Regulating Urban Form In Toronto: A Conceptual Framework for Urban Design Policies

WENDY JACOBSON
Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University

This paper describes the conceptual framework that underlies urban design policies in
the City of Toronto's 1991 Official Plan. It identifies five policy content areas and cites theoretical
and methodological sources for each area. The paper addresses a deficiency that has been
highlighted in a number of studies focused on the content of urban design plans in the United
States and England (Southworth, 1989; Carmona, 1996; Punter, 1996). These studies suggest
that there is a need to formulate substantive theoretical and methodological constructs to support
urban design policy recommendations, a conclusion that is consistent with the findings of other
researchers (Moudon, 1992; Lang, 1994) who have surveyed the literature of urban design and
have found a preponderance of normative material, despite the availability of a significant body
of descriptive, substantive research drawn from related disciplines, that could inform urban
design practice.
In the absence of a well-defined conceptual framework, the basis for prescriptive visions
is left open to question and the credibility of urban design policies is eroded. There is a need to
document the theoretical basis for formulating policies, in order to bridge the gap between
substantive knowledge and effective action. This paper represents an initial step toward
developing a conceptual model that could be applied by practitioners seeking a substantive
foundation for urban design policy recommendations. The paper begins with a brief account of
the background that gave rise to Toronto's policy framework, prior to describing its five content
areas and their sources in theory. It concludes with an outline of further study necessary to
develop Toronto's representative policy framework into a conceptual model capable of broader
application.

Background:

In 1991, for the first time a chapter was devoted to urban design policies in Toronto's
new official plan, Cityplan 91. This marked the culmination of ongoing work by members of the
Planning and Development Department's Architecture and Urban Design Division, under the
guidance of Director Marc Baraness. The team had spent several years developing and testing
the conceptual framework for the policies, in an effort to ensure that it would provide rigorous,
comprehensive, and consistent direction for physical form interventions in the city.
Four salient content areas emerged in the process of developing the urban design policy
framework:
public realm, which deals with shaping urban public space and the building walls that frame it;
morphology, which addresses the underlying structural features that give the city its character
and identity;
typology, which deals with the generic characteristics of urban elements such as streets, blocks,
lots, buildings, and public spaces; and
pedestrian needs, which addresses the physical, social, and cultural needs of the people who
use urban spaces.
A fifth area, environmental process, deals with the impacts of interdependent natural and
human processes on urban form. This component was addressed comprehensively as a
separate chapter of Toronto's Cityplan document, however since environmental content has
come to be regarded as a fundamental urban design consideration (Hough, 1984; Spirn, 1984;
Shirvani, 1985; White, 1994; Moughtin, 1996), in this paper it is embraced as a primary
component of the conceptual framework.

Policy Context

Prior to describing the content areas of the policy framework it is important to note the
role of local context in determining specific policy directions. Although a conceptual framework
provides a generic structure and identifies typical content areas for policy studies, the policies
that result will be particular, shaped by local political, economic and legal conditions, by
prevalent attitudes toward the roles of public and private interests in shaping the urban realm,
and by other public concerns, particularly social and environmental considerations (Lang, 1996).
A statement of goals, objectives, and principles that respond to local social, economic, and
political factors forms an essential component of the urban design policy framework, since these
factors determine policy directions within the generic content areas.
The objectives for Toronto's urban design policies were identified after a lengthy public
participation process. These objectives are included in a Proposals Report (1991a) that sets out
the rationale for policy formulation. The document calls for shared public and private
responsibility for creating a high quality public realm; preserving the natural and constructed
urban patterns that lend character and identity to the city; and adopting a consistent approach to
urban design policy that is mindful of the longterm legacy of physical interventions in the city.

