Vous êtes sur la page 1sur 125

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from www.A-PDF.

com to remove the watermark

Arben Anthony Q. Saavedra Tisha Camille R. Claro
MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology Iligan City, Philippines
March 2011
An Undergraduate Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of English Co
llege of Arts and Social Sciences MSU-IIT, Iligan City
As Partial Fulfillment of the Course English 199-Thesis Writing
Arben Anthony Q. Saavedra Tisha Camille R. Claro
March 2011
The researchers would like to express their profound gratitude and sincere appre
ciation to the following people who made this endeavor a success: Ms. Honeylet E
. Dumoran, for the patience in comprehensively editing the drafts, and for the e
nlightenment which contributed to the expansion and development of this research
endeavor, most especially during the formative and final stages of this study;
Dr. Luvizminda dela Cruz, Dr. Mary Ann Sandoval, and Mr. Rabindranath Polito, ou
r panelists, for their time and consideration despite short notices, which never
theless have not hindered them from giving suggestions and corrections for furth
er improvement of the paper; The informants and cross-checkers, not only for pat
iently translating the sentences, but also for allowing us to conduct interviews
and also for sparing time in explaining grammatical structures and expressions;
The ABEO fourth year students, for their never-ending support and assistance du
ring the research process and the oral defense; Kuya March Nuel Chiongson, for t
he financial support and material resources; Our families, for their understandi
ng, support and inspiration, which enabled us to do our very best all throughout
this research study; Most importantly, the Almighty God, for everything He best
owed upon us. Thank You.
This study describes the grammar of the Zamboanga Chavacano language, an ethnic
language spoken by people in Zamboanga City, Basilan, and some people in the Zam
boanga Peninsula, Sulu Archipelago. More particularly, this paper describes in d
etail the consonant and vowel sounds, stress, intonation pattern, syntactic patt
erns and morphophonemic processes in the Zamboanga Chavacano language. The data
were gathered through written and oral communication among native speakers of Za
mboanga Chavacano language. The written texts were gathered through letters, whi
ch were collected by the researcher to trace, describe and analyze the morphopho
nemic processes, such as assimilation, deletion, alternation and metathesis. The
re were forty short sentences in Filipino which the native speakers of Zamboanga
Chavacano were made to translate. Conversations with the native speakers were d
one in order to identify the phonemic sounds present in the language. Certain ac
cent patterns as well as changes in the meaning of words depending on stress wer
e also noted. The sentences were randomly selected from a linguistic material ca
lled Test Sentences for Philippine Languages and were extensively used to analyze
syntax as well as morphology. Inflectional morphemes were also written down with
a huge majority being of Spanish origin. Morphological processes include deleti
on, alternation and metathesis. The Zamboanga Chavacano writing norm also proved
a little inconsistent in the treatment of Zamboanga Chavacano sounds; thus, thi
s paper used a unified a consistent orthography by assigning different sounds to
distinct letters.
i ii iii iv
Introduction Statement of the Problem Scope and Limitation of the Study Signific
ance of the Study Theoretical Framework Conceptual Framework Definition of Terms
1 4 6 6 7 7 8
Grammatical/Morphological Structures Chavacano Orthography Cebuano Grammar Chava
12 13 14 14
Locale of the Study Research Design Instrument Used Data Gathering Analysis of D
ata Chapter IV PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA Phonology Phonemes Stress Phono
logical Processes Morphology Word formation processes Word classes Syntax Zamboa
nga Chavacano sentence Non-verbal sentences Verbal sentences Overview of the Zam
boanga Chavacano verb
17 17 17 19 19
21 21 35 36 42 43 46 65 65 66 72 72
Tense and Aspect Voice Modality Negation Copula Discourse Particles Chapter V SU
73 79 83 84 88 91
96 96 97
99 101 113
Chapter I The Problem and Its Setting 1.1 Introduction Philippine Creole Spanish
, more familiarly known as Chavacano, is a creole language spoken in the Philipp
ines. It is divided into six geographically estranged dialects: Caviteo, Ternateo,
Cotabateo, Davaoeo, Ermitense, and Zamboangueo, but Zamboangueo is the only one far
from the verge of extinction (Lipski, 1987). Ermitense had become extinct somet
ime after the end of World War II. Zamboanga Chavacano is predominantly spoken w
ithin the City of Zamboanga, where it is the native language, and in the nearby
island of Basilan, where it is the lingua franca (Frake, 1971). It is also used
as a second language in Jolo and the Sulu Archipelago as well as by communities
in the Zamboanga provinces. Significant Chavacano speaking populations can also
be found overseas as part of the Filipino diaspora. In Malaysia, Zamboanga Chava
cano has officially been listed as a regional language predominantly spoken by m
igrant Filipinos in Sempornah in Sabah. A creole language, such as the Philippin
e Creole language, is a language that is formed by the mixing of two other langu
ages to form one stable language. The vocabulary of the creole language consists
of cognates from the parent languages, though there are often clear phonetic an
d semantic shifts. On the other hand, the grammar often has original features bu
t may differ substantially from those of the parent languages. One hypothesis ab
out creoles is that the superstrate or lexifier language of a creole contributes
to its vocabulary, while its grammar comes directly from its substrate (Crowley
, 1997). This
hypothesis is applicable to Chavacano since most of its vocabulary is of Spanish
origin while its syntax is basically Austronesian in structure. Chavacano is th
e only Spanish creole language in Asia and is one of the worlds oldest surviving
creole languages, having spanned nearly four hundred years. A look at the lexico
n and grammar of Chavacano shows that Zamboangueo words are predominantly derived
from Spanish. Numbers, words, days of the week, months, and body parts are obvi
ously Spanish derived. Some properties of its grammar, on the other hand, show o
bvious traces of Austronesian influence, particularly those of Tagalog and Cebua
no (Steinkrger, 2006).
Spanish dictionaries define the word chavacano as something coarse, unpolished, an
d awkward. In reference to a language, Spanish dictionaries define it as a langua
ge characterized by a drastic simplification of its lexicon and syntax, a melang
e of languages in contact, an interlingual corruption of standard languages. In a
study by Frake, Chavacano is classified into two groups, the Manila Bay Creole
(Cavite, Ternate, and Ermita) and the Southern Mindanao Creole (Zamboanga, Davao
, Cotabato) (Riego de Dios, 1989). The theories explaining how each dialect of C
havacano was formed vary from one place to another along with the history and cu
lture of each Chavacano variant. Note the differences in spelling conventions as
well as the differences in vocabulary. Furthermore, Zamboanga Chavacano possess
es a diglossic system wherein the high form (used for formal and literary purposes
) and the low form (used for informal purposes) (Structures and Varieties of Moder
n Spanish Chabacano 1) which is absent in other dialects. To further illustrate
the differences, below is the text of the Pater Noster (Our Father) in the Chava
cano dialects:
Zamboangueo (common) De atn Tata que tall na cielo, bendito el de Ustd nombre. Mand v
en con el de Ustd Reno; Hace el de Ustd voluntad aqu na tierra, igual como all na ciel
o. Dle conamn el pan para cada da. Perdon el de amn maga pecados, como ta perdona tam
bin kam con aquellos quien ya pec conamn. Y no dej que hay ca kam na tentacin
Zamboangueo (formal) Nuestro Tata Quien talli na cielo, bendito el de Usted nombr
e. Manda ven con el de Usted reno; Hace el de Usted voluntad aqui na tierra, igual
como alli na cielo. Dale con nosotros el pan para cada dia. Perdona el de nuest
ro mana pecados, como nosotros ta perdona con aquellos quien ya peca con nosotro
s. Y no deja que nosotros hay ca na tentacion
sino libr conamn de mal.
sino libra con nosotros de mal.
Caviteo Chabacano Niso Tata Qui ta na cielo, quida santificao Tu nombre. Manda vi
ni con niso Tu reino; Sigui el qui quiere Tu aqui na tierra, igual como na cielo
! Dali con niso ahora, niso comida para todo el dia. Perdona el mga culpa di nis
o, si que laya ta perdona niso con aquel mga qui tiene culpa con niso. No dija q
ui cai niso na tentacion, pero salva con niso na malo.
Ternateo Chabacano Padri di mijotru ta all na cielo, quid alaba Bo nombre. Llev cun m
ijotru Bo trono; Vin con mijotru Bo reino; Sigu cosa qui Bo mand aqu na tiehra, pare
jo all na cielo! Dali con mijotro esti da, el cumida di mijotro para cada da. Perdo
n qul mg culpa ya hac mijotro con Bo, como ta perdon mijotro quel mga culpa ya hac el
ga otro genti cun mijotro. No dij qui ca mijotru na tintacin, sin hac libr con mijotro
na malo.
In the recent years, native speakers of Chavacano have become alarmed of the Phi
lippinization of Chavacano. Urban Migration and Language shift has been blamed f
or such changes. In places like Cavite, Cotabato, and Zamboanga, local governmen
ts, foreign individuals as well as private individuals have been promoting the p
reservation of the language with yet undetermined results. 1.2 Statement of the
Problem It has been a common laymans misconception that Chavacano is a corrupted
or ungrammatical form of Spanish. This study therefore intends to describe and a
Chavacano phonology, morphology and syntax. The main objective of this study is
to present a descriptive analysis of Chavacano morphosyntax and phonology, parti
cularly on specific grammatical categories and phonological processes by collect
ing data through test sentences and interviews with native speakers. Specificall
y, this research seeks to answer the following questions: 1. What are the phonem
es and the phonological processes found in the Zamboanga Chavacano language? 2.
What are the morphological processes that may be found in the Zamboanga Chavacan
o language? 3. How are the following realized in the Zamboanga Chavacano languag
e? a. Case b. Copula verb c. Definiteness d. Degrees of Comparison e. Grammatica
l Person, Number and Gender f. Negation g. Tense and Aspect h. Voice 4. How are
the following types of sentences expressed in Chavacano? a. Verbal sentences b.
Non-verbal sentences b.1. Equational sentences
b.2.Existential sentences b.3.Locational sentences b.4.Descriptive sentences b.5
. Interrogative sentences b.6. Possessive sentences
Scope and Limitation of the Study This study presents an analysis of Zamboanga C
havacano morphosyntax and
phonology. The sociolinguistic and historical differences in utterance and vocab
ulary are beyond the scope of this study. The study focuses only on the modern c
olloquial language and not on the written or literary form. Although there are m
any varieties of the Chavacano language throughout the Philippines, the Zamboang
a dialect was chosen because it is the dialect with the most number of native sp
eakers. The study is limited to the inquiry of the native speakers of the langua
ge who were made to translate sets of sentences in Filipino and Cebuano into Cha
Significance of the Study This study will be of significant contribution to the
study of Philippine languages
especially the Chavacano language. It will serve as a supplementary material for
a better understanding of the Chavacano syntax and phonology. The study will ho
pefully serve as an aid in teaching Chavacano to the younger generations in orde
r to preserve and/or maintain the heritage as well as culture of the Chavacanos
and to counteract the ongoing threat of language extinction and moribundialism.
It will also be a key for a better
understanding of Chavacano culture and for the enlightening of the lay mans menta
lity of Chavacano being a plain, grammar-less and corrupted Spanish. This will b
e a very good contribution to the growing body of ressearch which will aid futur
e studies specializing on Philippine languages. This study shall significantly b
enefit those who are of interest in the Chavacano language as well as those camp
ainging for its instruction in schools for language preservation.
Theoretical Framework This study deals mainly on grammar and phonological analys
is of the Zamboanga
Chavacano language. A prior study on the said topic has been made by Semorlan. I
n Semorlans study, the phonology of Zamboanga Chavacano is introduced first with
brief descriptions and few examples. The phonological elements discussed in the
paper included the phonemes, consonant clusters, and dipthongs. After this, Semo
rlan proceeds in giving a birds eyeview of the Zamboanga Chavacano morphology by
introducing the word classes and giving examples from a Pilipino teachers grammat
ical point of view. Explanations and examples come for each and every item discu
ssed. No discussion on word formation and derivation is present. In syntax, ther
e is a brief description of the simple tenses and word order.
1.6 Conceptual Framework
The research is descriptive qualitative in nature. It describes and presents an
analysis of morphosyntax and phonology of the Zamboanga Chavacano language. Morp
hosyntactic analysis is divided into two areas: morphology and syntax. Morpholog
deals with the word classes, derivational morphemes as well as morphological pro
cesses. Syntax includes the sentences which has two types: verbal and non-verbal
. It shall also include a discussion on specifically selected grammatical catego
ries and on discourse particles. Discusses under phonology are the phonemic inve
ntory of the language, its stress patterns, and its phonological patterns.
1.7 Definition of Terms Copula. A copula is a morpheme, usually a verb but somet
imes a particle or pronoun that couples to noun phrases. (Payne, 2006) In Chavacan
o, different copulas link predicates or complements. Chavacano has three types o
f copula verbs: Locative, Existential, and Descriptive Taqu si Carlos Carlos
COP-LOC NOM Carlos is here.
Ya tiene un accidente de auto ayer. PT COP DET accidente GEN car yesterday. There
was a car accident yesterday.
Descriptive copulas in Chavacano are more often than not omitted in colloquial s
peech: Padre di mo el prestamista.
Father GEN my DET money-lender My father is a moneylender.
Creole language. A creole language, or simply a creole, is a stable language tha
t has originated from a pidgin language that has been nativized (that is, acquir
ed by children). The vocabulary of a creole language consists of cognates from t
he parent languages, though there are often clear phonetic and semantic shifts.
