Transnational Marriage: Practices of

the Women in Isan Villages, Thailand

Monchai Phongsiri
Researcher of Center for Research on Plurality in the Mekong Region (CERP) and
Committee of Research Group on Wellbeing and Sustainable Development (WeSD)
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Khon Kaen University, Thailand
Scope of Presentation
1) General situation of transnational marriage in Isan
2) Process of transnational marriage: How, why, and where do
Isan women get married to foreign husbands?
3) Relationships between Isan wives living in foreign
countries, and their families and homelands in Isan: How do
they affect life of their parents and kinship? How do they
affect local community and society in Isan, where their
children were grown up?
4) Couples of transnational marriage who live in Isan: Why
they live in Isan, and how they influence to Isan?
5) Ideas of local people and communities on transnational
marriage: How do local people and communities in Isan
think about and react to transnational marriage?
6) Transnational Marriage: Practices of Isan Women
 General Situation of
Transnational Marriage in Isan
 Lao PDR Northeast of What?
Concept of Internal Colony
Northeast Upper Isan
or Isan Thai-Lao Culture
(in Sanskrit) Thai-Lao Dialect
Thailand Ethnic Lao population in Isan
or former Siam are more than in Lao PDR
Bangkok Nakhon Ratchasima or Korat
Siamese or Central Thai Culture
Cambodia Korat Dialect
Lower Isan
Thai-Khmer (Cambodia) Culture
Thai-Khmer (Cambodia) Dialect
Isan Characteristic
The whole region over 160,000 km2, about one-third of
Thailand's territory
It's always mentioned that Isan is the poorest and less
developed region, compared to the north, south and
central Thailand
The ethnic Lao is the majority population in most parts of
the region
They have developed a distinct regional identity that
differs both from the Laotians of Laos and the Thais of
Central Thailand
The population mix between many different groups such
as Thais, Lao, Khmer (Cambodia), Chinese etc. giving the
region uniqueness compared to the rest of Thailand
Isan Characteristic (Cont.)
Before the 18th century, Isan was the kingdoms of
Vientiane and Champasak, subordinated to the Siamese
kingdom
Until the reforms introduced by King Chulalongkorn
(Raman V) (1853-1910), Isan was almost independent,
living their lives without interference from Bangkok,
except the tax collection
After the reforms, the identity of people living there
turned to be more and more regional instead of national
or ethnical
Charles F. Keyes (1967) categorized Isan as an ethno-
regional' group rather than an ethnic minority
Their cultural differences have been taken to be
characteristic of a particular part of the country rather
than of a distinctive people
Isan Characteristic (Cont.)
In the beginning 21st century, Isan's economy is faster
developing and various industries grow up
A distinctive economic factor in Isan are marriages
between Isan women and Westerners (or farangs, in Thai)

A Thai Region Where Husbands are Imported

(The New York Times, Sept. 24, 2010)

