Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
The thesis of this paper is that contemporary behavior analysis-and the behavior
analysis of child development in particular-is contextualistic in world view, in
contrast to its traditional characterization as being mechanistic. The contextualistic
character of behavior analysis is introduced by presenting some material on the
fields historical background. This material, though, is not presented in the manner
of the standard account, but rather in a revised account with respect to such
movements as empiricism, associationism. positivism. operationism. and prag-
matism. The thesis is then developed more fully by comparing and contrasting
the contextualism of behavior analysis with mechanism. both of which are analyzed
with respect to five core developmental issues: (a) elementarism versus holism.
(b) development as response-based change versus structural change. (c) causal
versus functional analysis, (d) continuity versus discontinuity, and (e) the passive
versus active nature of development. Finally. the importance of context in
contextualism is examined and organized according to current behavior-analytic
practices. Concluding commentary focuses on the salutory effects of having both
behavior analysis and mainstream developmental psychology be commensurable
in world view. especially with regard to such issues as cognition. ~tl IYXX Acadcmlc
PlC\\. Inc.
289
0022-0965/8X $3.00
290 EDWARD K. MORRIS
But mechanism and organicism were only two of Peppers world views.
In the past decade, contextualism has emerged within the developmental
and life-span literatures as a third alternative (Morris, 1986), promoted
initially as a form of dialectics (Riegel, 1975, 1976a, 1976b) and more
recently (a) as an integration of contextualism with either dialectics (Lemer,
Skinner, & Sorell, 1980) or organicism (Lerner & Kauffman, 1985), (b)
as an integration of mechanism and organicism (Lerner, Hultsch, &
Dixon, 1983), or (c) simply as contextualism per se (Blank, 1986; Dixon,
1986); it has an affinity, as well, to developmental systems theory (e.g.,
Sameroff, 1983). Psychology, more generally, has also begun resonating
to these and similar views, as evinced by Rosnow and Georgoudis (1986)
recent Contextualism and Understanding in Behavioral Science (Morris,
1988b; Taylor, 1988), where the approach has been related, as well, to
transactionalism, constructionism/constructivism, and perspectivism. In
none of these cases, however, should contextualism be taken as a dominant
view or as not having raised criticism (see, e.g., Kendler, 1986), for the
other world views still largely characterize contemporary psychology.
Contextualism, though, is an exciting new alternative as psychology in
all its pluralism continues to evolve as a science.
Throughout all of this, behaviorism in general, and S-R learning theory
in particular, has been cast (and castigated) by organicists and contextualists
as being mechanistic and, as such, for adhering to a world view inherently
incapable of representing human development in any adequate fashion
(e.g., Lerner, 1976; Sameroff & Cavanagh, 1979). Such criticisms are
both right and wrong. They are wrong in the sense that Pepper presented
each world view as relatively adequate and autonomous within its own
metatheoretical framework, meaning also that cross-view criticisms are
misplaced in that they contribute nothing to the intellectual validity of
the alternative programs (Pepper, 1942, pp. 98-99). Those criticisms,
though, do contribute political and emotive validity to their own programs
through rhetorical style (cf. Czubaroff, 1988), which serves to remind
a major positive advance in the scientific (i.e.. mechanistic) development of that domain
of inquiry. Interestingly, though, as the self-actional. vitalist views (the first stage of
scientific evolution) once gave way to the mechanistic views (the second stage of scientific
evolution), so too has mechanism now given way to contextualistic, field-theoretic views
in biology (the third stage of scientific evolution) (see Weiss, 1969; cf. Dewey & Bentley,
1949; Kantor, 1946; Pronko & Herman, 1982). In a like manner, physics had earlier moved
from classical mechanics to the relativity of a contextualistic, integrated-field perspective
(Einstein & Infeld, 1961). So too might we hope that psychology will evolve from its
versions of vitalistic (i.e.. self-actional, sometimes organismic) and mechanistic world views
toward a contextualistic, integrated-field perspective (cf. Dewey & Bentley, 1949; Kantor,
1946; Pronko & Herman, 1982). If so, then perhaps Peppers world views are not as
individually adequate and autonomous as originally construed. Perhaps they are stages in
the evolution of science toward an increasingly successful working with the subject matter-
clearly a topic for another paper.
292 EDWARD K. MORRIS
As Ira Gershwin might have lyricized. had he known more about the philosophy of
science, You say Popper and I say Pepper.
29x EDWARD K. MORRIS
Knowing the truth can never step outside of itself (i.e., outside the
stream of behavior) for some absolute evaluation because that evaluation,
too, is a behavioral relation in context. and so forth. Under this pragmatic
philosophy, the criterion for knowledge and truth is successful working.
which again reflects a psychological. not a logical or linguistic. epis-
temology. Within behavioranalysis, this criterion is spoken ofas effective
action, whether in basic or applied research or in conceptual analysis
(see Day. 1980, pp. 134-237, 1983: Hayes & Brownstein, 1986; Lamal.
