(Series in Affective Science) Jodi Quas, Robyn Fivush-Emotion in Memory and Development - Biological, Cognitive, and Social Considerations - Oxford University Press, USA (2009) PDF

Emotion and Memory in Development
Series in Affective Science

Series Editors
RICHARD J. DAVIDSON and KLAUS R. SCHERER
The series was founded in 1982 by Paul Ekman and
Klaus R. Scherer.
The Nature of Emotion: Fundamental Appraisal Processes in Emotion: Theory,

Questions Methods, Research
Edited by Paul Ekman and Richard J. Davidson Edited by Klaus R. Scherer, Angela Schorr,
Boo! Culture, Experience, and the Startle and Tom Johnstone
Reflex Music and Emotion: Theory and Research
Ronald Simons Edited by Patrik N. Juslin and John A. Sloboda
Emotions in Psychopathology: Theory and Nonverbal Behavior in Clinical Settings
Research Edited by Pierre Philippot, Robert S.
Edited by William F. Flack Jr. and James D. Feldman, and Erik J. Coats
Laird Memory and Emotion
What the Face Reveals: Basic and Applied Edited by Daniel Reisberg and Paula Hertel
Studies of Spontaneous Expression Using Psychology of Gratitude
the Facial Action Coding System (FACS) Edited by Robert A. Emmons and Michael E.
Edited by Paul Ekman and Erika Rosenberg McCullough
Shame: Interpersonal Behavior, Thinking about Feeling: Contemporary
Psychopathology, and Culture Philosophers on Emotions
Edited by Paul Gilbert and Bernice Andrews Edited by Robert C. Solomon
Affective Neuroscience: The Foundations of Bodily Sensibility: Intelligent Action
Human and Animal Emotions Edited by Jay Schulkin
Jaak Panksepp
Who Needs Emotions? The Brain Meets the
Extreme Fear, Shyness, and Social Phobia: Robot
Origins, Biological Mechanisms, and Edited by Jean-Marc Fellous and Michael A.
Clinical Outcomes Arbib
Edited by Louis A. Schmidt and Jay
What the Face Reveals: Basic and Applied
Schulkin
Studies of Spontaneous Expression Using
Cognitive Neuroscience of Emotion the Facial Action Coding System (FACS),
Edited by Richard D. Lane and Lynn Nadel Second Edition
The Neuropsychology of Emotion Edited by Paul Ekman and Erika L. Rosenberg
Edited by Joan C. Borod The Development of Social Engagement:
Anxiety, Depression, and Emotion Neurobiological Perspectives
Edited by Richard J. Davidson Edited by Peter J. Marshall and Nathan A. Fox
Persons, Situations, and Emotions: Handbook of Emotion Elicitation and Assessment

An Ecological Approach Edited by James A. Coan and John J. B. Allen
Edited by Hermann Brandsttter and Andrzej
Emotion and Memory in Development:
Eliasz
Biological, Cognitive, and Social
Emotion, Social Relationships, and Health Considerations
Edited by Carol D. Ryff and Burton Singer Edited by Jodi A. Quas and Robyn Fivush
Emotion and Memory
in Development
Biological, Cognitive, and Social
Considerations
Edited by
Jodi A. Quas
Robyn Fivush
1
2009
1
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Data Emotion and memory in development : biological, cognitive,
and social considerations / edited by Jodi A. Quas and Robyn Fivush.
p. cm.(Series in affective science ; 24)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-19-532693-2
1 Memory in children 2 Emotions in children 3 Child psychology
I Quas, Jodi A II Fivush, Robyn
BF723.M4E46 2009
155.41312dc22
2008043029
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
Preface
Jodi A. Quas, University of California, Irvine
Robyn Fivush, Emory University
T he question of how well children can recall and discuss

emotional experiences is one that has received considerable
attention, not only in scientific research, but also in clinical contexts,
in the legal system, and by the public. Knowledge concerning the role
of emotions generally and emotional distress specifically in childrens
emerging cognitive abilities has implications for understanding how
children attend to and process information, how children react to emo-
tional information, and how that information affects their development
and functioning over time. Of practical importance, increasing numbers
of children have been involved in legal settings as victims or witnesses
to violence, highlighting the need to determine the extent to which
childrens eyewitness reports of traumatic experiences are accurate and
complete. Also, in educational contexts, children may be asked to per-
form under conditions of heightened emotional arousal (e.g., when they
are spontaneously called upon to recount their knowledge in front of
classmates). The emotion that results from teacher and peer evaluations
has implications for childrens performance and perceived competence.
Finally, in clinical contexts, the ability to recount emotional events is
emerging as a significant predictor of psychological outcomes. How chil-
dren learn to describe emotional experiences and the extent to which
they can do so coherently may play a critical role in their well-being.
Clinicians must be aware of childrens emerging ability to describe stres-
sors in order to develop and implement appropriate interventions.
Given the broad range of implications that relate to understanding
how emotions affect childrens memory, it is not surprising that a con-
siderable amount of theorizing, research, and writing has been devoted
to the topic of when and how emotions, particularly emotional dis-
tress and trauma, influence childrens memory. In 2006, we (Fivush and
Quas) decided that it was time to bring together leading scientists con-
ducting this research to discuss the current state of knowledge in this
field. We thus held a small conference, supported by Emory University
through the Emory Cognition Project, focused on emotion and memory
v
in development. At the conference, more than a dozen top scientists in
the United States and abroad whose work was relevant to the study of
emotion and memory came together. We discussed our research, inte-
grated findings, shared ideas, and elaborated on the theoretical and prac-
tical significance of the evidence to date. What emerged was not only a
broader understanding of the state of the field, but also the clear need
to incorporate findings from numerous related fields as we launch the
next wave of research in this important field of inquiry. The current
volume represents the outcome of the conference. Scientists expanded
upon their ideas to address broad questions concerning how emotions
and stress affect memory across development.
One key question addressed by the volumes contributors concerns why
children react so differently to emotional experiences and subsequently
come to understand those experiences differently. Contributors addressed
this question by studying sources of individual differences that influ-
ence childrens emotional reactions, coping, and emotional understanding
(Compas, Campbell, Robinson, & Rodriguez; Laible & Panfile), narra-
tive processes (Oppenheim & Koren-Karie; Sales), and event memory
(Baker-Ward, Ornstein, & Starnes; Chae, Ogle, & Goodman; Peterson &
Warren). Of importance, sources range from those at the individual level
(e.g., biological) level to those at the social-contextual level (e.g., parent-
child discourse, attachment relationships, living with a chronic illness,
living in an abusive environment) in which childrens lives are embed-
ded. Thus, consistent with models of studying developmental phenomena
at all levels of analysis, or from neurons to neighborhoods (Alexander
& OHara), scientists interested in childrens memory for emotional events
must consider multiple sources of influence across different levels.
A second key question that appears across numerous chapters in this
volume focuses on the precise emotional nature of the stressful event
that children are remembering, or at least being asked to remember.
That is, researchers have conceptualized and studied emotion and
stress in different ways. For instance, some researchers who study
emotion and memory investigate how well children remember discrete
arousing or fear-eliciting events (e.g., tornados, invasive medical proce-
dures) (Chae, Ogle, & Goodman; Peterson & Warren). Other research-
ers examine how exposure to chronic stress affects childrens memory
functioning, including their general autobiographical memory (Greenhoot,
Johnson, Legerski & McCloskey; Wiik & Gunnar), and the neurologi-
cal structures underlying memory functioning (Carver & Cluver). A third
approach, often taken by researchers interested in childrens physiologi-
cal responses, attachment, or parent-child communication, involves inves-
tigating childrens and families reactions to and narratives about mildly
arousing negative events (e.g., interpersonal conflicts, laboratory and nat-
uralistic challenges, and/or brief encounters that evoke anger, sadness, or
disgust) (Laible & Panfile; Sales; Oppenheim & Koren-Karie). Finally, in
the neurobiological field, researchers interested in stress have studied the
effects of stress on neurological and physiological processes linked to
memory encoding, consolidation, and retrieval (Carver & Culver; Wallin,
Quas, & Yim; and Wiik & Gunnar). The different foci have implica-
tions for evaluating childrens interpretations of and responses during
vi PREFACE
particular events and their later ability to recount those events accurately
and completely (Bauer; Salmon & Conroy). As such, it is imperative to
merge findings across the different conceptualizations and more clearly
articulate the specific topics being studied to better understand the role
of emotions broadly and distress and trauma specifically in childrens
memory.
A final key question raised by many of the contributors concerns
how memories of emotional, especially traumatic, events are similar to
and different from memories of everyday or mundane events (Chae,
Ogle, & Goodman). Answers to this question remain elusive, especially
in the developmental literature. One reason for this uncertainty stems
from whether research focuses on group or individual differences. That
is, when children recalling an emotional event (e.g., an inoculation) are
compared to children recalling a nonemotional event (e.g., a well-child
visit), emotional events are almost always recalled better than mun-
dane events. However, when recall among children who have all experi-
enced the same emotional event is examined, huge individual differences
emerge in childrens understanding of the event, the magnitude of their
emotional reactions, and the extent and accuracy of childrens memory
(Baker-Ward, Ornstein, & Starnes). Thus, it is imperative to look beyond
the general question What are the overall effects of emotion on mem-
ory? and instead ask Why do individual children react differently to
particular events and how (and when) do these reactions affect their later
narrative processes and memory? (Bauer; Fivush; Thompson).
Individual Chapter Overview
Our volume is heuristically organized into four parts, although as will

be evident quite quickly, the ideas presented overlap across the parts.
However, the topics are often approached from different perspectives
across the chapters, and, by taking these perspectives into account, novel
insights into individual childrens memory for emotional events can be
gleaned.
In Part I, leading researchers who have studied emotion, primarily dis-
tress, and memory describe the current state of the field. Three research
teams (Baker-Ward, Ornstein, & Starnes; Chae, Ogle, & Goodman;
Peterson & Warren) who have examined how children remember a range
of discrete distressing personal experiences. These teams describe their
ongoing programs of research. Chae, Ogle, and Goodman open by out-
lining how attachment may influence childrens emotional reactions to
and later memory for personally distressing experiences. Next, Baker
Ward, Ornstein, and Starnes describe how childrens understanding of
emotional events, both before events take place and as they unfold (what
the authors termed extended encoding), affects childrens later memory.
Peterson and Warren then describe findings from an ongoing line of
work focused on childrens memory for injuries and hospital visits. The
work has been instrumental in testing how stress, in conjunction with
multiple individual-difference characteristics, relates to childrens mem-
ory. In the final chapter of the part, Greenhoot, Johnson, Legerski and
Preface vii
McCloskey review the state of research concerning stress and autobio-
graphical memory development. They describe mechanisms that may
underlie poor general autobiographical abilities among adolescents for-
merly exposed to trauma and present data from their ongoing longi-
tudinal research that has tested several of these mechanisms. Overall,
the chapters in Part I not only review current findings, but also draw
explicit links to the topics discussed in subsequent Parts (e.g., attach-
ment; chronic stress) and highlight the applications of the findings to
theories concerning autobiographical memory development more broadly
and to applied questions concerning childrens eyewitness abilities and
developmental psychopathology.
Part II comprises four chapters that highlight first the interrelations
among coping, emotion regulation, attachment, and parent-child remi-
niscing; and second, the potential relations of these factors to childrens
memory for stressful experiences. Although such topics have traditionally
not been a primary focus in studies of childrens memory for stressful
events, the literature reviewed in the chapters certainly demonstrates the
relevance of coping, emotion regulation, and attachment for understand-
ing how well parents and children reminisce about past negative events
and childrens memory. Compas, Campbell, Robinson, and Rodriguez
begin the part with a description of their dual process model of cop-
ing. They then discuss how executive functioning, especially working
memory, may affect childrens use of controlled coping strategies, and
how different coping processes may influence the occurrence of auto-
matic intrusive memories. Oppenheim and Korens-Karie provide an over-
view of the secure-base function of attachment figures. The authors then
describe several studies concerning parent-child discourse about emotional
events. Findings suggest that emotionally matched narratives are reflec-
tive of a psychological secure base between a caregiver and child, and
that these narratives have implications for a range of child outcomes.
Third, Laible and Panfile discuss how parent-child conversations about
emotional experiences, particularly after they occur, shape childrens
emotion understanding, regulation capabilities, and well-being generally.
Laible and Panfile further argue that it is critical to consider not only
parent-child conversations, but also parent-child attachment, when evalu-
ating how children come to understand negative emotional experiences.
Finally, Sales describes how, via parent-child conversations, children find
meaning in stressful events. She also discusses findings from several
studies that indicate childrens coping and parent-child attachment may
moderate the process by which parents and children talk about both dis-
crete stressful experiences and chronic life stressors.
Part III contain four chapters, each focused on different aspects of
neurobiological and physiological stress-response systems and the impli-
cations of activation of these systems for childrens memory. First,
Alexander and OHara, in a compelling chapter, integrate psychobiologi-
cal processes with other elements of the developmental context to illus-
trate the complexity of the relations between emotion and memory. The
researchers specifically argue that it is not enough to take into account
the nature of the emotional stimulus or characteristics of the individual.
Instead, a transactional model approach is needed to understand more
viii PREFACE
fully how emotional experiences are retained in memory across develop-
ment. In the next two chapters, Wiik and Gunnar, followed by Carver
and Cluver, review in considerable detail evidence from several fields
(e.g., nonhuman animal studies, investigations of adults physiological
responses) concerning how childrens stress reactivity and exposure to
chronic stress likely affect neurological and cognitive systems. Wiik and
Gunnar focus on how stress likely affects childrens hypothalamic pitu-
itary adrenal axis functioning, a key neuroendocrine regulatory system
in humans. Carver and Cluver focus primarily on stress effects on brain
structures involved in memory encoding and consolidation in children. In
the fourth chapter, Wallin, Quas, and Yim describe how discrete stress
responses according to multiple physiological systems, directly and in
conjunction with sociocontextual factors, may influence childrens mem-
ory for stressful experiences. Overall, these chapters highlight the util-
ity of considering biological factors, in conjunction with sociocontextual
factors, to understand the many ways in which stress affects childrens
memory, both broadly and for specific incidents.
Finally, a critical feature of the volume is the final parts, which con-
tains four integrative chapters each written from a somewhat different
theoretical and applied perspective. These authors comment on the fi nd-
ings discussed in the prior chapters, and, in doing so, synthesize the
different literatures reviewed. Fivush takes a broad approach to inte-
grating the chapters, further demonstrating the need to consider multi-
ple levels of analysis when studying childrens memory. She persuasively
argues that, not only are developmental level and individual differences
complexly intertwined across time, but both are modulated by socio-
emotional contexts that provide the framework for the development and
expression of memory and emotion. She then systematically combines
evidence presented across the chapter to demonstrate this point and to
suggest several important next steps for research. The next three authors
in this part review specific issues raised across the volume. Thompson
focuses on the important role that parent-child relationships play in chil-
drens emotional reactions to, understanding of, and, later memory for,
negative experiences. Thompson also describes key questions that arise
when attempting to integrate literature across the chapters, questions
whose answers will provide much-needed insight into the mechanisms
that likely underlie the influence of close relationships on emotion and
memory across development. Bauer provides perhaps the most critical
evaluation of the research presented in the volume. She emphasizes that
researchers, in their attempt to focus on specific influences on childrens
memory for stressful events, have often oversimplified what is a com-
plex, multifaceted phenomenon: how children attend to, interpret, and
later reconstruct prior stressful experiences. As she clearly articulates, if
the field is to continue to advance, future research must take a more
comprehensive approach in studying stress and memory across devel-
opment. Finally, Salmon and Conroy change directions somewhat and
highlight the practical implications of research to date in two critical
areas. These researchers describe the forensic relevance of the research
for evaluations of child witnesses accounts of traumatic events to which
they were exposed. The researchers then turn to the clinical relevance
Preface ix
of the research for, most notably, clinical evaluations of the effects of
emotion on childrens event memory, but also for how emotional memo-
ries affect childrens functioning over time and for treatment possibilities
of these effects.
Conclusions
The overarching purpose of both the Emory Cognition Project Conference

and this volume was to bring together researchers from diverse fields
whose work had implications for understanding the complex links
between emotion and memory in development. We hoped that, through
the different authors presentations, interactions, discussions, and writing,
common trends would be evident. And, from these common trends, we
anticipated that a new, innovative research agenda would emerge. As is
evident from the contributions of this volume, we have achieved success.
The different contributors, from varying perspectives, provide valuable
insight not only into the complex ways in which emotions likely affect
memory, but also into the powerful mediating and moderating roles of
childrens age and biological response proclivities, parental and familial
influences, and the broader context within which children recount prior
emotional autobiographical experiences. This insight lays the foundation
for the next wave of research in this arena, and we look forward to
taking part in this endeavor for years to come.
x PREFACE
Contents
Contributors xiii
I Stress and Memory, Empirical Evidence
1. Remembering Negative Childhood Experiences: An Attachment

Theory Perspective 3
Yoojin Chae, Christin M. Ogle, and Gail S. Goodman
2. Childrens Understanding and Remembering of Stressful

Experiences 28
Lynne Baker-Ward, Peter A. Ornstein, and Lauren P. Starnes
3. Injuries, Emergency Rooms, and Childrens Memory: Factors

Contributing to Individual Differences 60
Carole Peterson and Kelly L. Warren
4. Stress and Autobiographical Memory Functioning 86

Andrea Follmer Greenhoot, Rebecca J. Johnson, John-Paul
Legerski, and Laura A. McCloskey
II Stress, Coping, and Parent-Child Narratives
5. Coping and Memory: Automatic and Controlled Processes

in Adaptation to Stress 121
Bruce E. Compas, Laura K. Campbell, Kristen E. Robinson,
and Erin M. Rodriguez
6. Mother-Child Emotion Dialogues: A Window into the

Psychological Secure Base 142
David Oppenheim and Nina Koren-Karie
xi
7. Mother-Child Reminiscing in the Context of Secure Attachment
Relationships: Lessons in Understanding and Coping with
Negative Emotions 166
Deborah Laible and Tia Panfile
8. Creating a Context for Childrens Memory: The Importance

of Parental Attachment Status, Coping, and Narrative Skill
for Co-Constructing Meaning Following Stressful Experiences 196
Jessica McDermott Sales
III Stress, Physiology, and Neurobiology
9. An Integrated Model of Emotional Memory: Dynamic

Transactions in Development 221
Kristen Weede Alexander and Karen Davis OHara
10. Development and Social Regulation of Stress Neurobiology

in Human Development: Implications for the Study of
Traumatic Memories 256
Kristen L. Wiik and Megan R. Gunnar
11. Stress Effects on the Brain System Underlying

Explicit Memory 278
Leslie J. Carver and Annette Cluver
12. Physiological Stress Responses and Childrens

Event Memory 313
Allison R. Wallin, Jodi A. Quas, and Ilona S. Yim
IV Integration and New Directions
13. Co-constructing Memories and Meaning over Time 343

Robyn Fivush
14. Relationships, Stress, and Memory 355

Ross A. Thompson
15. Complications Abound, and Why Thats a Good Thing 374

Patricia J. Bauer
16. Emotion and Memory in Development: Clinical and Forensic

Implications 394
Karen Salmon and Rowena Conroy
Author Index 415

Subject Index 427
xii CONTENTS
Contributors
Kristen Weede Alexander Yoojin Chae

Department of Child Development Department of Psychology
California State University University of California
Sacramento, CA Davis, CA
Lynne Baker-Ward Annette Cluver

Department of Psychology Department of Psychology
North Carolina State University University of California
Raleigh, NC San Diego, CA
Patricia J. Bauer Bruce E. Compas

Emory University and Human Development
Atlanta, GA Vanderbilt University
Nashville, TN
Laura K. Campbell
Department of Psychology
Rowena Conroy
and Human Development
Royal Childrens Hospital
Vanderbilt University
Melbourne, Australia
Nashville, TN
Leslie J. Carver Robyn Fivush

University of California Emory University
San Diego, CA Atlanta, GA
xiii
Gail S. Goodman Karen Davis OHara
Department of Psychology Department of Child
University of California Development
Davis, CA California State University
Sacramento, CA
Andrea Follmer Greenhoot
Department of Psychology David Oppenheim
University of Kansas Department of Psychology
Lawrence, KS University of Haifa
Mt. Carmel, Israel
Megan R. Gunnar
Institute of Child Development Peter A. Ornstein
University of Minnesota Department of Psychology
Minneapolis, MN University of North Carolina
Chapter Hill, NC
Rebecca J. Johnson
Childrens Mercy Medical Center Tia Panfile
Kansas City, MO Department of Psychology
Lehigh University
Nina Koren-Karie Bethlehem, PA
Department of Psychology
University of Haifa Carole Peterson
Mr. Carmel, Israel Department of Psychology
Memorial University of
Deborah Laible Newfoundland
Department of Psychology St. Johns, Canada
Lehigh University
Bethlehem, PA Jodi A. Quas
Department of Psychology and
John-Paul Legerski Social Behavior
Department of Psychology University of California
University of Kansas Irvine, CA
Lawrence, KS
Kristen E. Robinson
Laura A. McCloskey Department of Psychology and
Institute for Research on Human Development
Women and Gender Vanderbilt University
University of Michigan Nashville, TN
Ann Arbor, MI
Erin M. Rodriguez
Christin M. Ogle Department of Psychology and
Department of Psychology Human Development
University of California Vanderbilt University
Davis, CA Nashville, TN
xiv CONTRIBUTORS
Jessica McDermott Sales Allison R. Wallin
Department of Behavioral Sciences Department of Psychology and
and Health Education Social Behavior
Emory University University of California
Atlanta, GA Irvine, CA
Karen Salmon Kelly L. Warren

School of Psychology Department of Psychology
Victoria University Memorial University of
of Wellington Newfoundland
Wellington, New Zealand St. Johns Canada
Lauren P. Starnes Kristen L. Wiik

Department of Psychology Institute of Child Development
North Carolina State University University of Minnesota
Raleigh, NC Minneapolis, MN
Ross A. Thompson Ilona S. Yim

University of California and Social Behavior
Davis, CA University of California
Irvine, CA
Contributors xv
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I
Stress and Memory,

Empirical Evidence
1
Remembering Negative
Childhood Experiences
An Attachment Theory Perspective
Yoojin Chae
Christin M. Ogle
Gail S. Goodman
A ttachment theory provides a powerful framework for under-

standing childrens memory and suggestibility for emotional
life experiences. In particular, attachment theory can serve as a basis for
predictions about individual differences in the ways children respond to
and remember stressful incidents. Beginning with research on childrens
memory for distressing medical procedures (Goodman, Hepps, & Reed,
1986; Goodman, Bottoms, Schwartz-Kenney, & Rudy, 1991; Goodman,
Hirschman, Hepps, & Rudy, 1991) and extending more recently to
research on childrens memory for criminal victimization (e.g., Bidrose
& Goodman, 2000; Hershkowitz, Lanes, & Lamb, 2007; Leander,
Christianson, & Granhag, 2007), several decades of scientific study on
childrens memory for stressful events have quickly elapsed. A substan-
tial body of empirical knowledge has thus accumulated. It is now time
for the field to turn to theory testing. In our own research, for theoret-
ical guidance, we find that attachment theory offers substantial insights
This chapter is based on work supported in part by the National Science

Foundation (grant 0545413). Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommenda-
tions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily refl ect
the views of the National Science Foundation. We thank Stephanie Head for edi-
torial assistance. Address correspondence to Dr. Gail S. Goodman, Department
of Psychology, University of California, 1 Shields Avenue, Davis, CA 95616
(ggoodman@ucdavis.edu).
3
about memory for distressing childhood experiences, in particular, those
that activate the attachment system.
In this chapter, we first provide a brief overview of attachment the-
ory, and then review empirical findings from various laboratories on sig-
nificant relations of attachment with childrens memory and suggestibility
for emotional, attachment-evoking information, focusing on (1) associa-
tions between childrens attachment and their memory/suggestibility for
attachment-related information, and (2) associations between parents
attachment and childrens memory/suggestibility for such information.
Following this, we consider potential mechanisms underlying the rela-
tions. We also discuss the information-processing stages (e.g., encoding,
retrieval) during which the attachment effects may be operative. We
then turn to a more in-depth description of our studies.
Attachment Theory
Attachment theory was formulated by John Bowlby (1958) to explain the

importance of early caregiver-child relationships for personality development
and emotion regulation. Based on the degree to which their caregivers
are available and provide support when needed, infants form expectations
or internal working models (IWMs), which are viewed, theoretically, as
fairly stable mental representations of the self and the caregiver (Bowlby,
1980; Bretherton & Munholland, 1999). These IWMs are then used to
interpret others intentions and actions, anticipate future behaviors, and
regulate responses, particularly in times of stress (Bowlby, 1969).
The Strange Situation, which consists of a series of separations
from and reunions with a caregiver, is a laboratory situation developed
to assess the quality of infant-caregiver attachment (Ainsworth, Blehar,
Waters, & Wall, 1978). Specifically, the Strange Situation consists of
eight phases, involving, for example, the parent and child being in an
unfamiliar room, a stranger entering, the parent leaving, and the parent
and child reuniting. Based on infant behaviors in the Strange Situation,
infant-caregiver attachment styles were originally categorized into three
patterns: secure, insecure-avoidant, and insecure-anxious. Securely
attached infants have IWMs reflecting available and responsive caregiv-
ers in stressful or threatening situations. These infants seek proximity,
contact, and communication with their caregivers during reunions, are
easily soothed by the caregiver, and generally cope with stress effec-
tively. Insecure-avoidant infants represent their caregivers as unwilling or
unavailable to soothe negative affect and thus tend to avoid or ignore the
caregivers upon reunions despite experiencing a great amount of distress
during separations. Insecure-anxious infants represent their caregivers as
4 STRESS AND MEMORY, EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE

inconsistently available or inconsistently supportive and thus sometimes
cling excessively to a caregiver to avoid separation but also display
angry, resistant behavior upon reunion. A fourth category, disorganized/
disoriented, was later conceptualized for infants who fail to maintain
a coherent attachment strategy for dealing with reunion and exhibit
sequences of behavior that seem to lack a clear goal or that evince a
collapse of strategy (Main & Solomon, 1990). These four attachment
patterns were first defined for infants, but similar attachment patterns
have been identified in children at preschool age (Main, Kaplan, &
Cassidy, 1985), although more stressful events (e.g., starting kindergar-
ten) may be needed to evoke distress in children after infancy (Quas,
Murowchick, Bensadoun, & Boyce, 2002).
Attachment theory can also be applied to adults intimate relation-
ships. Based on what appears to be continual effects of attachment
styles on affectional bonds and behaviors in close relationships (e.g.,
with romantic partners) in adulthood, Hazan and Shaver (1987) expanded
the theory to encompass adults attachment, which is hypothesized to
be based on experiences with primary attachment figures (e.g., par-
ents). Adult attachment styles (and parent-child attachment styles as well;
Fraley & Spieker, 2003) are characterized by two relatively independent
dimensions, avoidance and anxiety (Fraley & Shaver, 2000). Attachment
avoidance, reflected by discomfort with closeness and intimacy (Brennan,
Clark, & Shaver, 1998; Fraley, Davis, & Shaver, 1998; Fraley & Shaver,
1997), refers to attempts to deactivate, down-regulate, or inhibit attach-
ment-system activation (Edelstein & Shaver, 2004). Avoidant attachment
is further divided into a dismissing avoidant style (i.e., purporting not to
need or like closeness and interdependence) and a fearful avoidant style
(i.e., desiring closeness while also fearing some of its consequences).
Attachment-anxiety, involving preoccupation with the availability and
responsiveness of attachment figures (preoccupied attachment; Mikulincer,
Birnbaum, Woddis, & Nachmias, 2000; Mikulincer, Gillath, &
Shaver, 2002), is characterized by hyperactivation of the attachment sys-
tem (Cassidy, 2000). Adults who score low on both avoidance and anxi-
ety dimensions are considered securely attached.
Individual differences in adult attachment have been associated with
parenting behaviors, for example, with high scores on avoidance and/or
anxiety being related to negative models of parenthood and parent-child
relationships, such as stricter, harsher disciplinary practices, lower levels
of warmth, tendencies to be easily aggravated by children, less perceived
ability to relate to children, and colder relations with children (Rholes,
Simpson, & Blakely, 1995; Rholes, Simpson, Blakely, Lanigan, & Allen,
1997). These models in turn influence childrens strategies of affect reg-
ulation, as evident, at least under stressful situations, in more severe
Remembering Negative Childhood Experiences 5

emotional reactions demonstrated by children of insecure parents than by
children of secure parents, who might expect their parents to provide
safety and protection (Goodman, Quas, Batterman-Faunce, Riddlesberger, &
Kuhn, 1994, 1997). Indeed, when children experience stressful or attach-
ment-activating incidents, such as a painful medical procedure, adults
attachment styles have important implications for responsiveness to and
support of children (Edelstein et al., 2004).
Attachment and Memory
Attachment theorists have proposed that attachment styles, and associated

IWMs, affect not only relationship behavior but also childrens memory
for attachment-related experiences (for a review, see Alexander, Quas, &
Goodman, 2002). Individual differences in childrens own attachment and
parents attachment may influence the kinds of information and extent to
which children encode, elaborate on, and later retrieve and report the
information. As one example, avoidant children whose bids for care have
been rejected or belittled are theorized to develop a nonconscious strat-
egy, called defensive exclusion, which limits processing of stressful
events, with the goal of preventing activation of the attachment system,
such as the negative affect associated with reminders of attachment-
related loss or extended separations (Bowlby, 1980; Main, 1990). Such
limits on processing have implications for memory. In contrast, anxious
children are theorized to be hypervigilant to attachment-related stressors
because of their overconcern for attachment-related issues (Mikulincer
et al., 2000, 2002). However, studies have demonstrated inconsistent
findings regarding the anxiety dimension and memory.
Attachment orientation has also been related to childrens suggest-
ibility. Bruck and Melnyk (2004) conclude, in a review of individual
differences in suggestibility, that attachment shows promise of being con-
sistently related to suggestibility: Children who are insecurely attached
or whose parents are insecurely attached are more suggestible than their
secure counterparts. This topic is particularly important in view of evi-
dence that abused children, who are often questioned in forensic settings,
are likely to have high rates of insecure attachment (Barnett, Ganiban, &
Cicchetti, 1999).
We make several basic assumptions in our research program on
attachment and memory. First, we assume that many traumatic and
stressful events trigger the attachment system. We further propose that
internal working models (IWMs) act as sets of expectations that influ-
ence levels of distress and memory performance in attachment-related
stressful situations. We also assume, based in part on our empirical

findings, that parental attachment is relevant to how children cope with
stressful situations during and after they occur, which affects childrens
memory and resistance to false suggestion. Finally, we assume that indi-
vidual differences in attachment are important moderators of the extent
to which threatening information is attended and processed, and thus
remembered.
Childrens Attachment and Memory/Suggestibility

Studies have shown that childrens attachment to a caregiver may be
a valuable predictor of their memory for attachment-relevant informa-
tion. Kirsh and Cassidy (1997) investigated associations between three-
year-olds attachment orientations, assessed in infancy using the Strange
Situation procedure, and memory for attachment-related stimuli. Children
were read stories in which mothers reactions to their childrens requests
for help varied to correspond to three different attachment-related IWMs
(i.e., secure mothers responded sensitively; avoidant mothers rejected their
children; anxious mothers provided exaggerated responses). On a subse-
quent cued-recall test about the stories content, secure children recalled
both responsive and rejecting stories better than did avoidant and anx-
ious children, even with general cognitive functioning controlled statisti-
cally. Alexander and Edelstein (2001) also found that attachment security
assessed by the Attachment Q-sort (Waters & Deane, 1985), completed by
an adult familiar with the childs behavior, was positively related to three-
to five-year-olds memory for attachment-related stories, even with statisti-
cal control of age and temperamental characteristics. Overall, across these
studies, the findings underscore the importance of attachment orientations
in predicting childrens memory for attachment issues, over and above
contributions of age, general cognitive functioning, and temperament.
However, when to-be-remembered information did not evoke attach-
ment concerns, a different pattern regarding attachment and memory was
revealed. Alexander and Edelstein (2001) found no significant relations
between childrens memory for a nonattachment-related play event (e.g.,
making hot chocolate) and their attachment security. Also, in a study
by Belsky, Spritz, and Crnic (1996), which investigated relations between
boys attachment styles assessed in the Strange Situation at 12 months
and recognition memory at three years for details from nonattachment-
relevant puppet shows (e.g., receiving a birthday present, spilling juice),
boys with secure attachment histories remembered more positive than
negative information, whereas boys with avoidant- or anxious-attachment
histories recalled more negative than positive information.
Fewer studies have been published on childrens attachment and
suggestibility. Quas, Qin, Schaaf, and Goodman (1997) proposed that

insecure children might be particularly susceptible to the demand charac-
teristics of an interview (i.e., social pressure to agree with an interviewer)
because they might be emotionally needy or nervous and therefore more
likely to comply with an interviewer in an effort to receive approval
and thus less likely to report their own memory. Indeed, Clarke-Stewart,
Malloy, and Allhusen (2004) observed significant associations between
childrens attachment at 15 months, assessed in the Strange Situation,
and suggestibility for nonattachment-related activities (e.g., administra-
tion of standard developmental assessments) at 5 years: Children lacking
a secure attachment relationship with their mothers displayed increased
suggestibility (e.g., agreements that the examiner had undressed them).
This finding implies that the link between childrens attachment secu-
rity and suggestibility exists even for information not directly related to
attachment issues, possibly because insecurely attached children are more
nervous and distressed in social interactions with an unfamiliar adult.
Parental Attachment and Memory/Suggestibility

Based on reasoning and research supporting the intergenerational trans-
mission of attachment (Benoit & Parker, 1994; Steele, Steele, & Fonagy,
1996), parental attachment has at times been used as a proxy measure
for childrens attachment. However, there are reasons to be interested in
parental attachment itself as an influence on childrens memory and sug-
gestibility. Parents mental representations of attachment may be related
to their sensitivity and responsiveness to their childrens attachment sig-
nals (e.g., their childrens distress, needs for comfort; Edelstein et al.,
2004; Goodman et al., 1997; Van IJzendoorn, 1995).
Research has shown the functional role of parental attachment in
childrens memory and suggestibility for stressful incidents. As discussed
in greater detail later in this chapter, in a series of studies on childrens
recollections of medical procedures, such as well-child inoculations and
an invasive medical test (i.e., voiding cystourethrogram fluouroscopy,
also called VCUG), we found that children of avoidantly attached par-
ents provided more inaccurate memory reports and displayed heightened
suggestibility, particularly under high levels of distress, compared to
children of securely attached parents. In contrast, Alexander and Schaaf
(2001) reported that parental attachment was not significantly related to
childrens memory for a less stressful, nonattachment-related play event.
Thus, as is the case for childrens attachment style and childrens mem-
ory/suggestibility, parental attachment style and childrens memory/sug-
gestibility seem to be particularly interrelated in regard to events that
evoke attachment issues.

As implied by the intergenerational transmission of attachment, paren-
tal attachment style predicts childrens attachment style. Secure parents
may be better able to perceive their childs attachment signals accurately
and react adequately. Avoidant parents may rebuff their childs attachment
behavior, because they prefer not to encounter strong emotions and close
contact. Anxious parents may be overly focused on their own attachment
experiences and thus respond inappropriately and at times excessively.
According to theory and evidence, these differences in parents respon-
siveness to their children may in turn determine childrens attachment
to their parents (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Bowlby, 1969; Campbell et al.,
2004; DeWolff & Van IJzendoorn, 1997; Van IJzendoorn, 1995). Hence,
sensitive and responsive parents are more likely to have securely attached
children, whereas insensitive and unresponsive parents run a higher
risk of having insecurely attached offspring. Consequently, the docu-
mented associations between parents attachment and childrens memory/
suggestibility for attachment-evoking events may be due to the quality
of childrens attachment to their parents. However, significant relations
between parental and child attachment have not always been demonstrated
(e.g., Fivush & Sales, 2006). Thus, the link between the two attachment
orientations cannot yet be assumed to be underlying the relations between
parental attachment and childrens memory/suggestibility. Other mediators
relevant to parental attachment might be responsible for the relations.
Mechanisms Underlying Attachment-Memory/

Suggestibility Relations
Although mechanisms underlying attachment-memory/suggestibility rela-

tions await elucidation, researchers have proposed possible mediators.
These include attentional focus, parent-child rehearsal, and sensitivity to
interview context. Based on a review of previous theory and evidence,
we discuss the role of these potential mediators in the mnemonic pro-
cesses of encoding, storage, and retrieval.
Encoding
Attachment-related IWMs and associated mental strategies likely act as
affective and cognitive filters that influence preattentive processing and
selective attention. This is a way in which attachment theorists retain
the psychoanalytic notion of defense (Thompson, Laible, & Ontai,
2003). More specifically, based on Bowlbys notion of defensive exclu-
sion, avoidant children, who have learned to associate attachment-
system activation with rejection and distress, are thought to regulate their

attention to (i.e., defend against) materials with emotional, attachment-
related themes. If potentially upsetting information is not fully processed,
the attachment system is less likely to be activated, thus reducing psy-
chological pain or discomfort but at the same time impairing memory.
Findings from the few studies of attachment-related differences
in attention are consistent with this idea. In the study by Kirsh and
Cassidy (1997) referred to earlier, when children were shown several
sets of drawings depicting different mother-child dyads engaged in pos-
itive, negative, and neutral interactions, avoidant children looked away
from the drawings more than did secure and anxious children. In addi-
tion, when shown different sets of drawings depicting mother-child dyads
engaged in positive interactions and adult dyads expressing neutral affect,
avoidant and anxious children looked away from the mother-child draw-
ings more than did secure children. Additional evidence comes from a
study by Main et al. (1985), which showed that infant attachment classi-
fication predicted six-year-olds attention to family photographs: Avoidant
children were more likely than secure or anxious children to avoid look-
ing at the photographs and actively turned away from them. In short,
extant studies provide support for the theoretical link between childrens
insecure, particularly avoidant, attachment and inattention or avoidance
of attention to attachment-related information.
Findings from research with adults provide enticing hints regarding
the extent to which insecure childrens memory deficits and suggest-
ibility result from restricted attention at encoding. Fraley, Garner, and
Shaver (2000) examined adult avoidant attachment in relation to encod-
ing of attachment-related information and decay of the information over
time. In Fraley and colleagues study, some participants were inter-
viewed about attachment-related issues immediately after encoding (about
3 minutes); other participants were interviewed at various delay inter-
vals (321 days). Results suggested that, compared to individuals low in
avoidance, highly avoidant individuals were less attentive to attachment-
related information initially. However, the two groups forgot the encoded
information at a similar rate. These findings imply that encoding and
attentional mechanisms underlie avoidant adults memory deficits, as
opposed to subsequent repression or lack of elaboration. If these find-
ings generalize to children, memory deficits of avoidant children may be
due to limited attentional processes at encoding similar to those used by
avoidant adults.
Parental attachment style also has implications for the amount and
type of information children encode in attachment-eliciting situations,
which may be mediated by parents responsiveness and support. As
described in greater detail later in this chapter, Edelstein et al. (2004)
found that parents high in avoidant attachment were less supportive

toward their children during an inoculation if their children were highly
upset, whereas this pattern was reversed for less avoidant parents. These
variations in parental behaviors in challenging situations may influence
childrens distress level and ability to cope with stress, which in turn
may affect childrens focus of attention. However, further research is
necessary to make clear the mediating role of attentional processes at
the encoding phase in the relations between attachment and memory/
suggestibility.
Storage
Attachment also has implications for childrens retention of information
in memory. Secure children who have developed IWMs of a responsive
and supportive caregiver may feel comfortable thinking about stressful
experiences and be able to handle aversive emotions. In contrast, avoidant
children are likely to eschew attachment-related elaboration, desiring to
keep the attachment system from being strongly activated. In addition,
they may suppress or distort the details of attachment-related informa-
tion to regulate their emotions (Bowlby, 1958; Bretherton & Munholland,
1999). Anxious children may have difficulties in dealing with negative
emotions evoked by thoughts about stressful incidents, excessively focus-
ing on the stressors and themselves. Thus, overall, insecure compared to
secure children might be less able to think back to distressing incidents
in a coherent and organized way.
A study by Mikulincer and Orbach (1995) with adults provides sup-
port for these theoretical ideas. When asked about early childhood
experiences associated with certain emotions, such as anxiety, sadness,
or happiness, and asked to rate how they had felt at the time of the
event, avoidant individuals reported less intense emotions than did anx-
ious individuals in the sadness and anxiety episodes. Secure people fell
in between the two insecure groups but did not significantly differ from
them. In addition, anxious individuals were unable to repress negative
affect or to inhibit emotional spreading, whereas secure people accessed
negative memories easily without being overwhelmed.
Insecure individuals discomfort with emotional issues might further
contribute to lack of coherency in parent-child discourse concerning
stressful information (Bretherton, 1990, 1996; Thompson, 2000). Indeed,
research has established that the style and content of parent-child
rehearsal are a function, at least in part, of the attachment status of the
parent and child (Newcombe & Reese, 2004; Reese & Farrant, 2003).
Specific to emotional issues, due to difficulty in confronting and coping
with negative emotions, insecure mother-daughter dyads avoid elaborating
on such emotions, whereas secure dyads openly expand on both positive

and negative emotions (Farrar, Fasig, & Welch-Ross, 1997). Similarly,
secure mother-child dyads discuss a potentially threatening topic (e.g.,
misbehavior) with more emotional openness than insecure dyads (Laible &
Thompson, 2000).
Of interest, in a study conducted by Laible (2004), although secure,
compared to insecure, dyads discussed negative emotions more fre-
quently, attachment security was not significantly related to the discus-
sion of positively valenced emotions during memory conversations. Also,
a study by Fivush and Vasudeva (2002), in which the majority of the
mother-child dyads talked about highly positive experiences, revealed that
the attachment status of mother-child dyads was not significantly related
to their tendency to openly discuss emotions. Hence, attachment orienta-
tions seem to matter most when parents and children discuss negative
emotions and negative experiences (Bowlby, 1988).
These differences in reminiscing conversations may in turn shape
childrens storage of information and subsequent recollection of that
information (Fivush, 1994; Hudson, 1990; Nelson, 1993). Talking openly
and fluently about emotions may make emotions and emotion-related
memories more accessible and less threatening for children when they
reflect on previous emotional experiences. Children may also learn com-
munication patterns and emotional content, as reflected in their own
use of emotion references, affective perspective taking, and early con-
science development, through shared-memory talk with their parents
(Laible, 2004; Laible & Panfile, this volume; Laible & Thompson, 2000;
Leichtman, Skowronek, & Pillemer, 2005; Oppenheim & Waters, 1995).
A study by Favez (1997) showed that mothers who included both mem-
ory prompts (e.g., And then what happened?) and affective prompts
(e.g., Were you sad?) about a stressful separation video had children
who remembered the video content better than did mothers who included
only memory prompts.
Retrieval
Sensitivity to interview context as a function of attachment style is
another possible mediator of the attachment-memory/suggestibility rela-
tions. Although children are generally hesitant to confront and/or talk
about highly negative incidents (Engelberg & Christianson, 2002), inse-
curely attached children and/or children of insecure parents, who are
more nervous and distressed with an adult interviewer, may be particu-
larly reluctant to share emotionally distressing experiences. Furthermore,
such children may be more likely to simply accept interviewers sugges-
tions, compared with their secure counterparts.

Some empirical evidence implies that an unfamiliar or nonsupport-
ive interviewer may raise attachment concerns in children, contributing
to poor performance among insecurely attached children, even when to-
be-remembered events are unlikely to have evoked attachment issues.
Davis et al. (1998) found that children of insecurely attached parents
were more suggestible when interviewed about a play event by a cold,
professional interviewer than by a warm, supportive interviewer, whereas
the performance of children of secure parents did not vary as a func-
tion of the interviewers level of support. The authors reasoned that chil-
dren of insecure mothers might be similarly insecure, thus being more
apprehensive and distressed during the interview and having more dif-
ficulty resisting a neutral interviewers suggestions. That is, attachment
style may not affect childrens memory per se, but rather, through chil-
drens generalized IWM of relationships, attachment style may influence
sensitivity to social interactions with an unfamiliar and/or nonsupportive
adult.
Our Research on Attachment and Memory/

Suggestibility
In this section, we delve into greater detail about our research on attach-
ment, memory, and suggestibility. In doing so, we hope to illustrate the
specific influence on memory/suggestibility of parental as well as child
attachment.
Before considering the research, a few general points about stress and
memory are essential to address. Substantial debate exists as to whether,
in the face of stressful, or even traumatic, experiences, memory accuracy
suffers or benefits. Based on a comprehensive review, Christianson (1992)
proposed that, during highly distressing events, memory for main stres-
sors is strengthened, whereas memory for peripheral details is impaired.
Others have argued that memory accuracy peaks for moderately arous-
ing events and declines when events are so distressing as to activate
defensive processes (Deffenbacher, Bornstein, Penrod, & McGorty, 2004).
Both of these views may be true, at least to a certain extent, regarding
memory for stressful childhood experiences. Our research reveals that
overall, Christiansons (1992) formulation applies well to a majority of
people (e.g., more secure individuals) when interviewed about stressful
events that likely activate the attachment system, but that Deffenbacher
et al.s (2004) ideas may be applicable to a subset of individuals (e.g.,
avoidant individuals), specifically those for whom the processing of
stressful, attachment-related information is characterized by defensive
exclusion.

Parental Attachment, Parental Responsiveness,
and Child Memory/Suggestibility for VCUG
The first study to uncover significant relations between parental attach-

ment and childrens memory concerned 3- to 10-year-olds recollections
of VCUG (Goodman et al., 1994, 1997). This medical test is at times
ordered by doctors when a child has urinary track problems (e.g., blad-
der infections, excessive bed wetting). The procedure involves the fol-
lowing: The child and parent go to the Radiology Department of a
hospital, at which point the child undresses, puts on a hospital gown,
and lies on an x-ray table. Next, an x-ray technician enters and takes
initial x-rays. A nurse then arrives to wash the childs genitals. With
the child forcibly held down, the nurse catheterizes the child through
the urethra, which can be painful and scary. Then, in some hospitals,
the standard procedure is to require the childs parent to leave the room
before a doctor enters to take additional x-rays. Finally, the parent is
reunited with the child.
This medical procedure, in some of its formal characteristics, has
certain similarities to the Strange Situation. Although the VCUG entails
direct assault (penetration) of the childs body, whereas the Strange
Situation does not, both procedures involve a parent and child in an
unfamiliar setting, strangers and the parent entering and leaving the
room, and a parent-child reunion. Thus, it was of interest to include an
attachment measure in the study. However, given the age range of the
children tested (3 to 10 years), a single child attachment measure was
not feasible. Fortunately, an adult attachment measure that could be eas-
ily administered to the parents was available (Bartholomew & Horowitz,
1991; Hazan & Shaver, 1987), and the parent completed it a few weeks
after the VCUG, when the childs memory and suggestibility regarding
the invasive medical procedure was also tested.
As would be expected based on an attachment-theory orientation,
parental attachment style was correlated with childrens level of distress
and later suggestibility. Parents with a more avoidant attachment style
had more suggestible children, whereas parents with a relatively secure
attachment style had children who made fewer errors to misleading ques-
tions. In multivariate path models, parental attachment was a stronger
predictor of child memory errors than was child distress. Remarkably,
parental attachment was an even stronger predictor than child age for
some memory measures.
We further found that the avoidant parents were more likely than
secure parents to report that they had not prepared the child for the
VCUG, had not talked much to the child about it after, avoided phys-
ically comforting the child, and did not have time to attend to the

childs feelings. Despite these relations, a mediational analysis (Baron &
Kenny, 1986) indicated that these factors did not mediate the correla-
tions between parental attachment and child memory performance.
In a second VCUG study, Quas et al. (1999) also showed that paren-
tal insecurity was predictive of inaccuracies in three- to 13-year-olds
reports about VCUG even when the medical procedure had been experi-
enced months to years earlier. Children of fearful-avoidant parents made
more errors to specific questions and fewer do-not-know responses to
misleading questions. In addition, children of dismissingly avoidant par-
ents displayed heightened suggestibility.
These first two studies showed important relations between paren-
tal attachment, childrens distress, and childrens memory. It was crucial
to determine, however, if the results would generalize to other stressful
situations. We also wondered if we could capture differences in parents
reactions to childrens distress while the stressful event was unfolding.
We thus turned to videotaping children while they received inoculations
as a regular part of their health care. In this way, we could also include
a wider range of families.
Parental Attachment, Parental Responsiveness,

and Child Memory/Suggestibility for Inoculations
Edelstein et al. (2004) examined relations between adult attachment and

parental responsiveness toward 3- to 7-year-olds during well-child inoc-
ulations. Compared to VCUGs, inoculations are typically less stressful.
However, for some children (e.g., those who receive six shots in one sit-
ting), inoculations can be quite upsetting. We hypothesized that relations
between attachment and parental responsiveness would be most evident
for the children who became particularly distressed during inocula-
tions. Previous research indicated that the amount of emotional support
provided to a romantic partner is predicted by an interaction between
attachment-related avoidance and partner distress (Fraley & Shaver, 1998;
Simpson, Rholes, & Nelligan, 1992). Specifically, avoidant individuals
became less emotionally supportive of their partners when those partners
became more distressed. To the extent that adults self-reported attach-
ment styles reflect their relationship orientations more generally, an inter-
action between parental avoidance and childrens levels of distress was
expected to predict parental responsiveness. That is, as children become
more upset, more avoidant parents were anticipated to become less sup-
portive, whereas the opposite was expected for more secure parents. It
was important to ensure, however, that the findings were not due to
child temperament or parental personality. Given the possible relations

among child temperament, parental personality, and childrens reactions
to stressful events, these factors were also considered in predicting
parental responsiveness.
In the study, parent-child dyads were observed while children
received doctor-ordered inoculations at a county immunization clinic.
The event was videotaped and coded independently for childrens dis-
tress and parental responsiveness. Distress was evaluated before, during,
and immediately following the inoculation. In addition, a global evalua-
tion of childrens overall reaction was made. Parental responsiveness was
assessed using the Emotional Availability Scales (Biringen, Robinson, &
Emde, 1998), which measure the affective quality of parent-child inter-
actions along four emotional availability dimensions: sensitivity, struc-
turing, nonintrusiveness, and nonhostility. Parental attachment style was
measured using the Relationship Scales Questionnaire (RSQ, Griffin &
Bartholomew, 1994), childrens temperament was assessed by the
Childrens Behavior Questionnaire (Ahadi, Rothbart, & Ye, 1993), and
parental personality was measured using the NEO Five-Factor Inventory
(Costa & McCrae, 1992). These are all well-regarded, standardized mea-
sures used frequently in psychological research.
A positive relation was found between adult avoidant attachment and
childrens distress during the inoculation such that having a parent who
scored higher on attachment avoidance was predictive of more child dis-
tress during the inoculation. Hierarchical regression revealed that the
influence of parental avoidance on childrens distress remained significant
after controlling for parental personality and childrens temperament.
Attachment anxiety was unrelated to childrens distress.
Significant relations also emerged for adult avoidant attachment and
parental responsiveness. Parents scoring higher on attachment avoidance
were rated as less responsive to their children during the inoculation.
An interaction between adult avoidant attachment and childrens emo-
tional reaction predicted parental responsiveness, such that parents scor-
ing high on avoidance were less responsive to their children, especially
when their children were highly distressed.
It thus appeared that we could capture attachment-related differences
in parental behavior toward children during a stressful event itself. Put
simply, as the children became more distressed during the inocula-
tions, secure parents became nicer to their children, and avoidant par-
ents became less positively (and often more negatively) engaged. Given
that stress level and parental responsiveness during a distressing inci-
dent might influence childrens attention to the stressor at the encod-
ing phase and thus affect memory accuracy, we wondered if parental
attachment would predict childrens memory and suggestibility about the
inoculations.

Thus, Alexander et al. (2002a) investigated relations between adults
self-reported attachment and their childrens memory and suggestibility
for the inoculation event studied by Edelstein et al. (2004). It was pre-
dicted that children of parents with secure adult attachment orientation
would have better memory for the inoculation and greater resistance to
suggestion than children of insecurely attached parents. Moreover, it was
expected that for most children, greater distress would be associated with
better memory for the inoculation (Christianson, 1992), but that for chil-
dren of avoidant parents, greater distress would be associated with worse
memory (Deffenbacher et al., 2004). Regarding the latter association, not
only might defensive exclusion be involved but several additional factors
might be at work as well. For example, our VCUG studies (Goodman
et al., 1997) indicated that children of avoidant parents were less likely to
have been prepared for the procedure, which might contribute to poorer
encoding, and less likely to have received parental help to cope emo-
tionally afterwards, that is, at the storage phase. Moreover, during the
inoculation event, Edelstein et al.s (2004) results showed that the chil-
dren of avoidant adults had to deal with a hostile parent in addition to
the shots, thus perhaps encoding less information about the inoculation.
Children between the ages of three and seven were interviewed about
getting their shots approximately two weeks after the shots had taken
place. Memory interviews included free-recall questions, and direct and
yes/no questions that were either specific or misleading in nature. Self-
ratings of parental attachment styles were obtained using the Relationship
Questionnaire (RQ; Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991) and the RSQ
(Griffin & Bartholomew, 1994).
Results revealed a positive relation between childrens distress and
the accuracy of their memory reports. However, this relation was found
only for children of parents who scored low on attachment avoidance,
that is, parents who were more secure. Children of parents with high
avoidant-attachment scores tended to show poor memory for free recall
and yes/no questions about the inoculation, especially when the children
had been highly distressed. The memory findings of Alexander et al.
(2002a) thus mirrored the parental responsiveness fi ndings of Edelstein
et al. (2004). The results suggest that the beneficial effect of stress on
memory (Christianson, 1992; Goodman et al., 1991) may not extend to
children of parents with high scores of attachment avoidance.
The findings described thus far demonstrate the usefulness of attach-
ment theory in predicting and understanding childrens memory for
medical procedures. It was important to determine if the findings would
extend beyond this domain. We were fortunate to be able to test the gen-
eralizability of our findings to the realm of adults and adolescents mem-
ory for childhood trauma, specifically the trauma of child sexual abuse.

Attachment and Memory for Child Sexual Abuse
Edelstein et al. (2005) examined the relation between adult attachment

and long-term memory for child sexual abuse. The adults and adoles-
cents had participated in a longitudinal study of the emotional outcomes
for child sexual-abuse victims involved in the legal system (Quas et al.,
2005). As already mentioned, previous research indicated that, although
emotion generally enhances memory, individuals with avoidant-attachment
styles may have memory deficits for highly emotional information. Thus,
an interaction between child sexual abuse severity and attachment avoid-
ance was hypothesized: Individuals low on avoidant attachment were
expected to demonstrate the most accurate memory for severe child
sexual abuse, whereas individuals high on attachment avoidance were
expected to show worse memory for more severe abuse. The nature of
the victims abuse experiences varied widely, including on dimensions of
severity (e.g., from less severe child sexual abuse, such as fondling over
the clothes, to highly traumatic child sexual assault, such as kidnap with
rape at gunpoint), which permitted a test of the hypothesis that individu-
als with avoidant attachment styles would show greater memory deficits
for particularly negative and severe abuse incidents.
For the study, adults and adolescents with documented histories of
child sexual abuse were interviewed 12 to 21 years after the alleged
abuse ended. Detailed information (derived from prosecutors files, police
reports, etc.) regarding participants prior abuse experiences was exam-
ined to assess memory accuracy for the abuse. That is, memory accu-
racy was evaluated based on discrepancies between the memory reports
in comparison to the original documentation of sexual abuse during the
victims childhoods. Abuse severity was calculated based on factors such
as abuse duration, extent of sexual contact, and degree of force and
injury sustained, and was used as an index of the emotional intensity
of the abuse incident. The degree to which participants discussed their
abuse experiences with friends and family members was also assessed.
Adult attachment was measured using the RQ (Bartholomew & Horowitz,
1991).
Regression analyses revealed the expected interaction between abuse
severity and avoidant attachment. Child sexual-abuse victims with low
scores on avoidant attachment showed greater memory accuracy for cases
of severe abuse, whereas victims scoring high on avoidant attachment
demonstrated worse memory for severe abuse. Furthermore, avoidant
individuals were less likely to have discussed the abuse with others.
Frequency of discussion was related to memory accuracy for the abuse,
such that the less one talked about the abuse, the less accurate was
memory for the abuse. Attachment anxiety was unrelated to memory

accuracy, irrespective of abuse severity. These fi ndings demonstrate the
importance of understanding the influence of attachment in investigations
of memory for real-life traumas. Similar to Alexander et al.s (2002a)
results on parental attachment and childrens memory for stressful events,
the findings suggest that the beneficial influence of emotion on memory
may not extend to individuals with avoidant attachments. Also, despite
differences in whose attachment orientations were being measured across
studies (i.e., parental attachment or victims own attachment), consistent
findings emerged.
Attachment and False Memory
Thus far, we have discussed memory for childhood events that were
truly experienced. Does attachment also relate to memory for what has
not occurred? That is, can attachment theory help us understand false
memory? Although we are in the early phases of research on this topic,
some promising leads have emerged. In our first foray into this area, we
examined possible relations between false autobiographical memory and
adult attachment (Qin, Ogle, & Goodman, in press). Based on research,
as reviewed in this chapter, showing associations between insecure paren-
tal attachment and childrens memory inaccuracies (e.g., Quas et al.,
1999), it was predicted that adult insecure attachment styles would be
associated with higher levels of false autobiographical memory in adults.
Similar to the lost in the mall false memory paradigm first employed
by Loftus and Pickrell (1995), our paradigm involved asking parents
of adult participants to supply information regarding various childhood
events (e.g., going to the hospital for an injury) either experienced or not
experienced by the adult participants before age five. Participants were
then asked to recall details of three true events supplied by their par-
ents and one false event. Adult attachment styles were measured in both
parents and adult participants using the RQ (Bartholomew & Horowitz,
1991). Of particular relevance to the present chapter, the results showed
that parents fearful-avoidant attachment predicted their adult childrens
higher false memory scores. Parental attachment style was not signifi-
cantly associated with participants true memory for autobiographical
events. Of interest, adult participants own attachment styles were not
predictive of true or false autobiographical memory reports.
In our second attachment and false memory study, Schaaf, Alexander,
and Goodman (2008) investigated relations between false memory, sug-
gestibility, and attachment style in three- to five-year-olds. Of particular
interest were potential mediators between parental attachment and chil-
drens false memory resistance. Again using a procedure similar to Loftus

and Pickrells (1995) lost in the mall paradigm, parents were fi rst
interviewed to verify four true and four false events for their children.
Children were then questioned repeatedly (in a single session) about true
and false events by one interviewer in a leading fashion and after that
by another interviewer who asked direct (nonleading) questions. Parental
attachment was measured using the RQ (Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991)
and an adapted version of the RSQ (Griffin & Bartholomew, 1994), on
which parents rated their level of agreement with statements concerning
close relationships. To assess childrens parent-child attachment security,
parents also completed the Attachment Q-Sort, which consists of a large
number of cards, each describing a childs specific secure-base behav-
ior (Waters & Deane, 1985). Finally, childrens behavioral problems were
measured using the Child Behavior Checklist (Achenbach & Edelbrock,
1983). It was hypothesized that higher attachment security for both chil-
dren and parents would predict greater resistance to suggestion.
Path analyses revealed parental insecure attachment predicted chil-
drens insecure attachment. The latter predicted behavioral problems in
the children, which predicted suggestibility. At last, a possible mediator
of parental attachment and child memory errors was identified.
However, findings concerning attachment and behavior problems in
this study must be interpreted with caution, given that both parent and
child attachment scores, as well as the behavioral adjustment scores,
were based on parental ratings. We are currently conducting research to
remediate this potential problem (e.g., Chae et al., 2007).
Remaining Questions
The study of attachment and memory is still in its infancy, but it shows
great promise for furthering scientific understanding of childrens mem-
ory and suggestibility for emotional events. Numerous issues remain; we
mention just a subset of them here. Clearly, further work is needed to
identify mediators of the attachment and memory relations we and oth-
ers have uncovered. Moreover, although in this chapter we have focused
on avoidant attachment and defensive exclusion, interesting relations may
exist between anxious attachment and memory (Alexander et al., 2002a;
Melinder et al., 2008). It is also important to examine the specificity of
attachment-memory relations; for example, research is needed to deter-
mine if attachment orientation predicts memory mainly for attachment-
related information or other types of information as well. Finally, the
field would profit from additional research concerning whether attach-
ment influences encoding, storage, and/or retrieval processes.

Practical Implications
We emphasized theory in this chapter, but practical implications should

be addressed as well, albeit with caution given that developmental sci-
ence on attachment and memory is still relatively new. In regard to
the legal context, maltreated children and their parents are likely to
have insecure attachments (Carlson, Cicchetti, Barnett, & Braunwald,
1989; Cicchetti & Manly, 2001). Our findings may thus have implica-
tions for forensic interviews and courtroom testimony. For example, inse-
curely attached children may need additional rapport building so that
sufficient trust can be established to aid resistance to misleading ques-
tions. Furthermore, experts who testify in court should be informed that
important individual differences exist in trauma memory.
There are also clinical implications of attachment and memory
research. Given the potential importance of parental support for chil-
drens mental health, clinicians may need to help avoidant parents better
deal with childrens distress. Children who themselves are more avoidant
might also profit from intervention regarding their ability to process
rather than defend against memories of stressful experiences.
Conclusion
Scientists have, for many decades, debated the mechanisms underlying

memory for stressful childhood events. We believe attachment theory
offers a viable explanatory framework for predicting important individual
differences in memory for distressing experiences, at least those that acti-
vate the attachment system. When we are frightened or hurt, we are bio-
logically programmed to want our loved ones to protect us. Expectations
about whether or not we will receive protection may pervade encoding,
storage, and/or retrieval of distressing childhood memories.
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2
Childrens Understanding
and Remembering of
Stressful Experiences
Lynne Baker-Ward
Peter A. Ornstein
Lauren P. Starnes
I n a discussion of realism and abstraction in art, Georgia

OKeeffe (1922) focused on the transformation of experience
and observed: Nothing is less real than realism. Details are confus-
ing. It is only by selection, by elimination, by emphasis that we get at
the real meaning of things. These constructive activitiesso critical for
the artistare at the core of our efforts to understand and remember the
events that we experience. Indeed, we are not passive observers of the
events that make up our lives. Our impressions of our experiences are
influenced by our expectations, our goals, and our knowledge of the
world (Baker-Ward, Ornstein, & Principe, 1997; Bartlett, 1932; Paris &
Lindauer, 1976). These impressions, moreover, are reflected in the ways
in which our experiences come to be represented in memory, and the
encoding processes that lead to the construction of these representations
can be quite extended in time (see Baker-Ward et al., 1997). Indeed,
after the initial encoding of an event, a variety of factors that arise
from both endogenous (e.g., our own internal cognitive processes) and
exogenous (e.g., our interactions with others) sources may transform our
understanding and consequently alter the memory representation. From
this perspective, autobiographical memory involves a set of construc-
tive processes that can continue long after an experience has ended but
which nonetheless influence our understanding and memory of the events
28
of our lives (see Fivush & Baker-Ward, 2005). In this chapter, we con-
sider these constructive processes as they impact childrens understand-
ing of emotionally significant experiences and their subsequent memory
for these events.
Extended Encoding of Personal Experiences
A Constructivist Account of Memory

The constructivist perspective that is central to much research on cogni-
tion and its development emphasizes the active involvement of an indi-
vidual in seeking to understand his or her experiences. From this point
of view, understanding an event as it unfolds involves the application
of underlying knowledgebroadly definedto modify and embellish the
objective stimulus record, in the process going beyond the informa-
tion given, to use Bruners (1957) celebrated phrase. As we see it, both
semantic (i.e., generic) and episodic (i.e., specific) memory representations
are used in the interpretive processsometimes quite unconsciously
as are self-schemata (e.g., internal working models of relationships with
parentssee Oppenheim & Koren-Karie, this volume) and an individu-
als vast storehouse of domain-specific knowledge (e.g., of the rules of
soccer or chess). To a considerable extent, understanding involves the
transformation of an objective event that may be experienced by a
group of participants, i.e., Underwoods (1963) nominal stimulus, into a
personally relevant experience, i.e., Underwoods functional stimulus.
The roots of the constructivist position as it applies to explorations of
memory can be seen in Binet and Henris (1894a, 1894b) studies of chil-
drens superior recall of sentences, in comparison to their memory for
words, and Bartletts (1932) explorations of adults recall of unfamiliar
folk tales. Binet and Henri found that the basic idea underlying a long
passage was more resistant to forgetting than were the actual words,
leading them to suggest that the children in their studies were abstract-
ing the underlying meaning of the material on the basis of their exist-
ing knowledge. Moreover, in an influential exploration of reconstructive
processes in remembering, Bartlett (1932) reported that English adults
distorted aspects of the North American folk tales that they were asked
to remember, interpreting this difficult-to-understand material in terms
of their own cultural experiences and then remembering their interpreta-
tions. Consistent with Bartletts findings of knowledge-based distortions,
other researchers (e.g., Paris & Lindauer, 1977) have shown that the
recall of meaningful prose passages can often be characterized by trans-
formations and omissions of the original material. These effects reflect
Understanding and Remembering of Stressful Experiences 29

the operation of constructive processes that are set in motion by under-
lying knowledge and can be seen in the integration of ideas both within
and across sentence boundaries (Barclay & Reid, 1974; Bransford &
Franks, 1972) and in the inferences that are imposed on the material
(e.g., Paris & Lindauer, 1976).
The Impact of Constructive Processes

There is ample evidence that these constructive processes operate at
every phase of the information processing sequence, i.e., from initial
encoding through memory storage, retrieval, and reporting (Baker-Ward
et al., 1997). An individuals prior knowledge is used routinelymost
often unconsciously, but sometimes deliberatelyto interpret ongoing
events, with the resulting interpretations impacting the deployment of
attention and the encoding of information in memory. Thus, the initial
representation of an experience that is established in memory is driven
clearly by knowledge-based constructive processes. However, it is also
important to indicate that these processes can be quite extended in time
and can lead to changes in understanding and interpretation. Indeed,
both endogenous (e.g., reflection and rumination) and exogenous (e.g.,
conversation and exposure to misleading information) factors can affect
the extended encoding of an experience, with corresponding modifica-
tions of the representation. Moreover, later in the information-process-
ing sequence, the impact of knowledge can affect remembering as the
details of a specific experience fade over time and generic information
is used to supplement what can be remembered (Myles-Worsley, Cromer,
& Dodd, 1986; Ornstein, Merritt, Baker-Ward, Furtado, Gordon, &
Principe, 1998). Further, changes over time in general knowledge can
lead to a reworking of what is remembered, as memory for a specific
experience may be transformed on the basis of current understanding
and beliefs (Greenhoot, 2000; Ross, 1989).
Constructive Processing over Time

Although constructive processes influence all aspects of remembering
from stimulus input to retrieval and reportingthe impact of forces
from within and outside the child during the retention interval is of
special importance for the underlying memory representation. In terms
of endogenous forces, personal reflection on recently experienced events
can certainly alter ones perspective, as can rumination and efforts to
make sense of ones personal experiences (Bruner, 1990), and thus mod-
ify the state of representations in memory (Baker-Ward et al., 1997).
As discussed below, such internally driven, postevent processing may be
most likely to occur when the experiences in question are infused with

emotion. Moreover, individuals may be aware of the operation of this
processing, at least at some points in the retention interval, and may
even initiate them deliberately (e.g., as in an attempt to understand how
an injury occurred or why a relationship ended). On the other hand, the
modification of a representation in memory may result from the spread
of activation in semantic memory or other knowledge-based processes of
which the individual is unaware, as is the case with instances of auto-
suggestion (Binet, 1900; see also Baker-Ward et al., 1997). The Deese-
Roediger-McDermott (DRM) Illusion (Roediger & McDermott, 1995), in
which participants erroneously report having seen a target word (e.g.,
sleep) as part of a list of stimuli with which the word was highly
associated (e.g., bed and dream), provides one example.
Complementing these endogenous influences on the underlying mem-
ory representations are exogenous forces that also serve to extend the
encoding process. For example, conversations with others (peers or
adults) about an experience, particularly one that is not entirely under-
stood, can lead to changes in interpretation that impact the representation
(Principe et al., 2006), as can access to accounts in the media or family
photo albums and videotapes of similar experiences (Ornstein, Larus, &
Clubb, 1991; Principe, Ornstein, Baker-Ward, & Gordon, 2000). In addi-
tion, memory distortions that arise from the presentation of contradictory
information, as in the misinformation effect in the area of eyewitness
testimony (Loftus, 1993), can be seen as reflecting the processes that are
ordinarily involved in extended encoding. Moreover, related to studies of
the misinformation effect are investigations of suggestibility in which the
aim is that of simulating the use of misleading or coercive questioning
of child witnesses (see Bruck & Ceci, 1999).
The extensive literature on memory distortion notwithstanding, both
endogenous and exogenous forces may also operate to maintain and
enhance as well as to diminish the accuracy of the recollection of per-
sonal experiences. Based on research in cognitive psychology, it seems
reasonable to expect that at least under some conditions the addition of
information can make event representations more accessible and more
likely to be maintained over long delays (see Baker-Ward et al., 1997;
Fivush & Baker-Ward, 2005). For example, if initially unrelated aspects
of an event are subsequently connected by the discovery of a causal
relation between them, a more interconnected representational structure
would be created in memory. As a consequence, thinking about one of
the components should activate the other in memory, thereby increas-
ing the accessibility and long-term maintenance of the information in
memory. In addition, forgetting over time can be reduced considerably
when information in memory is reactivated during the retention inter-
val through repeated exposure to aspects of the original, a phenomenon

described as reinstatement (Brainerd & Ornstein, 1991; Campbell &
Jaynes, 1966; Hudson & Sheffield, 1999).
Within this perspective, then, the representation of an experience in
memory begins, but certainly does not end, with the initial encoding of
an event. Information acquired after an experience may change the mean-
ing of that experience, rendering salient details that subsequently remain
in memory but that might otherwise have been forgotten. Hence, a tech-
nologists decision to repeat an x-ray or a physicians worried expression
may be retained as components of the individuals personal narrative if a
medical condition is subsequently diagnosed, but may be readily forgotten
if the patient is later given a clean bill of health. Similarly, a child who
discovers that Santa Claus is mythical may reinterpret and remember the
shopping bags discovered in a closet or the parental voices overheard on
Christmas Eve, which now become central rather than peripheral compo-
nents of the holiday experience. Moreover, two recent studies of adults
story recall indicate that simply retelling a story prior to a later recall
assessment can have a substantial effect on the underlying memory rep-
resentation, consistent with the notion of extended encoding. Marsh (2007)
reported that memory for the stories changed after initial encoding and
storage, and Wang and Ross (2005) concluded that individuals memory
representations eventually become amalgams of the original information and
additional content derived from their retellings, and even their thoughts.
Stress, Emotion, and Extended Encoding

Among children as well as adults, the events that comprise our everyday
lives are not infrequently associated with some degree of stress, defined
in terms of physiological and emotional reactions to threats from the
outside world. Whereas traumatic events involve by definition (DSM-IV)
a realistic threat to life itself, the threats experienced in more typical
situations constitute real or perceived risks to ones sense of safety (e.g.,
in experiencing a painful but necessary medical procedure) or status and
self-worth (e.g., in experiencing a blocked goal) (see McEwan, 2000).
Within the context of the same event (e.g., getting cut from the team),
different individuals may experience alternative emotional reactions as a
consequence of their varying interpretations of the experience (Lazarus,
1977), which are derived in part from their individual temperaments and
personal histories.
In response to these divergent emotions, different courses of action
may be undertaken (Campos, Mumme, Kermonian, & Campos, 1994).
A child who reacts to a stressful experience with anger, for example,
may respond with aggression, whereas another who experiences sadness
may withdraw from the scene. As a consequence of these diverging

approaches to a situation, alternative aspects of the event may become
more or less relevant (Dolan, 2002; Easterbrooks, 1959). The individual
who becomes hypervigilant in preparing to defend the self, for exam-
ple, may focus on different aspects of the situation than will a child
who withdraws from the scene and shuts down. In this regard, emo-
tion can be expected to affect encoding and consequently determine to
some extent the representation of an event in memory.
It is also the case that alternative emotional experiences and expres-
sions are likely to be associated with different opportunities and motiva-
tion for constructive processing over time as an individual reappraises a
changing situation. For example, a childs pride in her accomplishment
could provide the impetus for extensive discussions with others about
the details of the positive experience, resulting in an augmented repre-
sentation in memory. In contrast, a child who feels shame regarding her
performance could avoid revisiting the episode in question with others.
Similarly, the sequelae of emotionally salient events may include multi-
ple opportunities for the reinstatement or augmentation of memory (see
Sales, this volume). For example, a childs emotional displays may evoke
explanations and reassurances from adults, or, alternatively, opportunities
for interpretation and understanding may be limited if an episode such
as sexual assault is silenced by the community (Fivush, 2000). It is also
possible that events accompanied by self-conscious emotions, such as
pride or guilt, may be distorted or reinterpreted over time (see Ross,
1989). Hence, emotion has implications for remembering at each point in
the information-processing sequence (see Gordon, Schroeder, Ornstein, &
Baker-Ward, 1995; Ornstein, Larus & Clubb, 1991).
An Approach to the Investigation

of Extended Encoding
Knowledge-based constructive processes thus play an important role in

childrens memory for personally experienced events and may be espe-
cially salient when the events being remembered are emotional in tone.
As such, our focus here is on understanding and remembering emotion-
ally charged experiences among boys and girls between 3 and 10 years
of age. To illustrate these processes, we present several investigations
from our own research programs, focusing on (a) childrens understand-
ing of personally significant experiences as they unfold and their subse-
quent memory for these events, and (b) the influences on remembering
that may transpire after these events have occurred. Our discussion will
highlight some of the ways in which emotions may affect understand-
ing, extended encoding, and consequently remembering, in development.

Finally, we present some directions for further investigation and examine
some implications of our work for forensic and clinical practice.
For over 15 years, in collaboration with our late colleague Betty N.
Gordon and a number of talented students and postdoctoral fellows, we
have studied childrens memory for naturally occurring, personally sig-
nificant experiences. In most of these investigations, our work has been
motivated by questions regarding young childrens capacity to serve as
witnesses in legal proceedings. Assuming that what cannot be remem-
bered cannot be reported, we have charted young childrens retention of
the details of their medical experiences over extended periods of time
as a function of varied conditions of reporting. For overviews of this
research, see Ornstein, Baker-Ward, Gordon, and Merritt (1997) and
Gordon, Baker-Ward, and Ornstein (2001); see also Peterson (this vol-
ume) for a discussion of another research program involving childrens
memory for medical treatment.
For several reasons, we decided to use medical procedures as the to-
be-remembered events in our studies. First, these procedures can serve
as analogue events for the experiences about which children are often
called upon to testify in legal proceedings. Consider, for example, the
fact that during a physical examination of a child (a) is in partial and/
or complete states of undress, (b) is handled by an adult who is often
unknown and of the opposite sex, and (c) can experience some degree
of stress and pain. Of course, we readily acknowledge the important
distinctions between such parent-ally sanctioned events and episodes of
abuse; see Sales, this volume, for a discussion of the role of the parent
in childrens responses to emotional experiences. Importantly, because
the procedures that we observed were medically indicated, they provided
an ethically appropriate venue for the investigation of childrens memory
for stressful experiences. Second, through the cooperation of parents and
medical professionals, it was possible to specify the components and
details of each individual childs medical experience. Hence, we were
able to determine the accuracy of the childs report of the event. Third,
although the childrens involvement in the research did not affect their
medical care, we could assess and in some cases manipulate a variety
of factors that could impact recall, including the childs prior knowl-
edge of the specific medical procedure(s) and the timing of the mem-
ory interviews (e.g., Ornstein, Baker-Ward, Gordon, Pelphrey, Tyler, &
Gramzow, 2006).
Although much of our work has involved routine pediatric exami-
nations (e.g., Baker-Ward, Gordon, Ornstein, Larus & Clubb, 1993;
Greenhoot, Ornstein, Gordon, & Baker-Ward, 1999; Ornstein et al.,
2006), we have also carried out studies of childrens memory for other
medically related events, when they seemed appropriate for addressing

specific particular research questions. These events have included den-
tal examinations and restorations (Vandermaas, Hess, & Baker-Ward,
1993), a urinary bladder catheterization procedure (Merritt, Ornstein, &
Spicker, 1994), and emergency room treatment following a facial lacera-
tion (Burgwyn-Bailes, Baker-Ward, Gordon, & Ornstein, 2001). Moreover,
recently we have augmented our research on childrens memory for med-
ical experiences with investigations involving young participants reports
of another event that has significance in their lives, namely, a final
game in a season-ending soccer tournament (e.g., Baker-Ward, Eaton, &
Banks, 2005). This work was initiated specifically to explore the effects
of emotion on remembering across a delay interval. Although members
of both the winning and losing teams participated in the same activity,
at least at the level of the nominal stimulus, their experiences were typ-
ically quite divergent with regard to the emotions that accompanied the
outcome of the game. Hence, within this setting, we could explore the
effects of alternative emotions on aspects of the encoding and subse-
quent retrieval and reporting of the details of the game.
The experiences examined in this chapter thus range from painful
diagnostic procedures to recreational athletic competitions. The same
general approach, however, characterized each investigation. Working
with expert informants (physicians, dentists, nurses, and radiological
technologists; coaches and referees), we defined on an a priori basis the
standard components or features that comprise each type of experi-
ence, i.e., those aspects of the event that would be typically be encoun-
tered by each participant. Whereas the majority of these features were
integral components of the event, across individual children there were
some variations in the experiences. (For example, although most chil-
dren receiving pediatric check-ups would have their vision screened, this
typical aspect of the examination might be omitted for children who
receive services from ophamologists.) Hence, to enable an examination
of the accuracy of the childrens memory reports, observers recorded
as each medical procedure unfolded the presence or absence of each of
the event features that were listed on checklists. When possible, these
records were augmented with video recordings. Childrens memory
reports were obtained in individual interviews, in which an experienced
examiner began with very general, open-ended questions (Tell me what
happened . . . ) to elicit the childs narrative account of the experience.
In the investigations of medical procedures, the retention of each feature
was assessed with a hierarchically organized protocol, such that increas-
ingly specific prompts (closed questions to yes/no probes) were presented
to the child when information was not forthcoming in response to more
general queries. Consistent with the increased focus on childrens emo-
tional responses and interpretation of their experiences, the interview

protocols for the soccer studies were modified somewhat, with increasing
support provided for the generation of a narrative account of the expe-
rience, and with wh- questions addressing all features (including those
provided in the narrative) presented in a separate portion of the inter-
view. All interviews also included some plausible questions about actions
that were not components of the event.
Included in each study was a measure of the childs level of arousal
and/or emotional reactions to the event, although the nature of these
measures varied across investigations. In some cases, it was possible to
augment ratings of the childrens levels of stress with behavioral analy-
ses of their video-recorded responses during the procedures. The studies
presented below (cf. Merritt et al., 1994) are limited in that they did
not include assessments of the multiple response systems through which
stress may effect remembering (see Wallin, Quas, & Yim; and Wiik &
Gunnar; this volume, for a discussion of the importance of obtaining
such data in understanding the stress-memory linkage). In future research,
we plan on devoting attention to the multiple pathways through which
arousal, as moderated by knowledge, coping, and other variables, affects
childrens memories for the important things that happen to them.
Studies of Extended Encoding and Remembering
Prior Knowledge and Memory for

a Pediatric Examination
A recent investigation from our laboratory illustrates the facilitative
effects of domain-relevant knowledge on childrens recall of a medical
check-up (Ornstein et al., 2006). In most studies of the impact of prior
knowledge on memory, knowledge has been explored by contrasting
the performance of groups of individuals who differed in expertise in
domains such as chess (e.g., Chi, 1978) or soccer (Schneider, Krkel, &
Weinert, 1989). Moreover, in a few investigations, the feature of a salient
event such as a visit to the doctor (as opposed to the participant) has
been taken as the unit of analysis, with the critical question being that
of the differential recall of event components that varied along a scale
of childrens understanding, as defined by normative data (Clubb, Nida,
Merritt, & Ornstein, 1993; Ornstein et al., 1997). In contrast to these
approaches, Ornstein et al. (2006) included a knowledge assessment at
the individual level and thus could compare knowledge and memory
scores within the same participants.
To assess the childrens knowledge, half of the sample of four-to-
seven-year-olds was interviewed regarding the components of a pediatric
examination prior to their own medical check-ups; the remaining half

was assigned to a control condition to verify that the knowledge inter-
views did not affect subsequent recall performance. All of the children
were asked to report the component features of their physical examina-
tions immediately after their check-ups, and then again after a delay of
six months. As shown in Figure 21, knowledge of the details of routine
physical examinations increased with age, and the childrens knowledge
scores predicted both initial, r = .53, p < .001, and delayed recall,
r = .30, p = .05. The results of regression analyses indicated that
knowledge accounted for a significant proportion of the variance in
open-ended recall at the initial interview, even after age and vocabulary
scores had been entered into the model.
A First Dental Visit: Preparation and Recall

Given this demonstration of the impact of knowledge on childrens mem-
ory for a familiar physical examination, is it possible to observe knowl-
edge effects on three-year-olds reports of a novel and possibly stressful
procedure? To examine this issue, Baker-Ward and Ornstein (in prepara-
tion) recruited a sample of 46 three-year-old children who were scheduled
for their very first dental examination. Through the cooperation of their
dentist, we set out to manipulate the childrens preparation (and, presum-
ably, their knowledge) for this initial experience. With the assistance of
the parents, we were also able to explore the effects of naturally occur-
ring preparation, including their deliberate attempts to increase their chil-
drens understanding of the nature and importance of dental treatment, as
well as the childrens incidental exposure to relevant information.
80% 80%
R Sq Linear = 0.092
60% 60%
Memory Scores
Memory Scores
40% 40%
20% 20%
R Sq Linear = 0.277
0% 0%
0% 20% 40% 60% 0% 20% 40% 60%

Knowledge Scores Knowledge Scores
Figure 21. Scatterplots illustrating the associations between knowledge

and open-ended recall at the immediate (left panel) and six-month (right
panel) interviews. Note that when participants have identical scores, their
data points overlap. (Adapted from Ornstein et al., 2006, Figure 3. Used by
permission from the American Psychological Association.)

Three experimental conditions were established, and the children were
randomly assigned to one of three groups that differed with regard to
the materials they received from us about two weeks before their check-
ups. The families in the first group were mailed a specially prepared
video that showed two child models receiving complete dental treatments
by the childrens dentist and a dental hygienist. Those in the second
group, a manipulation control condition, were mailed our own produc-
tion of Healthy Snacks for Healthy Teeth. This video was comparable
to the experimental tape in length and with regard to parents ratings
of its appeal, but it conveyed no knowledge relevant to the dental visit.
Moreover, the families assigned to third group, a baseline control condi-
tion, received only a letter confirming their participation in the research.
To determine the impact, if any, of our videos, the childrens knowledge
of the features to be included in the dental examination was assessed
briefly when they arrived at the dentists office. This interview consisted
only of a very general prompt (What will happen when you see the
dentist?), and the children provided little information about their expec-
tations. Even though the parents in both video conditions indicated that
they complied with our instructions to play the videos on at least two
occasions (M = 2.33), the performance of the three groups on this
knowledge assessment was quite similar. Indeed, the children in the
knowledge, control, and baseline conditions reported only 1.87, 1.25, and
0.86 features of the examination, respectively.
The childrens dental treatment, which included an examination, teeth
cleaning, and the application of fluoride, was video-recorded, but was
otherwise unaffected by their participation in the research. Six weeks
after the visit, all of the children were interviewed at a university lab-
oratory. We used a protocol consistent with our general approach, as
described above. The questions were again hierarchically structured,
with very general, open-ended questions followed by increasingly spe-
cific probes, and the childrens retention of standard features of the visit
was assessed. In contrast to expectationsbut consistent with the failure
to find significant differences in childrens knowledge, as a function of
the videotape manipulationno overall group effects were present; the
experimenter-provided preparation did not enhance recall.
Although our experimental manipulation of information in an attempt
to differentially prepare children for their fi rst dental examination was
not successful, we were quite aware that the children were prepared for
the check-up in other ways. Did such preparationwhich we assume
results in more knowledgeaffect retention? To examine this question,
we tabulated all the preparation activities reported by the parents on the
questionnaires they completed at the dentists office. Parents reported a
total of 12 different types of preparation activities (e.g., reading books

about dentists). We then asked a group of nine experts, all of whom
were practicing dentists, to rank-order the preparation activities in terms
of their presumed effectiveness. Attesting to the potential importance
of naturally occurring experiences, the preparation we provided, view-
ing a specially prepared video, ranked behind visiting the dental office
in advance and observing a siblings dental treatment. On the basis of
these rankings, we reconstituted the groups. The High Preparation condi-
tion was composed of the 16 children who had experienced one or more
of the three most effective techniques, whereas the Medium Preparation
group included 10 children who had had exposure to one or more of the
next three techniques. The remaining 20 children in the Low Preparation
Group received no specific preparation at all. Interestingly, as can be seen
in Figure 22, these post hoc groups did differ with regard to memory
performance, with the participants in the High Preparation group recall-
ing significantly more of the features than did the children in either the
Medium or Low Preparation groups, whose performance did not differ.
Hence preparation that presumably resulted in greater understanding
of the event was associated with higher levels of memory performance,
at least when naturally occurring experience is considered.
Of course, quasi-experimental findings must be interpreted cautiously.
We can, however, rule out a number of potential alternative explanations
for the effect, including preparation group differences in months of age,
trait anxiety, and child temperament, as assessed by parental question-
naires. In addition, there were no between-group similarities in responses
to questions about actions that were not part of the dental visit, mak-
ing it seem unlikely that the High Preparation groups better recall
0.6
0.5
Proportion Recall
0.4
0.3
0.2
Figure 22. Proportion of

0.1
standard features of their
first dental examinations
0 recalled by three-year-old
High Medium Low
children in three post hoc
Preparation Group preparation conditions.

performance can be attributed to a response bias that could have influ-
enced the measure of total recall. It is also the case that the preparation
effect cannot be attributed to reductions in anxiety. An original purpose
of the investigation was to lower anxiety during an event in order to
assess the effects on memory. However, the children were quite relaxed
during their dental examinations, as indicated by parents and hygien-
ists ratings and by an observational measure of anxiety, the Behavioral
Profile Rating Scale (BPRS; Melamed & Lumley, 1988), and no overall
group differences in anxiety were found. Finally, one additional limita-
tion of the present research design must be noted: because we did not
assess memory immediately after the dental visit, it is possible that the
effects of preparation observed here operated during the retention inter-
val instead of at encoding, although there is no evidence for this effect.
The Provision of Information During

an Invasive Procedure
An additional investigation in our laboratory was carried out by Ornstein,
Principe, Hudson, Gordon, and Merritt (1997) to examine the effects of
childrens understanding of what is happening to them on their subse-
quent memory of a highly stressful experience. In this follow-up to a
previous study (Merritt et al., 1994), 24 children between three and eight
years of age were observed as they underwent an invasive radiological
procedure involving urinary bladder catheterization and were interviewed
on three occasions about their experience.
The procedure was a voiding cystourethrogram (VCUG), which is
performed when a physician needs an evaluation of the urinary tract, as
is often the case in children with repeated bladder infections. The 20
to 30 minute VCUG procedure begins with the child being placed on a
table beneath the fluoroscopy camera. The genital area is then uncovered
and cleansed, and a catheter is inserted into the urethra and passed into
the urinary bladder. Contrast fluid is infused until the bladder is filled
to capacity, and fluoroscopic filming is then performed. The procedure
ends with the child being instructed to urinate on the table, a process
that leads to the forced expulsion of the catheter. Following our standard
procedures, we identified 10 specific features of the VCUG and used
a hierarchically structured interview protocol to assess the retention of
these features at each of three memory interviews. Half of the children
were interviewed immediately after the VCUG; all of them were ques-
tioned in their homes at both six and 16 weeks after the procedure.
Although the children and their families did not receive a uniform
orientation to the procedure, the technologists provided some patients
with more information than others. The technologists talk to the young

patients was classified as including a procedural narrative when they
were provided with an account containing a description of (a) the cathe-
ter and its insertion, (b) the infusion of contrast fluid, and (c) the filling
of the bladder. Following up Principe et al.s (1996) reanalysis of Merritt
et al.s (1994) data, we thought it possible that presentation of informa-
tion in this narrative form may have permitted the child to better under-
stand the event as it unfolded. With an enhanced understanding of the
experience, the child could construct a more elaborated representation of
the event, which could serve as a foundation for subsequent remember-
ing. Moreover, because the features addressed in the procedural narra-
tive must have taken place in order for some other components to occur
(e.g., the childs bladder must be filled before it can be emptied), infor-
mation regarding these enabling features could be expected to affect
the childs understanding of other components of the VCUG as well.
Two post hoc groups were formed, consisting of 12 children who
received a procedural narrative from their technologists and 12 who were
not given this initial overview of the procedure. As shown in Figure 23,
children who received the procedural narrative reported a greater propor-
tion of the features of the event at each occasion.
As it turned out, however, the technologists were more likely to
provide the procedural narrative to the older children, whom, we sus-
pect, they thought would benefit from the information. The post hoc
Narrative Group had a mean age of 76 months, compared with only 53
months for the children in the No Narrative Group. When the recall
data were statistically adjusted for age, the facilitative effect of the pro-
cedural narrative on recall remained at the initial interview, but was no
longer significant at the delayed assessments. It is possible that partic-
ipation in the memory interview itself served to enhance remembering
across occasions among the children who had not received a procedural
narrative and may have had little understanding of what had happened
to them. Indeed, the interview could have provided additional informa-
tion or assisted the child in creating an organization structure that could
support subsequent reports. Providing some support for this possibility,
Starnes and Baker-Ward (under review) found that four-year-olds who
received an immediate interview following an experimenter-provided,
novel play event evidenced enhanced recall and greater resistance to ret-
roactive interference from an intervening experience than did children
who were not interviewed after the experience. Alternatively, it is pos-
sible that the enhancement provided by the procedural narrative in the
VCUG study resulted in more extensive but weaker encoding, and hence
the additional information was not maintained in memory. Nonetheless,
these data provide further evidence that childrens understanding of an
experience facilitates their encoding of the event.

Narrative No Narrative
1
0.9
0.8
0.7
Proportion Recall
0.6
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1
0
Initial 6-Week 16-Week
Timing of Interview
Figure 23. Proportion of standard features of the VCUG procedure

recalled at three different delay intervals by children in two post hoc
narrative conditions.
Changing Expectations and Memory

of a Soccer Match
In another investigation from our laboratory, Eaton (2003) explored the
ways in which childrens changing understanding of an experience may
alter their goals and hence their deployment of attention during an
event. In her dissertation research, Eaton examined the memory of 69
ten-year-old athletes of their final game in an end-of-season soccer tour-
nament that culminated in a league championship. The details of play
were noted during the match by observers who had varsity-level soc-
cer experience, and video recordings were made to provide a means of
verifying additional information. Memory for details of the match was
assessed immediately after the game in interviews conducted in tents set
up on the periphery of the field, and six weeks later in the childrens
homes.
The interviews began with a request for a narrative account of the
match, followed by the set of wh- questions regarding predefined game
components. The players free recall reports were divided into proposi-
tions, which were classified as reflecting central or peripheral game
components. Applying Peterson and Bells (1996) definitions, central
propositions referred to aspects of the game that directly affected play

or the outcome, whereas peripheral components were outside the match
or did not affect play. The standard set of wh- questions referenced
predetermined match components, and these elicited recall probes were
similarly comprised of items addressing central features (e.g., What was
the final score?) and peripheral features (e.g., What color uniform did
the other team wear?).
In addition to the memory assessments, each player also provided rat-
ings of the importance of the event, perceived performance (both individ-
ual and for the team as a whole), and an estimate of the point at which
the participant was confident of the outcome of the game. In addition,
the childrens emotional reactions prior to and subsequent to play were
obtained, using a context reinstatement technique based on the Cognitive
Interview (see Fisher, Brennan, & McCauley, 2002). Participants on the
winning and losing teams did not differ in their reported desire to win
the game, and the ratings confirmed our expectation that the game was
of great important to the young athletes. Indeed, more than a quarter of
the children in the sample endorsed the statement: I wanted to win as
much as Ive ever wanted anything in my life.
Not surprisingly, the participants on the winning teams reported that
they were not confident of the outcome of the game until the second
half, or even the final minutes of play. In contrast, the players from the
losing teams could be classified into informal groups of those who iden-
tified the first half, second half, and end of play as the point at which
they were certain that their team would lose. We predicted that chil-
dren who believed a victory was still possible would be more vigilant
and hence more focused on the central components of play than would
those had believed that a loss was inevitable. At both the initial and
delayed interviews, the results were consistent with this prediction. As
illustrated in Figure 24, the players on the losing teams who reported
believing into the second half or at the end of the game that a win
was possible responded correctly to more wh- questions regarding cen-
tral components of play (e.g., How many times was a player called for
off-sides?; How many times did the other team score on a penalty
kick?) than did those who thought the outcome had been decided in the
first half.
Some additional evidence supports the interpretation that the group
differences arose from the deployment of attention. The groups did not
differ significantly in their responses to questions addressing periph-
eral components of the game (e.g., How many times did a ball from
another game come onto your field?), suggesting that the between-group
differences in central recall cannot be attributed to a general disengage-
ment among the children who saw the outcome as a foregone conclusion.