These farangs contribute about 255 million US$ annually

to Isan's GDP and create about 750,000 jobs in 16
economic sectors (Wilaiwan, 2008)
Isan Characteristic (Cont.)
Over the past two decades there has been a notable
phenomenon of Isan women got marry with farangs (or
mia farang)
According to a recent survey conducted by the National
Economic and Social Development Board: NESDB (2004),
a total of 19,594 Isan women have chosen to marry
farangs
In some Isan villages, it was reported that as many as
one-third of families have female members who have
western husbands (Rattana, 2008)
Transnational Marriage in
Historical Contexts
Some evidences indicated that transnational marriage
with westerners occurred in Ayutthaya Period after Siam
contacted with the west (but with Chinese before that
three centuries)
Increasingly after Bowring Treaty in King Rama IV period
(1826) which pushed Siam into free trade
In King Rama V period, many elites went study oversea
and got marry with the foreigners
King Rama VI, with nationalism assumption, prohibited
elites who studied oversea got marry with foreigners
(except Siamese-Chinese) and changed the Palace Law on
Succession, B.E. 2467 (1924) to exclude the list name of
the Successor to the Throne who are transnational
marriage (include their children)
 Prince Chakrabongse Bhuvanath and Russian wife,
Ekaterina (Catherine) Desnitskaya
Photo from http://www.bloggang.com/m/mainblog.php?id=hallas
 Prince Chula Chakrabongse and English wife,
Elizabeth Hunter
Photo from
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Chula_Chakrabongse_and_
Elizabeth_Hunter_1936.jpg
Transnational Marriage in
Historical Contexts (Cont.)
During Vietnam War (1962-1975) there were American
troops more than 140,000 stayed in eight US Air Force
bases around Thailand (four USAFs were in Isan) and
hired many local Thai women working in those bases
Night clubs and bars started springing up around USAFs.
These entertainment businesses were established to serve
the needs of American servicemen away from home
From 1990s to now, this time was significant increasingly
of transnational marriage in Isan, by government project
promoted tourism and service industry Amazing Thailand
This phenomena is in many academicians interest to study
about the experiences of these mia farang in their new
cultures and the ties they keep to their Isan roots
Survey of NESDB (2004)
87% of transnational marriage
of Isan women are with
westerners
50% are in 3 provinces: Korat,
Khon Kaen and Udonthani
These 3 provinces are on the line
of Route No.2 (Mittraphab Road),
the strategic road for
Communism protection in
Indochina which U.S. Military
supported the construction from
Bangkok to Udonthani (was
completed in 1962)
Process of Transnational Marriage
in Isan: Why, How and Where?
Transnational Marriage in Isan:
Why?
Why do Isan women get marry to foreign husbands?
88.7% hope for improving their social status (Dusadee et
al, 2011)
The mia farang often mentioned their wishes to fulfill the
mutual relation of bunkhun to their parent (Buapun, 2003
; Patcharin, 2013)
Seeking desired marriage partner/spouse (Patcharin,
2013)
Transnational Marriage in Isan:
Why?
The factors related to womens decisions to marry with
westerners:
24.5% economic driving force
24.1% need of having new life
13.9% failed marriage with Thai husband
10.5% have to pay a debt (of their parent and family)
9.7% parent need remittance for household expenditure
17.3% Other factors such as acceptance from society,
love, follow other families in community, need someone
take care, etc. (Dusadee et al, 2011)
Transnational Marriage in Isan:
How?
How did Isan women know and get married to foreign
husbands?
Dusadee et al (2011)
25.0% intend to seek by themselves
21.9% knowing at workplaces
21.9% introducing by friends
15.6% introducing by family members or cousins
6.3% knowing through internet (chatting)
6.3% knowing through marriage matchmaking company
3.0% knowing at tourist attraction places
Transnational Marriage in Isan:
Where?
Where do they live?
69.6% married and registered in Thailand
27.0% living together in Thailand
28.0% living together in foreign countries
45.0% wives live in Thailand, husbands live in foreign
countries (Dusadee et al, 2011)
 Relationships between Isan
Wives Living in Foreign Countries
and their Families in Isan
Relationships between Isan
Wives and Homeland
How do they affect life of their parents and kinship?
How do they affect local community and society in Isan?
Many couples have successful marriages, some may
experience problems later on
Transnational marriage can improve the quality of life,
financial status and social status of Isan women and their
relatives
Mia farangs who migrated to live abroad retain a strong
sense of belonging and connection to their home villages
no matter where they are currently residing
This issue will be discussed more on transnational
relationships/transnational imaginary
Where their Children were
Grown Up?
56.9% of mia farang ever-married with Thai husband
before and living together in average 9.7 years
52.1% have children with Thai husbands (before divorce)
Where their children were grown up?
59.6% living with mother (in foreign countries)
12.9% living with grandparents (mother side)
5.5% living with father (former Thai husbands)
5.5% living with grandparents (father side)
0.9% living with cousins
15.6% having their own families (got married)
(Dusadee et al, 2011)
Couples of Transnational
Marriage Who Live in Isan
Couples of Transnational Marriage
Who Live in Isan
Why they live in Isan, and how they influence to Isan?
Supawattanakorn (2006) studied about effects of
transnational marriage to family institution in Isan, the
findings are:
Most farangs who live in Isan are retired. They got
welfare enough for everyday life expenditure in rural
community of Isan comfortably
Most farangs were impressed by the good care provided
by Isan women (Chantaya, 2015)
Buapun et al. (2008) argued that is a movement of
welfare regime. Moved the responsibilities of taking care
elderly from western countries to Isan (cheaper), that
could have negative impact on welfare of the host
countries
Couples of Transnational Marriage
Who Live in Isan (Cont.)
The western husbands make Isan society change to be
individually. Language is the barrier of western husbands
to join the traditional activities in rural communities
Mia farang try to adapt themselves followed their
