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Pirateria in secolul XX
Peter Chalk, Piracy Off the Horn of Africa: Scope, Dimensions, Causes and Responses,
Brown Journal of World Affairs, Rhode Island, 2010,
With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc in the late 1980s it was
confidently assumed that the international system was on the threshold of an era of unprecedented
peace and stability. Politicians, academics, and diplomats alike increasingly began to forecast the
imminent establishment of a new world order that would be managed by liberal democratic
institutions and which would develop within the context of an integrated global economy based on
the principles of the free market.1 As this unprecedented inter-state structure emerged and took
root, it was assumed that destabilizing threats to national and international security would decline
commensurately.
The maritime realm is particularly conducive to these types of threat contingencies given
its vast, largely unregulated, and opaque nature. Covering approximately 139,768,200 square
miles, most of this environment takes the form of high seas that lie beyond the strict jurisdiction
of any single state.3 These over the horizon oceans are fringed and linked by a complex lattice
of territorial waters, estuaries, and riverine systems, which in many cases are poorly monitored
and, in terms of internationally recognized jurisprudence, exist as entirely distinct and independent
entities.
The re-emerging specter of maritime piracy, a scourge long thought consigned to the annals
of history, is increasingly animating the minds of security analysts, politicians, and law
enforcement and intelligence officials. Although problems have been manifest since the late
1990sespecially in the waters of Southeast Asiaattention has become particularly marked over
the last two years in reaction to attacks perpetrated by gangs operating in and around the wider
Somali basin. Incidents in this region have reached unprecedented proportions and are now
influencing the perceived viability of key sea lanes of communication that are of critical
importance to the global maritime commercial system. Pp. 89-90.
Matthew Fiorelli, Piracy in Africa: The Case of the Gulf of Guinea, KAIPTC, Cantonments,
2014.
Historically, piracy reflects the governance situations of coastal states. Between 1970 and
1980, piracy reappeared as a serious threat to commercial shipping, and over the course of the last
decade, pirate attacks have tripled. Motivated by economic factors and encouraged by the lack of
law enforcement, pirates largely originate from countries with unstable government and due to
ineffective law enforcement face few consequences (Tepp, 2012: 183). Inaction off the Horn of
Africa only changed when pirates began directly attacking international ships throughout the last
decade, focusing global attention to the threat of piracy in the region (Vrey, 2009: 21). However,
even as piracy has decreased off the Horn of Africa due to mounting international pressure, it has
grown rapidly throughout the Gulf of Guinea. P.5.
Martin N. Murphy, Contemporary Piracy and maritime Terrorism, Routledge, London,
2007.
Reasons for piracy
Piracy is a low-risk criminal activity that pays well. It occurs for one overriding reason:
opportunity. Poverty is often cited as the main motivator, but this is simplistic. Certainly diversions
of trade flows away from particular regions have in the past caused affected groups in those regions
to resort to piracy; equally today, changes in financial circumstances will encourage some to try
their hand, but economic necessity is not a first cause? In most eras and in most places piracy has
been dominated by organised gangs that have treated it as a business.8 Seven major factors enable
piracy to flourish:
Legal and jurisdictional weakness
Favourable geography
Conflict and disorder
Under-funded law enforcement/inadequate security
Permissive political environments
Cultural acceptability
Promise of reward p.13
Efecte si atacuri ale piratilor
Types of ship attacked
Large vessels on international voyages are not pirates' prime targets. There were a number of
attacks on such ships during the 1990S, particularly in Southeast Asia, which caught the attention
of the international press, but few have taken place more recently, perhaps because large ships now
pass through known pirate areas on high alert and with less cash on board. A study of attacks in
the Malacca Strait between 2000 and 2005 showed an overall reduction in assaults on ships above
20,000 gross registered tonnes (GRT).31 Nonetheless, large ships remain vulnerable, due to the
trend towards reducing crew sizes that began in the 1960s and accelerated dramatically in the late
1970S and early 1980s as a result of containerisation, automation and downward pressures on cost.
