Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq

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Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq 1982 (cropped).jpg
Rawalpindi
6th President of Pakistan
In office
16 September 1978 17 August 1988
Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo
Preceded by Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry
Succeeded by Ghulam Ishaq Khan
Chief of Army Staff
In office
1 March 1976 17 August 1988
Preceded by Tikka Khan
Succeeded by Mirza Aslam Beg
Personal details
Born 12 August 1924
Jalandhar, Punjab, British India
(now in Punjab, India)
Died 17 August 1988 (aged 64)
Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan
Resting place Faisal Mosque
Nationality British Indian (19241947) Pakistani (19471988)
Political party None
Spouse(s) Begum Shafiq Zia (19501988 his death)[1]
Children Muhammad Ijaz-ul-Haq
Anwar-ul-Haq
Zain Zia
Rubina Saleem
Quratulain Zia
Alma mater St. Stephen's College, Delhi
United States Army Command and General Staff College
Military service
Nickname(s) Mard-i-Momin
Allegiance British India
Pakistan
Service/branch British Indian Army
Pakistan Army
Years of service 19431988
Rank OF-9 Pakistan Army.svgUS-O10 insignia.svg General
Unit 22 Cavalry, Army Armoured Corps (PA 1810)
Commands 2nd Independent Armoured Brigade
1st Armoured Division
II Strike Corps
Chief of Army Staff
Battles/wars World War II
Indo-Pakistani War of 1965
Black September in Jordan
Soviet war in Afghanistan
Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq (Urdu: ???? ???? ?????; 12 August 1924 17 August 1988) was a
four-star rank general who served as the 6th President of Pakistan from 1978 until
his death in 1988, after declaring martial law in 1977. He was Pakistan's longest-
serving head of state.

Educated at Delhi University, Zia saw action in World War II as a British Indian
Army officer, before opting for Pakistan in 1947 and fighting in the war against
India in 1965. In 1970, he led the Pakistan military's training mission in Jordan,
proving instrumental to putting down the Black September insurgency against King
Hussein.[2] In recognition, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto approved Zia's four-
star appointment and elevated him as the Chief of Army Staff in 1976.[3] Following
civil disorder, Zia deposed Bhutto in a military coup and declared martial law on 5
July 1977.[4] Bhutto was controversially tried by the Supreme Court and executed
less than two years later, for authorising the murder of a political opponent.[5]

Assuming the presidency in 1978, Zia played a major role in the Soviet war in
Afghanistan. Aided by the United States and Saudi Arabia, Zia systematically
coordinated the Afghan mujahideen against the Soviet occupation throughout the
1980s.[6][7] This culminated in the Soviet Union's withdrawal in 1989, but also led
to the proliferation of millions of refugees, with heroin and weaponry into
Pakistan's frontier province. On the foreign front, Zia also bolstered ties with
China, the European Economic Community, the United States, and emphasised
Pakistan's role in the Islamic world, while relations with India worsened amid the
Siachen conflict and accusations that Pakistan was aiding the Khalistan movement.
Domestically, Zia passed broad-ranging legislation as part of Pakistan's
Islamization, acts criticised for fomenting religious intolerance.[8] He also
escalated Pakistan's atomic bomb project, and instituted industrialisation and
deregulation, helping Pakistan's economy become among the fastest-growing in South
Asia.[9] Averaged over Zia's rule, GDP growth was the highest in the country's
history.[10]

After lifting martial law and holding non-partisan elections in 1985, Zia appointed
Muhammad Khan Junejo as the Prime Minister but accumulated more presidential powers
via the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution.[11] After Junejo signed the Geneva
Accords in 1988 against Zia's wishes, and called for an inquiry into the Ojhri Camp
disaster, Zia dismissed Junejo's government and announced fresh elections in
November 1988. He was killed along with several of his top military officials and
two American diplomats in a mysterious plane crash near Bahawalpur on 17 August
1988. To this day, Zia remains a polarising figure in Pakistan's history, credited
for preventing wider Soviet incursions into the region as well as economic
prosperity, but decried for weakening democratic institutions and passing laws
encouraging religious intolerance.[12][13]

Contents [hide]
1 Early life
2 Military service
3 Planning of coup
3.1 Civil disorders against Bhutto
3.2 1977 Parliamentary elections
3.3 Coup d'tat
3.4 United States sponsorship
3.5 Postponement of elections and call for accountability
4 Reign as Chief Martial Law Administrator
4.1 The Doctrine of Necessity
4.2 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Trial
4.3 Appointment of Martial Law Administrators
4.3.1 Martial law judges
4.3.2 Martial law governors
5 Reign as President of Pakistan
5.1 Assumption of the post of President of Pakistan
5.2 Political structural changes
5.2.1 Formation of Majlis-e-Shoora
5.2.2 Referendum of 1984
5.2.3 1985 elections and constitutional amendments
5.2.4 Economic policy
5.3 Soviet-Afghan War and Strategic initiatives
5.3.1 Soviet invasion and Soviet-Afghan War
5.3.2 Consolidation of atomic bomb programme
5.3.3 Nuclear diplomacy
5.3.4 Nuclear proliferation
5.3.5 Expansion
5.3.6 International standing enhancement and resumption of aid
5.3.7 Fighting the war by proxy
5.3.8 The war legacy
5.4 'Sharization' of Pakistan
5.4.1 Hudood Ordinance
5.4.2 Other sharia laws
5.4.3 Blasphemy ordinances
5.4.4 Madrassa Expansions
5.4.5 Cultural policies
5.4.6 Welfare of the people with disabilities
5.5 Dismissal of the Junejo government and call for new elections
6 Death
7 Legacy
7.1 Funeral and aftermath
7.2 Public image
7.3 Removal of name from the Constitution of Pakistan
8 Honours
9 Books about Haq's time period
10 Portrayals in popular culture
11 See also
12 References
13 Bibliography
14 External links
Early life[edit]
Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq was born in a Punjabi Arain family in Jalandhar, Punjab State
of the British India,[14] on 12 August 1924 as the second child of Muhammad Akbar,
who worked as a staff clerk in the Army GHQ of India Command of British Armed
Forces in Delhi and Simla, prior to the independence of Pakistan from British
colonial rule in 1947.[15]

He completed his initial education in Simla and then attended St. Stephen's College
of the University of Delhi for his BA degree in History, which he graduated with
highest marks in the college in 1943.[15] Prior to his graduation, Zia joined the
British Indian Army in 1943.[citation needed] During his collegiate years, he was
noted as an extraordinary talent.[15]

