Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Date:
techniques used for a period of at least two weeks by South African Political
Parties on their websites and social media such as Facebook and Twitter
DECLARATION: I have read, understood and agree to adhere to the code of conduct, as published in
the CPUT student diary; the study guide / practical workbook for this course as well as the rules
relating to the subject. I hereby declare that the assignments I submit will be the product of my
own efforts and thus can be classified as my own work as specified in the assignment brief. All work
that is not my own, has been accordingly referenced and a list of references is hereby attached to
this assignment. I acknowledge that contravention of this code of conduct will result in a zero mark,
or disciplinary action.
1
TITLE OF RESEACH PROJECT
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Introduction 1
2. Title of the Research Paper 2
2.1 Overview 2
2.2 Verifying and definition of concepts 3
2.3 Objectives of the study 4
2.4 Delimitation of Research 4
3. Literature Review 5-
3.1 Background of political parties 6-7
3.2 Persuasive Communication 7-8
3.3 Political Communication 9
4. Research Methodology 10
6. References 17-18
3
1. INTRODUCTION
This study seeks to analyse and compare persuasive communication appeals and
techniques used for a period of at least two weeks by four South African political
parties on their websites and social media in the run-up to the 2016 local
government elections.
This paper will also be taking a strategic focus on four South African political parties,
who at the moment use social media as a platform to engage with followers. These
political parties, the united democratic movement (UDM), economic freedom fighters
(EFF), congress of the people (COPE) and the democratic alliance (DA) have a very
strong hold on social media, with different strategies applied to convince masses.
At the moment, these four political parties are enjoying the benefits of social media,
with each of them, using persuasive communication to get the ground people talking
about them day in day out.
In this research paper, the author maps the usage of social media focusing on twitter
and Facebook, the most frequently used and followed social media platforms and,
the usage of the national and cross-national hash tags related to campaigns.
The author describes the language and national distribution of the messages, the
relative volume of different types of communications, and the factors that determine
the adoption and use of social media by political parties.
The author also analyse the dynamics of the volume and content of the
communications over the duration of at least two-weeks, leading to the 2016 local
government elections.
1|Page
2. Title of the Research Paper
Online persuasive communication used by four political parties in the run-up
to the 2016 local government municipal elections for the period of 18 -25 July
2016
2.1 Overview
Online social media is defined as a place where you can learn about current
issues and opportunities, and where you can enlist the brains and emotions of
followers to help develop content that will be ideal for the audience. Defining
the audience, right along with the communication objectives, it is important to
get a clear picture of who interests you the most.
The student was instructed to choose four of South Africas political parties
who use social media as means of persuading followers and members to vote
for them in the run-up to the 2016 local government elections.
This paper will be focusing on two social media platforms used by the four
political parties, Facebook and Twitter to analyse communication techniques
used to persuade people.
2
2.2 Verifying and definition of concepts:
3
2.3 Objectives of the study
The study did not engage with any electorates or consult with any hard
copy documents of these organisations and did not use any interactive
research methods.
4
3. Literature Review
Election campaigns fundamentally rely on communication. Over the last
decade, changes in communication environment due to innovations in digital
technology (Chadwick, 2014), which themselves accompanied a process of
modernization and professionalism of electoral competition. Faced with a
sharp decline in party membership and a more demanding, assertive and
distrustful public, willing to intervene directly in the political process (Dalton
and Welzel, 2014) (often through the use of digital media enabled-
personalised forms of participation), political parties and candidates embrace
new online tools as part of their campaign communication. Social networking
like Facebook, blogs like twitter have not only given politicians a powerful
avenue of interacting with a more demanding citizenry, but also have allowed
them to offer more personalised image of the public and give less resourceful
parties the opportunity to match well-funded campaigns in sophistication,
using creative and relatively inexpensive strategies. Political parties are now
proving information about their policy positions, invite followers to campaign
events or meetings through Facebook and interact with their constituency on
the go, and through short messages on twitter, rather than long and time
consuming posts on blogs.
