MESSAGE

Every stroke of an hour, more than a hundred Filipinos are

crossing borders to seek greener pastures. What does this hold
for the Philippines, now and in the future?

Many studies have been done in the attempt to explore the so-
cial and economic consequences of international labor migra-
tion. As more dimensions are unveiled, more unanswered ques-
tions are unravelled, and one of these is the interconnectedness
of this phenomenon with population and development factors.

This fourth issue of the State of the Philippine Population Re-

port (SPPR) attempts to look more deeply into the population
and development dimensions of overseas labor migration.
How do Filipino international labor movements relate to the
population factors and events in the country? Is population a
ii factor in the migrants decision to leave and work in foreign
lands? And, in turn, how does overseas labor migration affect
the population situation in the country? These are some of the
questions that SPPR 4 seeks to answer.

More importantly, this report calls for decisions and actions

from policymakers and stakeholders in order to optimize the
positive impact of international labor migration, while mitigat-
ing its negative consequences, on individuals, families, com-
munities, and the Filipino nation as a whole.

Maraming salamat po!

TOMAS M. OSIAS
Executive Director
Commission on Population
MESSAGE
I would like to commend the concerted efforts of the Commis-
sion on Population and its partner agencies, nongovernment
organizations, and the academe for coming up with a relevant
and timely report which concerns every Filipino, both local and
overseas.

The State of the Philippine Population Report 4 comes at an op-

portune time in bringing to the fore some of the pressing issues
which our fellow countrymen, especially those who are working
in foreign countries, had to confront amidst their search for bet-
ter income opportunities.

Being away from their families and loved ones presents a com-
plicated scenario not only for their families but more so for the
individual, especially in accessing necessary health services.
Our task in the Department of Health to provide much-needed
iii
health services to Filipino families at home extends to migrant
individuals overseas, as they face varied health risks and condi-
tions in the countries of their employment.

Health is but one among the many aspects affecting the totality
of the overseas Filipinos concerns. Yet health is a vital issue for
the development of the entire population, men and women alike,
both the young and the ageing, in all sectors of society.

Together with our partners, let us continue to strive in provid-

ing health access to the larger populace, not only those who are
within our borders, but especially the migrant Filipinos whom
we call modern day heroes.

More power and mabuhay!

FRANCISCO T. DUQUE III, MD., MSc.

Secretary of Health
 Acronyms
ADB Asian Development Bank
BLA Bilateral labor agreements
BOP Balance of payments
BSP Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas
CAD Consular Assistance Division
CFO Commission on Filipinos Overseas
CHED Commission on Higher Education
CMW Committee on the Protection of the Rights of All
Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families
DFA Department of Foreign Affairs
DILG Department of the Interior and Local Government
DOH Department of Health
DOLE Department of Labor and Employment
DOST Department of Science and Technology
FIES Family Income and Expenditures Survey
FWRC Filipino Workers Resource Center
GCIM Global Commission on International Migration
GDP Gross domestic product
iv GIR Gross international reserves
GNP Gross national product
HAIN Health Action Information Network
HIV/AIDS Human immunodeficiency virus/Acquired immune
deficiency syndrome
ICMW International Convention on the Protection
of the Rights of All Migrant Workers
and Members of Their Families
ILO International Labor Organization
ILS Institute of Labor Studies
IMO International Maritime Organization
IOM International Organization for Migration
IPDP Integrated Population and Development Program
IT Information technology
LGU Local government unit
LINKAPIL Lingkod sa Kapwa Pilipino
MOA Memorandum of Agreement
NCR National Capital Region
NEDA National Economic and Development Authority
NFIA Net factor income from abroad
NGO Nongovernment organization
NMP National Maritime Polytechnic
NSCB National Statistical Coordination Board
NSO National Statistics Office
OCTA One Country Team Approach
OCW Overseas contract worker
OFW Overseas Filipino worker
OMD OFW Migrant Desk
OUMWA Office of the Undersecretary for Migrant Workers
Affairs
OWWA Overseas Workers Welfare Administration
PD Presidential Decree
PDOS Pre-departure Orientation Seminars
PESO Public Employment Service Office
PhilHealth Philippine Health Insurance Corporation
PIDS Philippine Institute of Development Studies
POEA Philippine Overseas Employment Administration
POLO Philippine Overseas Labor Office
POPCOM Commission on Population
POPDEV Population and development
RA Republic Act v
SARS Severe acute respiratory syndrome
SEPO Senate Economic Planning Office
SMC Scalabrini Migration Center
SOF Survey of Filipinos
SPPR State of the Philippine Population Report
SSA Social security agreement
STCW Standards on Training, Certification
and Watchkeeping for Seafarers
TESDA Technical Education and Skills Development
Authority
TFR Total fertility rate
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNESC United Nations Economic and Social Commission
UNESCAP United Nations Economic and Social Commission
for Asia and the Pacific
UNFPA United Nations Population Fund
US United States
WHO World Health Organization
YAFS Young Adult Fertility and Sexuality Study
.................................................... .................

.. . . ... ..
.. .. ..
.. .. ..
.. .. . . ... . . ... ..
.. .. ..
.. .. . . ... . . ... ..
.. .. ..
..

vi
 Contents
...............................................................................
Preface..........................................................................................................ii
Foreword ....................................................................................................iii
1 In Search of Greener Pastures...............................................................2
Focus on OFWs................................................................................3
The POPDEV Perspective.............................................................5
About the Report.............................................................................7
2 Who Are the OFWs?...............................................................................8
Age and Sex .....................................................................................9
Education........................................................................................12
Jobs Abroad.....................................................................................13
Origins and Destinations.............................................................16
Remittances...................................................................................19
Incomplete Picture........................................................................25
3 Protecting Migrant Workers...............................................................26
Laws that Protect Migrants Rights...........................................27
Structures that Help Migrant Workers.....................................32
Plans and Programs for OFWs....................................................35 1
International Policies and Bilateral Agreements.....................45
Big Challenges Ahead...................................................................53
4 Working Abroad: Theres Gain, but Theres Pain...........................54
To the Migrant Worker: The Benefits, Costs and Risks........55
Impact on the Family...................................................................60
Spillover Effects on the Community.........................................66
Gains and Losses for the Country..............................................68
Do the Benefits Outweigh the Costs?......................................76
5 The POPDEV Dimensions.................................................................77
Do Population Factors Compel Filipinos to Migrate?...........79
Global Trends that Spur Migration...........................................84
Does Migration Affect Fertility?................................................85
The Feminization of Migration..................................................86
Economic Dimensions................................................................88
A Multi-faceted Phenomenon....................................................92
6 Challenges and Needed Actions........................................................94
Ensuring that People Migrate Out of Choice..........................95
Protecting Migrants Rights........................................................97
Human Development of Migrants............................................99
Reinforcing Economic and Development Gains..................101
Enhancing Migration-Related Governance...........................102
Building the Knowledge Base on Migration..........................104
References...............................................................................................105
 T helma was only 18 when she set out from her home in Capiz to work
as a househelp in Quezon City. Pinong, a fisherman, left his family in
the Visayas to work for a big fishing vessel in Navotas, Metro Manila. Luisa,
a nurse from Ilocos Norte, also decided to move to work at a hospital in Ma-
nila.
Those were in the 1960s. People from the provinces, in the desire to
advance in life, often moved to the cities where they believed better oppor-
tunities lay. Industries, trade centers, job openings, bigger incomes, modern
facilities, easier access to goods and services, places of entertainment all
2 these spelled promise for a better life that lured many rural dwellers to move
to the countrys urban centers.
Today, Filipinos are still moving in search of greener pastures. But with
the present trend towards globalization, and with the competition for jobs
becoming tighter even in the cities, more and more Filipinos are looking be-
yond the countrys borders for the opportunities that they seek.
..................................................................................................................................

1 In Search
of Greener
............................

Pastures
...................................................................
 The movement of people, or migration, is one process that
keeps changing the countrys population and development pic-
ture. In recent years, this movement took on phenomenal pro-
portions as increasingly large volumes of Filipinos left for other
countries, some to settle there permanently, but mostly to work
only temporarily. These movements have become so wide-
spread that they have affected the lives of millions of Filipinos,
restructured social institutions, and altered the face of the coun-
trys economy.
The phenomenon naturally caught the attention of econo-
mists, social researchers, and other development experts. The
discussions, however, focused mainly on the social and eco-
nomic aspects of international migration. Little was said about
the demographic aspect of the phenomenon.
It is for this reason that the fourth issue of the State of the
Philippine Population Report (SPPR4) brings the focus on Fili-
pino overseas labor migration.
The SPPR is a periodic publication of the Commission on
Population (POPCOM) that discusses population and develop- 3
ment issues affecting Filipinos. From unmet need for family
planning (SPPR1), adolescent health and youth development
(SPPR2), and urbanization and development (SPPR3), SPPR4
now centers on Filipino overseas labor migration, viewed and
discussed from the population and development (POPDEV) per-
spective.

Focus on OFWs Focus

There are several kinds of international migrants and differ- on OFWs
ent ways of classifying them. There are permanent migrants,
who settle permanently and become immigrants or citizens
in the destination country. And there are temporary migrants,
who stay in the foreign country only for a limited time just to
work, reunite with family, seek political asylum, or for other
purposes.
The temporary labor migrants, commonly referred to as over-
seas Filipino workers or OFWs, make up the biggest number of
 Some Helpful Definitions
Migration movement of people from one geographic
area to another involving a change of residence.
Internal migration movement within the boundaries of
a nation.
International migration movement across national
boundaries.
Permanent migration involves permanent settlement
and immigration status in the country of destination,
often also involving change of citizenship.
Temporary migration - involves staying in another
country only for a certain period of time for various
purposes.
Overseas Filipinos all Filipino nationals abroad,
including migrant workers, permanent residents or
immigrants, former Filipino citizens who are now
citizens of another country, holders of
non-immigrant visas like tourists, visitors, students,
medical patients, those on official missions abroad, and
descendants of Filipino nationals living overseas.
Temporary labor migrants (also known as guest
workers or overseas contract workers) temporary
migrants whose purpose in staying in another
4 country is to work and send money home. Filipino
temporary labor migrants also include trainees who
stay temporarily in another country to obtain job-
related training.
Overseas Filipino workers - Filipinos temporarily out
of the country to fulfill an overseas work contract for
a specific length of time or who are at home on a
vacation but still have existing contracts to work
abroad. OFWs are the Filipino temporary labor
migrants.
Irregular migrants (or undocumented or illegal
migrants) - people who enter a country, usually in
search of employment, without the necessary
documents and permits.
Forced migrants people forced to move due to
external factors, such as environmental catastrophes,
political conflict, calamities or land development
projects, including refugees, asylum seekers, and people
displaced for reasons not of their own choice.
Family reunification migrants - people joining family
members who are already migrants in another country.
Return migrants - people who return to their
countries of origin after having stayed in another
country for a considerable period.
Filipino international migrants
in recent years. Of the total stock
estimate of overseas Filipinos in
2006, over 3.8 million or 46 per-
cent were temporary migrants.
Permanent migrants made up 43
percent, and irregular migrants,
11 percent. (See Table 1.1.)
OFWs, sometimes also called
overseas contract workers or
OCWs, stay abroad only for the
limited duration of their job con-
tracts, during which they send
money home. They are usu-
ally hired through a recruitment
agency or through the Philippine
Overseas Employment Adminis-
tration (POEA) in the Philippines.
There are sea-based OFWs,
and there are land-based OFWs.
Sea-based OFWs work in interna-
tional fishing, passenger, or cargo
vessels, or shipping companies
abroad. Land-based OFWs are en-
gaged in offshore jobs. Irregular or
undocumented migrants include
all migrants who do not possess
legal papers, or if they do, lack
valid work permits.
The original plan for SPPR4
was to cover the entire range of
Filipino international migration,
including permanent, temporary,
outgoing, and incoming move-
ments. However, the paucity and
unreliability of data on perma-
Table 1.1. Stock Estimates of Overseas Filipinos (World Total 1997-2006)
Year Permanent Temporary Irregular Total

2006 3,556,035 3,802,345 874,792 8,233,172

2005 3,391,338 3,651,727 881,123 7,924,188
2004 3,187,586 3,599,257 1,297,005 8,083,848
2003 2,865,412 3,385,001 1,512,765 7,763,178
2002 2,807,356 3,167,978 1,607,170 7,582,504
2001 2,736,528 3,049,622 1,625,936 7,412,086
2000 2,551,549 2,991,125 1,840,448 7,383,122
1999 2,482,470 2,981,529 1,828,990 7,292,989
1998 2,333,843 2,961,254 1,913,941 7,209,038
1997 2,153,967 2,940,082 1,880,016 6,974,065
Source: Commission on Filipinos Overseas

nent and irregular migrants, and on migration inflows, made it

difficult to do a comprehensive analysis of Filipino international
migration. Thus, SPPR4 will focus only on temporary interna-
tional labor movements involving OFWs.

The POPDEV Perspective The

Overseas labor migration is a multi-faceted phenomenon. POPDEV 5
It affects and is affected by the countrys social and economic Perspec-
situation, the governments policies and programs, population tive
trends, and other aspects of development.
As a demographic process, overseas labor migration helps
shape the countrys population and change the course of devel-
opment at the individual, household, community and national
levels. As the events of recent years have shown, the phenom-
enal increase in the volumes of Filipinos working overseas has
not only changed the lives of millions of Filipino families; it has
also made a substantial impact on the countrys economic per-
formance.
SPPR4 explores the population and development dimensions
of temporary overseas migration among Filipinos. Using the
POPDEV Framework developed by the National Economic and
Development Authority (NEDA) and the Integrated Popula-
tion and Development Program (IPDP), SPPR4 looks into the
intimate interrelationships of population and development pro-
 Figure 1.1. Framework on Population and Development Interrelationships
(NEDA-IPDP, 1993)

POPULATION DEVELOPMENT
OUTCOMES PROCESSES
Population size Consumption of goods and
Age-sex structure services (food, health,
Spatial distribution education, housing)
Savings and investment
Human capital utilization
(i.e., labor)
Physical capital utilization
(land, capital, technology)
Environmental resource
utilization
Public expenditure
Others

POPULATION DEVELOPMENT
PROCESSES OUTCOMES
Fertility Income/income distribution
Mortality Employment
Migration (internal, Educational status
Health/nutritional status
6 international)
Environmental quality
Others

cesses and outcomes involved in overseas labor migration. (See

Figure 1.1.)
Migration is one of three major population processes, along
with fertility and mortality. As a population process, overseas
labor migration leads to population outcomes like size, age-sex
structure, and distribution. These outcomes then affect devel-
opment processes, like how people consume goods and services,
use natural resources, and spend, save and invest money. These
then lead to development outcomes, like income levels, em-
ployment, education, health and nutrition. In turn, these out-
comes again affect peoples migration behavior, as well as their
fertility and mortality.
This POPDEV Framework helps us look at the various fac-
ets of Filipino overseas labor migration, and understand how it
relates to population changes, the Filipinos way of life, and the
nations development.

About the Report About

The SPPR4 is primarily a survey of literature and available data the Report
on the social and economic issues surrounding Filipino overseas
labor migration, viewed from the perspective of population and
development. Research findings, survey statistics, and official
records provide hard data for the scientific and fact-based discus-
sion of the issues.
Although there are a lot of studies and recorded data on over-
seas labor migration, gaps still prevent a thorough analysis of
the POPDEV linkages. In the absence of hard data on some is-
sues, theoretical explanations based on expert observations are
offered.
The literature on the economic and social consequences of
overseas labor migration reveals a polarity of views and opinions
on certain issues. Some of these varying views are given in SPPR4
in order to provide a wider perspective for policy and research 7
recommendations. Inputs from the Steering Committee, the POP-
COM Board of Commissioners, experts in economics, sociology,
policy development, demography, social mobilization, and related
disciplines, as well as recruitment agencies, migration offices,
nongovernment organizations (NGOs) and other stakeholders also
became part of the insights that are presented in the report.
It is hoped that this Report, while in certain respects still ex-
ploratory, will trigger greater interest in looking more closely at
the POPDEV dimensions of overseas labor migration.
Experiences and real-life situations of OFWs are interspersed
among some of the discussions. The names used were fictitious
but the persons behind the names are real. Some are composites of
several persons in similar situations. But they are real people we
find in our midst our relatives, our neighbors, our friends, people
we know, see, talk to, hear about, and mingle with everyday.
They are the principal characters in the story of Filipino interna-
tional labor migration the OFWs.
 T
hey come from all walks of life and various occupations. From construc-
tion workers to company executives, from domestic helpers to doctors
and nurses, from entertainers to engineers and information technology
experts. Men and women, young and old, married and unmarried. Some have
had only elementary schooling, others are high school
graduates and degree holders.
They come from all regions of the country and different socioeconomic
groups. But they have one thing in common they have all left the safe con-
fines of their homes and ventured into unfamiliar territories in various parts
8 of the world in order to earn more and have the chance to live a better life.
There are now close to four million OFWs. Whatever their
jobs and wherever they are working, they send money home.
These remittances mean a great deal to their families. Taken alto-
gether, the total remittances of all OFWs have also made a signifi-
cant impact on the national economy.
............................................................................ ...............................................
..................................

Who
2
...........................

Are the
OFWs?
...................................................................
 The Commission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO) provides
stock estimates, or comprehensive counts of the total popula-
tion of temporary overseas Filipinos. The figures show increas-
ingly more Filipinos staying in foreign countries every year.
From 1997 to 2000, only slight increases were noted, but from
2001 to 2006, the numbers climbed rapidly, from 3.0 million in
2001 to 3.8 million in 2006. (See Table 2.1.)
Table 2.1. Stock Estimates
of Temporary Overseas Filipinos Age and Sex Age
What are the usual char- and Sex
Year Temporary acteristics of the Filipinos
Overseas
Filipinos who go abroad to work? Are
they mostly the young and
2006 3,802,345 adventurous, or the older
2005 3,651,727
2004 3,599,257
family heads with a lot of
2003 3,385,001 children to support? Is it the
2002 3,167,978 men, or is it the women, who
2001 3,049,622 are more inclined to take on
2000 2,991,125
1999 2,981,529
foreign jobs? 9
1998 2,961,254 The decennial Census
1997 2,940,002 of Population and Housing of
Source: Commission on Filipinos Overseas, 2007 the National Statistics Office

Figure 2.1 Overseas Filipino Workers by Sex and Age Group

Philippines, 2006

35
BOTH SEXES

28.8
FEMALE
MALE

30
24.6
25 22.3
20.3 19.8 19.7 20
20 17.1
14.7 15 16.5 14.7
15 13.5 12.8
11 12
10.7
10 6.6
5

0
15-21 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45and over
Source: Survey on Overseas Filipinos, National Statistics Office website (2007)
 (NSO), provides data on the age, sex, and other socioeconomic
characteristics of overseas Filipino workers and their house-
holds.

More young OFWs

The 2000 Census data (Ericta et al.,2003) showed that most
overseas workers (24.6%) were aged 25 to 29, but median age
from the oldest to the youngest was 32. The median age was
higher among the males (35) than among the females (29). This
is because the men were mostly in the older age brackets the
biggest proportion (22.3%) were 45 years old and over. The
women, on the other hand, were mostly young, with the big-
gest proportion (28.8%) in the 25-29 age group. (See Figure 2.1.)
Across the countrys regions, OFWs from the Zamboanga
Peninsula were the youngest, with an average age of 26. OFWs
from the National Capital Region (NCR) and Southern Tagalog
Table 2.2. Median Age of Overseas Filipino Workers by Region and Sex
Philippines, 2000
10 Region Total Male Female

Philippines 32 35 29
National Capital Region 34 37 29
Cordillera Administrative Region 33 34 32
I Ilocos 33 35 32
II - Cagayan Valley 30 32 30
III - Central Luzon 33 36 29
IV - Southern Tagalog
(Calabarzon and Mimaropa) 34 36 31
V Bicol 29 32 26
VI - Western Visayas 32 34 29
VII - Central Visayas 29 33 24
VIII - Eastern Visayas 32 34 29
IX - Zamboanga Peninsula 26 29 24
X - Northern Mindanao 31 33 29
XI Davao 29 32 27
XII Socksargen 27 30 25
XIII Caraga 31 34 27
Autonomous Region
of Muslim Mindanao 25 27 24
Source: National Statistics Office (in Carmelita Ericta et al., 2003)
were the oldest 34 years old on the average. Grouped by sex,
the Central Visayas and Zamboanga Peninsula regions recorded
the youngest age for females at 24 years old; Zamboanga Pen-
insula also recorded the youngest age for males at 29 years old.
(See Table 2.2.)

Increasing feminization
An increasing feminization of migration has been observed
over the past decade. More and more women, compared to
men, are going abroad to work.
Traditionally, as seen from earlier NSO surveys, male OFWs
always slightly outnumbered the females. In the 2000 Census,
the numbers came to almost even, with the males (50.27) just
a little over females (49.73). This translates to a ratio of 101
males to 100 females.
NSOs Surveys on Overseas Filipinos (SOF) shows that there
were more males than females from 1995 to 2003. However, in
2004 and 2006, females outnumbered males. (See Figure 2.2.).
Indeed, records of the Philippine Overseas Employment 11
Administration (POEA) show that more females are getting
newly hired for overseas jobs in recent years. This explains
Figure 2.2. Number of Temporary Overseas Filipino by Sex (in 000)
Philippines, 1995-2006

1600
BOTH SEXES

1400
FEMALE
MALE

1200

1000

800

600

400

200

0
1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006
Source: SOF, National Statistics Office website (2007)
 Table 2.3. Number of Newly Hired Temporary Overseas Filipino Workers
by Sex Philippines, 1998-2006
Year Female Male Total
2006 184,454 123,688 308,142
2005 205,206 79,079 284,285
2004 208,411 72,064 280,475
2003 175,103 66,408 241,511
2002 208,278 77,850 286,128
2001 186,018 72,186 258,204
2000 178,323 74,707 253,030
1999 151,840 85,420 237,260
1998 133,458 85,757 219,215
Note: POEA only has data of the new hires. Data on rehires, looking at all variables, have yet to be processed by the said agency.
Source; Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (2007)

why female OFWs are fast gaining in on the number of males

employed abroad. POEA records show that during the period
2000-2005, females made up over 70 percent of the newly hired
12 OFWs. In 2006, six out of ten newly hired overseas workers
were females. (See Table 2.3.)
Figure 2.3. Education Profile
Education Education of OFWs, 2002
Majority of OFWs are at
Elementary
least college graduates (64%). 5%
But a considerable number
College High School
are only high school gradu- 64% 31%
ates (31%). Some finished
only grade school (5%). (See
Figure 2.3.) This shows that
while some may get lucky to Source: Labor Force Survey, NSO, 2003
get overseas jobs even with
only an elementary or high school education, those with higher
education are still favored.
A study conducted by the Italian government showed that
most of the Filipino domestic workers in Italy are college de-
gree holders and some even have a doctorate degree (PhD).
 A comparison of OFWs Figure 2.4. Education Profile
of Filipinos Aged 15-65, 2003
education profile with that of
the average Filipino belong- No grade
completed
ing to the working age group College 2%
15-65 reveals a higher educa- and over
Elementary
25%
tion among our labor exports, 31%
indicating the selectivity of
migration. If this pattern con- High School
tinues, it could likely affect 42%
the quality of the remaining
human resource. Source: Labor Force Survey, NSO, 2003

Jobs Abroad Jobs

The surge in overseas employment in recent years saw the Abroad
emergence of certain types of occupations. Whereas before, it
was mostly nurses and doctors who went to work abroad, now
there are seamen, domestic helpers, and entertainers. Of late,
there has also been an increasing demand for caregivers.
The range of jobs held by temporary Filipino migrants abroad 13
can be gleaned from NSOs listing. (See Table 2.4.) Laborers and
unskilled workers (which include domestic helpers) make up
the biggest percentage of OFWs 33 percent in 2004, and 32
percent in 2003. Trade and related workers, and plant and ma-
chine operators were also considerable in number during these
years.
It is worth noting that in both years, female OFWs outnum-
bered males in several occupational categories, such as: profes-
sionals, clerks, service and sales workers, and laborers and un-
skilled workers.
Even with high education, data show that most newly hired
OFWs land in service or production work, suggesting the appar-
ent mismatch between their educational background and the
jobs they get. Data show that about 35 percent are employed in
the service sector, 32 percent in the production sector, and only
about 28 percent in professional and technical work. (See Figure
2.5.)
 Significant sex differences are apparent with the males more
likely to predominate in the production sector, and the females
in the service and professional/technical occupational groups.

