia doperform nationalistic songs forethnic Serbs inKosovo attheir re-
quest.
27 I reportedindetail about thisimprovised vocal dance genre originating inthefemale musicaldomain,
nowsung bymen totheamplified ensemble accompaniment attheconference "TraditionalMusic of
Ethnic Groups - Minorities" inVienna inApril 1994(seealsoPettan 1992a).
28 I filmedthemost impressive example ofthis practicein1989 ina Kosovo villagepopulated mostly by
ethnicSerbs during thecelebration ofthedeparture for militaryservice ofa young Appar-
conscript.
entlyunaware oftheorigin oftheparticular music, a Serbecstatically danced totheTurkish arabesk
tune.Theevent took place atthetime when theSerbian media wasincreasingly portrayingTurkey as
Serbia's"historical enemy."
29 They claimed they hadnever heard oftheGypsy genres such aslokigili(slow songs) andkhelimaski
sili(dance songs).
30 TheKosovo Gypsy genre talavaindeed hasspecific musical features that make iteasilydistinguish-
ablefrom other Kosovo music.
31 IzetKalo, interview, Prizren, 1990.
32 Thesame term, "wedding music" ("svadbarska muzika"), hasbeenreported asbeing usedinBulgaria
fora modern Gypsy genre defined onthecombination ofinstrumentation, repertoire,andstyle(comp.
Silverman, sleeve notes ror Ivoapasov s cass.Dalkanology 1VVI.
33 FadilSulejmani, interview, Uroevac (Ferizaj),1990. Oncea Dutch researcher, R.Boonzajer, asked
BakijaBaki, a renowned Gypsy trumpet player andbrass band leader from Serbia toplay oneoftheir
own[Gypsy] tunes. Baki responded that hewould liketoplay"Granada." Theresearcher didnot
liketheideaandasked again for
their owntune. Inresponse, Baki played a newly composed Serbian
song "Sitnije,Cile, sitnije" (seevideo film "Bleh,"1983).
34 Forinstance Nehat Gai,Ibrahim Semsi, Ramus Ramusi.
35 Asanexample ofcounter-evidences theKosovo Gypsy talavagenre is,according toGypsy musicians,
bettersuited tolyrics inAlbanian (though Romani canbeusedaswell).
60 theworld 38(1)- 1996
ofmusic
36 I amthankful toMnir N.Beken, Behljulj

Galju,andRaiforhelping metomenagesonglyricsin
theirmother tongues.
37 UrsulaReinhard,personalcommunication, Berlin,1993.
38 Jovica bandfrequently
brass
Ajdarevic's for
performs ethnicSerbs inKosovo.
39 Alsocomparable tothescaleofTurkish makam kiirdi.
40 I selected
a Serbianversion
("ote,mori - rather
ote") than - topoint
Albanian (onceagain)tothe
BalkanMusikbund. Infact,I wasabletorecord thistunesung intheSerbian atseveral
language
Gypsy feastsinKosovointhe1980s.
41 However, interms ofform andbeing aninstrumental itcorresponds
interlude, tosection
C ofthe
Serbiantune.
42 Dimije= traditional
female
pants.
43 Insome cases theformofthelastname canberelatedtotheinter-ethnic
influences.
Forinstance,
lar
isa Turkish while
suffix, a andi attheendofthelastname arecomparabletoAlbanian
lastnames.
Names such as"Korl(l)ari," etc.combine
"Merdol(l)ari," TurkishandAlbanian
forms.
44 Thevariants ofthis
word include "zangai""longa""iongha" etc.
within
45 Variety onehousehold isduetodifferent
regional ofthefamily
origins members.
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Gypsies Music and Politics Balkans

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Gypsies Music and Politics Balkans

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Gypsies, Music, and Politics

In his article"Balkan Gypsies: an Introduction,"WilliamG. Lockwood

This statuscan be examinedon two mutuallyrelatedlevels:(1) in Gypsies'

Up to 1989,Kosovo was an autonomousprovincewithinSerbiaand Yugo-

languagesspokenin Kosovo at thetimeof myresearchwere:Albanian,Serbo-

Ethnicity % Religion Language PoliticalStatus

The table shows thatGypsies,unlikemost othergroups,are not unifiedby

whichtheGypsiesthemselves advocated,werenotgrantedto them.The dispute

1. Lifein a "policestate"(as thesituationin Kosovohas recently beendescribed

Step1 klanet cernane kanun ud dahira

The twoprincipalfactorsthatinfluencedtheultimatechangeof Kosovo calgija

Prior to the escalationof ethnictensionsin the 1980s, Gypsymusicians

Reasonablysound and broad knowledgeof theingredients to

Anotherpair of exampleswithno claimof authorshipon behalfof Gypsies

1. Performance medium: The ensemblesdifferconsiderably.A singerappearsonlyin

5. Texture:The Indiantunehas a singlevocalmelody,accompanied in unisonbythe

Aftershowingthatthetuneforwhicha Gypsyperformer claimsauthorship

1.Performance medium: TheSerbiantunehasa vocalpart,andtheGypsy tuneis purely

4. Rhythm: A melodicsectionthatconstitutes one rhythmic cyclein theSerbiantune

The lastpairof examplesincludesGypsyperformances of thealreadymen-

1.Performance medium: Thefirst tuneis performed bya solofemale whoaccom-

The above analysesofpairsoftuneshaveindicatedfirstofall thattheGypsy

8. Tracing Further Research

The studyof "Lambada"in Kosovo some yearsago in whichI compared

the conclusionthatthe key forunderstanding Gypsymusicianshipin broad

Variationcan also be observedin the domain of Gypsycustoms.Mirko

9 These communities actually claimed Egyptian ratherthan Gypsy identity.

36 I amthankful toMnir N.Beken, Behljulj

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