On the other hand, the grammar often has original features but may differ substa
ntially from those of the parent languages (Steinkrger, 2006). Endangered languag
e. An endangered language is a language that is at risk of falling out of use (K
indell, 2010).
Evidentiality. Evidentiality is a conceptual category that express the source of
the information contained in an utterance (Payne, 2006).
Grammatical categories. Grammatical catergories, throughout this paper is used t
o identify constructions involving voice, tense, aspect, etc. which are expresse
d by inflectional morphemes in other Philippine languages. Grammatical case. Gra
mmatical case refers to morphosyntactic marking (case markers) of nouns or noun ph
rases that expresses something about the relationship of the noun or noun phrase
to its syntactic context (Payne, 2006). Grammatical Person. Grammatical person,
in linguistics, is a paradigm or conceptual category in the participant referen
ce system of a language. It includes first person (speaker), second person (audi
ence), third person (other participants not involved in the communicative act) (
Payne, 2006).
Identifiability. Identifiability or Definiteness is a pragmatic feature of parti
cipants in the message world, as presented by a speaker. Participants are identi
fiable if the speaker assumes that the hearer can uniquely identify the referrer
(Payne, 2006). Language extinction. Language extinction is a process that affec
ts speech
communities where the level of linguistic competence that speakers possess of a
given language variety is decreased, eventually resulting in no native and/or fl
uent speakers of the variety (Ethnologue, 2006). Language shift. Language shift,
sometimes referred to as language
transfer or language replacement or assimilation, is the progressive process whe
reby a speech community of a language shifts to speaking another language. The r
ate of assimilation is the percentage of individuals with a given mother tongue
who speak another language more often in the home (Schiffman, 1998). Linguistic
modality. Grammatical mood (also mode) is a set of conceptual categories that ex
press various speaker attitudes or perspective on an event (Payne, 2006). An exa
mple sentence would be: Man ven le si MOD jendeh ya ele ocupado.
3-S NOM NEG already 3-S busy
She would come if she is not busy anymore.
Moribund language. A moribund language is a language whose native speakers consi
st mainly of older generations and very few, if at all existent, younger generat
ions (Kindell, 2010).
Substrate. A substratum or substrate (plural: substrata or substrates) is a lang
uage that influences an intrusive language that supplants it. The term is also u
sed of substrate interference, i.e. the influence the substratum language exerts
on the supplanting language (Holm, 2000). Superstrate. A superstratum or supers
trate is the counterpart to a substratum.
When one language succeeds another, the former is termed the superstratum and th
e latter the substratum (Holm, 2000). Voice. Voice is constructions that adjust
the relationship between semantic roles and grammatical relations or sometimes r
eferred to as voices (Payne, 2006).
Chapter II Review of Related Literature This chapter focuses on the selected lex
ical items and morpho-syntactic analysis on the Zamboanga-Chavacano language as
compared to the Sebuano language (Steinkruger, 2006). Zamboanga-Chavacano is one
of the different varieties of the Spanish Creole in the Philippines. Philippine
Creole Spanish, also known as Chabacano, is spoken vestigially in the Manila Ba
y enclaves of Cavite and Ternate, but the major speech community is found in Zam
boanga City. Zamboangueo Chabacano is the native language of the majority of the
population of Zamboanga del Sur province. (Lipski, 1987)
Grammatical/Morphological Structures In comparison with Cavite and Ternate, Zamb
oanga words taken from Spanish are almost uniformly representative of more stand
ard, relatively modern items.
Phonologically, very few Zamboanga items show the neutralization of syllable-fin
al /l/ and /r/ that is so common in Caviteo and Ternateo (cf. Zamboangueo puerco; C
aviteo puelco pig). Reduction/elision of syllable-final /s/ does occur in Zamboanga
, as in the Manila Bay Philippine Creole Spanish dialects, but at a rate which i
s low enough to suggest initial contact with varieties of Spanish in which the p
rocess had only begun (Lipski, 1987). Zamboanga contains a few rustic/archaic Sp
anish lexical items, but they are words which are still found in nonstandard or
rural Spanish even at the present time, and are not usable in dating the formati
on of Zamboanga. However, the majority of the Zamboanga
lexicon is neutral with respect to the chronology of input Spanish dialects, sin
ce most of the major indicators of marginal/archaic status within Spanish involv
e verbal morphology, which is totally absent in Philippine Creole Spanish. The m
ore modern-sounding nature of Zamboanga could conceivably be attributed to the h
eavy presence of native Spanish speakers in the late 19th century (v. infra), bu
t even in remote areas of the province where there was never more than a sprinkl
ing of Spaniards, the speech differs from urban Zamboanga more in terms of inton
ation, and in the retention of Spanish-based words, as opposed to the heavy Visa
yan incursions in Zamboanga City.
Chavacano Orthography Practitioners of written Chavacano cannot agree among them
selves on what alphabet to use. Similarly, pronunciations differ as they greatly
depend upon the ethnical intonations of the vowels a,e,i,o,u and the use of the
Pilipino alphabet b,k,s,p,ny for the original Spanish v,c,z,f, in certain words
(Camins, 1999). The simple rule is that local words, that is words of Philippine
origin, and their variants are to be spelled as in Pilipino and words of Spanis
h origin and their variants are to be spelled according to their original spelli
ngs. However, this writing norm is not always followed since some words have div
orced from their original Spanish pronunciations, example the word escoger to cho
ose is written more frequently as iscuj or iscug instead of escog since it is closer
to the actual modern pronunciation than the original Spanish.
Cebuano Grammar Howard McKaughans Cebuano Grammar Notes presented a detailed yet co
mplex explanation of the Cebuano phonology, word classes, derivational and infle
ctional morphemes classified according to various categories. McKaughan listed a
ll existing phonemes as well as phonological processes found in the Cebuano lang
uage with corresponding examples and their glosses. In morphology, he presented
the word classes with examples as well as the derivational morphemes under such
classes. As for the inflectional morphemes, McKaughan merely listed them, organi
zing them into lists without giving further examples or explanations. McKaughans
work is naturally a preliminary presentation of the Cebuano language. Also, he d
id not specify which type or dialect of Cebuano he was working on.
Chavacano Grammar Semorlan (1983), in her paper entitled Gramatika ng Wikang Chav
acano, presented a brief yet concise grammatical description of Zamboanga Chavaca
no. Semorlan first presented the distinct phonemes of the language, of which she
included the archaic voiceless dental fricative //, voiceless alveolo-palatal af
fricate / /, and the diagraph /h/. She did not discuss on the phonological processe
s found in Zamboang Chavacano. In morphology, Semorlan only discussed word class
es, focus, as well as the tenses and the aspects. In syntax, Semorlan presented
the main elements of the Zamboanga Chavacano senteces. All discussion throughout
Semorlans work contained brief yet concise descriptions and examples within the
limited scope of her study.
Zamboangueo Creole Spanish by John Lipski and Salvatore Santoro (1986) sought to
compare the structure of Zamboanga Chavacano creole with the common syntactic pa
tterns found in other creole languages. They did not study phonology and morphol
ogy since they only focused on investigating whether creole grammatical elements
such as the negative concord, negation, and many others are found in the Zamboa
nga Chavacano language. Lipski and Santoro listed several grammatical phenomenas
found in Zamboanga Chavacano including those of vestigial Spanish origin which
may no longer be in use in the modern day. Explanations were very brief and not
all grammatical phenomenas had clear explanations as to their occurrences and ho
w they are constructed. They merely presented the grammatical structures without
really discussing them thoroughly.
Chapter III Research Methodology This chapter presents the description of the in
formants, the locale of the study, research design, the instruments used, the ga
thering of data, and its analysis.
INFORMANTS The informants of this study were native Zamboanga Chavacano speakers
aged 56 and 16 years old from the city of Zamboanga City. The informants came f
rom the Metropolitan Zamboanga City and from the countryside or urban area of Vi
tali. The two informants were chosen due to their accessibility on the part of t
he researchers and the fact that they are native speakers of the language. The f
irst informant, Francisco Pablo Arcillas, aged 54, resides in Limaong in the sub
urb area adjacent to the Zamboanga Sibugay provincial border. He is a businessma
n. The second informant, Laoreen Saavedra Roxas, 16, resides in the metropolitan
area of Zamboanga City. The geographical factor was considered in this research
since according to several studies, the speech of the Chavacanos living in the
metropolitan area and the other areas differ. This difference is attributed to t
he fact that the speech of those living outside the metropolitan area tend to co
ntain vestigial Spanish grammatical elements no longer existent in metropolitan
speech. Several minor informants were also made to give their feedback on this r
esearch and to act as crosscheckers to the gathered data.
LOCALE OF THE STUDY The setting for this study was in Zamboanga City at the resi
dences of the native speakers. Zamboanga city is located at the tip of the Zambo
anga peninsula with a population of nearly two million people and one of the top
ten largest cities in the Philippines in terms of land area. Chavacano people I
t is the traditional homeland of the Zamboanga
The research is descriptive qualitative in nature since it aims to present speci
fic grammatical notions in the Zamboanga Chavacano language. Furthermore, it see
ks to explore and understand the structure of words and sentences as well the ph
onological processes in Chavacano.
INSTRUMENT USED This study made use of test sentences for the syntax analysis of
the Zamboanga Chavacano language. Camins and Riego de Dios published dictionary
was utilized for identifying affixation and the actual morphological data gather
ed. Actual interviews were done also to determine the phonological processes pre
sent in the Zamboanga Chavacano language. The test sentences used were composed
of 40 randomly selected Tagalog sentences from different categories taken from t
he Test Sentences for Tagalog and Ilukano, where the informants were to translat
e each sentence in to Chavacano. The sentences found in Test
Sentences for Tagalog and Ilukano were originally taken from a monograph entitled
Batanic Languages: Lists of Sentences for Grammatical Features by Tsuchida Shig
eru, et al. published by the Unoiversity of Tokyo, March 1989. These interviews
and test sentences will serve as the main sources for the studys analysis of the
grammatical categories, morphosyntax and phonological processes of the Zamboanga
Chavacano language. Bernardino Silva Camins dictionary, published in 1999, is a
trilingual SpanishEnglish-Chavacano dictionary consisting of several thousand en
tries of the most common words used in the Chavacano language. It also includes
a brief grammar summary of Chavacano as well as songs, poems, and the Chavacano
refranes. An approximate pronunciation is given for each article but the consist
ency of the notation used to indicate pronunciation is uncertain. The entries ar
e arranged alphabetically but some typographic errors are evident and the spelli
ngs are rather inconsistent. Camins dictionary is currently used by the Zamboanga
City Government as an official souvenir given to all dignitaries and honored gu
ests of the City of Zamboanga. Maria Isabelita Riego de Dios dictionary (1976), p
art of her dissertation on Philippine Creole Spanish to the Ateneo de Manila Uni
versity, is perhaps the largest known dictionary of the Chavacano language. It h
as an estimated number of 7,000 entries of the Cotabato Chavacano language with
their respective equivalents in the Cavite, Ternate, and Zamboanga dialects. Pro
nunciation for each dialect is given using an older version of the IPA. Prior to
the dictionary, there are brief historical accounts on the historical developme
nt of the Chavacano dialects. There is also a phonological and
derivational affixation section of the Cotabato dialect. It should be noted that
Riego de Dios work is purely on Cotabato Chavacano.
DATA GATHERING In obtaining the data needed for the study, the researchers wrote
a letter requesting permission from the two informants for an interview and for
the distribution of the test sentences where they were to translate Tagalog sen
tences in to Chavacano. The informants were randomly selected from the metropoli
tan areas and the suburbs. Upon the approval of the request from the informants,
the researchers started the interview and handed on the test sentences. The inf
ormants were given enough time to answer the test sentences composing 40 Tagalog
sentences. The researchers then collected the translated Chavacano sentences af
ter each informant had finished answering all of them. After the collection of t
he gathered data the researchers started analyzing the data gathered. During the
conversation and interview session, the informants were made to discuss some si
mple topics relating to their daily lives such as the Chavacano language, daily
activities, family members, and academic life. This is done to facilitate the co
nversation on the part of the informant and to reduce possible lexicon related p
roblems or codeswitching to English if the conversation topics are of complex na
ANALYSIS OF DATA The translated sentences were then analyzed and also served as
instruments for cross checking. The phonological data, obtained from actual inte
rviews and conversation,
are presented in diagrams and tables with several examples illustrating the occu
rrences of phonemes and the phonological processes. Morphological data were obta
ined from a set of words taken from Riego de Dios and Camins dictionary where word
s are arranged according to their roots. This arrangement facilitated in the lis
ting down of derivational morphemes and their meanings. They are presented in ta
bular form. All examples given are expressed in the common-masculine gender but
feminine patterns are also indicated. Data on syntax were obtained from the test
sentences and they are presented with their glosses and English translations. E
xplanations were made as detailed as possible in the simplest form of language.
Chapter IV Presentation and Analysis of Data This chapter shall present the resu
lts of test questions given to native speaking Chavacanos as informants to gathe
r information on Chavacano grammar. Below are the data on the aspects of phonolo
gy, morphology, syntax, as well as their explanations and examples. The presenta
tion shall begin with phonology, followed by morphology and syntax.