0.8
Initial
0.7 6-Week Delay
Proportion Central Recall
0.6
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1
0
1st Half 2nd Half End
Knowledge of Outcome
Figure 24. Proportion of central game components reported by the chil-

dren on losing teams who reported knowing the game outcome at alterna-
tive points in play.
Further, we compared the recall performance of the players on both los-

ing and winning teams who reported that they did not know what the
outcome of the game would be until the very end of play. These groups
did not differ with regard to their recall of either the central or periph-
eral components of their games. This pattern of results suggests that the
deployment of attention may mediate the relation between memory and
arousal in childrens memory for salient experiences, at least under some
conditions (see Easterbrook, 1959).
The investigations described in this section are clearly limited
by their quasi-experimental designs and by their small sample sizes.
Nonetheless, taken as a whole, the work provides evidence for the
importance of childrens understanding of their experiences on their
encoding and subsequent retention of the event. More specifically,
our studies of childrens memory for a physical examination and den-
tal check-up indicate that prior knowledge influences performance, and
our exploration of the VCUG provides evidence for the importance
of recently acquired procedural information. In contrast, the soccer
match study indicates clearly that childrens evolving understanding of
the situation can affect the deployment of attention and hence subse-
quent recall; although all players were exposed to the same nominal
stimulusi.e., the tournament gametheir differing perceptions of the

likely outcome led to contrasting functional stimuli, with corresponding
differences in remembering.
A Novel Pediatric Examination: Expectations

and Long-Term Recall
Whereas the research reported above addresses the role of knowledge
and understanding on the encoding of events as they transpire, these
investigations did not include an examination of changes in the mem-
ory representation as a result of extended encoding. In this section, we
explore the implications of some additional research for the understand-
ing of possible knowledge-driven mechanisms through which these rep-
resentations may be alteredin ways that may either disrupt or enhance
veridical recallafter events have taken place.
It has long been known that constructive processes driven by generic
knowledge may alter childrens reports of their experiences over time.
A study from our own research program illustrates the ways in which
childrens expectations, based on their own past experiences, can affect
their reports over an extended delay interval. Ornstein et al. (1998) pre-
sented four- and six-year-old children with a specially designed medi-
cal examination, administered by a licensed pediatrician in her office,
in which some expected, typical features of the check-up were omitted
and other novel features were included. Hence, for example, the phy-
sician omitted checking the childs heart, but added the unusual com-
ponent of measuring the childs head circumference. Both at the initial
and the 12-week delayed interview, the children were more successful in
reporting the typical as compared with the atypical features in response
to open-ended prompts. However, at the delayed interview, the children
experienced difficulty in differentiating between typical features that had
and had not been in the mock examination than they did with atypi-
cal present versus omitted components. Further, in contrast to previous
investigations in which spontaneous intrusions are quite rare, the chil-
dren reported a number of features that had not been included in the
specially constructed examination, all of which were typically included
in routine pediatric check-ups. Moreover, the older children, who pre-
sumably had more generic knowledge regarding the event, generated the
majority of these intrusions. These findings are consistent with investiga-
tions of childrens reliance on generic representations such as scripts as
episodic memory fades (Myles-Worsley, Cromer & Dodd, 1986) and with
research examining the effects of event repetition on childrens suggest-
ibility (e.g., Roberts & Powell, 2006).
In addition to changes in memory over time that arise from the
activation of existing knowledge, it is possible that knowledge-based

reasoning and interpretive processes may contribute to changes over time
in the underlying memory representation. At present, few studies have
documented the mnemonic consequences of such cognitive activity for
childrens event recall. Tsethlikai and Greenhoot (2006) recently explored
these issues in the context of nine- to 11-year-olds recall of stories.
These children initially heard a story that they were told to imagine
had happened to them. The participants subsequently heard either a con-
trol story or one in which another persons perspective on the events in
the story justified a change in its original interpretation. In response to
the provision of this alternative perspective, the children in the experi-
mental condition substantially changed their initial recall by presenting
a character in a more positive light and attempting to reconcile details
from both perspectives by adding new information to their reports.
Some recent work in our laboratory, although by no means definitive,
has implications for examining the ways in which changes in under-
standing an emotionally salient experience may alter its memory. We
begin with the presentation of some findings from our investigations of
childrens memory for soccer games. The data, we believe, provide evi-
dence for a dynamic relationship between understanding and remember-
ing over time.
Constructive Activity among Soccer Players

on Winning vs. Losing Teams
The findings from another study of soccer players recall of the details
of an important match suggest a linkage between constructive activ-
ity and the emotion associated with the game. Baker-Ward, Eaton, and
Banks (2005) asked 48 ten-year-old girls who participated in a soc-
cer tournament to rate their individual performance on a 1 (My worst
game ever) to 5 (My best game ever) Likert scale, both at an ini-
tial interview conducted within one week of the final game and at a
delayed interview five weeks later. Not surprisingly, the players on win-
ning teams rated the quality of their individual performance signifi-
cantly higher than did their less-successful opponents. Interestingly, there
was an interaction between team outcome and time. The children who
enjoyed a victory rated their performance slightly higher at the second
interview than at the first, whereas the young athletes who coped with a
loss saw themselves as having played more poorly as time progressed.
Additional results from this investigation indicate that the emotional
valence of an experience is associated with the opportunity for extended
encoding. At the delayed interview, a subset of the young soccer players
was asked, How often did you talk with someone about the game?
These respondents had all participated in the same tournament game

as members of opposing teams; hence, differences in their engagement
in conversations about the event should be due to the game outcome,
rather than to extraneous variations in their experiences (such as extreme
weather or the attendance of a local celebrity at the game). The children
who played on the winning team reported that they had discussed the
game with others an average of 4.67 times over the five weeks between
the match and the delayed interview. In contrast, the players from the
losing team reported only about half as many conversations (M = 2.25).
Given the importance of parent-child conversations about salient experi-
ences on childrens memory (see Sales, this volume) and research on the
effects of story retellings on adults recall performance (Marsh, 2006),
it seems reasonable to predict that a different propensity to engage in
conversations about an experience would affect long-term memory for
the event. Moreover, although we do not have access to the specifics of
these conversations, it seems likely that members of winning as opposed
to losing teams talked about different aspects of the match.
Evaluations of Play and Extended

Coding among Young Athletes
As discussed above, Eaton (2003) demonstrated that childrens changing
perceptions of the likelihood of winning or losing a soccer match influ-
enced attentional deployment and the encoding of game-related infor-
mation. Further results from this study suggest a linkage between the
players personal evaluations of their teams performance and their post-
game focus over an extended period of time on alternative components
of the match. As a general indicator of the young athletes reaction to
the game the players rated their teams performance (as well as the
quality of their individual play) on a scale of 1 (Worst game ever) to
7 (Best game ever). Four groups were formed on the basis of these
ratings, with ns ranging from 10 to 29 children. Because of the infre-
quent use of very negative ratings, children who reported one of the
lower three ratings were included in one group who perceived team play
during the match as OK to Worst Ever. Additional groups perceived
team play as Pretty Good, Really Good, or Best Ever. Rating cat-
egory was independent of the game outcome.
The childrens memory for details of the match was assessed immedi-
ately after play and again after a delay of six weeks. As discussed above,
the young players first provided a narrative account of the match, and
then responded to a series of standard wh- questions regarding predefined
game components. The free-recall reports were divided into propositions,
which were classified as reflecting central or peripheral game components.
In an analysis of the proportion of central propositions in the childrens

game narratives, the 19 children who rated the tournament game as their
teams best game ever differed across time from the groups who saw
the game as less salient. These participants used a greater proportion of
central propositions at the second interview (M = .61, SD = .27) than
they did at the first (M = .42, SD = .29), whereas the children who
evaluated play less positively did not differ over time in the proportion
of central propositions they included in their reports. The groups did not
differ with regard to the length of the narratives, eliminating a possi-
ble confounding variable. Moreover, they did not differ with regard to
their rates of inclusion of propositions coded as peripheral information.
With regard to elicited recall, the groups who rated team performance
higher also tended (ps < .06) to respond correctly to a greater pro-
portion of wh- questions addressing both central game components than
did the other groups, although this effect did not change across time.
Although the above findings reflect the operation of extended encoding
processes, there are a number of reasons to expect that extended encod-
ing may be limited in childrens reflection on the outcomes of recrea-
tional sports competitions. In remembering soccer games, the children in
our investigations reported an expected, familiar experience. Moreover,
although the soccer tournaments in which they took part were clearly
important occurrences for the participants at the time at which they took
place, the outcome is unlikely to have had a continuing effect on the
young players lives. The tournaments in which they competed were orga-
nized by their recreational league, in which participation and good sports-
manship rather than winning were emphasized. In addition, the young
athletes had extensive exposure to wins and losses. Parents of the partici-
pants in one of our soccer studies reported that their 10-year-old children
had, on average, more than five years of experience in playing organized
soccer. And, for these young players as well as sports fan everywhere,
there is always next year. Consequently, understanding the experience
in most cases may not require extended reflection or the provision of
additional information from others. In contrast, other experiences, such as
events that result in blocking the individuals goals (see Stein & Liwag,
1997) or experiences that impose threats to the individuals sense of self-
worth or that are inconsistent with previous perceptions of others (see
Ross, 1989) may be more likely to activate extended encoding.
Changes in Childrens Injury Reports

over a One-Year Delay
To explore the possibility of an increased likelihood of extended encod-
ing in more emotionally challenging situations, we returned to the data
obtained in a previous investigation of childrens memory for the details

of emergency treatment following a facial laceration (Burgwyn-Bailies
et al., 2001). In this study, 24 three- to seven-year-olds experienced an
injury that required treatment by a plastic surgeon, and we assessed their
memory within two days of the accident and after delays of six weeks
and one year. Although our interview protocol included open-ended and
wh- questions regarding the childrens accidents as well as their surgi-
cal treatment, the report by Burgwyn-Bailes et al. (2001) focused only
on the minor surgeries; indeed, the childrens accounts of their accidents
have not been previously systematically examined. Of relevance to the
present issue, the accidents had consequences for the childrens subse-
quent experience in at least some cases, as caregivers implemented new
rules or strategies to insure their childrens future safety. For example,
a six-year-old who cut his cheek with his new Cub Scout knife had to
surrender his whittling chip and could no longer participate in some
den activities. In other instances, the aftermath of the injury included
questions of blame or fault.
The childrens reports of 15 components of the injuries that they
experienced were obtained, including nine central (e.g., the ongoing
activity at the time of the injury) and six peripheral (e.g., weather,
clothing the child was wearing) features. The initial reports were accu-
rate and fairly extensive, with the young participants reporting an aver-
age of 10.8 of these 15 components. Few changes in these reports were
observed at the six-week interview, but after the one-year delay the chil-
dren reported about 70% of the features of the accidents that had been
reported initially, omitting an average of 1.79 of the features. Little new
information was provided after a year; the children reported a mean of
only 0.49 previously undisclosed accident components. Interestingly, there
were some contradictions in long-term recall such that each participant
on the average altered the report by 1.38 components in a manner that
was inconsistent with the original report. Although about two-thirds
of these contradictions involved peripheral information, central fea-
tures of the experience were also altered, including something as basic
as the cause of the injury. Indeed, 10 childrens accounts included at
least one such potentially consequential contradiction across the one-year
interval.
To illustrate, a second grade student provided this account of his
injury one day after it occurred:
I was playing basketball with my teacher and I was trying to steal.
She sort of accidentally . . . you know, she was running and I just came
across like this and we sort of collided. And she outweighed me.
I got the worst of it and hit my head on the pavement.
One year later, the child gave us this report of his injury:

I was playing pass the ball with my teacher. The ball hit the rim.
I ran to get it and the teacher . . . I tripped over her foot. I fell and hit
my head against the ground.
Note that the teachers role in the incident has been altered in the
delayed report. She is described at the first interview as the uninten-
tional agent of the injury, having inadvertently knocked down her stu-
dent when they collided. In contrast, the child describes her role as
passive in the delayed report; it is his own action in tripping over her
foot that caused his fall. Could it be that serving as an agent of an
injury that required emergency treatment, even inadvertently, was incon-
sistent with this childs perception of a nurturing teacher, prompting a
reconstruction of this episode? The complexity involved in the devel-
opment of the understanding of intentional versus unintentional actions
in assigning blame (Kohlberg, 1976) could increase the likelihood of
such reworking of the experience. Of course, examples such as this
one can only yield hypotheses, not conclusions. To explore more fully
the impact of changing understanding over time on childrens memory,
future research efforts should explore changes in memory for complex
experiences that have consequences that extend beyond the temporal
duration of the events themselves.
Future Directions
In this chapter, we have suggested that the processes involved in the

encoding of information in memory are knowledge-driven and extended
in time. Childrens understanding of the events that they experience is
critical for subsequent remembering, and comprehension is driven by both
endogenous and exogenous forces that may operate long after an event
has ended. In turn, our understanding of childrens abilities to remember
events, especially those that are emotionally laden, requires an analysis
of the factors that influence the establishment and modificationthrough
extended encodingof representations in memory.
We readily acknowledge the limitations in the research examples
that we have presented, including the post hoc nature of a number
of the analyses, the small sample sizes in many studies, and, signifi-
cantly, our limited measurement and conceptualization of emotion and
stress (see Alexander and OHara, this volume, for discussion of the
operationalization of stress and emotion). These important qualifications
notwithstanding, we have provided evidence for the importance of expo-
sure to various sources of understanding on childrens encoding of an
experience. These influences include adults efforts to prepare children
for specific events and childrens perceptions of critical aspects of an

experience as it unfolds. Regarding the effects of preparation on under-
standing, further studies should examine the changes in childrens knowl-
edge representations that result from these efforts (see Baker-Ward et al.,
1997). An understanding of the dynamics of changing memory repre-
sentations should facilitate more precise explorations of linkages between
understanding and remembering. In addition, our preliminary examina-
tion of the relation between presumed changes in childrens goals dur-
ing a soccer match and the encoding of the details of this experience
suggests the importance of developing methods for on-line assessments
as events unfold.
The initial explorations of childrens extended encoding provided here
suggest that participants varying emotional reactions to an event can
influence the likelihood of subsequent experiences that can, in turn, alter
understanding and memory. Young soccer players who enjoyed a victory
reported that they were more likely to engage in retellings of the game
than were those who endured a defeat. Moreover, individuals perceptions
of their own performance during the game were altered as a consequence
of the game outcome. Further, some preliminary data suggest that young
athletes who evaluated their play more positively, regardless of the out-
come of the competition, focused more over time on central components
of the event. Clearly, the hypotheses resulting from these findings must
be tested in investigations designed specifically for this purpose. Such
additional research must document childrens precise emotional reactions
and assess contemporaneously their diverse experiences in revisiting the
target event. To elucidate the processes involved in extended encoding, it
will be important to explore changes in childrens understanding in the
context of compelling experiences that have continuing significance for
the individual. Even a championship recreational league match may have
few continuing consequences, but a competition that results in a deci-
sion about the direction of a young athletes further athletic career (e.g.,
progressing to a competitive travel league or remaining on a recreational
league) may require further interpretation and reassessment.
Much remains to be learned about linkages between understanding
and memory across development. Given our commitment to a construc-
tivist approach to memory, we have focused on age-related changes in
domain-relevant knowledge as contributors to corresponding changes in
remembering (see Ornstein et al., 1998, for a review). We still continue
to examine knowledge as one of a number of mediators of developmen-
tal change (Ornstein et al., 2006), but our perspective on knowledge has
been broadened, and we find it useful to emphasize that understanding
involves more than knowing. In addition to the contributions of exper-
tise, our emerging perspective mandates that we direct our attention to
a number of additional domains of development. For example, changes

across age in childrens general reasoning abilities contribute in impor-
tant ways to developmental changes in understanding, as the capacity
to link components of an experience in a logical method may enhance
subsequent remembering (Baker-Ward et al., 1997). In addition, develop-
mental transitions in the likelihood of the occurrence of efforts after
meaning, individuals propensity to revisit and reinterpret emotionally
significant events, must be examined to determine changes over time in
understanding (see Fivush & Baker-Ward, 2005). Although few develop-
mental analyses are currently available, Pennebaker and Stones (2003)
identification of changes in language use over the lifespan supports the
importance of such explorations. Children between eight and 14 years of
age, in contrast to a group of 15- to 24-year-old participants, mentioned
fewer cognitive processesincluding causal and insight termsin their
personal narratives. It also seems likely that younger childrens exposure
to external sources of information, including conversations with caregiv-
ers, has particular significance for their understanding of emotional expe-
riences, both before and after they transpire. Clearly, cross-sectional and
ultimately longitudinal analyses of childrens understanding and remem-
bering are needed.
Implications for Practice
Researchers in childrens memory, particularly those whose work is moti-

vated in part by the needs of clinical and legal professionals in inter-
preting eyewitness testimony, have long been interested in the relation
between levels of stress at encoding and the extent of recall and suggest-
ibility (see, e.g., Gordon et al., 1995). The chapters in this volume attest
to the complexity of the issues involved in addressing the stress-memory
linkage and the importance of examining moderators of performance.
Clearly, one of these important moderators is the childs understanding
of the event as it unfolds. Research on the linkage between childrens
understanding and their subsequent memory of stressful experiences has
relevance for both forensic development and pediatric psychology. Given
the need for future research, as discussed above, we outline here two
basic implications of our work.
First, assessments of childrens testimony must incorporate an eval-
uation of the childs understanding of the to-be-reported event. At the
time that an experience transpires, variations in childrens understanding
may partially mediate age differences in performance. Even younger pre-
schoolers, in the presence of domain-relevant information, may provide
relatively extensive accounts of what has happened to them. Without
such understanding, their reports may be limited, particularly with regard

to free recall, and more extensive cueing may be needed to elicit the
information that was encoded. Given the risks of response bias, espe-
cially among very young children (see Baker-Ward, Ornstein, Gordon,
Follmer, & Clubb, 1995), such cueing must be provided cautiously, with
a reliance on closed rather than specific questions whenever possible.
The conceptualization of encoding as a process that extends beyond
the event also conveys the importance of examining experiences that may
maintain or augment memory, as well as those that may disrupt recall.
Some apparent inconsistencies in childrens reports over time, for example,
may represent changes in the understanding of the relevance of aspects of
an experience, and hence may not constitute evidence of memory contam-
ination (see Gordon & Follmer, 1994). Opportunities for retelling a story
about an experience in informal situations as well as formal interviews
must also be examined. Further, the extent to which therapeutic interven-
tions may have transformed a childs perspective on an experience, and
hence the underlying memory representation, must be carefully evaluated.
Second, enhancing childrens understanding of a forthcoming experi-
ence can be expected to affect the likelihood that they will experience
anxiety during the event. In general, greater levels of understanding will
certainly decrease overall anxiety, and a recent investigation by Salmon,
McGuigan, and Pereira (2006) provides direct support for this generaliza-
tion. These researchers extended our analysis of the effects of informa-
tion provided by the technologists in conjunction with an invasive VCUG
procedure (Principe et al., 1997), as discussed above. Young children
were randomly assigned to conditions differing with regard to the provi-
sion of information about the procedure both before it was implemented
and as it unfolded. The participants who received complete information
as well as distraction, in comparison to groups receiving only partial
information and distraction or no psychosocial intervention, demonstrated
lower levels of observed behavioral distress during the VCUG procedure
and better memory performance after a delay of a week. The findings
suggest an effective and efficient means of decreasing childrens anxiety
and increasing their compliance during medical procedures. It should be
emphasized, however, that building understanding rather than simply pro-
viding knowledge is necessary to obtain such benefits. Salmon (2006), in
an application of laboratory-based research to the preparation of children
for medical procedures, concludes that information must be specifically
rather than generally related to the event. Hence, parental discussions
that convey reassurance and general instructions for behavior may not
prepare children in an effective manner.
It may also be the case that preparation has a cost, at least dur-
ing the initiation of a medical procedure. In our investigation of the
effects of preparation on childrens memory for a first dental visit as

discussed above (Baker-Ward & Ornstein, in preparation), children in the
High Preparation group actually had significantly greater levels of anx-
iety during the first portion of the examination, as measured through
a behavioral-observation coding scheme, than did children receiving less
preparation. Of course, the post hoc nature of the design mandates cau-
tion in interpreting this finding, and it is possible that parents provided
more preparation to children whom they perceived as more anxious.
However, parental ratings of child trait and state anxiety and tempera-
ment did not differentiate the preparation groups. It must be emphasized
that overall levels of anxiety were low and that the children were quite
compliant during the dental examination.
Potential collaborations with pediatric psychologists, child-life spe-
cialists, and medical professionals offer opportunities to establish causal
linkages between stress and remembering. Whereas ethical practice pro-
hibits creating high levels of anxiety in most situations involving chil-
dren, it is certainly appropriate to work toward reducing childrens stress
when they face painful medical procedures. Preparation has long been
recognized as a means of alleviating anxiety, and it is apparent that
effective preparation enhances understanding. In addition to identifying
the variables associated with the most effective interventions, research
addressing childrens preparation for difficult experiences can enable the
determination of the pathways through which stress at encoding and
during retention impacts on remembering. But one thing is clear: the
complex relations between stress and memory can be elucidated only
when childrens changing understanding of challenging experiences is
addressed.
Acknowledgment: The research on childrens memory for medical

procedures discussed in this chapter was supported in part by grant
HD 32214 to Peter A. Ornstein from the United States Public Health
Service.
We also extend our appreciation to the medical professionals who
cooperated with these investigations, the recreation program staff mem-
bers and community volunteers who facilitated our efforts, and the par-
ents and children who willingly participated. The research we review
represents the continuing involvement of members of our laboratory
groups at UNC-CH and NC State, and we gratefully acknowledge their
contributions to our research programs. Kimberly L. Eatons valued col-
laboration made possible the research on childrens memory for soccer
games. Thanks are also due Elaine Burgwyn-Bailes and Mary Koenig
Styers for their assistance in the preparation of this chapter.

Address correspondence to Lynne Baker-Ward, Department of
Psychology, NC State University, Raleigh, NC 27695-7650. E-mail:
lbward@ncsu.edu.
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3
Injuries, Emergency Rooms,

and Childrens Memory
Factors Contributing to Individual
Differences
Carole Peterson
Kelly L. Warren
T he relationship between childrens emotional reactions to

stressful events and their subsequent memory of those
events is an important one, playing a role in both clinical and foren-
sic situations. Considerable research has shown that childrens emotional
reactions during an event are major contributors to how well it is later
remembered. In a review of childrens recall for autobiographical events,
whether or not there was robust long-term recall of these events was
highly related to emotionality, and highly negative events seem to be par-
ticularly well-remembered (Peterson, 2002). As contrasting examples, pre-
schoolers recalled approximately 2030% of the features of a living-room
camping trip when interviewed one day or three weeks later (Boland,
Haden, & Ornstein, 2003; Haden, Ornstein, Eckerman, & Didow, 2001;
Ornstein, Haden, & Hedrick, 2004), but 75% of the features of facial
surgery events (caused by injuries) when they were interviewed a full
year later (Burgwyn-Bailes, Baker-Ward, Gordon, & Ornstein, 2001). It
should be noted, however, that the latter events involved acute stress;
one cannot assume that similar relationships between stress and mem-
ory hold when stress is chronic versus acute. This issue is explored by
Greenhoot, Johnson, Legerski, and McCloskey (this volume).
In this chapter, we will first present some recent theoretical discussion
of the relationship between stress and memory, and then summarize a body
60
of research conducted in our laboratory that has explored childrens recall
of naturally occurring stressful events, specifically injuries serious enough
to require hospital emergency-room treatment. In particular, we will focus
on potential sources of individual variation in childrens recall of real-life
stressful events, both in research conducted in our laboratory and in related
research conducted by other investigators. Finally, we will discuss the prac-
tical significance of this work for clinical and legal contexts.
Theoretical Considerations
There has been considerable debate about the relationship between acute
stress and memory in children with various studies differing in empiri-
cal findings. According to a recent meta-analytic review of this research,
part of this variation may be attributable to the nature of the distressing
events (Deffenbacher, Bornstein, Penrod, & McGorty, 2004). Deffenbacher
et al. (2004) distinguish between events that elicit an arousal mode of
attention control (i.e., an orienting response, or high level of attention
focused on the event) and ones that elicit an activation mode of attention
control (i.e., a defensive response such as the well-known fight or flight
response). A defensive response is elicited by events that threaten bodily
integrity or self-esteem, and thus involve considerably higher degrees of
distress than events that elicit an orienting response. Deffenbacher et al.
argue that some studies investigating the relationship between stress and
memory had procedures that elicited an orienting response while oth-
ers elicited a defensive response. Thus, it may be difficult to compare
the effects of stress on memory when there is such variation in what
constitutes the high stress category in different research studies. As
an example of this variation, Peters (1997) exposed children to an unex-
pected fire alarm. Although children in his highest stress group had
elevated blood pressure and pulse rates, none of the children cried or
showed hysterical distress. In contrast, in a series of studies of chil-
dren who suffered an unexpected and very painful injury (such as a
broken bone, crushed fingers, or deep laceration), the high stress group
was composed of children who suddenly began to scream in pain and
were typically described by their parents as extremely upset or hysterical
(Peterson, 1999; Peterson & Bell, 1996; Peterson & Whalen, 2001).
In their review, Deffenbacher et al. (2004) propose a theoretical model
of how stress affects memory; they suggest that as stress increases,
memory for those details that are the focus of participants attention
are increasingly recalled. However, when stress levels become very high,
there is a catastrophic drop in memory performance. This model fits
the data from extant studies of how accurately adults can recall event
Injuries, Emergency Rooms, and Childrens Memory 61

details when the target events meet the authors criteria for eliciting
a defensive response. Surprisingly, in the smaller number of studies that
involved children, they found no relationship between stress and recall
accuracy in children.
The other outcome measure Deffenbacher et al. assessed was how
accurately children and adults could identify faces from line-ups. Parallel
to their findings on accuracy of event detail recall, they found that adults
showed increases in recall as stress increased, until high levels of stress
occurred. At that point, there was a similar sharp drop in the accuracy
of face line-up identification. And, again, parallel to their findings for
accuracy of event detail recall, there was no relationship between stress
and how well children could identify faces from line-ups.
However, Deffenbacher et al. did not assess the amount of informa-
tion recalled about target events. The focus of this chapter is on chil-
dren, and although (as those authors suggest) the accuracy of what
children recall may not be compromised under high stress conditions,
it is possible that how much they recall is. Overall, their model may fit
data from adult studies but the relationship between stress and memory
in children is still very unclear. In the next sections, we review research
from our laboratory on childrens recall of high-stress events.
Childrens Recall of Injuries Requiring

Emergency-Room Treatment
Over the past decade, I and my colleagues have been exploring chil-
drens recall of naturally-occurring events that are highly salient to chil-
dren and that elicit a lot of distress, namely personal injuries such as
bone fractures and lacerations that are serious enough to require hospi-
tal emergency-room treatment. In this research, children and their fami-
lies are recruited during their emergency-room visit and, over the years,
around 80% have agreed to participate. Because this research has been
conducted in Canada, where medical care is paid for by the government
and all children receive equivalent treatment regardless of their socioeco-
nomic circumstances, the children represent a cross-section of their com-
munity. Although we could recruit families from the emergency room,
ethically we could not interview them until they had had time to read
our information and consider it at their leisure, so all child and parent
interviews took place approximately a week later. And in order to get
cooperation from most families, we had to go to them, in their homes,
which is where all interviews have taken place.
In this entire body of research on emergency-room injuries, it is clear
that many of the children were extremely upset. Many were described
by parents as hysterical. In the words of one child, I never criedI

just screamed. A parent describing a three-year-old said, He was
screaming! Bawling! Lots of blood! Many children also perceived their
bodies to be threatened. To quote another child, The blood was just
flying everywhere. So we were confident that we had an event that was
highly distressing for at least some children, and as well, other children
were not so upset. According to the differentiation made by Deffenbacher
et al. (2004), between distressing events that elicit an orienting versus a
defensive response, we are confident that for some of our children, the
defensive response was elicited, on the basis of both parental and child
self-descriptions of how distressed the children were.
How to capture the childs recall has been a perennial issue. The
problem is that there was not a standardized event that all children expe-
rienced. Rather, each bone fracture, laceration, dog bite, or crushed fin-
ger differed in details. Probably the one that was most divergent was a
four-year-old who had a wasp fly up her nose and got thoroughly lodged
in the upper nasal passage. The wasp of course stung her painfully
from the inside, and was sufficiently stuck that it had to be removed
with forceps at the hospital. The child, not surprisingly, was hysterical
the whole time. So, how to capture this variation and allow comparison
across children? We devised a standardized prototype of typical injury
and hospital treatment events, and children were scored on the propor-
tion of these prototype components that they recalled with parental wit-
nesses determining which components of the prototype were applicable.
Examples of prototype components include where and when the injury
took place, who was there, what led to the injury, how the child reacted,
who first got to them, what that person did, and so on. Children were
scored on whether or not they provided information relevant to each
applicable prototype component. Thus, we could assess the completeness
or exhaustiveness of childrens recall, in terms of the proportion of the
relevant prototype components that they actually recalled. We could also
assess the accuracy of their recall, again by comparing their recall with
witness reports. Others who have studied childrens recall of naturally
occurring stressful events (such as hurricanes) have looked at the absolute
amount of information that children have recalled by counting the num-
ber of new or unique units of information (Bahrick, Parker, Fivush, &
Levitt, 1998; Fivush, Sales, Goldberg, Bahrick, & Parker, 2004), and so
in some studies we used this measure too. This has a different focus
than the completeness measure described above. In assessments of com-
pleteness, each component of a prototypical experience is scored as pre-
sent or not, regardless or how much detail the child provides about that
component. In contrast, when the amount of new information is assessed,
each new detail is separately counted. Compare we were in the back-
yard with we were in the backyard down by that hole in the fence

where the mud is. These are equivalent under the prototype complete-
ness scoring (they both specify where events took place), but the latter
contains considerably more new units of information.
There are two things we should qualify. First, we have often checked
to see if the nature of the injury, whether a bone fracture, laceration
requiring sutures, or other injury, makes a difference, and it does not.
The second qualification, however, does turn out to be important: in
every study, children recalled significantly more about the details of their
injury experience than about their hospital treatment, even though paren-
tal ratings showed that children were often as upset in the hospital as
they were at the time of injury. There could be several potential expla-
nations for this difference in how well these two events are recalled.
For one thing, the injury is a unique event, whereas these children have
visited this emergency room numerous times (see Peterson & Bell, 1996,
for relevant data) since it serves as the after-hours clinic for all phy-
sicians in the region. As well, it is likely that children have a better
understanding of the temporal and causal connections between successive
injury than hospital components, since many probably do not understand
Injury Hospital
100
90
80
70
% Components Recalled
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Initial 5 year Initial 5 year
1213 89 56 34 2
Figure 31. Percentage of relevant prototype components recalled by chil-

dren initially and five years later about their injury and hospital treatment.

why they go to one place in the hospital and wait, talk to someone
there, and then get taken to another place (e.g., x-rays) and wait, then
get taken somewhere else for another treatment component. In the next
section, we will review the results of this series of studies, focusing on
potential sources of individual variation.
Stressful Events are Well-Remembered Events

A host of research demonstrates the robust nature of childrens recall for
stressful events. For example, investigators who have studied childrens
memory for highly stressful experiences that included painful medical
procedures such as voiding cystourethrograms (VCUG) (Goodman, Quas,
Batterman-Faunce, Riddlesberger, & Kuhn, 1994, 1997; Merritt, Ornstein, &
Spicker, 1994; Quas et al., 1999; Salmon, Price, & Pereira, 2002) and
natural disasters such as hurricanes (Bahrick et al., 1998; Fivush et al.,
2004), have repeatedly shown that children have extensive memory for
these stressful, highly salient events.
Injuries serious enough to require hospital emergency room treatment
are also well-recalled events. We have found, for completeness of recall,
that children recalled on average (across all age groups) 75% of the pro-
totype components of their injuries when interviewed a week after they
occur, and 73% of those components a full five years later (Peterson &
Whalen, 2001). They did not recall as many prototype components of their
hospital treatment (57% initially and 50% five years later, see Figure 31),
but recollection is still considerably better than for more mundane events
that are often not recalled at all, or require considerable cuing (Peterson,
2002). For accuracy, childrens recall is quite accurate shortly after the tar-
get events occurred (averaging 94% accuracy for both events), and although
accuracy deteriorates over time, accuracy of injury and hospital recall still
averages 86% and 78%, respectively, five years later (see Figure 32).
Although decreases were found five years later in the completeness
and accuracy of recall, a different pattern was found for the amount of
new information children provide, which increased over time. Children
provided on average 52 new units of information initially about their
injury and 46 new units about hospital treatment, and five years later
they averaged 71 and 54 units of new information for their injury and
hospital treatment, respectively (see Figure 33). This increase over time
in the number of new units of information has been found by others as
well (Fivush et al., 2004), and may reflect childrens improved vocabu-
laries and narrative skills. As they get older, they provide more descrip-
tive detail about the components of their experiences.
In summary, stressful events are typically well-remembered events.
Nevertheless, the relationship between stress and memory is more

Injury Hospital
100
90
80
70
60
% Accuracy
50
40
30
20
10
0
1213 89 56 34 2
Figure 32. Percentage of childrens recall about their injury and hospital
treatment that is accurate, both initially and five years later.
complex than this because researchers have documented considerable indi-

vidual variation between childrens recall of identical events. Because this
relationship is complex, it is necessary to use a range of perspectives,
from neurobiological (see Carver & Cluver, this volume, and Wiik &
Gunnar, this volume) to physiological (see Wallin, Quas, & Yim, this
volume, and Alexander & OHara, this volume), to childrens cogni-
tive understanding (see Baker-Ward, Ornstein, & Starnes, this volume,
Compas, Campbell, Robinson, & Rodriguez, this volume, and Laible &
Panfile, this volume), to socioemotional perspectives (see Chae, Ogle, &
Goodman, this volume, McDermott-Sales, this volume, Laible & Panfile,
this volume, and Oppenheim & Koren-Karie, this volume, as well as
research presented here). Below, we show via our data the well-known
importance of the childs age for how well events are recalled; we then
discuss a number of other individual difference variables that have been
investigated in our laboratory.
Importance of Childrens Age

One factor that must be taken into account is the childs age. Even
when the target events being recalled seem equivalent, how old the child

is at the time of event occurrence makes a difference (Peterson, 2002;
Quas et al., 1999; Salmon et al., 2002). Children less than two years of
age when the events happened typically recall little or nothing of even
highly stressful events, and what little they may recall tends to be frag-
mentary (Peterson & Rideout, 1998; Terr, 1988; see review in Peterson,
2002). Importantly, it is childrens age at the time of event occurrence
rather than age at the time of event recall that is key; older children
seem to retain only fragments of target events that occurred when they
were very young, although some of them may weave these fragments
together with memories from other related events to provide coher-
ent narratives, even though these narrative accounts may be amalgama-
tions of a number of separate events. We found this in our five-year
follow-up interviews of injured former one- and two-year-olds (Peterson
& Parsons, 2005).
By the time children are three years of age, their recall of stress-
ful events can be quite extensive and robust. However, it still becomes
better with age, as researchers who have investigated a range of tar-
get events have found (Burgwyn-Bailes et al., 2001; Goodman et al.,
1997; Peterson, 1999; Peterson & Bell, 1996; Peterson & Whalen, 2001;
Salmon et al., 2002; Shrimpton, Oates, & Hayes, 1998). Figures 31 to
33 demonstrate age differences in how complete, accurate, and infor-
mative childrens recall of emergency-room injuries is across a wide age
variation. The figures also show how recall changes over five years. For
older children, it becomes less complete with age. However, this is not
necessarily the case for younger children, particularly two-year-olds, who
recall a greater proportion of injury components five years later. This
increase is probably an artifact of how difficult it is to interview two-
year-olds. As anyone who has tried to interview children this young
knows, they are much more interested in playing than sitting and talk-
ing, but five years later, they are cooperative seven-year-olds. These data
on the completeness and accuracy of recall have been presented else-
where (Peterson, 2002; Peterson & Whalen, 2001) and are reprinted here
for comparison with data on the informativeness of childrens recall.
As is apparent in Figure 33, children of all ages provide more
descriptive detail five years later, particularly about injury components,
even if they recall fewer of those prototype components. This increase
in informativeness after delays spanning years has been found by oth-
ers as well. For example, Fivush et al. (2004) found that children pro-
vided more new units of information about a destructive hurricane six
years later than they had initially. These findings are consistent with
the notion that memory and language are different although interacting
skills. Although language can be used to encode as well as communicate
aspects of memory, it is unlikely to capture the entirety of any given

Injury Hospital
100
90
80
70
# Information Units
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1213 89 56 34 2
Figure 33. Number of new units of information provided initially and five
years later.
memory. As childrens linguistic ability increases, the same memory

may become verbally conveyed with more linguistic complexity, more
descriptive detail, and so on. Thus, even though long-term recall may
become less complete and less accurate, it nevertheless may contain
more information.
Variation in Stress
How to measure the degree of distress experienced by a child during
stressful events has been a contentious issue. Some investigators advo-
cate using only physiological measures (Peters, 1997), but these are not
practical for naturally occurring events. Others have used externally vali-
dated measures such as the amount of damage done to ones home by a
destructive hurricane (Bahrick et al., 1998; Fivush et al., 2004). However,
it is not clear that this is a good measure of the amount of distress
experienced by an individual child. One child whose houses damage is
classified as moderate may have been terrified while another whose house
fell into the same category of damage may have been much less upset.
In our research with children recruited from the emergency room
we have asked parents (who were witnesses to the childs experience)

to rate their childs distress on a Likert scale ranging from not at all
distressed to extremely distressed. This rating was completed not only
for the time of injury but also while the child was being treated at the
hospital. Although the number of choices on the distress scale varied
slightly, essentially we classified childrens level of stress as low, moder-
ate, or high.
But what about the childs own version of how distressed he or she
was? Steward et al., in their 1996 monograph concerning interviewing
children about body touch during medical exams, stress the importance
of looking at childrens own feelings about what happened to them.
Unfortunately, with the exception of one study, we did not ask children
for their own estimates of distress. However, all of them were asked
about whether or not (and how much) they had cried. A child who stated
that she had been very very crying, or another who replied to the
question What happened in the hospital? with Well, I was screech-
ing a lot are communicating considerable information about their emo-
tional state at the time of event occurrence, as are children who stated
that they didnt cry. (By the way, we had parental confi rmation on cry-
ing.) We classified childrens level of distress on the basis of their self-
descriptions of crying as low, moderate, or high, and the correlations
between childrens self-descriptions of crying and their parents ratings of
childrens distress were quite high: for the injury, Pearsons r = .58 and
for hospital treatment, r = .72 (both ps < .001). Furthermore, we did
regression analyses (see below) on the relationship between recall and
our stress measures (both parental ratings and childrens self-descriptions
of crying, independently), and the results were the same, regardless of
which measure of stress we used.
There was, however, one study in which Rees, Fivush, Sales and
I used the Faces Pain Scale that was used by Steward and her col-
leagues (1996) to get childrens self-ratings of distress. There were 62
children between two and six years of age who provided this scale, and
the correlations between their self-ratings of distress on the Faces Pain
Scale and parental ratings of how distressed their children were, on a
verbal Likert scale, were r = .24 (p < .05) for distress during the
injury event and r = .30 (p < .01) for distress during hospital treat-
ment. Although these are statistically significant, the correlations are
nevertheless rather low. Furthermore, correlation and regression analyses
found little relationship between childrens Faces Pain Scale judgments
and their recall, while there were such relationships for both parental
ratings and childrens self-descriptions of crying. Thus, having children
make judgments on the basis of line drawings of faces may not be a
particularly good way of measuring childrens distress, at least when
children are this young. On the other hand, looking at childrens self-

descriptions of their emotional reactions, such as how much they cried,
does seem to hold promise as a measure of childrens distress about
real-world events that are stressful enough to elicit what Deffenbacher
et al. (2004) term a defensive mode of response, when there are no
research investigators around who could collect other measures.
In the research in which we collected parental Likert ratings of child
distress as well as childrens self-descriptions of crying, we looked at
the relationship between childrens degree of distress and their recall.
We had 201 children between two and 13 years of age who had both
an initial and one-year follow-up interview, as well as 145 with a two-
year follow-up. Overall, for the injury, approximately 50% of the chil-
dren were rated as highly upset and 40% moderately upset, with 10%
in the low stress category. For hospital treatment, approximately 30% of
the children were classified as highly stressed and about the same for
moderately stressed, while about 40% were classified in the low stress
category. Repeatedly we have found that there is no correlation between
childrens distress at the time of injury and their ageolder children
were as likely to be highly distressed as younger children. However,
stress ratings were correlated with age for hospital stress in that younger
children were more likely to be highly distressed during hospital treat-
ment than were older children.
Both partial correlations (age partialled out) and stepwise regressions
were calculated between childrens distress and their recall, using both
childrens self-descriptions and parental ratings separately. For the accu-
racy of childrens recall, stress played no significant role in either their
initial or follow-up interviews. This agrees with the conclusions derived
by Deffenbacher and his colleagues in their review of the effects on
stress on memory. In that review, they found that, although the accuracy
of adults recall was compromised by high degrees of distress, childrens
accuracy was unimpaired. In contrast, Salmon et al. (2002) found that
children who cried during a voiding cystourethrogram had less accurate
recall.
Our findings for both the completeness of childrens recall and the
amount of new information provided were quite different than for accu-
racy, however. During their initial interview, as stress increased, children
became less complete in their accounts. For the number of new units
of information, children who were least distressed consistently provided
more information in their initial interview than did those who were most
distressed. (See Table 31.) Salmon et al. (2002) also found crying asso-
ciated with less information recalled by children.
In contrast to the results described above, children who recalled a
destructive hurricane recalled more new units of information if they
were placed in the moderately distressed group rather than either the

Table 31. Percentage Completeness of Recall in Initial Interview as a
Function of Distress (Child Self-Descriptions and Parent Ratings Averaged)
Degree of Stress
Low Moderate High
Event Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD
Recall Completeness (percentage)

Injury 75.0% 17.4 72.6% 18.5 71.5% 15.7
Hospital 63.6% 23.2 57.3% 19.2 48.6% 21.2
Number of New Units of Information

Injury 56.9 29.3 46.5 23.6 48.3 21.4
Hospital 48.8 29.9 49.2 24.4 39.9 24.4
low- or high-stress groups (Bahrick et al., 1998). However, there are

numerous differences between that study and ours: not only did they
differ in terms of the nature of the event and the delay before an initial
interview took place (several months in the hurricane study), but classifi-
cation of stress level was done on the basis of damage to the childrens
houses rather than how the children themselves emotionally reacted.
Furthermore, children in the moderate stress group lived with house ren-
ovations and repairs caused by hurricane damage, while other children
either had to move out or had little house damage. Thus, children in the
moderate-stress category may have had more extended reminders of the
event or may have included more information on the aftermath of
the hurricane.
To summarize the results of our emergency-room injury studies,
children who were highly distressed had worse recall during their ini-
tial interview, both in terms of recall completeness and the amount of
information provided. Thus, childrens recall seems to be compromised
under conditions of high stress. This relationship is consistent with what
Deffenbacher et al. (2004) found with adults, who also had poorer recall
when they experienced high degrees of distress. However, what the chil-
dren in our study did recall remained just as accurate regardless of how
distressed they were, unlike what Deffenbacher et al. found for adults.
Variation in Language Competence

Some investigators have suggested that childrens language competence
may play a role in how well children recall events. As suggested by
Boland et al. (2003), children with better language skills at the time of
an event might be better at verbally encoding the details, which in turn
might help them remember it later. Although better verbal skills have

sometimes been shown to help children recall the details of nonstress-
ful events (Boland et al., 2003; Gordon et al., 1993; Simcock & Hayne,
2002), little research has looked at this variable when target events were
stressful. An exception is Burgwyn-Bailes et al., (2001) who assessed
three- to seven-year-olds recall of details surrounding facial surgery for
lacerations. They found that childrens receptive vocabulary (as measured
by the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test) was predictive of younger chil-
drens recall, although not that of older children.
We also investigated variation in language competence using the
Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test. This work involved 95 children (46
girls and 49 boys) between two and six years of age, and was done in
collaboration with Rees, Fivush, and Sales. In contrast to the findings of
Burgwyn-Bailes et al. (2001), this same measure of receptive language
was unrelated to how complete, how informative, or how accurate chil-
drens recall of their injury or subsequent hospital treatment was.
Variation in Temperament
It has also been suggested that childrens behavioral style, or temper-
ament, may influence how they recall a stressful event. For example,
Merritt et al. (1994) found that children who had higher adaptability and
were higher on the approach/withdrawal dimension had better open-ended
as well as total recall about a VCUG procedure. In contrast, Burgwyn-
Bailes et al. (2001) and Greenhoot, Ornstein, Gordon, & Baker-Ward
(1999) found little or no relationship between childrens recall of details
of their treatment of facial lacerations or of pediatric examinations and
the temperament dimensions measured by the Temperament Assessment
Battery for Children.
In the same study of two- to six-year-olds mentioned above, in col-
laborative work with Rees, Sales, and Fivush, we assessed child tem-
perament using the Emotionality, Activity, and Sociability Temperament
Survey. We found no relationship between childrens recall of injury
and emergency room treatment and any of the measured dimensions of
temperament.
Parental Conversational Style

A socioemotional factor that is beginning to receive attention is the
way that parents habitually discuss past events with their children.
Considerable research has shown that parents differ in the way they talk
with their children about past experiences (e.g., Fivush, 1991; Fivush &
Fromhoff, 1988; Haden, Haine, & Fivush, 1997; Harley & Reese, 1999;
McCabe & Peterson, 1991; Peterson & McCabe, 2004; Reese & Fivush,
1993see Fivush, Haden, & Reese, 2006, for a review). Some parents

engage in much more of this memory talk than others (McCabe &
Peterson, 1991), and the structure of these conversational exchanges dif-
fers in systematic ways. A dimension of conversational exchange differ-
ences that has been frequently studied is that of parental elaboration.
When parents use an elaborative conversational style while discussing
past events with their children, they elaborate on what their children say
as well as encourage their children to provide more elaboration about
target events in their own turns at talk. Specifically, elaborative parents
(compared to nonelaborative) provide more information in their turns at
talk and encourage and support their childrens contributions. They ask
open-ended questions and encourage extended, dyadic discussion of tar-
get events. Other parents, in contrast, ask a few formulaic questions and
engage in little of this elaborative exchange. In short, parents differ in
the frequency as well as structure of conversations about events in their
childrens past.
These parental differences in reminiscing style have repeatedly been
shown to be related to how much information children later provide in
their open-ended memory conversations with both parents and researchers
(see reviews in Fivush et al., 2006; Nelson & Fivush, 2004; Peterson &
McCabe, 2004; and Reese, 2002). However, the increased contribution
to memory conversations by children of elaborative parents may reflect
only an increased willingness to keep on talking. It is another matter
to suggest that memory itself for past events may be better for children
whose parents engage in this elaborative style of interaction. Recently,
this is exactly what some investigators are suggesting. They have found
that mothers who engaged in elaborative talk while a target event was
ongoing, such as museum visits, video viewings, or living-room camp-
ing trips, had children who recalled more about those experiences later
(Boland et al., 2003; Low & Durkin, 2001; Tessler & Nelson, 1994).
Importantly, such talk can even have a facilitative effect on childrens
memory when it takes place after the event is over (Conroy & Salmon,
2006; Leichtman, Pillemer, Wang, Koreishi & Han, 2000; McGuigan &
Salmon, 2004). For example, Leichtman et al. (2000) recorded the visit
of a former preschool teacher who visited her class after her baby was
born and engaged in a series of activities with the children. Later that
day, mothers (who were not present and did not know the details of
the visit) talked with their children about their former teachers visit.
Mothers who were elaborative in these memory conversations had chil-
dren who recalled more about the visit three weeks later. In summary,
mothers who engage in elaborative memory conversations with their
children about both everyday and distinctive nonstressful events, not
only during the event but also later, have children who in turn seem
to recall more detail about those events. But to our knowledge, there

has been little investigation of whether parental reminiscing style affects
childrens memory for highly stressful events which by their nature have
high memorability.
To explore the question of whether parents styles of talking to
their children about past experiences is related to childrens recall of
a stressful event, 67 parents of two- to six-year olds were provided
with a tape recorder and asked to talk with their children about the
target injury/hospital treatment events in as natural a manner as pos-
sible, while the researcher left the room (Peterson, Sales, Rees, &
Fivush, 2007). The elaborativeness of the parents talk was coded by
breaking parental utterances into propositional units and then coding
each unit as one of the following: (a) memory question elaborations,
in which a question tried to elicit new information from the child as
well as incorporated new information within the question; (b) memory
question repetitions, in which a question tried to elicit new informa-
tion from the child but did not itself contain any new information;
(c) yes-no question elaborations, in which the child was required to
confirm or negate the new information provided by the parent; (d)
yes-no question repetitions, in which the child was required to confi rm
or negate previously mentioned information; or (e) evaluations, which
were statements that confirmed or negated the childs previous utter-
ance. After this, we created a composite score for each parent. This
composite score was derived as follows: the number of elaborations
plus evaluations was divided by the number of all utterance types to
provide an elaboration ratio. This ratio was then entered in statistical
analyses to assess the relationship between an elaborative parental style
and their childrens memory. As seen in Table 32, the relationship
between age and all of the memory measures except accuracy of injury
recall was highly significant. For the relationship between the elabo-
ration ratio and the memory measures (with age partialled out), vir-
tually all partial correlations were significant for the initial interview.
For the two-year follow-up interview, the completeness of both injury
and hospital recall as well as the accuracy of hospital recall were still
significantly related to the parental elaboration ratio calculated from
parent-child talk two years previously.
Next, we did a series of hierarchical regression analyses, one on each
of our recall outcome measures: amount of information, completeness,
and accuracy, separately for the injury and hospital events. We removed
the variance attributable to age, gender, the elaboration ratio, and the
age x elaboration interaction, in that order. For the two-year follow-up
data, we did the same, except that variance attributable to the childs
prior recall during the initial interview was removed fi rst. Our results
are displayed in Figure 34.

Table 32. Correlations between Childrens Memory Measures
and Age, and Partial Correlations (Age Partialled Out) between
Memory Measures and Parental Elaboration Ratio
Measure Event Age Elaboration
Initial Interview
Information Injury .59*** .25*
Hospital .54*** .34**
Completeness Injury .70*** .25*
Hospital .59*** .36**
Accuracy Injury .21 .11
Hospital .43*** .38***
2-Year Interview
Information Injury .57*** .24
Hospital .54*** .21
Completeness Injury .48** .32*
Hospital .52*** .39*
Accuracy Injury .16 .12
Hospital .38* .38*
* p < .05 ** p < .01 *** p < .001.
Initial Recall Regressions

Information
Injury .046
<.001
Hospital .005
<.001
Completeness Elaboration
Age <.001 .070
Injury .003
<.001
.073
Hospital
.077
.054
.036 Accuracy Age X
.001 Elaboration
Gender
.006
Injury
.001
Hospital
Figure 34. Factors significant in hierarchical regression analyses (initial

interview).
Age of course was a powerful predictor, and gender was only sig-
nificant for the completeness of childrens recall of the hospital (girls
had more complete recall of hospital treatment). But parental elabora-
tion also played a significant role, for all three outcome measures and
for both events. The elaboration ratio predicted the amount of informa-
tion and the recall completeness of injury events as well as the amount

of information, recall completeness, and accuracy of the hospital event.
Means during their initial interview for children of low versus high
elaborators (using a median split) are shown in Table 33.
The age x elaboration interaction (for the accuracy of childrens hos-
pital recall and recall completeness of both events) showed that it was
the younger preschoolers for whom parental elaboration made the most
difference. That is, when there is an age x elaboration interaction, it is
the recall of the youngest children that is helped most by having a par-
ent with an elaborative conversational style. In the two-year follow-up
data, regression analyses showed that the childrens prior recall was the
critical variable that removed most of the variance for all data sets, and
other variables played little additional role.
In summary, children of parents who used a highly elaborative style
of conversing with them about past events had more informative, com-
plete, and accurate recall during their initial interview. This was true
even when all variance attributable to age was removed first. With the
exception of childrens accuracy about injury details, having elaborative
parents was helpful for childrens recall of both their injury and hospital
experiences.
Parental elaborative style played much less of a role in childrens two-
year recollections over and above the variance accounted for by previous
recall. Instead, parental conversational style may help the child create a
more elaborated representation initially, which is reflected by their bet-
ter recall during their first interview. This more elaborated representation
is then better recalled over time. Such an explanation, that earlier con-
versations mediate recall by affecting childrens representations, would
account for why parental elaborative style is correlated with better recall
in both childrens initial and two-year interview, but largely drops out of
the regression analyses at two years since the variance related to prior
recollection has already been removed.
Why might a topic-extending, elaborative parental style of rem-
iniscing facilitate childrens memory? First, as documented in prior
research (McCabe & Peterson, 1991; Snow & Dickinson, 1990), such
Table 33. Means for Children of Low vs. High Elaborators

(Initial Interview)
Type of Data Event Low Elab. Ratio High Elab. Ratio
Amount of info Injury 16.5 units 23.1 units

Hospital 10.9 units 21.3 units
Completeness Injury 63.5% 72.8%
Hospital 44.8% 61.1%
Accuracy Hospital 81.5% 89.3%

parents more frequently carry on memory conversations in everyday
life. Secondly the memory conversations of parents with an elaborative
style are more extensive than those of nonelaborative parents (Fivush &
Fromhoff, 1988; Haden et al., 1997; Harley & Reese, 1999; McCabe &
Peterson, 1991; Reese & Fivush, 1993). The former parents ask more
questions that require memory responses, and flesh out the details with
contributions from their own memory. In other words, children are given
more opportunity to rehearse more aspects of the experiences and are
reminded about various components of it, and such reinstatement has fre-
quently been shown to assist long-term retention (Pressley & Schneider,
1997). As well, such conversations seem to help children organize their
recollections, and also provide a scaffold that guides children in terms
of what sorts of information they should remember and report about an
event (Peterson & McCabe, 2004). In addition, daughters in particular
have been shown to mirror their mothers in terms of how they con-
struct accounts of prior events (Peterson & Roberts, 2003). In the pre-
sent study, we were unable to assess how frequently parents talked with
their children about these target events, but we could assess how elabo-
ratively they did so when given a tape recorder and asked to discuss
them. And elaborated parent-child memory conversations were related to
better child recall, even for the kind of stressful events that are likely
to be recalled anyway, such as personal injury.
Summary of Individual Difference Factors

A summary of the various factors we have looked at is shown in Table 34.
These included childrens age, amount of distress (rated by parents and
self-descriptions of emotional response by children), parents style of
reminiscing with their children (elaborativeness of conversational style),
receptive language ability (Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test-Revised),
and temperament (Emotionality, Activity, and Sociability Temperament
Surveythe EAS). It is also possible that the socioeconomic status of
the family may be correlated with memory since it has been shown to
be a predictor of the richness of childrens linguistic home environment
(Hart & Risley, 1995). Because parental education attainment provides
some indication of socioeconomic status, we evaluated that too. In addi-
tion, the number of siblings in the home was assessed, since the num-
ber of children among whom parents need to spread verbal attention
may also be predictive of child memory. The outcome variables that we
looked at included measures of completeness, accuracy, and informative-
ness of childrens memory accounts.
Age of course was an important variable, but so was the way that
parents talked with their children and how distressed their children

Table 34. Summary of Analyses between Memory
Measures and Various Factors
Factor Initial Interview 2-Year Interview
Age Sig. effect Sig. effect

Stress Sig. effect No effect
Parental elaboration Sig. effect Mediated effect
Language (PPVT) No effect No effect
Temperament (EAS Scale) No effect No effect
Maternal education No effect No effect
Paternal education No effect No effect
# siblings in home No effect No effect
were. In contrast, receptive language ability, temperament, and a cou-

ple of measures of socioeconomic status seemed to have little effect
on recall. Others have highlighted different individual difference factors
that seem to play an important role, and, in particular, the attachment
relationship between parent and child (see Chae, Ogle, & Goodman,
this volume). Both attachment and parental conversational style repre-
sent different aspects of the dyadic relationship between parents and
children, and these socioemotional factors seem to influence childrens
ability to recall stressful events.
Implications
There are a number of forensic and clinical implications of this work.

First, it is clear that children do have substantial memory for distressing
events. Furthermore, this memory is robust and long-lasting. In addition, it
retains remarkable accuracy after the passage of several years. When you
consider how young some of the children in our studies were when they
were injured, it is impressive that recall is so accurate after such a long
period of time. After the passage of five years (a substantial proportion of
their lifetimes!), three-quarters of the injury-event information provided by
children who were less than five years of age at the time of injury was
still accurate. Older children had even higher accuracy rates. Although the
big picture painted by childrens recall after five years was the most pro-
vided information that was correct, not all details were. For example, a
few children claimed in their five-year follow-up interviews that among
the onlookers to their injury were siblings who were not yet born.
Although children did not provide as much information or remain as
accurate about the hospital treatment event, there are some reasonable
explanations about why this may be so. Foremost among them is the
fact that visits to this hospital emergency room were not unique events,

unlike the injury experiences. Because this emergency room serves as
the after-hours clinic for virtually all physicians in the region, children
are taken there for the flu, for bad colds, for infections, and for any-
thing else that occurs in the evenings or on weekends. Children had
been there an average of a dozen times for various reasons by the time
they were injured (Peterson & Bell, 1996), and undoubtedly were there
multiple times during the subsequent five years. Childrens most common
memory errors about the hospital event involved mixing up different vis-
its. This of course has serious implications for children who experience
repeated stressful events, such as repeated abuse. Our research partici-
pants had a harder time keeping straight the events of the target hospi-
tal visit that was precipitated by their injury, but found it much easier
to retain accurate recall about the unique injury event. Another possible
contributor to their poorer recall of hospital details is that that event is
less logically orderedat least to a young child.
Another implication of this research is that stress is not devastating to
childrens recall. Some of the children in our research were completely
hysterical with pain and fear, with considerable screaming. Nevertheless,
the accuracy of their recall was not compromised. Although children in
our highest stress category did have less complete recall and provided
fewer units of new information, the decrement was remarkably little,
given the amount of emotional distress these children were experienc-
ing. Furthermore, this decrement associated with high levels of distress
mostly characterized their initial but not their later interviews.
Although it is a truism to say that the age of the children makes a
difference, nevertheless these age differences provide a difficult challenge.
Children who are barely two years of age or younger at the time of
event occurrence seem to have very problematic recall, if they remem-
ber anything at all. Recall that unknowing amalgamates of multiple
experiences is forensically useless (or worse). For preschoolers, although
they may recall a lot of detail about stressful events, they often require
considerable prompting to provide relevant information (Ceci & Bruck,
1995). In contrast, older children are likely to provide much more infor-
mation after open-ended prompts. This has important implications for
forensic and clinical situations: in order to get a lot of information from
preschoolers one often has to ask a lot of questions, which may increase
the possibility of tainted recall.
The finding that elaborative parent-child conversations help chil-
drens long-term recall of event details is both intriguing and promis-
ing. Furthermore, these elaborative conversations seem to especially
help younger childrenwho are the ones most likely to have abbrevi-
ated responses to questions and for whom more prompting is generally
required. In other words, elaborative conversations are most helpful for

the children who need it most. As a clinical therapist who is regularly
seeing a child client, one might adopt the role of an elaborative con-
versational partner, or one might train parents to be more elaborative
in their conversational interactions with their children. Researchers have
found that one can train parents to be more elaborative in their mem-
ory conversations with their children, with resultant improvements in
childrens recall (e.g., Boland et al., 2003; Peterson, Jesso, & McCabe,
1999).
Even more encouraging is the fact that an elaborative conversa-
tional style may make a difference even when that conversation takes
place after a period of time has elapsed. For example, Leichtman et al.
(2000) found that mothers who used an elaborative style when talking
with their children about the visit of a former preschool teacher, even
though that conversation took place later and even though the mothers
had no detailed knowledge of the events being discussed, had children
who recalled more information three weeks later. Not only mothers, but
elaborative experimenters too can have a facilitative effect on childrens
recall. For example, elaborative researcher-child conversations that took
place after a staged event was over helped childrens recollection of
event details (Conroy & Salmon, 2006; McGuigan & Salmon, 2004).
But even a detailed, chronologically and logically organized interview
may help. In other research in our laboratory, we delayed some chil-
drens initial interview about emergency room injuries for a year, and
we found that children who had been three to four years old at the
time of injury had poorer recall in their one-year follow-up interview
than did their age-mates who had a detailed interview shortly after their
injury (Tizzard-Drover & Peterson, 2004). However, the presence of an
early interview made no difference for older school-aged children. We
interpreted these findings as showing that detailed and organized inter-
views can help preschoolers organize the details of the event in their
minds. The interriews may also remind children of the minutia of the
experience. Interestingly, when these former preschoolers were inter-
viewed again two years after injury, their recall was equivalent to that
of other children who had been interviewed initially as well as after a
year (Peterson, Pardy, Tizzard-Drover, & Warren, 2005). In other words,
having that detailed interview delayed for a year did not seem to com-
promise their long-term recall. The earlier interview was equally help-
ful, whether it took place within a few days or after a year. What all
of this suggests is that having a supportive, elaborative interviewer who
engages in a chronologically and logically organized interview can help
younger childrens long-term recall.
Overall, it is clear that childrens recall of stressful events is impres-
sive, but it is also clear that it is influenced by a number of factors.

Some of these are inherent to the child (for example, age at the time),
but others can be manipulated (for example, a partners elaborative con-
versational style). There are undoubtedly other factors that play impor-
tant roles in influencing childrens recall besides the ones investigated
here, and many of these are discussed in other chapters in this volume.
It is apparent that any attempt to understand the relationship between
stress and memory needs to be a multi-factor, complex one.
There remain a number of questions that need to be answered, how-
ever. First, it is not clear how the nature of the event to be remembered
influences childrens recall. The events that we studied are public events.
Although they cause distress at the time, they are ones that may confer
a lot of positive attention later. Everyone, from Aunt Bessie to neighbors
and friends, tends to be told about these events, and many children bear
bandages, casts, or sutures that elicit widespread comment and concern.
Such is not the case with private events such as abuse. Here, children
are forbidden to talk about the events rather than verbally rehearse them
with everyone.
As well, the injury event was a unique event rather than a repeated
event. This has important implications for memory. Although we did
not explicitly investigate the issue of repeated versus unique events, it is
probable that some of the difficulty children had recollecting their hos-
pital experience is that it could be mixed up with other hospital vis-
its. Indeed, such confusions were identified by parents as the source of
many of childrens errors. Because we did not have documentation on
other visits, we could not explicitly investigate how frequently children
made these source errors, and so this too is beyond the scope of this
chapter.
There are also important differences between what we can do as
researchers and what police interviewers can do, and some of the work
described above on the role of an elaborative conversational style may
not be applicable to forensic situations. Interviewers are constrained in
terms of how they can question children, and they certainly cannot do
the sort of elaborative additions to conversations that elaborative parents
(or researchers) typically do. Elaborative conversational partners typi-
cally embellish childrens recollections with additions of their own, and
this would be problematic for forensic interviewers since what they say
may be seen as suggestive or incorporated into childrens later recall.
However, the interviews conducted by Tizzard-Drover and her colleagues
(Tizzard-Drover & Peterson, 2004; Peterson et al., 2005) did not add
new information to the childrens accounts. However, they were system-
atic, organized, chronological, and logical. So even without the additions
that elaborative conversational partners typically make, these interviews
helped younger childrens long-term recall a year later.

In summary, children who are over two years of age have robust and
long-term recall about injuries they have sustained that require hospital
emergency room treatment. Even if these events were highly stressful,
causing enormous emotional distress at the time, children could recall a
lot, and this recall was primarily accurate. Nevertheless, individual dif-
ference variables play a role, and it seems that some variables may be
able to be deliberately altered to help childrens recall. In particular, the
socioemotional context of parent-child and experimenter-child conversa-
tions seems to play an important role. In other words, one cannot forget
that children are embedded in a socially and emotionally complex and
important world, and this world even implications for memory.
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4
Stress and Autobiographical

Memory Functioning
Andrea Follmer Greenhoot
Rebecca J. Johnson
John-Paul Legerski
Laura A. McCloskey
I n the last two decades, controversy surrounding memory and

testimony for traumatic childhood events like abuse has stimu-
lated a profusion of research on the relation between stress and memory
in children. Most of this work has investigated how the stress associ-
ated with a particular event influences memory for that event, focusing
on children without histories of child abuse or trauma. Recently, how-
ever, memory researchers have begun to ask whether chronic exposure
to stressful events might actually alter the course of autobiographical
memory development or memory functioning. This issue is of consider-
able relevance to the debate over memory for abuse and other traumas
and is also clinically significant, as autobiographical memory contributes
to many aspects of human functioning and well-being including self-
concept, social problem-solving, and emotion regulation processes (e.g.,
John & Gross, 2004; Nelson & Fivush, 2004).
In this chapter, we investigate the possibility that chronic or traumatic
stress may influence autobiographical memory development or memory
functioning. We begin by reviewing the empirical literature regarding
memory disturbances in children and adults with trauma histories. Next,
we turn to a discussion of the possible explanations for trauma-related
memory patterns, focusing in particular on the hypothesis that they
are linked to emotion-regulation processes. We then present our own
86
research on these issues, carried out as part of a longitudinal study of
family violence. Finally, we revisit existing explanatory frameworks, and
attempt to recast them from a developmental standpoint.
Trauma and Memory Functioning
Much of the interest in the relation between stress and general autobio-
graphical memory functioning has been generated by reports in the clin-
ical literature that adults with childhood trauma histories seem to have
difficulty remembering their childhoods. Herman and Schatzow (1987),
for example, found that many members of a therapy group for women
survivors of child sexual abuse were unable to remember large portions
of their childhoods. Edwards and her colleagues (Edwards, Fivush, Anda,
Felluti, & Nordenberg, 2001) have confirmed this association between
abuse and self-reported memory loss in a large, nonclinical sample of
adults with and without histories of childhood abuse. Both women and
men who reported a history of child sexual or physical abuse were more
than twice as likely as other individuals to report large gaps in their
memories of childhood (after age four).
Research using more objective memory assessments also shows that
trauma history is associated with disturbances in autobiographical mem-
ory (Brittlebank, Scott, Williams, & Ferrier, 1993; Kuyken & Brewin,
1995; Park, Goodyer, & Teasdale, 2002). For instance, adults who report
childhood abuse histories have been shown to have more difficulty than
nonabused controls remembering autobiographical facts from childhood,
such as the names of significant people from their childhoods (Hunter &
Andrews, 2002). A number of the investigations of trauma-related
memory problems have evaluated autobiographical memory with an
Autobiographical Memory Test (AMT) in which participants are given a
limited amount of time (e.g., one minute) to generate a specific memory
(i.e., a personal memory that refers to a single event) in response to
each of several cue words. The most robust finding in this literature is
that, compared to nontraumatized controls, adults who report childhood
trauma histories tend to generate overgeneral memories that summarize
a category of events (e.g., My parents were always fighting.) instead
of specific memories that describe individual episodes (e.g., On my
ninth birthday, my parents got into a bad fight.). There is also con-
siderable evidence that difficulty retrieving or reporting specific personal
memories is also associated with depression (see Williams et al., 2007,
for a comprehensive review). Nevertheless, there is widespread agree-
ment that trauma-related autobiographical memory disturbance is not
a simple epiphenomenon of depression, as childhood trauma is related
Stress and Autobiographical Memory Functioning 87

to poor memory specificity even when controlling for depression (de
Decker et al., 2003; Henderson, Hargreaves, Gregory, & Williams, 2002;
Kuyken, & Brewin, 1995; Kuyken, Howell, & Dalgleish, 2006).
The vast majority of these studies has revealed trauma-related mem-
ory problems on the AMT, but it should be noted that this pattern has
not been uniformly supported. A few investigations have found no asso-
ciation between childhood trauma and performance on the AMT (e.g.,
Arntz, Meeren, & Wessel, 2002; Wessel, Meeren, Peeters, Arntz, &
Merckelbach, 2001), and a study by Peeters et al. (Peeters, Wessel,
Merckelbach, & Vermeeren, 2002) found that reports of childhood
trauma actually predicted greater specificity in response to cue words.
These discrepant findings may partly reflect variations in the levels of
abuse experienced by participants in different studies, as there is evi-
dence that the duration and severity of trauma are negatively related to
memory specificity among trauma survivors (Burnside, Startup, Byatt,
Rollinson, & Hill, 2004). Consistent with this argument, Wessel et al.
(2001) reported that the childhood trauma reported in their sample
tended to fall in the minimal to moderate range.
Although autobiographical memory problems are frequently observed
in adults who retrospectively report histories of childhood trauma,
whether such trauma-related memory disturbances actually appear dur-
ing childhood or adolescence is less clear. Eisen et al. (2001) found no
differences between maltreated and nonmaltreated childrens memory and
suggestibility for a medical examination. Similarly, in their longitudi-
nal study of domestic violence, Orbach and colleagues (Orbach, Lamb,
Sternberg, Williams, & Dawud Noursi, 2001) reported that the spec-
ificity of childrens memories for family disagreements was unrelated
to their exposure to family violence. On the other hand, Orbach et al.
noted that children who had been exposed to family violence rarely dis-
cussed past family conflict in the memory interviews at all, and this
pattern could reflect memory disturbances. Moreover, a study of adoles-
cent psychiatric inpatients found that teens who reported a trauma his-
tory, like adults, produced more overgeneral memories on an AMT than
teens without such histories (de Decker, Hermans, Raes, & Eelen, 2003).
Potential explanations for the trauma-related memory disturbances that
have been observed in adolescents and adults are considered in the sec-
tion that follows.
Explanations for Trauma-Related Memory Patterns
One explanation for trauma-related autobiographical memory disturbances

that has received relatively little attention in the autobiographical memory

literature is that the disturbances are attributable to stress-induced dam-
age to the hippocampus and general memory impairments. According to
this argument, conditions of high stress lead to elevated production of the
stress hormone cortisol (Stansbury & Gunnar, 1994; Wiik & Gunnar, this
volume), which impairs the functioning of the hippocampus (Anderson
& Teicher, 2004; Bremner, 1999; Fillipini, Gijsbers, Birmingham, &
Dubrovsky, 1991; Gould, Tanapat, McEwen, Flugge, & Fuchs, 1998;
Nelson & Carver, 1998; Sapolsky, 1996; Squire, 1992). Prolonged exposure
to high stress and elevated cortisol may lead to hippocampal atrophy and
more permanent memory problems (Bremner, 2005; Bremner & Narayan,
1998; Kitayama, Vaccarino, Kutner, Weiss, & Bremner, 2005). The hippo-
campus is believed to be involved in a wide range of memory processes,
including the consolidation and retrieval of verbal declarative memory
representations, as well as implicit memory and spatial memory (Bremner
et al., 2003; Bremner, Vythilingam, Vermetten, Vaccarino, & Charney,
2004; Chun & Phelph, 1999; de Quervain, Roozendaal, & McGaugh,
1998; Elzinga, Bakker, & Bremner, 2005; Maguire, Frackowiak, & Frith,
1997; Squire, 1992). Thus, this explanation predicts broad memory defi-
cits in nonautobiographical declarative memory, as well as autobiographi-
cal memory, among individuals with trauma histories.
Most of the evidence for stress-induced hippocampal impairment
comes from research with nonhuman animals, in which experimental
inductions of high cortisol levels or high stress cause hippocampal dete-
rioration and/or memory impairments (Gould et al., 1998; Sapolsky &
McEwen, 1986). In humans, the neuroanatomical evidence in support
of these mechanisms is less clear. Some studies report that adults with
histories of child physical or sexual abuse have decreased hippocam-
pal volume relative to adults without trauma histories (Bremner et al.,
1997; Stein, Koverola, Hanna, Torchia et al., 1997; Vythilingam et al.,
2002), but these differences in brain structure seem to be linked to
trauma-related psychological disorders such as Post-Traumatic Stress
Disorder (PTSD) (Bremner, 2001; Bremner et al., 1997; Bremner et al.,
2003; Kitayama et al., 2005) and depression (Bremner et al., 2000;
Sheline, Sanghavi, Mintun, & Gado, 1999), not the trauma per se.
Indeed, in a recent meta-analysis Kitayama et al. (2005) found that
across nine MRI studies, adults with chronic PTSD had smaller hip-
pocampal volume than healthy controls and traumatized adults without
PTSD. It is also not clear whether the preadult brain is susceptible to
stress-related hippocampal damage, as most of this work has been con-
ducted with adult samples. One pilot study of a child sample, however,
found no variations in brain structure between maltreated children with
PTSD diagnoses and healthy nonmaltreated children (DeBellis, Hall,
Boring, Frustaci, & Moritz, 2001). Further, in light of the correlational

nature of this literature, several researchers have questioned the causal
direction of the association between stress and apparent hippocampal
atrophy, suggesting that smaller hippocampal volume may actually be a
risk factor for the development of psychological disorders in response to
trauma (Gilbertson et al., 2002; Sapolsky, 1996; Stein et al., 1997).
To date there is also little behavioral evidence to support the argu-
ment that trauma-related memory problems reflect broader memory
deficits associated with stress-induced hippocampal damage. Although
PTSD has been associated with short-term memory deficits (Bremner,
Scott, Delaney, & Southwick, 1993; Uddo, Vasterling, Brailey, & Sutker,
1993; Vasterling, Brailey, Constans, & Sutker, 1998), only a few studies
have examined the relations between trauma exposure per se and non-
autobiographical declarative memory measures. A recent study by Raes
et al. (2006) showed that depression-related overgeneral memory on
the AMT was related to poorer source memory for nonautobiographi-
cal information, but was unrelated to several other measures of seman-
tic and episodic memory. Similarly, measures of immediate and delayed
story recall were unrelated to autobiographical memory specificity in de
Decker et al.s (2003) study of adolescent psychiatric inpatients. Finally,
Howe, Cicchetti, and Toth (2006) examined performance on the Deese
Roediger McDermott false memory paradigm in maltreated and nonmal-
treated children and found no differences according to maltreatment sta-
tus. In sum, although more extensive investigation seems warranted, the
existing literature suggests that trauma-related autobiographical memory
problems cannot be entirely explained by broader memory deficits.
Another explanation for trauma-related memory problems focuses on
current memory retrieval conditions and constraints on information pro-
cessing. Kuyken and Brewin (1995) suggested that intrusive ruminative
thoughts about traumatic experiences, and efforts to avoid these thoughts,
deplete cognitive resources and lead to the truncation of the memory
search process before a specific episode has been retrieved. In line with
this view, PTSD, which is characterized by intrusive traumatic memo-
ries, is also associated with poor memory specificity (McNally, Lasko,
Macklin, & Pitman, 1995). Moreover, measures of intrusive memories
and efforts to avoid them (i.e., the intrusion and avoidance subscales
of the Impact of Events Scale, or IES) predict overgeneral memory in
both trauma victims (Wessel et al., 2002) and depressed adults (Brewin,
Reynolds, & Tata, 1999; Kuyken & Brewin, 1995). Experimental manip-
ulations of rumination have also been shown to affect the specific-
ity of memory retrieval (Park, Goodyer, & Teasdale, 2004; Watkins &
Teasdale, 2004; Watkins, Teasdale, & Williams, 2000). On the other
hand, the depletion of cognitive resources does not seem to completely
account for the autobiographical memory patterns seen in trauma

survivors. Although studies of nontraumatized adults suggest that the
reduction of cognitive resources does increase the likelihood of over-
general memories (e.g., Williams, Chan, Crane, & Barnhofer, 2006),
individual differences in cognitive resources (e.g., working memory mea-
sures) have not been shown to mediate the differences in memory per-
formance between adults with trauma histories and controls (de Decker
et al., 2003; Raes et al., 2006).
For years, the most commonly cited explanation for trauma-related
memory specificity problems has been J.M.G. Williams (1996) affect
regulation hypothesis. This model suggests that aversive experiences dur-
ing childhood lead to the development of an enduring cognitive style
that involves avoiding thinking and talking about the details of past
experiences so as to blunt potentially negative affect. In support of this
hypothesis, individuals who retrieve fewer specific memories on the AMT
report lower mood disturbance following a lab induced stressor (Raes,
Hermans, & Eelen, 2003; Raes et al., 2006). Although such functional
avoidance of negative details may reduce distress in the short term,
this cognitive style is thought to increase vulnerability to depression
in the long-term because it impairs problem solving ability (Pollock &
Williams, 2001; Raes et al., 2006; Van Minnen, Wessel, Verhaak &
Smeenk, 2005; Williams, Barnhofer, Crane, & Duggan, 2006). Consistent
with the argument that trauma-related memory patterns reflect a cognitive
style, individual differences in memory specificity appear to be relatively
stable in adults (e.g., Brittlebank et al., 1993; Williams & Dritschel,
1988). Researchers have yet to demonstrate that avoidant emotion-
regulation processes actually account for trauma-related memory patterns,
but there is evidence that poor memory specificity is related to measures
of cognitive avoidance, such as the White Bear Suppression Inventory
(Wegner & Zanakos, 1994), and repressive coping style among non-
traumatized, nondepressed adults (Hermans, Defranc, Raes, Williams, &
Eelen, 2005; Raes et al., 2006). One problem with the affect regulation
explanation, however, is that it emphasizes early adverse experiences at
the expense of attention to current retrieval conditions. Yet manipula-
tions of current retrieval conditions, such as rumination inductions, do
affect the specificity of autobiographical memory. Thus, it seems possi-
ble that a tendency to avoid remembering details to blunt affect when
presented certain cues could also represent a more transient or flexible
strategy adopted in response to current conditions or recent events (see
Johnson, Greenhoot, Glisky, & McCloskey, 2005, for elaboration of this
argument).
A recent reformulation of the affect regulation hypothesis by Williams
and his colleagues (2007) places greater emphasis on the role of current
conditions in trauma- and depression-related autobiographical memory

problems. The model further specifies the information-processing mech-
anisms that might underlie poor memory specificity and suggests that
cognitive resources, intrusive memories, and ruminative thoughts all
may moderate the application of functional avoidance in autobiograph-
ical memory retrieval. The framework draws heavily on Conway and
Pleydell-Pearces self-memory model (2000), which proposes that autobio-
graphical memories are dynamic patterns of activation constructed from
an autobiographical knowledge base that is organized hierarchically
into three levels of representation: lifetime periods (e.g., When I was
young . . . ), intermediate or general event representations (My parents
used to argue about money.), and event-specific knowledge (e.g., The
time my mom walked out because my dad lost his job.). A voluntary
or top-down memory search is viewed as a staged process that begins
at the level of the lifetime period or the general event representation
and is followed by activation of event-specific details.
According to Williams et al. (2007), when the retrieval process
begins to elicit event-specific details related to past traumatic experi-
ences, the search may be prematurely aborted in order to limit expo-
sure to aversive details and reduce negative affect. As a result, the
search produces a memory at the intermediate, rather than specific,
event level. This strategy of avoiding event-specific details is reinforced
over time and, as emphasized by the original affect regulation explana-
tion, can become an enduring cognitive style. But the new model posits
that this pattern of functional avoidance can be intensified by several
other conditions that are typical in adults with trauma histories and/
or depression, such as rumination, elaborate repertoires of negative self-
representations, intrusive memories, and executive-resource deficits. For
example, rumination tends to activate abstract negative self-representations,
and when these representations are elaborate, the individual can become
captured at this intermediate, conceptual level of representation, and
attention will be diverted from the retrieval of specific memories.
Executive resource deficits (e.g., Zacks & Hasher, 1994) may also con-
tribute to poor autobiographical memory specificity because of the cog-
nitive effort involved in the staged search process. Such deficits may
also disrupt the inhibition of ruminative thoughts, further increasing the
likelihood of overgeneral memories. Similarly, the efforts of traumatized
individuals to suppress intrusive, involuntarily activated memories may
place excessive demands on executive resources, thus further exacerbat-
ing the tendency to remain at the general level when engaging in a
deliberate memory search.
This reformulation of the affect regulation model accommodates
much of the existing data on memory disturbances that are associ-
ated with trauma and trauma-related psychopathology. Nevertheless, one

limitation of the extant literature is that virtually all of the work doc-
umenting trauma-related autobiographical memory problems has focused
on participants own global judgments of autobiographical memory
loss or measures of memory specificity on the AMT. Assessments of
other dimensions of autobiographical or episodic memory would pro-
vide more information about the scope of trauma-induced memory
problems and the implications of these problems for human functioning
outside of the laboratory. Research on the breadth of trauma-related
memory problems might also elucidate the underlying mechanisms. In
this regard, such work would permit a more effective assessment of
the contribution of general memory impairments to autobiographical
memory problems, and could also enrich the prevailing affect regula-
tion framework. For instance, the retrieval of emotional details figures
centrally in this model, but little is actually known about the way that
emotional details are represented in the memories of individuals with
trauma histories.
Another limitation of the existing research base is that it is not clear
when and how trauma-related memory problems develop. In spite of
the theoretical interest in early trauma, most investigations have sam-
pled adult populations. Indeed, almost all of the data on early trauma
exposure in this literature come from adult retrospective reports of child
abuse. Therefore the effects of early exposure to trauma are confounded
with adults current willingness or ability to report it. In other words,
it is not clear whether the autobiographical memory disturbances that
are associated with childhood trauma stem from the trauma itself or
from an adult response to current retrieval conditions or frame of mind.
Furthermore, although much work has focused on the cognitive pro-
cesses that underlie trauma-related memory patterns, less attention has
been paid to the developmental processes that give rise to them.
Our Research Program on Family Violence

and Memory Functioning
We have been addressing these issues, and others, by examining mem-

ory functioning in a subset of adolescents participating in a larger longi-
tudinal study of family violence. The longitudinal project was originally
designed to assess the impact of spousal violence and child abuse on
womens and childrens mental health and involved tracking an ethni-
cally diverse sample of battered and nonbattered women, and one of
their children, over an eight-year period (see McCloskey, Figueredo, &
Koss, 1995). Over the years, this project has yielded a rich database
for examining both memory for exposure to family violence per se (see

Greenhoot, McCloskey, & Glisky, 2005) and the impact of such expo-
sure on memory functioning in general.
The analyses presented in this chapter focus on data collected during
the initial assessment when the children were six to 12 years old (M = 9
years) and after a six-year delay when they were 12 to 18 years old (M
= 15 years). The initial assessment evaluated 363 mother-child dyads
who were recruited through announcements asking for women who had
been abused by a partner in the last year (for the battered group) or
who wanted to participate in a study of the family (for the comparison
group) (see McCloskey et al., 1995 for a full description of the recruitment
procedures). Eighty-two percent of these dyads (n = 296) were retained
for the six-year follow-up assessment. Both assessments involved separate
two- to three-hour interviews with each member of the dyad to evaluate
the childrens and mothers social, emotional, and cognitive functioning.
At both time points, the Conflict Tactics Scale (Straus, 1979) was used to
question the children about their exposure in the previous year to mother-
directed spousal abuse (e.g., mother being beaten or choked) and child-
directed physical punishment or abuse (e.g., child being hit with an object
or kicked) by the mothers partner. The mothers independent responses
to the same questions (and more) were used to corroborate the childrens
disclosures. At the initial interview, the participants were also asked, with
their mothers corroboration, to report whether they had ever been sex-
ually abused. At the six-year follow-up only girls (and their mothers)
were questioned in depth about sexual abuse (see Bailey and McCloskey,
2005 for details regarding the coding of sexual abuse). As summarized
in Table 41, participants disclosed a broad range of abuse exposure,
from no exposure to moderate exposure to frequent and severe exposure,
at the childhood interview. Levels of aggression and abuse were lower at
the adolescent assessment, in part because many of the women had ended
their relationships with their partners at the time of initial assessment.
The six-year follow-up (i.e., adolescent) interview also included several
measures of the teens memories. The teens were questioned specifically
about their memories for childhood experiences with family violence,
as well as several nontraumatic events documented at the same time,
but these data are not the focus of the analyses presented in this chap-
ter. An adaptation of the AMT was administered to provide a broader
assessment of memory for childhood. Participants were given three min-
utes to generate as many specific childhood memories (from before the
age of nine) as possible in response to each of six cue words varying
in valence: two positive cues (playing, present), two negative cues (argu-
ing, punishment), and two neutral cues (car, shopping). Finally, there was
also an assessment of nonautobiographical episodic memory consisting of
immediate and delayed recall of 10 verbally presented paired associates.

Table 41. Number of Participants who Reported Different Forms of
Abuse, and Average Reported Frequency of Each, at Childhood and
Adolescent Assessments
Group # of Mean Frequency Range of Frequency

Reports in Previous Year Estimates
Childhood Interview (N = 363)

Mother-Directed Aggression 194 18.6 0150
Child-Directed Aggression 228 9.1 079
Sexual Abuse 46
Adolescent Interview (N = 299)

Mother-Directed Aggression 100 1.1 017
Child-Directed Aggression 91 4.9 0505
Sexual Abusea 21
Note. The three abuse categories were not mutually exclusive because participants could report
more than one type of aggression or abuse during any given year.
a
In the Adolescent Interview, only girls were interviewed in depth about sexual abuse
experiences.
We have conducted a series of investigations of the relations between

abuse and memory functioning in this longitudinal sample, and in the
sections that follow we describe three of these studies. In contrast to
most previous research on trauma and memory functioning, the longi-
tudinal design of this project permitted prospective documentation of
both early (childhood) and recent (adolescent) exposure to abuse. As a
result, we have been able to separate the effects of childhood abuse
exposure from those of current frame of mind or recent stressors that
may be correlated with childhood abuse histories. Our investigations also
extend previous work by looking at a broader range of memory mea-
sures than has typically been examined, including nonautobiographical
episodic memory and multiple aspects of autobiographical memory such
as the affective qualities of recollections. Finally, in our most recent set
of analyses we have begun to explore questions about the developmental
mechanisms that might contribute to trauma-related memory patterns.
Abuse and the Specicity of

Autobiographical Memories
In our first investigation of the relations between autobiographical mem-

ory and abuse exposure, Johnson, Greenhoot, Glisky, and McCloskey
(2005) sought to extend previous research on trauma-related specificity
problems to an adolescent sample. The study was designed to examine
multiple indices of the accessibility of specific autobiographical memo-
ries and the relations between these measures and childhood exposure

to abuse, recent exposure to abuse, and current depressive symptoms. To
this end, we examined AMT performance in a subset of 134 partici-
pants whose mothers had corroborated their accounts of family violence
and whose memory narratives were transcribed and available for this
analysis.1 Spousal violence and child-directed aggression were combined
into overall measures of childhood family violence and recent (adoles-
cent) family violence. Like previous research using the AMT, we coded
each memory that was produced as specific (i.e., a personal memory
that refers to a single event) or overgeneral (i.e., a memory that sum-
marizes a category of events). But we also noted the number of inter-
viewer prompts required to elicit each specific memory and the length
of each memory (the number of words) as additional indicators of the
participants abilities or willingness to generate specific memories. In
addition, we coded the valence of each memory as negative or nonnega-
tive, as information about the affective quality of teens memories might
be useful in evaluating the role of affect regulation processes. Finally,
to evaluate whether AMT performance was related to broader memory
deficits, we also included a paired-associates recall test as a measure of
nonautobiographical episodic memory.
Preliminary analyses indicated that our measure of nonautobio-
graphical episodic memory (paired associates recall) was unrelated to
AMT performance and abuse exposure, and this variable was there-
fore removed from the final models. The major analyses focused on the
degree to which multiple measures of AMT performance were predicted
by childhood exposure to family violence, adolescent (recent) exposure
to family violence, sexual abuse, and depressive symptoms, as measured
by the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D;
Radloff, 1977). As summarized in Table 42, adolescent exposure to
family violence was associated with shorter memories for all cue types,
fewer negatively valenced memories in response to neutral cues, and
more overgeneral memories in response to neutral cues.2 Additionally,
higher rates of childhood family violence predicted more interviewer
prompting across cues. Finally, consistent with research on the links
between depression and autobiographical memory, teens with clinically
significant symptoms of depression generated more overgeneral memories
across cues than participants without clinically significant symptoms of
1
The selection of participants for transcription was random and unrelated to the
variables of interest in this study, and this subset was almost identical to the remain-
der of the sample in demographics and family violence exposure.
2
Although the univariate tests indicated that the effect of recent family violence
on overgeneral memories for neutral cues fell short of significance, the test of the
interaction between recent family violence and cue type in the repeated measures
model was statistically significant, F(2, 119) = 4.15, p = .018.

Table 42. Standardized Regression Coefcients from General Linear
Models Predicting Measures of Adolescent Memory Performance
on AMT
# Prompts Memory # Overgeneral % Negative

Variable Length Memories Memories
Sexa .224* .078 .094 .014

Age .062 .039 .165
Positive Cues .021
Negative Cues .180*
Neutral Cues .300***
Childhood Family .253** .096 .158 .037
Violence
Adolescent Family .052 .195*
Violence
Positive Cues .126 .086
Negative Cues .064 .134
Neutral Cues .164 .237*
Sexual Abuse .037 .142 .074 .119
Depression .121 .004 .220 * .119
Unintelligible Memories .177
Memory Length .111
Prompts .328 ***
Specific Memories 0.06
Note. Parameter estimates are presented by cue type only when there was a significant interaction
between a predictor and cue type.
a
Male = 0; female = 1.
p < .06
*p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001.
depression. Sexual abuse was unrelated to memory performance, but it

may be that the number of participants with sexual abuse histories was
too small to detect an effect, as only 14% of our sample reported sex-
ual abuse at any time-point.
The fact that paired associates performance was not associated with
trauma or autobiographical memory patterns argues against the hypoth-
esis that trauma-related memory patterns are attributable to impair-
ments in basic memory function. The overall pattern of results seems
to be more in line with the reformulated affect regulation framework
(Williams et al., 2007). The findings that teens with abuse exposure
not only produced shorter and more generic memories, but generated
fewer negative memories in response to neutral cues, provide conver-
gent evidence that teens with abuse exposure may have been engaging
in functional avoidance of potentially aversive memories or memory con-
tent. The association between childhood abuse exposure and interviewer
prompting is also consistent with functional avoidance and suggests that
although abused teens may have stored specific memories, they were
less willing or able to retrieve or report them. But our data also suggest

that avoidance is a dynamically applied strategy adopted in response to
current stressors (e.g., recent violence or depressive symptoms), rather
than an enduring cognitive style that stems from early experience. The
argument that current conditions moderate the application of avoidance
is bolstered by the fact that some of the effects of recent violence were
specific to neutral cues. One explanation for this pattern is that neutral
cues activate weaker associations with episodic details than positive and
negative cues, thus the combination of the higher effort involved in the
retrieval process and the potential for retrieval of aversive content may
increase the likelihood that the search stops short of a specific memory.
Nevertheless, ours is the first study to use neutral cues as part of the
AMT, and previous findings on cue valence effects have been inconsis-
tent (e.g., de Decker et al., 2003; Henderson et al., 2002; Kuyken &
Brewin, 1995). Therefore, additional research is needed to better evaluate
the ways in which semantic and affective characteristics of memory cues
might moderate trauma-related memory patterns.
Abuse and Internal States Language

Our next analysis of the links between abuse and memory examined
affect in the recollections of teens with and without past histories of
abuse (Greenhoot, Johnson & McCloskey, 2005). The affect regulation
hypothesis motivated our analyses: if individuals with abuse histories
avoid remembering and talking about aversive past events, they may
also be prone to forgetting or failing to report details within episodic
memories that are especially likely to be aversive (e.g., negative emo-
tional and perceptual details). This analysis was further motivated by
theory and research suggesting that the recall of internal states serves
important functions in relationships and self-understanding. Recalling
how one felt or thought about past events may help people make sense
of experiences, especially negative experiences. Research on nontrau-
matized samples, for example, shows that children increase their inter-
nal states language when recalling negative, stressful events (Fivush,
Hazzard, Sales, Safarti, & Brown, 2003).
For our study we coded internal states language in the AMT
autobiographical narratives provided by the adolescents during the six-
year follow-up. Using an adaptation of a coding scheme developed by
Bauer, Stennes, and Haight (2003), we coded the transcripts for the
frequency of words referring to cognitions (e.g., thought), perceptions
(e.g., saw), physiological states (e.g., tired) and emotions (e.g., afraid).
We were especially interested in comparing the emotional content of
childhood recollections elicited by the negative and nonnegative cues,
and whether any differences were moderated by abuse history. To this

end, we constructed two groups of participants according to childhood
abuse exposure (excluding those with only occasional exposure to fam-
ily violence). Participants who reported severe spousal violence, child
physical abuse, and/or sexual abuse at the childhood assessment (Year 1)
were coded as having a childhood abuse history (n = 47; the Childhood
Abuse Exposure group). Those in the No Childhood Exposure group
(n = 24) reported no aggression or abuse whatsoever. Twenty-one of
these 71 participants reported abuse exposure at the adolescent interview;
all but five were in the Childhood Abuse Exposure group. It is impor-
tant to point out that, although we used dichotomous abuse variables to
simplify these analyses, a comparable set of analyses using continuous
abuse variables and including participants with moderate abuse exposure
yielded very similar results.
We found that the only category of internal states that differed
between youth with and without childhood abuse exposure was emotion,
and this difference was found even after we controlled for mem-
ory length, age, and gender. Of special interest was our discovery
of an interaction between cue type and child abuse, as illustrated in
Figure 41. As can be seen, controls without childhood abuse expo-
sure showed elevated emotional language in response to negative cues
relative to nonnegative cues. Analyses of the content of the memories
in response to negative cues confirmed they were almost uniformly
negative and related to the cues themselves (arguing and punishment).
For the nonabused controls, therefore, the increased emotional language
to negative cues converges with prior evidence that children express
more emotions and other internal states when recalling negative events
than when recalling positive events (Fivush, Hazzard et al., 2003).
No Childhood Abuse Exposure Childhood Abuse Exposure
1.00
0.90
# Emotion Terms/Cue
0.80
0.70
0.60
0.50
0.40
0.30
0.20
0.10
0.00
Positive Cues Negative Cues Neutral Cues
Figure 41. Mean number of emotion terms produced per memory, as a

function of childhood abuse exposure and cue type.

