Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
, "
BY
M. ISRAEL
Madurai Kamaraj Univeis,ip
,
Madurai-625021
, . ..;,.
$,:.
,
:.S
,
. .
C o g i e s can be had from :
$. $5 broad :
..
S .
! I
i ,,
. . . .
;.,. (
. : - ..
. ',
Kuvi language.
- - ' I L ,a .
,
deep indebtedness t o the Rev. lan Kleinig and Mrs. Enid Kleinig-2 i
l
l
an Australian missionary couple, stationed in Jeypore from 1966
to 1974, for their work among the Konds of Koraput District.
They not only undertook the responsibility of my hospitality .
: 4
l
r'
during my field trips, but also generously placed at my disposal
t the whole of their valuable collection of Kuvi words based o n
I
their 1,anguage study mainly concentrated o n the Kond villages l
1 in the Deomali and Meyamalj hills.
,
l
l dwe a special debt of gratitude $0 the Narth Eibian .
Mission Centre of Orhniarschen, 'Hamburg for their ehcourage-i;? ,h..
ment to carry out these stildies'and'their readiness to support
' . : ,I
Introduction xix
Part I: Grammar 1
.--
I. Phonology I
1 . l . Segmental Phonemes 'D
I2 Supfasegmental Phonemes . .
2
1.3. Phonetic Qualities . 2.
1.4. Distribution of phonemes 3
. .
1.5. Diphthongs 8
1..6; Contrasts :.. : 8
1 1.7. Consonant clusteis 13
1.8. Three Consonant clusters 26
. .
1.9. Syllables 27
2. Morphophonemics
2.1 . Internal Sandhi
2.2. External Sandhi
3. NGum
Gender L
Number
Case
Postpositions
Personal Pronouns
Reflexive Pronouns
Demonstfatives
lnteirogatives
l'
i
I
l
l
xii
3.35. Numerals
3.4. Noun Derivation
3.44. Appef lative Nouns
.3.45. Participial Nouns
3.46. Verbal Nouns
3.5. Compounds
3.6. Adverbial Nouns
4. Adjectives
4..1. Descriptive Adjectives
4.2. Derived Adjectives
! 4.3. Compound Adjective? . ,
. . , ,
5. Verbs
. I
S'imple Stems
Complex Stems
Classification of Verb stems and Suffixes
Intransitives, Transitives and
Transitive-Causatives
Personal Object Stems
Plural Action Stems
Motion Action Stems
Finite Verbs
Tense
l
Negatives
Imperative Verbs
Desiderative Verbs
Optative Mood . ,%
Potential M o o d
Permissive M o o d
Aspect
The Compound Tenses
Frequentative Aspect
Continuative Aspect
lterative Aspect
Definitive Aspect
lntensive Aspect
Reciprocal Voice
Reflexive Voice
Non-finite Verbs
Resultative Non-finite Verbs
Causative Non-finite Verbs
Conditional Non-finite Veibs
Concessi\le Non-finite Verbs
Simultaneative Non-finite Verbs
Adverbial Participles
Completive Adverbial Participles
Continuative Adverbial Participles
Adverbial Expressions
Simultaneative Non-finitive Verbs
lterative Non-finite Verbs
5.8'. ' Adjectival Participles
5.91. infinitives 4
t
6. Adverb
6.3 , Simple Adverbs
i
6.2. Complex Adverbs
6.6. Compound Adverbs
$
7 . Connectiv~ #!
+
*-
7.1 . CO-drdinating Connectives 'l'
X
ir
7.2. Sub-ordinating Conjunctions P2'
8. Clitics 1
C
!.:
9 . Interjections, Vocatives and Particles of Address li
.
9 .l Interjections Y-
1.4
9.2. Vocatives '1
,4
9.3. Particles of Address
10. Onontt topoetic Expressions -
10.2- Echo Words
11. Syntax
i I
Part II : Texts with Translations , S
* _ .,." . -.
.&h , -
! xvi
much valuable information, the works of these t w o authors wera
defective in many ways, and, particularly in the matter of trans-
cription, left much t o be desired. The Kuvi entries in DED were
based o n these works. Burrow and Battacharya studied the
Kuvi spoken at Sunkarametta, east of Araku Valley in Andhra
Pradesh and published a short account of the language in 1lJ
6 , 231 - 289 (1 963). This material, and field notes collected in
various localities was incorporated in DED Supplement. Another
account of the language, written in the Oriya language, b y
Gopjnath Mahanti was published in 1957. The extra rnateiial
avai1able.fron-i this source was also incorporated in DED supple-
ment.
xvi i
. .
.. , ,
T. Burrow
Abbreviations
, -
Terms
>
attr. attributive U.
~ Z im numeral
m$. v. auxiliary verb obl. oblique
c$. clitic ono. onomatopoetic
c.m. case marker per.lpers. person! personal
wmp. comparative phr. phrase .
cclmpl. complement P$- phral
con. connective1 connector poss. possessive, .
pr,/pron: pronoun .
dat. dative ref. .reflexive .
def. v. defective verb sg. singular
dem. delnonstrative SOC. sociative
excl. exclusive var. variant
f.Ifem. feminine V.\Y. verb
gen. genitive v.i. verb-intransitive
incl. inclusive v.t. verb-transitive
inst. instrumental voc . vocative
imp. . . .imperative
int . interjection
Generalia
INTRODUCTION
Name of the Language: Kuvi, one of the Dravidim lang-
uages, is neither enumerated in the Linguistic Survey of India nor
dealt with as a dialect of Kfiyi. There is no specimen of the
language available in the volume.
The name Kfivi was first recorded by F.V. P. Schulze in the
'Bible History and Dr-Luther's Smaller Katechism in Kuvi Lang-
uage' (Madras, 191 0) and latter in his monograph on Kuvi lang-
uage (191 1). He has used the term Kuvi -Kond in his book on
the vocabulary of the language (1 913) and it occurs in his transla-
)etic tion 'Luke in Kuvi-Kond' (Madras 191 6). A. G. Fitzgerald has I
by the other major section of the same tribe which is, 'settled
k < . .
mainly in the
r south-western parts pf the state.
selves by the name Kond also. Thus the term Kond is used to
refer to the people of the tribe and' their language.
uages.
: + kondi.
Pa. . Furthermore. in Kanarese -kunda is often suffixed to the
n? ames of liilly places.
Kiivi, Kfiyi, Kttbi (Kopda) are the three very closely related
anguages spoken in Orissa state. The speakers of these languages
S* . a
l
i
xxii
" i
I ; But in 1928, after a carzful scrutiny, W. Winfield has arrived at a
conclusion that of the peoples included under Kandhi or Kui in
the 1921 census probably about 150,000 must be reckoned as k ~ v i
i t speaking Konds.
. 1,
$
! I
India 168,027
Andhra Pradesh ' 22,730
Orissa 144,923
~ssam 224
West Bengal 150
Eastern dialect has too much pressure from KClyi and Sav~tra
This dialect has a number of itehs from the neighbouring langua-
..\.
xxiii
. , .
W
. .
The Phonemes
1.0. Kuvi has the following segmental and supra-segmental
phonemes :
1.1. Segmental Phonemes
l . l l . Consonants
1,E2. Vowels
Front Central Back
High IP
Mid. 8
Low
1. 2. Suprasegniental Phonemes
.
1 21. CO-vowels b
(1 / &ji 'hail S t o ~ d
' l!/
l! l
/S/is an apico-alveolar voiceless sibilant. It occurs initially
and medially. X.,
niinu 'I'
In/ is a retroflex nasal. It occurs only medially.
piina 'authority'
janva 'twins'
/d/ is a dorso-velar nasal. It occurs medially an3 finally in
certain plural format ions (3. 12).
anegi ' C O U ty
~ ard'
ulin 'onions'
kijdin 'CO W S'
/l! is an alveolar voiced lateral. It occurs initialiy and medially.
limbu 'white ant'
alu 'potato'
tau 'skin'
/ r / is an apico-alveolar voiced flap. It occurs initially
and medially.
rondi 'one'
risni 'two days'
m&ra 'custom'
is a retroflex voiced flap. It occurs initially and medially.
quki #ox'
mefi "'plough'
/v/ is a bilabial voiced fricative. It occurs initially and
medially.
'vegu ' 'fir.e-wood'
drova 'basket'
/y/ is a lait~ino-palatal fricative. It occurs medially a d rarely
finally in voca tives.
iy a 'mother '
akey 'address form used towards young'er girls'
/h/ is a glottal fricative. It obchrs initially and medidll$.
harsu 'mustard'
kohopi 'elbow'
hiru *rooty
kits 'place where a tiger kills a person' I I
kiiru boil'
. 101-is a short mid back rounded vowel. It occurs in all positions.
orli 'rat' '
koyu 'fowl'
korgo 'hollow'
I
161 is a longmid back rounded vowel. ~f occurS only initially and
medially.
i 6du 'part'
All the five short vowel phoaemes li e a o U/ occur initially,
medially and finally in words. It is generally in the initial sylla-
bles that all the short and long vowels occur. .-
1.5. Diphthongs
KGvi does not have diphthongs or vowel clusters. There-
fore whenever two vowels occur in a sequence, there is always a
boundary between them, e . g . ,
Svasi inesi 'He says'
( 2.11.Rule 4)
1.6 Contrasts
1 61. The environments in which consonant contrasts are
illustrated are # -V .,.... / (initially after silence) and
J ,..... V- V .. ... (in tervocalically, single). All consonants
except In/, l y / and /m/do not occur finally.
1.61.1. Stops
/PI : /b/
p5lu 'milk'
balu 'bear'
sopa 'name of & tree*
soba 'wet field'
/tl : ldl
toya % type of fig tree'
doya 'please'
kutu %stitchs
kudu 'cracked rice *
It1 : l@/
Qy U 'place9
aayu 'afterwards'
kaia 'hook*
ks@a #time of deathd
ftl : 141
tijde @friend9
$6$a 'young fruit tree'
kati wall"
Idl id/
d uka 'discass in rtops4
guka 'log'
a d a ' 'half'
ada 'a unit of measure'
lkl :l g l
kata 'matter'
. ..
ga t a ' C O M ~ O Smanure'
~
,, , 8
'to choose'
'hail stone'
calni %eivei
jali- 'to throw out3
/ c / i ,'S/
ctilni 'seiveP
saldi 'mid -morning9
kiica 'carrying stick'
kasa 'ploughed field '
j8gi
m1 P I
ama 'paternal aunt'
banara "goldy
1.61.4. Flaps
-
Id : /g/
r?- to fally
~1- *to cry*
mera
mGg-a
l A l . 5 . Flaps ; Lateral
/rl : 111
16h- 'to marry9
Ibh- 'to bend'
pzri #reedsy
pili 'shoot of trees'
1x1 : P I
gbh- * to light'
16h- "to bend'
tbtm companionp
t6lu skin'
1.61 .6. Fricatives
/v/ : lul
jivu #spirit, lifeg
jSyu 'path9
Ivl : /h/
vati 'wick'
hati elephant'
'grain like
wound '
lul : /h/
giya *voice'
vihTL fly'
19 d q y /
do aot occur initially and-there are no regular
word-final consonants except lfil in plurals, / y l in , a few
vocative frorns and ( m 1 rarely in some borrowed words. *
l . 62. Vowels
The eavironinknts in which the vowel contrasts are illustrated
# -C ...... /i(iaitially. hfier si1ence)land C- C ......
(medially between two consonants) l
cuphill'
6thir~t9
rnenda 'knee'
mends 'sheep'
lal : h1
ah- 90 hold'
6to answerP
kasa 'blood'
klda ploughed field'
/U,' : /a1
ub - 'to pound"
fih - to put oil dn hair'
ktija 'short'
kEja 'jug'
'bank of a river9
'part'
kore 'also'
k6ce .twenty'
12
'they'
'side'
keya (shrike bird'
klya 'testicle'
/U/ : 101
ur- 'to butt with horn'
or- 'to put up with'
. puti-
, to become mouldy'
poti- 'to shut (eyes)'
/G/ : 161
iih- 'to put oil on hair'
6h- 6tosmash or break'
. . riih- 'to pat'
TT> h- 'to light'
lol : l a l
otu 'thickness'
atu 'grand-mother'
koma 'branch'
kama 'work9
161 : l&/
6lu 'damp9
tlu 'potato'
kdlecle 'easily with n?o effort'
kllecle 'always'
1.62.3 Oral : Nasal
uda - 'wet"
udg 'a variety o f grain'
'leech'
'cashew nut tree'
wife'
'large frog'
ssmall bundle"
side '
'fig tree '
intestine"
'upon"
having done'
"than5 (comparative)
Nasalization seems to occur in the final syllable of a phoao-
logical word only, and mostly after the phonemes I d 9 y v h 1,
along witb. the short vowels. However there i s only oae exceptiod
to this available in the data.
bbra 'beatla (large black) '
1 .7. Coasonant Clnstets
!.70. In Kavi all consonants occur in clusters. However
Jc.j yv/ are not often found as the first member, though they
occur in the formation of reciprocal v i o ~ eor habitual mood of the
,
i"+j
!'
! verbal stems ending with them; /c y I are found in only one combi-
nation, each a s second member and In/ never occurs as the second
member. -
j .j :
~j
: 1
Kiivi has both initial and medial consonantal clusters, the
.I ,.?I. j . ,
, .
latter occurring more frequently and in diverse combinations. New
I j
! l ;
!.i
! /
combinations by metathesis appear to be in the process of entering
.j/ :.
the system. especially in the initial position, ei g.$
' /'
.,l
:j
, .!, g@- * to knock against something'
, '
i
, > .
: ij.
.
gnii- 'id'
:
.. ,
;,
,
1,. drova 'basket'
' . 'I/
I .
'1
, ,
..
I
knupa 'berry of a tree'
'1' j
L,.!
.
/ /
c,
ktupa 'id'
!j ;
;1
,
.,,
.. /, There is no clear-cut single versus double consonantal
'
. :,'i
1.
contrast in the language and hence it has become possible to
l';
,
., .!a.
i
analyse the double consonants phonemically as single. Thus
,.
I
!
. i
I'
)
clusters of identical consonants are not .recorded in the phonemic
i
j
i,,
;:
transcription.
,. ,,, ,:
/
, ,,.
.,,/:i.
. ,;l:,,,
\'
In Kiivi all consonants may be divided into two classes:
( I ) Obstruents: stops, affricates and sibilant in which the voiced
,;t',/i,~;! .
., l
8, '
-voiceless opposition is significant, (2) Sonoran ts: nasals,
::l'.)I. - . in ~ h i c h
lateral, flaps and fr~catives,whichare generally voiced and
the opposition of voiced:voiceless is inoperative. Thus t here
: 1,
;,j! are twelve obstruents (0) and ten sonorants (S) in Kiivi.
$.N.
,",!
&,i,
..
.,. ,..
<.,,
.'i!
:.?
?'!,l
<
1.75. Allithe twa-consonantal clusters can be treated under the
,i'!t, following four classes:-
a) Obstruent + ~bstruent
b) Sonorant + Sonorant .
c) O b ~ t r u e n t+- Soaorant
d) Sonorant .+ Obstruent
fa) obstruent f Obstfuent
C2
( c ) Obstruent
set up is as follows.
Possible Actual
' where'
samdi 'affinal relations'
simla c to~lgs'
kumda 'pumpking
iamki @ drum"
demsa 'dance'
'dances- she'
arrnf~l'
'to make friends
with, 9 0 practise9
'to be able'
'to jump'
kontori "interest'
anderi 'dark'
dsnka 6a type of drum'
k5nca 'glass bottle'
. IFnju 'month'
b ippa razor *
endu 'cupy,our hand (pi.)'
vanta 'exertion'
rncnda 'sheep9
kanka 'eyes'
Enmu "cupyour hand(sg )'
mansi "human being9
janva 'twins"
panha 'jack fruit'
kusical instrument'
to open the mouths
'young man'
Tuesday
palpu 'oxen collar'
halbesi 'let him go'
saldi 6mid-mo~ning'
balti bucket"
pilka "grass'
balsuri 'sand'
palsi "name of a bush9
balmise "slowly"
kalvi 8 - 'to unite'
kal hi- "to cohabitv
gorgo 'shell of tortoise'
parbu 'Yest ival'
parti '~ott~aa"
j' j
1;
1. :
1 ,
1: '
/!'
irsa 'jea~ous.~'
jl
!l
Brmeli 'period o f heat'
/i
/ arna 'harvest'
I/
gorno 'wind-pipe'
,I.
Ij orli &ratb , .
!'
.p
parfi "wild bee' '
'l
! karvu Q famine'
I
garheka *alarge measure'
1 .
l
piyta 'a small clay. pot9
1
kardi 'slope4
!,
parkin ,$armpit'
korgi 'hoe'
miriolm 'evening '
kurji 'a type of .graini
kurpa 'berry o f tree'
Ihdrmti enter' (sp.)
korva Vat'
dirya @softpart of
baby's head'
burh a 'old man husbandd
ayvi kid, to make cool'
,
s5bri arbi 'a kind of
, m
'. '
rat'
.: ,,,
,
, ,
> '
fiehsu'ri 'dog'
, 1:
i! ahmu 'hold' (sg.1
(,
/ I/
1 a'hnayi 'holding'
1
:
;
/I ' , l
it
ii
3' l.!
t The combinatorial freedom of each of the twenty two
consonants can be 'measured in terms of the nurnberr)of other
consonants with which it occurs, either ss a first member or as a
~econdmember. Each of the consonants can occur in a ixhximum
of 43 different t9ustersL A Comphrison of the actual clusters with
the possible clusters will evince the fact that most of them occur
1' in only a few clusters; The following chart will be an index. of
L
I
;j
the relative freedom or testrictiob of the occurrence privileges of
individual gh onernes ih two- consonha t clusters.
4 Phoneme Number of combinations total
From the above chart i t is evident that /r/ bas the highest
freedom index (29143) and / c y/ have the lowest freedorn?2,/43).
I t is interesting to note that the palatals /c j y/ and the velar a
1.9. Syllable
Every syllable in KCvi consists of a vowel (short or long)
which is the peak and may consist of either an onset or a coda or
both. Since there are initial consonant clusters in the language,
the onset is also sometimes a double consonant. The coda may be
single o r a t w ~ ~ c o n s o n a n t cluster.
al
Tbus a phonological word in K5vi consists of one t o four
syllables of the following types.
open V closed VC
CV cvc
ccv vcc
cvcc
CCVC
I j CCV, VCC, CVC, CVCC and CCVC types do not occur
/
l
I t
1l j of words.
i ' -,'
I I
The employment o f syllables is illustrated in the following
il ' words (periods separate syllables).
+ l ' Monosyllables
/i / Monosyllabic words (with an open syllable) are only of v
1 ,i and CV types, .e.g. ,:B, i, a, va, may key etc. (all olitics)
b
:
SI i
V i this,
-
E 'that'
. i CV ma 'probability' ke 'used in reported speech'.
I
II
l
I
,
Disyllables
V.CV B ba 'father' i.ya mother
I
'
!
1
1, CV. CV. nii.nu 'I' p6.ya 'mother-inmlaw'
CCV. CV.
l
11 :
I
VC. CV.
CVC. CV.
ap.ka 'only',
kab,ru 'news',
at.ku 'step'
van.ju 'fifiger '
i
1 1 ' CCVC. CV. kca?.ni 'tiger', k ~ a s . l iclarge axe'
1 , VCC. CV. und.la 'wave', inm.bu 'saying'
t i CVCC CV. Samp.da 'trellis'. s a r i gi Lvio?in'
j Trisyllables
1 I
l
I
i
V. CV.CV. a. va.si he', e .va.ri c they'
1 CV. CV. CV. k u . gu.ri 'dove', ka. ju. ri 'palm tree'
l
VC. CV.CV. an.de.ri 'dark',
1
I Ii
CVC. CV.CV. barn.be.li 'bitterness'
1) CCVC. CV. CV. krib.ge.li 'cricket'
i\ VC. V. CV.
CV. CVC. CV.
air.e.pi
kii.vii.ga
'courtyard'
*Kond men'
i
'I CVCC.CV.CV. sahv. t o .mi 'chicken hawk'
Four Syllables
VCC. CV. CV. CV. agd vi te.si 'used to help-he'
CVCC CV. CV. CV. tiing.vi. te.si. 'used to hang-he'
VC. CV. CV. CV. em ba.9a.si 'who'
CVC,CV. CV. CV. pot.le.se.si 'father *in.law'
CV, CV. CV. CV. ha.le .seasi 'servant'
A few disyllabic words are found in the following pattero-
also. (C)VC.VC.
a;.ey 'hey boy' (voc.)
rak om "kiud'
/'
2,l Internal Sandhi
2.10. Internal sandhi, which operates between two bound forms
oja free form and a bound form, becomes necessary and is more
frequent in Kuvi, though it is often of the non-automatic type.
In general the processes involved as morphophonemic
changes in internal sandhi are the following. 1. elision 2. sim-
plification 3. insertion 4. assimilation 5. dissimilation
g. metathesis 7. shortening of vowel, etc.
2. 11. Elision
Rule 2: -{ 31
A ]--+g
/#C/VCVC-ka
,\
@,-l{ 1 1
-+
Rule 3: a: :
(C)V-hga
jariya-ka jari-ka 'money purses'
bendiya-figa -+ ben@ figa C y ~ben9
~ ~ g
jfyu-liga - 3 ji nga 'paths'
iiyu-figa -4 a-liga 'rnea t'
! /
!I nebi-asi -3 nehoasi 'good man' 1
S
$
B
8
{
I
/
l
I hone-esi -4 h~n-esi 'son-in-law"
1
/
'
l
Kuvi does not permit any vowel cluster. Hence an elision
or an insertion becomes obligatory in cases where a morpheme
I
I
/ ' j with a final vowel is immediately followed by another morpheme i
; I
E!
with an initial vowel. The criterioa of the choice between the two
[ is sometimes morphological. B
t i ib
Rule 5:
i
l
. - + &a~;& %avibg bitten'
kaci -i
kaci-u
kaci e
--
- -+ kac-i
-- kac U
kac- e
S
bi ting' (dural ike)
bi ting' (verbal noun)
"biting' (frequents tive)
Y
2 'r 2. Sitnpliiicaltiolil
In Kuvi there is no contrast between sibgle ahd double con.
sonants. Thus when two identical consoaants occur in a sequence
they are simplified to a single consonant.
Rule 7: k - O/-ka
aku-ka .a-ka
'leavesb
The loss of final -n is accomplished by Rule 1
Rule 8: -.;L, @(-h
tin-n-esJ . tin-esf "eats heb
Rule 9: P' --+ @/-P
jlp-p-ssi ja-p-esf 'let him tea&
Rule 1'0: S - 4 B/- S
't(is-sa - 4 t 6 s a 'havibg shown'
MS-si --+ t&si ' xshowing'
Rulel2: -n g /-c
tin- c-esi ti-c-esi 'ate he'
Rule 13:
-1
-C-
Rule 2 5 : 90 ---+ 91 -
As mentioned already, since the vowel clusters are not
allowed in Kuvi, the vowel in the non-past negative morpheme -?o-
js lost when followed by a morpheme with an initial vowel.
kaci9o-ayi - -
1 . kaca-9-ayi #We will not bite'
kaci-9o.e -3 kace-9-e 'It will not bite'
k a c i - ~ o ; ~ - --t. kaca-?-U "They will not .bite9
Rule 16: -30 -4 90 -1
Rule 17: -I -3 fl 1 9 0 -
Thus in the first person singular non-past verbs tbe personal-
suffix-% loses. the voael when it is preceded by he qegative
morpheme -?a-
'1 will not do (it)'
ki&?io*T
hhio-l --
-+ ki-96
hi-?a @ will
I not give (it)'
Rule 20 :
0-4a~- ).-I neg
imp. 1
Verb
. .
stems with final - n and - I take a connecting vowel
-a- before the negative and imperative suffixes.
ven-a')-t . e ? " e - - 4 venoa-?a- t-e3"e 'I did not hearg
ven-?a-ni
ven-?a- du -
ven-mu
-
-4
--F
ven-a-')a-ni
ven-a-3a-du
ven-a-mu
'don't listen' (sg.)
'don't listeng (p].)
'listen9 (you sg.)
hal-qa-ti -4 hal-a-99-ti 'you did n o t goq (sg.1
hal-?a-ni ---t. hal-a-~a-ni 'don't go' (you sg .)
hal-mu -4 hal-a-mu "0' (YOU SE,)
RgIe 21 : g--, y / ki a
ki-a k iya "do9(it)
Rule 24 :
1:l a --e,- { 1: } -\
--
eneve
sa teqe
'what'
'truly3
In certain cases vowel harmony does not operate and
hence: the same vowel is retained.
mehi-e
Ieko-e
-+
--- nehi3e
leko~e
'nicely'
'up above'
The insertion of a glottal stop is accomplished by rule 1%
Rule 26: ga
l
object stems) undergo vowel harmony change in their Cnal position
L-
when followed by the negative morphemeb
The loss of o in ?e, 7u and ?ayi is accomplished by
Rule f 5:
kaci-sa-t-eoZ --c kaca-sa-toe% 6 I did dot bite'
kaci-so-i - kaco 9-6 'I will not bite'
kaci-so- ayi -3 kaca 3-ayi 'We will not bite'
ven -a -so-e -+ ven-e-7.e 'She will not listen9
kaci-so-e ---t kace 9-e 'It will not bite'
kaci -so- U ---c kaca-9-U 'They will not bite9
hiya-?a-t-esG --- hiya-sa-t-ess '1 did not give you9
hIya- s-01 ---+ hiyosTj 'I will dot give you9
hiya-70-e --+ hiyese . 'She will not give you9
hiya-?o-u -3 hiyasu 'They will not give me,*
Rule 27: a
rd-asi --
o/rB-
-4
---+
ap ha
6p-ke
jit-ka
'arrows'
'small bundles'
'par t s 9
kodi k i --. @having brought many
kogmki
things'
kandu-ka ---+ kGt-ka 'rnu~hroorns~
jEsigu. ka - jEk -ka+ je-.ka 'heads of rice''
Here the loss of stern final - U or i is sccornplisbed by the
R&es l and 4.
Rule 29: -nj
tarn-
mtimbu-ge mgm-ge to as' (dat.)
mirnbu-go mgm-go to you' (dot.)
t%mb~-g(~ tlm-go atfiem3 (I~cc.)