3.1.3 Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer (who had met previously, with
Meyer still representing the National Party to discuss the process
for a new movement) again met at Loftus Versveld, in mid-1997, to
discuss working together and agreed in principle to explore the
possibility of formal cooperation. A Joint Committee between the
NCF and the NMP was formed to look into matters of common
interest. The JC amalgamated its two technical support teams into a
Technical Committee to act as its executive body to implement the
brief of the JC. This was to look into matters of common interest
between the two side consider the establishment of a new party at
an appropriate time and in regard to the latter question investigate
matters of strategy, time scales, policy and funding. After a joint
strategic session at the Vaal Dam in July 1997 it was agreed that a
new political party should be formed. The United Democratic
Movement was formed (UDM, 2013).
6
Suzman, Colin Eglin, Harry Schwarz and Frederik van Zyl Slabbert
(DA, 2016).
Gibson (2013) states that rulers, public officials, leaders of organisations, and
their advisors have always been aware of the importance of the media in
advocating and advancing their views, and attacking the arguments and
positions of their antagonist. They have three fundamental targets: First,
actual and potential supporters are the most immediate, control by leaders of
an organ of communication is often essential to build and sustain a political
group or movement. Second, the people of a nation or society are inevitably
and invariably targets of influence, usually by their own rulers, and third,
influence attempts are also directed abroad at the governments and people of
other states.
It has been found that political presence on social media is strongly related to
incumbency status, party visibility, position on the ballot and as well as
internet penetration. Usage of these platforms seems specifically designed for
campaigning, rather than general political communication. Once elections are
over, there is very little use of twitter by political parties. Gibson also argues
that measuring the conversations that are occurring outside of the online
properties for example: measuring the number of times a political party is
mentioned in other blogs and even the context of the mentions, whether it is
favourable or unfavourable. By comparison, political communication is one of
few examples of market persuasive communication.
This, however, is not generally the case for all political parties communication
strategy on social media. Gibson emphasises that using social media, can top
the emotional elements of followers by influencing, and not controlling.
Hansen and Pederson (2014) argue that influence on social media expressed
through the diverse set of social media components is indeed powerful. It is
for this reason that being open and honest is critical. Any indication that
integrity is in question causes an otherwise well-intentioned online campaign
to weaken.
7
Persuasion is becoming more important in advertising. A major reason is that
competition is finding it easier to erode in any functional advantaged attached
to a brand name (Perloff and Kinsey, 1992). Organisations who advertise on
social media recognises that giving something for free motivates the view to
give something in exchange, namely to look at the ad a click away. Reaching
the target audience and establishing visibility with them is a necessary
condition for success.
Borre (2001) argues that if we all understood everything in the same way,
there would be no point in communicating at all. In fact, as soon as we move
beyond the reaffirmation of our shared experience by greeting each other, we
are in the realm of persuasion. Persuasion differs from influence. Although
persuasion is a way of influencing, all ways of influencing are not persuasions.
People can influence the beliefs, values, wants or action of others without
making any deliberate attempt to do so. Thus a celebrity influences others by
acting as a role model without consciously being aware of doing so.
Persuasion, in contrast, deliberately aims to mould beliefs, values and actions
in a direction favoured by the persuader. The word influence, on the other
hand, does not carry the notion of intended effort directed at changing others.
8
There is another respect in which persuasion differs from influence in the
general sense. We can influence others and they can influence us without any
trust being involved. On the other hand, no form of persuasion gets off the
ground without some degree of trust. Trust allows give and take in dealings
with others and, when added to sentiment, creates loyalty.
9
one generation to another. They defuse values, beliefs, attitude and thoughts,
through society in ways that cause some of them to be widely shared.
4. Research Methodology
For this research, the type of methodology that will be used is a combination of both
qualitative and quantitative content analysis. Content analysis is a systematic
research technique that investigates message content. Quantitative content analysis
focuses on quantification of message content, and results in data in numerical form,
e.g. the number of times certain words/themes appear. Qualitative content analysis
aims to not only describe, but also to make inferences and predictions
(Bhattacherjee, 2012:115).
In essence the researcher has used the content analysis method through analysing
online documents of the four political parties under study. In doing so, the researcher
has consulted with different online documents or channels of these political parties,
such as the organisations manifestos through their websites for the 2016 local
government elections and the organisations Facebook pages.