1983: Skinner. 1974, p. ?I: Zuriff. 1980. 1985. pp. 257-%I).
In Skinners words, As it stands. Im not sure that response is a very useful concept.
CONTEXTUALISM AND BEHAVIOR ANALYSIS 301
Behavior is very fluid; it isnt made up of lots of little responses packed together. I hope
I will live to see a formulation which takes this fluidity into account (Evans. 1968. pp.
20-21).
302 EDWARD K. MORRIS
they are mutually defining and implicative. From this perspective. both
stimulus and response functions contribute to behavior, and behavior
may thus be said to be active, not passive. This view is pertinent to two
interrelated problems within psychology: The locutional problem of
speaking about behavior in agent-action terms and the problem of traits
and situations. the latter of which is a pseudo-problem within contextualism.
Both of these are discussed below.
7hr locrrtioncrl problem. To put the contextual construal of the active-
passive problem in an organism-based locution, children are said to be
the active agents of development through the unique. individual meaning
they give to their behavior, that is, to the stimulus functions they give
their environments and to the response functions they give their activities-
all through the action of the child on the environment. Development,
though, may also be put in an environment-based locution, where the
environment is said to be the active agent through the unique, individual
meaning it gives to behavior. that is, to the stimulus functions it gives
to stimuli and to the response functions it gives to child activity-all
through the action of the environment on the child. The first locution,
though, makes the environment appear passive, which it is not, while
the second locution makes children appear passive, which they are not.
Unfortunately, neither organism-based nor environment-based locutions
capture the essence of contextualism, in which stimulus and response
functions are mutually defined by their transactional relationship, for the
two locutions align too closely with the organismic and mechanistic world
views, respectively. Not only are these two locutions misleading, but,
to compound the problem, their grammatical forms seem easily acquired
and spoken in ordinary English or in Standard Average European
(Whorf, 19.56). The latter may be a consequence of the disposition of
our grammatical structure to agent-action syntax, to agent nouns (i.e.,
organisms, traits. structures, representations-and the environment) reified
from verbs, adverbs, and adjectives (actions and their qualities), and to
the priority of things and agents over action and change. In contrast,
our language offers few fluid, nonawkward, or easily understood gram-
matical structures for speaking contextuahstically; hence such talk is
difficult for speakers and writers, and often obscure to listeners and
readers (sic). English grammar and syntax simply seem mismatched with
the subject matter of psychology (Hackenberg, 1988; Hineline, 1980;
Lee, 1988; see Whorf, 1956).
The deep structure of organism-based locutions no doubt has had its
benefits for the organization of social order and moral responsibility that
* Verplanck (1954) has commented astutely on how differences in locution and vocabulary
have produced unfortunate misunderstandings about Skinners experimental and conceptual
analyses:
Because of the existence in Sherrington and Pavlov of sets of data of the kind
[Skinner] believes are needed [for his system], he has adopted many of their terms
and applied some of their laws in defining behavior. As a consequence, he has
been misinterpreted. In his choice of terminology, Skinner has assured that his
work and those of his followers will be read easily by the followers of Hull and
Guthrie and only with emotion, if not with difficulty. by those who have selected
the organismic-field-Gestalt-force family of words to work with. Skinners conditioned
responses seem to many readers just as ,nere as those of Pavlov or Hull, with
the extraordinary result that he has been classed with Hull rather than with
Tolman. with Guthrie rather than with Lewin. in his general position. (p. 307).
308 EDWAKD K. MORRIS
Summary
To this point in the paper, a case has been developed that behavior
analysis is contextual in world view, as opposed to being mechanistic,
by examining, first, its historical development and, second, some con-
sequences of its contextualism for five key developmental issues. The
presentation of this material has been highly conceptual in nature, perhaps
even ethereal for the empirically minded child psychologist; thus. let me
focus the third and final section of this paper on a more concrete. operational
sense of context -wherein context is what gives meaning to behavior.
1979; see Costall, 1983), and the psychology of learning (Balsam & Tomie,
1984; see Mandell, 1986).
In most of these domains, context usually refers to the contextual and
multiple determinants of behavior, that is, to broad, complex, and numerous
antecedent causes, and to the interplay of the various concurrent levels
at which behavior occurs (e.g., personal, social, and cultural; see Bron-
fenbrenner, 1977. 1979). Although context often provides more facade
than facts in these cases because of its lack of specificity and precision,
these moves to broaden the scope of psychology seem obviously quite
right and quite necessary.
