Shannon Gu

Professor Naomi Sokoloff

HONORS 345

21 May 2017

How to be American:
A Story of Seattles Chinese Community in Newspapers and Fiction

The way that Seattles Chinatown appears now reveals very little about its own history as

well as that of the community residing in it. Chinatown has been the home of Chinese immigrants

and their families for decades, but it has been anything but stable and peaceful over the course of

history due to pervasive anti-Chinese sentiment. Seattle newspapers in particular were major

contributors in shaping the public perception of the Chinese community, publishing articles riddled

with prejudice; they also did not feature Chinese voices and opinions, leading to a very one-sided

view of history. Jamie Fords historical fiction novel Hotel on the Corner of Bitter and Sweet fixes

the lack of Chinese perspective through Henry Lee, a Chinese American boy living in Seattles

Chinatown during World War II. Henrys experiences regarding culture, identity, and

discrimination fill in the gaps of representation where Seattle news media failed; together, Hotel

and Seattle news media form a cohesive history of Seattles Chinese community.

Discrimination against the Chinese started when they first arrived in Seattle in the 1860s,

and became even more pronounced in Seattle newspapers not long after. Xenophobia first

manifested as anti-Chinese legislation and riots, but from the 1870s onward, it also became a

prominent feature in Seattles local news (Chin and Bacho, 1984). In 1877, one newspaper

proclaimed that the Chinese were [flooding] our land and [grinding] the face of our poor still

deeper into the dust, while the Seattle Post-Intelligencer declared in 1885 that The civilization

1
of the Pacific Coastcannot be half Caucasian and half Mongolian (Chin and Bacho 1984).

Newspapers readily reported anti-Chinese sentiment and fueled it further, given their widespread

influence. Considering the standards of journalism todayto be fair and accurate, to never

manipulate facts, and to serve the public (Society of Professional Journalists 2014)one may

wonder if the same standards were in place during the 19th century. If they were, then that implies

that discriminating against Chinese immigrants in the news was considered fair for the American

people; using their leverage, Seattle media justified Americans fears and hatred of the Chinese.

In the 1900s, Seattle medias portrayal of the Chinese community shifted from overt

discrimination to microaggressions, which helped normalize unfavorable stereotypes. Negative

perceptions of the Chinese carried on long after the initial wave of Chinese immigration, seemingly

becoming integrated in society. For instance, a 1931 Seattle Daily Times article remarked, In

recent weeks members of the Chinese colony are to be seen in every downtown brokerage

officeThe love of gambling seems to be born in these Orientals (Right Now! Chinatown

Gambling 1931). By referring to the Chinese as a colony and these Orientals, the article

insinuates that the Chinese will always be outsiders in America. Furthermore, it makes sweeping

generalizations about the whole Chinese community based on observations of a few people, using

the phrase the love of gambling seems to be born to suggest that the Chinese community is

flawed by nature. Hotel presents a direct impact of stereotyping through Henrys experiences of

being bullied: His teacher, Mrs. Walker, who rarely spoke to Henry, didnt stop the inappropriate

and off-color remarks [from his peers]. And she never once called him to the blackboard to figure

a math problem, thinking he didnt understand English (Ford 2009, 17). Henrys teacher not doing

anything about the harassment shows how common and admissible it was to discriminate against

the Chinese; her own assumption that Henry cannot speak English is complicit in such perceptions.

2
Seattle media played a profound role in the negative perceptions of the Chinese community, the

effects of which Henry has to deal with in Hotel.

Chinese individuals were more positively received if they demonstrated they were less

traditional and more American, which is a recurring theme in both Seattle news media and Hotel.

For the Chinese, assimilation into American culture was a way to lessen the discrimination against

them and to be more accepted. In Hotel, Henrys parents encourage him to only speak English and

to present himself as more American than Chinese; in one scene, he and his love interest, a

Japanese American girl named Keiko, discuss their identities as Asian American: She

smiledIm Japanese. But American first. Did your parents teach you to say that? He bit his

words as they came out, afraid of hurting her feelings again. After all, his parents told him to say

the same thing (Ford 2009, 23). Both Henry and Keiko use the phrase American first to defend

themselves and emphasize that they belong in Seattle and in the U.S. The fact that they prioritize

their American identity over their Asian identity, though, underscores a sense of shame of their

Asian heritage, as they are not readily accepted for it. Seattle media of the time appeared to

embrace the assimilation of the Chinese community, portraying them in a positive light if they

were American enough. One example is a 1950 Seattle Sunday Times feature on a University of