Table 2.4. Percentage of Overseas Filipino Workers,

by Occupation and Sex
Philippines, October 2003 and 2004 Rounds (in 000s)

2004 2003
*Major and Minor Both Male % Female % Both Male % Female %
Occupation Groups Sexes Sexes

Total Philippines 1,063 49 51 982 52 48

Professionals 81 37 63 93 47 53
Technicians and associate professionals 91 54 46 95 52 48
Clerks 42 43 57 32 44 56
Service workers and shop and
market sales workers 136 42 58 107 47 53
Farmers, forestry workers and fishermen 5 100 - 3 100 -
Trades and Related Workers 164 88 12 150 90 10
14 Plant and machine operators
and assemblers 161 87 13 161 96 4
Laborers and unskilled workers 355 14 86 312 14 86
Special occupations 1 100 * 5 80 20
Source: Household Statistics Department, National Statistics Office website (2006)

Figure 2.5. Percentage Distribution of Newly Hired Temporary Overseas

Filipino Workers by Occupational Category
Philippines, 1992-2005
Production
70
BOTH SEXES

60 67
Service
FEMALE

50
MALE

Professional
40
50
and Technical
30 35 35
32
20 28
10 15
11 11
0
Note: Many of these newly hired workers have returned to the Philippines and, possibly, have been r-hired for overseas work.
There are no data from POEA on rehired workers.
Source: Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (2006)
 In seven of the top ten destinations of Filipino overseas work-
ers in 2002, women predominate. (See Table 2.5.) In most of
these countries, women work as domestic helpers, as in Hong
Kong, Kuwait, Singapore and Italy. In Hong Kong, where 93
percent of all Filipino contract workers are women, Filipinos
are the largest group of foreign domestic workers. In Japan,
where women make up 53 percent of OFWs, they are mostly
in entertainment jobs. Nursing and health-related jobs are the
most common jobs of Filipino women in the United Kingdom.
The Philippines is the UKs top source of nurses,
Table 2.5.Top Ten Destinations of Temporary Overseas Workers
and Percentage of Females in the Overseas Workers Population
Philippines, 2002

Country Deployed % Female Jobs commonly held by Filipino

workers of the women migrants
contract
workers
deployed
1. Saudi Arabia 193,157 24 Domestic work, nursing, other health-
related work
15
2. Hong Kong 105,036 93 Domestic workFilipinos are the
largest national group of foreign
domestic workers in Hong Kong
3. Japan 77,870 53 Entertainment work
4. United Arab Emirates 50,796 56 Domestic work, other service work,
sales
5. Taiwan 46,371 53 Domestic work, caregiving, factory
work
6. Singapore 27,648 72 Domestic workFilipinos are one of
the two largest national groups of
foreign domestic workers in Singapore
7. Kuwait 25,894 74 Domestic work
8. Italy 20,034 63 Domestic work
9. United Kingdom 13,655 50 Nursing, other health-related work
the Philippines is the United Kingdoms
top source of nurses
10. Brunei Darussalam 11,564 33 Domestic work
Source: Asis, Huang, and Yeoh (2004), citing government data
 Origins Origins and Destinations
and Where they come from
Destina- If, in earlier years, people from the provinces went to the cit-
tions ies to find jobs, what is the trend now when the target destina-
tions are already outside the country?
Various migration tracking tools indicate that in 2006, most
of the OFWs came from the regions in Luzon, specifically NCR
and CALABARZON (Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Rizal and Que-
zon). This is to be expected as these areas are the nerve centers
of all recruitment activities, processing of papers, and other pre-
departure procedures. A lot of OFWs also came from Central
Luzon. The other regions have smaller shares of OFWs, with
the Caraga Region in Mindanao putting in the smallest share.
(See Figure 2.6.)
Figure 2.6. Percentage Distribution of Overseas Filipino Workers
by Region of Origin, Philippines, 2006
18
16

16 14
12
10 9.5
8
7.6
6 5.3 5.5
4
4 2.5 2.8 3.1 3.1
22 2.2 2.2
2 1.3 1.1
0
NCR

CAR

Ilocos

Cagayan Valley

Central Luzon

CALABARZON

MIMAROPA

Bicol

Western Visayas

Central Visayas

Eastern Visayas

Zamboanga Peninsula

Northern Mindanao

Davao

SOCCSKSARGEN

CARAGA

ARMM
Source: SOF, National Statistics Office Website, 2007

Where they go
POEA is the government agency under the Department of
Labor and Employment (DOLE) that regulates the overseas
employment industry. Its records show a steady increase in
the number of deployed OFWs from 1998 to 2006, only dip-
ping slightly in 2003 then rising again and reaching 1,062,657
in 2006. The Middle East has been the top region of destination
since 2001 although there is an increasing number of Filipinos
opting to go to Southeast Asia. (See Table 2.6.)
Table 2.6. Number of Overseas Filipino Workers by Region of Destination
Philippines, 1998-2006

2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998

Middle East
462,545 394,419 352,314 285,564 306,939 297,533 283,291 287,076 279,767
Asia
222,940 259,209 266,609 255,287 292,077 285,051 292,067 299,521 307,261
Europe
59,313 52,146 55,116 37,981 45,363 43,019 39,296 30,707 26,422
Americas
21,976 14,886 11,692 11,049 11,532 10,679 7,624 9,045 9,152
Africa
9,450 9,103 8,485 8,750 6,919 4,943 4,298 4,936 5,538
Trust Territories
6,481 7,596 7,177 5,023 6,075 6,823 7,421 6,622 7,677
Oceania
5,216 2,866 3,023 1,698 1,917 2,061 2,386 2,424 2,524
Unspecified
8 135 1 46,279 10,882 11,530 6,921 - 2
Deployed Land-based Total 17
788,160 740,632 704,586 651,938 682,315 662,648 643,304 640,331 638,343
Deployed Sea-based Total
274,497 247,983 229,002 216,031 209,593 204,951 198,324 196,689 193,300
Grand Total
1,062,657 988,615 933,588 867,969 891,908 867,599 841,628 837,020 831,643
Source: Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (2007)

POEA classifies the type of deployment as either land- or sea-

based. Sea-based deployment is usually specified when discuss-
ing the spatial distribution of overseas Filipinos, as seafarers
normally do not stay only in the country of employment but
sail as well to other territories. The Philippines is regarded by
maritime groups worldwide as the top supplier of merchant
marine crew, providing at least a quarter of the worlds global
fleet (Seafarers International Research Centre, 2004). (Figure
2.7.)
NSO tracks the distribution of temporary labor migrants us-
ing a different grouping of the places of destination. Figures for
2004-2006 show Asia with the most number of Filipino mi-
 Figure 2.7. Stock Estimates of Filipino Seafarers
Philippines, 1998-2006

300.000 274.497
247.983
250.000 204.951 229.002
198.324 216.031
196.669 209.593
200.000 193.300

150.000

100.000

50.000

0 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006

Source: Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (2006)

grant workers, accounting for 78.3 percent of all OFWs in 2006.

It should be noted that this number covers all OFWs spread
over the different Asian regions, including East Asia, South-
18 east Asia, South Central Asia, and Western Asia, which is the
Middle East. (POEA classifies the Middle East separately from
Asia.) Among the Asian regions, Western Asia has the biggest
share (45.8% in 2006). (See Table 2.7.)
Filipino migrant workers in the Americas (which includes the
United States) and Europe comprise only a small percentage of
Filipino labor migrants (9.5% and 9.2%, respectively in 2006).
CFO provides stock estimates of temporary migrants by coun-
try of destination. Saudi Arabia is undoubtedly the top destina-
tion country for Filipino contract workers in the past six years.
(See Table 2.8.) Coming in second and third in 2006 are the
United Arab Emirates and Kuwait, respectively. One of the
likely reasons why the Middle East is a popular destination for
temporary contract workers may be because many states in the
region do not tax foreign workers.
The fourth in the CFO list is the United States, followed by
Hong Kong and China, then Qatar and Japan.
These data, sourced from different migration-tracking agen-
Table 2.7. Percentage Distribution of Overseas Filipino Workers by Place
of Work Abroad Philippines, 2004-2006
Place of Work 2006 2005 2004

Africa 1.7 1.7 1.3

Asia 78.3 76.7 76.4
East Asia 22.6 26.0 28.5
- Hong Kong 7.0 8.0 9.2
- Japan 6.0 8.5 9.8
- Taiwan 6.1 6.5 6.4
- Other countries in East Asia (e.g., China, Korea)
3.5 3.0 3.1
Southeast and South Central Asia
9.9 10.0 9.3
- Malaysia 2.8 2.6 2.7
- Singapore 5.0 5.4 4.2
- Other countries in SE and SC Asia (e.g., Brunei)
2.1 2.0 2.3
Western Asia 45.8 40.7 38.6
- Kuwait 4.8 4.1 4.2
- Qatar 3.7 2.6 2.2
- Saudi Arabia 21.8 21.4 21.9
- Other countries in WA (e.g., Bahrain, Israel, Lebanon, Jordan)
19
6.3 4.9 4.7
Australia 1.2 1.9 1.9
Europe 9.5 9.6 10.6
North and South America
9.2 9.7 9.1
Other countries - 0.1 0.4
Country not reported 0.2 0.3 0.2

Note: Details may not add up to totals due to rounding. The estimates cover overseas Filipinos whose departure occurred
within the last five years and who are working or had worked abroad during the past six months (April to September) of the
survey period.
Source: National Statistics Office website (2007)

cies, may vary as to the number of OFWs employed abroad, but

they do give a good picture of the Filipino workers distribution
in the destination countries.

Remittances Remit-
A typical OFW sends home the bigger part of his/her salary in tances
the form of remittances. Many OFWs also manage to set aside
 Table 2.8. Stock Estimates of Temporary Migrants
by Country of Destination 2000-2006

Country 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000

Saudi Arabia 1,001,330 976,427 976,134 948,329 897,000 897,000 829,300

United Arab Emirates291,363 231,784 185,562 172,755 155,000 128,604 103,782
Hong Kong-China 121,644 166,457 194,241 185,500 171,485 171,485 148,844
Japan 103,555 139,791 238,522 197,268 138,522 138,522 133,631
Taiwan 68,328 113,489 154,135 151,824 116,480 116,480 114,926
United States 128,440 111,835 101,249 99,815 98,572 60,373 59,767
Kuwait 133,361 103,072 80,196 69,217 53,067 53,067 35,000
Malaysia 88,372 88,601 52,337 59,599 58,233 58,233 85,118
Italy 84,972 81,232 85,527 70,113 69,998 69,998 65,861
Qatar 115,874 78,029 57,345 44,279 37,626 37,626 32,000
World Total 3,802,345 3,651,727 3,599,257 3,385,001 3,171,639 3,049,622 2,991,125
Note: World total includes other countries of destination not in the list.
Source: Stock estimates, Commission on Filipinos Overseas (2007)

some money to buy pasalubong (take-home presents) for their

relatives, friends and neighbors when they come home, and to
use for big expenses, like house repairs, a car, appliances, or a
20 special family celebration.
Remittances refer to money sent by overseas Filipinos to ben-
efit their families, relatives, and communities in their country
of origin. These are sent either through formal channels, that is,
through banks, or through informal or non-bank channels. In-
formal channels include door-to-door and courier services, and
the traditional Filipino practice of padala or sending the money
through a fellow Filipino who is going home.
In the Philippines, the major remittance-recording govern-
ment agency is the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) since most
of the remittances pass through the banking system. The BSP
records monthly flows, and also has a recording system for re-
mittances within the Balance of Payments (BOP). The BOP is a
summary of a countrys financial transactions with the rest of
the world (Association of Foundations, 2005).
The annual Survey on Overseas Filipinos by the NSO provides
information on remittances that come into the country from
the months of April to September. It is the only migration-
tracking tool that keeps tab of remittances passing through non-
bank channels, and records them according to the senders sex,
occupations abroad, and other variables.

How much is sent home

Annual remittance data show the increasing trend in the
remittances from US$5.5B in 1997 to about US$12.8B in 2006,
or an average of almost a billion US$/month. From 1975 to
2006, BSPs records show that the countrys banking system has
received a total of US$104.75B worth of remittances from over-
seas Filipinos. In 2006 alone, a total of almost US$12.8B were
sent through bank channels.
Moreover, the increase in the volume of remittances is ac-
companied by a parallel increase in the number of OFWs, which
suggests that the increase in remittances may not necessarily be
the result of an increase in per capita remittance but due to the
increase of the number of our labor exports. (See Figure 2.8.)
Data from the SOF, on the other hand, show that from 1995
to 2004, overseas Filipinos sent in a total of PhP487.96 billion. 21
Note that these are already in peso values. Note also that while
Figure 2.8.Total Remittances from OFWs
Philippines, 1997-2006 (in US$ 000)
14
12.8
Remittances (in billion US $)
12
Number of OFWs (in millions)
10.7

10
8.6
7.4 7.6 1.1
8
6.9
Number of OFWs (in millions)

6 6.1 6 1
5.7
Remittances (in billion US $)

6
0.9

0.8
4

0.7

2
0.6

0.5
0 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006

Source: Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas website

 SOF captures remittances sent through both bank and non-
bank channels, it covers only remittances coming in from April
to September of each year.
One important piece of information we get from SOF data
is the amount of remittances sent in by male as against fe-
male OFWs. (See Table 2.9.) Total remittances sent by all male
OFWs each year are naturally bigger than the total for the fe-
males since there are more male than female OFWs. But even
the average remittance per individual OFW is also bigger among
males than females. In 2004, for instance, average remittance
for the year per male OFW was PhP93,613.00, whereas the av-
erage per female OFW was only PhP51,410.00. This poses the
question as to whether the women are just sending less, or are

Table 2.9.Total Remittances and Average Remittances per Year by Gender

Survey on Overseas Filipinos, Philippines, 1995-2004
2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995
Both sexes
Number of OFWs
22 (in 1,000) 889 857 909 870 834 893 767 873 736 677
Total remittances
(in P1,000) 64,713,207 70,339,583 67,711,854 55,325,044 55,133,406 50,894,688 38,809,415 35,246,544 26,619,619 23,161,874
Average remittance
(P) 72,795 82,121 74,487 63,592 66,146 56,966 50,612 40,361 36,167 34,207

Male
Number of OFWs
(in 1,000) 450 456 495 464 463 476 404 496 417 360
Total remittances
(in P1,000) 42,159,518 46,379,598 45,528,102 35,267,175 37,250,379 34,355,691 25,245,393 24,212,528 18,341,854 15,308,203
Average remittance
(P) 93,613 101,817 92,061 76,007 80,427 72,108 62,498 48,808 43,991 42,484

Female
Number of OFWs
(in 1,000) 439 402 414 406 370 417 363 377 319 317
Total remittances
(in P1,000) 22,553,689 24,019,985 22,183,752 20,057,869 17,883,026 16,538,998 13,564,022 11,034,016 8,277,766 7,853,670
Average remittance
(P) 51,420 59,789 53,520 49,404 48,287 39,664 37,381 29,252 25,944 24,792
Source: National Statistics Office website (2006)
they getting lower wages than the men?
The Asian Development Bank (ADB, 2004) conducted several
surveys to find out more about Filipino migrants remittances.
In the Philippine OFW surveys, findings revealed that OFW
respondents, on the average, sent $340 monthly. While remit-
tance amounts varied, the most frequent amount mentioned
was $182. Of the OFWs surveyed, 65 percent sent money
through banks, 20 percent used door-to-door channels, and 6
percent sent their money through money transfer agencies. On
the average, 60 percent of the respondents income was remit-
ted to the Philippines.
The Nationwide Beneficiaries Survey, also conducted by ADB,
asked the OFWs beneficiaries about the remittances they re-
ceived. Respondents, on the average, received $292 monthly.
Consistent with the OFWs responses in the Philippine OFW
surveys, the most frequently mentioned amount received was
$182. Majority (67%) said the money was sent to them via
banks 52 percent through bank-to-bank transfer, and 15 per-
cent through bank-administered door-to-door facility. Around 23
25 percent received the money through door-to-door channels,
and 5 percent through money transfer agencies.

Where the money is spent

Remittances are a big help to the OFWs families a substan-
tial addition to the household income, especially since most of
these households do not belong to the high-income groups. One
study (De Vera, 2003), using data from the 2000 Family Income
and Expenditures Survey of the NSO, found that many OFW
families (41%) belong to the Class D income class with month-
ly household income of only PhP6,000-14,000. About 32 per-
cent belong to the Lower Broad C group, where income ranges
from Php15,000 to PhP29,000. (See Table 2.10.)
Data for the first three quarters of 2007 (Department of Eco-
nomic Statistics, BSP) show that OFW households mostly spend
their remittances on basic needs, particularly food and other
household needs. Not all remittances go to basic expenditures,
 Table 2.10. OFW Households by Income Class, Philippines, 2000

Income Class Monthly Household Income OFW Households

of OFW Household (in pesos) Number of Households %share
(in 000s)

A Above P300,000 1.260 0.0

B P100,00 to P299,999 14.486 0.5
Upper C P50,000 to P99,999 96.113 3.6
Upper Broad C P30,000 to P49,999 250.877 9.4
Lower Broad C P15,000 to P29,000 836.407 31.5
D P6,000 to P14,000 1,077.404 40.5
E Less than P6,000 381.913 14.4
Note: The income classification used here comes from the market research group AC Nielsen
Source: Roberto de Vera (2003) using NSOs FIES 2000 data

Figure 2.9. Percentage of OFW Households by Type of Use of Remittances

100 92
90

80
Expenditure items
70

24 60

50

40
28 26
30

20 15 12
10
5
0 Food and other Savings and Purchase of Education Medical House, car,
HH needs investments appliances expenses vehicles, other
Source: BSP

however. About a quarter of households claimed to spend it on

education and other types of investments, 12 percent on medi-
cal expenditures, and 15 percent on appliances. Five percent of
households use remittances for the purchase of a house, car or
other motor vehicles.
The lopsided share of the remittances going to basic expen-
diture items like food and other household necessities may
be explained by the low income of the migrant household, as
shown in Table 2.10.
Another way of telling where remittances are spent is by the
household amenities that a family owns. The 2000 Census found
that households with overseas workers owned more major ameni-
ties than households without overseas workers (Ericta et al., 2003).
For example, three out of four households with overseas workers
owned television sets as compared to only half of households with-
out overseas workers. Majority of them also had radios or cassette
recorders, and refrigerators/freezers. Four out of 10 had labor-saving
appliances such as washing machines. A third had telephones/mo-
bile phones, and a fifth had motor vehicles.

Incomplete Picture In-

While we now have a general idea of who the OFWs are, their complete
jobs, their households, and their financial contributions to their Picture
families, the picture is, somehow, not yet complete. We want to
know more about them, for instance, their responsibilities in the
family are they parents who have to raise a number of children,
are they older children who have to support old parents or see
younger siblings through school? It would help to know their real
motives in working abroad for personal advancement, to help the 25
family, or other reasons.
Among other things, there is also need for more precise informa-
tion as to remittances and where these are actually spent how
much goes to education, health, home improvement, family subsis-
tence, leisure, or non-necessities.
The increasing number of women temporary migrants is some-
thing that should be looked into in order to address the issues af-
fecting them. Young populations of overseas workers also need to
be more closely monitored.
Filipino overseas employment is taking an upward trend. As it
persists and becomes a way of life among Filipinos, more adequate
data are needed to study the situation of OFWs from a holistic
perspective. The challenge, for government and concerned insti-
tutions, is to generate statistics and information that would aid
policy, programs and services for OFWs and their families. Survey
tools need to be improved, and corresponding budgetary allocations
increased.
 A fter more than three decades, the Philippines has emerged as one of
the major labor-sending countries worldwide, supplying a variety of
workers and professionals to more than 200 countries. From a highly market-
oriented approach to overseas employment, the government has expanded its
policies and services to assist migrant workers and their families from pre-
departure to their return to Philippine society.
Now, the Philippines takes pride in having a relatively systematic mecha-
26 nism for overseas labor migration. Although the implementation of services
still needs fine-tuning, the legislative and institutional framework is in place.
.................................................................................................................................

Protecting
3 MigrantWorkers
...........................

...................................................................
Laws that Protect Migrants Rights Laws
The Philippine government has adopted several migration that Protect
policies since 1974, including policy instruments and interna- Migrants
tional covenants for migrants. In line with these, it has created Rights
offices in the bureaucracy, strengthened its labor laws, passed
an act for its migrant workers, and carried out programs to pro-
tect the rights and welfare of its migrants, especially the OFWs
and their families. The phenomenon of temporary migration of
Filipinos has also spawned numerous nongovernment organiza-
tions that act as a support system for Filipino workers abroad.

Constitutional provisions
The primary policy for labor migration is articulated by the
Philippine Constitution in at least two provisions. Article II,
Section 18 says that the State affirms labor as a primary social
economic force. It shall protect the rights of workers and pro-
mote their welfare.
Article XIII, Section 3 declares that the State shall give full
protection to labor, local or overseas, organized or unorganized, 27
and promote full employment and equality of employment op-
portunities for all. These constitutional mandates provide the
basic legal framework for managing labor migration in the coun-
try.
Laws have been enacted to flesh out these provisions. Among
them are the Magna Carta for Filipino Migrant Workers (RA
8042) and the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act.

Labor migration laws and policies

The basic policies of the government with regard to overseas
employment can be stated thus:
As a strategy for labor migration management, the gov-
ernment shall explore and develop more and better mar-
kets for overseas employment.
The government shall ensure that OFWs are quantitative-
ly on a par, if not superior to their foreign counterparts
through technical education and training programs for OFWs.
 The government shall ensure that OFWs are protected
from the perils of overseas employment through a deeper
appreciation of its moral responsibility over them, aside
from an earnest recognition of their importance as partners
in nation building.
Underlying these general policy premises is the governments
general philosophy on overseas migration as a phenomenon
that is filled with opportunities and that occurs as a result of the
migrants personal decision to seek greener pastures offshore.
The government faces an enormous challenge of striking a
balance of its twofold tasks. First, it must recognize the desire
of a particular segment of the population to migrate. Second,
it must keep track of those who move and must exercise good
governance to protect and promote the rights and welfare of its
migrant citizens.
The following are the laws, policies, and development initia-
tives that provide the legal and program mandates on the govern-
ments handling of overseas employment.
28
The 1974 Labor Code
The policy of promoting overseas employment began with
the issuance of the Presidential Decree 442 or the Labor Code of
1974. Under this law, it became state policy to ensure the careful
selection of Filipino workers for overseas employment to protect
the good name of the Philippines abroad.
PD 442 also recognized the vital role of the private sector in
the recruitment and placement of workers, locally and overseas
(Article 25).
The Labor Code provided for the creation of the government
machinery to institutionalize the overseas employment program.
The agencies created under this code were the National Seamen
Board, the Bureau of Employment Services, and the Overseas De-
velopment Board. These agencies were basically responsible for
the recruitment and deployment of overseas workers.
Republic Act 8042 or the Migrant Workers and Overseas
Filipinos Act of 1995
Republic Act 8042 was enacted in June 1995 to concretize
the governments commitment to protect the rights and pro-
mote the welfare of migrant workers, their families, and other
overseas Filipinos in distress. It also provides the framework for
government action in dealing with difficulties faced by Filipi-
nos abroad.
With this law, the labor migration policy has shifted from
outright encouragement and promotion of overseas employ-
ment in the 1970s to a policy of managing the outflows of Fili-
pino migrants. While previous policies were contained in the
1974 Labor Code, RA 8042 was prompted by the national furor
over the execution of Flor Contemplacion, a domestic worker
in Singapore, who many Filipinos believed was innocent de-
spite her conviction for the deaths of her Singaporean ward and
another Filipino domestic worker.
RA 8042 is anchored on the following policy guidelines:
Uphold the dignity of Filipino migrant workers.
Migrant workers should be provided with sufficient and
29
relevant social, economic, and legal services.
The State does not promote overseas work as an instru-
ment to sustain economic growth.
There is equality of individuals, regardless of gender, be-
fore the law and in nation building.
There is a need to institute an effective mechanism to en-
sure that the rights and interests of overseas Filipinos are
adequately protected and safeguarded.
There should be full participation and representation of
Filipinos abroad in democratic decision-making processes.
The possession of skills is the ultimate protection of all
migrant workers.
There should be recognition of the role of NGOs as part-
ners in the rights and welfare of Filipino migrant workers.
The law provides for the following:
The deployment of workers in countries that ensure pro-
 tection, including the banning of deployment if necessary.
Providing support and assistance to overseas Filipinos,
whether legal or in an unauthorized situation.
Imposing stiff penalties for illegal recruiters.
Free legal assistance and witness protection program for
victims of illegal recruitment.
The institution of advisory/information, repatriation, and
reintegration services.
The establishment of the Migrant Workers and Other
Overseas Filipinos Resource Centers in countries where
there are large numbers of Filipinos.
The creation of the Legal Assistant for Migrant Workers
Affairs (now the Office of the Undersecretary for Migrant
Workers Affairs) and the Legal Assistance Fund.
The haste in the passage of the law prompted calls for the
amendment of some confusing, even contradictory, provi-
sions, particularly two items under the Declaration of Policy
Principles:
30 The State does not promote overseas employment as a
means to sustain economic growth and achieve national
development, and the existence of the overseas employ-
ment program rests solely on the assurance that the dignity
and fundamental rights of the Filipino citizen shall not, at
anytime, be compromised or violated (Sec. 2c).
Nonetheless, the deployment of Filipino overseas workers,
whether land based or sea based, by local service contrac-
tors and manning agencies employing them, shall be
encouraged (Sec. 2).
Some important progress has been achieved, nevertheless, in
the implementation of the law such as the regular issuance of
travel advisories, provision of legal assistance for migrant work-
ers in distress, closer coordination between DFA and DOLE
through the country team approach, and streamlining procedures
such as the transfer of adjudication of cases on money claims,
termination, and contract violations to the National Labor Rela-
tions.
Other migration-related laws
Among countries of origin in Asia, the Philippines is consid-
ered topnotch in passing migration-related laws. These include:
1. The Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003. This gives
qualified overseas Filipinos the right to vote in national
elections. Its first implementation, in the May 2004
national elections, revealed the strengths and weaknesses
of the mechanisms and processes in the electoral exercise.
Among the issues raised were the restrictive provisions
on voter qualifications and a limitation in the electoral
mechanism that prevent wider voter participation.
2. The Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act of 2003. This law
established the policies and institutional mechanism to
provide support to trafficked persons.