I. Phonology This section shall discuss Zamboanga Chavacano phonology. First, we
presented an overview of the phonology of Zamboanga Chavacano and later discuss
each pertinent item on its phonology. I.A. Phonemes The section on phonemes sha
ll include the discussion of the vowel sounds, consonant sounds, diphthongs, all
ophonic sounds, consonant clusters, and the diagraphs. Vowels. Zamboanga Chavaca
no has five vowels /a, e, i, o, u/. However, the vowel sounds /e, o/ tend to bec
ome /i, u/ via vowel assimilation and stress.
Phoneme /a/
Initial aguanoso swampy alimatok leech alquiler rental
Medial alajero jeweler alab to praise
Final habl to speak qued to become quem to burn
alcanz to overtake almareo vertigo encabez to lead detrs behind
alamadrina safe haven /e/ educ to educate
quebr to break dulce balde alcalde sweet bucket mayor
ejemplo example elimin to eliminate empez to begin
deverasan truth llev to carry, bring
devolv to return sth
iglesia imut ingreso
church to be frugal receipts
to imitate
abr to open sufrto suffer hu to elope, to escape, to run away
sufrimiento suffering juyin timid, bashful
inquilino tenant /o/ oyente listener orejas ears orgullo pride ofrec to offer /u/
clat to uproot
idayvuelta roundtrip ocasin opportunity manok chicken ojos olor upus eyes scent c
escup to spit mentiroso liar mojo moss mucho much grueso thick gusu snout
tubugan wallowing pool
uliji last place usik waste
tucap tujud
to patch knee
Consonants. The Zamboanga Chavacano officially has 17 distinctly sounded consona
nts /m/, /p/, /b/, /n/, /t/, /d/, /s/, /k/, /g/, /h/, /l/, //, / /, / /, //, //, //, //
nd two semi-vowels /j/ and /w/ . Semorlan (1983) cites that there are 19 Chavaca
no consonants which included the voiceless-alveolopalatal affricate / /, as in cho
ngo monkey and the diagraph sound /h/ represented by rr as in perro dog which we have
listed under the diagraph category. Furthermore, Semorlan (1983) included the S
tandard Spanish pronunciation of the letters z and c (followed by e and i), //. T
he voiceless dental fricative // in modern Zamboanga Chavacano is virtually repla
ced by /s/ (// when followed by e and i). // survives only as an affected Hispaniz
ed pronunciation and is used mainly in reading literature or old writings. The a
rticulatory positions of these consonants are shown below.
The sounds /f/, /v/, and /z/ are variant phonemes which are not traditionally us
ed in Zamboanga Chavacano. According to Riego de Dios (1976), these phonemes are
usually retained in proper names and in certain word borrowings. Camins (1999)
cites that the articulation of the sounds /f, v, z/ depend entirely on the speak
ers ethnical intonations. R.O. Ing, in his study Sources and Variants of Chabacano
Consonants (1976), cites the existing variants of Zamboanga Chavacano. These va
riants are either classified as archaic, affected (or overacting), rare, lazy, a
nd the common pronunciation. However, the difference between the variant pronunc
iations is not very distinct and is partly influenced by etymological (i.e. Stan
dard Spanish/English vs. Chavacanized pronunciations) or ethnical pronunciation
(i.e. /b/, /k/, /s/, /p/ for /v/, /c/, /z/, /f/). These consonantal variations s
hall be further discussed in the allophone section. The phonemes /p, t, k, / are
voiceless aspirated stops unlike in English. Their voiced counterparts are /b, d
, g, / respectively. These sounds occur mostly
in the initial and medial positions in Zamboanga Chavacano words. The sound / / is
articulated in limited situations particularly when unstressed /di/ become [ ] be
fore a, u, e, and o. Phoneme /p/ puluguin pens pilleras postizo talti Initial ill-man
ered person zapatos to think vsperas sumpit esposa vomit zapatero victima Medial shoes
ight before a festivity blowgun wife to vomit shoemaker victim
/ /
rougish tricks artificial gentle rainshower tecasin cheater tibjon person affected
berculosis toko large headed lizard calzoncillos undershorts quebr to break kinilao
ish dish com to eat chamba fortunate chance tiene to have chismes gossips chocolate
te bajo ventajoso low someone who takes advantage
viento wind vaca cow porque because taqu to be here tacon heel of a shoe sospech
ovecho benefit mucho much borrachn habitual drunkard acab balibad to finish excuse
d participating in an activity annoyed immature fruit skirt food, cuisine employe
pay to play ruler, menstruation to hate
/ /
bichung a pet pig buguy idler dan old (things) desanimo discouraged dolor sorrow
m, stubborn gallina hen guerra war guia guide gusano worm diez ten dejalo Dont
aburrido bubut falda comida empleado marido juego pag jog regla odia
Phoneme /-p/
Final sorcap mother sorcop father sakop to be included itlog egg manok chicken bilo
sagsag to stab sijag transparency sugsug to force in jatud to send off jitad to expa
it to stick humilidad humility abilidad ability enfermedad illness
The phonemes /m, n, , / are voiced nasal continuants. Phoneme /m/ mat ment mor mucho
naranjita nublo Initial to kill to mention to die much orange clouded idiotic
lly sir(familiar) madame (familiar) cama quema quisame racimo tron ven tronco Medial
onflagration ceiling a cluster, a bunch to thunder to come trunk of a tree Final
------------------------ladrn thief kumpayn hay field nipaln nipa grove trun young
ninety-nine nena-nena // or ora
ventana window maana Espaa tomorrow Spain
gusu ga-ga
compaa company ---------pual dagger ---------snout saga branch of a tree npoquit
tle bit open-mouthed ugul-ugul to grumble nratiting imbecile look a very short
gut-gut beating pain to wish for someones death
to look upward by pushing back ones head
time usang to chew
The phoneme /l/ Phoneme /l/ Initial ladronicia theft redobl labut concerned to ralador
have sth to do with lagong uninvited guests recel lansa smell of fish or decay regla
Medial to redouble grater to distrust, to daunt ruler, menstruation real cual sal
l real which salt equal
The phoneme // Phoneme // Initial rachada period of great luck regaadas scoldings risa
as guffaw rodillas knees quiere Medial to want Final rumor rumor pecador sinner com
ing area matador butcher
recupera to recover suerte chance soltero bachelor
The phonemes /j/ and /w/ are semi-vowels because of their similarity with the vo
wels /i/ and /u/. Phoneme /j/ yerno yugo Initial son-in-law yoke Medial tayada bet, wa
er sulaybaguio name of a varietyof banana Final kumpay hay talisay a large tree
yunque anvil
saya ancient ankle-length sigay small skirt seashell rukay to call chickens to feed ag
ua water rabio angry aguo watery
unexpected rayo bonus
to havoc
enaguas inner skirt
The phoneme /s/ is a voiceless spirant. Phoneme /s/ Initial cebolln onion cenizas as
hes Medial parsitas orchids lastima pity, compassion sabacan lap guiso stewed s
uesor thickness polvos dust, powder pols policeman Final cochinadas dirty regaos
The phoneme /h/ is a glottal aspirant. This phoneme occurs mostly on the initial
and medial. Whenever it occurs in the final position, it is usually not written
except in some words of Philippine origin. The final /h/ is epenthetic in most
words (especially those of Spanish origin) since they never occur in the parent
Phoneme /h/
Initial jendh no, not abajo
Medial below gajah
Final maybe, perhaps
junto together jorguesa toy jardn garden
desventaja disadvantage gajah cajon maybe, perhaps wooden box
jendhno, not frente vaso forehead drinking glass
The phoneme // is a full glottal stop characterized by the momentary stopping of
the air passage at the glottis. By convention, glottal stops in the Zamboanga Ch
avacano language are not marked. Sometimes the /-h/ is used. For purposes of sta
ndardization, this paper shall use the circumflex sign above vowels , , , , borrowed
from the Abakada Orthography of the Filipino Language to indicate the glottal s
tops found in the medial and final positions. Initial glottal sounds are not ind
icated since they are epenthetic. Phoneme // Initial aretes earrings Medial dan old Fi
nal malat soggy
espiritu spirit
talti gentle rainshower
jendh no, not
Dipthongs. A dipthong is defined as any vowel followed be either /j/ or /w/ in t
he same syllable. The following are the dipthongs found in the Zamboanga Chavaca
no language with corresponding examples: /aje/ tra to bring ca to fall down
/ai/ /ao/ /eja/ /ei/ /ejo/ /ia/ /ie/ /io/ /iu/ /uo/ /ua/ /ue/ /ui/ /oji/
kumpy rabio tara rei video odi ciento cancion viuda instituo guard puede cuid oi
hay angry task king video to hate hundred song widow institute to guard
suby aguo pajare
ant watery to hunt
viento traicion triunfo
air betrayal triumph
buaya viruelas
crocodile smallpox
Allomorphs. Allomorphs are systematic variants of a morpheme (Payne, 2007). Zamb
oanga Chavacano attests the following allomorphs. Phoneme /b/~/-p/ /-g/~/-k/ Fin
al Bob Bob (personal name) itlog egg
manok chicken bilog pieces
sagsag to stab
sijag transparency sugsug to force in /-d/~/-t/ jatud jitad pilit /f/~/p/ to send off
o expand to stick
fuerza force [fwesa]~[pwesa] fuerte strong [fwete]~[pwete]
varadero shipyard [varadeo]~[baradeo] valiente brave [vaente]~]baente]
Zamboanga Zamboanga [zambwaga]~[sambwaga] zakate grass, hay [zakate]~[sakate]
Consonant Clusters.
Consonant clusters may occur in the initial and )
medial forms only. They are summarized below. A check mark (
indicated the presence of a cluster while a dash mark (-) indicates the absence
of a cluster combination. Below is a revised and expanded table of consonant clu
sters from the earlier work by Semorlan (1983).
/r/ -
/b/ /g/ /m/
/k/ /n/ /s/
/d/ /p/ /t/
The following are the consonant clusters with their examples: Cluster /br/ broma
quebr /bl/ blanco blando /bw/ buenas buaya /by/ bien vientre Example 1 joke to bre
ak white soft luck crocodile good abdomen cabrn sombra habla poblacin bueno vu
ancient /kr/ croquis cruzada /kl/ clima clavo /kw/ cuarto cual /ky/ /dr/ quiere d
rogas piedra /dw/ /dy/ duele diez odi plan, design crossing point climate nail ro
t, to be fond of quieto still cheating stone pain ten to hate drogasin madre d
er owner God crtica crudo mezcla claro Pascuas criticism fuel oil mixture clear
e 2 cuckold, he goat shade, shadow to speak town good return air old(perso
grifo grandor
faucet size, magnitude glory to guard movable furniture death fear member
se plastic to contemplate force strong leg guarantor traitor to have land
suegra grosor
mother-in-law thickness
/gl/ /gw/ /mw/
gloria guard muebles muerte
muecas muelas mientras miedotin nuestro nieto preven
grimace molar tooth meanwhile a frightful person our grandchild to prevent
miedo miembro
/nw/ /ny/ /pr/
nueve nieve presa sorpresa
plastic contempl
fuerza fuerte
despues fuerza piedra fiesta travesuras tiange tiempo suegra cielo distancia
after force rock festivity mischiefs market time mother-in-law sky, heaven
pierna fiador
/tr/ /ty/
traidor tiene tierra
/sw/ /sy/
suerte ciento paciencia
Diagraphs. Diagraphs in the Zamboanga Chavacano language include / /, /h/, and /g/.
The diagraphs /h/ and /g/ occur only in the medial position. Diagraph / / chongo bor
rachn Example 1 monkey habitual drunkard dog to get dizzy Zamboanga mango sangre
eeve Example 2 chocolate provecho chocolate benefit run
perro almarri
Zamboanga manga
The next section will discuss stress and the phonological processes found in the
Zamboanga Chavacano language. I.B. Stress. Stress is phonemic in the Zamboanga
Chavacano language. Below are the three basic stress patterns in Chavacano. In w
ords ending in vowels and /s/, stress most often falls on the penultimate syllab
le. i.e. cochinadas [ko indas] [almarjo] vertigo In words ending in all other consonan
ts, the stress more often falls on the last syllable. i.e. kumpayan [kumpajn] hay
field; jatod [hatt] to send someone off In Type I Zamboanga Chavacano verbs the acce
nt falls on the last syllable vowel. i.e habl to speak com to eat sufr to suffer di

Stress in Zamboanga Chavacano can also be irregular, thus, an accent mark is pla
ced in this situation.