Washington student named Warren Chan, a Chinese American undergraduate who obtained a law

degree (Heilman 1950). The article includes a photo of him and his bride with the caption, Their

names are Chinese; their hearts American, and then repeatedly points out how American Chan

is by saying things like His hair is straight and black. His eyes are oval. And hes as American as

the Stars and Stripes and Warren Chan is an American through and through, even if he is a

Chinese American (Heilman 1950). Despite that the feature is supposed to celebrate Chans

accomplishment as the first Chinese law graduate in 14 years, the article is strangely fixated on

3
reiterating that Chan is American. It also shows a reluctance to accept Chan for his Chinese roots

by noting his un-American appearance and using the phrase even if he is a Chinese American.

Simply put, members of the Chinese community were considered as either Chinese or American,

but never both. While the word American refers to citizens of the U.S., the Chinese community,

despite living in Seattle for decades, was not truly accepted as American until they cast aside their

heritage.

A motif in the story of Seattles Chinese community, both in the news and in Hotel, is food,

which plays a more integral role in perception and identity than many may realize. Food is

significant because it is a symbol of culture, but it is not always a source of pride. Since Chinese

food is so different from American food, it was used as another indicator of how un-American

the Chinese were. For example, Henry is relieved when his mother does not pack him traditional

Chinese food for lunch: Whats for lunch today? Henry handed over his lunch box. Same as

always. An egg-olive sandwich, carrot straws, and an apple pear. At least his mother was kind

enough to pack him an American lunch (Ford 2009, 14). Given how much more accepting people

were when the Chinese presented themselves as more American, as shown in the article about

Warren Chan, Henry sees an American lunch as a shield against discrimination. To him, having

Chinese food would have made him the target of more bullying; he disconnects from a part of his

cultural identity to fit into American society. Henrys discomfort with the food of his heritage

relates closely to the rise of Americanized Chinese restaurants in Seattle. Around the 1940s,

advertisements for Chinese restaurants began popping up in The Seattle Daily Times, with

messages like PERFECT FOOD: Chinese or American full course dinners (Chinatowns

Gayest Nite Spot 1940). Chinese food was also usually not advertised on its own, sharing ad

space with nightlife activities like floor shows, live music and erotic dances (Chinatowns Gayest

4
Nite Spot 1940, Louies Chinese Garden 1942). As Chinese establishments were owned by

immigrants or the children of immigrants, the advertising of American food alongside Chinese

food suggests a desire to be respected. In addition, selling Chinese food at American nightlife

events appears to be an attempt at making Chinese food more familiar and accessible. Sacrificing

traditional parts of Chinese culture, especially food, was a necessity to appeal to Americans.

When Asian ingredients became commodities in Seattle, Chinese food became susceptible

to appropriation, as it was no longer associated directly with the immigrants who cooked it. In

1946, a Seattle Sunday Times article proclaimed Chinatown as one of the most fascinating

sections of Seattle, primarily citing goods from the owners native land (Pitcairn Strachan

1946). The article, written by Margaret Pitcairn Strachan, takes on a prose-like quality when

describing Chinatown:

The windows of the shops present the most wonderful variety for window-shoppers which

I have ever seen. Enormous enamel pans filled with white bean sprouts stand next to rows

of green Chinese squashand tremendous gold cannisters of Chinese tea. Besides this

variety of goods Tuck Shing carries canned abalones from California and sacks of rice. The

abalones are used in stews or chop suey. (Pitcairn Strachan 1946)

Pitcairn Strachans tone is that of childlike wonderment as she observes all that Chinatown has to

offer. Her descriptions and explanations, however, are problematic for several reasons. First, she

talks about Chinatown as if it had never been discovered before, despite Asian immigrants having

lived there since the late 1800s. Second, she almost never quotes the Chinese residents to explain

their customs and goods, instead explaining everything herself; as she is an outsider to the Asian

community, her credibility is dubious at best. Without giving proper ownership of Chinatowns

businesses to the residents who run them, she opens the door for appropriation by non-Asian