Policies on incentives and remittances

During the Marcos administration, government policies on
remittance at source made it mandatory for migrant workers
to send home a percentage of their earnings through the bank- 31
ing system, so as to strengthen the countrys foreign exchange
reserves. This mandatory remittance was subsequently aban-
doned due to widespread public resentment and liberalization
of foreign transactions.
The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) oversees the establish-
ment of remittance facilities and supervises the remittance op-
erations of banks and their affiliates and subsidiaries. The BSP
is also responsible for recording remittances.
In order to encourage OFWs to send their remittances
through the banking system, the BSP, in managing remittances,
aims at: (1) lowering the cost of transacting with banks; (2) re-
ducing the time it takes to deliver the money to the recipients;
and (3) strengthening the security of the transactions.
The BSP has issued a number of circulars to make it more at-
tractive for OFWs to remit through banks:
Circular No. 534 helps promote efficient and competitive-
ly priced remittance services by requiring banks and fi
 nancial institutions to post their charge rates and delivery
time for various remittance products, as well as their
directory of remittance centers.
Circular No. 522 provides OFWs with the option to
maintain foreign currency deposits, and enables rural/
cooperative banks to service OFWs foreign exchange
remittances.
Circular No. 564 helps promote access to services of for-
mal financial institutions even among beneficiaries resid-
ing in remote areas.
To make it even easier, safer and cheaper to remit, the BSP
has allowed the sharing of network infrastructure, and approved
the operation of G-Cash, SmartPadala and cash cards as alterna-
tive mechanisms for sending money.
The BSP also encourages overseas Filipinos and their fami-
lies to save, as well as invest in government securities, bonds,
and small, medium and micro enterprises. Together with
OWWA and the Economic Resource Center for Overseas Filipi-
32 nos (ERCOF), it has launched the Financial Literacy Campaign
which informs OFWs and their beneficiaries of investment and
business opportunities to put their remittances into.

Structures Structures that Help Migrant Workers

that Help With more than 30 years of experience in international labor
Migrant migration, the government has entrenched support structures
Workers and mechanisms for international migration. The DOLE is the
primary government agency mandated to promote employment
opportunities, develop human resources, protect workers and
promote their welfare, and promote industrial peace at home
and abroad.
In 1982, the functions of the Overseas Employment Develop-
ment Board and the National Seamen Board, created under the
1974 Labor Code, were consolidated by Executive Order 797
into a single organization, the Philippine Overseas Employment
Administration (POEA). POEAs mandate focused on the de-
termination, formulation, review, and implementation of labor
market development activities, employment standards, regula-
tion and licensing of private recruitment agencies.
When the overseas program started, the government partici- 33
pated in recruiting and matching workers and employers. Due
to the growing demand for workers and the large numbers in-
volved, it later relinquished the placement of workers to pri-
vate recruitment agencies.
There are now more than a thousand government-licensed
recruitment and manning agencies in the Philippines (and an
undetermined number of unlicensed ones) that match workers
with foreign employers. Recruitment and manning agencies are
mainly responsible for finding jobs for aspiring land-based mi-
grant workers and seafarers, respectively.
Recruitment agencies charge migrant workers placement
fees for the service they provide. Manning agencies are not
supposed to charge placement fees as the principal or employer
assumes these fees, but there are cases of violations.
After the POEA, a related agency was formed, the Overseas
Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA), to oversee opera-
tions pertaining to the welfare of overseas workers and their
 families through the welfare fund. While POEA handles all the
processes and requirements up until the departure of migrants,
OWWA assumes responsibility for the workers welfare while
they are employed abroad. POEA and OWWA are both under
the DOLE.
Also within the DOLE are services and offices for interna-
tional labor affairs. One of these is the International Labor Af-
fairs Services, under which are the Philippine Overseas Labor
Offices (POLOs) located in 34 countries, mostly in Asia and
Middle East where significant numbers of
Filipinos are employed. The POLO acts as
the DOLEs operating arm in administering
and enforcing international labor policies and
programs in these countries.
The Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA)
is likewise mandated to provide support, par-
ticularly in diplomatic and foreign relations
affecting migrant workers abroad. Under RA 8042, the Office
34 of the Undersecretary for Migrant Workers Affairs (OUMWA)
was created in the DFA to help ensure the protection and pro-
motion of the welfare and dignity of overseas Filipinos. OUM-
WA coordinates with various sectors elected officials, other
government agencies, OFWs and their families, mass media,
private organizations, international organizations, NGOs and
religious groups in assisting Filipino nationals.
A Consular Assistance Division (CAD) in the DFA, under
Section 899 of the 1995 DFA Rules and Regulations, handles
all matters pertaining to assistance to Filipino citizens abroad,
including seamen and contract workers.
The Commission on Filipino Overseas (CFO), a separate
agency under the Office of the President, handles programs and
services for permanent emigrants. Its tasks include, among oth-
ers: establishing a data bank on Filipino emigrants; assisting
in the formulation of national policies and measures affecting
overseas Filipinos; formulating an integrated program and un-
dertaking special projects to promote the interest and welfare of
Filipino migrants; and serve as a forum for preserving and en-
hancing the social, economic and cultural ties of overseas Fili-
pinos with their motherland.
To ensure the development of quality human resource par-
ticularly for labor export, the government has institutional-
ized training institutions to conduct, monitor, and coordinate
skills development programs. Among these are the Technical
Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA) and the
National Maritime Polytechnic (NMP). They set up partner-
ships with private institutions to enhance skills development
through accreditation.

Plans and Programs for OFWs Plans

National development plan and
In 1978 the countrys program on overseas labor export was Programs
integrated into the governments national development strat- for OFWs
egy the Five-Year Development Plan for 1978-1982. This has
become a regular feature of the countrys five-year development
plans since then. The labor export industry has been systemati-
cally reorganized, regulated, supervised, and promoted to meet
35
the governments development objectives.
Five chapters in the current Medium-Term Philippine De-
velopment Plan for 2004-2010 are devoted to overseas employ-
ment, noting the rising number of overseas workers and their
huge dollar remittances. Overseas employment was attuned
to the four strategies of employment generation, employment
preservation, employment enhancement, and employment fa-
cilitation.

Deployment
When the overseas program started, the government sought
to regulate the market by acting as the sending agency for de-
parting workers. In 1976, the government relinquished that role
to the private sector. The government then set up a licensing
system for recruitment agencies deploying land-based workers
and for manning agencies that place Filipino seafarers on ocean-
going vessels. On the other hand, foreign employers undergo
 accreditation, where labor attachs on-site check the valid-
ity and existence of the principal employer and its manpower
requirement.
Applicants for skilled or semi-skilled jobs are required to
submit authenticated certificates from the TESDA. Profes-
sionals are required to submit proof of completion of the
requisite course from the Commission on Higher Education
(CHED). For nurses or engineers, proof of having passed the
requisite board examinations is required. After showing proof
of their technical or professional proficiency, applicants must
prove they are physically fit for the job. There are clinics
and hospitals accredited by the Department of Health (DOH)
where the applicants can go for medical and physical check-
ups.
After receiving their visas from the host country, which
means their entry has been approved, overseas job applicants
must attend a Pre-departure Orientation Seminar (PDOS) that
will brief them on the laws, customs, and practices of host
36 countries, their rights and obligations under the employment
contracts, and how they will adapt to the overseas situation.
OWWA-accredited institutions, recruitment agencies,
and certified trainers administer the orientation sessions for
would-be overseas workers. Some recruitment agencies have
their own in-house pre-departure orientation facilities; some
NGOs have specialized in orientation courses for those in vul-
nerable occupations.
These activities are all aimed at protecting workers. Pub-
lic information campaigns also help prospective applicants to
avoid illegal recruiters, and inform the general public about
the dangers of trafficking. Filipinos are generally well selected
and have fewer problems than some of their counterparts from
other countries, while employers are assured that the workers
bring the necessary credentials for the job.
These initiatives, such as PDOS and other orientations for
departing workers and the deployment of labor attachs and
welfare officers to countries with large overseas workers popu-
lation, are good practices that other countries of origin now
implement.

On-site assistance
Section 28 of the Migrant Workers
and Overseas Filipino Act of 1995 calls
for the country-team approach to ensure
comprehensive welfare, support, and
rescue services for overseas workers.
In the One Country Team Ap-
proach (OCTA), Filipino officers, repre-
sentatives, and personnel posted abroad,
regardless of their mother agencies, act
as one team in their country of assign-
ment under the leadership of the am-
bassador. The ambassador may recommend to the Secretary of
the Department of Foreign Affairs the recall of Filipino officers,
representatives, and personnel posted abroad for acts inimical
to the national interest such as failure to provide the necessary 37
services to protect the rights of overseas Filipinos.
The protection of Filipino migrant workers and the promo-
tion of their welfare, in particular, and the protection of the dig-
nity and fundamental rights and freedoms of Filipino citizens
abroad, in general, shall be the highest priority concerns of the
Secretary of Foreign Affairs and the Philippine Foreign Service
Posts.
In some countries, a Filipino Workers Resource Center
(FWRC) is being maintained which serves as a central house for
overseas workers who are forced to run away from unbearable
situations. The center is a 24-hour information and assistance
house in countries where there are large concentrations of Fili-
pino migrant workers. The center offers: counseling and legal
services; welfare assistance, including procurement of medi-
cal and hospitalization services; information programs; train-
ing and skills upgrading; and gender-sensitive activities to ad-
dress specific needs of women migrant workers. The center is
 managed by the POLO.
A network of more than 200 labor attachs and welfare of-
ficers worldwide assists OFWs by monitoring and responding to
their problems, complaints, and queries. They also provide on-
the-job assistance. They act as advocates for the overseas work-
ers to ensure that they are treated and paid in accordance with
their contracts in their area of responsibility.
The DOH sees to it that general health services are provided
to Filipinos working abroad. It usually sends health workers to
areas where health risks are high due to widespread diseases.
For example, in 2003, when the SARS problem affected OFW
destination countries, the Department of Health deployed
health service providers to help overseas Filipinos in detecting
and managing the disease.
In addition to these services, the Philippine government,
through its embassies, consulates, and labor offices abroad, en-
courages and supports the organization of Filipino worker com-
munities.
38 Compared to other nationalities, Filipino workers are rela-
tively better protected because they are more educated, more
likely to speak English, and are better organized.

Repatriation assistance
Section 15 of RA 8042 states that OWWA is responsible for
the repatriation of workers in cases of war, epidemic, disasters
and calamities, natural or man-made, and similar events. Costs
are to be reimbursed by the responsible principal or agency.
In cases where the employer or recruitment agency cannot be
located or identified, all costs attendant to repatriation shall be
borne by the OWWA. For this purpose, an emergency repatria-
tion fund has been established under the administration of the
OWWA.
In 2004, POLO reported that out of 8,173 repatriation cases
handled, 7,737 cases were resolved. This would mean that the
government is doing its best to protect overseas workers.
Welfare programs
Welfare programs are being implemented not only for over-
seas workers but also for their families. These include:
1. Social Security Program, which provides replacement
income for workers in times of disability, sickness, mater-
nity, and old age;
2. Medicare Program, at present administered by the Philip-
pine Health Insurance Corp. (PhilHealth) through the
Overseas Workers Program;
3. Workers Development, include periodic on-site training
such as computer and cooking lessons, foreign language
tutorials, livelihood projects, and gender-related activities;
4. OFW E-Card Program, a permanent identification card for
all OFWs to use in dealings with various government and
private activities/programs;
5. Pag-ibig Overseas Program, aimed at giving Filipino work-
ers, immigrants, and naturalized citizens the opportunity
to save for their future and the chance to obtain a housing
loan; 39
6. OWWA Voluntary Membership On Site, which encour-
ages undocumented workers and other workers like en-
tertainers and domestic helpers to become regular mem-
bers of OWWA and receive the benefits given to legal
workers who are OWWA members; and
7. Retirement Program, which offers retirement benefits
for former Filipinos and qualified foreigners who would
like to spend their retirement years in the Philippines.
In addition, the government, nongovernment organizations,
and private-sector groups conduct motivating and counseling
programs to help returning workers plan for productive under-
takings.
These comprehensive and fully integrated welfare programs
benefit not just the sending country and its workers, but also
the host countries, which may not have the requisite regula-
tions or services to take care of their guest workers. The inte-
grated welfare system and regulatory
 The National structure may also encourage
Reintegration Center workers to return home at the
end of their contracts.
The National Reintegration Center for OFWs was
established pursuant to RA 8042, Section 17 of which pre-
scribes the establishment of a re-placement and monitoring Reintegration programs
center, and Executive Order 446, which authorizes the Sec-
retary of DOLE to oversee and coordinate the implementa- To maximize the gains of
tion of various initiatives to enable OFWs to productively overseas employment, the
rejoin the mainstream of Philippine society.
The center was designed to be a one-stop center of government runs several eco-
reintegration for OFWs and their families. It also serves as nomic and social reintegration
a service networking hub for coordinating and facilitating
the delivery of services by various stakeholders and service programs for returning OFWs.
providers. Within this hub of services, the multi-faceted These aim to address the nega-
reintegration needs of OFWs and their families, including the
development of their communities, should be addressed. tive effects of overseas employ-
To optimize the benefits of overseas employment to ment on the worker and her/his
OFWs, their families, communities and the country, the
center helps OFWs channel their investible assets, skills, and family. Services include social
goodwill for communities into better use. counseling for OFWs and their
The center uses a threefold thrust of personal, commu-
nity, and economic reintegration. It develops, implements, and spouses, skills training, informa-
evolves progressive reintegration programs attuned to the tion on savings and investment
needs of the OFWs, their families and their communities in
order to maximize the benefits of migration to development. options, business development
40 Personal Reintegration This program provides and livelihood assistance, and
services such as: job assistance for local overseas
placement; technical assistance for self-employment through educational assistance for the
entrepreneurship development; access to credit/micro children.
finance for livelihood projects utilizing the migrants skills
and expertise; counseling in business or savings mobilization The National Reintegration
schemes; and psychosocial counselling, preferably with the Center, a one-stop center and
support and cooperation the Family Circles.
Community Reintegration This includes the service networking hub for the
Classroom Galing sa Mamamayang Pilipino reintegration of OFWs and their
Abroad (CGMA). In line with the Brain Gain thrust and in
cooperation with government agencies like the Department families, offers various services
of Trade and Industry and the Philippine Retirement Authority, to help returning migrant work-
this program encourages OFW returnees and Filipino mi-
grants who are still abroad to invest their savings in the devel- ers get readjusted as active and
opment of small and medium enterprises and/or high-impact productive members of the Phil-
community-based projects in their communities or LGUs.
Economic Reintegration This program networks, ippine social mainstream. It pro-
links up with and gets the cooperation of financial vides assistance, for instance, in
institutions and other entities for the identification or de-
velopment of entrepreneurial opportunities or investment job placement, self-employment,
portfolios that will encourage increased earning, saving and or investing in business or liveli-
investing among OFWs. The reintegration center likewise
encourages stakeholders and service providers to develop hood projects.
and offer easier-to-use, faster, safer and price-competitive A network of OFW families
remittance schemes or packages to encourage OFWs to
transfer funds to their families in the Philippines through and their dependents known as
formal channels.
the Family Circles was established to help empower families,
facilitate repatriation of OFWs when the need arises, and pro-
vide psychosocial services to returning workers for a smoother
reunion with their families.
The Kabayanihan or the Kabayan-Bayani-Bayanihan program
is an integration of the welfare and social program packages for
overseas Filipinos at work sites abroad and in the Philippines.
There are other government programs that aim to benefit
OFWs and other Filipinos. These include:
Lingkod sa Kapwa Pilipino or Link for Philippine Devel-
opment (LINKAPIL) facilitates the transfer of contribu-
tions, grants, and assistance from Filipinos and other do-
nors overseas to support projects in livelihood develop-
ment, education, health and welfare, small-scale infra-
structure, and technology and skills transfer.
Balik Scientist Program of the Department of Science and
Technology (DOST) allows foreign-based Filipino sci-
ence and technology experts to return to or reside in the
Philippines, and share their expertise to help accelerate 41
the countrys scientific, agro-industrial, and economic
development.
Livelihood Program for OFWs delivers the economic
component of the Comprehensive OFW Reintegration
Program. It provides entrepreneurial development services
and credit facilities to OFWs, their families, and organiza-
tions.
OFW Groceria Project provides livelihood and self-
employment opportunities to OFWs and their families
through the establishment of 1,000 grocery stores nation-
wide.
In partnership with Microsoft, DOLE, through OWWA, has
inaugurated the facilities for Tulay (bridge), a program that
gives IT training and technology access to OFWs and their fami-
lies. Two computer training centers for OFWs and their families
have been set up at the OWWA offices in Metro Manila and in
Cebu City.
 Another program available to OFWs and other interested
individuals has interactive databases, which contain the list of
job vacancies, recruitment agencies, pending court cases, and
seafarers certification. There are also online market updates
on trends, restrictions and opportunities, laws, and policies on
foreign labor in host countries.
The Department of the Interior and Local Government
(DILG) disseminates information to job seekers through the
local government units. To bring welfare services closer to the
OFWs and their families, DOLE, in cooperation with LGUs,
has set up OFW Migrant Desks (OMDs) around the country to
be handled by personnel from the Public Employment Service
Offices (PESOs). As of August 2005, OMDs had been set up in
three provinces under a memorandum of agreement between
OWWA, DOLE, and the LGUs of these provinces.
In addition, more and more LGUs are now instituting pro-
grams that will help returning migrants in their areas get rein-
tegrated into the community. These include: community orga-
42 nizing for OFWs at the barangay and city levels; skills training
program for OFWs and their beneficiaries; loan assistance and
micro-financing; job fairs and job placements; career guidance;
Serbilis Passport; and the Public Employment Service Office
which serve as migrant desks at the local level. LGUs also pro-
vide enhanced access to reproductive health information and
services to OFWs, particularly domestic helpers.

Research and data collection

The National Statistics Office (NSO) and DOLE regularly
collect data and information on overseas employment. The
POEA, OWWA, CFO, and NGOs have their own database sys-
tems on overseas employment. There is no existing mecha-
nism, however, that consolidates all these systems.
The DOLE, through the Institute of Labor Studies, Philippine
Institute of Development Studies, and other government and
nongovernment research institutions also conduct researches
on overseas employment for program and policy directions.
NGO programs and services
In the Philippines, a large number of nongovernment orga-
nizations are involved in migration. Most of them were orga-
nized in the early 1980s.
Some NGOs exclusively serve migrant workers while others
43
have broader target groups, such as womens groups and trade
unions. Others have become guidance and counseling centers
for overseas contract workers providing pre-departure orienta-
tion seminars.
There are NGOs that have links with the international
NGO community and express their stand on policies or pro-
grams, either national or local, through consciousness raising
and networking strategies. There are NGOs that are strong
advocates for the recognition and respect by governments for
migrant workers rights as embodied in international conven-
tions and agreements. Examples are the Kanlungan Center
Foundation, Migrante Alliance for Migrant Concerns, Network
Opposed to Violence Against Women Migrants (NOVA), Sentro
ng Manggagawang Pilipina, and the Coalition Against Traffick-
ing in Women-Asia.
In 1999, a group called Alliance of Migrant Workers and Ad-
vocates to Amend RA 8042 (or AMEND) was formed to work
 for the amendment of RA 8042. The alliance opposes what it
perceives to be contradictory provisions pertaining to the de-
regulation of labor export industry that it believes will render
workers more vulnerable to abuse and exploitation.
The effort of Filipino migrants organizations here and abroad
in dealing with issues involving the rights of migrants is recog-
nized worldwide. During the NGO Meeting on the Follow-up
to the 2001 World Conference Against Racism in Geneva on
April 6, 2003, the accomplishments of various organizations in
their campaigns for political rights of migrants were cited. Not-
ed in particular were the landmark passing of the Philippine
Absentee Voting Legislation in February 2003 and the ongoing
campaign for the Charter of Rights of Domestic Workers in
Europe.
The role of the church or the religious sector is also widely
recognized in promoting the welfare of migrant workers and
their families. In fact, the Catholic Church was one of the very
first sectors to respond to the challenges of migration in the
44 Philippines. The Church works with other
organizations, both lay and religious, in
areas such as lobbying and advocacy, study
and research.
The most common activities of NGOs
are seminars, advocacy, research and pub-
lications, training, and counseling. NGOs
providing referrals, legal services, liveli-
hood, and pre-departure services are in-
creasing. Other NGOs provide documen-
tation services, conduct cultural/special
events, or provide health care and tem-
porary shelter to women migrants and
their families. Networking appears to
be a major activity. Religious organiza-
tions provide value/spiritual formation,
pastoral care.
In response to the need for the re-
integration of migrants in society, some NGOs have initiated
livelihood programs as alternatives to migration. There are
those that help mobilize migrants savings and use these as a
source of capital for community enterprises and as a means of
preparing migrants for their return and reintegration.

International Policies and Agreements International

United Nations and other international policy instruments Policies
Refugees, asylum seekers, or victims of violations of politi- and Bilateral
cal and civil rights are protected in the 1951 Convention and Agreements
the 1967 Protocol on the Status of Refugees. Protective mea-
sures for people who were
compelled to leave their
homelands as a consequence
of violations of economic,
social and/or cultural rights
came much later.
Commitments to mi-
grants rights were made at
45
the World Conference on Hu-
man Rights in Vienna (1993),
the International Conference
on Population and Develop-
ment in Cairo (1994), the World Summit for Social Develop-
ment in Copenhagen (1995), and the World Conference on
Women in Beijing (1995).
Other international conventions recognizing the rights of
migrants include: the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural
Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
Against Women, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Racial Discrimination, Convention on the Rights of the
Child, ILO Forced Labor Convention (No. 29), ILO Freedom of
Association and Protection of the Right to Organize Conven-
tion (No. 87), ILO Equal Remuneration Convention (No. 100),
ILO Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention
 (No. 111), ILO Minimum Age Convention (No. 38), Migration
for Employment Convention (No. 97), Migrant Workers (Sup-
plementary Provisions) Convention (No. 143), and International
Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant
Workers and Members of Their Families.