Rule 33:
In thepersonal pronouns the final consonant -n o r -m which
occurs after the loss of the final vowel or -bu by Rule 32 change8
into hornorganic nasal when followed by -ge or-go. .-
Rule 44.
-+
kap-ki a-
nip -ki ki-
'plucked- they'
'to laugh at each other'
'*to cause to stand'
ok-piki- --op kiki- cause to carry'
tiik-poesi - + tiip-k-esi "et him weigh'
huk-p-esi -+ hup-k-esi 'let him remove it'
21.7. Shortening of Vowel
Rule 42:' n5
m5
nz
.m? .,
.+
[Laa
ni
mi
1- 11; 1
naqasi 'my man9
nisasi L yman'~ ~ ~ '7
1 1
Rule 19.
Rule 44: aZnu nanu
ninu -+ niou '
mgmbu mambu
mymbu mimbu
The loss of final vowel -bu and the assimilation of'
- U or
final consonants into hornorganic nasal are accomplished by the
Rules 32 and 33 respectively,
2.18,
Rule 45:
Others
~t -- a/-p
Verb stems of the syllabic structure CVC-i ending in-i have
their final vowel changed to . a before the permissive morpheme
-p-.
kaci-p-esi --+ kaca-p esi 'let him bite"
h8ti-p - esi --+ hlja-p-esi 'let him call'
vaji- pde -+ vaja-p e *let her cook'
Tbe morp'oophonemic changes described above explain most
of the variations in the phonemic representation of morphemes in
Kiivi. However, these are not exbaustive. There are exceptions
to some of these rules, ard the mast frequent of them are
described in the form of allomorphemic statements of concerned
41
+ #T -4
-
V-
When certain words of CB type are followed by certain
words with initial vowel, the initial vowel of the following word
is dropped.
mii-gba -- m%-bse 'our fatherg
mi-ijo h.+ ml-jo 'our house'
m!- lya ---+ m?-ya 'your mother'
r i - ijo -4 ri-jo ' skcond house"
r6-iceka ---+ rd-ceka 'a little'
-G+
. q-aba
m5n-eka
j6r-eka
'parents'
*one thousand'
'one pair'
johora-iya -=+ johor-iya "greetings'
(to woman)
johor-3ba "greetings' (to man)
'fa/-tub-
When the auxiliary verb tub- FoPlows certain verb sterns,
the final consonant. of the preceding stem is lost.
halm tuh- -LS. . habtuhb 'to go completely"
kut- tuh- ----$. ku-tuh- 'to shift completely'
v&- tuh- P-+- vs-tuh- "to beat tap'
2.22. Loss of syllable
As a general rule, the compound verbs denoting perfective 1
and durative tenses contract in rapid speech. However, in the
first person singular, the compound verbs denoting non-past
perfective and durative tenses do not contract. The loss of vowel
1
g
in the initial syllable of the following word takes place when tbe !
peak is preceded by 'm9and loss of the vowel and the preceding
consonant takes place when it is preceded by 'h'.
P
kuga manesi -4 kugamnesi 'He has been sitting' -r
-6
-4
kugilososi
hajimji
'He is not sitting6
'(You) are going'
li
9
ninu kama kihi
rnanji ki - { ] 'A re you working?'
1 11,
!l :l 2.23. Haplology 8
li li S
I
i~ 1 Io certain cases if two words with syllables of identical
'
1
/ l
1, I
phonemic constituents occur in a sequence, one of the identical S
I 1,
,I syllables is dropped.
j
l/
1 11 11I/ :
i
l/ 11 bro-rondi --+ 6rowJi 'an0 ther one' l
I
I/ ii i
manesi
} - Zhajimnesi 'became- he'
3.12. Number
final -si,
Evasi . "e-that man" 5vari " they- those men'
kokasi boy' kokari 'boys'
embaiasi 'who' (masc. sg,). embatari L ~ h o(masc.pl.)
'
roiosi 'one man' ri?ari 'two men' -l
Caste Names
dome~esi. 4manof the Dcmbo Caste' doma-y TI
bamnecresi ' a Brahmin' bamsa-y Zi
goleqesi 'a man o f the shepherd gola- y Fi
ciiste'
4 a man of the weaver caste-era-.yl
'a man of the Sundi caste' hiindi-y%/:
himda-y8
Professional Names
dalinesesi 'servant' daliga-y5
kaligrecresi 'thief' kangra-y Zi
kiirnbrevesi blacksmith' kambra-y%
medrecresi g mat-maker' rnedra-y%
havun teclesi 'headman' havunta- y% - a
$urusesi
mine , .
mirsesi 6sod*
in Muvi,
Except ions
#stalk' karda-ka
"upstair building9 rnera-ka
val i "tone' val ka
-i{ , ,
the suffix -y% occurs with many nouns, whereas the allomorph -fi
is preferred in the case of a few nouns, as in the Following:
ul i "onion' ufi-Ti
rnanji "ain9 manji- A
kudi paddy' kucpli- ii . !
lI ksdi-y% d ~ saba-y8
~ ~ "rice fieldss
~ '
l
kadi-ia soba-n
i l
l k 04% sob%
53
When the plural suffix -ka follows noun-stems with 'final ku,
-gu, o r -ngu, the stem final velar phoneme is assimilated and
merged with the velar voiceless obstruent in the plural formations:
'ear' kri-ka
'head' tra-ka m
'bone'
'wet (rice) field'
?
I
Ill!! !
l However, when the final -i is preceded by the consonants
1
i ill:
- ( . n ) , m ) i ) -v(i), the secondary vowel -i is
, 14!; generally retained.
1 %lil
l
I
I
,
,, ;!;
I kurkuti 'firefly ' kurkuti- ka
I l; [l, korkoti aight-jar bird'
@ korkof i-ka
i '
1 l, ,
kocot i "spider' kocoti-ka
pirputi 'stomach' pirputi- ka
kiseni 'castor oil seed9 kicregi- ka
kohopi kohoii- ka
Qarpe~i darpegi-ka
Ifse pi 'drum' 17sepi-ka
digdeni 'bladders dindeni-ka
digduni "single stringed dinQuni- ka
'vi~l~n'
suponi 'ring* ruponi-ka . .
3.13. Case
3.13.0 There are six regular cases in Ruvi, viz., nominative,
genitive, accusative, dative:, ablative and locative. There is a six-
way contrast of inflection found in the neuter singular as well as
plural nouns, whereas only a three-way contrast cao be noticed i n
most of the nouns denoting persons. This explains the absence of
case-inflection in the case of nouns denoting persons for geni tive,
ablative and locative cases. The genitive case is regularly expressed
by an oblique-genitive (3.13.21) stem formation in the case of
neuter nouns and of feminine singular nouns, and by the bound
oblique stems in thc case of all ~ t h e rnouns denoting persons
(3.13 21) . The ablative and the locative cases are expressed by
the addition of the postpositions tagati 'from' and tana '-at, bys
t o the oblique-genitive stems of all nouns denoting persoas
1 , .
1 C3 13.24, 25).
il
3.13.1. Nominative Case
All noun3 in the singular and in thc plural, which can occur
free without an overt case marker, are said to be in the, nomina-
tive case. The nominative case is not marked, while all other
cases are marked by suffixes which ieuresent different cases. Thus
the nominative contrasts with other cases by the absence of any
marker. A nominative form of a noun is free and uninflected.
A nokm in the nominative case occurs, or is capable of occur-
ring, as the subject of a senterice.
kokasi vatesi 'The boy came'. .,
-it abayg kuqliyti iojahhnantjiya tateri.
f
l
(dat .)
The final - a in tbe personal pronouns also regularly becomes
-a before the accusative suffix -8.
nlnu 'I' n8nasg mey
himbori tole 'with the cloth' himborika tole 'with the clothes'
doveli tole 'with the sickle' dovelka tole 'with the sickles'
marnu tole 'with the tree' marka tole 'with the trees'
kbdi tole. 'with the cow' . . k6dih tole "with the cows"
. . - :
atala 'that side? I ,
,. 5 .
side"
tilepi 'below, underd
ni koQa tsleni hapu mane 'There is a thorn under your
I
feetf
oakits "in front of, before9
evasi nfi n6kita hanesi W e goes befare me'
madi bet seen'
r j marks madi r6 jiru mane 'Between the two trees there is
a path"
mohf aupon9against, in opposition to9
nb ilo mubt vika manu $There ate thatdhea on my
house'
bitrii %side"
Q6ba bitri orli guru guru 'The rat made rattling sound
kite inside the pot'
l~ki/tC?i 'under'
bala r67i baltiyg manu (The buckets are under the tible'
L\
8atU sar~~ad
duvcri sutu gadi j a ~ amanu -There are many people around
th'e: entrance9
bakl/vaki sside9
evari evagli vaki baeri 'They went to his side'.
mafula #in cover of'
e naka mbkuti rb goca rnetula BhahH kugah.5 karali hika mane.
'The jackal took the rope into the cover of a.busb, sat down
and started chewing it there.
tans 'at, by'
ivasi rajataga hacesi 'He went to the king'
trlyutire k@ayh
.
I > .ahgata gbh21 $test ' '
epe evaqi
'Me had sores all over his body. from head 'to feete>
3.26. Comparative
kihg 'than' comparative market
vaha macaqi kihi nQa rnanasi nehasi L
"The man in the village is better than the one who has come.'
. .
leba "like, according to'
1" marnuti l e h ~bare marka ratmn ,
'Cut all the trees like (in the same way as) this one',
kimaha 'like'
bileyi kirnahii tinji mane 'Something like a cat is eating it"
3.27. - po is special type of bound post.position which is
found to occur with the oblique stems of first and second petaoa i
pronouns only.
naps 'on my side'
mapo @onour side' . .
Sg' P1.
Nomi a&nu 'I" mambu 'we' (excl .) miiro c we3 (inol )
Qen, n z 6myb m% 'ourB
Acc. nSt;nas?i. 133.8rnas8
nafigo 'meP mango h9
nahge maiige
Dat. naiige 'to me' rnanige P to usb
Abl. II%ta$a;i 'from me' m8 tagat! #fromus"
$oc. nii t a ~ a meb m'; taga sit] us'
Sg P1.
Nom. ntnu 6 y ~ ~ b ~llirnbu syo~' mBrn
@en. ni 'yourb m1 'you'
Acc. n?naq% mTrna93
/
niiigo 'you' rnifigo 'youb
nihge miiige
bat. niige 'to you' mingc 'to you'
Abl. n'i tagati 'from you m? tanati 'from YOU'
Loc. nitaQa 'inyou' no! t a ~ a "in yoiu'
sf3.
I-\
PI.
Nom. . tany - 'he,. she9 tgmbn , 'they '
Gen, tani , 7 i 'his, herg tami 'their9
Acc. tHnar2 t%ma?%
tahgo 'him, her' tafigo ' t hem'
Loc. tani tana 'in him, in her' tami tana "in them'
' tanu ijo hacesi. '.He went t o the house'
tann ijo hace. 'She went to t be house'
taou tani kama kipeai 'Let each one do his own work9
tam'bu v8hi maneri 'They are coming' . . .
Special Usage .
when a husband q wife refers to his or her spouse in a,
conversation, be or she u$es t8nu to refer. to the spouse. 14 the
reference is to plural they use t8mbu 'they9.
.,
dokra man~siki? 'Is your husband here?'
..
ham tanu manesi ' y e s , be is9
mi dpkrirka manu kl? . 'Are your .wives here'?'
> / L < - I
"
V
0 I '
3.32. Reflexive Pronouns
Often the third personal prono-11~soccur as reflexive
pronouns, regardless of genders, b u t expressing full agreement
with the subject in number.
The forms tsnu 'he, she, it' and tiimbu 'they' with the
addition of the emphatic clitic -e occur as reflexives for third
personal subject, when the verb is in the reflexive voice.
I
Most Remote
hevasi he-v-a-si hiivasi hii- v-a- si
hevasi he-v-a-ri hiivari hii-v-a-ri
hedi hE-di hiidi hii-di m
Maacnline Gender
Norn. evasi 'he' evari 'they'
Gen. Cvagi/evana 'his' evari/i?vara 'their'
Acc. evanasi 'himf Cvarasi: 'them'
Dat. evanaki 'to him' evaraki 'to them'
Abl. evaga t a ~ a t i'from him' Pvara taqali 'from him'
Loc Fvapa taga 'in him' evara tana 'in him'
Though there is no, distinct ion between the feminine and
neuter in the nomioative forms of demonstrative pronouns, the
f eminine pronouns are regularly distinguished from the neuter
forms in the case o f oblique forms. TSe distinction of fernmine
gender is developed in the oblique formation t o such an extent that
in certain cases, the oblique forms of the feminine pronouns have
come to be used for the neuter pronouns also.
Feminine Gender
Nom. edi 'shefEvi/(tva/Evaska, 'tbey, .thase
,
evasika) women'
Gen. edani 'her' evaska "heir'
Acc. Edani 'her' evaskapi 'them"
Dat. edanaki 'to her' evaskaki 'to th'em'
Abl. Bdani ta9at.i 'from her' tvaska talrali 'from them'
Loc. edani tai; 'in her' - evaska, tapa
I, 'in them' '"
Neater Gende~
Nom, Gdi 'i tQ 8vi "hey"
Cien. e'dani 'its' Zvaskct 'their'
- Acc, EdasH 'it9 &as$ 'them'
Dat. Pda9"aakil "or it' Eva72i taki 'to themd
Gdd taki
Abl, Zdani tfvaska
U-mbaclZi
U-iiiba 'thexe'
U mbe-e ' there' (far)
*
3.34. Interrogatives
The interrogative pronouns meaning 'who' are formed by
the addition of the noainalizing suffix (3.44) and the different
personal suff~xest o the interrogative stem ambi- wembi- imbi--
'who'. Tbe personal suffixes are identical to-those of the appellative
nouns (3.44).
Thus, only the forms inflected for cases heard and recorded
are enumerated .here,
enlbayi cmbasi
imbayi .. imbasi
Tbe interrogative pronouns referring to objects are gai and
Pni 'what'. There are derived neuter interrogative oronouos
formed by the addition of the nominalizing suffix to neuter
suffixes to Pni.
S!?. PI.
Enayi 'what'
'which'
They are declined as follows.
.( ahL
zn f enasi 'what'
Aherbial Nouns
balti ina biya iti t iP "Wheredid you put the
bucket?'
ecora kbdin nehi manu? 'How many cows are good?'
ninu ambiytz hajimji? 'Where are you going?'
ecela vtlti? 'When did you come?'
3.35. Numerals
Numerals are a sub-class of nouns, since tbey are usually
ihflected for case. Ruvi has native numerals for 'one' and 'two';
the numerals used for other numbers are of IndoeAryan origin,
i.e.. borrowed from the Qriya laaguage.
The simplest form of the first numeral is r6 'one'; of the
second it is r i 'two'. These are metathesised forms of the original
aumerals in Dravidian and they really function as adjectives.
rb kokasi boy, ri kokari 'two' boys'
r6 k5c;ii 'a cow" rT k6did "WO COWS"
rr"- 'two'
rilfal 'two days'
rihr Ltwice'
rijo 'next house, second houseT
pass Gfive9
S ii 'six'
nO/niiho nine'
The word eka 'one' is also used for the first numeral.
The word used for twenty is kO~i/kS;e 'score'. Occasio-
nally it ,is said as li6reka (k@i +
eka 'one score')
In Kuvi beyond twenty is not counted, except in the multi-
ples of twenty.
k6ri doso 'thir tyB
r'i k b ~ i 'forty' \1
4 . Noun Derivation e
tanjigatayi 'father'
burhagatasi 'old man'
Stem-based classification
noun
joypurutasi 'a man of Jeypore'
putusiltasi 'a man of Putisil village'
6 niitotasi 'a man o f that village'
adverb
lagextasi & abad maaP
ila t asi tb'is kind of mand
etke tasi tbe different man'
adverbial noun
883 U t asi 6the last man'
jPco r asi 'the following man*
ni~jutasi 'the person of to-day'
tolitayi 'the first one*
mad i t asi "he middle one' (masc. )
r
Isrcatim 04 place
ambitayi "where is she horn?'
leko task 'the man from above'.,
: , ~ b ~ i t a f 3 'the one from rmderneath'
foiatim o f time
' ', reqenitay i 'the one belo0gifig to yesterday"
I : $ '
. .
l- 3,44.3: Personal Suffixes . .
-3.44.31. The personal suffixes for the first and second person
appellative noun are identical- t o those of tbe 1st and 2nd person
past tense finite verbs (5.3 1.21 .)
c .
sg PI.
kaja 'big' 1st person kajatevg kajatomi
kajatovi
2nd person kajati kaja teri
3.44.32. The personal suffixes for the third person appellative
nouns are the following.
-(e)si mas. sg.
-(e)ri mas.pl.
-yi non-mas. sg.
-oi nonamas. pf.
sg P]*
3rd person kajasi kajari
kajayi kajavi -a[
- esi -
eri - -a -ri
3.44.33. In the case of third persbn masculine and feminine
appellative nouns that are derived from simple nouns and that
denote only person distinction without referring to a possession o.r,
location, the third personal suffixes are:
kiivevesi -esi (mas.sg.)
kiivinga -6ga--yB---n (mas. pl.)
kGvepi ieni (fern. sg.)
' 2,
maifrom ~ r n e b &
3.44.62. Ad jectirsl stems .-
a. proper
*-. . , -
ici icasi 'small person'
ktogi krogi tes8 'I. am
_ very young'
* , . % I ~
. .
c interrogative
S.&!*
eni 'what' 1st person &natesG
2nd person Enati
3rd person enasi enari
enayi Enasi
imini Cwhich'I st person
, . ., iminates: iminatomi
2nd person iminati imiaateri
3rd - ...ers son r i b
imiliasi iminari
iminayi
( I
iminaqi
ambi- 'who' 1st person ambatesz ambatomi
2nd person a&bati irnCater'i
3rd person ambasasi ambasari
ambayi ambasi
ambi-t- #where, of which pIace'
l s t person
. . ambatate% ambatatomi
2nd person ambatati ambatateri
3rd person ambitasi amtbjtaii
ambi tayi ambitacri
d. numerals
rb 'one' ri 'two' C D
The verbal nouns denote only the action, whereas the parti-
cipial nouns denote not only the action but also the actor, althoughL
,
both of them are derived from verbal stems (3.46).
Singular Plural
? . .
h.
1st person . hi tates"e hitatomi
hinatesz hiaatomi
hi tatovi
hjnatovi
2nd petsob h! tati httaterj
? .
hina t i dinate;!
<< '
3rd person * hitasi hi tari
hfnasi hTn af i . 7
hitayi hitagi a
hznayi hl'nasi
3.45.2 Persoha1 su'ffixes rot the participial' noun'$ arc the
'same a s those' for the appellative nouns, i . e., for the first and
second person they art identical t o those of the past finite verbs
(5.31 21) and for tbe third person, a. diffsreot set of personal
suffixes as already described (3.44.32).
'work'
(past perfective)
kama'k'ibs hilasatasi 'he who bad not worked'
3 45.6,'~ii~ic;'pial
'h8iiris 'are regularly forbed from the personal
obj;kArb'ste'&s
...,I C
a
'll'
$1
li
h
3.45.7. The following enamples will illustrate the formation of
l11
participial nouns from different verbal stem classes.
I1/i Class I .jBli- 'to speak6
Singular ~ l ~. r- a l
l st person jalitates: j6li tatomi
j6litatovi
2nd pdsons j0li tati jblitateri
3rd perS6b j6lit asi j6litari
.-~
jditayi jalitaii ,
I\
used.
This type o f verbal noun is capable of being preceded by the
adverbs and verbal participles. Fur tber; they occasionally o c c u ~
as predicates ' also, though not necessari ty agreeing with the
subject.
koja nenje takayZ :vii knayi. '(They)bave to pour money to
fiil the foot-prints'
-ggg3
(e) Q n 'water'
4sa Eyu 'spring water'
kaQa eya 'river-water'
g6no &yu 'muddy water'
pula Gyu tamarind water9
sala gyw. 'butter milk'
(p) niyri 'oil, honey, etc.'
kriyP nhytX 'honey' (bee)
piiki niya 'honey' (flower)
bsmi n3yO 'kerosene oiln
mayika n5y 0 'gingelly oil'
(g) plyu 'rain'
jimbri piyu Wrizzle'
varda p3yu 'torrential rain"
(h) s5pa 'chick-pen*
saga kind
% i of peas"
bkmi sZqa ' 'peanut'
127
jSco 'behind'
dagreldage 'near'
@yu #after'
dari 'near, along the side of9
. ,
pahga %U tside'
madi 'between'
mabg 'upon'
;~0kilg6?i 'below'
lako *upon' ...
vaqi *beside, by the side of'
su$u 'around'
heko 'distance'
3.62-2. Complex stems
Time
rimi 'two days'
m e ni yesterdsy'
ro9oni *day before yesterday'
her oni two days ago'
l asisise 'early morning'
In some cases the ablative morpheme a t -and the adverbia
characterizing suffix - t are added to the adverbial nouns.
rignithe 'since two days'
ecet ise since, thereafter'
niset ise *now'
embathe @andthen'
revenitijre since yesterday'
vivetiye $from to-morrow9
Place
atala that side'
itala * this side'
utala thither'
imbasg 'here'
embat?% there'
hfimbasg 'yonder there9
ambiya
embiya wheres
imbiya
imbati?e 'from here'
embaxioe '
#from there'
l
1
i
In the above two forms. the ablative suffix -1- and the
adverbial characterizing suffix -e are added.
I
1 inika b. 'this side'
\
i
unika 'that (far) side'
,l enika 'that side'
ii hiinika
kusika
'that (yonder) side'
'upper side'
.I
I
I cicrika 'lower side'
l
l
In the above forms the suffix -ka denoting side or
I
d jrection is added to the stems. - ka may be considered as a variaa t
I of dative case marker.
i
I
l
3.62 3. Compounds
I Time
l iyona 'this year'
1
imini kanda
emini kanda 1 'where'
5
pikni hezvy'
Ojiti 'nice'
4.24. d. Other derived adjectives
pbtromi . 'funny'
bijsomi 'perishing'
mLtromi 'only'
Though the conctituerlts of these forms are diEcult to be
identified, they are evident as derived forms.
- \
functioning as adjectives. P .
5.11.3. Trisyllabic.
There is one trisyllabic verb stem found in Kuei. It is ih
the following canonical form.
l33
L
root transitive- plural action and/or suffixes
causative motion action tense
5.13. Classifica!tionof Verb Stems and Suffixes
All of the verb stems and the suffixes can he classified by
the inflectional 'at terns. Attempting t o utilize the haximum
number .of motphophonetnic difirences, two major classes can be
posited, regular grid irregular.
There are six sub classes of nhe stems of' regular verbs, each
of which occurs with particular series of suffixes. The sub-classes
are shown t o be cornplemeotarily distributed with various suffixes
by the morphophonemic features of the preceding stems. Thus
not only in terms of the series of the suffixes which the stems take
but also in terms of morphophonemic features of the stems, the
classification is justifiable
Those stems and suffixes which, in one way or another, do
not permit inclusion in this scheme, are posited as irregular verbs.
The classification of both regular and irregular verb is pre6
sented in the f0113wing charts.
Q).
>:
.-
U
' C ,
s.V)
0 CO
Z@-
ga
a w -
cI
e
aa-e
t3
'U-
c.
5
-*
a.
C-
*'PS
L
0
'CID
0
Y
Y
4
3.
X-
I
U B
--
'U
rr;:
I
cd.
G.
\
I
d. N
IQ) e
a 4
! .
~ ~ $, 1 . sitive-~ransitiiesand ~ r ~ s i t i v ~ - ~ a n s a t i v e. ..s
f &an
5.21.0. In Kuvi all verb stems are .either intransitive or transitive.
All lbose wr'bs which are capable.af taking.. g.direct object are
\called transitives ancl all t'hose whick are not capable of taking
a direct object are cdled int~ansitives.' Thus, a clear-cut distinc-
'
'P'
ggw- &tocress" ' . gnap- *to make to cross'
D@- S "to stand up' nip- @tomake to stand up'
b@- 'to gog.off'(gun). brip- 'to rhot with a
r8- "to be finisbed' rikp- 'to 5nish'
I
kalvi ki-
. . .
'to cause to mix'
. . f
I-,bi/ occurs after the stems ending in - l and - r in,free variation
with -vi
halbi ki-/halvi ki- 'to cause to go'
turbi ki-lturvi ki- . 'to tie round'
/-pi/ occurs after all other stems (i. e., stems of class V 8r VI and
also the stems ending with * t , k and 1) in cliiss 111).
e t ,
evasi bgrikalri hgti kitesi 'He sent for the village messenger'
'
..
.
,
-. -
.
1
exclusive morpheme are 1-ta
class V and VI) &ding
- -
priate suffixes. The allomorphs of the third person object
-ha -ya -- -ja -
-a/. Stems (of
aspirant and glottal take -ta; those
(of class 11) ending in obstruents /-ha/; those (of class IV) ending
in ;n take I-ja/; those (of' class 11) ending in vowels lbya/ and
others (class I) a ; The 'distribution of these alkomorpbs
provides a basis for the morphophonemio classification of all verb
stems.
Class I
-a- kac(i) "to bite' kacal esi
L . , ,. , L
. : . . m - .
Class.I1 .
-ya- hf- 'to give' hfyatesi
Q* to takev 6yanesi . .
Class 111
-ha- rat- ' to cut. rathatesi .
jgp-. 'to teach9 jfiphancsi
-Jam ven- 'to hears ven j a tesi
in- 'to say' ~njanesi y
Class V
-
ta- ta9- 'to bring* ta tates l
k as- 'to watch' ka tanesi
" .
Class V1 I
Past d ..
General Spsctab
Past Duratite
hihi mace?$ '1 was givingg hfhi manjateqd
hihi maci 'You were givingq hi hi manjati
hfhi macesi 'He was girjhg* hfhi manjatesi -
Rsn-past D ara tive
hXhi mavi 'I a a giving' hPhi ixianjav3 .
hEhi manji 'you are, giving' hihi, manjadi
,
NEGATIVES
. I
f
Past Perfective
hfha hi1076 'I have not given' hiha rnaajos0
5.22.3. The vowel in tbe third person exclusive morpheme is
mostly affected by vowel harmony, when i t is fa{lowed by a
negative marker I-901, as is noticeable in tbe non-past negative
exclusive except in the case of the allornorph /-ha/ in the first
person singular and third person neuter plural verbs only.