He married Shafiq Jahan in 1950.[16] Begum Shafiq Zia died on 6 January 1996.[17]
Zia is survived by his sons, Muhammad Ijaz-ul-Haq,[18] (born 1953),[19] who went
into politics and became a cabinet minister in the government of Nawaz Sharif, and
Anwar-ul-Haq (born 1960)[20][21] and his daughters, Zain[22][23][24] (born 1972),
[25] a special needs child, Rubina Saleem, who is married to a Pakistani banker and
has been living in the United States since 1980,[26] and Quratulain Zia who
currently lives in London, and is married to Pakistani doctor, Adnan Majid.[27]

Military service[edit]
Zia was commissioned in the British Indian Army in the Guides Cavalry on 12 May
1943 after graduating from the Officer Training School Mhow[28] and fought against
Japanese forces in Burma in World War II. After Pakistan gained its independence
through a partition in 1947, Zia joined the newly formed Pakistan Army as a Captain
in the Guides Cavalry Frontier Force Regiment. He also served in 13th Lancers and 6
Lancers. He was trained in the United States during 19621964 at the US Army
Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. After that, he
returned to take over as Directing Staff (DS) at Command and Staff College, Quetta.
[29] During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Zia is said to have been the Assistant
Quartermaster of the 101st Infantry Brigade.[30]
In 1966 Zia took over command of 22 Cavalry and later was Col Staff of 1st Armoured
Division. He was stationed in Jordan from 1969 to 1970 as a Brigadier, helping in
the training of Jordanian soldiers, as well as leading them into battle during the
Black September operations against the Palestine Liberation Organization as
commander of Jordanian 2nd Division, a strategy that proved crucial to King
Hussein's remaining in power in Jordan.In 1972 he took over command of 9 Armoured
Brigade, 6th Armoured Division By 1973, then Major General Zia was commanding the
1st Armoured Division at Multan.[29]

He was then promoted as Lieutenant General and was appointed commander of the II
Strike Corps at Multan in 1975. It was during this time that Zia invited Prime
Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as the Colonel-in-Chief of the Armoured Corps at
Multan, using his tailor to stitch the Blue Patrols of his size. The next day,
Bhutto was requested to climb a tank and engage a target, where the target was
quite obviously hit. After the function, Zia met Bhutto and expressed his loyalty
to him .[3]

On 1 March 1976, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto approved then-three star rank
general Lieutenant-General Zia as Chief of Army Staff and to be elevated to four-
star rank.[31]

This promotion was ahead of a number of more senior officers.[32] This promotion
was highly controversial but had political motives for Bhutto, who saw Zia as
firmly religious and an apolitical military figure who had distaste of politics.[2]
[page needed] This was the same motives and move made by future Prime minister
Nawaz Sharif who promoted Pervez Musharraf based on his political ambitious, as
Chief of Army Staff, but met the same fate as Bhutto in 1999 (although he was not
executed).[2]

At the time of his nominating the successor to the outgoing Chief of Army Staff
General Tikka Khan, the Lieutenant Generals in order of seniority were: Muhammad
Shariff, Akbar Khan, Aftab Ahmed, Azmat Baksh Awan, Ibrahim Akram, Abdul Majeed
Malik, Ghulam Jilani Khan, and Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq. But, Bhutto chose the most
junior, superseding seven more senior lieutenant-generals.[33] However, the senior
most at that time, Lieutenant-General Mohammad Shariff, though promoted to General,
was made the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, a constitutional post
akin to President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry.[34] Zia never called Bhutto "Mr. Prime
Minister", instead he called him sir when speaking to him.[35]

Planning of coup[edit]
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v t e
Prime Minister Bhutto began facing considerable criticism and increasing
unpopularity as his term progressed, the democratic socialists alliance who had
previously allied with Bhutto began to diminish as time progresses.[5] Initially
targeting leader of the opposition Vali Khan and his opposition National Awami
Party (NAP), also a socialist party. Despite the ideological similarity of the two
parties, the clash of egos both inside and outside the National Assembly became
increasingly fierce, starting with the Federal governments decision to oust the NAP
provincial government in Balochistan Province for alleged secessionist
activities[36] and culminating in the banning of the party and arrest of much of
its leadership after the death of a close lieutenant of Bhutto's, Hayat Sherpao, in
a bomb blast in the frontier town of Peshawar.

Civil disorders against Bhutto[edit]

Dissidence also increased within the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), and the murder
of leading dissident Ahmed Raza Kasuri's father led to public outrage and intra-
party hostility as Bhutto was accused of masterminding the crime. PPP leaders such
as Ghulam Mustafa Khar openly condemned Bhutto and called for protests against his
regime. The political crisis in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP now Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa) and Balochistan intensified as civil liberties remained suspended, and
an estimated 100,000 troops deployed there were accused of abusing human rights and
killing large numbers of civilians.[37]

1977 Parliamentary elections[edit]

On 8 January 1977 a large number of opposition political parties grouped to form
the Pakistan National Alliance[37] (PNA). Bhutto called fresh elections, and PNA
participated fully in those elections. They managed to contest the elections
jointly even though there were grave splits on opinions and views within the party.
The PNA faced defeat but did not accept the results, alleging that the election was
rigged. They proceeded to boycott the provincial elections. Despite this, there was
a high voter turnout in the national elections; however, as provincial elections
were held amidst low voter turnout and an opposition boycott, the PNA declared the
newly elected Bhutto government as illegitimate.[citation needed]

Coup d'tat[edit]
Further information: Operation Fair Play
Soon, all the opposition leaders called for the overthrow of Bhutto's regime.[5]
Political and civil disorder intensified, which led to more unrest.[38] On 21 April
1977, Bhutto imposed martial law in the major cities of Karachi, Lahore and
Hyderabad.[39] However, a compromise agreement between Bhutto and opposition was
ultimately reported.[40] Zia planned the Coup d'tat carefully, as he knew Bhutto
had integral intelligence in the Pakistan Armed Forces, and many officers,
including Chief of Air Staff Air Marshal Zulfiqar Ali Khan and Major-General
Tajammul Hussain Malik, GOC of 23rd Mountain Division, Major-General Naseerullah
Babar, DG of Directorate-General for the Military Intelligence (DGMI) and Vice-
Admiral Syed Mohammad Ahsan, were loyal to Bhutto.[citation needed]

The coup, (called "Operation Fair Play") transpired in the small hours of 5 July
1977. Before the announcement of any agreement, Bhutto and members of his cabinet
were arrested by troops of Military Police under the order of Zia.[37] Bhutto tried
to call Zia but all telephone lines were disconnected. When Zia spoke to him later,
he reportedly told Bhutto that he was sorry that he had been forced to perform such
an "unpleasant task".[41]

Zia and his military government portrayed the coup as a "spontaneous response to a
difficult situation", but his response was a complete contradiction. Soon after the
coup, Zia told the British journalist Edward Behr of Newsweek:

I [Zia] am the only man who took this decision [Fair Play] and I did so on 1700 Hrs
on 4[th] July after hearing the press statement which indicated that the talks
between Mr. Bhutto and the opposition had broken down. Had an agreement been
reached between them, I would certainly never had done what I did.