Surprisingly, teens with child abuse histories showed no such increase
in emotional expression when discussing confl ict-related childhood mem-
ories. Even though their childhood experiences related to arguing and
punishment were likely to be more emotionally arousing, the abused
youth generated less emotional language in response to these cues than
nonabused adolescents.
These abuse-related patterns of emotional language are consistent with
the affect regulation framework; abused youth may be avoiding painful
memory content by limiting recall or disclosure of emotion. The affect
regulation model is typically applied to the pattern of overly generic
autobiographical memories in people with trauma histories. But it seems
possible that when a retrieval search activates a specific memory, indi-
viduals who have developed avoidant memory tendencies in response to
trauma may extend such strategies in order to sanitize aversive mem-
ories by screening out emotions and other unpleasant episodic details.
Another possibility is that individuals with abuse histories encode very
little affective detail in the first place. Conflict-related events may be
especially confusing for children from violent homes, making it hard for
them to fully appraise and label their own and others emotions related
to these events. Yet a further explanation for the lower levels of emotion
language among abused youth is that they have become somehow desen-
sitized to conflict through repeated exposure, such that confl ict-related
events were actually less emotionally arousing to them than to individu-
als without abuse histories. It should be noted, however, that the psycho-
physiological evidence regarding desensitization versus hypersensitization
among abused children is mixed (Carrey, Butter, Persinger, & Bialik,
1995; El-Sheikh, 1997; Hennessy, Rabideau, Cicchetti, & Cummings,
1994; Laumakis, Margolin, & John, 1998).
Unlike childhood abuse exposure, exposure to family violence during
adolescence (i.e., recent abuse) was unrelated to internal states language.
Admittedly, exposure during adolescence was less frequent and severe
than exposure during childhood; therefore we may have lacked the sta-
tistical power to detect recent abuse effects. But the fact that recent
abuse did predict memory functioning in the Johnson et al. (2005) anal-
yses of memory specificity argues against this interpretation. Moreover,
recent abuse exposure was unrelated to emotional language even when
the analyses were conducted on the entire sample of adolescents for
whom we had transcribed AMTs. Another explanation is that it reflects
differences in the types of events being remembered (i.e., how easily
events can be appraised): the teens were asked to recall memories from
childhood, and those with recent abuse did not necessarily have abusive
experiences during childhood. Therefore, if reduced emotional language

reflects difficulty appraising experiences related to abuse, effects of
recent abuse might be more likely to be observed in recent memories.
An additional possibility is that the effects of abuse on autobiographical
memory vary with age, and one limitation of our study is that autobio-
graphical memory was assessed only at the follow-up interviews. Further
research on the developmental sequence of abuse-related memory prob-
lems would shed new light on these issues.
To summarize, the Johnson et al. (2005) and Greenhoot et al. (2005)
findings, and those of others, suggest that many adolescents and adults
with abuse histories exhibit memory disturbances. These disturbances
appear to be specific to autobiographical memory and to be linked to
patterns of emotional processing. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen
whether these memory problems are actually part of a broader emo-
tion regulation system in the individual. There is evidence that mem-
ory specificity is negatively related to measures of thought suppression
and repressive coping style among nontraumatized individuals (Hermans
et al., 2005; Raes et al., 2006), but researchers have yet to demon-
strate that emotion-management strategies account for the poor specificity
observed in people with abuse histories.
Another limitation of the existing literature is that it has focused pri-
marily on the cognitive mechanisms that underlie abuse-related memory
patterns, and far less is known about the developmental processes that
give rise to these patterns. For example, people whose lives are replete
with bad memories may learn to avoid or suppress them, but how
might such strategies be learned in the first place? Research on autobio-
graphical memory and emotion regulation suggests that more adaptive
responses to stress involve cognitively reframing and attempting to find
meaning in memories of negative experiences (e.g., Compas & Boyer,
2001; Fivush, Berlin, Sales, Mennuti-Washburn, & Cassidy, 2003; John &
Gross, 2004; Sales, Fivush, & Peterson, 2003). Therefore, we need to
explain why individuals with abuse histories respond to negative past
experiences with reduced memory specificity rather than attempts at
meaning making. Some insights into this issue are offered by the devel-
opmental literatures on memory and emotion regulation, which suggest
that the way children remember and cope with negative experiences
is influenced by socialization experiences with their parents and other
adults (Fivush, Berlin et al., 2003; Kliewer, Fearnow, & Miller, 1996;
Sales et al., 2003). One implication is that atypical socialization expe-
riences in abusive families may contribute to the patterns of autobio-
graphical memory often observed in abuse victims. In the section that
follows, we present the results of some recent exploratory analyses of
the longitudinal sample that address this possibility.

Emotion Management, Socialization,
and Abuse-Related Memory Patterns
In these analyses, we sought to identify additional variables that may
help explain abuse-related differences in autobiographical memory func-
tioning and individual differences within traumatized groups. One aim
was to explore the role of socialization processes in abuse-related mem-
ory patterns. These analyses were informed by overlapping literatures on
autobiographical memory development and emotional development, which
suggest that childrens relationships, particularly with their parents, are
a powerful source of information about how to process and remember
emotional experiences. For example, the structure and content of parent-
child conversations about past events influence childrens general autobio-
graphical memory and narrative skills, as well as their understanding
and memories of specific past experiences (Fivush, Berlin et al., 2003;
Fivush, Haden, & Reese, 1996; McCabe & Peterson, 1991).
Similarly, parent-guided conversations that focus on emotions are
thought to promote the development of childrens skills in understanding
and regulating emotion (e.g., Denham, Zoller, & Couchaud, 1994; Dunn,
Brown, & Beardsall, 1991; Kliewer et al., 1996). Moreover, much of this
emotion socialization is thought to occur in the context of conversations
about past experiences (Fivush & Nelson, 2006). There is also evidence
that autobiographical memory and emotion-socialization experiences
vary according to the quality of parent-child relationships. For example,
securely attached parent-child dyads have more elaborative and emotional
conversations about past events than insecurely attached dyads (Fivush &
Vasudeva, 2002; Laible & Thompson, 2000; Reese & Farrant, 2003).
Taken together, these findings suggest that abuse-related patterns of
memory specificity and emotional content could be partly attributable to
atypical socialization experiences in abusive families. For instance, dif-
ferences in emotional language associated with abuse exposure could be
related to the way that parents talk about emotional events, either as
they are happening or after they have occurred. Children may be espe-
cially reliant on adults to help them interpret negative events like family
conflict, but adults in abusive families may be unlikely to discuss these
events with their children, or may even socialize their children not to
discuss their feelings about these experiences. Similarly, poor memory
specificity could be related to a parental style of talking about past
events that teaches children to avoid specific episodic details, or to the
socialization of more general avoidance strategies for coping with stress-
ful events. To explore these possibilities in this investigation, we looked
at whether measures of mother-child relationship quality and conversa-
tion could explain abuse-related autobiographical memory patterns. The

relationship quality indices included child report of maternal warmth
and rejection at both assessments (Parent Perception Inventory; Hazzard,
Christensen, & Margolin, 1983) and mother perception of mother-
child closeness at the adolescent assessment (Parent-Adolescent Child
Relationship Scale; Stuewig & McCloskey, 2005). Conversation measures
included child/adolescent report of problem-focused conversations with
the mother (i.e., How often do you talk with your mother about things
that bother you?) at both assessments, as well as child report (at the
initial assessment) of having discussed family conflict with the mother.
The second aim of these analyses was to determine whether abuse-
related memory patterns are related to individuals broader abilities to
understand and manage emotion. We addressed this goal by examining
the degree to which measures of adolescent emotional awareness and
emotion-management skills accounted for abuse-related memory patterns.
Lanes Emotional Awareness Scale (Lane, Quinlan, Schwartz, Walker, &
Zeitlin, 1990) was used to measure adolescent emotion understanding and
the Adult Attachment Scale (Brennan, Clark, & Shaver, 1998) served as
an indicator of how the teens managed their emotions in their romantic
relationships. We were particularly interested in the avoidance subscale,
which asks individuals about their comfort with intimacy and emotional
openness in relationships (e.g., I prefer not to show my boyfriend/
girlfriend how I feel deep down.).
Preliminary analyses indicated that three of these measures were
related to adolescent autobiographical memory patterns: child report of
mother-child discussion of family conflict collected during the child-
hood assessment, teens scores on the Avoidance subscale of the roman-
tic attachment measure, and teens reports of maternal warmth. Further
analyses focused on whether these three emotion-management and rela-
tionship variables mediated or moderated the effects of abuse exposure
on autobiographical memory patterns. In other words, we were interested
in whether these variables accounted for differences between groups of
teens with and without abuse exposure, and whether they accounted for
individual differences within these groups.
The analyses revealed that the emotion-management and/or relationship
variables helped to explain variation in both the number of overgeneral
memories and the frequency of emotion terms. As in the Johnson et al.
(2005) analyses, older age, more interviewer prompts and recent family
violence exposure (i.e., reported at the adolescent interview) were associ-
ated with more overgeneral childhood memories. But the effect of recent
abuse was qualified by an interaction with teen attachment avoidance;
the effect of recent violence on overgeneral memory depended on avoid-
ance tendencies (regardless of cue type). We illustrate this interaction
in Figure 42, which presents estimated regression lines, representing

avoidance regressed on overgeneral memories, for teens with and without
recent abuse exposure. As shown in Figure 42, recent abuse was asso-
ciated with more overgeneral memories only among teens who also dis-
played high avoidance in their romantic relationships. At high levels of
avoidance (i.e., at one standard deviation above the mean), recent abuse
exposure was associated with significantly more overgeneral memories,
whereas at low levels of avoidance (i.e., at one standard deviation below
the mean), there was no effect of recent abuse exposure.
These results demonstrate that the adolescents autobiographical mem-
ory specificity is related to the way they manage intimacy and emo-
tion in their relationships. Teens who avoided getting close and revealing
their feelings to romantic partners produced more generic memories on
the AMT than teens who were less avoidant in their relationships, but
only if they had been exposed to child abuse or mother-directed vio-
lence in the recent past. One interpretation is that avoidance in relation-
ships has a direct effect on the strength and retrievability of personal
memories. Individuals with avoidant attachments are probably less likely
to share personal memories with others, thereby reducing opportunities
for the rehearsal and reinstatement of episodic details. But this argument
cannot easily explain the fact that avoidance was unrelated to memory
specificity among individuals without recent abuse exposure. It seems
more likely that the increased overgeneral memories associated with
avoidant attachment reflect avoidant strategies for regulating the negative
affect associated with abuse exposure: teens with avoidant tendencies
respond to stressors by avoiding potentially aversive episodic memory
details. Our findings provide an important extension to previous work on
abuse and memory specificity by showing that it was the combination
1.00
# Overgeneral Memories/Cue
0.80
0.60
0.40 No Adolescent
Abuse Exposure
0.20 Adolescent
Abuse Exposure
0.00
1 0 1
Attachment Avoidance
Figure 42. Predicted number of overgeneral memories, as a function of

recent abuse exposure and attachment avoidance.

of broader avoidant tendencies and abuse exposure, rather than abuse
alone, that led to overgeneral memories.
The analyses of emotional language indicated that there were inter-
actions between childhood abuse and mother-child discussion of family
conflict for positive and negative cues, but not for neutral cues. As illus-
trated in Figure 43, mother-child discussion of family conflict during
the childhood interview was associated with greater emotional language
in response to positive and negative memory cues, but only for teens
without childhood abuse histories. Furthermore, the differences in emo-
tional language related to childhood abuse status depended on mother-
child discussion; teens without childhood abuse histories who did not
discuss family conflict with their mothers had levels of emotional lan-
guage comparable to those of teens with childhood abuse histories.
The control group produced more emotional language than the abused
group only when the children and their mothers had reported discussion
of family conflict during the childhood interview. Therefore, the differ-
ences between teens with and without childhood abuse exposure were
attributable to the differential effects of mother-child discussion for each
group. Further analyses indicated that these patterns were limited to
negative, as opposed to positive, emotion terms.
One explanation for these patterns is that for children in nonabusive
homes, mother-child discussion of family conflict may be associated with
more open and affect-laden discussion of emotional events in the family.
More open and emotional discussion of events, in turn, may increase
childrens tendencies to emotionally evaluate their experiences, increase
the salience of affective information, and socialize emotional disclosure
in recollections. Indeed, there is considerable evidence that parents who
No Childhood Abuse/No Discussion No Childhood Abuse/Discussion

Childhood Abuse/No Discussion Childhood Abuse/Discussion
1.40
# Emotion Terms/Cue
1.20
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
0.00
Positive Cues Negative Cues Neutral Cues
Figure 43. Mean number of emotion terms produced per memory, as a

function of cue type, childhood abuse exposure, and mother-child discussion
of family conflict.

use more emotions when conversing with their children about past events
have children who use more emotions as well (Adams, Kuebli, Boyle,
& Fivush, 1995; Fivush et al., 2003a; Sales, Fivush, & Peterson, 2003).
The finding that mother-child discussion did not have the same effect
on emotional language in children from abusive homes suggests that the
content or style of their conversations about conflict and other emotional
events differed from those in nonabusive homes. Unfortunately, we have
no direct measures of the content or quality of mother-child discussions
in this study, but our findings do suggest that an analysis of parent-child
conversation about emotional events in abusive families could be one
key to understanding the origins of abuse-related memory disturbances.
One unexpected finding was that teen report of maternal warmth
(at the adolescent assessment) was negatively related to emotional lan-
guage in their memories, for all cues, and regardless of violence his-
tory. This pattern, moreover, was consistent regardless of the valence
or experiencer of the emotion. This finding is quite surprising because
both maternal warmth and emotional disclosure are generally viewed as
positive qualities, and warm, sensitive parenting is thought to promote
mother-child closeness and emotional disclosure. These results are clearly
in need of replication and there are several potential explanations, but
one possibility is that more is not always better with regard to emo-
tional expression, particularly for children and adolescents. In fact, some
recent work has suggested that in some contexts, children who express
more emotions or other internal states may actually display higher lev-
els of psychological symptoms than children who express fewer internal
states (Legerski, Vernberg, & Greenhoot, 2007; Sales & Fivush, 2005).
Thus, it is possible that warm, sensitive parents promote moderate levels
of emotional content by helping their children modulate their emotions
during, or shortly after, emotional events, and/or by discouraging vent-
ing or inappropriately high levels of emotion expression. These patterns
may also be related to typical patterns of adolescent development and
autonomy-seeking. Further investigation of the relation between emotional
expression and parent-child relationships across development may help
clarify these findings.
Conclusions
Our data add to the mounting evidence of autobiographical memory

dysfunctions in individuals exposed to abuse. Collectively, these anal-
yses suggest that models of the effect of stress on memory need to
account for not only the stress associated with the to-be-remembered
event, but each individuals history of exposure to traumatic stress as

well. Our results extend previous work on trauma-related memory prob-
lems by illustrating that these deficits appear by at least adolescence and
that abuse affects the affective qualities of memories in addition to their
specificity and accessibility. Furthermore, our prospective documentation
of abuse exposure has enabled us to disentangle the effects of childhood
abuse from current frame of mind and recent stressors, revealing that
both early and recent experiences with abuse are associated with atypi-
cal autobiographical memory function. One of the most important find-
ings of our research program is that atypical memory patterns are not
explained by abuse alone, but are also products of the teens broader
emotion-management tendencies and socialization histories.
Some of our findings suggest that abuse-related patterns of memory
specificity and emotional language may reflect different underlying pro-
cesses. The memory patterns associated with recent abuse in our first
study (Johnson et al., 2005)shorter, more overgeneral, and fewer neg-
ative memoriesare highly consistent with the widely cited affect reg-
ulation hypothesis. This explanation is bolstered by the results of our
exploratory analyses, which revealed that recent abuse led to overgen-
eral memories only among teens who exhibited avoidant tendencies in
their relationships. These findings suggest that poor specificity could be
only one of many avoidant behaviors in these individuals, with these
responses making up a broader emotion-management system. When teens
with avoidant tendencies are exposed to negative experiences like abuse,
they may respond with reduced memory specificity, as opposed to more
adaptive responses like cognitive reframing and meaning making. We
were not able to determine the origins of avoidant tendencies in our
sample, but attachment research and theory suggests that adult attach-
ment is built on early attachment relationships to parents as well as
more recent relationships with peers and significant others (e.g., Simpson,
Collins, Tran, & Haydon, 2007). Thus, examination of early relationship
patterns and socialization history may further explain autobiographical
memory patterns in individuals with abuse histories.
The fact that recent abuse was a consistent predictor of specificity
problems in childhood memories suggests that these abnormalities are
probably best characterized as comprising a flexible response to recent
or current stressors as opposed to an enduring style that stems from
early adverse experiences. In other words, although some individuals
may be more likely to use functional avoidance than others, its appli-
cation varies with current conditions. Additional support for this hypoth-
esis comes from our own and others findings that memory specificity
fluctuates according to retrieval conditions such as the type of memory
cue (Johnson et al., 2005) or the presence of intrusive thoughts (e.g.,
Wessel et al., 2002). These patterns also permit some speculation as

to the temporal locus of abuse-related memory problems. Specifically,
they suggest that poor memory specificity reflects atypical processes that
occur during recollection, rather than during encoding or consolidation,
although it is not clear whether they reflect retrieval problems or unwill-
ingness to disclose.
In contrast, the Greenhoot et al. (2005) findings, combined with the
results of our exploratory analyses, suggest that abuse-related patterns of
emotional language may have to do with the way emotional events were
processed during childhood, rather than screening processes that take
place at the time of retrieval. Some support for this argument comes
the fact that conditions reported at the childhood assessment (i.e., abuse
exposure and mother-child discussion of family conflict), rather than the
adolescent assessment, predicted patterns of emotional language six years
later. The finding that abuse-related differences in emotional language
were mediated by mother-child discussion suggests that abuse-related
emotional language patterns may reflect differences in the way emotional
events are discussed and evaluated in abusive and non-abusive families.
In other words, abuse-related emotional language patterns may reflect
atypical emotion-socialization processes that took place during child-
hood, possibly preventing affective content from being integrated into
the childrens memories in the first place. A logical next step would be
to directly examine mother-child discussion of emotional events in dyads
with and without exposure to family violence and abuse. The counter-
intuitive findings related to maternal warmth also highlight the need to
look more directly at mother-child interactions during adolescence and
how they relate to memory.
Although our findings provide some insight into the developmental
processes that may contribute to abuse-related memory problems, it is
still unclear how early in development these problems might emerge.
Few studies in this literature have examined memory functioning dur-
ing childhood, and in our longitudinal study, autobiographical memory
was not assessed until the adolescent interview. Further investigation to
track the developmental sequence of abuse-related memory problems may
strengthen the arguments that can be made about the underlying pro-
cesses. The developmental course of trauma-related specificity problems
that reflect strategic avoidance of negative memory content may depend
on age-related change in emotion regulation strategies (e.g., Brenner &
Salovey, 1997) as well as cognitive resources and executive control.
Thus, it is possible that functional avoidance and poor memory speci-
ficity appear later in childhood or adolescence, in response to negative
thoughts about past experiences. On the other hand, if abuse-related
variations in emotional language are attributable to early socialization

of emotion regulation and autobiographical memory processes, these pat-
terns may appear in early childhood.
Our research program suggests that abuse exposure is associated with
a broader range of autobiographical memory abnormalities than previ-
ously known, but more research is needed to examine the scope of these
patterns. Although our work suggested that the autobiographical memory
abilities of individuals with trauma histories were unrelated to measures
of nonautobiographical episodic memory (e.g., paired-associates memory
or story recall), only a handful of studies has examined broader declar-
ative memory abilities in individuals with abuse histories (de Decker
et al., 2003; Wessel et al., 2002). Thus, more thorough evaluation of the
contribution of general memory impairments to trauma-related autobio-
graphical memory patterns seems warranted. Another limitation of the
existing literature is the almost exclusive reliance on the AMT to mea-
sure autobiographical memory functioning. On the one hand, reliance on
a common assessment facilitates cross-study comparison, but it also lim-
its the generalizability of the findings. In other words, it is not clear
whether abuse-related patterns are specific to a timed cue-word task
or would also be evident under conditions that more closely resemble
everyday recollection and allow for greater elaboration and reflection.
Additional research using a broader range of autobiographical memory
assessments will be critical to understanding how these abuse-related
memory deficits relate to recollective processes outside of the laboratory.
An additional issue that we are investigating concerns whether any
of these memory problems is related to an involuntary, automatic form
of avoidance or disengagement from stress-related information. Indeed,
the dual process model of responses to stress developed by Compas and
his colleagues (see Compas Campbell Robinson, & Rodriguez, this vol-
ume) suggests that disengagement from stress-related stimuli may occur
at either a strategic, voluntary level or an automatic, involuntary level.
Compass research program (e.g., Compas & Boyer, 2001) indicates that
these two response levels are dissociated and are differentially related
to well-being. Although abuse-related avoidance has been assumed to be
strategic (e.g., Williams et al., 2007), it seems possible that abuse could
affect engagement/disengagement patterns at the automatic level, and
these might have implications for memory.
In conclusion, exposure to traumatic events like abuse may alter the
course of autobiographical memory development or memory functioning,
but the full significance of trauma-related memory patterns for every-
day human functioning has yet to be determined. Williams and others
(e.g., Williams, 2007) have argued that the memory specificity problems
observed in abuse victims may reduce distress in the short term, but can

increase vulnerability to depression in the long term because they impair
problem-solving abilities. Consistent with this claim, autobiographical
memory problems have been linked to deficits in interpersonal problem-
solving and poorer outcomes for individuals in therapy (Brittlebank,
Scott, Williams, & Ferrier, 1993; Evans, Williams, OLoughlin, &
Howells, 1992; Pollock & Williams, 2001; Sidley, Whitaker, Calam, &
Wells, 1997). Similarly, a considerable amount of research and theory
on emotion expression suggests that low levels of emotional expression
are maladaptive, and emotional disclosure reflects coping and leads to
improved well-being (e.g., Fivush, Berlin et al., 2003; Larson & Chastain,
1990; Pennebaker et al., 1997; Smyth, 1998). Nevertheless, most of this
work has focused on adult populations, and it is possible that highly
specific or emotional memories are not always adaptive for children or
adolescents. We observed in the longitudinal sample that poor memory
specificity was associated with higher concurrent rates of depression, but
the causal direction of this association is unclear. Reduced emotional
language on the AMT was unrelated to measures of depression or other
psychopathology, but other studies (e.g., Legerski et al., 2007; Sales &
Fivush, 2005) have shown that increased emotional language in chil-
drens memories of specific events is associated with more symptoms of
psychopathology. Thus, future research should evaluate the consequences
of abuse-related autobiographical memory patterns for well-being, and
the degree to which these consequences vary across development.
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II
Stress, Coping, and

Parent-Child Narratives
5
Coping and Memory

Automatic and Controlled Processes
in Adaptation to Stress
Bruce E. Compas
Laura K. Campbell
Kristen E. Robinson
Erin M. Rodriguez
S uccessful adaptation to stress involves interactions among a

complex set of psychological, biological, and interpersonal
processes. Central among these processes is the role of memory. Memory
serves as a resource to facilitate more-effective coping and adaptation to
stress, but memory can also contribute to adverse outcomes associated
with stress. Thus, memory is a double-edged sword in stress and cop-
ing, carrying significant costs and benefits for individuals as they strug-
gle to adapt to and cope with acute and chronic stress.
There are multiple intersections among stress, coping, and memory.
Learning and memory form the foundation for the development and acqui-
sition of coping responses (Skinner & Zimmer-Gombeck, 2007). Memory
serves as a resource to facilitate more-effective coping and responses to
stress, in part by consolidating prior learning and experience in simi-
lar stressful situations (Shors, 2006). However, some aspects of mem-
ory facilitate adaptation to stress, whereas other components of memory
interfere with and constrain adjustment. For example, working memory
Preparation of this chapter was supported in part by grants R01MH069940 from

the National Institute of Mental Health and R01CA118332 from the National Cancer
Institute, and a gift from Patricia and Rodes Hart.
121
is an important process that facilitates several aspects of cognitive cop-
ing responses, such as the ability to reappraise or reframe a stressor
(Ochsner, Bunge, Gross, & Gabrielli, 2002). On the other hand, auto-
matic, intrusive memories can interfere with adaptive coping and trigger
prolonged, problematic responses to stress. Chronic and acute stress may
have contrasting effects on memory. Specifically, chronic stress appears
to adversely affect some aspects of memory whereas acute stress may
accentuate memory processes (e.g., Kleen, Sitomer, Killeen, & Conrad,
2006; Smeets et al., 2006). However, these relations are complicated, as
different aspects of memory (e.g., verbal vs. spatial) appear to be affected
by various types of stress in contrasting ways (Shors, 2006). Further, dif-
ferent coping responses have varied effects on memory. Most pronounced
is the detrimental effect of the broad category of disengagement coping
(including avoidance, denial, and wishful thinking) on memory.
In this chapter we describe a dual-process model of responses to stress
as a framework for understanding stress, coping, and memory (Compas,
Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2001). This model
includes both automatic and controlled responses to stress that involve
engagement with or disengagement from sources of stress and ones emo-
tions. Controlled responses to stress, which we equate with the concept of
coping, are then considered within the broader cognitive processes of exec-
utive functions and memory (Compas, 2006). We then use two examples
from our research on children and adults with cancer to show the diverse
relations among these processesthe relations between controlled, working
memory processes and coping, and the interplay between disengagement
coping and intrusive, automatic memories. Finally, directions for future
research on the role of memory in coping with stress are outlined.
Coping and Responses to Stress:

A Dual-Process Model
Adaptation to stress involves two closely related but distinct processes. One
set of responses to stress is reflected in rapid, automatic reactions to stres-
sors that are driven by innate, biologically based processes and learned
processes acquired through associative and operant conditioning (Compas
et al., 2001). These processes may occur within or outside of conscious
awareness but are not under conscious control. A second set of stress
responses are controlled, effortful, and purposeful and are typically cap-
tured within the construct of coping. Automatic and controlled processes
have been studied relatively independently in the past, as reflected in the
separate literatures on stress reactivity and coping. However, integration of
these two processes is essential for a complete understanding of adaptation
122 STRESS, COPING, AND PARENT-CHILD NARRATIVES

to stress. Moreover, because memory encompasses both automatic and
controlled processes, it is important to examine the role of memory in
adaptation to stress within the context of these dual processes.
Automatic Responses to Stress: Stress Reactivity

There are strong individual differences in automatized responses to
stress, and these individual differences may have important implications
for the role of memory in stress. Central in determining rapid, auto-
matic responses to stress is the sympathetic branch of the autonomic
nervous system (ANS) that initiates a series of responses to prepare
the individual for physical responses to sources of threat, including the
prototype of the fight or flight response. This includes increases in
heart rate and blood pressure, pupilary dilation, and inhibition of sali-
vation and digestion. Conversely, the parasympathetic arm of the ANS
functions to automatically down-regulate stress responses by, for exam-
ple, decreasing blood pressure and heart rate. Responses of the ANS
are closely tied to other automatic cognitive, behavioral, and emotional
responses to stress. Individuals who are highly reactive to and slow to
recover from stress are more likely to experience prolonged physiolog-
ical and emotional arousal after exposure to a stressor (e.g., Davidson,
2003). Activation of the ANS in response to stress has implications for
memory, as prolonged stress reactions may impede retrieval of previously
learned information and behavior from memory that was acquired prior
to the stressor (Kleen et al., 2006).
Patterns of stress reactivity are evident early in development as
reflected in individual differences in temperament, and these differences
are associated with later variations in stress reactivity in childhood and
adolescence (Kagan, Reznick, & Gibbons, 1989; Kagan, Reznick, &
Snidman, 1987). For example, children characterized early in develop-
ment as having an inhibited temperament react to novelty and threat
with greater physiological arousal and emotional distress than uninhib-
ited children. Kagan et al. (1987) have described behavioral inhibition
to the unfamiliar as characterized by the predisposition to be irritable
as an infant, unusually shy and fearful as a toddler, and quiet, cautious,
and withdrawn in the preschool and early school-age years, with marked
behavioral restraint and physiological arousal in unfamiliar situations.
Early differences in behavioral inhibition have lasting implications, as
they are predictive of the onset of anxiety disorders in late childhood
(Kagan, Snidman, Zentner, & Peterson, 1999). The association between
early temperament and later anxiety may be due in part to individual
differences in ways of reacting to stress, as stress is an important trig-
ger for anxiety symptoms and anxiety disorders.
Coping and Memory 123

Temperamental differences are also evident in the ability to sus-
tain focus of attention and to shift attention in response to situational
demands (Posner & Rothbart, 2007). Individual differences in attention
include biases in attention to threatening information that can trigger
activation of emotional and physiological arousal. For example, compared
with nonanxious individuals, anxious individuals display a rapid, non-
conscious, automatic bias to attend to threatening information (Bar-Heim
et al., 2007). Studies using both the emotional Stroop task (a measure
of interference in attention as a function of emotional content of stimuli)
and the dot probe detection task (a measure of biases of allocation of
attention to emotional stimuli) have found evidence of biases in atten-
tion to threat (Bar-Heim et al., 2007). This pattern has been identified
in children with anxiety (Dalgleish et al., 2003), and a similar bias to
attend to pain and threatening information has been observed in children
with chronic pain (Boyer et al., 2006). Environmental cues are capa-
ble of triggering automatic, unwanted, anxiety-provoking memories that
intrude on awareness. A bias to threatening information in the environ-
ment may lead to chronic activation of cognitive, emotional, and physio-
logical systems, including intrusive memories, that are involved in stress
responses. Further, these biases may also be linked with biased recall
of negative memories that can further contribute to chronic activation of
stress response systems, as memory and inhibitory control processes are
associated with the anterior attentional control network (Rueda, Posner, &
Rothbart, 2005).
Controlled Responses to Stress: Coping

Coping research has been shaped by the landmark work of Lazarus and
Folkman, with the most notable impact arising from their articulation of
a transactional model of coping over 20 years ago (Lazarus & Folkman,
1984). They defined coping as constantly changing cognitive and behav-
ioral efforts to manage specific external and/or internal resources of the
person (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984, p. 141). Within this model, types
of coping were distinguished in terms of their function or goal, with the
broad distinction made between efforts to act on the source of stress
(problem-focused coping) or ones emotional response to stress (emotion-
focused coping).
Coping theory and research have made considerable progress since the
foundational work of Lazarus and Folkman. In a comprehensive review
of coping research and theory, Skinner et al. (2003) delineated multiple
levels of analysis of coping processes, including specific categories of
coping responses (e.g., distraction, emotional expression), broader fami-
lies of coping (e.g., problem-solving, accommodation), and even broader

adaptive processes (e.g., coordinating actions and contingencies in the
environment). The complexity of and, perhaps, problems in the field are
reflected by more than 400 specific categories of coping responses iden-
tified in the literature by Skinner et al.
Progress has been made toward consensus on understanding the var-
ied aspects of coping during childhood and adolescence (e.g., Compas
et al., 2001; Skinner et al., 2003; Skinner & Zimmer-Gombeck, 2007).
Skinner et al. (2003) point to the contribution of top-down, theory-
driven research that has used confirmatory factor analysis to test mod-
els of coping as an important alternative to early work that relied on
bottom-up methods using exploratory factor analysis to examine rather
disparate sets of coping responses. Top-down methods are reflected in
the work of Ayers et al. (1996), Tobin et al. (1999), and Walker et al.
(1997), as well as our own research on coping as part of a dual process
model of responses to stress (e.g., Connor-Smith et al., 2000). A shared
feature of these models of coping is the recognition that coping is a
form of self-regulation that is activated under stress.
We define coping as conscious volitional efforts to regulate emo-
tion, cognition, behavior, physiology, and the environment in response to
stressful events or circumstances (Compas et al., 2001, p. 89). Similarly,
Skinner and Zimmer-Gemberck (2007) define coping as action regu-
lation under stress (p. 122), and Eisenberg et al. (1997) identify cop-
ing as involving regulatory processes in a subset of contextsthose
involving stress (p. 42). Regulation under stress involves a broad array
of responses, including efforts to (a) initiate; (b) terminate or delay;
(c) modify or change the form or content; (d) modulate the amount or
intensity of a thought, emotion, behavior, or physiological reaction; or
(e) redirect thought or behavior toward a new target (Compas et al.,
2001). These regulatory processes both draw on and are constrained by
the biological, cognitive, social, and emotional development of the indi-
vidual. As noted above, the development and acquisition of coping skills
involve learning and memory of prior responses to stress and drawing
on those memories to select coping responses when new stressors are
encountered.
Integrating Automatic and Controlled

Processes: Dual Process Model
The broad array of controlled and automatic responses to stress is fur-
ther distinguished along a dimension of engagement versus disengagement
(Compas et al., 2001; Connor-Smith et al., 2000). Engagement responses
involve orienting or directing responses toward the source of stress or
ones emotional responses to a stressor, whereas disengagement responses

orient away from the stressor or ones reaction to it. Automatic engage-
ment responses include emotional and physiological arousal, intrusive
cognitions, and impulsive action. Disengagement responses that occur
automatically in response to stress include escape behavior, emotional
numbing, and cognitive interference. In contrast to automatic responses to
stress, three types of controlled (coping) responses have been identified.
Drawing on developmental models of perceived control and the
importance of these perceptions in responses to stress (e.g., Rudolph,
Dennig, & Weisz, 1995), controlled engagement responses are further
differentiated as primary control coping and secondary control coping
(Connor-Smith et al., 2000). Primary control coping is characterized by
responses aimed at resolving the source of stress or direct attempts to
change ones emotional responses to a stressor, including problem-solving,
controlled (regulated) expression of emotions, and emotion modulation.
Examples of primary control coping responses include making a plan of
action and following it, seeking information about a problem, express-
ing emotions through writing or disclosure to another, and keeping emo-
tions in check until it is an appropriate time and place to express them.
Primary control coping is hypothesized to be best suited to stressors
that are experienced as under personal control. Secondary control coping
involves efforts to adapt to a stressor and is, therefore, best suited to
stress that is experienced as beyond personal control. Secondary control
coping includes acceptance, distraction, cognitive restructuring, and opti-
mistic thinking. Specific examples of secondary control coping responses
include taking things as they are, finding a silver lining in a problem,
and engaging in positive activities as a source of distraction. Controlled
disengagement responses represent disengagement coping, which includes
avoidance, denial, and wishful thinking. Disengagement coping may
reflect a sense of relinquished control in which the individual no longer
believes that control over the source of stress or ones emotions is pos-
sible. As part of the pursuit of the underlying neurobiology of emotion
regulation, recent research has identified brain structures, functions, and
physiology associated with perceptions of control (Declerck, Boone, &
Branander, 2006), suggesting that it may be possible to map the neuro-
anatomy of a control-based model of coping.
The dual process model of coping and stress reactivity has been
tested using adolescent self-reports and parents reports about adolescents
on the Responses to Stress Questionnaire (Connor-Smith et al., 2000).
This model has been supported using confirmatory factor analyses in
diverse samples of adolescents and adults coping with a wide range of
different types of stress including Euro-American adolescent coping with
social/interpersonal stress (Connor-Smith et al., 2000), a sample of older
adolescents in Spain (Connor-Smith & Calvete, 2004), Navajo adolescents

coping with social/interpersonal stress (Wadsworth et al., 2003), chil-
dren and adolescents coping with recurrent pain (Compas et al., 2006a),
and women coping with the diagnosis and treatment of breast cancer
(Compas et al., 2006b). Findings from these studies suggest that this
model is robust and replicable across a wide range of different types of
stress, different age groups, and diverse cultural and ethnic groups. This
model has been supported in latent variable analyses combining parent
and adolescent reports of adolescents coping, indicating that it is not
limited to self-report measures (Compas et al., 2006a).
This model has emphasized active forms of engagement coping as
reflected in efforts to regulate the source of stress and ones emotions
in primary control coping and ones cognitions and attention in second-
ary control coping. However, passive forms of engagement coping as
represented by ruminative coping (e.g., focusing on ones negative emo-
tions) are also important (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2004). Rumination includes
self-reflection (e.g., analyzing recent events and trying to understand
why I am upset; writing down what I am thinking and analyzing it)
and brooding (e.g., thinking about how alone I feel; thinking about
how upset I feel). Much of the ruminative process involves the replay-
ing and analyzing of self-related events that have occurred and are now
stored in memory. In examining the role of coping and memory, it may
be valuable to integrate other models of coping in children and adoles-
cents that specifically identify ruminative coping responses.
Coping, Executive Function, and Memory
Coping responses are regulated by a larger cognitive system that is

responsible for complex cognitive functioning. Executive function is a
general term used to describe a variety of higher-order cognitive pro-
cesses that are involved in the coordination and execution of a wide
range of cognitive tasks (e.g., Aron, 2008). Executive function includes
processes such as cognitive flexibility, abstract thinking, rule acquisi-
tion, initiating appropriate actions, and inhibiting inappropriate actions,
and selecting relevant sensory information (Aron, 2008). These processes
involve the integration of two or more basic cognitive processes, includ-
ing attention and working memory (Luna & Sweeny, 2004).
Because executive function involves the integration of basic cognitive
processes, it activates brain regions that are engaged during those basic
processes, such as the regions of the hippocampus and the anterior cin-
gulate. However, because executive function requires the integration of
these processes, it also involves activation in regions of the prefrontal
cortex that are involved in the integration of information from and com-
munication with other regions of the brain. Numerous imaging studies

have shown that the dorsolateral, ventrolateral, and medial regions of the
prefrontal cortex are activated in executive function processes (Davidson,
2000).
Despite evidence that executive function processes activate specific
prefrontal regions, these processes are difficult to define operationally
because the distinction between higher-order and basic processes lies on
a continuum (Hughes & Graham, 2002). Hughes and Graham argue that,
especially in adults, complex processes that require higher-order process-
ing when they are novel can become automatic when well learned (e.g.,
driving). Hence, the point at which a process becomes automatic cannot
be pinpointed, and there will be individual differences on performance
and executive function activation during real-life tasks.
Coping involves the activation of executive functions under a specified
set of conditions; i.e., in response to acute stressful events or chronic
stressful conditions. Some of the central features of executive functions
are reflected in our definition of coping, including the importance of
conscious volitional responses that are goal directed and experienced by
the individual as under conscious control. Both primary and secondary
control coping involve higher-order, nonautomatic cognitive processes to
cope with a stressor. As such, executive functions serve as the platform
on which coping responses are built. For example, Copeland and Compas
(2007) examined the role of one domain of executive functioning, exec-
utive inhibition, in the coping responses of children with attention and
externalizing problems. Executive inhibition refers to the ability to sup-
press dominant prepotent or previously reinforced responses to stimuli
(Roberts & Pennington, 1996). In this study, inhibitory control was mea-
sured using three standardized tests of the ability to delay and inhibit
behavioral responses (a go-no go task, a Stroop color-naming task, and
a delay of gratification task). Copeland and Compas found that engage-
ment coping strategies, including primary control and secondary control
coping, were associated with greater inhibitory control, while disengage-
ment coping was associated with poorer inhibitory control. Further,
primary control coping responses mediated the association between
inhibitory control and externalizing behavior problems. That is, poor
inhibitory control was related to more externalizing problems in part
because of deficits in the use of primary control coping strategies. This
study provided initial evidence that executive inhibition is important in
the development and execution of effective coping strategies.
Working Memory
One aspect of executive function that has significant implications for cop-
ing is working memory. Working memory can be defined as the capacity

to store information in short-term registers and to simultaneously manip-
ulate it online (Scherf, Sweeny, & Luna, 2006). It is a crucial cognitive
function for human thought processes such as reasoning, learning, and
comprehension, facilitating the momentary maintenance and manipulation
of task-relevant information. Working memory involves both attentional
and short-term memory/rehearsal processes.
One widely used paradigm to assess one aspect of working memory,
visual working memory, is the n-back task. In the n-back task, one must
respond according to a rule (e.g., when a letter is repeated immediately
after itself, one letter after itself, two letters after, etc.). Previously pre-
sented letters must be rehearsed in short-term memory while responding
according to the current rule, making it a test of working memory. A
parametric version of the visual n-back task (Barch, Sheline, Csernansky, &
Snyder, 2003) has been developed, which involves increasingly difficult
sequences of uppercase consonants. In the 0-back condition, participants
are instructed to respond to a single target (e.g., M). In the 1-back con-
dition, participants are instructed to respond only when the consonant is
identical to the one preceding it (e.g., M, M). In the 2-back condition, par-
ticipants respond only when the consonant is identical to the one presented
two trials prior (e.g., M, T, M), and in the 3-back condition, participants
respond when the consonant is identical to the one presented three trials
prior (e.g., M, T, F, M). The n-back is related to activation in the dorso-
lateral prefrontal cortex, and damage to this region has been associated
with decrements in performance on the n-back task and with limits in
working memory capacity (Owen, MacMillan, Laird, & Bullmore, 2005).
Functional neuroimaging studies have shown that working memory tasks
such as the visual n-back activate a number of brain regions. For exam-
ple, the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (e.g., Broadman area 9) appears to
play a central role in responding to a visual n-back task (Owen et al., 2005).
Memory, Stress Reactivity, and Coping

We now consider the relation between memory and stress responses in
more detail. Two salient examples from research on memory and stress
responses are illustrative of the potential importance of this relationship
the relations between working memory and secondary control coping
(specifically, cognitive reappraisal) and the associations among disengage-
ment coping and intrusive, automatic thoughts and memories.
Working Memory and Secondary

Control Coping
Because working memory is a fundamental skill that involves holding
information in short-term memory while simultaneously acting on this

information, it may have implications for coping processes that also
involve the simultaneous processes of holding stress relevant information
online while manipulating that information. A salient example of this
type of coping process has been variously called cognitive reappraisal,
cognitive restructuring, or cognitive reframing (e.g., Connor-Smith et al.,
2000; Ochsner et al., 2002). Cognitive reappraisal uses working memory
to view a stressor in a different, less-threatening way, by holding the
stressor in mind while reappraising or changing ones interpretation of
the stressor.
Two recent studies in our lab provide evidence for the potential
importance of working memory in the process of cognitive reappraisal.
In the first study we examined executive function, coping, and emotional
and behavioral problems in children and adolescents who had completed
treatment for acute lympocytic leukemia (ALL) and a matched control
sample of healthy children (Campbell, Scaduto, Van Slyke, Niarhos,
Whitlock, & Compas, 2008). In a second study we used functional neu-
roimaging methods to identify specific brain regions that may reflect def-
icits in ALL survivors in response to a working memory task (Robinson,
Livesay, Campbell, Scaduto, Cannistraci, Whitlock, & Compas, 2008).
Our work with survivors of pediatric cancer has provided an interesting
opportunity to examine the relations between working memory and cop-
ing, and the effects of cancer treatments on working memory capacity.
Although its base rate is low compared to many other childhood dis-
eases, cancer remains the leading cause of disease-related death of chil-
dren in the United States. Approximately 1,560 children are expected to
die from cancer this year, and an estimated 9,500 children under the
age of 14 will receive a new cancer diagnosis (American Cancer Society,
2006). ALL is the most common form of childhood cancer, accounting
for nearly one-third of all diagnoses (American Cancer Society, 2006).
An invariably fatal disease prior to 1960 (Mulhern, 1994), ALL now
has a five-year survival rate of over 80% owing to the introduction and
ongoing modification of powerful treatment protocols, which not only
destroy leukemic cells in the bone marrow, and organs, but also prevent
disease relapse in the central nervous system through the prophylactic
administration of chemotherapeutic drugs directly into the cerebral spinal
fluid (e.g., Smith, Ries, Gurney, & Ross, 2004).
As a result of these advances in treatment, the majority of children
diagnosed with ALL are living well into adulthood, and the issue of
managing the long-term sequelae of treatment and preserving quality of
life of childhood ALL patients and survivors has become a major focus
of research and clinical practice. Known long-term effects of treatment
for childhood ALL can include hormone deficiencies, infertility, pul-
monary fibrosis and inflammation, kidney disease, osteopenia, cardiac

complications, dental abnormalities, and even the development of sec-
ond cancers (American Cancer Society, 2006). The Childhood Cancer
Survivorship Study, a multicenter cohort study that has provided the
largest data on the late effects of childhood cancer treatment, found
that adult survivors of childhood ALL reported experiencing significantly
more overall physical and mental health problems, activity limitations,
and functional impairment compared to adult siblings with no history of
cancer (Ness et al., 2005; Hudson et al., 2003; see Robison et al., 2005
for a review).
One important long-term consequence of ALL treatment that has
been observed is impaired neurocognitive functioning. Declines in overall
intellectual ability (e.g., Mulhern, Ochs, & Fairclough, 1992), academic
performance (e.g., Anderson et al., 2000), memory and learning (e.g.,
Hill et al., 1997), attention and concentration (e.g., Lockwood, Bell, &
Colegrove, 1999), information-processing speed (Cousens et al., 1991),
visuospatial skill (e.g., Espy et al., 2001), psychomotor functioning
(e.g., Kaleita et al., 1999), executive functioning (e.g., Anderson et al.,
1997), and language skills (e.g., Buttsworth, Murdoch, & Ozanne, 1993)
are among the adverse neurocognitive outcomes reported in the literature.
We recently completed a meta-analytic review of the literature on the
neurocognitive effects of treatment for childhood ALL and found that
when compared to control groups composed of healthy peers, siblings,
or children treated for solid tumors or other chronic illness, ALL survi-
vors experienced significant declines in both global and specific domains
of neurocognitive function (Campbell, Scaduto, Sharp, Dufton, Van
Slyke, Whitlock, & Compas, 2007). The effect sizes ranged from small
to moderate (g = .34 to .71) and were in the negative direction, indi-
cating consistent deficits for groups of children treated for ALL across
all nine neurocognitive domains assessed: Overall Cognitive Functioning
(which includes scores on measures of verbal, performance, and full-
scale intelligence), Academic Achievement, Attention, Executive Function,
Verbal Memory, Visuospatial Memory, Visuospatial Skill, Psychomotor
Skill, and Information Processing Speed.
Based on these findings, Campbell et al. (in press) hypothesized that,
compared to healthy controls, childhood ALL survivors would show
poorer executive functioning. Further, because we view coping as closely
tied to executive function, we expected that ALL survivors would display
more maladaptive patterns of coping with stress, and greater internaliz-
ing and externalizing behavior problems than healthy controls. Because
adaptive coping relies on intact executive functions, we also hypothesized
that poorer executive functioning would be associated with greater use
of maladaptive patterns of coping; that is, greater reliance on disengage-
ment coping and less use of primary and secondary control coping,

particularly in ALL survivors. Participants included 30 children and ado-
lescents between 10 and 20 years of age who completed treatment for
ALL and 30 healthy controls matched on age, sex, and when possible
Socio-Economic Status (SES). Both ALL and healthy control participants
were administered behavioral tests of four domains of executive function
(working memory, cognitive flexibility, behavioral inhibition, and self-
monitoring), and their parents were administered a questionnaire asking
them to report on their childrens executive function in these domains.
In addition, both participants and their parents completed questionnaires
on the childrens coping and behavioral/emotional problems.
Consistent with our recent meta-analytic review (Campbell et al.,
2007), Campbell et al. (in press) found that ALL survivors performed
more poorly than healthy controls on several domains of executive func-
tion, including working memory. Survivors self reports and parents
reports of adolescents primary control and secondary control coping
were positively correlated with certain measures of executive functioning,
including working memory, while maladaptive coping (i.e., disengage-
ment coping) was negatively correlated with these measures. Additionally,
survivors coping was related to their internalizing and externalizing
behavior problems. Specifically, survivors greater use of primary and
secondary control coping was related to fewer emotional and behav-
ioral problems, while survivors greater use of disengagement coping
was associated with more emotional and behavioral problems (Campbell
et al., in press).
The results of this study provide preliminary evidence that some sur-
vivors of childhood ALL are susceptible to impaired executive function
and therefore experience difficulties in coping effectively with stress-
ful life events, leading to emotional distress and behavior problems
(Campbell et al., 2008). The findings of this study support the hypoth-
esis that the ability to employ adaptive coping skills is dependent on
intact executive functioning, including the domains of working memory,
cognitive flexibility, self-monitoring, and behavioral inhibition. When the
ability to perform these higher-level cognitive tasks is impaired, children
and adolescents appear to rely more heavily on maladaptive patterns
of coping, such as denial and avoidance, and less on strategies consid-
ered more adaptive, such as problem-solving, acceptance, and cognitive
restructuring.
In a subsequent study, we selected a sample of ALL survivors who
displayed impaired performance on standardized tests of working mem-
ory in the Campbell et al. (2008) study and along with their age- and
gender matched-controls used functional magnetic resonance imaging
(fMRI) to examine their performance on a visual n-back task (Robinson
et al., 2008). Survivors and healthy controls performed similarly on the

working memory task conducted during the neuroimaging session, based
on both accuracy scores and reaction time scores. However, compari-
son of the two groups on the more complex levels of the task (2-back
and 3-back) indicated that the difference between the groups approached
significance, with the ALL survivors performing more poorly on this
task than controls. Analyses of fMRI data revealed that, although sim-
ilar regions were activated in working memory processing in these two
groups, survivors of ALL recruited greater amounts of oxygenated blood
to the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and the dorsal anterior cingulate cor-
tex during the task, specifically at greater levels of task difficulty. This
suggests that, although these regions may still be functional in survivors,
greater energy is required to perform to the same level as peers.
These findings are consistent with theories of inefficient functioning
or compensatory activation, in which it is hypothesized that individuals
with deficits in executive functions may overcompensate for these defi-
cits through recruitment of a greater supply of resources (i.e., oxygen)
to facilitate task completion (e.g., Sweet, Rao, Primeau, Durgerian, &
Cohen, 2006). These processes have been examined successfully in phe-
notypically similar populations (e.g., Multiple Sclerosis) using similar
tasks and targeting the same brain regions (Audoin et al., 2003; Sweet
et al., 2006). Staffen and colleagues (2002) suggested that this compen-
sation indicates cerebral pathology, and serves to preserve functioning
by connecting integrated parts of the systems of error processing and
response inhibition. Based on these suggestions, functional connectivity
MRI may be a useful tool for examining the extent of reliance on mul-
tiple cortical areas by adolescents with potential deficits and their possi-
ble association with deficits in secondary control coping.
It is noteworthy that the regions in the prefrontal cortex which are
involved in working memory and may be important in processes of cop-
ing with stress are also adversely affected by chronic stress (Compas,
2006). Substantial evidence suggests that stress takes a double toll on
the ability of children and adolescents to sustain resilience in the face
of prolonged stress and adversity. Psychosocial stress initiates a series of
biological and psychological processes captured by the concept of allo-
static load (McEwen, 1998). Allostatic load, or the cost of wear and tear
on the body produced by repeated activation of biological stress response
systems, contributes to physical disease and emotional and behav-
ioral disorder. The effects of allostatic load include a second less-well-
recognized but pernicious process that is reflected in the toll that stress
takes on specific brain regions, including the hippocampus and the
regions of the prefrontal cortex (McEwen, 2003). Further, the brain
regions most adversely affected by chronic stress are the very portions
of the brain that are most responsible for effective coping and adaptation

to stress (Compas, 2006). Thus, the direct effects of chronic stress may
be compounded by impairments in the ability to effectively cope with
stress.
The PFC, hippocampus, and amygdala all are densely populated
with receptors that, when stimulated, down-regulate the hypothalamus
and decrease production of corticotrophin-releasing hormone. Although
glucocorticoids act on the brain through both mineralocorticoid recep-
tors and glucocorticoid receptors, glucocorticoid receptors are most
centrally involved in the regulation of stress responses, as they modu-
late other biological stress responses and facilitate recovery from stress
through return to baseline (pre-stress) functioning. The HPA and SAM
axes operate optimally only in response to acute, short term stressors.
Chronic stress, or prolonged allostatic load, however, takes a significant
toll on these systems.
Prolonged exposure to chronic stress, and concomitantly, prolonged
activation of the stress axes, is linked to neural degeneration in spe-
cific brain regions, most notably areas of the PFC and the hippocampus.
The seminal work of McEwen and colleagues has shown that prolonged
exposure to stress leads to atrophy and impaired neuronal function in
the hippocampus and the medial prefrontal cortex. For example, Radley
et al. (2005) showed that repeated restraint stress in rats led to signifi-
cant loss of dendritic spine density and length in pyramidal neurons in
the medial PFC. Similarly, Isgor et al. (2004) found that chronic vari-
able stress leads to decreased hippocampal volume in peripubertal rats.
Both of these regions contain high levels of glucocorticoid receptors and
when stimulated these receptors lead to down-regulation of the HPA.
However, these studies suggest that if the system remains activated by
repeated and prolonged exposure to stress, the system breaks down
leading to neuronal atrophy and cell death. Perhaps even more impor-
tantly, the effects of prolonged stress on the brain are not random, as
most pronounced effects occur in brain regions that are responsible for
higher-order executive functions that are central in successful adaptation
to stress.
Stress Reactivity, Disengagement Coping,

and Intrusive Memories
A second potentially important area of research on memory, stress, and
coping involves the role of automatic, intrusive memories in response to
stressful or traumatic events. As noted earlier, memories of traumatic
stress can plague survivors for months or years following a stressful
event. These memories are experienced as unwanted and intrude on con-
sciousness in an often unpredictable and unexpected way. Memories can

occur in the form of highly emotional dreams that awaken the individ-
ual from sleep in a distressed and anxious state, in response to stim-
uli in the environment that may or may not be in the awareness of
the individual, or as a result of ruminative coping efforts in which the
individuals efforts to dwell or focus on the stressor (or on the negative
emotions associated with the stressor) then trigger uncontrollable rumina-
tive thoughts and images.
An illustrative example of these processes also comes from research
with cancer patients, although the majority of these studies have been
conducted with adult patients. Intrusive thoughts and memories have been
documented at high rates among cancer patients during active treatment
and for some patients, long after treatment has been completed. A per-
nicious pattern characterizes some patients who respond to these memo-
ries by trying to avoid reminders of their disease and suppress or avoid
memories and emotions. Disengagement coping efforts of this type are
associated with the paradoxical effect of increasing the unwanted mem-
ories that they are intended to avoid (e.g., Wegner, 1994). For example,
several studies have reported a strong and significant correlation (r = .50
or greater) between intrusive thoughts/memories and efforts to avoid
these thoughts (e.g., Epping-Jordan, Compas, & Howell, 1994; Primo,
Compas, Oppedisano, Epping-Jordan, Howell, & Krag, 2000). This likely
reflects a cyclical process in which an intrusive memory triggers efforts
to avoid the memories. However, the cognition dont think about can-
cer has the unintended effect of focusing on the unwanted thought
because it is imbedded in the cognitive command. Further, avoidance
interferes with other potentially adaptive responses such as reappraising
or accepting the problem, or even distracting oneself from the prob-
lem by refocusing attention on other more positive stimuli and thoughts
(Compas et al., 2001).
The pattern of intrusive memories and disengagement coping has det-
rimental and far-reaching consequences. Patients who experience intru-
sive memories and try to avoid these thoughts report significantly higher
symptoms of anxiety and depression (e.g., Primo et al., 2000). This is
not surprising given that intrusive thoughts and avoidance are cardinal
symptoms of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and anxiety dis-
order, but it underscores the importance of these responses even when
they do not meet full diagnostic criteria for PTSD. Epping-Jordan et al.
(1994) reported a more dramatic consequence of intrusive memories and
avoidance. Epping-Jordan et al. examined intrusive thoughts and memo-
ries and avoidance of these cognitions in a sample of men and women
with cancer within the fi rst weeks after receiving a cancer diagno-
sis. Intrusive thoughts/memories and avoidance were strongly correlated
near the time of diagnosis, and both were positively correlated with

symptoms of anxiety and depression. The most striking finding, however,
was that avoidance of intrusive thoughts about cancer near diagnosis
was a significant predictor of a cancer recurrence or death from cancer
one year later, after controlling for a panel of relevant medical variables
(e.g., cancer diagnosis and stage, patient age, treatments). Patients who
were above the median on avoidance were more than twice as likely
as patients who were low in avoidance to have died or experience a
recurrence of their cancer one year later (Epping-Jordan et al.). These
findings suggest that intrusive thoughts and memories may set in motion
a pattern of coping characterized by avoidance and other forms of dis-
engagement (denial, wishful thinking). Disengagement coping may be
associated with failure to engage in appropriate health behaviors, includ-
ing monitoring of symptoms of recurrence and follow-up treatments.
High rates of intrusive thoughts and memories have also been
reported in parents of children with cancer (Bruce, 2007). For exam-
ple, Kazak et al. (2004) in a sample of mothers and fathers of pediatric
cancer patients found that 68% of mothers and 57% of fathers had mod-
erate to severe symptoms of posttraumatic stress. Mothers were more
severely affected than fathers, with more symptoms of intrusive thoughts,
avoiding reminders of the treatment, and more irritability, perhaps even
anger. These results were compared with those of previous studies that
looked at other parents after their childs treatment had been completed
and found that parents symptoms were worse during treatment.
In one of the few studies of intrusive memories in children with can-
cer, Stuber et al. (1997) followed 18 childhood-cancer survivors ages
eight through 20 years, off of treatment for more than one year, and
their parents completed questionnaires. Significant, independent predictors
of persistent intrusive memories and other posttraumatic stress symptoms
included (a) the survivors retrospective subjective appraisal of life threat
at the time of treatment, and the degree to which the survivor experi-
enced the treatment as hard or scary; (b) the childs general level
of anxiety; (c) history of other stressful experiences; (d) time since the
termination of treatment (negative association); (e) female gender; and
(f) family and social support. Mothers perception of treatment and life
threat contributed to anxiety and subjective appraisal for the survivor,
but did not independently contribute to posttraumatic stress symptoms.
In summary, studies of adult cancer patients and children with cancer
and their parents provide a vivid example of the possible negative con-
sequences of automatic memories of a stressful or traumatic experience.
Although memories of prior stressful events can serve as an important
basis for learning to cope with subsequent stress, it appears that memo-
ries that intrude on awareness in an automatic fashion are highly prob-
lematic. Further, the potentially damaging effects of intrusive memories

are compounded by the use of disengagement coping responses in an
effort to avoid or suppress the unwanted memories.
Summary and Future Directions
Research on the complex relations among stress, coping, and memory

is in its early stages. However, current work clearly suggests important
directions for future research. First, recent reviews of research on cop-
ing in children and adolescents reflect a glaring absence of research
on the relationship between coping and memory in young people (e.g.,
Compas et al., 2001; Skinner & Zimmer-Gombeck, 2007). It will be
important for coping researchers to consider the role of memory and
introduce measures of potentially important memory processes into
future work. Second, the converse is also true, as researchers concerned
with childrens memories of stressful events have given relatively little
attention to the role of coping and other stress responses. Researchers
concerned with childrens memory and the relations between memory
and stress can draw on the emerging evidence for childrens coping
to better understand how memory is involved in adaptation to stress.
Third, the costs and benefits of memory need to be examined in chil-
drens adaptation to stress. This is most pronounced in the possible
effects of automatic, intrusive memories as compared with more actively,
purposefully recalled memories through focused efforts to reminisce.
Finally, the full range of memory processes, from short-term work-
ing memory to long-term storage and retrieval, needs to be examined.
The role of memory in adapting to acute stress and the adverse effects
of chronic stress on memory offer rich opportunities for continued
investigation.
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6
Mother-Child Emotion
Dialogues
A Window into the Psychological
Secure Base
David Oppenheim
Nina Koren-Karie
M other-child conversations about the past, including dialogues

about distressing events experienced by the child, play an
important role in the development of childrens autobiographical memory.
In a recent comprehensive account regarding the emergence of autobio-
graphical memory, Nelson and Fivush (2004) stated that there is now
abundant evidence that the way in which parents, and especially mothers,
structure conversations about past events with their preschool children has
strong and enduring influences on how children come to construct their
own narrative life history (p. 497). The evidence that supports this con-
clusion comes from correlational and experimental studies that have shown
that early maternal elaboration during conversations about the past con-
tributes to richer and more detailed autobiographical memory in the child
(Fivush, Haden, & Reese, 2006). But do mother-child co-constructions of
narratives about the past also have implications for childrens emotional
regulation and well-being? Are certain types of dialogues particularly
beneficial for childrens capacity to integrate emotional experiences, par-
ticularly those that are distressing, into emotionally coherent internal rep-
resentations? Attachment theory suggests that dialogues that constitute a
psychological secure base for the child promote such representations by
supporting childrens confident exploration of their inner worlds. The goal
of this chapter is to describe our studies of such dialogues and review
findings that point to their importance. We begin with a review of the
142
secure base concept and discuss its implications for the importance of
parent-child dialogues.
The Psychological Secure Base
The concept of secure base is foundational in attachment theory, and

many will agree that it represents the core of the theory (Waters &
Cummings, 2000). It refers to a dynamical system involving the infant
or child and the attachment figure, most typically the parent. Within
this system children use their attachment figures as a secure base from
which to venture into the world and explore the environment, and to
which they return as a haven of safety in times of emotional need. The
secure base consists of a dynamical balance between attachment and
exploratory behaviors, so that when one is in the foreground the other
is in the background and vice versa. Thus, when the child feels secure
the attachment system recedes to the background and the exploratory
system dominates. This is reflected in the childs distancing from the
parent and exploring the environment. When the childs sense of secu-
rity is threatened, however, the childs attachment system dominates and
the exploratory system recedes to the background. This is reflected in
a range of emotional signals and attachment behaviors, all intended to
increase the proximity between the child and the caregiver. While these
general characteristics apply to all child-parent attachments, there are
also important individual differences (or, more precisely, dyadic differ-
ences) in the secure base pattern as a function of whether the attachment
relationship between child and parent is secure or insecure (Ainsworth,
Blehar, Watere, & Wall, 1978).
The hallmarks of a secure attachment are smooth transitions between
exploration and attachment in which the child flexibly moves from one
to the other in accordance with his or her needs. In insecure attach-
ments, on the other hand, there are limitations and imbalances in the
secure base pattern. In insecure/ambivalent-resistant attachments explora-
tion is constrained and limited, whereas in insecure/avoidant attachments,
expressions of the childs attachment needs may be subdued or inhibited.
Finally, in disorganized attachments there are temporary collapses of the
childs behavioral strategy in the face of stress.
In describing the secure base concept we focused on the child, dis-
tancing from the attachment figure and returning for emotional refuel-
ing. However, childrens secure base behavior is closely linked to the
responses and availability of the caregiving partner. The secure base
concept is inherently dyadic, and the behavior of the child and the par-
ent are interwoven and linked to one another. This reciprocity does not
imply symmetry, however, due to the developmental differences in the
Mother-Child Emotion Dialogues 143

needs of infants and parents. Attachment theory emphasizes the role of
the parent in supporting the childs exploration by being physically and
emotionally available, encouraging the childs forays, and protecting the
child from danger. The complementary role of the parent involves sup-
porting the childs need for closeness, comfort, and regaining a feeling
of security. For the secure base pattern to operate optimally, parents are
expected to match their behavior to the fluctuations in the childs explor-
atory and attachment behaviors and to the childs emotional signals.
The secure base is considered pertinent not only in infancy but
throughout development, and, in fact, throughout life, although its mani-
festations change with development (Ainsworth, 1989). While during the
early year or two of life many of the interactions that constitute the
secure base are mediated through nonverbal emotional signaling, ver-
bal interactions assume an increasingly important role in the following
years. During the preschool years and later, as childrens verbal commu-
nication becomes more effective and important cognitive skills, such as
perspective taking, emerge, the secure base pattern continues to develop.
Bowlby described the parent-child relationship at this stage of develop-
ment as a partnership (Bowlby, 1982), in which the childs security is
enhanced and maintained by knowledge regarding the parents availabil-
ity and the capacity to coordinate the plans and goals of parent and
child through verbal exchanges (Marvin & Britner, 1999).
In this new stage parent-child dialogues, particularly those revolv-
ing around personal and emotional experiences, begin to assume central
importance (Etzion-Carasso & Oppenheim, 2000). The matching of the
fluctuations in the childs emotional needs continues to be as impor-
tant as in the early years, when exploration of the physical world was
the focus. But now exploration expands to new arenas, far beyond the
childs immediate environment: It involves the psychological exploration
of the past and the future, not only the present; of real worlds but also
ones that are imagined; of events that are hoped and yearned for, but
also those that are dreaded and feared (Wolf, 2003).
The complement to the childs exploration, namely, the parents emo-
tional availability, supportive presence, and sensitive guidance also
continue to be as important as they were when exploration of the phys-
ical environment was central (Matas, Arend, & Sroufe, 1978; Biringen,
2000). Through the myriad of brief, everyday verbal exchanges as well
as more significant and meaningful parent-child dialogues, conversations
increasingly become the arena in which attachment-related affective sig-
naling and negotiations take place. This is not to say that physical prox-
imity and distance are no longer significant for attachment. They always
are, as common observations of separations and reunions in airport ter-
minals attest. But to this level a new one is added, one that involves

psychological exploration and psychological proximity and safety, and in
these parent-child dialogues play a major role.
What are some of the characteristics of parent-child dialogues that can
be considered as a psychological secure base for children? Bowlby (1988)
described secure dyads as those in which there is free-flowing communica-
tion between the partners, and in which the entire spectrum of the childs
emotional signals is accurately perceived and sensitively responded to by
the parent (Bretherton, 1990, 1993). Bowlby also gave considerable atten-
tion to the conditions under which distorted communication occurs between
parents and children. Here he was guided primarily by clinical studies, and
he summarized his view in a moving chapter titled On knowing what you
are not supposed to know and feeling what you are not supposed to feel
(Bolwby, 1988.) In this chapter he discusses the pressure some children face
to change and even distort their perception of reality to conform to paren-
tal views and, ultimately, in order to maintain their attachments to them.
Bowlby (1988, p. 101) writes: Children not infrequently observe scenes
that parents prefer they did not observe; they form impressions that parents
would prefer they did not form; and they have experiences that parents
would like to believe they have not had. Evidence shows that many of these
children are aware of how their parents feel and proceed to conform to their
parents wishes by excluding from further processing such information.
Bowlby explains that children do not only distort their perceptions
because they are aware how their parents feel and how their parents would
like them to perceive reality. Rather, parents may also attempt to directly
shape their childs perceptions by discrediting his perceptions, ridiculing
the child, or by insisting that the child confused reality with what he had
seen on television, what he dreamed, or what he feared. Other distorted
communications have to do more with what is not said than what is said.
For example, Bowlby describes the context of sexual abuse in which there
is a cognitive split between the respected and even loved father of daytime
and the very different father of the nighttime. Bowlby poignantly describes
how the child looks to her father for confirmation during the daytime of
her perceptions and experiences of the nighttime trauma but receives no
such response. In such a situation children may lose confidence in their
capacity to perceive and think accurately, to distinguish between fact and
fantasy, and in essence to trust their own thinking and feeling.
Associations Between Attachment and

Mother-Child Dialogues: Research Evidence
Attachment studies of normative samples have also shed light on the

importance of parent-child dialogues. The fi rst study on this issue was

conducted by Strage & Main (1985). It involved six-year-olds whose
attachment to their mothers was assessed during infancy, and showed
that mother-child dyads in which children were secure in infancy had
fluent and balanced conversations, included expressions of emotions, and
elaborated on a variety of topics, whereas dyads whose children were
insecure as infants had restricted or dysfluent dialogues, had frequent
pauses between conversational turns, showed little elaboration of topics,
and asked rhetorical and repetitive questions. Along similar lines Etzion-
Carasso and Oppenheim (2000) showed that 4 -year-old boys who
were securely attached as infants were likely to have open communica-
tion with their mothers following a separation, characterized by coher-
ent and fluent conversations, maternal guidance and pleasure, and child
cooperation and directness. Disorganized children of both genders were
less likely to show such communication. Klann-Delius and Hofmeister
(1997) examined relations between quality of attachment at age 12
months and later mother-child communication when children were 17-,
23-, 30-, and 36-months of age in a sample of 25 children. Compared
to avoidant dyads, secure dyads were more active and were better able
to maintain smooth turn-taking in a stressful situation.
Other studies measured attachment and dialogues concurrently
and they too contribute to our understanding of how security can be
expressed in dialogues. Farrar, Fasig, and Welch-Ross (1997) observed
mother-child memory conversations and found that secure mother-daughter
dyads elaborated more on both positive and negative emotional themes
than insecure dyads; the latter elaborated primarily on positive themes.
No consistent associations were found for boys. Laible and Thompson
(2000) assessed dialogues between mothers and their four-year-olds about
an incident in which the child behaved well and an incident in which
the child misbehaved. Secure dyads made more references to feelings
and had more moral evaluatives than insecure dyads. Finally, Fivush and
Vasudeva (2002) found that mothers who were more elaborative during
reminiscing also reported that their children were more secure in their
attachments than children of mothers who were less elaborative. Taken
together, these studies point to the characteristics of mother-child dia-
logues that are associated with security or insecurity in the mother-child
relationship.
As mentioned above, in our own work, we focused primarily on the
secure-base function of mother-child dialogues (Koren-Karie et al., 2003;
Etzion-Carsso & Oppenheim, 2000). Based on an attachment approach,
we hypothesized that in the context of emotional dialogues and co-
construction of narratives revolving around affective themes, the par-
ents emotional availability to the child when discussing a wide range
of emotions is critical, as is the parents structuring and organization

of the dialogue and facilitation of the childs free talk about topics the
child chooses. In addition, parents facilitate the psychological exploration
of their children by containing their negative feelings, maintaining their
involvement in the dialogue, and by enabling them to discuss memories
of difficult, challenging emotional events in ways that are likely to lead
to feelings of confidence and success.
Such an emotional climate fosters childrens exploration of a wide
range of emotional experiences. This climate is likely to be experienced
by the child as a secure base from which to explore the world of emotion
freely, backed by the knowledge that the parent will be emotionally avail-
able as a safe haven if needed. Such availability promotes trust that the
parent will not let the child be overwhelmed by negative memories and
emotions, but rather will show and encourage adaptive and useful ways
of dealing with such emotions. Therefore, the child is likely to contribute
to the conversation when prompted and cooperate with the task at hand.
This theorizing was the basis for our studies of mother-child dia-
logues (e.g., Oppenheim et al., 2007; Gini et al., 2007; Etzion-Carasso &
Oppenheim, 2004). In our studies, we examined various types of moth-
er-child dialogues, with those studied most frequently involving moth-
er-child reminiscing about emotional events experienced by the child
(following Fivush, 1991). In this task, referred to as the Autobiographical
Emotional Event Dialogue (AEED), mothers and children are presented
with four cards. On each, a name of a feeling is written, and a picto-
rial representation of a face expressing the feeling is drawn. The four
feelings are happy, mad, sad and scared (we recently added secure and
protected following Roger Kobaks work). Dyads are asked to remem-
ber an event in which the child felt each of the feelings and to jointly
construct a story about each of the events. Conversations typically last
between five and 15 minutes, and the coding approach we describe next
is based solely on transcripts of the dialogues.
Coding Mother-Child Emotion Dialogues
Our coding system consists of seven maternal and seven parallel child
scales as well as two scales pertaining to the narrative produced by
mother and child. Based on these scales, transcripts are classified into
an Emotionally Matched category presumably reflecting a psycholog-
ical secure base, or one of three Nonemotionally Matched categories
(Excessive, Flat, or Inconsistent) presumably showing lack of a psycho-
logical secure base.
Rating of the transcripts is done by marking indicators for the vari-
ous scales as they appear throughout the transcript, and then assigning

a score on each of the scales based on both the frequency and the
strength of these indicators. The scales range from one to 9, with high
scores indicating high levels of the behavior tapped by the scale (in
all scales except for hostility high scores reflect positive behaviors; see
Table 61 for description of the scales).
As mentioned above, the rating scales serve as a basis for the clas-
sification of the transcripts into four categories. A detailed manual pro-
vides descriptions of the central features of each of the categories (see
summaries below) and the possible variations within each category. The
Table 61. Autobiographical Emotional Events Coding System
Maternal rating scales High ratings indicate . . . .
Focus on the task Mother is focused on completing the task; she does not
shift the focus to irrelevant details
Clear boundaries Mother accepts the childs perspectives and experiences; she
does not force her own ideas or emotions and does not
become overwhelmed by the childs themes
Tolerance Mother enables the child to express a wide range of
emotional themes without being defensive or judgmental
Involvement Mother is positively engaged in the task and shows genuine
and reciprocity interest in the child and the stories
Hostility Mother shows hostility, anger or derogation
Containment of Mother guides stories with negative themes toward positive
negative feelings resolutions that emphasize the childs coping, strength,
and well-being
Structuring Mother facilitates the child in narrating rich and coherent
stories
Child rating scales High ratings indicate . . . .
Focus on the task Child is focused on completing the task; s/he does not
shift the focus to irrelevant details
Maintaining child Child does not assume a parental role, e.g., by refraining
role to talk about an event that might distress the mother,
promising to protect the mother, or act in a controlling,
punitive manner
Acceptance Child accepts mothers suggestions and guidance willingly
Involvement Child is positively engaged in the task and in the
and reciprocity interaction
Hostility Child shows hostility, anger, or negative affect toward the
mother
Closure of negative Child completes stories involving negative themes with
feelings positive resolutions that emphasize successful coping
Elaboration Child tells rich and detailed stories
Narrative scales High ratings indicate . . . .
Congruence of the The stories are well-differentiated from one another and
stories match the emotions or themes they are intended to
describe
Coherence Mother and child construct stories that are coherent, fluent
and clear

categories are based on the dimensions tapped by the scales but repre-
sent a higher level of analysis that captures the overall pattern of com-
munication exhibited by the dyad. To facilitate coding, the description of
each category also includes profiles that consist of ranges of scores on
each scale that characterize each classification.
Emotionally Matched (EM)

The main characteristic of these dyads is their capacity to tell, in a
comfortable and accepting atmosphere, coherent stories with a clear
and believable link between the emotion requested and the story pro-
vided. The stories can be short, but the reader understands the event
and how it evoked the feeling in the child. Both mother and child are
involved in constructing the story. When discussing a negative event
the mother guides the child toward a story ending that promotes feel-
ings of being in control, strength, and self-confidence. The voices of
both child and mother are clearly heard so that the interaction is not
dominated by one of the partners. Both show patience and acceptance
of each others ideas and suggestions. It is important to note that
warmth and positive feelings are not necessary features of this cate-
gory (although emotional coldness precludes it). Rather, the critical fea-
tures are maternal structuring and organization and child cooperation
and elaboration.
Nonemotionally MatchedExcessive (Ex1)

Dyads in this category are characterized by stories that are poorly orga-
nized, confused, and may be flooded with negative emotional themes.
This results in incoherent stories that may be hard for the reader to
follow. The dialogues are characterized by shifts to irrelevant details,
repetitiveness, digressions, and excessive and over-dramatized talk.
Mothers in these dyads often fail to pace their contributions to the
childs rhythm. In many cases one of the partners dominates the con-
versation and is impatient and unreceptive to the others contributions.
In most cases there is inappropriate closure of the stories and no res-
olution for negative affects. Some dyads in this category show unusual,
extreme and potentially irrational dialogues. These include behav-
iors such as maternal helplessness (e.g. admitting that she feels help-
less when facing the childs fears), maternal frightening behavior (e.g.
adding unnecessary terrifying details to the childs story), and out-of-
context aggressive themes.
1
In Koren-Karie et al. (2003) this category was labeled Exaggerated.

Nonemotionally MatchedFlat (Fl)
Dyads in this category are characterized by limited dialogue and poor
development of the stories. In addition, lack of involvement and inter-
est in the task are central features. Both mother and child may mention
the names of emotions or events that happened but there is almost no
development of the idea or the story. The mother does not guide the
child and does not encourage the child to develop the ideas that the
child has raised. The resulting narrative consists of emotion labels with-
out real substance.
Nonemotionally MatchedInconsistent (In)

In this category there is a wide gap between the styles of talk of the
partners. For example, one of the partners adheres to the instructions
and is cooperative and coherent whereas the other partner blocks the
dialogue, directs the conversation to irrelevant details, confuses, or
expresses hostility and anger. An additional type of inconsistency can
emerge when mother and child construct full and matched stories in
response to some of the emotions or themes but with regard to the oth-
ers they become confused, digress, and fail to develop a story.
Inter-rater reliabilities of the AEED scales assessed in the studies
using this coding system ranged between .80 and .92 with a median
of .86. Inter-rater reliability on the four-way dialogue classifications has
been assessed in all studies using the AEED and the average reliability
has been = .89.
Research Findings Using the AEED
We describe next the distributions of the four AEED classifications in

various samples ranging in age, risk status, and nationality.
Proportion of the EM Classications

in Low-Risk Samples
The percentage of low-risk preschooler-mother dyads classified as
Emotionally Matched is quite consistent: 36% in the Etzion-Carasso
(2004) Israeli study and 33% in the Samish-Nemlich (2003) USA Study
(see Table 62). The Oppenheim et al. (2007) figure (21%) is lower
but this sample was a subsample of a larger sample selected to over-
represent insecure children by close to a 2:1 ratio (i.e., in the original
sample 70% of the children were classified secure whereas in the sub-
sample only 39% were secure). If dialogues classified EM reflect secure

attachments, a decreased proportion of securely attached children should
be associated with a parallel decreased proportion in dyads classified as
EM. Following this rationale the corrected percentage of dyads classified
EM in the Oppenheim et al. (2007) study should be 37%, similar to the
figures in the other samples. The studies reviewed above all involved
preschoolers and young school-aged children. In one study that involved
older children the percentage of dyads classified EM was higher: 50%
of the dialogues between 16-year-old adolescent females and their moth-
ers were classified as EM (Segal, 2007).
Stability over Time of the AEED Classications

Two longitudinal samples show stability over time in the AEED clas-
sifications (stability was reported at the level of an EM/non-EM split).
74% of the dyads received the same classification at ages 4.5 and 7.5 in
the Oppenheim et al. (2007) study (LR = 11.60, p = .001) and 76% of
the dyads received the same classification at 4.5 and 5.5 in the Samish-
Nemlich (2003) study (LR = 10.59, p = .001.) In the Oppenheim et al.
(2007) study, in which there was a three-year time difference between
the two assessments, there was also an increase in the percentage of
Table 62. Distribution of AEED Classications in Various Studies

(Distribution Figures Represent Percentages)
Mean
Sample Country Reference N Age EM Ex Fl In
Low risk Israel Oppenheim

longitudinal et al., 2007
Preschool Gini et al., 2007 124 4.5 20 48 18 13
School age 119 7.5 30 48 11 12
Low risk Israel Etzion-Carasso, 103 4 36 32 16 17
longitudinal 2004
Low risk USA Samish-Nemlich,
longitudinal 2003
Age 4.5 45 4.5 33 51 7 9
Age 5.5 48 5.5 40 42 10 8
Preschoolers with USA Oppenheim
behavior problems et al., 2004;
Before Treatment Ganor, 2005 45 4.5 11 44 16 29
After Treatment 36 5.2 33 25 11 31
Children of Israel Koren-Karie 33 7 18 45 9 27
mothers with et al., 2004
abuse background
Adolescent Israel Segal, 2007 71 16 50 27 17 7
females
Note. EM = Emotionally Matched; Ex = Excessive; Fl = Flat; In = Inconsistent

dyads classified EM with age: from 20% to 30% between the ages 4.5
and 7.5 (p = .054 using the McNemar test). In the Samish-Nemlich
study, in which there was only a one-year difference between the two
assessments, there was also an increase in the percentage of dyads clas-
sified as EM (from 33% to 40%) but this increase was not statistically
significant. Thus there appears to be an age-related increase in the pro-
portion of dyads classified as EM, which may be due to the improve-
ment in childrens linguistic skills with age.
In almost all of the studies in which language assessments were
available (typically the vocabulary subscale from the WPPSI or a similar
measure) results showed that children in dyads classified EM had better
language skills than those in dyads not classified EM. This was true for
the age 7.5 assessment in the Oppenheim et al. (2007) study, the age
5.5 assessment in the Samish-Nemlich (2003) study, and in the Etzion-
Carasso (2004) study (although the association here was only margin-
ally significant). Thus, not surprisingly, childrens linguistic skills appear
to play a role in parent-child narrative co-constructions, so that children
with higher skills are more likely to be part of emotionally matched
dialogues. Because language skills improve with age, this may also
explain not only within age individual differences but also the increase
with age of the proportion of dyads classified as EM.
AEED Classications and Risk Status

Studies of the AEED also showed associations between the AEED clas-
sifications and childrens risk status: Findings show that the proportion
of dyads classified as EM was lower in studies of children at high
socioemotional risk. In the Oppenheim et al. (2004) study of preschool-
ers in treatment for behavioral and emotional problems only 11% were
classified into the EM category prior to treatment (Ganor, 2005), and in
the Koren-Karie et al. (2004) study of children of mothers who were in
treatment for the sexual abuse they experienced as children only 18% of
the dyads were classified as EM.
Taken together these findings suggest that approximately one-third of
the dyads in low-risk samples were classified as EM during the preschool
years, and that this percentage increases with age. Our findings with
adolescent females suggest that it can reach up to 50%, but this does
not necessarily represent a ceiling. In addition, the longitudinal samples
suggest that AEED classifications show stability over time, at least in
low-risk samples. Thus, the picture is of a gradual increase in the pro-
portion of EM classifications with increasing age together with relative
stability over time. The two findings may appear contradictory because
increase in the proportion of dyads classified EM necessitates some level

of instability (due to non-EM dyads becoming EM), but because the
increase is gradual it does not appear to contradict moderate stability.
The findings also point to a link between risk status and a lower propor-
tion of the EM classification, as expected if this classification is an index
of the psychological secure base, and more generally, of good socioe-
motional functioning of the mother-child relationship. Finally, the results
obtained in studies in the USA and in Israel appear to be comparable.
Among the non-EM classifications the Excessive classification appears
to be the most frequent, followed by the Flat and Inconsistent classifi-
cations. If we order the EM, Ex, and Fl classifications on an emotion
regulation continuum, we can say that the EM classification reflects opti-
mal regulation, the Ex classification represents underregulation, and the
Flat classification represents overregulation. Thus the main type of diffi-
culty mothers and children appeared to have experienced when discuss-
ing emotional experiences involved underregulation, as reflected in the
emotional flooding, poor organization, and dysregulated negative themes
characteristic of the Excessive classification. Only a small group evinced
difficulties from the other extreme of the emotion regulation continuum,
namely, the emotional detachment characteristic of the Flat classification.
The inconsistent classification represents a different, possibly orthogonal
dimension: Here the issue is not the emotion regulation strategy char-
acteristic of the dyad but what appears as a lack of consistent strat-
egy either across emotions or between the two speakers. Based on the
theorizing regarding disorganized attachment that similarly involves lack
of a consistent strategy (Lyons-Ruth & Jacobvitz, 1999), the Inconsistent
classification was thought to reflect the most severe difficulties in moth-
er-child dialogues, and this speculation received some support from the
relatively high frequency of this classification in the two clinical samples
we studied (Ganor, 2005; Koren-Karie et al., 2004).
Studies on Attachment and Mother-Child

Emotion Dialogues
The AEED was conceptualized as reflecting the psychological secure

base, and therefore it was important to examine its associations with
child-mother attachment. To address this question we conducted two stud-
ies in which attachment was assessed in infancy and mother-child dia-
logues were assessed later in development. In the first study (Oppenheim
et al., 2007), we assessed childrens attachment at the age of one year
using the Strange Situation Procedure (SSP; Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, &
Wall, 1978), and mother-child AEED dialogues at ages 4.5 and 7.5. The
studys first question involved predicting childrens AEED dialogues at

4.5 and 7.5 from their attachment classifications (dichotomized for these
analyses into secure versus insecure categories). Using logistic regressions
we found that, controlling for childrens vocabulary, secure infant attach-
ment predicted the EM classification and insecure infant attachment pre-
dicted the non-EM classification in both ages. The second study question
was whether age 4.5 dialogues mediated the association between infant
attachment and age 7.5 dialogues, or whether infant attachment predicts
age 7.5 dialogues beyond the prediction offered by age 4.5 dialogues.
The latter possibility turned out to be supported by the data. Results
showed that infant attachment predicted age 7.5 dialogues controlling for
childrens vocabulary and beyond the prediction offered by age 4.5 dia-
logues. We see this as a very meaningful finding supporting the validity
of the AEED classifications, particularly at the age of 7.5, as reflecting
the psychological secure base. The AEED dialogues obtained at age 7.5,
although more distant temporally from the infant attachment assessments
than age 4.5 dialogues, were more strongly associated with infant attach-
ment than age 4.5 dialogues. Detailed follow-up analyses showed that the
results were due to the fact that some dyads with secure histories were
classified as non-EM at 4.5, and only at age 7.5 were classified into
the predicted, EM classification. Perhaps some of the dyads with secure
histories were not able to conduct emotionally matched dialogues at 4.5
due to limitations in childrens linguistic and conversational skills. With
age, as children mastered the necessary skills, their dialogues revealed
the underlying secure organization.
In a second study from our laboratory (Etzion-Carasso, 2004) with
a similar design, attachment was assessed in the SSP at one year and
mother-child AEED dialogues were assessed at age four. This study
failed to replicate the longitudinal links between attachment and the
AEED dialogues: No associations were found between attachment and
mother-child dialogues. We see two possible reasons for this replication
failure. First, as the Oppenheim et al. (2007) results suggest, the sen-
sitivity of the AEED dialogues to detect attachment-related differences
increases with age. Age four may represent a time point too early to
effectively use the AEED: Variability in AEED dialogues at this age
may have more to do with variability in childrens linguistic/conversa-
tional skills and less with variability related to attachment. A second
explanation involves the differential attrition of insecure children in this
sample. The attrition of mother-child dyads in which children had inse-
cure attachments was significantly higher than the attrition of dyads with
securely attached children, and this may have led to insufficient power
in the follow-up time point for detecting attachment-related differences.
Taken together the studies suggest that, at least when the design was
sufficiently powerful, there was support for the idea that the AEED

dialogues reflect individual differences in security related to childrens
attachment histories, and thus can be seen as reflecting the secure base
as expressed in the dialogic context. An important strength of the find-
ings is the use of the Strange Situation to assess attachment. Not only
is this procedure considered as the gold standard for assessing attach-
ment, it is based on behavioral observations and does not involve verbal
discourse; therefore it has little if any shared method variance with the
AEED. In addition, in some of the studies there was a significant time
intervalsix yearsbetween the attachment and AEED assessments.
Not only was the interval long, but it involved the transition between
infancy and the preschool and early school years, in which children
go through very significant developmental changes involving all aspects
of development. Therefore, finding continuity across these years is of
particular significance. Importantly, as is true of many studies demon-
strating developmental continuity, this continuity does not necessarily
indicate continuity in the child but could also represent continuity in the
mother-child relationship. It is possible that the same maternal emotional
capacities, such as sensitivity (Ainsworth et al., 1978) and insightfulness
(Oppenheim & Koren-Karie, 2002), that are important for the develop-
ment of secure attachments in infancy are also important for the facili-
tation of emotionally matched dialogues, and that this also accounts for
the continuity we observed (Harris, 1999).
This chapter focuses on a specific type of mother-child emotion dia-
logue, one that involves reminiscing about past emotional events. Our
longitudinal findings support the notion that these dialogues reflect the
security of the child-mother relationship. Would similar fi ndings emerge
if other types of emotion dialogues were observed, or is there something
unique to reminiscing? One way to address this question is to compare
reminiscing dialogues with other emotion dialogues not involving rem-
iniscing. Two questions can be addressed: (a) are dyads consistent in
their dialogue style across dialogues? and (b) would the nonreminisc-
ing emotion dialogues also be associated with attachment? For this pur-
pose we observed the dyads from the Oppenheim et al. (2007) study in
two additional dialogues: The first was the Separation-Reunion Narrative
Co-Construction (SRNCC; Oppenheim, Nir, Warren, & Emde, 1997),
in which mothers and children were asked to jointly develop a narra-
tive, using dolls and props, about parents leaving their children for
the weekend and then returning (for full details see Oppenheim et al.,
2007). The SRNCC was coded using the same coding system used for
the AEED. The second was the Joint Storytelling Task (JST), in which
mothers and children were asked to jointly develop a narrative based
on a wordless picture book that showed a child returning home after
school and discovering that the door is locked, and that the mother who

was supposed to be at home is not there. Although this episode was
coded using a somewhat different coding system (see Gini, Oppenheim,
& Sagi-Schwartz, 2007) it also yielded overall dialogue classifications
hypothesized to be associated with attachment and similar to the AEED
classifications: a Mutual-Balanced classification presumed to reflect a
secure attachment history, and Overwhelming or Disengaged classifi-
cations, presumed to reflect an insecure attachment history.
We first looked at the associations between the AEED and the two
additional dialogues, the SRNCC and the JST. Results showed that
dyads classified as EM in the AEED were also likely to be classified
as EM in the two additional dialogues (LR = 9.11, df = 1, p = .003
for the SRNCC; LR = 10.30, df = 1, p < .001 for the JST). We then
examined the associations between the SRNCC and the JST and the
attachment assessments of the children obtained when they were infants.
The results showed that the same attachment-dialogue associations that
we found when we used the AEED were obtained using the SRNCC
and the JST. Children who were securely attached as infants were more
likely to be partners in dyads classified as emotionally matched in the
SRNCC (LR = 5.86, df = 1, p = .01) and as Mutual-Balanced in the
JST (LR = 8.69, df = 1, p < .003; see Gini et al., 2007).
These findings suggest that the associations we found between early
attachment and later mother-child dialogues about past emotional experi-
ences are not unique to such dialogues. Similar findings were obtained
when other types of dialogues revolving around emotional themes were
used. This does not suggest that there is nothing unique to each dia-
logue context. For example, the AEED involves biographical events and
the SRNCC and JST involve hypothetical events. What we are suggest-
ing is that when the focus is on the co-constructive dialogic process
between parent and child, the specific and unique content of the dia-
logue appears less important and the more pervasive interactive patterns
characterizing the mother-child dyad assume salience. This finding is
perhaps analogous to the findings that the coherence of adult narratives
about the past, much more than the specific content of the narrative, is
indicative of security (Hesse, 1999).
Mother-Child Dialogues and Parental

and Child Risk Status
As discussed earlier, our interest in mother-child dialogues about dis-

tressing past events stemmed from an attachment perspective. Therefore,
our first research goal was to examine the associations between such
dialogues and attachment. However, mother-child emotion dialogues are

not only interesting and important as outcomes of early attachment. As
attachment theorists have argued, open, coherent, and emotionally regu-
lated co-constructed dialogues are of importance because they are one of
the prime arenas in which parents and children can form and maintain
narratives about distressing experiences. Furthermore, when such narra-
tives form a psychological secure base, they can contribute to childrens
emotional and behavioral regulation, and vice versa: When such narra-
tives form an insecure base, they are likely to be associated with emo-
tional and behavioral dysregulation. Thus we would expect, for example,
that children experiencing behavioral and emotional problems might have
difficulties engaging in emotionally matched dialogues with their moth-
ers, and that intervention may increase their capacity to engage in such
dialogues. This was examined in our study of young children enrolled
in a therapeutic preschool (Oppenheim et al., 2004).
The sample of this study consisted of children manifesting high lev-
els of behavioral and emotional symptoms. Many of the children had
been expelled from several preschools and had a history of abuse and/
or exposure to violence. Many of the mothers were single and expe-
rienced multiple stressors involving poverty, physical and sexual abuse,
and drug abuse. The intervention involved a therapeutic preschool pro-
gram based on attachment principles and designed to enhance childrens
feelings of security and their capacity to express their positive and neg-
ative emotions while challenging their negative expectations from others
(Oppenheim et al., 2004; Goldsmith, 2007). In addition, mothers met
with therapists to discuss parenting issues and strategies to support chil-
drens therapeutic progress.
As shown in table 62, in the AEED only 11% of the dyads showed
emotionally matched dialogues prior to treatment, but 33% of the dyads
showed such dialogues following 7 months of treatment, close to its ter-
mination. This increase was statistically significant (p < .05). The main
improvements were in shifts from the Ex classification to the EM clas-
sification, indicating improved organization, emotional regulation, and
coherence in the dialogues. There are limitations to this study: Because
both children and mothers received intervention we do not know whether
improvements in the mothers or improvements in the children led to the
increase in the number of emotionally matched dialogues. And, because
this study did not employ a control group we do not know if the
improvements are a function of treatment or other factors. Nonetheless
the results are consistent with our expectations that when the parent-
child relationship is disturbed, such as when children experience signif-
icant behavioral and emotional disturbances, the capacity to engage in
emotionally matched dialogues is very limited, and that with treatment
this capacity improves. The association between childrens symptoms and

nonemotionally matched dialogues could be because childrens symp-
toms are an outcome of the disrupted communication patterns they have
with their parents, because these symptoms interfere with engagement in
a harmonious dialogue, or because disrupted communication maintains
dysfunctional interactive patterns. Clearly more research is needed on
mother-child dialogues as both indicators of disturbance and improve-
ment and as one of the important mechanisms through which therapeu-
tic gains may be achieved. For example, facilitation of emotionally open,
coherent, and regulating mother-child dialogues is one of the goals of
Liebermans Child-Parent Psychotherapy Model (Lieberman & Van Horn,
2005; Oppenheim, 2006).
This study examined mother-child dialogues in the context of risk
factors associated with the child. But what happens if the risk is asso-
ciated with the parent? We examined this issue in a study of mothers
in treatment for the sexual abuse they experienced as children (Koren-
Karie, Oppenheim, & Getzler-Yosef, 2008). The mothers were recruited
from agencies specializing in the treatment of adults with a history of
sexual abuse. They were observed in the AEED with one of their chil-
dren, and in addition completed several questionnaires assessing the
extent to which they have resolved the trauma they endured, their gen-
eral psychiatric symptoms as well as symptoms of dissociation, intru-
sion, and avoidance of the trauma that are characteristic of many adults
who have experienced trauma.
As shown in Table 62, only 18% of the dyads showed emotionally
matched dialogues. Without a control group it is not possible to deter-
mine whether this relatively low percentage is specific to dyads in which
mothers experienced a history of trauma or whether this reflects clin-
ical samples more generally. Nonetheless this finding coheres with the
general notion that mother-child emotional dialogues are sensitive to the
emotional functioning and well-being of both mother and child.
While only a minority of the dyads showed emotionally matched
dialogues these results indicated that there were nonetheless individ-
ual differences within this sample, with some dyads showing more
optimal dialogues than others. Our next question was therefore which
of the factors characterizing mothers emotional functioning and well-
being would be associated with their dialogues with their children. Based
on an attachment perspective, we focused on resolution of the trauma
(Hesse & Main, 2000), which we measured using a self-report measure
(Berkeley Leiden Adult Attachment Questionnaire; Main, van IJzendoorn,
and Hesse, 1993) and expected that the effects of childhood trauma on
later parenting would be moderated by processes of resolution. Thus, the
impact of the trauma was expected to be less evident among mothers
who were resolved with respect to the trauma and more evident among

mothers who were unresolved. We could not use the AEED categories
to examine this question because too few of the dialogues were classi-
fied as emotionally matched. We therefore formed three aggregate dia-
logue scores based on the AEED scales: These were based on the mean
of the maternal, child, and narrative scales (see description of scales
above), respectively, and were labeled Maternal Sensitive Guidance,
Child Cooperation and Exploration, and Emotionally Coherent Narrative.
The findings highlighted the importance of resolution, as hypothesized:
Mothers who were more resolved guided the dialogues more sensitively,
had children who were more cooperative and exploratory, and produced
with their children narratives that were more emotionally coherent when
compared with mothers who were less resolved. These results appeared
specific to resolution of the trauma and were not explained by moth-
ers symptomatology, dissociation, intrusion or avoidance, which were all
unrelated to the AEED aggregates. Finally, various parameters related to
the severity of the abuse such as its length, frequency, and age of onset
were also unrelated to the AEED aggregates.
These results support the significance of the AEED as a window
into the parent-child relationship, particularly in terms of the capac-
ity of both parent and child to negotiate difficult and distressing emo-
tional themes. It seems that, when the parent brings a background of
abuse and trauma, this may disrupt their capacity to engage in dialogues
that promote security in the child, perhaps because negative emotional
themes that come up in the discussion with the child trigger overwhelm-
ing painful traumatic memories from the past (Koren-Karie et al., 2004).
The findings suggest that this transmission may take place in some, but
not all cases: When mothers were resolved with respect to the trauma
their functioning was less impaired. The resolution of the trauma may
act as a buffer, helping mothers separate the present interactive context
and its emotional demands from past experiences.
Future Research Directions
Taken together, the research reviewed in this chapter suggests that the
metaphor of a psychological secure base proved of much heuristic
value for our understanding of the emotional significance of mother-
child dialogues. The findings from the longitudinal studies including
both low- and high-risk samples highlighted the importance of the dia-
logues that evolve between mothers and children when they discuss
childrens memories of emotional events. Within this context, mothers
sensitive guidance and structuring of the dialogues and childrens open-
ness and cooperation while jointly negotiating the narrative emerged as

particularly meaningful. While the findings are encouraging, they leave
many important questions open for future research. In the fi nal section
of this chapter we discuss such research directions, particularly those in
which the focus will be on mother-child dialogues, not only as outcomes
of early developmental processes but also as antecedents of later devel-
opmental sequalae. We discuss two directions: The first involves the role
of mother-child dialogues in childrens coping with stress and trauma,
and the second involves the contribution of mother-child dialogues to
childrens representations of attachment years later, in adulthood.
A central hypothesis of attachment theory is that secure attachments
act as buffers against stressors and traumas. The assumption is that like
all children, securely attached children will experience distress and some
level of dysregulation in response to a significant stressor or trauma.
However, aided by their open emotional processing and communication
and their trust in their caregivers, they are expected to cope more com-
petently with the stress, use the resources available to them more effec-
tively, and recover more quickly and fully when compared to children
with insecure attachments (Fivush & Sales, 2006). Consequently, while
the stress or trauma may remain part of their experience, the long-term
adverse effects on their emotional well-being should be minimal. Based
on this theorizing it would be interesting to link childrens capacity to
engage in emotionally matched dialogues with their caregivers to their
subsequent responses to stress or trauma. The hypothesis is that the psy-
chological secure base offered by emotionally matched dialogues will
provide the conditions for more optimal coping. One difficulty in design-
ing studies that can test this hypothesis is that major stressors and trau-
mas are by their nature unpredictable, and therefore it is very difficult
to obtain assessments of children prior to the trauma or stressful event.
A common research strategy has been to approach children after they
have experienced the adverse event. The problem in such studies is that
assessments of mother-child dialogues obtained following the event can-
not be considered as antecedents: They are equally likely to reflect the
way the mother and the child coped with the trauma as is the childs
response which they are supposed to explain.
A different strategy for examining the importance of mother-child
dialogues in promoting childrens coping involves intervention stud-
ies. If children who receive an intervention that focuses on enhancing
emotionally matched dialogues with their mothers show gains in their
emotional and behavioral regulation, this would provide support for the
hypothesis regarding the causal role of such communication patterns in
enhancing childrens effective coping. While studies of this kind have
not yet been conducted, the Child-Parent Psychotherapy model devel-
oped by Lieberman (Lieberman & Van Horn, 2005) includes as a major

component the development and encouragement of emotionally regulated,
accepting, and security-building dialogues. This is particularly salient in
Liebermans work with children who have witnessed domestic violence
and other violent and extremely frightening parental behavior. Within
Liebermans model one of the main goals of the intervention is to foster
the co-construction of a narrative between the mothers and the children
that would enable them both to talk about and accurately represent the
terrifying events, while at the same time integrate them into a coher-
ent and hopeful narrative. Beneficial narratives emphasize trust and open
the way to the belief that the future will be better than the past. The
impressive empirical evidence regarding the efficacy of Liebermans
model (Lieberman, Ghosh-Ippen, & Van Horn, 2006) provides indirect
support for the importance of mother-child dialogues in childrens cop-
ing. However, because the intervention includes additional components, it
is not possible to attribute the positive outcomes obtained by Lieberman
solely to the improvements in mother-child communication. A first step
to support the role of the improvements in the narratives in the ther-
apeutic gains made by the child would be to document that mother-
child dialogues actually improved following treatment, as was found in
Oppenheim et al. (2004).
The second direction for future studies involves the role of parent-
child dialogues as antecedents of the coherence of the childs attachment
representations assessed in adulthood. In other words, here we focus
on the contribution of parent-child dialogues in childhood on the retro-
spective narrative the child produces years later, as an adult, regarding
his or her childhood experience. Research on adults representations of
attachment using the Adult Attachment Interview (AAI; Main, Kaplan, &
Cassidy, 1985) has highlighted the coherence of the narrative produced
by adults regarding their past experiences as the crucial marker of secure
working models and as the major predictor of the adults capacity to
provide a secure base for their offspring. While there is strong evidence
for this linkthat is, for the influence of the adults attachment rep-
resentations on the child-parent relationship (van IJzendoorn, 1995)we
know little about the antecedents of these representations. A few lon-
gitudinal studies looked for the roots of adult representations in the
attachment relationships the adults experienced when they were children,
and some found moderate continuity in attachment across this time span
(Waters, Weinfield, & Hamilton, 2000). Clearly, however, there is much
room for both continuity and discontinuity between infancy and adult-
hood. One intervening process between these two time points could be
parent-child dialogues. We focus on such dialogues because attachment
representations are assessed in adulthood through the narratives produced
by adults regarding their past histories, and thus it seems plausible that

the coherence and openness of early parent-child dialogues would be
associated with the coherence and openness of later AAI narratives.
Mother-child dialogues can serve as either mediators or moderators
between early infant-mother attachment and later attachment representa-
tions. As mediators, early secure attachments can contribute to later emo-
tionally matched dialogues, as was found in Oppenheim et al. (2007),
which in turn may pave the way for the coherent independent narration
of the child as an adult, such as the narration obtained in the AAI.
Dialogues can also serve as moderating variables disrupting continuity
both positively and negatively. Emotionally matched dialogues can act
as buffers, limiting the effects of early insecure attachment and helping
transform an insecure attachment into a secure attachment. The reverse
may also be possible: Nonmatched dialogues may have a negative effect
on adult attachment representations, limiting the positive effects of an
early secure attachment relationship. While in most cases we are likely
to see continuities across development, conditions of discontinuity such
as these can highlight the significance of parent-child dialogues on the
later capacity of adults to form an emotionally coherent life narrative.
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7
Mother-Child Reminiscing
in the Context of Secure
Attachment Relationships
Lessons in Understanding and
Coping with Negative Emotions
Deborah Laible
Tia Panle
Y oung childrens ability to cope with the negative emo-

tion inherent in any stressful situation is likely intimately
related to their ability to understand negative emotion. A number of
researchers have argued for the idea that emotional understanding and
knowledge is especially important in childrens ability to regulate emo-
tion (Denham, l998; Stegge & Terwogt, 2007). Children who have more
knowledge about negative emotion, including understanding its causes
and consequences and understanding strategies to cope with it, are likely
more successful in regulating their own negative emotion both dur-
ing and after stressful situations. Unfortunately, very little research has
examined childrens understanding of and coping with negative emo-
tion in the context of either mildly stressful situations, such as trips
to the doctor to get shots, or during more stressful situations, such as
hurricanes or trips to the emergency room. Fortunately, however, the
body of research looking at factors contributing to childrens under-
standing and regulation of emotion independent of stressful contexts
is rich, and there are good reasons to believe that this literature can
help inform us on childrens understanding of emotion during stressful
encounters.
166
As a result, the goals of this chapter are to briefly review the lit-
erature that focuses on the development of emotional understanding in
children, particularly their understanding of negative emotion, and to
provide insight into how children cope with negative emotion during and
after stressful experiences. Much of this work supports the importance
of early family experiences for shaping childrens developing ability to
understand and regulate negative emotion, and one avenue in particu-
lar through which children gain emotional understanding is via parents
discussions of emotion with their children. Such discussions help chil-
dren understand the causes and consequences of negative emotion, as
well as provide children with strategies to cope with negative emotion.
In this chapter, we argue that discussions about childrens past negative
emotions in particular have important consequences for childrens abil-
ity to understand and cope with negative emotion. Ultimately, parent-
child reminiscing about childrens past stressful (and negative emotional)
experiences has implications for how children understand and remember
stressful events after the fact, as well as how they cope with future
stressful experiences. By talking with children about their past negative
emotional experiences, parents are giving the children the psychological
insight they need to understand the emotions involved in the event and
are providing them with coping strategies on how to manage negative
emotions in the future.
The chapter is organized as follows. We open with a brief discus-
sion of childrens emotional understanding and its likely importance for
childrens ability to cope with negative emotion both during and after
stressful experiences. We then highlight the importance of parent-child
discourse, particularly parent-child reminiscing, for fostering childrens
understanding of negative emotion, and we review recent research on this
topic. Next, we turn to a discussion of attachment theory in an attempt
to understand individual differences in the quality of parent-child com-
munication surrounding emotional and stressful experiences. We highlight
the research that suggests that having a secure attachment facilitates open
communication between caregivers and children, especially regarding dif-
ficult or negative experiences. Finally, we discuss the importance of open,
high-quality mother-child reminiscing for promoting childrens understand-
ing of stressful experiences as well as their psychological well-being.
Coping with and Understanding Negative