Smaller crews mean more work and higher levels of fatigue for those who remain. Pirates in the
Malacca and Singapore Straits and elsewhere in the region appear to favour bulk carriers among
large ships, probably because they have low freeboards, as well as minimal crews. But pirates on
the whole prefer to attack smaller vessels. The crews of smaller ships also tend to be more at risk
of being kidnapped; during the period of the study of attacks in the Malacca Strait, only five
abductions took place on vessels of more than 1,000 GRT, compared to 26 on smaller vessels. The
study also highlighted the fact that most attacks are on local craft rather than on vessels engaged
in international trade. P.18.
The earliest forms of terrorism against international transportation was piracy. Pirates are
considered by international law as common enemies of all mankind. The world has naturally an
interest in the punishment of offenders and is justified in adopting international measures for the
application of universal rules regarding the control of terrorism. The common understanding
between States has been that pirates should be lawfully captured on the high seas by an armed
vessel of any particular State, and brought within its territorial jurisdiction for trial and punishment.
P.66
Pirateria in Somalia
Dominila Kunertova, European Anti-piracy Strategy: Somalian Piracy: Todays Challenge
Addressed by an EU Initiative, NewSecEU, 2010, https://tu-
dresden.de/zis/ressourcen/dateien/newseceu/outcomes/papers_folder/MilSec_EU-anti-piracy-
strategy.pdf?lang=en
While Piracy has been an issue that has plagued the seas and oceans for hundreds of years,
the problem of Somali piracy is a relatively new phenomenon and has very distinct characteristics
and causes when compared to other areas of the globe where the problem persists. What must be
initially considered is that the form in which this seabased crime exists is more of financial threat
then a life threatening one to its potential victims. Somali pirates are not known for murder, torture
or inhumane treatment of their captives, rather piracy is treated as lucrative business, it is in the
best interests of the pirates to secure the safety of the cargo and their crew and exchange them for
a monetary ransom.
The initial causes of piracy in the region can be dated back to 1991 and the collapse of the
Somalia State, the following 19 years has seen no central authority and a as a result no forms of
state security or national defence that would have otherwise monitored and protected the Somali
coast. The integrity of the coastline has been severely infringed, as a result what was once a rich
source of food and income for the population through an efficient and sustainable fishing industry
has now been and continues to be systematically exploited by international fishing vessels. It is
estimated that more then 300 million worth of tuna, shrimp, and lobster 12is being stolen from
Somali waters each year. P.5.
Piracy emerged from the initial response of Somalia fishermen organizing themselves to
deter foreign vessels and protect their coastal integrity; vessels were often boarded and asked to
pay a levy or tax for compensation before being allowed to leave. This initial substitution for
loss of income quickly developed into a profitable business, and one in which the earnings are
shared amongst the local population. A Ukrainian ship which was held and released by the
Somalis in 2009 garnered a multimillion-dollar payment by the owners, which is reportedly being
utilized to clean up the waste being dumped in the area.16 Piracy is perceived by the local
population not as a crime but in effect as a form of acquiring justice and insuring compensation
for years of exploitation from elements within the international community. The pirates appear to
have "extended their reach, threatening not only the Gulf of Aden and east coast of Somalia, but
also the southern region of the Red Sea, the Bab el Mandab Straits and the East Coast of Oman"
Piracy has evolved into a lucrative well-organized business, initially emerging out of the Puntland
region it involves essentially four groups of personnel:
- Firstly the financiers, these are the businessmen who set up the operations and finance
them in return for the largest portion of the ransom. Such people are often very wealthy individuals
who are able to move quickly and freely across states.
- Ex Fishermen who are considered the brains of the operation because of their knowledge
of the sea
- Militiamen, who are considered the muscle having fought in the civil war with experience
in combat and arms
- Technicians who operate sophisticated harder and software such as GPS, satellite phone
and military equipment. Pp.6-7
Alexandre Maouche, Piracy along the Horn of Africa, An Analysis of the Phenomenon within
Somalia, PiraT, Hamburg, 2010.
Although the phenomenon of piracy along the coasts of Somalia started in the 1990s, it is
its intensification at the beginning of the 21st Century which has attracted the attention of the
international community. In recent years it has become a major concern in the field of international
security, pushing many international actors to take action. The necessity of fighting piracy in the
area has led to a consensus between the main world powers rarely seen among sensitive security
topics.