To give contextual determinants their due, however, is not necessarily
to embrace contextualism as a world view (see Valsiner & Benigni, 1986,
for parallel problems with the ecological perspective). Such determinants
can be handled mechanistically, as well, in the sense that all causes have
contexts. Within this latter world view, any sophisticated and thoughtful
analysis of behavior would of course incorporate multiple, complex, and
interlocking mechanisms, as well as inhibitory and facilitory servome-
chanisms, as illustrated, for instance, in the S-R model of learning (Hull,
1952) and in the currently fashionable computational models of cognitive
science (see, e.g., Block, 1980, 1981; Haugland, 1981). In contrast, within
contextualism, context of a different and more specific sort is categorical:
Context imbues behavior with meaning-the meaning of behavior emerges
from its context. Behavior is not the mere interplay of materially defined
stimuli and responses, but rather is represented by strong reciprocal
interactions among stimulus and response functions in conrext-where
those functions emerge from their context and from nowhere else.
Within behavior analysis, context can be organized into the historical
and the current, each of which serves distinctive functions. The function
of the historical context-both phylogenic and ontogenic-is to establish
what stimulus and response functions may occur in behavior, whereas
the current context-its structure and its function-establishes what par-
ticular behaviors can and will occur, respectively. And, of course, all
three contexts interact to affect and change one another over a lifetime.
9 As a matter of historical note, these concerns over context are hardly new, for they
were an integral part of much important psychology of an earlier era (e.g., Barker, 1968:
Brunswik, 1952; Koffka, 1935; Kohler. 1929: Titchener. 1910; Tolman, 1932).
310 EDWARD K. MORRIS
Summary
In light of the foregoing discussion, behavior analysis can be said to
adhere to a context theory of meaning-the context being both historical
and current. Context, though, has typically been controlled for within
behavior analysis, both as a source of variation due to the historical
context (e.g., species and individual history) and of variation due to the
structure (e.g., current biological and physical parameters of the organism
and experimental setting, respectively) and function of the current context
(e.g., deprivation and instructions). As a consequence, context has not
until recently been an explicit character of the behavioral unit of analysis
or a subject matter for experimental analysis in its own right. Rather, it
has been taken as a source of variation to be held constant.
This relative inattention given to context, as opposed to the contin-
gencies of reinforcement, has contributed to the appearance that behavior
analysis represents the child as but a black box, and usually an empty
one at that-both biologically and psychologically (Todd & Morris, 1983).
The current concern over context, however, begins to clarify a source
of such misunderstandings from outside the field, and to encourage from
within the field an increased scope of analysis for phenomena that behavior
analysis is said to have dismissed or overlooked-phenomena that here-
tofore have largely been the province of the rest of developmental psy-
chology and that have been explained in other conceptual systems. Among
the latter are phenomena described and explained in terms of the structure
and function of the personality (e.g., traits) or in terms of cognitive
structures (e.g., schemas and rules) and processes (e.g., expectations
and perception) (see Baron & Perone, 1982; Harzem, 1984). Contextualism
offers a fresh new perspective on these issues, a point touched on in
closing.
312 EDWARD K. MORRIS
CONCLUSION
The present characterizations of behavior analysis, of contextualism,
and of behavior analysis as contextualistic remain, of course, unfinished
and underdeveloped. Indeed, for mechanists and organicists alike, the
argument may seem merely to have translated mechanism into a con-
textualistic language without having actually presented contextualism as
an alternative view. Moreover. contextualism itself rests on a slippery
slope-it seems forever about to slide into organicism or into mechanism
(Pepper, 1942). Nonetheless, 1 trust that the foregoing analysis has elu-
cidated the contemporary behavior-analytic metatheory as being clearly
nonmechanistic in world view, at least to the point that some version
of contextualism is the only viable alternative among Peppers world
hypotheses.
The implications and import of this argument, of course. extend in
more directions than a conclusion can contend with. One specific point,
however, seems worth making-it has to do with the consequences of
the current moves of both behavior analysis and developmental psychology
toward contextualism, and of how these moves will affect the analysis
of cognition as process and as product. I raise this issue because cognition
is generally taken to be pivotal to distinctions between behavior analysis
and developmental psychology-it is said to be something behavior analysis
overlooks.
For the past 20 years, behavior analysis and developmental psychology
have largely been speaking across world views, or across cognition as
process as opposed to content, or hardly speaking at all (Morris et al.,
1982). Developmental psychologists, for instance, have often dismissed
behavior analysis for being mechanistic in world view, for being envi-
ronmentalistic, and, if you will, for being cogniphobic, that is, for being
blind to cognition as a developmental process, or at least as a behavioral
product (i.e.. behavioral content). Behavior analysts, in turn, have often
dismissed developmental psychology for being organismic in world view,
for being maturationist and mentalistic, and for being cogniphilic, that
is, for being self-absorbed in considering cognition to be the central
process and content of development.