?General Zia-ul-Haq, statement given to Newsweek, [42]

However, Zia's Chief of Army Staff General Khalid Mahmud Arif contradicted Zia's
statement when Arif noted that the coup had already been planned, and the senior
leadership of Pakistan Armed Forces had solid information. Therefore, Arif met with
Bhutto on an emergency basis, stressing and urging Bhutto to "rush negotiations
with the opposition".[2] By Arif's and independent expert's accounts, the talks had
not broken down even though the coup was very much in the offing. Zia further
argued that Fair Play against Bhutto had been necessitated by the prospect of a
civil war that Bhutto had been planning, by distributing weapons to his supporters.
However, Arif strongly rejected Zia's remarks on Bhutto, and citing no evidence
that weapons were found or recovered at any of the party's election offices, the
military junta did not prosecute Bhutto on the charge of planning civil war.[2]

Immediately, the Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Mohammad Shariff announced his and
the navy's strong support for Zia and his military government. But, the Chief of
Air Staff General Zulfikar Ali Khan remains unsupported while the Chairman Joint
Chiefs of Staff Committee General Muhammad Shariff remains neutral, while he
silently expressed his support to Prime minister Zulfikar Bhutto.[2] In 1978, Zia
pressured President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry to appoint General Anwar Shamim as Chief
of Air Staff; and Admiral Karamat Rahman Niazi as Chief of Naval Staff in 1979.[43]
On Zia's recommendation, President Illahi appointed Admiral Mohammad Shariff as
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, hence making the Admiral the highest ranking
officer and principal military adviser overlooking all of the inter-services,
including the Chiefs of Staff of the respected forces.[43] In 1979, the Chiefs of
Army, Navy, and the Air Force, including the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
validated the coup as constitutional and legal under the war-torn circumstances,
pledging their support to Zia as well.[2][page needed]

United States sponsorship[edit]

President Ronald Reagan and Bill Clark meeting with President Zia-ul-Haq, 1982.
The United States, notably the Reagan Administration, was an ardent supporter of
Zia's military regime and a close ally of Pakistan's conservative-leaning ruling
military establishment.[44] The Reagan administration declared Zia's regime as the
"front line" ally of the United States in the fight against the threat of
Communism.[44][45] American legislators and senior officials most notable were
Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, Charlie Wilson, Joanne Herring, and the
civilian intelligence officers Michael Pillsbury and Gust Avrakotos, and senior US
military officials General John William Vessey, and General Herbert M. Wassom, had
been long associated with the Zia military regime where they had made frequent
trips to Pakistan advising on expanding the idea of establishment in the political
circle of Pakistan.[44] Nominally, the American conservatism of Ronald Reagan's
Republican Party influenced Zia to adopt his idea of Islamic Islamic conservatism
as the primary line of his military government, forcefully enforcing the Islamic
and other religious practices in the country.[44]

The socialist orientation had greatly alarmed the capitalist forces in Pakistan and
as well as brought a clinging bell tolls alarm to the United States who feared the
loss of Pakistan as an ally in the cold war.[2] Many of Pakistan's political
scientists and historians widely suspected that the riots and coup against Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto was orchestrated with help of the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
and the United States Government because United States growing fear of Bhutto's
socialist policies which were seen as sympathetic towards the Soviet Union and had
built a bridge that allowed Soviet Union to be involved in Pakistan, and had access
through Pakistan's warm water port; something that the United States was unable to
gain access since the establishment of Pakistan in 1947.[44][46] Former US Attorney
General Ramsey Clark widely suspected the United States' involvement in bringing
down the Bhutto's government, and publicly accused the United States' Government
after attending the trial.[46] On the other hand, the United States refused any
involvement in Bhutto's fall, and argued that it was Bhutto who had alienated
himself over the five years.[2] While witnessing the dramatic fall of Bhutto, one
US diplomat in American Embassy in Islamabad wrote that:

During Bhutto's five years in Pakistan's helm, Bhutto had retained an emotional
hold on the poor masses who had voted him overwhelmingly in 1970s general
elections. At the same time, however, Bhutto had many enemies. The socialist
economics and nationalization of major private industries during his first two
years on office had badly upsets the Business circles ... An ill-considered
decision to take over the wheat-milling, rice-husking, sugar mills, and cotton-
gaining, industries in July of 1976 had angered the small business owners and
traders. Both leftists socialists and communists, intellectuals, students, and
trade unionists felt betrayed by Bhutto's shift to centre-right wing conservative
economics policies and by his growing collaboration with powerful feudal lords,
Pakistan's traditional power brokers. After 1976, Bhutto's aggressive authoritarian
personal style and often high-handed way of dealing with political rivals,
dissidents, and opponents had also alienated many....[2]

Postponement of elections and call for accountability[edit]

After assuming power as Chief Martial Law Administrator, Zia shortly appeared on
national television, PTV promising to hold new and neutral parliamentary elections
within the next 90 days[2]

My sole aim is to organise free and fair elections which would be held in October
this year. Soon after the polls, power will be transferred to the elected
representatives of the people. I give a solemn assurance that I will not deviate
from this schedule.[47]

He also stated that the Constitution of Pakistan had not been abrogated, but
temporarily suspended. Zia did not trust the civilian institutions and legislators
to ensure the country's integrity and sovereignty[2] therefore, in October 1977, he
announced the postponement of the electoral plan and decided to start an
accountability process for the politicians.[48] On television, Zia strongly
defended his decision for postponing the elections and demanded that "scrutiny of
political leaders who had engaged in malpractice in the past".[48] Thus, the PNA
adopted its policy of "retribution first, elections later".[48] Zia's policy
severely tainted his credibility as many saw the broken promise as malicious.[49]
Another motive was that Zia widely suspected that once out of power the size of the
Pakistan Peoples Party rallies would swell and better performance in elections was
possible.[2] This led to request for postponement of elections by the right-wing
Islamists as well as left-wing socialists, formerly allied with Bhutto, which
displaced Bhutto in the first place. Zia dispatched an intelligence unit, known as
ISI's Political Wing, sending Brigadier-General Taffazul Hussain Siddiqiui, to
Bhutto's native Province, Sindh, to assess whether people would accept martial law.
The Political Wing also contacted the several right-wing Islamists and
conservatives, promising an election, with PNA power-sharing the government with
Zia. Zia successfully divided and separated the secular forces from right-wing
Islamists and conservatives, and later purged each member of the secular front.[2]