I.C. Phonological Processes The following are the regular sound changes found in
the Zamboanga Chavacano language. These changes do not affect the meaning of th
e words. 1. Contractions. Contractions with the /-y/ Ida y vuelta > idayvuelta [
idaibwuelta] round trip
Muerto y hambre > Cada y cualan >
muertoyhambre [mwertojambre] starving cadaycualan [kadaikwalan] to each his
own work 2. Assimilation. a. Nasalization. Nasalization is a pattern wherein a na
sal consonant takes on the place of articulation of the sound that follows (Payn
e, 2006).
triunfa triumph [tijumpa] manpa to pretend [mampa]
enfermedad illness [empermedad] encog to contract [ikuj]
In the given examples above, the nasal consonants change into /m/ when followed
by /p/. This is a very common example of nasal assimilation found in other Phili
ppine languages.
b. Devoicing. Devoicing refers to sound changes, whereby a consonant changes its
type of voicing from voiceless to voiced, or vice versa. Devoicing in the Zambo
anga Chavacano language occurs in the final sounds /-b, -g, -d/ which tends to b
e articulated as /-p, -k, -t/. This occurrence is most of the time arbitrary alt
hough an evident pattern, when the immediate preceding consonant is voiced the f
inal consonant tends to be voiced, is noticed. /-g/~/-k/ itlog bilog egg pieces
sagsag to stab sijag transparency sugsug to force in /-d/~/-t/ jatud jitad pilit /-b/~
/-p/ to send off to expand to stick
Bob Bob (personal name)
c. Vowel Shifts. Zamboanga Chavacano exhibits vowel shifting that affects the vo
wel sounds /o, e/. The change is assimilative. escog to choose somet to submit jatd t
end off [iskuj] [sumit] [hatt]
itlg egg encog to contract mucho much mundojin bandit TBjon a person with tubercul
uble libod to walk around olvid to forget
[itlk] [ikuj] [mchu] [mundhin] [tibjun]
[gul] [lbot] [ulvid]
As illustrated in the examples above, we are able to come up with two generaliza
tions: a. Whenever /e/ or /o/ is accented it shifts into /i/ and /u/ respectivel
y gul [gul] mundojin [mundhin] escog [iskuj] b. Whenever /e/ or /o/ fall in an unacce
nted syllable, they also shift into /i/ and /u/ respectively escog [iskuj] somet [s
umit] encog [ikuj] d. /-ue-/~/-o-/ Alternation Another Zamboanga Chavacano phonologi
cal change is the /-ue-/~/-o-/ phenomenon. In this situation, the medial diphtho
ng /-ue-/ is reduced to being articulated as a single vowel sound /-o-/ especial
ly in colloquial speech. This phenomenon is arbitrary.
buenamente gruesor
well thickness
[bwenamente] ~ [bonamente] [gweso] ~ [goso]
e. Epenthesis. Epenthesis is a phonological or morphophonological in which a seg
ment is inserted (Payne, 2006). In the Zamboanga Chavacano language, epenthesis
is exhibited mainly during affixation: TBjon mundojin nipalan person with tubercu
losis bandit nipa grove TB tuberculosis
mundo world nipa nipa
Here, an epenthetic sound /h/ is inserted between the root morpheme and the suff
ix. Another epenthetic process found in Zamboanga Chavacano is the insertion of
the glottal stop. Glottal stops are normally inserted when a prefix is affixed i
nto a root beginning with another vowel sound or when a word ending in a vowel i
s followed by another word beginning with a vowel sound. ta acept ya acept mamo pafu
era patrs accepts accepted tamed, docile outward backward > [taaksepta] > [ja
[paapwea] > [paatras]
In Zamboanga Chavacano, word beginning with vowels may not have a preceding glot
tal sound unlike in other Philippine languages. An example is the participatory
verb acab. ya acab com sila. [jakba komsila]
ya acab par el maga bata.
[jakba prael maga bata]
There is also an epenthetic final /-h/ sound which occurs in most words ending i
n accented or glottalized vowels. f. Palatalization in /CjV/ and /CwV/ In the Za
mboanga Chavacano language, the cluster /CjV/ affects the articulation of the in
itial consonants. This is most especially true for the combinations /tj/, /sj/,
and /dj/ which turn into / /, //, and / / respectively. Furthermore, /CjV/ clusters a
lternate with /CijV/. /sy/ ciento cielo paciencia distancia /ty/ tiene tiange ti
erra /dy/ diez Dios odi hundred sky, heaven patience distance to have market
] [jelo] [pajenja] [distanja] [ jene] [ jage] [ eha] [ es] [ os] [o ] [sijento] [sijel
ja] [distansija] [tijene] [tijage] [tijeha] [dijes] [dijos] [odij]
Alteration. /CwV/ clusters are also altered to /Cuw/ /sw/ suerte suegra /gw/ gua
rd luck mother-in-law to guard [suwete] [suwega] [guwad]
muebles muecas muelas muerte
movable furniture grimace molar tooth death nine our
[muwebles] [muwekas] [muwelas] [muwete] [nuwebe] [nuwesto]
nueve nuestro
g. Deletion. Deletion is a very common morphophonemic rule often motivated by th
e need to simplify overly complex word structures that result when morphemes com
e together. In Zamboanga Chavacano, there is no pattern for deletion making the
process arbitrary but it is evident in the following examples from the colloquia
l speech: Original form ustedyou rabiado angry aguado watery nipalan nipa grove cance
o cancelled evos you ele he Deleted form uste rabio aguo nipal cancelo vos le
Another example of deletion in Zamboanga Chavacano involves the verbalizing part
icle man which changes into n when occurs after a case markers. (i.e. ta man ulan
It is raining becomes ta-n ulan.)
This ends the phonology discussion. We have presented the phonemes and other per
tinent phonological elements found in the Zamboanga Chavacano language with exam
ples and explanations. The next section will discuss morphology and word formati
on. The section shall begin with the morphological processes to be followed by t
he word classes. Included in the word classes are the derivational affixes.
II. Morphology Morphology is the study word formation. In linguistics, morpholog
y is the study of the shapes of words, or, more specifically, how words are cons
tructed out of smaller meaningful pieces in order to express variations in meani
ng (Payne, 2006). The bases given herein are nouns, adjectives, verbs, and parti
cles. To facilitate the analysis we have designated the following symbols: 1. A
hyphen after an affix implies that the affix is a prefix: man2. A hyphen after a
n affix implies that the affix is a suffix: -jan 3. A hyphen between two affixes
implies that double affixation (suffixationprefixation): ma-dad 4. V signifies
that the root morpheme is a verb. 5. N signifies that the root morpheme is a nou
n. 6. Adj signifies that the root morpheme is an adjective. 7. Adjf signifies th
at the root morpheme is an adjective in its feminine form. 8. Nf signifies that
the root morpheme is a noun in its feminine form.
9. HON signifies honorific form 10. FAM signifies familiar form 11. COA signifie
s coarse form
II. A. Word Formation Processes Zamboanga Chavacano exhibits the following morph
ological processes: a. Affixation a.1. Prefixation a.2. Suffixation a.3. Double
Affixation b. Stem Modification c. Autosegmental Variation d. Reduplication e. C
Affixation. Affixation in Zamboanga Chavacano consists of three type: prefixatio
n, suffixation and double affixation. Double affixation in Zamboanga Chavacano i
nvolves the prefixation of the already suffixed root morpheme. Affixation shall
be thoroughly discussed on the sections on word classes.
Stem Modification. Stem modification refers to the change in shape of a morpheme
without involving the addition of any affix (Payne, 2006). The main
purpose for modification is nominalization. This is evident in the following exa
Root mor forz to die to force
Modified Stem muerto fuerza esfuerzo dead force effort accord
to remember acuerdo
respond to respond
respuesta reply
Autosegmental Variation. Autosegmental Variation refers to the change in shape i
n a morpheme that does not involve consonants and vowels but rather consists of
adjustments in features such as stress, tone, and nasalization (Payne, 2006). In
the Zamboanga Chavacano language, this is exhibited by the stress shifts in som
e noun-verb minimal pairs as shown in the examples below: reserva corre reserves fa
st reserv corr to reserve to run
desgracia mishap condena condemnation amenaza threat
desgraci to meet mishap conden to condemn amenaz to threaten
The Zamboanga Chavacano Type I verb has its stress on the end vowel of the ultim
ate syllable. During the nominalization process, the stress moves to the penulti
mate syllable. Reduplication. Reduplication involves the repetition of the part
or all of a root. It has two type: Partial, wherein only a part is repeated and
Complete, where
the entire root is repeated (Payne, 2006). In the Zamboanga Chavacano language,
only complete reduplication is evident. Reduplication in Zamboanga Chavacano ful
fills only two functions: intensification in meaning and pluralization. Intensif
ication frequently leads to derivation while pluralization using reduplication i
s relatively rare. A hyphen is placed between two reduplicated morphemes. thing co
sa-cosa things gente-gente people (uncommon) bat- bat children (uncommon) casa-casa
s (uncommon) quiere-quiere fond of llanta-llanta barefoot tilam-tilam to taste food wh
ile cooking santo-santo a person pretending to be a saint, hypocrite putg to explode
- putg heartthrob
gente person bat child
casa house quiere to want llanta wheel without tire tilam to taste food while cooking
nto saint
However, it should be noted that there are Zamboanga Chavacano words which are a
lways reduplicated in form but are meaningless when not reduplicated. Examples i
nclude timih-timih and tilam-tilam both meaning to taste a little bit of food Comp
ounding. Compounding involves the combination of roots to form new stems. The fo
llowing are examples: camatijeras folding bed, cot cama bed + tijeras scissors
Nochebuena Christmas eve piedecabra crowbar with nail puller baomara double broiler co
king medianoche midnight pasatiempo pastime tapafalta a person used as cover up for an
other sobrecargo supervisor of cargoes in a ship
noche night + buena good pie foot + de of+ cabra goat bao toilet + mara Mary
ht pas to spend time + tiempo time tap to cover + falta lack
sobre upon + cargo cargo
Zamboanga Chavacano has a total of six morphological processes. The next section
will discuss on word classes.
II.B. Word Classes II.B.2. Articles. Zamboanga Chavacano uses articles to indica
te definiteness and indefiniteness. Definiteness in Zamboanga Chavacano is indic
ated by the article el the. The plural form is el maga. El pobre mujer ya perd su c
amino. DET poor woman PAT lost 3-POS way The poor woman lost her way.
Ya perd le su camino na el tierra extranjero.
PT lost 3-SIG 3-POS way LOC DEF land foreign He lost his way in the foreign land
Proper names of persons are introduced by the definite article si and never with
el. Si Carlos es un bueno estudiante. DEF Carlos COP DET good student. Carlos i
s a good student. When a noun phrase is unmarked in Chavacano, it connotes the i
dea of an entirety of a given noun thus indefiniteness. The definite article is
omitted after the locative marker na. Jendeh yo ta com gulay. NEG 1-SGPROG eat ve
I dont eat vegetables. (anykind of vegetable)
Jendeh yo
com carne . meat
I dont eat meat. (any kind of meat)
Indefiniteness in Zamboanga Chavacano is also expressed by un. It is not conjuga
ted in number and gender. Ya viaj le na un pas na Europa.
PT travel 3-SING LOC IND country LOC Europe He traveled to a country in Europe.
Ya perd le su camino na un tierra extranjero. PT lost 3-SIG 3-POS way LOC IND lan
d foreign He lost his way on a foreign land.
Proper names of persons are indicated by un tal in the indefinite form.
Ta busc le con un tal Juancho. PROG search 3-S DAT INDEF Juancho He is looking fo
r a certain Juancho. Canda is used to convery a sense of plural indefiniteness f
or proper names of persons. No hay anda canda si Carlos na pueblo ayer. NEG-PAST
go INDEF NOM Carlos LOC town yesterday Carlos and his company did not go to tow
n yesterday. II.B.1. Nouns Zamboanga Chavacano nouns are predominantly of Spanis
h origin with a sizeable number of native Philippine origin. These nouns are rar
ely saddled with intricacies of grammatical gender and number (Camins, 1999). ma
estro teacher pas country borrachn regular drunkard ciudad city
Gender inflection is commonly used. Chavacano distinguishes three genders: mascu
line, feminine, and common. The masculine gender is most of the time used to ref
er to general classes. The common gender is usually associated with word of nati
ve Philippine origin. The feminine gender is only used if the referred noun is a
lso feminine. Nouns of Spanish origin are femininized by adding a or by using a s
eparate word. Words of Philippine origin do not have feminine forms. Common Masc
uline Feminine
bata manok
child chicken
nio gallo maestro puerco nieto grandson abuelo grandfather primo rooster
nia gallina maestra puerca nieta granddaughter abuela grandmother prima hen
maestro teacher babuy nieto pig grandchild
abuelo grandparent primo cousin
Zamboanga Chavacano has a relatively fewer affixes. Though it may seems that Cha
vacano uses many of Spanish and Philippine affixes in its vocabulary, majority o
f the words bearing such affixes are actually direct borrowings with their roots
completely meaningless in Zamboanga Chavacano. The following are the nominalizi
ng affixes with their corresponding feminine forms. Feminine forms are those end
ing in the a, -osa, -da, -cion. 1. Signifies relationship to the given noun
a. N-ero, N-era signifies occupation cocina compaa hambug mensaje usura kitchen compa
ny to brag message usury cocinero compaero hambuguero mensajero usurero chef compa
-off messenger usurer
b. N-ista signifies occupation or adherence to the given noun presta sabado opor
tunidad comunismo to borrow Saturday opportunity prestamista sabadista oportunista mon
ylender Adventist opportunist communist
Communism comunista
c. Nito, N-ita, andNillo, N-illa signifies dimunitive function cuchara tablespoon pl
ato dish, saucer teaspoon small saucer little syringe
cucharita platillo jeringuilla
jeringa syringe
d. V-oso, V-osa, N-oso, N-osa ventaja advantage jealousy someone who takes advantage z
ealous bitter gourd mighty greedy,
celoso person amargoso poderoso codicioso
amargo bitter poder to be capable condici to covet
e. V-an, N-an indicates the place where the action occurs or the place where the
noun is abundant kumpay hay nipa layas nipa hay field nipa grove aimless wailing
kumpayan nipalan
to wander aimlessly layasan wanderer haya to wail hayan guidguid to grate guidguiran
og to skew tujogan
f. V-dor, V-dora signifies occupation or trait to buy to collect to save to consent
nt to eat buyer collector savior conniver hunter dining room
compr cobr salv consentir pajare com
comprador cobrador salvador consentidor pajador comedor
g. V(e)nte signifies the noun derived is a doer of the verb am ayud habl domin o to lo
e to help to speak to dominate to listen amante ayudante hablante dominante oyente l
lper speaker personwho dominates listener
h. N-(j)n/in/un, V--(j)n/in/un signifies personal characteristics or attributes mu
ndo to love juya llor shame to cry mundojin bandit juyain timid, bashful llorn
ps on crying ladrn thief TBjn a person with tuberculosis tecasin cheater drogasin c
TB tuberculosis tecas fraud drog cheating i. V-nza mat to kill ense to teach es
matanza murder enseanza instruction, teaching esperanza hope venganza revenge
j. V-miento port to behave mov to move sent to feel sufr to suffer portamiento b
ento movement sentimiento emotions sufrimiento suffering
k. V-da, N-da, V-do, N-do signifies the noun has something to do with the verb c
orazon heart chipl come to eat sufr to suffer sent to feel corazonada great yea
movement comida cuisine sufrimiento suffering sentido sense
l. V-cion adora to adore visita to visit adoracion adoration visitacion to visit
m. mag- is used only with kinship terms to signify relationship mag-hermano mag-
amigo brothers friends
n. paka- signifies a state or a characteristic paka-alto height
paka-jambuguero boasstfulness paka-tecasin II.B.4. Pronominal System The section o
n pronominal system discusses about the complexity of the Zamboanga Chavacano pe
rsonal pronouns. Included herein are the different forms of the pronouns dependi
ng on formality. Also, forms of pronouns in different grammatical cases are also
shown. Demonstrative pronouns are given with explanations on how they are forme
d and when they are used. Discussion on the reflexive pronoun shall no longer be
included since it is merely indicated by Personal Prooun + mismo or Possessive
personal pronoun + cuerpo. II.B.4.a. Personal Pronouns Zamboanga Chavacano has a
relatively simpler pronominal system compared to Spanish and other Philippine l
anguages since pronouns in Chavacano do not change in form depending on the case
. However, Chavacano has a set of pronouns used to indicate politeness and forma
lity. treachery
Nominative Singular Plural nosotros
Dative/Objective Singular conmigo Plural con nosotros
Genitive Singular mi Plural nuestro de nosotros
yo (Fam)
kam (excl.)