husbands and practice the western ceremony or festival in
Isan communities such as Christmas, Valentines Day, etc.
They did not excite about the Isan special days such as
Buddhist Lent, or end of Buddhist Lent, etc. (compared
with Christmas and Valentines Day)
They enjoy to participate Isan festival such as Songkran
for entertainment by do not interest or understand the
meanings
Couples of Transnational Marriage
Who Live in Isan (Cont.)
Mia farangs like to eat pizza, KFC, hamburger, etc. which
are the symbolic of adaptation to modernization. They
have still like to eat papaya salad (Som Tum), but their
husbands difficult to adapt eating with them, therefore
mia farangs always cook western food for their husbands
(Supawattanakorn, 2006)
 Ideas of Local People
and Communities on
Transnational Marriage
Reaction to Transnational
Marriage
Patcharin (2013) quoted from her interview to mia farang:
First woman:
I often got odd looks when I walked with my husband
near the hotel in Udon and other places. Though they [hotel
staff and guests] did not say anything, I knew they
questioned if I had a background that involved
prostitution
Second woman:
While walking with my husband along the street, I heard
someone (a male) say, an old buffalo likes young grass. I
knew what was in his mind. He must have thought that I
was fishing for an old farang for money...
Reaction to Transnational
Marriage (Cont.)
How do local people and communities in Isan think
about and react to transnational marriage?
Some journalists dont understand the local community,
cultural context and have created a negative image of mia
farangs by linking the marriages to prostitution
Nowadays, the majority of women work as maids or in
other service jobs and are not commonly involved in
prostitution
In fact, they are good women, they make merit at the
temple, contribution on community projects such as
construction at the Buddhist temples and schools
(Rattana, 2008)
Transnational Marriage:
Practices of Isan Women
Transnational Marriage:
Practices of Isan Women
A Dutiful Daughter
The notion of a dutiful daughter is a highly valued
cultural idea in Thai society
It draws on the Thai cultural norm of bunkhun. The notion
of bunkhun gives paramount authority to parents, both
parents and children are bounded with certain obligations
As Akin (1993) stated:
Bunkhun is the favor or benefit which has been
bestowed, and for which one is obliged to do something in
return. ... Bunkhun of parents over their children,
particularly that of mother, is so great that whatever
favors the children do for their mothers, they will be never
sufficient to repay bunkhun (p.16)
Transnational Marriage:
Practices of Isan Women (Cont.)
There are gender differences between son and daughter
in rights, obligations and responsibilities on the notion of
bunkhun
For son, the most important means to return bunkhun to
parents is to ordain in the monkshood. This means was
highly valued by the villagers view
To ordain as a monk is to act like a bridge leading his
mother to heaven. This provides more merit than
providing them care or material needs. It is a duty of a
man to become a monk to compensate for the bunkhun of
his mother who raised him
Transnational Marriage:
Practices of Isan Women (Cont.)
For daughter, as women are denied the right to ordain, so
the economic burdens of the household are likely to be on
the shoulders of the daughter rather than the son
Most researches in Thailand confirm that material
supports from daughters to their households are more
than from sons
Normally, a daughter is supposed to stay with her parents
and care for them in their old age. Therefore, her husband
has to reside with her parents too (Buapun, 2003)
The means to return bunkhun to parents of a dutiful
daughter by providing them care or material needs, as is
often the case in such transnational marriages, the couple
contributes to the care of her parents and siblings too
Transnational Marriage:
Practices of Isan Women (Cont.)
Mia farangs often mentioned their wishes to fulfill the
mutual relation of bunkhun to their parent by comforting
and taking care of them as a part of their motivations to
engage into the current transnational marriage (Buapun,
2003; Patcharin, 2013)
Transnational Marriage:
Practices of Isan Women (Cont.)
Strategic Resources
The westerners bring a lot of money into the region,
either by living here, building a new house with western
standard electronics and equipment, running a western
lifestyle, buying a new car, etc.
Or they take the women into their home countries, from
where she sends frequently money to support her family
Mia farangs have high purchasing power, there are so
many big shops, hypermarket such as Lotus Express
established in the rural communities where they live
The villagers viewed mia farangs and their husbands as
strategic resources for village development
Transnational Marriage:
Practices of Isan Women (Cont.)
The head of sub-district municipality in Udonthani said:
without mia farang and their husbands, we would not
see as many cars, motor bikes and the big, nice houses in
the village as we do nowadays
These women take care of their parents and support their
childrens education. Some build a new house for their
parents and send them an allowance. These are the
things mia farang and their husbands have brought to the
village...
The women also co-operate with the community; they
always contribute to communal development and village
fairs...
Transnational Marriage:
Practices of Isan Women (Cont.)
Transnational relationships/transnational imaginary
Mia farang who live aboard always contacted their
parents or children by phone or internet that make them
imagine about modernization of the west through telling
stories of the mia farang
Other women in the village who know these stories will
have imagination about the better life of transnational
marriage and try to follow as mia farang
Through transnational marriage experiences, those
women have created a social space where traditions,
norms and practices of gender roles and relations,
marriage and sexuality have been exposed to inquiry and
negotiation
 Transnational Marriage:
Practices of Isan Women (Cont.)
Desired Marriage Partner/Spouse
The roles of daughter or woman has responsibilities for
herself, family, parent and children. These roles are
regulated by Thai culture, norm and value
Transnational marriage is a phenomena of norm and value
challenging (Patcharin, 2013)