Exclnsive allomorph /-ha/
jiiphasd 'I shall not teach (you)'
j 5 p h o ~ o t i 'You will not teach (me)'
jiiphososi 'He will n o t teach (youlme)'
jZp hecre 'She will no: teach (youlme)'
japhosomi 'We shall not teach (you)'
j ~ p h o q oteri 'You will not teach (me)'
jZpho?ori 'They will not Bach (youlme)'
j5phasu 'They will not teach (youlme)'
5.23. Plural Action Stems >
5.23 1. The plural action suffix does not occur with every verb
stem, but only with the verbs with which its significance of
multiple. intensive, repetitive, conceo t rated or frequentative action
would have any relevance. The plural action morpheme is not
found to occur with verbal stems of conjugation classes 11, 'IV and
V but with a sole exception in class TI.
ki- 'to do9 kepi- 'to do', 'to make'.
5.23.2. The plural action morpheme has two allomorphs &k and
-p. H o w each rvot behaves can be gathered only from its ending as
i~dividualroots make up the plural action stem according to one
or other of the two allomorphs, not from both. Tbe two
allomorphs d o not freely vary, but are in mutually excluside dis-
t r i b u t i o ~ . It may be noticed that the verb stems of class I take
only - k and those of class III and V1 only - p.
The following verbal stems take the allomorph -k.
hCi@(ij- "to shoot'. hfitk- 'to shoot repeatedly'
kar (i)- 90 cbew' kark- to gnaws
get(i)- ' to jump' getk- 'to hop'
pinj(i) 'to springq pisk- 'to spring in numbers"
rat (i) - "to write" rask- 'to Pimn'
vend(;) - 'to return9 vetk- 'to writhe'
mFnj(i) - "to take by force' mfsk- .to tug'
med(i)- , 'to pushq
I . meik- 'to shoveq
kat (i,)- "to cvt tree$. katk- ' t o chop into
branchesg pieces, repea tedly9
"to rams "to attackd
' to buy". 'to make purchases"
* to'kissu 'to kiss with sexual '
E.ustf
kacqi)- a to bite' kaSk- ^ 'to bite intensively
and repea tedlya
hiip(i)- ' 'to spit9 hfipk- 'to vomit' ,f
\-.
..
pa?(i) - S to' search'
. .
park- ''to feel one's way
in the dark'
pac(i)- td scratch' pask- "to sciatch
frequently'
bEc(i): '90look at' - . . besk- .?toview'
huc(i) - gto put on loin husk- "to dress upT : :
.-
cloth'
j~c(i)- to carry load jiisk- 'to carry many
on head' loads'
cac(i)- to sew' ciisk-
jal(i)- to speak' jslk- 'to discuss'
pEl(i)- 'to talk sweetly' p'Eik- 9 0 talk of love
affairs'
kic(i)- 'to pinchB kisk- a to pinch forcibly/
repeatedly'
The.following verb stems take the allomorpb -P.
kot- 'to hoe' kotp- 'to dig'
et 'to scold' e tp-
, 'to quarrel'
eg- cup hands to Egp- " t o beg'
receive something'
hog- 'to run9 hoqp- 9 0 fleev
kal- 'to mix' kalp- "0 mix'; 'to blendw
uh- 'to pound' usp- "to grip'
6h- to break' ~sp- 'to break many
things into pieces
vah- * t o fry9 vasp- 'to fry many tbings,
to . fry tas tiiy '
vih- 90 step on' visp- ' 9 0 knead' - .
h8h- 'to distribute' hasp- d to share o e t food"
hah=- 6t.othrgsh' . hasp- '*to beat with short-
:
.
, C
quick strokes9
r
hih- 'to $it firewood' bisp- " 0 split wood'
plural action tnotphecoe does not occur with all the verb stems,
but only with those whicb have some relevance to the actions .
described already (5,23.0), whereas the habitual action morpheme
can occur with all the verb stems, as most of the actions can also
be historical as well as habitual (5 45). The morphemes for these
two categories and their allomorphs noticeably yary.
e.g. PJural action Habitoa 1 action
kac(i)- 'to bi tee kask- kacvi- ,
Adjectival Participle
hikati bikarati ,
When the motion suffix -ka can occur with a verb, it may
be suffixed to all tbe above types of verbal act ion and it is used
equally appropriately w i t h different tenses,perso ns, number -genders
etc. However, the motion suffix does not occur with every verb,
but only with t h e i e r b with which its particular significance of
*motions would have any relevance. The motion suffix does not
occur in the stems of the Class I (of the conjugat ional sub -classes)
though it is the most common verbal class in Kuvi.
ven- 'to hear' veriga halamu 'go to hear' 'go and hear9
goh- 'to drink' goskavamu 'corns: to drink' 'come and
I drinky
tas- 'to bring' ' taka halamu 'go to bring' 'go and bring9
tin- ' t o eat' tifiga vsmu 'come t o eat' 'come and eat9
$0 'to shoot' jika halamu '
k6- 'to pluck needs' k6ka vSmuc '
stem 4- I l d I / -l-
2nd person marker
// l/ Ist, 3rd person marker *
, .
. , . . . 1.1,mu //:singular I .
stem 3-
/I du //-plural
6. Prohibitive' (Negative Prnpzra tivQ
7 Desiderative rl
+
stem+ //n/l / /Q// -first person in~lusiveplorak
11. Habitual Mosd
. ,
. //fl/
+
stem l/vi// t. + person marker
/ I n /l
Of these, the first four types may be considered as distia-
guished by tense, while the remaining types are distinguished on
modality.
The past, non-past, negative non-past, prohibitive, permissive
and hortative Bnite verbs have three constituents each in- the
following order; stem f tense1 modal /negative a$x+ personal suffix.
The negative past, negative desiderative and habitual finite
verbs have four constituents each in the following order: stem -P
+ +
negative/modal affix tense personal suffix.
The imperative and optative finite verbs have two consh,
tituents each in the following order: stem 4 modal-person suffix.
9.31. Tentre ~ ..
5.32.1. Indicatives
The structuri5 of the past negative verb is: stern+negative+
+
tense person (5.31.2).
kacosori
%
(pl.) kacosori )
l' .:.. . . , \,
:
,
. , .0 . ;
i'
(,P!.) ve!iu %e!ha'?u ..
, . ., . . , . . , . .
,' . .' ' .. , . : . ':. : .
Class 1V pun- 'to know'
1 s t . person - (sg.) pun096 punjo~d
. .
-\
.
.
.
. ....
. . i t -.*. d . " kacaoanahg . ' . ,. \ S
.a:!.
cla&
11 : :
: ki- gto d$ :
.i
kiiana .
.I . . . . . ......................
' 'havlng nO't 'donet J . : r
.
. - i . .
'
. > :,
. . . . . . . . 'Bi::ianah$
. . . L : 9. ... . .. ' : ...: 2
1 . .
.'li"'
:
: . . . . . .
I .
..
Class 1V ; a~~:know~.,:::
. . . . . . .
gunasana
..,. : . .
'
,>i.) , %
..-.. : .. 5 C
,- . . 'having
. . . khoyh'
not . :'i' . i ! ;
,; punaoariahs .
.
7
adjectiral participle. 4 .
. . . -. . . . .,. .
. ", 8
;General . Special
.. .
.
@lass H hl$(i)- 90 call3. (past) ., .ha$asati hS$a9a;$[
3 : (non-past) hadam , bstasa, :
j;:
..;;'i*-j.,I:
hiha
. .. manjoqosi. .
' . '
'(He)has not given (youlme)'
.
,
, I' ' . '.l , . 5 4 .
.
,,
. ..
. . .. . . ..i
;. .d , * ,,l. , ' ; :
,-..$
ven ju 'listenP (you, p].) taq-du 'bring' (you, pl.3; v ,
,
sg. "
, . , ,
. , . , * .
.'.
;
; " pg
kic(i)- " o pinch"
..j
k:icJa,aoi
,.,. . , .
.
,
Class IV
v&- 'to hear* venjamu 'ask (me)' venjadn
vcnja~ani'do not ask (me)' venjavadu
Class V
d2s- 'tocut* datamu 'cut(me)' dztadu
d i t a ~ a n i'do not cut (me)' d i tasadu
Class VZ
ah- 'to hold' astamu 'hold (me)' astadu
as taqani 'do not hold (me)' asta9adu
I
S 42. Dasiderati~eVerbs
S-!
, .
hfyapesi vehmu tell him to give it ( t b m;$,
- .
. . .., . . ..
. .... ,
;>
, , . , .. . ,.
::.. -, . . .... -:1a - !et hfm give i t ( t l i me)'
tinmbu v e h r n ~ . 'tell them to eat (let ; t h e m eat) * -. ..
S - .-..
5.42.2* The forms ; in, the desiderative mood. are non - past
in time teference, although they' do not .take \any tense marker;
They can be formed from the personal object stems also and may
be inflected for the negative too. Tho, -usagepof verbal stems of
different classes in the,desiderative mood in their general as well as
special base (personal object stem. 5.22) and in their affirmative
as well as negative boajugatiba (4.32.3) is shown as fo~!ows.
+ *
7
General Syecf i l
Clas& ' Stem Positive c Negit ive " Positive Negative
I kacia 'to bite' kacapesi kacalapesi kaoapesi kacaqapesi
,
., .;...: .
% i, ,
; ..'$ ' . ;
:
. .. i/
IT hf - 'to give'
. I / :
'2
,
p - . 'to
fa?-' . bring' tapesi tayapesi : tat apesi tat a?apesi
l71 ah -' 'to hold' aspesi ah9apd'si astaped astapapesi
h may be notickdthat the sterns bf class I take I-akJ as a
connecting vowel in the general conjugation and that there is no
diperence betweeh the general and special'conjugatioa'in the overt
Forms (5.22. l), though there is difference in meaning between
them.
3.43. Optative Mvod ..
A special type oif optative verbs is formed by the addition
of 'the secoxid pereonitl suffixes, singular and plural, directfy to the
berbal sterns . Thus these optatives are found used only in the
second person. Sometimes they serve to express some kind of
permissive meanhg. Tbey are characterized 'by the absence of
tense markers, wbich distinguishes them from the indicative verbs
of the second person.
kiih~i 'don'tdoit' (to pmhibit)sg.
k l h'eri 'don't ,do it' (to ,prohibi.t)pl.
jeq.]i "YOU (s'g.1 P138Y
. . g .
5- to take' Gvi-
ka- ' t o harvest' k6vi-
' ' ! . . :
ClassliH kot- 'to hoev kot pi-
tii k - 'to weigh' tiikvi-
.
hoq- ' t o run' ' hon p i i
pPr- 'to chase' pzrvi-
kal- 'to mix9 . kalvi-
Class TV man- ' t o remain'
t ini- 'to eat'
in - to say
Class V kZ9- "to watch' kapi-
de3- 'to open' depi-
t a? - "to bring' tapi-
Class V1 %h- "to answer9 Sspii
bah- 90 smear9 kaspi-
p5h- 'to spread* paspi-
. > .
I C Kiivi there is a clear-cut distinction between the use O$
habitual actionverb and that of the plural action verb. The
differences in the formation of the sterns sad in the meanings are
already ,explained. (5.23)
. X .
Kuvi there are two differest types of periphrastic con-
itructions used to express the sense of obligation. The obligative
expressing obligation (must or should) is formed by combining the
infinitive f ~ of~ ma verb wit h t i e auxiliary I- 'to become', lol-
lowed by the *on- past iense marker' I-n-l snh' the -third bersoa
non-masculine siagular morpheme /me/ (5.31.21; 5.91.24).
i kokasi oso tiojali l n e ' 'This boy must t a k e medicine9
r
n3nu ilu vigali Bne 'I must thatch' the-house'
mHmbu r8 piija k i ~ a l iZine 'We must offer a puja'
Another type of periphrastic construction denoting 'musts
or 'should' is formed by combining 'the verbal noun forms of the
verbs with the auxiliiry verb man- .'to be', followed by the non-
past marker /-n-l and third person non-masculine singular mor-
pheme I / - e / l.
hdi gadi ogda tinayi mane 'She must eat much rice'
i kokasi oso tinayi mane 'This boy- must take msdicine'
nfnu i valka vesnayl mane 'you must break these
stones'
mar0 10 k o j u hipa rakliiayi mane 'We must sacrifice
a chicken'
d m b u ' i -kama japinayi mane 6Yousmust learn tbis work9
Thus, in all these constructions, the obligative mood em-
ploys a finite verb. funct loning syntactically a s a predicate, which
does not necessarily agree with the subject.
5. 47. Prohibitive Mood I
{ \
viga9an? kude?e. Lit. 'It is impossible that
nenu ilu vigavak~
I should not thatch the house" 'I should thatch the house
by all means'.
{
ninu i kokapaki dabuyH hi,aki } ku,ije?e. Lit. 'It is im-
possible that I should not give money to this boy'--'I must
give money to this boy by all means'
evaraki ro kPsu korap;tu mane. vi?e { ~~~~~~q 1 kudere
'They have a court-case at Koraput. They must by all
means go to-morrow'
5.48. Potential Mood
Potentials expressing 'ability' are formed by combining the
infinitive form of a verb with the auxiliary verb rdi- 'to be able',
followed by tense suffix and appropriate personal suffixes in con-
cordance with the subject (5.91,24),
ntinu i valka vecali 5Gsi 'I can break this stone5
ninu.E kama kiyali a diti Y o u could do . that work"
evasi joypuru hajali Pdinesi 'He can go to Jeypore'
Negative potentials expressing inability are formed by com-
bining the infinitive form of a verb with the auxiliary verb stem
3di- 'to be able', inflected for negative, followed. by appropriate
suffixes.
.
,_...::. ;o,nda
n8nu.I ti~jali.:iiQo?Ti:~ 'I: canaot eat this rice'
eyasi .kama lkiyali a da~atesi 'He could not do work'
ninu nailge dabuh hiyali Bcjo?oti 'Can you not give me
k i? . money?"
5.42. erm missive Mood
Permissive is regularly expressed by il periphrastic formation
also (5.42), which is relevant to all the three persons. It is formed
by combining the infinitive form of a main.verb to.the Auxiliary
verb hi- 'to allow',"to permit7 (literally means 'to give') followed
by appropriate s u b e s (5.91.24).
n m u evanalti dabuli taca kodali 'I allowed him to 'bring
h i t e ~, ~ money for himself'
nTnu evanavi hajali hivani 90not allow him to go'
rnimbu rnihge Pndali . hi-y07orni 'We won't allow you to
dance"
Pvanasi miyali himu 'Allow him, ,to take a bath"
a I
P
',j.jb.&inp
. gj$. mac&,g'' 'I was drinkingv
5.51.2. The Non-Past Durative (The Present C!ontinuous Tense)
This tense is used to denote an action actually going on at
the present moment. C\
the first person singular form of the non-past perfective and the
non-past durative.
kuga m,a?I '(X) have sat down"
. . :
'
.
'
,
. kuj$',mal~
. . .
' '(I) am sitting' '
l, progriatt'!:su@~es,..:,:.]~:;
.::! ;. : .: . . ... ... . . , ' , : ,
i nehquti kace mane 'This dog always bites',
'This dog often bites'
Evasi hihe manesis 'He keeps on giving', -,,
'He often gives'
evasi rathe macesi . 'He kept on cutting'
Gvari japhe hilo~ori 'They never teach'
By the use of the auxiliary hil-, the action is completely
. denied.
rnCim5u venje manomi 'We keep on listening'
evasi gospe hilo9osi 'He never drinks'
The final vowel -i of the durative stem is dropped, when the
clitic / - g / is suffixed (2. l l. Rule 5).
In all these instances the continuative" sense is marked by
1-e/ which i s regularly suffixed to the durative participle, in the
present and past continuous compound tenses. Thus the presence
of the emphatic ,/-e/ marks the difference between the forms of the
durati ve aspect and the forms of frequentative . aspect.
. . ,
. ' p6da haja tuste ' 'The girl' has gone 'already' , "
* ,: . . p6da. haja t.uhhi . :'The girl will certainly go' ' . '
.
!'!
c kokarihibi qhaceri
.. .. ., '
, .,
I . 'These .boys are spoiled':
. . , ,.
' : . .... :.. , .
8
A
,
,
,
. , . . . : ,, ,
,
fbompletely)
. . . : .
, ,
Reciprocal Voice
'5.61.
5.61.0. The reciprocal action is expressed in Kuvi by a
special type of periphrastic formation which is made by the addit-
ion of the morpheme I-vil or its alternants' to the verb stem,
followed by the auxiliary verb a- 'to become'. with its appropriate
suffixes. . In the reciprocal voice a plural subject acts reciprocally
and it always agrees with a plural predicate,
kokari hiipvi gneri 'The boys' spit at each other'2 )
dokra-dokri lagvi Bhi ' 'The husband and the wife scold,
maneri each other'
5.61'. 1. The reciproca~moipheme has 'the following allomo-
a
rphs I-vi, -mbi, -pi, -i/ which a;e the same as are used iq.the for-
mation of habitual action vetbal stems (5;45).
-vi occurs after the stems of classes I, 11 and I11 (with
endings -p, -1,'-r and -k).
Class I pac-vi kOnjay8 pacvi ahimanu 'TKe monkeys are scra-
I, S tching each other"
nopd-vi Pvari nondvi shipmaneri 'They .are kissing each
other'
dig-ii kbkari-b8day8 digvi ahi 'The boys and girls are
maneri touching each other'
Class II hi-vi ayaska jayu kuca hivi ahi niadu "The wowed are
giving greens to each other'
Class 1, j r p 4 cvari jiip~ishi maneri 'They are teaching each
other'
prekivi paday8 banay8 prek~i ahimanu 'The girls
are delousing each other' .
." kabvi nilska kalvi ahl manu 'The countries are united"
ur-vi maska pneka uivi Bhi rnanu' 'The daughter
aie delousing each other'
&mbioccurs after the stems of class TV, i.e,, with final -n
Class IV pun~mbi rvari pug mbi Bhi maneri 'They know each
other'
ven-mbi
fajaurani venmbi &himaneri 'The king and
the queen listen ta each, other'
-pi occuis after all other stems (i.e., after stems of classes V;
VP and 111 (with endi'ngsl-t, a t , an and rarely bk);
Ciass V v&pi Wafi vbpi gteri ' he^ beat each other'
'
a ith the subject. Inlthe reflexive - voice the subject is also the
recipient of the action.
i . ' , ' nanupayd5 ,>.k$ivi : : : ! . . '1 beat myself . ,
..
i
. .
. f
, , . ,, I .
the.,adj,ectival
. . p,wticiples
., . . constructed,
. o n verbal
. +
. . . . ;They...aqe;
stems., .I..,
...,l
,
: '\' 7 >
4
the york'
nanu emba?%haji manati 'I shall see him, when11 am going
Pvana9I mehp1 there'
i bakra hEpinati saps nikmu 'When you sweep the room,. lift
up the mat'
nBnu opda tinji macati 'When I was eating, he came'
Evasi vZitesi
5. 71. 12. Another type of resultative non-finite verbal
expression is formed by combining the postive f o r k of the past
adjectival participle with the particle -sari/-sare (7. 27).
Evasi viitisari ljica matinesi 'As he has come, he will sow the
seeds'
S
detatih1 detavatihi
class V1 t6h- 'to show' tbsiihi ' tshv$'tihi
tbstdtihi tijstaiatih
The conditional non-finite forms of the verbs are formed
from the personal-:object - stems a1so;for which corresponding
examples are cited above under different verbal stems.
r
)'5
U The conditional non-finite verb marks the sub-ordinate
-r
clause, meaning, "if".
T
evasi vgtihi takaya pniivnesi 'If he comes he will get money9
6yatihl'viinomi 'If'(you) will take us, we will' come'
'1 This form of the non-finite verb often expresses the .
meaning 'when', especially when it is followed by a main clause in
the non-past tense, or imperative,
halata hacihi pEja kodarnu 'When you go to the market buy
son-fe tori~gltdc%'
,
E kokasi hacati s5ta jaqa 'While the boy went, the seven
gurka maceri gurus were sitting'
hanati enga onomi v5nati 'While v;ie go we will ride and
eliga tanorni while we come we will bring
it (to you)'
kunayg kfirhi macati kuna 'While he was digging for taros
grayuta jiniliga beta Btesi he found a bell in a taro hole'
evasi dimbu perhi%6hi rna 'while' he was lifting ahd taking
. .
caji Byite the gourd, it broke'
piyu vava rnaca!ioe haga 'Before the rain caine, there'
mniste ' was lightning'
haja macatbe ke burha vatesi 'While she was gone, the
man came'
ens taki asa kiyati burha 'She asked, 'why are you hold-.
hakithe manji manati, ice ing, old man, while I am hun-
E~Y"
allomorphs. '
. dead people"
c buthi kBpa ahl dabri vlte 'The old woman got angry .and
came quickly'
ernbathe r6 necu evasi ambu - 'So one day, hzving taken the bow
veiu asahi kgpu hacesi and arrowthe went to keep watch'
'-,
V1 -si -siM
beci viisa burha 'Come and see, husband' '
the c'attle'
desati potayTi viihi ticu 'The country birds came and ate'
onda fingani rapa lapa tinjihi 'Eating up all the rice and meat
v~rnesike he goes home'
dlraya tupdihi ijo hodatustesi 'They entered the house closing the
door'
~ i l uvigihlkokasi ele icesi 'While thatching the house, the boy
said like this'
ev.asi veska taci, v5hi manesi 'He is coming-bringing fire-wood'
nanu guru pgqa jPpi hasi 'I am going to learn guru's work'.
ii '
: .
..
..,Thereare a few adverbial expressions1 which are formed
b i Hdding an adverbial noun (3;6) to the adjectival
(5.8). They have the function identical to that of adverbial parti-
ciples.
The adverbial' nouns which participate as heads in the
adverbial expressions and their usees are enumerated as follows:
eceta 'till, so long as'
ntinu tici eceta Evasi kgtesi 'He waited for me till I had
eaten'
d3yu 'afterwards, after'
piyu riti dayu gotay8 stigineri 'After the rain came, the
guests filed out'
jeco 'after, behind'
hiti jeco rnarnbu hanomi 'After you have given we will
go'
ngcutise 'since'
vPra h6ti ni;cuti?e kara ate 'Since the sun rose it has
become hot'
pateka 'for, until, as long as'
sobu oso r2ni pateka tinamu 'Take all the medicine until
it is finished'
eoacatise 'before'
piyu v b a macatbe h3gu 'Before the rain came, there was
rn~iste lightning'
rPtu9"eat that moment, since, 'As soon as he had drunk the
as soon as' porridge, he lay down'
j uruya gosti-r@u?e ~5dgitesi '
. leh:
. 'as, likewise, according to'
rnahaprb vestileh: ele 5hi?e 'It happehed as God-had said'
ate'
'I* If there 'ark two or more which, as one unit, ha+e the function
l
of an adverb, they m a y be identified as adverbial expressions.
debunise/debonise 'immediately, at once'
evasi gosti debuni7e hacesi 'He went immediately he had a
drink'
bsla 'rather than'
nanu vani baia doya potro9I 'Rather than I come I shall send
pan d a ~ i Doya Patro'
5.72.4 Simultaneative Non-finite verb
The simultaneative non-finite verb, the meaning .of which
ean best be expressed by 'at the time of, as soon as, as and when,
as soon as, etc.' is formed by the addition of -onise to the verbal
noun stems (3.46.2). -onive may be further segmented into -oni + e
where the latter is a connective (7.28).
racu lbngoti hiiponi~ev?te?E 'As soon as the snake came out
, " ., of the hole, I struck it'
Svasi halvoni~epatevs 'I received it at the moment he
.. . left'
Simultaneaty is expressed by the addition of the connestivz
-e to the infinitive (5.91.23) also.
racu 10ngo!i hophaliqe vPte7O: 'As soon as the snake came out
of the hole, I struck it'
10ku bare ida kiyalive laku 'When everyone was asleep, he
miniha vaha tustesi changed into a man and came
(home)'
burhi ita viiyali~e6 burha 'As the old woman was setting it,
rnet~eve r6 'korgota beci the old man sneaked into a hollow
hacesi .ke tree to watch'
Past Non-past
hiit(i)- 'to call' hZtiti hatini
hatati . h5$ani
, hf- 'to give" h~ti hini
hiyati h?y ani
tiik- 'to weigh' tfikti tfikni
t~khati tiikhani
ven- 'to listen' veci veni
venjati venjani
ve7- 'to beat' veti veni
vetati vetani
meh- 'to see' mesti mehni
mestatj mestani
Adjectival participles formed from the special stems are
cited under each of those formed from the general stems.
-. (2*14.'Rule34,2.12:Rule 10)
veh- 'to tell' ~esal'i A
5. 91. 22.
There is no evidence to suggest that the infinitive
can, in isolation, function predicatively. Syntactically, it can,
however, function in a special sense, as a verbal modifier (nominal),
though not as a verbal noun in the strictest sense, as illustrated by
the following examples.
nsnu mah98 kodali kfitevi: 'I disliked buying mangoes'
evasi j a phali pistesi 'He gave up teaching'
edi tinjali piste 'She gave up eating'
5.91.23. ~ccasionallythe infinitive is used to express the
function of an adverbial clause or phrase, when it is always fol-
lowed by the clitic 1-ej (5.72.4; 7.28).
n5nu hajalive na tanji vatesi 'As soon as I went, my father
~ame'
piyu riyalive panayii titu 'When it rained, the frogs
,.
croaked'
evasi viXyalilite tani mirgesi 'When he came, his son went
hakesi away'
. h .-
' 26s
s 9 f 24 ki ;-: . . . ..
),l'' :!
infinitive can afsb be used as a constituent
...:,L f
. . .
. . ,;g
which case it is always followed b$ an
,
b. Non-past
2. Durative
(:; -.
., . 3. Frequentative
4. Continuative
5. Iterative
6. Definitive +
7. ~ ~ t i i s i v e
B. Voice-pelated (relationskip of participant to, the action),
1 2 + + . S - .