A Disqualification Tribunal was formed, and several individuals who had been
members of parliament were charged with malpractice and disqualified from
participating in politics at any level for the next seven years.[48] A white paper
document was issued, incriminating the deposed Bhutto government on several counts.
[48]

It is reported by senior officers that when Zia met federal secretaries for the
first time as leader of the country after martial law, he said that "He does not
possess the charisma of Bhutto, personality of Ayub Khan or the legitimacy of
Liaquat Ali Khan" thereby implying how can he be marketed.[2]
Reign as Chief Martial Law Administrator[edit]
After deposing Prime Minister Bhutto on 5 July 1977, Zia-ul-Haq declared martial
law, and appointed himself Chief Martial Law Administrator, which he remained until
becoming president on 16 September 1978.

The Doctrine of Necessity[edit]

Main article: Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization
Nusrat Bhutto, the wife of the deposed Prime Minister, filed a suit against Zia's
military regime, challenging the validity of the July 1977 military coup. The
Supreme Court of Pakistan ruled, in what would later be known as the Doctrine of
Necessity (not to be confused with the 1954 Doctrine of necessity) that, given the
dangerously unstable political situation of the time, Zia's overthrowing of the
Bhutto government was legal on the grounds of necessity. The judgement tightened
the general's hold on the government. When Bhutto appeared personally to argue his
appeal in the supreme court, he almost affirmed his concurrence with the judges
present for not letting off a judgement without imposing some conditions on ruling
military government.[clarification needed]

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Trial[edit]

Former elected Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was arrested during the coup but
released shortly afterwards. Upon his release, Bhutto travelled the country amid
adulatory crowds of PPP supporters. On 3 September 1977, he was arrested again by
the Army on charges of authorising the murder of a political opponent in March
1974. The trial proceedings began 24 October 1977 and lasted five months. On 18
March 1978, Bhutto was declared guilty of murder and was sentenced to death.

In the words of Aftab Kazie and Roedad Khan, Zia hated Bhutto and had used
inappropriate language and insults to describe Bhutto and his colleagues.[50][51]
[52][full citation needed] The Supreme Court ruled four to three in favour of
execution. The High Court had given him the death sentence on charges of the murder
of the father of Ahmed Raza Kasuri, a dissident PPP politician.[53] Despite many
clemency appeals from foreign leaders requesting Zia to commute Bhutto's death
sentence, Zia dismissed the appeals and upheld the death sentence.[53] On 4 April
1979, Bhutto was hanged, after the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence as
passed by the Lahore High Court.[53]

The hanging of an elected prime minister by a military was condemned by the

international community and by lawyers and jurists across Pakistan.[53] Bhutto's
trial was highly controversial.[53]

Bhutto's last personal appearance and utterances in the supreme court were not
merely a long defence of his conduct; he also made some matters clear. He mentioned
the words of "heir" for his son "Mir Murtaza Bhutto". He made some remark which
indicated that he has views similar to a Sunni, though he was Shia albeit a non-
practicing one. He also effectively cast doubt on the reliability of star witnesses
against him i.e. Masood Mahmood who was a UK-trained lawyer and not merely a police
officer and FSF chief. He mentioned repeatedly Lahori Ahmedi connection of Masood
Mahmood in his testimony. He repeatedly brought the subject of his maltreatment in
the death cell. Bhutto made it abundantly clear, even though indirectly that he
wanted either freedom or death, not some thing in between, and appreciated Khar and
his lawyer Yahya Bakhtiar.[citation needed]

Appointment of Martial Law Administrators[edit]

Martial law judges[edit]
Main article: Supreme Court of Pakistan
The Ad hoc appointments of senior justices at the Supreme Court of Pakistan was one
of the earliest and major steps were taken out by the military government under
General Zia-ul-Haq.[54] Zia had recognised the fact that since, Bhutto had good
equations with the governments of the Soviet Union, China, and all the important
western countries, excluding the United States.[54] Still, it was a formidable
array of sovereigns, presidents and prime ministers and the PPP can be forgiven for
making a massive political miscalculations.[54]

After calling for martial law, Zia pressured President Fazal Illahi to appoint
Justice Sheikh Anwarul Haq to Chief Justice of Pakistan on 23 September 1977.[54]
Immediately, chief justice Yaqub Ali was forcefully removed from the office after
the latter agreed to re-hear the petition filed at the supreme court by the peoples
party's chairwoman Nusrat Bhutto on 20 September 1977.[54] After Justice Yaqub
Ali's removal, Bhutto objected to the inclusion of the new Chief Justice, Sheikh
Anwar-ul-Haq, as a chief justice of the Bench on the grounds that by accepting the
office of acting president during the absence of Zia-ul-Haq from the country, he
had compromised his impartial status.[54] Bhutto also stated that the Chief Justice
in his public statements had been critical of his government in the recent past.
[54]

The objection was over-ruled by the Chief Justice Anwarul Haq, and the case of
Bhutto was again heard by the Chief Justice Anwar-ul-Haq as the bench's lead judge,
and presided the whole case of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto while forcing the martial law
throughout Pakistan.[54] Shortly, after Zia's return, another judge Mushtak Ahmad
also gained Zia and Anwar-ul-Haq's support and elevated as the ad hoc Chief Justice
of Lahore High Court; he was too part of the bench who retained the death sentence
of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto even though Bhutto was not declared guilty of the murder of
the political opponent.[54] In 1979, when Zia departed for Saudi Arabia, Justice
Haq served as interim president of Pakistan.[54]

Martial law governors[edit]

Main article: Martial Law Administrator of Balochistan

Zia presenting the Hilal-i-Imtiaz to Shamim Alam Khan.