Emotion: The Role of Parent-Child Discourse
Childrens ability to cope with stressful events likely buffers them against
the negative effects that stressful events can have on psychological
Mother-Child Reminiscing 167

adjustment and well-being. Researchers have argued that coping involves
childrens ability to regulate their thoughts, emotions, and behaviors in
response to stressful events (Compas, Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, &
Wadsworth, 2001). Researchers have also argued for the centrality
of emotion in coping with stressful events (e.g., Skinner & Zimmer-
Gembeck, 2007). Although coping involves a number of important skills
(e.g., the ability to cognitively reappraise situations or seek support),
emotion regulation is considered to be one important component of cop-
ing (Bridges & Grolnick, 1995; Eisenberg, Fabes, & Guthrie, 1997).
Emotion regulation has been defined as consisting of the extrinsic and
intrinsic processes responsible for monitoring, evaluating, and modifying
emotional reactions, especially their intensive and temporal features, to
accomplish ones goals (Thompson, 1991, pp. 2728). Research suggests
that there are remarkable individual differences in childrens ability to
regulate emotion and that these differences have been linked with chil-
drens well-being and adjustment. Young children who are good emotion
regulators are socially competent, while those who are poor regulators
are at risk for adjustment problems, including externalizing and inter-
nalizing behavior (Rydell, Thorell, & Bohlin, 2008; Shields & Cicchetti,
1998; Spinrad, Eisenberg, Cumberland, Fabes, Valiente, Shepard, Reiser,
Losoya, & Guthrie, 2006).
Successful emotion regulation involves a number of important skills
that are closely connected to emotional understanding, including the
ability to adequately process emotionaly laden information; to monitor,
reflect upon, and understand ones own emotional states; to access past
experiences that inform adaptation in the current situation; and to suc-
cessfully generate and implement emotion regulation strategies (Saarni,
1999; Stegge & Terwogt, 2007; Wranik, Barret, & Salovey, 2007). These
types of sophisticated emotion understanding skills do not develop until
the preschool years (and beyond), which helps explain why, prior to the
advent of emotional knowledge, children often struggle with emotion
regulation. Thus, prior to the preschool years, when emotional under-
standing and regulation develop, young children are often primarily
dependent upon the direct interventions of caregivers to regulate emotion
(Thompson & Meyer, 2007). With the advent of some degree of emo-
tional knowledge, however, including the ability to understand, label, and
discuss emotion, as well as understanding the causes and consequences
of emotion, preschool children gradually take greater responsibility for
regulating their own emotional expressions. As their emotional knowl-
edge improves, so too does their ability to control and modify their
emotional expressions (Saarni, 1999).
Young childrens development of emotional understanding involves
both an understanding of emotions that are experienced by the self and

an understanding of emotions experienced by others (Harris & Saarni,
1989). Throughout the preschool years, children make enormous strides
in emotional understanding, including their abilities to understand and
label their own emotions and those of others, and in their ability to gen-
erate and enact strategies of emotion regulation (Stein & Levine, 1999;
Thompson & Lagattuta, 2006). Although original theories of the acqui-
sition of emotional understanding suggested that children acquire a self-
understanding of their own emotions first through self-observation and
then extrapolate that understanding onto others emotional expressions
and awareness (see e.g., Harris & Olthof, 1982; Smiley & Huttenlocher,
1989), modern theories emphasize childrens predispositions toward social
interaction and suggest that children gather important information about
emotion and how to cope with emotion through interacting with social
partners and observing these individuals displays of emotion (Denham,
Mitchell-Copeland, Strandberg, Auerbach, & Blair, 1997; Thompson &
Lagattuta, 2006).
Although there is little doubt that children become attuned to the
emotional experiences in their world, this readiness to learn about emo-
tion is complemented by extensive learning opportunities within the con-
text of close relationships in the family. Childrens experiences within the
family involve rich exposure to emotion, and as a result, it seems likely
that the emotion expressed in these relationships impacts young childrens
growing understanding of emotion (Halberstadt, Crisp, & Eaton, 2003;
Halberstadt & Eaton, 2002). Overall, family life provides children with a
variety of affective experiences on which to base their developing under-
standing of emotions, especially the role that emotion plays in human
relationships. For example, the relationship between the parent and the
child is inherently emotional and evokes both strong positive and neg-
ative emotions on the behalf of both partners in the relationship (Dix,
1991). Beyond the intense emotion that children are exposed to in their
primary attachment relationships, children are also frequent witnesses
to the emotion inherent in other significant family relationships (e.g., in
the marital and parent-sibling relationships) (Papp, Cummings, & Goeke-
Morey, 2002). Lastly, children are frequently exposed to the spontaneous
displays of emotion from family members as a result of the everyday
frustrations and joys of life (Halberstadt, 1991).
Similarly, conversations with caregivers are also an important arena
in which young children learn about emotions (Brown & Dunn, 1996;
Denham, 1992; Denham, Zoller, & Couchoud, 1994). Within the context
of everyday discourse, parents help clarify the aspects of relational expe-
riences that are not always visible and are often confusing for young
children; these aspects often involve emotion (Thompson, Laible, &
Ontai, 2003). Indeed, conversations between mothers and toddlers about

emotion begin early in development and continue throughout the pre-
school years (Dunn, Brown, & Beardsall, 1991; Capatides & Bloom,
1993; Beeghly, Bretheron, & Mervis, 1986). By talking about emotion
with young children, parents can elucidate the causes and consequences
of emotion, which are important components of emotional understanding
(Eisenberg, Cumberland, & Spinrad, 1998). Therefore, it is not surprising
that individual differences in the amount of emotional discourse between
mothers and children appear to have important consequences for chil-
drens understanding of emotion (Brown & Dunn, 1996; Dunn et al.,
1991; Denham et al., 1994).
Early in the preschool years, young children struggle in particular
with understanding and regulating negative emotion (Laible & Thompson,
1998). As a result, conversations about negative emotion might be espe-
cially influential in helping children differentiate between the varieties
of negative emotion and manage their consequences. In fact, research
has supported the idea that discourse about negative emotion between
caregivers and children is especially rich, particularly when compared to
discourse regarding positive emotion. For example, talk about negative
emotion involves more frequent discussion of the causes of emotions, more
talk about other people and mental states, and more sophisticated lin-
guistic skills (Lagattuta & Wellman, 2002; Hudson, Gebelt, Haviland, &
Bentivegna, 1992; Hughes & Dunn, 1999). It is probably not surprising
that discourse about negative emotion is more complex than discourse
about positive emotion between caregivers and young children, given the
fact that young children (and their caregivers) are often struggling to
manage and make sense of the negative or problematic emotions.
In addition, a number of researchers have argued and found empirical
support for the idea that parents who coach children in how to deal with
negative affect in the context of discourse have children who are more
emotionally competent (Gottman, Katz, & Hooven, 1996; Ramsden &
Hubbard, 2002). Emotion coaching involves not only parents being
aware of the negative emotion that their children experience, but also
parents being willing to validate, label, openly discuss and problem-solve
with their children about how to deal with negative emotion (Gottman
et al., 1996). Thus, children whose parents are willing to directly coach
them on how to cope with negative emotion acquire scripts on how to
manage and handle negative emotions (Dunsmore & Halberstadt, 1997).
Parents who are more dismissing of their childrens negative emotional
experience (by either ignoring it or denying it) miss important opportu-
nities to help their children learn to cope with negative emotions.
Although parents do discuss negative emotions with their children
as these emotions occur, there are reasons to believe that the discus-
sion of childrens past negative emotional experiences in particular might

be especially important for childrens developing ability to understand
and regulate negative affect. That is, discussions of negative emotions
that occur on line as a child is actually experiencing negative emo-
tion are likely problematic in promoting understanding. For one, when a
child is experiencing strong negative emotion, many of the childs cog-
nitive resources are occupied with regulating and managing the emotion
(Thompson, 1990). As a result, the childs negative affect may interfere
with his or her processing of any parental messages conveyed in the
context of these discussions (Laible & Thompson, 2000). Second, when
confronted with a childs negative emotions, a caregiver may not feel
willing or able to engage in complex or elaborative discussions with the
child over emotion. Instead, parents are probably more concerned with
immediately managing their childrens negative emotion (e.g., through
comforting the children) than necessarily teaching the children about
emotion.
As a result, discussions about the childs negative emotions after the
fact, when the childs negative emotions have dissipated, may prove more
fruitful for promoting the childs understanding of emotions than conver-
sations that occur as the child experiences negative emotion (Laible &
Thompson, 2000). By discussing the childs experiences with negative
emotion, for example, later in the day and after the childs negative
emotions have dissipated, a child is more likely to have the cognitive
resources to reflect upon and appropriate the parental messages that are
conveyed in the context of reminiscing.
In addition, reminiscing about the childs prior negative emotion might
also be especially potent for promoting the childs emotional understand-
ing because of the links that reminiscing shares with the development
of autobiographical memories and self-concept (Fivush, 1998; Fivush &
Haden, 1997). Reminiscing is believed to shape a childs self-concept
because it helps to shape memories of personal experiences. Thus, by
discussing the childs past emotional experiences, parents help to shape
a childs developing emotional self-concept, including their emotional
self-definition (e.g., I am mostly a happy child) and the role that the
childs emotion plays in influencing others (e.g., When I am angry,
mom is also upset) (Fivush et al., 2003).
Conversational stories about shared past experiences start as soon
as children are capable of producing language and these conversations
are inherently social (Reese, 2002; Fivush & Vasudeva, 2002; Laible &
Song, 2006). Initially, parents provide the narrative structure for these
past-event conversations and direct these conversations (Hudson, 1990;
Fivush, 1993; Nelson, 1996). Preschool children, however, ultimately
internalize the narrative structure of these early conversations and use
that structure both to recall their memories of personal experiences and

to guide their subsequent conversations about past events with caregivers
and others (Farrar, Fasig, & Welch-Ross, 1997; Nelson, 1996). Through
these shared conversations with caregivers, children are learning how to
discuss and evaluate their past experiences, including those that were
emotional in nature (Miller, Potts, Fung, Hoogstra, & Mintz, 1990; see
also Sales and Oppenheim & Koren-Karie, this volume).
Specifically, these reminiscing conversations are one important arena
in which children learn to evaluate and think about their past emotional
experiences. Research has suggested that mothers and children fre-
quently discuss emotional issues when talking about the past (Fivush &
Vasudeva, 2002). In addition, researchers have found evidence that rem-
iniscing about negative emotional experiences between parents and chil-
dren is actually more frequent than reminiscing about positive emotional
experiences (Fivush, 1991; Lagattuta & Wellman, 2002), supporting the
idea that children and parents are especially concerned with making
sense of childrens past negative emotional experiences. Furthermore,
when discussing childrens past emotional experiences, mothers are also
concerned with helping children resolve their previous negative emotions,
especially those that involved distress and fear (Fivush et al., 2003).
Finally, mothers appear concerned with making sure that children under-
stand the causes of their negative emotions in the context of reminiscing
conversations that involve negative emotion (Fivush et al., 2003).
Despite these general trends, there are differences in the way that
parents reminisce about past experiences with their children (including
differences in the style and content of the parent-child discourse), and
these differences have consequences for a childs emotional and cogni-
tive development. First, researchers have discovered that mothers vary in
the richness of background detail that they use when discussing the past
with their children (Hudson, 1990; Fivush & Fromhoff, 1988; Reese,
Haden, & Fivush, 1993; Reese & Fivush, 1993). Elaborative mothers
tend to provide rich detail about the event being discussed and tend to
ask numerous complex, open-ended questions of their children when dis-
cussing the past. In contrast, repetitive mothers tend to add little back-
ground to the event discussed and tend to ask many repetitive yes/no
types of questions. Research suggests that children of elaborative moth-
ers have more detailed memories of their past experiences than those of
repetitive mothers (Hudson, 1990; Reese, Haden, & Fivush, 1993; Reese
& Fivush, 1993). It seems likely, therefore, that having an elaborative
mother helps children form strong secondary representations of their
past experiences (including past emotional experiences). These secondary
representations are representations of experiences that are not formed
through direct experience, but instead are created after the experience
itself (e.g., through discourse or reflection) (Thompson, Laible, & Ontai,

2003). These secondary representations, in turn, promote childrens
reflection upon and understanding of their past experiences.
Second, mothers also seem to vary with regards to both the amount
and the way that emotion is discussed during reminiscing (Fivush et al.,
2003; Laible & Song, 2006; Laible, 2004), and these differences also
appear to have consequences for a childs current emotional and rela-
tional understanding. For instance, in early reminiscing conversations, it
is primarily the parents who raise the discussion of emotion, as well
as the causes, consequences, and resolution of emotion (Laible, 2004;
2007). Although children discuss emotion when it is raised, they sel-
dom initiate the discussion of emotion in the context of a reminiscing
conversation (Laible, 2004). Thus, parents are ultimately responsible for
raising the discussion of emotion during reminiscing. Mothers who are
willing to raise emotion (and to discuss its causes and consequences) in
the context of reminiscing can help to clarify their childrens emotions
(and those of others) during the shared event. In contrast, mothers who
avoid or restrict their discussion of emotion during reminiscing likely do
little to promote childrens understanding of their past emotional experi-
ences or to shape their childrens emotional self-concept. Such discussion
between secure children and their mothers not only promotes childrens
understanding of their own emotional experiences, but also likely pro-
motes childrens development of affective perspective taking, especially
when confronted with divergent perspectives (Laible & Song, 2006;
Thompson et al., 2003).
In the end, no empirical research has been done that examines how
mother-child reminiscing about moderately or severely stressful events
relates to childrens understanding of those events. However, there are
several good reasons to believe that our research can help to inform
the literature on the benefits of reminiscing about moderately stress-
ful events. First, for young children (who are not yet proficient regu-
lators of emotion), most experiences that involve negative emotion also
involve some degree of stress. Thus, the negative event conversations
that we have collected in our lab across the years surround at a min-
imum mildly stressful experiences for children. Second, although we
did not ask mothers specifically to discuss moderately stressful events
with their children in any of the studies (e.g., trips to the doctor to get
shots), these types of conversations frequently emerged in our research.
Consider the following example of a reminiscing conversation between a
four-year-old daughter and her mother that emerged from a recent study
(Laible, Panfile, & Eye, 2008):
Mother: Do you remember last week when we went for ice cream
with Daddy? We went in Mommys old car, Mommys white car,
and you climbed up on a what?

Daughter: Picnic table.
Mother: Picnic table, and what happened?
Daughter: Fell boom.
Mother: You fell boom.
Daughter: Yeah.
Mother: And where did we go?
Daughter: To the doctors.
Mother: We didnt actually go to the doctors office. We went to the
what?
Daughter: The hospital.
Mother: The hospital.
Daughter: Did they have to keep me?
Mother: No. And what did they do? They took you into a room.
Daddy went in with you and they took a what?
Daughter: What?
Mother: Do you remember what it was called? When they took a pic-
ture of your head, do you remember what they said it was called?
An X . . .
Daughter: Ray.
Mother: An x-ray, and did they tell you to smile when they took
your picture? Well, and um, after they took a picture, then what
happened? The doctor looked at the picture to see if there was
anything wrong, right?
Daughter: And then he said that Im all done.
Mother: Youre all done, and what did the man at the x-ray place
give you?
Daughter: Ummm.
Mother: Two things.
Daughter: Um, he said that I have to um, I have a confession and . . .
Mother: You have a what? Say it louder.
Daughter: That I have a confession.
Mother: You have a confession?
Daughter: Yeah.
Mother: Well how about this, its a concussion. That means you hit
you head really bad. Now did they give you . . . . oh, what color was
the medicine at the hospital?
Daughter: Um, orange.
Mother: Orange, very good, and was it a doctor or was it a lady
nurse that gave you the medicine?
Daughter: Um, a doctor.
Mother: No, who came in and gave you the orange medicine?
Daughter: A lady.
Mother: (nods)
Daughter: Whats her name?
Mother: I dont remember. She was just a nurse, and when you fell
what did you do? Did you laugh?
Daughter: (distracted by pillow in the room)
Mother: Emily, come on. Im trying to talk to you. Did you laugh
when you fell, or what happened?
Daughter: I um, I cried.
Mother: You cried? Did you cry a lot?

Daughter: Yep.
Mother: Yeah, you were pretty sad. Were you scared?
Daughter: Yeah.
Mother: Yeah? What were you scared of?
Daughter: Of the big booboo.
Mother: You were scared of the booboo? Were you scared to go to
the hospital?
Daughter: (nods)
Mother: What were you afraid of?
Daughter: To go to the hospital.
Mother: But you knew that Mommy and Daddy were going to stay
with you, right? And that we wouldnt leave you, right?
Daughter: (nods)
In this reminiscing conversation, the mother is able to help the child

not only understand a fairly traumatic eventa trip to the emergency
roombut also help clarify the childs emotional experience during the
event (i.e., that the girl was as scared of being at the hospital as she
was sad about hitting her head). In addition, the mother confirms the
childs negative emotions as valid (e.g., yeah, you were pretty sad) and
attempts to resolve the childs negative emotional experience by reassur-
ing her that her mother and father would not leave her alone in the
hospital. It seems likely that the mothers willingness to acknowledge
her daughters feelings as legitimate contributes to her daughters will-
ingness to remain engaged in the conversation and to process maternal
messages conveyed in this context. In addition, because these stressful
events are relatively noteworthy, these types of events are discussed fre-
quently by children and their caregivers. Across time, these conversa-
tions shape the childrens memory of the events and their understanding
of their own emotions and those of others involved in the events. It
also seems likely that these children might appropriate messages from
parents (e.g., mommy and daddy wouldnt leave you) that may assist
with their future coping in similar stressful situations. Thus, it is not
surprising that our lab has also found that it is often the open discus-
sion of negative emotion by the dyad in the context of reminiscing that
relates to the childrens level of emotional understanding (Laible, 2007).
By openly discussing negative emotion in the context of reminiscing (as
this mother did), mothers are helping children to cope with and under-
stand their past negative emotional experiences, especially in the context
of highly stressful situations where negative emotions are particularly
overwhelming.
Summary
Most modern theories of coping ultimately see emotion regulation as
central to the coping process (Skinner, & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007).

Although numerous factors likely relate to childrens ability to cope with
negative emotions in stressful events, a number of researchers have sug-
gested that children learn about emotion, including strategies to regulate
it, within the context of the family. Ultimately, children learn about emo-
tion, not only by observing the displays of emotion that are an inherent
part of family life, but also through conversing with caregivers about
emotion. These conversations are especially influential in helping chil-
dren to understand and regulate negative emotions, which are particularly
confusing to young children. In addition, conversations about negative
emotion after the fact may be more powerful in socializing emotional
understanding than those that occur during the stressful event itself.
In the context of a stressful event (or an event that involves negative
emotion), a childs ability to process and attend to maternal messages
is likely impaired by the presence of the childs own negative affect.
Conversations about emotion after the fact, however, once the childs
negative emotions have dissipated, likely promote the childs reflective
thinking and understanding of the event itself. Thus, the parents ability
and willingness to openly discuss the childs past stressful experiences
with him/her ultimately influences his/her ability to both understand and
regulate negative emotion and to cope with future stressful events.
Attachment Theory and Links with

Open Communication
Attachment theorists have long argued that close relationships with par-
ents are foundational in childrens development of emotional compe-
tence and their ability to regulate negative emotion. Attachment theory,
which was originally developed to explain the bond between infants and
their caregivers, has become an important theory to explain the lasting
influence of close relationships on an individuals social and emotional
development. The basic premise of attachment theory is that childrens
experiences with the emotional availability of caregivers in their lives
shape their feelings of felt security and trust in other people (Bowlby,
1980). As a result of their early experiences with sensitive or insensi-
tive caregivers, children construct internal working models of themselves,
others, and relationships, which they use to guide their expectations in
subsequent close relationships (Bretherton, 1990). Children whose care-
givers have been emotionally responsive, especially when children are
distressed, construct positive internal working models of the self as
worthy, others as trusting, and relationships as worthwhile and impor-
tant. Conversely, children with a history of caregiver insensitivity are
presumed to construct internal working models of the self as unworthy,
others as not trustworthy, and relationships as threatening or negative.

According to Bowlby (1980), internal working models are consoli-
dated over time and not only guide childrens expectations regarding
their caregivers future behavior, but also their self-referential beliefs,
expectations for close relationships, and their beliefs about other peo-
ples intentions and motives (Bowlby, 1980; 1988). These models provide
the bridge between early experiences with sensitive or insensitive care
and subsequent sociopersonality development (Thompson et al., 2003).
Internal working models contribute to feelings of security (or insecurity)
and affect how children respond to their caregivers (and other signifi-
cant relational partners in their lives) in situations of distress, stress, or
uncertainty. Over time, these internal working models become interpre-
tative filters by which children reconstruct new relational experiences in
ways that are consistent with their past experiences and internal work-
ing models. Because internal working models also contain implicit (or
unconscious) rules for relating to others, internal working models also
influence childrens approach to other significant relationships (e.g.,
peer relationships). For example, secure children respond to others with
warmth and affection and, as a result, receive from others a similar
response that further confi rms their positive expectations of others. In
contrast, insecure children respond to others with distance or unfriend-
liness, which in turn, causes others to respond with similar disinterest
or negativity. This serves to confirm the negative relational expectations
that insecure children are presumed to have.
There is growing recognition that the preschool years might be an
especially important time for the development of these internal work-
ing models, due in part to the cognitive and representational advances
that come with childrens increasing ability to use language (Thompson
et al., 2003). Childrens growing language sophistication allows for them
not only to reflect upon and remember their past experiences, but also
to discuss their past experiences with caregivers, siblings, and others.
As a result, childrens internal working models are likely shaped by
direct experiences with the quality of parental care and thus primary
representations of those events, as well as by childrens secondary rep-
resentations of these attachment-related events created in the context of
conversations with others (Thompson et al., 2003). Thus, discourse with
others not only shapes childrens memories of early attachment experi-
ences with parents, but also their understanding of those experiences,
as children are able to reflect upon their previous experiences with the
assistance and insight of caregivers during these shared conversations.
As Bretherton (1990, 1991) has argued, childrens internal working mod-
els of attachment relationships are shaped by the quality of communica-
tion between the caregivers and their children about attachment related
issues. The internal working models of secure children are shaped by

open, fluent, and candid conversations of feelings in the context of trust-
ing relationships. In contrast, insecure relationships are characterized by
limited emotional sharing, particularly emotions that either partner finds
disturbing (especially negative emotions), which are frequently defensively
excluded from internal working models.
A number of attachment theorists have argued that one central fea-
ture of a secure attachment relationship is open communication (Bowlby,
1980; Bretherton, 1990; Etzion-Carraso & Oppenheim, 2000). Open com-
munication between a parent and child is assumed to involve the open
sharing and discussion of emotion, especially when discussing issues
related to the relationship. This open sharing is presumed to begin in
infancy. Mothers of secure children are sensitive and are aware of their
infants emotional signals, interpret these signals correctly, and respond
to them appropriately (Ainsworth, Bell, & Stayton, 1974). As a result,
secure infants develop the expectation that their emotional signals will be
responded to sensitively and therefore feel free to share and express their
emotions, including those that are negative, with their caregivers (Cassidy,
1994). Infants who are insecurely attached, in contrast, are more likely
to mask or restrict their range of emotional expressiveness, because they
lack the expectation that their caregivers will respond appropriately to
their signals of distress. Research has generally supported the idea that
at least one group of insecure infants and children in particular (i.e.,
avoidant children) mask negative emotions when interacting with mothers
and others (Malatesta, Culver, Tesman, & Shepard, 1989; Spangler &
Grossmann, 1993).
Beyond infancy, openness of verbal communication with caregivers
appears to be critical in distinguishing between securely and insecurely
attached children. For example, early research by Main, Kaplan, &
Cassidy (1985) found that secure preschool children and their par-
ents communicated more openly following a brief separation. Securely
attached dyads were not only more fluent in their discourse than inse-
cure dyads, but the former also tended to discuss a wider range of top-
ics with each other. In contrast, insecurely attached dyads were both
more restricted in their discourse with mothers during the reunion and
often tended to avoid personal topics. Similarly, Main (1995) reported
an observational study in which children who were securely attached in
infancy had communication patterns at age six that were fluent and bal-
anced with caregivers. Insecure dyads were less fluent in their discourse
(involving more pauses between conversational turns), had conversations
that were mother-dominated, and tended to avoid interpersonal topics.
More recent research by Etzion-Carasso & Oppenheim (2000) has rep-
licated the results of these two studies, but only for boys. Mothers of
secure boys in Etzion-Carasso & Oppenheims (2000) study were more

likely to follow the childrens lead in conversations that occurred after
a separation and were more likely to center their conversations on
exploring related topics. Insecure-disorganized children of both genders
showed particularly poor dyadic communication following the separation.
However, links between other insecure attachment patterns and commu-
nication in this study were lacking.
Research has also revealed links between mother-child reminiscing
and childrens attachment security. Farrar, Fasig, & Welch-Ross (1997)
found that mothers and secure daughters were more likely to have a
balanced discussion of emotion during reminiscing conversations, raising
and discussing both positive and negative emotional themes. Specifically,
once negative themes were raised in the context of reminiscing, secure
mother-daughter dyads were more likely to explore these emotions,
whereas insecure mother-child dyads were more likely to drop the con-
versation. By integrating the discussion of both positive and negative
emotional themes during reminiscing, secure mothers are likely to help
their children explore and cope with a wide range of emotions. Such
openness of secure mother-child dyads to explore both negative and pos-
itive emotional themes likely enhances the childs willingness to broach
and discuss any emotional topic with caregivers.
In addition, our own lab has found consistent links between attach-
ment and the quality of mother-child reminiscing (Laible & Thompson,
2000; Laible, 2004; Laible & Song, 2006; Laible, 2007). That is, across
multiple reminiscing contexts (including the discussion of the childs past
positive and negative emotional experiences), our lab, like several oth-
ers (Reese, 2002; Fivush & Vasudeva, 2002), has found that mothers
of secure children are more elaborative with their children than mothers
of insecure children. In particular, we have found that the link between
maternal elaboration and attachment security is especially strong for
conversations involving the childs past negative emotional experiences
(Laible, 2007). Overall, these patterns of findings suggest that, when
reminiscing about childrens past emotional experiences, mothers of
secure children are more likely to be elaborative with them, providing
them with rich background details about the event discussed and asking
them rich open-ended questions about their past emotional experiences.
Mothers of insecure children are more repetitive in their narrative style
with their children and seem less willing to openly explore their chil-
drens past emotional experiences in any depth, especially past negative
experiences.
Findings from our studies further suggest that the unwillingness by
insecure mothers to explore emotional themes in any depth in remi-
niscing with young children has important consequences for childrens
development of emotional and relational understanding. In several of our

studies (Laible, 2004; Laible & Song, 2006), childrens level of emotional
understanding and their representations of relationships were linked with
maternal narrative style. Mothers who were highly elaborative when rem-
iniscing with their preschool children about their past emotional experi-
ences had children who showed higher levels of emotional understanding
and who were more likely to depict prosocial representations of relation-
ships in a doll story completion task designed to tap childrens social
schemes. By elaborating on their childrens past emotional experiences,
mothers do several important things that influence childrens develop-
ing emotional and relational schemes. First, maternal elaboration likely
creates a warm interpersonal atmosphere that increases childrens will-
ingness to process and internalize parental messages about emotion con-
veyed in the context of reminiscing (Laible & Thompson, 2000). This
warm interpersonal atmosphere also facilitates childrens construction of
prosocial representations of relationships (Laible & Song, 2006). Second,
maternal elaboration (as already mentioned) helps children to create
strong secondary representations of their past emotional experiences and
these strong secondary representations give children more to draw on in
their current understanding of emotions and relationships.
Third and finally, it is important to note that, just like Farrar et al.
(1997), we have found that maternal discussion of emotion in the con-
text of reminiscing varies depending on the attachment security of
the child. In particular, mothers of secure children appear more will-
ing to openly discuss negative emotions with their children in the con-
text of reminiscing (Laible, 2004; Laible 2007). Not only do mothers
of secure children make more frequent references to negative emotion
in the context of reminiscing (Laible, 2004), but these mothers are also
more likely to discuss negative emotion in more sophisticated ways than
mothers of insecure children (Laible, 2007). In fact, in a recent study,
we found that mothers of secure children were more likely to discuss
the causes of negative emotion and to confi rm their childrens negative
emotional experiences (e.g., yes, you were sad) than mothers of inse-
cure children (Laible, 2007). Confirming the childs negative emotional
experiences seems especially important in promoting the childs willing-
ness to explore topics that would otherwise be threatening to discuss.
Interestingly, we have found fewer links between attachment security
and dyadic discussion of positive emotions in the context of reminisc-
ing than links between attachment security and discussion of negative
emotions. This is probably not surprising given that positive emotional
experiences are relatively easy and nonthreatening for both insecure and
secure mother-child dyads to discuss.
Surprisingly, little work has examined maternal attachment style and
mothers ability to communicate effectively with their children beyond

infancy. The work done with adult attachment patterns and emotional
communication with infants, however, is roughly similar to the work
done with strange situation classifications and infant communication and
provides relevant insight. Mothers who are securely attached in the Adult
Attachment Interview (AAI) have been shown to be more responsive to
a wide range of infant emotions, more accepting of their infants nega-
tive emotions, and more likely to help their infants with emotion regula-
tion than mothers who were insecure in the AAI (Crandell, Fitzgerald, &
Whipple, 1997; Haft & Slade, 1989). Mothers who have been classi-
fied as dismissing in the AAI are less likely to express the full range
of emotions with their infants and more likely to withdraw when their
own infants express negative emotion than do secure mothers (Haft &
Slade, 1989; Goldberg, MacKay-Soroka, & Rochester, 1994). Finally, pre-
occupied mothers tend to be inconsistently responsive to their infants
emotional cues and may attend more to their infants signals of distress
than to their infants positive emotional expressions (Goldberg et al.,
1994; Haft & Slade, 1989).
Although there is little work looking at maternal attachment style
and mothers emotional communication post-infancy, Fivush and Sales
(2006) have examined maternal attachment style and mother-child remi-
niscing surrounding an acute asthma attack. Contrary to expectations, it
was the mothers who were anxiously attached (i.e., preoccupied) and not
securely attached who were more engaged and explanative when discuss-
ing the past stressful event (i.e., the asthma attack) with their children.
Despite this increased discussion, however, children of anxious mothers
were more likely to be experiencing adjustment difficulties. In addition,
for children of anxiously attached mothers, parent-child narratives were
not related to childrens functioning. Thus, although these mothers may
have had richer narratives with their children when discussing the past
life-threatening event, the mothers clearly were not fostering the chil-
drens coping or understanding in these narratives. Perhaps instead, these
mothers were more ruminative and less constructive with their expla-
nations. Clearly, more research is needed to examine if the content of
these types of stressful event narratives varies as a function of maternal
attachment style.
Finally, it is important to keep in mind that the links between attach-
ment and mother-child reminiscing about emotional events are bidirec-
tional for children. Thus, although secure or insecure internal working
models shape the nature of communication between mothers and chil-
dren, the reverse possibility is also probably true. Because of the impor-
tance of communication for shaping the nature of childrens internal
working models (Thompson et al., 2004), there are also good reasons
to believe that conversations surrounding young childrens past negative

emotional experiences (especially surrounding stressful events) also influ-
ence childrens feelings of felt security, and concurrently their internal
working models. Thus, caregivers can enhance or erode the feelings of
felt security through conversations surrounding negative and stressful
events depending on the tactics caregivers use in discussing the events.
A caregiver who is willing to acknowledge the childs feelings as legit-
imate in reminiscing conversations and who provides constructive ways
to reframe the childs experiences (for example, by providing ways to
cope with negative feelings) likely enhances the childs feelings of secu-
rity and feelings of self-efficacy. In contrast, a caregiver who dismisses
the childs feelings as either not legitimate (e.g., you should not have
been scared) or who ruminates on the negative emotions involved in
the event without providing ways to cope with the negative emotions or
reframe the experience, likely erodes feelings of felt security in the child.
Summary
The preliminary work that has been done on attachment security and
mother-child communication supports the idea that a secure attachment
promotes emotionally open, fluent, and coherent communication between
mothers and children, especially when discussing negatively charged or
threatening events. In infancy, both partners of a secure relationship
communicate in a way that is emotionally open; infants express a wide
range of emotions and caregivers respond to that wide range of emo-
tions. In insecure relationships, infants either minimize or maximize their
expression of negative emotion and insecure caregivers do not respond
appropriately to the range of the infants emotions. Beyond infancy, both
partners in secure dyads continue to communicate more openly, partic-
ularly about events that involve negative emotion, than partners in inse-
cure dyads. Overall, the research supports the idea that the discussion
of stressful events might be more common, open, and coherent within
secure dyads than within insecure dyads.
Implications of Open Reminiscing for Childrens

Health and Well-being
The ability to openly discuss a traumatic event after the fact likely has
important consequences for not only how the event is remembered by the
child, but also how the event is understood by the child. Just like adults,
children need to make sense of stressful and traumatic events, and this
is especially true of young children who do not yet have the experience
to understand the events as they unfold. In the midst of the stressful
event itself, childrens negative emotions may interfere with them asking

questions. Even if parents communicate well during the stressful event,
children may not process the information being conveyed. Afterwards,
however, adults can assist children with understanding exactly what hap-
pened during a stressful event and can coach children on how to cope
with similar events (just as the mother did with her young daughter in
the conversation surrounding the emergency room visit). Because of their
trust in the responsiveness of their caregivers, secure children should
feel more capable of openly discussing these types of stressful events
with caregivers, including asking questions and being willing to openly
express their fears and concerns to the caregivers.
In addition, the adult literature suggests that disclosing stressful events
to others has important consequences for the physical and mental health
of individuals who have experienced traumatic events (Pennebaker, 1997).
Individuals who have confided in others about stressful events tend to
have fewer mental and physical health problems in the long term, even
though the initial experience of disclosing the traumatic event (e.g.,
through writing or discourse) might be emotionally arousing (Pennebaker,
1997; Pennebaker & Hoover, 1986; Pennebaker & OHeeron, 1984). By
talking about past stressful events, it often makes these experiences less
threatening to reflect upon (Pennebaker & Seagal, 1999). In addition, by
confiding in others about stressful events, it provides opportunities for
adults and children to seek advice on coping, to receive sympathy, and
to have others help make sense of the stressful event.
Pennebaker and Seagal (1999) have argued that, by reflecting upon
stressful events, individuals can cognitively reframe these experiences
and integrate them into their self-concept. According to these research-
ers, merely discussing or confiding the stressful event to someone else
is not enough to make self-disclosure effective in promoting mental
and physical health. Instead, it is important that the individual is able
to translate the traumatic event into a coherent narrative, especially one
that helps make sense of the event, and one that is essentially assimi-
lated into the individuals self-concept in ways that are constructive. For
a young child, who is less capable of understanding the traumatic event,
this reframing process is likely guided by parents, who help the child
make sense of what happened during and after the stressful event. In
the context of a secure relationship, where both mothers and children
are capable of openly discussing the traumatic event and where mothers
are able to acknowledge and confirm their childrens emotional experi-
ences, the children are likely to be successful in reframing the stress-
ful experience in ways that are constructive and healthy. In the context
of insecure relationships, where the dialogue about the stressful event is
restricted or potentially ruminative, the childrens reframing process is
likely to be less successful.

A number of researchers have begun to illuminate the important qual-
ities of a trauma narrative that promote individuals psychological adjust-
ment following a stressful event in adulthood (see e.g., Pals, 2006; King,
Scollon, Ramsey, & Williams, 2000). For instance, subjective well-being
in adulthood is associated with narratives surrounding a traumatic event
that are both coherent and provide a sense of emotional resolution. King
et al. (2000) found that parents of children with Down syndrome exhib-
ited higher levels of life satisfaction if they produced narrative stories
about the childs diagnosis that involved a sense of closure, a degree
of foreshadowing (which is an element of narrative coherence), and a
positive ending to their stories. Similarly, McAdams, Reynolds, Lewis,
Patten, and Bowman (2001) found that frequent redemption sequences
in autobiographical memories of adults, which are those experiences in
which a negative event is followed by a positive outcome, were related
to several indicators of subjective well-being.
Although it is not clear whether similar types of autobiographical
narratives would translate into improvements in childrens adjustment
following stressful events, some preliminary research supports this idea.
Sales, Fivush, Parker, and Bahrick (2002) found that preschool children
who used more positive emotion terms and included more informa-
tion when narrating events about a devastating hurricane shortly after
it occurred were less likely to show symptoms of posttraumatic stress
six years after the event. These findings are in line with Pennebakers
(1997) arguments that individuals ability to produce coherent narratives
(with positive elements) about stressful events after the fact is related
to their ability to cope (see also King et al., 2000). The Sales et al.
(2002) study suggests that this is also true for extremely young chil-
dren. Although it is not clear why, in Sales et al.s (2002) sample,
some children were able to produce more coherent and positive nar-
ratives than others, extant findings from our lab might provide some
relevant insight. Specifically, it is plausible that the children who were
likely to produce relatively positive and complete narratives of such a
stressful event (such as the hurricane) were likely raised in the con-
text of secure attachment relationships with parents, where reminiscing
surrounding negatively charged emotional events was both frequent and
open. It seems likely that these children had already internalized some
of the narrative structure involved in discussing past stressful experi-
ences (which aided in producing a coherent narrative), and with the
assistance of a sensitive caregiver, were already beginning to reframe
their recollection of the hurricane in ways that were constructive and
more positive.
Very little research has directly examined how the reminiscing con-
versations between young children and their caregivers about stressful

events may impact childrens developing emotional understanding, cop-
ing, and well-being. The work that has been done suggests that these
conversations are extremely rich between parents and children and likely
influence the ways in which children recount and remember stressful
events. Ackil, Van Abbema, and Bauer (2003) compared mother-child
reminiscing conversations about a nontraumatic event and a traumatic
event (i.e., a tornado) that involved children of a wide age range (two to
11 years of age) and their mothers. Mother-child reminiscing conversa-
tions surrounding the tornado were twice as long as conversations about
the nontraumatic event, involved more detail, and were more coherent
than the conversations surrounding the other event. These findings are
important and support the idea that parents and children are trying to
make sense of highly traumatic events through reminiscing. Given the
length and detail of these conversations, it also suggests that it may be
much harder for parents and children to attempt to make sense of past
stressful events than other less threatening past events.
Furthermore, Sales and Fivush (2005) examined maternal discussions
of both an acute stressor with children (i.e., a trip to the emergency
room because of an asthma attack) and a chronic stressor (i.e., childrens
ongoing management of their asthma). Interesting differences emerged
between mothers discussions of the two events. Mothers used more
causal and explanatory language when discussing the chronic stressor,
which suggests that mothers were perhaps more concerned with fostering
childrens ongoing general coping with asthma to reduce future trips to
the emergency room rather than fostering childrens coping during the
actual hospital visit. Interestingly, it was the discussion of causal and
emotional language during conversations about the chronic stressor that
predicted childrens socioemotional well-being. Mothers who used more
emotional and causal explanatory language (which are markers of coher-
ent narratives, see Smyth, 1998) when discussing the chronic stressor
with their children had children who scored higher on emotional well-
being. Surprisingly, maternal explanation during discussions of the acute
trauma was not related to child adjustment.
Summary
Research with adults suggests that their ability to integrate stressful life
experiences into their life story in a way that is coherent, meaning-
ful, and that has a sense of emotional closure impacts their well-being.
Unfortunately, young children often lack the ability to independently
construct a coherent narrative that involves a sense of emotional closure.
Thus, ultimately, children need the guidance of a supportive caregiver to
guide their co-constructions of past stressful events in ways that facilitate

their understanding of the stressful experience and the emotions involved
in it, thereby possibly benefiting their later well-being. Although only a
couple of studies with children have examined reminiscing conversations
about stressful events, those studies suggest that parents through remi-
niscing are trying to help children find meaning in stressful events and
to teach them how to cope with future similar events.
Conclusions and Directions for Future Research
Although numerous researchers have examined how stress impacts chil-

drens memory (e.g., Fivush, Hazzard, Sales, Sarfati, & Brown, 2002;
Sales et al., 2005), very little work has focused on how parents help
children make sense of stressful events after the fact (for exceptions see
Ackil et al., 2003; Bauer, Stark, Lukowski, Rademacher, & Van Abbema,
2005). Stressful events of varying intensities (e.g., moderately stressful,
such as emergency room visits, and highly stressful, such as hurricanes
and tornadoes) are noteworthy and highly salient to both young children
and their caregivers. As a result, it seems that these are probably fre-
quent topics of conversation between caregivers and young children, both
immediately following the event and long afterwards. More importantly,
however, it seems that these conversations are a critical avenue through
which children make sense of stressful events. Ultimately, children are
socialized through reminiscing in how to think about negative and trau-
matic events (Bauer et al., 2005) and in how to cope with and under-
stand the negative emotions that arise during them.
In the end, as Sales et al. (2005) argue, how children eventually
make sense of stressful events may be far more crucial for childrens
adjustment than whether childrens memories of stressful events are
accurate. Because of this, securely attached children have the advantage
over insecurely attached children in making sense of traumatic events.
First, secure children have been shown to have more advanced socioe-
motional understanding and coping skills (Greenberger & McLaughlin,
1998; Laible & Thompson, 1998; Thompson, 2006; Weinfield, Sroufe,
Egeland, & Carlson, 1999), which should assist in their understanding
of negatively charged emotional experiences during and after stress-
ful events. Second, secure children should also have more coherent and
positive internal working models that allow them to integrate stressful
experiences more constructively into their self-concept than do insecure
children. Finally, as our lab findings suggest (Laible, 2004; 2007), com-
pared with insecure children, secure children are more likely to have
the assistance of a sensitive caregiver who can help them make sense of
traumatic and stressful experiences after the fact.

Because virtually no research has examined the links between attach-
ment security and parent-child reminiscing about highly distressing events,
a number of fundamental questions need to be addressed. For example,
although we know that secure dyads appear to be more open and flu-
ent when discussing the childs past negative emotional experiences, does
this also mean that secure dyads are more open when discussing more
traumatic past experiences? Theoretically, the links between attachment
security and reminiscing about stressful events should be more apparent,
because the attachment system is assumed to be most strongly activated
in the context of stressful experiences (Bowlby, 1980). In addition, is it
that insecure parent-child dyads are not only less elaborative when dis-
cussing traumatic events, but also that they tend to avoid such discus-
sions altogether because of the threatening nature of these conversations?
Alternatively, however, it may be that insecure dyads do in fact discuss
past stressful events with equal frequency as secure dyads, but that they
may discuss these events in ways that are less constructive. Thus, for
example, parents in insecure dyads may ruminate more on negative emo-
tions in the context of reminiscing without providing ways for children
to resolve or cope with these emotions. This might help to explain why
insecure children are more at risk for depression and anxiety disorders
(Greenberg, 1999). In the end, the possibility arises that the amount of
negative emotion discussed by the dyad may be less related to attach-
ment security than the ways in which negative emotions are discussed.
All of these issues, however, need to be examined empirically.
In addition to attachment, several other relational, child, and mater-
nal characteristics likely also influence the ability of both parents and
children to reminisce openly about stressful experiences. Family climate,
such as parental warmth and emotional expressiveness, for example,
influence the degree of trust that children have in parents, as well as
the open nature of communication between them (Laible, 2007). In addi-
tion, childrens temperamental characteristics not only influence childrens
ability to effectively communicate with their parents (Laible, Panfile, &
Makariev, 2008), but also the parents ability to communicate with them
(Laible, 2004; Laible, Panfile, & Eye, 2008). Parents not only adapt their
reminiscing and communication style based upon their perception of
their childrens temperament (Lewis, 1999; Laible, 2004), but the amount
of energy and resources that parents have to dedicate to communica-
tion is directly related to the temperamental characteristics of their chil-
dren. Thus, children who are difficult in their temperamental profile may
drain the energy and patience of even sensitive caregivers (Goldsmith,
Buss, Plomin, Rothbart, Thomas, Chess, Hinde, & McCall, 1987), mak-
ing high-quality communication in the context of reminiscing less likely.
Finally, it seems likely that maternal personality characteristics influence

the ability of mothers to openly communicate with children during rem-
iniscing about stressful events. Maternal openness might facilitate moth-
ers ability to explore both positive and negative themes with children
when discussing past traumatic events. Much of this is speculative given
the lack of empirical research on these issues, and all are fruitful areas
for future research.
A final consideration for future research is the need for greater atten-
tion to be paid toward the potential ways in which parent-child rem-
iniscing about highly stressful events might differ from parent-child
reminiscing regarding other negatively valenced events. The only study
so far that has compared parent-child reminiscing about a traumatic
event with a nontraumatic event (i.e., Ackil et al., 2003) did not com-
pare parent-child discussions of negatively valenced events (e.g., being
upset when teased by a sibling) to the discussion of the traumatic event.
Instead Ackil et al. (2003) compared reminiscing conversations surround-
ing relatively positive events (e.g., a birthday party) to the discussion
of the traumatic event. It is less surprising, then that this study found
strong differences between the two types of conversations (these differ-
ences actually parallel some of the differences that we have found in
our lab between positively and negatively valenced reminiscing conver-
sations). Discussing positively valenced events is much easier and less
threatening for both members of the dyad, and, with positive events,
there is less to make sense of. Thus, the fact that conversations about
highly stressful events are longer and more coherent than positive event
conversations is less surprising.
Ultimately, there are good reasons to believe that the psychological
consequences of highly stressful events (such as a childs trip to the
emergency room) on parents likely influence their ability to discuss the
event with their children, and how those conversations unfold. Thus, it
is possible that discussions of highly traumatic events might be more
variable between parent-child dyads than those of less-negative events,
based upon how well parents adjust following the stressful event. Also,
because young children have less-developed coping skills, they might
be especially prone to becoming emotionally upset during reminiscing
conversations surrounding a traumatic event. Thus, the negative emotion
inherent in these discussions may lessen the quality of the communica-
tion between parents and children when discussing highly stressful or
traumatic events. Finally, just like with adults, children seem to want
to understand traumatic events. Given the possibility that children are
especially likely to be confused during the chaos of traumatic events,
it seems that they are likely to ask more questions during these dis-
cussions, or, comparably, that parents will spend more time trying

to explain to young children during reminiscing conversations what hap-
pened regarding traumatic events.
In closing, in order to truly understand the links between stress, well-
being, and memory in children, it is critical to understand the nature of
parent-child reminiscing conversations, parent-child attachment, and chil-
drens emotional understanding. That is, given the emotional salience of
stressful and traumatic experiences, it is likely these events are discussed
by parents and children. The amount and content in that discussion vary
considerably, and this variation has implications (for better or worse)
for childrens memory. Future scientific knowledge concerning childrens
memories of stressful experiences will need to consider the nature of
reminiscing about stressful events between parents and young children,
as well as the number of factors that affect this reminiscing. It is only
with this broad, complex knowledge that insight into stress and memory
across development will continue to be advanced.
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8
Creating a Context for

Childrens Memory
The Importance of Parental
Attachment Status, Coping, and
Narrative Skill for Co-Constructing
Meaning Following Stressful
Experiences
Jessica McDermott Sales
E very person, regardless of age, is susceptible to stress.

Exposure to serious stressors is a common aspect of grow-
ing up in todays world. Specific to children raised in the United
States, 40% of children experience divorce of their parents, 22% of
children live in poverty, 19% of children experience chronic ill-
ness or physical disability, 3% experience the death of a parent, and
6.6 million children live with an alcoholic parent (Sandler, Wolchik,
MacKinnon, Ayers, & Roosa, 1997). Fortunately, children as well as
adults have developed ways to make sense of the world and to cope in
the aftermath of lifes stressors. Research indicates that narratives play
an important role in the process of creating meaningful accounts of
stressful events in the service of coping and protecting psychological
well-being. However, the extent to which children can create meaning
following stressful experiences and ultimately successfully cope with
such experiences varies greatly with age and level of cognitive, emo-
tional, social, and physical development (Davies, 1999). Furthermore,
it is not clear how children learn to create meaningful accounts of
past stressful experiences across development. One possibility is that
196
children learn the meaning-making process from the more experienced
people around them, namely their parents, during conversations about
past stressful experiences. Thus, the major objective of this chapter is
to explore how parent-child conversations about past stressful events
may facilitate childrens meaning-making following stressful events, and
to present findings demonstrating the importance of meaning-making
for psychological well-being in the aftermath of stressors. Additionally,
I will explore two factors that contribute to differences in parents
ability to scaffold elaborative and emotionally integrated co-constructed
narratives of past stressful events with their children: their attachment
status and coping ability.
Before addressing how parents may influence childrens meaning-
making, I begin with a description of the concept of parental scaffold-
ing (Vygotsky, 1978), a concept which has guided a great deal of work
pertaining to childrens autobiographical memory development (Fivush,
Haden, & Reese, 2006). Then I review the literature on parental scaf-
folding of childrens autobiographical memories for both positively and
negatively valenced events. I then describe Lazarus and Folkmans cop-
ing theory and how coping may play a role in parental scaffolding abil-
ity, followed by a description of attachment theory and a discussion on
how the attachment context may influence the quality of parental scaf-
folding as well. Next, I describe recent findings from research we have
conducted with asthmatic children and their parents, examining how
coping and attachment status relate to the structure, quality, and content
of parental scaffolding during parent-child conversations about stress-
ful events. Finally, I discuss the importance of narrative research as a
mechanism for exploring issues related to memories of stressful events
as well as for better understanding of how the meaning-making process
ultimately impacts psychological well-being.
Parental Scaffolding of Childrens Narratives
Narratives are the way in which we make sense of human experience,

and therefore childrens narratives of emotional events have become an
important context for examining developmental processes related to emo-
tional organization, emotion regulation, and meaning-making (Fivush
& Sales, 2003; Oppenheim et al., 1997; Reynolds, Brewin, & Saxton
2000; Thompson, 1994). A common theme throughout this research is
that children use emotion words and emotional expressions to organize
and understand personally salient emotional experiences, to communi-
cate their feelings to others, and to regulate their feelings and behavior.
Moreover, children may first be learning these emotional expression and
regulation skills in parent-scaffolded narrative interactions.
Creating a Context for Childrens Memory 197

The enormous impact of the social context on childrens narratives
of personally salient and emotional past events is clearly demonstrated
by memory research examining parental scaffolding of past emotional
experiences (see Nelson & Fivush, 2004; and Pratt & Fiese, 2004, for
overviews). A great deal of this research was guided by Vygotskys the-
ory of development and the concept of scaffolding. Although Vygotsky
did not use the term scaffolding, the notion of scaffolding was first
described by Vygotskys (1978) sociocultural theory of development. He
believed that information was relayed to children through social interac-
tions or joint activities with more competent others. He conceptualized
this transmission of information as a process often referred to as the
zone of proximal development. Vygotsky defined the zone of proxi-
mal development as the distance between childrens actual developmen-
tal level as determined by independent problem solving and the higher
level of potential development as determined through problem solving
under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers (1978,
p. 86). A more competent person collaborates with a child to succeed at
a developmental task the child could not accomplish alone. Thus, the
more skilled adult, often the parent, builds on or scaffolds the com-
petencies the child already has and supports her during activities that
are at a level of competence just beyond where she is without assis-
tance. It is important to emphasize that scaffolding is only beneficial
to a child if they are developmentally capable of using the information
the adult is trying to convey. Hence, the zone of proximal development
defines those functions that have not yet matured but are in the process
of maturation, functions that will mature tomorrow but are currently in
an embryonic state (Vygotsky, 1978, pp. 8687). Furthermore, learning
within the zone of proximal development is possible in part because of
intersubjectivity, or a shared understanding, based on a common focus
or a common goal, between a child and a more competent person.
Moreover, Vygotsky proposed a mechanism by which children incor-
porate what they learn through interactions with adults. He hypothe-
sized that the interaction between children and adults on the intermental
(between-minds) plane becomes internalized into childrens minds, or the
intramental (within-mind) plane. Thus, the external becomes the inter-
nal. For example, children will eventually internalize the mode of prob-
lem solving that was supported by their mother while assisting the child
with a problem. Vygotsky believed that children would grow into the
intellectual life of those around them (1978, p. 88), by gradually taking
more and more of the responsibility for problem solving and becoming
more self-regulated rather than other-regulated (Miller, 1993).
Although Vygotskys theory does not explicitly address how parents
would influence the autobiographical memory development of children, it

suggests that parents may scaffold the cognitive and emotional aspects
of past experiences by providing cues and prompts during the course
of parent-child reminiscing about the past. These cues and prompts pro-
vided by parents enable their children to recall more information than
they could on their own. Over time, this added support teaches chil-
dren how to independently cue themselves so that they can recall more
information on their own at a later time. However, parent-child remi-
niscing provides children with more than a way of cueing memories.
Young children are also learning a great deal about how to narratively
structure past experiences from the comments and questions that adults
pose during these conversations (Fivush, 1991). This co-constructed orga-
nization may facilitate childrens comprehension of events, thus allowing
memories to remain accessible for conscious recall over time. Through
sharing their past with others, children are learning both the forms and
functions of remembering (Fivush, Haden, & Reese, 1996). However, not
all parents reminisce with their children in the same manner.
A substantial body of research has established clear and endur-
ing individual differences in parental reminiscing styles (Fivush &
Fromhoff, 1988; Harley & Reese, 1999). Some parents are highly elabo-
rative, providing a great deal of rich embellished details about the past,
whereas other parents are less elaborative, tending to repeat the same
questions over and over. Of importance, children of highly elaborative
parents come to independently tell more richly detailed, coherent, and
more evaluative stories of their own past than children of less elaborate
parents. However, the vast majority of this research was based exclu-
sively on parent-child reminiscing about past positively valenced experi-
ences. Only recently have a few studies addressed parental reminiscing
about past emotionally negative events. This is a particularly important
question because if joint reminiscing helps children organize and recall
positive emotional events, then the ways in which parents discuss nega-
tive experiences with their children may play a critical role in how they
come to remember stressful events and, perhaps more importantly, come
to understand (i.e., make meaning or make sense of) and cope with the
stressful experiences of their lives. Findings in the adult literature indi-
cate that detailed and coherent narratives of stressful events are related
to higher levels of coping and well-being (Pennebaker, 1997). As with
adults, a more detailed memory of negative events may facilitate chil-
drens understanding and, ultimately, coping with such events. Thus, an
elaborative parental reminiscing style may help children create meaning
and cope with stressful life experiences.
One of the few studies to examine how parents and children dis-
cuss highly stressful experiences was conducted by Ackil, Van Abbema,
& Bauer (2003). They compared mother-child conversations about a

devastating tornado that leveled their town to conversations about a
nontraumatic event. Tornado conversations included more mention of
negative emotions and information about the causes and consequences
of the event than did the conversations about the nontraumatic events.
This suggests that mothers are using the negative conversations as an
opportunity to facilitate childrens understanding of the overwhelming
tornado event. However, the focus of this study was to assess the con-
tent of parent-child reminiscing and did not assess parental reminiscing
style. As mentioned previously, elaborative parents facilitate the devel-
opment of more detailed and embellished autobiographical narratives in
their children. If parental reminiscing style remains consistent across
positive and negative emotional events, children of elaborative parents
should produce more detailed narratives about negative past events
as well.
In the first study of its kind, we examined both reminiscing style
and the content of parent-child conversations about two emotionally
laden events: an injury requiring emergency medical treatment and an
individually nominated positively valenced experience (Sales, Fivush, &
Peterson, 2003). As in previous reminiscing research, we defi ned paren-
tal reminiscing style as extent of elaboration provided by the parent.
Parental reminiscing style was consistent across the two emotional con-
versations, such that parents who were more highly elaborative when
reminiscing about the positive event were also more elaborative when
reminiscing about the negative event. Further, parents with a highly
elaborative style had children who reported more new information dur-
ing these conversations.
However, there were notable differences in parental style for posi-
tive and negative event conversations. When reminiscing about stressful
events, parents asked a higher proportion of open-ended memory ques-
tions to their children, which required children to provide information in
response, whereas when reminiscing about the positive experience, par-
ents asked a higher proportion of yes/no questions, which only required
children to confirm or negate the questions. Parents also focused more
on emotion when discussing positive events with their children and more
on causal explanations when discussing the stressful experiences.
These differences suggest that parents may have different underlying
goals in these two different emotional conversations. Reminiscing about
shared positive experiences serves to create, maintain, and strengthen
emotional bonds, as well as create a shared history, which is the basis
for family identity (Fivush et al., 1996). Thus, in emotionally positive
conversations, parents engage in co-constructing the experience with
their children, with each conversational partner contributing unique infor-
mation about the shared event to the collaborative narrative. Moreover,

a greater focus on the positive emotion of the event may highlight how
the event was meaningful to the parent-child relationship.
In contrast, discussing stressful events may serve more of a didactic
function. Parents are concerned with teaching their children how to cope
with lifes stressors and to avoid similar stressful experiences in the
future. To facilitate their childrens thinking about what happened and
why, parents try harder to elicit their childrens recall of details of the
event rather than providing this information themselves and simply ask-
ing for their confirmation. In support of this interpretation, Ackil et al.
(2003) found that parents focused on the causes of negative events more
so than of positive events. Focusing on causal information helps chil-
dren understand how and why stressful events occurred, thereby mak-
ing the event more comprehensible and perhaps providing a lesson on
how to cope. Thus, the function of reminiscing about negative events,
whether they are everyday hassles or more serious and even traumatic
events, seems to differ from the functions of reminiscing about emotion-
ally positive experiences.
These recent findings regarding parent-child reminiscing about stress-
ful past experiences suggest the importance of narratives for creating
meaningful accounts of stressful events in the service of coping and
protecting psychological well-being in the aftermath of stressful events.
These findings are also consistent with a growing body of research with
adults indicating that the coherence and context of memories of stressful
experiences relates to psychological well-being. Specifically, adults who
produce more emotional and coherent accounts of stressful events have
lower anxiety, less depressive symptoms, a higher sense of positive well-
being, and higher immune system functioning than individuals who use
less of this kind of language (see Pennebaker, 1997, for an overview).
Pennebaker and colleagues have consistently found that the inclusion of
emotional language (the inclusion of both positive and negative emo-
tional words) and causal explanatory language (words such as because,
thus, and understand) in ones recall of past negative experiences
is particularly important because this language is indicative of greater
depth of processing of the stressful event and suggests that individuals
have actively worked to understand and make sense of the event and its
role in their life. Such processing tends to result in better psychological
well-being.
Intriguingly, emotional and causal and explanatory language seems
related to Lazarus and Folkmans model of coping. Lazarus and Folkman
(1984) classified coping processes into two main categories: problem-
focused coping and emotion-focused coping (see the Compas, Campell,
Robinson, & Rodriguez, this volume, for a more detailed discussion of
coping strategies). Problem-focused coping is a direct attempt to manage

or change the source of stress, as opposed to emotion-focused coping,
which is intended to regulate the individuals emotional response to a
stressor. Examples of problem-focused coping include active coping strat-
egies such as direct problem solving, cognitive restructuring, seeking
understanding, positive thinking, control, support for actions, and cogni-
tive decision making (Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989; Sandler, Tein,
& West, 1994). In contrast, examples of emotion-focused coping include
physical release of emotion, acceptance, denial, distracting actions,
avoidant actions, repression, wishful thinking, and support for feelings
(Folkman & Lazarus, 1985; Sandler et al., 1994). By including causal
and explanatory as well as emotional language in narratives of stressful
events, individuals may be engaging in proactive coping by way of try-
ing to better understand, situate, acknowledge, and manage the emotions
stemming from the stressful experience. In other words, this type of
language may represent a language of coping which can be identified
in an individuals narratives of past stressful experiences.
Factors Contributing to Individual Differences

in Parental Reminiscing Ability
Just as individual differences have been identified in the parental remi-

niscing literature, individual differences exist in adults ability to engage
in the language of coping when narrating past stressful events. Thus
the question remains, why might some adults be better able to effectively
engage in the language of coping when narrating stressful events,
either alone or during the course of conversations with children? We
have proposed two interrelated factors: general coping skills and attach-
ment status of the parent (see Fivush & Sales, 2006). Specifically, we
propose that children are learning to create more explanatory and more
emotionally expressive narratives in the context of parent-scaffolded rem-
iniscing, and that the structure, content, and quality of parent-child rem-
iniscing would be a function, at least partially, of the coping skills and
attachment status of the parent. Additionally, parents that are better able
to assist their children in creating coherent, explanatory, and emotionally
integrated narratives of stressful events would have children with higher
levels of psychological well-being in the aftermath of stressors.
Given the similarity between Lazarus and Folkmans model of cop-
ing and the language of coping expressed in narratives, we have argued
that parents with better coping skills would be better able to assist their
children in constructing explanatory and emotionally rich narratives of
stressful experiences. In turn, following from Pennebakers work (1997),
the co-construction of more explanatory and emotional narratives would

be associated with childrens coping and well-being following stressful
experiences (Fivush & Sales, 2006; Sales & Fivush, 2005).
In thinking about why some parents may be better able to cope with
aversive events as well as discuss them with their children in more
coherent and emotionally integrated ways, we have argued that paren-
tal attachment status will also play a role (see Fivush & Sales, 2006).
Attachment is a fundamental construct in developmental psychology and,
at its most simple level, attachment refers to the emotional tie between
caregiver and child (Bowlby, 1988). A central component of attach-
ment theory, of particular importance for autobiographical memory, is
that of the internal working model. Through continuous interactions
with caregivers, children develop internal working models (or concepts
of the world) that incorporate models of the caregiver and the self as
well as their relationship. These models about self and others are then
used to guide future behaviors and expectancies, especially in times of
stress. As is well documented, significant individual differences exist in
the quality of attachment relationships between caregiver and child, and
these differences impact the way that children represent their caregiv-
ers and the self (Ainsworth et al., 1978). For instance, securely attached
individuals (who experienced sensitive and responsive caregiving early
in life) develop internal working models of the caregiver as available
and competent, the self as worthy, and the world as a secure and safe
place. Conversely, insecurely attached individuals (who experience less
sensitive and responsive caregiving early in life) represent their caregiv-
ers as either unreliable or unavailable in times of need or stress. Thus
an internal working model based upon a secure attachment relationship
provides a cognitive context in times of stress that allows for self-reg-
ulation of emotion and the ability to engage in active coping strategies.
Indeed, evidence supports this speculation by demonstrating that securely
attached children show better emotional understanding and better emo-
tion regulation than insecurely attached children (Laible & Thompsen,
1998; Koren-Karie, Oppenheim, Haimovich, & Etzion-Carasso, 2003).
Main and colleagues (Main, Kaplan & Cassidy, 1985) have extended
the attachment construct into adulthood. They argue that a secure inter-
nal working model developed in childhood will evolve into a secure
internal model for adulthood. This adult internal working model will
be evident in the way in which the individual approaches all emotion-
ally meaningful relationships during adulthood. The majority of evidence
supporting their argument comes from using a procedure called the
Adult Attachment Interview, where they have found securely attached
adults are able to provide coherent and emotionally integrated narratives
of their own experiences in close relationships, while insecurely attached
adults give overgeneralized, emotionally flat, and incoherent narratives of

their relationships (Main, Kaplan & Cassidy, 1985). Additionally, research
employing the Experiences in Close Relationships Inventory (ECRI),
a questionnaire assessing adult attachment behaviors which shows rea-
sonable correlations with the Adult Attachment Interview (Shaver &
Mikulincer, 2002), has identified two dimensions (anxiety and avoid-
ance) that are important for determining adult attachment style within
close romantic relationships. Based on the association between these two
adult attachment measures, it seems likely that adults scoring low in
attachment avoidance and anxiety on the ECRI would be better able to
construct coherent and more emotionally elaborative narratives of their
experiences in close relationships.
Taken together, given that parental reminiscing takes place within
the context of the preexisting attachment relationship, which, among
other things, defines the emotional climate of the relationship in times
of stress, the adults attachment status in particular may directly influ-
ence the quality of parent-child conversations about stressful experiences.
Specifically, a secure adult attachment status could provide a basis for
elaborated, emotionally integrated, and coherent reminiscing about the
shared past with their children.
Bretherton & Mulholland (1999) and Thompson (2000) have extended
the relation between adult attachment status and narrative coherence to
include the manner in which mother-child dyads are able to discuss
stressful experiences together. These recent theoretical approaches have
argued that, whereas the early attachment bond is based on sensorimotor
associations, over time these interactions become internalized as work-
ing models, or narratives of relationships. According to their perspective,
emotionally open parent-child communication patterns affect the structure
and organization of childrens memories of emotional events, in addition
to the content of their recall. Additionally, parents influence the devel-
opment of secure internal working models of self, parent, and the social
world by sensitively scaffolding their childrens narrative accounts of
the past.
Thus, from this perspective, attachment status is theoretically related
to the construct of scaffolding (Meins, 1997; Vygotsky, 1978). In the
reminiscing literature, mothers who are highly elaborative and evaluative
when reminiscing about past emotional events with their children, and
who include mention of emotions and explanations, are thought to be
providing a scaffold that assists their children independently to construct
more coherent personal narratives (Fivush, 1991). Following from an
attachment framework, mothers who are securely attached will be better
able to discuss stressful experiences with their children in more coherent
and emotionally open ways thereby providing a scaffold for emotional
understanding.

Only recently have a select few researchers begun to empirically
examine the relations between attachment status and the emotional
content of parent-child conversations about past emotional events (see
Laible and Panfile, this volume). Koren-Karie, Oppenheim, Haimovich,
and Etzion-Carasso (2003) examined the emotional match or mismatch
between parents and children in co-constructed narratives about past
emotional experiences. They found that securely attached dyads early
in development were better able to co-construct coherent, emotionally
attuned accounts of past emotional experiences than insecurely attached
dyads. This finding indicates a link between attachment status and
quality of parent-child communication about arousing experiences. The
authors suggested that internal working models of securely attached chil-
dren depict their mother as a secure base from which they can explore
their emotions freely, knowing that their mother will be emotionally
available to them if needed. Furthermore, they add that securely attached
children trust that their mother will not let them feel overwhelmed by
the emotion of the situation, and will show them useful ways to deal
with powerful emotions. Thus, parent-child conversations about emotional
experiences provide an important context for examining the attachment
relationship, as well as an avenue for investigating how parents scaffold
childrens constructions of internal working models. Additionally, exam-
ining parent-child conversations about emotional experiences allows one
to observe how parents scaffold childrens management of emotional sit-
uations and the arousal elicited during stressful experiences.
Specific to reminiscing, Fivush and Vasudeva (2002) found that moth-
ers of more securely attached preschool children discuss past experi-
ences in more elaborative and evaluative ways. Recent longitudinal
findings indicate that mothers of securely attached 19-month-old children
engaged in higher levels of evaluation during reminiscing than mothers
of insecurely attached age matched children. Evaluations are statements
made by mothers that either confirm or negate childrens comments.
Additionally, mothers of securely attached children are more consistent
in their levels of evaluative reminiscing across the preschool years, and
securely attached children later created more detailed and evaluative
narratives of their personal past than did insecurely attached children.
Higher levels of elaborations and evaluations suggest that more securely
attached dyads are more engaged in the process of co-constructing nar-
ratives of the past.
However, all of these studies examining the relationship between
attachment and parent-child conversations of past events have only
measured the childs attachment status. Other research has found that
children of less securely attached mothers independently recall less infor-
mation overall about stressful events, and are more prone to memory

errors and suggestibility in recall (see Alexander, Quas & Goodman,
2002, for a review).
In summary, we propose that children are learning to create coher-
ent, emotionally expressive narratives in the context of parent-guided
reminiscing about stressful events, and that structure and content of
parent-child reminiscing about such events would be, at least partially,
a function of the coping skills and attachment status of the parent. To
date, little is known about whether parental attachment status will influ-
ence their ability to provide an appropriate scaffold for recalling stress-
ful events with their child.
Adult Attachment Status, Coping,

and Parental Scaffolding Ability
In order to explore the relations among parental attachment, paren-

tal coping, and parent-child co-constructed narratives of stressful events
we examined how maternal attachment status and general coping skills
related to the structure, content, and quality of the narratives mothers
scaffolded with their children regarding two stressful events resulting
from the childs asthma (Fivush & Sales, 2006; Fivush & Sales, 2005;
Sales & Fivush, 2005). Because narratives are multifaceted and there
are both theoretical and empirical reasons to believe that attachment and
coping would be related to different facets of narratives, we predicted
that maternal coping ability and attachment status would be related to
different dimensions of the narratives they scaffolded with their chil-
dren. For instance, following from the work of Pennebaker and others
we believed that coping would be related to specific aspects of narrative
structure (i.e., number of elaborations and coherence) and specific aspects
of narrative content (i.e., explanations and emotion). However, attachment
status would likely be related to the quality of the narrative interaction
between mother and child in addition to being associated with the emo-
tional content of the narratives.
In order to assess these hypotheses, we examined mothers and their
preadolescent children with asthma. We chose to examine children with
asthma for several reasons. Unfortunately, chronic childhood illness is
quite frequent, affecting 19% of children living in the United States.
Among these children living with chronic illness, asthma is by far the
most common and affects approximately nine million children in the
United States, with four million children having had an asthma attack in
the previous year (Summary Health Statistics for U.S. Children, 2004),
and 12.8 million days of school are missed annually due to asthma
(American Lung Association, 2005). As unhealthy environmental fac-
tors increase in urban areas the number of children affected by chronic

illnesses such as asthma continues to rise. Specifically, asthma rates in
children under five have increased more than 160% from 1980 to 1994
(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1998). Additionally, asthma,
like other chronic illnesses, is a chronic stressor requiring daily man-
agement, but that is also characterized by acute, highly salient stressful
episodes such as asthma attacks, which resulted in 1.9 million asthma-
related visits to emergency departments in 2002 and 12.7 million physi-
cian office visits in 2003 (American Lung Association, 2005).
Thus we were able to assess mother-child conversations about both
a chronic stressor (i.e., conflict between the parent and child stemming
from the childs asthma; such as activity restrictions, no pets, or cannot
go on sleepovers) and an acute stressful experience (i.e., the last time
the child had to visit the emergency room because of an asthma attack).
Our participants were 27 mother-child dyads with eight- to 12-year-old
children who had moderate to severe asthma and who had been to the
emergency room due to an asthma attack within the past two years. All
dyads were asked to talk about two events: an acute stressful event and
a chronic stressful event. For all dyads the acute stressful event was
the last time they went to the emergency room because of an asthma
attack. To give you an example of how extremely stressful this event
was for dyads, 14 participants were hospitalized by the attack and one
child was rushed to the hospital via helicopter for emergency treatment.
The chronic stressful conversation pertained to an ongoing conflict that
occurred between the mother and child because of the childs asthma.
Most conflicts nominated by the dyads resulted from behavioral restric-
tions placed on the child by the parent, such as no summer camps, no
sleepovers, or no pets.
In addition to the conversations, mothers completed several question-
naire measures. Specifically, mothers completed the Experiences in Close
Relationships Inventory (ECRI; Brennan, Clark, & Shaver, 1998) and the
COPE (Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989) to assess general coping
ability pertaining to four coping dimensions; active coping (e.g., problem
solving), cognitive coping (e.g., cognitive restructuring of events), social
support coping (e.g., relying on others when in need), and avoidance
(e.g., avoid the stressor or denies being stressed).
In order to ascertain the structure, content, and quality of the mother-
child narratives, the two mother-child co-constructed narratives were
coded separately to obtain separate event specific scores. We employed
a variety of coding schemes to accurately capture the three narrative
dimensions of structure, content, and quality of interaction (Fivush &
Fromhoff, 1989; Fivush, Berlin, Sales, Mennuti-Washburn, & Cassidy,
2003; Gini, Oppenheim, & Sagi-Schwartz, 2003). In all coding, higher
scores reflect a higher degree of that specific code.

Narrative structure (i.e., the form of the narrative) consisted of three
separate scores:
(1) Elaboration: The richness of the narrative in terms of elabora-
tions and relevant details.
(2) Emotional coherence: The extent to which the narrative por-
trayed a reliable, coherent, and emotionally integrated account
of the event.
(3) Emotional resolutions: The extent to which either coping strat-
egies or resolutions are integrated into the narrative so that it
has a clear ending or resolution.
The content of the narratives was coded for three separate domains:
(1) Facts: Information about the factual aspects of the event (who,
what, where)
(2) Explanations: Explaining the reason behind a course of action
or the causes and/or consequences of the illness or attack.
(3) Emotions: Any mention of emotion or emotion-related behavior
such as crying.
The quality of the dyadic interaction during narrative co-construction
was scored along three aspects:
(1) Intersubjectivity: Quality of the dyads togetherness, and the
extent to which mother and child united to co-construct the
narrative from a common frame of mind.
(2) Communication: Quality of the mother-child dialogue, and the
extent to which the dialogue was mutual, fluent, and flowing.
(3) Collaboration: The extent to which both mother and child col-
laboratively constructed the narrative, with each partner provid-
ing meaningful contributions to the narrative.
We conducted a series of correlations in order to examine the rela-
tions between maternal coping and attachment status and the struc-
ture of the narratives scaffolded by the mother for both the acute and
chronic events separately. As shown in Figure 81, we found that moth-
ers who used more positive coping strategies (i.e., active, cognitive, or
social support) were more elaborative and emotionally coherent during
their reminiscing about both the emergency room and conflict events,
and they also provided more resolutions during the conflict narratives.
Unexpectedly, more anxiously attached mothers were more elaborative
during the emergency room conversation.
Additionally, we conducted a series of correlations in order to exam-
ine the relations between maternal coping and attachment status and the
content of the narratives scaffolded by the mother for both the acute
and chronic events. As shown in Figure 82, mothers who used more
social support-seeking strategies to cope included more emotion and

Emergency Room Event
Maternal variables Structure Codes
.35
Maternal Anx. Attach. Elaboration
Maternal Avoid Att.

.38
.31 Emotional
Maternal Active Coping Coherence
Maternal Cog. Coping

Emotional
Maternal Soc Supp Coping Resolution
Maternal Avoid Coping
Conflict Event
Maternal variables Structure Codes
Maternal Anx. Attach. Elaboration
Maternal Avoid Att.

.32
Emotional
.31
Coherence
Maternal Active Coping
.48 .43

Emotional
Resolution
Maternal Soc Supp Coping
.55
Figure 81. Significant correlations between maternal attachment and cop-

ing and structure codes by event type.
explanatory language in their reminiscing about the conflict event. Also,

more anxiously attached mothers were more explanatory during the
emergency room narrative co-construction.
In a final set of correlations, we examined relations between mater-
nal coping and attachment status and the quality of both co-constructed
narratives. As shown in Figure 83, mothers who were more avoidantly
attached engaged in interactions that were less attuned, less communi-
catively fluent, and less collaborative during the co-construction of the
emergency room narratives. Also, mothers who were more avoidantly
attached engaged in less communicatively fluent interactions during
the conflict event narrative. Finally, mothers who used more cognitive

Maternal variables Content Codes
Maternal Anx. Attach. Facts
Maternal Avoid Att.

.57
Emotions

Explanations
Conflict Event
Maternal variables Content Codes
Maternal Anx. Attach. Facts
Maternal Avoid Att.
Emotions
Maternal Active Coping .33

Explanations
Maternal Soc Supp Coping .33

ing and content codes by event type.
strategies to cope were more communicatively fluent during the emer-

gency room narrative co-construction.
In regard to our specific hypotheses generated from theory and prior
empirical findings, we predicted that maternal coping would be related
to all three aspects of narrative structure and to the emotional and
explanatory content of both co-constructed narratives. Based on our fi nd-
ings, it appears that maternal coping ability was related to all five of
these predicted aspects of narrative for the conflict conversations, but
only two aspects of the emergency room narratives. Turning to attach-
ment, we confirmed our predictions that attachment would be highly
associated with the three aspects pertaining to narrative quality, but only
during the highly stressful emergency room event narrative. Additionally,

Maternal variables Quality codes
Maternal Anx. Attach. .34 Intersubjectivity
Maternal Avoid Att.

.38
.38 Communication
Maternal Active Coping .34

Collaboration
Conflict Event
Maternal variables Quality codes
Maternal Anx. Attach. Intersubjectivity
Maternal Avoid Att.