1. . Reciprocal
2, Reflexive
3. Causative
5.93.2. Co-ofdihate 'Compounds
A co-ordinate compound, employed to express a sequence of 3
&tobecome'
anga a- 'to' be. fat' ariga 'body'
ufu 5.. 'to be deceived' UBU Cmi~take9 '
~ 6 'to
; acbe' - ,
. c .
surpu re. "0 suck in'
VC?- ' t o beat'
kali ves- 'to kalje a fit'
tapucji ve7- 'to clap'
sini k b 'to see'
pgnji sini kid 'to interpret signs and omensZ
hal* 'to go' .
ga@ .hab 'to die"
gota bal- 'to visit' . ,
Adjectives
BtVa g= 'to becon~ehard" % ~ v a'hard'
iiqa rneh-.. 'to despise' Gqa 'small'
sapi 8- 'to be quiet' sapi 'quiet'
sapra a= . 'to be tasteless' sapfa 't astelessP
Adverbs
" prokeii- 'to be siient5 psoke 'silently'
dagaQ- 'to hurry' daga 'quickly'
6. Adverb
6.0. An adverb is a word that syntactically . - occurs in
attributive construction with a verb or verb phrase, but that does
not agree; with the verb or verb phrase in number or gender.
, . .
tini dins!
.,. ,. , . . . hacisare..v2norni
',
- 'We shall come after three days'
, . .
: r.anda atisare tsrornu.
. " . hen the food is ready bring it'
m2 burba vltisare hiyapesi ua 'W),en my husband - .
Eomes, let.
,i ' '/ , , .
, . .
give y&i'
, % ' .
:
..? . . him
'
. ..
. A L
.
"here itself' . .
dabzligri irrabeqrC
,hirb?26pj: "~~o-bodyis bere'. . . , . ..,~
. I
8.2. ki
....
i nfdi .ki? . :
' .'
'Is this yours?' ,
. .
,. :.
'Isthis the one?' . . . ,
,*.':. hajiki? .
satese ki?
... . .ha?:
,,
. . . ki?:
. .. . . . . . . 'Shall 1 go?'
.,
:. ..;,:: ';
i. S :
. , . .... . - - . , -..
When the interrogative is referred to tkb.'&bj&t$or Actions,
the clitic ki genera1ly;occurswith the
...
first noun or verbcohly;-
. .
.....
hinge ki evanaki? 'To me or t o him?' . . . ..... . . ... . ;,
"Pnu haji ma?l. ninu vldi ki 'I amgoing: WiE,l ybti ,dome
aoe?. or not? .....
.. . .. ;.....
:
:
,
,
.
a..
, , , K':
' '
, !:r":.:;,',"!.
i "
.; . . ,. " :. a, '
, l..
,.. .:.; I j. " l
etc.
, . ..
:, afqu
.
- 1
d
jikese maka bayati-ni 'Yuu also stupid,; ~i,~t.tr!-
E gurka jike haki gteri 'The gurus afsa became - :.
hungry'
rjnu jakela 5vasi kepitomi 'He as well as 1&id.thntwork' '
5 i
A k a jakela hlyanomi
S 'Hbw much shall we give?'" '
ddio~~lf-, J
, .) . i, , * : ..;l.
.v
I
.
..> .
A
-
n5 taka).!i to desa loku taki 'Even if 1 were to give my
. . kit&"i j4k;m.e 1 3 7U
' v .JW&~ $0 ipeafj1ehi6&
. .
country, it would not be
f. 'g'" . <
C .- : . r , g & a * . +fi t -
.. .
1
.. .- .. g-
...: *G;:?
....-W --
, J
.... .. t . , . .
i :..;
.....
.
cbkk.akutbihi jike :$,hda,ate-
. . . .. . . .. . ...
. . _
. ::- . .
, ....
.k&..c It.. ,$daldm'Ukh
.... .;
.:
hot' Shift. ' . . although
she tti$d i
. . . . . .
. .:
i .
.
,.
,.
,xow;v&r
~! > *.
3 .
'
?...:'.
. .. . , , .. . . : ' F .... . . . . .
3t<g
: . . . : . . . a - .
. .
. . P&n'i-,3-,;b8ata. ;huilj mrint . . ~ ~ ~;be: i dyu.se
+ . .' . ~ even:f ~ -t6
. . ... . . . . . ., .'.' .. .
.. .. . . . ... _. . .. ... . . .*.: ; '
.. . ... .
i:
. '
>
. _; . _ . .-.to
I './ . t . . . " . . . : c ,, p'.: ' > . '
t.
:
-.c l.,. .?<, .;,; ..L :. ;.,. .....:...
; .? ',' , ! P :b
).
' 1
. . ". .. . .
lionpi kiha tusl maneri '
diink, t$ei ,mad& .. . . .run.
. . . .. .. . it . .- . ...'
. ...... I,:$
_ : $ . <
, ., . ,
Thq clitic ma
-
oqcurs
. .
finally
. - and non-finally in sentences
5' , ?
a'
... . h
. . . .- ..
.
.ma , . .-:.I . . ,!'It could .be him'.'
h
.
. . .:t-ya?i
.........
. . , , ,, , . . . ._ .. .. .
'
, I
..
:ir.'...:..I
C L , . . . . . . . . . V. .
: -:t.'.'r
. .. . .
. , , :
.%.
,
i.
6nsltaki
r p......
;.
made
qna
;'.:
~ c u g 6 r aaw
. . . . .!:.,! <:.;
*,
,
A '
, ,
'Why the, fire-plate WOUM-. .......... .>..
stuck to.her?' . ..: ?: .. . . .
3. Whea it occurs after the non-past finite verbl'it~-.the in-
dicatiuq sentences, it expresses an overt !optativey rn%aai~ig-(d%si-
rabiliiy). ' > .
% . S--
"\ , " .
'We would go' -. . . , - - .. __
S ~
.X r
, ~ i i i c i ~ma
hi -
'
. ._n__
. .
"
,
@ve;,
. l -!.a.,)
I
~ i n nchi
u idi f i a m '
vidi &a fiina98 bijo kiy avi . '.Kwish you come; I- s&ll 'bate
' .wyen' . - J - : "a-'"
4. When it regularly occurs finally . in the conditional
sentence after the past finite verbs in the main clause, it expresses
the meaning 'what would have happened' (5.71.3). To express an
irreal condition or an optative sense expressing the desire %n some
condition, the clitic ma is often added to the conditional'ion-finite
&rbs also, in addition to; its occurrence after the past finite verbs
in the main clause (5.71.3). ,
. I -
F$::
-s 7 .r
231
.. . , -
I owing eXampfes va serves. t,o indicate ;empllatic
. .
S . . .. .
. . . ..
. . , : .I:<
. - .. ,
. . - .
1
P
W
Fnari va ida?H. mesa hilo?osi 'No-body has seen this' y
a
W
Eni kldi gtiva taqateri. . . . 'They brought no food a t &!P';
. .
S permissivk &r ho+iiive finite verb it'.i?murs after
. . .. . . . .. . . .
:
, .,
C . .
injihi9,it helps not only to' selaje the purpgse .(with the meaning
r 'so that') but also to denok the sen~&'~r,obabilit~,'
.. . . -. , .
P
~ v a f i k oli kama t0b.e :ki peri . , ';Inorder that they would). do :. the
l
giili vlvape va injihi dgra 'I shut the do or that the wind, .'
. . , . .. . . . Z
. sentences
the cl/tic va occurs *finallyi.n . . after non:+ .
&ite verbs
.... and
. peitnissive or hortative finite verbs, it ifidic;rtes,-
.I ~.
ngnu ha6, va
. I should
, . . go'
,
. . . . . . 'Probably
. ., ... , ,
0: .,. ,) '
S :.,
.l1,&i
G itaqij n g t o h. h. o
. .. . ,:. sr let \c
.., + :.:;
.
,.
..' .. .. . . .
, /:. ,,
-:: ,;<L , ..I '
us go to the
>.+l!'.<
. village'
'. ',>,;;.r:
.
if,:- I .
!$>
,
'C
. . ..*L.
.
.c.
.
. ..
~ . . ,.., . the c6nditional non-finite verbs, it
~ h eiti bccurs,after 5.
expresses concess,ivemeaning 'althougb'.i - This:fpas ::been:- discused
> .
under concessive nog-finite verbs,(5.71.4).. .,.: .;,; ;. ; ,;,. I.:.. . . ...... ..":..',:.
.,. :. .?
.
.
. . . I . . . a :
+
ainu kore p5tu japosoti ko! 'You also don't learn your
lesso~is!' --.
I
na&e:ko hiya?&eri
-
bgha to ro?osi?e .-
- . mafigg ici 'The old m a n is just one pprson'
,
- course,'hsdeed,
.' i
oqly,
. ,
'aton?,just, etc.
: &nu ni tjokrhi j61i mavi 'Of course I shall tell my hi&' "
. least one'
vibasi pQa jfici kiyavl na 'Sisters, da come and help me to
put the box on to: my haad'
sane IIL , 'It is here, of course'
&rap$ a+ 'It is a tiger-for sure' -
I!
i 8 . . deha I d s / de
......
l
.,. _ , . I
.
. . . . . . .:i .
. . . . . . . ,
. .: , : '
. . .
I
. . . . " :
.
....*:.....
,.
. . .-. . :.-. .<:')L-
.3
..
.,...
dehzld'if: occyis after': . . hpuos,, verbs,,:.... .:..adye&$,
I ~ s u i lthis
enclitic
. . .
l ~.clitic
. .
. .
. .. 5 ' ,: i s ; i..
.h
. .q , ci&e, to-,which.it is attached.. . Hpyeye,r,
. . .. . .. .. . ., .when . it,.., -&cwrs.
. . . . aft,er > ... , , ' !:'( .. :.C S3.... .:) G, ?
it occurs. .after
. . . . .a.verb,..-it
. . . nqt only intensifies the action . . . . . . . denoted ..- by j
the. verb, but. .also. . . . . often ; indicates the meanings. . . . . . . li kq.now, . . . sh~rtly,
11 S,&&, a t ail,... .?nyrnore,
::.; . .
' :, ,........
etc;
. . . :
. . :. . . .: :
. . . * . . .. . . . . .. . . . . , .
>
..
, ,:
a ' :.,
*
:
.
, , :t
j //
t: =,,, ;; 2 .
l ' ,
k6skk dehi tioi,k6ri .rnanuke:
_.
'But they had chiclceqsjxty:
. ... . . . . . . . of .: . , l'
. . . L '
. . :. . . .
them' ... . .. . ... . _. . .. .. .. .. . .... ... -. . ,, .
;
.i
., .
. - .. . . . . (bit
. that of. .othersis.
. . . . . . . . . . not)'
8 .
'
pih.u i,Msi ,. -
2
:.. ,
.. . .
. . ~ d i e i i ' d e ke h~ , . . . . 0__ 0 ~ '
dblri'
._ _
,
hilo,lo>i &g . . ... .
'
<. . 'There .
. . . . . '
S
..'!.. .
. .,is,,no
.
. . . . . .one.,else
. . . . . ~._-.
. . .. . .:.4.
,
. . . . . . . . . st..all.y. . . .
,
,
,-
:.
i . . ... . ... ..
,
2
,
P.
:.
&.. . - - Q
I
. . . <
. .
'Soon after. the ,rituals
,,
.
we .
yill-
:
. .
<,:
work'
Guise dehc p6hi kitayi .:-.
'We Bave fed them just uselessly' ,,
....
L \ , , . . .: . ! . . .
. . . . ,. ..,
, L i
8.12..
.
,
. . . .- -
sahii,JpBl,/.sa: : .,
. . . . . . .
.rcq,
..I
,,:.# ::, ,, . . , . : :i
. . . . ') . :-? .Yr.,-. h.
,: . s a h ~ , /(~j ~c e, d i g
the,, e n d i t i ~ verbs a&, ilduhs ._.. ',denotes "
*,. .-,.:.,.
A q _a
. . _ . . . . . . . e:.,-.
;'
etc,:, ,Its,meaning,can
.- -
,bGst,,be:translated.in..:&nten&@&L
" '
~ ~ ap ~s~ s: i b l yprobably,'
, &c, depending < up.&*3, :the context in
which it is used, but it may involve, in certain cases, an element
. . .. . . . . > , . >
of .i.rnp#ed;qe@ningjdsoi .
V. .C
* . :,,:. i..! . . .. . .. ,...c::. ,
S , ><,. ,.,. ,. ,
" . ,;..
' h;&qd,;,,ve$~. :, ! :' . .
. 'Yes, I may ask' , . ....
.
;'.,. ...
hanesc SB .l - . , .,
'.Perhaps he will go'
., ,; a,;,.:
>.... ..
S:.
. r . .. " . . - .
S% partegg . , . mercliant' ' 2
' -. .:....
.., . .
' nini ' s k&a'
,
~ kiyali haji
.. .
' 'perhaps you .go-to
.. your work'
,?Q 2-
. .:. ,:..
,.
.! ,. . .:G; ,.
. .
(but nbt..toeanylo*e -:?'libj "$3 - ;
. . ..
These eiclitics saha and are often ' ,found bsed-...:% 2'after
'
, ,
: -'
*< :
,. ..
The clitic, occurring after a word -(i.':e., . noun, verb or .
kokateii
. .
miru k o p kama 'Boys, you also don't. go to workg L
. .,'
,.,. it'
' ... U
Y
:F
-
a
'Idi 'k&c pula &ini gale
n?nu
; ,,:
f t
.
7
.
@gj'kore
,
. maqjkgate
.+kprcis: oft-
,
.
annoya,we, dislike.-orrmrp~ise
gota kole?haji .manji~a
,
%
miyqni
- viihi niant
.<t:
-
'
..
drinker'
8
?
..
'This is also j u ,~ .the
9
'-L
3
'
.
maneri ga,,c
* l . (
.-
exnbi9%gate akuyg
iibayL ncnja haja
vsti gate
r
vika ilu g a p
~ a j .gate
banccsfors!3
i
hilb&ii g a p
. kajayi ga!c
. .
e&kathe'&e gate-ka 'Then (he) i s not htrc!'
viiosi inji manjatomi
. .. .
? .
hen we were ie11i-n~
would not r;omt&ut
1
.
Ldi gate
t sour b k - 8
korc dinorni kQu gosc 'You arp - certainly'a daily +vine
. , .is .indeed,youqppthcr'
'She
.*.Pbaliyo mH n8na pfqjp &Q&. 'W&y.-is our sister cgmipg
to-day
. -
something, unexpected is happedng or expected'is' hbt hap@eriing.-
. . b: -
,that &.
you catqa!' : ,
This clitiq sometimes, emphasizes tht meaning of t L word,
phrwc or clause to which it is attached.
*
. ,
:
.,
. :!isit .afs~'
>
.
. . - . ,. -- -
. - . . ..-even,
,.
ra&?'
.. .
- - -
. ,
I
,
, ) . a
. -
, .
'This is the-one!'. . , \ , c -
,
" . ..
I
,'
.; ,
8 .
I
;
i
L...
.:;
'
<.
' r
-... i ;. ..L".,
~, '
"
t
:
!.
.
>
C
I :
+ Z
2
The clitio ape is actually the non-masculine singular germis-
f ~ & & ~ ~ ~ f 6 rrhei
mi 'f Q be'. &eif a 3'&
nhone
;'i
,.p, .?
.
, -
. . .rondapi ape pnagdi
S . .'YOUwill get at least . .
-
Occasionally the particle la is added to the clitic apt with-
gut , *adding much to the meiming. ... _ .._..-.
sarnd@iib"tapzlavefiga 'hst I shdl go gad Ask at my
- . .-
1 . . .. . .. . . . . . ha,&i..
i . 2
sgm-dip-hh*se$
burha imbiya aI)81ii iti .: 'Old man takd ih& %artrewhere'
halamu
buyhi ror;lda??Sapela 'Old woman, I told you that we
tino injates~na should eat at least one'
This ditic can occur in the place of the clitic &pc, ape or
apela wherever it occurs, without any change in meaning.
rondi pafe piida v5pe 'Let just one girl come'
dokri-dokra pate bEci 'Let husband and wife at least
v~pu go and have a Hook'
I
, stuck'
- Occassionaliy -1a may be interpreted to indicate the meanings
like wish, doubt, anxiety, etc.
8.18. bale
This clitic usually occurs after a noun, expressing a mean-
tng of resentment or annoyance.
m
evari bale-haceti mambu 'They went and so why shouldn't
LI &a?%iaki halo?&i' we go?'
ntnu bale p%iniinu ~na93 'You received so why should I
c:,7- taki p g b ~
L not receive?'
Evasi bale kitesi nanu "He did (it) so why shouldn't I
' . Snataki kkb also do?'
9. Interjections, Vocatives and Particlei
of address , .:. . .
. . .. . . . . . . . . . .. . a
. -... I
.. .. . .
L,
v ..'. . .
,:. ..
... i ...- . . . . . . . . . . . . " F 9
The paif&l&
. . .. -cif aridress areih&-tened forms of original
*v..:.., .: . , .:-,. .: ........ : ,: . . . . F . . . . . .
9.11. Sorpise
.
. ,- .
. . .. acjgand.e
., .... -. ... -. ,.. 'good!, goodness, my goodness'
,.. . . -.-.
........ . . aciyo 6 g ~ ~ d gosh'
ie~~,
ayale bnpare expression of wonder or astonishment
., . . ,
. gate
, .
. . .. . .
,
. :i ...
.
' indicates surprise .
...... . . .bisi
. bay& . . .. .. ' 'wonderful, beautiful! , , ' 5 . , : I
.... . . . . . . . . . ,
4 B balesa 'alas' . , ..
l:,g., c iW-4"Q "t..$*rl' ,&Z . .:- . ...
aeo;
-"*& .*dis,$ **&
S_;
, ' U"d ar
!-,!
G-
r:, ;
?
$*7
$2 .
*
.*F\,,,...;L..
?.
, W ,
+-
[
.
:
;r\
.. .;. .:L
'
.,
2, . r
I
.> '
*,$..S
;.
,,.F, ,;v
V
;.,
3-'.
l...;:
,
J
: :
1.
.>,.
..
,
..is
..
, ..
.. ,
"
.
:.. .. .'
. ..
! ',...,
:. .;,...
..
'.
,<.
' ..
.!, ,: .:.,
-i
v
.L ,.*.A!8 ;> r &
J ., ,a.
,,~. * d, ,' , ... :
r,.i'.r:,. .! ;;.,. i, :, : ;'&S-?
, i: : ;, S
. .. .
.
. . ..
', 8 . ,
( I ;
:
,'g* . .. ., - ,
; .. t]ta" ' ' ' / .
. ,
r &Q~D. . , t , gym?
' . .a *.
.>i
h3 'yes, ha'
. .hadlja , , 'of course', expressing ag~kement with . the
. 2 5 % . . . - . r/
9.17. Endearment
hE 'look'
johoia' 'hallo', -+ireetihgs, addrdss. use8 to invite
attention
9 .-2D;Vocnthes'
Vocative forms.. . .of the.different names, .viz , kinship terms,
P I .
',
I.
. .
he occurs in isolation while inviting,the attention ,of some-
one and also occurs as a prevocative before human noun% ,
he 'Iook' +
' ' . . .
. . . . . .
. .
,O.,aba
.. .: . COfather' ijba ..: ,;
. S
..
, . ,
.4jiya,i: - 3 ' '
. . :
. Qmother'
. . . . . .. .
: Gya ; .: ' !
, .. ,
...
amare: '
, ,
.
, , , . '0 aunt' . . . . . a .
. 6
.. . . . . . .. . ..'
:
I. I..,
. . . . , . ,. '! ,
akeylkklka 'used , towkrds younger,girls' . . .
..
,
,,,:
j I ... . .
'
' . : , .
l0 'used t6wakds:females' i . , .
, , .,
biibu 'Sir' . . . .
.
. ., ,' , ) t : . .
' . .
, ..c
-,
c.
. .
..,..,pdati-'
._,.._
. .
.+ girl*.. G . ,,
lk?ka+i.
. . - . *0boy,,, : q , 7 . , . . ..
.. ;:. 2;.
. . .. .
:.F;$kn'd(l;igiy.
.. ' :. . .;.. . . '
. *,
.....j . . . . . .
,
I.
.. ., :. .
2. , , i
. - . and to
catives, interrogatives' . the..
. exp~essions
. .. . . . ,of greetings.also;
( ,.. .
' , I , . . I/ .. "8 . A ..:.' ,;i.t.. ;. .... i : .::
. .
9.31.; ka - . , {U, fe,male:pemdns,:espi,~ o u n g e ,(aka,akey),
r I , :
I
. I ., . ., , .: .
.
.
.
I
:.. .
: vgka .. , :,'come ' (sg) '
viiqer-ka .,-. . fcbme;-(pl)?. !; , , ;, i i
[;! 'l;;:;,;! ,
halaba. . 'go (sgji gj8;#>
,
Ya;.f. ;',
,,f:
:
Z , f ! ..
I
. 2 .,. . .. 1
hsieser36a
'g* (pi)'
.. . . . , ;
;;
.. *
c,'
,:
: !.
j. ,:)
. b (,>, ,l 1: j ;;l:
I
S.; 1
ji: ,{;'l
{;;.j,;,i'::;,,(,,':; 4,:
. !, ... ....;:,.
. ..>;., i;. :
-bo to man, father, or to son (abo).
-ya/-yo to woman or to mother (iiya, iiyo)
(iya, fyo) -.
hiyamuya 'give-us.(sg)'
hiyaduya 'givb us .(pl)'
' . .
h.iid$ba. . . : . . . - ."~hatlis
.. ( . , : h
the o'ne\
r - l~~~nl~
.. ; ' I . ,' .. .. . .. . . _
g9eba .
i
. : . :I
. .
j . .
'no ' man
. . . .
../
. .
.
. .
,
.
, ?
:
.h.
...v...
. , :.
'
. :' , . f:
. . !
,
hanora :. .. ';
. I.
! :
usg~(man)'.>,?. , ,..7,,,,,:'
. . . ..:
,
:
. ' , y:., .,
-... ,, ,
Gfeetfngs ..
....
, C
r
johora . i. . .l;: : *gfeetings" .;. ' ,.
. . ._..
,
... . !
.! ii . . ..
. . ;, . ' . . . : >
, ,
I .
.,. ,
! . ' .....
...
1 . . 7, ,, : '. .. .
!
,
,
.
.
:
:,
,,!
,. . .. . < . I . . ,
. . . . .
.: . . ... , ! . : . . . . , , ..
I :
.
,
.
i,.,,
. .
3
'.
,
!';' d . . .
, li', ;! ..:;
10.1. Onomatopoetic . ~ x ~ r e s s i o n s
:. \
. . . -, . ::,..
' 1
i .
. :, , i
Bodo ,lodo
. ...
'
'splashing'
'
. , , .
. .
sirvi sifvi. ' 'spluttering' . . .
hPre hire
. .. . !
. I
'iit& by little'' . . .: ,
:
,'
.
,,
.
..,
dabri cq,ii&iyi
, . i ' ! "ddenli~
,. .
' '
l
dosi gisi 'having built and doing something like that'
. ,.
kakhi gikhi 'if laugh Bnd do something like that' .>. I
IQ.21. Nouns . . .
.
.,...... ., .. ,
- .
'milk ......9
,.
8 .
... . . .
,palu gilu
'stone . , .......
. . . . . . .
S ,
1..
9
vali gili '
.
'mountairC ...........
3 ! " .
hijru giru .
. < . h .
'way . . . ; . . *
. , .I I
....
. .. .
jiyu .giyu 3
.,,:
' . .'.'>
"ail ........
,
" i.!,.
k u ~ giii
i
> i : . : , . l
.>
tiiyugiyu , ' 'place . . . . . . 9
go-22. Verbs
..
. echo word formation is most
In the case of verbs, . # .. common
in the durative as well as conditional participle forms of the verbs.
alt$mugh such a formation is seldom heard in the other forms of
the verbs also.
k@tigjti 'having watched . . . . . . I
vGti gjti 'having beaten , . . . . . . ' .
'having brought . . . . , . .
9 '
tati giti
h$[i giti "having called . . . .'
mesi gisi 'having seen . . .5
tusi gisi "having thrown . . .9
koQi gldi 'having bought. . .9
~acihigicihf 'if write . . . J
qinu gin9
Mnu 'rniinu
1 'fish. .'
kuti giti
kuti mati 1'nail,$. 9
~ l gili
urlj
i
. . muli
1 #onion.....
3
@yagfya
sya mgya
} swaman...?
t~kihIgfkihi ,if walk ..- 9
takihi makihr :1
It is a rare feature that in SQW words tb&tg is special type
of echo formation, ,
koyu moyu .
'fowl . .-9
r
11.1. In Kuvi there are two types of sentences, viz., Major
I
,sentencesS(~) and Minor sentences (S). Minor sentences are formed
of Vocatives (VOC.) and Interjections ( ~ n t . )which can occur as
utterances by themselyes but which.are often followed by niajor
,
sentences (9. l,
i ,
4,. i
1 . ; . ,,l
. .,
: ,* : <
'-amare ,
:.. i A . : : :
'o aunty' . , ,
' i
: , .
}
.
tut
. expression of anger a
. , .. . . c' ; . . . .
aciy o . .
'goodness, gosh"
oho expression of pain
arey, imbiya haji manji? 'Hey boy,; whkre are you gaing19
ibo Bbo, icw 'They called, 'Father, fat her'
oho, iceka vahu d e h ~ 'Gosh! 1 have to work so hard9
kama kip1
,
11.2. The elliptical sentences are riot cofisidered as minor.
sentences as they can be derived from major sentences by the rules
of deletion at the discourse level.
halamu. 'go ( y ~ ~ )' 9 !
:.
.S
'
. .
: .l .., .. koleka , . 'Koleka(name of a person)' i : :
imbese 'here'
. * I ( (.: .:
, . .
: 11.36. :All m&o&
' ,
,;;
are & three kinci&,$it.,-simple
. .
complex and compound. . . > d . ; . , . , . & , : {
. .
,,
J
2 5.4.
'., .\
.. . : i. '
edidabfi
. . vate' 'She came quickly''
,
, ..-:? *
S-
I .
,
-. ,
, .. ., .. 1. .
.. - .
.i
. .
discusse4.;seperatiiy in -detail. (8. X-17). . .