From a contextual perspective, the fundamental conflict is largely a
matter of differences in world views-mechanism and organicism-and
only superficially a matter of cogniphobia and cogniphilia. That is, although
behavior analysis and developmental psychology have been taken to be
incommensurable because of their respective positions on environmen-
talism, on mentalism. and on cognition as process and content, the
incommensurability has actually been more a function of fundamental
paradigmatic differences between mechanism and organicism. With a
convergence of both behavior analysis and developmental psychology
toward contextualism, however. they become commensurable in world
CONTEXTUALISM AND BEHAVIOR ANALYSIS 313
Cognizing does not begin and end in ones head or at ones skin; it is not superordinate
to our relationships, for our thoughts are our relationships. Attributions, motivation,
perception, and personality-what it is to be a person-are re/trrio,lship.s. not
things going on in any one locus, whether that be a stable package of schema
or biological processes or a subjective phenomenological reality. (Blank. 1986,
pp. 121-122)
REFERENCES
Arrington, R. L., & Deitz, S. M. (1986). A second call. Behaviorism, 14, 103-106.
Bacon, F. (1889). Novum organum. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press. (Original work published
1621)
Baer, D. M. (1970). The age-irrelevant concept of development. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly,
16, 238-245.
Baer, D. M. (1973). The control of the developmental process: Why wait? In J. R. Nesselroade
& H. W. Reese (Eds.), Life-span developmental psychology: Methodological issues
(pp. 187-193). New York: Academic Press.
Baer, D. M. (1976). The organism as host. Human Development, 19, 87-98.
Baer, D. M. (1982). The imposition of structure on behavior and the demolition of behavioral
structures. In D. Bernstein (Ed.), Nebraska Symposium on Motivafion, 1981 (Vol.
29, pp. 217-254). Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press.
Balsam, P. D., & Tomie, A. (1984). Context and learning. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Baltes, M. M., & Reese, H. W. (1977). Operant research in violation of the operant
paradigm? In B. C. Etzel, J. M. LeBlanc, & D. M. Baer (Eds.), New developments
in behavioral research: Theory, method, and application. In honor of Sidney W. Bijou
(pp. 11-30). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Bandura, A., JL Walters, R. H. (1963). Social learning and personality development. New
York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston.
Barker, R. G. (1968). Ecological psychology. Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press.
Baron, A., & Perone, M. (1982). The place of the human subject in the operant laboratory.
The Behavior Analyst, 5, 143-158.
Bell, R. Q., & Harper, L. V. (Eds.). (1977). Child effects on adults. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Berlyne, D. E. (1965). Structure and direction in thinking. New York: Wiley.
Bernard, C. (1949). An introduction to the study of experimental medicine. New York:
Dover Press. (Original work published 1865)
Bernstein, D. J. (Ed.). (1982). Response structure and organization. Nebraska Symposium
on Motivation, 1981 (Vol. 29). Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press.
Bernstein, D. J., & Brady, J. V. (1986). The utility of continuous programmed environments
in the experimental analysis of human behavior. In H. W. Reese & L. J. Parrott
(Eds.), Behavior science: Philosophical, methodological, and empirical advances (pp.
229-245). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Bernstein, D., & Ebbesen, E. (1978). Reinforcement and substitution in humans: A multiple
response analysis. Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, 30, 243-253.
Bijou, S. W. (1955). A systematic approach to an experimental analysis of young children.
Child Development, 26, 161-168.
Bijou, S. W. (1976). Child development: The basic stage of early childhood. Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Bijou, S. W. (1979). Some clarifications of the meaning of a behavior analysis of child
development. The Psychological Record, 29, 3-13.
Bijou, S. W. (in press). Behavior analysis of human development. In H. W. Reese (Ed.).
Advances in child behavior and development. San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
CONTEXTUALISM AND BEHAVIOR ANALYSIS 315
Bijou, S. W., & Baer, D. M. (l%l). Child development I: A systematic and empirical
theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Bijou, S. W., & Baer, D. M. (1965). Child development II: Universal stage of infancy.
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Bijou, S. W., & Baer, D. M. (1978). Behavior analysis of child development. Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Blakely, E., & S&linger, H. (1987). Rules: Function-altering contingency specifying stimuli.
The Behavior Analyst, 10, 183-187.
Blank, T. 0. (1986). Contextual and relational perspectives on adult psychology. In R. L.
Rosnow 8~ M. Georgoudi (Eds.), Contextualism and understanding in behavioral
science: Implications for research and theory (pp. 105-124). New York: Prager.
Block, N. (Ed.). (1980). Readings in the philosophy of psychology (Vol. 1). Cambridge:
Harvard Univ. Press.