.36
Communication

Collaboration

ing and quality codes by event type.
attachment status was related to two aspects of structure and content for
the emergency room event narrative, but in the direction against what
we expected, such that more anxiously attached mothers were more
elaborative and explanatory during these conversations. Thus, overall,
the majority of our hypotheses were supported, but different patterns
of association were observed for the emergency room and conflict event
narratives.
Conclusions and Implications
On the basis of prior empirical findings, theory, and the findings from
our mother-child asthma narratives, I argue that narratives are an

important context for parents to help children understand and possibly
cope with past stressful events. Moreover, individual parents ability to
successfully scaffold narratives that foster meaning-making by the child
are associated with parental attachment status and general coping ability.
Following from the culmination of findings presented in this chapter, it
appears that parental scaffolding of co-constructing narratives of stress-
ful events is a potentially critical mechanism by which parents teach
children to engage in the language of coping through their scaffolding
of coherent, emotionally integrated accounts of past stressful experiences
containing resolutions to the situation. Based upon Vygotskys theory
(1978), this joint co-construction will likely facilitate childrens internal-
ization of the ability to engage in the language of coping indepen-
dently later in time. However, at this time, this question has not been
addressed empirically.
Specific to the construct of attachment, mother-child co-constructed
narratives both express and construct, through the quality of the
dyadic interaction, aspects of the attachment status of the co-creators.
Specifically, maternal attachment status is expressed through the qual-
ity of the interaction she scaffolds regarding a highly stressful experi-
ence. As speculated by Bretherton and Mulholland (1999) and Thompson
(2000), this interaction may then help construct and maintain the attach-
ment relationship between the mother and child. For example, we have
found in the same asthmatic sample described in this chapter that moth-
ers and children with a secure attachment relationship (according to the
childs attachment status) engaged in high quality interactions regarding
the stressful emergency room experience, which then could possibly rein-
force their emotional connection and their perspective of their relation-
ship (Fivush & Sales, 2005).
In addition to findings supporting our hypotheses regarding attach-
ment, we found two findings that went against prediction which deserve
mention. Specifically, we found that mothers with a more anxious
attachment status are more elaborative and explanatory during the highly
stressful emergency room conversation. Upon closer examination of the
narratives of such mothers we observed that these mothers were highly
elaborative, especially in regard to the emotion of the situation, and no
clear resolutions were provided for managing the high level of emotion
elicited by the experience. This finding was especially intriguing to us
given that all of the research until this study has demonstrated that
maternal elaborativeness or creating a highly elaborative narrative is
a good thing. But our unexpected finding suggests that elaborations may
be qualitatively different in the context of highly stressful emotional
events. It will be an interesting and important next step to follow up
this finding by more systematically exploring how elaboration interacts

with content and other narrative dimensions during the course of parent-
child reminiscing about various stressful events.
As we speculated earlier, mother-child narratives also express and
construct the coping skills of the co-creators. Specifically, mothers who
are more proactive regarding how they cope with lifes everyday stres-
sors are able to scaffold more elaborative, coherent, emotional, and
explanatory mother-child narratives pertaining to common everyday stres-
sors. Based on prior research demonstrating that mothers who use more
emotional and explanatory language during the co-construction of narra-
tives about stressful events have children who report more flexible cop-
ing abilities and fewer internalizing and externalizing behaviors (Sales &
Fivush, 2005; Fivush & Sales, 2006), it is highly likely that a scaffolded
proactive coping style will impact how children independently manage
and address future stressful situations (Kliewer et al., in press, Sales &
Fivush, under review). At this time, only a few studies have begun to
empirically explore the possible pathways (including narrative socializa-
tion) by which parents may be influencing the coping abilities of their
children. Thus, much more research is necessary in this area.
Additionally, our findings point to the importance of assessing mul-
tiple dimensions of narratives, especially narratives of stressful events,
given that different aspects of narratives are theoretically and empiri-
cally related to different aspects of parents social-emotional and cogni-
tive skills. Our data nicely demonstrate this point, as we found that the
coping ability of the mother was related to the structure and content of
the scaffolded narratives of stressful experiences, whereas her attachment
status was related to the quality of the interaction she scaffolded during
narrative co-construction. This is an under studied area in the stress and
memory literature which deserves a great deal more research attention.
Related to this, it is important to note that in our study the type
of stressful events being scaffolded mattered for how attachment status
and coping skills of the mother related to the co-constructed narratives
produced by the dyads. For instance, more stressful and uncontrollable
events, such as unexpected middle of the night asthma attacks, may
activate social-emotional aspects of emotion regulation during subsequent
parent-child conversations about the experiences, but this type of event
may not lend itself to the discussion of problem-based aspects of coping
because, in a lot of cases, no amount of problem solving or proactive
coping could change the event from occurring. Conversely, more com-
mon, everyday stressful events, which are usually controllable, may facil-
itate the inclusion of more problem-based aspects of emotion regulation
during the co-construction of these experiences, but may not be threat-
ening enough to activate the social-emotional aspects of the relationship
(i.e., the attachment system). Thus the type of event being narrated may,

in part, determine the structure and content of the subsequently co-con-
structed narrative. Future research should focus on defining theoretically
important dimensions along which events may vary and examining how
mothers and children co-construct events varying along these dimensions
as a function of attachment status and coping skills.
In sum, how parents influence childrens remembering of the stressful
events of their lives is important not just for understanding processes
related to memory, but also for understanding how children create mean-
ingful accounts of stressful events in the service of coping and preserv-
ing psychological well-being in the aftermath of stressful experiences.
It has been well documented that through parent-scaffolded reminisc-
ing about the past, parents are indeed influencing how children come
to independently recall and create meaning about the past, yet little is
known about why some parents are better able to scaffold their chil-
dren during the course of such conversations. Our research has begun
to examine two factors, parent coping ability and attachment status, that
seem to contribute to individual differences in parental reminiscing abil-
ity. Thus far, our results are provocative in suggesting ways in which
parental attachment status and coping skills may influence how parents
scaffold co-constructed conversations about stressful events with their
children and how these conversations might provide an important social-
ization process by which children are learning to understand and cope
with such experiences.
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III
Stress, Physiology,
and Neurobiology
9
An Integrated Model
of Emotional Memory
Dynamic Transactions
in Development
Kristen Weede Alexander

Karen Davis OHara
We turned and saw a giant wave, taller than our school building,
was coming to hit us. I held my brother tightly, but the wave sepa-
rated us. I survived . . . while my brother couldnt make it. I miss him
very much . . . .
(UNICEF, 2005)
My parents were always yelling. That night, I just cried as loud as
I could, but nobody heard me. I heard a noise and then the door
slammed and my mom was crying. I havent seen my dad since then.
(Anonymous)
T he recollections of the 11-year-old boy who lost his brother

to a tsunami and the 7-year-old girl who lost her father due
to marital problems are similar in that both events involved loss and
evoked deep emotion; however, they also differ on several dimensions,
including the context of the event and characteristics of the children
involved, both of which are critical in predicting childrens memory.
Much of the developmental research on emotional memory has focused
on single measures of emotion or arousal, and not the emotional pro-
cessing within the individual that occurs before, during, and after the
event, or the childs psychobiological, emotional, and cognitive resources.
This chapter presents a model of emotional memory that integrates psy-
chobiological processes with other elements of the developmental context
to illustrate that the relation between emotion and memory is far more
221
complex than can be explained by the nature of an emotional stimulus
or characteristics of the individual alone.
The current chapter focuses on the state of research and theory con-
cerning relations among emotion, developmental context, and memory in
development, with a particular emphasis on how psychobiological pro-
cesses play an integral role in these relations. Because memory is a
skill relying heavily on a variety of cognitive (e.g., Kail, 1990), social
(Alexander, Quas, & Goodman, 2002), and biological factors (Schacter,
1994), we posit that a dynamic systems framework is essential to under-
standing the development of memory for emotional and stressful experi-
ences. We thus begin this chapter with an overview of this theoretical
framework in the context of emotional memory. The focus then turns
to factors within the dynamic model by providing an overview of the
psychophysiological systems involved in emotional memory. With this
lens, memory for emotional experiences is further considered, beginning
with the nature of the emotional event itself. Next, developmental and
individual differences related to childrens processing of emotional expe-
riences are reviewed, with a focus on individual differences related to
social and cognitive processes and emotion regulation. The chapter con-
cludes with applications of this model to clinical and legal domains and
suggestions for new directions of future research.
Theoretical Framework
Dynamic Systems Theory

In recent decades, there has been a movement away from studying
memory and development in isolation to working toward an understand-
ing of the individual in the context of a dynamic interplay of genes,
neurons, individuals, families, relationships, and cultures. Dynamic sys-
tems theory was developed with the idea that, to understand the devel-
opment of behavior and thinking, researchers must consider all levels of
analysis (e.g., Ford & Lerner, 1992). In fact, although not focusing spe-
cifically on memory, the most recent edition of the Handbook of Child
Psychology contained several theoretical chapters underscoring the notion
that children develop within a set of systems, each of which has an
impact upon the other (e.g., Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Fischer &
Bidell, 2006; Gottlieb, Wahlsten, & Lickliter, 2006; Lerner, 2006; Thelen &
Smith, 2006). Together these models highlight the necessity of skepti-
cism when faced with overly reductionistic explanations of growth and
development. Likened to a pebble thrown in a pool, the cascade of rip-
ples leaves no part of the pool unchanged. Similarly, no single factor
in a childs biological structure or environment can separately create an
222 STRESS, PHYSIOLOGY, AND NEUROBIOLOGY

outcome, as that factor is nested within a host of other qualities and
characteristics that forever alter its potential impact.
Despite such interest in integrating theoretical models and consider-
ation of dynamic systems from a theoretical point of view, Ayoub and
Fischer (2006) have argued that studies of development still tend to
focus on fragments of the organism (e.g., genes, cognition, or culture),
causing an understanding of development lacking the integrated whole.
Not only must the context of development be considered, but also the
intersections among multiple domains, in what the researchers termed the
developmental web. Relevant to the current discussion are the dynamic
and integrated systems of physiology, cognition, and emotion.
Memory and Emotion as Dynamic Systems

Early research revealed a wide array of variables that influences memory,
such as intelligence, attention, and distress. Transactional models organize
these variables for systematic examination of the ways in which memory
both impacts and is impacted by other developmental factors and how
they change over time. Few researchers would refute the notion that
memory is linked with emotion and that this connection has a strong
basis in shared neural circuitry (e.g., Davidson, 2003). In practice, how-
ever, little research has examined multiple domains simultaneously. As
will be discussed later, emotion itself is a system composed of both bio-
logical and behavioral components. Hormonal and neurological responses
that regulate behaviors are borne out of the complex interplay between
genetic predispositions and environmental influences. Thus, when consid-
ering emotional memories, one must include the dynamic transaction of
integrated systems of emotion and of memory.
Memory itself involves the integration of biological, cognitive, and
emotional systems for encoding, manipulating, maintaining, and retriev-
ing details about experiences. These systems inherently rely on bio-
logical function. Neural processes underlying memory are shared with
emotional arousal (e.g., Eichenbaum, 1997), novelty detection (Knight,
1996; Tulving, Markowitsch, Kapur & Habib, 1994), and self-repre-
sentation (Levine et al., 2004). In many cases, the processes work in
complement, as when an individual is at an optimal level of arousal,
or when events and stimuli are consistent with cognitive representa-
tions of past experiences or current mood state (Eich & Macaulay,
2000; Perrig & Perrig, 1988). However, in other situations (e.g., chronic
stress, depression), these common systems can act in conflict with one
another. In this manner, emotion can be seen to improve memory of
some dimensions of emotional experience and to interfere with mem-
ory in others.
An Integrated Model of Emotional Memory 223

Because information stored in memory is not an exact replica of that
experienced (e.g., Bartlett, 1932), memory systems rely on prior experi-
ences and cognitive structures, in part, to encode, retain, and retrieve
memories. Through life, individuals develop general ideas about the
structure of experiences and tools that are used to organize and retain
incoming information and develop expectations about upcoming events.
Piaget and Inhelder (1969) termed these structures schemas, the con-
cept of which has been applied to elucidate the complex process of
knowledge organization (Mandler & DeForest, 1979) and memory recon-
struction (e.g., Fivush, Kuebli, & Clubb, 1992; Hudson & Nelson, 1986).
As the result of amassing experiences, humans form schemas about
events (e.g., what happens at birthday parties), emotions and emotional
meanings (e.g., how one feels following a success), and the self and
others in relationships (e.g., how mothers respond to childrens needs).
Schemas not only guide initial encoding of events, but also cognitive
processing, such that over time memories might change to more closely
resemble previously formed schemas (e.g., attachment, Feeney & Cassidy,
2003). Schemas thus provide causal and temporal information that guide
processing of, and memory for, emotional experiences.
Schemas are also used for interpretation of emotional experiences.
Although defining emotions can be difficult, most researchers would agree
that emotions involve at least three major components: cognitive appraisal
of an event or stimulus, physiological response and regulation, and
subjective feelings and expression of emotion (Adolphs, Fellous, &
Arbib, 2005). In this manner, events are not themselves emotional, but
rely on the perception and interpretation within the individual. This
interpretation, or appraisal (Lazarus, 1993), depends on the cognitive
schemas and expectations of the individual, but also upon the physio-
logical state before, during, and after the event. Furthermore, this phys-
iological state is interpreted by the individual to influence subjective
state, including mood. Prior knowledge and expectations are in contin-
ual transaction with physiological state, within a developmental context
containing characteristics from biologically rooted dispositions to cultural
milieu.
Developmental timing of emotional experiences is also important.
Biological, cognitive, and social and emotional systems continue to
develop according to different timelines from the moment of conception.
Although integrated from the beginning, the ways in which the systems
transact over time are highly dependent upon the cumulative expression
of genes and experiences (Waddington, 1959). Bronfenbrenner and Morris
(1998) proposed that development occurs primarily through proximal
processes, which involve active, reciprocal interaction with tools in the
immediate environment and become increasingly complex over time. As

individuals engage in proximal processes, they form schemas and scripts,
internal working models, and coping strategies that guide their appraisal
of events and hence affect their emotional memories. These continual
processes of appraisal, emotion regulation, and schema transformation
establish the foundation for emotional memories across the lifespan.
Figure 91 presents an integrated model of emotional memory.
Primary to this model is the idea of the developmental context, which
evolves as children mature and amass experiences. The developmental
context is composed of several dynamic systems and includes the trans-
action among biological, social, emotional, and cognitive domains over
time (Gottlieb et al., 2006). At the innermost layer are characteristics
of the individual, such as genetic predispositions, temperament, and
age. These transact with qualities of primary social relationships, such
as attachment and parent-child interaction styles. Both of these layers
transact with the larger culture of development (e.g., Bronfenbrenner &
Morris, 1998; Rogoff, 1990; Vygotsky, 1978). Importantly, embedded
within these layers are psychobiological factors such as neural and hor-
monal activity, which rely on and are relied upon to regulate other char-
acteristics of the developmental context (Gross & Thompson, 2007; see
also Wiik & Gunnar, this volume).
When an event occurs, the objective reality takes place with the
developmental context as a backdrop. Thus, childrens appraisal of the
event depends on factors such as their psychobiological reactions, tem-
peramental predispositions, and representations of relationships. Such fac-
tors transact during all levels of processing emotional experiences (i.e.,
encoding, storage, retrieval) to predict memory. The dependent measure
Developmental Context
Culture, Society
Primary Social Relationships
(e.g., attachment, parent-child interactions)
Child Characteristics
(e.g., genes, age, temperament, reactivity)
Event Memory
(intensity, (e.g., implicit,
Appraisal Psychophysiology
valence, autobiography,
(e.g., frontal activation,
relevance) schemas)
cortisol, cardio-reactivity)
Figure 91. Integrated model of emotional memory.

in much of the research presented in this chapter is this memory output.
Note, however, that memory is not only an output, but also provides
feedback to systems within the developmental context in forms such as
implicit memory, schemas, and autobiographical memories, which may
then predict future mnemonic processing. Our presentation of evidence
for this model begins with a brief overview of the physiological systems
shared between memory and emotional systems and how they are linked
with differences in memory.
Neurophysiological Processes Underlying

Emotion and Memory
A large body of research on the physiological and neurological mecha-

nisms involved in memory suggests mechanisms by which their functions
are influenced by emotional arousal. These studies have illustrated that
variation in the physiological processes involved in different stages of
mnemonic processing (e.g., encoding, consolidation/storage, and retrieval;
Lupien & Lepage, 2001), as well as in different levels of emotion (e.g.,
arousal versus chronic stress; Buchanan & Adolphs, 2004), help to
explain the sometimes contradictory findings on memory for emotional
events. As such, exploration of psychophysiological mechanisms integrat-
ing emotion/stress and memory helps to organize knowledge about these
relations in a more elaborated and sophisticated manner.
Central to the discussion of neurophysiology shared between emo-
tion and memory is the role of the medial temporal lobe, including the
amygdala and hippocampus. These structures lie within the subcorti-
cal limbic system, with vast interconnections with one another (Habib,
McIntosh, Wheeler & Tulving, 2003; Roozendaal, 2002), with neuro-
endocrine structures (e.g., hypothalamus and adrenal glands; Cahill &
McGaugh, 1998), and with higher-level functions of the frontal lobe (for
review, see McGaugh, 2004). Recent research has shown that the struc-
tures have very different roles in the emotion-memory relation, and their
distinction gives insight into the findings that emotion has both enhanc-
ing and deleterious effects on memory (Buchanan & Adolphs, 2004).
Although it is tempting to reduce these subcortical limbic structures to
the home or loci of emotional memories, research has shown clearly
that they exert their influence not in isolation, but in concert with other
areas of the brain (e.g., McGaugh, Cahill, & Roozendaal, 1996), includ-
ing the temporal and frontal lobes and the hormonal regulation centers,
parricularly the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis, which modu-
lates cortisol and other stress hormones (Payne, Natel, Britton, & Jacobs,
2004). One mechanism through which these neural structures interact
with one another and other systems in the organism is through release

of stress hormones (among other neurochemicals) involved in emotional
arousal, which provide a medium of communication about the emotional
state of the organism.
Physiological Systems Underlying

Emotion and Memory
Amygdala
Much research has focused on the role of the amygdala, a small subcor-
tical structure in the medial temporal lobe, in the modulation of emotional
memory. The amygdala contributes to the relation between stress hormones
indicative of arousal during emotional events and memory for those events
(Cahill et al., 1996; McGaugh, 2004). Moreover, the role of the amygdala
in memory seems to be limited to emotional memories. For example,
bilateral amygdalar lesions were shown to impair memory for emotional,
but not neutral, events (Cahill, Babinsky, Markowitsch & McGaugh, 1995).
Similarly, imaging studies revealed that activation of the amygdala corre-
sponds to the degree of subjective arousal reported, and this combination
was significantly predictive of memory for those emotional events (Cahill
et al., 1996; Canli, Zhou, Brewer, Gabrielli & Cahill, 2000).
A potential explanation for the association between amygala activity and
memory is its involvement in defensive and appetitive reactions, usually in
the face of fearful or threatening stimuli (Amaral, 2002; LeDoux, 2000).
Moreover, its role in memory appears to be largely due to modulation of
other brain functions. At encoding, reactivity of the amygdala signals and
recruits a wide neurological network (Roozendaal, 2002), which has been
found to increase memory for the central details of an event at the same
time as decreasing memory for the gist (Cahill, 2003). Further, acti-
vation of the amygdala (specifically the basolateral nucleus) following an
emotional event has been found to increase neural plasticity in other areas
of the brain, and hence to facilitate the neurological underpinnings of
memory consolidation or storage (Pelletier, Likhtik, Filali, & Pare, 2005).
One of the primary mechanisms through which the amygdala mod-
ulates emotion-memory associations via activation of stress hormones.
Research has pointed most specifically to the role of epinephrine and
norepinephrine (NE) and of glucocorticoids (e.g., cortisol) as integral
in this emotion-memory link (Cahill & Alkire, 2003; McGaugh et al.,
1996). Studies with rodents have shown that epinephrine injections
improved memory, but this improvement was absent when reception in
the amygdala was blocked or with lesions to adrenergic pathways from
the amygdala (preventing epinephrine and NE). Further studies have
indicated a direct role of NE on amygdalar influence on memory (see
McGaugh, 2004, for review).

Epinephrine, however, does not cross easily from the periphery of
the body into the brain and instead appears to exert its effect indirectly
via the peripheral vagal nerve connections. This indirect route has been
supported by experiments showing that interference with vagal func-
tioning decreases memory enhancement from stress (Talley, Clayborn,
Jewel, McCarthy, & Gold, 2002). Furthermore, models of the vagal
system have illustrated its role in the monitoring of circulating blood
catecholamines and in modulation of other nervous and organ systems
(e.g., heart, lungs, immune system) during stress (Mravec, 2005; Mravec,
2006). This is an important point, as research on indicators of vagal
functioning (e.g., respiratory sinus arrhythmia or RSA) has identified
links between such functioning and both emotional variations in tem-
perament (Doussard-Roosevelt, Montgomery, & Porges, 2003) and varia-
tions in working memory (Clark, Krahl, Smith & Jensen, 1995; Hansen,
Johnsen & Thayer, 2003).
Additionally, during emotional arousal, the human body releases
glucocorticoids, which have been found to improve memory when
released during encoding, but decrease memory when present at retrieval
(Roozendaal, 2002). In adult women, administration of oral cortisol was
found to negatively impact retrieval of negative words but not neutral
words (Kuhlmann, Kirschbaum, & Wolf, 2005). These findings point to
the importance of the timing of physiological arousal in the mnemonic
process.
Finally, insight into the sometimes contradictory relationship between
emotion and memory is derived from findings that stress hormones
have a concentration-dependent, curvilinear effect on memory. Injections
of epinephrine immediately following training tasks in mice increased
cellular evidence of learning (or long-term potentiation: LTP) positively
to a certain peak concentration, after which there was a negative cor-
relation (e.g., Diamond, Bennett, Fleshner & Rose, 1992). Furthermore,
extended duration of the exposure to corticosteroids has been found to
decrease learning in rats (Pavlides, Watanabe, & McEwen, 1993), and
high and sustained levels of glucocorticoids in humans have been asso-
ciated with decreased memory function and decreased cellular func-
tioning in the hippocampus, a structure we discuss next (e.g., Sapolsky,
1992).
Hippocampus
As a source of memory formation, the hippocampus has been exten-
sively researched on account of its role in LTP, the neurocellular pro-
cess most associated with learning and memory (Bliss & Collingridge,

1993). In many animal studies, cellular changes indicative of LTP are
the dependent measures by which learning or improved memory perfor-
mance is operationalized. Furthermore, because of the high volume of
receptors for stress hormones such as glucocorticoids (e.g., cortisol) and
NE, in the hippocampus, researchers have specifically focused on the
role that these hormones (or blocking of these hormones) has on both
cellular LTP and behavioral indicators of memory, hereafter referred to
generally as memory.
Similar to other studies on the relation between stress and memory,
many of these studies have provided mixed results, some showing a
positive emotion-memory relation, and others showing a negative rela-
tion. To some extent, explication of these variable results hinges on the
role that the hippocampus plays in the different phases of memory. For
example, in the encoding process, the hippocampus has been found to
play a significant role in discrimination of novelty (Habib et al., 2003;
Tulving et al., 1994) and activation of cortico-limbic and limbic-limbic
connections (Knight, 1996; but for alternate theories, see Cohen et al.,
1999). Therefore, specific encoding of stimuli that are novel or unex-
pected may depend greatly on hippocampal functioning. Furthermore,
the hippocampus has been found to be extensively involved in working
memory, specifically in the process of establishing contextual cues of an
event, such as pairing novel with familiar aspects, ordering the tempo-
ral dimension of events, and orientation of objects in space (e.g., Moses,
Sutherland, & McDonald, 2002).
The hippocampal memory system has been found to mediate the neg-
ative effects of stress on memory in studies of experimentally induced
stress (i.e., injections of high levels of cortisol) and in studies of groups
suffering from extreme and chronic stress (e.g., childhood abuse and
neglect, posttraumatic stress disorder; Payne et al., 2004). Underlying
this relation appears to be glucocorticoids, and specifically the effect
of stress on the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis (HPA-axis). This
negative feedback loop functions to help the organism modulate
stress and the activation of cortisol. The hippocampus and the fron-
tal lobe appear to be key components in this feedback system. When
the HPA-axis becomes taxed with extreme or chronic stress, glucocor-
ticoids have negative effects on the cellular structure and LTP creation
in the hippocampus (Pavlides et al., 1993). Much research has focused
on this mechanism as the core system that mediates the negative effect
of stress on memory (e.g., Payne et al., 2004). The role of the HPA-
axis in memory is also important due to enduring effects of the early
caregiving environment and temperamental stress reactivity on cortisol in
children (Gunnar, 2006; see Wiik & Gunnar, this volume), and its inter-
connection with the frontal lobes of the cortex.

Frontal Cortex
As alluded to in previous sections, the frontal cortex of the brain plays
an important role in the relation between emotion and memory in every
phase of memory, largely through its role as an executive manager of
attention and cognitive representation, and with its bidirectional intercon-
nections with the amygdala and hippocampus. Although a full review
of the functions of the frontal lobe is outside the realm of this chapter
(but see Alvarez & Emory, 2006; Faw, 2003, for reviews), here we point
to some findings that give insight to the potential role of developmental
context on frontally mediated relations between emotion and memory.
Previous research on the function of the frontal lobe has illustrated
its primary role in mental representations and higher-order executive
functions (for review, see Prabhakaran, Narayanan, Zhou, & Gabrieli,
2000). A review by Wall and Messier (2001) on the role of the frontal
lobe in declarative memory posited that, in coordination with the hippo-
campus, the prefrontal cortex is specifically engaged in an attentional
monitoring system, whereby the frontal lobes serve to hold a represen-
tation of the recent past, and the hippocampus serves as the discrep-
ancy detector. When discrepancy is found, the frontal lobe functions to
engage in goal-directed behavior to reconcile the present with the rep-
resentations of the past. This theory is supported by numerous lines of
evidence including the finding that hippocampal damage is associated
with a decrease in activation in the frontal lobe, as well as a decrement
in the normal emotional response to novel versus expected control stim-
uli (Knight, 1996).
Evidence from functional neuroimaging studies of human memory
have indicated that the frontal lobes are involved specifically in self-
referential and autobiographical memory (Cabeza et al., 2004), and in
episodic memory as guided by visual attentional processes (Cabeza,
Locantore, & Anderson, 2003). In particular, the research has sug-
gested that the two regions of the frontal lobe are lateralized (left ver-
sus right) for different aspects of emotional memory. Christianson, Saisa,
and Silfvenius (1995) found that memory for emotional information was
remembered better when the left hemisphere (as opposed to the right)
was deactivated using a sodium-amytal test.
This finding supports the large body of research illustrating the
asymmetrical involvement of the frontal lobe in emotion regulation (for
review, see Davidson & Irwin, 1999). The left frontal region is theorized
to be more associated with motivation to approach and engage (e.g.,
interest, joy, and anger; Dawson, 1994; Harmon-Jones & Allen, 1998),
whereas the right has been associated with greater motivation to with-
draw from novelty and arousing stimuli (e.g., disgust, sadness; Davidson,

2003). Although to our knowledge little attention has specifically been
focused on frontal asymmetry during emotional processing to differ-
ences in childrens memory (but see Alexander, OHara, & Kraft, 2007),
there is evidence for asymmetrical involvement of the frontal lobes in
attention and emotion (Yamasaki, LaBar, & McCarthy, 2002). Further,
with the proposed asymmetrical connectivity of the frontal lobes with
the amygdala (left) and hippocampus (right; Tucker & Derryberry, 1992),
this measure of frontal function is a potentially powerful indicator of
developmental mechanisms underlying memory for emotional events.
Further Questions: Neurobiology, Emotion,

and Memory
Although amazing strides have been made in the last 15 years on
understanding the neurophysiological mechanisms involved in emotion
and memory, new studies continue to emerge, elucidating new con-
nections and disproving existing theories about proposed functions and
mechanisms. Therefore, during the evolution of this knowledge, we must
remain open to the wide range of other possible mechanisms for estab-
lishing this link.
To illustrate, evidence is now pointing with increased consistency
to the role of the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) in the integration of
cognitive and emotional functions. Nestled between the corpus callosum
and the prefrontal cortex, the ACC serves the primary role of integrat-
ing bottom-up arousal with top-down executive direction of the more
evolutionarily advanced prefrontal cortex. Bush, Luu, and Posner (2000)
reported that the ACC is functionally divided into two subregions: one
is primarily involved in assessing the salience of emotional and moti-
vational information and the regulation of emotional responses (p. 216),
whereas the other subregion has primary connections with the prefron-
tal cortex and motor areas, is involved in a distributed attentional net-
work, and modulates attention, planning, and error-detection. Although
the specific contribution the ACC makes to emotion and memory is yet
unclear, these findings should be examined with a keen eye to its role
within a developmental framework.
Furthermore, research linking the dynamic development of emotion and
memory systems is only in its beginning stages. A body of developmen-
tal research suggests that both the hippocampus and frontal lobes follow
an extended developmental gradient, with structural changes occurring
into late adolescence or early adulthood (e.g., Couperus & Nelson, 2006;
Krasnegor, Reid Lyon, & Goldman-Rakic, 1997). Moreover, effects of
stress hormones on regulation and cognition are lasting and may change
with development (see Carver & Cluver, this volume, and Gunnar, 2006,

for review). It is not well understood, however, how these changes are
linked with changes in mnemonic processing of emotional experiences,
and thus research with a developmental systems approach is necessary.
Transactions Predicting Memory

for Emotional Experiences
According to the integrated model of emotional memory proposed

here, dynamic biological, cognitive, and social/emotional systems must
be considered in the developmental context to fully understand chil-
drens memory for emotional events. However, no single event will be
appraised in exactly the same way for every individual, and is instead
dependent upon features of the event in transaction with the physiolog-
ical, individual, and social systems operating within the developmental
context. Some factors related to the context of the event are discussed
next, followed by characteristics of the individual in developmental
context.
Qualities of the Event

Research examining the relation between emotion and memory has
focused a great deal on the nature of the emotional stimulus, showing
that certain qualities of events or stimuli are linked with general dif-
ferences in memory. For example, more intense emotional stimuli have
been related to greater arousal and increased recall of central details,
but decreased memory for peripheral details (e.g., Christianson, 1992;
Otani, Libkumen, Widner, & Graves, 2007). Strange, Hurlemann, and
Dolan (2003) found that physiological systems involved in enhancing
memory for emotional events were also involved in degrading memory
for peripheral information. Specifically, emotional arousal accompanying
a target emotional word was linked with a combined increase in mem-
ory for the arousing word and decrease in memory for the word that
directly preceded it in a word-list presentation. This finding was reversed
when arousal to emotional words was pharmacologically blocked; emo-
tionally arousing words were remembered less, whereas memory for the
neutral word preceding the emotional stimulus was enhanced. There was
no effect, however, on neutral words. In another study that involved
inducing general arousal (i.e., via increased cortisol response), adults
in the stress and control groups recalled equally well positive and
negative words, but the stress group recalled significantly fewer neu-
tral words (Smeets et al., 2006). Further, the stress group made more
commission errors in recall.

Evidence suggests that activation of different neural regions during the
processing of positive and negative stimuli were associated with memory
performance. Canli, Zhou, Desmond, Glover, and Gabrielli (1999) found
that activation of many regions of the limbic system and cortex (specifi-
cally right prefrontal cortex) were associated with increased memory for
negative events, whereas activation of only the left prefrontal cortex was
associated with increased memory for positive events.
The subjective experience of emotional events is dependent not only
upon the salient qualities of the event, but also on the interaction
between child and event characteristics. For example, children may not
appraise events as do adults (e.g., Pollak, Cicchetti, & Klorman, 1998;
Saarni, Mumme, & Campos, 1998), and therefore age must be consid-
ered as part of the dynamic developmental context predicting emotional
memory. Further, schemas and implicit memories about emotional expe-
riences, relationship models, and/or regulatory strategies affect appraisal
of such experiences. Therefore, experience has the potential to influence
mnemonic processing at encoding, storage, and retrieval. For instance,
studies using animal models have shown that even a single exposure to
a stressor led to adaptation of the HPA-axis and increased reactivity in
subsequent exposures (Marti, Garcia, Velles, Harbuz, & Armario, 2001).
Further, research indicates that an individuals experiences in attachment
relationships are related to memory of events and stimuli that evoke
feelings about relationships and thus activate the attachment system (e.g.,
Alexander, Hafer, Bortfeld, OHara, & Kraft, 2007a). This will be dis-
cussed further in a later section.
Appraisal may not only be affected by enduring qualities of prior
experiences, but also by current disposition. For example, Eich and
Macaulay (2000) found evidence of mood-congruent memory enhance-
ment, in that positive mood at encoding increased memory for positive
stimuli, whereas negative events were recalled better when encoding
occurred during a negative mood. This research is consistent with a
model of memory that suggests that state of mind and expectations
influence attentional deployment toward specific stimuli. Thus, valence of
the event may be less important than whether it is consistent or at odds
with the viewers expectations.
This research is particularly relevant when discussing the role of emo-
tion in memory for psychiatric patients who have consistent elevations
in arousal or depressed mood. Research on depression has indicated
a decrease in the specificity of autobiographical memory (Kuyken &
Dalgleish, 1995), even when this depressed mood was experimentally
induced (Yeung, Dalgleish, Golden, & Schartau, 2006). It is interesting to
note the bidirectionality of this association between emotion and memory;
in depressed patients, memory suppression predicts depressed reactions to

trauma (Burnside, Startup, Byatt, Rollinson, & Hill, 2004; van Minnen,
Wessel, Verhaak, & Smeenk, 2005), and is related to decreases in cor-
tisol (Barnhofer, Kuehn, & de Jong-Meyer, 2005) and to differences
in frontal lobe function (Keedwell, Andrew, Williams, Brammer, &
Phillips, 2005). In addition to underscoring some clinical implications of
this research, findings such as these point to the importance of emo-
tion regulation, and not just emotional responding, in understanding
emotion and memory, and thus highlight the importance of considering
qualities of the event in transaction with child characteristics.
Qualities of the Child

In many studies where stress is measurable, childrens distress is mea-
sured at the time of the event behaviorally (e.g., Alexander, Goodman,
Schaaf, Edelstein, Quas, & Shaver, 2002) or physiologically (e.g., Quas,
Carrick, Alkon, Goldstein, & Boyce, 2006). Childrens processing of the
stressor over time, however, may not necessarily reflect their initial pro-
cessing of the event, and as discussed earlier, the developmental con-
text of the individual has the potential to enhance or interfere at any
point during the memory process. Thus, how childrens narrative is con-
structed over time is related to characteristics of the context of develop-
ment, such as cognitive ability, temperament, attachment, and interaction
style. Such characteristics contribute to the foundational schemas through
which experiences are appraised and processed over time and provide
tools through which children learn to regulate emotion and cope with
their experiences. In the following, we review some of the crucial tools
children use to remember emotional experiences.
General Cognitive Ability

In the past, measures of cognitive ability, be it general intelligence,
working memory, or developmental level, have been central in evaluat-
ing childrens memory. Although researchers have broadened the scope
to incorporate a more integrated model of emotional memory, individual
differences in cognitive ability remain important. For example, devel-
opmental shifts in neural organization occur in concert with behavioral
changes in cognitive ability (Thatcher, 1994). These shifts coincide with
age-related developmental increases in myelinization and functional orga-
nization of core cognitive neural structures (Fischer & Rose, 1996).
Thus, cognitive developmental shifts highlight the importance of an inte-
grated memory model at which the child and developmental context are
at the core.
Cognitive measures related to memory include executive functions,
such as working memory and inhibitory skills, that rely heavily on

the frontal lobe (e.g., Diamond, Prevor, Callender, & Druin, 1997) and
are integral to general memory. For instance, Schaaf, Alexander, and
Goodman (in press) found that childrens inhibitory control explained
their memory inaccuracies for emotional experiences, in coordination
with other developmental measures (e.g., attachment, behavior prob-
lems). Specifically, in a structural equation model, inhibition directly and
inversely predicted memory inaccuracies, whereas additional pathways
leading from childrens behavior problems predicted their memory inac-
curacies. Furthermore, studies with children (e.g., Perez-Edgar & Fox,
2003) and adults (e.g., Zeijlmans van Emmichoven, van IJzendoorn, de
Ruiter, & Brosschot, 2003; Edelstein, 2006) have revealed patterns of
basic information processing and working memory that differ for emo-
tional and neutral information. Importantly, measures of general cognitive
ability not only help to explain processing and memory for emotional
experiences, but also do not diminish associations with other measures
of the developmental context.
Temperament and Reactivity

Individual differences in temperament are theorized to be biologi-
cally rooted dispositional characteristics of reactivity and self-regulation
(Rothbart, Ellis, & Posner, 2005). As such, these relatively endur-
ing characteristics of emotional and cognitive behavior are consistently
correlated with psychobiological patterns of emotional processing and
reactivity, including cardiovascular reactivity (e.g., vagal tone; Doussard-
Roosevelt et al., 2003), cortisol (see Gunnar, 2006, for review), and
frontal asymmetry in infants (e.g., Calkins, Fox, & Marshall, 1996) and
preschoolers (e.g., Theall-Honey & Schmidt, 2006).
One aspect of temperament that has been extensively studied is
temperamental reactivity or behavioral inhibition (see Marshall &
Stevenson-Hinde, 2005, for review). Behaviorally inhibited children
(i.e., high in reactivity and negative affect) exhibit heightened levels of
attention in novel situations and have difficulty shifting attention (Martin
& Fox, 2006). Similar patterns have been observed in adults (Derryberry
& Reed, 2002). Such effects of temperament, as part of the developmen-
tal context, have implications for emotional memory by orienting and/
or maintaining attention to certain aspects of the situation. These biases
in attention are fairly enduring patterns of reactivity, and therefore may
guide the development of emotional schemas that may also uniquely
affect memory for emotional experiences.
Temperament is not only related to childrens reactions to novel situa-
tions, but also to physiological and behavioral patterns of emotion regulation
in novel and emotionally arousing situations (Kagan, Snidman, Arcus &

Reznick, 1994; Moehler et al., 2006). For instance, Theall-Honey and
Schmitt (2006) found temperamental differences in childrens frontal
asymmetry while viewing emotional video clips. Specifically, shy children
(versus non-shy children) showed greater right frontal asymmetry while
viewing a fear-eliciting video, indicating motivation to withdraw. Because
children were processing novel stimuli, these brain activation patterns are
similar to those expected during encoding of novel events.
A related body of research links childrens physiological reactiv-
ity (e.g., cortisol, heart rate) to temperamental characteristics (e.g., see
Martin & Fox, 2006, for review) and memory for arousing experiences.
In one study directly linking temperamental reactivity with memory,
Quas et al. (2006) examined four- to eight-year-old childrens cardiovas-
cular reactivity during a series of laboratory stressors, including a fire
alarm incident. Memory was tested later during the session, and results
indicated that, in addition to young children generally displaying poorer
memory, older children who exhibited higher vagal reactivity (baseline
to task) evinced poorer memory.
Because behavioral measures of temperament approximate childrens
reactivity and regulation, such factors may also relate to memory. For
example, emotion regulation involves a variety of strategies (e.g., Gross,
2002), such as reappraisal of the event or suppression of emotional
expression, which have been related to impaired memory (Gross, John &
Richards, 2000; Richards & Gross, 2006). Similarly, childrens tempera-
ment has been linked to their coping and regulation (Salmon & Pereira,
2002) and to their memory. Specifically related to memory are temper-
ament characteristics such as effortful control (Alexander et al., 2002a),
adaptability (Alexander et al., 2007a), approach, persistence, and sensory
awareness (Switzer, 2006). Specifically, in a study of three- to seven-year-
old children, Alexander and colleagues (2002a) asked children to recall
an inoculation experience. They found effortful control, as measured by
parent report, positively predicted aspects of childrens memory. Because
effortful control has been described as being controlled by the neural
mechanisms for executive attention (Rothbart, Posner, & Kieras, 2006), it
is not surprising such a measure of temperament would predict memory.
The contributions of temperament, however, were independent of other
important characteristics of the developmental context, such as attachment,
which we turn to shortly.
Combined, this literature supports the idea that temperament has its
roots in biological systems and interacts over time with childrens social,
emotional, and physiological experiences to influence emotion regulation
(Tobin & Graziano, 2006). Insofar as temperament is indicative of emo-
tion regulation, it is an integral component of the developmental context
influencing processing of emotional information.

Qualities of the Caregiving Environment
Processing emotional information further relies on the developmental
context of primary social relationships. Patterns of interaction within the
family have implications for relational schemas formed in infancy and
maintained throughout life (i.e., internal working models: IWMs) and for
regulation of practices, knowledge, and discussion relevant to experiences.
As such, and as many of the chapters in this volume demonstrate, the
caregiving environment has the potential to greatly impact the context of
development at all ages, and thus processing of information and mem-
ory, particularly that of relational or emotional relevance (Alexander et
al., 2002b; Andersen, Reznik, & Chen, 1997; Collins & Allard, 2004;
Pietromonaco & Barrett, 1997).
Attachment
Through repeated interactions with caregivers, infants gradually form
IWMs, which are stable mental representations of the self and other in
relationships (Bowlby, 1969/1982) and concern expectations of the degree
to which others are available, trustworthy, and able to provide neces-
sary comfort and security (Bretherton & Munholland, 1999). Creation of
an IWM of the self as valued and competent is thought to occur in a
developmental context in which caregivers are emotionally available and
supportive of exploration. Alternatively, when caregivers reject or ignore
childrens bids for care and/or interfere with or disallow exploration,
children are thought to develop IWMs of the self as devalued or incom-
petent (Bretherton & Munholland, 1999).
Once formed, infants use IWMs like they use other cognitive sche-
mas to interpret others intentions and actions, predict future behav-
iors, and guide their own responses, particularly in times of stress and
when individuals are in need of comfort or support (Bowlby, 1969/1982).
Although working models are relatively stable because of their roots in
early relationships, IWMs mature with development as thinking develops
and transforms (Ayoub & Fischer, 2006) and continue to shape response
patterns and guide processing of emotional and interpersonal experiences
into adulthood (e.g., Baldwin, 1995; Collins, Guichard, Ford, & Feeney,
2004; Fivush, 2006).
Evidence suggests that emotion regulation underlying attachment pat-
terns have neurobiological bases, as differences in social relationships
and attachment security have been directly linked to psychobiologi-
cal variation, particularly for processing of relational information (e.g.,
Amini, Lewis, Lannon, & Louie, 1996; Gunnar, 2006; Marshall &
Fox, 2006). For example, Davis OHara (2003) found more insecurely

attached preschoolers exhibited patterns of greater left-frontal asymme-
try when viewing attachment-relevant videos, indicating neuropsycholog-
ical approach, possibly due to angry responses. Given the associations
between frontal lobe function and memory, it will be important to
determine whether memory differences related to attachment patterns are
mediated by associated physiological patterns of emotion regulation.
Not only does attachment relate to childrens patterns of physiological
activation, it is also associated with appraisal of arousing experiences.
That is, emotion regulation occurs in the context of attachment relation-
ships (van der Kolk, Pelcovitz, Roth, & Mandel, 1996) and is impor-
tant for interpreting and regulating reactions to experiences evoking the
attachment system (e.g., Lynch & Cicchetti, 1998). For instance, more
secure children (Switzer, 2006) and children of more secure parents
(e.g., Alexander et al., 2002a; Quas et al., 1999) tend to exhibit less dis-
tress during stressful medical situations. As a foundation for processing
of arousing experiences, attachment thus serves as an essential compo-
nent of the developmental context.
Individuals representations of the self and other predict ongoing pro-
cessing of novel emotional situations and attachment behaviors. Recent
research has shown that measures of parental attachment predict chil-
drens memory for emotional experiences (e.g., Alexander et al., 2002a;
Goodman, Quas, Batterman-Faunce, Riddlesberger, & Kuhn, 1997; Quas
et al., 1999). Furthermore, attachment in children and adults is linked
to attention and memory for a variety of real-life (e.g., Edelstein et al.,
2006), laboratory simulated (Belsky, Spritz, & Crnic, 1996), and exper-
imental stimuli (Edelstein, 2006; Kirsh, 1996; Kirsh, & Cassidy, 1997;
Zeijlmans van Emmichoven et al., 2003).
Some studies reveal attachment-schema consistent patterns of informa-
tion processing and memory (e.g., adults, Miller, 1999; Miller & Noirot,
1999; children, Belsky et al., 1996). For example, Lynch and Cicchetti
(1998) examined the effects of child maltreatment on childrens represen-
tational models of caregivers and memory for attachment-relevant words.
Results revealed the greatest number of negative attachment-relevant
words was recalled by maltreated children with insecure mental mod-
els of the caregiver, revealing a schema-consistent pattern of processing
information.
In contrast, other studies show an overall positive relation of attach-
ment security, or negative relation of attachment insecurity, with mem-
ory for a variety of experiences (e.g., Kirsh & Cassidy, 1997; Alexander
et al., 2007a). For example, in a study of adults assessing attachment,
emotional processing, and emotional memory for words Zeijlmans van
Emmichoven and colleagues (2003) found a greater Stroop response
latency for threatening words in secure than in insecure adults. They

concluded that secure individuals may be more open to process threaten-
ing information (see also Edelstein & Gillath, 2007). Further, participants
with secure attachment recalled more emotion words overall. Similar
research shows accuracy of childrens reports is related to both chil-
drens (Alexander et al., 2007a; Switzer, 2006) and parents (Alexander
et al., 2002a; Goodman et al., 1997) attachment.
As illustrated here, attachment does not uniformly predict memory,
even in the realm of emotional experiences. Importantly, transactions
with other characteristics of the event and of the individual must be
considered. In one study, memory for emotional stimuli was measured
following an induced negative or neutral state. Following the negative
mood induction, secure individuals remembered more positive stimuli,
whereas anxious individuals recalled more negative stimuli (Pereg &
Mikulincer, 2004). Furthermore, Alexander and Edelstein (2001) exam-
ined attachment as related to childrens memory for a more attachment-
evoking story stem completion task versus a mildly arousing laboratory
event. Results revealed childrens attachment was related only to mem-
ory for the highly attachment relevant experience. Similar results were
found using laboratory stimuli varied in attachment relevance: Childrens
attachment predicted memory for separation-related stimuli, but not other
types of equally arousing stimuli (Alexander, OHara, & Kraft, 2007).
Although these results with children were based on small samples, they
underscore the importance of considering the transaction among charac-
teristics of the event, child, and caregiving environment to understand
emotional memory.
In addition to further research exploring these transactions, it is nec-
essary to systematically examine the point at which attachment plays
a role in memory. In avoidant adults, the memory deficit seems to
be linked to defensive processes at encoding rather than retention or
retrieval (Fraley, Garner, & Shaver, 2000), and may also be due in part
to working memory deficits specific to high attachment-related emo-
tional stimuli (Edelstein, 2006; Obegi, 2006). Although limited research
has examined childrens attention and attachment (e.g., Kirsh & Cassidy,
1997), almost no developmental research has investigated other aspects
of encoding, maintenance, retrieval, and executive function in relation to
emotion and attachment.
Parent-Child Interaction Style

The developments of childrens understanding of, coping with, and mem-
ory for emotional experiences are intertwined, involve psychobiological
processes, and occur in the context of parent-child interactions. Although
little research has examined the psychobiological connections between

parent-child interaction and memory for emotional events (but see
Alexander et al., 2007b), parent-child interaction is related to emotion
regulation (e.g., Valiente & Eisenberg, 2006; Parke, McDowell, Cladis,
& Leidy, 2006), which has psychobiological underpinnings. Furthermore,
research on maternal emotional availability and maternal depression
gives some insight into how qualities of the early caregiving environ-
ment might also indirectly influence emotional memory. Studies of social
stress in perinatal rodents (Vallee, Mayo, Dellu, & Le Moal, 1997) and
primates (Levine & Mody, 2003) have shown a significant impact on
HPA-axis regulation and behavioral stress, even years later.
In line with this evidence, research on infants of depressed mothers has
shown that mothers emotional unavailability was linked with childrens
depressed affect (Field, 1992), decreased vagal tone and more variable
heart rate (Field, Pickens, Fox, Nawrocki, & Gonzalez, 1995), and greater
right frontal asymmetry indicative of emotion dysregulation or motiva-
tion to withdraw (Dawson, 1994; Field, 1994; Jones, Field, Davalos &
Pickens, 1997). Maternal depression also interacted with attachment
security, in that insecurely attached children of depressed mothers were
the most physiologically and emotionally dysregulated (Dawson, Klinger,
Panagiotides, & Hill, 1992; Dawson et al., 2001). Further research is
needed on specific effects of maternal depression on the development of
emotional communication.
We now turn to discussion of the development of emotion talk in
nonclinical populations. The way in which children communicate about
emotional events changes with age (Bretherton, Fritz, Zahn-Waxler, &
Ridgeway, 1986) and is associated with parent-child interaction pat-
terns. In fact, through the processing of interacting and reminiscing with
others, children learn how to discuss emotions, gauge the feelings of oth-
ers, and construct narratives about their past (e.g., Eisenberg, 1999). For
instance, parent-led conversations about emotional experiences help chil-
dren form schemes of emotional experiences that can be used to interpret
and discuss future emotional situations (Fivush, 1993; Miller & Sperry,
1987). Moreover, depending on the form and frequency of interactions,
are which also related to parents and childrens attachment security, chil-
drens narrative quality may vary (Reese & Farrant, 2003).
Research has shown that frequency of emotion-related conversations is
associated with childrens emotional understanding and emotion talk (e.g.,
Beeghly, Bretherton, & Mervis, 1986; Denham, Zoller, & Couchoud, 1994;
Dunn, Brown, Slomkowski, & Tesla, 1991; Howe, 1991). As children
mature, mothers refer more to feelings and emotional states (Brown &
Dunn, 1991), and children begin to talk more about internal emotional
states (Dunn & Brown, 1993), better understand the source of emo-
tional states (Flavell, Flavell, & Green, 2001), more accurately decode

emotional statements (Bortolotti, DElia, & Whissell, 1993), and use a
greater variety of emotion words in conversations with parents (Kuebli,
Butler, & Fivush, 1995).
Although developmental improvements in emotion understanding and
communication are evident, the quality of talk about emotion in child-
hood is relatively stable (Hughes & Dunn, 1998; Kuersten-Hogan &
McHale, 2000), perhaps due in part to enduring representational mod-
els of relationships (Newcombe & Reese, 2004). For example, research
shows that parents reporting their children as more secure also reported
their children initiated and engaged in significantly more discussion about
an inoculation (Switzer, 2006). Further, secure, as compared to insecure,
preschool-aged children discussed more freely a range of emotions with
their mothers (Farrar, Fasig, & Welch-Ross, 1997), used more evalua-
tions, and showed more consistency in style over time (Newcombe &
Reese, 2004).
Parental communication patterns also predict childrens coping. Not
surprisingly, parents who promote childrens coping behaviors, partic-
ularly through talking about other things during a distressing experi-
ence, have children with more effective coping skills (Salmon & Pereira,
2002). Further, it has been suggested that children depend on adults to
learn how to cope with and talk about difficult experiences (Salmon &
Bryant, 2002). Thus, the behavior of important adults in the childs
environment likely has important influences over expression of emotion,
selection of coping strategies, and construction of narratives about emo-
tional experiences. Caregivers thus help children manage emotions by
attending to their distress, monitoring experiences, and providing infor-
mation to help them interpret experiences (Eisenberg, 1999; Salmon &
Bryant, 2002). Finally, through provision of experiences and knowledge,
caregivers help children form the schemes through which they interpret
emotional information.
In addition to providing a developmental context for experiences,
parent-child interaction plays an important role during and following emo-
tional experiences. Specifically, parents providing more knowledge prior
to a planned event, discussion during the event, and/or rehearsal oppor-
tunities following the event may enhance childrens memory. Although
the history of these interactions provides the developmental context for
emotional memories (e.g., Fivush, Reese, & Haden, 2006), current pro-
cessing may also rely on parent qualities directly related to the event,
particularly when shared. With shared events, conversational partners
may scaffold new information, whereas with unshared events, partners
may aid more in creating a context for the event and for rehearsal, but
not specific event details. In this way, event features may further inter-
act with characteristics of the child and parent-child relationship history.

Conclusions
Interwoven throughout the chapter are numerous theoretical and practical

implications of this research. For clinicians, understanding the psychobi-
ological underpinnings of emotion regulation, early social-emotional con-
text, and emotional information processing is crucial. It is necessary to
consider the dynamic transaction among biology, cognition, and emotion,
and the bidirectional relation between memory and psychological out-
comes. That is, the nature of the event, appraisal and regulation related
to the event, and the developmental context provide important organiza-
tional schemas, which guide the formation of functional or dysfunctional
emotional memory processes. Likewise, memories of traumatic experi-
ences and dysfunctional interactions contribute to ongoing development
of organizational schemas.
This body of literature also has implications for understanding mem-
ory in the forensic context. Given the multiple predictors of memory,
interviewing techniques must be developed to provide developmen-
tally appropriate practices that elicit the most accurate and complete
reports from child victims and witnesses. Importantly, such practices
may be different for children of different ages and different abilities,
and thus a single gold standard interviewing technique may not be
feasible. Furthermore, consideration of the nature of the event along
with individual differences in how it might be appraised is important
(e.g., Alexander et al., 2005).
As presented, the integrated model needs further testing, and several
questions remain. However, the framework presented lays the groundwork
for a research agenda calling for more interdisciplinary research on this
topic. Furthermore, it mandates that future research operates under the
assumption that memory development can only be understood within a
model allowing for multidirectional and multidimensional influences; that
is, a transactional model with a developmental approach.
Several testable questions arise from this integrated model of emo-
tional memory. Because research integrating attachment with some
important other elements is lacking, it is difficult to determine exactly
how or why attachment is related to memory. The current model advo-
cates for integrating aspects of the developmental context (i.e., tempera-
ment, attachment) with current biological function. Further, because the
developmental context changes over time, studying developmental pro-
cesses underlying all components of the model is crucial. That is, rather
than focusing on age differences alone, investigators must consider the
differential contributions of child characteristics at different developmen-
tal phases, and how a change in one domain may cause a cascade of
changes in other developmental domains.

Factors of the developmental context that contribute simultaneously or
sequentially to childrens memory for emotional events should be exam-
ined in coordination with one another. For example, does the early care-
giving environment form the foundation for neural and physiological
processing of emotional experiences, thus mediating the relation between
emotion and memory? If so, what aspects of the early caregiving envi-
ronment most strongly mediate this relation? What is the role of child
characteristics and schema development on executive functioning in rela-
tion to memory for emotional events? Can use of metacognitive strategies
assist in these mnemonic processes, and if so, what is the implication
for clinical populations?
The types of emotional events studied need to be carefully consid-
ered. We argue that the term emotional memory is too general for
the state of current research. Rather, researchers must also consider the
developmental factors impacting the individuals appraisal of the event
(e.g. personal relevance, attachment-system activation) that may play a
role in memory for the event. Childrens use of schemas involved in
emotional processing has not been systematically considered as a way
to differentiate emotional events. Further, many studies have overlooked
potentially different contributions of emotion that underlie encoding, stor-
age, and retrieval, and thus relations between event and child character-
istics are nonspecific. In considering the integrated model of emotional
memory along with specific factors of the event in question, explana-
tions for inconsistencies in previous research may emerge.
Importantly, development does not end in childhood. Changes in the
developmental context continue throughout life, and differences in pro-
cessing of emotional information continue to transform through old age
(e.g., Thomas & Hasher, 2006). Although the focus of the current volume
is on childrens emotional memories, the integrated model of emotional
memory continues to apply beyond childhood, and research examining
developmental changes across the lifespan continues to be important to
our theories of memory development.
Although it is beyond the scope of this chapter, the social and cultural
contexts of development are also crucial to a complete understanding of
emotional memory. The formation of schemas involves detecting regular-
ities through consistent interactions with experts as guides (Vygotsky,
1978). The first experts are primary caregivers in the familial con-
text, then peers, teachers, and other adults. Further direct and indirect
influences on emotion and memory come from multiple layers of society
and culture (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). The extent to which fea-
tures of the society and culture affect childrens representations of and
communication about emotion, neurological and physiological reactions,
and relations with others has implications for childrens memory for

emotional experiences. These effects must be further examined within a
model including biology, cognition, and emotion.
A final note regarding future research concerns methodology. Variation
in the measurement and type of neurological and physiological reactions
yield different associations with memory (e.g., Quas et al., 2006; see
Wallin, Quas, & Yim, this volume). Further, the most reliable method
for assessing child and infant temperament (e.g. physiologically, observa-
tionally, or parent-report) has long been debated. Similarly, attachment is
a difficult construct to study because the measurement strategies change
across developmental phases (Solomon & George, 1999) and because of
debate regarding construct validity of attachment measurement in gen-
eral. Moreover, parent-child interaction coding systems are not universal,
and variables derived from coding of parent-child interactions have not
been agreed upon in the field. Additionally, qualities of these interactions
at different phases of development are yet unclear, and only recently
have psychologists begun to address issues in variability in measure-
ment across development (e.g., Fivush et al., 2006). It is imperative that
these methodological concerns are considered in designing and executing
future research and in interpreting new findings.
In closing, the purpose of this chapter was to review evidence support-
ing an integrated model for understanding emotional memory applicable
to theory and practice, and to underscore the importance of consider-
ing multiple aspects of the emotional experience, specifically those that
may interact with physiological (e.g., frontal lobe activation), child char-
acteristics (e.g., temperament), and primary social relationships (e.g.,
attachment). Furthermore, transactions among features of the event and
characteristics of the individual must be considered. Neurophysiological
mechanisms underlying both regulation of emotion and the formation of
memory provide a basis for discussion of the complex manner in which
developmental context at all levels impacts the relation between emo-
tion and memory. Cognitive schemas guiding emotion regulation and
event expectations are formed and transformed throughout childhood
and greatly influence the transactions among physiological, cognitive,
and emotional systems involved in encoding, storage, and retrieval of
emotional memories. This model has implications for clinical and legal
settings, and for further research elaborating our understanding of chil-
drens memories for emotional experiences.
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10
Development and Social

Regulation of Stress
Neurobiology in Human
Development
Implications for the Study
of Traumatic Memories
Kristen L. Wiik
Megan R. Gunnar
S tudies in animals and human adults clearly implicate the

hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenocortical (HPA) axis in declar-
ative memory, including memory for emotionally charged experiences.
A few researchers have begun to examine salivary measures of corti-
sol in studies of childrens memories for fear-eliciting events. However,
adequate study of the role of the HPA axis in traumatic memories in
children must take into account evidence that activity of the HPA axis
undergoes marked developmental changes from infancy through adoles-
cence and is powerfully regulated by social relationships throughout this
Preparation of this manuscript was supported by a predoctoral fellowship from

the Center for Neurobehavioral Development, University of Minnesota to the first
author and an NIMH K05 Distinguished Investigator Award to the second author.
Correspondence should be addressed to Professor Megan R. Gunnar, Institute of Child
Development, 51 East River Rd., University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota
55455.
256
period. Moreover, basic elements of HPA axis physiology and mecha-
nisms through which activity of the axis affects biological processes
involved in memory must be considered in any discussion of the links
between HPA axis activity and memory processes.
Therefore, the purpose of this chapter is to explore the impact of HPA
axis activity and glucocorticoids on memory processes while emphasiz-
ing the importance of developmental processes and characteristics of
HPA axis functioning in childhood. Toward this goal, a brief overview
of human HPA axis anatomy and physiology will fi rst be provided and
regulation of glucocorticoid production and glucocorticoid receptor activ-
ity will be discussed. Second, animal and human research regarding
the impact of glucocorticoids on learning, memory consolidation, and
memory retrieval will be presented as a foundation for understanding
the effects of stress on memory processes. Next, developmental changes
in HPA axis activity and the social regulation of childrens developing
HPA axis functioning by caregivers will be discussed as central factors
to consider in the study of stress neurobiology and memory in children.
Finally, implications of the developmental timing and social context of
stressors in childhood on memory processes will be presented.
Anatomy and Physiology of the HPA System
The activation of physiological stress systems and the resulting produc-

tion of stress hormones are essential for the adaptive response to stress
in mammals. The mammalian stress system consists of two physiological
systems, the sympathetic-adrenomedullary (SAM) system and the hypo-
thalamic-pituitary-adrenocortical (HPA) axis (see for review, Gunnar &
Quevedo, 2007). These stress systems act in concert to coordinate nec-
essary physiological responses to stress, although they differ in the
speed and duration of their stress responses. The SAM system, which
is part of the sympathetic arm of the autonomic nervous system, rapidly
mobilizes physiological responses to acute stress through the production
of the catecholamine epinephrine (adrenaline) from the adrenal medulla
(Gunnar & Quevedo, 2007). In contrast, the HPA axis more slowly pro-
duces steroid hormones known as glucocorticoids (predominantly cortisol
in humans and corticosterone in rodents), which are secreted from the
cortex of the adrenal gland.
Production of glucocorticoids is stimulated through a cascade of
events beginning with the synthesis and release of corticotrophin-releasing
hormone (CRH) and arginine vasopressin (AVP) from parvocellular
neurons within the paraventricular nuclei of the hypothalamus (see for
Development and Social Regulation of Stress Neurobiology 257

review, Charmandari, Tsigos, & Chrousos, 2005). Once released from the
hypothalamus, CRH and AVP stimulate the release of adrenocorticotropic
hormone (ACTH) from the anterior pituitary (Cone, Low, Elmquist, &
Cameron, 2003). This release of ACTH is largely driven by CRH,
although AVP plays a synergistic role in this process (Charmandari et al.,
2005). ACTH then binds with receptors in the adrenal cortex, where the
production and release of glucocorticoids occurs. The basal activity of
the HPA axis in human adults exhibits a diurnal rhythm with a peak
level of glucocorticoids occurring shortly after awakening in the morning,
and the lowest levels of glucocorticoids, or nadir of the rhythm, shortly
following the onset of nighttime sleep; this pattern is reversed for noctur-
nal animals (Daly & Evans, 1974). As a result, the time of day must be
carefully considered in interpretations of glucocorticoid levels.
Glucocorticoids exert their effects through binding with their recep-
tors, which are located within cells throughout the body (Gunnar &
Quevedo, 2007). As steroid hormones, glucocorticoids can easily pass
through the blood-brain barrier into the cytoplasm of target cells within
the brain. After binding with a receptor, glucocorticoids enter into the
nucleus of the cell and bind to the promoter regions of target genes,
therefore regulating the transcription of glucocorticoid-responsive genes
(Charmandari et al., 2005). The short-hand term for this route of impact-
ing neural activity is termed genomic effects. Because genomic effects
involve gene transcription, it takes an hour or so following the onset of
a stressor for these effects to begin to take place (Sapolsky, Romero, &
Munck, 2000). Recently, nongenomic actions of glucocorticoids have
been identified that occur within moments after exposure to a stressor
(e.g., Karst et al., 2005). Clearly, understanding the impact of glucocor-
ticoids as stress hormones on memory involves not only examining the
physiological level of the hormonal effects, but also the timing of the
effects of interest and the particular mechanisms through which the hor-
mone is exerting its effects.
In addition to the feed-forward effects evident in the HPA axis produc-
tion of glucocorticoids, the HPA axis is also regulated through negative-
feedback mechanisms. Specifically, the presence of glucocorticoids acts
to inhibit the production of CRH in the hypothalamus and ACTH in the
pituitary, thus limiting tissue exposure to glucocorticoids (Charmandari
et al., 2005). These inhibitory mechanisms are important in preserving
the health of the organism as prolonged exposure to high levels of glu-
cocorticoids has been associated with neuronal death, the suppression of
growth hormone (GH) and growth factors, lowered immune response,
and the presence of mood disorders such as anxiety and depression
(Vzquez, 1998; Charmandari et al., 2005). Chronic exposure to elevated

glucocorticoids also is often followed by down-regulation (reductions) in
hypothalamic CRH and/or pituitary ACTH through mechanisms that help
to maintain glucocorticoid levels within normal bounds and to protect
organs and tissues, including neurons, from excess glucocorticoids.
Within the brain, glucocorticoids have been found to be active in
the hippocampus, amygdala, and prefrontal cortex and appear to influ-
ence many cognitive functions, including attention, learning, and con-
solidation and retrieval of information (Erickson, Drevets, & Schulkin,
2003). Critically, when considering emotional memories, the impact of
glucocorticoids depends on the presence and activity of monoamine
neurotransmitters, most notably norepinephrine. The synergy between
glucocorticoids and norepinephrine in the formation of emotional memo-
ries is discussed below. In addition to the interaction of glucocorticoids
with monoamines, the impact of glucocorticoids on brain functions also
depends on glucocorticoid receptor binding and occupation.
Glucocorticoid Receptors
Glucocorticoids operate within the brain through interaction with two
types of receptors, mineralocorticoid receptors (MR) and glucocorticoid
receptors (GR), which mediate often-opposing functions. MR are char-
acterized as having a high affinity for glucocorticoids. These receptors
serve to mediate the promotive effects of glucocorticoids that support
adaptation through functions such as maintaining electrical current for
neural responses to neurotransmitters, facilitating cerebral glucose utiliza-
tion, and stabilizing neurons (Gunnar & Vazquez, 2006). Conversely, GRs
mediate the suppressive effects of glucocorticoids through actions that
often interfere with or reverse physiological changes that occur as part
of the fight/flight response (de Kloet, 2004). Consistent with suppres-
sive effects, the binding of glucocorticoids to GRs in the hypothalamus,
hippocampus, and medial frontal cortex serves to inhibit CRH produc-
tion by the hypothalamus, thus providing negative feedback to return
glucocorticoids to basal levels following a stress response (Gunnar &
Vazquez, 2006).
The effects of glucocorticoids are dependent on whether MRs or GRs
are bound, the location of the receptors, and the ratio of bound MRs to
bound GRs (de Kloet, 1991). In rodents, GRs have been found through-
out the brain (PVN, cerebellum, hippocampus, cortex, brain stem nuclei)
with MRs being limited to hippocampal and septal neurons. In humans
and other primates, the distribution of MRs appears to be much broader
with MR mRNA being found in the frontal cortex suggesting that MR
may play a role in higher order processing in humans (see Lopez, Akil,

& Watson, 1999). Thus, the effects of glucocorticoids also likely depend
on the species being studied. Compared to GRs, MRs show a much
higher affinity for binding to natural glucocorticoidss, although GRs do
show increased affinity for synthetic glucocorticoids such as dexameth-
asone (de Kloet, Reul, & Sutanto, 1990). Due to the higher affinity of
MRs for corticosteroids, glucocorticoids are bound first by MRs, fol-
lowed by GRs once MRs have been saturated. Thus when glucocorticoid
levels are in the basal ranges, MRs are approximately 80 to 90% occu-
pied. GRs only become occupied when glucocorticoid levels increase as
a result of stress or at the peak point in the diurnal cycle (Gunnar &
Vazquez, 2006). This balance of MR and GR binding is necessary to
maintain the normal basal rhythm of glucocorticoid activity as well as
the capacity to respond adaptively to stressors.
The opposing effects of MR and GR binding result in an inverted
U-shape dose-response curve for the effects of glucocorticoids. Because
of the promotive effects of MR, prolonged periods of very low gluco-
corticoid levels and corresponding low levels of MR binding and activity
have been associated with physical, cognitive, and emotional impairments.
Similarly, because of the suppressive effects of GR, prolonged periods
of very high glucocorticoid levels and corresponding GR binding have
also been associated with physical, cognitive, and emotional impairments
(McEwen, 2000). Specifically, prolonged or frequent and high occupa-
tion of GRs has been associated with alterations in hippocampal activ-
ity including dampened neuronal excitability and impairment in memory
formation (see for review, Gunnar & Vazquez, 2006). In contrast, mod-
erate levels of glucocorticoids characterized by the complete binding
of MRs and short-term moderate binding of GRs have been associated
with a termination of stress effects and successful recovery from stress
(Sapolsky, 1997).
Although GRs are the receptors involved in mediating glucocorticoid
effects in response to stressors, this is only true when genomic effects
are being considered. Nongenomic and rapid effects of stress-levels of
glucocorticoids appear to operate through MR. In response to noxious
or stressful stimulation, it is believed that some MR move out of the
cytoplasm and into the cell membrane, where they bind with gluco-
corticoids and mediate fast, nongenomic effects of glucocorticoids on
neuronal activity including enhanced transmission of glutamate within
the hippocampal region in rodents (Karst et al., 2005). Although these
nongenomic processes and effects are still being elucidated, this research
suggests that glucocorticoids have rapid effects on brain function in
addition to more delayed effects mediated through gene transcription. As
these processes become better understood, some of the conclusions of
research reviewed below may change.

Impact of Glucocorticoids on Learning,
Consolidation, and Retrieval of Memory
Research on the impact of glucocorticoids on memory functions has been

primarily completed through animal models and research with adult sub-
jects. The current literature has largely relied on the randomized admin-
istration of placebos versus glucocorticoids and selective agonists or
antagonists of MR and GR. As a result, little of this research has been
completed with children, leaving much unknown regarding the impact
of glucocorticoids on developing memory capacities in children. In addi-
tion, there is tension in the field over whether glucocorticoids are seen
as impairing declarative memory, including memory for stressful events,
or as enhancing declarative memory. In part, this tension reflects differ-
ences along several dimensions: (a) the timing of glucocorticoid expo-
sure during learning, consolidation or retrieval, (b) whether the content
is nonemotional or emotional, and in a related vein, (c) whether elevated
glucocorticoids occur in the context of elevated levels of brain norepi-
nephrine or not. We will first review recent data regarding the role of
glucocorticoids in learning, consolidation, and retrieval of memories and
then will consider additional research on the differential impact of glu-
cocorticoids on nonemotional and emotional memory. Finally, a brief
discussion of research on the connections between norepinephrine and
glucocorticoids in memory processes will be presented.
Learning
A meta-analysis of research investigating the impact of glucocorticoids
on adult learning indicates that glucocorticoids have differential effects
on learning depending on the time of day and the timing of the glu-
cocorticoid administration (before learning or before retrieval) (Het,
Ramlow, & Wolf, 2005). All studies administered glucocorticoids either
orally or intravenously. Results of the meta-analysis revealed that when
glucocorticoids were administered in the morning a significant impair-
ment in memory was found, yet when they were administered in the
afternoon a significant, but small, improvement in memory resulted.
These findings are consistent with the inverted U-shaped curve of glu-
cocorticoid effects when examined in the context of the HPA circadian
rhythm. When basal levels of glucocorticoids are high, such as in the
morning for humans and other primates, there may already be significant
MR occupation and GR occupation. Therefore, increasing glucocorticoid
levels likely results in even higher GR occupation, leading to memory
impairments. In the afternoon for humans and other primates, the basal
diurnal pattern would result in low endogenous glucocorticoid levels
and MR occupation compared to morning levels. As a result, addition

of exogenous glucocorticoids may produce increased occupation of MRs
and only moderate occupation of GRs, therefore facilitating memory
functions (see for review, Het et al., 2005). Research with two-year-old
children provides further support for the association between moderate
levels of glucocorticoids and optimal memory, as children with higher
basal cortisol levels during training on a spatial maze task showed bet-
ter performance during the recall trial (Stansbury, Haley, & Koeneker,
2000).
Memory Consolidation
Rodent research provides the basis for much of our current understand-
ing of the role of glucocorticoids in memory consolidation. Based on
this research it appears that activation of GRs in the basolateral nucleus
of the amygdala (BLA) may play an important role in mediating the
impact of glucocorticoids on memory consolidation in rats (Roozendaal,
2000). In particular, administration of a GR agonist directly into the
dorsal hippocampus immediately following training on an inhibitory
avoidance task has been associated with increased memory consolidation
in rats. Lesion of the BLA blocks the memory-enhancing effects of a
GR agonist as well as the memory impairing effects of a GR antagonist
within the hippocampus. Therefore, it appears that the BLA may play
an important role in the interaction between glucocorticoids and memory
consolidation within the hippocampus (see for review, Roozendaal, 2000).
GR occupancy has been assumed to be the primary contributor to alter-
ations in memory consolidation in response to glucocorticoids because
MRs are nearly saturated at basal levels of glucocorticoids. Moreover,
this hypothesis has been supported by findings that the level of GR
occupancy exhibits an inverted U-shaped relationship with spatial mem-
ory performance in rats, while the level MR occupancy does not (see
for review, Roozendaal, 2002). Finally, administration of glucocorticoids
to rats following a stressful water-maze task has been found to impair
memory consolidation for the task, while glucocorticoid administration
following a less stressful inhibitory avoidance task enhances memory.
Together these results again suggest that exposure to high levels of glu-
cocorticoids (and presumably corresponding high occupancy of GRs) fol-
lowing training is associated with impairment in memory consolidation
while moderate levels of glucocorticoids following training are associated
with improved consolidation (see for review, Roozendaal, 2003).
Many studies of the impact of glucocorticoids on learning, memory
consolidation, and retrieval have administered exogenous natural or syn-
thetic glucocorticoids. While this method offers researchers the ability
to control the precise level of glucocorticoids, there may be differential

effects of exogenous versus endogenous glucocorticoids on memory pro-
cesses. Moreover, this research requires careful consideration of the
quantity of exogenous glucocorticoids, which should be administered
to accurately mimic a physiological stress reaction. For these reasons,
researchers have also been interested in examining the memory impacts
of endogenous increases in glucocorticoids. For example, Andreano &
Cahill (2006) investigated the impact of increases in endogenous cor-
tisol on the consolidation of memory in adults through use of a cold-
pressor stressor task immediately following exposure to a neutral story.
Individuals who experienced the cold-pressor task exhibited a significant
increase in salivary cortisol following the stressor and showed increased
recall of the story a week later. The significant improvement in recall
was found only for male participants who experienced the cold-pressor
task and not for female participants, even though no sex differences
were found in the cortisol response, thus suggesting that sex may serve
as a moderator for the enhancing effects of cortisol on memory con-
solidation. Moreover, among the male participants an inverted U-shaped
curve was found for the relationship between cortisol increase and the
number of items correctly recalled from the story. Men exhibiting mod-
erate increases in cortisol showed the largest enhancement in memory
for the neutral story (Andreano & Cahill, 2006).
Additional research on the impact of glucocorticoids on the consoli-
dation of memory has suggested the importance of considering the rel-
ative timing of exposure to information and the stress-induced increase
in glucocorticoids (Elzinga, Bakker, & Bremner, 2005). Specifically, in
a study completed with young adult women, participants were presented
with verbal and spatial memory items before and after exposure to a
stressor task. Participants remembered significantly more of the informa-
tion presented before the stressor compared to the information presented
after the stressor. In addition, a negative correlation was found between
delayed recall performance on information presented after the stressor
and poststressor salivary cortisol. These results suggest that stress-induced
increases in glucocorticoids may be particularly detrimental for the long-
term consolidation of declarative memory, particularly when information
is presented poststressor (Elzinga et al., 2005). However, it may also be
that immediately following the stressor, the women were not as attentive
to the information and that this, rather than effects of glucocorticoids
on hippocampal memory processes explained the effects of the study.
Despite differences in methods and species, a review of the lit-
erature on memory consolidation indicates fairly consistent patterns
of relationships between glucocorticoids and declarative memory. In
both human adults and rats, exposure to moderate levels of glucocor-
ticoids immediately following training appears to contribute to optimal

memory consolidation and to enhance later recall. In contrast, exposure
to extremely high levels of glucocorticoids following training appears
to impair memory consolidation. Finally, exposure to stressed-induced
increases in glucocorticoids prior to training also appears to impede
memory consolidation.
Sleep, Glucocorticoids, and Memory Consolidation

In addition to the timing of glucocorticoid exposure, sleep also appears
to play an important role in regulating the consolidation of both declara-
tive and emotional memory through differential effects on glucocorticoid
receptors. Slow-wave sleep (SWS) appears to be particularly important in
facilitating the consolidation of hippocampal-dependent declarative mem-
ory for neutral information (Wagner, Degirmenci, Drosopoulos, Perras, &
Born, 2005). SWS predominates early in the night when the level of glu-
cocorticoids are very low, at the nadir of the diurnal rhythm. Laboratory
manipulations of plasma cortisol levels during SWS have shown that the
administration of cortisol during SWS increases the occupation of GRs
and significantly blocks the formation of declarative, hippocampal depen-
dent memory (Plihal & Born, 1999). In addition, the pharmacologic
blockade of cortisol production and corresponding underactivation of MRs
also impaired the consolidation of neutral, declarative, hippocampal-based
memory (Wagner et al., 2005). Therefore, the consolidation of declara-
tive memory appears to be dependent on both the absence of GR occu-
pation as well as sufficient occupation of MRs during SWS (Plihal &
Born, 1999; Wagner et al., 2005). Rapid eye movement (REM) sleep
tends to occur with greatest frequency near the end of the nighttime
(in humans and primates) sleep period. This also corresponds to when
glucocorticoid levels begin to rise towards the early morning basal peak.
There is some suggestion that the early morning rise in cortisol inter-
feres with the consolidation of amygdala-dependent emotional memories.
The early morning rise in cortisol during REM may serve a protective
role in dampening the intensity of emotional memories and preventing
overconsolidation of memory for emotional events. Pharmacologic block-
ade of this early-morning cortisol rise has been found to result in a
large increase in the consolidation and recall of emotional informa-
tion, providing support for the importance of glucocorticoids in damp-
ening emotional memory (Wagner et al., 2005). Interestingly, one effect
of chronic stress for many individuals may be to lower early morning
cortisol levels (Heim, Ehlert & Hellhammer, 2000; Gunnar & Vazquez,
2001), thus perhaps increasing the likelihood that chronically stressed
children and adults will retain information about emotionally charged
events from the previous day.

Memory Retrieval
A meta-analysis on the effects of glucocorticoids on memory suggests
that glucocorticoids appear to significantly impact memory retrieval, par-
ticularly when there are increases in glucocorticoids immediately before
retrieval (Het et al., 2005). For example, healthy adult men and women
were found to exhibit poorer 24-hour recall of words they when they
were administered glucocorticoids as opposed to a placebo one hour
prior to the retrieval task (de Quervain, Roozendaal, Nitsch, McGaugh, &
Hock, 2000). Interestingly, glucocorticoid exposure did not impact rec-
ognition memory, suggesting there may be differential effects of gluco-
corticoids based on retrieval demands. In addition, the testing context
has been found to play a role in determining the effects of glucocorti-
coids on memory retrieval. For example, research conducted with young
women indicates that when glucocorticoids are administered in a nonar-
ousing and relaxed testing context the negative effects of glucocorticoids
on memory retrieval are eliminated (Kuhlman & Wolf, 2006a). If simi-
lar processes are operating in children, this might help explain evidence
that children remember information and are less suggestible to mislead-
ing cues when retrieval is examined under supportive as opposed to non-
supportive examination conditions (e.g. Quas, Wallin, Papini, Lench, &
Scullin, 2005).
Nonemotional versus Emotional Events

Events and information may be processed and stored as memory in dif-
ferent ways, depending on their emotional content. The above discussion
of consolidation mechanisms during sleep has presented considerable evi-
dence for differences in consolidation and the impact of glucocorticoids
on this process for emotional and nonemotional memory (Wagner, et al.
2005). Additional research suggests that the administration of glucocor-
ticoids prior to exposure to emotional and nonemotional visual images
results in differential consolidation and retrieval, with increased consolida-
tion and long-term recall of emotional more so than nonemotional infor-
mation one week after exposure (Buchanan & Lovallo, 2001). Similar
results were found in a study of young men who completed a delayed
visual recall task 24 hours after exposure to emotional and nonemo-
tional images. Again, these results indicated that cortisol administration
prior to stimuli exposure is associated with greater recall of emotional
images compared to nonemotional images (Kuhlmann & Wolf, 2006b).
Together, this research suggests that glucocorticoids, even at fairly high
levels, may play an important role in supporting memory processes
for emotional information. If so, this requires some explanation. What

is different about memory processes for emotional material that might
allow glucocorticoids to enhance consolidation even when glucocorticoid
concentrations rise to levels that might impair memory for nonemotional
material? The answer may lie in interactions of glucocorticoids and the
production of norepinephrine in the brain.
Norepinephrine and Glucocorticoids

in Emotional Memory
In addition to glucocorticoids, the release of catecholamines including
norepinephrine is also stimulated by exposure to acute stress. While
catecholamines produced by the sympathetic nervous system and adre-
nal medulla do not cross the blood brain barrier, the events that trigger
peripheral sympathetic responses also often increase production of nor-
epinephrine (NE) in the brain. Central NE is produced by noradrenergic
neurons in the locus coeruleus (see for review, Van Bockstaele, Bajic,
Proudfit, & Valentino, 2001). NE activity within the lateral nucleus of
the amygdala during an acutely traumatic event has been associated
with greater memory consolidation, while pharmacologic blockade of
this noradrenergic activity in the amygdala reduces the consolidation and
retention of traumatic memories in rodents (Debiec & LeDoux, 2006).
Notably, the effect of NE on memory consolidation is enhanced in the
presence of glucocorticoids (Roozendaal, 2002). And, memory enhanc-
ing effects of glucocorticoids are only observed in the presence of NE
activity. So, for example, a blockade of NE activity through administra-
tion of a -adrenoceptor antagonist prevented enhanced memory reten-
tion effects associated with glucocorticoids (Roozendaal, Okuda, Van der
Zee, & McGaugh, 2006). This research reveals the importance of care-
fully considering interactions between glucocorticoids and NE activity in
producing trauma-associated memory effects.
Applications of Findings
Research clearly suggests that the impact of glucocorticoids depends on
the balance of MR to GR occupation. Moreover, MR and GR activation
may influence hippocampal- and amygdala-dependent memory processes
differently, therefore emotional and nonemotional/neutral memories are
not consolidated or processed in the same manner. In addition, review
of the literature indicates that glucocorticoids impact learning, consolida-
tion, and retrieval differently depending on the timing of administration
or stress-induced increase in glucocorticoids. Overall, it appears that high
levels of glucocorticoids and, hence, high GR occupancy have memory-
impairing effects, unless the information to be remembered is emotional
and/or is associated with elevations in central NE. Glucocorticoids also

tend to impair memory retrieval and, when high during periods of REM
sleep, may impair reconsolidation of memories during sleep. Combined,
these findings have led the idea of treating posttraumatic stress disor-
der (PTSD) by administering glucocorticoids. That is, individuals with
PTSD are troubled by intrusive memories from their traumatic experi-
ences. These same individuals often exhibit chronically low levels of
basal cortisol production (Yehuda, 2000). There is now some evidence
that administrating glucocorticoids to survivors of trauma significantly
decreases their PTSD symptoms (Shelling et al., 2006). Whether this
would help children with PTSD who suffer from intrusive memories
is not known and may depend on developmental changes in HPA axis
reactivity and regulation.
Developmental Changes in HPA

Activity during Childhood
In order to examine the impact of glucocorticoids on memory func-

tions in children it is necessary to elucidate the developmental changes
in HPA activity from infancy through puberty. These changes include
the development of the HPA axis diurnal rhythm, as well as changes in
reactivity and regulation of the HPA system.
Development of HPA Basal Rhythm

The normal circadian rhythm of the HPA axis emerges over the first
five years of life as children begin to adhere to a more adult-like daily
schedule. In the earliest weeks of life, newborns typically exhibit two
peaks in cortisol production 12 hours apart which are not in sync with
any particular day or night schedule. By the fi rst month newborns
begin to exhibit the early morning peak and evening nadir, yet the
timing of the peak and nadir remains inconsistent across days (see for
review, Watamura, Donzella, Kertes, & Gunnar, 2004). This consistency
improves over first six months of life until it becomes more stable by
preschool age. The adult-like HPA rhythm, with mid-afternoon cortisol
levels lower than mid-morning levels appears to emerge around the time
when children give up their afternoon nap and remain awake and active
throughout the day (Watamura et al., 2004).
HPA Hyporesponsive Period

A hyporesponsive period for HPA reactivity has been clearly observed
in rodents. This period in the rodent is not present at birth, but emerges
by about the third day of life. The hyporesponsive period is a time

when glucocorticoid levels tend to be low and it is difficult to elevate
glucocorticoid levels to many, although not all, stressors (see for review,
Levine, 2001). Although additional investigation is necessary, research
suggests the potential presence of a comparable period of human devel-
opment. Similar to the rodent, the HPA axis is not hyporesponsive at
birth. Indeed, during the immediate postnatal period, human newborns
generally exhibit a high level of HPA axis reactivity in response to
stimulation and are able to mount cortisol and ACTH responses to stres-
sors such as physical exams, blood draws, and minor surgery (Gunnar,
1989; Gunnar & Vazquez, 2006). However, the strong HPA responsivity
observed in newborns declines over the first year of life. For example,
by approximately three months of age, infants no longer exhibit a sig-
nificant rise in cortisol in response to mild stressors, such as a physical
exam (Larson et al., 1998). Around 12 months of age, even more sig-
nificant stressors, such as vaccinations and 30 minutes of maternal sep-
aration in the presence of a relatively nonresponsive babysitter, cease to
produce elevations in cortisol in most children (see for review, Gunnar
& Donzella, 2002). These findings therefore suggest that an HPA hypo-
responsive period in humans may emerge during the first year of life
as infants HPA activity is buffered by social regulation from sensitive
and responsive caregivers. Strikingly, children who continue to produce
elevations in cortisol during this period tend to have a history of less-
sensitive and responsive care. For example, when exposed to potentially
scary events in the presence of their parent, young children with secure
relationships do not display elevated cortisol, while those who are inse-
curely attached to the parent who is with them do display cortisol eleva-
tions (see for review, Gunnar & Donzella, 2002). In short, relationships
become powerful regulators of the HPA axis over the first year of life
and in the presence of supportive adults, children remain relatively buff-
ered from stress activations of the HPA axis. In the absence of such
supportive and reliable care, as observed for young children in the foster
care system, disturbed activity of the HPA axis is often evident (Dozier
et al., 2006).
Developmental Changes in HPA Responsivity

Developmental changes in HPA responsivity can be observed through-
out childhood. Generally speaking, basal levels of cortisol decrease
from birth to approximately one to two years of age and remain low
throughout childhood. While children may show small increases in cor-
tisol to cognitive tasks and other challenges, it is still often difficult
during early and middle childhood to evoke large increases in cortisol
to laboratory stressors. For instance, using an airblast-startle paradigm,

Ashman and colleagues (2002) were unable to provoke elevations in cor-
tisol among most of their seven-year-old subjects, even though many of
them had mothers who had been clinically depressed during periods of
their development. Likewise, Boyce and colleagues (W. Thomas Boyce,
personal communication, January, 2008) exposed preschoolers to a bat-
tery of stress-inducing tasks and failed to provoke significant increases
in cortisol for most children in their sample. Part of the reason for
this apparent hyporesponsivity may be that the tasks used are not suf-
ficiently stressful or threatening to stimulate an HPA response (Clemens
Kirschbaum, personal communication, August, 2006).
However, there is evidence that, with the transition to adolescence, it
becomes easier to activate the HPA axis to psychosocial stressors in the
laboratory. In addition, basal-level changes in cortisol are also observed
during the period of puberty. A rise in basal cortisol levels around the
pubertal transition has now been seen in a number of studies, both
cross-sectional and longitudinal (see for review, Gunnar & Vazquez,
2006). Puberty also appears to mark a significant transition towards
increased responsivity of the HPA axis to stressors. Specifically, recent
research with children suggests that 15-year olds and pubertal 13-year
olds show a significant increase in salivary cortisol in response to labo-
ratory stressor tasks, including both performance stressors (i.e. speaking
in front of judges) and social rejection stressors (Gunnar, 2006; Stroud,
2006). These results clearly indicate the important role of pubertal devel-
opment and its accompanying physiological changes in the development
of increased HPA axis reactivity. In summary, HPA activity is immature
in the developing child. Childrens basal levels and dynamics of cortisol
activity do not develop into a full adult pattern until sometime in ado-
lescence. During childhood, HPA responsivity patterns to laboratory test-
ing tend to exhibit a very mild response pattern, with adult responsivity
developing over the transition into adolescence.
Social Regulation of the HPA Axis in Children
Throughout infancy and childhood, children develop within the context

of a social environment characterized by the childs close relationship
to one or several primary caregivers. Interactions between child and
caregiver inherently and necessarily contribute to the cognitive, biolog-
ical, and social development of the child, including the development
and activity of the HPA axis. Therefore, any examination of the impact
of glucocorticoids and stress on the development of memory function-
ing in childhood requires careful attention to the central role of the
caregiver-child relationship, which serves as a social regulator of the

childs developing HPA axis physiology. As briefly mentioned above, the
quality of this dyadic relationship, or attachment relationship, between
caregiver and child has been found to be influential in regulating the
childs HPA axis activity and release of glucocorticoids in response to
stressful situations. In contrast, although the caregiver-child relationship
may serve as a protective factor against negative impacts of acute or
chronic stress on childrens developing HPA axis physiology, the absence
of a sensitive and responsive relationship may contribute to long-term
alterations in HPA axis functioning. Although the impact of these altera-
tions on specific domains of cognitive functioning such as memory is
not yet known, the role and quality of the caregiver-child relationship
must be carefully considered. In support of this argument, the following
section will discuss research findings pertaining to the importance of the
caregiver-child relationship as a regulator of HPA activity and glucocor-
ticoid release in children. In addition, research conducted with children
who have experienced adverse care, such as abuse, neglect, or care in
an institutional setting, may provide important insights into the develop-
mental impact of the social environment on childrens HPA functioning.
Impact of the Attachment Relationship

on HPA Axis Functioning
As noted, over the first year of life, the developing HPA axis in humans
becomes strongly regulated by close relationships. Sensitive, responsive
caregiving serves as a significant buffer against the activation of the HPA
axis and increases in glucocorticoids. Secure attachment to a primary
caregiver appears to buffer toddlers from elevations in glucocorticoids
following exposure to a threatening and fear-inducing situation (e.g. a
live, boisterous clown approaching the child to play) (Nachmias et al.,
1996). Specifically, mother-child attachment status served as a modera-
tor in the relationship between behavioral inhibition and HPA response
to the fearful-clown stimuli. A high level of behavioral inhibition was
found to be associated with increased salivary cortisol in response to
the threatening stimuli only for children in mother-child dyads classified
as insecure (anxious-resistant or anxious-avoidant) based on the Strange
Situation. These results indicate that secure mother-child attachment buf-
fers children from exhibiting significant HPA activation to threatening
stimuli even when the children exhibit more fearful temperaments and
greater behavioral inhibition (Nachmias et al., 1996).
While secure attachment acts as a buffer for HPA axis activity, distur-
bances in close relationships provoke marked responses in HPA activity
and levels of glucocorticoids. Children exhibiting disorganized attachment
(D-attachment classification) behavior show significantly higher cortisol

levels after completion of the Strange Situation procedure than do chil-
dren with non-D classification (secure, anxious-avoidant, anxious-resistant)
(Hertsgaard, Gunnar, Erickson, & Nachmias, 1995). These results suggest
that repeated separation and reunion with the caregiver may be particu-
larly stressful for children within mother-child dyads exhibiting disorga-
nized attachment. Moreover, it is clear that the presence of the mother
in these disorganized dyads does not buffer the child from significant
increases in cortisol. Instead, children classified as exhibiting disorga-
nized attachment behavior show relatively large increases in cortisol in
response to brief maternal separation, suggesting the presence of signif-
icant HPA reactivity and maladaptive coping (Hertsgaard et al., 1995).
The role of adult-child relationships in regulating reactivity of the HPA
axis extends to childrens relationships with babysitters and other surro-
gate caregivers. This has been documented through studies of children
in full-day out-of-home childcare where rising levels of cortisol often
have been observed, particularly for children in poorer-quality care set-
tings and/or when children receive less support and nurturance from the
care provider (see for review, Gunnar and Donzella, 2002).
Period of Social Buffering versus

Period of Vulnerability
During childhood, the HPA system appears to be strongly buffered and
regulated by responsive caregivers. Children who receive sensitive and
responsive care likely experience few periods of significantly elevated
cortisol in response to both physical and social stressors. It is assumed
that this social buffering of the HPA axis serves to promote healthy
brain development, including the development of brain regions involved
in learning and memory. However, this period of social buffering may
also be a period of vulnerability to stressors if the social regulatory
buffer is disturbed or dysfunctional, such as occurs with abusive or
neglectful caregivers (Dozier et al., 2006). Similarly, research conducted
with children raised in institutional or orphanage care provides an unfor-
tunate but natural experiment in which children are largely cared for
by rotating staff, and therefore deprived of a consistent caregiver-child
relationship. As a result, institutionalized and postinstitutionalized chil-
dren represent an important population in which to study the effects of
chronic instability in caregiver-child relationships on stress neurobiology
and HPA axis functioning.
Overall, research on the developmental and physiological impact of
experiences of abuse, neglect, and institutional care in childhood have
generally revealed two patterns of disturbance in HPA axis activity:
atypical patterns of diurnal cortisol production and elevated set-points

for the basal cortisol level. The first has been demonstrated more often
in children living under chronically neglectful care while the second has
been documented in children exposed to adverse or abusive care several
years after removal from the abusive environment.
In regard to diurnal cortisol production, results of research conducted
with children living in orphanages have indicated the presence of a flat
rhythm in cortisol production over the day (Carlson & Earls, 1997). A
relative lack of the normal diurnal pattern of cortisol production has also
been noted for many infants and preschoolers who have been removed
from their families because of neglect or other failures of the caregiv-
ing system (Dozier et al., 2006; Gunnar & Fisher, 2006). In regard to
basal cortisol level, elevations in basal levels of cortisol across the day
appear to persist as a long-term effect of early abuse or chronic instabil-
ity in care. For example, children with chronic PTSD due to childhood
abuse have been found to exhibit elevated basal cortisol levels over the
day several years after termination of the abuse (Carrion, Weems, Ray,
Glaser, Hessl, & Reiss, 2002; De Bellis, Baum, Birmaher, Keshavan,
Eccard, Boring et al., 1999). Likewise several studies have documented
elevated basal cortisol levels for children from severely deprived orphan-
age conditions years after being removed from orphanage care, although
the diurnal pattern has been found to be intact (Gunnar, Morison,
Chisholm, & Schuder, 2001; Kertes, Gunnar, Madsen, & Long, 2008).
These results suggest that chronic experiences of adverse care may be
associated with a long-term alteration in HPA activity, with a higher
basal cortisol rhythm across the day. However, how these alterations in
typical basal activity of the HPA axis relate to brain development and
childrens abilities to learn and remember both emotional and nonemo-
tional content is not yet known.
Implications for the Study of Traumatic

Childhood Memories
The Importance of Timing

As reviewed, the activity and responsivity of the HPA axis and its
effects on cognitive processes such as memory and broader physiolog-
ical functioning is dependent on many layers of timing. First, the age
of the child and developmental and physical maturity greatly impact the
activity of the HPA axis. For example, the impact of an acute stressor,
its activation of the HPA system, and the cascade of effects from HPA
activity likely vary depending on whether the child is pre- or postpu-
bertal. Second, the time of day at which an individual is exposed to an
acute stressor has been shown to be an important factor in determining

the cognitive effects of HPA activity and glucocorticoids (Het et al.,
2005). In particular, the timing of exposure relative to the circadian,
diurnal HPA rhythm and basal glucocorticoid levels may greatly impact
the MR and GR occupation, which occurs in response to stress-induced
increases in glucocorticoids. Corresponding alterations in MR and GR
receptor binding create differential physiological effects (Gunnar &
Vazquez, 2006). Third, the timing of acute stress-induced increases in
glucocorticoids can have significant impact on the learning, consolida-
tion, and retrieval of information and memories. Specifically, the admin-
istration of moderate amounts of glucocorticoids immediately following
training appears to improve memory consolidation, while glucocorticoid
exposure immediately before retrieval impairs memory (Roozendaal,
2002). Finally it is important to consider the importance of the noc-
turnal period (including slow-wave sleep and rapid eye movement sleep)
in supporting the consolidation of memories. Therefore, the quantity and
type of sleep (SWS, REM) must be considered in an examination of
memory processes in children.
Relationships and Buffering

The effects of trauma exposure on reactivity of the HPA axis and on
memory likely also depends on the childs relationship history and the
availability of sensitive and responsive adults during and following the
traumatic event. Not only may adults with whom the child experiences
security buffer reactivity of the HPA axis, but their consistent and pre-
dictable care may preserve the childs daily pattern of activities such as
sleep. This in turn may help to protect important physiological regu-
latory mechanisms including SWS and REM sleep necessary for con-
solidation of declarative memory and the dampening of disruptive and
negative emotional memories (Wagner et al., 2005).
Traumatic Experiences in the Context

of Chronic Stress
Finally, experiences of neglect, abuse, and chronic stress may have long-
lasting effects on the HPA axis and contribute to increased risk for psy-
chopathology (De Bellis et al., 1999; Heim & Nemeroff, 2001). Chronic
stress may also alter brain regions involved in memory and adaptive func-
tion. Research on child maltreatment provides an opportunity to examine
patterns of HPA axis activity and declarative memory for emotional and
neutral contexts together. Such research would facilitate a more complete
understanding of the interaction between the developing HPA axis and
memory functions in children, thus informing treatment strategies for
children and adults who experience significant trauma and stress.

Conclusions
Despite the large body of research on glucocorticoids and memory

in animals and the growing literature in human adults, we know rel-
atively little about the role of glucocorticoids in memory in children.
Nonetheless, the animal and adult literature clearly suggests that knowing
more about how the HPA axis influences childrens processing, retention,
and retrieval of emotional information should help us better understand
how to intervene to support children who experience trauma.
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11
Stress Effects on the Brain

System Underlying Explicit
Memory
Leslie J. Carver
Annette Cluver
I n this chapter, we review the literature on the development

of event memory and the brain system that underlies it. We
describe what is known about the explicit memory system and its devel-
opment, as well as areas in which more could be understood about the
development of the system. We review the literature on effects of stress
on the development of the explicit memory system, and propose ways
in which timing and plasticity could play a role in long-term effects of
stress on the brain basis of memory.
The purpose of this chapter is to outline the brain system that
underlies memory and what is known about its development. We will
focus on the system that underlies long-term, explicit memory. A sub-
stantial literature using both neuroscience and behavioral techniques has
emerged in the past 20 years that suggests that this brain system under-
goes extensive development during the fi rst years of life, and continues
to develop through childhood. Advances in neuroscientific methods, such
as Event-Related Potentials (ERP) and functional Magnetic Resonance
Imaging (fMRI), and their application to the study of development, have
greatly added to our knowledge about the maturation of this system. In
concert with previously established methods (e.g., comparative studies),
application of these methods to behavioral development has expanded
our knowledge of brain development in infants and young children.
In addition, in recent years, behavioral paradigms have been devel-
oped demonstrating that even young infants possess greater mnemonic
278
abilities than we have previously given them credit for. Identifying how
the abilities and limitations of memory change throughout typical devel-
opment is essential for understanding the potential short- and long-term
effects of early experience and stress on memory.
The relation between the development of the memory and the stress
system is important for at least two reasons. First, as is evident in many
of the other chapters in this volume, stress can affect the way specific
events that are related to the stressor are recalled (see for example
Baker-Ward, Ornstein, & Starnes; Chae, Ogle, & Goodman, this volume).
For example, several studies have examined memory in both children
and adults for highly stressful events (see also Christianson, 1992; Terr,
1988; der Kolk, 1998).
These studies, combined with animal models of the effects of stress
on specific brain systems involved in memory, suggest that one of the
factors that affects memory is how chronic (as opposed to acute) the
stressful event is. This factor may also mediate the effects of stress on
the brain system involved in memory.
A second important reason for understanding the interaction between
stress and memory systems comes from the effects of those stressors on
the development of the memory system more generally. In other words,
stress may not only impact how specific events are experienced, but
chronic stress may affect the development of the memory system itself.
Components of the brain system involved in explicit memory are espe-
cially vulnerable to the effects of corticosteriods released in response to
stress. Long-term exposure to these hormones may have a deleterious
long-term effect on the development of the system and, consequently, on
general memory abilities.
In addition to describing what is known about the timing of the devel-
opment of the brain system that underlies memory, we will review in brief
the literature on the development of explicit memory, focusing in particu-
lar on the development of episodic and autobiographical memory. We will
also describe landmarks in the emergence of the brain system that underlies
explicit memory, and discuss how stressors experienced at these critical time
points may be especially significant for later development and functioning.
Finally, we will review research on effects of chronic and acute stress on
the development of brain systems involved in memory. We will conclude by
describing future directions and yet to be answered questions in this area.
Development of Explicit Memory
Explicit memory refers to memories of specific stimuli that can be called

into conscious awareness. Explicit memory includes recall of specific
Stress Effects on the Brain System Underlying Explicit Memory 279

events and facts, and recognition of people, places, and objects. Explicit
memory can be differentiated from implicit or procedural memories, in
which prior experience affects later behavior due to priming, condition-
ing, or motor learning (Squire, 2004). Relevant to the present volume,
explicit memory includes recall of episodes (labeled episodic memory)
as well as facts or recognition memory for stimuli without recall of
the specific incident in which the stimuli were previously encountered
(semantic memory). Episodic memory involves recalling a specific past
incident. When episodic memory is relevant to ones own past, it also
can be termed autobiographical memory. Autobiographical memory is
necessarily episodic (as it reflects recall of episodes that compose the
narrative of ones own life). Episodic memory, in contrast, may or may
not be autobiographical. An individual can recall past events without
incorporating them into a personal history.
Traditionally, memory for events, especially autobiographical mem-
ory, has been thought to be late developing. Because most people do
not remember events from before around their third year, infants were
thought not to be able to form event memories. Recently, methods have
been developed that allow for measuring infants memory for events
over long delays (Carver & Bauer, 1999; Meltzoff, 1988). Studies using
imitation have measured explicit memory in infants as young as six
months of age (Barr, Dowden, & Hayne, 1996) and for delays as long
as one month in nine-month-olds (Carver & Bauer, 1999, 2001). In imi-
tation studies, infants are presented with a brief demonstration of an
event enacted with props. After the imposition of a delay, infants are
given the props again. Of interest is whether they replicate the action or
actions that had been demonstrated. Production of the actions is thought
to reflect explicit memory for several reasons (see Bauer, 1995; Meltzoff,
1990, for arguments that support this idea), but it is less clear whether
infants retain memory for the original events (episodic memory) or sim-
ply learn facts about the events (semantic memory). In other words,
infants may recall the specific experience of seeing the event demon-
strated (a form of autobiographical memory), they may recall the event
without relating it to a personal narrative (episodic memory), or they
may recall only factual information about the props and how they work
(semantic memory), including possibly simple recognition of the props
and actions they afford.
Because infants do not talk, it was initially difficult to determine
which type of memory infants show in imitation tasks. Yet, numerous
important task manipulations have been done that together are highly
suggestive of infants actually recalling events (Bauer, 2004; Bauer &
Dow, 1994). For example, in some studies, infants are shown multiple-
step events, and their imitation of actions in the previously modeled

order is measured (Bauer, Hertsgaard, Dropik, & Daly, 1998; Bauer &
Mandler, 1989, 1992; Carver & Bauer, 2001). Imitation of order infor-
mation is more sophisticated than imitation of actions. Actions may be
cued by the props, but the order in which actions are to occur can only
be recalled by retrieving a representation of the event that includes tem-
poral information. Thus, although we cannot definitively ascertain that
infants recall specific episodes, demonstrations of recall of order suggest
some memory for the details of events in infants under one year of age
(Carver & Bauer, 1999, 2001).
Despite the apparent ability of even young infants to recall events
before the end of the first year of life, it is clear that most adults do
not remember events that happened to them before about the age of
three. This infantile amnesia suggests that whatever form of explicit,
event memory is available to young infants, autobiographical memory is
later to emerge. Several theories have been developed to explain infantile
amnesia and the development of autobiographical memory (see Peterson,
2002, for review). According to one view (Howe & Courage, 1993), the
development of autonoetic awareness, or the understanding of the self
as distinct from others underlies the onset of autobiographical memory
abilities. According to another perspective, the ability to form a nar-
rative about ones past and relate this narrative to others underlies the
onset of autobiographical memory (Fivush & Nelson, 2006). How adults
talk about the past with their children is related to how infants report
and recall their past experiences (Fivush, Haden, & Reese, 1996). In
one study, these self-awareness and social narrative views were directly
contrasted (Harley & Reese, 1999). Harley and Reese followed children
from 19 to 32 months of age. At each of three visits between these
ages, they measured self-recognition, deferred imitation, and comments
about memory. Children with more elaborative mothers in conversations
about memory recalled more detail in their memory narratives than chil-
dren with less elaborative mothers. In addition, children who recognized
themselves earlier, as indexed by a mirror recognition task, also elabo-
rated more on their memories than later self-recognizers. The contribu-
tions of these milestones were independent, suggesting that both factors
are important for the development of autobiographical memory.
In summary, memory undergoes considerable development during
the first few years of life. Convincing evidence now exists demonstrat-
ing that, by at least one year of age, infants are capable of forming
explicit memories of prior experiences. However, it is likely not until
slightly later that young children are competent at forming and retaining
autobiographical memories. Both an emerging sense of self and narra-
tive co-construction contribute to childrens early autobiographical mem-
ory formation. However, as we discuss next, the neurological structures

involved in explicit memory also undergo considerable developmen-
tal change, and this change also affects childrens emerging memory
abilities.
Development of the Brain System Underlying

Explicit Memory Development
A long history of research has established fairly clear identification of

the brain system that underlies explicit or declarative memory in adults
(Squire, 1986, 2004). The components that comprise this circuit seem
to act together in most aspects of encoding, storage, and retrieval of
memories. Thus, development in all aspects of the system is needed for
adult-like memory performance. Because the literature on the develop-
ment of this brain system has been reviewed in detail recently (Bauer,
2004), we provide here an abbreviated summary of development in the
relevant brain areas.
Early research with adult patients, such as H.M., who experienced the
loss of the medial temporal lobes, established those areas, in particular
the hippocampus and surrounding areas, as important for the formation
of new memories (Squire, 1992, 2004; Zola-Morgan & Squire, 1990).
Later research has confirmed that the hippocampus is important for
memory formation (Squire, 1992), and some studies suggest that it may
also play a role in retrieval of information (Gilboa, Winocur, Grady,
Hevenor, & Moscovitch, 2004). Regardless of its specific role, the hip-
pocampus is clearly a critical structure for mnemonic functions, and its
development is critical for the development of memory. Given that the
hippocampus is especially vulnerable to the effects of stress (see below),
it is important to consider its developmental status when thinking about
long-term effects of stress on memory.
Recent research has focused on molecular events in the hippocampus
that may be related to memory formation (Hawkins, Kandel, & Bailey,
2006; Mayford et al., 1996). Studies have identified events involved in
long-term potentiation (LTP), a type of synaptic plasticity that is thought
to be an important contributor to memory formation. In LTP, gluta-
mate receptors change their configuration in response to an initial stim-
ulus. The effect of subsequent activations is an enhanced, long-lasting
response. Recent research has identified gene products that are impor-
tant for maintaining this response (for review see Silva, 2003). Recent
research has also identified gene products that are important for the
consolidation of memory traces (Matynia, Kushner, & Silva, 2002; Silva,
2003). Although our knowledge of genetic events involved in memory
formation and consolidation is increasing, little is known about the
developmental time course of the functionality of this system.