. . !\ ,
,
:
I
. .,"
niinuse miyatesl 'Tm your mother'
11.32. A complex sentence involves a main clause and one
or more sub-ordinate clauses. Such sub-ordinate. clauses can be
derived by ekrtain rules of embedding which convert independent
clauses into dependent clauses and attach them t o one of the strings
" N P , . V P o r Adl. . I .
n5nu viiti rrtuse piyu rite 'At the moment 1 came, it rained
Evnsi kunayB k5ru manaii 'While h :was digging Tofor roots
kuna'_~fayuta jiningap,beta he found a bellin a tato hole'
atesi
?
<
. .
went'!.
. . . . . . .
. ., . . .
, :
. .
i f
1
I
.. i ; .. .
,
j
l
IS
,
)I
:!
. .
i 1 .-!
4 ; 'AT.
'. ! . !. ;,::/'
!
inside9
.
!;"
' ,.~;:,
i
1 .i/ . . e i burhi .dabyi ij?.hate 'The old woman went.to
:I
S. ,
i :,
.. .. . her
! ij * :
. .
;! house quickly9
jT /.I!+I./
i
e. burha menese
. kbrg&ia',.6r&i . ro
.
. . T h e .old., man stealthily looked
..: &Q&Si ke
,
- . !
',,
. ..a : . a \
l ,:ll! .. .
'
. B,&~% tr&@?i',!
fhiodg~;a
) ,
.,
. :4 : . . ,
5 .
,
. . . .
Vi'. - Obj. . I.. .., .!. . .. . c. .,. . ! I. .
, _. .. .. .. . . a . .: ........l
!c:-
, >
'i
. . '
1
. . ,'He.went'
.. .. . . -
Evasi . hacesi !
, . .. .., ....
. ;!
: I . . , , '
.: !"l '.- .: . I i. ,
, .
adi h& , . 'She went'
~
. '
-
: As . ..:th6: ' othei DrBvidian lan.iu&&s, &&verb in
.F,
in a sentehc&$hows
. agise&.sht 'Gijh th- fiouh &r nbua'.phrase t - '
...
; the subje~t'~lot bf;that . fbr 'both
...
n&berli
.: .
'
gender. . - '..
. . . . .. .:..: ~. .% .,..
. 6. Corn&---. .
N P f case
. NP '--I case
, : ..
. . . . . . '1. } 1 . . . I .
. . . . . ,? :.
,
1 ,:;
, ; .. $. . . . .
evasi s tTlyuti'vStesi 'He came from that place'
ambiiraki
. nali mane : .. 'Who has a gun?'
.
.
hacesi :, . ,
..
. l
.
i. , ,
,
4
tdi m e h w ~ i "Itisadog', . . , ,
. . .
ebg: . , <
,. , : . ! S !
.'
eikii k&al ate4
.; m,
: , : ' 'He i$ a . . i . . . 4
. .
,
Thus it .becomes ..
' NPi .
: .
NP';
. . . . .. . . . . .
. . ,... . .. . I
. . . . . . . .
., . . . . - . . i. : ' ..:
,
:
,:
:
..
'
;:':
.V'".
,
: i.;
. .. 1;
Here the complement (NP - case)'rigrees with
.. .-..
the subject in
, , ! . -. . :. . v
! : ,
mumbet and gender.
8. Casel -4 Obj.
Obj. stands for a noun.0r.a noun phrase with the accusative a ,
. .
.
.
. .
.
> 12Soc.. I - - .
.
I Dat. I :
.
9. Casee ---+ . ,
Abl. ,
I 1':Loc. ., . I ."
' c> , (-I..Lirn.I . ' I .
..
Comp, J .
.. .. , ,
' The'
cases' ar&eilized in..ihie... gtadrni;
features'
.... . . . . , ,
Gy case
- l ' L n :
.
mbtphemes or posiipositibns (3.13.2); ' . . .
,
,
'
. , I . / . . - ,
\
: ' (
, . .
. I
, m\8
for anbun or noun
In?t,/S~.,,stqnds ,
,
-..
..,,!., . .
with the.,$ost-
positions tole 'with'.'. .. , ,.
. .. . . .. .. , , ,
/
kokasi tami. iya tole haji - 'The boy is going: with his mother'
manesi c
. , L 1
v,, L,, \ !. ,
sbni
. ..-^.':.,. ,.,.,-,;..
....:. "?,..;I . , ' \ ".'S,
% S .
?
,,
.
. ... "
.:, .. : ,. '
::'L
r5,:dina burha veskaki haja 'One day the old manwelit:to get
\
maces2 fire-wood'
kslli taki vatomi ."We came for codlie WO&'
Abl. stands for a noun,ar noun phrase witli the ablative
case marker or with the postpositions denoting.ablation, - - '
base
..
:marker or with the postpoiiti&ns denoting locativk meatling.
Gvasi i j o hacesi . 'He went tg the house'
e b ~ q a t ahopay8 reca macu 'In the gardetl taros had increased'
ri ma~kamadi jiyu mane 'There is a path between the two
trees'
Lim. stands for a no& or noun phrase with. the . postposi -
t-ions denoting the limitative meaning, i.e 'until; upto, etc.'
trayuti koday%epe Wani 'He had sores on his body from
angata gfiha his 'head to foot'
'
pilsa lenju pateka ka&a 'We shall work until January'
kinomi i - , I
eva.si Qqa diilu lehg rtnesl..: 'He cries like a small child'
n8 kih%&ad kajasi . 'He
. is bigger than I am' :
: . /
.
. . 0
.., , ,
. . >
.
, '.
. .
,
' l" '
. . /
l . . : ; , . !@,,;;NP --V .( ).
:.Ii.
..
.: ,
?
:.,:
.
.'
L , :. i ,,i , (: . 1 . .:
! PN; i .
::
,.: :, .l. : ,.
; . , :; \!
" .'
a
Syntactically Pronouns (PN) are distinguished frbm nouns
:
since the former; unlike the latter, cannot be 'preceded by' adjecti-
.vals, . . .
. . . .. . . . .
. . ,
+ .
.. .
...
, .. .. .. .. .. ... . . .
. .
:; j. : , -
"
:
.'L
.
,;*.r.:e
. A _ nokn;phi,ase
, . (
. . can be developed . ,. . into
. a n oitipnal string
. .
'
(Quan), .
.
~ossesdve
. . , .
, . . . ,adjecti+&$ss)
. .. . . . ..
.: and
. . ~ e s c ~ i p t i vadj&tive'@es) e ; -.. . .:
.. , . . m ,
:>.; . / :
'
-. .
. . eraja : : : . .. 1, .. . . : 'that king'
' ,
: .: .'.
;
. . \
. i' ..: ' '+ ; : ,
, ,
.; A
: .
.
!
. ' . . I ,
. ..
kaja piyu :. .
: .
'big rain' .
,
, I ,
' ,,
' . .
' 1 .
e ro
. . . . . .. .. ..
hey% :that one egg-plant' '
.... . ;. : .. . 11 \ ' *
C det. . '.
!,
! . 1 NU^. 1
. ! v . , . ,
. . : - . j : : :
. 2 , , ,
C 9
ing more than one ddjective: . dowever, this rule will also , .
.. :
which .aM n&p&sible in Kuvi. .: :
7
the . . , , ,l;.> , ..
. , . . . . . . . .
. . ,. ...
-2 ( ~. .d: l. ;. . +~ )( ~ d i T)
. + ' ( ~ d lP)
:
.
J 2 . Ad1
. . . . . . . , ,':, ;. , ,
. : .,"
. -. - . . . . , , .
. , ..:
2
:..: . . ;, ,
:
{ NP
. .[+ time -- count]
. . i I . . P a'.. 2 , +
13. Adl - ~ ; m e , - -
' . . I 4
!
.: . :,: ; . Ad1 - time 1
e butha diZyo.ijd ~ a c i s i . 'The old man went to his house
Constituent
- .
Structure of Nq
. ' .
- ..
(Dct j (3(Wurn) O(Quan) O(Poss) OtDes) Nn. (Rule 1 1). One
er-more adjectives can occur in the following order,
E. D e t a N n . : . . ' . .. . , ,
L . .
'this mountsin'
e kokasi 'that boy'
. . . . . -
2. Det + Nun~+ Nn ; .
. p
.-
.
. L
, *
'
F: tami sobay3 rntrp$' 'that-their
, top entrance , opening
. .
to tk ricei.fii1ds'
.,
'six months'.
F
-F
6
I
5. Num + Num -I-Nn :
l"
I'
1
rii gfa dina . , A '.one eight days (a week)'
l
,/I 6. Num + Poss'+ Nn :
I /1
i( c
7.
1 h
! . ,
' .
r6 kaja marnu
. h
; . 'one big tree' . ,
8. Num
11 II sata puti mapdiya 'seven measures of ragi'
, ro giina manjiy% 'one large @otof rice'
E 9. Quan Nn : + , -
heceka takay?i G I F 'trayful of money'
gror~eka.gunda 'cupped handful of flour'
h'
10. Poss (Poss) t Nn: +
ni mirqesi 'my son9
tami tayi 'their brother'
11. Pass + Des + Nn :
na ici rani 'my younger quee$
n? kaja mirqesi 'your elder son'
12, Des +Nn: +
attributes . .
. . . *. , _ .
l
..
. . . I
. , ~ , , ' . / ; S ; . ' i.
.. ,
We ,deal with the noun. phrases resulting from certain trans-
formations operating on basic strings in relation to the transfor-
mational structure bf NP. There are a few types of suci NP;'
11.61. Relative Nominals:'
Nominals involving relative participles can be. treated as
transforms of sentences by converting the finite verb of 9I , into ,, e l ,
- ..
~elatilative participle ( ~ l r e l )of the cdrresponding .tense and by
shiftidg it to 'the atbibutive position. Thus from an NPI i.e.,. 4
1 2.h 3 : A
NPt - NP.~. - NPa-Obj -- Vt = > '
V t . WP "
A.
-L
A
! . . ; ! : . . ! ; .. - i ; , i'.
I i, , . .. .
, , .
,
, %
,
. . ~ , a 1$243~ "' , ,
3
. :. : 1:
; . , i , : ;. . 2,. ; . ' 3 4 , ' '5, ;
; , *' , .
* 1,
. .
S..,, ,*;;
' - , a , , ,
b .
,: , . , : '
,I i L
. l ,..:* . . :
'
- . 1. . $!;ha , I : i ) .~savuk~ri,ki,,
.iti3,,
, , , hi,ti kumda. . , : ,! ,, ! .,.; ' $ . ;ilp
C) Complement Nominal
NP1 NP,+Case NPaaObj Vt NP,
1 2 5 4 S
burha kumea i :
hlti savukari
. .
'Without exception,. all transitive verbs have two derived
tiuminals, 'viz.',i~bjectnom~nal and object nominal.
.. . . .there
. . .As . . l. are
. '
(NP)marked
.
.
To? the cdkpldx;symbol [$-~a'se],compl'6x nonliials
have more <'ielectibnal'iestrictions with 'verbs than
.;
the subject'and'
... , . !. :
",.
: , . . :.: . /
hUi:burha
. , .. . . ,, , , ,
. 'the, old man who . . ... . .., i ' ,
. .. ,
,..
vgti
. . kokasi
I t
. , . . . . '
'the'boy yho came' ' :. I
.koditi laku ., .
.
:I
. ,
. 'the people .who
. . _ bought9
:
. ,>
. * . . . hiiti m p h a 'the man who died9
hucini baniya 'the weaver who makes cloth'
.
In subject nominalization, the determiner is optionally left
behind when Nn. shifts to the head position of the phrase.
burha hitesi
,
> hlti butha
r" kokasi hknesi
,
.
> hani kokasi ;
'.
,
-
,
'That old man gave'
'the:old man who gave9
'This boy goes9
'the.boy who goes9
. , .
11.61.2. Object Nominrf ' . '
As mentioned earlier
... .
there ate many
. . . -.'
selectional
.. , .
restiictiotrs
.. . ,.
a v
: '. . . ' . :
. . , .
26 1
mekni necu 'Ihe d r j in R hich (he) digs out'
hiti savukari t whom (he) gav
'the ~ e r c h r n 10
11-62. Pronominalization ' -,
, .,.,,..,... . .
.. .. . . ..,. %
3
*.
,., , .
: . . .quickly
" ) : .,
f
.- .
,
An adverbial phrase which is essentially an NP, may involv6
anembedded clause with the finite verb transformed into a relative
participle, followed by a word or particle denoting time such as
jFco 'after', dlyu 'afterwards', pateka tuntil', -=ati 'during', -ati
'W hen', necufi9e 'since', etc. . .
piyu rjti diiyu gotay% 'After the rain came, the guests
ss gineri file out"
biti jeco m5mbu hanomi 'After you have given we will go'
sobu oso rani pateka tinamu 'Take all the medicine until it is
finished'
piyu viva macatiqe hiigu 'Before the rain came there was
mniste . lightning'
kokasi hacati sata jana While the boy went-, the seven
gurka kuga maceri ke gurus were sitting' ,
juruya gosti retu9e !iiugitesi 'As s o ~ nas .he had drunk the
porridge, he lay down
In rlti dayu, hiti jeco, rani pateki, etc., the adverbials-time
dayu; jCco, p%teka, etc. havz the relative partciples as attributes,
which are transforms of sentences.
11.72. The Adverbial Pharse of Place (Adl. Place)
butha iIu bitra kuga manesi 'The old man is sitting inside'
e ramapa lekose Endi mace 'The vulture was swaying abo\leY
i ngytltari imbese kiidi tineri 'These villagers eat cow here'
evasi pafigata hacesi 'He went outside'
Transformational structure :
Transformational s$ructnre :
An Adverbial-manner may involve a relative phrase-with n
word denoting comparison meaning 'like'. , .. i. ?. , ,
piyu rini
,
ieh: ate
C
'It looked as if it would rain'
-
Thus t h e Adverbial Manner . has the embedded relative
'
Clause (3) is the main clause and it has a finite verb in the
surface structure; clauses (I) and (2) are converted into sub-ordin-
ate clauses by the transformation of their finite verbs into perfec-
tive participles (5.72) and by deleting all but one of the identical
subjects. In deep structure these clauses are embedded to the
Adverbial node. Similarly other dependent clauses introduced by
non-finite verbs can be treated as clauses embedded in the matrix -
sentense under different adverbial nodes.
I . . . ..
. . .L
. .
Part11 Texts
l. l. rB riindeni burhi mace. 2. rF raja maccsi. 3. & rajaki
hopay%bHra kajayi mace. 4. 5 bgrata h6paya reca macu. 5. 'k
riindeni burhi hipay% b i l a meste injahg rajas1 E rPndeni burhi
h6payH mekni necu vestamu ice. 6. ele injali7e raja ele icesi mekn
nccu vesta91 icesi. 7. raja injalise e burhi kamata hace,
1.8. haja maci belata raja tani gotiyHni hafitesi injahTi
hipay%mepki kitesi. 9. ernbarbe buthi h9payZi mekhi macaqi
meste injahg dabri vHte i n j a h m a j a7i ele ice ~nekni necu vestavl
injati injahii ble ninu mekhi. 10. embativie raja riqcjegi bufhini
ele icesi. 11. hsllmu, r o . > d s ~ ape
i pqavdi habu, pari halamu
icesi. 12. e c ~ t i s eburhi barata hbpayg parali hace injahZi para
para tuste. 13. einbative roijdani kaja hBpati pfle.
A X G S V #:..:. ; A
18. eceti9e are pakhe a l e ana ana ice. 19. Ere okopala afigepayat
b5ci hace. 20. Fna7% mehvate. 21. ecetise Ore pakhali mathe.
22. embative hapa ele ice, nange @ki pusni daka leko pusni deka
kihl upamu, ice. 23. ele injalive bulhi t h6pati upite.
1.24. ecetise lave d6ka bitra gulu gulu kite. 25. ece!i?e
burhi ningite injahH (Lika pomi hace. 26. bileyi kimahH tinji mane
njihi dokati Pkhe. 27. ecetive r6 kokasi, ci ci nange enati pomati?ii
iguca emu, icesi. 28. 6 burhi ele ice, ninuve miyate~g. 29. ece~ite
kokanasi pomite injaha eyu mithe.
The Story of a Widow
1.14. 'Ongetting the taro, she hid it thinking that the king
might see her and she cut out the taro bringing it to her house. 15..
The tar0 said "ow, ow3'. 16. So she was astonished and she went
to have i i o o k at the backyard and frontyard of the house. 17.
She did not see anything. 18. Then she cut the taro again and
again it said "ow, ow". 19. Again she went and looked at the
back and front of the house, 20. She saw nothing. 21. So, .she
began to cut it again, 22. After that the taro said "Put a new pot l
below me and a new pot on top and boil me" 23. As said, the l .
way". 28. The woman said, "1 am your mother". 29. Then she
embraced him and gave him a wash.
.. . .- . . ..
2..
. :
sirat& h e y ~ r a
,. 84 i
,, . ..,.
2.. . ' h ~ ~ maceke.
% : , 'I
. . t , S . '
. .
$. i.".a qacu ke.
. . 3. . . I.
. F hejan[
+ h&tr.ii
..
.inj'ah% rivari d&ia$%ml!pi
. . . . . .. r . ,
I .
' , ,. .
'. ateri
' ke,, .
,-.
>
. . * ,. ,
, * '
..>, ... .
2 . 4 . y-6 nccu f'evari
i::>', - f
.
i . ."
, .
h&% barata hac&. '5. . k&ii9k'roiosj . . . ..
:..:.. .'- ...,. . > $ .
- 9
. ..
tami i l k a ~ ahace~i ,.
. .
. . . .
. , : ;
I
. .
: t
r b.
myiqesi
. . macesi. 3: e rnri?isi'ni$hti k 6 d i y ~mecali hacesi. 4. k6diy8 S .
mebihi
.
, g i d i d i i.a Btes; 5. kbkasi
. . k6diyti meci mecihi' kadati , I.l
badara. peyu
. rnestesi jhj'&% kada bitrati pii$uti cJaphesi injahzijo ..
' I
r
. %
_. .: - S .
. ,
.
.
"
.; -
.,
I .! . L.
,
',
. '. . I.. '
. . .
:
.
c .
.-.
, . I ~
..:*:,. . ' .
. ..
,,..: : f
$ . . ! i '
'
> . 1; ,
, I . 0'
' I ,
., . ,. .' ..<
. . ..
. ,.
..:
4
l ! . . >.
.r L : . .
.. ,,. . .
'
' .
,,, . _. . .
> .
,
i . _ .. . , . ..
.* _)
." > . 2. The Story of the T.wq Thieves .. , ..
. . . c. . : , * , ,
2 . 8
j : , *
'
. c .
. .
.. . . . . .
;' ! . :
2. .l.
,
hpd h 2 ;
, .
The eji$⁢ts
in:ihe garden
..
..
%hiid
'
'*atukd
.
,
/ .I
. .
.i: ,
3. Two thieves' saw tlie kg&$la&&
, : . .
,.
,:,
, >
. :.,.
a d agreed ..*Da pian. . .k .. . . .
. . .. .
house". 12. The other man gave it to him. 13. Then ihey weiit
to their houses.
2. 14. After going home the second man found that the
guests had come to his house also. 15. So he went to see the man
who had brought the extra egg-plant. 16. "Guests have come to ,
., r ,':. .
, .
. .,. . . .
.
X
. .. /. I -.. _ , .
: 3. 9. E ptiyuti. mesaha kaja rapi dokri k6pa Bte. 10, kopa
.
I
ryalile,raja
. ' .. .ka9g icesi, . , l h
,. ici ranini hlta.hB pinu enati.p$yu
i ..v --~pL!i ,
icesi,
. . . 12.ici
. . . rani . iajaqi nange k6di g6qu hFyatesi ice. 13. ele injali??
,
kAdi goru?f hDti kitbi. 1-4.. kodi garu raja tags. vltesi. . . : $5. ecefiqe
raja kBQi g6yuri ele icesi..: 16. m$ i ~ ra~iqakii taca hiti leh~tipayu
.:orondapi taca . hiyainu ice$. 17. P kOdi gotu ele,icesi, niinu taca ' '
hi? zli i doio icesi. 18. raja ele icesi,ninG taca hiyasatihi.ninge herki
jecahl jila ]eta?$ icesi.. 1 9. raja cnpitesi,. . injah% piiyu pna~atihi , , :: ,
-. . . . . . . ,
kitesi injahg glayu bitra kddi gi?p?I metheri injah% lekoli veska
kiteri injjah8 veska leko biltni niya vgkheri. 28. vgkhisavahil diipu
hfidficri.
- ..
'gi,!u?i mesteri. 32. mesalive rajaii vesteri; ,. / .
/ : .
. , . .,
. . . .
i 1 akuy5. %bay% nenja haja maneri gate. 37. n5nu mesah%kaba %ha
# '
;1 j , ,
1 .
raja macesi injahl nktige jike?e, metha hirdadu,icksi raja. 40. ecetiie
i rajari pxayuta metheri injahH veska grayu nenje kih8 biirni uiya
'! v2 khg hicu h ~ Q apistusteri*. 41. ernbathe raja grayu bitra kutu
kuta v&$ ha ha hacesi Ice. 42. . c karma gati k6di g6ru raja ijo
'hacesi'injahg raja r6sa maci j5bi Bskapi iiitesi injah%nTQa batka
'skicesi ke. , i' . . t
273
3.9. When the rajah's elder wife saw the flower, she was
afigry. 10. When she got angry, t&e rajah asked, "What's the
matttfr?". 11. R e called for the second wife and asked het,
"What kind of flower did you get?". 12. The younger wifi said.
t o the rajah, "The cowherd gave it to me". 13. Then he sent
for the cowherd. 14. The cowherd came to the rajah. 15. Then
the rajali said,to the cowherd, 16. "Bring me another flower like
the one pou brought for the younger r;iniW. 17. The cowherd
said, "I cannot bring one". 18. The rajah said, "If you do not
bring me oner I shall cut off your .neck a n d . hang you .on the
gallows". 19. But he thought, "If he does not .get the. flower,
then what?". 20. Then he said, "Bring enough niger flowers to
fill my c ~ u ~ t y a r d " .21. The cowherd said, "I am unable to d o
this". 22. Saying like this, he went to his house.
3 2 3 . The cowherd was .keeping pigeons at h i s , house.
24. So he said to the pigeons, 25. "All of you go, pluck and
bring niger flowers". 26. When he said like this, the pigeons
brought enough to fill the the courtyard. 27. So the raja was
surprised and said to the cowherd, "I cannot take any more" and
the rajah had a hole dug and they put the cowherd into the hole,
put firewood on top and poured kerosene over the wood. 28. Afcer-
wards they set it ablaze.
29. There a rat had made a path under the ground from
the hole to the cowherd" house. 30. Then he went along the
rat's path and went to sleep in his house. 31. The next day they
saw the cowherd. 32. When they saw him, they told the rajah.
3.33. When they had told the King, the rdjah sent for him
and asked, 34. ' T h e r e did you come from?". 35. So the
cowherd said, '<Oh,I. have come from seeing the dead people.
36. That place there was full of our ancesters. 37. When I saw
it, I was just dumb-founded". 38, The people believed that it
was true, 39. So the rajah said, "Put me also (in the hole) and
burn me", 40, Then they put the rajah in the hole, filled the
hole with fire-wood, poured kerosene on it and set it ablaze to
burn. 41. So the rajah was completely burned up in the hole
and he died. 42. The poor cowherd went to the rajah's palace,
took the rajah's two wives and lived, prospered and ate.
4. 1. ra b a m p e ~ iiya mace. 2. P fya bandita aha -&ace
injahP kSriya mPnda asaha haji mace injah%jtyuta kokagaqi plte
injahg paheri darita hunja mace. 3. jlyuti. 16' bamgeqi bufhi
kadata haji mace injaha beta 5te. 4. beta ayalive tali-ga!ani
bamneni b q h i bte. 5. rnir7e-ga1annri raja dtesi i n j a h ~ pnhi
kitesi.
4. 6. Then that boy grew up. 7. One day the rajah told
him to thatch the house. 8. Then he and his companions thatched
the house. 9. While they were thatching the house, the boy said,
"At the Brahmin's house there is a girl. 10. That girl would be
right match for me". 11. Then his companions said, "In that
case let us go and visit (the girl)".
the rich man. He went to the rich man and told him. am
unable to make a living by doing whatsoever". 5. Then the
rich man told the Domb. 6. "You go and ,plough a field where
there is no bush";
5.7, So the Domb went and ploughed up a road, 8. Then
a road works contractor came and when he saw the ploughed up
road he made a case (against the Domb). 9. Thereafter he gave
him to the court, 10. Then they tied up the Domb and put him
into the jail. 2 1. He was in jail for six months.
5.12. When the period of six months was over he returned
and ploughed a sandy hill and sowed paddy. 13. When he had
sown the seeds the country birds came and ate them. 14. . Then
he went to get a load of bananas and put the bark on the rice field
115. "Let the birds eat the banana skin'', he thought, hut even
though he put out the skin the birds did not stop. 16. - So one
day he took bow and arrow and went to keep watch.
5.17. Then the local flies were buzzing around. 18. A fly
sat on his (the father's) chest. 19. When he saw it, the father
pointed at it with his finger. 20. Then his son shot him with an
arrow. 21. Afcer the father died, the son said, "Now I. can have
the weaving loom and a living". 22. And he lived prospered
and ate.
6, The Story sf a Miserly Wife
6.1. Xn a village there once lived an old man and an cld
woman. 2. They had no children. 3. But they had sixty
chickens. 4. The wife did not give chickens for food. 5 . When
she was not giving any chicken to eat, one day the old man
thought, "Gosh, I have to work so hard, and on not a single day
does she say, "let's eat" (a chicken) and as he went for his oxen he
r hought, 6. "NO, I must work out a plan".