The Zia regime largely made use of installing high-profile military generals to
carte blanche provincial administration under martial law. Zia's Guides Cavalry
comrade and foul-mouth Lieutenant-General Fazhle Haque was appointed Martial Law
Administrator of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Province.[55] Lieutenant-General Fazle Haque
was considered a strong vocal General and a strong man. General Haque was the
commander of the XI Corps, and commanding-general officer of the Army elements
responsible for fighting a secret war against Soviet Union.[55]

The second appointment was of Lieutenant-General S.M. Abbasi who was appointed
Martial Law Administrator of Sindh Province; his tenure too saw civil disorder amid
student riots.[55] By contrast, third martial law administrator appointment of
Lieutenant-General Ghulam Jilani Khan to the Punjab Province made much headway in
beautifying Lahore[55] extending infrastructure, and muting political opposition.
[55] The ascent of Navaz Sharif to Chief Minister of Punjab was largely due to
General Jilani's sponsorship.[56] Perhaps most crucially, final and fourth martial
law administrator appointment was then-Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan.[55]
Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to the post of Martial Law
Administrator of Balochistan Province saw the disbanding of the Baloch insurgency,
the containment of Afghan Mujahideen, as well as the construction of nuclear test
sites in the Chagai District.[55]

Zia's tenure saw the influx of heroin,[55] sophisticated weaponry, and countless
refugees in from neighbouring Afghanistan.[55] Law and order deterioration was
worse after he appointed Mr. Junejo as Prime minister in 1985.[55] The government
did not locate evidence of Zia having a relationship in the heroin trade, but has
been considered.[57]

Zia benefited from the extremely capable martial law administrators who previously
had worked with the military governments of former president Yahya Khan and Ayub
Khan in the 1960s.[43] One of the notable officers that had worked with him were
General Khalid Arief, Chief of Army Staff, and Admiral Mohammad Shariff, Chairman
Joint Chiefs.[43] Both were noted by Western governments as highly capable and had
wide experience from the military government of the East-Pakistan and remained
General Zia' confidential members.[43][58]

Both Admiral Sharif and General Arif handled the matters efficiently if the matters
were out of control by Zia. In 1979, Zia influenced the Navy's Promotion Board
several times after he succeeded first in the appointment of Admiral Caramatt Nazi
as Chief of Naval Staff in 1979, and Admiral Tarik Kamal Khan, also chief of naval
staff, in 1983.[43] On his request, then-President Fazal Illahi approved the
appointment of General Anwar Shamim as Chief of Air Staff and following President's
resignation, Zia appointed Shamim as the Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator.
[43] In the matters of serious national security, General Zia had taken the chief
of air staff and chief of naval staff in confidence after he discussed the matters
with the respected chiefs of Staff.[43] Zia's appointment in inter-services were
highly crucial for his military government and pre-emptive measure to ensure the
continuous loyalty of Navy and Air Force to himself and his new military
government.[43]

Reign as President of Pakistan[edit]

Assumption of the post of President of Pakistan[edit]

General Zia-ul-Haq during a meeting with United States dignitaries

Despite the dismissal of most of the Bhutto government, President Fazal Ilahi
Chaudhry was persuaded to continue in office as a figurehead.[59] After completing
his term, and despite Zia's insistence to accept an extension as President,
Chaudhry resigned, and Zia took the office of President of Pakistan on 16 September
1978. Thus his position was cemented as the undisputed ruler of the country. Over
the next six years, Zia issued several decrees which amended the constitution and
greatly expanded his power. Most significantly, the Revival of Constitution of 1973
Order granted Zia the power to dissolve the National Assembly virtually at will.

The Military Government of General Zia-ul-Haq

Presidential cabinet Officer holder Term
President General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq 19781988
Prime Minister Mohammad Khan Junejo 19851988
Foreign Affairs Agha Shahi
Lt.General Yaqub Khan 19771982
19821992
Treasury Ghulam Ishaq Khan
Dr. Mahbub-ul-Haq 19771985
19851988
Law, Justice Sharifuddin Pirzada 19771988
Interior Air Mshl Inamul Haq Khan
Mahmoud Haroon
Lt.General Farooq Lodhi
Aslam Khan
Wasim Sajjad 19771978
19781984
19841985
19851987
19871988
Defence Lt.General Ghulam Jilani Khan
Maj.General Rahim Khan 19771980
19801988
Science advisor Lt.General Zahid Ali Akbar
Munir Ahmad Khan 19771983
19831988
Health Lt.General Vajid Ali Khan 19771988
Media broadcasting Brig.General Siddique Salik 19771988
Internal Security Roedad Khan 19771988
Public Service Adm Mohammad Sharif 19801988
Communications Adm Tariq Kamal Khan 19861988
Economic Adm Karamat Rahman Niazi 19831988
Intelligence Maj.General Rao Farman Ali 19831988
Political structural changes[edit]
Formation of Majlis-e-Shoora[edit]
Main articles: Parliament of Pakistan, Technocracy, and Bureaucracy
Although ostensibly only holding office until free elections could be held, General
Zia, like the previous military governments, disproved of the lack of discipline
and orderliness that often accompanies multiparty "parliamentary democracy." He
preferred a "presidential" form of government[60] and a system of decision making
by technical experts, or "technocracy". His first replacement for the parliament or
National Assembly was a Majlis-e-Shoora, or "consultative council." After banning
all political parties in 1979 he disbanded Parliament and at the end of 1981 set up
the majlis, which was to act as a sort of board of advisors to the President and
assist with the process of Islamization.[61] The 350 members of the Shoora were to
be nominated by the President and possessed only the power to consult with him,[60]
and in reality served only to endorse decisions already taken by the government.
[60][62] Most members of the Shoora were intellectuals, scholars, ulema,
journalists, economists, and professionals in different fields.[citation needed]

Zia's parliament and his military government reflect the idea of "military-
bureaucratic technocracy" (MBT) where professionals, engineers, and high-profile
military officers were initially part of his military government. His antipathy for
the politicians led the promotion of bureaucratic-technocracy which was seen a
strong weapon of countering the politicians and their political strongholds.
[citation needed] Senior statesman and technocrats were included physicist-turned
diplomat Agha Shahi, jurist Sharifuddin Perzada, corporate leader Nawaz Sharif,
economist Mahbub ul Haq, and senior statesman Aftab Kazie, Roedad Khan, and
chemist-turned diplomat Ghulam Ishaq Khan were a few of the leading technocratic
figures in his military government.

Referendum of 1984[edit]
After Bhutto's execution, momentum to hold elections began to mount both
internationally and within Pakistan. But before handing over power to elected
representatives, Zia-ul-Haq attempted to secure his position as the head of state.
A referendum was held on 19 December 1984 with the option being to elect or reject
the General as the future President, the wording of the referendum making a vote
against Zia appear to be a vote against Islam.[60] According to official figures
95% of votes were cast in favour of Zia, however only 10% of the electorate
participated in the referendum.