5
Seattle residents. A major example of appropriation in Hotel is from Henrys sons girlfriend,

Samantha: Samantha had gone inside [Uwajimaya] to pick up a few thingsshe insisted on

making dinner for all of them, a Chinese dinner. Why, or what she might be trying to prove, Henry

couldnt ascertain (Ford 2009, 136). Then, after Samantha comes back, she tells Henry: Youre

in for a treat this evening. Im making my special black-bean crabIm also making choy sum

with spiced oyster sauceI even got a little green-tea ice cream for dessertshe didnt know the

ice cream was Japanese (Ford 2009, 139). In an ironic turn of events, Samantha, who is American,

wants to be accepted by Henry, who is Chinese, so she tries to adopt parts of Chinese culture. Her

incomplete understanding of the culture, however, makes her a culprit in appropriation. She is very

forthright about the dishes she will make and emphasizes the Asian ingredients, going so far as to

say that the dishes are hers and are special. What makes Samanthas exchange with Henry

awkward is that she was never in any danger of discrimination or exclusion due to her heritage, so

she has no need to demonstrate that she can be Chinese. Henry even notes that he does not know

what she is trying to prove. Samantha and Pitcairn Strachan, while having good intentions, are

ignorant of the inequality between them and the Chinese community; they can comfortably

showcase and utilize parts of Chinese culture, like food, while the Chinese community cannot do

the same without consequence.

The appropriation of Chinese culture makes no acknowledgment of the discrimination the

Chinese endured, which has further negative implications for their sense of identity and belonging.

In her article about Chinatown, Pitcairn Strachan remarks, Some of the picturesqueness of

Seattles Chinese has been lost in their acceptance of American dress and ways (1946). She

objectifies the Chinese residents, valuing them only for their cultures aesthetic appeal, and

dismisses the complexity behind their choice to adopt American customs. In essence, she implies

6
that they would be appreciated more if they were less American, because their Chinese heritage is

so picturesque. Pitcairn Strachan has no understanding of the struggles with identity that the

Chinese regularly face. They are torn between keeping tradition alive and sacrificing it for

acceptance, which is something that Henry in Hotel never truly comes to terms with; in the

beginning of the novel, his parents make him wear an I am Chinese button, but later, they change

their minds: His father reached in his shirt pocket and drew out a button. This one read Im an

American, in red, white, and blue block lettering. He handed it to Henry, who glared and refused

to take it (Ford 2009, 142). Henry faces contradictory expectations of who he should be, a

dilemma that is rooted so deeply in the history of his community. The conflict is something that

cannot possibly be understood by Americans, who discriminate against the Chinese as people but

love Chinese as a culture.

Ultimately, Hotel on the Corner of Bitter and Sweet lends a voice to Seattles Chinese

population through Henry, a voice which was neglected in Seattle news media throughout the

1900s. Depictions of the Chinese community were tainted by outright racism and subtle

stereotyping, but were more positive only towards Americanized Chinese. Henrys life experiences

provide an inside perspective on the impact of such portrayals, outlining how stereotypes were the

basis of him being bullied and how the pressure to assimilate was the result of his community

being ostracized. As Seattles Chinatown became a thriving business district, the news portrayed

Chinese culture as fascinating and exotic, which was a stepping stone for cultural appropriation,

as the culture was detached from the people who comprised it; an older Henry notices the ignorance

of appropriation in his sons girlfriend, Samantha. Overall, 1900s Seattle news media never

showed true respect to individuals of Chinese heritage, which is why Hotels perspective from

within the Chinese community is so important. Hotel is a testament to the significance of

7
representation; by putting a face and a voice to Seattles Chinese community, Hotel challenges the

discriminatory nature of historical Seattle journalism, providing a fuller and fairer picture of the

communitys history.

8
 Works Cited

Chin, Doug, and Peter Bacho. "A History of an Urban Ethnic Community: Asian Americans and

the Development of Seattle's International District." The International Examiner.

International Examiner, 17 Oct. 1984. Web. 1 June 2017.

Chinatowns Gayest Nite Spot. The Seattle Daily Times 30 Dec. 1940: 5. Print.

Ford, Jamie. Hotel on the Corner of Bitter and Sweet. New York: Random House, 2009. Print.

Heilman, Robert. Fledgling Lawyer. The Seattle Sunday Times 11 June 1950: 18. Print.

Louies Chinese Garden. The Seattle Daily Times 23 Feb. 1942: 13. Print.

Pitcairn Strachan, Margaret. Atmosphere of Orient in Seattle Chinatown. The Seattle Sunday

Times 19 May 1946: 51. Print.

Society of Professional Journalists. "SPJ Code of Ethics." Society of Professional Journalists.

Society of Professional Journalists, 6 Sept. 2014. Web. 04 June 2017.

Right Now! Chinatown Gambling. The Seattle Daily Times 4 Apr. 1931: 1. Print.