' 6 . 7. eceti9e ra nPcu burha icesi ke. 8. ele injali~eenayi
bulha ice ke. 9. Enayi .59e, 10. ninju rb hapana hcteqi iqjaha
besi ogpi ma?i icesi ke. 11. ele injali7e ke Cni lehztayi bulha ice
ke. 12. me,, eni lehatayi .57e sa.. 13. , mHro koskapi mirka masks
lehg mesa macayi. 14. ne?e\i Ini anayi deh"e koskapi kWe9e ke
payahg C kxuliys inundita ke tngani nehi ki vaskahii 6ye ouda
vajah5 .iitpa trftyuti iitpa himbori tole hikadi ke. 15. sobu dina
hitihl ke garheka ke ri garha Snu ke. 16. hika hala~atihi
ke r6 mBneka jikese B?U ke. 17. Edanakive sahiibu~hi,rog$a?%
apela tino injatesl na. 18. ninu bayati ni 19. 1Fniqe deha plihi
kitayi. 20. .6ye h a s %kinayi d e h ~ .21 . hikano ni injike ele kitayi.
ke ele icesi ke injahg e tayuta siniki~ani icesi ke. 22. bulhi ha70
ice ke. 23: eceti?~koyu payahg nehi ki uli niyll tole vasksah21
oqda vajaha C tami sobays m u ~ d i t aiite ke. 24. butha-gatasi
vesa maci lehese sinikisanahii trlytl miinju himbori prigahii ke
ita v&te k e . 25. i!a viiyalive burha mene?e rb korgota beci
hacesi ke.
and give themg', so saying he told her. "And' don't look at that
place'?, he said. 22. "Alright", she.agreed. 23. Then she killed
'
a chicken, fried it in oil with onions, cooked the rice' and took it
to the top entrance of their rice field. 24. Just as the old man
had told her, she went. and set down the food, not looking and
.her face with her cloth. 2 . The old 'man had. sneaked . ,
into a hollow tree to watch .
, 6 26. .There was meat and rice on the leaf plates. 27. My
wife has come and set out,(the food) beautif;ll;", he said and he
ate up all the rice and meatand returned home. 28. In that way
,every day the man went and gobbled up ail the rice.and meat thit
was cooked and put o u t ,and he retirned home. 29. He was ,
6.61.
embatire burhi &e gati lagiteri ke. 62, nlnu jikeve
maka bayati ni, 63. 16 IiEcu ape tin* inavati. 64. ambri ni kitesi;
belerni ikiri .' 65. ;ayiyl-gatari jikese legiteri injaha halewd ni
C y
manjl, sceri. '12. C kokasi vestesi ke, - imbiya Cite bnbu mi taea
vSte9E guru pans jqpali icesi. 13. embaiive Cvari -kokana?i
japheri ke tini barsataki. 14. tini barsataki jtipahg iiditesi ke
15. , iidalire guika ele iceri ke, bait punji ki, iceri ke. 16. puvi,
icesi ke., 17, k6di gori paji hati g n ~ a'bare punji ki,' iceri Ice.
18. pu,f; icesi ke. 19. embayi?e halam;, iceri ke. 20. rnhtromi
lakuai harere anda kih% tinaqani, inji panditeri ke. 21. h&@
inji icesi injana tani Iyani tapa vatesi ke.
7.22, tarii iyani ele icesi; koyu 'rnni~iya, doso {akataki
pr2taniu icesi ke. 23. gnnja -koyu mqihana kokordko inj i. kqetesi
<ke. 24. koyu ~ h a r i arqanja mani belata r0 ngtatari - koska parali
'vgteri ke. 25. kaska habu manu ki ya; iceri ~ke.26, 'maneba
madjali ko nl mif?esi hilovosi laka ni, ice. 27. hi-yamuy eceka
,
. . .
you and may you be eaten by a tiger," she cursed and beat hi m
up. 59. Then her brothers almost died laughing, 60. "They are
crazy. Here they've come, one carrying the other" they h i d .
6.61. Thereafter they really scolded the
. . woman. 62. "Yap
are quite stupid. 63. You did not agree even one- day to eat
(a chicken). 64. He did just the. right thing", 65. ~ h kbrothers
scolded her and told them to go. They came home and lived;. I
285
27. "Give it' to us, and how much shdl w e ii6e:;(fo'r
' .. it)?", they
..
said, "AI1 of you, men, go and ask the old woman" they said.
33. Having gone they said, "Did the fowl come back?" 34.. . "No
fellow it did not come back", she said.
. . 35. "Bring me back the
fowl, my son is scolding me" she said. 36. "Where shall we get
the fowl to give you, off with you, stupid" 'saying they went
'
. .
away.
7.37. Again he saidYaIbill change into a pig and you skl! me
for sixty rupees''. %.Having. become a pig he remained. 39. Some
people come in search of pigs. 40. They asked the old woman,
"Is there really a pig here?". 41. "There is, man, will you take
it?", she said. 42. "How much money will you ask for it?" they
said. 43. "Give me sixty rupees, man" she said. 44. Having ,
given sixty rupees they took the pig. 45. Having taken (it) they
put ii into a pen and after shutting the door they left it. 46. When
kveryone was asleep he changed back into a man and came (home)
47. In the morning 'when they saw that there was no pig they said,
"Go, fellows, the pig is not here, go and ask the old woman".
48. "Did the pig come?", saying they went to ask. 49. " ~ e l l b w
fellow, I swear many times that the pig did not come. 50. Bring ,
me back the pig and take your money but bring me back the pig",
she s a a , 51. "Get away with you, stltpid, from where can we
bring back the pig?" saying, they went away.
7.52. On another occassioa the boy was staying, and he
said, "Mother now I will change into a goat and you sell me for
sixty rupees". 53. Then (people) came to the old woman saying ..
7.70. 3ye Pna?B kinayi dehz injitli pa1ese lrnacesi ke. 71.
ciye ni?e!i kndi mni?iya, icesi ke.. 72. kndi rnnihg manja manesi
ke. 73. ernbali~ek6diy"aodinovi vateri ken 74. kKGi hiyadi
kiya, iceri ke. 75. hiyasi, ice ke. 76. eceka inji lnanjadiya
iceri ke. 77, pPsa ltdi i h i y d u , ice ke. 78. evari pass kdri
takayti hihana 6teri. 79. aliana haqlata dospa pisteri ke. 80.
I b a Byahe kokasi loku mqihana tani iyaili tzna v5ha tustesi ke,
$1. lasi sinikini b?lata kddi hadata hileve ke. 82, alnbiya hace
injihi pari parihi vaha haceri ke. 83. pnasateri Ice. 84. %?era
burhini vengadu, iceri ke. 85. hajana, kfidi v5te kiya, iceri ke.
86. a7ebo kddi v8ha hile7e. 87. na mir?esi lagi manjanesi.
$8. kddi taca hiyadu ini tal\.ayZi Odu, ice ke. 89. ambitaqi
taca hiyanomi hilaqakiqe s o a r i viha manomi iceri ke. 90. tilvari
haja iusteri
for a price?'. 56. "Well alright, bring it and give me sixty rupees",
she said. 57. They. gave sixty rupees for the goat and took itW
58. Having taken they gave it to the boys saying, "BOYS, $ou take
L*I . nut &nd graze". 59. The boys took it out to graze and thinkihg
.'Let it graze neat the reeds", they left it. 60. Be weat secretly
down to an obscure path so that the boys did not know and came
to his mother's house, l
108 "No, it has not, corn: f d l l ~ i v " , sh2 said. 109. Then
rhey went ayray,
, I
other and came. 115 , ~ a v &come they sat down at the d&r
way of th; old wwomln's house. 116. She saw the gurus aad gave
bhem soqe rice and a fowl to c o ~ kand eat. 1Lt. When she had
given they said, "No, we don't \@antfood (but) there is a horse in
the shed. 118. Give os that llpyse," they said. 119. "What
horse is i n my I~ouse?" she said. 3 W-."Give it quickly, we are
.
kiyamu .vaja tiliga hanomi-heko riijiti
I _ , . . .
.
vPha manomi,
.., . . .
, .. .
kodayB
, . . ..
nhhi
manjanu
. e,hg,a
. . . enomi, iceri ke. . 121. a?e hile?e".nafig~ . ,. enati g. f i ~ a
:
, !: ! ,
.
.mane, ice ke. 122. . . ernbathe ele ice& ke,
, , hiyatihl himu, c ipavg
.
.kiyorhi,
. ,
habati
. ,. .. .
. ,
ebga, anorni vinali . etiga .
tanomi irijahg taca
. . .
hiyanomi, icefi Be. 123. b3da adaqate inj%gora h5te ke. . . .
. .
pool and having changed into seven black herons they began to
11
eat the fish of the pool. 132. They could swallow all the fish 1
1
shortly. 133. It (the boy) went underneath a stone. 134. He 'r
was there and saying, "They will swallow me, they will swallow
me", he became a parrot and shrieking flew away.
7.135. Then the seven gurus having turned into seven hawks,
chased and.chased. 146. The boy having cha~lgedinto a gold
necklace in the queen's neck went to stay o n .the queen's neck. l
137. So the seven gurus went and saying "Ram Ram" they were
sitting in the door-May. 138. Then the queen who was in her
house pounding rice got up and gave the gurus seven measures of
rice and a chicken. 139. "No, we do not need the chicken and
rice7', they said. 140. The queen said, "You beg for something
and do not eat what is given, then why did you come and travel
from country to country?". 141. "No, queen, you give us . the
aold chain that is around your neck for a little while, we don't
i>
need anything. 142. Having looked at your necklace we shalt
give it and shall go away, do not give us anything", they said.
143. The queen said, 'WO, I will not givz (it) ." 144. In that
way they bazged her until the sun was setti.15 and she could not
stand it any inore and ripped the hecklace off and threw it down
at the courtyard.
,, .
,: ,
.
1
I!
:! I&.
i!!
r . .
Ij I
7,.145. ecetiqe pgsa % h a niacasi sata p u i i manjiyH atesi ke.,
:
/'
ill
barhly%rejihltinji manu. ' 6 t? kupay% darka betisayi rnonosayi.
!I! 1
barbs d6fka betisuhula monosuhura.' 7. F barhay8 t kupaygni
'(I;1
!.
jj
18. embiltirle hati
.. haceri. 19. evari. valka pavuta maner&,20. vr&i
,
, .
. > , , . ,
. ,
, :.
. ., I .
.
, , ..
. ,
2q3
7.145. Then (the boy) who was in the .form..of a necklace
became seven measures of rice. 146, When he became. seven
measpres of rice the seven gurus became seven roosters and were
1
gobbling up the seven measures of rice. . 147. When the rice was
about t o be finished, the boy became seven jackals and snapped
up the seven roosters and went back to his bother's house. 148.
His pother was crying and crying. 149. She saw her son 'and
was happy. 150. That's finished.
rnacesi ke. 31. la7i veyalive desati noro, nZnu payite?$ iceri.
32. raja macesi injH ha90 ernbasi p y i t i payapesi, ikfiguni kura
miiti t6stadu. 33. embatiqe nB marjgani biha kiyavi, icesi ke.
8. 34 entbavari tohvatefi. 34. Fvari sata jana bitra ici
tayi tdstesi. 36. emba!i?e evaraki midga ga!ani biha kited, kogi
gori taka arna biimi biga hitesi ke. 37. emba{i?e Wad otef
fijaha, embfifaki fahnayi, iceri. 38. a?e bareti kihH kajacaki
rshno, iceri injahg kaja tayiki iasteri injs batka nida ticefi. 39.
hedi embatbe riite.
9. ssta jana kini pad% ptlsponi
9, 1. buIhi bulha maceri ke. 2. ? burhi buIha bandita siite
java pBday~jarna iitu. 3. g podaya bare jana kiigiska. d6
kanka m e h a gataqi injah~iburhi burha ~ e s p iiteri, i p6day%ni
eceka pohi kinayi, inji bulhi efe ice. 5. Bve burha imbiya apela
iii halamu, ice. 6. embiive. butha e p8day%nih8t%fitesi. 7. r6
kaja jiitata oh%rb kaja dameni marnuta atesi injah%i dameni
.pPteyi perha tinju, , icesi. 8. G n u imbe?e kuga rnaql, icesi injO
..
' ., 'J
295
. . . . ' U .
, ,
pigs came and while they were pulling at the ragi stacks the. six
older brothers became frightened. 27. The youngest %ne said,,
,
sOWe
, . . "
have sworn to-gether in .a pack (This sectioil is almost un-
translatable as it stands in Kuvi) and we are seven brothers of the,
same family but my brothers are afraid. 28. "Let (these arrows)
go right through the pigs", saying -he shot: 2 9 . Then the pigs
died. .30. After they died; he cut off,the snouts, hoofs and tails
and held, them. 31: When it became dawn, the .men -of the
e o ~ n t r ysaid, "I killed (them), I killed,(them)". 32. The king was
there. "Yes, if anyone killed (them) let h i m have killed, show me
the tail. hoof' and snout. 33. Then I 'shall give my daughter in
'
~;flarriage", he said.
9J5. In orie place neat the path a pea-hen had laid its
eggs. 16. That peashen after seeing the girls flew away. 17. They
heard it flying away and they said, "Feel atound, what could that
be?". 18. The One in the front felt around and found the (eggs)
19. fhere were seven eggs, one for each girl
9.20. Holding the eggs the girls Wedt and befote thea was
a butiling gtound. 24. ThereJ(men)had bioxight and burnt a dead
persori. 22. The girls cooked the eggs in the fire in which (men)
had butned the body 23. When they cooked, the eggs cracked
open with a "dada" sound.
10. 16, 6qe r6 burhinaki k6lu ata msne ke. 17. . e burhi ele
ice ke, ambiya haji manati ba ice ke. 18, h e mahapru ta.na haji
masi. 19. na burhinaki 6d8taki ina hicu gdra afa mane edas?i
venga haji*masi, icesi ke, 20. cdi. me ele ice ke, ase ba Btihi venja
vsmu, ice ke. 21. ha90 venja vasi s a , icesi injs hacesi ke. 22.. haja
tusi mane ke. .
. . ..
10.23. oie r6 bulhaki ke veska era jCnu aca manu ;ke. 24; c
burhasi jiyuta,b'e\a Btesi ke. 25. t butha ele icesi ke, arnbiya haji
manji soyi, icesi ke. 26. aoe soyi, na bughinaki hicu gora ata
mane;
., idas3 vehga h3ji m a ~ i jcesi
, ke. 27. embati?e burha ii?e
-sbyi nalige jakela veska a\a manjanu venja varnu, icesi ke.
28. ha70 ve?i sa inji ke haja tustesi ke,
. . . ..
would not shift'. 6 . .
,.'.
A
. .. . . .
. . 4 : ...,. .
10.7, . So the husband thought, "What must be (lone? No,
1 shall go and ask the gfeat god'? and went to . heaven. :8. -He was, ,.
going and going along the paths. 9. There was another 'womanwith
B grinding~stonestuck to her. 10. Because that woman *as mean
a-bout her grindingbstotle, it had stuck to her. 1 1 . When she'saw
the old man, she asked, "Where ate you going, man?'.'. 12. The
man said, <'NO, 1 am going to the great god. 13. A n . i r ~ n - ~ l a t e
is stuck t o m y wife and 1 am going to ask (about it)," he'said.
14. "Sir, sir, 1 shall thank yob mahy times if you will ask about
the grinding-stone that has s t u ~ kto me," she said, 15.. He said,
"Yes5' and went off.
10.43, veska afiti butha tana vatesi ke, 44. EnE injate
soyi, icesi ke. -45. ave sbyi, veska hivosi injate, icesi ke. 46. em-
bafi?e ke, $aka vaseri !a veska, icesi Ice. 47. emba~iseke veska
kuda hacu ke. 48. b u ~ h avstesi ke. 6re vatesi ke. 49. k61u '
arani burhini tana 5 burhi vece ke, S;.na79injate. ice ke. 50. B?e
k61u hipoti ke. 51. taka viiseriha, injihi hfirite ke, ernbarbe
piste ke. 52. ale tana vfitesi ke. 53. Pdi vece ke, ena98 inja-
tesi. 54. a9e ~ i n uke jeta higoti ke, icesi ke. 55. ernbative
burhi, niiyi vZ~et-ika, inji h5yite. 56. embaybe jeta piste. 57.
embatiae burha tami ijo vs tesi inj3 burlli gafani ele icesi, ninu ke
burhi hicu hlsoti ke. 58. Pdanaki hicu g5ra ata manjane ke,
icesi. 59. embalise ke burhi, hicu taka vaverika hicu taka
vberika Ilicu, inji ke halite ke. 60. einbatiqe ni piste ke rate
emba!i?e muthe.
11: r6 butha 6 t e rb ksgi naka
- 1 1 . 1. b u ~ h burha
i maceri ke. 2. buthi bulha bandita
hHni mani rnadive (idiomatic expression) r o ~ d i ~pdda
e jarna ate.
embathe sari ela Bhi?e rnaceri ke. . 4. kelere burha heru rfihe
manesi ke.
3<01
31. "No. great god, it's just for n ~ t h i n g . 32. 4n irons
piate has stuck to my wife and that i r why I 4 1ve CO~I:", h3 said.
33. ~ f t e he
r had said that the great god sa'id, "That is fot na
reason, but whatever is asked o f your wife shs does'n6t give:
34. Therefore the fire-plate has stuck", he said. 35. "And
another woman has a grinding stone stuck (to her)", he said.
36. "She will not give (loan) the grindins stone." 37. "And a
pounding-stick h& stuck to another one", he said. 38 "She does
not give (her) pounding stone." 39. ''cAnd again fire-wood is
stuck to an old man and he told me to ask (about it)", saying he
said. 40. "Because he d&s not givk fire-wood", said the great
god. 41. ?'hen the old man returned. '42. He came away.
! ..
11. 20. embative 6re roMi nZnu havi ra, ice 23. iile ro
nEcu rrop@ihace . 24. tava bulha n3nu rasi, ice. 25. jemu iitihi,
in$ hitesi. 26. reha ~Bha, pihmu dF haki 5tayi n5to hano ra,
icesi bulha. 27. yisahg m6ku beti kimu, icesi. 21. B n a k v
rnmjah$ 10kati miitula ahahil m6kuti karali hika mane. 29. bye
burha manesi. 30. kugahs m6kuti karali hika mane. 31
emba\i?e burha rugi yugihi hajah% nakati 1-6 bida bajovi kitesi.
32. naka rnanjahH m ~ k upisahH haja tuste. 33. are vgti ni ?a
iceri. 34. vavati baya embateri eceka' m i r ~ i tinjeri, icesi.
35. embntive 6ro roqdi, nsnu ha71 Fa ninju, ice. 36. 6ro ropdi
hace. 37. t a w burha nsnu rO?Iice. 38. hitesi reha tuste. 39. Sne
de haki Htayi . 40, h 1 0 hano va pihmu, injI icesi burha. 41.
pisahH mbku deti kirnu icesi. 42. E naka manjana meneve 6hhlii
jackals
. . . haye sein. th-11
.. :.. all , time , . , ,. 6
. . the , . ... , 0- x e day the jackals had a
, i
I, , . : / * ' . . :;. , . , . 3 :' . . G
said, "What are you doing, old man?". 12. That old man said.
"I a b ploughing". 13. Thejackal being there, . ' ~ e t ' m e(li't. bihg
it), old man, I will plough" said the jackal. 14 The old man
left off and gave it. 15. So it ploughed and 'pl~ughedand. t h e old
man being there said, ccStopnow". 16 "After leaving the plough
roll u p the ropes", said the man. 17. That jackal after taking t&
ropes into the cover of a bush and sitting down started to chew
(tRem). 18. Then the old man saw (it) and having gone stealthily
he beat the jackal with a long stick. 19. So the jackal ran off.
20. The other jackals who stayed lhere (lit. companions) said
"Why have you come, fellow?". 21. So the one which had been
to the old man said, "Gosh, I could not (eat) the chillie and that'
why 1 came", sayins it said.
.. .
+ I s
a 7 ,,W ;+.y
%&+L;;;
11.46 rogdi klni aaka mane. 41. edi cle ice, iceka
mirsi :a bareteti hajihi v e ~ d avhha tusi manjeri, ice. ke.
. 48. nanu
ha91 niqeii, inji ice, 49, kepi naka halamu, ntnu glgekege
hoyadi, inji icu bate jaqa, 50. hajahari kiqi, injihi hajah5, ta7a
burha n8nu rail, ice ke kepi naka. ..51. e&he'bulha hitesi, rfiha
teha tuste ke. 52, juruyg L ~ U , ayaliie vFta vate, plhrnu debt?,
icesi, 53. &ah% beti kimu rnfiku inji ices$; 54. 6re butha sinid
. jake maku karine ki enwe injlhi. 55, kfidiyaqi
kihi manesi, idi F
11. 46. There was one blind jackal. 47. It said, "For h o i
lnuch clzillie you have all gone and come back, fellows". 48. "No\iir
I shall go", it said. 49. "Go, blind jackal, you will soon come
running back to us", thus said all the other (jackals). 50; "I shall
try to go", saying and having gone "Give me, old man, I shall
plough", said the blind jackal. 51. So the old man gave (it) and
(the jackal) ploughed and ploughed. 52. L ' F 6 ~is d ready (lit.'gruel
is ready); Time for eating; It is late, stop now", said he. 53. "After
stopping roll up the ropes" he said. 54. Again the old man is
watching whether this one will also chew the ropes o r what.
55. After leaving the oxen, (the jackal) rolled up the ropes and
threaded them into a stick (of the yoke).
11. 56. Then the old man said, "Come, let's go to the
village." It went to the village 1~4ththe old man. 57. After drink-
ing the gruel they stayed. 58. In that way they remained. 59. One
day the jackal said to the man, "They (the other jackals) were
always coming (back). 60. They kept coming saying that they
could not (eat) the chillie curry. 61. IS it true that you were giving
(them) chillie curry", asked the j2ckal. 62. The old man said,
"From where is chillie curry?". 63. "When I told them to fold
up the ropes they were chewing them up", said the old man.
64. He (the jackal) stayed (there) for three years and took the old
man's daughter to his village.
11. 65. After the girl had gone to her husband the old couple
were hungry. 66. The old man said to his wife, "1 am going
to my daughter". 67. He went and the daughter was not at home.
68. He sat down and she came from some other house and said,
"Is my mother well, father?" said she. 69. "She is well", he said.
70. haki vaki ni-v8ha mad, icesi. 71. cna Hpe pandamu, icesi.
73. embatise mandiyH pandite.
'7
11.73. mandiy%asah%buchini tana tami ijo hacesi. 74. ela
iihi?e maceri rb 3ta dina. 75. mandiyil r8yalive 6le hacesi miinga
gatani tana. 76. file ni viite?$, icesi. 77. ana ape are paadadi
ke, miya vestate, icesi. 78. embatbe dokra gatanaqi ele .ice, 6na
pandinayi, ice. 79. mandi pandamu, icesi. 80. i mapoi 8 aba,
inji hite. 81. varti mandi Pna kinomi, icesi. 82. o Hba opda
hiyamu jayu hiyamu ineri, inji veste. 83. maadi asa vstesi
injahg jiyuta tacahti ele icesi, onda hiyamu jlyu hiyamu, icesi.
84. onda jayu hite. 85. ticesi injaha viitesi injab%buyhini, jese
burhi keska normu, icesi injahg burhini nekita maridi methesi.
86. rnaqdi rneste injahl, e n ~ t a k asa
i kiyati burha, ice, hakitise
manja manati, ice. 87. baya ni 3ti ni burhi, oqda hiyamu jryu
hiyamu inamu buthi, icesi. 88. embative ogda hiyamu jeyu
hryamu, ice 89. onda j ayu hite mandi, ele kihl manja tustu.
11.90. One day the old man went and challenged seven
rajahs. 91. "You are seven rajahs and I am one person, we
should make a feast for the people. 92. If I am not able to, you
can hang me from the palace gateway", he said. 93. The seven
rajahs said, "When shall we give (the feast)? 94. The old man
&id, "To-day itself". 95. The seven rajahs said, "Let us it
next week'" 96. The old man agreecl. 97 The rajahs had rice
cooked, a heap like a mountain, for eight days they cooked and the
seven rajahs sent word to the old man. 98. Then the man went
after hiding the bowl in his cloth. 90 He looked here and there,
everywhere there was rice and he thought "No matter how much
rice you cook, it will not be sufficient" 100. The seven rajahs
asked, "Did the old man come"? 101. The rajahs saw the old
man. 102. ''He hasn't brought anything", they said to each
asa hilo?osi, rajay%jalki ateri. 103 i burhati si ngi duverita p$si
levnayi, iceri. 104. dCsati noro vateri ki, iceri. 105. Bteki ate
(idiomatic). 106. hojaro hojaro lbkuni kugi kih8 rajay8 'onda
hiteri. 107. bare taki onda evate. 108. embathe butha,-midi rate
ki, icesi. 109. rajayg, rate, iceri. 110. embari?e himborili mandi
l
. rjkhesi inja onda himu jayu himu injahg itala taki atala tiki restu-
l
I stesi. 111. emba meci laku brika kbdi kbdru jake tinjali ~da9atu
bu$a hiti onda. 112. rajay%laja 8ha haceri inja burhav-i magdi
l
l
minja bha tustgsi.
l
11. 113. burha ijo vatesi. 114. buyhi, taqa mandi onda
tine, ice. 115. ambiya Ore burhi raja S% miqja Byateri,icesi. 116. burbi
man$ ninp bayati ni me purha. 117. mandi 6re hika hanayi ki.
118. jarna bayeve nirige pisa manjeve gate na injihi laga liga tuste
ke: 119 burha rnanjl, jeve burhi 8na ildayi, icesi. 120. ale
insfig2 gatani tana hacesi. 121 pnataki vati ba, ice mabgagaiayi.
122. mlya halamu p ~ d atana injate. 123. Fna habu pandane
inji injate. 124. injlai vrte92, icesi. 125. madgagatayi ele ice,
mandi pa1jQate92 ba Pni kiti, ice. 126. burha ele iced, sgta j a w
rajay8 tole badhara ate?$. 127. E rajay8 minja eyateri, icesl.
128. matiga gatayi, budovi ni kiti rnaba, ice. 129. dokta gatanavi,
gna921 pandinayi, ice. 13Q. kurnda prgka pandamu, icesia
1
were there could not have even &ten the meat besides the rice tjidt
the old man them. 112. The rajahs wese ashamed and the5
having seized the bowl from the old man, took it.