1985 elections and constitutional amendments[edit]

Main articles: Eighth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan and Pakistani
general election, 1985
After holding the 1984 referendum, Zia succumbed to international pressure and gave
permission to election commission to hold national wide general elections but
without political parties in February 1985.[11] Most of the major opposing
political parties decided to boycott the elections but election results showed that
many victors belonged to one party or the other. Critics complained that ethnic and
sectarian mobilisation filled the void left by banning political parties (or making
elections "non-partisan"), to the detriment of national integration.[63]

The General worked to give himself the power to dismiss the Prime Minister dissolve
the National Assembly, appoint provincial governors and the chief of the armed
forces. His prime minister Muhammad Khan Junejo was known as unassuming and soft-
spoken but was a Sindhi.[11]

Before handing over the power to the new government and lifting the martial law,
Zia got the new legislature to retroactively accept all of Zia's actions of the
past eight years, including his coup of 1977.[citation needed] He also managed to
get several amendments passed, most notably the Eighth Amendment, which granted
"reserve powers" to the president to dissolve the Parliament.[11] However, this
amendment considerably reduced the power he'd previously granted himself to
dissolve the legislature, at least on paper.[11] The text of the amendment
permitted Zia to dissolve the Parliament only if the government had been toppled by
a vote of no confidence and it was obvious that no one could form a government or
the government could not function in a constitutional manner.[11]

Economic policy[edit]
Main article: Market Corporatization in Pakistan
See also: Fifth Five-Year Plans of Pakistan
In general Zia gave economic development and policy a fairly low priority (aside
from Islamization) and delegating its management to technocrats such as Ghulam
Ishaq Khan, Aftab Qazi and Vaseem Jaffrey. [64] However, between 1977 and 1986, the
country experienced an average annual growth in the GNP of 6.8%the highest in the
world at that timethanks in large part to remittances from the overseas workers,
rather than government policy.[64] The first year of Zia's government coincided
with a dramatic rise in remittances, which totalled $3.2 billion/year for most of
the 1980s, accounted for 10 percent of Pakistans's GDP; 45 percent of its current
account receipts, and 40 percent of total foreign exchange earnings.[65][66]

By the time General Zia had initiated the coup against Prime Minister Zulfikar
Bhutto, the economic cycle process of nationalisation program was completed. The
socialist orientation and nationalisation program was slowly reversed; the idea of
corporatisation was heavily favoured by President Zia-ul-Haq to direct the
authoritarianism in the nationalised industries. One of his well-known and earliest
initiatives were aimed to Islamized the national economy which featured the
Interest-free economic cycle. No actions towards privatising the industries were
ordered by President Zia; only three steel mill industries were returned to its
previous owners.

By the end of 1987, the Finance ministry had begun studying the process of engaging
the gradual privatisation and economic liberalisation.

Soviet-Afghan War and Strategic initiatives[edit]

Soviet invasion and Soviet-Afghan War[edit]
Main article: Soviet war in Afghanistan
On 25 December 1979, the Soviet Union (USSR) 'intervened' in Afghanistan.[67]
Following this invasion, Zia chaired a meeting and was asked by several cabinet
members to refrain from interfering in the war, owing to the vastly superior
military power of the USSR[67] Zia, however, was ideologically opposed to the idea
of communism taking over a neighbouring country, supported by the fear of Soviet
advancement into Pakistan, particularly Balochistan, in search of warm waters, and
made no secret about his intentions of monetarily and militarily aiding the Afghan
resistance (the Mujahideen) with major assistance from the United States.[67]

During this meeting, the Director-General of the Directorate for Inter-Services

Intelligence (ISI) then-Lieutenant-General Akhtar Abdur Rahman advocated for a
covert operation in Afghanistan by arming Islamic extremists.[67] During this
meeting, General Rahman was heard saying: "Kabul must burn! Kabul must burn!",[67]
and mastered the idea of a proxy war in Afghanistan.[67] After this meeting, Zia
authorised this operation under General Rahman, and it was later merged with
Operation Cyclone, a programme funded by the United States and the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA).[67]
In November 1982, Zia travelled to Moscow to attend the funeral of Leonid Brezhnev,
the late General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Soviet
Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and new Secretary General Yuri Andropov met with
Zia there. Andropov expressed indignation over Pakistan's support of the Afghan
resistance against the Soviet Union and her satellite state, Soviet Afghanistan.
Zia took his hand and assured him, "General Secretary, believe me, Pakistan wants
nothing but very good relations with the Soviet Union".[68] According to Gromyko,
Zia's sincerity convinced them, but Zia's actions didn't live up to his words.[68]

Zia reversed many of Bhutto's foreign policy initiatives by first establishing

stronger links with the United States, Japan, and the Western world.[69] Zia broken
off relations with the Socialist state and State capitalism became his major
economic policy. US politician Charlie Wilson claims that Zia directly dealt with
the Israelis, working to build covert relations with them, allowing the country to
actively participate in the Soviet war in Afghanistan. Helped by ISI, the Mossad
channelled Soviet reversed engineered weapons to Afghanistan.[69] In Wilson's own
word, Zia is reported to have remarked to the Israeli intelligence service: "Just
don't put any stars of David on the boxes".[69]

Consolidation of atomic bomb programme[edit]

One of the earliest initiatives taken by Zia in 1977, was to militarise the
integrated atomic energy programme which was founded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in
1972.[70] During the first stages, the programme was under the control of Bhutto
and the Directorate for Science, under Science Advisor Dr. Mubashir Hassan,who was
heading the civilian committee that supervised the construction of the facilities
and laboratories.[70] This atomic bomb project had no boundaries with Munir Ahmad
Khan and Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan leading their efforts separately and reported to
Bhutto and his science adviser Dr. Hassan who had little interest in the atomic
bomb project.[70] Major-General Zahid Ali Akbar, an engineering officer, had little
role in the atomic project; Zia responded by taking over the programme under
military control and disbanded the civilian directorate when he ordered the arrest
of Hassan. This whole giant nuclear energy project was transferred into the
administrative hands of Major-General Akbar who was soon made the Lieutenant-
General and Engineer-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army Corps of Engineers to deal with
the authorities whose co-operation was required. Akbar consolidated the entire
project by placing the scientific research under military control, setting
boundaries and goals. Akbar proved to be an extremely capable officer in the
matters of science and technology when he aggressively led the development of
nuclear weapons under Munir Ahmad Khan and Abdul Qadeer Khan in a matter of five
years.[70]

By the time, Zia assumed control, the research facilities became fully functional
and 90% of the work on atom bomb project was completed. Both the Pakistan Atomic
Energy Commission (PAEC) and the Khan Research Laboratories (KRL) had built the
extensive research infrastructure started by Bhutto. Akbar's office was shifted to
Army Combatant General Headquarters (GHQ) and Akbar guided Zia on key matters of
nuclear science and atomic bomb production. He became the first engineering officer
to have acknowledge Zia about the success of this energy project into a fully
matured programme. On the recommendation of Akbar, Zia approved the appointment of
Munir Ahmad Khan as the scientific director of the atomic bomb project, as Zia was
convinced by Akbar that civilian scientists under Munir Khan's directorship were at
their best to counter international pressure.[70]