kanmon (excl.)
kit (incl..)
di mo
usted tu/ etu
ustedes vosotros
con usted contigo
con ustedes con vosotros
di usted di tuyo
de ustedes vuestro de vosotros
con vos con evos
de evos
ele/le ela (Fem)
con ele
con ellos
di suyo
de ellos
con el
de el de ele
d ila
The table above shows the complexity of the Zamboanga Chavacano pronominal syste
m. The pronouns are group according to person and number. For each grammatical p
erson and number, there are at most three pronouns. The first one is the formal
followed by the familiar and the common/coarse pronouns. Zamboanga Chavacano dis
tinguishes exclusive from inclusive first person plural but rarely uses the femi
nine form of the third person. The genitive case is indicated by the particle de
/di. There is no rule regarding the use of di but diis more common and de is usu
ally reserved for formal contexts. Epenthetic glottalization occurs when de/di i
s used with pronouns beginning with vowels. The genitive form is indicated by th
e particle con. However, pronouns in the familiar and common forms have their ow
n set of genitive forms without using con. II.4.B.b. Demonstrative Pronouns Nomi
na7tive Singular Este Plural este maga Dative/Objective Singular con este Plural
con este maga Singular de este Genitive Plural de este maga aqu Locative
estos Ese ese maga esos Aquel aquel maga aquellos con aquel con ese
con estos con ese maga con esos con aquel maga con aquellos de aquel de ese
de estos de ese maga de esos de aquel maga de aquellos tall all
The formation of genitive and dative/objective forms of the pronouns is the same
as in the personal pronoun forms. The plural form is indiacted by the use of ma
ga (mana among older generations and maga among younger generations of Philippini
zed orientation) or by using its Standard Spanish plural form. Este is the equiv
alent for the English this. Eseand aquel both mean that but ese implies that the ref
erred to is near the speaker and aquel implies that the referred to is far from
both speaker and listener. The locative pronouns are aqu here, all there, all there.
difference between all and allis the same as is ese and aquel. Note that there is
no epenthetic glottal stop among the possessives and that it is to be pronounced
by vowel merging, for example de este /deste/, de aquellos /dekeos/. II. B.2. Ad
jectives Adjectives are a set of grammatically distinct word class that contains
words that mostly describe property concepts (Payne, 2006). Zamboanga Chavacano
adjectives are mostly of Spanish origin. They are either used in their original
Spanish or variant forms. There is also a large number of coined and native
Philippine adjectives used in Chavacano. Similar to the Zamboanga Chavacano noun
s, grammatical gender in not applied unless the referred necessitates its use. B
elow are examples of adjectives grouped according to certain categories: 1. Colo
r blanco azul colorao 2. Conditions aburrido ansioso 3. Size grande diutay 4. Qu
alities cubalde valiente coward brave malo bad garboso humilde genteel big small
rto short pequeno alto little tall annoyed anxious appurao asarante in a hurry b
lue red negro black verde green amarillo yellow rosa pink
bueno good
Adjectives can also be formed by affixation and reduplication 1. ma- indicates t
he abundance of something. mapiedra maduro mahumilidad maling matentacion full of
stones mature full of humility besotted full of temptation
2. V-o/do, V-ada gerund form of verbs taken as adjectives aguo guiso watery sauted con
io dejo trusted left as is
3. Reduplication of N and V stems can indicated intensification or diminishment
in meaning 4. maka- indicates adjectival causation miedo maka-miedo ugod maka-ug
od fear frightening to oppress oneself frustrated
5. Typical Spanish loaned adjective include those suffixed with tibo, isko, and es
a efectibo positibo effective positive blanquisko whitish
6. Adverbial deriviations formed by pa- and mente
paafuera outward panorte northward
succivamente succesively lentemente slowly
II.B.2.a. Comparison of Adjectives
1. Equality: igual de alto as tall as
igual de largo as long as igual de corto as short as
2. Comparative Degree. In Zamboanga Chavacano, the comparative degree is express
ed by {.ms.que/contra con.} Comparison in Chavacano is formed lexically and is more
similar to its Spanish superstrate. The particle ms is place before an adjective
to indicate the comparative degree. Alto si Juan. tall NOM Juan John is tall.
Ms alto si Juan more tall NOM Juan John is taller. The succeeding comment to the
topic of the sentence then is followed by que or contra with the object phrase t
aking the con form: TOPIC el ms ADJ que/contra con OBJ Si Juan el ms alto que/cont
ra con Pedro. NOM John DET more tall than DAT Peter. John is taller than Peter.
3. Comparative Degree. In Zamboanga Chavacano,the superlative is formed by addin
g de con todo or todo (less emphatic) in place of ms. Si Juan el de con todo alto
de/entre tres bata.
NOM John DET SUPERLATIVE tall between three children John is the tallest among t
he three children.
However, it should be noted that in Chavacano, certain comparative and superlati
ve forms of Spanish adjectives are still in use.
II.B.3. Numerals 1. Cardinal numbers. Cardinal numbers are of Standard Spanish o
rigin. Among younger generations, English cardinal numbers are also employed for
higher numerical values. uno dos tres one two three trece thirteen
catorce fourteen quince fifteen veinte twenty treinta thirty cuarenta forty cincuen
seicenta sixty setenta seventy ochenta eighty noventa ninety ciento hundred mil th
cuatro four cinco five seis siete ocho six seven eight
nueve nine diez once doce ten eleven twelve
To form numbers above 15 (quince) the pattern diez + y + Number (or dieci + Numb
er) is used as in diez y seis (dieciseis) sixteen, diez y ocho(dieciocho) eighteen T
o form multiples of hundred the suffixed form cientos is affixed to the number be
low ten (doscientos = 200, trescientos = 300, cuatrocientos = 400, etc.) except
for five which is quinientos. 2. Ordinal Numbers. Zamboanga Chavacano has two or
dinal number systems. The first one is Spanish and the other is Chavacano. Usual
ly the Spanish forms are only used until the fifth ordinal number. Ordinal numbe
rs higher than ten are expressed using the Chavacano system only.
Ordinal number first Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth seventh Eighth Nineth Tenth
Spanish convention primero segundo tercero cuarto quinto sexto septo octavo nona
vo decimo
Chavacano convention aca-uno aca-dos aca-tres aca-cuatro aca-cinco aca-seis aca-
siete aca-ocho aca-nueve aca-diez
3. Numerical Reduplication. Numerical reduplication in Zamboanga Chavacano signi
fies distributive-collective values
dos-dos two by two, two apiece tres-tres three by three, three apiece uno-uno one by
ne apiece cuatro-cuatro four by four, four apiece
4. vez (pl. veces) indicates the recurrence of an action as well as restrictive
functions of numbers.
uno vez once
tres veces three times
dos veces twice cuatro veces four times
5. blog means piece. It is a quantifier used to refer to objects, especially round
one, but never to persons. It is similar to Cebuano kabuok.
uno blog one dos blog two
tres blog three cuatro blog four
II.B.4 Case Markers Zamboanga Chavacano basically indicates four grammatical cas
es by use of specific case markers.
1. Nominative case. Nominative case is indicated by the definite and indefinite
articles (el, si, un tal, un). El bata bien canso gayot. NOM child very tired EMP
The child is really very tired.
Si Santiago bien canso gayot. NOM James very tired EMP James was really very tire
2. Dative case. The dative case is indicated by con. However, in some personal p
ronouns, there are forms specifically for the dative case which do not require t
he use of con (kanmon, kaninyo, kanila). Con is used only when the recipient is a
nimate. A definite article is used when referring to impersonal recipients. Con
can combine with el and un/un tal. Ya dale ya yo contigo el sen para pagcon el pr
estamista. PAT give 1-SIG DAT 2-SIG-fam DET money for pay DAT DET moneylender I
had given you the money to pay the moneylender.
Ya dale ya yo con el perro el agua. PAT give 1-SIG DAT DET dog DET water
I already gave water to the dog. The con structure is very similar to the supers
trate Spanish structure a: Estoy llamando a Pedro. = Ta llam yo con Pedro. Estoy
buscando a mi perro. = Ta busc yo con el perro di mio.
3. Genitive case. The genitive case is indicated by de or more commonly di. Howe
ver, some formal personal pronouns have their specific genitive forms which do n
ot require the use of de or di (nuestro, vuestro). The genitive can combine with
el (definite article) but in such situations, only de is used.
El cuarto del inquilino bien cochinadas gayot. DET room POS-DET tenant very dirt
y extremely The tenants room is very dirty indeed.
4. Locative case. . The locative case is indicated by na Ta and el bata na iglesi
a. PROG go DET child LOC church The child is going to the church.
Ta vivi yo na Iligan. PROG live 1-S LOC Iligan I live in Iligan.
5. Vocative case.Vocative case can be indicated by oy or juy Juy Carlos! Favor y
a galeh habla deveresan! VOC Carlos please INT speak truth Hey Carlos will you p
lease tell the truth!
Ablative case. Ablative I indicated by de. Ablative case indicates the
origin or reason. It is similar to the English from.
Cansao yo de viaje de Iligan. Tired 1-S ABL trip ABL Iligan I am tired because o
f the trip from Iligan.
7. Instrumental case. Instrumental case is indicated by the pattern hace+Verb+ag
ent+usando+DET+instrument Hace corta yo usando el bolo. INS cut 1-S INS DET bolo
I cut it using bolo.
III. The Zamboanga Chavacano Sentence The Zamboanga Chavacano sentence is made u
p of two or more constituents. Primarily it is composed of the subject and the p
redicate. The subject can be introduced by
definite or indefinite particles or by pronouns. The predicate is usually an adj
ective, another noun or its substitute or a verb. The predicate generally narrat
es about the subject. Zamboanga Chavacano sentences usually are begun by subject
s but in situations when the subject is to be emphasized, the order is reversed.
Sentences can also be merely composed of predicates such as those in existentia
l sentences.There are two type of sentences: Non-verbal, characterized by the ab
sence of verbs and verbal which contains the verb. The following section shall d
iscuss the verbal and non-verbal sentences of the Zamboanga Chavacano language f
ollowing Howard Mackaughans Cebuano Grammar Notes. III.A. Non-verbal sentences a. E
quational sentences. Equational sentences are those sentences in which both cons
tituents are topic-like. (Mckaughan, 1971)
a.1. Non-specific. In the the non-specific equational sentences, the predicate n
oun or adjective comes before the subject usually introduced by the nominative m
arker si or the definite and indefinite articles as well as the nominative prono
uns. The marked predicative phrase referred to herein refers to the phrases intr
oduced by respective case markers. The unmarked predicative phrase refers to the
nominative pronouns which are unmarked.
Subject Noun Adjective
Predicate marked predicative phrase definitie/indefinite nouns unmarked predicat
ive phrase pronouns
Maestra si Carla. Cansao yo. Pobre el mujer.
Carla is a teacher I am tired The lady is poor
Borrachon el tata di suyo. Your father is a regular drunkard
a.2 Specific. In specific equational sentences, the order is reversed. Predicate
marked predicative phrase definitie/indefinite nouns unmarked predicative phras
e pronouns Noun Adjective Subject
Si Carlos este. Amo el dalaga.
This is Carlos. That is the girl
Este si Fabian Roxas.
This is Fabian Roxas
Reverse in the order changes the emphasis as evident in the examples above. In t
he sentence Si Carlos este., the emphasis is placed on Carlos, the subject of th
e sentence. In the other example, Este si Fabian Roxas, the emphasis is placed o
n este. b. Existential Sentences. The word tiene signifies existence in Zamboang
a Chavacano sentences. It is negated by no hay.