. , .
i
11, 113, Tlte man returned home. 114. His wife said, r
I
.*Come, husband, let's eat some rice from the bowl". 115.'
can we, wife, the rajahs seized and took au7ay (the bowl)", he said
li
116. The old woman ssid, '*You are a stupid person,my husband", l
I
117. "Should we go and give the bowl again". 118. "Yoli are as
silly as when you wefe born", saying she scolded and scolded., l
said $'I sent you a bowl, Father. What did you do (with it) ?", 1i
she said. 126. The father said, "I challenged seven rajahs
I 127, Those iajahs seized and took (it)" he said. 128. The daughter
said, you have spoiled things, Father". 129. She said to her
husband, What shall we send?". 130. ' Send the purnpkin'seeds",
he said,
11. 131. So, "Father, take these pumpkin seeds and ljlant
them". . 192. When they had sprouted and the creepers had
spread out he made a support. 133. On the support the creepers
all developed. 134. The pumpkins set and theere were actually
one hundred. 1 3 5 One day the old woman said, "Let us cook
and eat zit least one pumpkin, husband". 136. The husband "No,
my daughter told me that we must not eat the immature ones.
Pqenr manga vesa rnafijane k@ga?g tioawdu inji injate: 1.37. bare
kambi sare eke bPqe esahg eka bQe pakdu inja manjane, icesi
burha. .\
should cut them open at one time, she told me", said the. .
husband,
. . I
I
nlally pumpkins are there?. 157. The old man said, "There are a
hundfed". 158. he merchant said, "(For the hundred pumpkins)
I will give you a hundred rupees", 159. The old man said, "We
ourselves will eat (them)". 160. The merchant said, "Having
bought rife with a hundred tupees, if you eat (that), it will be
enough. 161. If you eat only pumpkins you will get stomach
troubles and die". he said. 162. The old man thought, "That
may be true". And the old man gave the handred pumpkins,
163. The metchaak gave one hundred rupees,
11. IYO.Then the mail thought, "Ha, I shall go and give a beat-
ing to the rajahs who took my bowl" thinking he went 191.Rajahs,
there are seven of you. 192. You were not able to give rice (for all)
and you seized and took my bowl. 193. "Now for a beatiog", he
said. 194. The rajahs, "The old man is just one person. 195. We
have some subjects here. 196. There is no one with the old
.man. ,197. There is not one person with him. Let what may
come", they said. 198. The old man, covering the rope. in the
cloth and carrying the stick, went. 199. The rajah's subjects
hhve come to-gether by thousands. 200. The old man alone turns
about , 201.,,The seven rajahs are sittin2 on swen thrones. 202.'Let3s
start', th.: rrjrh? slid. 203. T b old man went to a place
apart and undid hii cloth bundle and threw the stick and the rope
into the midst of the people. 204. ''Beat stick, tie rope", he said,
314
mad lakbni bareti dari daists dudu Vetbste hiye heye bafe j a i p
haha haceri. 205. 1Dkuqi vetani mesaha rajayl aji taki hpp
tusteri injah8 darayl tugdihi ijo h6da tustelii, . , ,..
1
12. rii karma gati liokasi fite dimbtr
1
jI/! 316
11
I/ fjo.ayamuice. 11. embati kokaii Ljimbutiijo atesi. 12. esah?l
.
ititesi Btu lako embathe k ~ ~ i t e13.
. vayalipe terlitesi hijB its
I
41
i
rfiacesi .
C\
il
I
4
l
22.14, ecora dina taki 6re 'e ddimbu kokaqali hatite veste,
// n i n a 7 5 ~iia manjati. 15. nlnu enma p~a?oti, 1 6 i&ka vemu,
i/
l
ice. 17. injalhe E kokasi reska hacesi. ' 18. (tlmbu kodeqtiya,
/l
t bica mandiya ilali piila Hne icesi. 19. orIiy%jakela tinavu.
20. injalile koditu plsa mana mapdiya bftu kokanaki. 21. rnapdiya
l
!I
1 asana tami ijo. vntesi.
1
l 12.22. (iirnbu koditi l b k ~E cjimbuta nenje rnzindiya nesahl
ititu. 23. . pass pufi aste i dimbu, 24. bare l5ku ida kiyalile 3
8
!
1
1 dimbu maqdiya taci vste kakani ijo il?ay%injahla dera detamu injl
hatite. 25. kokasi diita detesi injl mestesi inja besi rlh5 atesi.
. .
l
!
12.26. Ore ecora dina manja are feska. vrmu ice 6re reska
i
hacesi aro nayata Otesi. 27, E neyOta kohula hitu. 28. kohora
11
I taci vltesi tan! jjo are l6ku bare ijota fda kiyalive o;e pasa puti
I
!
I
kohora taci vlte kakani ijo deta d a a r n u ice. 29. diita- detesi,
l
12.30; are r6 *ayiIta 6tesi. 31. e naytit1 l 6 h ku?liy% hitu,
1
I
1
i
I
1
32. kudi asana tami ijo viitesi. 33. ~ l l epass puti ' k w l i nesa its
rnacu. 34. pPsa puji k u d i ~ h kokapi
l
I
12.14. After some days the gourd called the boy and said
'You have set me down. 15. You will not get anything. 16. Go
and trade," it said. 17. After it said this, the boy went to trade,
18. "Buy $his gourd, woman! This gourd that is selling is
suitable for puttihg mapdiya (ragi) seed", he'said. 19. The rats
aJso will not eat. 20. After he said this (they) bought 'it and
gave five measures of ragi to the boy. 21. Taking the ragi he
came home.
. e
13. An Old Man and a $ell Taro
13.13. One day the old man went to get fire wood. 14.Whilk
the husband was away a mendicant dame to beg. 15. He begged I
from the whole village and afterwards he went to that old man's I
house. 16. When he went, the old woman gave him a trayful of
rice and a rupee. 17. That mendicant refused (it). 18. When
he refused it. the woman said, "when my husband comes, probably i
let him give you (something)". 19. The mendicant said, "No, 1:
have to go, give me", he said. 20. The woman said, "If I am
giving you are refusing, and yet again you beg me to give". 21,The
mendicant said, "Up in the loft there is a bell. 22. Fill this bell
with rice and give it me", he said. 23. The woman said, "No-
there is no 'bell in our house". 24. "If yon do not give 1 shall
l
die at your door-step", he said. 25. "No, woman, shut the door
I
l/
and give (it) to me through the crack (between the wall) and the
!l
320
pggeriti hiyamu icesi. 26. embatbe burhi ele kihlve dara tupdtihl
jiniligata manji kep8 hihi mace. 27. jinidgati bRbaji guru mitlja
6tesi. 28. burha vsnati ijo enayi jake hileve. 29. bufhi zihi kuga
mace. 3b butha v5yaliqe veste, babaji gdru jininga atesi.
13.36. haj%b3baji guru ijo bileyi orli atu ieko h6&. kup i
Fyu (1Bkata h6te. 37. minu holuta dudwe dolive dfikuta $ipi kota
duverita. 38. o r l i j i ~inga jeda karkite,, 39.bileyi ra9i gdga mane.
40. jerle tipi karkali~e~ 6 7 riyate.
i 41. embathe bileyi perha 6ne.
42. t b6baji jiqinga enayi ma 5hi mane injf hunja macesi. 43.nidga
.
hicu aki 'macesi 44. minu termbite. 45. rnilmbu riipivi inj: kupi
kacite. 46. pa6gata hati $pi gliste, d6ri doste, dudu vFte. bileyi
- jiningati aha tuste bulha taoa. 47. e blbaji guru91 hiye vctu
inja bare jaqa butha tana ha&.
13 48. hajaliqe r8 tana vaja tinji maceri.. 49. e jininga
ita maceri. 50. r 6 ramana vahP jiningati perba bte injg lekoqe
edi tndi mace. 51. ~ v a r i mesteri inja edi kinayi iceri
52. r6 jarata beta lusteri inja barhg payiteri. 53. a barhkti r8
kaja paka valita ititeri, inj il maceri. 54. E barh5 tinjali vate 6
jnidga bha maci ramapa vgte injii kugite. 55. embatiqe ramaga
door, he said. 26 So then the woman in that way having -, closed
the door filled the bell with rice and gave (it). 27. The mendicant
grabbed the bell and took it away. 28. When the old man- came
there was nothink i b the house. 29. His wife was sittidg and
crying; 30. When her husband came she told him, "A
menaicant took ihe beH".
13.31. So the old man "I arn going to get it backyy saying,
went. 32. While he was going he met a rat, a crab, a fish, a stick,
a rope and some dung on.the \;ay. j3. ?hey all asked, "Where
are you going, old man 7" they said, 34 The man said, "A
mendicant took nl,y bell and so I am going". 35. "'Weli, old man,
if that's so, we shall also come, he went by us'' saying, they went.
13.36. After going the cdt and rat went up into the loft of
the mendicant's house, the crab went into the water-pot. 37. The
fish went into the stove (fire-place), the stick and the rope on the
veieanda and the dung at the door-step., 38. The rat gnawed the
handle of the" kell. 39. The cat stopped it f r o m falling down
below. 40. When the rat gnawed the handle right through (the
bell) fell down below. 41. Then the cat picked it up and took it
away. 42. The mendicant, "Something has happened to the bell"
thinking, had been sleeping. 43. Getting up he blew the fire.
44. The fish rolled about. 45. '.'I shall wash m y face" thinking
(he went to the water-pot) the crabbit him. 46. "I shall go out-
side" thinking (he went), the dung caused h i m to slip, the rope tied
and the stick beat him. 7hc cai took the bell to the old man.
47. They beat the mendicant to the point . . of death and then all
went to the old man.
13.48. After they went, at one place they conked and were
eating. 49. They had placed the bell down. 50. A vulture
came and took up the bell and it was swaying about above.
51. They saw it and said, "What shall we do?". 52. They
went hunting in the forest and killed a wild pig. 53. They
placed the pig on the large rock and hid. 54. The vulture that
'had taken the bell came to eat the pig and settled (on the rock).
payiteri inja ji~jiriga taci vgteri injg buyhavi ele icu, madge
vestadi .
*
13.56. After they said that, the old man said, "You, cat
stay in the village; 57. Eat whst the children put down, 58. You,
rat, eat grain. 59. You, crab and fish, stay in the river" he said.
60. "You, dung, let them ruse ycu to) plaster the house", he said.
61. He said, "You, rope, let them tie for whatever (is needed)"
and the old man returned home. 6 2 That is finished.
14.4. One day the old man said, "I will go and fetch
fire-wood", took his axe and ropes, went towards the field and
looked for fire-wood. 5. He collected the fire-wood and saying.
"I will bind it up", is searching for the ropes. 6. Now the ropes,
are on his back, b u t he doesn't see them and he searched and
searched, and the old man was feeling around and at a complete
loss what to do (to find the ropes) saying, "Man I would gladly
give my eldest dagghter to the person who would show me where
the fire-wood ropes are" and was feeling around (for the ropes).
14. 11. . "Will you give me your oldest daughter, old man?
I: will show you", it,said. 12. Then the old man said, C'I will.
Show me!" 13. "They are on your back, old chapYy,itsaid.
14. Then the old man said, "Darnmit, I didn't see what was 04 my
mehsate?"e injihl oupihi vatesi 15. l a?i veyalise k r a ~ n ivate,
16. e burha ijo vayaliee koyu payiteri onga vajiih?i tisa utah3
panditori. 17. C l.fa?ni pFda hala haja tustu injahl rd pavuta
basa Btu injh?i e pavuta batka ticu ke. 18. muthe.
IS. r6 naka injaha rB kasyr
15.1. rB naka mace ke. 2. e naka s2ta barsa hakifiye mace
injahg rO ngkatari kBdi payiteri iojahl ri, 8yu kaqdi goc3 r6si
mehvana pisa haja rnaceri. 3. kbdi mandata naka mac hajae inj3
gocB rephi parite injaha ro kaqda beta ate. 4. beia rtihi ti?l inji
rnacati r6 k i w a ka ka injl vnha*a naka asa k c i iiyu k a ~ d i t tapu
i
kacahg perhx dha tuste injah% r6 mzrnu leko kugi kikate. 5 . naka
ksvvati perha 6te injahZL kwvati ele ice; rnuiti bale ecekg nehati
mama, giy2 vare hsrese 6jitayiki r6 bblu Zpe jijlamu mama, ice.
15.6. ecetise kii?va baya manjah8, abale, nanu iceka ijja
masi ke nii .giy3 naka bananja venesi ke injihJ pulovi ate injahg
kB ice ke. 7. embatise kace maci iiyu kagija lot0 rite.
8. naka rnanjahg e fiyu kancjati rapu perha kodahg tinja tuste.
9. d5yu gusali 5dalise kaovati naka ele ice, haki taki sZi m%mati
bandi panji sari Rye Pnati Enati tinasi d ~ u i n uice injahg haja tuste.
10 k o v a hakiti tapu inji kikha mace. 11. riite.
killed a fowl, cooked rice and after eating and drinking they sent
them (off). 17. That tiger, the girl, etc. went away and lived in
a cave and they lived and ate in that cave. 18.' Finished..
of meat he had been holding (in his mouth) fell straight down.
8. The jackal there grabbed up the whole piece of meat and ate
it all up. 9. After he had finished eating it, tlie jackal said to
the crow, "Uncle, when I have had enough to eat, whatever else is
for eating, you (can have)", and he went off. 10. The crow,
with hunger, immediately (was at a loss) with mouth agape.
11. That is finished.
16. The Seven Maidens, the Tiger and the Rat
17.1. .There was a tiger in a jungle. 2. That tiger took
seven girls of a village and put them in his cave and went to call .-
and bring the tigers of the country. 3. The seven girls filled up the
cave. 4. At that time a rat went to the entrance of the cave. 5. The
mestu inj%P orli payerika maka tinovi inji macu ke. .6.- . ernbathe ,.'
orli manjahl elk ice, ~ngtaki nafige tiijaderi ka, mi k6distiriga
tinweri ice i n j. a h.~ni78
. da ro kata nanu vestav-1injihi ice. 7; e&iv-e
paday8 e kata venev-eri ka icu.
' . S 4 .
16.8. Then the rat said to the girls, "The tiger has gone to
call the tigers of country to eat you", it told them. 9. Now when
they come they will eat you
fblibws.: >
The order of the alphabets followed here is is,,,
p ,
ih- v.t. (-t-) to bolt the handle; to wekve, t6 inikk bait; and
join together. .. . . . ,
. . .. .
.
S , . 8 ,
Zvasi he, ivari they, idi she or it; Sivi they; iyona this year.. cl
c
(.
.: ,.. I
337
. . . , .. . 9 . .. l
ici~qi98'n, very little. . thing.
.
.., . . . . ... . . ... . : S .!.! I , E .
"
il
I
Ici adj. young,
, ... a very little. . .. X I:: >
. .. . , .
% - \\, ,1
j
ita n. (-ya) spear;,...tile, brick, etc, ,) , . ,. - . .:.<
a r - .. . . - . . ,
,+ , ;' ,
l
i.la, n, (-ygj sinew;ina rut rut in- v.i, t o beat (pulse).. ..... :. ;.. . . .3 ' ,
..:
I
ark-;- v.i. ( t-) to dance.
uli n. (4) onion.
d;d- v.i. to become tangled (thread, string, etc.).
~ 1 %n. mistake, blunder; ulu 3- to be deceived.
ulel ulekil ulekihl adv. like that.
v&- v.i. to retch (before vomiting) -
worn n. heat, warmth; worn Z8n.jzl summer month.
uska adj. /adv. extra.
%h- v.t. (4,) to pound; to stab.
uh-i- v.t, (-t-) to plant.
il
a dem. adj. that over there; a- dem. root, that over there; ocmi$
in words like cicasi that man, z~vare' those mew, adi that
woman or thing, rivi those women or things.
@hi-v.t. pt-) to blow.
aksoyi n. steam, breath.
aceka adj. that amount of, so much.
at- v.t. (-h-) to give to drink; lit-<un- to drink.
4tu n. (-yit) camel.
@#a adj. small, little; spa meh- v.t, t o despise, to look with
contempt.
at- v.t. (-h ) to make wet.
Qta n. ( - y ~ )spring; tsta b ~ l an. wet land.
nfala adv. n. thither, in that direction,
nda adj. wet.
rsda n. variety of grains.
rids dem. pr. she, it; that woman, thing,
Jd-i- v.i. (-t-) to become damp; at- v.t; (-h-) to make wet.
Gnj, n. (-y3) small bamboo basket for birds.
(51- ~ . t (-h-)
. to winnow using wind; @ p < %mbC to fly.
amps- IX. occasiof~. 6 . .
339
6mbese.- adv, over there.
ayu n. (iiriga) flesh, meat&
ara kdga n. pickle (s.D.), -\
emini inter. adj. which; o::urs as stem also, e.g., eminai which
man, where is he; eminald which men,where are they; enainagi
which woman, thing, where is she, it; emina~iwhich women,
things; where are they; emiai kanda which place.
ernba!i?e con. and then.
ernbav2i adv. n, there; embe, ernbeve adv. there.
embi- inter. root who, which; dccurs only as bound, e.g., embasasi
who (masc. sg.); ernbcawii who (masc.pl.); imbayi which
(non-masc.sg.) ;ernbavi which (non-masc.pl.) enzbiyo where.
ernbiya adv. n. where.
v.t. (-h-) to stdke @re, light fire:
- , - .
era adv. along (the length of).
.
erg-i- v. t (-G) to cut, slash.
erl-C v.i. (-t-) to go by differed path.
ela 1 ele adv. like that, that way; eleve adv. like, according; ele taki,
therefore.
elekZ, elekihi adv. that way, so like that, in that manner.
elubiZIi n. rule (S.D.); eluba~ihi- to rule.
&?eve adv. whole (s.D.).
eski adv: up, uphill; condition. . ,
eh- i.t. (at-) to pick (fruit).
e
8 dem. adj. that; t- edem. root-remote; occurs in w'ords 'like' Zvasi
he, that man; Bvuri they, those men; Zdi she or"it, tha t
woman, thing; Zvi they, those woman, things.
zk- v.t. ( h-) to open (mouth, book, etc.);'Jgtgi- ~ . it.o be' open.
'r * .
t't- v.i.(-h.)toscold;etpia-toquarrel ,
-
;ski n. thirst; b k i 4 v,i. to be thirsty; bk;hahe goh- v,i. to
quench tke thirst.
a
okg v.t. (.h-) to bring something from one place to another; to
sepatate; o p k - i ~ V. t. to cause to bring and fetch.
okila XL.(-figs) 'idvocate, lawyer.
okoplya n. (-yl) backyard of the house. -.
@pi- v.t . (its) to set a, trap; to channel watet , i.eb, along a pie=
'
of bamboo.
oc-i- v.t. '(-t-) to guess, select; to pronounce.
oconi n. (&a) riddle. .. . ..
ot- v.t. (-h-) to strain, filter, clean;. otpi ki- s.t. to make . &an,
cause to be clean.
otu n. proof. , .
od-i- v.i. to grow well, recover, .
,
p v,t. to rage.
~ h \t- J, (-t-) to smash, break; &pi ki- to break, smash,
.
dho int alas, exclamatory expression of surprise, grief, pity, etc.
k
s ~ % xdenoting plural; motion,
-ku add. part. used towards younger girls, cg., come girl.
-ka <aka,
kah- v.i. (-h-) to laugh,
&aka n, arm pit.
kak-; v.i. (+) to spill out (food, Water, etc.).
h k r l n, by%) angty person, a ,person hard to please; kabi v.i.
to become angryb
kakkrorni n. (-ka) bracelet (metal 1.
kakvhi v.i. (-t-) to vomit; kakoa nb vomit. I
lcagaEa n. work,
hagum' n. eka) necklet made up of stiff metal.
p f a a. a kind of' bird, dove-like bird.
kangnla adj. dirty (water).
kaiipla nb trouble; karlgalcs 2- to be in distress, to be out oqorder.
ka*B~ew~i . thief (C).
n, (karigtai%)thief (m,); L&grepi n, (-ska)
h c a kapi n. (-yg) scorpion. . t,
. .
ku,c-i- v.t. (-t-) to bite.
kaja adj . big; kajasi n . superior (m.); kaja dba n. father's-elder .
brother. !
.. .
hat& pp. tiil, upto. ,.
,
. . . . .
kalreli n.(- ka) cot. . ( 1
C.
kanu n. (kanka) eye; kanu kiskeri & to have blood-shot eyes; ka~gu
giti- v.i. to blink; kanu b ~ v i 2 n.(-y%) eyebrow;. kanu bzim
n. (-yB) eye lash; kanu mala n. (-yP[f eye-lid; kariu met- v;t. to
.. .
lust after, to throw eye upon.
kanda d. (-yg) peak (of hill), shoulder. : '. . ..... .
,
. . ,,
.
, .;,..
6kiP-i- . ("t-) 'like a dog:; b p ti$ ~ v:te to. !eat fast
.,
., . .
.
. .
(w&hheaddo&), ,
X \ . ' '
'
. . - .'. ,
. .
kapzt adj. stupid, foolish. . . .
kapki kinasa' n. clown, joker; kak-, pi-, > ha@. + . .
, . m
. ,
h p y z c n. (-yg) fool. . c\
. ..
!
m n. (-yH) work ..
. >
J
G a
kampa n. (-y%)grove, forest. . . .. . , ,.
. .
kapa kaya C v.i. to be greedy. -.
&ara n. heat of the sun; kara k~lorni n. hot season; b r a v&a n , , C ' $' !.
'
9
!g
summer. . , .
.
h r - i - v.t. (-t-) to chew meat (e.g., from bone); karki- v.t. to gnaw.
#?d
*
%
X:
kal- +. t. (-h.-) to mix to-gether, be mixed;: hut$- V. t i,to mix, .. . ..~.'. ...>h..
r .
kalh-i- v.i. (-to) to cohabit; to mix. :
'., ,
, , ,.
. . . . , ,
kalzl a. (-ka) stone (R. n ).
kma n, blood (used in some areas).
<I
348
...
j'$di kind; adv. phr. persistently'.
..
Ehdi k h d i ki- x i . to harangue. . .
&AdPEa. dance; kindri geti- v.i. t o a a a ~ e j
'
' -,'
'.
k l ~ h z lpp. like, may be, perhaps.
d d
kiri h r 2 m-=vdi.to shriek.
.. . ' ..; .
-. -
'
,
.
" ,
, .
. , . . . . .
kiripeja B. ear wax. .- . .. . .
. . - .' , I
. . ,..
k i l o n. (.y3) small stick; spoke bf wheel; . 9,:.
t
.'
, T .
: !.. ,
. ,
v.i. to break into pieces. , . . . .. .. .
. . / 5
,
,, '
, .
.I
'
. .
r
kutomi n, house-hold (family]:, . ' ' ..:l m,'
v .
. . . .1 . . . 2
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . <..
k.lr.dr.tl n, (-y%) stalk.,' . .
: I 2:
.
hd-i- aux.v. to be possible, used always negatively.
3'
. . . . . .. ; . ,
-,! ,
eB
Jeuduli n. (-ka) log.
, .
kz~dre'n. (-yS) hill-side, slope: . . .>I
. . '.
, '
. .
. , ,..
.k?-qka n. (-yB) brass bowl;
kugde' n. (-y%) semi-deaf person. . ,
.
S,, ,.
kundi n. (by%) pond. 3. ,
.. . . -
kan deli n. (-kaj cone-shaped container.
f ' " ..
kug du n.(-yl) dumb man .: ,, :; ,.\:
n.
kuta bayga (-y%) walking stick. ' -
.
.
,
stitch. . ,
, . . ,
kutu kutaki dd9- v.t. to cut up very small (e. g., meat).
kud-i- v.t. to shift, move; kwt- v.t. to shift:
kudi n, (-y%) string or fibre that ties the bo,w siridg to the bow.
..
Eudu n. cracked rice. . .
. . . .. . . . , .;!
kudgzt n. (-y?l) thigh.
'
-,::; : . . .
I'
, :
!.F . .
kuna Xcuca n. radish,, vegetables. . . , - , ' , ; ; 2 . ; :.-;.:L.
.
kuna kdlucni ki- v.t. to compel1 physically. i ..! .. . . _ .,. * . . .
h n d a n. (-y%) very small plot of ground:(e.g., forGse8d-bed$-
. .. . ,
. . ., ,
kupa n. (-y%) stack (of ragi; etc:).,; . : : , '
..
'
, ii: 3
v ,
..
I
kupeipoota n.cuckoo,
F .
., , ' -.... . i.
. . ,
Edpkiki v:t. to cause to sit, t o seat;
7 I
, ,.
kupli n, (-y4L) hillock.
k ~ b un.(-yl) hair-bun (ladies). . .
kubu dvirP' n . (-yB) aluminium decorative pin forhalt. C-.
'a S.
boy-hood.
koriki n. (-yg) back of the knee.
bsigoni adj. crooked.
k ~ c e k aadj. some; a little; koatka adj. a very little.
koja n. (-y&)foot-print.
&!a n. (-y8) thresh-hold; low wall, fence; h t a dzcven'n. door-step,
kot-i- v.i. (-t-) to be hot (sun).
kotu n. (-yBL) heap of grain; ko@ ikl n. granary;
kofoni a. sleepiness.
kotoli n. (-ka) mallet.
koda n. (-yB) leg.
bd-i- v.t. (-t-) to buy, bring; to take from plate, packet, etc.,
auxx to bring; kotki- v.t, to make purchases.
552
hwja n. (korj%) grains left over aftet the ha&st; km$ . perer- . V.t. ,
to glean.' .
. . , .
.'.
kowa n. fat. . .
kbl- v. t. (-h-) to work with iron (whenit is hotf;
pia n. (-y%) person with deformed hand (in.); h l i n.(;ska) persoa :..
, . . . -.
koto n . dif8dulty; kodo ppcir- v.i,i'tosuffer; . . ' ,
t ,
. '
. ' >
..
qzc7n.a n. (-y?l) heel, ankle. . . . .. , .:
spirit worship. . ,
..
@a n. C-yP) ladder. .' .I
. . . ,
gowt n. ( - y ~ ) - b u s hsmall
; tree. .
j ~ a(-ya) agreement; eye of potato; goja 5- v. i. to sprout.
g ~ ~ :n.
go@ n. ( - y l ) cattle resting place; - csttle-shed.. ..
v.
. .,(. - y ~ )donkey
80?zdp.II. . I
a
,
. '.
gori n. (-yii) goat.
sor-i- v.t. (-t-) to grind (with hod-grinder). .. . . .
. ,
. .
,
cz'coni n. gourd
cicoyi hi- v.t. to whistle.
out-i-/WC-i- v.t. (-G) to block up; cucultucec n. (-y8) cbrk, lid.
.
ces int expression of disgust.' . . I
cojoltojo n. floor. . .