International Convention on the Protection of the Rights

of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families
The International Convention on the Protection of the
Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families
was adopted in December 1990 and put into force in October
2003 after 20 countries ratified it. As of October 2005, it had
been ratified by 34 countries and signed by 15 countries.
The convention is an attempt to reaffirm and establish ba-
sic human rights norms and to embody them in an instrument
applicable to migrant workers and their families. Its underlying
goal is to provide an instrument that protects all migrant work-
ers and members of their families, even those who are in an
46 undocumented or irregular situation.
The convention innovates because it relies on the funda-
mental notion that all migrants, whether regular or irregular,
should have access to a minimal degree of protection. It rec-
ognizes that legal migrants have the legitimacy to claim more
rights than undocumented migrants, but stresses that undocu-
mented migrants must see their fundamental human rights
respected, like all human beings.
The convention proposes that actions be taken to eradicate
clandestine movements, notably through the fight against mis-
leading information inciting people to migrate irregularly and
through sanctions against smugglers and employers of undocu-
mented migrants.
The Committee on the Protection of the Rights of All Mi-
grant Workers and Members of their Families (CMW) is a body
of independent experts that monitors implementation of the
International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All
Migrant Workers and Members of their Families (ICMW). It is
the newest treaty body and held its first session in March 2004.
This committee, which meets in Geneva, normally holds
one session each year. State parties are obliged to submit regu-
lar reports on how the rights are being implemented. The com-
mittee may also consider individual complaints or communica-
tions, under certain circumstances.
Ratification of the ICMW has been rather slow. Some of the
reasons cited for not ratifying are: lack of awareness; lack of
priority for governments to address migration issues; a percep-
tion that granting rights to immigrants will only attract more
of them; misperception of the character of the convention as
an instrument for liberal immigration policies.

Bilateral labor and similar agreements and arrangements

Over the last 32 years, the issue of the welfare and protec-
tion of its overseas workers has put pressure on the Philippine
government to take concrete steps to ensure their well-being in
the countries of destination. As a result, government has en-
tered into bilateral, regional, and multilateral arrangements and 47
has taken the lead in various international forums to promote
migrants rights.
The Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995
mandates that the State shall deploy overseas Filipino workers
only in countries where the rights of Filipino migrant workers
are protected. The government recognizes any of the follow-
ing as a guarantee on the part of the receiving country that
overseas Filipino workers will be protected and their rights are
upheld:
1. It has existing labor and social laws protecting the rights
of migrant workers.
2. It is a signatory to multilateral conventions, declarations,
or resolutions relating to the protection of migrant
workers.
3. It has concluded a bilateral agreement or arrangement
with the government protecting the rights of overseas
Filipino workers.
 4. It is taking positive, concrete measures to protect the
rights of migrant workers.
Bilateral labor agreements (BLAs) can be an effective
way to regulate the recruitment and employment of foreign
short- and long-term workers between countries. They can
take the form of formal treaties or less formal memoranda
of understanding, or even very informal practical
arrangements, such as between national employment agen-
cies of two countries.
However, negotiating formal BLAs, including Memo-
randa of Understanding (MOU), Memoranda of Agreement
(MOA), Maritime Agreements, and Social Security Agree-
ments (SSAs), has been a difficult task (Go, 2004). Among
the most common arguments of receiving countries for
their reluctance or refusal to enter into formal agreements
is that overseas Filipino workers are subject to the same
laws and regulations as nationals; consequently, a separate
agreement in not needed.
48 Moreover, they argue that since overseas Filipino work-
ers and private employers or agencies negotiate the terms
of employment, they do not want to get involved in it. En-
tering a formal agreement with the Philippines would open
the floodgate of proposals for similar agreements from other
sending countries which they are reluctant to deal with.
As a result, all that the Philippines has gotten from most
host countries are informal assurances that Filipino work-
ers will be treated fairly and given utmost protection (Go,
2005). While this is so, the Philippines continues its efforts
to forge bilateral agreements with other countries.

Bilateral labor agreements

Today, overseas Filipino workers can be found in 194
countries in the world. However, since the overseas em-
ployment program began in 1974, the Philippines has been
able to reach bilateral labor agreements with only 13 coun-
tries, 12 labor-receiving countries, and one labor-sending
 49

country. It has not been able to enter into such agreements

with the largest labor- receiving countries of overseas Filipino
workers, particularly Saudi Arabia and Japan.
The bilateral labor agreements between the Philippines and
other countries may be classified into two broad categories: the
labor recruitment and special hiring agreements; and the labor,
employment, and manpower development agreements. Labor
recruitment agreements focus on the terms and conditions con-
cerning the employment and mobilization of Filipino workers
or the exchange of trainees. The bilateral agreements with Nor-
way, the United Kingdom, Papua New Guinea, South Korea,
Taiwan, and Switzerland are largely recruitment agreements.
Examples of labor, employment, and manpower agreements are
those with Libya, Jordan, Qatar, Iraq, Kuwait, and the Com-
monwealth of Northern Marianas Islands (CNMI).
Bilateral agreements basically govern the entry of Filipino
 workers into host countries and ensure their welfare as well.
They cover mutually acceptable terms and conditions of em-
ployment, recruitment, and grievance procedures of social secu-
rity benefits. BLAs can also define agreements in the exchange
of manpower and training.
Since 1974, most of the efforts of the Philippine government
have been directed toward pursuing bilateral labor agreements
with labor-receiving countries. A significant development in
2003 was the signing of a bilateral labor agreement between
the Philippines and another labor-sending country, Indonesia.
This agreement is significant because it is the first successful
attempt by the Philippines to try to consolidate the efforts of
other labor sending countries in the region toward promoting
the welfare of migrant workers and protecting their rights.
Sto. Tomas (2005), however, observed: Bilateral negotiations
help but they do not provide the balanced and consistent ac-
tion that orderly movements of people require. It is ironic that
movements of goods are covered by meticulous and detailed
50 specifications of what is or what are not allowed, or the move-
ments of capital are covered by agreements that are binding
most countries, while people, the most vulnerable of all goods,
seldom find themselves with the protective mechanisms ac-
corded on consumer products.

Bilateral social security agreements

In social security, the Philippines has signed bilateral agree-
ments with only eight countries. These are Austria, Belgium,
Switzerland, Canada and its independent province of Quebec,
France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Spain, and most
recently, South Korea.
The salient features of the agreements include: equality of
treatment, mutual assistance in social security (covered mem-
bers or beneficiaries may file their claims with the designated
liaison agencies of the Philippines or the other country, which
will extend assistance to facilitate the processing of claims); and
export of social security benefits a Filipino shall continue to
receive his/her benefits wherever he/she decides to reside (in
the Philippines, in the other country, or even a third country).
In 2000, the Social Security System of the Philippines re-
ported that relative to the implementation of the agreements,
260 Filipino claimants were granted benefits, 192 (74 percent)
of which were from Canada.

Bilateral maritime agreements

In maritime, the Philippines has been actively negotiating
for bilateral agreements to protect the interests of the Filipino
shipping industry, in general and Filipino seafarers, in particu-
lar. The Philippines is the largest supplier of seafarers in the
world. There are about 200,000 Filipino seafarers working on
board international vessels representing 20 percent of actively
employed seafarers in ocean-going vessels. Japan is the biggest
employer of Filipino seafarers, accounting for an estimated 25
percent of the 200,000 Filipino seamen deployed yearly.
The Philippine governments efforts have resulted in the
signing of bilateral maritime transport and merchant shipping 51
agreements with eight countries: Iran (1975), Cyprus (1984), Li-
beria (1985), Bangladesh (1989), Vietnam (1992), Norway (1999),
Netherlands (2000), and Brunei (2003).
The most salient features of these maritime agreements are:
the promotion of cooperation between the two countries in
merchant shipping, maritime transport and related activities;
enhancement of maritime training, licensing, and certification
to improve the competence of ship officers and seamen; pro-
motion and enhancement of seafarers welfare; and according
both countries in the agreement with the most-favored nation
(MFN).
The Philippines has been more successful in reaching bilat-
eral agreements on the recognition of Filipino seafarers certifi-
cates under regulation 1/10 of the 1978 International Conven-
tion on Standards of Training, Certification, and Watchkeeping
for Seafarers (STCW). The STCW establishes the minimum
standards for the training and performance of seafarers de-
 ployed in vessels engaged in both overseas and domestic ship-
ping.
In 1995, the STCW was amended and specified the imple-
mentation of new requirements for the training and education of
seafarers, apart from additional responsibilities for ship owners
and operators. Under the amended STCW, seafarers of countries
not in the International Maritime Organization (IMO) White List
and not covered by bilateral agreements could not be hired to
work on board ocean-going vessels.
Since 2000, the Philippines has signed bilateral agreements on
the recognition of seafarers certificates with 31 countries.

Bilateral arrangements
The difficulty in forging bilateral agreements with foreign
countries usually gives way to bilateral arrangements. This is a
binding arrangement between countries which may not need to
undergo the formal rudiments of a bilateral agreement. Formal-
ity of the arrangement is sealed through minutes of the meeting
52 or other forms of documentation. Some examples of bilateral ar-
rangements include:
Arrangement with U.S. embassy on non-issuance of tran-
sit visa for seafarers without overseas employment certifi-
cate from POEA.
With Israel, issuance of visas only after POEA certifica-
tion is complied.
With Malaysia, the creation of a joint commission.
With Japan, an arrangement for pre-screening and
acceptance of Filipino health care givers and nurses apply
ing for training and national qualification in Japan;
POEA implementation of the employment remit system
of Korea.
These bilateral agreements provide an alternative process in
negotiating for and ensuring the welfare of the overseas Filipinos
and in facilitating overseas employment as a choice for Filipinos.
Big Challenges Ahead
Thirty-two years of experience in labor export and interna- Big
tional migration is a rich source of lessons and insights to bring Challenges
to the highest possible level the efficiency of existing mecha- Ahead
nisms for international migration. While the country prides it-
self on having established systems of international labor migra-
tion, the continuing cases of abuse, exploitation, poverty, and
other international migration issues only point to the need to
consolidate these lessons and use them to enhance the current
structures and systems supporting Filipino overseas employ-
ment.
The machinery for labor export has been strengthened
through the years. Nonetheless, overseas employment as a
socioeconomic option is likely to stay. As such, the mecha-
nisms in place should continue to keep up with the dynamism
of development processes occurring in the country of origin and
destination.
The issue of sustainability continues to face all the current
programs being carried out for overseas Filipinos welfare and 53
protection. Responding to the needs of overseas Filipinos as a
recognition of their important role in development also means
keeping up with and being sensitive to their ever-changing
needs. Policymakers and program implementers have to contin-
ue taking on the challenge of international migration as long as
this phenomenon plays a significant role in every Filipinos life.
 G ina braved the pain of having to leave her two little daughters when
she went to work for an accounting firm in London. The contract was
for two years, and the pay was more than ten times the salary she was re-
ceiving in her previous job in Makati. She had to do it, for the sake of her
children.
Gina is lucky. She has a loving and responsible husband whom she trusts
will take good care of her kids. And with the hefty sum she is receiving, she
is able to send enough money for the childrens school expenses and other
54 family needs, as well as save for their future.
But there are other women like Gina who have opted for overseas employ-
ment but are not as fortunate. Sheila has had to sacrifice her dignity as a
woman with the abusive treatment she often gets as an entertainer in Japan.
The pay is good, and she is able to send money regularly to her family back
home. But her husband, now depending completely on Sheilas earnings, has
stopped working. And to top it all, he neglects the children and squanders
the money that Sheila sends on his own vices.
................................................................................................................................

4 Working Abroad:
Theres Gain,
...........................

but..............................................................
Theres Pain
 There are both benefits and costs to overseas migration. And
these are not only for the individual migrants and their families,
but for the community and the country as well. Says Amelita
King, former chief of the Research and Publication Division of
the Institute of Labor and Manpower Studies (now the Institute
of Labor Studies): One cannot dissociate the impacts of [over-
seas migration] on the individual, family, and on the community.
What happens to individuals and families is eventually reflected
in social relations, processes and structures, and vice-versa.
In certain cases, it is also difficult to say whether a migrants
experience is beneficial or not, since the same factors that cre-
ate benefits can also produce costs. In addition to the actual
consequences of overseas migration, there are also risks that
migrant workers are often exposed to in their situation.

To the Migrant Worker: The Benefits, Costs and To the

Risks Financial gain and more bargaining power Migrant
The migrant workers income from overseas employment has Worker:
definitely improved their financial capability, which leads to The 55
better standards of living. Many are able to afford not only their Benefits,
basic needs but also other amenities that help them live more Costs,
comfortably, as well as improve their social standing. To the and
poor, this means a reduction of poverty (International Organiza- Risks
tion for Migration, 2005).
Their improved financial status has increased the migrant
workers confidence and improved their bargaining position
in the family and community. The women, especially, have
gained greater recognition and decision-making power in the
family. Nadya, a domestic helper who is now married to a
Spanish man, is a big shot when she comes home to her home
town in Cagayan. Her family, even her parents, listen to her
and follow her decisions. They do so not only because she gives
them money, but because they also think she is smart and
wise, having lived in Europe.

...... Broader horizons, greater autonomy

In a study conducted among Filipino male migrants in Saudi
 Arabia, the respondents reported a change in perspective and
a broadening of their horizons. Some said they became more
responsible. Many believed they are now better off than their
counterparts who never left the Philippines (De Guzman, 1993).
Another study (Sarausad, 2004) found that in order to obtain
and ensure continued support from their families back home,
the women regularly sent home remittances and gifts. This was
their way of recognizing their utang na loob (debt of gratitude)
towards kin in the context of familial responsibility and inter-
dependence. They also tried to maintain and nurture their rela-
tionships even from a distance while they forged new relation-
ships and pursued their own goals. This gave them a feeling of
liberation from cultural expectations, and a sense of autonomy
at the same time.

Discrimination against women

In some countries, migrant women experience discrimina-
tion in the labor market. Many find themselves in a situation of
56 brain waste when they have to take jobs that are way below
their educational and professional qualifications. Sometimes,
bachelors degree holders have to wash dishes, cook, and wait
on their foreign employers because those are the jobs available
to women.
Sometimes, migrant women workers are dismissed and de-
ported when they become pregnant, or are socially stigmatized
if they contract HIV/AIDS (Global Commission on Internation-
al Migration, 2005).

Health risks
Filipinos overseas face varied health conditions (Pelaez, 2006).
Migrants, like citizens of host countries, are exposed to diseases
and outbreaks in the country of employment (such as the Ste-
ven Johnsons Syndrome and the Severe Acute Respiratory Syn-
drome or SARS), which they can even bring home to their own
country. (United Nations Economic and Social Commission for
Asia and the Pacific, 2006).
There are reported cases of Filipinos in other countries who
have contracted HIV/AIDS. Almost 35 percent of Filipinos cur-
rently living with HIV/AIDS are overseas contract workers. The
HIV/AIDS issue leaves both the migrants and their country of
origin at a disadvantage. To the individual worker, in addition
to the health and social implications, having HIV/AIDS means
losing the chance to earn income. At the macro level, a
high HIV/AIDS prevalence among overseas workers will
be felt by the economy in terms of reduced remittances
(HAIN, 2000b).

Risk of being abused and deprived of benefits

Irregular or undocumented migrants face greater risks
risk of being abused, of being deprived of health and
other benefits, even risk to life. Unauthorized migration
is a challenge to the exercise of state sovereignty and can
even become a threat to public security, especially when
it involves corruption and organized crime (Platform for
International Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants, 2004).
This is why governments are very watchful of undocumented 57
migrants.
Confidential interviews with some undocumented Filipinos
in the United States revealed that migrants undocumented or
illegal status is sometimes being used by employers to abuse
employees. For example, workers are paid salaries below or just
above the host countrys minimum wage (PICUM, 2004). But
they cannot complain to the authorities because they can also
be punished, not just the employer.
These migrants also cannot avail of social security benefits in
the host country. Illegal migrants, even in very rich countries,
generally live in poor health conditions, are largely uninsured,
and frequently uninformed about the programs that cover them.
Often, they themselves refrain from seeking medical treatment
because of associated costs, inability to miss work, and prob-
lems in transportation. Besides, many are unfamiliar with the
host countrys health care systems, and may have linguistic
or cultural difficulties communicating their problems (World
Health Organization, 2003).
 Dream Fulfilled In some cases, they are
forced into low-paid, inse-
Dondon, 46, fits the stereotype of a Filipino seafarer. He grew up
in an island off the coast of Cebu where generations of villagers have cure and degrading work
relied on the bounty of the sea for a living. To Dondon, the sea is both from which they cannot get
a great provider and a source of opportunities that can bring good
fortune and wealth. out of, and for which they
While helping his mother run their fish buying and selling busi- receive very little or no com-
ness, the young Dondon was fascinated by stories of local seafarers
who had made it big in some foreign land while working in cargo
pensation (GCIM, 2005).
vessels that sail across the continents. After finishing high school, he Trafficked women, in
decided to pursue a Bachelor of Science degree in Marine Transporta- particular, frequently find
tion (BSMT).
After finishing college, he journeyed to Manila and applied in a themselves forced into pros-
Norwegian shipping company. He was finally hired with an initial sal- titution, marriage, domestic
ary of US$1,200 per month. His college degree and his determination
to succeed paved the way for a targeted promotion. After several work, jobs in sweatshops
years, he became a second mate with a monthly salary of about and other forms of exploita-
US$2,800, a princely sum which completely changed Dondons life.
Soon, Dondon got married and had children. Wanting to make tion (UNESC, 2006).
sure that his family would always be provided for,i and knowing the
uncertainty of his job as a seafarer, he acquired a mango plantation
with the money he had saved from his salary. He had seen many sea- Human and reproductive
men who were unable to board a ship for many months, and if this rights abuses among women
happened to him, he wanted to have a source of income to fall back
on. His wife looked after the plantation during the times he was away.
In the State of World
58 After his contract with the Norwegian company ended, Dondon Population Report 2006, it
was lucky to get hired again by another shipping company, and then was pointed out that the
another. Now, Dondon has been a seafarer for 20 years, working for
different European shipping companies. increasing feminization
A seafarer spends more time on board a ship rather than with his of international migration
family. There are times when his contract is extended for 10 months,
after which he is allowed to take a vacation for one or two months has opened doors to a new
only, and then board the ship again. Dondon notes that in his 20 years world of greater equality for
of marriage, he has managed to be with his family for a total of only
eight years or so. That was one of the setbacks of working in a foreign women, and relief from op-
land. But life is hard in the Philippines, and he wouldnt have earned pression and discrimination
here what he receives from his overseas job.
A seafarer is also a popular figure in his barangay. It is always that limit freedom and stunt
fiesta time, says Dondon, whenever the people in his village hear he is potential. Yet women mi-
coming home. That is not a problem, he says. A seaman always sets
aside a little sum for drinks and food for his friends and neighbors grants are among the most
every time he takes a break in the Philippines. vulnerable to human rights
Dondon is happy; he has no regrets. He is proud that as a seafarer,
he has done so much for the welfare of his family, his parents and his
abusesboth as migrants
other siblings. Aside from sending his two children to good schools, and as females. Their hard
he has also helped a brother and a sister finish their respective col- work deserves recognition,
lege courses.
Meanwhile, their mango plantation is teeming with fruit and and their human rights need
bringing in considerable income for the family. When it is time for protection (United Nations
him to retire as a seaman, Dondon plans to settle in the plantation,
and spend all his time with his family. He has fulfilled his dreams, for Population Fund, 2006).
himself and his family, and his overseas job had made this possible. The abuses that Filipino
women suffer as migrant workers
were pushed into national con-
sciousness with the violence that
gripped three women contract
workers (Opiniano, 2004a). Two
of these women died: entertainer
Maricris Sioson died in Japan, and
Singapore-based domestic helper
Flor Contemplacion was executed.
Their cases have spawned a na-
tional outcry to look at the wel-
fare of female temporary contract
workers. Policies pertinent to the
feminization of Filipino overseas
migration have been formulated as
a result of these cases, but Filipino
migrant women in various parts of
the world continue to be subjected
to violence and abuses (Estopace,
2007).
What is striking about the femi-
nization of international migration
is the selectivity of their migration.
This means that women, in some
host countries, are obvious choices
for certain occupations such as
domestic helpers and entertainers
that pose risks to their lives and
their reproductive health (Asis et
al., 2005).
Reproductive rights abuses and
risks among OFWs include rape,
sexual harassment and exploita-
tion, and exposure to sexually
transmitted infections and HIV/
AIDS in most cases of which, the
victims are women.
Dream Shattered
Coming from a poor family who could barely send him
to school, Miguel dreamt of having a better life someday.
People who do not have much hold on to their
dreams to be able to go through life. At an early age,
Miguel learned to dream. He did not stop dreaming even
when there was not enough food on the table or when he
had to walk to school because there was no money for
the fare.
Miguel was a working student at age eight. He did odd
jobs for his neighbors and the market vendors to be able
to earn a few bucks. Finishing high school was a struggle.
He had to work as a helper in a hardware store in the
morning and went to school in the afternoon. With his
small income, he was able to finish high school.
Miguel saw an opportunity for the fulfillment of his
dream when he was enticed by Junjun, his childhood
friend, to apply for work abroad. Like millions of Filipinos,
Miguel and Junjun consider jobs in other countries as a
means of improving their present economic status.
For the common Filipino, foreign employment has
been equated with better life. Miguel had heard about
some people in their town who worked abroad and
now their families had everything they had TV sets, cell
phones, a nice house, and most of all, their children went
to school.
Determined to improve his and his familys life, Miguel
59
applied and got hired as a utility man in a machine shop in
Saudi Arabia. But his Arab employer was abusive. He was
made to work long hours with little food. He was berated
even for small mistakes. At times when his employers
mood was really bad, he got beatings.
There were times when he wanted to pack his bags
and go back to the Philippines. But the thought of his
entire family depending on him made him stay. After all,
with the money he was sending home, his family was able
to live comfortably, and his younger brother was able to
enroll in college. He just put his mind on finishing his two-
year contract. Then, he would look for another foreign
employer who might treat him better.
One day he got sick. He had high fever and could hard-
ly get up. But his employer thought he was just making an
excuse so as not to work and started beating him up. That
was the last thing he could remember. The next thing he
knew, he was being led out of his room by two policemen
because he had strangled his employer to death.
In Saudi Arabia, the punishment for killing is death. He
was sentenced to die by beheading after a year in prison.
If Miguel had only been more prepared, if he had been
guided about his rights, and if he had known where to go
for support, his fate would have turned out differently. He
only dreamt to make life better for his family, and was will-
ing to sacrifice to pursue that dream. But he did not have
to sacrifice his rights, and certainly not his life.
 Impact Impact on the Family
on the Increased income and consumption
Family The most direct outcome of overseas employment on the
migrants family is the increased income, as cited in various
literatures (Senate Economic Planning Office, 2005; Go, 2003;
Department for International Development and International
Migration Programme, 2003;Asian Migrant III, 1990). It is de-
batable whether there is actually a net increase in incomes
(Pernia, 2006), but overall, it seems clear that recipient families
are better off with, rather than without, the remittances.
Increased incomes have led to increased consumption. Re-
mittances were used for items such as: daily expenses and
basic subsistence needs (meaning food, clothing, and health
care), house construction or renovation, and major items such
as land, cattle, or consumer durable goods (Scalabrini Migra-
tion Center, 2007; Asian Development Bank, 2005; Cruz, 1990;
Asian Migrant III, 1990; Puri and Ritzema, 1990 cited in United
Nations, 2002). This also means a change in lifestyle (Aban et
60 al, 1988).
The ability to spend more resources on health and education
results in improved family resources and reduced vulnerability
of family members, especially women and children. These ex-
penditures are considered important forms of investments as
well (Pernia, 2000).