Most parts of Somalia have been in an ongoing state of war since 1991. The downfall of
dictator Siad Barre after 21 years of rule led to a devastating conflict and the complete collapse of
state institutions. The international community tried to stabilize the situation several times by
intervening in the 1990s, but all such attempts failed. Since then, Somalia tends to be seen in
foreign eyes as an anarchic territory dominated by warfare. The country has undoubtedly gone
through several extremely violent conflicts and humanitarian crises, but its internal situation is
much more complex and caused a number of problems.
Piracy started as a succession of isolated attacks but soon grew to become a well-structured
and well-organized criminal activity. Research about piracy in the area has developed considerably
in the past years. It can be seen as a result of the internal situation of the country, but it in turn
exerts its own influence back on the domestic theatre. Some view its birth as a direct consequence
of the security vacuum left after the collapse of state institutions and the absence of the rule of law,
which enables criminals to act freely (Hansen 2009: 11). Others stress an economic perspective,
saying that widespread poverty resulting from the absence of state actors capable of organizing
economic life pushed fishers to turn to illegal activities in order to ensure their survival. Pp -6-7.
Traditionally, the large number of clans living on the Somali ground and the scarcity of
resources have been the source of many conflicts. The Somali clan structure has undergone major
changes during the 19th and 20th century related to the political evolution of the country. The
centralized state structures created by western powers during colonization fundamentally
contradicted the traditional Somali system. This caused major upheavals in the organization of the
whole society. Yet the most important changes occurred during the reign of Siad Barre. Officially,
his government wanted to break the traditional social structure of Somalia, which was seen as an
obstacle to the modernization and development of the country. It launched massive nationalization
and sedentarization campaigns.
Just like any form of social organization in Somalia, piracy relies on rules defined by the
clan structure. It plays a role on two different levels: in the building and internal organization of
pirate groups and in their relations with other actors. Hierarchy within the groups is also based on
Somali traditions. It also plays a major role in the behavior of pirates towards other actors. In case
of a conflict, they are expected to show loyalty to their sub-clan and support important personalities
in their community. Pp. 17-18.
Qaeda: Implications for the War on Terrorism, The Heritage Foundation, Washington D.C., 2002,
Somalia is a failed state whose lawless anarchy would permit terrorists to operate relatively
freely. Al-Qaeda has operated there in the past and has worked with a radical Somali group, al-
Ittihad al-Islamiya (AIAI or Islamic Unity), since the early 1990s. Somalia also has a long
seacoast with numerous unpatrolled ports that could provide easy entry for al-Qaeda terrorists
fleeing from Afghanistan via Pakistan or Iran by sea. If it were to intervene in Somalia, the United
States would discover that Somalias anarchy, which makes it fertile ground for Islamic extremists,
also makes it an extremely unpredictable arena for military operations..
The Clinton Administration discovered this when it expanded a 1992 humanitarian food
relief operation in Somalia into a failed nation-building experiment. U.S. peacekeeping troops
became a lightning rod for attacks by bin Ladens terrorists and his Somali allies. On October 3,
1993, 18 American special forces troops were killed in a battle with Somalis trained by bin Ladens
supporters. The subsequent withdrawal of the U.S. peacekeeping forces from Somalia in 1994 was
perceived as a triumph for bin Laden and probably encouraged him to launch increasingly
devastating terrorist attacks against the United States to drive American forces out of Saudi Arabia,
bin Ladens home country. P.1.
The failure of the Somali government contributed to the fracturing of the Somali nation.