Predicate tiene no hay
Complement Rest of the sentence
Tiene accidente de auto. Tiene pescao na mar. Tiene mucho pescao na monte.
There is a car accident. There are many fish in the sea. There are no fish on the mo
The sample sentences contained only predicates and no subject. In the Zamboanga
Chavacano language, existential sentences may not take subjects. In instances wh
en they take subjects, the subjects appear ahead of the predicate after the verb
Tiene yo sen. Yo el tiene sen. Tiene si Carlos perro. No hay perro si Carlos.
I have money I am the one who has money. Carlos has a dog Carlos doesnt have a dog.
When negating, however, the subject is placed at the end of utterance.
c. Locational sentences. Locational sentences are constructed using the words ta
qui, talli, and talla. These are collectively termed as locative copulas by Payn
e and Santoro.
Predicate taqui talli talla
subject marked predicative phrase definitie/indefinite nouns unmarked predicativ
e phrase pronouns
Taqui el dalaga. Talla si Carlos. Taqui yo. Taqui un libro. Taqui el perro.
The maiden is here. Carlos is over there. I am here. Here is a book. The dog is here
Talli yo na di suyo lado. I am here beside you.
d. Descriptive sentences. Sentences which contain adjectives as the predicate ar
e called descriptive sentences.
Predicate Noun Adjective
Subject marked predicative phrase definitie/indefinite nouns unmarked predicativ
e phrase pronouns
Largo el camino. Malisod el exam. Guapa el dalaga. Grande el di suyo casa.
The road is long. The exam is difficult. The maiden is charming. Her house is big.
e. Interrogative sentences.
Predicate Question particle
Subject marked predicative phrase
definitie/indefinite nouns unmarked predicative phrase pronouns
Quien este? Cosa exam? Cuando el exam? Onde el jornalero? Cuanto este pescao? Qu
e manera come? Porque rabiao si Carlos?
Who is this? What exam? When is the exam? Where is the laborer? How much is this fis
to eat? Why is Carlos mad?
f. Possessive sentences. Possessive sentences are indicated merely by the use of
the possessive pronouns or the possessive marker de/di. There is no rule on whe
n to use de/di but de is more or less likely used in colloquial speech and is fo
und usually in formal and literary contexts.
Diila el lapis. Este el di aton. De Carlos el auto.
The pencil is theirs. This is ours. The car is Carlos.
De abogao este licencia. This license is the lawyers. Taqui el casa di suyo. His hou
se is here.
III.B. Verbal Sentences Verbal sentences are those which contain verbs which are
expanded by the addition of complements to the verb (MacKaughan, 1971). This se
ction shall be discussing selected grammatical categories involving the use of v
Overview of the Chavacano Verb Chavacano verbs are classified into five types. T
he first type is of superstrate Spanish origin further divided into three subcat
egories: -ar, -ir, and er verbs. These infinitive verbs are, subjected to Chavaca
no phonological rules, derived from Spanish by dropping the r of the infinitive f
orm of the Spanish verb and accenting them on the last syllable. This category i
ncludes Chavacano-coined verbs from Spanish nouns and adjectives. -ar Verbs ama t
o love anda to go llora to cry -ir Verbs servi to serve mori to die admiti to admit
bs pone to put vende to sell corre to run
The next type of verb is the Spanish irregular verbs. These verbs are of Spanish
origin but the only thing that makes them different from the three verbs above
is that they are conjugated forms. quiere to want tiene to have puede to be possible,
to be able
The last type are those verbalized by adding the particle man. It can occur with
Spanish or native Philippine nouns or adjectives. Man is colloquially abbreviat
ed as n when paired with tense particles. Root historia talk taklas the act Verbali
zed man historia to chat of man taklas to climb
climbing kamang to crawl cuento tale man kamang to crawl man cuento to tell a story
Verbal derivations Zamboanga Chavacano has three verbal derivations: a. man As m
entioned above, man is used to verbalize nouns or adjectives of Spanish and Phil
ippine origin. b. man pa- give the sense ot to pretend man pa-ma-fuerza man pa-ric
o c. man-jan to pretend to be strong to pretend to be rich
connotes reciprocal action to borrow each others to help each other
man prestajan man ayudajan
Past Tense In Chavacano, the past tense is generally indicated by the particle y
a (Spanish for already). Ya PTcan puede sila compr manga na Cebu.
3-PLbuymanggo LOC Cebu
They could buy mangoes in Cebu.
Ya us le escrib el lpiz di mo. PT use 3-SG write DET pencil 1-POS
He used my pencil to write.
Ya dale le conmigo arroz. PT give 3-SG 1-DAT He gave me rice. rice
Ya mir le
PT see 3-SG DET airport She saw the airport. Since Chavacano lacks a copula v
erb, adjective and locative sentences do not take the particle ya to indicate th
e past tense. El casa daan y cochinadas.
DET house old
and dirty
The house is/was old and dirty.
camino resbaloso y
para maga viajero. PLU traveller.
DET road
slippery and dangerous for
The road was slippery and dangerous for travellers.
hija di suyo na
Zamboanga durante
DET daughter 3-POS LOC Zamboanga during DET vacation Her daughter was in Zamboa
nga during the vacation. Locative sentences with taquto be here and tall to be ther
e, despite having copulas do not take ya to convey the past. Tall yo na America cu
ando ya ven si Carlos.
to be there 1-SIG LOC America when PT come NOM Carlos I was in America when Car
los came.
Present Tense If the verb is not accompanied by any time marker in Chavacano, it
denotes a present or non-past action. Ta can be used to express the present acti
on but it connotes more of a habitual or progressive action than a plain simple
present one. And yo na go pueblo todo el da para ta compr maga comestibles. everday
to PROG buy PLU food.
I LOC town
I go to town every day to buy groceries.
Progressive Aspect Chavacano uses the particle ta (derived from the Spanish esta
r) to indicate the progressive aspect. Ta-n historia el PROG to chat DET bata ch
ild con el dalaga. maiden
The child is chatting with the maiden.
compra el
candy para el
dalaga. DET maiden.
PROG to buy DET child candy for The child is buying candy for the maiden.
Habitual Aspect Chavacano uses ta (the progressive marker) to indicate the habit
ual action along with the necessary time expressions. El DET maestro di mo todo e
l ao ta and na Manila. teacher-M 1-POS all DET year PROG go LOC Manila.
My teacher goes to Manila every year.
Cada vez and sil na Zamboanga, el familia ta visit La Fuerza. Everytime go they LOC
Zamboanga, DET family PROG visit The Fort
Everytime they go to Zamboanga, the family visits The Fort.
Completive Aspect Chavacano uses ya VERB ya to express the idea that the action
is completed. Ya aprende ya ele chavacano por eso bien facl ya lang el espaol. PT
study PT 3-SG chavacano very easy DET Spanish
He had learned Chavacano that is why Spanish is very easy (for him) . Ya sub ya s
ila na monte cuando ya principi man ulan.
PT go up PT 3-PL LOC mountain when PT start VERB rain They have climbed the mount
ain when it began to rain. Usually, the first ya is omitted if the context is und
erstood. Le ya yo este libro por eso puede yo ayud contigo. read PT 1-SIG this boo
k can 1-SIG help DAT 2
I have already read this book so I can help you.
Future Chavacano uses hay (archaic hey, el; di among Manila Bay Chavacano dialec
to indicate future, conjuncture or hypothesis. However, the use of the progressi
ve marker ta is more common. Ta tumb el bata. PROG stumble DET child The child wil
l stumble.
El bata el ta dale com con el perro. DET child DET PROG give eat It is the child w
ho will feed the dog. DAT DET dog
Modals, verb derivations formed by man-, and reciprocal action man-Verb-(j)an do
not take any particle to mark the future Necesit sil bien manada sen para viaj na
need they very much Europa.
money PURPOSIVE to travel LOC Europe
They will need a lot of money to travel to Europe.
Man pelejan
dos bata.
RECIP fight RECIP DET two kid Both kids will fight.
Man historia kita maana. VERB to talk 3-PL tomorrow We will talk tomorrow.
Imperfect Aspect Imperfect aspect in Chavacano is expressed by pa and the corres
ponding time
markers ta, ya, orhay. Ta come pa yo. PROG eat IMPERF 1-SIG I am still eating.
viv pa kam na Iligan cuando ya empez el
guerra. DET war
PROG live IMPERF we-excl. LOC Iligan when PT start We were still in Iligan when t
he war started.
Change in state In Chavacano, the construction ta..ya is also used to express a c
hange in state similar to the use of na in Tagalog and Cebuano. Ta aprend ya yo C
havacano. PR study already 1-SIG Chavacano I am already studying Chavacano. (befor
e I wasnt)
Ta-n ulan ya. PR to rain already It is already raining. (before it wasnt)
Chavacano has a relatively easier tense-aspect system than its parent languages.
Chavacano also prefers economy of words so that it is no longer necessary to us
e time markers or particles to indicate time and aspect if there are
time expressions present or if it is obvious from context. Time markers cannot c
ombine to form one meaningful and grammatically correct utterance.
III.B.2 VOICE Chavacano traditionally on had one voice, the causative. In the pa
st, whenever necessary, the ancient Chavacanos expressed the passive voice using
the Spanish language of which they were conversant (Camins, 1999). However, sin
ce modern Chavacanos no longer are conversant in Spanish, there have been new st
ructures to express passivity although its use remain relatively limited and mos
t speakers still prefer the causative over passive. a. Causative Causative const
ruction is a grammatical construction that increases transitivity by adding a co
ntrolling participant to the scene embodied by a verb (Payne, 2006). Causative c
onstruction in Chavacano usually involves the use of the verbs mand, hac and dale.
Chavacano therefore expresses causatives lexically as opposed to most Philippin
e languages which express it morphologically. Binasag break-PT-CAUSE ni Anthony
ang baso. NOM Anthony DET glass
Anthony broke the glass.
Gibuak ni Anthony ang baso. PT-break NOM Anthony DET glass Anthony broke the glas
Ya hac quebr si Antonio el vaso.
PAT CAUSE breakNOM Antonio DET glass Anthony broke the glass. Hac, mand, and dale a
three most common causative verbs in Chavacano representing a wide range of caus
ative meanings. Hac, meaning to make or to do, conveys the idea that someone is made t
do something while mand conveys the meaning of being ordered to do something and i
s more emphatic.Dale means to give and conveys the sense of giving someone to do som
ething. The causative pattern in Chavacano is thereby given as:
ta/ya/hay+ hac/mand/dale + VERB + (si/el)+ AGENT + con el/un + RECIPIENT +rest of
the sentence
Hay dale com con FUT CAUSE eat
mo perro el
DAT DET 1-POS dog DET maiden
The maiden will feed my dog.
The Causative Construction in Chavacano begins with the verb phrase bearing the
time markers ta/ya/hay followed by the causative verbs hac/mand/dale. It is then f
ollowed by the nominative case markers si/el which introduces the next element w
hich is the agent. However, if the agent of the sentences is introduced by a pro
noun, they are never used. Following the agent are the definite and indefinite m
arkers with the dative marker con which introduces the recipient and is followed
by the remaining parts of the sentence.
Ta hac llor el soltero con el dalaga. PR CAUSE cry DET bachelor DAT DET maiden The
bachelor makes the maiden cry.
dalaga con el
di suyo cuerpo.
PAT CAUSE beautiful DET maiden DAT DET 3-POS 3-REFL The maiden beautified herself
The position of the agent and the recipient can be interchanged. However, there
is a noticeable change in emphasis:
Ta hac llor con el dalaga el soltero. PR CAUSE cry DAT DET maiden DET bachelor The
bachelor makes the maiden cry.
The meaning of both sentences is essentially the same but the latter emphasizes
more on the agent and the former emphasizes the recipient.
Mand can also imply to tell/get someone to do something, to want/require someone to do
something, to urge, to order, to permit/allow
El maestra ta mand con el maga estudiante somet el maga proyecto antes el vacacin.
DET teacher-FEM PR CAUSE DAT DET PL student submit DET PL projectbefore DET vaca
The teacher required the students to submit the projects before vacation.
Ta mand ba el nana con el bata despert temprano? PR CAUSE INT DET mother DAT DET c
hild wake up early Did the mother urge the child to wake up early?
El gobierno ya mand par todol ofensiva contra el maga rebelde. DET government PT CA
USE stop alloffensive against DET PL rebel The government ordered to halt all of
fensive measures against the rebels.
If there is an indirect object the pattern becomes: ta/ya/hay+ hac/mand/dale + VER
B1 + (el/un) + AGENT + con el/un + RECIPIENT + VERB2 + (el/un) + DIRECT OBJECT
Ya mand yo con ele com pan. PT CAUSE 1-S DAT 3-S eat bread I asked him to eat bread
Ya mand yo con ele cort el arbl usando el bolo. PT CAUSE 1-S DAT 3-S cut DET tree u
se-GER DET bolo I asked him to cut the tree using the bolo.
