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Moral panics, though most often exaggerated beyond the bounds of the problem, are
usually based in something real: a concrete problem that scares people for any number of
reasons. By the end of World War I, the people of France were confronted with a totally new set
of problems. Specifically, ones of demographic nature. The war had been won, but the nation had
somehow been lost. France was sick, and in Civilization without Sexes, Roberts argues that her
illness and potential cures were largely interwoven with fears of, and solutions to, the changing
Roberts argument largely lies on the inter-war debates over female identity, the
environment that led to its perceived importance, the problems it saw as most pertinent, and the
solutions that it prescribed. The causation, in her view, seems to be divided into two loose
groupings: those problems caused by the great war, and those caused by the march of
modernization. However, Roberts is careful to highlight the interplay of all these causes.
Interwoven in the minds of those reacting to such change, they set a stage on which the
unworkable old was played against the fearfully imagined monster of the new. And from this
dialectic, emerged two different conceptions of feminine identity to appose the modern woman;
A monster stalked the streets of inter-war France; its name: la femme moderne. Hardly
proud of their accomplishments at war, weary soldiers found themselves ambushed in their own
1
Mary Louise Roberts, 1994, Civilization Without Sexes: Reconstructing Gender in Postwar
France, 1917-1927, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pg 11.
2
homes by creatures determined to further strip them of their valor. Though often not to these
extremes, popular culture presented an actualization of the long feared modern woman during
the chaos of war-time France. This amalgamation of fears was formed into a widely shared
conception of what should never have been; a representation of the great wars unforeseen
consequences. In Roberts own words, the modern woman came to symbolize the loss of
Strung up for display, the narrative of the modern woman was tied to everything new,
used to contextualize the rapid changes brought largely by the experience of total war. Roberts
argues that clothing, especially, effected peoples perceptions of gender roles. Changes in fashion
were seen as both a means in which women were being liberated from their old roles, and an
attempt to blur the lines between genders.3 Though they did little to liberate in reality, these
changes offered a horrifying microcosm for french society as a whole. Not only did women
seemed more numerous, become bolder, and seem to gain economic and social power, but they
were beginning to encroach on what defined masculinity at its most superficial level.4 Such a
Roberts largely analyzes popular literature to foundation her arguments about the
thoughts, emotions, and fears of french society at large. Through this methodology, she shows
that not only did images of the modern woman crop up in popular literature, but they did so as
antagonisms. The conclusion to these stories, and the solution to France's cultural problems, were
2
Ibid, 41.
3
Ibid, 84.
4
Ibid, 86-87.
3
the rectification of an older system of gender roles. The need for such drastic measures could
surely be justified by only the encroachment of the modern woman. It wasnt, however,
The creation of the modern woman was put into a much larger context, centered mostly
around the moral decay and decadence of french society. As Roberts explains, France was sick.
Economically, politically, morally, etc.5 The debasement of gender roles was not merely a
symptom, either, it was a major cause. The casualties of the first world war stripped france of its
men, and with it went vitality, masculinity, life, and economic and political dominance. In a
display of incredible irony, the war that was meant to assure the vitality of french men had done
the opposite, and it was now the women of France who needed to shoulder that burden.6 And so,
from both hardship and opposition to the modern woman, la mere was conceptualized.
The idea of the mother as a decidedly modern construct is further supported by the
range in which it was contextualized within the debt that men had just paid as members of the
military. Roberts describes the movement as presenting a solution to a set of anxieties, gendered,
economic, and political, that they had helped to ferment.7 She presents this case by bringing forth
legal, cultural, and political examples of women having their actions directly speaking to her
loyalty to the state, and her understanding of the sacrifice that its soldiers had made. Women who
rejected the normative conceptions of gender were seen as undermining the efforts of the war, as
5
Ibid, 103.
6
Ibid, 131.
7
Ibid, 214.
8
Ibid, 141.
4
The creation of this narrative was no small effort. It involved not only the confused,
disheartened, and emasculated men whos fears were most listened too, but the professional
classes that dominated public policy at the time. Doctors and psychologists, specifically,
contributed to the discourse around both the inherent need for women to fulfill their normative
roles, and the sickly state of France whos moral decay left it on the verge of collapse and death.9
The mother was, as a concept, central to the natalists narrative for reconstructing the
roles of women around nationalist guidelines. Like many of the right-wing socio-political
movements of inter-war period, the natalists were not hard-set on the past construction of
motherhood. Instead, they sought to appropriate that conception and recreate it for their needs.
The mother was not a figure of the past, it was a decidedly modern construct.10 This can be seen
in its clearly stated goalsduty to the state being most notablewhich are answers to modern
The cornerstone of the eventual synthesis of female roles was the image of the single
woman. In contrast to the starkly conservative image of the mother, the single woman was a
synthesis of old and new, and one that allowed some amount of relative progression in the area of
womens liberation.11 These gains were made on the grounds of motherhood, and essential factor
in ensuring their acceptability to french society at large.12 This is not to say that the construction
of the single woman was a practical concession of more radical minds. Though deliberately
9
Ibid, 111-112.
10
Ibid, 14.
11
Ibid, 168.
12
Ibid, 141.
5
sheltered from the political realm, it was similar but separate to the natalist construction of the
mother, a genuine attempt to redefine gender roles by looking into the past for interspersion.
Though it is not as reactionary as the natalist conception, it is still tinted with the logic of
conservatism.
In my opinion, one of the major strengths of this work lies in a contextual fit that is
barely examined: that of the larger socio-political movements of the inter-war period. Roberts
makes half-baked nods towards the natalist movements in other states such as Germany, but does
not tie it nor its emergence in any other countries to the turbulent far-right political scene of
continental Europe. There is a reason why the great war marks the end of Monarchism as a
serious political position. It forced parties who had formally looked to the past to grapple with a
new reality, and one that could not simply be reverted to and older time. The last few pages of
the book speak to a point that Roberts could have made much more strongly: the socio-political
context that created the single woman and the mother also led to the rise of the revolutionary-
right.
Roberts argues that gender became a medium in which french society could cope with the
horrors of modernity that were forced on them so suddenly, and that from this emerged a
complex series of roles that shaped society at a fundamental level. Aside from gripes about links
that could have been, its safe to say that Roberts makes her argument successfully.