Block, N. (Ed.). (1981). Readings in the philosophy of psychology (Vol. 2). Cambridge:
Harvard Univ. Press.
Boakes, R. (1984). From Darwin to behaviourism. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press.
Boring, E. G. (1950). The history of experimental psychology. Englewood Cliffs, NJ:
Prentice-Hall.
Boring, E. G. (1964). The trend toward mechanism. Proceedings of the American Philosophical
Society, 108, 451-454.
Bowers, K. S. (1973). Situationism in psychology. Psychological Review, 80, 307-336.
Branch, M. N. (1977). On the role of memory in the analysis of behavior. Journal of
the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, 28, 171-179.
Branch, M. N. (1987). Behavior analysis: A conceptual and empirical base for behavior
therapy. The Behavior Therapist, 10, 79-84.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1977). Toward an experimental ecology of human development. American
Psychologist, 32, 513-531,
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature
and design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press.
Brunswik, E. (1952). The conceptual framework of psychology. International Encyclopedia
of UniJied Science, 1, l-102.
Buxton, C. E. (Ed.). (1985). Points of view in the modern history of psychology. Orlando,
FL: Academic Press.
Cairns, R. B. (1983). The emergence of developmental psychology. In P. H. Mussen (Ed.),
Handbook of child psychology, Vol. 4. History, theory, and methods (W. Kessen,
vol. Ed.) (pp. 41-102). New York: Wiley.
Camap, R. (1935). Philosophy and logical syntax. London: Kegan Paul.
Catania, A. C. (1972). Chomskys formal analysis of natural languages: A behavioral
translation. Behaviorism, 1, 1-15.
Catania, A. C. (1973). The psychologies of structure, function, and development. American
Psychologist, 28, 434-443.
Catania, A. C. (1978). The psychology of learning: Some lessons from the Darwinian
revolution. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 309, 18-28.
Collier, G. H. (1982). Determinants of choice. In D. Bernstein (Ed.), Nebraska Symposium
on Motivation, 1981 (Vol. 29, pp. 69-127). Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press.
Costall, A. P. (1983). Are theories of perception necessary? A review of Gibsons The
ecological approach to visual perception. Journal of the Experimental Analysis of
Behavior, 41, 109-115.
Costall, A., & Still, A. (Eds.). (1987). Cognitive psychology in question. New York: St.
Martins Press.
Crabb, P. B. (1988). A contextual psychology? The curious case of behavior-analytic theory.
Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology, 8(2), 28-34.
316 EDWAKD K. MORRIS
Czuberoff. J. (1988). Criticism and response in the Skinner controversies. Jorrr,ltr/ (!/ ti~ca
Experimenfal At~alysis ofBe/rrr~~ior. 49, 32 I-339.
Darwin, C. (1859). On fl7e origins of specic~s hy 177~~11~7s c?f ,trr~rrr~~/ scJ/ec.fio,t.London:
Murray.
Darwin, C. ( 1871). T/jr drscer7t t!/ ~70~. London: Murray.
Darwin, C. ( 1872). The r.rprc~.ssio/~of rrnotio,l.s i,l ,?t(,,~rrt7d tr/rbncr/.v. London: Murray.
Dawkins. R. (1986). Tile blind uwtc.hmrrker. New York: Norton.
Day, W. F. (1969a). On certain similarities between the Phi/osophica/ In~~e.sti~crtions of
Ludwig Wittgenstein and the operationism of B. F. Skinner. Jorrrncll oflllr E.xperi/nc~rztcrl
Analysis of Behavior, 12, 489-506.
Day, W. F. (1969b). Radical behaviorism in reconciliation with phenomenology. Jorcn~trl
of the E?cperimental Analysis of Behavior. 12, 3 15-328.
Day, W. F. (1976a). Contemporary behaviorism and the concept of intention. In W. J.
Arnold (Ed.). Nebraska Swnposillr?z 011 Morivc7tion. (Vol. 25, pp. 65-131). Lincoln:
Univ. of Nebraska Press.
Day, W. F. (1976b). Analyzing verbal behavior under the control of private events. Be-
haviorism, 4, 195-200.
Day. W. F. (1977). On the behavior analysis of self-deception and self-development. In
T. Mischel (Ed.). The se/J Psychological and philosophical issues (pp. 224-249).
Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Day, W. F. (1980). The historical antecedents of contempory behaviorism. In R. W. Rieber
& K. Salzinger (Eds.). Psycholog,v: Tl7eoreti~crl-histori~fll perspecti\,es (pp. 203-262).
New York: Academic Press.
Day, W. F. (1983). On the difference between radical and methodological behaviorism.
Behaviorism. 11, 89-102.