Policy Framework: The Content Areas

1. Shaping the Public Realm

According to Denise Scott Brown, urban design is concerned with creating a cohesive
setting for public life, by forging "connections and linkages between parts of the city at all scales,
from the region to the individual building" (Scott Brown, 1990: 26). Consistent with this
definition, Toronto's urban design policy accords primacy to urban public space as the
fundamental structuring and connecting element of urban form. The policy framework addresses
two-dimensional (locational) and three-dimensional (volumetric) spatial factors in shaping a
setting for urban public life.
Urban design literature presents many theories supporting the principle that public space
should structure urban form (Sitte, 1889; Lynch, 1960; Cullen, 1961; Bacon, 1974; Alexander et
al, 1977; Krier, 1979; Ashihara, 1981; Hedman, 1984; Trancik, 1986; Duany, 1991), in fields of
inquiry that have been described variously as "picturesque" (Moudon, 1992) or "figure-ground"
theory (Trancik, 1986). Picturesque design applications are so named because they attempt to
capture and manipulate pictorial and spatial qualities of the urban environment, with the
assumption that human perception of the city can be manipulated by altering the physical
elements that frame visual experience. However Lang (1994) points out that there has been little
substantive research to support picturesque urban design theory, and empirical bases for many
commonly held assumptions about the effects of physical environment on human perception and
behavior have yet to be conclusively established through human behavior/environment studies.
The two-dimensional factors that affect the shape and character of the urban public
realm encompass locational aspects of urban spaces and the buildings that frame them. For
example, the disposition of urban spaces one to another and to the street, affects potentials for
making connections among them, and creating the cohesive public realm to which Scott Brown
refers. Although decisions about locating an urban public space may be influenced by planning
criteria such as population density or proximity, for urban design purposes siting usually will be
affected by the morphology of the urban context, by typological characteristics of the particular
space, or by environmental process considerations.
Toronto's policies on locating urban spaces (City of Toronto, 1991a) are derived from a
strategy for creating a city-wide system of linked public spaces. The system consists of two
simple elements: a series of public "places" of various types, and the "routes", or linear
connections that link them. The routes comprise landscaped streets, natural ravine corridors,
and defunct transportation and utility corridors that have been fully or partially given over to
pedestrian use. Route locations are determined by morphological characteristics of the urban
context: the ravine corridors are significant components of the city's natural structure, while the
streets and utility corridors are elements of the constructed morphology. The locations of the
system's "places" derive from either morphological or typological characteristics. Usually new
urban parks will be located to take advantage of a unique attribute of the city's natural
morphology, such as a riverfront or ravine, while the siting of a new plaza will be influenced by
typological norms, which dictate a location fronting a building, and bordered on at least one side
by a street.
The location of buildings represents another two-dimensional consideration: the
consistency of building setbacks from the street and the continuity of the building frontages that
form the "walls" of urban spaces affect perceptions of the cohesiveness of the public realm.
Toronto's policies identify consistent building setbacks from the front property line at grade and
and at upper stories, and lateral setbacks to maintain streetwall continuity. They also call for the
type and organization of building functions to enhance street activity, since connections between
urban places are usually not achieved solely through physical form - human activity is an equally
important means of forging linkages.
Ultimately the city is experienced not in two dimensions, but rather as a composite of
three-dimensional spaces. Policies governing the structure of the public realm must encompass
volumetric concerns related to building massing. A theoretical basis for shaping the built walls of
the public realm may be gleaned from what Moudon (1992) has described as "image studies"
(Ashihara 1981; Blumenfeld 1953) and from morphological and typological analyses of street
structure (Anderson, 1978; Jacobs, 1993). The Toronto Cityplan policies address the height,
continuity and proportion of building bases and the height and disposition of upper storey
setbacks, since these factors are critical to achieving continuity and pleasing proportions in
streets and other public spaces. The policies also seek to establish visually coherent patterns of
building heights, and call attention to the need for incremental transitions where changes in
height occur.