10
media- with the categories ranging from traditional media, to standard
electronic media, to social media.
According to the author, political parties such as the DA, EFF, UDM and
COPE believe that social media provides access to politicians, satisfying
citizens needs for information, offer two-way interactive communication,
expand awareness of party political options and alternative positions, enable
politicians to identify issues emerging as important and requiring political
action.
Meanwhile, the EFF and its leader, Julius Malema has also adopted the same
strategy with his party. Both on the official and private account of the EFF and
11
that of its leader, twitter have been used effectively to engage with the
majority of the followers and sympathisers of the EFF. Given the fact that
Julius Malema is a prominent public figure who has made a name of himself
through his robust behaviour on issues directly affecting the majority on
ground level, on that own that has been a contributing factor to the success of
the EFFs social media campaigns. In its manifesto the EFF represents hope
for jobs and service delivery. Despite many promises by political parties to
bring service to the people, a significant number of South Africans still do not
have access to basic needs. (EFF, 2016)
However, UDM party with its leader Bantu Holomisa has been very much
vocal on Facebook compared to other parties. With a rise on Facebook
interactions on status updates, the UDM has been able to claim its spot and
sustained a number of votes through its content on social media. The party
has been able to use this platform to effectively inform and update the public
about burning issues on government issues that other parties were very
sceptical to disclose. This, however gained strength and relevance for the
party in terms of disseminating relevant information as a result, the party
gained unshaken trust from the public. In its party manifesto the party claims
that some will be quick to point out that much has been done in the past 20-
years to improve the political, social and economic landscape. The party
states that for instance when the African National Congress government
claims to have built more houses, they should admit that more people have
badly-built houses. And when the ANC government claims to have provided
some services, they should admit that more people are receiving bad and
unreliable services (UDM, 2016).
Nevertheless, the COPE party attempted to claim its spot on social media,
with minimum updates and interaction with people on the ground level. What
has been evident is that, the party was not posting about information that
triggered debate to the people, and that was one of the reasons that the party
didnt receive such massive feedback from the people. The only thing that the
party can be proud of is that it educated people about its programs and
12
processes, of which none of these were of interest to the general public
(COPE, 2016).
The EFF kept dishing out all the dirty laundry of the ruling ANC, the DA from
the respective twitter and Facebook accounts of these parties. The red
barrettes applied strategy in using emotional appeal effectively by continuing
praising the DA as a racist party. Emotional intelligence has played a very
huge role in reminding the black society about the dangers of voting for an
alleged whites only party into power. Through Facebook, emotional replies of
status updates from the EFF assured the party at least twenty-five per cent of
the non-political affiliated individuals. This was after the DA party member
Penny Sparrow allegedly called black people monkeys that flock the beach in
Durban, Kwa-Zulu Natal (EFF, 2016).
Meanwhile, the DA party was only using emotional appeal to advance its
course most of the time. As many black South Africans took to social media
their displeasure about the campaigning strategy used by the DA, saying
black people were the target audience for all the wrong reasons, this didnt
stop the DA to persuade its mandate and strategy to instil emotional appeal to
the rest of South Africans. This is also informed by the sentiments shared by
other political parties that the DA was using emotional intelligence of black
people to seek sympathy and belonging. The DA defended its move of letting
Mmusi Maimane, the first black person to lead the white majority party in
Parliament, and used that as a show of sign that the DA was not a racist
party, but an all-inclusive party (DA, 2016).
13
The Congress of the People, however, its agenda on these elections was to
punish the ruling party as much as it could. But because the EFF had the
upper hand in dishing-out relevant scandals about the ANC, the information
exposed by COPE was not damning to the fact that people could not pay
more attention to the content of the information, as many of the things that the
party attempted to raise were already covered by the most trusted parties like
the EFF and the DA. The COPE kept its stance on its Facebook page of
ensuring voters that the party was the only change vehicle for South Africa
(COPE, 2016).