Day, W. F. (1988). Hermeneutics and behaviorism. American Psychologist. 43, 129.
Deitz. S. M.. & Arrington. R. L. (1984). Wittgensteins language games and the call to
cognition. Behaviorism. 12, 7- 14.
Delprato. D. J. (1979). The interbehavioral alternative to brain dogma. The Psycholo~ic~al
Record, 21, 409-418.
Delprato, D. J. (1980). The reactional biography concept: Early contribution to a perspective
for the psychology of aging. Human Development, 23, 314-322.
Delprato, D. J. (1986). Response patterns. In H. W. Reese & L. J. Parrott (Eds.), Behavior
science: Philosophical. methodological, and empirical advances (pp. 61-l 13). Hillsdale,
NJ: Erlbaum.
Dewey. J. (1896). The reflex arc concept in psychology. Psychological Review, 3, 357-
370.
Dewey, J. (1976). Lectures on psychological and physical ethics. New York: Hafner.
(Original work published 1898)
Dewey, J., & Bentley, A. F. (1949). Knowing and the known. Boston: Beacon Press.
Dixon, R. A. (1986). Contextualism and life-span developmental psychology. In R. L.
Rosnow & M. Georgoudi (Eds.). Contextualism and anderstanding in behavioral
science: Implications for research and theory (pp. 125-144). New York: Praeger.
Dollard, J., & Miller, N. E. (1950). Personality and psychotherapy. New York: McGraw-
Hill.
Einstein, A., & Infeld, L. (1961). The evolation ofphysics: The growth of ideas from ear/y
concepts to re/ativity and quanta. New York: Simon and Schuster. (Original work
published 1938)
Epstein, R.. Kirschnit. C. E., Lanza, R. P.. & Rubin. L. C. (1984). Insight in the
pigeon: Antecedents and determinants of an intelligent performance. Natare (London).
308, 61-62.
Epstein, R., Lanza, R. P., & Skinner, B. F. (1981). Self-awareness in the pigeon.
Science, 212, 695-696.
CONTEXTUALISM AND BEHAVIOR ANALYSIS 317
Evans, R. 1. (1968). B. F. Skinner: The mun and Isis ideas. New York: Dutton.
Gewirtz. J. L. (1972). Some contextual determinants of stimulus potency. In R. D. Parke
(Ed.), Recent trends in social /earning theory (pp. 7-33). New York: Academic Press.
Gibbs, J. C. (1979). The meaning of ecologically oriented inquiry in contemporary psychology.
American Psychologist. 34, 127-140.
Gibson, J. J. (1979). The ecological approach to visual perception. Boston: Houghton-
Mifflin.
Giorgi, A. (1975). Convergences and divergences between phenomenological psychology
and behaviorism: A beginning dialogue. Behariorism, 3, 200-212.
Goldiamond. 1. (1962). Perception. In A. J. Bachrach (Ed.), Experimental faandations af
clinical practice (pp. 286-340). New York: Basic Books.
Goldiamond, I.. & Dryud. J. (1967). Behavioral analysis for psychotherapy. In J. Schlien
(Ed.), Research in psychotherapy (Vol. 3. pp. 58-89). Washington, DC: American
Psychological Association.
Gollin, E. S. (Ed.). (1981). Behavioral plasticity. New York: Academic Press.
Hackenberg, T. (1988). Operationism, mechanism, and psychological reality: The second-
coming of linguistic relativity. The Psychological Record, 38, 187-201.
Harris, M. (1980). Ctrltaral materialism: The straggle jbr a science ofcaltrrre. New York:
Random House.
Harzem, P. (1984). The experimental analysis of individual differences and personality.
Journal of the Experimental Anal.vsis of Behavior, 42, 385-395.
Haugland. J. (Ed.). (1981). Mind design. Cambridge: The MIT Press.
Hayes, S. C. (1986). Behavioral philosophy in the late 1980s. Theoretical and Philosophical
Psychology, 6(l), 39-43.
Hayes, S. C. (1987). Upward and downward continuity: Its time to change our strategic
assumptions. Behavior Analysis, 22,(l), 3-6.
Hayes, S. C. (1988). Contextualism and the next wave of behavioral psychology. Behuvior
Analysis, 23, 7-22.
Hayes, S. C., & Brownstein, A. J. (1986). Mentalism. behavior-behavior relations, and
a behavior-analytic view of the purposes of science. The Behavior Ana/yst. 9, 175-
190.
Hayes, S. C., Hayes, L. J., & Reese, H. W. (1988). Finding the philosophic core: A
review of Stephen C. Peppers World hypotheses. Journal of the Experimental Analysis
of Behavior, 50, 97-l I 1.