Desired marriage partner/spouse

Irresponsible and bad habits of Thai men (economic & behavior)

Experiences (marriage) of mia farang

Transnational Marriage:
Practices of Isan Women (Cont.)
Mia Farang: Formation of the new class in society
Mia farangs have life style
Big & beautiful house, modern furniture, cook western
food or dinner at the restaurant, contribution to the
communitys project, rest & recreation, travelling to the
tourism areas, different life style from people in rural Isan
communities
These are symbolic of middle class
Bourdieu (1984) proposed concept of class distinction,
life style and consumption is the symbolic of class maker
Different from Marx who viewed class based on means of
production, but Bourdieu based on consumption
Transnational Marriage in Isan:
Resource Profiles & Common Pool
Villagers life as a common
Village headman of a village in Roi Et province said:
when Isan women got marry, that means the men
married with the whole family, the whole community.
Because, we will welcome them as family members or
community members, not the others. And then the men
have to help their family and community, by contribution
money or labours when the family need labours on farming
or the community need participation on development or
make merit at the temple. But farang (western men) do not
understand this Isan norm
Transnational Marriage in Isan:
Resource Profiles & Common Pool
Buapun (2003) describe this norm by the concept of
resource profiles and common pool
Buddhism remains a key cultural aspect that villagers
employed to mobilize common resources
The case for Bha Pa, a cultural event that villagers
mobilize funds, usually for temple construction
The concept of merit making or tum bun shapes the
villagers views and actions toward the public, that
provides the ground for the common (i.e. to mobilize
resources or labour)
The ability to make merit also constitutes in status of
people, enabling those who command certain cultural
status to demand helps or resources from others
Ways of life in a rural Isan community of Khon Kaen (offering food to the
monks, working & talking, house is simple built)
Mia Farangs House in the same community:
The new class in rural Isan communities
Life Style Class based on Consumption:
Isan food (simple cooking with vegetable, fish, fermented fish)
Conclusion
Transnational marriage between Isan women and the
westerners during Vietnam War, Thai society rejected this
marriage. At that time Isan women who married to
foreigners were seen as rent wives or prostitutes rather
than wives
Thai society has changed over time. Conservative
attitudes towards partner selection have been liberalized
with increasing cases of transnational marriage, due to
faster and more convenient modern communication
Nowadays, Thai society is focused on materialism and
marriage to foreigners is one way to wealth and comfort
This idea leads to the popularity of transnational marriage
by creating the understanding that foreign husbands can
improve the quality of life, financial status and social
status of Isan women and their relatives
Conclusion (Cont.)
Public attitudes to transnational marriage have changed
to be better
Isan women seek opportunities to interact with foreign
men, being introduced by friends and family members, the
internet and match-making companies --- and get marry
The traditional Isan wedding ceremony is one of the
unique Isan traditions make marriage is a symbol that can
cause individuals to think about other people or things or
link their life to the common (family and community)
Now, transnational marriage make Mia Farang as a new
class in Isan society
Thank you