Ability to save and invest

Added incomes from overseas employment also allow families
to save and open possibilities for investing. Investments may
include rational investments (like land), as well as productive
investments, which are investments that can generate income
and employment or activities with multiplier effects (such as a
business) (Go, 2003; ADB, 2005; Puri and Ritzema,1990 cited in
UN, 2002).
Families were also able to gain access to credit facilities be-
cause the steady inflow of remittances has made them more
credit-worthy. Credit allows recipients to engage in entrepre-
neurial activities (SEPO, 2005). With the remittances,family
members sometimes obtain skills training, which is also an
investment for them to become better candidates for overseas
jobs in the future (Ang, 2006).
The bigger issue, however, may not be whether the money is
actually invested by the family, but whether the family puts
them into savings which then become available for investment
in the local or macro economy (Pernia, 2006). Remittances
coursed through the formal market channels also open up op-
portunities for greater savings mobilization and consequently
investments.

Overdependence on remittances
Sometimes, families of migrant workers become so dependent
on the remittances that the continued migration of working-age
members becomes a necessity. The culture of dependence is
also developed when the recipients of remittances lose the in-
centive to work (Pernia, 2006; SEPO, 2005; Burgees and Haksar,
2005).
Studies that explored the impact of international migration on 61
the local labor supply found that due to too much reliance on
remittances, household members in the country of origin who
are potential members of the labor force tend to stop working
or do not look for work at all, making them nonproductive do-
mestically (Rodriguez and Tiongson, 2001). This translates into
lower earnings from local labor markets, as households substi-
tute income from migrants for more leisure.

Changes in family roles

When a family member (especially the head of the family)
leaves his/her home to work abroad for extended periods, some
changes in family roles and relationships are bound to take
place, including family dislocation, and changes in husband-
wife and parent-children relationships (Asis, Huang, and Yeoh,
2004). This has also led to the creation of new types of family
members, such as the solo parent and seasonal orphans.
Anecdotes of how Filipino families are struck by international
migrations wrath unto family relationships have raised con-
 cern about family unity, with public opinion leaning largely
towards the negative (Scalabrini Migration Center, 2005). In
some instances, the separation of parents due to international
migration has resulted in family breakdown and underdevelop-
ment of children.

The solo parent

When one of the parents leave, then the parent who is left be-
hind has to take on the tasks and roles of the one who migrated,
in addition to his/her own responsibilities. This is
called solo parenting, and it has led to major changes
in traditional gender roles and relationships (Cruz,
1990).
Filipino culture regards the mother as the light of
the home (Asis, Huang and Yeoh, 2004). The mother
is used to performing multiple tasks. For example, in
addition to her traditional child-caring and housekeeping roles,
she can also manage the familys finances, supervise the chil-
62 drens schooling, attend to the familys social obligations, and
work all at the same time. Thus, if it is the father who migrates,
the mother left behind can easily assume the roles of both moth-
er and father (Go and Postrado, 1986).
However, if it is the woman who goes abroad, significant ad-
justments occur. This is not surprising because changes in
womens roles have more implications for the family than
changes in mens roles (SMC, 2005). In Philippine culture, it is
odd for the male spouse to do care-giving and household chores.
Studies of Filipino men with wives working abroad (Pingol,
2002; Atikha, Inc., 2002) have shown that, while there are some
successful housebands who have reared their children well and
maintained solid family relationships while the wife is away,
most men have to struggle performing traditional womens
chores. What often happens is that the men neglect or do poorly
in their family duties. Some also get entangled in discordant
marital circumstances (Asis et al., 2005). The challenge rests on
how the husband and the wife, as well as their children, fulfill
their roles in harmonious complementation (Bagasao, 2007).
The seasonal orphans
Temporary overseas migration of parents results in the cre-
ation of seasonal orphans.. Studies of children with migrant
parents vary in their findings. One study (Cruz, 1987) found
that children of migrant workers have learned to adjust to their
parents absence. The study also found that children of mi-
grants and non-migrants were similar in their values, attitudes,
and behaviors, indicating that the migrants children are able to
cope with their situation.
A study done among 10-to-12 year-old children of migrant and
non-migrant parents (Battistella and Conaco, 1998), observed
that neither the absence of one or both parents affected the
social adjustment of these children, although migrant children
recorded lower academic performance. Researchers from the
University of the Philippines (2002) did a similar study among
children 10 to 21 years old, and found no difference in the aca-
demic standing between migrant and non-migrant parents chil-
dren.
Taking the perspective of the children, another study (Asis, 63
2006a) observed that childrens well-being was not seriously
undermined by the absence of one or two parents. Although
the absence of their parents ushers in emotional displacement
from the viewpoint of the adolescent children, it also provides a
breather from otherwise overwhelming parental control, ar-
gued Asis.
There are, however, stories of children with both parents
away who, although they are able to carry on fairly well by
themselves, do experience some problems.
Take, for instance, Camille, whose mother is an entertainer in
Japan. Her parents had separated so Camille was left in the care
of her old grandparents. Only 11 years old, Camille has learned
to take responsibility for herself. She takes care of her personal
needs, and studies hard without prodding, always striving to get
high grades. She is a nice, well-mannered child, but the expres-
sion on her face is not that of a typical cheerful, giggling 11-
year-old. Sometimes, she cries, and says, Nobody loves me.
And theres Kevin, whose parents have been away working
 in Los Angeles since he was 9 years old. Kevin, now aged 15,
lives with his eldest brother, who is already married. His par-
ents send money for school expenses and everything he wants,
from expensive clothes to computers and the latest electronic
gadgets. But Kevin had problems in school and now no lon-
ger wants to continue studying. He has a girlfriend whom he
brings home and sleeps with, and nothing his brother says
could make him listen.
Some experts in youth development think that international
migration dynamics might influence sexual and risky behavior
among young people. Although this is still subject to further
studies, there are anecdotal reports indicating that children
of overseas workers exhibit delinquent behavior and early
pregnancies. A second look at the datasets of the most recent
Young Adult Fertility and Sexuality Study (YAFS3) may reveal
some connection between parents absence during the chil-
drens growing-up years and their sexual and juvenile behavior.

64 Surrogate parents and the extended family

In addition to the nuclear and immediate family, the
Filipino extended family system often be-
comes a source of care and socialization
for migrants children, as for children of
non-migrant parents. (See Table 4.1) In the
absence of parents, other family members
(older sister or brother), members of the ex-
tended family (grandparents, aunts or uncles),
or nonrelatives charged with the responsibil-
ity (housemaid or yaya) take on the role of sur-
rogate parents who provide the needed care and
guidance to the children.

The transnational mother

The mother who is a migrant worker is faced
with the challenge of being both a migrant and a
transnational mother. A study of Filipina domestic
workers in Italy (Basa and De la Rosa, 2005) showed
that these women, who regard themselves as distant moth-
ers, have varied reasons for their decision to work as domestic
workers.
Similar studies done among domestic workers in Singapore
(Ravanilla and Robleza, 2003; Asis, Huang, and Yeoh, 2004)
revealed that transnational migration has not diminished the
importance of being a mother even if migration is reshaping the
Filipino family. Often also, physical separation from the family
is justified by the need to improve the familys lot. And even as
womens migration has benefited their families, it has also ben-
efited the women with personal rewards, such as knowing their
self-worth, gaining confidence, becoming stronger and more
self-reliant, and drawing closer to God.
The feminization of international migration has brought to
the forefront gender equality issues, which means that the situ-
ation of the men should also be looked into. With the reproduc-
tive ability of women, men come face-to-face with their vulner-
abilities; the mens reproductive inability and their diminished
Table 4.1. Assessment of Family Relationships, Philippines, 2004 65
Variable Total Children Children Children of migrants
of non- of migrants
migrants MM FL FS BP

Family member distant to:

None 25.8 25.6 32.8 29.9 34.3 34.2 31.1
Brother 20.4 20.5 17.9 16.6 18.0 21.2 15.3
Father 19.2 19.3 14.0 - 15.8 18.1 -
Sister - - - 12.4 - - -
Other female relative - - - - - - 14.5
Role model:
Parent/s 64.1 64.0 65.1 59.2 69.3 68.9 56.5
Other family 13.8 13.8 12.4 14.7 10.8 10.4 16.1
Other familiar persons
(e.g., teachers) 2.2 2.1 3.2 0.6 4.8 3.1 3.0
Heroes/achievers 4.6 4.5 5.0 8.4 4.0 4.3 2.7
Celebrities 7.6 7.7 5.2 5.1 4.6 4.5 8.6
Other 0.8 0.8 0.9 0.7 0.4 1.1 2.3
None 7.0 7.0 8.2 11.3 5.9 7.9 10.7
Legend: MM migrant mothers; FL land-based fathers; FS sea-based fathers; BP both parents abroad
Note:* Based on top three answers
Source: Scalabrini Migration Center (2004).
 economic power somehow seem to lessen their significance
(Estopace, 2007).
Another important issue that has not been subjected to
analysis is the economy of womens jobs. Even before the
Beijing+5 World Conference on Women, womens rights
activists had been pushing for the
economization or monetization of household or domestic
work. They argue that if women temporary contract work-
ers are paid a certain amount for their services, that amount
should become the standard for measuring womens house-
hold work. The nonprofit group Visayan Forum Foundation
is also lobbying for such rights and benefits for Philippines-
based domestic workers (UNFPA, 2006).

Spillover Spillover Effects in the Community

Effects Effects of increased migrant spending
on the Increased consumption and investing by the migrant fami-
Commu- lies benefit the rest of the community, and, through a ripple
66 nity effect, the region as well. At the regional level, remittances
help improve economic inputs such as physical infrastruc-
ture and human capital, which boost regional development.
The multiplier effects of increased consumption, according
to experts, is expected to be higher when rural households
are the main recipients of remittances since, typically, they
consume more domestically produced products (Burgees
and Haksar, 2005 and Adelman and Taylor, 1990 in Pernia,
2006).
There is also need to look into the possible effect of in-
creased consumption by migrants families on inflation and
social stratification in the community (Go, 2003).
It appears, too, that better-off populations are more ben-
efited by the remittances. This may be so because: (1) more
of the urban than rural families rely on remittances as a
main source of income; (2) a larger proportion of families
from the richer regions of country have reported income
from abroad as a major source of income; and (3) families
from the higher-income groups received larger proportions
of income from abroad than the lower income groups (Go,
2003; Intal, 1994). Also, since labor migrants tend to come from
the not-so-poor households, it is the lower-middle to middle-
income families who directly gain from remittances (Pernia,
2006).

Unreliable labor supply in the community

Due to too much reliance on remittances, migrants house-
hold members who are potential members of the labor force
are no longer inclined to work or look for work. This culture of
dependence in the migrants household has also created a cul-
ture of necessity for migration as an option in the community.
This results in lowered labor supply or an unreliable workforce,
which can dissuade investors from setting up businesses in the
community (Rodriguez and Tiongson, 2001).

Effect on income inequality and poverty

Remittances, because they are not easily affected by finan-
cial crises or national conflicts, are a relatively stable form of 67
income. Thus they represent a more stable means of poverty
reduction than other capital flows (IOM, 2007).
However, remittances appear to increase income inequality,
more so in the rural than in urban areas. This could be due to
the lower salaries received by semi-skilled overseas workers
from rural areas as compared to their urban counterparts, who
are usually more highly skilled and therefore get higher wages
(Ravanilla and Robleza, 2003; Rodriguez, 1998).
Richer regions and income groups seem to have benefited
disproportionately from the economic gains from overseas mi-
gration. The poorer segments of Philippine society have been
largely excluded from the opportunities provided by migration.
(Go, 2003).
At any rate, remittances have to be translated first to value-
added activities and investments, for their multiplier effects
to reach the community (Ang, 2006). The benefits from remit-
tances may also take a long time to reach the poorest of the
poor through the multiplier effects. It will depend on how the
 recipient families use the remittances.
Remittances would help lessen income inequality and poverty
in the community if the poorer households are their main re-
cipients. But inequality would worsen if the richer families are
the main recipients
(Pernia, 2006).

Gains Gains and Losses for the Country

and Overseas migration in the Philippines has an important bear-
Losses ing on the countrys overall development process (Institute for
for the Labor Studies, 1996) it can improve the economy, and it can,
Country if the necessary conditions are there, reduce inequality.

Increased national income and big dollar inflows

Remittances sent in by overseas workers are translated into
the countrys net factor income from abroad (NFIA). This
amount is added to the gross domestic product (GDP) to gen-
erate the gross national Table 4.2. Gross International
product (GNP). Remit- Reserves vis--vis Overseas Filipinos
68 Remittances, Philippines, 2006
tances from Filipino over-
Year In million US$
seas workers have helped Overseas
buoy the Philippines GNP Filipinos Remittances
GIR Level Remittances as % of GIR
(SEPO, 2005; ILS, 1996). 1989 2,375.18 1,001.91 42.18
Remittances also mean 1990 2,048.35 1,203.00 58.73
revenues and a major source 1991 4,525.94 1,649.37 36.44
of foreign exchange (Pelaez, 1992 5,337.87 2,221.78 41.62
1993 5,922.03 2,276.39 38.44
2006).
1994 7,142.10 3,008.74 42.13
Dollar inflows contribute 1995 7,785.75 3,868.57 49.69
to the countrys gross in- 1996 11,773.39 4,306.49 36.58
ternational reserves (GIR) 1997 8,799.49 5,741.83 65.25
which insulate the local 1998 10,841.53 7,367.98 67.96
1999 15,063.98 6,021.21 39.97
economy from foreign ex- 2000 15,062.82 6,050.25 40.17
change fluctuations (Pelaez, 2001 15,692.23 6,031.27 38.43
2006). From 1989 to 2005, 2002 16,364.76 6,886.15 42.08
the share of remittances 2003 17,063.06 7,578.45 44.41
2004 16,227.91 8,550.37 52.69
in the countrys GIR in-
2005 18,494.36 10,689.01 57.79
creased from 36 percent to Source: Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (2006)
67 percent. (See Table 4.2.)
International labor migration also provides a significant source
of foreign currency that helps finance imports and contributes to
the balance of payments (BOP) (Pernia, 2006; SEPO, 2005).This
stable source of foreign currency helps ease the financing of the
countrys oil imports and external debt, prop up the value of the
peso, and spur economic growth (Pelaez, 2006). It has also im-
proved the Philippines BOP position, thus raising the countrys
credit worthiness and enhancing access to international capital
markets.
However, foreign exchange inflows have a tendency to put up-
ward pressure on prices. They may also spur a real appreciation
of the exchange rate, thereby constraining the development of
export-oriented and import-competing industries (Pernia, 2006).
Likewise, improving the BOP, by supporting overall balance of
payments position, may reduce incentives to implement reforms
(Burgees and Haksar, 2005).

Investment opportunity 69
Part of the remittances can be channeled into investments,
which can attract additional investments. If invested on produc-
tive activities, remittances help improve the domestic economy.
But overseas migration also means significant labor outflows
which will weaken the countrys human assets in the long run.
This may discourage investments if the quality of labor force
declines, as companies would take into account the manpower
available locally before investing (SEPO, 2005; ILO, 2004).

Poverty reduction
As a result of increased consumption, remittances may im-
prove per capita income levels and reduce poverty. According
to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), on the average, a 2.5
percentage point increase in the remittance-GDP ratio is associ-
ated with close to 0.5 percentage point decrease in the number of
people living in poverty (SEPO, 2005).
It is estimated that if the proportion of international migrants
in the countrys population increases by 10 percent, the propor-
 tion of the population living below the poverty line will de-
crease by 1.9 percent.(Adams and Page, 2003).
There are literatures suggesting that rising overseas migration
may increase income inequality in the country (as at the com-
munity level), but there is not much conclusive data to prove
that this is so.

Effects on employment
The rise in the number of labor migrants can be traced back
to the Philippine government policy in 1974 which instituted
international labor migration to temporarily solve the countrys
problems of unemployment, underemployment, and tight bal-
ance of payments.
In the Philippines, international migration has been a safety
valve to domestic unemployment (Imperial, 2003). A study
by Go (2002, cited in Go, 2003) showed that overseas Filipino
workers constitute about 2.5 percent of the labor force. From
1994 to 2001, more Filipinos actually found jobs overseas com-
70 Table 4.3. Overseas Employment and Local Employment
Philippines, 2002
Indicators Overseas Employment and Local Employment
1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001

Labor force (000) 26,879 27,654 28,373 29,733 30,354 31,055 30,758 30,911 32,808
Overseas
employment (000) 697 720 654 660 748 832 837 842 867
As percent
of labor force 2.6 2,6 2.3 2.2 2.5 2.7 2.7 2.7 2.6
Local employment (000)
Number of
employed persons 24,382 25,032 25,670 27,186 27,715 27,911 27,742 27,452 29,155
Increase in local
employment (000) 650 638 1,516 529 196 -169 -290 1,703
Number of
unemployed persons 2,497 2,622 2,703 2,546 2,640 3.016 3,017 3,459 3,654
Unemployment rate 9.3 9.5 9.5 8.6 8.7 10.1 9.8 11.2 11.2
Unemployment rate
without overseas
employment 12.1 11.8 10,8 11.2 12.4 12.5 13.9 13.8
Source: Go, Stella P. (2002)
pared to the number of persons who found jobs in the local
market during that period. (See Table 4.3.)
In 1999 and 2000, more than 800,000 workers were deployed
abroad while local employment shrank. On the assumption
that these overseas workers would not have gotten employed
had they not worked abroad, the unemployment rate would
have actually worsened if there was no overseas employment.
This is the only evidence, however, that international mi-
gration significantly eases the burden of unemployment. Ac-
cording to the United Nations (2006 cited in UN, 2004), given
the current levels of international migration, it can only have
a very modest impact on the labor market. It is only in small
countries where there is large population of expatriates that in-
ternational labor migration can make a significant dent on the
labor market. But what is not significant at the national level
can be important at the community level.
Despite rising overseas migration, the outflow has not tight-
ened the labor market since the labor force increased faster
than domestic and foreign labor employment (Tan, 2005). 71
Even the combined number of temporary contract workers
and emigrants did not lead into a drop in the total labor force,
which was over 36 million from 1997 to 2004. The size of the
labor force actually rose from 2003 to 2005.
Economist Lanzona (2004) says this is a reflection of what is
called structural unemployment or the persistence of high
unemployment rates due to the failure to absorb the seeming-
ly large labor surplus in the country, and the failure to create
jobs amid episodes of GDP growth. Unemployment continues
to grow even with episodes of rising overseas labor migration
flows.
Another study (Ang, 2006) says that agricultural development,
too, is being hit by continued overseas migration overseas, call-
ing this capital-rich underdevelopment. Remittances drive
away farmers from their farms, and labor would rather wait for
the opportunity to work as overseas worker than to work on
farms.
 Dependence on remittances
The Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995, with which the Philip-
pine government shifted from outright promotion of overseas
employment to mere management of outflows, is considered
as a model by other labor-sending countries. Still, NGOs and
migrant associations remain critical of the overseas labor pro-
gram, which they claim diverts attention from improving the
countrys development policies.
Too much reliance of the government on remittances may
lead to complacency in instituting fiscal and trade policy
reforms to improve the local economy. While remittances
benefit the economy, it should not be viewed as the solution to
the countrys economic ills (SEPO, 2005).

Effect on human resources: Gain or drain?

Some people may rejoice that overseas Filipino workers are
bringing forth global competitiveness in the world labor mar-
ket. But international migration is not without negative effects
on the nations overall productivity.
72
Brain drain
International migration necessarily comes with some loss
of human resources. When this loss involves large numbers of
skilled and educated members of the workforce, it is referred to
as brain drain. This is one of the most often-repeated problems
with international migration (Opiniano and Castro, in ADB,
2006). Those who leave the countries of origin are often the best
and the brightest so their departure reduces the countrys capac-
ity for long-term economic growth (Pernia, 2006; ILO, 2004).
This also means lower returns to capital (ILO, 2004). And
since most of the migrant workers would have been previously
employed or have sufficiently gained experience prior to quit-
ting their local jobs, then some kind of disruption of economic
activity would mostly take place before replacements are found
and sufficiently trained (Pernia, 2006; Alburo and Abella, 2002).
The exodus of skilled workers hits the homeland econmy,
which also needs these same workers to buoy economic
activity (Aldaba in Lanzona, 2002). Perhaps remittances in a
way can make up for the losses due to brain drain. But what
about the foregone earnings that the country missed because of
the absence of its skilled citizens?
One also has to take into account the amounts invested by
the country in educating, training, and enriching the experi-
ence of these members. And now, with the experienced work-
ers having left for abroad, resources have to be expended anew

73
 in training once again fresh graduates and inexperienced mem-
bers of the labor force. (Alburo and Abella, 2002)
Another important issue involves situations when the skilled
workers are performing critical public services, as in education
and health, in the local jobs they will be quitting (UN, 2006).
The loss of good teachers and health professionals may jeop-
ardize the quality of public health and education services that
Filipinos receive. The very personnel who will replace the mi-
grating public servants may have received poor education and
preparation for the job (Pernia, 2006).
But can one say that the Philippines is experiencing brain
drain, when it has so many people who are unemployed? Lind-
sey (2003) says that to be able to tell whether a country is in-
deed having brain drain, two conditions must be present: first,
there must be a significant loss of the highly educated popula-
tion; and second, adverse economic consequences must follow.
In the Philippines, there is no direct information on the actual
magnitude of brain drain (Alburo and Abella, 2002). Before the
74 seventies, the movement of highly skilled Filipino professionals,
although significant, was largely a private initiative between the
workers and their employers abroad. It was only during the mid-
seventies, after the rise in the demand for contract workers in
the Middle East, that the Philippine government began an insti-
tutionalized management of temporary contract migration.
The countrys unemployment rate, indeed has been increasing
in recent years. In 2000, unemployment rate was 10.1 percent
of the labor force, and underemployment rate was 19.9 percent
(Alburo and Abella, 2002). These numbers, which the local labor
market could not absorb, were therefore absorbed elsewhere.
Whether or not the exodus of skilled Filipino workers can al-
ready be called brain drain, the fact is, the loss is now being felt
in many sectors.
Among the hardest hit is the healthcare sector. One study
(Agoncillo, 2005), exploring the impact of surging international
demand for nurses in six medical centers in Metro Manila,
noted rapid turnover and frequent resignation of nurses. The
hospitals did not have difficulty finding replacements since
there was an oversupply of nursing graduates. But the frequent
training and orientation sessions they had to hold for the newly
hired nurses incurred considerable expenses, and bankrolled
their funds. The decision-making capabilities of the inexperi-
enced novices also needed honing, putting a lot of the burden
on the supervisors and trainers.
In the airline industry, officials are complaining about lo-
cally trained pilots who prefer to work in international airline
companies (De la Paz, 2006). Human resource companies are
also complaining that Asia-Pacific countries are recruiting
or poaching skilled or knowledge workers from the Philip-
pines in what some call a war of talent (Llorito, Pepito and
Francisco, 2006). Skilled technical professionals and managers
are being lured by these foreign countries in industries such as
information technology, engineering and construction.
One study tried to quantify the effect of brain drain on the
sending country (Beine, Docquier and Ropoport, 2004). The
results for the Philippines showed the brain drain effect on the
negative side, beyond the critical value. According to the study, 75
the Philippines will gain more if it reduces its brain drain prob-
lem that is, by keeping the highly educated and skilled work-
force in the home country. The same study reports that the
Philippines growth net losses are equivalent to 0.025 percent
of annual GDP per capita due to its brain drain.

Brain gain
Can brain gain counter the effects of brain drain? There are
cases, although they are few, where overseas Filipinos used the
skills they gained abroad to engage in productive activities and
businesses here (Opiniano and Castro, 2006).
This brain gain is especially true for temporary migrants (Al-
buro and Abella, 2002) since these workers eventually return
home, and the social losses arising from their overseas place-
ment are likewise temporary. There may even be social gains as
these workers not only acquire additional skills and are exposed
to new productivity tools, but also acquire broader perspectives.
Some studies have shown, however, that migrants did not
 acquire skills, or if they did, would have acquired skills any-
way even if they did not migrate (Smart, Teodosio and Jimenez,
1986). And although may have gotten skills (like international
cuisine, foreign language, singing), these may not help them
find well-paying jobs in the local market when they return
(Asis, 2001).