4.2.3Fear appeal
The Economic Freedom Fighters were the masters of fear appeal during its
campaign strategy. As a newly formed organisation, with fewer scandals
surrounding the party, the EFF was able to use the social media platforms like
Facebook and twitter to further persuade potential followers and voters. The
vibrancy of this organisation in the National Assembly had already manifested
on behalf of this organisation. Using fear to maintain its stance has resulted
positively for the organisation. This has been as a result of the issues the
party previously raised, of which majority of those issues had been assured to
be relevant and real by the courts of law. Following the EFFs position on
President Jacob Zuma to pay back the money, this was seen as stance of
gaining cheap political points, until the Public Protector Thuli Madonsela
14
released a damning report that the President unduly benefited from the states
coffers.
As a result, whatever the EFF said on these platforms raised eyebrows (EFF,
2016).
Meanwhile, the DA and other parties had been using the same strategy to de-
campaign the ruling party through fear appeal, using Zimbabwe as an
example of what South Africa could turn out to be if its people continued to
vote for the ANC (DA, 2016).
The UDM continued with its fear appeal claiming that people who are still
voting for the ANC are criminals themselves. However, this party leader was
more strategic to instil fear to the voters because he was diverse in
languages. Using isiXhosa on his updates on Facebook, which is the most
spoken language by the party followers, helped the party to send its
messages clearly to the intended audience. The UDM party continued to use
platform in parliament to point out what it called useless and clueless
Ministers during question and answer sessions, which were later recorded
and posted on its Facebook account and indeed, gained momentum (UDM,
2016).
5. Summary of conclusion
In this study the researcher has experimented that for persuasive communication to
play its role, the online social web demands an active presence. For an example, if a
political party isnt keeping up to date with its followers, or is not commenting on
social issues surrounding the people, particularly its constituency, generally it does
not exist and could hardly be recognised.
The study also showcased that electorates do pay attention on issues concerning
them and their wellbeing, and that, if those who are entrusted with delivering service
to the needy fail, they are hold accountable.
15
In doing so organisation should put more importance on understanding their
stakeholders interests, trends and sources of communications they prefer. This
helps organisations to formulate messages that will be serving both the
organisations interests and that of the stakeholders.
16
Reference list
Belch, G.E., Belch, M.A, Kerr, G.f. and Powell, I. 2008. Advertising and promotion:
An integrated marketing communications perspective, Mcgraw-hill
Brader, T. 2005. Striking a persuasive chord: How political ads motivate and
persuade voters by appealing to emotions. American Journal of Political Sciene,
49(2), 388-405
Chadwick, A. 2014. The hybrid Media System: Politics and Power. New York, Oxford
University Press
Cwalina, W., Falkouski, A., Kaid, L.L. 2000. Role of advertising in forming the image
of politicians, 2, 119-146
Dalton, R. & Welzel, C. 2014. The Civic Culture Transformed: From alegiant to
assertive citizens
Fernandes, J., Giurcanu, M., Bowers, K.W., & Neely, J.C. 2010. The writing on the
wall. A content analysis of college students Facebook groups for the 2008
presidential election. Mass communication and society, 13(5), 653-675
Fourie, L.M. & Froneman, J.D. 2005. The integration of emotional and cognitive
messages in election campaigns. A South African case study. Critical arts 19. (1-2)
112-126
Gibson, R. 2013. Party change: Social media and the rise of citizen-initiated
campaigning. Party politics
17
Hansen, K. & Kosiara-Pedersom, K. 2014. How political parties and voters make use
of Cyber-campaigning tools and the electoral effects of this. Journal of information
Technology & politics, 11(2): 2016-219
Marcus, G.E., MacKuen, M., and Nueman, W.R. 2011. Developing and testing
theories of affective intelligence. Political Psychology, 32(2), 323-336
Perloff, R.M., and Kinsey, D. 1992. Political advertising as seen by consultants and
journalists. Journal of advertising research
Redlawks, D.P., Civettini, A.S., and Lau, R.R. 2007. Affective intelligence and voting:
Information processing and learning in a campaign. The affect effect: Dynamics of
emotion in political thinking and behaviour, 152-179
Triandis, H.C. 1994. Culture and social behaviour. McGraw-Hill Book Company
18