However, research on the development of the hippocampus suggests
that, in large part, it matures quite early. Studies of cell formation sug-
gest that the majority of the neurons in most of the hippocampus are in
place by the end of the gestational period, although the dentate gyrus
demonstrates small amounts of neurogenesis postnatally (Seress, 2001;
Seress, Abraham, Tornoczky, & Kosztolanyi, 2001), and continues to
develop during the first years of life. Despite hippocampal neurons being
largely in place by birth, however, important developments in cell mor-
phology and synapse formation extend through infancy and childhood
(Seress, 2001). In addition, connections between the dentate gyrus and
cortical association areas that are important for the storage of memories
are relatively late to mature (Seress, 2001; see Bauer, 2004, for review).
Storage of long-term memories is thought to occur in the association
cortices. Memories appeared to be retrieved via a process of interac-
tion between frontal areas important for retrieval (see below), associa-
tion areas involved in storage, and the hippocampus (at least for recent
memories, and possibly for old memories as well, Gilboa et al., 2004).
The timing of the development of these association areas varies, but, in
general, they are thought to be slower to develop than medial temporal
lobe structures, but less delayed in their development than frontal struc-
tures important for retrieval. Developments in these association areas are
likely to be important for both storage and retrieval of memories, given
that they are active when memories are formed, with these activations
being reinstated when memories are retrieved.
The final brain system that is likely to be important for memory
development is the frontal cortex. This area is important for retrieval
of memory from long-term stores, and patients with frontal lesions
have impairments in recovering old memories (Moscovitch & Melo,
1997). Thus, the frontal cortex is thought to be a critical area for
explicit memory, and for autobiographical memory in particular (Addis,
McIntosh, Moscovitch, Crawley, & McAndrews, 2004; Markowitsch,
Calabrese, Neufeld, Gehlen, & Durwen, 1999). The frontal cortex is
the latest part of the brain to develop. Peak synaptogenesis occurs after
the first year of life, and greater synapse density than in adulthood is
maintained through adolescence (Huttenlocher, 1990; Huttenlocher &
Dabholkar, 1997). In addition, the frontal cortex is late to myelinate,
with myelination continuing through as many as several decades of life.
Thus, although some aspects of the explicit memory system are clearly
mature early in development (e.g., cell morphology in most of the hippo-
campus), complete functionality of the entire system likely proceeds on
a protracted schedule. This protracted progression of development likely
leads to the developmental changes in memory ability that have been
found. For example, although infants as young as six months of age

show evidence of explicit memory, as indexed by deferred imitation (Barr
et al., 1996), performance is fragile at that age, with infants requiring a
large number of exposures to recall a small amount of information after
only 24 hours. By about nine months of age, around 45% of infants are
able to recall events after delays of up to one month (Bauer, Wiebe,
Waters, & Bangston, 2001; Carver & Bauer, 2001). By 10 months of
age, infants are able to encode events and recall them after delays of
three and possibly even up to six months. The robustness and accessibil-
ity of memories continues to increase throughout early childhood, until
toddlerhood, when most infants can recall events after delays as long
as several months (Bauer, Wenner, Dropik, & Wewerka, 2000). These
changes in memory performance likely have at their source developments
in several brain systems. At the end of the first year, brain developmen-
tal data suggest that connections between the dentate gyrus and cortical
association areas are being established. Combined with behavioral and
ERP data (Bauer et al., 2006; Bauer, Wiebe, Carver, Waters, & Nelson,
2003), these events point to an improvement in consolidation and stor-
age of memories as a critical skill affecting memory in this age range.
By school age, children are increasingly able to remember the source of
remembered information (Drummey & Newcombe, 2002) and details of
personal experiences (Hudson & Nelson, 1986). Maturation of associa-
tions cortices and frontal lobes may further contribute to these improve-
ments in childrens ability to retrieve memories of personal experience.
Relations Between Brain and Memory Development

There is a relatively small amount of research that directly assesses the
relations between changes in brain development and memory. In one
paradigm (Carver, Bauer, & Nelson, 2000), events to be remembered are
demonstrated for infants in a deferred imitation paradigm. After some
delay, brain activity is measured, using ERPs, in response to pictures of
stimuli that had been used in the imitation procedure, or new stimuli.
Differentiation between previously seen stimuli and new stimuli is taken
as evidence for memory (most likely recognition memory) for the imita-
tion stimuli. Using this paradigm, we (Carver, Bauer, & Nelson, 2000)
have shown that individual differences in memory performance at nine
months of age are accompanied by individual differences in brain devel-
opment. In addition, Bauer and colleagues (Bauer et al., 2006) found
that whereas all infants showed evidence of encoding (i.e., their brain
activity differentiated previously encountered from new events when
tested immediately after exposure), only those infants who would later
recall the events (after a delay of one month) showed delayed differ-
entiation of the events. These results implicate developments in storage,

consolidation, or retrieval as important in the transition that appears to
occur at about nine months of age (Carver & Bauer, 2001). In addition,
Bauer and colleagues (Bauer et al., 2003) tested nine- and 10-month-
olds longitudinally using the same paradigm. In this study, encoding
improvements were evident along with changes in storage abilities, sug-
gesting that both functions continue to improve at the end of the first
year of life. Based on brain development, patterns of recall, and sav-
ings in relearning, Bauer (Bauer, 2005; Bauer, 2006) has argued that
changes in encoding, storage, and consolidation are more likely to be
involved in changes in memory ability seen at this age than are changes
in retrieval.
Known Effects of Stress on Memory Function

and the Underlying Brain System
Hippocampal and Other Limbic Structures

Stress and the associated rise in levels of endogenous glucocorticoids
(GC) impact explicit memory by altering the morphology and function-
ing of the brain system that underlies explicit memory. Specifically, the
effect of stress exposure on the organism depends critically on the sever-
ity, duration, and the timing of the stress during development (Bremner
& Narayan, 1998). Whereas mild, acute stress may in fact enhance mem-
ory by facilitating synaptic plasticity, it is now becoming increasingly
clear that chronic and severe stress may lead to maladaptive changes
in the organism that may damage brain areas of the explicit memory
system and impair memory functioning (Bremner & Narayan, 1998;
Luine, Martinez, Villegas, Magarinos, & McEwen, 1996; Luine, Villegas,
Martinez, & McEwen, 1994). Limbic and frontal structures that underlie
explicit memory are especially vulnerable to stress-induced injury. Stress
affects the structure, neurochemistry, and function of the hippocampus
and surrounding structures, including the amygdala as well as areas in
prefrontal cortex (Brown, Henning, & Wellman, 2005; Kanitz, Otten,
Tuchscherer, & Manteufel, 2003; Murmu et al., 2006; Schin, Rauch, &
Pitman, 2006). In particular the hippocampus, which is characterized
by a high density of glucocorticoid receptors (GR), represents a target
area for corticosterone related damage (Akirav & Richter-Levin, 2002).
Interestingly, moderate levels of GCs are important for hippocampal
health. In the absence of GC exposure, for example due to adrenalec-
tomy, cells in the dentate gyrus atrophy and die (Sloviter, Sollas, Dean,
& Neubort, 1993). However, excessive levels of GCs induce damage in
hippocampal areas. Morphological changes in the hippocampus include
decreases in the size and structure of cells, neuronal connectivity, and

alterations in synapse structure (Watanabe, Gould, & McEwen, 1992).
Studies using animal models have found decreased neurogenesis, neural
proliferation, and differentiation of hippocampal pyramidal and granule
cells in response to stress (Tanapat, Hastings, Rydel, Galea, & Gould,
2001). Existing hippocampal pyramidal cells may exhibit shrinkage, a
decrease in the length and branching of apical dendrites and even cell
death in response to prolonged stress (Watanabe et al., 1992). Whereas
neurogenesis is impacted by acute stress, atrophy within hippocampal
regions is seen in response to chronic stress (McLaughlin, Gomez, Baran,
& Conrad, 2007; Tanapat et al., 2001; Vyas, Mitra, Shankaranarayana
Rao, & Chattararji, 2002). In adult humans, for example, atrophy of the
hippocampus has been observed in humans following the experience of
a severely traumatic event (Bremner et al., 1995). Stress-induced mor-
phological changes in limbic structures may also have a more indi-
rect effect on memory by altering the functioning of the HPA axis.
In particular chronic and uncontrollable stress may lead to a long-term
down-regulation of GRs in the hippocampus (Kanitz et al., 2003). Such
down-regulation can result in impairments in the regulatory response of
the HPA axis, as hippocampal GRs mediate negative feedback within
the axis (Jacobson & Sapolsky, 1991). This adaptation to chronic stress
then leads to altered basal levels of GCs and enhanced reactivity of the
HPA-axis when stress is encountered later in life (Weinstock, Matlina,
Maor, Rosen, & McEwen, 1992).
These effects of stress on the brain indicate that prolonged stress
may shape the structure and functioning of the hippocampus, which in
turn may impact neuronal processes underlying explicit memory. Indeed,
numerous studies in humans and animals have reported that performance
on hippocampal-dependent tasks, such as recall, spatial navigation, and
the regulation of the anxiety response, are negatively affected by high
levels of exposure to stress and injection of exogenous GCs (Becker,
Abraham, Kindler, Helmeke, & Braun, 2007; Buss, Wolf, Witt, &
Hellhammer, 2004).
Emotion and the Amygdala

Another critical limbic area affected by exposure to corticosterone is the
amygdala. The basolateral nucleus of the amygdala (BLA) in particular is
thought to play a modulatory role on synaptic activity in the hippocam-
pus and surrounding structures, for example, by facilitating or impairing
LTP, thereby affecting consolidation (Kim, Lee, Han, & Packard, 2001;
McGaugh, McIntyre, & Power, 2002). Modulation of hippocampal activa-
tion is associated with arousal, as is BLA activity and thereby the mod-
ulatory influence on hippocampal plasticity rises in response to emotional

events and to stress (Cahill & van Steegeren, 2003). Emotional stimuli,
such as pictures of emotional events or faces, are often remembered bet-
ter than are neutral stimuli (Cahill & van Steegeren, 2003). Applying a
mild and short-lasting stress postlearning of emotional and neutral stim-
uli has an interesting effect, as the stress appears to interact with the
level of arousal during encoding. When the material to be learned is
emotional (e.g., pictures of car accidents) the level of arousal at encod-
ing is heightened and the stressor selectively enhances memory for these
stimuli, presumably by facilitating consolidation. Memory for neutral
stimuli that fail to alter arousal remains unaffected by the same kind of
postlearning stress (Cahill & van Steegeren, 2003).
Cahill and van Steegerens results indicate that the level of arousal
during the encoding of the event and postlearning stress interact in
affecting consolidation. These modulatory effects are thought to be
mediated by activation of the BLA. Because the amygdala is so closely
involved in the emotional explicit memory processes, stress induced dam-
age affecting the structure and function of the amygdala may therefore
also affect explicit memory. GR are located throughout the BLA. There
is now evidence pointing to a critical involvement of GCs at these recep-
tor sites in the modulatory effect of BLA activity on memory processes
(Roozendaal & McGaugh, 1997). Similar to postlearning stress, adminis-
tering a GR agonist into the BLA directly postlearning enhances reten-
tion whereas administration of a GR antagonist prior to training leads to
decreased retention (Roozendaal & McGaugh, 1997). Though short-term
stress heightens activity of the BLA, synaptic plasticity is inhibited in
response to stress and a rise in plasma cortisol levels (Kavushansky &
Richter-Levin, 2006).
Prefrontal Cortex
Less is known about effects of stress and accompanying GC exposure
on prefrontal cortex (PFC). As mentioned previously, the PFC plays a
central role in explicit memory processes such as event memory retrieval
and source memory. Of relevance to the current chapter, the PFC is also
involved in regulating negative feedback in the HPA-axis (Mizoguchi,
Ishige, Aburada, & Tabira, 2003). As in the hippocampus, chronic stress
can lead to atrophy of pyramidal neurons in areas of PFC (Radley et al.,
2004). Consistent with this observation, compared to healthy controls,
patients with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) have smaller PFC vol-
ume, show abnormally low activity in the PFC when processing affec-
tive faces, and exhibit hypersensitive patterns of activity in the amygdala
(Shin et al., 2005). These responses have been interpreted as suggest-
ing that chronic stress may impact areas involved in the processing of

affective and in particular fearful stimuli. Also, changes in prefrontal
areas due to chronic stress may act in concert with hippocampal dys-
function to exacerbate the abnormal HPA axis functioning (Mizoguchi
et al., 2003).
Stress Effects on the Immature Brain:

The Inuence of Timing and Duration
Though stress can affect the brain and behavior at any age, because of
the developing brains high degree of plasticity, it is particularly vulner-
able to glucocorticoid-induced damage, including that caused by envi-
ronmental influences. Thus, the immature brain may be at increased
risk for sustaining severe and long-lasting effects in response to adverse
experience. However, the high degree of plasticity also implies that
recovery from stress-induced damage may be more likely if a stress-
ful experience is followed by development in a healthy and nurturing
environment. As in adults, stress effects during development depend
on the severity and the chronicity of the stressor, as well as on the
developmental stage at which exposure to stress occurs (Vallee et al.,
1999). However, due to the malleability of the brain during maturation,
milder and less chronic stress may nonetheless have a profound impact
on sculpting the brain.
Perinatal brain maturation is characterized by the highest level of neu-
ral plasticity (Rakic, 1995). During this period the brain exhibits massive
neurogenesis and neural migration, almost all of which take place pre-
natally. On the other hand, the postnatal period is marked by synaptic
and dendritic growth and by axonal myelination, which continues well
into adolescence and adulthood (Rakic, 1995). It is now clear that early
exposure to stress can have short- and long-term structural and functional
effects on the brain, leading to HPA axis abnormalities, cognitive deficits,
and hyperactivity in later childhood (Grunau et al., 2007; Gutteling et al.,
2006; Kapoor & Matthews, 2005). However, there is some evidence that
timing of stress is critical and pre- and postnatal exposure to stress may
have different effects on development (Vallee et al., 1999). For example,
Sandman and colleagues have shown that prenatal stress exposure early in
gestation has a more profound effect on birth outcomes than stress experi-
enced later in gestation (Glynn, Wadhwa, Dunkel-Schetter, Chicz-Demet, &
Sandman, 2001).
Prenatal Effects of Stress and Glucocorticoid Exposure
There are two principal ways in which the human fetus can be exposed
to elevated levels of glucocorticoids. First, stress experienced by the

mother during pregnancy will lead to a rise of endogenous glucocorti-
coid levels in the fetus that may lead to adverse effects on fetal brain
development (Huizink, Robles de Medina, Mulder, Visser, & Buitelaar,
2003; Vallee et al., 1999; Weinstock, 2001). Maternal stress may also
exert a negative influence on fetal brain development as stress hormones
constrict blood vessels and may thereby decrease proper delivery of oxy-
gen and nutrients to the fetus (Myers, 1975). However, GCs are involved
in mediating at least some of the detrimental effects of maternal stress
on the fetus, as these effects are abolished when dams were adrenalec-
tomized prior to stress exposure (Zagron & Weinstock, 2006).
A second source of prenatal exposure to elevated levels of glucocor-
ticoids is via synthetic corticosteroids (betamethsone, dexamethasone),
that are commonly given to mothers at risk for preterm labor. Pregnant
mothers receive either single or repeated doses of corticosteroids to pro-
mote fetal lung development and reduce the incidence of Respiratory
Distress Syndrome (RDS) and neonatal death (Roberts & Dalziel 2007).
Though this procedure is successful in terms of increasing neonatal sur-
vival, there is some controversy surrounding the use of this treatment
in light of evidence suggesting that synthetic glucocorticoids, especially
when given in repeated doses, may have negative effects on cognitive
and behavioral development (Schoener, Baig, & Page, 2006; Spinillo
et al., 2004).
Much of what is currently known about the effects of exposure to
endogenous and exogenous GC has been learned from studies using ani-
mal models, primarily rats, nonhuman primates and other mammalian
species (Kanitz et al., 2003; Weinstock et al., 1992). Though there are
certainly differences in brain maturation between animals and humans,
in particular with respect to the time-course of maturational events, there
is also evidence to suggest substantial parallels in the patterns of brain
development between humans and these animal species (Zola-Morgan &
Squire, 1990), thus highlighting the utility of nonhuman animal mod-
els for understanding potential short- and long-term outcomes for infants
exposed to elevated levels of glucocorticoids.
The hippocampus and surrounding structures, which have the high-
est sensitivity to corticosteroids, seem to be negatively affected by pre-
natal exposure to elevated levels of GCs (Coe, Rosenberg, & Levine,
1988; Vallee et al., 1999). In both rhesus monkeys and rats, prenatal
stress leads to a decrease in neurogenesis, proliferation, and differen-
tiation of cells in the hippocampus and affects synaptic plasticity by
attenuating LTP (Coe et al., 1988; Lemaire, Lamarque, Le Moal, Pier-
Vincenzo, & Abrous, 2006). Similarly, exposure to exogenous GCs,
especially in high doses, is associated with the depletion and shrinkage
of pyramidal neurons across subregions of the fetal hippocampus and

decreased hippocampal volume in adulthood (Brunson, Chen, Avishai-
Eliner, & Baram, 2003). Other components that are affected by prena-
tal exposure are neurotrophins, neuronal growth factors that are critical
components in the regulation of neuronal survival, differentiation, and
synaptic strengthening (Kang & Schuman, 1995) and may play a role
in memory formation (Roceri, Hendriks, Racagni, Ellenbroek, & Riva,
2002; Schaaf et al., 2001). Changes in the density of hippocampal GRs
have also been observed in animals subjected to prenatal stress, which
could impact feedback regulation of the HPA system (Jacobson &
Sapolsky, 1991). Some of the memory impairments seen as a result of
prenatal stress, however, can be prevented if postnatal care is provided
by a nonstressed mother, suggesting that these prenatal changes are not
necessarily permanent (Brabham et al., 2000). Interestingly, adult off-
spring of female rats who experienced mild, short-term stress during
late pregnancy in fact show improvements in learning (Fujioka et al.,
2001). However, more severe levels of prenatal stress seem to induce
long-term adaptive changes that may result in elevated stress respon-
siveness and learning difficulties (Szuran, Pliska, Pokorny, & Welzl,
2000).
In humans, fetal exposure to both endogenous and synthetic gluco-
corticoids has been linked to later cognitive, behavioral and physiologi-
cal deficits, such as intellectual and learning impairments, hyperactivity
and changes in HPA axis functioning (Gutteling et al., 2005; Gutteling
et al., 2006; Huizink et al., 2007). For example, infants whose mothers
were treated with corticosteroids during pregnancy exhibit higher levels
of attentional deficits, learning difficulties, and emotional problems (Yeh
et al., 2004) than infants of mothers not treated with these steroids.
Behavioral and emotional problems have been reported in infants and
children whose mothers experienced psychological stress during gestation
(Gutteling et al., 2005; Huizink et al., 2003).
Factors that appear to play a role in determining the developmen-
tal outcome of prenatal exposure to stress and exogenous GCs include
the frequency and timing of stress exposure. Furthermore, with respect
to synthetic corticosteroids, the type of steroid (i.e., Betamethasone or
Dexamethasone) seems to influence the outcome of treatment. Several
studies in animals and humans indicate that chronic stress and/or
repeated doses of GCs administered prenatally lead to a worse outcome
than a single dose (Setiawan, Jackson, MacDonald, & Matthews, 2007;
Spinillo et al., 2004).
Mid- to late gestation appears to represent a kind of critical period
for the influences of maternal stress and exogenous GCs, though with
respect to maternal stress, some effects have also been found after
exposure during the first trimester (Schneider, Roughton, Koehler, &

Lubach, 1999). The third trimester is a period in brain development
that is marked by neural proliferation, synapse formation, and myelina-
tion (Rakic, 1995). As discussed above, glucocorticoids have been found
to interfere with each of these important processes of brain maturation
(Dunlop, Archer, Quinlivan, Beazley, & Newnham, 1997). Infants whose
mothers experienced stress early during pregnancy tend to have low birth
weight and express attentional and temperament related difficulties (Davis
et al., 2007; Schneider et al., 1999). In contrast, infants whose mothers
report having experienced stress and anxiety during mid-pregnancy score
lower on measures of mental and psychomotor development at eight
months of age than infants of mothers who did not report stress dur-
ing the same time frame (Huizink et al., 2003). In particular, fear of
giving birth during mid-gestation had an impact on the infants devel-
opmental outcome. Although attentional and emotional problems seem
to be a consistent consequence of prenatal stress (Huizink et al., 2007;
OConnor, Heron, Golding, Beveridge, & Glover, 2002), in particular fol-
lowing stress during mid- to late gestation, learning and memory prob-
lems have not been found as consistently (Gutteling et al., 2006). It is
possible that children show some impairment early on, but recover with
age and good maternal care. While perinatally stressed eight-month-old
infants exhibited lower scores on tests of memory, learning and memory
deficits were not found in prenatally stressed children at age six, though
they did exhibit higher levels of attentional problems (Gutteling et al.,
2006). In sum, the key factor in whether prenatal stress affects learning
and memory seems to be the timing of the exposure, rather than the
mere presence of stressors.
Early Postnatal Exposure
In rodents, the first few weeks of life are known as the stress hypore-
sponsive period (SHRP), during which concentrations of circulating GCs
are very low and are not elevated by mild stressors (Gould, Woolley, &
McEwen, 1991). It has been proposed that low concentrations of GCs
are necessary for healthy early brain development, and that the SHRP
represents a kind of buffer against the potential effects of mild stressors
(de Kloet & Oitzl, 2003). Humans undergo a period similar to the post-
natal SHRP in rats that lasts for the first 12 months of life (Gunnar &
Donzella, 2002).
Interestingly, maternal behavior appears to be critical in maintain-
ing the SRHP, and it has been found that mimicking maternal behav-
ior such as gonadal licking in rats separated from their mothers has
the same effect on maintaining low levels of GCs (Levy, Melo, Galef,

Madden, & Fleming, 2003). Though the SHRP represents a buffer
against mild elevations of GCs, it cannot protect against an excessive
rise in the level of stress hormones during this period. If the young
organism experiences such a rise in GCs, either in result to a strong
stressor or due to the injection of exogenous GCs, severe brain damage
may result. In rats, injection of exogenous GCs during the hyporespon-
sive period can alter vital processes of brain maturation, such as neu-
ral cell death (pruning), neural migration and neurogenesis (Roskoden,
Linke, & Schwegler, 2005). However, the effects of exogenous corti-
costeroid exposure on memory depends on whether it is acute versus
chronic. Roskoden and colleagues (2005) report enhanced performance
on a spatial working memory task in rats temporarily exposed to exog-
enous corticosterone during the SHRP (Roskoden et al., 2005), whereas
Sousa, Lukoyanov, Madeira, Almeida, and Paula-Barbosa, 2000) reported
impairments in spatial working memory following postnatal exposure to
corticotropin releasing hormone (CRH). The administration of CRH may
more closely mimic the endogenous stress response compared to admin-
istration of exogenous corticosteroids. This suggests that in the absence
of stress, exogenous corticosteroids may not have the same effect on the
developing memory system as exposure to stress.
Early-experienced psychological stressors seem to have a more pro-
nounced effect on brain morphology and behavior than later stressors.
Maternal deprivation (MD) is considered the animal model of neglect,
with both MD and neglect being extremely stressful for the offspring.
MD early in life is associated with elevated endogenous levels of GCs
(Ladd, Owens, & Nemeroff, 1996). It also enhances later stress respon-
siveness in the adult via changes affecting stress hormone secretion
and GR densities in the hippocampus and hypothalamus (Becker et al.,
2007). Finally, early MD affects learning and memory. In rats, for
example, maternal separation for just 24 hours is associated with poorer
learning and more limited memory performance, not only in young rats,
but across the rats lifespan, including into adulthood (Oitzl, Workel,
Fluttert, Frsch, & de Kloet, 2000).
Hippocampal mineralocorticoid receptors (MRs) are believed to play
an important role in mediating proactive feedback in the HPA axis (see
Wiik & Gunnar, this volume), whereas hippocampal glucorticoids (GRs)
mediate negative feedback on the stress response. Prolonged periods of
early stress appear to increase the density of hippocampal MR receptors,
while decreasing the density of the hippocampal GR receptors. Early
stress (elevated endogenous glucocorticoids) may also interfere with early
synaptic development and lead to lasting structural changes in the hippo-
campus, although structural changes in the prefrontal cortex and amyg-
dala have not been observed (Andersen & Teicher, 2004).

Roceri and colleagues (Roceri et al., 2004) found that prolonged and
repeated MD in rats led to transient increase in the expression of brain-
derived neruotrophic factor (BDNF) expression in the hippocampus and
in PFC. As adults, formerly repeatedly MD rats evidenced lower basal
levels of BDNF protein and failed to show the normal decrease in BDNF
mRNA in response to stress. On the one hand, these changes may be
an adaptive response to the early stress exposure. On the other, however,
down-regulation of BDNF gene expression in PFC may underlie some
of the stress-related cognitive and emotional impairments that may arise
from a decrease in neural plasticity (Roceri et al., 2004). Similarly, a
decrease in neural proliferation and the production of immature neurons
has been observed in the hippocampus of adult animals with a history
of early postnatal stress (Mirescu, Peters, & Gould, 2004).
Of interest, some researchers have found positive outcomes in rats
experiencing maternal separation or even complete isolation after birth
(Blaise, Koranda, Chow, Haines, & Dorward, 2008; Faure, Uys, Marais,
Stein, & Daniels, 2007). Blaise and colleagues, for instance, found
enhanced LTP and LTD in adult rats that had experienced periods of
maternal separation after birth (Blaise et al., 2008). Faure and colleagues
found that the stress response in adult animals subjected to maternal
separation was attenuated compared to non-MS rats (Faure et al., 2007).
Interestingly, stress that occurs postnatally through handling appears to
have a protective effect against stress in later life. Postnatal handling
involves daily periods during which the pup is picked up by an exper-
imenter and briefly placed in isolation, thereby separating the pup from
the dam (Weinberg & Levine, 1977). Rats handled postnatally dem-
onstrate adaptation and a later attenuation of the stress response com-
pared to controls (Meaney, Aitken, Sharma, Viau, & Sarrieau, 1989). As
adults, the formerly handled rats secrete less GCs in response to stress
and also exhibit lower basal levels of circulating GCs than do non-
handled rats (Meaney et al., 1989). Increased expression of frontal and
hippocampal GR genes, which may enhance the negative feedback inhi-
bition on the HPA functioning, has also been associated with postnatal
handling (Meaney et al., 2000). These effects are not due to an absence
of the stress response at the time of handling. On the contrary, the han-
dling procedure is generally stressful for the young rat, as is evidenced
by increases in cortisol levels and stress-related behavior, though it is
considered a rather mild form of stress (Brunson et al., 2003). Still,
it seems surprising that even a mild stress may bring about protective
benefits with respect to stress experienced later in life. This phenomenon
has been explained by the intense maternal care, involving licking and
grooming behavior, that follows postnatal separation once mother and
pup are reunited.

Even in the absence of stress, proper maternal care during the postna-
tal period promotes healthy brain development, and has been associated
with enhanced synaptic development in the hippocampus and improved
learning and memory (Liu, Dorio, Day, Francis, & Meaney, 2000).
Conversely, poor maternal care permanently increases anxiety-like behav-
iors and decreases memory function in adolescent and adult male off-
spring (Toki et al., 2007). Tactile stimulation associated with grooming
behavior is thought to be mediating the beneficial effects of grooming
on development, as it is associated with increased release of serotonin
and growth hormone (Meaney et al., 1989). Supporting evidence for
this comes from studies in which maternal care behavior is mimicked
by stroking pups separated from their mothers with a moist brush. This
tactile stimulation is known to prevent some but not all adverse effects
of maternal separation (Levy et al., 2003). Levy and colleagues report
that completely maternally deprived pups receiving licking-like behav-
ior during the postnatal period were unimpaired in spatial learning but
still showed problems in social learning, such as the acquisition of food
preference (Levy et al., 2003).
There are of course several issues with extending results from studies
of rats to humans. However, these results suggest that even in situations
where human neonates are stressed, some of the effects might be able
to be reversed through high-quality interventions. In sum, evidence from
research of stress effects during the perinatal period points to a period
of vulnerability for suffering long-term effects of early stress; however,
a majority of the early stress induced damage may be reversible via
proper social care.
Exposure in Childhood and Adolescence
Children and adolescents may become victims of traumatic experiences

such as childhood maltreatment (e.g., physical and sexual abuse, neglect)
or war (Bremner et al., 2005; De Bellis & Keshavan, 2003). These
early adverse experiences have been associated with increased incidence
of depression, anxiety disorders such as (PTSD) and cognitive deficits
later in life (Brewin, 2001). PTSD in particular is considered a debili-
tating clinical condition, which develops in some victims of severe and/
or chronic trauma. Only a subset of individuals experiencing trauma
develop PTSD; however, the incidence among child victims of trauma is
particularly high, and young age at the time of trauma has been consid-
ered a risk factor for developing PTSD (Brewin, 2001). It is important
to point out that the type of stress that causes PTSD is generally severe
and often chronic in nature, and is therefore the most likely to have an

impact on development. Not much research has been conducted on the
consequences of acute and mild stress in children and adolescents. Thus,
the focus of this section will be on the outcome of severe and chronic
stress experiences during later childhood and adolescents.
Trauma experienced by children and adolescents may have a variety
of detrimental and potentially long-lasting effects on the development of
the explicit memory system. The hippocampus in particular undergoes
important maturational processes, such as myelination, well into adoles-
cence (Rakic, 1995), and in animals, elevated levels of exogenous corti-
coids have been found to interfere with myelination (Dunlop et al., 1997).
The hippocampus also represents one of the most plastic structures in the
brain, as processes such as neurogenesis continue into adulthood (Kornack
& Rakic, 1999). Given the persistent plasticity of this structure, and the
central role it plays in memory, the explicit memory system in the child
and adolescent brain remains at risk for suffering-stress induced damages.
Chronic stress, such as that resulting in PTSD, may have long-
term effects on brain areas involved in memory (Bonne et al., 2001).
Impairments in memory and other cognitive deficits are common symp-
toms of PTSD (Bremner et al., 1995). Children with PTSD have shown
performance deficits on tests assessing everyday memory and show a
heightened incidence of learning disorders (Moradi, Doost, Taghavi,
Yule, & Dagleish, 1999). Women diagnosed with PTSD resulting from a
history of childhood sexual abuse exhibit impairments in verbal declar-
ative memory and memory for emotional words (Bremner et al., 2005;
Bremner et al., 1993).
These behavioral impairments among PTSD patients relative to oth-
ers are associated with morphological abnormalities in the neural sys-
tem underlying explicit memory function (Bremner, Bronen, Seibyl, &
Southwick, 1997). For example, some researchers have found decreases
in hippocampal volume in individuals diagnosed with PTSD, as suffered
in adulthood (Bremner et al., 1995; Bremner et al., 1993; Gurvits et al.,
1992), adolescence, and childhood (Carrion, Weems, & Reiss, 2007;
Stein, Koverola, Torchia, & McCarty, 1997). However, not all findings
are consistent with the above. Some researchers have found a decrease
in hippocampal volume following exposure to stress (Carrion et al.,
2007); others have found a volume increase in this structure in chil-
dren with PTSD (Tupler & DeBellis, 2006). These inconsistencies may
be related to different processes such as synaptic pruning and neuronal
growth that may be impacted by stress (see Compas et al. this issue).
In addition, given that timing of stress exposure is a critical factor in
determining the effects of stress earlier in development, it is possible
that small differences in the age of the children in these studies may be
reflected in contrasting findings.

Carrion and colleagues found a decrease in volume of the right hip-
pocampus of children with PTSD resulting from chronic stress. This
decrease in size was positively correlated with the severity of the trauma
(Carrion et al., 2007). Smaller volumes of prefrontal cortex and the right
temporal lobes have also been found in children and adolescents with
PTSD (De Bellis et al., 2002). Interestingly, the authors reported that
males seemed to be particularly vulnerable for developing this effect.
More recent studies with children and adolescents with PTSD indicate
that these volume changes can be measured relatively soon after the
stressful experience (12 to 18 months) and may be a direct and long-
lasting response to chronic stress (Tupler & DeBellis, 2006).
As a final note, there has been some debate about the causal order
of the associations between stress and hippocampal volume. On the one
hand, given that the animal literature indicates atrophic changes in pyra-
midal cells and their dendrites, as well as an interference with myeli-
nation, the decreased brain volume may be a direct result of chronic
exposure to elevated levels of glucocorticoids. On the other, however,
smaller hippocampal volume may not necessarily be a result of stress,
but instead be an innate risk factor for a hyperresponsiveness to stress
and the development of clinical disorders (Gilbertson et al., 2002).
Recent evidence from a study on human children and adolescents with a
diagnosis of PTSD suggests that reductions in hippocampal volume are
at least in part a consequence rather than a risk factor in the etiology
of PTSD (Carrion et al., 2007), providing at least some support for the
former rather than latter causal interpretation.
Gender Differences
Clinical research indicates that women may be more susceptible to suffer

serious and long-term psychopathological consequences following stress
compared to men (Holbrook, Hoyt, Stein, & Sieber, 2002). Girls have
a higher incidence of PTSD symptomatology following trauma exposure,
and more women than men exhibit a lifetime prevalence of this disor-
der. In general, being female is considered a risk factor for developing
PTSD (Brewin, 2001).
Several sex-related differences may be relevant to understanding the
effects of stress on memory. First, stress-induced changes in the brain
may be sexually dimorphic (De Bellis & Keshavan, 2003), a pattern also
reported for stress-induced effects/impairments in memory. Second, gen-
der plays a role in explicit memory functioning (Cahill & van Steegeren,
2003) and influences the morphology of the neural substrate underly-
ing explicit memory (Caviness, Kennedy Jr., Richelme, Rademacher, &
Filipek, 1996). For example, in studies investigating gender differences

in a number of implicit and explicit memory tests, women and girls
often outperform men on a test assessing episodic memory and verbal
recall (Boman, 2004), whereas men generally perform better on tasks
of spatial memory (Postma, Jager, Kessels, Koppeschaar, & van Honk,
2004). However, it is not clear whether these differences reflect differ-
ences in memory ability per se or are side effects of differences in ver-
bal and spatial abilities between genders (Silverman & Eals, 1992). More
recent studies however, have found that performance differences between
men and women decrease or disappear during the menstrual phase of
the menstrual cycle when circulating estrogen levels are low (Postma,
Winkel, Tuiten, & van Honk, 1999).
Numerous studies in rats have found gender-dependent effects of
stress on the stress response system and on memory (Setiawan et al.,
2007; Weinstock et al., 1992). Weinstock et al. (1992) found that prena-
tal stress selectively altered HPA axis functioning in the female but not
the male rat. Moreover, the timing of exposure to stress may further
interact with gender to affect specific behavioral outcomes (Mueller &
Bale, 2007). In rats, prenatal stress during early gestation has been
associated with enhanced long-term recall in males and females, but
enhanced short-term memory only in females. In partial contrast, early
gestational stress impaired the short-term memory performance of adult
males on a spatial memory task, but enhanced the short-term memory
performance of females. Interestingly, long-term recall in both genders
was enhanced with respect to controls (Mueller & Bale, 2007).
Shors and colleagues found that acute stress caused by intermit-
tent tail shocks improved learning and hippocampal spine density in
adult male rats, but had the opposite effect in females (Shors, Chua, &
Falduto, 2001). Galea and colleagues (1997), in contrast, found that
prolonged restraint stress on the hippocampal morphology of adult rats
affected males and females differently. Male rats showed a decrease in
dendritic length whereas females demonstrated a decrease in dendritic
branching.
Sex steroids may be involved in mediating some of these effects.
Areas such as the hippocampus and the amygdala contain high num-
bers of estrogen receptors, but also include testosterone receptors (Pfaff,
1968). Both estrogen and testosterone have been found to affect explicit
memory (Janowsky, Chavez, & Orwoll, 2000). Estrogen has been asso-
ciated with both morphological and functional changes related to the
explicit memory system. In female rats, dendritic spine density of
pyramidal neurons in hippocampal area CA1 is dependent on circulat-
ing levels of estrogen, with levels of spine density decreasing during
estrous, when levels of estrogen are low (Gould, Woolley, Frankfurt, &
McEwen, 1990; Warren, Humphreys, Juraska, & Greenough, 1995). This

hormone-dependent synaptic plasticity may underlie heightened levels of
LTP and the performance improvement on memory tests during proe-
strous, when circulating levels of estrogen are highest (Warren et al.,
1995). Estrogen may exert a negative effect on spatial memory (Postma
et al., 1999; Silverman & Eals, 1992). Silverman and Eals (1992) found
that rising gonadal hormone levels in prepubertal children increase per-
formance differences between boys and girls on spatial memory tasks,
with boys performance becoming increasingly better than that of girls.
In rats, Potsma and colleagues (1999) found that levels of estrogen, but
not testosterone, modulated spatial memory performance. Interestingly,
prolonged stress is known to reduce levels of circulating estrogen in
females, and this in turn may have an indirect effect on hippocampal
morphology (Galea et al., 1997). Sex hormone-related effects on memory
have also been observed in human adults. Levels of endogenous sex ste-
roids decrease with age, especially in postmenopausal women (Janowsky
et al., 2000). Administration of estrogen to postmenopausal women has
been associated with enhancement in verbal memory and a decreased
risk for developing Alzheimers disease (Kampen & Sherwin, 1994). In
elderly men, testosterone helps lessen the normal decline in working
memory, which depends on prefrontal structures (Janowsky et al., 2000).
For the purposes of the current volume, it is particularly interesting
that gender differences in memory performance are particularly pro-
nounced when the event to be remembered is of an emotional nature.
Cahill and colleagues have found that women, but not men, show
enhanced memory for emotional over neutral pictures, and credit wom-
ens superior performance on emotional events to the influence of emo-
tional arousal (Cahill et al., 2001; Cahill & van Steegeren, 2003). The
amygdala may play a central role in mediating this effect of arousal
on memory. As mentioned above, activity in the amygdala, in particu-
lar the BLA, increases in response to emotional arousal and this activ-
ity is involved in modulating memory consolidation (Duvarci & Pare,
2007). Effects of emotional events on amygdala activation in seem to
be lateralized differently in men and in women (McGaugh, Cahill, &
Roozendaal, 1996). In women, emotional arousal from looking at a neg-
atively valenced video clip is associated with enhanced activity in the
left amygdala and better memory for peripheral details of the clip. The
opposite effect is observed in men, where the emotional video elicits
greater activity in the right hemisphere and better memory for the cen-
tral aspects of the video.
These results suggest that in adults, gender may play an important
role in how individuals are affected by stress, mediated by hormonal
effects on the amygdala and the HPA axis. We turn next to how these

gender effects might lead to developmental differences between genders
in the effects of prenatal and postnatal stress on memory.
Gender-Dependent Effects on Development
There is some evidence that gonadal steroids may be involved in early

organization of the brain (Williams, Barnett, & Meck, 1990). In rats,
for example, receptors for gonadal steroids are present in limbic regions
during the perinatal period. Males also experience a surge in testoster-
one early in life (Williams et al., 1990). Exposure to gonadal hormones
early in life seems to influence later memory performance in adult life
(Williams et al., 1990). However, of relevance to the present volume is
whether gender interacts with stress during development to affect later
outcomes, including mnemonic outcomes.
Evidence from both human and animal studies suggests that gen-
der does influence the consequences of early stress. In rodents, prena-
tal stress leads to permanent changes in HPA axis functioning in adult
females but not males (Weinstock et al., 1992). Adult females subjected
to prenatal stress exhibit elevated basal levels of GCs, a decreased num-
ber of GC binding sites in the hippocampus and a slowed return to
baseline levels of circulating GCs following a stressful event (Weinstock
et al., 1992). Thus, the HPA axis in females may be more likely to suf-
fer long-lasting effects of prenatal stress, causing a heightened physiolog-
ical response to stressors encountered later in life.
Morphological changes resulting from prenatal stress also demonstrate
sexual dimorphism. Prenatal stress reduces the number of hippocampal
granule cells that play a role in working memory (Jeltsch, Bertrand,
Lazarus, & Cassel, 2001) in female but not in male rats (Schmitz et al.,
2002). In adult female guinea pigs, prenatal exposure to synthetic GCs
is associated with postnatal abnormalities in hippocampal synaptic plas-
ticity and elevations in MR- and GR-proteins, patterns that have not
been found in males (Setiawan et al., 2007). However, it is not so sim-
ple to say that females are generally more susceptible to the effects of
stress than are males. Which effects are sex-dependent and what under-
lying mechanisms mediate these gender-related outcomes is just begin-
ning to be understood, and findings remain inconsistent. For example, in
some behavioral studies, prenatally stressed males perform more poorly
compared to prenatally stressed females. Male, but not female, juve-
nile rats exposed to prenatal stress show a heightened startle response
and poorer learning capacity compared to nonstressed controls (Nishio,
Kasuga, Ushijama, & Harada, 2001).

This suggests that gender may interact with other factors, such as
timing of stress, in determining the effects on the organism. Indeed,
Mueller and Bale (2007) recently found a sexual dichotomy in the effect
of prenatal stress on memory functioning. Whereas in males, prena-
tal stress during early gestation leads to impaired short-term memory,
females show improved learning, with these differences possibly being
due to gender differences in the timing of neural development.
Of note, gender differences in physiological and behavioral responses
to prenatal stress appear to last, in some cases, into adulthood (OConnor
et al., 2002; Weinstock et al., 1992). OConnor and colleagues (2002)
found that behavioral and emotional problems in four-year-old children
prenatally exposed to stress differed between boys and girls. In boys,
prenatal stress was associated with heightened levels of hyperactivity and
attentional deficits, whereas both boys and girls showed higher levels of
total emotional and behavioral problems.
In summary, several studies indeed indicate that the effects of early
stress exposure may well vary between males and females. Whether sex
differences in stress effects extend to memory, however, is not yet clear
given the paucity of studies focused specifically on this topic. Clearly
further research in this vein is needed.
Conclusion
Exposure to stress and glucocorticoids can have long-lasting structural

and functional effects on the brain system that is involved in memory,
and these effects are only beginning to be understood. Certainly con-
siderable advances in knowledge concerning effects of stress on some
aspects of memory have been made, however, numerous questions
remain. For instance, the effects of stress on areas outside of the hippo-
campus in the memory system are not clear, and little is known about
developmental aspects of molecular events involved in memory. Another
question concerns precisely how cellular mechanisms of memory develop,
and how stress affects those mechanisms. Finally, questions remain con-
cerning the extent to which males and females biological reactions
to stress differ, and how these differences affect brain functioning and
memory initially and across development.
We reviewed several studies of the effects of stress on synaptic plas-
ticity, cell function, and behavior both before and after birth. Many of
the findings from these studies are necessarily from animal models, and
one must exercise caution in generalizing from these animal models to
humans. The greatest challenge in relating these findings to humans
is that there are critical developmental differences, in particular in the

timeline of maturational events between humans and the other mam-
malian species on which much of the research has been conducted.
Nonetheless, there are also substantial parallels (Dobbing & Smart,
1974), and results of such studies do provide insight into possible mech-
anisms by which stress affects the brain and memory in humans.
The timing of exposure to stressors is likely an important factor deter-
mining outcomes. Because many of the important functions of the explicit
memory system develop around the time of birth (e.g., many aspects of
hippocampal function) the perinatal period may represent a risk period for
adverse stress effects. In addition, the perinatal period is when the brain
likely has the most capacity for plasticity. Plasticity could be a disadvan-
tage, in that the system may be more vulnerable to external influences,
but also a protective factor, facilitating development, especially, for exam-
ple, if stress exposure is followed by intense maternal attention.
We close with a final question concerning whether and how stress
affects individual memories versus the development of the long-term
memory system. The severity and duration of stressors are proba-
bly important for the effects of stress on the developing brain system
involved in memory, just as severity and duration are important for indi-
vidual memory formation, storage, and retrieval. The interplay between
the developing HPA axis and structures involved in memory function-
ing is complex. Several other chapters in this volume (see Alexander &
OHara; Greenhoot Johnson, Legerski, & McCloskey; Wallin, Quas, &
Yim; Wiik & Gunnar) review, in detail, how chronic and acute stress
affects memory processes generally, biological stress responses, and dis-
crete memory for specific events. The current chapter adds to the knowl-
edge provided in these other chapters to further highlight the complex
number of factors, including those within the brain system, that may be
affected by stress and that, once affected, may influence childrens (and
possibly adults) memory abilities.
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12
Physiological Stress Responses

and Childrens Event Memory
Allison R. Wallin
Jodi A. Quas
Ilona S. Yim
A s already described, both in the other chapters contained

in this volume (e.g., Baker-Ward & Ornstein; Goodman;
Peterson) and in prior reviews (e.g., Alexander, Quas, & Goodman, 2002;
Fivush & Sales, 2004), scientific interest in childrens ability to recount
stressful experiences has burgeoned during the past two decades. An ini-
tial wave of studies, conducted in the 1980s and early 1990s, focused on
identifying whether stress helped or hindered childrens memory. Results
were variable, with some findings suggesting stress enhances childrens
memory (e.g., Goodman, Hirschman, Hepps, & Rudy, 1991), and others
suggesting that stress inhibits or is unrelated to childrens memory (e.g.,
Bugental, Blue, Cortez, Fleck, & Rodriguez, 1992; Merritt, Ornstein, &
Spicker, 1994; Vaandermaas, Hess, & Baker-Ward, 1993). A second wave
of studies, conducted largely in the past 15 years, has become increas-
ingly complex in terms of the types of to-be-remembered events exam-
ined, how stress is measured, and the assessment of individual-difference
characteristics that may moderate the associations between stress and
memory (e.g., Alexander et al., 2001; Burgwyn-Bailes, Baker-Ward,
Gordon, & Ornstein, 2001; Peterson & Bell, 1996). Together, these stud-
ies have contributed to a much improved understanding of the conditions
under which stress is likely to be related to childrens memory. However,
the studies also raise important new questions about the precise nature
313
of childrens stress responses and when and how these responses relate
to their memory.
The purpose of the present chapter is to review evidence relevant to
these new questions. Our particular focus concerns the role childrens
physiological stress responses play in memory, a topic often overlooked
in this line of inquiry, but one that may provide critical, novel insight
into the relations between stress and memory in childhood. We begin
with a brief discussion of the rationale underlying the need to consider
physiological stress responses when studying childrens memory for emo-
tional, primarily stressful, experiences. We then provide an overview of
existing research that has included general measures of physiological
arousal (i.e., heart rate), followed by a review of the biological systems
that respond to stressful events and how arousal as driven by each of
these specific systems may affect childrens memory. We conclude with
a discussion of the need to consider developmental factors concurrent
with physiological stress responses when studying childrens memory for
stressful events.
Of importance, throughout our review, we focus primarily on the
relations between acute stress and childrens memory. Chronic stress, as
induced, for example, by repeated or continuous challenging life experi-
ences (e.g., living in extreme poverty, exposure to maltreatment), can lead
to profound effects on physiological systems (DeBellis, 2001; McEwen,
2004; Sapolsky, 2007; Watts-English, Fortson, Gibler, Hooper, &
DeBellis, 2006), and such effects impact a broad range of socioemo-
tional and cognitive processes, including memory functioning (Bremner,
1999; Perez & Widom, 1994). Acute stress, on the other hand, includes
single, time-limited stressors that may or may not be anticipated.
Exposure to these events leads to short-term physiological stress reac-
tions, but not fundamental changes in individuals physiological systems
general response proclivities. As such, acute stress may affect memory
in a manner that is distinct from the effects of chronic stress (see
Greenhoot, Johnson, Legerski, & McCloskey; Wiik & Gunnar, this vol-
ume, for more extensive discussions of chronic stress and childrens gen-
eral memory processes).
We are also primarily concerned with how physiological arousal dur-
ing a to-be-remembered event that is itself stress-inducing affects chil-
drens memory for that event. Numerous prior studies, particularly in
adults, have focused on the effects of arousal on memory for general
information or information unrelated to the cause of the stress (e.g.,
neutral word lists). Fewer studies have focused on the relations between
physiological arousal and individuals memory for salient, personal
experiences that are likely to be perceived as stressful. The relations
between stress and memory vary considerably based on whether the

to-be-remembered event is salient or central to the cause of the stress
or unrelated and peripheral to the cause of the stress (Christianson,
1992; Quas, Goodman, Ghetti, & Redlich, 2000). Given our specific
interest in childrens memory for stressful events, we mention, only
when relevant, studies that have examined the effects of acute stress on
individuals memory for information unrelated to the cause of the acute
stress.
Finally, given the paucity of studies that have specifically addressed
the role of arousal as driven by specific physiological systems and mem-
ory in children, our chapter is not a straightforward review of a well-es-
tablished body of research. Instead, our chapter discusses both research
and theory that have implications for the study of physiological stress
responses and memory. Our chapter is designed to provide a theoretical
foundation for predictions concerning why physiological responses should
relate to childrens memory, and we lay out several testable hypotheses
concerning these relations. Overall, we hope that our chapter serves as
a starting point for research to directly test the role that physiological
stress responses play in memory across development.
Methodological Challenges in the Study

of Childrens Memory for Stressful Events
Despite the growing body of research investigating childrens memory

for stressful events, findings remain mixed as to whether stress helps or
hurts childrens memory. Several methodological differences across stud-
ies, however, may have contributed to the variable fi ndings. Differences
most relevant to the present chapter include the type of to-be-remembered
event studied and the manner in which stress was assessed.
First, the to-be-remembered event has varied considerably across stud-
ies, leading to differences in a range of factors that may influence chil-
drens subsequent memory. For instance, to-be-remembered events have
varied in the level of distress associated with the event, the events
controllability, the duration of the event, and the events complexity.
Some studies, for example, have examined childrens memory for nat-
urally occurring, highly distressing experiences to which the children
were exposed regardless of the research itself (e.g., injuries, medical
procedures) (Goodman, Quas, Batterman-Faunce, Riddlesberger, & Kuhn,
1997; Merritt et al., 1994; Peterson, 1996). Although investigating chil-
drens memory for such events provides unique insight into how high
levels of distress relate to memory, it is difficult to generalize across
studies because the events themselves vary. Also, the time frames asso-
ciated with the measurement of stress (e.g., an inoculation versus an
Physiological Stress Responses and Childrens Event Memory 315

entire dental check-up) and how stress is measured (e.g., observation,
post-hoc parental report) vary. Finally, the events surrounding the stres-
sors (e.g., parent behavior) are difficult to control and can affect chil-
drens reactions and memory (e.g., Edelstein et al., 2004; Goodman,
Quas, Batterman-Faunce, Riddlesberger, & Kuhn, 1994).
Other researchers have investigated childrens memory for mildly
stressful, controlled laboratory events (Bugental et al. 1992; Quas &
Lench, 2007). This paradigm is similar to that employed in studies of
adults memory of emotional information, in which memory is tested
for emotionally evocative pictures or videos to which the adults were
previously exposed (e.g., Canli, Zhao, Brewer, Gabrieli, & Cahill, 2000;
Christianson & Loftus, 1987; Kern, Libkuman, Otani, & Holmes, 2005).
The experimental control available with laboratory events is a clear,
obvious advantage over naturally occurring stressors, although the level
of arousal induced in laboratory studies is typically much lower. In fact,
researchers have rarely adequately investigated whether the laboratory-
based to-be-remembered events consistently and reliably induce stress
responses in children. Insofar as clear insight into the relations between
stress and memory is to be gleaned, the advantages of both types of
research paradigms must be integrated: To-be-remembered events must
be salient, personally significant, and reliably induce arousal in children,
but at the same time be under experimental control so that clear infer-
ences about the effects of stress on memory can be drawn.
Second, researchers have relied on a variety of methods to assess
childrens distress during a to-be-remembered event. The most common
method has been to obtain ratings from an observer or a parent. For
instance, in investigations of childrens reactions to and memory for
medical procedures, research assistants or medical staff rated childrens
distress during the events (e.g., Goodman et al., 1997). In a few investi-
gations, parents have been asked to retrospectively report how distressed
their child was during a prior accident or medical procedure (e.g.,
Peterson, Pardy, Tizzard-Drover, & Warren, 2005; Quas et al., 1999).
Yet, children may mask their true feelings (Cole, 1986; Davis, 1995;
Katz, Kellerman, & Siegel 1980), researchers or parents may interpret
childrens behavior incorrectly, parents may not accurately remember
their childs reactions, and parents own responses to the stressor may
influence their perception of the childs stress reaction. To gain more
direct insight into childrens distress, some researchers have asked chil-
dren to rate their emotional reactions to particular events (e.g., Chen,
Zeltzer, Craske, & Katz, 2000; Merritt et al., 1994). However, childrens
responses may also be limited in the extent to which they reflect chil-
drens true experiences, for instance, if children are unwilling to report
their true feelings. Alternatively, children, especially those who are

young, may not understand the questions. As an example, Chen and
colleagues (2000) excluded 15 of 55 children (all between the ages of
four and seven years) from a study of childrens memory for lumbar
punctures because the children did not appear to understand the self-
report distress questions. Thus, even self-report measures have some
limitations.
Not surprisingly, given the above challenges across the different
types of stress measures, the different indices are often uncorrelated
statistically (Merritt et al., 1994; Walco, Conte, Labay, Engle, & Zeltzer,
2005). For instance, Merritt and colleagues (1994) found that parents
and medical technicians reports of childrens distress during an invasive
medical procedure involving urethral catheterization were marginally
correlated with each other, but uncorrelated with childrens own reports.
Similarly, the associations between stress and memory often vary across
the different measures. In Merritt and colleagues study, medical techni-
cians ratings of childrens distress were negatively related to childrens
memory for the medical procedure shortly after it occurred, but parents
and childrens own ratings were unrelated to their memory. The lack of
correlations across measures makes it difficult to discern which measure
most appropriately reflects childrens experienced distress during a par-
ticular event, and difficult to interpret the meaning of differences in the
associations between stress and memory across measures.
To overcome some of the measurement challenges reported above,
a few researchers have included assessments of childrens physiologi-
cal responses. Arguably, young children cannot volitionally control their
physiological arousal to the same extent that they might control overt
expression or self-report of emotion. As a result, the different types of
stress measures are likely tapping into different aspects of childrens
experiences and perceptions of stress. There are several theoretically
important reasons why physiological stress responses may have unique
effects on childrens memory. And, with some naturally occurring stres-
sors and with laboratory-induced mild stressors, it has been possible
to obtain comprehensive data concerning childrens physiological stress
responses as an event is unfolding. Thus, these studies have the poten-
tial to provide new insight into how children remember stressful events,
insight not possible when only observers or childrens own reports are
considered. Next, we discuss, in greater detail, results of these studies,
as well as why it is imperative to investigate the specific physiological
systems driving childrens responses when attempting to understand the
role that stress plays in their event memory. Of critical importance, we
are not claiming other aspects of childrens experiences or expressions of
distress are unimportant (e.g., in relation to childrens later conversations
about or perceptions of former stressful events), however, we believe that

it is also necessary to understand how biological acute distress responses
relate to childrens event memory.
Physiological Stress Responses and Memory
In children, a small but growing body of research has investigated the

relations between physiological arousal and memory. A somewhat larger
number of studies has investigated similar relations in adults. Across
both populations, the most common measure of arousal has been heart
rate, a peripheral measure of autonomic nervous system activity that can
be easily and reliably collected via noninvasive means.
Among memory studies that have included heart rate measures, find-
ings in adults are fairly consistent: Increases in heart rate (e.g., while
watching an emotionally evocative video) are generally associated with
enhanced memory, both for emotionally arousing and nonarousing infor-
mation (Christianson & Nilsson, 1984; Cohen & Waters, 1985; Lang,
Newhagen, & Reeves, 1996; Vrana, Cuthbert, & Lang, 1989; but see
Christianson, 1984). For instance, Buchanan and colleagues (2006) had
adults listen to a series of words. Some words were taboo or mildly
threatening words that elicited increases in autonomic arousal. The taboo
words were better remembered than the less-emotional words. Moreover,
among the taboo words, greater heart rate acceleration predicted bet-
ter memory. A similar association between heart rate increases and
improved memory was reported by Nielson, Yee, and Erickson (2005)
who exposed adults to a list of common words followed by either a
neutral or emotional video. Not only was heart rate higher among indi-
viduals who watched the emotional video, but memory for the word list
was better.
In developmental studies, results are much less consistent. A few
studies have reported negative relations between heart rate and childrens
memory (e.g., Bugental et al., 1992; Stein & Boyce, 1995). Bugental
and colleagues (1992), for example, had five- to 10-year-olds watch a
video during which their heart rate was monitored. In the video, a child
protagonist visited the doctor and displayed either negative or neutral
expressions. Childrens memory for the video was tested shortly after-
ward. Among the youngest children, greater heart rate during the video
in which the protagonist displayed negative emotions was associated with
poorer memory. No significant associations were observed between young
childrens heart rate and memory for the video in which the protagonist
displayed neutral expressions or among older childrens heart rate and
memory regardless of the emotional displays in the video. Other studies,
however, have reported different patterns of results: Chen and colleagues

(2000) found that, with age controlled, childrens heart rate during lum-
bar punctures (relative to a baseline period) was unrelated to their mem-
ory for the procedure a week later. Quas and Lench (2007) found that
increased heart rate while watching a fear-eliciting video was associated
with fewer errors in five- and six-year-olds memory for the video two
weeks later.
Several reasons for the inconsistent results are possible. First, heart
rate changes can be caused by a variety of internal and external fac-
tors unrelated to the induction of stress. For instance, heart rate rapidly
increases in response to minimal physical activity, including changes
in body posture or deep breathing (e.g., Faes, De Neeling, Kingman,
TenVoorde, & Karemaker, 1995; Gellman et al., 1990). Age and gen-
der can also affect heart rate (Steptoe, Fieldman, Evans, & Perry,
1996). Heart rate can increase as a result of exposure to positive stim-
uli and be indicative of arousal or novelty (e.g., Gomez & Danuser,
2004). Thus, changes in heart rate during a particular event may
have little to do with experienced distress. Also, the to-be-remembered
events (e.g., medical tests) in some studies involving children generally
require more physical activity than those in studies involving adults, pre-
cluding direct comparisons across age because the magnitude of heart rate
change may have been affected by physical activity in addition to level of
distress experienced.
Second, the to-be-remembered stressors in developmental studies var-
ied considerably: Lumbar punctures are particularly painful; the duration
of the procedure varies, and children are likely to experience a strong
stress response, both in anticipation of and during the actual procedure.
However, watching a video of a child experiencing an inoculation may
be mildly arousing to children, but there is no personal threat to the
childrens well-being. In other words, although some children experience
increased heart rate during such an event, this increase may not reflect
personal distress. Finally, other studies utilize staged stressful events
(e.g., a surprise fire alarm in a laboratory). These events are startling
and unanticipated. They may elicit perceptions of personal threat, but
the duration is relatively short-lived and the resolution is quick. These
variations in the events salience, duration, and personal relevance may
affect the magnitude of childrens experienced arousal during the events
and the specific physiological systems driving that arousal.
Specifically, several physiological systems contribute to the experience
of distress or arousal, and heart rate is one index of activity of these
systems. Heart rate is under the control of two key physiological sys-
tems: the sympathetic and parasympathetic branches of the autonomic
nervous system, and changes in heart rate may be driven by activation
of one or both of these branches. A third system, the hypothalamic

pituitary adrenal (HPA) axis, is also activated after exposure to some
types of stressors (Tsigos & Chrousos, 2002). All three systems play an
important allostatic role in the body, or rather, the systems help main-
tain stability. However, and of importance, the systems also, via their
responses, prepare the body when it becomes necessary to respond to
external challenges, demands, or stressors (McEwen & Wingfield, 2003).
To understand more accurately how physiological stress responses relate
to childrens memory, it is imperative to directly study the systems driv-
ing childrens responses, namely the sympathetic and parasympathetic
branches of the autonomic nervous system and the HPA axis. As we
turn to next, insight into the stress-responsive activity of these systems
may provide much-needed new knowledge concerning the mechanisms
that affect childrens ability to recount stressful experiences.
Autonomic Nervous System

The autonomic (or visceral) nervous system (ANS) is part of the
peripheral nervous system. Although most of its activities are involun-
tary, some functions (e.g., breathing) are amenable to partial voluntary
control. The ANS is divided into the sympathetic and parasympathetic
branches. Although not absolute, the role of the sympathetic branch
is to rapidly prepare the body to respond to stress, whereas the para-
sympathetic branch is responsible for maintenance and repair. Yet, the
activity of both systems is complementary. In response to threat or chal-
lenge, one or both systems may respond to varying degrees, and these
responses may lead to differential attention during and possibly memory
for the threatening event. Because the two branches can operate inde-
pendently, the physiological changes associated with arousal as driven by
each branch, along with an explanation of how these changes may affect
childrens memory, are described separately.
Sympathetic Activation
Stress-induced activation of the sympathetic system is most often asso-
ciated with the classic fight-or-flight response, first described by
the American physiologist Walter Cannon (Cannon, 1929/1953; 1939).
Sympathetic activation originates in the central nervous system (CNS).
Signals are sent via efferent, preganglionic sympathetic fibers that origi-
nate in the spinal cord to postganglionic sympathetic fibers that directly
connect to target organs (e.g., the heart). Sympathetic activation leads
to an increase in the production of catecholamines, specifically norepi-
nephrine and epinephrine, from the adrenal medulla, and norepinephrine
is also released from sympathetic nerve endings (Lovallo & Thomas,
2000). Because of direct innervation between the CNS and target organs

and between the adrenal medulla and sympathetic fibers, catecholomine
release occurs virtually instantaneously, and signals travel rapidly, result-
ing in physiological changes that can be observed almost immediately
(Cannon, 1939; Goldstein, 2001; Tsigos & Chrousos, 2002).
In general, sympathetic activation serves the critical function of pre-
paring an individual for action that might be necessary as a result of
sudden exposure to threat. That is, increased heart rate and contractility
of atria and ventricles, vasoconstriction of arteries and veins, dilating of
the pupils and protrusion of the eyes, activation of the sweat glands,
release of epinephrine, among others, all mobilize resources that enable
an individual to appropriately respond to the threat (to fight or flight),
thereby enhancing likelihood of survival. Given this function of sym-
pathetic activation, it makes intuitive sense that such activation, which
results from exposure to stress, would enhance attention and hence mem-
ory. Specifically, it is advantageous for survival to attend to a threat,
determine the cause of the threat, assess the immediacy and severity of
the threat, and identify methods of escaping or reducing the threat. It is
further advantageous to remember this information so that, should the
threat arise again, an expedited appropriate response can be taken.
This intuitive perspective is supported by physiological research:
Increasing evidence, across studies including human and nonhuman ani-
mals, suggests that epinephrine selectively enhances memory for emo-
tional and arousing information (e.g., Cahill & Alkarie, 2003; Cahill &
McGaugh, 1996; Cahill, Prins, Weber, & McGaugh, 1994; Flint,
Bunsey, & Riccio, 2007; Gold & van Buskirk, 1975; Introini-Collison &
McGaugh, 1986; Sternberg, Martinez, Gold, & McGaugh, 1985). In adult
humans, for instance, Cahill and Alkire (2003) had participants view
a series of emotionally evocative images. Immediately afterwards, the
researchers administered either a placebo or epinephrine to simulate sym-
pathetic activation. Participants who received epinephrine exhibited bet-
ter memory for the images one week later, suggesting that epinephrine
is involved in the consolidation of emotional and arousing memory. In
other studies, Cahill and colleagues examined the effects of propranolol,
a beta-adrenergic receptor antagonist that inhibits sympathetic responses,
on adults memory for emotionally evocative and neutral information
(e.g., Cahill & McGaugh, 1996; Cahill, Prins, Weber, & McGaugh,
1994). Findings consistently reveal that propranolol inhibits memory spe-
cifically for emotional but not neutral information. For instance, in one
study, adults viewed a brief slide show that depicted either a boy and
his mother witnessing a minor accident and learning about surgery (non-
arousing version) or a boy who experiences a major accident with his
mother and is then rushed to a hospital for emergency surgery (arousing
version) (Cahill et al., 1994). Immediately afterward, participants were

administered either propranolol or a placebo. A surprise memory test
took place a week later. Propranolol inhibited memory for the arousing
story with the effects being greater for the most arousing parts of the
story.
In children, neither the exogenous administration of epinephrine nor
beta blockers (e.g., propranolol) is an appropriate or ethical method of
assessing effects of sympathetic arousal on memory. Researchers have
instead relied on noninvasive methods of assessing childrens sympathetic
activation, the most common of which is pre-ejection period (PEP), or
the latency between ventricular contraction and opening of the aortic
valve and onset of left ventricular depolarization, as measured via ECG.
PEP is believed to reflect the effects of sympathetic activity on the car-
diac cycle (Sherwood, 1993; Uchino, Cacioppo, Malarkey, & Glaser,
1995). A shorter PEP signifies that cardiac output is being produced at
a more rapid pace and is thus indicative of increased sympathetic activ-
ity. Differences in childrens PEP resulting from exposure to stress or
challenge relative to their PEP at baseline have been examined in rela-
tion to numerous socioemotional and health outcomes (e.g., attachment
security, depression, physical health symptoms) (e.g., Boyce et al., 2002;
Oosterman & Schuengel, 2007; Salomon, Matthews, & Allen, 2000).
To date, only two published studies, however, have examined the asso-
ciations between PEP and memory in children, the results of which are
only partially consistent with those reported in adults.
In one study, Quas and colleagues (2004) examined four- to six-
year-olds sympathetic arousal throughout a series of laboratory chal-
lenges (e.g., a cognitive task, a brief social interview) that concluded
with a brief fire-alarm incident. Shortly afterward, childrens memory for
the alarm incident was examined. No significant associations emerged
between changes in childrens PEP scores between a baseline task and
the laboratory challenges and their memory for the alarm. In a second
study, Quas and colleagues (2006) examined memory for a fire alarm
among a larger sample of children across a wider age range (four- to
eight-year olds). Consistent with the adult literature, greater sympathetic
activation, quantified according to a general index (which combined chil-
drens average PEP during the tasks with their time to recover on indi-
vidual tasks and their PEP variability) was associated with enhanced
memory for the alarm.
In summary, existing research suggests that sympathetic arousal in
response to what could be considered moderate acute stress exposure
is often associated with enhanced memory. In adults and nonhuman
animals, experimental manipulations that affect sympathetic activation
demonstrate reliable effects on memory specifically for emotional infor-
mation. In children, hints at beneficial effects of sympathetic arousal on

memory have emerged. As yet, developmental studies have not focused
on whether sympathetic arousal enhances childrens memory for central
information directly related to the cause of the stress. However, insofar
as such arousal should direct attention toward the immediate threat and
the means of responding to that threat, sympathetic arousal should be
most strongly associated with enhanced memory for central information
directly related to the cause of the stress.
Parasympathetic Withdrawal
The parasympathetic branch of the autonomic nervous system regulates
internal and external demands on the body by either increasing activa-
tion (often called vagal tone) or decreasing activation (often called vagal
withdrawal) (e.g., Bernsten, Cacioppo, & Quigley, 1991; Porges, 1995;
Salomon et al., 2000). When no external demands (e.g., stressors) are
present, vagal tone is maintained to facilitate growth, repair, and protec-
tion of the body. For example, to promote digestive processes necessary
for growth and repair, the salivary and digestive glands secrete enzymes,
the muscles in the digestive tract increase in motility, and the pancreas
secrets insulin. When an external demand presents itself, the parasym-
pathetic system retains control of some such internal processes, but also
withdraws its regulatory influence (e.g., on the cardiac cycle and other
internal organs) to divert resources required to attend to the demand.
The parasympathetic systems direct innervation of key organs enables it
to respond quickly, leading to near immediate increased vigilance, heart
rate, and preparedness when necessary, and quick recovery and return to
baseline after the stressor has ended. This preparedness often, but not
always, coincides with sympathetic activation. In other words, although
the two systems responses are related in some contexts, this is not
always the case (Bernsten, Caciocippo, & Quigley, 1991; 1993).
Although the precise biological mechanisms underlying associations
between parasympathetically driven arousal and memory are not well
articulated, there are more general theoretical reasons why such relations
should exist. These reasons stem from evidence suggesting that the para-
sympathetic regulation (tone) and withdrawal play a key role in emotion-
ality and emotion regulation (see Beauchaine, 2001; Butler, Wilhelm, &
Gross, 2006; Frazier, Strauss, & Steinhauer, 2004; Wilhelm & Roth,
1998). By regulating physiological signals (e.g., heart rate, perspira-
tion) associated with negative emotional (including stressful) experiences,
parasympathetic tone serves to enhance physiological recovery follow-
ing distress. However, when parasympathetic tone is not restored, para-
sympathetic withdrawal is extended, resulting in the continued directing
of cognitive and emotional resources towards the stressor. This leaves

fewer resources available to devote to processing of external information.
Insofar as information is not well-attended to or processed, memory
should be inhibited.
Few studies have directly examined the associations between para-
sympathetic withdrawal and memory, and none has examined parasympa-
thetic responses in adults. Two exceptions, both conducted with children,
include Quas and colleagues (2004, 2006) studies of childrens memory
for a fire-alarm incident. In the studies, respiratory sinus arrhythmia
(RSA), an index of parasympathetic activation of the cardiac cycle, was
measured via ECG as children listened to neutral stories (included to
obtain baseline physiological data), completed the challenging tasks, and
experienced the fire-alarm incident. In the study that included four- to
six-year-olds, greater parasympathetic withdrawal during the challenges
relative to baseline was associated with poorer memory for the alarm
shortly after it occurred (Quas et al., 2004). In the study that included
four- to eight-year-olds, greater parasympathetic withdrawal again pre-
dicted poorer memory, although only among the older (i.e., seven- to
eight-year-old) children (Quas et al., 2006). Of note, in both studies,
the magnitude of childrens parasympathetic responses to the laboratory
challenges was minimal, thus precluding general conclusions to be drawn
regarding the effects of moderate to high levels of parasympathetically
induced arousal on childrens memory. However, given the functional
role that parasympathetic tone and withdrawal seem to play in emotion
regulation processes, continued investigations, particularly across develop-
ment, are needed to clarify how parasympathetic withdrawal in response
to salient, stressful experiences relates to childrens memory.
Hypothalamic Pituitary Adrenal Axis

Another stress-responsive biological system is the HPA axis. Briefly, the
hypothalamus releases corticotrophin-releasing hormone (CRH), which
triggers the release of adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH) from the
pituitary, which then stimulates the release of cortisol from the adre-
nal cortex (e.g., Tsigos & Chrousos, 2002). Cortisol affects virtu-
ally every organ and tissue in the body, and these effects orchestrate
the bodys response to stress. Cortisol exerts its effects via mineralo-
corticoid receptors (MR) and glucocorticoid receptors (GR). MR have
a significantly higher affinity for cortisol than GR. As such, GR are
only fully activated when cortisol levels are high, for example under con-
ditions of stress (de Kloet, Oitzl, & Joels, 1999; Reul & de Kloet, 1985).
There are several theoretical reasons why HPA axis activity should
be related to memory. One such reason stems from the high proportion
of GR located in brain structures heavily implicated in both HPA axis

feedback regulation and memory processes, specifically, the amygdala
and the hippocampus (Roozendaal, 2003; Jacobson & Sapolsky, 1991;
Smith & Vale, 2006). Activation of the amygdala, a limbic structure
that directly responds to personally salient emotional events, including
those that are threatening or stressful (Herman, Ostrander, Mueller, &
Figueiredo, 2005), is associated with enhanced memory for emotional
information, and also with HPA axis activity. In contrast, activation
of the hippocampus, another limbic structure involved in memory pro-
cesses, specifically spatial and general declarative memory, is associated
with inhibiting HPA axis activity (i.e., down-regulation following stressor
exposure). Given the central role of emotional arousal during exposure
to stress and the amygdalas activation in response to such arousal, HPA
axis activity should enhance memory specifically for the emotionally
arousing information.
Several studies including both humans and nonhuman animals con-
firm that HPA axis activity is related to enhanced memory, although
the precise nature of these relations depends on (a) the emotionality or
personal significance of the to-be-remembered information and (b) the
timing of the stressor in relation to the to-be-remembered information.
Specifically, when the to-be-remembered event is either unrelated to the
stressor or occurred prior to the induction of distress, an inverse asso-
ciation between cortisol and memory is typically found (e.g., Lupien &
McEwen, 1997; Wolf, Schommer, Hellhammer, McEwen, & Kirschbaum,
2001; see Domes, Heinrichs, Reichwald, & Hautzinger, 2002 for an
exception). From a functional standpoint, when attempting to cope
with increased arousal that results from stress exposure, events unre-
lated to the stressor are not relevant and hence need not be attended
to, evaluated, or remembered. This possibility is consistent with pre-
dictions concerning the associations between sympathetic activation and
memoryremembering information unrelated to the cause of the stress
would not enhance survival and thus memory for this information should
not be enhanced via sympathetic or HPA axis activation.
In contrast to the above studies suggesting negative associations
between HPA axis activation and memory, studies in which the to-be-
remembered information takes place concurrent with or shortly after
HPA axis stimulation, or in which the to-be-remembered event is the
source of the HPA axis response, have more consistently reported pos-
itive associations between HPA axis activation and memory, at least
in adults. For example, increases in both exogenous and endogenous
cortisol facilitate adults memory for emotionally arousing pictures
(e.g., Buchanan & Lovallo, 2001; Cahill et al., 2003), emotional stories
(e.g. Rimmele, Domes, Mathiak, & Hautzinger, 2003), and faces depict-
ing positive and negative emotions relative to neutral faces (e.g., Putman,

van Honk, Kessels, Mulder, & Koppescharr, 2004). Thus, as hypothe-
sized, HPA axis activation enhanced memory for central, salient infor-
mation directly related to the cause of the stress.
Few studies have examined whether similar patterns are evident in
children, and existing studies have relied on methods substantially differ-
ent from those employed in the adult literature. For instance, Chen and
colleagues. (2000) and Merritt and colleagues (1994) examined childrens
memory for invasive, highly distressing medical procedureslumbar
punctures (endured by children during leukemia treatment) and voiding
cystoeurthrogram fluoroscopies (a procedure involving uretheral catheter-
ization that helps identify potential kidney problems that involves ure-
thral catheterization), respectively. In both studies, which included fairly
small samples, childrens cortisol responses after the procedures were
compared to their cortisol levels at the same time on another day. No
significant associations emerged between cortisol and memory when chil-
drens memory was assessed immediately after the procedure (Merritt
et al., 1994) or when their memory was assessed several weeks later
(Chen, 2000; Merritt et al., 1994). Conversely, in Quas and colleagues
(2004) study of childrens memory for the fire-alarm incident described
earlier, HPA axis reactivity (defined as the difference between childrens
cortisol levels at the outset of the session and after they had completed
the laboratory challenges) was positively associated with childrens mem-
ory for the alarm.
Given the differences in the salience of the to-be-remembered events
between invasive medical procedures and a brief alarm experienced in
the laboratory, it is premature to draw any definitive conclusions from
these studies. However, the mild stressor examined in Quas and col-
leagues. (2004) seems to be more similar to the type of stressors (e.g.
arousing slides) included in investigations involving adults, which may be
the reason why the results are more comparable to those reported in the
adult literature than those reported by Merritt and colleagues and Chen
and colleagues Of note, in Quas and colleagues study, although some
children exhibited HPA axis responses to the laboratory challenges, many
children did not, thus again raising mild concerns about whether the to-
be-remembered event was adequate to induce a consistent, reliable stress
response, particularly as driven by the HPA axis. In order to test more
directly the effects of HPA axis activation on childrens memory, pro-
cedures that are well-controlled and that reliably elicit stress responses
in children need to be studied, and the content of the to-be-remembered
information must be systematically varied. Such a test would reveal
whether and when HPA axis activation affects childrens memory.
In summary, studies involving adults suggest that elevated HPA axis
responses are associated with better memory of emotional and personally

significant information, particularly when the to-be-remembered informa-
tion is the source of HPA axis stimulation or the information occurs
concurrent with or shortly after HPA axis stimulation. One study with
children has reported similar trends, but other studies have yielded dif-
ferent results. Controlled studies in children are a necessary next step to
determine precisely how stress-induced HPA axis activation affects chil-
drens memory for stressful, personal experiences.
Interactions among Systems

For heuristic purposes, in the aforementioned sections, we treated stress
responses driven by the sympathetic, parasympathetic, and HPA systems
as functionally separate. However, the systems do not act independently.
Stress responses as driven by one system are often dependent on those
of another, and the systems are well-coordinated. For example, typically,
the CNS, upon identification of a stressor, concurrently activates the sym-
pathetic system and the HPA axis, while withdrawing parasympathetic
activation. At this initial stage, hormones are released from both the
sympathetic system (i.e., catecholamines) and the HPA axis (i.e., CRH
and ACTH). After initial activation, the systems continue to operate in
a coordinated manner, such that activation in one system can activate or
inhibit another system. The withdrawal of the vagal brake, for instance,
permits increased cardiac activity, and the subsequent secretion of cortisol
allows for continued and enhanced cardiac activity. Also, norepinephrine
enhances the secretion of CRH, leading to activation of the HPA axis.
Coordinated stress responses across systems are clearly advantageous
in that they support efforts to effectively cope with threat and stress.
Yet, it is sometimes the case that the systems are not coordinated in a
simple, characteristic pattern. As an example, the sympathetic and para-
sympathetic systems may be concurrently activated, concurrently inhib-
ited, or the systems may be uncoupled (Alkon et al., 2003; Bernsten,
Cacioppio, & Quigley, 1991; Salomon et al., 2000). Unfortunately, the
conditions under which these different patterns of responses occur (coact-
ivation versus coinhibition versus uncoupling) are not yet well under-
stood. However, the potential for these patterns highlights the importance
of measuring multiple systems simultaneously to determine how each
relates, independently and jointly, childrens memory for stressful, per-
sonal experiences.
Developmental Considerations
In the aforementioned section, we reviewed theory and research relevant

to how stress responsesas driven by the sympathetic, parasympathetic,

and HPA systemsmay affect childrens memory. We did not discuss
the underlying reasons for the particular systems responses; nor did
we outline what might cause individual childrens physiological sys-
tems to respond in distinct or specific ways. Knowledge concerning
sources of variability in childrens physiological responses will provide
additional, valuable insight into how stress affects childrens memory.
Numerous factors, both within children and in their social environment,
may affect their interpretations and coping with threatening events and
hence their subsequent physiological and behavioral responses to those
events. These factors may also affect childrens memory. Some of the
more well-studied factors include childrens temperament (Buss & Kiel,
2004; Fox, Henderson Marshall, Nichols, & Ghera, 2005; Kagan &
Baird, 2004), genetics (Healy, 1992; Lupien, Ouellet-Mourin et al., 2006;
Propper & Moore, 2006), attachment relationships (Gunnar, Broedersen,
Krueger, & Rigatuso, 1996; Spangler & Grossman, 1993), family stress
(e.g., Boyce & Ellis, 2005), and perceived social support (Gerin, Milner,
Chawla, & Pickering, 1995). Space precludes an extended discussion of
how each of these factors may affect childrens stress responses, and
the implications of these effects for childrens memory. However, we
will discuss one critical individual-difference factor, namely develop-
ment, because of the broad nature of its influence and its centrality to
understanding specifically how children remember stressful events. With
age, childrens expressions of distress and strategies employed to cope
with stressors change, as do the magnitude and duration of their stress
responses and their ability to provide coherent and detailed narratives.
Each of these changes has implications for how children remember
(and recount) prior stressful experiences. As such, it is not possible to
interpret childrens stress responses, memory performance, or the links
between them without taking into account developmental considerations.
First, with age, children rely more on active coping strategies rather
than on others to help regulate emotional responses to potential stressors
(e.g. Compas & Boyer, 2001; Compas et al., 2001). In fact, the ability to
cope effectively with stress continues to develop through adolescence and
early adulthood (Blanchard-Fields & Irion, 1988; Compas, Malcarne, &
Fondacaro, 1988). For instance, with age, children use a greater range
of coping strategies (e.g., resignation, distraction, cognitive restruc-
turing, withdrawal, positive self-talk) when faced with environmental
challenges commonly experienced in their lives, such as in relation-
ships with parents, at school or in other potentially threatening situ-
ations (e.g., a visit to the dentist) (e.g., Brown, OKeeffe, Sanders, &
Baker, 1986; Donaldson, Prinstein, Danovsky, & Spirito, 2000). In partic-
ular, older children report using more than one strategy concurrently and
relying more on cognitive strategies, especially in controllable situations,

than do younger children (Brown et al., 1986). Age differences in how
children cope with challenge may affect the intensity of childrens stress
responses as well as the amount of time required to recover following
these responses. Further, even when younger and older children are com-
parably distressed, given older childrens greater range of coping capabil-
ities, they may attend to different features of an event relative to younger
children. For instance, older children may focus on the consequences of
an event in an effort to find meaning in the event or to identify poten-
tial topics of positive self-talk about the event. In contrast, younger chil-
dren may focus on the location and availability of a caregiver to assist
in coping. Such age-related differential attention would affect what is
considered central, or most important, and possibly subsequent memory
(Quas et al., 2000). Finally, given young childrens more limited rep-
ertoire of coping strategies and cognitive resources (Case, 1991), young
children may need to direct their efforts toward self-regulation, leading
to fewer resources to attend to an ongoing event.
Second, childrens physiological stress responses also undergo devel-
opmental change. In fact, childrens general predisposition to respond
physiologically to stress (e.g., via parasympathetic withdrawal) may not
be stable and hence consistently predictive of behavior and emotion
regulation until mid to late preschool years (e.g., Porges, Doussard-
Roosevelt, Portales, & Suess, 1994). Thus, with young children, physio-
logical responses may vary for developmental reasons rather than stress
exposure per se. Also, the same events also do not necessarily trigger
similar physiological reactions across age. For example, Alkon and col-
leagues (2003) examined age-related changes in three- to eight-year-olds
parasympathetic and sympathetic responses during a baseline activity and
in response to a series of laboratory challenges (see also Boyce et al.,
2001). With age, children exhibited greater overall parasympathetic tone
and lower overall sympathetic withdrawal, across both the baseline
and laboratory tasks. No age differences emerged in childrens differ-
ence scores (task mean minus baseline) within each system separately,
although when coordination across systems was examined, the proportion
of children who exhibited high levels of arousal across systems (i.e.,
children who responded to the tasks with high sympathetic activation
and high parasympathetic withdrawal) decreased with age. The propor-
tion of children who exhibited low responses across system (i.e., children
who exhibited low sympathetic activation and concurrently high parasym-
pathetic tone) and the proportion of children whose responses appeared
well-coordinated (i.e., children who exhibited low sympathetic activation
and high parasympathetic withdrawal) increased with age. As another
example, the Trier Social Stress Test (TSST; Kirschbaum, Pirke, &
Hellhammer, 1993) is a laboratory procedure that involves individuals

giving a brief speech and completing a math task while being observed.
The TSST reliably induces HPA axis responses in children ages nine
years through adults (Kirschbaum et al., 1993; Buske-Kirschbaum et al.,
1997; Kudielka, Buske-Kirschbaum, Hellhammer, & Kirschbaum, 2004).
As yet, however, studies have not consistently demonstrated that simi-
lar HPA responses are evident in younger children (Wewerka, Frenn, &
Gunnar, 2007).
Third, a few studies have directly examined whether age interacts
with childrens physiological stress responses to affect their memory.
Bugental and colleagues (1992), for example, monitored five- to 10-year-
olds heart rate while they observed a video of a child visiting a doctor.
The youngest (five- and six-year-olds) but not older children evidenced
an increase in heart rate when the child in the video displayed negative
affect. Also among only the youngest children, increased heart rate was
related to increased memory errors. In the study of four- to eight-year-
olds memory for a fire-alarm incident shortly after it occurred (Quas
et al., 2006), as mentioned, parasympathetic withdrawal during the lab-
oratory challenges predicted poorer memory for the alarm among older
children, but not among younger children. Given the different events
(witnessed video versus personal experience) and age ranges included
(five to 10 versus four to eight) across the two studies, it is not possible
to determine why the results appeared to vary. However, the findings
point to the potential importance of ensuring that developmental changes
in initial responses, coping, recovery, and memory are central to any
investigation of the relations between physiological arousal and memory
in childhood.
Together, studies suggest that the effects of arousal on memory may
vary with age because of age-related changes in the use and effective-
ness of coping strategies, in the magnitude or duration of childrens
physiological stress responses, or in childrens ability to attend to emo-
tionally evocative information. Overall, childrens coping, physiologi-
cal stress responses, and memory are not static across development. It
is imperative, in future studies, that children across a wide age range
be included to determine how development moderates the associations
between physiological stress responses and memory in childhood.
Conclusions
In the present chapter, we reviewed existing theory and research con-

cerning physiological stress responses in childhood, and the implications
of such responses for childrens attention during, and later memory for,
salient personal experiences. Admittedly, the hypotheses we laid out in

the chapter are largely speculative, not because of a lack of theoretical
basis or supporting extant research in adults, but because the hypotheses
have yet to be systematically investigated using rigorous, experimental
procedures designed specifically for use with children. Thus, we conclude
with a few brief recommendations for key features that future investiga-
tions must include to begin to address fundamentally important questions
about when and how physiological stress responsesas driven by multi-
ple and potentially interacting systemsaffect childrens memory.
First, investigations concerning the relations between physiological
arousal and memory must obtain multiple measures of distress as a
to-be-remembered event is unfolding. It is not adequate to only mon-
itor childrens behavior, ask them about their experiences, or assess
their heart rate. Measures of childrens sympathetic, parasympathetic,
and HPA axis responses must be collected, ideally in addition to rather
than instead of other indices. These measures should be obtained before,
during, and after the event so that clearer assessments of how children
respond initially and how they regulate their responses over time can be
gained. The inclusion of multiple, concurrent measures will also be crit-
ical in pursuing broader, more complex questions concerning how inter-
actions among and coordinated responses between physiological systems
relate to memory.
Second and related, the to-be-remembered event must be salient and
reliably induce stress responses, in at least one physiological system but
ideally across multiple systems. At the same time, it must be sufficiently
controllable (or at least observable) so that the accuracy of childrens
later memory can be assessed. The to-be-remembered event must be
directly related to the cause of the stress to test the specific predictions
we put forth (see Christianson, 1992; Quas et al., 2000; Wolf, 2003).
Fortunately, researchers are testing new laboratory procedures that are
effective at inducing physiological responses across relatively wide age
ranges. As mentioned, Kudielka and colleagues. (2004a, b) assessed nine-
to 76-year-olds HPA axis responses to the TSST and found no signif-
icant differences in the magnitude of cortisol or heart rate responses
between children and young adults during the TSST. In younger chil-
dren, results have been variable, although adaptations to the TSST are
continually being tested to identify procedures that similarly induce HPA
axis responses in younger and older children, as well as adults.
Third, in any investigation, children across a wide age range must be
included to determine whether age directly or indirectly affects the rela-
tions between stress and memory, and if so, why. For instance, it may be
that age affects childrens stress responses. Alternatively, age may affect
how children regulate responses that do occur. Given the many develop-
mental changes that occur in childrens coping, attention, self-regulation,

and cognitive and memory capabilities generally, age must play a central
role in future studies.
In closing, as the chapters in this volume attest, much insight has been
gleaned during the past few decades concerning the relations between
stress and memory in children. At the same time, many new questions
have arisen, questions whose answers are needed to continue to advance
this important domain of inquiry. In this chapter, we reviewed literature
relevant to physiological stress responses and memory, and we outlined
testable hypotheses concerning their relations. As empirical studies move
toward testing these hypotheses, answers to questions about the effects
of physiological stress responses on childrens memory can be obtained,
thus further contributing to our knowledge of when and how children
remember salient, personally significant experiences.
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IV
Integration and New

Directions
13
Co-constructing Memories
and Meaning over Time
Robyn Fivush
I n this volume, researchers have struggled to understand how

children make sense of highly emotional and traumatic events.
In examining the processes underlying brain development, hormonal
development, physiological regulation, cognitive development and socio-
emotional relationships that influence remembering, all the contributors
share a focus on how memories are shaped at multiple levels. Whether
considering the developing individual or the developing memory of a
specific event, the contributors to this volume highlight that remember-
ing is a biological, cognitive, and social process that occurs over time.
Here, I consider how time is conceptualized as a developmental process
that occurs both within individuals and within socioemotional contexts
that both shape and are shaped by what we remember.
I first discuss aspects of individual development, focusing on the ten-
sion between change and continuity, and how developmental level and
individual differences are complexly intertwined across time. I then turn
to how individual development is modulated within socioemotional con-
texts that provide the framework for the development and expression
of memory and emotion. Stemming from Vygotskys (1978) sociocul-
tural theory of development, I argue that the concept of scaffolding,
how adults guide and structure social interaction, helps to integrate the
ways in which attachment and reminiscing interact with individual devel-
opment in shaping memories of emotional events. Finally, I return to
the question of meaning-making. In the end, what may matter the most
about our memories of highly emotional and stressful events is how we
are able to create meaning in such a way that our memories do not
343
overwhelm us, and this is a process that may only be possible within a
social context in which meaning is co-constructed.
Individual Change and Continuity
Obviously, memory changes with development. Chapters in this vol-

ume explicate changes in the brain structures underlying memory, in
the physiological and hormonal regulatory systems, and in cognitive
skills, language skills, and emotional regulatory skills. Some of these
changes occur early in development and reach adult-like levels by the
end of infancy, whereas others continue to develop throughout childhood
and even into adulthood. Basic developmental changes underlie changes
in the ability to attend to and encode specific kinds and amount of
information, to consolidate and store information, and to retrieve infor-
mation and express it in action and language (see Bauer, 1996, for an
overview).
Critically, however, development does not always involve change; there
is also consistency across development. Individual differences apparent in
infancy may still be apparent in later childhood and adulthood. There are
often consistencies across development in temperament, becoming individ-
ual differences in personality variables with growth (Rothbart & Bates,
2006), that may include consistent differences in physiological reactivity
and negativity that will certainly play a role in how a given individ-
ual experiences and recalls a stressful event, as discussed in the chap-
ters by Wiik and Gunnar (Chapter 10) and by Wallin, Quas, and Yim
(Chapter 12). The role of temperament more generally in memory seems
more tenuous, with some research finding effects of temperament on mem-
ory and some not, as discussed in the chapters by Baker-Ward, Ornstein,
and Starnes (Chapter 2) and by Peterson and Warren (Chapter 3). The
important point is that how any given individual experiences and remem-
bers stress will be a function of both developmental level and individual
differences (as expressed and maintained within social contexts as dis-
cussed below), and a more nuanced understanding of how these interact
as needed. Many of the chapters in this volume provide beginning evi-
dence of how individual differences interact with developmental change
to produce different memorial effects. The chapters by Baker-Ward et al.;
by Compas, Campbell, Robinson, and Rodriguex (Chapter 5); by Wiik
and Gunnar, and by Wallin et al. all discuss findings where individual
differences in physiological reactivity, stress reactivity, and temperament
may interact and be expressed differently at different ages.
Further, even when development involves change, change may not
be linear. Qualitative shifts in childrens abilities to understand and
344 INTEGRATION AND NEW DIRECTIONS

remember events may occur rapidly when certain levels of cognitive
and linguistic sophistication are achieved. For example, rapid changes
in working memory and executive function towards the end of the pre-
school years may yield rapid shifts in encoding and organization, as
well as the ability to regulate arousal, as discussed in the chapters by
Alexander and OHara (Chapter 9) and by Compas et al. Moreover, it
is not just the effects of development on the construction of new mem-
ories that must be considered, but also on the reconstruction of older
memories. Whereas some memories may change retrospectively with the
acquisition of particular developmental skills, others might not. Peterson
and Warren discuss that children experiencing a stressful event before
the age of two do not become able to recall this event in language
even as language skills develop (see also Bauer & Wewerka, 1997; and
Simcock & Hayne, 2002). Yet, once children achieve a certain level of
language skill that allows them to verbally recall an event at occur-
rence, they actually recall more information verbally as more time
passes, even though forgetting also occurs (see also van Abbama &
Bauer, 2005; Fivush, Sales, Goldberg, Bahrick & Parker, 2004). This
pattern suggests that memories encoded before children develop some
threshold level of linguistic skill will remain difficult if not impossible
to recall verbally, but once that threshold is achieved, children are able
to express more information in their verbal recall as their language
skills increase.
One issue that findings such as these raise is whether children are
actually recalling more about what they personally experienced at the
time of the event, or are they incorporating information they have been
told by others or learned more generally about the world. This high-
lights the complex relations among memory, development, and recall.
All memory, of course, is reconstructed, an amalgam of information
encoded at the time as well as information integrated during subsequent
recalls. Baker-Ward et al. explicate the notion of extended encoding,
where subsequent developmental and experiential events allow children
to interpret events retrospectively in new ways, such that children recon-
struct their memory in the context of their current knowledge of the
world. This is clearly a Piagetian notion of accommodation and recon-
struction in memory with development (Piaget & Inhelder, 1973), and
suggests that changes in processing schemas influence how information
is reconstructed at the time of retrieval. Memories reconstructed from
more sophisticated cognitive understanding of the world may link events
causally in new ways and/or qualitatively change childrens evaluation
of what occurred (see Hudson & Fivush, 1991; and Principe, Ornstein,
Baker-Ward & Gordon, 2000, for some examples of this). Importantly,
the argument here is that this kind of change is truly developmental, in
Co-constructing Memories and Meaning over Time 345

that new cognitive skills fundamentally change the way in which previ-
ous events are understood and therefore represented. It is assumed to be
a permanent change in representations, not a fluctuating change based
on current conditions. Yet there is sparse research examining memory
over development, tracking how and what is remembered across periods
of substantial cognitive change.
Moreover, in terms of the focus of this volume on memories for
highly emotional events, how memories are reconstructed across devel-
opment may be particularly important, as these events are highly likely
to be thought about and talked about over time. Further, with highly
emotional and stressful events, an additional complexity is the memory
for the emotion itself over time (Fivush, Bohanek, Marin, & Sales, in
press). There is a general decrease in recall of negative affect over time
(Walker, Skowronski, & Thompson, 2003), but, even more so, as emo-
tional memories are shared in reminiscing, interpretations, intensity, and
even the valence of the memory can change. For example, Baker-Ward
et al. present evidence that both the process of sharing memories with
others and the coherence and content of the memory changes as a func-
tion of whether the very same event becomes coded as a positive ver-
sus a negative experience. Moreover, this is a process that may continue
over time, well after the actual event is over and is no longer a topic
of conversation. Greenhoot presents evidence that adolescents adaptation
to their current environment colors the way they recall the emotional
aspects of past abusive experiences.
However, unlike developmental changes in cognitive understanding,
which do seem to fundamentally change how the event is understood
and therefore represented, relations between emotional understanding and
memory over time are less clear. That is, is this a simple mood and
memory effect, in which current emotional state influences access to cer-
tain memories or parts of memories at a particular point of time (Ellis &
Moore, 1999), or are there actual changes in the underlying represen-
tations as a function of increasing emotional understanding and regula-
tion skills? In other words, is this actually extended encoding over time
that continues to modulate the memory representations or is it simply
differential access to different memories or parts of memories at dif-
ferent times as a function of current state? As children develop more
sophisticated emotional understanding and regulation skills, are memo-
ries retroactively reconstructed in truly developmental fashion? These
questions beg for additional research. In the adult literature, the claim
is made that changes in the emotional understanding of a stressful expe-
rience lead to a more coherent memory representation, which, in turn,
are related to better physical and psychological health (Foa, Molnar &
Cashman, 1995; Pennebaker, 1997). Are childrens changing emotional

understandings of stressful events operating in similar ways, and how
might this depend on developing emotional skills?
Nonlinear changes in development further suggest that there may
be sensitive periods, or that links between emotion and memory may
be different at different developmental stages. For example, Wiik and
Gunnar discuss nonlinear changes in physiological reactivity across
the first year of life. And Wallin et al. and Baker-Ward et al. discuss
how stress affects memory differently for younger than for older chil-
dren. As discussed by Compas et al. and by Wallin et al., the way in
which more cognitively controlled response systems will interact and
influence more automatic systems changes with development, producing
different relations between stress and memory at different ages. Thus,
there may be particular points in development where qualitative shifts
in memory may occur. Moreover, the developmental patterns described
throughout the chapters in this volume suggest a need to be more sen-
sitive to understanding that development occurs not only within domains
but across domains, and that developments in one area, whether biolog-
ical, cognitive or emotional, simultaneously affect developments in other
areas, as well as the organization of the system as a whole. This idea is
discussed most elegantly in Chapter 10 by Alexander and OHara, who
describ a dynamic systems approach to stress and memory.
Thus the developmental patterns emerging from the research dis-
cussed throughout this volume point to the complex interactions between
multiple developing systems, yielding both developmental change and
developmental consistency. Children with different physiological reactiv-
ity, different temperaments, and different developmental rates may show
different developmental patterns. These may be differences in the age
at which specific skills are acquired, or differences in the patterning
and interactions of skills. Development is not just an increase in spe-
cific skill sets over time; development is also about how multiple skills
develop in relation to each other, often leading to fundamentally new
abilities (Thelen & Smith, 1997; see Nelson & Fivush, 2004, for how
this argument relates to the development of autobiographical memory).
And as if this were not complex enough, the individual child is obvi-
ously developing within complex social worlds as well.
The Socioemotional Context: Attachment,

Reminiscing, and Scaffolding
Even before birth, infants are embedded in a social world in which

parental and societal goals, values, and conventions provide a structure
for the understanding of people and events (Fogel, 1993; Gauvain, 2001).