Countering brain drain through remittances

Brain drain, however, is probably not an altogether unmiti-
gated bane as there are also compensating benefits (Pernia,
2006). Remittances, for one, serve as financial counterpart to
migration, which can offset some of the outlays and losses that
may be associated with the loss of skilled workers (Burgess and
Haksar, 2005).
When spent on education and health, remittances can also
help develop the countrys human capital, benefiting the econ-
omy in the long run. Remittances that are invested in produc-
tive activities will contribute directly to output growth.
76
Do the Do the Benefits Outweigh the Costs?
Benefits We have seen the different consequences of international
Out- labor migration. To the individual migrant worker and his/
weigh her family, there are personal and financial gains, but a lot of
the risks as well. The community also benefits, but for the poorest
Costs? members, the enjoyment of these benefits may yet be long in
coming.
The economic benefits to the country are apparent, but the
not-so-obvious implications to its human resources and long-
term economic development must not be ignored. The un-
quantifiable social consequences of labor migration need to be
looked into more closely.
In the Philippines, the general perception is that the economic
benefits of migration cannot compensate for the social sacrific-
es that come with it. But for the individual migrants, the posi-
tive outcomes are perceived to outweigh the negative experi-
ences. They see migration as a pathway, difficult though it may
be, to a better life.
G emma and Patricia are friends. Both are teachers. Years ago, Gemma left
to work as a governess for a family in Italy. Patricia was happy for her
friend but had no desire to follow suit. She was content to teach in the small
elementary school in their barrio. What made Gemma go and made Patricia
stay? Does the fact that Gemma belongs to a big family (she has seven siblings)
and Patricia to a small one (she only has one brother) have anything to do with
their decisions? Or are there other factors at play, like their age, familys socio-
economic status, and personal priorities?
Cecille never considered working outside the country before. But since her
company closed down a year ago, she has not been able to find a job. She has 77
to find a way to earn, as her husbands income is very small and irregular, and
the children have to eat and go to school. Now she is considering applying for
an overseas job anywhere, and any job she can do, as long as it can provide
for her familys needs.
OFWs may have unique personal reasons for working abroad. But on top of
all these, for most, the principal motivation is the prospect of a bigger income,
which spells the answer to a lot of their personal, social and economic needs.
Overseas labor migration may be just a demographic process, but its causes
and outcomes span a range of physical, psychosocial, economic and population-
related conditions and repercussions in short, it has many population and
development (POPDEV) dimensions.
...........................

....................................................................................................................................

The POPDEV
...........

5 Dimensions
.................................................................
 Overseas labor migration is essentially about people and de-
velopment. At the center of this process are people who are in
search of better opportunities that could bring them the actu-
alization of their potentials, aspirations, and well-being. Away
from home, they traverse the unfamiliar path in search of a bet-
ter life.
The State of the Philippine Population Report 4 views over-
seas labor migration as a population process with demographic,
as well as development-related implications. This chapter looks
more closely into the intrinsic interconnections between over-
seas labor migration and population and development processes
and outcomes.
The POPDEV Framework (described in Chapter 1) will guide
the analysis of these population and development links, and
show that migration is both driven by and is an underlying in-
fluence to development processes and outcomes. For example,
prior to departure, migration decisions were directly influenced
by the income, employment status, health, nutrition and educa-
78 tion of the individual and household. These development out-
comes, in turn, were determined by the capacity to produce and
consume goods and services (like health care and schooling), as
well as level of savings and investments. These capacities were
in turn influenced by the size, age-sex composition and place of
residence of the households.
On the other way around, overseas population movements

Figure 5.1. Trends in Population Rates

GROWTH

3.5

3
PHILIPPINES
2.5
INDONESIA
2
THAILAND
1.5

1 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000

YEAR
Source: World Bank, World Development Indicators 2002; Population Resource Center, Washington. D.C.
affect the individuals and households capacities for consump-
tion, saving and investing, which then determine the income,
health, nutrition and development of the people. The level of
development will then again influence subsequent decisions to
migrate. Overseas movements, expectedly, will produce changes
in the population characteristics of both the sending and receiv-
ing countries.
These interrelationships operate at the individual, household,
community, regional, and national levels.

Do Population Factors Compel Filipinos to Migrate? Do

More people, more migrants Population
The Philippine population has grown fourfold in the last 50 Factors
years, from about 20 million in 1950 to 86.4 million today (Na- Compel
tional Statistical Coordination Board). It is the 12th largest and the Filipinos
8th densest population in the world (Ogena, 2004). The population to
is growing rapidly, with around 2 million Filipinos added every Migrate?
year. This is one of the highest rates in the developing world.
The countrys population growth rate has declined slowly 79
from 3.0 percent per year in the early 1970s to 2.36 percent in
the 1990s. It was projected to have dropped to 2.05 percent dur-
ing 2000-2005. In comparison, Thailand and Indonesia, which
had just about the same population growth rate as the Philip-
pines in the early 1970s, are now down to 1.4 percent and 1.5
percent,respectively. (See Figure 5.1.)At the rate it is growing, the

Table 5.1. Summary of Projected Philippine Population by Sex, 2000-2040

Year Both Sexes Male Female

2000 76,946,500 38,748,500 38,198,000

2005 85,261,000 42,887,300 42,373,700
2010 94,013,200 47,263,600 46,749,600
2015 102,965,300 51,733,400 51,231,900
2020 111,784,600 56,123,600 55,661,000
2025 120,224,500 60,311,700 59,912,800
2030 128,110,000 64,203,600 63,906,400
2035 135,301,100 67,741,300 67,559,800
2040 141,669,900 70,871,100 70,798,800
Source: National Statistical Coordination Board (based on NSOs 2000 Census on Population and Housing)
 Philippine population is projected to reach 94 million by 2010,
112 million by 2020, and 142 million by 2040! (See Table 5.1).
The main reason for the rapid population growth is continued
high fertility (UNFPA, 2005). The total fertility rate (TFR) or
the average number of children born to a woman in her repro-
ductive years was 6.0 per woman in 1973. This had declined
to 3.7 in 2003, but this is still among the highest in East and
Southeast Asia. South Korea and Thailand had already reached
replacement fertility by 2000.
It is not clear to what extent international migration has con-
tributed to the population changes in the country. Based on
the assessment of the Technical Committee on Population and
Housing Statistics, international migration still has little ef-
fect on the countrys total population. The National Statistical
Coordination Board and some demographers, however, find this
assumption contentious and called for the conduct of further
studies to establish more sound bases for estimating interna-
tional migration trends.
80 The lack of clear and reliable data on Filipinos overseas
movements makes it difficult to know the exact impact of
international migration on population. For one, data trackers
sometimes do not segregate temporary migrants from perma-
nent migrants who have already become immigrants or citizens
in other countries. Sometimes it is hard to tell when to make
the distinction, as some Filipinos first go as temporary contract
workers, then settle eventually in the host country for good.
And then, there are the undocumented migrants, who are diffi-
cult to track.
Should Filipino migrants, temporary or permanent, be count-
ed or not in the Philippine census? Even demographers disagree
among themselves. According to some demographers, the use
of the stock estimates on overseas Filipinos as a fraction of the
total Philippine population is inaccurate. It seems questionable,
they say, that the 76.5 million Filipinos in the 2000 Census
include Filipinos overseas.
Insignificant though the figures may seem in relation to the
total population, the increasing number of overseas Filipinos by
itself is definitely not negligible. Every hour, about 121 Filipi-
nos are taking off and finding their way into some distant part
of the world (based on 2006 figures). The presence of Filipino
migrants is already being felt in the destination countries. Be-
fore long, this demographic event will take on a significant role
in changing the Philippine population structure. Even now,
changes are already taking place on a smaller scale in family
and community structures.
What is of interest at this point may not yet be so much the
impact of the numbers going abroad to the totality of the popu-
lation, but the underlying effect of population size and growth
rate on migration decisions. It is curious to note that, with
more and more newborn babies getting added to the population,
more and more Filipinos are also going out of the country.
Rapid population growth puts heavy strains on the capacity of
families and governments to provide health, education and em-
ployment opportunities and services to its members given their
very limited resources. The situation makes international mi-
gration an attractive option for obtaining the needed resources. 81
Using data from the 2000 Census of Population and Hous-
ing, one study (Ericta et al., 2003) found that households with
overseas workers were larger (5.86 persons) than those without
overseas workers (4.95 persons). The difference of one child or
household member may not be statistically significant, but it
is indicative of the possible role of household size in migration
decisions, and deserves further looking into.

Young population, more dependents

The Philippines has a young population, with the biggest seg-
ment in the 0-14 age bracket. Half the population is below age
21. This implies a high dependency burden with a large num-
ber of dependent members being supported by the working-age
population.
In 2004, the ratio was 69 persons in the dependent ages (below
15 and over 60) for every 100 members of working age (15-60).
This may look good supposedly, but in reality, only 67 percent
of the economically productive ages in 2004 were in the labor
 Demographic
Winter
Demographic winter refers to the
population condition when the elderly make
up the biggest bracket of the population.
This happens when there are very few new
babies getting added to the population base
due to extremely low fertility rates. Mean-
while, the population members in the other
age groups are getting old and moving up to
the top elderly bracket.
Sectors opposed to the population pro-
gram warned that if the government pur-
sues an aggressive population management
program, this eventuality could happen.
In reality however, the prospect of a
demographic winter (which may be oc-
curring already in varying degrees in highly
advanced countries), is still about a hundred
years away for the Philippines, even with a
very aggressive, and successful, population
management program.
82 Projections indicate that, if the total fertil-
ity rate continues to decline by 0.2 every
five years, the replacement fertility of 2.1
children could be reached only by 2040. But
the population will not stop growing yet
because there is still population momentum.
This means that, because there will be by
that time such a large number of childbear-
ing women, even if they give birth to only
two babies each, the population will continue
to grow for another 60 years or so before
stopping completely. By that time, the Philip-
pines total population will have reached 240
million. We can see this actually happening
now in the case of Thailand, which has had
below-replacement fertility for some time,
but continues to grow owing to population
momentum (Herrin and Costello, 2000).
Twenty-two professors of the Univer-
sity of the Philippines School of Economics
(2004) have concluded that this talk of a
demographic winter is greatly exaggerated.
Those who promote the idea either just
want to scare people, or are simply unaware
of population dynamics.
force, and 13 percent of them were ac-
tually unemployed. Thus, the realistic
dependency ratio is 187 dependents per
100 employed Filipinos, or almost two
dependents per one economically produc-
tive worker (Raymundo, 2004).
This is a sharp contrast to the situation
in our neighboring countries that have
achieved rapid fertility declines, where
two economically productive workers
support only one dependent. They do not
only have smaller populations but also
have a higher proportion of working-age
population in relation to the total popula-
tion.
The age structure and growth pattern
of the Philippine population create con-
ditions for Filipinos to migrate. The
number of young and dependent Filipi-
nos under 15 years old was 29.3 million
in 2002. Five years hence, this segment
of population would be joining the la-
bor force. Within the next five years,
around 18 million young workers should
be ready to replace the senior workers.
There is a need for 1.5 million jobs each
year to absorb the new entrants to the la-
bor force. As long as the home country is
unable to provide these jobs, going abroad
will always remain an economic option.
Concern for the elderly
The Philippines elderly population is
growing faster now than years ago. And
the rate it is growing is faster than the
growth rate of the total population. From
a 2.26 percent growth rate in 1990, the
average growth rate of the elderly population during the past
decade has gone up to 3.64 percent.
In 1990, there were 3.9 million Filipinos aged over 60. In
2006, there were already 4.59 million. It is projected that by
2030, the senior citizens will make up 10 percent of the coun-
trys total population. This led some people to worry about the
onset of the so-called demographic winter or an ageing popu-
lation. Population experts agree, however, that a demographic
winter is still a very distant scenario, if it will even happen at
all, in the Philippines
But demographic winter aside, the growing elderly sector is
nonetheless a concern in itself. Overseas labor migration has
implications for the elderly. For one, owing to rising numbers of
younger women leaving for overseas work, there seems to be a
decreasing number of caregivers for older persons and children,
as well as a greater need for older persons, especially women, to
substitute for their absent daughters (POPCOM, 2002).
Many pieces of anecdotal evidence have shown the important
role of the elderly in the emerging reconfiguration of family 83
roles as an offshoot of migration. When parents are away work-
ing abroad, grandparents usually assume the role of rearing the
children. They have assumed this role not only because of the
need to have an adult take care of the childrens needs, but also
because they would want to have a hand in ensuring the wel-
fare of their grandchildren. Performing this role is a challenge
to older peoples health (Cruz, 1996 in POPCOM, 2002).
Noticeably, Filipinos over 60 years old are also migrating.
CFOs datasets of registered emigrants include 103,004 Filipi-
nos who had migrated when they were over 60 years old and
became permanent residents and emigrants from 1981 to 2005.
Meanwhile, there are 80,707 who are aged 50-59 and will soon
become elderly citizens while they are in the host country. In
the United States, for example, there are 334,022 Filipinos over
55 years old, and 165,748 who are 65 and above. Many of these
elderly Filipinos, if given the chance, will work to earn in the
host countries. In the US, there are elderly Filipinos working
in fastfood chains and other service-related companies, as well
 as retired Filipinos wanting to earn extra besides their monthly
retirement pension.
The elderly have played a key role in reducing the strain expe-
rienced by Filipino families because of international migration.
Probing deeper into their conditions as overseas workers or as
caretakers of children left behind warrants further studies.

Global Global Trends that Spur Migration

Trends Filipinos find jobs abroad because there are countries that need
that Spur them. A look at the global demographic picture will show why
Migration the world is receptive to Filipino migrants.
In developing countries, such as the Philippines, migration does
not add so much to the population size as much as natural in-
crease (births minus deaths) does. But in the developed countries,
given their low fertility levels, population growth is driven main-
ly by net migration. Net migration accounted for half of the pop-
ulation growth of developed regions in 1990-1995, two-thirds in
Table 5.2. 1995-2000, and three-fourths in 2000-2005 (UNDP). If the trend
84 Demographic Profiles of Top Destination Countries of Filipino Temporary Contract Workers
Countries of Population * Birth Rates ** % of *** No. of intl Labor force Temporary Emigrants
Destination (millions) per 1,000 Population migrants + (in millions) ++ Contract and
population of age 65 + (millions) Workers Permanent
(1998-2002) Residents
(1995-2005)
1995 2000 2005 1995 2000 2005 2000 2005 1995 2005 1995 2000 2005

United States 263.2 275.6 296.5 15 15 14 13 12 28.522 38.354 132.3 140.8 149.3 34,103 377,651
Canada 29.6 30.8 32.2 14 11 10 12 13 5.003 6.105 14.9 15.8 17.3 24,647 101,920
Australia 18.0 19.2 20.4 15 13 13 12 13 4.067 4.097 9.0 9.7 10.4 1,878 26,641
Germany 81.7 82.1 82.5 10 9 9 16 17 9.092 10.143 40.0 39.7 41.1 852 5,661
United Kingdom 58.6 59.8 60.1 13 12 12 16 16 4.198 5.408 28.4 29.4 29.5 80,537 2,547
New Zealand 3.5 3.8 4.1 16 15 14 12 12 0.731 0.642 1.7 1.8 2.1 1,034 4,504
Spain 39.1 39.5 43.5 10 9 11 16 17 1.009 4.790 16.2 18.0 20.8 12,561 3,565
Norway 4.3 4.5 4.6 14 13 12 15 15 0.231 0.343 2.1 2.3 2.4 1,523 1,677
Note: The first ten countries represent the top ten destination countries of temporary contract workers as per 1998-2002 POEA data. Meanwhile, the last eight
countries represent the eight of the ten top destination countries of permanent residents and emigrants. Japan and Italy are also part of the top ten destination
countries for permanent resident and emigrants.

Packaged by POPCOM and the Institute for Migration and Development Issues
* Population Reference Bureau
** The World Factbook; Center for International Research
*** CIA World Factbook
+ United Nations Population Division
++ International Labor Organization Labor Statistics portal (http://laborsta.ilo.org)
~ Philippine Overseas Employment Administration
~~ Commission on Filipinos Overseas
continues, net migration will likely account for virtually all the
population growth in more developed regions between 2010 and
2030 (United Nations Population Division, 2006).
The continuing movement of people from country to country
is motivated by the changing population structure and process-
es in the countries of origin and countries of destination. Popu-
lation ageing and declining birth rates resulting in scarcity of
labor in the destination countries necessitated the employment
of migrants, among them Filipinos. Most country-to-country
population movements happen when international differentials
in birth rates are peaking, with people moving from high-birth-
rate countries to low-birthrate countries. In effect, Filipinos
have helped in easing out the demographic challenges facing
destination countries.
Most of the top ten destination countries of Filipino migrants
have rising populations (8 out of 10 for temporary contract
workers, and 7 out of 10 for permanent emigrants) and declin-
ing birth rates. Most of these countries also have increasing
populations over 65 years old and a growing labor force. 85
From this global demographic picture, it can be seen that the
outflow of migrants from the Philippines has also been moti-
vated by the complementing population condition in the re-
ceiving countries. For example, Filipino health workers go to
Japan and Italy because there is a demand for caregivers for the
elderly in these countries which have ageing populations.

Does Migration Affect Fertility? Does

Theoretically, overseas labor migration can impinge on oth- Migration
er demographic factors particularly fertility. The temporary Affect
separation between spouses means less opportunity for sexual
Fertility?
union, which is expected to result in lower fertility levels.
Moreover, improved socioeconomic condition resulting from
migration can also lead to lower fertility given the higher op-
portunity cost of childbearing associated with higher income
level. Women migrants may also adopt the lower fertility norm
in their destination country.
A prolonged fertility decline, in turn, is expected to result in a
 Demographic Bonus
Demographic bonus or demographic dividend is
the opportunity for increased economic growth that a
country achieves when there are more people gainfully
employed, and per capita income becomes higher, as a
result of moderated population growth, managed fertility,
and less young dependents. Theoretically, the Philippines
should now be reaping its demographic bonus because
many of the children born during the periods of high
fertility (1970s and 1980s) are now in the labor force.
Bloom, Canning and Sevilla (2001 and 2002), however,
pointed out that the demographic dividend is not auto-
matic and can only be reaped if appropriate policies are in
place and create jobs to absorb the growing labor force.
The United Nations Population Fund in the Philip-
pines offers the following observation on demographic
bonus: It is called a demographic bonus in the sense that
given the same population size and the same output per
worker, a population with a higher proportion of working
ages, if fully employed, would achieve a higher per capita
income than if there were a smaller proportion of work-
ing ages due to past and current high fertility (UNFPA,
2005).
86 The demographic dividend would have been delivered
through the following mechanisms: improving the labor
supply, increasing savings, and improving the human capital.
The generations of children born during the periods
of high fertility finally leave the dependent years and now
become workers. Women now have fewer children than
before and are released from the demands of the home
to take jobs outside. They are also better educated than
older cohorts and are therefore more productive in the
labor force. Working-age adults earn more and save more
money than the very young. The shift away from a very
young age distribution favors greater personal and na-
tional savings. Personal savings grow and serve as a partial
resource for industrial investments that fuel economic
growth (Bloom, Canning, and Sevilla, 2003).
Unfortunately, the Philippines population and eco-
nomic condition renders the prospect and window of
opportunity for demographic dividend in the country
to remain a mere potential. The rate of the countrys
population growth has created a large base of young de-
pendents for which huge investments and resources are
spent. The supply of labor is abundant, but jobs gener-
ated always fall short of the increase in labor force; hence,
unemployment continues to rise. This implies a gloomy
prospect for realizing the demographic dividend.
maturing age structure which is a
precondition for the country to ex-
perience the demographic bonus in
the long term. Demographic bonus
or dividend pertains to the oppor-
tunity of a country to accelerate its
economic development when its
fertility rate goes down and its pool
of human resources becomes bigger
than its pool of dependents.
The demographic bonus remains
a mere potential in our country
due to the incapacity of the govern-
ment to provide the preconditions,
which include full employment and
increased savings and investments,
particularly in human capital and
in moderating population growth
rate. We continue to experience
high fertility; thus the possibility of
experiencing the positive effects of
a demographic bonus cannot be as-
sured.
The Feminization
of Migration
The past few years saw the emerg-
ing feminization of Filipino inter-
national migration. More and more
women than men are getting newly
hired for overseas jobs, and pretty
soon, women may completely out-
number men in the total count of
OFWs around the world.
Most women migrate not so much
for individual interests but for the
interests and welfare of the family.
Family plays an important role in the decision to move, and the The
promotion of its welfare is usually the principal driving force in Feminization
seeking overseas employment. Guerrero (1995) called this mo- of Migration
tivation as subordination of members individual interest to
the familys collective welfare and solidarity.
Womens migration has raised both gain and pain. It is good
for the women that they are migrating on their own rather than
as part of family migration because this suggests greater free-
dom and choice. Migrant women workers are also empowered
economically because they get a higher income and they can
send home remittances for which they are highly appreciated
by their families.
However, the concentration of women migrants in vulnerable
sectors has raised the question of whether migration has cre-
ated more negative than positive impact on womens lives.
Women migrants are doubly marginalized not only by race
and anti-migrant prejudice in the host countries but also by
gender discrimination. Thus, Asian female migrants often find
themselves in traditional womens occupations, such as domes- 87
tic work, entertainment and sex, hotel services, and assembly
lines. Both domestic work and entertainment are not covered
by labor laws in many countries.
These types of jobs can put them in vulnerable and oppressive
situations. Women often land in unstable jobs marked by low
wages, absence of social services, and poor working conditions.
This is especially true among trafficked women who are doubly
traumatized. In their overseas jobs, women could be exploited,
subjected to violence, and sexually harassed. Entertainers are
especially at risk of being pushed into prostitution, violence,
and run-ins with criminal elements.
The feminization of international migration is a major
population and development issue that should be seriously
considered in population and development policies. From a
population perspective, this involves building quality female
resources responsive to global demand for female labor. This
should include the creation of an enabling environment for
women to be able to exercise their human rights, including
 reproductive rights (such as achieving their fertility goals).

Economic Economic Dimensions

Dimen- Development is essentially measured by individuals capacity
sions to do (to exercise their rights, move about, seek opportunities,
engage in economic activities to achieve their goals) and to be
(to be healthy, educated, free, etc.). In the POPDEV Framework,
this is indicated by the interactions of development processes
(produce and consume goods and services, save and invest, etc.)
and development outcomes (like individual health, education,
housing and employment status).
The economic and development aspects of overseas labor
movements have been discussed (see Chapter 4), but here we
will look at them in relation to population issues. We will also
study more closely the intricate connections between overseas
labor migration and the development and utilization of the
countrys human resources so vital to the attainment of national
development goals.
88
Human resource formation and utilization
Human capital formation refers to the development of the ca-
pabilities of a countrys human resources or its people, which
constitute the needed human capital for economic development.
This includes mainly the qualitative aspects of human develop-
ment health care, proper nutrition, education, skills training
all to enhance productivity.
Human capital utilization, on the other hand, means putting
the available human resources to productive use meaning em-
ployment or providing opportunities for them to participate in
the countrys economic processes.
As we can see in the POPDEV Framework, human capital for-
mation and utilization are necessary inputs to the attainment of
development outcomes like income distribution, employment
levels and, along the cycle, sound population outcomes and
again, improved peoples well-being and enhanced human pro-
ductivity.
Where does overseas labor migration come into the picture?
The discussions converge along the issues concerning the qual-
ity of the countrys human resource (the migrants themselves
and those left behind), the impact of international employment
on domestic utilization of human capital, its contribution to
the formation of future labor force, and other factors affecting
human resource buildup and utilization.