2. Morphology: Acknowledging Natural and Constructed Urban Orders

Contextual compatibility has become a prominent and often controversial issue in the
practice of urban design (Hedman, 1984; Shirvani, 1990; Lang, 1994), with recognition of the
structural importance of existing urban patterns in virtually all urban design interventions.
Whether an urban design initiative involves fitting new development into an existing context or
creating new morphologies in a redevelopment area, preserving, extending, or creating
contextual patterns will be of concern. Consequently the morphology, or structure of the city
comprises the second major content area of the policy model.
For urban design purposes, the study of urban morphology is undertaken with the aim of
identifying salient natural and constructed patterns of urban form and gaining an understanding
of the factors that have shaped them. Natural patterns include topography, waterbodies,
vegetation, and other prominent natural features which have had lasting formative influences on
urban settlement. Constructed morphology derives from human settlement, including patterns of
neighbourhoods, streets, blocks, lots, and transportation infrastructure, public buildings,
prominent sites, landmarks, and districts of special physical or cultural character. Policies arising
from this content area may call for preserving, enhancing, extending, or in some cases, restoring
morphological features that lend character and identity to an urban setting.
While San Francisco's urban design plans (1971, 1985b) represent North American
precedents for policies based on morphological considerations, the work of English and
European urban morphologists such as M.R.G. Conzen, Whitehand, and Muratori (Slater, 1990;
Moudon, 1987b; Samuels, 1990) provides a theoretical foundation. However, this research has
not had as wide exposure or as direct an effect on urban design practice in North America as it
has had in Europe.1
The morphological urban design policies contained in Toronto's Plan '91 document result
from a comprehensive analysis (City of Toronto, 1992a) that identifies structural patterns and
combinations of patterns that characterize the city, and provides a substantive basis for urban
design policies dealing with contextual issues. Examples of these policies include: retaining and
restoring natural features such as the waterfront and ravines; retaining characteristic street
patterns by prohibiting street closures; emphasizing the street grid pattern by regulating the
alignment of buildings; and identifying prominent sites, streets, and areas of atypical morphology
that should be subject to detailed urban design guidelines.

3. Typology: Generic Characteristics of Urban Elements

A typological approach to urban design regulation generates policies that address

structural rather than stylistic aspects of urban physical form. Typological studies describe the
generic, structural characteristics of urban elements. This provides a useful means of
understanding the internal organization and formal qualities of a particular element (be it a street,
block, lot, building, or public space), and the contextual relationships that determine its
compatibility with the surrounding urban fabric. Importantly, typological analysis can provide a
means of discriminating between fundamental characteristics that provide consistency of urban
form and continuity over time (for example spatial structure and scale, relationships of adjacency
or mediation between public and private realms), and mutable features that can vary in character
and expression in response to site-specific conditions or stylistic intent, without affecting the
stability of the city's underlying physical structure and the quality of the public realm. This
approach can inform urban design policy, helping to determine which factors should be regulated
to retain contextual continuity, and which can be left to the discretion of the designer. Typology
therefore represents an important content area of the urban design policy model.
The theoretical and methodological basis for typological study of urban elements derives
from European literature, in the work of Muratori, Aymonino, Caniggia, Panerai, and Moneo
(Moudon 1987b, Samuels 1990)2, Leon Krier (1978,1992), Rob Krier (1979), Ungers (1978),
Castex (1979), and Rossi (1982). North American precedents for typological study lie in the work
of Baird (1978), Moudon (1986), Jacobs (1993), and Valle (1995). The work of Duany and
Plater-Zyberk (1991, 1994), and Scheer and Preiser (1994) offers precedents for developing
regulatory policies and zoning codes from typological analyses of urban structural elements.
Typological policies may address any of the basic "building blocks" of urban form:
streets, blocks, lots, buildings, and public spaces. A classification of street types by scale, land
use, built form and landscape character, can inform policies regulating building height and
massing, as well as location of primary building functions such as address and entry, or
secondary functions, such as servicing. A block typology may reveal consistencies in size,
shape, disposition of open space to built areas, patterns of lot parcellation or building units, or
presence of secondary circulation routes such as service alleys or midblock pedestrian
connections. These structural characteristics affect urban design policies for locating public
spaces (whether at midblock or on corner sites, adjacent to the street or within the interior of the
block) and functions such as servicing. Relevant typological attributes of lots include
characteristics of size (particularly length-to-width relationships), shape, location on the block,
and orientation to the street. These factors affect the "grain", or texture of the urban fabric, and
the feasibility of particular building types.
Building type characteristics of relevance to urban design policy are primarily those that
describe features that mediate between public and private realms. Some of these characteristics
include location of public, and semi-public functions, position of entrances and sequence of
entry, all of which may be subject to urban design regulation. Other pertinent features of building
type include the disposition of the building on the lot, as well as critical height and floorplate
dimensions, all factors that influence the floor area ratio range that is compatible with a particular
building type.
An urban space typology can provide insight into factors such as typical size, location,
edge conditions, use, internal organization, and connecting role within the larger network of
spaces in the public domain. Rob Krier's catalogue of urban spaces (1979) establishes a
benchmark for typological study of the formal characteristics of urban public spaces, while
Cooper Marcus and Francis (1990) have contributed an equally valuable study focused on social
factors. The open space classifications established by the City of San Francisco (1985a), and by
Duany and Plater-Zyberk (1994), represent precedents for applying a typological approach to
formulating urban design policy.
Toronto's Cityplan '91 includes general design criteria for urban spaces that were derived
from a typological study of the city's public spaces (City of Toronto, 1991b). Policies regulating
building densities in mixed use areas are similarly based on a comprehensive analysis of
building types (City of Toronto, 1990). An unpublished typological assessment of Toronto's
downtown streets also informed policies regulating building heights and massing, and measures
addressing the type, quality, and disposition of streetscape elements such as paving, planting,
and lighting.