Events are experienced and remembered within social contexts in which
people interact, interpret, and evaluate their experience, and infants
develop within this social world. The chapters in this book highlight at
least two ways in which the socioemotional context modulates infant and
child memory: the attachment relationship and reminiscing style. Here, I
agree with arguments presented by Sales, and argue that both can be
conceptualized as forms of maternal scaffolding, with mothers who are
able to provide more sensitive, more contingent and more validating
responses, in both the emotional give-and-take of daily interactions and
in mother guided reminiscing, provide a sense of coherence, predictabil-
ity and validation for their children, which underlies both secure attach-
ment and coherent memory representations (see Fivush & Sales, 2005,
and Meins, 1997, for related arguments).
Multiple chapters in this book describe attachment theory and lay out
specific predictions between the quality of the mother-child attachment
bond and mother-child reminiscing. Briefly, mothers who are themselves
securely attached (due in part to their own childhood experiences) are
able to provide sensitive and responsive caregiving to their infants, and
these infants in turn develop expectations that their needs will be met
and they are safe and secure. These early nonconscious expectations
develop into internal working models of relationships, such that securely
attached infants view themselves as cared for and loved, others as trust-
worthy and loving, and the world as predictable and safe. In contrast,
insecurely attached mothers who are not able to respond as sensitively
to their infants needs will create insecure attachment representations in
their infants, such that their infants will develop internal working mod-
els of themselves as uncared for and unloved, others as untrustworthy
and unloving and the world as unpredictable and unsafe (see Cassidy &
Shaver, 1999, for an overview).
As the various chapters in this book demonstrate, there are multiple
ways in which attachment is related to memory, especially for emotional
events. Beginning in the earliest days of life, parental interactions mod-
ulate childrens general physiological reactivity and hormonal responses
to stress, as outlined by Wiik and Gunnar. Because more securely
attached mothers are able to provide more regulated and more emotion-
ally attuned interactions with their infants, these infants are better able
to self-regulate as they develop. The relations between attachment status
and emotional regulation continue to develop, and the chapters by Chae,
Ogle and Goodman (Chapter 1), by Alexander and OHara (Chapter 9),
by Laible and Panfile (Chapter 7), and by Oppenheim and Koren-Karie
(Chapter 6) all demonstrate how the developing attachment relationship
between infant and mother forms a context within which events are
interpreted and recalled. Multiple arguments are presented throughout

these chapters on why the attachment system matters, including securely
attached dyads ability to express and discuss difficult emotions together,
to engage in more coherent reminiscing about stressful events, and to
be more emotionally attuned. Here, I focus on two interrelated reasons:
why secure attachment is related to maternal reminiscing style and why
both are related to more coherent memories of stressful events.
First, a secure attachment system provides the infant with a sense of
predictability. Caregivers will be available when needed and will provide
appropriate responsive care; therefore cognitive and emotional resources
can be used to explore the environment. In contrast, insecurely attached
infants, for whom care is less predictable and responsive, must devote
more of their cognitive and emotional resources to monitoring their own
needs (Bretherton, 1990). In addition, predictability provides a structure for
childrens understanding of events. Early memories are based on routine
and predictable events that are represented as scripts or generalized event
representations (Nelson, 1986). A more coherent and predictable environ-
ment allows the infant to construct more coherent and predictable event
representations of how the world works. These early generalized event
representations are the building blocks of memory (Nelson & Gruendel,
1979). Young children have particular difficulty representing more unpre-
dictable and more variable events (Hudson, Fivush, & Kuebli, 1992). Thus,
early caregiving routines that provide the basis for secure attachment also
provide the basis for more coherent event representations that lay the basis
for later event memory (Fivush, 2006). Simply put, sensitive and respon-
sive caregiving early in development helps create a predictable world that
allows infants to represent their experiences in more coherent ways.
Second, these early nonconscious representations that develop in the
give-and-take of everyday interaction provide the basis for early verbal
reminiscing. Just as mothers differ in sensitive and responsive caregiving,
they also differ in sensitive and responsive reminiscing. The chapters by
Chae et al., by Alexander and OHara, by Oppenheim and Koren-Karie,
and by Sales (Chapter 1, 9, 6, and 8, respectively) demonstrate connec-
tions between maternal attachment style and maternal reminiscing style.
A more elaborative and evaluative reminiscing style reflects underlying
maternal goals of connection, care and validation. Moreover, a more
elaborative maternal reminiscing style helps the mother and child to cre-
ate a shared history in which they are emotionally bonded through time,
and thus helps to maintain and extend a more secure attachment bond.
The reciprocal effects of maternal attachment status and maternal remi-
niscing style have implications for both memory development in general
and for memories of emotional events in particular.
In terms of memory development, mothers who are highly elabora-
tive when reminiscing with their preschool children have children who

come to have more detailed and coherent memories of their experiences
(see Fivush, Haden & Reese, 2006, for a review). Moreover, elaborated
maternal reminiscing predicts later recall, both verbal and nonverbal
recall, of an event more than how the event is talked about while it is
occurring (McGuiguan & Salmon, 2004). And Peterson and Warren pre-
sent evidence that maternal elaborative reminiscing style predicts recall
of highly stressful injury and hospital events even years later.
Importantly, it may not just be memory of a specific event that is
talked about or not talked about that is influenced by maternal remi-
niscing style. Rather, highly elaborative mothers are providing a model
of remembering for their children. Just as maternal caregiving behav-
iors provide a model of the world as predictable or not, maternal remi-
niscing provides a model of the past as elaborated and coherent or not.
Children of highly elaborative mothers come to recall their personal past
in general in more detailed and coherent ways (Fivush et al., 2006), and,
most likely, come to represent their past in more detailed and coherent
ways as well. Thus, just as attachment leads to internal working models
of self and other in interaction, maternal reminiscing leads to internal
working models of self and other in the past, and provides a sense of
continuity of self and other through time (Fivush & Nelson, 2006).
More specific to emotional events, as demonstrated in multiple chap-
ters in this volume, a secure attachment relationship allows for more
open and emotionally expressive communication between mother and
child. More talk about emotion, and especially more explanatory and
regulated talk about emotion, helps children learn emotional regulation
skills (Laible, 2004; Sales & Fivush, 2005). Open and regulated emo-
tional communication will facilitate childrens recall of the specific emo-
tional event under discussion, as well as help children learn emotional
regulation skills for understanding and recalling future emotional events.
Given that emotional distress may disrupt memory for certain aspects of
experiences, the ability to self-regulate will aid in the ability to process
certain aspects of events as they are occurring, as well as to recall cer-
tain aspects of events in retrospect. Thus, secure attachment is related to
more accurate and more coherent memories, as described in the chapters
by Chae et al., and by Alexander and OHara.
There are also relations between attachment status and the developing
relations between automatic and controlled coping strategies, as discussed
by Compas et al. by Wallin et al., and by Sales, as children learn to con-
sciously modulate their emotional responses. However, again, there may not
be a linear relation; as emotional stress rises, attention and focus increases
and the ability to attend, encode, and recall information for the emo-
tional event itself also increases, but if emotion becomes too intense, and
physiological reactions begin to cascade, memory seems to be disrupted

(Brewin, 2003). Thus, secure attachment, which allows for higher levels
of emotional self-regulation, also allows for higher levels of attention and
focus when experiencing and recalling stressful events, but even this may
break down at extreme levels of stress, as described by Sales.
Insecure attachment, whether anxious or avoidant, will, in contrast,
lead to either emotional disruption or distancing and thus less coherent
memories of stressful events. Oppenheim and Koren-Karie discusses how
insecurely attached dyads may not be emotionally tuned to each other,
leading to distorted conversations about emotional experiences, and per-
haps to distorted memories as well. Greenhoot, Johnson, Legerski, and
McCloskey (Chapter 4) presents evidence that children who witnessed
domestic violence during childhood subsequently recalled less emotion
about these experiences. Although no measures of attachment were avail-
able, we can speculate that abusive environments lead to avoidant attach-
ments (Barnett, Ganiban, & Cicchetti, 1999), which would be displayed in
emotional numbing and avoidance in later childhood and adulthood (Shaver
& Mikulnicer, 2002). In adults, attachment status affects the actual per-
ception and encoding of emotional information (Fraley, Niedenthal, Marks,
Brumbaugh, & Vicary, 2006); avoidantly attached individuals simply see
different emotions in their environment. Might attachment status affect the
very way in which children will process and encode experiences in the
world, as well as how they may recall them retrospectively, and, as Chae
et al. propose, is this restricted to attachment-related experiences, or does
it represent a more overarching cognitive style of remembering? These are
important questions for future research.
Meaning Making as a Social Process
Across the chapters in this volume, the consensus is that how children
come to remember the stressful events of their lives is a complex inter-
action among individual differences in temperament and physiological
reactivity; in developing language, memory, and cognitive skills; as well
as developing emotional understanding and regulation. Moreover, these
developments are embedded in social contexts in which mother-child
interactions may or may not be supportive and validating and therefore
may or may not help create predictability and coherence. Individual and
developmental differences will be modulated within social contexts that
either do or do not support the development of specific skills in specific
ways, and these skills will be displayed in social interactions in which
they will be further refined and modulated.
Although the ability to encode, consolidate and retrieve information
can be described at the individual level, ultimately, meaning can only

exist within a social context. It is not just what happened that is crit-
ical, but what this event means for the self. How any given event is
evaluated will be a function of the cultural expectations about the shape
of a life (Bernsten & Rubin, 2004) and how this event fits into an
evolving life story that places the individual within a complex tapestry
of family, relationships, communities, and culture, and places any single
event in relation to other events, other people, and other times (Fivush,
in press; Fivush & Marin, 2007; Reese & Fivush, in press). Especially
when events are stressful, individuals look outward to others and to the
world, to engage in meaning-making processes that create an evaluative
framework for understanding this single event in a larger life context.
Young children are particularly reliant on others, usually their caregiv-
ers, to provide the appropriate social interpretative frameworks. Although
memories may be thought of as existing within individuals, remembering
and meaning-making is clearly situated in the social world. The chapters
in this volume provide complex yet elegant theoretical models and begin
to provide the empirical data needed to elucidate these important pro-
cesses. The path for future research is clear.
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14
Relationships, Stress,
and Memory
Ross A. Thompson
M emory is typically viewed as a cognitive activity that

occurs in the minds of individuals. The contributions to
this volume show that memory is also a social process. How could
it be otherwise? As Baker-Ward and her colleagues (Chapter 2) note,
social influences are incorporated into the initial and extended encoding
of events, and social influences affect the storage of memories and the
reconstructive retrieval of past experiences. The social construction of
memory is especially apparent in conditions of stress. As the research
profiled in this volume indicates, memory for difficult or traumatic expe-
riences is influenced by social support when the experience occurs, the
sensitivity of caregivers when the experience is recounted, and the social
interactions that guide representations of experience in general.
Relationships envelop the most important social influences on chil-
drens experience of stress and their memory for difficult experiences.
The connections between relationships, stress, and memory are thus the
focus of this commentary chapter. Attachment theory provides a provoc-
ative framework for understanding these connections, and because attach-
ment ideas are at the core of several programs of research described
in this volume, the next section discusses the influence of attachment
relationships on childrens memory for stressful events. Parent-child con-
versation is also a recurrent theme of these chapters that touches on the
connections between relationships, stress, and memory, so the next sec-
tion highlights how discourse influences memory, especially for stressful
events, and future research directions in this area. Finally, emotion reg-
ulation also connects relationships, memory, and stress, and the expand-
ing research literature in this field is considered in the last section.
355
I conclude with some ideas for the future directions of this field and its
practical applications.
Attachment Theory
The prominence of attachment theory in this volume is unsurprising in

light of how uniquely this theory addresses the associations between
relationships, stress, and memory. Although Bowlby and Ainsworth had
relatively little to say about attachment and cognitive functions (includ-
ing memory), they recognized that stressful and traumatic events acti-
vate the attachment system. The security of attachment is important for
how children are helped to cope with difficult experiences, their experi-
ence of stress as manageable or overwhelming, their confidence in the
accessibility of caregivers when problems occur, and thus how they pro-
cess and remember threatening events. The chapters by Chae, Ogle, and
Goodman (Chapter 1); Laible and Panfile (Chapter 7); Oppenheim and
Koren-Karie (Chapter 6); and Alexander and OHara (Chapter 9), among
others, attest to the vitality of attachment ideas to studies of memory,
stress, and relationships.
Attachment Security and Childrens

Memory for Stressful Events
Attachment theory offers several explanations for the influence of attach-
ment security on memory for stressful events (see also Alexander, Quas, &
Goodman, 2002). First, owing to the sensitivity of parental care, infants
and young children in secure relationships are more capable of emotion
regulation based on their confidence in the parents support (Thompson,
2008) and this is likely to strengthen memory for difficult experiences.
This is one way that attachment security might affect the encoding of
events through attention allocation, the immediate and extended encoding
of experience, and in other ways. Several studies relevant to this for-
mulation have found, using behavioral and parent-report measures, that
securely attached children are stronger in emotion regulation in infancy
(NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2004), early childhood
(Gilliom, Shaw, Beck, Shonberg, & Lukon, 2002), and middle child-
hood (Contreras, Kerns, Weimer, Gentzler, & Tomich, 2000). In a study
assessing the cortisol reactivity of 18-month-olds to moderate stressors,
Nachmias, Gunnar, Mangelsdorf, Parritz, and Buss (1996) reported that
postsession cortisol elevations were found only for temperamentally
inhibited toddlers who were in insecure relationships with their moth-
ers. For inhibited toddlers in secure relationships, the mothers presence
helped to buffer the physiological effects of challenging events (see also

Wiik and Gunnar, Chapter 10, this volume, for other research on rela-
tional buffers of stress reactivity). There are several avenues by which
a secure attachment might contribute to enhanced emotion regulation in
young children, including how parents intervene to manage the emo-
tions of infants before they become overwhelming, the parents greater
acceptance and constructive response to childrens distress, the parent as
a model of competent emotion self-regulation, and the broader family
emotional climate (Thompson & Meyer, 2007). No research has linked
enhanced emotion regulation in secure children to memory for stress-
ful events, however, which is why the research conducted by Goodman
and Alexander and their students is important and has the potential of
informing attachment theory as well as the literature on stress and mem-
ory. To the extent that researchers find an association between enhanced
emotion coping during difficult experiences and improved memory for
those experiences in securely attached children, it suggests one way that
the emotional consequences of attachment security can have implications
for cognitive functioning.
A second way that attachment can influence memory for stressful
events is through parent-child conversation about these events. This is
relevant to constructive influences involved in the storage and retrieval
of memories for difficult experiences. Attachment theorists have long
believed that parent-child communication is an important avenue by
which security is conveyed and maintained, with Bretherton (1993), for
example, arguing that parents and children in secure relationships engage
in more candid open, fluid communication that enables greater per-
sonal disclosure by children of troubling feelings or thoughts (see also
Thompson, 2000a, 2006). In this context, memories of stressful events
can be reconstructed through the reassurance provided by the parent
and the content of the adults supportive co-construction of the expe-
rience with the child. Several of the contributors to this volume focus
on the influence of parental conversational style on childrens memory
for stressful events, and the Laible and Panfile chapter especially high-
lights an expanding research literature documenting the associations
between secure mother-child attachment, maternal sensitive and elabora-
tive discussion of feelings, and childrens enhanced emotion understand-
ing and representations of relationships (see also Thompson, Laible, &
Ontai, 2003). This literature has not yet established an association
between the quality of mother-child conversation in secure relationships
and childrens memory for stressful experiences, however, which is an
important next step to elucidating the benefits of open, fluid communi-
cation for securely attached childrens stress reactivity.
Oppenheim and Koren-Karie have built on these formulations in
their discussion of how mother-child dialogues can promote a sense of
Relationships, Stress, and Memory 357

security in children. In a manner analogous to how attachment figures
are a physical source of security that fosters infant exploration, they
argue, the same adults become a psychological secure base for the young
childs exploration of the internal world, particularly when the childs
inner world is troubled. Their approach provides a useful framework for
understanding how attachment security can influence memory for stress-
ful events and, perhaps more importantly, how attachment-related men-
tal representations grow and are refined in childhood. Their longitudinal
findings suggest that mother-child dialogues build on the legacy of ear-
lier attachment relationships and, through the parents dialogic sensitivity,
help to maintain the childs security and elaborate the childs representa-
tions of relationships, emotions, and self (see also Thompson, 2006a, in
press).
This leads to Bowlbys concept of internal working models, which
is a third way that attachment can influence memory for stressful events.
As noted by other contributors, Bowlby believed that attachment relation-
ships inspire the development of mental models of relationships, close
partners, and the self that emerge in infancy and grow in sophistication
and scope in the years that follow. These mental working models enable
the child to forecast the behavior of attachment figures, provide informal
rules for interacting with others, color self-perceptions, and constitute
interpretive filters on new experiences and relationships to conform them
to past experiences and expectations (see Bretherton & Munholland,
1999). As described by Chae and colleagues and by Alexander and
OHara, internal working models are likely to influence memory for
attachment-relevant experiences (including stressful or traumatic events)
by affecting the kind of information that children attend to, process, and
remember. Children who are insecure-avoidant, for example, are more
likely to defensively exclude threatening information in order to reduce
exposure to the negative, disturbing emotions with which it is associ-
ated, and the chapter by Greenhoot, Johnson, Legerski, and McCloskey
(Chapter 4) adds empirical support to this view.
Bowlbys concept of mental working models is a brilliant proposal
for understanding the nature of integrated, affectively colored relational
representations. But it is important to recognize that internal working
model is a conceptual metaphor, not a systematically defined theoret-
ical construct, and critics from within and outside attachment theory
have worried about increasingly expansive interpretations of this concept
to explain the association between attachment security and a broaden-
ing range of external correlates (Belsky & Cassidy, 1994; Thompson &
Raikes, 2003). Because the defining qualities and developmental course
of internal working models are not well conceptualized within attach-
ment theory, the concept can be (perhaps too) broadly and flexibly

applied to diverse research domains. Clarifying the nature and develop-
ment of internal working models, especially in relation to the advances
of current developmental science, is thus an important task for attach-
ment theorists.
In attachment theory and research there are, for example, two dif-
ferent ways of understanding the influence of internal working models
on memory. In one view, attention and memory are oriented toward
information that is consistent with prior expectations and mental sche-
mas. This was the approach of Belsky, Spritz, and Crnic (1996), who
assessed three-year-old boys delayed recognition memory for positive
and negative events during a previously viewed puppet show. Children
who were securely attached (assessed in infancy) remembered the pos-
itive events more accurately than the negative events, while the reverse
was true for those earlier deemed insecurely attached, even though there
were no group differences in initial attention to the positive or nega-
tive events in the puppet show. This view is consistent with other lit-
eratures on the heightened sensitivity of children in maritally conflicted
homes to cues of adult disagreement (Cummings & Davies, 1994) and
the hypervigilance of anxious children to cues associated with threaten-
ing or frightening stimuli (Thompson, 2000b).
In an alternative view, attention and memory is oriented away from
schema-consistent information, especially if it is painful or disturbing,
and thus accounts for theoretical expectations of the defensive exclusion
of insecurely attached children. Based on this view, Kirsh and Cassidy
(1997) studied the relevance of infant attachment security for 3 -year-
olds memory for stories depicting maternal responsiveness, rejection,
and exaggerated distress-related responding. Like Belsky and colleagues,
they found that securely attached preschoolers remembered the stories
describing responsive mothers better than insecure children, but contrary
to expectations, they also remembered rejecting and exaggerated stories
better than insecurely attached children. The latter (especially insecure-
ambivalent children) remembered stories of maternal rejection more
poorly, rather than better than, securely attached children.
Both approaches to the influence of internal working models on
memory seem sensible in the context of attachment theory, but these
dissonant predictions indicate that greater clarity of Bowlbys concept of
the development and functioning of mental working models is needed.
These and other diverse findings related to attachment and memory may
be reconciled with respect to whether the remembered information is
relevant to attachment concerns (as suggested by Chae and colleagues),
although it is likely that other influences are also important, including
the interpersonal context of the original experience, the childs emotional
arousal, the relevance to the self of the remembered event, and the

nature of the memories that result (e.g., for peripheral or central events).
Thus the research programs profiled in these chapters have the potential
of informing attachment theory concerning the nature of the association
between security and memory and thus of clarifying certain elements of
Bowlbys internal working models construct.
Parent Attachment
Finally, there has been considerable attention to parental attachment
style in the studies on attachment and memory discussed in this vol-
ume. The focus here is how adults representations of attachment influ-
ence their support to children in stressful or traumatic circumstances.
Although several studies have found a significant association between
parental attachment style and the memory of offspring for stress-
ful events, investigations of mediators of this association have yielded
mixed results. This suggests that greater theoretical consideration of
how parental attachment style might influence the memory representa-
tions of children is required to guide future research efforts, as well
as potential moderators of this influence. Parent attachment representa-
tions might be influential not only for the immediate emotional support
provided under stressful circumstances or their recounting, but also for
its broader influence on childrens understanding of themselves and of
stressful experiences.
In these studies, parents attachment representations have been
assessed as representations of romantic relationships. In two studies
in which adults representations of their childhood attachment relation-
ships have been assessed, there have been convergent findings to those
reported in this volume and promising leads. Reese (in press) assessed
maternal attachment representations using the Adult Attachment Interview
and found a significant association between maternal coherence in these
representations and maternal elaborative reminiscing about past events
with the child as well as childrens self-concept. Bost and her colleagues
(2006) assessed maternal attachment representations using newly val-
idated script methodology and found that maternal secure base scripts
were associated with emotional references during reminiscing with the
child about shared experiences as well as the childs engagement in the
memory task. Maternal secure base scripts and reminiscing narrative
style were also significant predictors of childrens security of attachment.
Although neither study examined child memory, these findings suggest
some of the indirect ways that parental attachment representations might
influence childrens construction of stressful experiences in ways relevant
to memory. In particular, the coherence of maternal attachment represen-
tations of childhood experience might contribute to maternal coherence

and elaborativeness during parent-child conversations about stressful
experiences.
These findings also suggest that in addition to researchers cur-
rent interest in parental attachment style as a significant determinant
of support to children in stressful circumstances, other variables might
also be influential. Research in our lab has focused on the emotional
development of preschoolers from low-income, at-risk families served by
the Early Head Start program who are often exposed to stressful expe-
riences in the home (Raikes & Thompson, 2006, in press). For these
children, emotion understanding was supported by secure attachments to
their mothers but was undermined by maternal depression, assessed a
year earlier, that seems to have colored the emotional climate in which
these children developed an understanding of feelings. The emotional
risks in the mothers life (such as domestic violence or alcohol abuse
in the family) and economic stresses influenced the quality of her rem-
iniscing with children about recent experiences involving emotion, which
in turn was also related to childrens emotion understanding. Although
emotion understanding, not memory, was the focus of this investigation,
the findings suggest that childrens coping with stress is likely shaped
by relational influences that extend significantly beyond the immediate
context of the experience or its recollection to incorporate features of
the family emotional climate in which children learn about themselves
and the emotional events of their lives. This is one of the reasons why
Laible and Panfiles interest in the broader affective quality of parent-
child conversation is so important as a marker of the broader emotional
climate of the parent-child relationship that shapes childrens stress reac-
tivity. Parent attachment representations are one influence on these rela-
tional influences, but there are clearly many others.
Taken together, it is apparent why attachment theory is a generative
approach for understanding the connections between relationships, stress,
and memory. The contributions to this volume may also help to extend
attachment formulations by clarifying how secure relationships contribute
to enhanced memory functioning, especially in conditions of stress.
Parent-Child Conversation
Attachment theorists have not been the only ones to consider how the
content and quality of parent-child conversation influences young chil-
drens representations of experience. A significant theme of this volume
that connects relationships, stress, and memory is the quality and con-
tent of parent-child reminiscing about difficult or traumatic events. The
chapters by Peterson and Warren (Chapter 3), and by Sales (Chapter 8),

Laible and Panfile, and others in this collection draw on a significant
research literature documenting the influence of a parents rich, elab-
orative narrative style on the depth of young childrens autobiographi-
cal memory (see Fivush & Nelson, 2006, and Nelson & Fivush, 2004,
for reviews). The application of this research to the association between
stress and memory is clear: parent-child reminiscingespecially when it
is focused on internal statescan co-construct a young childs represen-
tation of a traumatic event in a manner that facilitates better memory
and enhanced coping. The research programs profiled in this volume
contribute empirical support to this view.
These chapters also extend this view in interesting and important
ways. The contributors to this volume have studied parent-child discourse
not only in the context of reminiscing about shared past events, but also
in the context of conflict (Laible and Panfile), anticipatory or prepara-
tory event discussions (Baker-Ward, Ornstein, and Starnes), and joint sto-
rytelling associated with semiprojective narrative prompts (Oppenheim
and Koren-Karie). They have focused on the elaborativeness of parental
narrative in a manner consistent with the research on parent-child rem-
iniscing, but they have also focused on other elements of parent dis-
course (e.g., emotion language, acceptance, collaboration with the child)
and nonverbal features of parent-child conversation (e.g., affective qual-
ity). These contributors have been interested in conversation not only as
an influence on childrens memory but also on emotion understanding
and coping, emotional security, and other influences on the association
between stress and memory. These chapters thus present an opportu-
nity to consider the influence of parental elaboration in the context of
other features of parent-child reminiscing, and the influence of reminisc-
ing within the broader context of the social construction of childrens
experience.
Parent-Child Conversation and Developing

Understanding
This is important because of growing scientific attention to the influ-
ence of parent-child conversation on young childrens understanding
(Thompson, 2006b). In research on developing theory of mind, event
representation, analogical reasoning, emotion understanding, self-concept,
and conscience as well as autobiographical memory, developmental scien-
tists are recognizing that parent-child discourse in the context of coop-
erative social interaction is an essential constituent of young childrens
understanding of themselves and the world (see Carpendale & Lewis,
2004, for an illustration). Consistent with this view, Harris (2007; Harris
& Koenig, 2006) has argued that children accept the word of adults

on a wide range of issues of importance to them, from comprehend-
ing the shape of the earth and other natural phenomena, to the asso-
ciation between mind and brain and other psychological phenomena,
to the nature of God, the afterlife, and other metaphysical phenom-
ena. Young children accept the truthfulness of what they are told but
cannot independently confirm, and this knowledge is readily integrated
into knowledge systems based on personal experience. Young children
are thus intuitive theorists but not isolated ones, and they build their
understanding of the world based partly on what they have learned from
parent-child conversation.
With respect to understanding the internal world of emotions and
coping, it is well that they should. The consuming interest of infants
and young children in the mental and emotional experiences of people
is matched by the complexity of this conceptual challenge for them. The
intentions, goals, feelings, thoughts, and traits that underlie human con-
duct are invisible, multifaceted, and multidetermined, and they are only
indirectly revealed in observable behavior. These characteristics of the
internal world are thus likely to undermine young childrens efforts to
infer mental and emotional states in others on the basis of naive obser-
vation alone. Parent-child conversation provides conceptual bootstraps for
young children because of the clarity of the adults representations of
psychological experience. In conversation, adults explicitly identify inter-
nal states in the child or others by using semantic referents for psycho-
logical experiences that might otherwise be inchoate or unclear in the
childs prelinguistic mental representations. It is natural that adults should
do so because they inhabit a world that is informed by psychological
experience, so they readily impart such understanding in conversations
with young children about everyday events in which they explicitly iden-
tify the intentions, goals, feelings, thoughts, and other internal states of
the people who are being discussed. In doing so, parents embed these
mental and emotional referents in current or recent experience that aids
childrens comprehension of them.
A study by Ontai and Thompson (2002) illustrates these conversa-
tional contributions to emotion understanding. In analyses of the con-
versations of three-year-olds with their mothers about emotional issues
(i.e., storybook pictures about emotions and recent events in which the
child had experienced sadness, anger, or distress), several features of the
mothers conversational discourse were prominent and were highly inter-
related. Mothers who made more frequent references to emotion with the
child also talked more about the causes and the outcomes of emotional
arousal, defined emotion in conversation (e.g., furious is when youre
really, really mad), requested information from the child about feel-
ings expressed in the situation or story, and linked events in the childs

experience to the material to help the child better understand the emo-
tion (e.g., thats how you felt when Abby knocked down your blocks).
Importantly, each of these discourse elements was significantly associated
with global ratings of the mothers elaborative narrative style which, in
turn, interacted with the security of attachment in predicting childrens
later emotion understanding. Maternal elaboration in parent-child con-
versation is not only associated with young childrens memory but also,
in this and other studies, with enhanced understanding of emotion (see
Thompson, 2006a, for a review). Elaborative speech is, in this sense, the
conduit for narrative elements that can foster psychological understanding
in young children.
These conversational bootstraps are apparent not only when parents
and children are reminiscing about shared experiences, but also when
they are anticipating events to come and during the course of immedi-
ate experience. As noted by Baker-Ward and colleagues, and by Chae
and colleagues, for example, how children respond to stressful events is
affected by the anticipatory event representations by which parents pre-
pare their children for expected challenges, such as a medical exam.
Young children can better cope with difficult events when these events
are explained to them beforehand, and this may help explain their
enhanced memory for the procedures. Likewise, conversation during the
event itself also orients the childs attentional focus and understand-
ing and, in so doing, can either aid or undermine emotion manage-
ment in ways that are also relevant to memory (Miller & Green, 1985;
Ornstein, Haden, & Hedrick, 2004). Although parent-child reminiscing
has deservedly received more research attention in studies of stress and
memory than have the influences of parent-child conversations in antic-
ipation of or during the course of shared experience, these alternative
conversational contexts are likely to be important influences on chil-
drens understanding, coping, and memory for these events.
Discordant Representations of Shared Experiences

To be sure, parental conversation can be a source of misinformation as
well as adaptive understanding. In an evocative study, Levine, Stein, and
Liwag (1999) found that parents and young children commonly disagreed
about the childs experiences and feelings when recalling shared events,
often because adults made assumptions about the childs goals that were
incorrect, particularly when children were perceived as unhappy. The
approach of a friendly dog was recounted by one child, for example,
as a happy experience but was represented by the parent (who was also
present) as annoying or frightening to her child. In our laboratory (in
collaboration with Sara Meyer and Rebecca Goodvin), we have studied

anticipatory event representations by asking mothers to talk with their
preschool children about a novel event that would occur during the next
week, and subsequently asking the child to describe that experience to
a familiarized experimenter. Our findings have revealed, at times, discor-
dance in the expectations of mothers and their children that influenced,
in turn, the latters anticipatory event representations. In one of these
parent-child conversations, the long-awaited first day of kindergarten was
the conversational focus:
Mother: . . . are you scared at all or are you just excited about going
[to kindergarten]?
Child: Im excited!
Mother: Are you scared at all?
Child: No!
Mother: I didnt think so. Cause you know some people are scared
to go to kindergarten.
Later, when the child was talking with the experimenter, the influence
of the earlier conversation was apparent:
Experimenter: How do you think youll feel when you go to
kindergarten?
Child: Scared. Cause maybe . . . um . . . I dont know what I am going
to play with.
When parental expectations and perceptions are discordant with the

childs experience, anticipatory event representations and shared reminis-
cence can become for the child a conflict between primary and secondary
representations of an event. For children of any age, this can be perceived
as invalidating the childs direct experience and potentially contributes to
the childs view of the adult as insensitive or unaware of her experiences.
Older children can respond to the parents misinterpretation by disagree-
ing and correcting the adult. When children are young, as in our research
example, this conflict may instead be resolved through the young childs
adoption of the adults construction of the experience. Little research has
been devoted to these experiences of discordant parental and child repre-
sentations of shared experience in nonclinical samples, nor is there much
examination of developmental changes in how children resolve such con-
flicts. More research of this kind would be valuable, especially in studies
of stress and memory when the potential for discordant representations of
shared experiences is likely to be high because of the unique perspectives
of child and parent on an emotionally evocative event. Such research may
help to clarify the unexpected finding of McDermott Sales described in
this volume that parental elaborative speech was associated with paren-
tal anxiety rather than security in her study and, in such situations,
may not be associated with adaptive child understanding and coping. In

instances like these, elaborative discourse may be an expression of mater-
nal unease that is manifested in self-absorbed discourse and/or efforts
to impose a specific construction of experience on the child.
More generally, as conversation increasingly constitutes a forum for
developing psychological understanding, young children are likely to
incorporate into their representations of experience not only the parents
understanding of events and emotions but also attributional biases, moral
evaluations, self-referent beliefs, judgments of responsibility, empathic per-
spectives, and other beliefs and values that derive from the parents ori-
entation to the social world and cultural modes of thought. These are
conveyed in what is said and also in how it is said through vocal tone,
facial expression, and other pragmatics of conversational quality. In the
social construction of experience, parent-child conversation is a potent
influence on the intergenerational transmission of representations of the
psychological world, including oneself and ones relationships with others.
Viewed in this light, the focus of stress and memory research on
parent-child reminiscing is an excellent orientation to a variety of con-
versational influences by which childrens coping with and memory for
difficult and traumatic experiences is guided. The contributors to this
volume show that for many families, reminiscence follows from prepa-
ratory conversations in which stressful events have been anticipated as
well as discourse during the experience itself. These chapters suggest
that childrens memory for traumatic events is affected by coping capac-
ities that are forged, in part, from prior conversational influences on
emotion understanding, self-awareness, and (as we saw in other sections)
self-regulatory strategies. How parents conversationally orient childrens
attention when difficult events arise and when they are subsequently dis-
cussed is influential on memory in the context of parents validations,
evaluations, and occasional misinterpretations of the childs experience.
Broadening our inquiry into the nature and influence of these conver-
sational processes will help to contextualize current understanding as
well as contributing to a deeper understanding of relational influences
on memory for stressful events.
Emotion Regulation
Another topic of contemporary research interest that unites many of

the themes of this volume is emotion regulation (Eisenberg & Morris,
2002; Gross, 2007; Thompson, 1994). Emotion regulation is a broader
concept than coping, which is focused on managing stress, and it is
relevant to the association between stress and memory because of the
diverse emotions associated with the experience of difficult events. In

the circumstances studied by the researchers who contributed to this
volume, for example, children were required to manage feelings of fear,
anxiety, and distress but also anger, disappointment, and perhaps also
guilt or shame. In addition, research on emotion regulation focuses on
a range of developmental, relational, and representational foundations to
the management of emotion that can inform research on emotion and
memory in development.
Understanding developmental processes in emotion regulation is
especially important for thinking about how childrens capacities to
cope with stress change throughout childhood, along with the chang-
ing role of caregivers and the development of emotion regulatory skills
(see Thompson, Lewis, & Calkins, in press, and Thompson, Meyer, &
Jochem, 2008 for reviews). Because the neurobiological foundations of
self-regulation are slow to mature, infants and toddlers rely on the sup-
port and responsiveness of caregivers to regulate their emotions even as
they are early capable of rudimentary forms of stress management, such
as through self-soothing and attentional redirection. Even so, the core
developmental story of emotion regulation is childrens growing compe-
tence at managing their feelingsincluding their responses to stress
with increasing independence, flexibility, sophistication, and reliance on
mental strategies (e.g., mental redirection of attention, changing goals,
cognitively reframing the situation). This process occurs as other develop-
ing abilities are recruited into emotion regulatory skills and knowledge,
such as the growth of attentional control, language, executive function,
theory of mind, emotion understanding, self-efficacy, and knowledge of
sociocultural display rules. Equally important is the emergence through-
out infancy and childhood of individual differences in emotion regulatory
styles that derive from temperamental differences in emotional reactivity
and self-regulation, parental influences, and importantly, early experi-
ences of stress. Concerning the latter, several chapters in this volume
(by Wiik and Gunnar; by Wallin, Quas, and Yim [Chapter 12]; and by
Carver and Cluver [Chapter 11]) note the vulnerability of the developing
brain to the harmful effects of prolonged exposure to stress hormones
in ways that can alter the functioning of psychobiological stress systems
and the brain structures associated with explicit memory.
For this reason, the relational supports for emotion management are
important. Besides their direct intervention to manage stressful experi-
ences for offspring and their proactive efforts to regulate the emotional
demands on children, parents are important in other ways (Eisenberg,
Cumberland, & Spinrad, 1998; Thompson & Meyer, 2007). How parents
sympathetically respond to the emotional behavior of children or with
critical, dismissive, or punitive reactions contributes to childrens apprais-
als of their own feelings and their efforts to manage them. Parent-child

conversations about emotion influence childrens developing representa-
tions of emotion, emotion regulatory processes, and expectations for
emotion management (see Gottman, Katz, & Hooven, 1997), as well
as providing a forum for co-constructing representations of prior expe-
riences of distress in ways that can facilitate constructive coping and
memory, as earlier noted. The broader emotional climate of the family
is important for exposing children to constructive or maladaptive models
for emotion coping, as well as for the everyday emotional demands and
emotion coaching from other family members. And as the attachment
literature indicates, the security or insecurity of the parent-child relation-
ship is an important influence on developing emotion regulatory skills
because of these influences and their effects on childrens broader repre-
sentations of themselves and relationships.
Research in our lab by Sara Meyer has shown that many of these
parental socialization influences on emotion regulation are guided by the
adults personal views of emotion and its management (Meyer, 2008).
Mothers who reported that they were attentive to their own emotions,
believed that emotions were important to them, and used constructive
strategies to manage their feelings were more likely to encourage children
to express their own feelings and to engage in problem-solving solutions
for emotion coping. These socialization approaches were, in turn, asso-
ciated with childrens constructive emotion regulation strategies. By con-
trast, parents who were more doubtful about the importance of emotion
and tended to suppress their own feelings did not encourage emotional
expression in their children and provided less constructive responses.
There are several implications of the emotion regulation literature for
understanding the associations between stress and memory in develop-
ment as they have been elucidated by the chapters of this volume. First,
developmental changes in emotion regulation are multifaceted and com-
plex: children not only become strategically more competent at manag-
ing their feelings but do so with skills that change qualitatively with
increasing age. Emotional coping in stressful circumstances is affected,
for example, by an infants capacity to find sources of relational support;
by a preschoolers capacity to manage attentional and perceptual expo-
sure to stress-provoking events and to use language to understand them;
and by a grade-schoolers abilities to cognitively reframe the situation in
ways that are emotionally helpful and to cope with their implications for
the self. These qualitative differences in developmentally graded skills
in emotion management have important implications, of course, for how
children of different ages can be assisted in coping as well as for how
they are affected by the broader social environment in which stressful
events occur. Second, individual differences in emotional coping arise
not only from the influence of stressful experiences and (sometimes

unsupportive) relationships but also from differences in intrinsic vulner-
ability to stress. More importantly, these temperamental differences are
likely to interact with experience and relational support to further shape
childrens vulnerability to stress and trauma; what temperamentally vul-
nerable children require from caregiving relationships may be different
from what temperamentally resilient children need.
Third, it is likely that children in situations of chronic or overwhelm-
ing stress are undermined by multiple deficiencies in the social context
of emotion regulation. In troubled families, children are likely to expe-
rience difficult and unexpected emotional demands, obtain little support
in their management of arousal (owing, sometimes, to adults who are
themselves emotionally overwhelmed), and experience parental dismissive
or punitive reactions to their feelings, in the context of insecure attach-
ment relationships. Understanding the conditions of children in chronic
stress in terms of constellations of challenges to effective emotion regu-
lation is important not only to better understanding their self-regulatory
difficulties but also, at times, to appreciate that how they regulate emo-
tion may be the best that is possible in emotionally impossible circum-
stances (Thompson et al., in press). Finally, it is important to recognize
that many characteristics of caregivers influence childrens emotion cop-
ing, including how adults represent and respond to their own experiences
of emotion and stress that may derive from the parents background and
current experiences of stress and, for some, depressive symptomatology.
Indeed, these emotion-related representations may be associated with the
differences in parent attachment styles that have been more frequently
the focus of investigation in this literature.
As the chapters by Greenhoot et al. and by Compas, Campbell,
Robinson and Rodriguez (Chapter 5) note, avoidant approaches to coping
and emotion regulation are emotionally maladaptive and impair memory
specificity. The emotion regulation literature offers a number of hypoth-
eses about the developmental origins and correlates of avoidance that
are relevant to better understanding the association between avoidant
coping and memory. In particular, the finding by Greenhoot and her
group that adolescents with childhood abuse histories produce fewer neg-
ative emotion terms (but not fewer positive or neutral terms) in their
autobiographical recollections compels attentionas they recognizeto
the potential developmental influences of childhood attachment history,
current attachment style, parent-child reminiscing, emotional socialization
influences in the family and responses to family conflict, and the ado-
lescents own representations of emotion and of emotion management as
potential explanations for this finding. Future research on emotion and
memory in development will benefit from such a wide conceptual net.

Conclusion
There are at least two conclusions warranted by this remarkable

volume.
First, the research field of stress, emotion, and memory in develop-
ment is exciting and expanding as the contributors to this volume pro-
file both the state of the science and its emerging future directions. It
is remarkable to find a collection of chapters on a focused topic with
the breadth of scope of this one that encompasses attachment, stress
physiology, memory functioning, parent-child conversation, the neuro-
biology of memory, trauma, and coping. Nevertheless, the call of this
commentary is for greater breadth in research perspective without los-
ing the integrative strengths of this field. Continued study of the influ-
ence of parent-child reminiscence should be complemented by greater
attention to parent-child conversation prior to stressful events and during
their course. Individual differences in coping arise both from social sup-
port during difficult experiences and from a network of broader devel-
opmental influences on emotion regulation. Attachment-oriented studies
should confirm the theoretical connections between attachment security,
emotion regulation, parent-child conversation, and memory for stressful
events and, in doing so, may help to clarify important questions and
theoretical uncertainties within attachment theory. Discordance between
parental and child representations of shared events, especially traumatic
experiences, may be an important influence on childrens coping with
and memory for those experiences. Parent romantic attachment style may
be an important influence on childrens coping, but so also might be the
parents coherent constructions of childhood attachment, their represen-
tations of their own emotions, the effects of stresses with which they
are coping, and even affective psychopathology. Parent-child conversa-
tion and elaborative narrative style are important for childrens memory
and also for their emotion understanding, conceptions of self, knowledge
of emotion regulatory capacities, and other influences on the experience
of stress and coping. There is, in short, no shortage of interesting and
important questions to guide future study.
Second, the science is young, so practical applications of this research
are limited. Nevertheless, the contributors to this volume offer a convinc-
ing case that this research is important because of these implications for
clinical practice, legal procedures, or developmentally appropriate guid-
ance. New approaches to forensic interviews should take into account
knowledge from these contributions about developmental influences
on childrens memory, communicative capacities, social understanding,
and relational needs (see, e.g., Lamb, Orbach, Hershkowitz, Esplin, &
Horowitz, 2007). Children should be prepared for anticipated experiences

that may be stressful with information that is relevant to their devel-
opmental understanding and needs. Because of the significance of the
relationships on which children rely, parents should be assisted to func-
tion as childrens support agents, especially when their own background,
history, or current functioning may make it difficult for them to do so.
This can include helping them to learn how to converse with their chil-
dren about difficult events in a manner that facilitates coping as well as
memory (Wareham & Salmon, 2006).
Taken together, these contributions provide an encouraging perspective
on the state of science concerning stress and memory in development
and a challenging prospectus for much-needed future inquiry.
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15
Complications Abound, and

Why Thats a Good Thing
Patricia J. Bauer
I start this discussion with hearty Thank Yous and

Congratulations to all of the contributors, and to Robyn
Fivush and Jodi Quas, for bringing them together. The collection that
appears between the covers of this volume is impressive indeed. The
views and concerns are diverse and multifaceted, yet all coherently and
clearly relate to the topic at hand. One is struck by the multiple levels
at which riveting questions are addressed, both within and across the
chapters. Each chapter makes a unique contribution, yet in myriad ways
they complement and extend one another. The authors have done mar-
velous jobs providing perspective on their research programs, each of
which supplies an essential piece of one of the most challenging puzzles
in the field of developmental science. I was delighted to serve as a dis-
cussant at the Emory Cognition Project symposium itself. I am honored
to have the opportunity to comment on the advances described in this
volume. I hope that in some small way, my observations further the
development of our understanding already so well facilitated by the con-
tributors to this superb collection.
The question that served as the centerpiece for the Emory Cognition
Project symposium that gave rise to this volume, and which concerns
all of the chapters in this collection, is familiar indeed. How stress and
memory relate to one another has been the subject of empirical atten-
tion for well over a century, and the object of speculation long prior to
that. In one way or another, virtually every chapter in this collection
makes clear why the question endures. Put simplyits complicated.
Yet given our aesthetic attraction to clear, concise answers to questions,
and the limits on information-processing capacity from which we suffer,
374
we have treated a single answer to this question as the Holy Grail, dog-
gedly pursuing the one true formula that would reveal the relation for
all to appreciate. For those who at the beginning of this volume still
held out that hope, I am sorry that you were disappointed! I trust that
you were because the one simple truth revealed in the pages of the
chapters of this book is that there is no formula or single answer to
the question of how stress and memory are related to one another. On
the other hand, for those who relish a challenge, this volume is
immensely satisfying in that it maps out for us in clear and compelling
ways the ground that we must cover as we seek an understanding of
how stress and memory combine.
Why does a simple answer to the question of how stress relates to
memory elude us, and why am I pessimistic that we can ever hope to
generate a 10 words or less answer to the question? I am optimis-
tic that the challenge will endure for three simple reasons. First, mem-
ory is complicated. Second, the events that are the subject of our
memoriesand the many factors that affect our understanding of them
are complicated. Third, our reactions to those eventsincluding stress
reactivityis, you guessed it, complicated. Curiously, although the sub-
ject of the Emory Cognition Project symposium was stress and memory,
none of the speakers took as her or his primary object the subject of
memory, per se. Since convincing the reader that memory is complicated
is central to my thesis, I say a few words about memory itself, before
moving on to discussions of the complications created by events and by
stress. After utterly and thoroughly convincing you of the hopelessness of
a simple answer to a challenging question, I end my remarks with some
prescriptions for future foci of study (yes, yet more complications).
Memory Is Complicated
I am convinced that one of the reasons that I am interested in memory

in general and in the development of memory in particular is because it
is such a challenging domain. Memory is not a unitary trait; it is not
pudding. Pudding is a homogeneous entity. When you put a spoon into
a bowl of pudding, you draw out pudding. Each spoonful looks like the
last spoonful. Comments, characterizations, and truths that you declare
about one spoonful are equally true of the next, and the next, and the
next. Michael Maratsosfrom whom I borrowed this metaphorused it
to make a point about language, namely, that there are many different
aspects of language, including phonology, morphology, semantics, syn-
tax, and pragmatics. In other words, language is not pudding. Laws that
apply in the domain of phonology do not necessarily hold true, or even
Complications Abound, and Why Thats a Good Thing 375

have relevance, in the domain of syntax, for example. Thus, one can-
not sample language and make broad characterizations (see Maratsos,
1998, for discussion of the conceptual pitfalls of considering heteroge-
neous domains such as language to be essentially homogeneous, or qual-
itatively the same throughout).
As I discussed in Bauer (2007), this point is equally valid about
memory. There are many different types of memory and many ways
that it can be divided. One common division is along a temporal dimen-
sionsome memories are short term: they last only seconds. Others are
long term and may even last a lifetime. Other divisions of the thing
we call memory range from the type of content of the memory (e.g.,
whether it is of facts and figures or personally relevant events), to the
brain structures that we think are responsible for it. If memory were
pudding, then we could select any given memory phenomenon and use
it to describe and characterize all of memory. Memory is not pudding,
though, and that makes it critical that we be explicit about the type of
memory we have in mind when we talk about relations between memory
and stress. Though few of the authors of the chapters in this volume are
explicit about it (Compas, Campbell, Robinson, & Rodriguez [Chapter 5]
being an exception), virtually all are concerned with declarative mem-
ory. That is, they are concerned with memories that are consciously and
thus potentially verbally accessible, as opposed to skills, habits, or pro-
cedures that may influence our behavior, but which are inaccessible to
consciousness. Moreover, virtually all of the authors are concerned with
a particular type of declarative memory, namely, episodic as opposed to
semantic memory. As the name implies, episodic memories are of spe-
cific events or episodes, as opposed to the timeless, placeless memories
that make up our stores of world knowledge. What is more, virtually
all of the authors are concerned with a particular subtype of episodic
memory, namely, autobiographical or personal memory. Autobiographical
memories are episodic memories that are self-relevant and even self-
defining. It is this feature that puts the auto in autobiographical.
As my own friendly amendment adaptation of a figure from
Nelson and Fivush (2004) illustrates (see Figure 151), autobiographi-
cal memory depends on a large number of domains, components, and
processes. Each of the entities has its own developmental trajectory. As
each develops, more and more memories take on the special status of
autobiographical (see Bauer, 2007, for discussion). The relation of two
of the components to autobiographical memory is transparent, namely,
Conversations about the past and future and Narrative structure and
content. The role of conversation in autobiographical memory is easy to
appreciate. It is, after all, in conversations with others that we share our
past experiences. Talk about the past freely intermixes with talk about

Self Representation
Cognitive Self Theory of Mind
Complex Language
Beginning Representational
Language
Core Self
Basic Memory (implicit/explicit) AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL
Semantic Episodic
Social Interaction/Communication/ Memory Memory MEMORY
Intentionality
Conversations
about the Past & Future Mental Concepts
Temporal Concepts
Narrative structure and content
with Developmental Time
AUTOBI OGRAPHICAL
Figure 151. Adaptation of Figure 1 from Nelson and Fivush (2004), reflecting the numerous domains that
lend an autobiographical flavor to episodic memories, each with its own developmental course, such that over
time, memories take on an increasingly autobiographical persona (see Bauer, 2007, for elaboration of the
argument).
upcoming, anticipated, or future events. The role that narrative structure
and content play in autobiographical memory is also easy to appreciate.
We use narratives to tell the tales of our lives; the narratives have both
form and content.
Inspection of Figure 151 makes clear that the status of a mem-
ory as autobiographical rests on more than conversation and narra-
tive, however. Memories that are truly autobiographical also depend
on developments in self concept (continuity over space and time), in
temporal concepts (enabling location of events on a personal timeline),
and in appreciation of the representational nature of mind (that mental
contents can reflect an event from the past; that others might perceive
an event differently than I do). It is as all of these moving parts
develop that episodic memories become more recognizable as personally
relevant or autobiographical (see Bauer, 2007, for elaboration of this
argument). This brief tour should make clear that to understand how
stress and memory are related, we are going to have to consider the
developmental status of the memory system itself. Carver and Cluver
(Chapter 11) make this point when they talk about the impact of stress
on the neural substrate implicated in episodic (and thus, autobiographi-
cal) memory (discussed below). It is implicit any time age at the time
of experience of the event is considered. Yet of course, age is only a
proxy for the developmental status of one or more of the components
in Figure 151.
Events, and Our Understanding of

Them, Are Complicated
When we think about relations between stress and memory, we take as

a given that memory is of or for something. That is, something, typ-
ically a specific event, is represented in the mnemonic trace that is
being affected (or not) by stress. This is so obvious as to be trivial, yet
it is potentially anything but. In their chapter (Chapter 3), Peterson and
Warren specifically entertain the possibility that the nature of the to-be-
remembered event might influence relations between stress and memory
(see also Wallin, Quas, & Yim [Chapter 12]). They speculate that the
variability in findings across the literature might relate to the nature of
the distressing event. However, on the basis of a large data base from
a very productive research program, Peterson and Warren conclude that
at least within the domain of personal injury necessitating visits to the
emergency room (for treatment of bone fractures, lacerations requiring
sutures, and so forth), there is no effect of the nature of the event on
childrens immediate or later (sometimes years later) recall.

To some extent, Peterson and Warrens conclusion flies in the face of
what we know about memory. We all know that highly stressful events
are processed differently than events that are not highly stressful. Yet
barely a moments reflection reveals the flaw in this argument: What,
exactly, makes an event stressful? We can all agree that certain catego-
ries of events are good candidates for classification as stressful. The
personal injuries studied by Peterson and Warren certainly fall into this
category. The bloody-murder screams that some of the subjects in their
research produce are consistent with this classification. Yet other chil-
dren are cool, calm, and collected, and both they and their parents rate
them as experiencing a relatively low level of distress. If a broken arm
produces no overt signs of distress, is it still stressful? What if in addi-
tion to no overt signs of distress, covert or physiological signs also are
lacking? In the absence of changes in heart rate, respiration, pupil dila-
tion, galvanic skin response, and so forth, is an event stressful?
The question of whether an event can be considered stressful, even
if the experiencer shows no overt or physiological signs of distress, goes
to the age-old distinction between the nominal and the functional stim-
ulus. Nominally, a broken arm, or experience of a hurricane (Bahrick,
Parker, Merritt, & Fivush, 1998; Fivush, Sales, Goldberg, Bahrick, &
Parker, 2004), tornado (e.g., Ackil, Van Abbema, & Bauer, 2003),
or physical abuse (see Greenhoot, Johnson, Legerski, & McCloskey,
Chapter 4), is stressful. These events are potentially life threatening. At
the very least they produce physical changes in the body that are det-
rimental to well-being (e.g., tissue damage, blood loss). Yet what sev-
eral of the chapters in this volume make clear is that these events
are not necessarily interpreted as stressful and thus, functionally, they
may not be stressful. And even if they are, as discussed by Alexander
and OHara (Chapter 9), they need not necessarily set into motion the
chains of events that constitute the mechanisms by which stress influ-
ences memory (discussed in Carver & Cluver, and Wiik & Gunnar
[Chapter 10], in particular). Conversely, events that for most of us would
not be considered stressful or only mildly so (e.g., presenting a lecture
in a class), may for others present insurmountable odds and occasion a
doozey of a stress response.
A variety of factors determine whether an event is perceived or expe-
rienced as stressful. Critically, as discussed at length by Baker-Ward,
Ornstein, and Starnes (Chapter 2), events also can change their status over
time and with development (more on this later). For an event to be con-
sidered stressful, the experiencer must appreciate the threat to physical or
psychological health (to self or others) that it poses. If I lack the requi-
site knowledge of potential harm, there is no basis for interpretation of
the event or experience as stressful. In many domains, children may well

lack the requisite knowledge and remain blissfully unaware of the potential
harm. Alternatively, either through their own interpretation or with the aid
of a parent or other more learned soul, children may interpret an other-
wise threatening situation as safe, and thus more a matter of curiosity
than reason for fear. The fact that my bone is sticking out of my arm at
the point of a compound fracture is way cool if I am studying anatomy
in school and/or my doctor makes it a point of pride that my fracture
is the worst one she has seen today. The point is that events are not
inherently stressful or not stressful. It is our knowledge of the potential
consequences of the event and our interpretation of the opportunities they
afford that confers upon events the status of stressful. Thus, any answer
to the question of how stress relates to memory for an event must consider
whether the event was in fact stressful, and just how stressful it was.
To further complicate matters, the status of events as stressful or not
can change over the course of time and development. Baker-Ward and
colleagues talk about the concept of extended encoding to capture the
dynamic feature of the status of events as stressful. They point out that
understanding is a process that is extended through time. We construe and
reconstrue events and as we do so, our memories of them may change. In
this conceptualization, the stressful nature of events may be recognized
at the time the event is experienced and initially encoded, or only later,
as new knowledge about the world accrues. The emphasis is on the signif-
icance of the event for the individual, as opposed to the nominal qualities
of the experience. The personal significance of the event, as well as the
emotional assessment of it, can even alter or influence the likelihood that
the event will be reexamined and updated as to its current significance.
For example, the pride you feel at the extent of your compound fracture
may encourage you to talk freely about the experience, opening yourself
up for alternative interpretations of the event (e.g., compound fractures are
not awesome, but scary and stressful). Alternatively, the shame that we
might feel at breaking the prohibition that led to the fracture in the first
place might cause us to avoid conversation about it.
Finally, several of the chapters make the critical point that children
are not alone in their interpretations and reinterpretations of events as
stressful. The contributions of Greenhoot et al., Johnson, Legerski and
McCloskey (Chapter 4), and Sales (Chapter 8), in particular, highlight the
critical role that conversations with parents about stressful events play in
influencing childrens understanding and appreciation of the significance
of events for their lives and thus their memories for the events. It is
now well documented that the way parents and children talk together
about past events has profound impacts on memory for the specific
events discussed as well as autobiographical memory reporting gener-
ally. When conversation is with a partner who elaborates on the childs

contributions to the discussion, the child tends to be more engaged in
production of the narrative and to report more about the event. Over
time, these children produce longer and more detailed narratives about
past experiences both with elaborative conversational partners and in
independent production. Their narratives not only include more informa-
tion about the event in general, but about the relevance of the event
for the child. These and other findings highlighted in the chapters in
this volume make clear that how parents and their children talk about
past events is critical to the meaning that children make of the stressful
experiences in their lives.
Conversational partners play a major role in the way children come to
represent and share the stressful (and other) events of their lives. Several
of the chapters in the volume argue that the impact of these conversa-
tions extends beyond event memory to influence self and emotion regula-
tion, coping, and well-being. For example, Laible and Panfile (Chapter 7)
make the argument that through conversations in general, children learn
about relationships and about emotion. Conversations about events that
have passed are especially important because they provide opportunity
to examine emotional reactions after the emotion has dissipated, free-
ing cognitive resources that can be devoted to reflection on the parents
message. When conversations about negative emotion take place in the
context of the sensitive and caring relationships that characterize secure
attachments of children and caregivers, children learn important skills
for regulating their emotions and coping with stressful events and life
circumstances. Oppenheim and Koren-Karie (Chapter 6) equate sensitive
maternal guidance and structure of conversations about past events to a
psychological secure base from which children can explore the emo-
tional significance of events. Sensitive guidance contributes to childrens
openness and cooperation in conversations about the past, thus affording
opportunities for examination of the significance of life events. Compas,
Campbell, Robinson, and Rodriguez argue that the implications of such
conversations extend well beyond memory for past events, to influence
skills for adaptation to stress and coping more broadly.
The chapters by Chae, Ogle, and Goodman (Chapter 1) and Alexander
and OHara help to close the circle (or more accurately, the spiral) by
articulating critical links between the characteristics of relationships in
which children discuss past events, the characteristics of the child, and
the basic memory processes involved in encoding, consolidation, stor-
age, and retrieval of events. Chae and colleagues argue that, because
stressful events threaten safety and security, they inevitably trigger the
attachment system. As a result, the internal working models that chil-
dren have formed about relationship are brought into play as chil-
dren attend to and encode the events and we may presume, as encoding

extends through time (Baker-Ward, Ornstein, & Starnes). This influences
the aspects or features of the events to which children attend and thus,
in critical ways, what they remember. Alexander and OHara point out
that these processes are further impacted by the temperament and reac-
tivity of the child, which in turn relate to the physiological systems
underlying emotional memory. These influences operate not only on the
memory trace itself, but may even impact childrens responses when
queried about the events later on, thus affecting the quality of eyewit-
ness testimony and susceptibility to suggestive questioning.
Our Reactions to Stress Are Complicated
Your Brain on Stress, is the catchy title of John Spiros review of

The End of Stress as We Know It (McEwen & Lasley, 2002). Our reac-
tions to stressneural and otherwiseare yet another source of com-
plication in our endeavor to understand relations between stress and
memory. If our reactions were main effects, then assuming we had
resolved all the complications of memory, and all of the complica-
tions of events, we would be able to understand how our reactions
to stressful events influenced memory. Yet as the chapters by Alexander
and OHara; Carver and Cluver; Wallin, Quas, and Yim; and Wiik
and Gunnar make clear, we cannot characterize our brains on stress
in main effect, or even higher-order interaction, terms. Rather, as these
authors skillfully illustrate, our neural and physiological reactions to
stress are dynamic events affected by myriad factors, as diverse as
the time of day the event occurs (the ability of the system to adap-
tively respond to release of glucocorticoids, a.k.a, stress hormones, varies
over the course of the day), the time the response is measured relative
to the timing of the stressor (it takes time for the body to mount a
stress response; there are both slow- and fast-acting glucocorticoids), the
age of the experiencer (effects of prenatal and postnatal stress are not
the same; the Hypothalamic Pituitary Adrenal, or HPA, axis implicated
in the stress response itself develops), the history of exposure to stress
(mildly stressful experiences early in life can actually have a positive
effect, at least if you are a rat), interpretation of the event (the amygdala
moderates memory for emotional events), and the history of sensitive
caregiving (secure attachment seemingly buffers children from exhibit-
ing significant HPA activation in threatening situations). This briefand
woefully incompletelist illustrates the challenge that we face as we
attempt to understand biological reactions to stressful events.
Our understanding of reactions to stress is further complicated
by the fact that we cannot directly observe them. Of course, this is

true of most of the phenomena in which psychologists are interested.
Somehow it seems worse in the case of our reactions to stress, how-
ever: They seem almost perverse in their lack of transparency. One
complicating issue is that there are multiple different ways of measur-
ing stress. That alone is not a problem. It could in fact be seen as
a virtue. But in the case of stress responses, it seems not a bless-
ing but a curse because the different assessments of the same thing
often are not correlated with one another! Different observational mea-
suressuch as ratings by a parent and a medical care providermay
be correlated. Self-report and other report (again, by parent or other
care provider) sometimes are correlated and other times not (Wallin,
Quas, & Yim), though at least on occasion, they tell the same story
(Peterson & Warren).
Measurement problems really become apparent when stress is mea-
sured at different levels of analysis, such as via overt behavior and phys-
iological responses. As Wallin, Quas, and Yim make abundantly clear,
in the case of ratings of behavior and measurements of physiological
function, it seems that the numbers sometimes do lie. Acute stress is
associated with a number of physiological responses, including changes
in cortisol and in sympathetic arousal and parasympathetic withdrawal.
Cortisol can be measured in plasma (e.g., Gunnar, Connors, & Isensee,
1989) and in saliva (discussed in Wiik & Gunnar). Changes in sym-
pathetic arousal can be measured via EKG, and parasympathetic with-
drawal is indexed in respiratory sinus arrhythmia (RSA; Wallin, Quas, &
Yim). Many have triedand failedto fi nd relations between these
(and no doubt other) physiological measures and behavioral ratings of
stress. Some scholars, including Wallin and colleagues, use the absence
of correlations between measures to argue that one measure or another
be used as the true index of stress. They favor physiological indices,
noting that children might be able to control their emotional expres-
sions or self-reports but they cannot volitionally control their physio-
logical responses, rendering them more truthful. My own inclination
is to suggest that no means of assessment be banned or elevated to
the status of truth. In all likelihood the most appropriate measure
will depend on the question of interest. For example, if we want to
know how parents help children cope or regulate their emotions, we
likely should examine parents sensitivity to childrens overt behavioral
responses. If on the other hand we want to know whether children are
likely to attend to some specific feature of an event, we may want to
know how physiologically aroused they were at the time it occurred.
In other words, what is needed is a more nuanced approach, one
acknowledging that the right answer might be both/and rather than
either/or.

How Could Relations between Stress
and Memory Be Anything but Complicated?
In light of the seemingly endless complications of memory, events, and

our reactions to them, we now must ask how we could expect relations
between stress and memory for events to be anything but immensely
complicated. The chapters in this volume aptly demonstrate that to
advance in our understanding of the dynamic interplay between stress
and memory, we are going to need to adopt a molecules-to-mind
approach, analyzing the problem not only in terms of its many com-
ponents (Figure 151), but also in terms of multiple levels of analysis.
Our task is not to identify the deterministic relation between stress and
memory, but to determine what factors matter at each level, in a prin-
cipled way.
It was not always the case that we understood that multiple, rather
than single, factors influence memory, or that the influences are in terms
of interactions all the way down. In the not-too-distant past, we oper-
ated under the assumption that the relation between stress and memory
was direct, such as depicted in Figure 152. In such a model, stress
produces either enhanced or impaired memory performance. If we were
feeling really nuanced, we recognized that the relation might actually be
U-shaped, such that too much or too little stress produced poor mem-
ory, whereas an amount of stress that was just right produced optimal
memory (Easterbrook, 1959).
This model inevitably gave way to one suggested by some of the early
experiments described in several of the chapters in this volume. The
newer conceptualization was that depicted in Figure 153. This model
explicitly recognizes that stressful events are associated with both phys-
iological reactions and distress behaviors, and that these intermediar-
ies, rather than the stressful event itself, stand to be related to memory.
This view seemingly guides work in which we look for direct relations
(a) between a stressful event and a variety of physiological reactions,
including sympathetic activations, parasympathetic withdrawal, and/or
HPA axis activation; and (b) between one or more of these reactions
and memory performance. Similarly, the view is apparent when we look
Stressful Memory
Event Performance
Figure 152. Schematic representation of a direct relation between a stressful

event and subsequent memory for it.

Physiological
Reaction
Stressful Memory
Event Performance
Distress
Behaviors
Figure 153. Schematic representation of relations between a stressful event,

physiological reactions and distress behaviors associated with it, and subse-
quent memory for the event.
Physiological
Reaction
Stressful Moderators Memory

Event Performance
Distress
Behaviors
Figure 154. Schematic representation of relations between a stressful event,

physiological reactions and distress behaviors associated with it, moderators
of those reactions, and subsequent memory for the event.
for relations (a) between a stressful event and various distress behaviors,
including crying, reports of distress, and ratings of pain; and (b) between
one or more of these behaviors and memory performance. These investi-
gations are a vast improvement over the more straightforward approach
depicted in Figure 152. Yet perhaps their greatest contribution has been
to make clear that we need at least one more box in our model.
The missing boxadded in Figure 154contains the numerous
moderating variables that fold, spindle, and mutilate relations between
stress and memory performance. Within the volume are entire chap-
ters (or portions thereof) detailing the important variance in memory
accounted for by the childs typical reactions to everyday and unique
events (a.k.a. temperament); the conditions under which memory reports
are elicited (e.g., the interviewers style: the interviewers emotional
tone or openness); the style of the childs more typical conversational
partner, namely, the parents; and even the attachment status of the

parent-child dyad (though it seems possible that attachment status may
matter for negative events only), to name a few. Clearly, we have come
a long way from the straight line depicted in Figure 152.
Another insight that flavors the pages of this volume is that when
we ask how stress relates to memory, we must be careful to specify
whether we are talking about acute or chronic stress, and whether we
are talking about memory for a particular stressful experience or mem-
ory capacity, more broadly. Studies of childrens memories for emergency
medical procedures (Peterson & Warren), fire alarms (Wallin, Quas, &
Yim), and the events surrounding tornadoes (Ackil et al., 2003) and hur-
ricanes (Bahrick et al., 1998), are of acute, one time only experiences.
In these cases we typically are interested only in childrens memories
for the target event. If other events are queried, it is in the service of
a comparison or control (e.g., Ackil et al., 2003). The other prototype
is the study of memory capacityas opposed to memories of a specific
eventin individuals who have experienced chronic stress either pre- or
postnatally. Many of the animal model studies reviewed in the chapter
by Carver and Cluver (for example) are of this ilk. The third cell of the
2 2 matrix would contain studies of relations between acute stress
and general memory capacity. This relation is not often the subject of
inquiry and is not represented in the present volume. The final cell of the
2 2 matrix contains studies of chronic stress on childrens mem-
ories for specific events. In the current volume, this cell is filled by
Greenhoot, Johnson, Legerski, and McCloskey, and their examination
of the impact of the chronic stress associated with exposure to and/or
experience of family violence. Their interesting findings indicate that
the atypical memory patterns observed in this sample (e.g., overgeneral
memories of early childhood) are not explained by the chronic stressor
itself, but may be attributed to broader emotion management or regula-
tion tendencies and socialization histories. Perhaps more than any other,
this cell reminds us of the need to examine multiple determinants at
different levels.
We Still Have a Long Way to Go
Even as we celebrate how far along the path to enlightenment we have

moved, we recognize that we still have a very long way to go before we
can be said to have arrived at an adequate understanding of relations
between stress and memory, be it acute or chronic, and be it specific
or general. My inventory of the content of the talks delivered at the
Emory Cognition Project symposium itself, and of the excellent chapters
in this volume, identified five themes in particular that require further

development. I devote the balance of this chapter to these themes, in
the hopes that the next generation of studies might feature them more
prominently.
More on Cognition
One of the truths about our understanding of relations between stress
and memory is that it is going to be informed by our understanding
of memory and its development. Yet by and large, the chapters in this
volume paid relatively little attention to the basic processes of memory.
There are any number of questions that are relevant to our understand-
ing of stress/memory relations. First, there is little in the literature to
date that informs regarding what was encoded about the event (stressful
or otherwise) to begin with. This is a critical missing piece since what
was encoded initially is an important determinant of what will be avail-
able to be retrieved later on. In the absence of information about what
the child encoded at the time of the event, we cannot truly understand
how moderators operate to inform the outcome of memory. The sec-
ond, and related, question is how various moderators relate to encoding.
How does the attachment status of a child, for example, influence what
is encoded about a stressful event? How does the childs temperament
relate to encoding? And so forth. This is not to say that the power of
these factors is ignored: Chae, Ogle, and Goodman, and Alexander and
OHara, in particular, highlight moderators of the focus of attention.
These and similar questions are critically important and with this com-
ment I mean to encourage further development of them.
Third, at present, we know very little about postevent appraisal and
reappraisal. The experience of the eventencoding of itis only the
first step on a long road of memory processing. Postencoding, but prior
to retrieval, memory traces undergo consolidation, a process by which
initially labile traces are stabilized and integrated with existing stored
memory representations. Subsequent references to the event, intentional
or otherwise, cause the event to be reinstated in memory. With every
reinstatement comes an opportunity for reencoding and reconsolidation
(see Bauer, in press, for discussion). Baker-Ward, Ornstein, and Starnes
refer to these processes as extended encoding. Recognition that encod-
ing of any event is extended is important; in the case of stressful or
traumatic events it may be critical to progress in understanding memory
for them. We need to know more about the time course of consolida-
tion of memory traces generally, and whether the processes or the time
frame for stressful events is any different.
Fourth, the current literature is virtually mute on the question of how
new knowledge feeds back on existing memory representations. We

have long known that knowledge and memory interact (e.g., Bjorklund,
1987; Chi, 1978). We also have suggestions that childrens knowledge at
the time of an event influences what they remember about it. For exam-
ple, in Pillemer, Picariello, and Pruett (1994), children who were older
at the time of an unexpected fire alarm in their school had more accu-
rate memories for the event two weeks and six years later, a fact that
Pillemer and colleagues attributed to their greater knowledge base at the
time of the experience. No one would deny that knowledge increases
over the course of development, yet how new knowledge informs exist-
ing memories is not known. The question must be asked.
Finally, although the state of the art with regard to our knowledge
about memory and its development is healthier than ever before, we still
have large tracts of ignorance. On any question for which we do not
have an answer, we also do not have an answer for how the issue is
affected by the stressful or traumatic nature of the event. In this case
ignorance is not bliss. What we do not know can harm us.
These questions about cognition and basic memory processes are crit-
ically important not only to understand how any given stressful or trau-
matic event might be remembered, but also because memories of old
events inform interpretation of new events. That is, memory for Event
1 influences our perception of Event n + 1, and all subsequent events.
Memory also influences our physiological reactions and our distress
behaviors. No doubt, it also influences moderating variables. Thus, we
are not talking just about how stress and memory for any given event
relate, but how stress and memory at T1 relate to T2 perception and
management of stress, as well as others thoughts, reflections, and reac-
tions to the experiencers thoughts, reflections, and reactions. It is not a
circle, but a spiral: early events influence later events. As such, memory
for early events is critically important to understanding of how memory
for later events will play out.
More on the Reactions of Others to Events

When we talk about relations between stress and memory, we talk about
the stress experienced by the target child or person, and the target
childs or persons subsequent memory for the event. Some eventssuch
as child sexual abuseare private (or are kept private for a time) and
it may be only the voice of the perpetrator that sounds in the childs
head as she or he thinks back on the event. Other eventssuch as a
tornado that rips through a small rural townaffect entire communities.
The private versus public nature of an event no doubt impacts memory,
yet we know virtually nothing about how the appraisal of others relates
to childrens memory. Of course, several of the chapters in this volume

consider the influence of parents and other caregivers in helping children
to gain perspective on events, to regulate their emotions, and to cope
with the unfortunate circumstances of life. Others focus on relations
between the way mothers and their children talk about past events and
childrens subsequent narratives of these and other events. Yet there are
few studies of what others have to say about an event, and how oth-
ers appraisals affect later memory and narrative production. One such
examination was of the internal states language (e.g., emotion words)
that mothers and their children used as they talked about the event of a
tornado that devastated their town (Bauer, Stark, Lukowski, Rademacher,
Van Abbema, & Ackil, 2005). Mothers who used negative emotion
language to talk about the tornado had children who six months later
themselves used more negative language. In this example, that appraisal
of another at Time 1 was directly related to how children appraised the
event (or at least, how they talked about it) at Time 2. Effects such as
these are potentially pervasive and, as such, deserve our attention.
Another aspect of the reactions of others to which we have not paid
adequate attention is the negative or positive coping behaviors in which
others engage. When a child is rushed to the hospital for treatment of
accidental injuries (Peterson & Warren) or an asthma attack (Fivush &
Sales, 2006; Sales & Fivush, 2005), in all likelihood, the rushers (chil-
drens parents) are themselves experiencing some stress. How they cope
with the situation, both outwardly and inwardly, likely affects the childs
own interpretation and assessment of the situation and thus, her or his
subsequent memory for it. This subject is not far from the minds of
many authors in this volume when they think about and examine how
mothers and their children work together to make sense of past events.
Yet to date, there has been little focus on the adult actors in these
interactions, as opposed to the dyad itself. What I am suggesting is that
we attend to the overt coping behaviors of parents and other adults sur-
rounding the child during and after a stressful event, as possible deter-
minants of childrens subsequent memory.
More on How Events Become Integrated

into the World View
The reactions of parents and others close to the child are critical to
informing the childs evaluation of events and experiences. Also criti-
cal are the views of the larger society. When something bad happens, it
matters whether your social group or culture responds that bad things
happen to good people, or with the sentiment that individuals earn their
misfortunes and thus bring punishments upon themselves. How children
make sense of the experiences of their lives thus is critically informed

by how their social group and culture make sense of similar events.
Because most of the research on relations between stress and memory
has taken place within Western societies with overlapping cultural val-
ues, we know little about cultural influences on perceptions of stressful
and traumatic events and how those perceptions shape childrens inter-
pretations and subsequent memories.
Also of importance as we think about how stressful and traumatic
events become integrated into the world view are cultural and socie-
tal prohibitions or regulations on the expression of emotion and other
responses to such events. It is reasonable to speculate that in cultures
and subcultures with prohibitions on expression of distress and negative
emotion, we will not see strong relations between overt distress behav-
iors (crying, reports of distress, ratings of pain) and subsequent memory
(see Figure 153). We may even expect to find changing patterns of
relation between physiological reactions (sympathetic and HPA activation,
parasympathetic withdrawal) and subsequent memory as children become
socialized regarding overt behavior, which can be expected to feed back
on physiological reactions. In short, it is not sufficient to stop at the
family door when examining the responses of those around the child to
the events of their lives. We must look to the larger social milieu for
possible sources of influence on childrens evaluation of their experiences
and thus their memories for them.
More on What We Mean by Stress and How

(and Whether) It Differs from Emotion
Most of the chapters in this volume focus on stress and trauma, and
how they might relate to memory. Yet a minority of chapters declare
themselves interested in emotion (Alexander & OHara; Laible &
Panfile; Oppenheim & Koren-Karie). I wonder whether the difference
is more than semantic, and I encourage us to find out. Surely in the
case of positive emotion, emotion and stress are not the same at all. On
the other hand, many happy eventssuch as marriage (or remarriage)
and the birth of a child, for exampleare quite stressful. These posi-
tive events add to our life stress factor, yet I dare say that we would
be hard pressed to convince an NIH study section or council that we
need to study how such experiences influence memory. Conversely, not
all negative emotion produces stress. Is disappointment, such as over a
broken toy or missed opportunity, stressful? Surely there is negative
emotion associated with disappointment, but is it stress?
The point of asking whether emotion and stress are the same
thing is not to split hairs but to encourage deeper reflection on whether
models of emotional memory (Alexander & OHara) and of how stress

affects the brain system underlying explicit memory (Carver & Cluver),
for example, are models of the same thing at all. Do emotions, even
negative ones, induce the type of stress response described by Wiik and
Gunnar or Carver and Cluver? Do they necessarily influence the physi-
ological responses that are the subject of inquiry in Wallin, Quas, and
Yim? Do positive experiences that are nonetheless stressful produce the
same type of reactions? Is stress produced by strong negative emotion
and, if so, does strong positive emotion do the same thing? If stress
and emotion are not the same, then we have a whole new task before
us, which is to understand how emotion differs from stress in terms of
relations with memory. Even as I say this, I recognize the danger of
finding ourselves in the measurement morass described earlier. Yet it is
important to keep this question in mind, because, just like language and
memory, stress and emotion are not pudding.
More on Development
The real elephant that was not especially salient in the room during the
Emory Cognition Project symposium and which is not especially well-
represented in the chapters in the volume is development. Although
several contributors talk about age differences in memory and memory
behavior, most have little to say about possible sources of age-related
change. There is no lack of candidate sources of change in memory
and in relations between stress and memory, including basic memory
processes (encoding, consolidation, storage, retrieval), attentional control,
world knowledge, coping strategies, self-concept and integration of events
therein, physiological processes, distress behaviors, and more. Just as each
of the domains that feeds into autobiographical memory (Figure 151)
has its own developmental course, so too does each of these arenas have
its own developmental course. We need to consider not only age-related
differences and changes, but also the mechanisms of developmental
change. What is more, we must consider the mechanisms of change and
how they relate to factors such as perception of the event, physiological
and behavioral reactions, moderators (both the popular candidates and
those of less focus), and expressions or manifestations of memory. This
is a tall order, but one that must be filled if we are to understand rela-
tions between stress and memory in development.
Closing Thoughts
As a student of autobiographical memory, the question of why some

events and episodes are remembered and others are forgotten is a

source of constant curiosity. One of the major candidate determinants of
whether an event will be remembered, how much will be remembered,
and how accurately it will be remembered, is the level of stress induced
by the event. The expectation of systematic relations between stress and
memory is a part of our formal theories of mnemonic processes as well
as our folk theories of how memory works. Yet one thing that is pat-
ently obvious from the chapters in this volume is that the relations may
be systematic, but they are not direct, simple, or straightforward. And
I would say that at this moment in time, we are struggling to uncover
whatever systematicity may exist.
Although struggle often has a negative connotation, in this circum-
stance, I do not mean it that way. That is, I do not remark on our
struggle out of a sense of defeat. On the contrary, we have made sub-
stantial and significant progress in addressing the critical question of
how stress and memory relate to one another. An index of the success
of our endeavors is the sheer number of determinants and moderators
of stress-memory relations that we have identified. They include those
that are obvious, such as the nature of the event itself, the amount of
time that has passed since the event, and the age or developmental sta-
tus of the experiencer, as well as several that are less obvious, such as
the experiencers evaluation of the significance of the event, the actions
and reactions of relevant others privy to it, and the broader context in
which the event takes place. These and many other determinants help to
illustrate the two major lessons I learned at the Xth Emory Cognition
Project Symposia in Cognition, namely, that memory is complicated,
and that relations between stress and memory are even more compli-
cated than that. The good news is that these challenging questions have
attracted the attention of some of the best and brightest in the field.
Their effortssummarized on the pages of this volumeare allowing
us significant progress not only in appreciation of the complexity of the
problem, but in the natural elegance of the solutions.
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16
Emotion and Memory

in Development
Clinical and Forensic Implications
Karen Salmon
Rowena Conroy
W hen a maltreated child undergoes evaluation in a clinical

context or is involved in a forensic investigation, an
understanding of the complex relations between emotion and memory is
essential if we are to respond effectively to the childs needs. The cli-
nician and forensic investigator alike must take into account how emo-
tionally charged experiences are represented in memory and how they
can be retrieved and reported for the specific purposes of the evalua-
tion or interview. The clinician is additionally charged with the planning
of an effective approach to treatment; this, in turn, entails an apprecia-
tion of how memories influence childrens psychological adjustment and
their impact on childrens ability to function in everyday contexts. The
chapters in this volume, which provide several different windows on
the association between emotion and memory, therefore have potentially
far-reaching implications, translating into significant benefits for the most
vulnerable of children.
Collectively, the contributions to the volume converge on a com-
pelling account of how childrens emotional memoriesand in par-
ticular, their autobiographical emotional memoriesare shaped across
childhood and adolescence. The story that unfolds here is important,
from our perspective for two reasons, first, because it emphasizes the
We are grateful for the comments of Professors Mel Pipe and Tony Ward and
Associate Professor Tammy Marche on earlier versions of this chapter.
394
interrelatedness of all aspects of memory (social, cognitive, biological)
and, second, because of the implications for understanding the develop-
ment of psychopathology.
Interrelatedness. The chapters in the current volume extend earlier
attempts to understand the association between emotion and memory,
research that tended to focus on fragments of the organism (Ayoub &
Fischer, 2006; in Alexander, & OHara [Chapter 9]) and to ask rela-
tively straightforward questions regarding whether emotion in general,
and stress in particular, enhanced or impaired childrens recall (see also
Wallin, Quas, & Yim, Chapter 12 of this volume). The answer to such
broad questions is, almost inevitably, it depends, and a major contri-
bution of the current volume is that the theory and research attempt to
delineate factors upon which the answer depends. In so doing, collec-
tively, they address Horowitzs (2000) exhortation that . . . developmental
scientists . . . convey with care the complexity of development . . . (p. 1).
At the heart of the current story is the interrelatedness of the cogni-
tive, socioemotional, neurobiological domains, strands of the developmental
web (Ayoub & Fischer, 2006, in Alexander & OHara). Thus, Alexander,
and OHara bring a dynamic systems framework to the understanding
of memory and emotion; within a developmental trajectory, the individu-
als appraisal and memory of an emotionally laden event are influenced
by innermost factors (genes, temperament, age), interacting with parent-
child relationships and psychobiological factors, within the broader social
and cultural context. The conclusion is underscored that, to understand
the emotion-memory association, (t)he emotional cannot be divorced from
the cognitive nor the individual from the social (Brown, Brandsford, &
Ferrara, 1983, p. 150); nor can the physiological and neurobiological.
Development of psychopathology. This is also a story about the ways
in which memory may shape psychological adjustment, across childhood
and into adolescence. The picture that emerges suggests that troubled
parent-child relationships, characterized, for example, by insecure attach-
ment or impoverished parent-child reminiscing conversations, are strongly
associated with childrens poorer memory skills and with their compro-
mised emotion regulation and coping. There is also a suggestion that
these interrelations unfold across childhood and into adolescence; for
example, that insecure parent-child relationships and the associated diffi-
culties in the domains of emotion understanding, emotion regulation, and
autobiographical memory lead to a propensity to engage in a variety of
problematic coping strategies, in turn associated with internalizing and
externalizing behaviors. The current chapters therefore forge a link with
an emerging body of research investigating the development of psycho-
pathology, where uncertain family relations, a dearth of particular kinds
of conversational exchanges, negative appraisals of ones experiences, and
Emotion and Memory in Development 395

avoidant coping are all acknowledged risk factors (e.g., Hayes & Wilson,
2003; Rutter, 2005).
The association between memory and psychopathology has only
recently begun to receive direct attention within child clinical psychology,
despite a longer history in theory and research on adult psychopathology.
For both children and adults, memories of previous experiences play a
critical role in everyday functioning. Ones accrued autobiographical recall
provides a store of memories that facilitates the management of cur-
rent situations and guides future expectations (Nelson & Fivush, 2004):
As noted by Pillemer (2003), memories are linked to future well-being
through their persistent reminders of what is worth pursuing and what
is to be avoided (p. 197). At times, however, this autobiographical store
is less than helpful, such as when the childs personal memories lead to
the repetition of maladaptive patterns of behavior and emotion, or when
intense fear induced by memories of a traumatic experience interfere
with the childs ability to manage his/her present circumstances (Conway,
2003). It is clear, therefore, that focusing on memory potentially expands
our understanding of key mechanisms in the childs pathway to psycho-
pathology or to adaptive functioningthe how of developmental processes
in addition to the what (Rutter & Sroufe, 2000).
In the remainder of this commentary, we consider the implications of
the contributing chapters for understanding the association between emo-
tion and memory in relation to psychopathology and its treatment.
Emotion, Memory, and Understanding

Psychopathology
Relevant to understanding how memory may influence the development

of psychopathology, three tightly interrelated themes emerge from the
current collection of chapters: the influence of language and conversation;
the role of cognitive processing factors such as understanding, knowl-
edge, and appraisal; and avoidance and coping. We consider each theme
in turn.
Language and Conversation

Foundational skills for remembering and managing emotional experiences
develop within the inherently emotional parent-child relationship (see
Carpendale & Lewis, 2004; Dunn, Brown, & Beardsall, 1991; Nelson &
Fivush, 2004). Engagement in discussion of past experiences may play a
particularly salient role in the development of these foundational skills.
Discussion of the past provides a reflective distance from which par-
ents and children can consider the emotional experience when no longer

aroused (see Laible & Panfile, Chapter 7, Fivush, Brotman, Buckner, &
Goodman, 2000). Moreover, information discussed after an event tends
to be better recalled, contributing to a more robust store of personal
experiences in memory (McGuigan & Salmon, 2004).
The chapters in the current volume extend extant research by showing
that, via language-based exchanges with their parents, children poten-
tially develop a powerful means of self-expression and self-control,
essential for positive psychological adjustment. Emotion-rich and elabo-
rative reminiscing conversations teach children how to remember their
experiences and to label their internal states. These skills, in turn, equip
children to retrieve and communicate their experiences and emotions
to others (see Laible & Panfile; Sales [Chapter 8]; Ensor & Hughes,
2007; OKearney & Dadds, 2005). Children are able to establish a com-
plex body of knowledge about their own and others emotions (Laible &
Panfile, Sales, this volume), which, in turn, is associated with later
social and academic competence (Ackerman & Izard, 2004; Brown &
Dunn, 1996). Self-regulatory skills can be learned as children are helped
to make sense of their negative experiences and to integrate these into
the individuals autobiographical memory (meaning-making), and as
they engage in sensitive, emotionally matched dialogues in which their
feelings are contained and they develop confidence in their parents sup-
port (Laible & Panfile; Oppenheim & Koren-Karie [Chapter 6]; Sales).
Over time, children have the opportunity to learn both how to reflect
on their experiences and emotions and also the value of so doing (Chae,
Ogle, & Goodman [Chapter 1]; Oppenheim & Koren-Karie). As noted
by Stegge and Terwogt (2007), conscious reflection on emotional expe-
rience profits from an introspective attitude on the one hand and the
availability of explicit emotion knowledge on the other (p. 272) (see
also Greenberg, 2007).
There are many instances where the development of these critical
skills and knowledge is compromised, however. Where the child or par-
ent has an insecure (avoidant, anxious) attachment relationship, remi-
niscing is less frequent, less elaborative, and does not ultimately help
the child understand how to effectively manage negative emotions,
potentially laying the foundations for the childs adoption of problem-
atic coping strategies such as avoidance (Chae et al.; Laible & Panfile;
Oppenheim & Koren-Karie; Sales). Discussions about emotional expe-
riences between children and parents at high socioemotional risk may
be underregulated (flat, lacking in content) or overregulated (exces-
sive, disorganized, and flooded with emotional themes) (Oppenheim &
Koren-Karie). Given findings that deficits in emotion awareness and
regulation and in introspective activity are associated with a range of
childhood disorders, the findings reported in this volume represent an

important step in extending the investigation of these critical conver-
sational exchanges to clinical populations (Lineham, Bohus, & Lynch,
2007; Suveg, Southam-Gerow, Goodman, & Kendall, 2007). To illus-
trate the potential importance of adopting a clinical focus, we take two
examples from the albeit small body of relevant research that comple-
ments the current chapters.
Shipman and colleagues observed maltreating mothers in discussions
of past emotional events with their children and found that, compared to
a matched control group, maltreating mothers were less likely to include
the causes and consequences of emotion and became more aroused in
response to their childrens negative emotion. In contrast to mothers
in the control group, maltreating mothers also engaged in invalidating
behaviors, including minimization, blame, and criticism of the childs
contribution to the discussion, and these behaviors, in turn, mediated
the association between maltreatment and negative child outcomes, such
as poorer emotion skill and higher levels of symptomatology (Shipman,
Schneider, & Sims, 2005; Shipman & Zeman, 1999; Shipman et al.,
2007).
Focusing on the socialization of anxiety, Suveg, Zeman, Flannery-
Schroeder, and Cassano (2005) investigated the discussion of past neg-
ative emotional experiences between anxious children (aged eight to
12 years) and their mothers and nonanxious control mother-child dyads,
and found that the mothers of anxious children spoke less, used fewer
positive emotion words, and engaged in greater discouragement of their
childrens reminiscing. Other research suggests that parents play an
important role in socializing anxiety in their children, particularly where
children have the risk factors of behavioral inhibition and insecure
attachment (Shamir-Essakow, Ungerer, & Rapee, 2005). For example, par-
ents of anxious children tend to engage in controlling behaviors in rela-
tion to their children, and to encourage avoidant coping in response to
perceived threat (Barrett, Dadds, Rapee, & Ryan, 1996; Wood, McLeod,
Sigman, Huang, & Chu, 2003). As little research has addressed how
children become fearful and anxious, there is a need to investigate the
underlying mechanisms; the findings outlined above suggest that a focus
on conversational exchanges may contribute to this end.
A focus on reminiscing may be fruitful in furthering our under-
standing of socialization processes in the development of other forms
of psychopathology, although, again, there is very little research to date.
For example, children with oppositional, noncompliant behavior prob-
lems appear to have limited ability to adopt a self-reflective stance
and, in addition, manifest impoverished emotion knowledge and regula-
tion (OKearney & Dadds, 2005; Stegge & Terwogt, 2007). It is well-
established that the patterns of interaction in the families of children

with such conduct problems include ineffective and irritable parenting
practices (Reid, Patterson, & Snyder, 2002), and we might speculate that
there would, therefore, be very limited opportunity for elaborative, emo-
tionally rich reminiscing. Further investigation of the nature and conse-
quences of invalidating behaviors during reminiscing is also warranted.
It has been proposed, for example, that maternal invalidation induces
high levels of arousal, which children generally have limited skills to
manage effectively, promoting the development of dysfunctional escape
or avoidant responses (see Chae et al.; see also Eisenberg, Cumberland, &
Spinrad, 1999; Fruzetti, Shenk, & Hoffman, 2005).
The research presented in this volume provides evidence that the fre-
quency, style, content, and process of reminiscing conversations between
parents and their children both reflect and contribute to adaptive and
maladaptive psychological adjustment. In so doing, it provides an impor-
tant springboard for future work investigating how family interactional
patterns shape childrens developmental pathways.
Understanding and appraisal. A second compelling theme in the cur-
rent volume concerns the degree to which a childs understanding and
appraisal of an emotional experience influences how the experience is
remembered and, ultimately, managed. The research presented suggests
that, over time, there is a dynamic, unfolding interaction among the
childs emotional response to an experience, his/her appraisal of it, and
subsequent recall and coping.
According to Baker-Ward, Ornstein, and Starnes (Chapter 2), for
example, a positive evaluation of an emotional experience elicits
greater engagement, as reflected in the childs deployment of attentional
resources as the experience unfolds. Thereafter, the positive evaluation
leads to more discussion and reflection, with each revisiting potentially
strengthening the experience in memory and heightening positive affect.
These processes are dynamic in that all elements are subject to change
over time. For example, attempts to develop a meaningful account of
a stressful experience (efforts after meaning), which provide a causal
and explanatory framework and integrate the experience into the childs
autobiographical memory, are also likely to enhance memory and dimin-
ish negative affect (Baker-Ward et al., see also chapters by Laible &
Panfile; Sales; Oppenheim & Koren-Karie; Peterson & Warren). Baker-
Ward and colleagues reported that young soccer players who had thought
that victory was possible until the games final minutes recalled more
information about it compared to players who thought they would lose.
Moreover, winning soccer players increased their rating of their own
performance in the several weeks following the game, and reported that
they had discussed the game more frequently. Similarly, Peterson and
Warren (this volume) reported that children of parents who used a high

rather than low elaborative reminiscing style had more complete and
accurate recall of a stressful experience both immediately after and over
time, presumably because experiences were rehearsed more frequently
and richly.
Just as a positive appraisal may enhance memory via its association
with the childs allocation of attention, experiences negatively appraised
are more likely to be associated with impoverished memory. This is
illustrated in the current volume by Chae and colleagues, who, draw-
ing on attachment theory, proposed that children whose bids for care
have been rejected or belittled are unable to attend to and process
threatening information, with implications for all aspects of information
processing. They showed that parents with an avoidant attachment style
were less responsive to their distressed child during and after a medi-
cal procedure, and the children manifested poorer memory, reflected in
less-complete free recall, more errors, and greater vulnerability to sug-
gestion. Of course, this parental behavior implicitly encouraged avoidant
coping on the part of their children. Interestingly, Wallin and colleagues
(Chapter 12) raise the possibility that the relatively poorer memory found
in children of avoidantly attached parents may also be underpinned by
physiological processes associated with impaired parasympathetic regula-
tion, which facilitates physiological recovery following distress.
Research within clinical contexts, while still limited, underscores
the associations between the childs appraisal and memory of a stress-
ful or traumatic experience and their subsequent coping, consistent with
the findings reported by Baker-Ward et al. and Chae. For example, in a
study by Chen, Zeltzer, Craske, and Katz (2000), child cancer patients
who were more distressed during an initial lumbar puncture provided
negatively distorted ratings of their pain and distress one week later,
compared with their original ratings, and this was, in turn, associated
with higher distress during a subsequent lumbar puncture. Similarly,
recent advances in the understanding of the development of psychopa-
thology following exposure to a traumatic event implicate the individu-
als appraisal of the remembered experience. Specifically, posttraumatic
stress symptoms are more likely when both children and adults nega-
tively appraise the traumatic event and its sequelae, fuelled, at times,
by feelings of shame and guilt (Bryant, Salmon, & Davidson, 2007;
Marshall, Bryant, Amsel, Suh, Cook, & Neria, 2007; Meiser-Stedman,
Dalgleish, Smith, Yule, & Glucksman, 2007).
The significant associations between a childs understanding and
appraisal of a past experience and their coping described in the chap-
ters here extend the nascent body of clinical research by demonstrating
these associations experimentally, and highlight the importance of fur-
ther investigation. For example, theories of childrens social adjustment

propose that memories of past social experiences, colored by negative
appraisals and interpretational biases, in turn influence childrens aggres-
sive responding (Crick & Dodge, 1994). Despite the core role of mem-
ory, few studies have focused directly on this, and thus, the association
generally lacks empirical validation.
Avoidance and coping. A third significant strand in this volume
relates to the associations among memory, avoidance, and psychopathol-
ogy. It has long been considered that reliance on avoidance as a means
of regulating emotion is associated with psychopathology. Avoidance is
a core feature of a range of psychological difficulties, including anxi-
ety and mood disorders, posttraumatic stress disorder, and borderline
personality disorder (Campbell-Sills & Barlow, 2007; Gratz, Rosenthal,
Tull, Lejuez, & Gunderson, 2006). Experiential avoidance, of which a
core feature is an unwillingness to remain in contact with aversive pri-
vate experiences such as thoughts, feelings, and memories, is consid-
ered to be a stronger contributor to psychopathology than the intensity,
frequency, or negative valence of these experiences (Chawla & Ostafin,
2007, p. 871; Hayes & Wilson, 2003). Understanding the development
and consequences of the various manifestations of avoidance clearly has
significant theoretical and practical implications.
The current volume has much to contribute with respect to this
understanding. As we have discussed already, several findings reported
here indicate that a tendency to avoid emotional distress can have its
origins within an insecure, avoidant parent-child attachment relation-
ship, with significant implications for the childs personal memories and
socioemotional functioning (Chae et al.; Laible & Panfile; Sales, this vol-
ume). Greenhoot, Johnson, Legerski, and McCloskey (Chapter 4) focused
on factors associated with one form of experiential avoidance, the avoid-
ance of specific painful memories and the retrieval, instead, of over-
general memories. Their findings showed that adolescents with a history
of sexual abuse and exposure to parental violence (compared to violence
alone) manifested a range of memory deficits, including shorter memo-
ries, fewer negatively valenced memories and more overgeneral memories
in response to neutral cues, and greater reliance on interviewer prompt-
ing to elicit information. Moreover, adolescents with childhood abuse
histories produced fewer emotion words in response to negative cues
than those without abuse history. Greenhoot and colleagues suggested
that, for some individuals, retrieval of overgeneral rather than specific
memories of stressful emotional experiences may be part of a general
style of avoidance of emotion arising from socialization experiences,
with each avoidant instance negatively reinforced by reduction in nega-
tive affect. In drawing on data from a longitudinal sample of children
and adolescents exposed to violence, these findings extend the current

literature on autobiographical memory specificity and emotional disorder,
which has focused largely on adults and has tended to use a concurrent
design (Williams et al., 2007).
Compas, Campbell, Robinson, and Rodriguez (Chapter 5) draw atten-
tion to the fact that the associations between coping and memory are
not restricted to autobiographical memory. Working memory, too, has a
critical role to play in determining whether effective coping strategies,
such as cognitive reappraisal, can be adopted. Their findings of individ-
ual differences in self and parent reports of coping strategies used by
adolescents with leukemia support their position. Specifically, maladaptive
coping (avoidance/disengagement) was negatively associated with working
memory and positively associated with internalizing difficulties. In con-
trast, adaptive coping (in particular, reappraisal) was positively associated
with executive functioning (including working memory) and fewer inter-
nalizing/externalizing behavior problems.
These findings relating memory processes to avoidance and cop-
ing, together with those implicating an association between avoidance
and poor psychological adjustment, highlight the need for further work
directly examining the role of memory, both autobiographical and work-
ing, in the development of psychopathological responses. For example,
avoidant strategies such as thought suppression, hiding emotions, and dis-
tancing oneself have been shown to have a variety of negative effects on
memory and on psychological functioning, although much of this work
has been conducted with adults and the precise linkages have not been
clearly articulated (see Rassin, Merckelbach, & Muris, 2000; Richards &
Gross, 2006). Moreover, the associations appear to be complex; for
example, while greater working memory facilitates effective coping
(Compas et al.), it also enables better suppression of intrusive thoughts,
a less-effective coping strategy (Geraerts, Merckelbach, Jelicic, &
Habets, 2007).
The influence on memory of differing patterns of conversational
avoidance between parents and their young children also warrants more
detailed investigation (Chae et al.; Greenhoot et al.; Oppenheim &
Koren-Karie). We have already discussed the potential role of parental
invalidation of childrens conversational contributions in promoting the
adoption of avoidant coping strategies, but other patterns are, of course,
possible. For example, depending on the motivation of the parent, some
negative events might not be discussed at all: parents may wish to min-
imize the childs distress (Salmon & Bryant, 2002), or for socially pro-
hibited activities such as sexual abuse, to maintain secrecy (Fivush, Pipe,
Murachver, & Reese, 1997). Alternatively, parents may focus on some
aspects of an experience at the expense of others. For example, parents
may avoid discussing the negative elements of a past experience, or, in

contrast, become particularly preoccupied with its negative aspects (see
Chae et al.; Farrar, Fasig, & Welch-Ross, 1997; Scheeringa & Zeanah,
2001). Research on retrieval-induced forgetting in adults show that such
selective review has significant implications for memory (Anderson,
Bjork, & Bjork, 1994). Similarly, we (Conroy & Salmon, 2005, 2006)
found, with young children, that repeatedly discussing some aspects of
an event at the expense of others impaired their recall of the nondis-
cussed aspects. Highlighting the potential clinical and forensic relevance
of selective review, Schooler (1997) described the case of an adult who,
after years of apparent forgetting, had remembered sexual abuse dis-
closed as a child. Schooler suggested that exclusive focus on remember-
ing her experience of physical abuse may have reduced the accessibility
of the memory for sexual abuse.
What Are the Implications for Clinical Interventions?