.i
jakaqa ki- v.t. to make tasty, palatable, , ,
jamblz' n, bail.
jarna n. (-ye); j a q a Z p n. spring water.
j a m 2- v.i. to be born.
.-
a - v.t. (-t-) to throw out (liquids).
jaldi ki- v.t. to prepare.
javayi n. (-y3) husband's brother's wife. C
\
for food.
. .
j ~ f i g - i - v,i. (-t) to be lost; jlik- v.t. to loose. .. .
@CU n. (jaska) spoon; gourd, gourd spoon.
j d t i n. (-yii) branches for making. fence.
. ..
j d n i n. standard harvest.
j2aQ.u n. weed; rubbish. . . .
jdti n.'. caste,
' .... , .
j ~ n in. (*yZi) priest.
j6nj C v.i. (-t-) to stretch.
' , $ p - ;.v.t. (-h-) to teach; jepnasi n, teacher,
jcip-i- vat. ( t-) to learn; jdpinasi n, pupil.
jbmbu Samnda n. (;ya panda1 for special puja ceremony.
jdyu n. curry; jdyu E z m i n. vegjetables and edible greens.
'
jdra . man- v.i. '(-c-) to repent.
.
. t
. .
. X
. ..
jikc/jlkeke?s adv. also, as .well as. :. .. .
:
jikei jikme jikela cl. although, even i f i .even :tho@h; but, . ,'
j i ~ i 6 g a n. (-y21) cow-bell.
B . ,
. ,
jila n. (-yn) gallows.
ji v.t. (-t-) IQ shoot; to spray. .. 1
jikatana n. argument, heated discussion, worries.
-. .
jik-i- v.t. Iat-) to swallow,,,squaff, guzzle. .. :
.. . . .
$bra n. ( - y l ) tile icla'y). . . ,
a- v.i.
. .tci win;jini ki,-.t.t. to win, succeed. .
., ,.
$to& n. fees, salary. .% . ,
.*\
l
367
,
f g ~ un. ( - y ~ )fork of post. l
t0kh90 adj. rough.
tokgi n. (-YES)back of the neck.
" .
1 ' l
l
toto adv, n. side. ' 1
. . . -. . 1
I
tonfiga adj. weak. l
. n. (-ka) crab.
.tondoli ji
o n o n. (y ii) cup like container made o f .leaves.
I
'
, . S
t8pa n. drop i
n. (-ya) hat.
. . !~
fdperi n. (-ka) turban, head-scarf. ~
@pEi n. (-yii) a kind of basket.
I l!
!I
d ;!4
dak v.i. (-h-) to die; often used in a light hearte,d manner,
daka adj. hard. 1
I
daki n. (-y8) trunk.
dnge kagre pp. near.
1 ,
dana G- v.i. to become tight. l
ij
danger; n. (-ka) large'drying tray made of bamboo. ;i
J.
dumb-i- v.i. ( -t a ) to become weak: to split; to die; to be broken
wire, net, rope, etc.
dambe adv. completely, finally. -,
daya a-/ hal- v i. to fall asleep: davi k i - v. t, to make one fall fiat
d a ~ an, ( ya) small basket.
dali 'n. (-yZi) basket,
daspori n. ( ka) scissors; hair-clip.
dah- v.t. to (-t ) to light fire.
dah- v.t. (-t-) to fight (between two); to be caught; to be squeezed
diilc- v.t. (-h-) to take out (solids); to distribute.
d6 dd inn v.i. (tc-) to crack, smash.
dcba n. (-yi?) large tin, measuring about 18 lit~es.
d6yu adv. n. afterwards; dayn prudu?wt n. the last one; dayu va7i
behind.
( ~ d y i n. small-pox.
dfilu n. (-ka) young animal, young one of an animal.
dalu d&Zu adj. very small; d/i:kc ddu ilu n. very small house.
diha vat. et-) to raise the hand in blessing; kedu dGh- to bless some-
one raising the hand,
@h-i- v.t. (-t-) to become weak, thin.
dlvesi n. term used by a man towards another who has stolen his
wife.
dik- v.t , (-h-) to repay (loan); to break wood, etc,
dinda n. (-ya) unmarried man; dinda ra7a n. I-ska) nnrnarried girl
(not betrothed); dinda dzihinlnesi n. bachelor (aged); (tin@
diihimne n. spinster (aged f , ,
dBba n. (-8) sand-hill; often used as bmli diba sand-hill.
diyo daqa adv. moving sidewards, swinging (boat).
disila n. (-yii) nest of ant, bird, etc.
dim v.i. (-t-) to be finished of debt; to be over; to break wood,
stitch, etc.
dig-;- vat. (-t-) to touch.
?i di vi9- v.t. to knock; to make a beating sound.
dinden; n. Gka) bladder.
,
dirnbu n. (Pipka) gourd.
cjka 'n.tune, voice.
:d
. 4' .. .
didu n. (-ya) basket made of leaves.
duka n. (-yTi) log. -,
neck.
'
diveyi n. November.
disera n .(-nga) astrologer.
duka n. disease in crops.
dukana n. (-ka) store, shop.
dukzc n. sadness.
dundra n, mist, cloud. _ . ..
dupa n. (-yir) small thick bushes.
dupa kdti n. name of a bird.
dupni n. incense.
duba gori n. a type of sheep.
dubla adj. white.
duma adj . fat.
duri mumu n. a kind of tree.
duyu duyw G- v.t. to be dirty.
dulomi n. (-ka) plant; rafter..
dulp-i- v.t. (-t-) to shake.
d u v ~n. tobacco.
duver; n. (-ka) entrance, door; duveri b6ndu n. (-yii) door frame.
da- v.i. (-t-) to grow old; dati (buyhalb~hs')adj. very old.
dana ki- v.t. to fold.
data n. (-yir) angel.
dayi num. two.
dayi k6ri doso num. fifty.
dari n. ebony tree.
daru n. starch.
d i q i n. dust.
dah- v.t. (-t-) to pierce, go right through.
deba adv. n. time, occasion.
debupiqe / debo?zi?e con. as soon as, immediately after; adv.
immediately, straight away.
deyhu adj. a little different; derhu b k a n. dialect of Kuvi spoken
in IKasipar-Rayagada area.
devoyi n. (-ka) temple.
dehi n. curd.
dehZi dZ/ de cl. shortly; now; the one- emphatic.
de9- v.t. (-t-) to open.
d6m n. (-ka) shoot (bamboo).
d6viEi gatasi n. lecher.
dba n. (-yH) 'country; d b a jOngi- V . t, to reign or rule.
d68pi adv. down.
d6?- v.t. (-t-) to wipe.
dongoroyi n. lentil used for dhal.
dogdo n. punishment.
doya expression meaning 'please'. .,
doy-i- v.t. (-t-) to kick; to step on. l
I
pada n. height.
pada d v.i. to grow, increase; paoa ki- v.t. to make grow.
pad-i- v.t. (-t-) to break, split, crack (often plastic, etc.)
papade pade adv. phr, carelessly; hurriedly.
pand-i- v.t.. (-t-) to send.
ganhii n. (-y%) jack fruit.
pata pataya ki- v.t. t6 thin opt.
puteka pp. upto, as long as, till.
patemi 6- v.i. to compare; to cornp!ete; t o test.
puduyi n. (-ka) bat.
38 E
p d n u adj. middle aged (neither too much nor too Iitte); padnu
buyha d- v.t. to become middle aged.
padnu 6- v.i. to have drunk (wine), not too much or too little.
padnzc met- v.t. (-h-) to flavour (food), i.e., just enough salt and
-\,
seasoning, not too much.
p a m n. (-yB) frog.
pana poti n. (-y8) tadpole.
paniya naCka) comb.
I pancadara n. sugar.
n i - v i. (-t-) to be satisfied.
!' pandra p?t?n~n. rib.
l
4 pandri n. (-yii) roof-structure with thatch, small hut.
i
p a p D, dhal (lentils).
pay-i- v.t. (-t-) to beat, kill.
4l
par- v.t. (-h-) to dig a ditch.
/I
I
paraya n. (-y8) hole of a rat, etc.; a gap.
l
I
i,~
part-i- / par- v.t. (-t-/-h-) to make way, channel for water,
i '
place for well.
par?a/ paraya a. (-yti) split (in wood, wall, etc.); gap, hole.
I
pala n. seedlings.
~ 6 1 %n. milk.
pdlu kHya n. papaya.
p d w n. (-yii) cave.
pdsa num. five. .
pdsa kHni n. coin worth one paise offered in puja.,
piisi manda n. (-yii) cross, hanging post.
p ~ s les-
i v.t. (-t-) to bang.
pi%- v.t. (-t-) to spread,
pdheri n. (-ka) road.
pilc- v.i. (-h--) to be heavy.
p i a p i a adv. phr. one after another.
pic-i- v.t. (-t-) to tie money in the corner of doth; to cut -steps in
.. -
tree. I
1, plja n. lightning
i pitto& 2- v.i. to be incorrect; pitoui ki- vat. to.miss.
l
l pidru d- v.i. to become sacred; to bolt with fear.
Il
ll
I pie- / p @ - / p i - v.i. (-h-l-t-) to hatch out, incubate.
l' pinda n. (-yl) sitting place in front of the house; pial.
il
I pit- v.t. (-h-) to poke to release blood; to cause te burst, open up.
l
l$ ~ i t an. ( y ~ gall
) bladder.
I.;
I'
I
pita poti n. (-y%)a kind of bird.
pltatani n. expression of scolding; pitotan; ta?i n. unpleasant term
l of scolding.
l
pitaya n. brass,
pitla n. (ay%)cheek.
pid-i- v.i. (-t-) to open up, e.g., boil, sore, etc ; to burst open.
pinugu n. corpse.
V . i. (-i ) to pounce, spring;'
pz'peyi marnu n. pipal tree,
pipeli n. (-ka) knife. I
.
pirta n, (-ya) fcnale genitals.
4 .
pirputi . n (-ka) stdmach:
1
;l
i'
I
1
piyta/pyita n. a small clay-pot.,
pillcn n. grass; bunch of grasses.
i!l pisih"ldvv. except. ,-
#z'spe pp. except, but fot.
h v.t. (-t-) to leave, forsake; aux.v. to leavs away, pispi k i i v.t.
to save; to avoid <>
!pihenz' n. (-h\ flat seive for strainins water. .
pfka n~ (syii) cigai; pika goha v,t. to smoke,
pzfiga n . excreta.
pfc-ib vLt.(zt-) to milk, to squeeze, , . .
picu n grass, straw
piija n. (~iigal~yii) tile; btoken pot, btoken pieces of clay-pot;
pfijla g i c n.
~ (giska) pot-sherd, small pieces of broken pot.
p i t - i ~ v,i. to pass wind; pitw: n b faart, passing wind,
pit7uni n~ tail birdr
piporoyi pots n. (-yii) kingufisher,
pigu nb(piska) rain; psgu lore adv,phib.in the p ~ u r i n g rain;
p3ska w@a n. rainy season.
piri n. feeds used to rnrtke rope fibre; piri #ari n. rope ftom reed.
g i r i p ~ k i n. hawk,
pirmyi n. (ka) flute.
pili n. @yB) shoot of tress;
piseyz' k i i v.t. to torment,
puci n. (-y%) abthiil.
puta B . normal share; portion of meal%
puti n. unit of measure approx. 60 kg.
p u t - i v. i. (-r-) to bmome mouldy.
puti b i ~v.t. to stiike one's icg against a stone or stick,
$zcfka n (-yg) small basket,
pudarm n, 'wednesday.
pun- v.i. (.c-) to know, understand; panas; n. v+ise man:
pupmbi kz'-lpY~rnbiki- k.t to explain; purlmba n. knowicdge.
knowing.
pu7zadi n . Toundatlon
gunja n, ( - y ~ )heap oP eai-th by the sfde oY' the fat's hole.
pz~tuli n. (-ka) butterfly.
p ~ y n. a burning coal; usually occurs -in the combination hicepzcyti.
guri n. (.yQ fin of a fish.
puri h.uba n, comet,
pare (keyu) adj. Ieft (hand).
pudi n. world.
purbomi adv. west. h,
387
tl gteen dove.
piihha ki- v.t. to take care. -,
pqa? /pzp- v.t, (-t-l-h-) to'receive, get: tb give birth to. +('
. ,
pnaqayi adj. old.
p$-/ v.i. c+) to hatch out: pnipi ki- . v,t. to put eggs for
hatching. . .
-ba add. part. used to address men or boys, e.g., vzba come.
baki pp. side, direction; bakita pp. for, on behalf of.
v * C
Bidi n. (-yB) small clay pot; very small pot; glass (of water).
biteka adv. hands breadth.
bdtri pp. inside.
bids n. (-ya) block with fist; bida t6j.i- v.t. to beat with hst.
Edi n. rule, custom; small metal container with c ~ t j t r ydeiiicine,
worn round the neck, arm or wrist to protect the
wearer from evib, si~kaess,etc*
b W @ a a, small chisel.
bir-i- v.i. (-t-) to grow, multiply (worms, etc); to develop
feathers (birds). -.
birt-i /brig- v t . (-t-) to scratch making marks.
birp-i.- v. t. (-t-) to scratch making many marks.
birva n. iron-safe.
biyo ki- v.t. to stir.
bila n. (-yii) wheel.
6ileyi n. (-ka) cat.
bilki n . confusion, forgetfulness; bilEiii- v.i. to become confused.
bisk; n, ( yii) brains.
b i j a ki- v.t. to harass, annoy.
bz'meqesi n, rain-god. , . .
< -
.
bodi n (-yl) lamp (base). .
,
, .
c.
G .
. * ,..
>
. ,.. :"
m '
.. . ,
. ,
, ,
b a k ~adj. false.
biigu n. thank offering.. -. . .
bfiji n. (-yH):feast. . :
. .
boja adj. heavy.
bbno n. ( y ~ nest;
) bSno pah- v.t. to make a nest. . , , ,
bbndiil-li n placenta. . ,
biipu n. strength. , .
b c ~ ptiyeyi
i n. fi uit of bori tree.
bbya adj. hornless.
bbya n. a kind of cake, fried in oil. .
.\
bsla n word.
biiua a. (ly8) younger brather. ... ...
b6sorn; h& v.i. et-) to perish in gre-af aumber,~ due to some
disaster.
bnefikoti adj. crooked.
b&h$yg n. a yariety of lentil.
br6t- v.t. (-h-) to smoke out.
byac-t v.i. (-to) to be tired of.
bra'yt~ n. strength; by@% a- v.i. to become +tfoag. L.
m r 9 u n. (my%)mongoose.
mara n. ( y5) fold.
rna~taM v.?. to fold over, together. . .. . -. .
g
.,
mak-d v.t. (-t-1 to roast in fire; to cook food wrapping food in
leaves or putting in fire. +\
mdga n. February.
mrsriga n. (masks) daughter.
mdbg-6 v.t. (-t-) to die out family, tribe, type of seed, etc.
m ~ c in. dirt; mac; 8- v.i. to become dirty,
mccj-i- v.i. (-t-) to be ripen; maju tuh- v.i. to ripen.
,. .
maj-c v,i. to smell bad; to get spoiled (food); m8ja l a l - to become
stale, bad, spoiled; to go bad of food.
ki- V. t. to cause to prepare.
mGjo n. in our house.
mzt- v.t. e h - ) ta begin, commence: to call.
mdtu Mtula a- v.i: to hide things.
m8tub pp. in cdver of, underneath, inside.
matpi 5- vat.to plan; to arrange,
mdda n. fighting, beating; mada 8- v.i. to be fighting, beating;
nzdda Ei- vet. to beat.
mana n. unit of measure, approx. 3 kg,
m ~ n e k anun. one thousand.
w i g d - i v.t. (-to) to marry.
. . k;- v.t. to assist in marriage arrangements,
mDndi
mat- vat. (-h-) to train animals, birds, etc.
mdtovi n temptation; matovi Ei- v t . to tempt.
rniitrorni adj. only (s.D.).
mjtlomi n. eka) devil, evil spirit (originates from child who died).
madi e'yu n. muddy water.
mans n. wild citrus fruit.
mzni n. respect, honour: mani ki- vet, to respeot.
mii~eyin. ( miiueyadga) person.
h n o v i g- v.t. to obey, heed.
mlindi ki ~ . tto . prepare for use; to train animals.
miipura I mahupurb n. God.
aa'po n, at our place; to us.
ma'ba n, (-y5) our my father,
mdma n. (-y B) maternal uncle.
mdmbu per. pr we (cxcl.).
399
to cause to disappear.
mtiyu n. (-yii) sambhar.
aa'ra n. (-yii) wing.
mJra a- v.i. to grow, spread out.L
~ o ~ o nadv.
i n. day before yesterday. .-.,
ro9orill.a n, forest vine; edible tuber.
roqosi laka n. each one (m.).
r6 num. adj. one; r5 bZyZ9c adv. only once.
~ 6 y l i v,i. (-t-\ to stay.
rFle9etayi n. it is same (non-rnasc. sg.).
rdle9e adv. of the same size.
r6 vanja nnum one hundred.
h - v t. ( -t-) to marry; to carry, e.g., on tray, plate, in box,
etc.
~6he?e[rohe7eadv. to-gether, jointly.
r&va n. soot; black caused by soot and smoke.
I
-?a add. part. used towards younger boys, e.g., aya he! boy.
yak- v.i. (-h-) to taste sweet.
yag-i v.i. (-r-) to boil (water).
~anj-i-v.t. (-t-) to throw out (water); to scatter.
gandi n, palate.
Tapa adv completely; adj. all.
pa9a n. (-ska) young unmarried girl.
gaku n. (-y?L) offering to deity.
ydk-i- v,t. (-t-) to sacrifice.
M%g-i- v.i. (-t-) to sleep.
ydndz~ adv. n. last year.
y i p i n. cow-dung; manure.
- v.i. to crack; to be fiinished; to burst (boils).
~ i k -v.t. (-h-) to break into pieces (pot, etc.).
rig-i- v.i. (-t-) to break (pots, etc.).
yico raca Ei- v.t. t o shake liquid in bottle.
yidpi adj. lower.
rioika adv. n. lower part (of village, etc.).
yi- v.t. (-t-) to cry; to ring.
ySke adv. completely; rike goh- v.t. to drink up completely.
1
408
yutva n. ( - v 9 bug l i
. , S
la cl. expressing wish, doubt, anxiety.
$aka cl. each; con. because, therefore; pp. for; as much 2s.
*L-w4 I laka jiimbu n. (-yl) a type of guava. ,. . 1
lakibara n. Thursday.
lako adv. n./pp. top, above, high.
1
lage adj . bad; lage 6- v.i. to wreck; to become useless; lagese
adv. badly.
i
$4 lageve d- v. i. to become unclean.
lage9eti adj. bad, evil; unclean.
;i i
% $1 laja n. shyness, shame; laja 8- v.i. to be ashamed;" Eaja r&g-i-
1; 3
- .
I l
.. v.i. (-t-) to get rid of shame.
ii: lafa n. (-ya) rubbish; bush.
;,1
'I
lati bayga n. walking stick; stick.
ij Zadi n. mud.
l
l
Eandayii n.rice-wine.
I
I
lapeyi n. (-ka) chin.
I
:
l
lamba adj. long.
l
lavaya qotatasi n. demanding person.
I
I .
la'kavari kitarli n well-finished ornaments/decorations.
lng-i- v.t. (-to) to scold; ldgtyi 4- v.i. to argue, quarrel.
15c-i- v.t. (-t-) to measure.
18deve adv. without trouble, easily.
E5qdi n. June.
ZZinteri, n. lantern.
laba n. gain, profit.
lgri n. truck.
Zgri n,cattle-shed.
l a w n. climbing gourd.
ZBsE-i- v.t. (-t- ) to measure.
ZgoaySi adv. n. in the night.
adv.n. morning; la9isi9e adv.n. early morning.
l$?n adv. n. 'night; 1P?ay8 adv. in the night. .
lidi lid; adv. phr. softly'.
linja n, yolk of egg.
lihi n . ( ya) carvings.
liv-/ni?- v.i. ( t-1 to stand up. - ,. . _..,
ljyo
,,.. 3- v.,i. ?O wither..
livi'lnva' adv. softly; bending easily.
l i s e ~ in. (-ka) drum (largest).
lzldu ludu adv. phr. softly.
lqnj-j-, y . i . (-i-.)
> . .to ache; to throb with pain.
sayu n. ornaments; -
, . . .
I
-
sanarzc n ~ c un . Saturday. ..
sapi adj. quiet; sapi & v.i. to be quiet. . . ..
sapta adj. flat. . - . -,. l
.
s a w d- v.i. to prepare. e. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . :
.
1
11
l
hlim adj. very; many, much; Adreye adv. very much; hare& adv.
too s u c h , full; more
. , than sufficient.
hn'li n, noise; hdli 5- v.i. to make noise.
hzl-i v.i. (-t-) to be sufficient; h6ti ki- v.t. to make
hn'li g d y i n. quarrel; disturbance.
hzle n. full payment.
hiiziii n grain like millet.
hlik- v.t. (-t-) to distribute: hdspi- v.t. to share out food, to
divide; to organize.
hzfka o l i g i n. (-y%)back of the neck.
hilea man- v.i. to be busy; to have many things to do.
h i h m Z ~ an . (-y!U net for (carrying).
hik-i- v.t. (-t-) to start work; to begin.
hikni n. (-ya) chain
hicu n. fire; hicu gudva n. flame of fire; h i m b~nala
n. (-yii) torch; hicu kzla n. match.
hida hi& adv. phr. with much difficulty or exertion.
hida hidn i- v.i. to be difficult to carry,
big- v.t. (-h-) to shave; h i ~ ~ n. p u (-yn) razor.
hini hi- v.t. to look down on; to despise.
hitri adj. cold.
ktidvi G- v.i. 'to whisper.
hin,ju n. resin, gum.
hineri ~ k 7 o y i n. steam of boiling water; hineri Eyu n. boiling
water.
hindru n semen.
hip4 n. I-yP) scale of fish.
himbori n. (-ka) cloth; hi?nbori kutigu II.edge of cloth; hinebori daLi
n. clothing,
72ir'u-i- v.i. f-t-J to talk slowly (in ear).
hirsa n. (-ya) gizzard; grass seed which sticks in clothes (burr).
hirsze n (-ya) timber used for frame of bed.
hirsu, warn% n. a type of tree.
hil- v.i.1neg.a~~.t o be not, is not.
hih- v.t. (-t-) to sharpen; to shave; to cut hair.
Fuiqeni n. (-ka) chitah.
hisli adj. green, fresh.
hi- v.t. (-t-) to give; aux.v. to permit, allow.
hiriga n. (-yff) turmeric.
lairiga vali n. (-ka) stone used for pounding turmeric and
other spices.
.,
hingeri adj. yellow. I
. .
hews n. ( - y d ) biscuit, cake.
h i dem.adj. that far yonder; hi- dem. root that far; occurs only
bound as in ht?vusi he, that man (far); hE~ari they, thbse
men (far); hzdi shelit, that womanlthing (far); h6ci they,
those women, things (far).
h8 particle inviting attention 'look7.
hik- v.i. (-h-) to itch; to be sticky and gluey.
h g k ~&ka lduka n. palm fibre.
~arn74 n. (-ka) toddy palm.
hzfiguli n. itch from scabies.
n. (-y%) winnowing fan; hZceka n. one winnowins fanfill
hgdi n. mischief.
hbn- v.t. (het-) to see; to look carefully; hCpdn v. imperative (pl.)
look out, be careful; hdgda k o ~ l - i - v.t to look after one-
self; to inspect.
hZdi dem. pi. she, it; that woman there.
hZp-1:- v. t. (-t-) to sweep.
hzpuri n. (-ka) broom.
hzmu v. imperative (sg.) look out, be careful
i~e;mbct9a adv. there.
h.@a n. (-y%)brinjal.
1
- v.t. (-t-) to continue to do, keep on doing something.
n. (-ka) pair of oxen, yoked to plough; plough; h i r ~ki- V. t.
l
B to plough; hdrugotasi n, farmer.
f hEro7ni adv. n. two days ago.
j h&-l- v.i. (-t-) to be ruined, spoiled financially; to lose court-
3
case.
hi?~a~il:dem. pr. they; those men.
htvasi dem. pr. he; that man.
A6vi dern. pr. they; those women, things.
hot-i- / hdc-i- v.i. (-t-) to feel; used only in third person singular.
hojaro num. one thousand; hoja hojaro n. thousands.
hou- v.i- (hop) t o run.
hond-i-1 hondv-i- v.t. to cut up meat.
hone, hone~esi,honesi, n. (honesanga) son-in-law; brother- in-law.
(-y%) bison.
hcmau n. money; price; payment.
homu, d u ~ e r i n. opposite door.
homb-i- v. t. (-t . ) to wash dishes.
horn had -i- v.t. (it-) to make offering to God
magic formulae. . .
horoboro ki- v.i. to make trouble. $
Corrections
Page Mistake
6 t it
16. clnster cluster
19 japarnu japmu
21 pitvuni pitvuni -
dr dv
hilooosi hilovsi
cu py 'our cup your
hallow hollow
-a, - , . .
-a, -1
beaccumplished be accomplished
dec-ension declension
fina final
drahli drahli
drapka drnpka
nehquti nehsuriti
marnu marnu-ti
geni ttive genitive
excep except
nehvur -t-'j neh9uri-t-i
dokavi dokra91
kuti kiili
na ns
id&?% f das%
herone herons
usku musku
WO two
tanjigatayi tanjigaf asi
boyeri b6yeri
adverbia adverbial
- -ti-
green fresh green, fresh
in - tin-
foI1owin following
kinori kin ovi
tuhne tu knesi
daughter daughters
tbsta~atih tosta9atihi
woulp would
mea meat
, more more words
adverbia adverbi a1
per -.cctive perfective
nite finite
Page Mistake
207 aa as a
S1 S?
209 ntransitive intransitive -\{
bayalu
9 c8) (-ya
19 maryiadu . . mariyadu
32 m5pura nla guru
6 bPyEse . bereoe
31 lass liiva
30 iha lehE
27 vid-i vid-i
.
About the Author
Some. of the"&mmsr@s
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sents a significant contributiov to the study of e "
- Prof. T. Burrow
University of Oxford
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This clearly represents a t eiy important
contribution to thye study of Tamil and l myself '.
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. Dr. J. R. Marr
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Un'iversity of London
. 4