4. Meeting Pedestrian Needs

Many physical design factors affect the comfort, safety, and enjoyment of people who
experience the city on foot. Consequently policies related to pedestrian needs constitute a fourth
content area of the policy framework. Considerations pertinent to pedestrian amenity include
social interaction and meaningful experience, scale relationships and microclimatic conditions at
street level, safety and ease of circulation, and vitality and interest in the street environment.
Many of these factors are common to allied content areas of the policy framework, but for
descriptive purposes it is useful to consolidate pedestrian amenity considerations in a single
content area.
Policies that seek to enhance social interaction and provide for meaningful experience
address the social and cultural content of the urban environment. Empirically based
environment-behavior research offers supportive theory for this area of the policy framework.
Research on the use of urban space (Jacobs, 1961; Whyte, 1980; Gehl, 1987; Cooper Marcus
and Francis, 1990) can inform policies regulating the size, scale, location, and configuration of
public spaces, to enhance opportunities for social interaction among users. There is also a body
of literature that addresses cultural content in public space (Rapoport, 1977; Carr et al, 1992;
Hayden, 1995). In particular, art in the public realm has become an accepted means of
interpreting the cultural meanings invested in urban spaces, and enhancing the legibility of the
city. Consequently urban design policies often address public art initiatives.
Street proportion, or scale, is another key factor that affects pedestrian experience in the
city. While it is generally acknowledged that scale relationships in urban spaces are governed by
the location, height and massing of adjacent buildings (Blumenfeld, 1953; Ashihara, 1981; Gehl,
1987), there is limited empirical research to support the identification of scale relationships that
are optimum for pedestrian experience. Toronto's policies regulate maximum desirable building
heights at the street edge, and require upper storey setbacks to reduce impacts on the
perception of building scale by pedestrians.
Microclimatic comfort at street level is addressed in provisions for weather-protected
pedestrian areas, or through policies that regulate building height and massing in order to attain
predetermined standards for sunlight access and wind mitigation in pedestrian spaces.
Methodological precedents for pedestrian comfort studies can be found in the work of
researchers such as Bosselmann and Arens (1984). Toronto's policies for achieving comfortable
microclimatic conditions in the public realm were based on the results of a detailed study of the
sun and wind conditions arising from existing and potential "build-out" conditions in selected
downtown streets and public spaces (City of Toronto 1991d). Standards for acceptable sunlight
and wind conditions were developed from this analysis, and in some areas restrictions were
placed on building massing, to ensure that suitable pedestrian comfort levels would be
maintained in the future.
Safety and security of pedestrians is another salient factor that is addressed in policies
that deal with lighting levels, and visibility/overlook characteristics in urban spaces. A theoretical
foundation for pedestrian safety policies is found in defensible space theory (Newman, 1972),
and in the "safe cities" approach (Wekerle and Whitzman, 1995), which draws on empirical
research into environmental design factors that mitigate potential for crime in urban
environments. Toronto's urban design policies respond to these concerns by incorporating
criteria for public safety in the site plan review process.
The vitality and interest of the urban environment also enhances pedestrian experience.
Urban design policies address streetscape elements such as landscaping, paving materials,
street furniture, signage, and lighting, that enrich the experience of the urban pedestrian realm
(Shirvani, 1985). While articulation of building facades, proportions of fenestration, and qualities
of texture and detail are also commonly regarded as architectural factors that affect pedestrian
amenity (Hedman, 1984; Shirvani, 1985), Toronto's Cityplan '91 policies stop short of addressing
these architectural features.