This was proved when the PAEC conducted the cold-fission test of a fission device,
codename Kirana-I on 11 March 1983 at the Weapon-Testing Laboratories-I, under the
leadership of weapon-testing laboratory's director Dr. Ishfaq Ahmad.[70]
Lieutenant-General Zahid Akbar went to GHQ and notified Zia about the success of
this test. The PAEC responded by conducting several cold-tests throughout the
1980s, a policy also continued by Benazir Bhutto in the 1990s.[70] According to the
reference in the book, "Eating Grass", Zia was so deeply convinced of the
infiltration of Western and American moles and spies into the project, that he
extended his role in the atomic bomb, which reflected extreme "paranoia", in both
his personal and professional life.[71] He virtually had PAEC and KRL separated
from each other and made critical administrative decisions rather than putting
scientists in charge of the aspects of the atomic programmes.[71] His actions
spurred innovation in the atomic bomb project and an intense secrecy and security
culture permeated PAEC and KRL.[71]

Nuclear diplomacy[edit]
Unlike Bhutto, who faced rogue criticism and a heated diplomatic war with the
United States throughout the 1970s, Zia took different diplomatic approaches to
counter the international pressure.[70] From 1979 to 1983, the country was made a
subject of attack by international organisation for not signing the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty (NPT); Zia deftly neutralised international pressure by
tagging Pakistan's nuclear weapons programme to the nuclear designs of the
neighbouring Indian nuclear programme.[70] Zia, with the help of Munir Ahmad Khan
and Agha Shahi, Foreign Minister, drew a five-point proposal as a practical
rejoinder to world pressure on Pakistan to sign the NPT; the points including the
renouncing of the use of nuclear weapons.[72]

(sic)...Either General Zia did not know the facts about country's atomic bomb
project... Or General Zia was the "most superb and patriotic liar I have ever
met...."
Vernon Walters, 1981, [73]
Following the success of Operation Opera in which an Israeli Air Force strike took
place to destroy the Iraqi nuclear programme in 1981 suspicion grew in Pakistan
that the Indian Air Force had similar plans for Pakistan.[74] In a private meeting
with General Anwar Shamim, then-Chief of Air Staff, Zia had notified General Shamim
that the Indian Air Force had plans to infiltrate Pakistan's nuclear energy
project, citing solid evidence.[74] Shamim felt that the Air Force was unable to
divert such attacks, therefore, he advised Zia to use diplomacy through Munir Ahmad
Khan to divert the attacks.[74] At Vienna, Munir Ahmad Khan met with Indian
physicist Raja Ramanna and notified him that such an attack would provoke a nuclear
war between the two countries.[75] In the meantime, Shamim decided to start the
programme to acquire the F-16 Falcons and A-5 Fanton jets for the Pakistan Air
Force.[74] Shamim launched Operation Sentinel- a counter operation that thwarted
the Israeli Air Force attempt to sabotage Pakistan's nuclear energy project forced
Indian Premier Indira Gandhi to held talks with Pakistan on nuclear issues and
directed a high delegation to Pakistan where both countries pledged not to assist
or attack each other's facilities. In 1985, following the induction of the F-16
Falcons and A-5 Fantons, Shamim commissioned the Air Force Strategic Command to
protect and battle the weapons of mass destruction.[74]

In 1977, Zia ultimately adopted the policy of "Nuclear opacity" to deliberately

deny the atomic bomb programmes.[73] This policy of nuclear ambiguity was adopted
after witnessing the success of Israel's nuclear programme and on multiple
occasions Zia broke his words and promises concerning the nature of the country's
atomic bomb project.[73] On nuclear policy issues, Zia deliberately misguided the
United States and concealed classified information from the outside world.[73] The
United States trusted Zia's sincerity and his promises made to the United States;
Zia gave assurances to the United States not to produce weapons-grade plutonium and
highly enriched uranium (HEU) above a 5% level.[73] However, the Deputy Director of
the Central Intelligence Agency, Vernon Walter, confronted Zia on his secret trip
to Pakistan in October 1981. Confronted with the evidence, Zia acknowledged that
the information "must be true," but then denied everything, leading Walters to
conclude that: "either Zia "did not know the facts" or was the "most superb and
patriotic liar I have ever met...".[73]
Nuclear proliferation[edit]
Soon after the coup, the clandestine nuclear energy project was no longer a secret
to the outside world.[70] Part of his strategy was the promotion of nuclear
proliferation in anti-western states (such as North Korea, Iran, and communist
China) to aid their own nuclear ambitions, to divert international attention which
was difficult.[70] In 1981, Zia contracted with China when he sent weapon-grade
uranium to China and also built the centrifuge laboratory which increasingly
enhanced the Chinese nuclear programme.[70] This act encouraged Abdul Qadeer Khan,
who allegedly tried to aid the Libyan nuclear programme but because LibyaPakistan
relations were strained, Khan was warned of serious consequences.[70] This policy
envisaged that this would deflect international pressure onto these countries, and
Pakistan would be spared the international community's wrath.[76]

After Zia's death, his successor General Mirza Aslam Beg, as Chief of Army Staff,
encouraged Abdul Qadeer Khan and gave him a free hand to work with some like-minded
nations such as North Korea, Iran and Libya which also wanted to pursue their
nuclear ambitions for a variety of reasons. In 2004, Abdul Khan's dismissal from
the nuclear weapons programme was considered a face saving exercise by the Pakistan
Armed Forces and political establishment under the then Chief of Army Staff and
President General Pervez Musharraf.[77] Zia's nuclear proliferation policy had a
deep impact on the world, especially anti-western states, most nominally North
Korea and Iran. In the 2000s (decade), North Korea would soon follow the same suit
after it was targeted by the international community for its on-going nuclear
programme. In the 2000s (decade), North Korea attempted to aid the Syrian and
Iranian nuclear programmes in the 1990s.[70] The North Korean connection to the
Syrian nuclear programme was exposed in 2007 by Israel in its successful strategic
operation, Orchard, which resulted in them sabotaging the Syrian nuclear programme
as well as the deaths of 10 senior North-Korean scientists who were aiding the
nuclear program.