Human capital formation

Filipinos overseas employment can be looked at as an invest-
ment to human capital formation. Remittances help send chil-
dren and family members to school, and therefore contribute
to the knowledge and skills development of the future labor
force through investments in education and training. Overseas
workers also undergo continuing skills enhancement in their
jobs abroad, which is another form of human capital buildup.
When Filipinos leave for overseas work, however, naturally
there is a reduction of the countrys human capital reserves
overseas workers comprise about 10 percent of the total
countrys labor force and about 20 percent of the total employ- 89
ment rate. But as mentioned earlier, the much larger volume of
new entrants to the labor force readily compensates for the loss
caused by overseas migration. The issue thus boils down to the
quality of the human capital left in the home country.
It is said that what overseas migration has taken in terms of
the number of workers pulled out of the country, it somehow
also gives back in the form of remittances if these remittances
are spent on the education and skills enhancement of the future
members of the labor force.
Indirectly, remittances pooled in the national income also
contribute to the governments human development invest-
ments. However, these amounts are already spread very thinly
among the different sectoral concerns, and it is not known just
how much goes into human capital formation.
Human capital formation, however, is not the sole function
of financial inputs. Population factors and the social conse-
quences of migration also have an impact on human resource
development and productivity. The high population growth
 puts strain on the countrys educational facilities and services, af-
fecting the quality of education and resulting in poor learning and
low school survival rates of students. Higher education programs,
particularly in the science and engineering fields, are still wanting
in terms of building a globally competitive labor force (Tan, 2000).
Brain drain resulting from the emigration of skilled workers has
also been blamed partly for the poor quality of the labor force.
The education and public health care delivery systems, which are
important in the development of human capital, have been un-
dermined by the exodus of teachers and health professionals (Tan,
2001; Agoncillo, 2005). If the manpower resources needed to
teach and care for the health of the population are not available or
are of poor quality, then the knowledge, capabilities and physical
health of the countrys workers will also suffer.
Meanwhile, the country continues to produce a large number of
new entrants to the labor force every year. Without substantial
inputs in human resource development, the country will continue
to have a surplus of labor force members of poor quality, compro-
mising the countrys global competitiveness and domestic produc-
90 tivity.
One positive outcome of overseas employment is the continuing
acquisition of skills from the various types of work that overseas
Filipinos are exposed to or brain gain. The skills and experience
they gain give them a competitive edge for better employment, and
bigger incomes, abroad and in the home country.
The lack of sufficient concrete data, however, prevents us from
measuring the real impact of overseas labor migration on human
capital formation.

Human capital utilization

Although not directly promoted as a means for economic de-
velopment, the policy environment in the country still promotes
labor migration as an employment option. But in spite of the ris-
ing number of Filipinos getting hired abroad, there is still a huge
and increasing surplus of labor. Apparently, the outflow of work-
ers has barely made a dent in the unemployment condition of the
country (Tan, 2000; Tenorio, 2002).
 International labor migration will always be there as
an alternative means for economic development. But Jobless
it can only do so much in easing the perennial prob- Growth
lem of unemployment; there have to be efficient, ef-
The high unemployment
fective and deliberate efforts to build quality human rate in the country is indicative
resources and create opportunities for their utilization. of a related issue that lo-
cal economists call jobless
The poor labor-absorptive capacity of the countrys growth (Lanzona 2001, cited
economy might have been a major factor that influ- in Opiniano, 2004). This means
enced the magnitude of migrant labor abroad. Pernia that even if the domestic
economy grew, the employment
(1976) says there is prima facie evidence that the con- situation has not improved. This
tinuing outflow of experienced labor from the Philip- condition can be attributed to
pines stems from the basic inability of the economy the following factors:
a. Labor force participation
to absorb the ongoing supply of certain high-level may be growing more
skills. rapidly than in the past,
The Philippine Institute for Development Studies but unemployment is
increasing even faster
(2004) says that the governments target of providing because that part of the
one million jobs per year to Filipinos gives no assur- population that is ready
ance that there will be enough jobs available in the to work also increases.
Thus, jobless growth can
coming years. And even if jobs are generated, most, if
not all, would not be quality jobs but jobs that leave
be attributed to the higher
rate of population growth,
91
many underemployed and poor. The failure of the without a corresponding
increase in the number of
countrys economy to create the needed number and jobs for new labor force
quality of jobs has further segmented the labor sec- entrants.
tor into mainstream labor market, low-income and b. Even if there was increasing
economic growth in the
informal labor market, and the great escape labor country, it has not led
market. The great escape market pertains to the to many more jobs because
jobs and opportunities abroad that OFWs seek so as growth is ultimately trace
able to an upturn in labor
to provide for their families. productivity.
Further, since applying for overseas jobs requires c. Fluctuations in employment
in each economy may be
considerable initial costs, it will be an option only
affected by the countrys
among middle or higher-income groups. The poor business cycle. While
will continue to struggle in low-paying jobs within employment rises during a
slowdown and lessens
the country, a situation that may further widen the during a boom, the unem
existing inequality in income distribution. ployment rate is expected
If left unchecked, the growing inequality in income to fluctuate around an
average that is determined
distribution will further strain efforts at human capital by socio-demographic,
formation. The poor sector, where the greater propor- political and institutional
tion of the labor population belong (Orbeta, 2005), factors
 keeps on increasing. Since the poor lack the resources to improve
the skills of their household members, the growing proportion of
the poor will produce an even bigger number of offsprings who
are unskilled or under-skilled, thus resulting in a labor force of
increasingly poorer quality.
Brain drain once again crops up as an issue in human capital
utilization. A study by Tan (2000) indicates that the departure
of OFWs has an insignificant impact on the unemployment
situation in general. Unemployment has prevailed from 1975 to
1997 for all education levels, reflecting an abundance of labor
force in any broad education category. Moreover, the departing
OFWs could easily be replaced by the labor force left behind in-
asmuch as educational institutions in the Philippines continue
to produce graduates with general education and at least the
minimum skill requirements (Tan, 2000).
Some observers contend that brain drain as an issue has been
blown out of proportion (Alburo and Abella, 2002 cited in
Opiniano 2004). Others suggest that policies and programs
should not be focused on the lost portion of the human capital,
92
but more on the utilization of the remaining members of the la-
bor force which are far greater in number. If this excess quanti-
ty of labor could not be maximized to improve the productivity
of the country, we will only be ending up with brain waste.
Overseas labor migration may have a potential for creating op-
portunities for human capital utilization through investments
in economic activities that promote employment and human
productivity. Of course, OFWs will first need enhancement in
financial literacy and investment planning, but the window is
there for redirecting the benefits of overseas migration to aid in
utilization of human capital, particularly in the rural areas and
among poor families.

A Multi-faceted Phenomenon
A Multi- Overseas labor migration has become an important part of the
faceted cycle of population and development processes and outcomes
Phenomenon that govern the countrys path towards growth and progress and
affect the Filipinos way of life.
 As we explored various perspectives to understand this phe-
nomenon, it became increasingly clear that overseas labor mi-
gration is not only influenced by the households economic
needs and the lack of needed jobs in the domestic job market,
but even by the structure and growth of the countrys popula-
tion, which, along with economic factors, create the conditions
that push Filipinos to seek work abroad.
A lot of the issues related to international labor migration
can be traced to population factors, including the failure of the
economy to absorb the countrys growing la-
bor force, the inability of families to achieve
meaningful welfare, and the countrys inabil-
ity to realize the economic potential of its
large human resource.
We also saw that, in turn, overseas labor
migration has an impact, not only on the
immediate well-being of the migrants fami-
lies, but even on the development of the
countrys human resources, saving and investment patterns,
93
and the ability of the nation to achieve its development goals. It
can even influence families fertility decisions and gender roles,
which have implications to population and economic trends in
the future.
Overseas labor migration is a complex subject of a multi-
faceted nature. But it is already a very real part of Philippine
development. It can no longer be ignored; we can only try to
understand its complexities so that we can capitalize on the
gains it brings, mitigate the losses it incurs, and come up with
appropriate interventions. The consolidated efforts of all sec-
tors, starting from the government, are necessary to optimize
the benefits of this increasingly recognized economic as well as
social phenomenon.
The population aspect of overseas labor migration is a new
challenge for data managers. Only a serious review and recon-
figuration of data systems on international migration and its pop-
ulation and development dimensions would allow an in-depth
analysis that could help in policy and program formulation.
 F or Gina and mothers like her whose hearts broke at having to leave their
children in order to give them a good future. For Sheila and thousands of
women who had to face the risk of being exploited and abused in the unfriend-
ly environs of their foreign jobs. For those who ventured into foreign shores
and there found the fulfillment of their dreams, like Dondon and Nadya. And
those whose dreams ended in misfortune, like Miguel, Maricris and Flor. For
Kevin and Camille, children of migrant workers, who miss the love of their
parents and have to face growing up on their own.
For millions of OFWs like them who have to work abroad because there are
94 not enough jobs in the homeland, or the jobs here do not pay enough to secure
their future. And for countless other Filipinos like Cecille who are aspiring to
get overseas employment, believing this is the answer to all their needs.
And for the Philippines, a nation faced with the bright prospects that overseas
labor migration has to offer, but has to take the toll on its economy and human
resources because of the constraints that rapid population growth presents.
For all of them, something must be done issues must be understood and re-
solved, and actions must be taken so that the gains from overseas employment
can be maximized, the costs minimized, and everyone benefits. These are the
challenges to the government, to the population program, and the various de-
velopment sectors concerned with Filipino international labor migration.
................................................................................................................................

Challenges
6 and Needed
Actions
..................................................................
 Filipino international labor migration is a complex phenom-
enon. To make it work for the Filipino people and the Philippine
economy, policies and programs must take into consideration its
intricate interrelationships with various social, economic, popu-
lation and other development factors.
International labor migration presents opportunities as well
as challenges. It is perhaps the most lucrative demographic
process, providing visible socioeconomic benefits, but one that
comes with social costs. Migration policies and programs must
be set within a framework of maximizing the gains and mitigat-
ing the costs of migration, with full human development as the
main goal. The function of sustaining economic growth is subor-
dinated to ensuring the protection, welfare and human dignity of
the migrant workers.
However, existing laws and mechanisms have failed to maxi-
mize the gains and benefits of migration. Policy and program
gaps still exist, exacerbating the social and economic costs of
overseas employment.
From the data, research findings, and experts analyses of the 95
interrelated dimensions of overseas labor migration presented
in this report, SPPR4 offers the following policy, program and
research recommendations to help maximize the benefits of
international migration and reduce its economic and social costs
to the individual migrants, their families, the community and
the country as a whole. These options for action are anchored
on basic principles aligned along international commitments
and national laws on migration, particularly the Magna Carta for
Filipino Migrant Workers (Republic Act No. 8042).

Ensuring that People Migrate Out of Choice Ensuring

Women and men should be able to realize their potential, meet that People
their needs, exercise their human rights, and fulfill their aspira- Migrate
tions in the country of origin; hence, they should migrate out of Out of
choice, and not forced into by necessity. Those women and men Choice
who migrate should be able to do so legally, and because they
and their skills are valued and needed by the states and societies
that receive them.
..
 1. Government development programs should persistently
and more aggressively address the perennial problem of
poverty which is one of the biggest reasons why Filipinos
seek work abroad. The government should hasten the cre-
ation of local employment opportunities and sustainable
livelihood, in collaboration with the private sector and
other stakeholders, so that people are not compelled to
migrate.
2. Migration policies should be put within the context of a
sound population management program that responds to
the task of achieving a rational population growth and
distribution in balance with available resources and eco-
nomic opportunities in the country.
3. The government, in collaboration with all stakeholders,
should continuously develop its human resources. It
should strengthen its educational and training systems
to provide its growing labor force with the skills that the
global market needs. Thus, the state could achieve its
96 policy of skilled migration and at the same time increase
the countrys productivity level. The educational and
training systems should equip prospective migrants not
only with occupation-related skills but also life skills that
empower them and protect them from the risks and haz-
ards of overseas employment.
4. The government should establish more placement centers
and decentralize documentary processing services for
overseas employment, particularly at the local level and the
rural areas. This would lessen transaction and placement
costs, and distribute the gains from international migration
more equally between urban and rural areas.
5. The government should strengthen its monitoring and
police mechanisms to protect would-be-migrants from illegal
recruiters and from having to pay unnecessary fees that only
constrain them from realizing their migration intentions.
Reducing bureaucratic procedures and strengthening capaci-
ties of LGUs could be some of the crucial measures.
Protecting Migrants Rights Protecting
The pursuance of labor migration as a means for human and Migrants
national development should always be overridden by the pro- Rights
motion and protection of the rights and well-being of the mi-
grants. It should be anchored on the assurance that the dignity
and fundamental rights and freedom of Filipino citizens shall
not, at any time, be compromised or violated. (RA No. 8042,
Sec. 2).
1. There should be more aggressive efforts to push for the
ratification of the International Convention on the Pro-
tection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and
Members of Their Families by more countries, especially
the countries where there are a lot of OFWs.
2. The provisions of the Magna Carta for Filipino Migrant
Workers of 1995 should be implemented more efficiently
and effectively. The Magna Carta has put in place safe-
guards from violations of migrants rights at every step of
migration, from pre-departure to reintegration. But imple-
mentation has not been strict, and violations still occur. 97
Various sectors, especially NGOs, are also demanding a
legislative and executive review of the law. The following
are recommended:
a. In order to strengthen the bilateral and multilateral
impact of the law, the government should aggressively
enter into labor agreements that expressly provide
mechanisms for dealing with grievance arising from
violations of human and labor rights of Filipino mi-
grant workers with host countries. A mechanism to
monitor and enforce these agreements should be estab-
lished to ensure the optimum protection of the mi-
grant workers.
b. The government should continue to formulate poli-
cies and implement programs that promote and pro-
tect the rights of Filipino migrants within the purview
of international agreements as provided in pertinent
conventions, resolutions, and commitments. The Phil-
 ippines should continue to participate in international
conventions and dialogues that discuss the welfare of
migrants.
c. Mechanisms and policies should be established to bal-
ance the regulatory power of the government and maxi-
mize the participation of the private sector in the re-
cruitment process.
3. More aggressive policies and programs should be institut-
ed to protect women and their rights, especially those
in risky and vulnerable conditions. The continuing vio-
lence, abuse, and exploitation experienced by Filipino mi-
grant women indicate the weakness of existing mecha-
nisms for their protection.
a. Measures to combat trafficking in persons should be
strengthened. These should include provisions for
quicker and more efficient prosecution of persons
engaged in trafficking, protection of and assistance to
victims, coordination between domestic and interna-
98 tional investigations, and ensuring a protective
approach among various emigration agencies.
b. Existing mechanisms for monitoring trafficking and
illegal recruitment activities should be strengthened by
taking advantage of technologies and information
systems or networks.
c. Bilateral agreements and arrangements with host coun-
tries should be continually pursued to ensure the estab-
lishment of mechanisms that protect the rights of wo-
men, especially those in hazardous and vulnerable
conditions. These agreements should provide: access
to health care services, including reproductive health,
within the workplace; protection against physical,
mental, emotional and sexual abuses; and other provi-
sions to promote the well-being of migrant workers,
especially women. Bilateral agreements or arrange
ments should be a pre-condition for sending migrant
workers.
 3. The Pre-Departure Orientation Seminar (PDOS) should be
enhanced as an effective means of reducing the risks and
mitigating the social and economic costs of migration.
Through the PDOS, migrants can be provided with ap-
propriate information to help them adjust to the culture
of the countries of destination, know and safeguard their
rights, as well as understand and abide by their obliga-
tions. These are some of the actions that may be taken:
a. Provision of a labor and human rights checklist or man-
ual, written in Filipino, based on the existing civil, im-
migration, and labor policies/laws of the countries of
destination.
b. More proactive involvement of relevant NGOs and
other institutions in the conduct of pre-departure orien-
tations in order to increase the involvement of stake-
holders and ensure good and accurate information.
c. Inclusion of population and development issues and
concerns, such as responsible parenthood and sexual-
ity, in the pre-departure orientation design. This is to 99
enable migrants to cope with the demands of responsi-
ble parenthood within their unique circumstances, and
to mitigate other unintended social costs.
d. Evaluation of the effectiveness of the PDOS in terms of
giving enough information to migrants and promoting
and protecting their rights.
e. Extension of PDOS to families left behind so that they
too can cope with the challenges of being separated
from their migrant member.
f. Conduct of PDOS by or with active participation of
NGOs, not the recruiters. The protection and empow-
erment of migrants should not be delegated to the job
recruitment industry sector whose motives may com-
promise the objectives of PDOS.

Human Development of Migrants

Overseas employment should serve as a means for the mi-
 Human grant to pursue his/her development goals and should be done
Develop- only with the migrants informed decision. Migrants should
ment of therefore be provided with a sound environment where they can
Migrants realize their potentials to the fullest even in the countries of
destination. This points to the need to continuously empower
and build their capacities and assist in their psychosocial devel-
opment while they are engaged in economic activities.
1. The government should provide more funds for strength-
ening the countrys resource centers for migrants abroad.
The resource centers can offer services to help migrants
adjust in the host country and address their grievances
against abuses and exploitation by their employers. The
centers can implement programs that would benefit wom-
en and men migrants, including information and services
on reproductive health, HIV/AIDS and other health related
issues, and capacity building and training programs on vo-
cational, technical and entrepreneurial skills.
2. Culturally sensitive psychosocial health services and fa-
100 cilities should be made available to help migrants cope
with the stress and dysfunctions that often come with
overseas migration. These should include: provision of
information, referrals, counseling, language assistance,
self-help activities, social functions, and other relevant
services that should promote the psychosocial health of
migrant workers.
3. Placement agencies and workers organizations both here
and abroad should work with the government and other
stakeholders in promoting and protecting the rights and
welfare of the migrants. Possible actions include: reaching
out to them and organizing them into trade unions;
ensuring solidarity between foreign and national work-
ers; cooperating with employers to integrate migrants
in multi-cultural workplaces; and obtaining access to
policy forums to ensure that the views of women and
men migrant workers are taken into account.
4. The government should play a more active role in cre-
 ating, supporting, and maintaining diaspora communities
overseas. These communities, by providing social and
moral support networks, can help significantly in address-
ing the psychosocial needs of migrants.
5. Special programs should be designed to help the migrants
families left behind to cope with the psychosocial costs
of having a member working abroad. These should in-
clude counseling services, social learning activities,
and other activities that could provide support systems to
migrants children, spouses, parents and other relatives.
There should also be responsible parenting programs to
address migrant family issues like roles changes, need for
surrogate parents, and others.
6. Efforts should be taken to ensure that Filipino families
are healthy and productive despite the strains of interna-
tional migration. Overseas Filipinos should be encouraged
to be involved in the socioeconomic development of the
country.
7. Embassy officials and staff should undergo capacity build- 101
ing for their roles in helping and protecting migrant work-
ers.

Reinforcing Economic and Development Gains Reinforcing

The role that migrants play in promoting development and Economic
poverty reduction in the country, as well as the contribution and
they make towards the prosperity of destination countries, Development
should be recognized and reinforced. Gains
1. The government should continuously promote human
capital formation and the development of a globally com-
petitive pool of professionals. Bilateral agreements be-
tween the government and countries of destination
should include safeguards against the loss of critically
skilled workers, particularly in the public sector.
2. Measures to encourage the transfer and investment of
remittances must be combined with macro-economic
policies that are conducive to economic growth and com-
 petitiveness. Income resulting from migration should be
equitably invested in human capital formation and so-
cioeconomic development, especially for the poor sector
of the population.
3. The government, in collaboration with financial insti-
tutions, should design policies to make the transfer of
remittances easier and faster in order to encourage mi-
grants to remit through formal systems.
4. Diasporas should be continuously encouraged to promote
development by saving and investing in the country. The
government could provide incentive programs for mi-
grants and their families to invest remittances in produc-
tive economic activities that directly impact on the effi-
cient utilization of human resources.
5. The governments financial literacy programs should be
strengthened and made available to migrants and their
families so that they will appreciate the value of saving
and investing, and be able to use their money wisely in
102 meaningful and profitable activities.
6. The reintegration program for the migrant workers should
be strengthened to maximize the benefits of return migra-
tion. This includes the development of more responsive
modular training designs for livelihood, entrepreneurship
or productive investment activities. These training pro-
grams can be provided by TESDA, NGOs and other stake-
holders to migrants and their households to enable them
to effectively utilize or invest their savings and earnings.

Enhancing Enhancing Migration-Related Governance

Migration- The governance and management of international migration
Related should be enhanced by improving coherence and strengthening
Governance capacities at the national level, and encouraging greater consul-
tation and cooperation among concerned countries.
1. Governance of migration should be effectively coordinat-
ed among all concerned agencies and sectors. The imple-
mentation of migration policies should be a cohesive ef-
 fort. This may require the integration of migration con-
cerns in the respective policies and programs of the dif-
ferent agencies and sectors.
2. Government and concerned agencies should strengthen
the mechanism for monitoring compliance with migra-
tion contracts, particularly
in matters involving con-
tract substitution and
wages, and for policing
illegal recruitment activi-
ties.
3. The government, in part-
nership with the private
sector, should assume a pro-
active role in ensuring
efficient reintegration of Filipinos who return from tem-
porary placement abroad.
4. The participation of the private sector and NGOs should
be encouraged not only in the recruitment process but 103
also in protecting the rights of the migrants, facilitating
their development, and reinforcing the economic benefits
of international migration. The government should cre-
ate the condition, through its policies and programs, for
more meaningful partnerships with the private sector and
civil society in managing international labor migration.
5. Local government units should have a more active role
in the governance and management of overseas migra-
tion. As the locus of development, the LGU has the most
direct influence in making migration a choice among its
constituents. It can establish and implement policies
and programs that could improve the development status
of its people, provide opportunities, information and
services for better health, including family planning and
reproductive health, nutrition, employment, and housing.
The LGUs could also strengthen its police power against
illegal recruitment and other illegal activities that may
 hinder the migration chances of those seeking opportuni-
ties abroad. It is the responsibility of the national govern-
ment to capacitate and support LGUs in these tasks.

Building Building the Knowledge Base on Migration

the Policies and interventions should be formulated based on
Knowledge concrete evidence meaning factual information and reli-
Base able data. Although there is sharing of databases among DFA,
on DOLE and POEA, this data-sharing should be expanded to oth-
Migration er stakeholders who can also make significant contributions in
the formulation of policies and programs relevant to overseas
labor migration.
1. Migration data gathered by various agencies should be
harmonized in order to provide a common perspective in
understanding the phenomenon. The existence of data
gaps and inconsistencies in findings make it difficult to
arrive at definite conclusions and clear actions regarding
migration issues.
104 2. The interagency committee of data collection agencies
should be expanded and a consensus established as to the
measurement coverage of agency, as well as the reporting
frequency of international migration data.
3. Existing
database systems
should be con-
solidated into a
collective frame-
work in order to
come up with
more comprehen-
sive data on Fili-
pino international
migration, and
provide greater ef-
ficiency in manag-
ing and utilizing
 these in aid of policy and program development. More
data on the demographic aspect of migration should be
generated to allow deeper analysis of the interrelation
ships of migration with other population and develop
ment processes and outcomes. Matching of data sets
should be done to create merged files that will allow
greater flexibility in studying these interrelationships.
4. Studies, researches, and other data gathering mecha-
nisms and methodologies on international migration
should be pursued on a sustained basis to continue
to improve the knowledge base for policy formulation
and planning. Some of the information that need to be
gathered include, among others:
a. Impact of international migration on fertility behav-
ior and preferences of migrants and their households,
and vice-versa;
b. Other demographic characteristics of migrants, such
as marital status, number of children; family plan-
ning practices, etc.; 105
c. Impact of remittances from emigration on human
capital formation and other development outcomes
such as income, education, and health;
d. Impact of emigration on the reproductive and sexual
health of the migrants and their household members,
particularly adolescents and youth;
e. Extent of the consequences of brain drain and brain
gain;
f. Direct causes of migration;
g. Role of emigration on poverty reduction programs;
and
h. Impact of international migration on employment
and unemployment levels.
5. An independent national survey on migration may
have to be conducted in order to gather more compre-
hensive and quantifiable information on international
migration.