Causativity is also achieved by the use of other causative verbs such as ped to as
k, fuerza mand to force, etc.
a. Passive The passive construction is a grammatical construction that upgrades
a recipient to the subject position and either omits or denotes the agent to an
oblique role (Payne, 2006). Traditionally Chavacano de Zamboanga did not have a
passive structure. Whenever necessary, the Chavacanos of the olden days expresse
d themselves in the Spanish language of which they were conversant (Camins, 1999
or just by converting the passive structure into causative. As language evolved,
Chavacano developed its own passive structure. The Chavacano of Zamboanga expre
sses the passive voice using arbitrary null subjects in combination with time ma
rkers. The pattern is hereby defined as: ta/hay/ya VERB con el/un RECIPIENT si/e
Ya quebr con el
vaso si
PT break DAT DET glass NOM Antonio The glass was broken by Pedro.
Ya mat con el
criminal el
maga polis.
PT kill DAT DET criminal DET PLU police The criminal was killed by the police.
The pattern above can only be used if there is an agent. The agent is must never
be omitted in such sentences. When the agent is not mentioned, the causative vo
ice is the only construction used: However, despite having a passive structure,
most Chavacano speakers prefer to express themselves only using the causative vo
ice as evident in the questionnaire given to the informants and people interview
III.B.3. MODALITY Modals in Chavacano include: a. would is expressed by the part
icle man Man ven le si jendeh ya ele ocupado.
She would come if she is not busy anymore. b. should, must, has to, and ought to
are expressed by the verbs necesit and deb. Necesit yo pag con el propietarioms temp
rano. MOD 1-sing pay DAT DET landlord more early I ought to pay the landlord as
soon as possible.
c. might, may, and could are expressed by puede Ara, puede ya vos entr now-inf. M
OD already 2-SIG-inf. enter You may enter now.
III.B.4. NEGATION a. Negation of Verbs In Chavacano, verbs that are marked with
ya are negated using no hay (lit. There was none). The marker ya become redundan
t and thus is omitted.
No hay ele
us escrib el
di mo.
NEG-Past 3-SG use write DET pencil 1-POS He didnt use my pencil to write.
No hay ele dale conmigo arroz. NEG-Past 3-SG give 1-DAT He didnt give me rice. ri
No hay ele mir el NEG-Past 3-SG see
aeropuerto. DET airport
She didnt see the airport.
Notice that the subject/agent of the sentence is place between the verb and no h
ay. In the affirmative structure, agents/subject follow the verb: Ya mir le el ae
PT see 3-SG DET airport She saw the airport.
Verbs that are marked with ta and hay are negated by jendeh. However, unlike ya,
ta and hay must never be omitted.
Cada vez and sil na
Everytime go
Zamboanga, jendeh sila ta
visit La Fuerza.
they LOC Zamboanga, Neg-PR 3PL DET family PROG visit The Fort
Everytime they go to Zamboanga, they dont visit The Fort.
Jendeh ta compr el
candy para el
dalaga. DET maiden.
Neg-PR PROG to buy DET child candy for The child is not buying candy for the mai
Ya habl le jendeh ele hay ven mientras tanto tiene guerra. PT speak 3SG NEG-FUT 3S
IG FUT come while there is war She said she is not coming while there is war.
Jendeh Jendeh is used to negative adjectives and also negates sentences that are
normally rendered with copula verb which absent in Chavacano. El camino jendeh
malandg. DET road NEG slippery The road is not slippery.
Jendeh abogo el tata di Juan.
NEG lawyer DET father POS Juan Juans father is not a lawyer.
Jendeh ya estudiante si Pedro. NEG already student NOM Pedro Pedro is no longer
a student.
Jendeh yo doctor. NEG 1-SIG doctor
I am not a doctor.
No hay No hay does not only negate past action but also existential structures a
nd the locative copulas taqu, tall, and tall Taqu si Mara. to be here NOM Mara Maria i
s/was here.
No hay si
Mara aqu.
NEG NOM Maria here Maria is/was not here.
In this situation we notice some etymological irregularity. The copulas taqu and
tall are contracted forms of the Spanish est aqu ,est all and est all. When negating t
e two negative copulas, the inherent t- is removed and aqu, all, and all are placed
at the end of the utterance although at times may already be omitted when clear
from context. The Existence Copula tiene to have, mucho to have much
Tiene yo sen
viajar na Europa.
to have 1-SIG money in order to travel LOC Europe I have money to travel to Euro
No hay yo sen
viajar na Europa.
NEG 1-SIG money in order to travel LOC Europe I dont have money to travel to Euro
No Of Spanish origin, no is used to negative imperative sentences, verbs not mar
ked with time markers as well as modals which do not have time markers.
and na
NEG-IMP 2-SG-inf go
LOC house POS Abdul
Dont go to Abduls house!
No quiere yo and na Basilan. NEG MOD-want 1-SIG go I dont want to go to Basilan. L
OC Basilan
No sab si tiene ele sen para viaj. NEG know COND have 3-SG money in order to trave
l. I dont know if he has money to travel.
No puede kit entr na clase no hay salud con el maestra.
NEG MOD-can 1-PL-incl. enter LOC class without greet LOC-DET teacher-FEM
We cannot enter the class without greeting the teacher.
No mas No mas, sometimes just shortened to nom colloquially, is used to mean an i
mperative or suggestive negation on something that one is no longer required to
do. It is similar to Tagalog huwag na and Cebuano ayaw na. It is usually accompa
nied by ya No mas ya vos and kay ta anochec ya. NEG already 2SG-inf. go because PR
OG to get dark already Dont go out anymore because its getting late.
Double Negation Chavacano, being of Spanish superstrate possesses double negativ
e construction of the negative concord. In double negation, indefinite subjects
and verb phrases are to be negated with the subject. No hay nada aqu. There is no
thing here.
No and ninguno na Basilan durante el encuentro. Nobody went to Basilan during the
III.B.5. COPULA a. Chavacano does not have a copula verb as in English to be. Fo
r predicative sentences, it is usually expressed as Topic-comment
El camino malandg. DET road slippery The road is slippery. (road=topic, slippery=
However, if the comment includes a noun or a noun phrase, the structure become c
omment-topic. The noun or noun phrase comes first and the rest to the sentence l
ast. Abogo el tata di Juan.
lawyer DET father POS Juan Juans father is a lawyer. (lawyer=comment, Juans father
Estudiante si Pedro. student NOM Pedro Pedro is a student. (estudiante=comment,
si Pedro=topic)
Doctor yo. doctor1-SIG I am a doctor. (doctor=comment, yo=topic) b. Locative cop
ulas include taqu to be here, tall to be there over there (far from the speaker and t
he listener), tall to be there (near to the listener). The term locative copula is
originally coined by Payne and
Santoro (1986). Taqu si Mara con Juan y Pedro. to be here NOM Maria with Juan and
Pedro Maria is here with Juan and Pedro.
Tall na Zamboanga el entero familia. to be there LOC Zamboanga DET entire family
The entire family is there in Zamboanga.
Tall ba vos na escuela ahora? Are you in school right now?
c. Ser and Estar In Chavacano, the third person present conjugated form of the S
panish verbs ser and estar occasionally appear. In Chavacano, est means to stay. Bo
th copulas are in common use in the written language as well as on formal speech
. However, it occasionally is used even in informal speech by many speakers. The
re is no rule on which situation the use of ser and estar should be used. El cam
ino es resbaloso. DET roadCOP slippery The road is slippery.
Juan es abogo.
DET father POS Juan COPlawyer Juans father is a lawyer.
Si Pedro es estudiante. NOM Pedro COP student Pedro is a student.
Yo es
1-SIG COP doctor I am a doctor.
nde est usted? where COP you Where are you? (cf. nde usted?)
Est aqu si Mara. COP here NOM Maria Maria is here. (cf. taqu si Mara.)
Among older texts, Spanish conjugation is applied to both verbs. However, nowada
ys only es and esta as well as estaba are used. Estaba is used as the English was
to convey a state in the past.
Estaba gayot el ulan duro duro. COP INT DET rain hard hard It was raining very h
Discourse Particles Zamboanga Chavacano has an abundant sent of particles used t
o convey various meanings. Most of these are of native Philippine origin. Some o
f the particles have already been discussed in the previous discussions of synta
x. The following are the other important particles of the language.
a. Ba signal questions when interrogatives are not used. The sentence order rema
ins the same with ba inserted between the verb and the agent. It is accompanied
by a rise in intonation at the end of the sentence. Ba is also used in questions
with interrogatives for emphasis or suggesting impatience on the speaker.
Tiene ba vos sen ahora?
Do you have money now?
Ta anda ba tu escuela todol dia? Do you go to school every day? Onde ba kamo? Where
on earth are you?
Cosa ba este?
What on earth is this?
b. Galeh
Galeh is used for emphasis.
Cosa galeh el nombre di suyo? What was his name again?
Onde galeh vos ta vivi? Where do you live again?
c. man Man, aside from its functions mentioned in previous discussions, indicate
s that the piece of information is not previously known to the speaker. No hay m
an ele anda na Zamboanga. He did not go to Zamboanga.
d. seguro Seguro signifies probability or uncertainty of fact. Grande seguro el
casa di suyo. His house may be big.
e. Bien Bien is a less emphatic particle translated as very
Bien lejos el casa di suyo. His house is very far
f. Dau Dau is used in quoting statements. No hay man daw ele sen. (He said) He do
esnt have money
Dau can also be used to mean seems, or like Dau man ulan ya. It seems it is going
to rain. g. Ganeh Ganeh is the equivalent of the English really and the Tagalog
nga. It is used for emphatic purposes. It basically intensifies the meaning. Je
ndeh ganeh yo rabiao. Ansina ganeh. I am not angry, really Is that so?
h. Gajah Gajah is used with man to indicate said such and such
Ya habla man gajah le sen?
PT say man gajah 3-S money for trip But he did said that he already gave you mone
y, didnt he?
i. Gayot/gat Gayot, or less emphatically gat, is used as an intensifier as in En
glish very Malisud gayot el viaje. The trip was really difficult.
j. Lang Lang is restrictive meaning only Tiene lang yo dos pesos ahora. I only have
two pesos now
k. Amo Amo emphasizes the definiteness of the construction which it modifies, of
ten translated as the one Este amo el tienda. Amo este si Pedro. This is the store Th
is is Peter.
l. era Era means would like to, should have, or would have Quiere era yo compra candy.
I would like to buy candy. m. acaba
acaba or caba is a verb used to convey participatory action similar to Tagalog i
nfix si-. Ya caba para el maga bata. Nagsitayo ang mga bata. The children stood up
. n. baka signifies uncertainty Baka jendeh ele man vene. Maybe he wont come. o. ol
eh signifies a repeated action. A more formal form is otra vez Vota oleh tu conm
ingo por favor. Please vote for me again. p. si signifies a conditional statement
Si tiene tu sen, puede tu man viaje. If you have money, you may go. q. tamen/tam
bien means also Estudiante yo tamen. I am also a student
Chapter V Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations This chapter presents the di
scussion on the summary, conclusion and recommendations of the study.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION This study aimed to describe and present a more detailed
analysis of Zamboanga Chavacano morphology, phonology, and syntax.Quantitative m
ethods were used in this research involving the use of test questions as well as
interviews with native speakers. After an in-depth analysis of the data gathere
d from the said sources, we were able to draw the following conclusions: 1. Zamb
oanga Chavacano contains a large inventory of phonemes as well as phonological p
rocesses heavily influenced by Spanish and Philippine languages. Zamboanga Chava
cano has 17 consonants (/m/, /p/, /b/, /n/, /t/, /d/, /s/, /k/, /g/, /h/, /l/, //
, / /, / /, //, //, //, //, /j/ and /w/) and 5 vowels (/a/, /e/, /i/, /o/, /u/). Zamboan
ga Chavacano also has 6 variant consonants (/f/, /v/, /z/, / /, //, / /), 16 diphthon
g and 26 consonant clusters and 3 diagraphs. 2. Zamboanga Chavacano retains vest
igial Spanish inflectional morphemes such as those for indicating grammatical ge
nder and number. Zamboanga Chavacano grammar is basically native Philippine alth
ough it lacks the explicit inflectional marking system extremely abundant in Phi
lippine languages. This makes
Chavacano very different and much simpler than other Philippine languages in ter
ms of grammar. In place of the inflectional affixes, Zamboanga Chavacano used pa
rticles to indicate their functions 3. Derivational morphemes in Zamboanga Chava
cano are mostly of Spanish origin especially in the adjectival and nominal morph
emes. These derivational morphemes are inflected with gender when they are used
to refer to feminine people. 4. Word order in non-verbal sentences can be interc
hanged depending on the emphasis
RECOMMENDATIONS The researchers recommend that: 1. Further studies be made in de
tail about the Zamboanga Chavacano phonology in order to come up with a standard
ized orthography and to standardize the language. 2. Further studies on the exte
nt of Spanish fossilized grammatical elements that survive in the Zamboanga Chav
acano such as the copula, pluralization, passivity, etc. in order to assess the
extent of their use in the language. 3. Distinction be made between formal, info
rmal, familiar types of vocabulary and construction thereby asserting the unique
ness of the Zamboanga Chavacano language with its own system of honorifics.
4. Zamboanga Chavacano be considered a separate language and not a mere dialect
of the Filipino language as characterized by its grammatical properties and phonol
ogy as well as its origins. 5. Further studies be made on the standardization of
Zamboanga Chavacano orthography to facilitate the instruction of the language i
n schools to avert language moribundialism.