Rival clan leaders mobilized armed followers to carve out competing fiefdoms. Southern Somalia
descended into a brutal civil war as warlords struggled for power and territory, particularly in the
war-torn capital of Mogadishu. There, the warlord most responsible for ousting the Barre regime,
General Mohammed Farah Aideed, gained a precarious dominance over rival warlords Muse Sude
Yalahow and Ali Mahdi Mohammed. By 1992, chronic factional fighting had exacerbated the
growing humanitarian crisis. Farmers hampered by intermittent drought, economic chaos, and
political violence increasingly were unable to plant and harvest food crops. An estimated 300,000
Somalis died of starvation during the early 1990s.6 The United Nations Security Council launched
an emergency food relief operation in August 1992 but was unable to assure the distribution of
food supplies because of the deteriorating security situation, particularly in the south. Somali
warlords ruthlessly plundered relief supplies to feed and subsidize their own militias. Pp.2-3
Marina Reyskens, Somali piracy and terrorism in the Horn of Africa, Routledge Taylor and
Francis Group, Ldondon, 2015,
Somali piracy attacks surged between 2005 and 2011. Although maritime piracy is as old
as seaborne trade, and currently pirates also prey on ships in the Straits of Malacca and the waters
of Southeast Asia, the Caribbean seas, and the Gulf of Guinea, what is unique about Somali pirates
is the high frequency of attacks. Piracy incidents off the coast of Somalia rose dramatically after
2005 and reached a high of 243 in 2011 but then plunged in 2012 to 63 reported attacks and 15
hijackings as of September. Somali pirates almost exclusively attack vessels to hold cargos and
crews hostage and negotiate their release in exchange for ransom. Since the first known Somali
hijacking in April 2005, 149 ships have reportedly been ransomed for an estimated total of
US$315US$385 million
The international community has mobilized to combat the surge of piracy off the Horn of
Africa. Over 40 countries are involved in military counter-piracy operations, in a national capacity
or through three coalitions: the European Union Naval Force Somalia through Operation Atalanta,
the Standing Naval Group of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) through Operation
Ocean Shield, and Combined Task Force 151. Since 2008, the United Nations (UN) Security
Council has adopted 13 resolutions to support counter-piracy action off the Horn of Africa. Beyond
the UN, the European Union (EU), the African Union (AU), the League of Arab States, and NATO
have all moved to fight piracy off the Horn.. P.11.
Alexandru Voicu, Ruxandra Laura Bosilca, Maritime Security Governance in the fight against
piracy off the coast of Somalia: A focus on the E.U. Response, EURINT Proceedings,
Iasi,2015,
In terms of multilateral naval missions, the EU NAVFOR-Operation Atalanta, Operation
Ocean Shield by NATO and the US-led Combined Maritime Task Forces (CMF) have played a
vital role in fighting piracy. Since 2008, NATO has been one of the first and most active actors in
counter-piracy in the region launching three successive operations, namely Allied Provider, Allied
Protector and Operation Ocean Shield. Within this framework, NATO has escorted WFP charted
ships, has conducted deterrence patrols and surveillance tasks, has prevented and disrupted
hijackings and armed robbery and more recently, it has broadened its focus to include not only at-
sea counter-piracy activities, but also regional capacity building initiatives.
The North Atlantic Alliance`s operations have been carried out in coordination with other
counterpiracy initiatives undertaken by the EU, the US, China, India or South Korea. NATO also
has an important role in the dissemination of information on maritime issues. For instance, the
NATO Shipping Centre (NSC) represents the main point of contact between NATO`s naval forces
and the maritime community for exchanging merchant shipping information, supporting NATO,
national and multinational maritime operations; the NSC also provides information to merchant
shipping about potential maritime risks and seeks to foster co-operation between military
commanders and commercial shipping operators.1 Several regional inter-governmental
organizations are also vehicles of governance in the counter-piracy field, with a higher or lesser
degree of influence:
The African Union, the Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the
East African Community (EAC), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and
Southern African Development Community (SADC), as well as Indian Ocean Commission (IOC).
Among these, the African Union (AU) has been the most prominent actor. Its counter-piracy
initiatives include the African Maritime Transport Charter and Maritime Transport Plan of Action,
the Durban Resolution on Maritime Safety. Solutions to the problem of piracy have been sought
outside formal settings as well. For instance, the Oceans beyond Piracy program (OBP), a project
launched in 2010 by the One Earth Future Foundation (OEF) - a private non-profit organization
based in the US - gathers a wide network of experts through its meetings and workshops and
provides research and analysis. The response of OBP revolves around three core areas: gathering
the support of stakeholders from the maritime community; developing close partnerships between
the public and the private sectors, and contributing to the deterrence of piracy through a strong rule
of law (Oceans Beyond Piracy, 2013). . Pp 377-378.