Henton. W. W, & Iversen. I. H. (1978). Classical conditioning urld operant condirioning:
A response puttern ana/ysis New York: Springer-Verlag.
Herrnstein. R. J. (1969). Behaviorism. In D. L. Krantz (Ed.). Schools of psychology: A
symposiam (pp. 5 l-67). Englewood Cliffs. NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Hineline, P. N. (1980). The language of behavior analysis: Its community, its function,
and its limitations. Behaviorism. 8, 67-86.
Horowitz, F. D. (1975). Living among the ABAs: Retrospect and prospect. In E. Ramp
& G. Semb (Eds.), Behavior analysis: Areas of research und upplication (pp. 3-15).
Englewood Cliffs. NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Hull, C. L. (1952). A behavior system. New York: Wiley.
James, W. (1890). Principles of psychology. New York: Holt.
James, W. (1907). Pragmatism. New York: New American Library.
Jenkins, J. J. (1974). Remember that old theory of memory? Well. forget it. American
Psychologist, 29, 785-795.
Kantor, J. R. (1933). In defense of stimulus-response psychology. Psychologicul Revierc,,
40, 324-336.
318 EDWARD K. MORRIS
Kantor. J. R. (1946). The aim and progress of psychology. Anrrric~n Scientist. 34, 25 I -
263.
Kantor, J. R. (1947). P,oh/e,?ls of ph~siologic~trl p.spc~/~o/op~.Chicago: Principia Press.
Kantor, J. R. (1950). P.s~%o/o~qy trr~d logic. (Vol. 2). Chicago: Principia Press.
Kantor. J. R. ( 1959). Interbehal~ioruI p.s&o/op~. Chicago: Principia Press.
Kantor. J. R. (1963). The sc+nt$c, ero/&~/~ c$p.~,vc~ho/o~:v(Vol. I ). Chicago: Principia
Press.
Kantor, J. R. ( 1969). The s&nr$fic, c~~~o/r&~l c!f p.s.vc&~/o~:v(Vol. 2). Chicago: Principia
Press.
Kantor. J. R. (197 I ). The trim end progress of ps~c~ho/o~~ (I& other .sc.iencc~s.Chicago:
Principia Press.
Kantor, J. R. (1981). InterbehalkruI p/~i/osophv. Chicago: Principia Press.
Kantor. J. R. ( 1984). Selecrrd t~~riti~~~.siti phi/osophy. p.s.vc~ho/og~. and other sciences.
Chicago: Principia Press.
Kaufman, A. S. (1970). The aim of scientific activity. In J. H. Gill (Ed.). Philosoplly rod(r)
(No. 3, pp. 93-l I I). New York: Macmillan Co.
Kazdin. A. E. (1982). Symptom substitution, generalization, and response co-variation:
Implications for psychotherapy outcome. Psycho/o~icu/ Bulletin. 91, 349-365.
Keehn, J. D. (1980). Beyond an interactional model of personality: Transactionalism and
the theory of reinforcement schedules. Behaviorism. 8, 55-56.
Kendler. T. S. (1986). World view and the concept of development: A reply to Lerner
and Kaufmann. Developmental Re)k~~, 6, 80-95.
Koffka, K. (1935). Principles of Restrrlt psychology. New York: Harcourt. Brace.
Kohler. W. (1929). Gesrrrlr p.sycholog.v. London: Liveright.
Krapfl. J. E. (1977). Dialectics and operant conditioning. In N. Datan & H. W. Reese
(Eds.). Life-span developmental psychology: Diulectical perspectitses on experimental
research (pp. 295-310). Orlando, FL: Academic Press.
Krechevsky, I. (1939). [Review of The behu\Gr of orgunisms.] Journal of Abnormul und
Social Psychology, 34, 404-407.
Kvale. S.. & Grenness, C. (1967). Skinner and Sartre. Re\+e\ls of Existential Psycholog)
und Psychiatq, 7, 128-149.
Lakatos, I. (1978). The methodology of scientijc reseurch progrummes. In I. Lakatos
(Ed.), Philosophical papers (J. Worrall & G. Currie, vol. Eds.) (Vol. I). Cambridge:
Cambridge Univ. Press.
Lamal, P. A. (1983). A cogent critique of epistemology leaves radical behaviorism unscathed.
Behaviorism, 11, 103-109.
Laudan, L. (1977). Progress and its problems: Tobt,ard a theory of scientific gromlth.
Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.
Lee, V. L. (1987). The structure of conduct. BeharGrism. 15, 141-148.
Lee, V. L. (1988). The language of action: A review of Schafers A news (anguage .for
psychoanalysis. Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, 49, 429-436.
Lehrman, D. S. (1953). A critique of Konrad Lorenzs theory of instinctive behavior.
Quarterly Review, of Biology, 28, 337-363.