References
Aban, Mryna et al. (1988). The Socio-Eco-
nomic Impact of Overseas Employment among
Workers from the Two Lanaos. Philippine
Sociological Review, vol. __, no. __.
Action for Health Initiatives Inc. (2006). Health
at Stake: Access to Health of Overseas Filipino
Workers 2005 Report. Quezon City: Action for
Health Initiatives (ACHIEVE Inc.) and Coordi-
nation of Action Research on AIDS and Mobil-
ity (CARAM-Philippines)
Alburo, Florian and Danila Abella (2002).
Skilled Labour Migration from Developing
Countries: Study on the Philippines. Interna-
tional Migration Papers 51, International Labor
Organization
Aldaba, Fernando (2004, March 19.) The Eco-
nomics and Politics of Overseas Migration in
the Philippines. Paper presented at the forum
Overseas Filipinos and the 2004 Elections,
Manila.
___________________ (2002). Trade Liberaliza-
tion and International Migration: The Philip-
pine Case. In Lanzona, Leonardo Jr. (editor).
The Filipino Worker in a Global Economy.
Philippines: Philippine APEC Study Center
Network and the Philippine Institute for Devel-
opment Studies.
106
Alonzo, Ruperto et al. (2004, December).
Population and Poverty: The Real Score.
Discussion Paper no. 0415, University of the
Philippines School of Economics. Quezon City,
Philippines.
Ang, Alvin P. (2006, November 23). Work-
ers Remittances and Economic Growth in the
Philippines. Paper presented at 2nd Develop-
ment Conference of the GRES (Theme: Which
Financing for which Development?), Univer-
sity of Bordeaux, France.
Asian Development Bank (2006). Workers
Remittance Flows in Southeast Asia. Manila,
Philippines: Asian Development Bank.
_____________________ (2004). Enhancing the
Efficiency of Overseas Filipino Workers. Ma-
nila, Philippines: Asian Development Bank.
Asis, Maruja M.B. (2006a, March). Living with
Migration: Experiences of Left-Behind Children
in the Philippines. Asian Population Studies,
2, 1.
______________ (2006b). Understanding Interna-
tional Migration in Asia (Number 1). In Exodus
Series: A Resource Guide for the Migrant
Ministry in Asia. Quezon City, Philippines:
Scalabrini Migration Center.
______________ (2006c). International Migra-
tion and Development in the Philippines In
Kristof Towers and Joakin Polme (editors).
How Migration Can Benefit Development.
Stockholm, Sweden: Institute for Futures Stud-
ies.
______________ (2006d). The Philippines
Culture of Migration. In Migration Informa-
tion Source, http://www.migrationinforma-
tion.org/Profiles/display.cfm?ID=364 (accessed
October 24, 2006).
______________ (2005a). Preparing to Work
Abroad: Filipino Migrants Experiences Prior to
Deployment (A Research Project Conducted by
the Scalabrini Migration Center for the Philip-
pine Migrants Rights Watch and the Fried-
rich-Ebert-Stiftung. Philippines: Philippine
Migrants Rights Watch.
______________ (2001a). The Return Migration
of Filipino Women Migrants: Home but not for
Good? In Christina Wille and Basia Passl (edi-
tors). Female Labour Migration in Southeast
Asia: Change and Continuity. Bangkok, Thai-
land: Asia-Pacific Migration Research Network
and Asian Research Centre for Migration.
______________ (2001b). Gender and Migra-
tion: Focus on Filipino Women in International
Migration. In Sylvia Guerrero, et al. Women
and Gender in Population and Development.
Quezon City, Philippines: UP Center for
Womens Studies and the Ford Foundation
Asis, Maruja M.B., et al. (2005). When the
Light of the Home is Abroad: Unskilled Female
Migration and the Filipino Family. Singapore
Journal of Tropical Geography, 25, 2.
Bagasao, Ildefonso (2003). Overseas Filipino
Workers in the National Development Agenda:
Perspectives from a Migrant Advocate. Paper
presented at the media-experts forum titled
Overseas Filipinos as Part of the National
Development Agenda (organized by the OFW
Journalism Consortium), Ateneo de Manila
University, Quezon City, Philippines: June 27.
Battistella, Graziano (2006). The Human Rights
of Migrants (Number 11). In Exodus Series:
A Resource Guide for the Migrant Ministry
in Asia. Quezon City, Philippines: Scalabrini
Migration Center.
________________ (1999). Return Migration
to the Philippines: Issues and Policies. Re-
vised version of a paper presented at the 1997
International Union for the Scientific Study
of Population (IUSSP) conference on Interna-
tional Migration at Centurys End: Trends and
Issues, 7-10 May 1997, Barcelona, Spain.
Battistella, Graziano and Maruja M.B. Asis
(2003). Unauthorized Migration in Southeast
Asia. Quezon City, Philippines: Scalabrini
Migration Center.
Battistella, Graziano and Ma. Cecilia Conaco
(1998). The Impact of Labour Migration on the
Children Left Behind: A Study of Elementary
School Children in the Philippines. Sojourn,
13 (2).
Burgess, Robert and Vikram Haksar (2005,
June). Migration and Foreign Remittances
in the Philippines. IMF Working Paper
WP/05/111, International Monetary Fund.
Burgos, Victor Fernando and Coney Rose de
Vera (2005). The Saving Behavior and Con-
sumption Pattern of Remittance-Receiving
Households in the Philippines. Undergraduate
thesis, AB Economics, University of the Philip-
pines-Diliman.
Capili, Joey John and Noel del Castillo (2005).
A Cost-Benefit Analysis of Overseas Employ-
ment: A Case Study of Households from Three
OFW organizations in Quezon City. Under-
graduate thesis, AB Economics, University of
the Philippines-Diliman.
Cario, Benjamin V. (1989). The Philippine
National Recording Systems on International
Migration. International Migration Review
xxi, 4.
Chami, Ralph, Connel Fullenkamp and Samir
Jahjah (2003). Are Immigrant Remittance
Flows a Source of Capital for Development?
Working Paper WP/03/189, International Mon-
etary Fund.
Commission on Population (no date). Gen-
der-Responsive Population and Development
Planning Guide. Philippines: Commission on
Population and the United Nations Population
Fund.
______________________ (2005). Filipinos on
the Move: Who are They? (A Primer on the
Philippine Migration Study). Philippines: Com-
mission on Population and the United Nations
Population Fund.
______________________ (2002). Local Govern-
ments and Filipino Families: Partners for Peace
and Progress. Philippines: United States Agency
for International Development and the United
Nations Population Fund.
______________________ (2002, December 11-
17). Philippines: Country Report. Fifth Asian
and Pacific Population Conference, Bangkok,
Thailand.
______________________ (1997, October).
Whither, Migrant? To Metro Manila? Philip-
pines: Commission on Population and the
Demographic Research and Development Foun-
dation.
Cruz, Victoria Paz (1987). Seasonal Orphans
and Solo Parents: The Impact of Overseas Mi-
gration. Quezon City, Philippines: Scalabrini
Migration Center.
Commission on Filipinos Overseas (1997).
Migrants Advisory and Information Network
(MAIN) Reference Manual. Manila, Philip-
pines: Commission on Filipinos Overseas
De Guzman, Arnel (1993, January-December).
Katas ng Saudi: The Work and Life Situa-
tion of the Filipino Contract Workers in Saudi
Arabia. Philippine Social Sciences Review, 51,
1-4.
De Vera, Roberto (2003, July 17). OFW Reali-
ties in Regional Markets. Paper presented at
the Conference on Programs on Harnessing
the Resources of Overseas Filipinos for the
Development of Local Economies (organized
by the Economic Resource Center for Overseas
Filipinos), International Institute of Rural Re-
construction, Silang, Cavite, Philippines.
Department for International Development and
the International Migration Policy Programme
(2003). International Conference on Migrant
Remittances: Development Impact and Future
Prospects (Proceedings).
Department of Health (no date). Human
Resources for Health Master Plan (a White
Paper).
107
Duran, Marie Christine and Rona Katrina
Panganiban (2002). A Study on the Welfare of
OFW-Supported Households in Jones, Isabela.
Undergraduate thesis, AB Economics, Univer-
sity of the Philippines.
Ericta, Carmelita et. al. (2003, October) Profile
of Filipino Overseas Workers. Paper presented
to Statistical Research Center (SRTC) Annual
Conference, Quezon City, Philippines.
Estopace, Dennis (2002). Issues and Concerns
on Labor Migration in the Philippines: Inputs
for Media Reportage. Paper presented at the
Discussion-Workshop on Migration Journalism
in the Philippines (organized by the OFW Jour-
nalism Consortium), Manila, December 7.
Fajardo, Fernando C. (1994). Population and
Development Integration in Local Planning.
Philippines: Integrated Population and De-
velopment Planning Project of the National
Economic and Development Authority (NEDA-
IPDP).
Fernandez, Pamela and Katrina Blanca Magno
(2003). An Economic Analysis of the Deter-
minants of Female Interregional Migration in
the Philippines (1975-1990). Undergraduate
thesis, AB Economics, University of the Philip-
pines-Diliman.
 Fuwa, Nobuhiko (1998, November). A Note
on the Filipino Entertainers in Japan: A View
from a Sending Village. Agricultural Econom-
ics Department , Chiba University. Chiba:
Japan
Go, Stella (2002) Migration, Poverty and
Inequality: The Case of the Philippines. Paper
presented at the 2002 conference of the Asia-
Pacific Migration Research Network (APMRN),
Fiji.
________ (1983). A Community-Level Study.
Philippine Labor Review, __, __.
Gonzalez, Eduardo T. and Rosario G. Mana-
san. Social Protection in the Philippines. In
Adam, Erfried et.al. (editors). Social Protection
in Southeast and East Asia. Singapore: Friedrich
Ebert Stiftung
Health Action Information Network (2005,
October). HIV and AIDS Country Profile: Phil-
ippines 2005. Philippines: Phillippine National
AIDS Council and Joint United Nations Pro-
gramme on HIV AIDS (UNAIDS).
____________________________ (2000a, July). A
Matter of Time: HIV/AIDS and Development
in the Philippines. Philippines: National Eco-
nomic and Development Authority and United
Nations Development Programme.
_____________________________ (2000b, July).
108 Living on the Edge: Case Study on Filipino
Seafarers. Philippines: National Economic and
Development Authority and United Nations
Development Programme.
Herrin, Alejandro N. (2002, September). Popu-
lation Policy in the Philippines 1969-2002.
Discussion Paper no. 2002-08, Philippine In-
stitute for Development Studies. Makati City,
Philippines.
Huang, Shirlena et. al. (2005). Asian Women as
Transnational Domestic Workers. Singapore:
Marshall Cavendish International
Human Development Network (2002). Philip-
pine Human Development Report 2002. Philip-
pines: Human Development Network and the
United Nations Development Programme.
International Organization for Migration
(2005). World Migration 2005: Costs and
Benefits of International Migration. Geneva,
Switzerland: International Organization for
Migration.
King, Amelita (1983). Social and Economic
Benefits and Costs. Philippine Labor Review,
7, 1.
Lanzona, Leonardo (2004) Overseas Employ-
ment as Evidence of Structural Unemploy-
ment. Paper delivered during the forum on
Governments After Migrants Rights? Perspec-
tives on the Asian Labor Ministerial Meetings
and their Impact on the Philippines (organized
by the OFW Journalism Consortium), Pasig
City, December 10.
Lanzona, Leonardo Jr. (editor) (2001). The
Filipino Worker in a Global Economy. Makati
City, Philippines: Philippine APEC Study
Center Network and Philippine Institute for
Development Studies
National Economic Development Authority
(2004). Medium-Term Philippine Development
Plan 2004-2010. Philippines: NEDA.
National Economic and Development Author-
ity-Integrated Population and Development
Planning Project (NEDA-IPDP) (1993). Training
Module on Integrated Population and Develop-
ment Planning. Pasig City, Philippines: NEDA.
National Statistical Coordination Board (2006).
Philippine Statistical Yearbook. Manila: NSCB.
National Statistics Office (NSO)
[Philippines],and ORC Macro. (2004, October).
National Demographic and Health Survey
2003. Calverton, Maryland: NSO and ORC
Macro.
Ogena, Nimfa B. (2006, July 13-14). Demo-
graphic Trends and Issues: Human Capital and
Philippine Resiliency in the 21st Century.
Presented at Whither the Philippines in the
21st Century? A Conference on the Philippines
(organized by the Institute of Southeast Asian
Studies), Singapore.
______________ (2003, November). Population
and International Migration in the Philippines:
Trends, Issues and Policy Implications. Paper
presented at a roundtable on overseas Filipino
workers (organized by the Asian Institute of
Management Policy Center), Makati City,
Philippines.
______________ (2000). International Migra-
tion, Human Resource Development and the
Labor Force Structure in the Philippines.
Country paper presented at the Eighth APEC-
HRD-NEDM International Workshop on
International Migration and Human Resources
Development in the APEC-member econo-
mies. Chiba, Japan: January 19-22/
______________ (no date). General Framework
for the Analysis of Migration Consequences on
Filipinos (A Powerpoint file).
Ogena, Nimfa B. and Normita Galban (no
date). Available Labor Statistics and Indica-
tors in the Philippines: Their Relevance in
Assessing Population and Migration Dynam-
ics. University of the Philippines Population
Institute (UPPI). (in MS Powerpoint).
Opiniano, Jeremaiah (2006a). Migrations new
moral hazard? SunStar Iloilo, November 8.
In www.sunstar.com.ph/statis/ilo/2006/11/08/
oped/jeremaiah.m.opiniano.html (accessed
December 29, 2006)
_________________ (2006b). Data crunch-
ers say RP has proxy migration data. OFW
Journalism Consortium news packet, volume
5 number 7. in http://www.ofwjournalism.
net/previousweb/vol5no7/prevstories5073.php
(accessed January 21, 2007)
_________________ (2006c). Chunk of Pinoy
cash still outside bank sphere. Emanila.com.
au (Australia), in http://www.emanila.com/ph/
index.php?subaction=showfull&id=11462969
88&archive=&start_from=&ucat=18 (accessed
September 25, 2006)
_________________ (2004a). Our Future Beside
the Exodus: Migration and Development Issues
in the Philippines. Pasig City, Philippines:
Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Philippines.
_________________ (2004b, December 10).
Centennial of labor migration a poser on RP
progress. OFW Journalism Consortium news
packet, 4, 12. In http://www.ofwjournalism.
net/previousweb/vol4no12/prevstories4123.php
(accessed January 20, 2007)
_________________ (2002, June 25). Migration
and Social Development: Challenges to Return
Migration and Reintegration in the Philip-
pines. Presented at the 30th International
Conference on Social Welfare, Rotterdam, The
Netherlands.
Opiniano, Jeremaiah and Tricia Anne Castro
(2006, September). Promoting Knowledge
Transfer Activities through Diaspora Net-
works: A Pilot Study on the Philippines. In
Clay Wescott and Jennifer Brinkerhoff (editors).
Converting Migrations Drains into Gains:
Harnessing the Resources of Overseas Profes-
sionals. Manila, Philippines: Asian Develop-
ment Bank.
Orbeta, Aniceto C. Jr. (2006, May) The More
the Poorer: Why Larger Family Size Causes
Poverty. PIDS Policy Notes, No. 2006-06.
___________________ (2005, September) Pov-
erty, Vulnerability and Family Size: Evidence
form the Philippines. ADB Institute Research
Paper Series No. 68.
___________________ (2002, December) A Re-
view of Research on PopulationRelated Issues:
1980-2002. Discussion Paper no. 2002-17,
Philippine Institute for Development Studies.
Makati City, Philippines.
Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) Journalism
Consortium (2003) Philippine Migration Jour-
nalism: A Practical Handbook. Quezon City,
Philippines: Institute on Church and Social
Issues.
Perez, Aurora (1997). Migration Issues in
Asia-Pacific: Issues Paper from the Philip-
pines. In Brownlee, Patrick and Colleen
Mitchell (editors). Migration Issues in Asia-Pa-
cific. http://www.unesco.org/most/apmrnwp1.
htm (accessed 20 January, 2007).
Perez, Aurora E. and Imelda Z. Feranil
(1993,January-December). The Economic
Integration of Female Migrants in Urban Labor
Markets: The Philippine Case. Philippine
Social Sciences Review, 51, 1-4.
Pernia, Ernesto (2006, July). Diaspora,
Remittances and Poverty in RPs Regions.
Discussion Paper no. 0602, University of the
Philippines School of Economics. Quezon City,
Philippines.
_____________ (2005, January 24). RPs De-
velopment Effort and the Population Factor.
Presented at the Legislators-Business Leaders
Dinner Dialogue.
Philippine Population Association (2005,
January-December). Philippine Population
Review,4,1.
Platform for International Cooperation on Un-
documented Migrants (PICUM) (2004). www.
picum.org.
Pingol, Alicia T. (2001). Remaking Masculini-
ties: Identity, Power and Gender Dynamics in
Families with Migrant Wives and Househus- 109
bands. Quezon City, Philippines: University of
the Philippines Center for Women Studies and
The Ford Foundation.
Pulse Asia (2006, July). Ulat ng Bayan Survey:
Media Release on Political Efficacy, Martial
Rule, Hopelessness, and Intention to Migrate.
_________ (2005, October). Ulat ng Bayan
Survey: Media Release on the Holiday Season,
Hopelessness, and Intention to Migrate.
_________ (2005, July). Ulat ng Bayan Survey:
Concerns, Coping Strategies and perceptions of
the Poor.
Ravanilla, Nico M. and Robleza, Eduard Joseph
P. (2003, March). The Contribution of OFW
Remittances to Income and Inequality: A De-
composition Analysis. Undergraduate thesis,
AB Economics, University of the Philippines-
Diliman.
Raymundo, Corazon and Grace Cruz (editors).
Youth and Risk Behaviors in the Philippines (A
Report on a Nationwide Study, the 2002 Young
Adult Fertility and Sexuality (YAFS 3). Quezon
City, Philippines: Demographic Research and
Development Foundation, Inc. and the Univer-
sity of the Philippines Population Institute.
Rodriguez, Edgard R. (1998). International
 Migration and Income Distribution in the Phil-
ippines. Economic Development and Cultural
Change, 46.
Rodriguez, Edgard and Erwin Tiongson (2001).
Temporary Migration Overseas and Household
Labor Supply: Evidence from Urban Philip-
pines. International Migration Review, 35, 3.
Samonte, Elena (1992). The Psychosocial
Costs of Post-Employment of Overseas Work-
ers: A Research Agenda. Philippine Journal of
Public Administration, 36, 3: July.
Sarausad, Mary Rose (2006). Struggles from
within: Migrant women in Southeast Asia. De-
velopment 49,1: pages 134-136. in http://www.
palgrave-journals.com/development/journal/
v49/n1/pdf/1100217a.pdf (accessed September
15, 2006).
Scalabrini Migration Center (2005). Hearts
Apart: Migration in the Eyes of Filipino Chil-
dren. Quezon City, Philippines: Scalabrini
Migration Center.
Sevilla, Luningning A., ed. (2004). The Ties
that Bind: Population and Development in the
Philippines (2nd edition). Makati City, Philip-
pines: Asian Institute of Management (AIM)
Policy Center.
Singh, Susheela et al. (200_). Unintended Preg-
nancy and Induced Abortion in the Philippines:
110 Causes and Consequences. Washington, D.C.,
USA: The Guttmacher Institute.
Spellman, W. M. (2002). The Global Commu-
nity: Migration and the Making of the Modern
World. Phoenix Mill, United States of America:
Sutton Publishing.
Tan, Edita (2006a, August). Overseas Filipinos
Remittance Behavior. Discussion Paper no.
0603, University of the Philippines School of
Economics.
_________ (2006b). Labor Migration and the
Philippine Labor Market. Journal of Immigrant
and Refugee Studies, 4,1.
_________ (2005, March). The Wage Structure
of Overseas Filipino Workers. Discussion
Paper no. 0503, University of the Philippines
School of Economics.
United Nations Economic and Social Council
in Asia-Pacific (2006, January 25). A Report for
the Thirty-Ninth Session of the UN Commis-
sion on Population and Development, 3-7 April
2006. E/CN.9/2006/3.
United Nations Population Fund (2006). A
Passage to Hope: Women and International
Migration (State of the World Population 2006
Report). New York, USA: United Nations Popu-
lation Fund.
___________________________ (2005). Situational
Analysis of the Philippine Population. Philip-
pines: United Nations Population Fund.
United Nations Population Fund and Interna-
tional Migration Policy Programme (no date).
Meeting the Challenges of Migration: Progress
Since the ICPD. New York, USA: United Na-
tions Population Fund and International Migra-
tion Policy Pprogramme
University of the Philippines, Tel Aviv Univer-
sity and Kaibigan (Friends of Filipino Migrant
Workers) (2002, December). The Study on the
Consequences of International Contract Labor
Migration of Filipino Parents on their Chil-
dren. Final Scientific Report to the Nether-
lands-Israel Development Research Programme
(unpublished).
Yang, Dean (2004, May). International Migra-
tion, Human Capital and Entrepreneurship:
Evidence from Philippine Migrants Exchange
Rate Shocks. Gerald R. Ford School of Public
Policy and Department of Economics, Univer-
sity of Michigan
Yang, Dean and Claudia Martinez (2005). Re-
mittances and poverty in migrants home areas:
Evidence from the Philippines. In Maurice
Schiff and Caglar Ozden (editors) International
Migration, Remittances and the Brain Drain.
Washington, USA: The World Bank.
Yang, Dean and Hwa Jung Choi (2005, April).
Are Remittances Insurance? Evidence from
Rainfall Shocks in the Philippines. Discus-
sion Paper 535, Gerald R. Ford School of Public
Policy, University of Michigan.
Zlotnik, Hania (1989). The Concept of Interna-
tional Migration as Reflected in Data Collection
Systems. International Migration Review xxi,4
Electronic Sources
(2005). Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas. Retrieved
December 28, 2006, Web site: http://www.bsp.
gov.ph/
(2006). US Census Bureau. Retrieved December
09, 2006, from American Factfinder Web site:
<http://factfinder.census.gov>.
(2006). National Statistics Office. Retrieved
December 03, 2006, from National Statistics
Office Official Website: <http://www.census.
gov.ph/>.
(2006). Commission on Filipinos Overseas.
Retrieved December 06, 2006 from the Official
Website of the Commission on Filipino Over-
seas <http://www.cfo.gov.ph>.
(2006). Philippine Overseas Employment
Administration. Retrieved December 21, 2006,
from Philippine Overseas Employment Admin-
istration Website <http://www.poea.gov.ph/>.
Credits and Acknowledgments
The State of the Philippine Population Report 4 was developed and pro-
duced with the participation of and technical guidance from:

Steering committee: Raymunda Espena

Tomas M. Osias (POPCOM) Mylene Mirasol C. Quiray
Mia C. Ventura (POPCOM) Karina Biteng
Dr. Honorata Catibog (DOH) Lyra Gay Borja
Onofria de Guzman (DOH) Resurreccion B. Alegria
Laura Timonera (POEA) Jackylin D. Robel
Carlos Canaberal (POEA) Marites Cipriano
Erlinda Capones (NEDA) Leslie Escalada
Lianelle Gopez-Tandoc (NEDA) Lydio Espanol Jr.
Eliseo de Guzman (UPPI) David Dereck Golla VI
Leony Aguila (OWWA) Deogracias Hilvano
Dr. Maruja Milagros Asis Ma. Therese Lyneth Monsalve
(Scalabrini Migration Center) Marilyn Ogaya
Rosemarie Trajano Lourdes Nacionales
(Kanlungan Center Foundation) Luis Pedroso
Atty. Golda Myra Roma (CFO) Riela Ramos
Rino Paez (CFO) Lolito Tacardon
Dr. Edita Tan (UP School of Economics) Susana B. Codotco
Ms. Benedicta Yabut (NSO) Aristarco Baluyos
Atty. Lila Milla
(Commission on Higher Education) Secretariat:
Elmer Talavera (TESDA) Gloria I. Mendoza
Atty. Ildefonso Bagasao Wilma V. Guinto
(Economic Resource Center Sylvia T. de Jesus
for Overseas Filipinos)
Anne Hernando (BSP) Primary sources of data:
Elmer Talavera (TESDA) Philippine Overseas Employment
Stella Go (Philippine Migration Administration
Research Network) Commission on Filipinos Overseas
National Statistics Office
Technical editor: National Statistical Coordination Board
Jeremaiah M. Opiniano,
Institute for Migration Data packaging:
& Development Issues Institute for Migration
and Development Issues
Consulting editor: Jeremaiah Opiniano
Dr. Mercedes B. Concepcion, Leilani Bolong
POPCOM Board of Commissioners Glorina Kristina Calisin
Writers and researchers: Style editor:
Victoria D. Corpuz Maria Cynthia Alberto Diaz
Zenaida Opiniano
Maripaz Cartera Graphic design:
Lilibeth Jacinto Dario Noche
Virginia Candor
 .....
.....
.....
.....
.....
.....
.............................................................
.