5. Environmental Process

Increasingly urban designers are tending to regard the city not as a constructed system
that exists separately from the environmental processes that support it, but rather as an integral
part of a broader system of interdependent natural and human processes. This changing
paradigm suggests that the healthy functioning of urban ecological systems will become a critical
determinant in shaping urban form, with significant consequences for urban design policy. The
fifth content area of the policy model therefore deals with the impacts of environmental process
on urban form, from a regional or citywide scale, to the scale of the individual building or public
space. Energy efficiency, waste recycling, air and water quality, stormwater drainage, urban
forest management, habitat preservation, and microclimatic comfort are among the
environmental factors that have implications for the physical form of the city, and are addressed
by urban design policies. The primary theoretical sources for this content area lie in what
Moudon (1992) has described as "nature-ecology studies" (Spirn, 1984; Hough, 1984; Moughtin,
1992; Lang, 1994; Lyle, 1994; White, 1994), with supportive theory drawn from empirically-based
natural science and engineering studies.
One overall goal of Toronto's 1991 comprehensive plan is to balance growth in the city
by discouraging urban sprawl and promoting residential intensification in selected
neighborhoods. This will produce more energy-efficient urban form, by consolidating
development to optimize the use of transportation and utility infrastructure, and to reduce
commuting trips between home and workplace destinations. The consolidation of building density
will be regulated by urban design policies that guide the disposition of building massing at district
and site scales, through area-specific urban design plans. There is a considerable body of
supportive literature focused on energy considerations related to sustainable urban development
(Van der Ryn, 1986; Calthorpe, 1993; Lyle, 1994; White, 1994).
Building orientation may also be subject to regulation, with the aim of reducing energy
consumption by encouraging use of renewable energy processes such as passive solar heating
and cooling. There is a growing body of research to inform policy decisions in this area (Olgyay,
1963; Knowles, 1981; Matus, 1988). In addition there is evidence to suggest that street
geometry and orientation, and the presence of trees can affect the heat gains that contribute to
urban heat islands (McPherson, 1994). These are considerations for urban design policies
aimed at achieving natural cooling effects and reducing expenditures of non-renewable energy.
Water quality and stormwater drainage represent urban design concerns at regional,
citywide, and site scales. For example, there is considerable potential for emulating the natural
hydrological cycle by providing retention and infiltration sites for stormwater runoff and "grey"
domestic wastewater, in urban open spaces (Hough, 1984; Spirn, 1984, Lyle, 1994). Where
these measures are applied at the scale of regional watersheds, they have significant
implications for the configuration of entire urban open space systems. At a site scale, urban
design policies may address the size, location, and design of individual public spaces, in
response to stormwater objectives.

Further Study

The conceptual framework that underlies Toronto's Cityplan '91 urban design policies
provides a useful vehicle to describe generic components of urban design policy studies. The
content areas of public realm, morphology, typology, pedestrian needs, and environmental
process typically recur in most policy studies, however the nature and complexity of the
relationships among them varies substantially from study to study. While for descriptive
purposes it is useful to address each of the five content areas individually, in practice they are
not encountered discretely: the relationships among them overlap, and successive urban design
policy initiatives tend to reveal new combinations of the content areas.
Although the conceptual framework for Toronto's urban design policies had been
developed and tested prior to Plan formulation, it was never documented explicitly.
Consequently, describing it requires reconstruction of its theoretical origins, which are eclectic in
nature, and draw from a number of sources. The process of reconstruction produces a partial
result that provides a departure point for further study. This description of the Toronto policy
framework comprises the first of a series of studies. Subsequently the framework will be
compared to other conceptual models, and the results tested against several urban design policy
documents of acknowledged quality that have been produced by public agencies in other cities.
Ultimately this analysis should produce a composite model describing typical content areas of
urban design policy studies and some representative relationships among them. The model
should prove useful to practitioners as a basis for formulating urban design policy documents
and for identifying sources of substantive research to support common assumptions.

Notes
1 Exceptions include the work of Anne Vernez Moudon, George Baird, and Stanford Anderson in
the area of typomorphological study, Michael Conzen and James E. Vance, Jr. in the field of
urban morphology. However this research appears not to have had the wide dissemination and
consequent influence among North American practitioners as the Italian research, for example,
has had upon their European counterparts.

2 The work of the Italian and French typomorphologists is largely inaccessible to American
readers since little of it has been translated into English. However both Moudon and Samuels
provide useful overviews of the evolution of this body of work.

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