Lemer, R. M. (1976). Concepts and theories of human development. Reading. MA: Addison-
Wesley,
Lerner, R. M., Hultsch, D. F., & Dixon, R. A. (1983). Contextualism and the character
of developmental psychology in the 1970s. In J. W. Dauben & V. S. Sexton (Eds.).
History and philosophy of science: Selected papers. Annals of the New York Academy
of Sciences, 412, 101-128.
Lerner. R. M., & Kauffman, R. M. (1985). The concept of development in contextualism.
Developmental Revien?. 5, 309-333.
Lerner. R. M.. Skinner, E. A.. & Sorell. G. T. (1980). Methodological implications of
contextual/dialectic theories of development. Human Development. 23. 225-235.
CONTEXTUALISM AND BEHAVIOR ANALYSIS 319
Morris, E. K., Higgins, S. T., & Bickel. W. K. (1983). Contributions of .I. K. Kantor to
contemporary behaviorism. In N. W. Smith. P. T. Mountjoy. 8r D. H. Ruben (Eds.).
Reassessment in psychology: The interbehar~ioral alternati~~e (pp. 5 I-89). Washington.
DC: University Press of America.
Morris, E. K., Hursh, D. E.. Winston. A. W.. Gelfand, D. M., Hartmann. D. P.. Reese.
H. W., & Baer. D. M. (1982). Behavior analysis and developmental psychology.
Human Development, 25, 340-364.
Mowrer, 0. H. (1960). Learning theory and the symbolic processes. New York: Wiley.
ODonnell, J. M. (1985). The origins of behaviorism: American psychology. 1870-1920.
New York: New York Univ. Press.
Overton, W. F., & Reese, H. W. (1973). Models of development: Methodological implications.
In J. R. Nesselroade & H. W. Reese (Eds.). Life-span dn~elopmental p.syc~ho/o~y:
Methodological issacs (pp. 65-86). Orlando, FL: Academic Press.
Parrott. L. J. (1983). On the differences between Skinners radical behaviorism and Kantors
interbehaviorism. Mexican Journal of Behavior Ana/ysis. 9, 95-I 15.
Peirce, C. S. (1923). How to make our ideas clear. In C. S. Peirce, Love, chance, turd
/ogic: Philosophical essays (M. R. Cohen, Ed.) (pp. 32-60). New York: Harcourt.
Brace. (Original work published 1878).
Peirce, C. S. (1940). Philosophical tltritings of Peirce (.I. Buchler, Ed.). New York: Dover.
Pepper, S. C. (1942). World hypotheses: A study in evidence. Berkeley: Univ. of California
Press.
Piaget. J. (1952). The origins ofinte//igence in children. New York: International Universities
Press.
Piaget, J. (1971). Biology and kno+v/edge. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.
Piaget, J. (1983). Piagets theory. In P. H. Mussen (Ed.). Handbook of child p.s~cho/op~.
Vol. 1. History, theory, and methods (W. Kessen. vol. Ed.) (pp. 103-128). New York:
Wiley.
Popper, K. R. (1959). The logic of scientifc disc,olvery. New York: Harper and Row.
Pronko. N. H.. & Herman, D. T. (1982). From Deweys reflex arc concept to transactionalism
and beyond. Behaviorism, 10, 229-254.
Rachhn, H. (1982). Absolute and relative consumption space. In D. Bernstein (Ed.). Nebraska
Symposium on Motivation, 1981 (Vol. 29. pp. 129-167). Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska
Press.
Ray, R. D., & Delprato, D. J. (in press). Systems methodology: Investigating continuity
and organization in developmental interactions. In S. H. Cohen & H. W. Reese (Eds.).
Life-span developmental psychology Methodological innovations. Hillsdale, NJ:
Erlbaum.
Redd, W. H., Morris, E. K.. & Martin, J. A. (1975). Effects of positive and negative
adult-child interactions on childrens social preferences. Jorrmal ofExperimental Child
Psychology, 19, 153-164.
Reese, E. P. (1986). Learning about teaching from teaching about learning: Presenting
behavior analysis in an introductory survey course. In W. P. Makosky (Ed.). The
Master Lecture Series (Vol. 6, pp. 69-127). Washington. DC: American Psychological
Association.
Reese, H. W. (1976). Conceptions of the active organism: Discussion. Haman Der~elopmem.
19, 108-119.
Reese, H. W. (1982). Behavior analysis and life-span developmental psychology. De,le/-
opmental Review*, 2, 150-161.
Reese, H. W. (1984, May). Historical and philosophical utrtr/~sis of curtscrlity. Paper presented
at the meeting of the Association for Behavior Analysis. Columbus. OH.
CONTEXTUALISM AND BEHAVIOR ANALYSIS 321