To this point, we have considered the implications of this volume for
understanding the development of psychopathology an important first
step from a clinical perspective. But ultimately, a critical task is to
develop treatments that promote childrens adaptive functioning based on
that understanding. It is to the potential treatment implications of the
chapters reviewed here that we now turn.
Training parents in elaborative reminiscing. The richness of the infor-
mation conveyed via parent-child reminiscing conversations points to the
potential for developing interventions based on training parents in elabora-
tive and emotion-rich reminiscing about past experiences (see Wareham &
Salmon, 2006, for review).
There have been only a few training studies to date, and they have
been conducted largely with community rather than clinical samples.
They have, however, demonstrated that mothers can be trained to alter
their reminiscing style, with benefits for their childrens autobiographi-
cal recall and language skill. Reese and Newcombe (2007), for example,
found that, relative to an untrained group, mothers trained in elaborative
reminiscing when their children were aged 18 and 30 months altered
their reminiscing style in the direction of the training. At age three,
their children provided longer and richer independent narratives (see
also Peterson, Jesso, & McCabe, 1999). In our own research, mothers
were given elaborative reminiscing training that also included a focus
on emotion (Wareham, Salmon, Dadds, & Allen, 2007). We found that,
compared to a control group who were trained in child-directed play
but not in elaborative reminiscing, mothers in the intervention group
had increased their elaborations and emotion references when assessed
immediately after the intervention. Six months later, their four-year-old

children provided more detailed narratives with greater emotion content
when talking with their parent and manifested more advanced under-
standing of emotion causes than those whose mothers did not receive
reminiscing training.
Nonetheless, if these findings are to be extended beyond community
samples, it is likely to be necessary to also directly target the problematic
parent-child patterns of behavior typically found in families with difficul-
ties of clinical severity (Hawes & Dadds, 2005; Rapee, Kennedy, Ingram,
Edwards, & Sweeney, 2005). In a recent pilot study, we incorporated emo-
tion-rich reminiscing and child directed play as adjuncts to parent manage-
ment training (Salmon, Dadds, Allen, & Hawes, 2007), the most effective
intervention for targeting noncompliance in young children (Webster-Stratton
& Hammond, 1997). Assessments conducted before and immediately after
the treatment showed reductions in childrens disruptive behavior in both
conditions and increases in elaborative, emotional talk for parents and chil-
dren who engaged in reminiscing training. These findings demonstrate that
parents of children with difficulties of clinical severity can adopt elabora-
tive reminiscing without compromising the effectiveness of other aspects of
treatment, but, of course, a longer follow-up is necessary.
While these preliminary findings are encouraging, much remains to
be learned before reminiscing training can be advocated as a clinical
intervention. For example, in all but Reese and Newcombes (2007)
study, the rate of dropping out of treatment has been high, highlighting
the need to identify barriers to successful engagement in the interven-
tion. Moreover, the effective elements of style and content of reminiscing
have yet to be determined, in particular, in relation to specific popula-
tions. Training parents in emotion-rich reminiscing may be ineffective
or even unhelpful when, for example, the parent fails to provide reso-
lutions when discussing negative emotional experiences (see Oppenheim
& Koren-Karie, Sales, this volume), where the child is swamped with
negative emotion, potentially leading to avoidance (see Greenhoot et al.;
Oppenheim & Koren-Karie, this volume), and where parents goal is to
remediate their childs social deficits rather than clarifying and teach-
ing about emotion. As noted by Eisenberg et al (1999), (t)he challenge,
of course, is to reliably discern the function of parental communications
about emotion (p. 256), and, in the current context, to harness those
communications that will have long-term benefit for children as part of
a treatment program. Finally, findings reported by Wiik and Gunnar
(Chapter 10) that secure mother-child attachment can buffer children
from significant activation of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal system
in response to threatening stimuli suggest that understanding the impact
of interventions on these critical neurobiological systems that underlie
memory is also important.

Targeting memories of stressful and traumatic events. The associa-
tions among a stressful experience, negatively appraised memory, the
childs coping response, and consequently, the development of psychopa-
thology, also have important implications for clinical interventions. That
memory is malleable and vulnerable to the influence of internally and
externally provided information is advantageous in this context (Baker-
Ward et al.). Indeed, effective psychosocial interventions for posttraumatic
stress disorder (PTSD) share a directive focus on the memory of the
traumatic event; reconstruction and reappraisal of what occurred (via
exposure to the memory) is currently the most effective means of reduc-
ing PTSD for children and adults (Marshall et al., 2007). According to
Cohen, Mannarino, and Deblinger (2006), exposure to the trauma mem-
ory and the construction of a trauma narrative reduce the childs anxiety
and avoidance while also enabling the child to integrate the traumatic
experience into the totality of his/her life. In this way, the trauma
is only one part of the childs life experience and self-concept, rather
than being the defining aspect of both (p. 120). Interestingly, prelimi-
nary findings suggest that facilitating mothers ability to jointly create a
trauma narrative with their child is an effective intervention for trauma-
tized preschoolers with behavior problems (Lieberman, Chandraghosh, &
Vanhorn, 2006; see Oppenheim & Koren-Karie, this volume).
These approaches to the treatment of childrens trauma have consid-
erable overlap with the notion of meaning-making, whereby a trau-
matic event comes to be understood and integrated into the individuals
autobiographical memory (see Baker-Ward et al.; Sales; this volume;
see also Ramrez-Espaza & Pennebaker, 2006). It is also noteworthy
that adults treated for PTSD retrieve more specific and fewer overgen-
eral memories as their symptoms reduce (Sutherland & Bryant, 2007).
Although the direction and underlying mechanism of this relation have
yet to be determined, they nonetheless underscore the significant associa-
tion between memory and psychological functioning.
The effectiveness of directly targeting memory has been demonstrated
in other contexts. For example, Chen et al. (1999) reduced childrens dis-
tress in response to a lumbar puncture by directly targeting their neg-
atively distorted memories, by, in particular, highlighting the coping
strategies used by the children (see also Pickrell et al., 2007). An alter-
native approach is to attempt to prevent negatively appraised and distorted
memories via intervention during and before a stressful event, a strategy
only possible where the experience is planned and predictable, such as a
medical or dental procedure. For example, as Baker-Ward and colleagues
noted in relation to our study (Salmon, McGuigan, & Pereira, 2006), one
aim was to prevent negatively exaggerated memories for children (aged
three to seven years) undergoing an invasive medical procedure (the

VCUG: voiding cystourethrogram). As the procedure unfolded, the chil-
dren were provided with distraction either alone or accompanied by a
procedural narration aiming to reduce fear and negative appraisals (e.g.,
this is our big camera. It will come down over your tummy but it wont
touch you). Relative to standard care, children in the combined distrac-
tion and narration condition manifested less distress during the procedure
and provided more complete memory reports one week later. Attempts to
target appraisals and memory in advance of a novel distressing procedure
by providing preparatory information have been less effective for young
children at least. The relatively small effects of preparatory information
are likely to reflect a memory representation based on verbal information
alone, without prior direct experience (Salmon, 2006).
In summary, increasing our understanding of the role of memory
in the development of psychopathology opens up important possibili-
ties for intervention. We have discussed the potential usefulness of
training parents in elaborative, emotion-rich reminiscing and directly
targeting negatively appraised memories of emotional experiences, but
this line of research is very much in its early stages, and there is
clearly a need for studies more directly addressing the implications for
treatment. Finally, in this context, we note that although training and
other intervention studies have been considered from a practical stand-
point, they also have the advantage of providing a strong test of the
theoretical tenets outlined above and elsewhere in the literature, per-
mitting us to address, for example, whether there is a causal relation-
ship between the parent and child reminiscing style and content, and
whether memory plays a causal role in the development of other forms
of psychopathology.
What Are the Implications for Forensic Contexts?

The children interviewed in forensic contexts are likely to experience
complex difficulties that impair their ability to retrieve their experiences
from memory and to report them during the interview. Maltreating fam-
ilies provide few of the experiences necessary for fostering competent
adaptation (Cicchetti & Toth, 2005). Deprived of the opportunity for
elaborative and emotion-rich conversations and exposed to parental inval-
idation, many maltreated children will be unskilled in retrieving a coher-
ent narrative account of their experiences. They may experience high
levels of negative affect, including shame, lack emotion knowledge and
regulation skills, and may engage in avoidant coping. Maltreated chil-
dren may also be troubled by intrusive memories associated with PTSD
and may retrieve overgeneral rather than specific memories (Baker-Ward
et al., Chae et al., Greenhoot et al., Oppenheim & Koren-Karie, this

volume; Saywitz, Mannarino, Berliner, & Cohen, 2000). Some of these
factors render the child vulnerable to suggestion, as demonstrated by
Chae and colleagues, and they will also influence the childs ability to
be cooperative during the interview.
As is clear from the foregoing section, a high level of skill is
demanded of the forensic interviewer (see Lyon & Saywitz, 2006; Pipe &
Salmon, 2009, for further discussion), and they point to some impor-
tant practice implications. First, the forensic interviewer should have a
comprehensive understanding of the childs psychological functioning.
Traditionally, the clinical and forensic literatures have been somewhat
separate, yet understanding that the child is anxious, depressed, or expe-
riences intrusive memories, potentially enables the interviewer to con-
duct a more sensitive and effective interview. Second, to facilitate the
childs ease in the interview and to reduce the risk of eliciting misinfor-
mation due to social compliance, care should be devoted to developing
rapport. Although relatively little research has focused on the effective
elements of rapport building (Lyon & Saywitz, 2006), some strategies
have emerged from the experimental literature. For example, social sup-
port, including eye contact, warmth, and time spent developing rapport,
has been shown to decrease childrens social compliance and to enhance
their free recall reports, without adverse effects (Bottoms, Quas, &
Davis, 2007), and normalizing feelings of fear and ambivalence has
also been found to reduce errors (Saywitz, Esplin, & Romanoff, 2007).
Moreover, explaining the ground rules of the interview to the child
and practicing open-ended narrative responses in relation to neutral top-
ics, before moving to the topic of interest, can also enhance childrens
reports (Sternberg et al., 1997; see Lyon & Saywitz, 2006). For exam-
ple, Sternberg and colleagues found that children with whom rapport
had been established using open-ended questions provided over twice as
much information in response to the first utterance as did children who
had been given direct, closed-ended questions, and this pattern continued
for the duration of the interview.
Finally, adherence to evidence-based interview strategies can optimize
childrens recall while taking into account some of the specific difficul-
ties experienced by maltreated children, such as difficulty providing a
free narrative account. Thus, experimental and field research suggests
that using an interview protocol that emphasizes open-ended questioning
while reducing interviewer input can elicit relatively detailed accounts
from children without negative sequelae. For example, the interview pro-
tocol developed and evaluated by the National Institute of Child Health
and Development (NICHD) entails seeking elaboration of information
the child has already reported, has been found to elicit more detailed
and accurate reports than are elicited by nonprotocol-based interviews,

and without compromising the rate of disclosure of sexual abuse (e.g.,
Lamb & Brown, 2006; Pipe et al., 2007). These kinds of approaches
to forensic interviewing may help overcome the difficulties faced by the
maltreated child by, for example, reducing the demand for a response,
inherent in a closed question and by providing nonleading retrieval cues
(the childs own words) that can encourage and structure a more com-
plete search of memory.
Concluding Comment
This volume provides a springboard for ongoing exchange between

researchers investigating emotion and memory and those investigating the
development of psychopathology. How emotional memories are managed
clearly has multiple significant implications for the childs current and
future psychological functioning. Not only may this exchange further our
understanding of psychopathological processes, it ultimately guides effec-
tive intervention. There can be little doubt that the next decade will see
considerable developments, both theoretical and applied, to these ends,
the seeds of which were sown in the foregoing chapters.
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AUTHOR INDEX
Abraham, A., 286 Andersen, S. M., 237 Barclay, J. R., 30

Abraham, H., 283 Anderson, M. C., 403 Bar-Heim, Y., 124
Abrous, D. N., 289 Anderson, N. D., 230 Barlow, D., 401
Aburada, M., 287 Anderson, V. A., 131 Barnett, A. M., 299
Achenbach, T. M, 20 Andreano, J. M., 263 Barnett, D., 6, 21, 351
Ackil, J. K., 185, 186, Andrew, C., 234 Barnhofer, T., 91, 234
188, 199, 201, 379, Andrews, B., 87 Baron, R. M., 15
386, 389 Arbib, M. A., 224 Barr, R., 280, 284
Adams Parrish, K., 213 Archer, M. A., 291 Barrett, L., 168, 237
Adams, S., 106 Arcus, D., 236 Barrett, P. M., 398
Addis, D. R., 283 Arend, R. A., 144 Bartholomew, K., 14, 16,
Adolphs, R., 224, 226 Armario, A., 233 17, 18, 19, 20
Ahadi, S. A., 16 Arntz, A., 88 Bartlett, F. C., 28,
Ainsworth, M. D. S., 4, Aron, A. R., 127 29, 224
143, 144, 153, 155, Ashman, S. B., 269 Bates, J. E., 344
178, 203 Auerbach, S., 169 Batterman-Faunce, J. M.,
Aitken, D. H., 293 Avishai-Eliner, S., 290 6, 65, 238, 315, 316
Akil, H., 260 Ayers, T. S., 125, 196 Bauer, P. J., 98, 185, 186,
Akirav, I., 285 Ayoub, C. C., 223 199, 280, 281, 282,
Alexander, K. W., 6, 7, 8, 283, 284, 285, 344,
17, 19, 20, 206, 221, Babinsky, R., 227 345, 374, 376, 377,
222, 231, 233, 234, Bahrick, L., 63, 65, 68, 378, 379, 387, 389
235, 236, 237, 239, 71, 184, 345, 379, 386 Baum, A. S., 272
240, 242, 313, 356 Baig, R., 289 Beardsall, L., 102, 170,
Alkire, M. T., 227, 321 Bailey, C. H., 282 396
Alkon, A., 234, 327, 329 Bailey, J., 94 Beauchaine, T. P., 323
Allard, L. M., 237 Baird, A., 328 Beazley, L. D., 291
Allen, E. A., 5 Bajic, D., 266 Beck, J. E., 356
Allen, J., 403, 404 Baker-Ward, L., 28, 29, Becker, K., 286, 292
Allen, J. J. B., 230 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 37, Beeghly, M., 170, 240
Allen, M. T., 322 41, 46, 49, 50, 52, 53, Bell, M., 42, 64, 67, 79,
Allhusen, V. D., 8 60, 72, 279, 313, 345 313
Almeida, O. F., 292 Bakker, A., 89, 263 Bell, S., 178
Alvarez, J. A., 230 Baldwin, M. W., 237 Belsky, J., 7, 238,
Amaral, D. G., 227 Bale, T. L., 297, 300 358, 359
Amini, F., 237 Bangston, S. K., 284 Bennett, M. C., 228
Amsel, L., 400 Banks, J. B., 35, 46 Benoit, D., 8
Anda, R. F., 87 Baram, T., 290 Bensadoun, J., 5
Andersen, S. L., 89, 292 Baran, S. E., 286 Bentivegna, C., 170
415
Berlin, L. J., 101, 102, Brennan, K. A., 5, 103, 207 Calabrese, P., 283
110, 207 Brennan, K. H., 43 Calkins, S. D., 235, 367
Berliner, L., 407 Bretherton, I., 4, 11, 145, Callender, G., 235
Bernsten, D., 352 170, 176, 177, 178, Calvete, E., 126
Bernstson, G. G., 204, 212, 237, 240, Cameron, J. L., 258
323, 327 349, 357, 358 Campbell, B. A., 32
Bertrand, F., 299 Brewer, J., 227, 316 Campbell, L. K., 109,
Beveridge, M., 291 Brewin, C. R., 87, 88, 90, 121, 201
Bialik, R. J., 100 98, 197, 294, 296, 351 Campbell, L. L., 130,
Bidell, T. R., 222 Bridges, L., 168 131, 132
Bidrose, S., 3 Britner, P. A., 144 Campbell, S. B., 9
Binet, A., 29, 31 Brittlebank, A. D., 87, Campbell-Sills, L., 401
Biringen, Z., 16, 144 91, 110 Campos, J. J., 32, 233
Birmaher, B., 272 Britton, W. B., 226 Campos, R. G., 32
Birmingham, M. K., 89 Brodersen, L., 328 Canli, T., 227, 233, 316
Birnbaum, G., 5 Bronen, R. A., 89, 295 Cannistraci, C. J., 130
Bjork, E. L., 403 Bronfenbrenner, U., 222, Cannon, W. B., 320, 321
Bjork, R. A., 403 224, 225, 243 Capatides, J., 170
Bjorklund, D. F., 388 Brosschot, J. F., 235 Carlson, E., 186
Blair, K., 169 Brotman, M., 397 Carlson, M., 272
Blaise, H. J., 293 Brown, A. L., 395 Carlson, V., 21
Blakely, B. S., 5 Brown, D. A., 408 Carpendale, J. I. M., 362,
Blanchard-Fields, F., 328 Brown, J., 102, 169, 170, 396
Blehar, M., 4, 143, 153 240, 396, 397 Carrey, N. J., 100
Bliss, T. V., 228 Brown, S. M., 285 Carrick, N., 234
Bloom, J., 170 Brown, T., 98, 186 Carrion, V. G., 272, 295,
Blue, J., 313 Bruce, M., 136 296
Bohanek, J., 142, 346 Bruck, M., 6, 31, 79 Carver, C., 202, 207
Bohlin, G., 168 Brumbaugh, C., 351 Carver, L. J., 89, 278,
Bohus, M., 398 Bruner, J. S., 29, 30 280, 281, 284, 285
Boland, A. M., 60, 71, Brunson, K., 290, 293 Case, R., 329
72, 73, 80 Bryant, R. A., 400, 241, Cashman, L., 346
Boman, E., 297 402, 405 Cassano, M., 398
Bonne, O., 295 Buchanan T. W., 226, Cassel, J.-C., 299
Boon Vermeeren, M., 88 265, 318, 325 Cassidy, J., 5, 7, 10, 101,
Boone, C., 126 Buckner, J. P., 397 161, 178, 203, 204,
Boring, A. M., 89, 272 Bugental, D. B., 313, 316, 207, 224, 238, 239,
Born, J., 264 318, 330 348, 358, 359
Bornstein, B .H., 13, 61 Buitelaar, J. K., 289 Caviness, V. S., 296
Bortfeld, H., 233 Bullmore, E., 129 Ceci, S. J., 31, 79
Bortolotti, S., 241 Bunge, S. A., 122 Chae, Y., 3, 20
Bost, K. K., 360 Bunsey, M. D., 321 Chan, S., 91
Bottoms, B. L., 3, 407 Burgwyn-Bailes, E., 35, Chandraghosh, I., 405
Bowlby, J., 4, 6, 9, 11, 48, 49, 60, 67, 72, 313 Charmandari, E., 258
12, 144, 145, 176, 177, Burnside, E., 88, 234 Charney, D. S., 89
178, 187, 203, 237 Bush, G., 231 Chastain, R. L., 110
Bowman, P. J., 184 Buske-Kirschbaum, A., 330 Chattararji, S., 286
Boyce, W. T., 5, 234, Buss, A. H., 187 Chavez, B., 297
318, 322, 328, 329 Buss, C., 286 Chawla, N., 401
Boyer, M. C., 101, 109, Buss, K. A., 328, 356 Chawla, S., 328
124, 328 Butler, E. A., 323 Chen, E., 316, 317, 318,
Boyle, P. A., 106 Butler, S., 241 326, 400 405
Brabham, T., 290 Butter, H. J., 100 Chen, S., 237
Brailey, K., 90 Buttsworth, D. L., 131 Chen, Y., 290
Brainerd, C. J., 32 Byatt, M., 88, 234 Chi, M. T. H., 36, 388
Brammer, M. J., 234 Chicz-Demet, A., 288
Bransford, J. D., 32, 395 Cabeza, R., 230 Chisholm, K., 272
Braun, K., 286 Cacioppo, J. T., 322, Chow, U., 293
Braunwald, K., 21 323, 327 Christensen, A., 103
Bremner, J. D., 89, 90, Cahill, L., 226, 227, 263, Christianson, S., 12, 13,
263, 285, 286, 294, 287, 296, 298, 316, 17, 230, 232, 315, 316,
295, 314 321, 325 318, 331
416 AUTHOR INDEX

Christianson, S -V., 3 Cummings, E. M., 100, Didow, S. M., 60
Chrousos, G. P., 258, 143, 169, 359 Dix, T., 169
320, 321, 324 Cuthbert, B. N., 318 Dobbing, J., 304
Chu, B. C., 398 Dodd, D. H., 30, 45
Chua, C., 297 Dabholkar, A. S., 283 Dodge, K. A., 401
Chun, M. M., 89 Dadds, M. R., 397, 398, Dolan, R. J., 33, 232
Cicchetti, D., 6, 21, 90, 403, 404 Domes, G., 325
100, 168, 233, 238, Dalgleish, T., 88, 124, Donzella, B., 267, 268,
351, 406 233, 295 271, 291
Cladis, M., 240 Daly, B. P., 281 Doost, H. T. N., 295
Clark, C. L., 5, 103, 207 Daly, J. R., 258 Dorio, J., 294
Clark, K. B., 228 Dalziel, S., 289 Dorward, E. C., 293
Clarke-Stewart, K. A., 8 Daniels, W. M. U., 293 Doussard-Roosevelt, J. A.,
Clayborn, H., 228 Danuser, B., 319 228, 329
Clubb, P. A., 31, 33, 34, Davalos, M., 240 Dow, G. A., 284
36, 53, 224 Davidson, P., 400 Dowden, A., 280
Cluver, A. 278 Davidson, R. J., 123, 223, Dozier, M., 268, 271, 272
Coe, C. L., 289 230 Drevets, W., 259
Cohen, J. A., 405, 407 Davies, D., 196 Dritschel, B. H., 91
Cohen, N. J., 229 Davies, P., 359 Dropik, P. L., 281, 284
Cohen, R. A., 133, 318 Davis, E. P., 291 Drosopoulos, S., 264
Cole, P. M., 316 Davis, K. E., 5 Druin, D. P., 235
Collingridge, G. L., 228 Davis, S. L., 13, 407 Drummey, A. B., 281
Collins, N. L., 237 Davis, T. L., 316 Dubrovsky, B., 89
Collins, W. A., 107 Davis OHara, K. M., 237 Duggan, D. S., 91
Compas, B. E., 101, 109, Dawson, G., 230, 240 Duke, M., 142
121, 122, 125, 126, Dawud Noursi, S., 88 Dunkel-Schetter, C., 288
127, 128, 130, 133, Day, J. C., 294 Dunlop, S. A., 291, 295
134, 135, 136, 137, De Bellis, M. D., 89, Dunn, J., 102, 169, 170,
168, 328 272, 295, 296, 314 240, 241, 396, 397
Cone, R. P., 258 de Brabander, B., 126 Dunsmore, J., 170
Connors, J., 383 de Decker, A., 88, 90, Durgerian, S., 133
Connor-Smith, J. K., 122, 91, 98, 109 Durkin, K., 73
126, 168 de Jong-Meyer, R., 234 Durwen, H. F., 283
Conrad, C. D., 122, 286 de Kloet, E. R., 259, Duvarci, S., 298
Conroy, R., 73, 80, 394, 260, 291, 292, 324
403 De Neeling, N. N., 319 Eals, M., 297, 298
Constans, J. I., 90 de Quervain, D. J. F., Earls, F., 272
Conte, P. M., 317 89, 265 Easterbrook, J. A., 33,
Contreras, J. M., 356 De Ruiter, C., 235 44, 384
Conway, M. A., 92, 396 Dean, E., 285 Eaton, K., 35, 42, 46,
Cook, J. M., 400 Deane, K. E., 7, 20 47, 169
Copeland, W. E., 128 Debiec, J., 266 Eccard, C. H., 272
Cortez, V., 313 Deblinger, E., 405 Eckerman, C. O., 60
Costa, P. T., 16 Declerck, C. H., 126 Edelbrock, C., 20
Couchaud, E. A., 102, Deffenbacher, K. A., 13, Edelstein, R. S., 5, 6, 7,
240 17, 6162 63, 70, 71 8, 10, 15, 17, 18, 234,
Couchoud, E., 169 DeForest, M., 224 235, 238, 239, 316
Couperus, J. W., 231 Defranc, A., 91 Edwards, S., 404
Courage, M. L., 281 Degirmenci, M., 264 Edwards, V. J., 87
Cousens, P., 131 Delaney, R. C., 90 Eelen, P., 88, 91
Crandell, L. E., 181 DElia, P., 241 Egeland, B., 186
Crane, C., 91 Dellu, F. O., 240 Ehlert, U., 264
Craske, M. G., 316, 400 Denham, S. A., 102, 166, Eich, E., 223, 223
Crawley, A. P., 283 169, 170, 240 Eichenbaum, H., 223
Crick, N. R., 401 Dennig, M. D., 126 Eisen, M. L., 88
Crisp, V., 169 Derryberry, D., 231, 235 Eisenberg, A. R., 240,
Crnic, K., 7, 238, 359 Desmond, J. E., 233 241
Cromer, C. C., 30, 45 DeWolff, M. S., 9 Eisenberg, N., 168, 170,
Culver, C., 178 Diamond, A., 235 240, 366, 367, 404
Cumberland, A., 168, Diamond, D. M., 228 El-Sheikh, M., 100
170, 367 Dickinson, D. K., 76 Ellenbroek, B. A., 290
Author Index 417

Ellis, B. J., 328 160, 171, 172, 173, Gauvain, M., 347
Ellis, H. C., 346 179, 184, 185, 186, Gebelt, J., 170
Ellis, L. K., 235 197, 198, 199, 200, Gehlen, W., 283
Elmquist, J. K., 258 202, 203, 204, 205, Gellman, M., 319
Elzinga, B. M., 89, 263 206, 207, 212, 213, Gentzler, A. L., 356
Emde, R. N., 16, 155 224, 237, 240, 241, George, C., 244
Emory, E., 230 244, 281, 313, 343, Geraerts, E., 402
Engelberg, E., 12 345, 346, 347, 348, Gerin, W., 328
Engle, R., 317 349, 350, 352, 362, Getzler-Yosef, R., 158
Ensor, R., 397 376, 377, 379, 389, Ghera, M. M., 328
Epping-Jordan, J. E., 396, 397, 402 Ghetti, S., 315
135, 136 Flannery-Schroeder, E., Ghosh Ippen, C., 161
Erickson, K., 259 398 Gibbons, J., 123
Erickson, K. I., 318 Flavell, E. R., 240 Gibler, N., 314
Erickson, M. F., 271 Flavell, J. H., 240 Gijsbers, K., 89
Esplin, P. W., 370, 407 Fleck, K., 313 Gilbertson, M. W., 90,
Espy, K. A., 131 Fleming, A. S., 292 296
Etzion-Carasso, A., 144, Fleshner, M., 228 Gilboa, A., 282, 283
146, 147, 150, 151, Flint, R. W., 321 Gillath, O., 5, 239
152, 154, 178, 203 Flugge, G., 89 Gilliom, M., 356
Evans, J. I., 258 Fluttert, M., 292 Gini, M., 147, 151, 156,
Evans, O., 319 Foa, E. B., 346 207
Eye, J., 173, 187 Fogel, A., 347 Glaser, B., 272
Folkman, S., 124, 201 Glaser, R., 322
Fabes, R. A., 168 Follmer, A., 53 Glisky, E., 91, 94, 95
Faes, T. J., 319 Fonagy, P., 27 Glover, G., 233
Fairclough, D., 131 Fondacaro, K. M., 328 Glover, V., 291
Falduto, J., 297 Ford, D. H., 222 Glynn, L. M., 288
Farrant, K., 11, 102, 240 Ford, M. B., 237 Goeke-Morey, M., 169
Farrar, M. J., 12, 146, Fortson, B. L., 314 Gold, P. E., 228, 321
172, 179, 180, Fox, N. A., 235, 236, Goldberg, A., 63, 345,
241, 403 237, 240, 328 379
Fasig, L. G., 12, 146, Frackowiak, R. S. J., 89 Goldberg, S., 181
172, 179, 180, 241, Fraley, R. C., 5, 10, 15, Golden, A.-M., 233
403 239, 351 Golding, J., 291
Faure, J., 293 Francis, D. D., 294 Goldsmith, D. F., 157
Favez, N., 12 Frankfurt, M., 297 Goldsmith, H. H., 187
Faw, B., 230 Franks, J. J., 32 Goldstein, L., 234
Fearnow, M. D., 101 Frazier, T. W., 323 Gomez, J. L., 286
Feeney, B. C., 224, 237 Frenn, K. A., 330 Gomez, P., 319
Felitti, V. J., 87 Frith, C. D., 89 Gonzalez, J., 240
Fellous, J.-M., 224 Fritz, J., 240 Goodman, G. S., 3, 6, 7,
Ferrara, R. A., 395 Fromhoff, F., 72, 77, 172, 8, 14, 17, 19, 65, 67,
Ferrier, I. N., 87, 110 199, 207 206, 222, 234, 235,
Field, T., 240 Frsch, F., 292 236, 238, 239, 313,
Fieldman, G., 319 Frustaci, K., 89 315, 316, 356
Fiese, B. H., 198 Fruzetti, A. E., 399 Goodman, K. L., 398
Figueiredo, H., 325 Fuchs, E., 89 Goodman, S. H., 397
Figueredo, A. J., 93 Fujioka, T., 290 Goodyer, I. M., 87, 90
Filali, M., 227 Fung, H., 172 Gordon, B. N., 30, 31,
Filipek, P. A., 296 Furtado, E., 30 33, 34, 35, 40, 49, 52,
Fillipini, D., 89 53, 60, 72, 313, 345
Fischer, K. W., 222, 223, Gabrieli, J. D. E., 122, Gottlieb, G., 222, 225
234 227, 230, 233, 316 Gottman, J. M., 170, 368
Fisher, P., 272 Gado, M. H., 89 Gould, E., 89, 286, 291,
Fisher, R. P., 43 Galea, L. A. M., 286, 293, 297
Fitzgerald, H. E., 181 297, 298 Grady, C. L., 282
Fivush, R., 9, 12, 29, 31, Galef, B. G., Jr., 291 Gramzow, E., 34
33, 52, 63, 65, 67, 68, Ganiban, J., 6, 351 Granhag, P., 3
72, 73, 74, 77, 84, 87, Ganor, G., 151, 152, 153 Gratz, K. L., 401
98, 99, 101, 102, 106, Garcia, A., 233 Graves, E. I., 232
110, 142, 146, 147, Garner, J. P., 10, 239 Graziano, W. G., 236
418 AUTHOR INDEX

Green, F. L., 240 Haviland, J., 170 Hudson, J., 12, 32, 170,
Green, M. L., 364 Hawes, D., 404 171, 172, 224, 284,
Greenberg, M. T., 187, Hawkins, R. D., 282 345, 349
397 Haydon, K. C., 107 Hudson, M. M., 131
Greenberger, E., 186 Hayes, S. C., 67, 396, Hughes, C., 170, 241, 397
Greenhoot, A. F., 30, 34, 401 Huizink, A. C., 290, 291
46, 72, 86, 91, 94, 95, Hayne, H., 72, 280, 345 Humphreys, A. G., 297
98, 101, 106, 108, 301 Hazan, C., 5, 14 Hunter, E. C. M., 87
Greenough, W. T., 297 Hazzard, A., 98, 99, 103, Hurlemann, R., 232
Gregory, S., 88 186 Huttenlocher, J., 169
Greundel, J., 349 Healy, B. T., 328 Huttenlocher, P. R., 283
Griffin, D., 16, 17, 20 Hedrick, A. M., 60, 364 Hwang W-C., 398
Grolnick, W., 168 Heim, C., 264, 273
Gross, J. J., 86, 122, 225, Heinrichs, M., 325 Ingram, M., 404
236, 323, 366, 402 Hellhammer, D. H., 286, Inhelder, B., 224, 345
Grossmann, K. E., 178, 325, 329, 330 Introini-Collison, I. B.,
328 Hellhammer, D. K., 264 321
Grunau, R. E., 288 Helmeke, C., 286 Irion, J. C., 328
Guichard, A. C., 237 Henderson, D., 88, 98 Irwin, W., 230
Gunderson, J. G., 401 Henderson, H. A., 328 Isensee, J., 383
Gunnar, M. R., 89, 229, Hendriks, W., 290 Ishige, A., 287
235, 237, 256, 257, Hennessy, K. D., 100
258, 259, 260, 264, Henning, S., 285 Jackson, K., 213
267, 268, 269, 271, Henri, V., 29 Jackson, M. F., 290
272, 273, 291, 328, Hepps, D., 3, 313 Jacobs, W. J., 226
330, 356, 383 Herman, J. L., 87 Jacobson, L., 286, 290,
Gurvits, T. V., 295 Herman J. P., 325 325
Guthrie, I. K., 168 Hermans, D., 88, 91, 101 Jacobvitz, D., 153
Gutteling, B. M., 288, Heron, J., 291 Jager, G., 297
290, 291 Hershkowitz, I., 3, 370 Janowsky, J. S., 297, 298
Hertsgaard, L., 271, 281 Jaynes, J., 32
Habets, P., 402 Hess, T. M., 35, 313 Jelicic, M., 402
Habib, R., 223, 226, 229 Hesse, E., 156, 158 Jeltsch, H., 299
Haden, C. A., 60, 72, 77, Hessl, D., 272 Jensen, R. A., 228
102, 142, 171, 172, Het, S., 261, 262, 265, Jesso, B., 80, 403
197, 199, 241, 281, 273 Jewel, E., 228
350, 364 Hevenor, S. J., 282 Jochem, R., 367
Hafer, N., 233 Hill, D., 240 Jols, M., 324
Haft, W. L., 181 Hill, D. E., 131 John, O. P., 86, 236
Haight, J. C., 98 Hill, J., 88, 234 John, R. S., 100
Haimovich, Z., 203 Hinde, R., 187 Johnsen, B. H., 228
Haine, R. A., 72 Hirschman, J. E., 3, 313 Johnson, R. J., 86, 91,
Haines, K. E., 293 Hock, C., 265 95, 98, 100, 101, 103,
Halberstadt, A., 169, 170 Hoffman, P. D., 399 107
Haley, D., 262 Hofmeister, C., 146 Jones, N. A., 240
Hall, J., 89 Holbrook, T. L., 296 Juraska, J. M., 297
Hammond, M., 404 Holmes, K., 316
Han, J. J., 73 Hoogstra, L., 172 Kagan, J., 123, 235, 328
Han, J.-S., 286 Hooper, S. R., 314 Kail, R., 222
Hanna, C., 89 Hooven, C., 170, 368 Kaleita, T. A., 131
Hansen, A. L., 228 Hoover, C., 183 Kampen, D. L., 298
Harada, Y., 299 Horowitz, D., 370 Kandel, E. R., 282
Harbuz, M. S., 233 Horowitz, F. D., 395 Kang, H., 290
Hargreaves, I., 88 Horowitz, L. M., 14, 17, Kanitz, E., 285, 286, 289
Harley, K., 72, 77, 281 18, 19, 20 Kaplan, K., 203, 204
Harmon-Jones, E., 230 Howe, M. L., 90, 281 Kaplan, N., 5, 161, 178
Harris, P. L., 155, 169, Howe, N., 240 Kapoor, A., 288
362 Howell, D. C., 135, 136 Kapur, S., 223, 229
Hart, B., 77 Howell, R., 88 Karemaker, J. M., 319
Hasher, L., 92, 243 Hoyt, D. B., 296 Karst, H., 258, 260
Hastings, N. B., 286 Hubbard, J., 170 Kasuga, S., 299
Hautzinger, M., 325 Hudson, A. E., 40 Katz, E. R., 316, 400
Author Index 419

Katz, L. F., 170, 368 Kuersten-Hogan, R., 241 Lickliter, R., 222
Kavushansky, A., 287 Kuhlmann, S., 228, 265 Lieberman, A. F., 158,
Kazak, A. E., 136 Kuhn, J., 6, 65, 238, 315, 160, 161
Keedwell, P. A., 234 316 Likhtik, E., 227
Kellerman, J., 316 Kushner, S. A., 282 Lindauer, B. K., 28,
Kendall, P. C., 398 Kutner, M., 89 29, 30
Kennedy Jr., D. N., 296 Kuyken, W., 87, 88, 90, Lineham, M. M., 398
Kennedy, S., 404 98, 233 Linke, R., 292
Kenny, D. A., 15 Liu, D., 294
Kermoian, R., 32 LaBar, K. S., 231 Livesay, K. L., 130
Kern, R. P., 316 Labay, L. E., 317 Liwag, M. D., 48, 364
Kerns, K. A., 356 Ladd, C. O., 292 Locantore, J. K., 230
Kertes, D. A., 267, 272 Lagattuta, K, 169, 170 Loftus, E. F., 1920, 31,
Keshavan, M. S., Laible, D., 9, 12, 102, 316
272, 296 146, 166, 169, 170, Long, J., 272
Kessels, R. P. C., 297, 171, 172, 173, 175, Lopez, J. F., 260
326 179, 180, 186, 187, Losoya, S. H., 168
Kiel, E. J., 328 203, 350, 357 Louie, A., 237
Kieras, J., 236 Laird, A. R., 129 Lovallo, W. R., 265, 325
Killeen, P. R., 122 Lamarque, S., 289 Lovallo, W. T., 320
Kim, J. J., 286 Lamb, M. E., 3, 88, 370, Low, J., 73
Kindler, J., 286 408 Low, M. J., 258
King, L. A. Lane, R. D., 103 Lubach, G. R., 291
Kingman, R., 319 Lanes, O., 3 Luine, V., 285
Kirschbaum, C., 228, 325, Lang, A., 318 Lukon, J. L., 356
329, 330 Lang, P. J., 318 Lukowski, A. F., 186, 389
Kirsh, S. J., 7, 10, 238, Lanigan, L., 5 Lukoyanov, N. V., 292
239, 359 Lannon, R., 237 Lumley, M. A., 40
Kitayama, N., 89 Larson, D. G., 110 Luna, B., 127, 129
Klann-Delius, G., 146 Larson, M., 268 Lupien, S. J., 226, 325,
Kleen, J. K., 122, 123 Larus, D., 31, 33, 34 328
Kliewer, W., 101, 102, Lasko, N. B., 90 Luu, P., 231
213 Lasley, E. N., 382 Lynch, M., 238
Klinger, L. G., 240 Laumakis, M. A., 100 Lynch, T. R., 398
Klorman, R., 233 Lazarus, C., 299 Lyon, T. D., 407
Knight, R. T., 223, 229, Lazarus, R. S., 32, 124, Lyons-Ruth, K., 153
230 201, 224
Koehler, A. J., 290 Le Moal, M., 240, 289 McAdams, D. P., 184
Koeneker, A., 262 Leander, L., 3 McAndrews, M. P., 283
Koenig, M., 362 LeDoux, J. E., 227, 266 Macaulay, D., 223, 223
Kohlberg, L., 50 Lee, H. J., 286 McCabe, A., 72, 73, 76,
Koppeschaar, H. P. F., Legerski, J. P., 86, 106 77, 80, 102, 403
297, 326 Leichtman, M. D., 12, McCall, R., 187
Koranda, J. L., 293 73, 80 McCarthy, G., 231
Koreishi, A., 73 Leidy, M. S., 240 McCarty, B., 295
Koren-Karie, N., 142, Lejuez, C. W., 401 McCarty, R., 228
146, 149, 151, 152, Lemaire, V., 289 McCauley, M. R., 43
153, 158, 159, 203 Lench, H. C., 265, 316, McCloskey, L. A., 86, 91,
Krkel, J., 36 319 93, 94, 95, 98, 103
Kornack, D. R., 295 Lepage, M., 226 McCrae, R. R., 16
Koss, M. P., 93 Lerner, R. M., 222 McDermott, K. B., 31
Kosztolanyi, G. Y., 283 Levine, B., 223 MacDonald, J. F., 290
Koverola, C., 89, 295 Levine, L., 169, 364 McDonald, R. J., 229
Kraft, R. H., 231, 233, Levine, S., 240, 268, 289, McDowell, D. J., 240
239 293 McEwan, B. S 32
Krag, D. N., 135 Levitt, M., 63 McEwen, B. S., 89, 228,
Krahl, S. E., 228 Levy, F., 291, 294 260, 285, 286, 291,
Krueger, K., 328 Lewis, C., 362, 396 297, 314, 320, 325,
Kudielka, B. M., 330, 331 Lewis, M., 184, 367 382
Kuebli, J., 106, 224, 241, Lewis, T., 237 McGaugh, J. L., 89, 226,
349 Libkuman, T, M., 227, 265, 266, 286,
Kuehn, E.-M., 234 232, 316 287, 298, 321
420 AUTHOR INDEX

McGorty, E. K., 13, 61 Meins, E., 204, 348 Myers, R. E., 289
McGuigan, F., 53, 73, 80, Melamed, B. G., 40 Myles-Worsley, M., 30, 45
350, 397, 405 Melinder, A., 20
McHale, J. P., 241 Melnyk, L., 6 Nachmias, M., 270,
McIntosh, A. R., 226, 283 Melo, A. I., 291 271, 356
McIntyre, C. K., 286 Melo, B., 283 Nachmias, O., 5
MacKay-Soroka, S., 181 Meltzoff, A. N., 280 Nadel, L., 226
MacKinnon, D., 196 Mennuti-Washburn, J., Narayan, M., 89, 285
Macklin, M. L., 90 101, 207 Narayanan, K., 230
McLaughlin, C., 186 Merckelbach, H., 88, 402 Nawrocki, T., 240
McLaughlin, K. J., 286 Merritt, K. A., 30, 34, Nelligan, J. S., 15
McLeod B. D., 398 35, 36, 40, 41, 65, Nelson, C. A., 89, 231, 284
McMillan, K. M., 129 72, 313, 315, 316, 317, Nelson, K., 12, 73, 84,
McNally, R. J., 90 326, 379 102, 142, 171, 172,
Madeira, M. D., 292 Mervis, C. B., 170, 240 198, 224, 281, 284,
Madsen, N. J., 272 Messier, C., 230 347, 349, 350, 362,
Magarinos, A. M., 285 Meyer, S., 168, 357, 367, 376, 377, 396
Maguire, E. A., 89 368 Nemeroff, C. B., 273, 292
Main, M., 5, 6, 10, Mikulincer, M., 5, 6, 204, Neria, Y., 400
146, 158, 161, 178, 239, 351 Ness, K. K., 131
203, 204 Miller, J. B., 238 Neubort, S., 285
Malarkey, W., 322 Miller, P., 101, 172, 198, Neufeld, H., 283
Malatesta, C., 178 240 Newcombe, N. S., 281
Malcarne, V. L., 328 Miller, S. M., 364 Newcombe, R., 11, 241,
Malloy, L. C., 8 Milner, D., 328 403, 404
Mandler, J. M., 224, 281 Mintun, M. A., 89 Newhagen, J., 318
Mangelsdorf, S., 356 Mintz, J., 172 Newnham, J. P., 291
Manly, J. T., 21 Mirescu, C., 293 Niarhos, F., 130
Mannarino, A. P., 405, Mitchell-Copeland, J., 169 Nichols, K. E., 328
407 Mitra, R., 286 Nida, R. E., 36
Manteufel, G., 285 Mizoguchi, K., 287, 288 Niedenthal, P. M., 351
Maor, G. I., 286 Mody, T., 240 Nielson, K. A., 318
Marais, L., 293 Moehler, E., 236 Nilsson, L., 318
Maratsos, M., 376 Molnar, C., 346 Nir, A., 155
Margolin, G., 100, 103 Montgomery, L. A., 228 Nishio, H., 299
Marin, K. A., 346, 352 Moore, B. A., 346 Nitsch, R., 265
Markowitsch, H. J., 223, Moore, G. A., 328 Noirot, M., 238
227, 229, 283 Moradi, A. R., 295 Nolen-Hoeksema, S., 127
Marks, M., 351 Morison, S. J., 272 Nordenberg, D. F., 87
Marsh, E. L., 32, 47 Moritz, G., 89
Marshall, P. J., 235, 237, Morris, A. S., 366 Oates, K., 67
328 Morris, P. A., 222, 224, Obegi, J. H., 239
Marshall, R. D., 400, 405 225, 243 Ochs, J., 131
Marshall, T. R., 235 Moscovitch, M., 282, 283 Ochsner, K. N., 122, 130
Marti, O., 233 Moses, S. N., 229 OConnor, T. G., 291, 300
Martin, J. N., 235, 236 Mravec, B., 228 Ogle, C. M., 3, 19
Martinez, C., 285 Mueller, B. R., 297, 300 OHara, K. D., 50, 221,
Martinez, J. L., 321 Mueller N. K., 325 231, 233, 239
Marvin, R. S., 144 Mulder, E. J. H., 289 O-Heeron, R., 183
Matas, L., 144 Mulder, M., 326 Oitzl, M. S., 291,
Mathiak, K., 325 Mulhern, R. K., 130, 131 292, 324
Matlina, E., 286 Mulholland, K. A., OKearney, R., 397, 398
Matthews, K. A., 322 204, 212 OKeeffe, G., 28
Matthews, S. G., Mumme, D. L., 32, 233 Okuda, S., 266
288, 290 Munck, A. U., 258 Olthof, T., 169
Matynia, A., 282 Munholland, K. A., 4, 11, Ontai, L., 9, 169, 172,
Mayford, M., 282 237, 358 357, 363
Mayo, W., 240 Murachver, T., 402 Oosterman, M., 322
Mazure, C., 89 Murdoch, B. E., 131 Oppedisano, G., 135
Meaney, M. J., 293, 294 Muris, P., 402 Oppenheim, D., 12, 142,
Meck, W. H., 299 Murmu, M. S., 285 144, 146, 147, 150,
Meeren, M., 88 Murowchick, E., 5 151, 152, 153, 154,
Author Index 421

155, 156, 157, 158, Peters, J. D., 293 Quevedo, K., 257, 258
161, 162, 178, 197, Peterson, C., 42, 60, 61, Quigley, K. S., 323, 327
203, 207 64, 65, 67, 72, 73, Quinlan, D. M., 103
Orbach, Y., 88, 370 74, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, Quinlivan, J. A., 291
Ornstein, P. A., 28, 30, 101, 102, 106, 200,
31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 281, 313, 315, 316, Rabideau, G. J., 100
37, 40, 45, 49, 51, 52, 403 Racagni, G., 290
53, 60, 65, 72, 279, Peterson, E., 123 Rademacher, J., 186, 296,
313, 345, 364 Pfaff, D. W., 297 389
Orwoll, E., 297 Phelph, E. A., 89 Radley, J. J., 287
Ostafin, B., 401 Phillips, M. L., 234 Radloff, L. S., 96
Ostrander M. M., 325 Piaget, J., 224, 345 Raes, F., 88, 90, 91, 106
Otani, H., 232, 316 Picariello, M. L., 388 Raikes, H. A., 358, 361
Otten, W., 285 Pickens, J., 240 Rakic, P., 288, 291, 295
Ouellet-Morin, I., 328 Pickering, T. G., 328 Ramrez-Esparza, N., 405
Owen, A. M., 129 Pickrell, J. E., 1920, 405 Ramlow, G., 261
Owens, M. J., 292 Pier-Vincenzo, P., 289 Ramsden, S., 170
Ozanne, A. E., 131 Pietromonaco, P. R., 237 Ramsey, C., 184
Pillemer, D. B., 12, 73, Randall, P., 89, 295
Packard, M. G., 286 388, 396 Rao, S. M., 133
Page, K. C., 289 Pipe, M-E., 402, 407, 408 Rapee, R. M., 398, 404
Pals, J. L., 184 Pirke, K., 329 Rassin, E., 402
Panagiotides, H., 240 Pitman, R. K., 90, 285 Rauch, S. L., 285
Panfile, T., 12, 166, Pleydell-Pearce, C. W., 92 Ray, R. D., 272
173, 187 Plihal, W., 264 Redlich, A. D., 315
Papini, S., 265 Pliska, V., 290 Reed, M. A., 235
Papp, L., 169 Plomin, R., 187 Reed, R. S., 3
Pardy, L., 80, 316 Pokorny, J., 290 Rees, M., 74
Pare, D., 227, 298 Pollak, S., 233 Reese, E., 11, 72, 73, 77,
Paris, S. G., 28, 29, 30 Pollock, L. R., 91, 110 102, 142, 171, 172,
Park, R. J., 87, 90 Porges, S. W., 228, 179, 197, 199, 240,
Parke, R. D., 240 323, 329 241, 281, 350, 352,
Parker, J. F., 63, 184, Portales, L. A., 329 360, 402, 403, 404
345, 379 Posner, M. I., 124, 231, Reeves, B., 318
Parker, K. C. H., 8 235, 236 Reichwald, U., 325
Parritz, R. H., 356 Postma, A., 297, 298 Reid, J., 399
Parsons, B., 67 Potts, R., 172 Reid, M., 30
Patten, A. H., 184 Powell, M. B., 45 Reiser, M., 168
Patterson, G. R., 399 Power, A. E., 286 Reiss, A. L., 272, 295
Paula-Barbosa, M. Prabhakaran, V., 230 Reul, J. M., 260, 324
M., 292 Pratt, M. W., 198 Reynolds, J., 184
Pavlides, C., 228 Pressley, M., 77 Reynolds, M., 90, 197
Payne, J. D., 226 Prevor, M. B., 235 Reznick, J. S., 123, 236
Peeters, F., 88 Price, M., 65 Reznik, I., 237
Pelletier, J. G., 227 Primeau, M., 133 Rholes, W. S., 5, 15
Pelphrey, K. A., 34 Primo, K., 135 Riccio, D. C., 321
Pennebaker, J. W., 52, Principe, G. F., 28, 30, Richards, J. M., 236, 402
110, 183, 184, 199, 31, 40, 41, 53, 345 Richelme, C., 296
201, 202, 206, 346, Prins, B., 321 Richter-Levin, G., 285,
405 Propper, C., 328 287
Penrod, S. D., 13, 61 Proudfit, H., 266 Riddlesberger, M. M., 6,
Pereg, D., 239 Pruett, J. C., 388 65, 238, 315, 316
Pereira, J. K., 53, 65, Putman, P., 325 Rideout, R., 67
236, 241, 405 Ridgeway, D., 240
Perez, C., 314 Qin, J. J., 7, 19 Rigatuso, J., 328
Perez-Edgar, K. F., 235 Quas, J. A., 5, 6, 7, 15, Rimmele, U., 325
Perras, B., 264 18, 19, 65, 67, 206, Risley, T. R., 77
Perrig, P., 223 222, 234, 236, 238, Riva, M. A., 290
Perrig, W. J., 223 244, 265, 313, 315, Roberts, C., 77
Perry, L., 319 316, 319, 322, 324, Roberts, D., 289
Persinger, M. A., 100 326, 329, 330, 331, Roberts, K. P., 45
Peters, D. P., 61, 68 356, 407 Robertson, R., 142
422 AUTHOR INDEX

Robinson, J. L., 16 Sandman, C. A., 288 Sherwin, B. B., 298
Robinson, K. E., 109, Sanghavi, M., 89 Sherwood, A., 322
121, 130, 132, 201 Sapolsky, R. M., 89, 90, Shields, A., 168
Robison, L. L., 131 228, 258, 260, 286, Shin, L., 287
Robles de Medina, P. G., 290, 314, 325 Shipman, K., 398
289 Sarfati, D., 98, 186 Shivy, V. A., 213
Roceri, M., 290, 293 Sarrieau, A., 293 Shors, T. J., 121, 122,
Rochester, M., 181 Saxton, M., 197 297
Rodriguez, A., 313 Saywitz, K. J., 407 Shrimpton, S., 67
Rodriguez, E. M., 109, Scaduto, M., 130 Sieber, W. J., 296
121, 201 Schaaf, J. M., 7, 8, 19, Siegel, S. E., 316
Roediger, H. L. III, 31 234, 235 Sigman M., 398
Rogoff, B., 225 Schaaf, M. J. M., 290 Silfvenius, H., 230
Rollinson, L., 88, 234 Schacter, D. L., 222 Silva, A. J., 282
Romanoff, S., 407 Schartau, P., 233 Silverman, L., 297, 298
Romero, M., 258 Schatzow, E., 87 Simcock, G., 72, 345
Roosa, M., 196 Scheeringa, M. S., 403 Simpson, J. A., 5,
Roozendaal, B., 89, 226, Scheier, M., 202, 207 15, 107
227, 228, 262, 265, Scherf, K. S., 129 Sims, C., 398
266, 273, 287, 298, Schin, L. M., 285 Sitomer, M. T., 122
325 Schmidt, L. A., 235, 236 Skinner, E. A., 121, 124,
Rose, G. M., 228 Schmitz, C., 299 125, 137, 168, 175
Rose, S. P., 234 Schneider, M. L., 290, Skowronek, J. S., 12
Rosen, H., 286 291 Skowronski, J. J., 346
Rosenberg, L. T., 289 Schneider, R., 398 Slade, A., 181
Rosenthal, M. Z., 401 Schneider, W., 36, 77 Slomkowski, C., 240
Roskoden, T., 292 Schoener, J. A., 289 Sloviter, R. S., 285
Ross, M., 30, 32, 33, 48 Schommer, N. C., 325 Smart, J. L., 304
Roth, W. T., 323 Schonberg, M. A., 356 Smeenk, J., 91
Rothbart, M. K., 16, 124, Schooler, J. W., 403 Smeets, T., 122, 232
187, 235, 236, 344 Schroeder, C. S., 33 Smiley, P., 169
Roughton, E. C., 290 Schuder, M., 272 Smith, D. C., 228
Rubin, D. C., 352 Schuengel, C., 322 Smith, L. B., 222, 347
Rudolph, K. D., 126 Schulkin, J., 259 Smith, S. M., 325
Rudy, L., 3, 313 Schuman, E. M., 290 Smyth, J. M., 110
Rutter, M., 396 Schwartz, G. E., 103 Snidman, N., 123, 235
Ryan, S. M., 398 Schwartz-Kenney, Snow, C. E., 76
Rydel, T. A., 286 B. M., 3 Snyder, J., 399
Rydell, A-M., 168 Schwegler, H., 292 Sollas, A. L., 285
Scollon, C. K., 184 Solomon, J., 5, 244
Saarni, C., 168, 169, 233 Scott, J., 87, 110 Song, J., 171, 173,
Sagi-Schwartz, A., 156, Scott, T. M., 90 179, 180
207 Scullin, M. H., 265 Sousa, N., 292
Saisa, J., 230 Seagal, J., 183 Southam-Gerow,
Sales, J. M., 9, 63, 74, Segal, Y., 151 M. A., 398
98, 101, 106, 160, Seibyl, J., 295 Southwick, S. M., 90, 295
184, 185, 186, 196, Seress, L., 283 Spangler, G., 178, 328
197, 200, 202, 203, Setiawan, E., 290, 297, Sperry, L. L., 240
206, 207, 212, 213, 299 Spicker, B., 35, 65, 313
313, 345, 346, 348, Shamir-Essakow, G., 398 Spieker, S., 5
350, 379, 389 Shankaranarayana Rao, B. Spinillo, A., 289, 290
Salmon, K., 53, 65, 67, S., 286 Spinrad, T. L., 168,
70, 73, 80, 236, 241, Sharma, S., 293 170, 367
322, 323, 327, 350, Shaver, P. R., 5, 10, 14, Spiro, J. E., 382
371, 394, 397, 400, 15, 103, 204, 207, Spritz, B., 7, 238, 359
402, 403, 404, 405, 234, 239, 348, 351 Squire, L. R., 89, 280,
406, 407 Shaw, D. S., 356 282, 289
Salovey, P., 168 Sheffield, E. G., 32 Sroufe, A., 186
Saltzman, H., 122, 168 Sheline, Y. I., 89 Sroufe, L. A., 144, 396
Samish-Nemlich, T., Shenk, C., 399 Staib, L., 89
151, 152 Shepard, B., 178 Stansbury, K., 89, 262
Sandler, I. N., 196, 202 Shepard, S. A., 168 Stark, E. N., 186, 389
Author Index 423

Starnes, L., 28, 41 Thomas, R. C., 243 Van Slyke, D., 130
Startup, M., 88, 234 Thomas, T. L., 320 van Steegeren, A., 287,
Stayton, D., 178 Thompson, C. P., 346 296, 298
Steele, H., 27 Thompson, R. A., 9, 11, Vandermaas, M. O., 35
Steele, M., 27 12, 102, 146, 168, Vanhorn, P., 405
Stegge, H., 166, 397, 398 169, 170, 171, 172, Vasterling, J. J., 90
Stein, D. J., 293 173, 177, 179, 180, Vasudeva, A., 12, 102,
Stein, M. B., 89, 90, 181, 186, 197, 203, 146, 171, 172, 179,
295, 296 204, 212, 225, 355, 205
Stein, N., 48, 169, 356, 357, 358, 359, Vazquez, D., 258, 259,
318, 364 361, 362, 363, 364, 260, 264, 268, 269,
Steinhauer, S. R., 323 366, 367, 369 273
Stennes, L., 98 Thomsen, A. H., 122, 168 Velles, A., 233
Steptoe, A., 319 Thorell, L. B., 168 Verhaak, C 91
Sternberg, D. B., 321 Tizzard-Drover, T., 80, Vermetten, E., 89
Sternberg, K. J., 88, 407 316 Vernberg, E. M., 106
Stevenson-Hinde, J., 235 Tobin, D. L., 125 Viau, V., 293
Steward, M. S., 69 Tobin, R. E. M., 236 Vicary, A., 351
Stone, L. D., 52 Toki, S., 294 Villegas, M., 285
Strage, A., 146 Tomich, P. L., 356 Visser, G. H. A., 289
Strandberg, K., 169 Torchia, M. G., 89, 295 Vrana, S., 318
Strange, B. A., 232 Tornoczky, T., 283 Vyas, A., 286
Straus, M. A., 94 Toth, S. L., 90, 406 Vygotsky, L. S., 197, 198,
Strauss, M. E., 323 Tran, S., 107 204, 212, 225, 243,
Stroud, L., 269 Tsethlikai, M., 46 343
Stuber, M. L., 136 Tsigos, C., 258, 320, 321, Vythilingam, M., 89
Stuewig, J., 103 324
Suess, P. E., 329 Tuchscherer, M., 285 Waddington, C. H., 224
Suh, E. J., 400 Tucker, D. M., 231 Wadhwa, P. D., 288
Sutanto, W., 260 Tuiten, A., 297 Wadsworth, M. E., 122,
Sutherland, K., 405 Tull, M. T., 401 127, 168
Sutherland, R. J., 229 Tulving, E., 223, 226, 229 Wagner, U., 264, 265,
Sutker, P. B., 90 Tupler, L. A., 295, 296 273
Suveg, C., 398 Tyler, C. S., 34 Wahlsten, D., 222
Sweeney, J. A., 127, 129 Walco, G. A., 317
Sweeney, L., 404 Uchino, B. N., 322 Walker, J. M., 213
Sweet, L. H., 133 Uddo, M., 90 Walker, L. S., 125
Switzer, H., 236, 238, Underwood, B. J., 29 Walker, P. A., 103
239, 241 Ungerer, J. A., 398 Walker, W. R., 346
Szuran, T. F., 290 Ushijama, M., 299 Wall, P. M., 230
Uys, J. D. K., 293 Wall, S., 4, 143, 153
Tabira, T., 287 Wallin, A. R., 265, 313
Taghavi, M. R., 295 Vaandermaas, M. O., 313 Wang, Q., 32, 73
Talley, C. P., 228 Vaccarino, V., 89 Wareham, P., 371, 403
Tanapat, P., 89, 286 Vale, W. W., 325 Warren, K., 60, 80, 316
Tata, P., 90 Valentino, R. J., 266 Warren, S. G., 155, 297,
Taylor, K. W., 213 Valiente, C., 168, 240 298
Teasdale, J. D., 87, 90 Vallee, M., 240, 288, 289 Watamura, S. E., 267
Teicher, M. H., 89, 292 Van Abbema, D. L., 185, Watanabe, Y., 228, 286
Tein, J., 202 186, 199, 345, 379, Waters, E., 4, 7, 20, 143,
TenVoorde, B. J., 319 389 153
Terr, L., 67, 279 Van Bockstaele, E. J., Waters, H. A., 12
Terwogt, M. M., 166, 266 Waters, J. M., 284
397, 398 van Buskirk, R., 321 Waters, W. E., 318
Tesla, C., 240 van der Kolk, B., 279 Watkins, E., 90
Tesman, J., 178 Van der Zee, E. A., 266 Watson, S. J., 260
Tessler, M., 73 van Honk, J., 297, 326 Watts-English, T., 314
Thatcher, R. W., 234 Van Horn, P. J., 158, Weber, M., 321
Thayer, J. F., 228 160, 161 Webster-Stratton, C., 404
Theall-Honey, L. A., Van IJzendoorn, M. H., Weems, C. F., 272, 295
235, 236 8, 9, 235 Wegner, D. M., 91, 135
Thelen, E., 222, 347 Van Minnen, A., 91 Weimer, B. L., 356
424 AUTHOR INDEX

Weinberg, J., 293 Wiebe, S. A., 284 Yee, D., 318
Weinert, F. E., 36 Wiik, Gunnar, M., 292 Yeh, T. F., 290
Weinfield, N., 186 Wiik, K. L., 256 Yehuda, R., 267
Weinstock, M., 286, 289, Wilhelm, F. H., 323 Yeung, C. A., 233
297, 299, 300 Williams, C. L., 299 Yim, I. S., 244, 313
Weintraub, J. K., 202, Williams, J. M. G., 87, Yule, W., 295
207 91, 92, 97, 109, 110,
Weiss, P., 89 402 Zacks, R. T., 92
Weisz, J. R., 126 Williams, R. M., 90 Zagron, G., 289
Welch-Ross, M. K., 12, Williams, S. C. R., 234 Zahn-Waxler, C., 240
146, 172, 179, 180, Williams, T., 184 Zanakos, S., 91
241, 403 Wilson, K. G., 396, 401 Zeanah, C. H., 403
Wellman, C. L., 285 Wingfield, J. C., 320 Zeijlmans van
Wellman, H., 170 Winkel, J., 297 Emmichoven, I. A.,
Welzl, H., 290 Winocur, G., 282 235, 238
Wenner, J. A., 284 Witt, J., 286 Zeitlin, S. B., 103
Wessel, I., 88, 90, 91, Woddis, D., 5 Zelter, L. K., 317
107, 109 Wolchik, S. A., 196 Zeltzer, L. K., 316, 317,
West, S., 202 Wolf, D. P., 144 400
Wewerka, S., 284, 330, Wolf, O. T., 228, 261, Zeman, J., 398
345 265, 286, 325, 331 Zentner, M., 123
Whalen, N., 61, 65, 67 Wood, J. J., 398 Zhao, Z., 227, 230, 233,
Wheeler, M. A., 226 Woolley, C. S., 291, 297 316
Whipple, E. E., 181 Workel, J. O., 292 Zimmer-Gembeck, M. J.,
Whissell, C. M., 241 Wranik, T., 168 121, 125, 137, 168,
Whitlock, J. A., 130 175
Widner, R. L., Jr., 232 Yamasaki, H., 231 Zola-Morgan, S., 289
Widom, C. S., 314 Ye, R., 16 Zoller, D., 102, 169, 240
Author Index 425

SUBJECT INDEX
Acute lympocytic leukemia (ALL), parental, 89

130133 research on, 13
Adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH), and mother-child dialogues, 145147
258259, 268, 324 parental, 360361
Adult Attachment Interview (AAI), 161, scaffolding, 203205
162, 181, 203, 204, 360 perspective, 36
AEED. See Autobiographical Emotional security on childrens memory for
Event Dialogue stressful events, 356360
Allostatic load, 133 socioemotional context, 348350
Amygdala, 227, 266, 325 transaction, with caregiving
and emotion, 286287 environment, 237239
gender differences, in memory, 298 Autobiographical Emotional Event
AMT. See Autobiographical Memory Dialogue (AEED), 147, 150
Test coding system, 148
Anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), 231 low-risk samples, 150151
Anxiety, 5, 1819, 40, 5354, 124, 204 mother-child dialogues, 153159
socialization of, 398 and risk status, 152153
Arginine vasopressin (AVP), 257, 258 stability over time of, 151152
Attachment theory, 67, 356 Autobiographical memory functioning,
for child sexual abuse, 1819 280, 281
and coping, parental scaffolding and abuse, 95106
content code, 206, 208, 210 emotion-socialization experiences,
quality code, 206, 208, 210211 102106
structure code, 206, 207208, 209 internal states language, 98101
and false memory, 1920 conversation role in, 376378
on HPA axis functioning, 270271 and depression, 9697
and links with open communication, and family violence, research program
176182 on, 9395
elaborative style, 180 narrative structure and content role
internal working models, 176178 in, 378
securely and insecurely, relationship parental scaffolding, 198199
between, 178179 for positive and negative valenced
with memory and suggestibility, events, 200202
relations trauma history, children and adults
children, 78 with, 8788
mechanisms trauma-related, 8893
encoding, 911 affect regulation hypothesis, 9192
retrieval, 1213 cognitive resources, depletion of,
storage, 1112 9091
427
Autobiographical memory functioning stress and memory, relations between,
(Contd.) 384386
hippocampal impairment, 8990 on cognition, 387388
retrieval conditions, 90 on development, 391
Autobiographical Memory Test (AMT), emotion relates, 390391
87, 88, 91, 93, 94, 9698, 104 on how events become integrated
Automatic responses, to stress, 123124 into the world view, 389390
Autonoetic awareness, 281 on reactions of others to events,
Autonomic nervous system (ANS), 123, 388389
257, 320324 Constructive processes
parasympathetic withdrawal, 323324 impact of, 30
sympathetic activation, 320323 knowledge-based, 33
Avoidance, 5, 103104, 135136, 204 of memory, 2930
and coping, 401403 over time, 3032
Controlled responses to stress, 124125
Basolateral nucleus of amygdala (BLA), Coping, 121
262, 286287, 298 and attachment status, parental
Behavioral inhibition, 123, 235, 270 scaffolding
Brain system development content code, 206, 208, 210
underlying explicit memory, 282285 quality code, 206, 208, 210211
frontal cortex, 283 structure code, 206, 207208, 209
hippocampus, 282283 avoidance and, 401403
relationship, 284285 disengagement, 125126, 134136
storage and retrieval of memories, emotion-focused, 202
283 engagement, 125126, 127
stress effects executive function, 127128
childhood and adolescence, intrusive memories, 134137
exposure in, 294296 with negative emotion during and after
early postnatal exposure, 291294 stressful experiences, 167175
emotion and amygdala, 286287 in parental scaffolding, 201202,
gender differences, 296299 202203
gender-dependent effects, 299300 primary control, 126
hippocampal and limbic problem-focused, 201202
structures, 285286 and responses to stress, 122
immature brain, 288 automatic, 123124
prefrontal cortex, 287288 controlled, 124125
prenatal and glucocorticoid integrating automatic and controlled
exposure, 288291 processes, 125127
Brain-derived neruotrophic factor secondary control, 126, 129134
(BDNF), 293 working memory, 128129
Corticotrophin-releasing hormone (CRH),
Catecholamine, 266, 320 257, 258, 292, 324
Co-constructing memories
individual development change and Defensive exclusion, 6, 9
continuity, 344347 Depression, 240, 361
and meaning making, as social and autobiographical memory, 90, 91,
process, 351352 9697, 233
narratives of stressful events, Developmental changes
205, 207, 208, 209210 in HPA axis, during childhood
socioemotional context basal rhythm, 267
attachment, 348350 hyporesponsive period, 267268
reminiscing, 348350 responsivity, 268269
scaffolding, 348 Disengagement coping, 125126, 134136
Cognitive ability Divergent emotions, 32
transaction, with child characteristics, Dual-process model
234235 of responses to stress
Cognitive reappraisal, 130 automatic, 123124
Complications, 374 controlled, 124125
of events and our understanding of integrating automatic and controlled
them, 378382 processes, 125127
of memory, 375378 Dynamic systems theory, emotional
our reactions to stress, 382383 memory, 222226
428 SUBJECT INDEX

Emergency-room injury/hospital treatment Emotional reactions, 32, 43, 51
childrens recall, 6265 Emotionally matched (EM), 149, 157159
age, 6668 in low-risk samples, 150151
individual difference factors, 7778 Emotion-focused coping, 202
parental conversational Endogenous forces, 3031
style, 7277 Engagement coping, 125126, 127
prototype components, 6364 Epinephrine, 227, 228, 321
variation Episodic memory, 280
in language competence, 7172 Estrogen, 297, 298
in stress, 6871 Executive function processes, 127128,
in temperament, 72 132
well-remembered events, 6566 Executive-resource deficits, 92
implications, 7882 Exogenous forces, 31
Emory Cognition Project symposium, Experiences in Close Relationships
374, 375, 386, 391 Inventory (ECRI), 204
Emotion management, in abuse-related Explicit memory development, 279281
memory patterns, 102106 brain system underlying
Emotion regulation, 168, 234, 236, 237, frontal cortex, 283
366369 hippocampus, 282283
implications of, 368369 relationship, 284285
neurobiology of, 126 storage and retrieval of
relational supports for, 367368 memories, 283
representation, 368369 stress effects
understanding developmental processes childhood and adolescence,
in, 367, 368 exposure in, 294296
Emotional memory, in development, 394 early postnatal exposure, 291294
interrelatedness, 395 emotion and amygdala, 286287
psychopathology, 395396 gender differences, 296299
avoidance and coping, 401403 gender-dependent effects,
clinical interventions, implications 299300
for hippocampal and limbic
stressful and traumatic events, structures, 285286
targeting memories of, immature brain, 288
405406 prefrontal cortex, 287288
training parents, in elaborative prenatal and glucocorticoid
reminiscing, 403404 exposure, 288291
forensic contexts, implications for, Extended encoding, 345, 380, 387
406408 implications, 5254
language and conversation, 396399 investigation of, 3336
understanding and appraisal, changing expectations and memory,
399401 for soccer match, 4244
Emotional memory, integrated model constructive activity among
of, 221 soccer players, on winning vs.
dynamic systems theory, 222226 losing teams, 4647
neurophysiological processes, 226227 dental examination
neurobiology, 231232 preparation and recall, 3740
physiological systems, 227231 injury reports one-year later,
amygdala, 227 changes, 4850
frontal cortex, 230231 invasive radiological procedure,
hippocampus, 228229 4041
stress hormones, 227 pediatric examination
transaction expectations and long-term
caregiving environment, qualities of, recall, 4546
237241 prior knowledge and memory for,
attachment, 237239 3637
parent-child interaction style, play evaluations and extended
239241 coding among young athletes,
child, qualities of, 234236 4748
cognitive ability, 234235 of personal experiences
temperament and reactivity, constructive processes
235236 impact of, 30
event, qualities of, 232234 knowledge-based, 33
Subject Index 429

Extended encoding, (Contd.) constructive activity among soccer
of memory, 2930 players, on winning vs. losing
over time, 3032 teams, 4647
emotion, 3233 dental examination
stress, 3233 preparation and recall, 3740
injury reports one-year later, changes,
False memory, 1920 4850
Family violence, 96 invasive radiological procedure, 4041
and memory functioning, 9395 medical procedures, 34
Frontal cortex, 230231, 283 pediatric examination
expectations and long-term recall,
Glucocorticoids, 134, 227, 228, 257, 258, 4546
259260, 266, 273, 285, 292, prior knowledge and memory for,
324 3637
applications of findings, 266267 among young athletes and play
on learning, 261262 evaluations, 4748
memory consolidation, 262264 IWMs. See Internal working models
memory retrieval, 265
nonemotional versus emotional events, Joint Storytelling Task (JST), 155156
265266
and norepinephrine, in emotional Knowledge-based constructive
memory, 266 processes, 33
and prenatal stress effects, 289291
sleep, 264 Language of coping, 202, 212
Hippocampus, 89, 134, 228229, Meaning-making, 197, 405

282283, 285286, 289290, as social process, 351352
295, 299 Memory
Hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) accuracy, 35
axis, 229, 256 with attachment and suggestibility,
anatomy and physiology of, 257260 relations
glucocorticoids. See Glucocorticoids children, 78
developmental changes, during mechanisms
childhood encoding, 911
basal rhythm, 267 retrieval, 1213
hyporesponsive period, 267268 storage, 1112
responsivity, 268269 parental, 89
physiological stress responses in chil- research on, 13
drens memory, 324327 constructivist perspective of, 2930
social regulation, in children, 269272 and coping. See Coping
attachment relationship, 270271 glucocorticoids
social buffering versus vulnerability, applications of findings, 266267
271272 consolidation, 262264
traumatic childhood memories on learning, 261262
chronic stress, 273 nonemotional versus emotional
relationships and buffering, 273 events, 265266
timing, importance of, 272273 and norepinephrine, in emotional
Hypothalamus, 257258 memory, 266
retrieval, 265
Infantile amnesia, 281 sleep, 264
Inoculations, 1517 for inoculations, 1617
Internal states language and stress, relationship between, 6162
in autobiographical memory for VCUG, 1415
functioning, 98101
Internal working models (IWMs), 4, 6, Mental working models, 358, 359
176178, 181182, 203, 205, Mineralocorticoid receptors (MR),
358359, 381 259260, 266, 273, 292, 324
Intrusive memory, 90, 134137
Investigation, of extended encoding, Neurophysiological processes
3336 underlying emotional memory,
changing expectations and memory, 226227
for soccer match, 4244 neurobiology, 231232
430 SUBJECT INDEX

physiological systems, 227231 secure base, 143145
amygdala, 227 transaction, with caregiving environ-
frontal cortex, 230231 ment, 239241
hippocampus, 228229 Parent-child reminiscing, 166, 199
stress hormones, 227 attachment theory and links with open
Nonemotionally matched communication, 176182
exercise, 149 elaborative style, 180
flat, 150 internal working models, 176178
inconsistent, 150 securely and insecurely, relationship
Norepinephrine (NE), 227 between, 178180
and glucocorticoids, in emotional for childrens understanding of stress-
memory, 266 ful experiences and psychologi-
cal well-being, 182186
Parental attachment, 360361 coping with negative emotion during
in childrens memory and suggestibil- and after stressful experiences,
ity, 89 167175
and communication with children, emotional understanding, development
180181 of, 168170
and coping socioemotional context, 348350
content code, 206, 208, 210 Physiological stress responses
quality code, 206, 208, 210211 and childrens event memory, 313,
structure code, 206, 207208, 209 318320
for inoculations, 1517 autonomic nervous system, 320324
and reminiscing style, connection parasympathetic withdrawal,
between, 349 323324
for VCUG, 1415 sympathetic activation, 320323
Parental responsiveness developmental considerations,
for inoculations, 1516 327330
for VCUG, 1415 HPA axis, 319320, 324327
Parental scaffolding interactions among systems, 327
attachment status, 203205 methodological challenges, 315318
of autobiographical memory develop- Physiological systems, underlying
ment, 198199 emotional memory, 227231
for positive and negative valenced amygdala, 227
events, 200202 frontal cortex, 230231
of childrens narratives, 197202 hippocampus, 228229
coping and attachment status relates stress hormones, 227
content code, 206, 208, 210 Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), 8990,
quality code, 206, 208, 210211 135, 267, 287, 294296, 405
structure code, 206, 207208, 209 Prefrontal cortex (PFC), 127128, 133,
coping theory, 201202, 202203 231, 287288, 293
individual differences in, 202206 Primary control coping, 126, 128, 132
socioemotional context, 348 Problem-focused coping, 201202
Parent-child emotion dialogues, 142, Procedural narrative, 41
361366 Proximal development, zone of, 198
AEED Psychopathology development, 395396
low-risk samples, 150151 avoidance and coping, 401403
and risk status, 152153 clinical interventions, implications for
stability over time of, 151152 stressful and traumatic events, tar-
and attachment, 145147 geting memories of, 405406
studies, 153156 training parents, in elaborative rem-
coding system, 147 iniscing, 403404
emotionally matched (EM), 149 forensic contexts, implications for,
nonemotionally matched 406408
exercise, 149 language and conversation, 396399
flat, 150 understanding and appraisal, 399401
inconsistent, 150 PTSD. See Posttraumatic stress disorder
and developing understanding,
362364 Rapid eye movement (REM) sleep, 264,
discordant representations of shared 267, 273
experiences, 364366 Relationships, stress, and memory
risk status, 156159 attachment theory, 356
Subject Index 431

Relationships, stress, and memory (Contd.) Stressful events, childrens recall
parental, 360361 about emergency-room injury/ hospital
security on childrens memory for treatment
stressful events, 356360 age, 6668
emotion regulation, 366369 individual difference factors, 7778
implications of, 368369 parental conversational style, 7277
relational supports for, 367368 prototype components, 6364
representation, 368369 variation
understanding developmental in language competence, 7172
processes in, 367, 368 in stress, 6871
parent-child conversation, 361366 in temperament, 72
and developing understanding, well-remembered events, 6566
362364 Suggestibility
discordant representations of shared and attachment-memory
experiences, 364366 children, 78
mechanisms
Secondary control coping, 126, 128, encoding, 911
129134 retrieval, 1213
Secure base, 143145, 153, 157, 381 storage, 1112
Self-concept, 171, 173, 183, 186, 360 parental, 89
Semantic memory, 280, 376 research on, 13
Separation-Reunion Narrative for inoculations, 1617
Co-Construction (SRNCC), for VCUG, 1415
155, 156 Sympathetic-adrenomedullary (SAM)
Sexual abuse, 97, 145, 158 system, 257
attachment and memory for, 1819
Slow-wave sleep (SWS), 264, 273 Temperament, 344
Social process, meaning making as, individual differences in, 123
351352 transaction, with child characteristics,
Social regulation 187, 235236
of HPA axis, in children, 269272 variation in, 72
attachment relationship, 270271 Testosterone, 297, 298, 299
social buffering versus vulnerability, Trauma-related autobiographical memory,
271272 8893
Socialization affect regulation hypothesis, 9192
in abuse-related memory patterns, 102 cognitive resources, depletion of,
of anxiety, 398 9091
Strange Situation, 4, 7, 8, 14, 155, hippocampal impairment, 8990
270271 retrieval conditions, 90
Stress effects Traumatic childhood memories
on brain system underlying explicit attachment-memory/suggestibility
memory children, 78
childhood and adolescence, exposure mechanisms
in, 294296 encoding, 911
early postnatal exposure, 291294 retrieval, 1213
emotion and amygdala, 286287 storage, 1112
frontal cortex, 283 parental, 89
gender differences, 296299 research on, 13
gender-dependent effects, 299300 chronic stress, 273
hippocampus, 282283 relationships and buffering, 273
and limbic structures, 285286 timing, importance of, 272273
immature brain, 288 Trier Social Stress Test (TSST),
prefrontal cortex, 287288 329330, 331
prenatal and glucocorticoid expo-
sure, 288291 Voiding cystourethrogram (VCUG), 8,
relationship, 284285 1415, 4041, 42, 53, 70, 72
storage and retrieval of memories, Vygotskys theory, 198, 212
283
Stress hormones, 227 Working memory, 128129, 229, 235,
Stress hyporesponsive period (SHRP), 239, 299, 402
291292 and secondary control coping,
Stress reactivity, 123 129134
432 SUBJECT INDEX

(Series in Affective Science) Jodi Quas, Robyn Fivush-Emotion in Memory and Development - Biological, Cognitive, and Social Considerations - Oxford University Press, USA (2009) PDF

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(Series in Affective Science) Jodi Quas, Robyn Fivush-Emotion in Memory and Development - Biological, Cognitive, and Social Considerations - Oxford University Press, USA (2009) PDF

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Emotion and Memory in Development

Series in Affective Science

The Nature of Emotion: Fundamental Appraisal Processes in Emotion: Theory,

Persons, Situations, and Emotions: Handbook of Emotion Elicitation and Assessment

Oxford New York

Copyright 2009 by Oxford University Press, Inc.

Published by Oxford University Press, Inc.

Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication

T he question of how well children can recall and discuss

Individual Chapter Overview

Our volume is heuristically organized into four parts, although as will

The overarching purpose of both the Emory Cognition Project Conference

I Stress and Memory, Empirical Evidence

1. Remembering Negative Childhood Experiences: An Attachment

2. Childrens Understanding and Remembering of Stressful

3. Injuries, Emergency Rooms, and Childrens Memory: Factors

4. Stress and Autobiographical Memory Functioning 86

II Stress, Coping, and Parent-Child Narratives

5. Coping and Memory: Automatic and Controlled Processes

6. Mother-Child Emotion Dialogues: A Window into the

8. Creating a Context for Childrens Memory: The Importance

III Stress, Physiology, and Neurobiology

9. An Integrated Model of Emotional Memory: Dynamic

10. Development and Social Regulation of Stress Neurobiology

11. Stress Effects on the Brain System Underlying

12. Physiological Stress Responses and Childrens

IV Integration and New Directions

13. Co-constructing Memories and Meaning over Time 343

14. Relationships, Stress, and Memory 355

15. Complications Abound, and Why Thats a Good Thing 374

16. Emotion and Memory in Development: Clinical and Forensic

Author Index 415

Kristen Weede Alexander Yoojin Chae

Lynne Baker-Ward Annette Cluver

Patricia J. Bauer Bruce E. Compas

Leslie J. Carver Robyn Fivush

Karen Salmon Kelly L. Warren

Lauren P. Starnes Kristen L. Wiik

Ross A. Thompson Ilona S. Yim

Stress and Memory,

A ttachment theory provides a powerful framework for under-

This chapter is based on work supported in part by the National Science

Attachment theory was formulated by John Bowlby (1958) to explain the

4 STRESS AND MEMORY, EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE

Remembering Negative Childhood Experiences 5

Attachment and Memory

Attachment theorists have proposed that attachment styles, and associated

6 STRESS AND MEMORY, EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE

Childrens Attachment and Memory/Suggestibility

Remembering Negative Childhood Experiences 7

Parental Attachment and Memory/Suggestibility

8 STRESS AND MEMORY, EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE

Mechanisms Underlying Attachment-Memory/

Although mechanisms underlying attachment-memory/suggestibility rela-

Remembering Negative Childhood Experiences 9

10 STRESS AND MEMORY, EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE

Remembering Negative Childhood Experiences 11

12 STRESS AND MEMORY, EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE

Our Research on Attachment and Memory/

Remembering Negative Childhood Experiences 13

The first study to uncover significant relations between parental attach-