Theses and Dissertations Barrios, Aireen L.. Austronesian Elements in Philippine
Creole Spanish. Ateneo de Zamboanga University, 2006. Holm, John., Chabacano ve
rsus related creoles: Socio-linguistic Affinities and differences. University of
Coimbra, Portugal. 2001. Ing, R.O. (Wu Guoxian)., Sources and Variants of Chaba
cano Consonants. 1976 Lipski, John M., Modern Spanish once-removed in Philippine
Creole Spanish: The case of Zamboangueo. University of Houston, Department of Hi
spanic and Classical Languages, 1987. Lipski., Null subjects in (Romance-derived
) creoles: routes of evolution. University of New Mexico Lipski., New Thoughts o
n the Origin of Zamboangueo (Philippine Creole Spanish). University of New Mexico
. 1993. Lipski, John M. and Santoro, Salvatore. Zamboangueo Creole Spanish.2000.
Perez-Semorlan, Teresita. Gramatika ng Wikang Chavacano. 1983 Riego de Dios, Mar
ia Isabelita., A Composite Dictionary of Philippine Creole Spanish (PCS). Ateneo
de Manila University, 1989. Saavedra, Benjamin L., The Chabacano of Zamboanga.
University of the Philippines, College of Arts and Letter, 1999. Steinkrger, Patr
ick O., The Puzzling Case of Chabacano: Creolization, Substrate, Mixing and Seco
ndary Contact. ZAS (Centre for General Linguistics), Berlin. 2004.
Books Camins, Bernardino. Chabacano de Zamboanga Handbook and Chabacano-EnglishS
panish dictionary. Zamboanga City. 1999 Payne, Thomas E. Exploring Language Stru
cture. Cambridge University Press. 2006
Internet Chavacano Language. Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, 14 Oct. 2010. Web. 1
6 Oct. 2010 Ermitao Creole. Wikipedia.Wikimedia Foundation, 16 June. 2010. Web. 16
Aug. 2010 Holm, John. An Introduction to Pidgins and Creoles.Cambridge Universit
y Press. Jan 2001. Web.12 Oct 2010. Kindell, Gloria. Ph.D., Endangered Language
Groups. What is an Endangered Language?.Web.12 Oct 2010. Languages of the Philipp
ines Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, 16 Jul 2010. Web. 24 Aug. 2010 Schiffman, H
arold. Language Shift. 31 Dec 1998. Web. 12 Oct 2010.
APPENDIX I Test Sentences
Tagalog: Mangga raw ang kinain ng bata, hindi saging. Chavacano: Mangga daw el y
a come el bata, hinde saging.
Tagalog: Ang binata ang bumili ng kendi sa bata para sa dalaga. Chavacano: El so
ltero el ya compra candy, konel bata para del dalaga.
Tagalog: Isinulat ng binata ang pangalan ng dalaga. Chavacano: Ya escribi el sol
tero el nombre del dalaga.
Tagalog: Kumain ng marami ang bata. Chavacano: Ya come mucho el bata.
Tagalog: Pumunta sa bahay ang dalaga. Chavacano: Ya anda na casa el dalaga.
Tagalog: ako ang nakipag-usap sa dalaga. Chavacano: Iyo el ya conversa konel dal
Tagalog: Ako ang kinausap ng dalaga. Chavacano: Comigo yan storya el dalaga.
Tagalog: Nag-away ang asot pusa.
Chavacano: Yan pelyahan el pero pati gato.
Tagalog: Abugado ang kapatid niya. Chavacano: Abugado el su hermano.
Tagalog: Nasa bahay ang mga dalaga. Chavacano: Talya na kasa el mga dalaga.
Tagalog: Gumagabi na. Chavacano: Tan de noche ya.
Tagalog: Natulog ang dalaga at umuwi ang binata. Chavacano: Ta dorme el dalaga y
a volve el soltero.
Tagalog: Mabuti nga. Chavacano: Bueno se.
Tagalog: Naiiyak ako tuwing maalala kita. Chavacano: Ta llura yo si ta acorda co
Tagalog: Kung ibibili niya ako ng singsing na may malaking diyamante. Chavacano:
Si compra le anilio akel tiene grande diyamante comigo.
Tagalog: Pinaulan ng pari. Chavacano: Ya ace ulan el padre.
Tagalog: Ang binata ang nagpaiyak sa bata. Chavacano: El soltero ya manda llura
konel bata.
Tagalog: Ang dalaga ang nagpakain sa aso ko. Chavacano: El dalaga el ya dale com
e konel mio pero.
Tagalog: Ang binata ang nagpakita ng daga sa dalaga. Chavacano: El soltero ya da
le mira raton konel dalaga.
Tagalog: Ang binata ang nagpaluto ng kanin sa bata para sa dalaga. Chavacano: El
soltero ya manda kusi kanun konel bata.
Tagalog: Hindi tatawa ang binata. Chavacano: Hinde ta re el soltero.
Tagalog: Huwag kang tumawa. Chavacano: No tu re.
Tagalog: Hindi maaring dumaan dito. Chavacano: No puede pasa aki.
Tagalog: Kumain ka ng kanin! Chavacano: Come tu kanun!
Tagalog: Ito ang kanin mo. Chavacano: Este el kanun tuyu.
Tagalog: kanin ninyo ito! Chavacano: Come ostedes este.
Tagalog: Bakit tumawa ang binata? Chavacano: Porke ya re el soltero?
Tagalog: Ano bat naririto ka na naman? Chavacano: Porke bat a ki ya tamen tu?
Tagalog: Ano sa iyo kung tumanda akong dalaga? Chavacano: Nuay tu kebersi queda
yo dalaga bieha.
Tagalog: Ika-anong president ng Pilipinas si Rohas? Chavacano: Ika cuanto presid
ent del Pilipinas si Roxas?
Tagalog: Matutuloy kaya ang kasal ni Selya? Chavacano: Porsigi raha el kasamient
o di Selya?
Tagalog: Umaraw sana sa linggo. Chavacano: Tiene era sol no domingo?
Tagalog: Ilan ang gusting uminom?
Chavacano: Cuanto quiere tuma?
Tagalog: Kailan ka nagpagamot sa ospital? Chavacano: cuando tu manda cura na osp
Tagalog: Anong oras kang bumangon? Chavacano: Kosa hora tu ya desperta?
Tagalog: Kanino ang saging na ito? Chavacano: Di kien sagging este?
Tagalog: Saan dumapo ang ibon? Chavacano: Onde ya para el pajaro?
Tagalog: Paano lumangoy ang dalaga? Chavacano: que modo ta nada el dalaga?
Tagalog: Nagsisitayo na ang mga bata. Chavacano: paraw ya el mga bata.
Tagalog: Kanin mo ito! Chavacano: ya come ta con este!
Tagalog: Ibibili ng bata ang dalaga ng kendi. Chavacano: Ay compra el bata kendi
para konel dalaga.
Tagalog: Makikipag-usap ang bata sa dalaga. Chavacano: Man stroya el bata konel
Tagalog: Mag-aaway ang dalawang bata. Chavacano: Man pelyahan el dos bata.
Tagalog: Nag-aaway ang dalawang bata. Chavacano: Tan pelyahan el dos bata.
Tagalog: Pakakanin ng bata ang aso ko. Chavacano: Dale come konel perro el bata.
Tagalog: Mabibili nila ang mangga ng diyes. Chavacano: puede sila compra el mang
ga kon diyes.
APPENDIX II CHAVACANO ORTHOGRAPHY Overview ZamboangaChavacano is traditionally a
spoken language. In the ancient days, speakers of Chavacano wrote using the Spa
nish language (Camins, 1999). This phenomenon is similar to that in medieval Eur
ope where people spoke different language but wrote using the Latin language. Th
ey were also conversant with Spanish. Following the collapse of the Spanish rule
in the Philippines, English replaced Spanish as the main foreign language spoke
n by the educated class. It is during the American Era which Chavacano began to
appear in written form particularly in popular literature while formal literatur
e were still written in Spanish and/or English. Zamboanga Chavacano does have an
alphabet based on the Spanish but lacks a standardized system of spelling words
. Below is the Zamboanga Chavacano alphabet with their traditional nomenclature:
(according to Camins, 1999) Aa Bb Cc Chch Dd Ee a be ce che de e
Ff Gg Hh Ii Jj Kk Ll Llll Mn Nn Oo Pp Qq Rr Rrrr Ss Tt Uu Vv Ww Xx Yy
efe ge hace i jota ka ele elle eme ene ee o p cu ere erre ese te u uve doble u eq
uis ye
The de facto spelling rule is to spell all words etymologically. However, this i
s not entirely followed since some Spanish words have altered pronunciations in
ZamboangaChavacano thus creating an ambiguity in spelling. Furthermore, not all
Chavacanos of the present day are cognizant of Spanish orthography. Nowadays, mo
st speakers write using the spelling system used by other Philippine languages.
Proposals The researchers, having studied the phonemic inventory and phonologica
l features of the language, suggests the following additions and guidelines for
Zamboanga Chavacano spelling: 1.) Spell all words traditionally by etymology. Sp
anish words be spelt according to Standard Spanish spellings while words of Phil
ippine or English origin be spelt according to their standard spellings.
exam meeting candy TB
exam meeting candy
to choose nipalan bat child
nipa grove
encog to shrink somet to submit to suggest
tuberculosis suger
2.) If the native Philippine word begins with the letter/sound Hh, write it usin
g Jj as in jendh.
3.) Epenthetic final h sound shall not be indicated in words of Spanish origin bu
t should be indicated in word of native Philippine origin as in jendeh, gajah, g
aneh. 4.) The letter Ff, Vv, Zz be maintained all words despite being pronounced
Zamboanga fuerte zacate Fernando valiente
Zamboanga /zambwaga/ strong grass /pwete/ /sakate/ /fenando/ brave /baente/
5. ) Glottal sounds be only indicated when they occur medially, finally and epen
thetically during affixation. They should not be indicated at the initial
position. Glottal sound be written using the circumflexed letters. mamo jendh galh t
amed not ganh talti gentle rain shower backward
6.) Devoiced final sounds be spelt with the voiced letters jatud to send off jitad
to stretch itlog sijag egg transparency
7.) The letter Hh is a soundless letter unless in English loanwords.
8.) Use accent marks. Accent marks be only used in words whose stress pattern is
irregular. Type I Zamboanga Chavacano verbs must always bear the accent mark at
the end to distinguish them from their nominalized forms. am to love surf abr to suff
er to open
ayud to help habl to speak
escog to choose
10.) Hyphen be used in reduplicated words dos-dos cosa-cosa two by two tilam-tilam
things to taste a bit
11.) The sound /h/ be spelt as rr as in correfast 12.) The sounds // and /g/ be disti
nguished from each other in written form. Traditionally, // was spelt as g in olde
r texts of Philippine languages while /g/ was spelt as ng. The use of g for // and
ng for /g/ is highly suggested. In the final position, // be written as ng only. Z
amboanga sangre unpoquiting unratiting gusu snout Zamboanga blood very little very
time /usu/ /sambwaga/ /sage/ /umpokiti/ /unatiti/
13.) Interchanging of letters with the same phonetic values must be avoided and
spelling should be kept according to etymology. 14.) Archaic Spanish spellings f
or words of native Philippine origin be avoided. x came x saltinbanqui x quita x
camang o kame o saltimbangki o kita o kamang
Name Age Sex Civil Status Date of Birth Place of Birth Religion Home Address
: : : : : : : :
Arben Anthony Q. Saavedra 19 Male Single May 5, 1991 Iligan City Roman Catholici
sm 0008-B #2 Morning Sun Apartment Brgy. San Miguel, Iligan CIty
Citizenship Fathers Name Mothers Name
: : :
Filipino Ramon Pablo Saavedra Zenaida Quitos Saavedra
Educational Attainment
Elementary High School
: :
La Salle Academy (2003) Mindanao State University-Integrated Developmental Schoo
l (2007)
College Course
: :
MSU Iligan Institute of Technology (2011) Bachelor of Arts Major in English
EXTRA CURRICULAR ACTIVITIES: English Tutor at Echavez Elementary School, Barinau
t, Iligan City (2010-2011) Elementary Tutor at RTC International Tutorial and Re
view Center (2010) English Tutor to Korean students (Dec 2008-Feb 2009) AB Engli
sh Organization Member (2007-2011)
Attended the following: Content-Based Instruction Seminar November 14, 2009 Pre-S
ervice Training for Tutors of Slow Learners in the Elementary Grade November 8,
2010 Current Trends and Issues in ELT February 28, 2011 Making a Difference: Shar
ing and Reflection on Social Responsibility and Service Work January 18, 2011
Personal Data
Name Age Sex Civil Status Date of Birth Place of Birth Religion Home Address Cit
izenship Fathers Name Mothers Name
: : : : : : : : : : :
Tisha Camille R. Claro 21 Female Single February 19, 1990 Iligan City Roman Cath
olic Purok Rosal A Villaverde, Iligan City Filipino Roquillo Laure Claro Remedio
s Remo Claro
Educational Attainment
Elementary High School
: :
Iligan City East Central School (2003) Mindanao State University-Integrated Deve
lopmental School (2007)
College Course
: :
MSU Iligan Institute of Technology (2011) Bachelor of Arts Major in English
EXTRA CURRICULAR ACTIVITIES: English Tutor at Echavez Elementary School, Barinau
t, Iligan City (2010-2011) Sangguniang Kabataan Elected Official (2007-2010) AB
English Organization Member (2007-2011)
Attended the following: Content-Based Instruction Seminar November 14, 2009 Pre-S
ervice Training for Tutors of Slow Learners in the Elementary Grade November 8,
2010 Current Trends and Issues in ELT February 28, 2011 Making a Difference: Shar
ing and Reflection on Social Responsibility and Service Work January 18, 2011