Expansion[edit]
Even though Zia had removed the Bhutto sentiment in the nuclear energy project, Zia
did not completely disband Bhutto's policy on nuclear weapons. After the retirement
of Zahid Ali Akbar, Zia transferred control of the nuclear weapons programme to
Bhutto's close aide Munir Ahmad Khan, Chairman of the Pakistan Atomic Energy
Commission. Soon, Zia promoted Khan as the technical director of the entire
programme as well as appointing Khan as his Science Adviser.[70] With the support
of handpicked civilian Prime Minister Muhammad Juneijo, Zia sanctioned the launch
of the 50 Megawatt (MW) heavy water plutonium production reactor, known as Khushab-
I, at Khushab in 1985.[70] Zia also took initiatives to launched the space projects
as spin-off to nuclear project.[70] Zia appointed nuclear engineer Salim Mehmud as
the Administrator of the Space Research Commission.[78] Zia also launched the work
on the country's first satellite, Badr-1, a military satellite.[78] In 1987, Zia
launched the clandestine aerospace project, the Integrated Missile Research
Programme under General Anwar Shamim in 1985, and later under Lieutenant-General
Talat Masood in 1987.[79]

International standing enhancement and resumption of aid[edit]

Zia's international standing greatly rose after his declaration to fight the Soviet
invaders. PakistanUnited States relations took a much more positive turn. US
President Jimmy Carter and his Secretary of State, Cyrus Vance, cut off US aid to
Pakistan on the grounds that Pakistan had not made sufficient progress on the
nuclear issue. Then, on 25 December 1979, the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, and
Carter offered Pakistan $325 million in aid over three years. Zia rejected this as
"peanuts."[80] Carter also signed the finding in 1980 that allowed less than $50
million a year to go to the Mujahideen. After Ronald Reagan came to office,
defeating Carter for the US Presidency in 1980, all this changed, due to President
Reagan's new priorities and the unlikely and remarkably effective effort by
Congressman Charles Wilson aided by Joanne Herring, and CIA Afghan Desk Chief Gust
Avrakotos to increase the funding for Operation Cyclone. Aid to the Afghan
resistance, and to Pakistan, increased substantially, finally reaching $1 billion.
The United States, faced with a rival superpower looking as if it were to create
another Communist bloc, now engaged Zia to fight a US-aided war by proxy in
Afghanistan against the Soviets.

Fighting the war by proxy[edit]

Zia now found himself in a position to demand billions of dollars in aid for the
mujahideen from the Western states, famously dismissing a United States proposed
$325 million aid package as "peanuts". Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence and
Special Service Group now became actively involved in the conflict, and in co-
operation with the Central Intelligence Agency and the United States Army Special
Forces supported the armed struggle against the Soviets.

In 1981, Ronald Reagan succeeded Jimmy Carter as President of the United States.
Reagan was completely against the Soviet Union and its communist satellites,
dubbing it "the evil empire". Reagan now increased financial aid heading for
Pakistan. In 1981, the Reagan Administration sent the first of 40 F-16 jet fighters
to the Pakistanis. But the Soviets kept control of the Afghan skies until the
mujahideen received Stinger missiles in 1986. From that moment on, the mujahideen's
strategic position steadily improved.

The Soviets declared a policy of national reconciliation. In January they announced

that a Soviet withdrawal was no longer linked to the makeup of the Afghan
government remaining behind. Pakistan, with the massive extra-governmental and
covert backing from the largest operation ever mounted by the CIA and financial
support of Saudi Arabia, therefore, played a large part in the eventual withdrawal
of Soviet troops from Afghanistan in 1988.

The war legacy[edit]

The rise of the illicit drug trade and its spread through Pakistan to the rest of
the world increased tremendously during the Soviet-Afghan war. Afghanistan's drug
industry began to take off after the Soviet invasion in 1979. Desperate for cash
with which to buy weapons, various elements in the anti-Communist resistance turned
to the drug trade. This was tolerated if not condoned by their American sponsors
such as the CIA.[81]

'Sharization' of Pakistan[edit]
Main article: Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization
The "primary" policy,[2] or "centerpiece" of Zia's government was "Sharization" or
"Islamization".[82]

In 1977, prior to the coup, the drinking and selling of wine by Muslims, along with
nightclubs, and horse racing was banned by Prime Minister Bhutto in an effort to
stem the tide of street Islamization.[83][84] Zia went much further, committing
himself to enforce Nizam-e-Mustafa ("Rule of the prophet" or Islamic System, i.e.
establishing an Islamic state and sharia law[84]), a significant turn from
Pakistan's predominantly secular law, inherited from the British.

In his first televised speech to the country as head of state Zia declared that

Pakistan which was created in the name of Islam will continue to survive only if it
sticks to Islam. That is why I consider the introduction of [an] Islamic system as
an essential prerequisite for the country.[85]

In the past he complained, "Many a ruler did what they pleased in the name of
Islam."[86][87]
Zia established "Sharia Benches" in each High Court (later the Federal Sharia
Court)[87][88] to judge legal cases using the teachings of the Quran and the Sunna,
and to bring Pakistan's legal statutes into alignment with Islamic doctrine.[89]
Zia bolstered the influence of the ulama (Islamic clergy) and the Islamic parties.
[89] 10,000s of activists from the Jamaat-e-Islami party were appointed to
government posts to ensure the continuation of his agenda after his passing.[82]
[84][89] Conservative ulama (Islamic scholars) were added to the Council of Islamic
Ideology.[88]

Islamisation was a sharp change from Bhutto's original philosophical rationale

captured in the slogan, "Food, clothing, and shelter".[2] In Zia's view, socialist
economics and a secular-socialist orientation served only to upset Pakistan's
natural order and weaken its moral fibre.[2] General Zia defended his policies in
an interview in 1979 given to British journalist Ian Stephens:

The basis of Pakistan was Islam. ... Muslims of the subcontinent are a separate
culture. It was on the Two-Nation Theory that this part was carved out of the
Subcontinent as Pakistan.... Mr. Bhutto's way of flourishing in this Society was by
eroding its moral fiber. ... by pitching students against teachers, children
against their parents, landlord against tenants, workers against mill owners.
[Pakistan has economic difficulties] because Pakistanis have been made to believe
that one can earn without working. ... We are going back to Islam not by choice but
by the force of circumstances. It is not I or my government that is imposing Islam.
It was what 99 percent of people wanted; the street violence against Bhutto
reflected the people's desire ...

?General Zia-ul-Haq, [2][page needed]

How much of Zia's motivation came from piety and how much from political
calculation is disputed. One author points out that Zia was conspicuously silent on
the dispute between the heterodox Zikri and the 'Ulama in Balochistan where he
needed stability.[90] Secular and leftist forces accused Zia of manipulating Islam
for political ends.[87] According to Nusrat Bhutto, former First Lady of Pakistan:

The ... horrors of 1971 war ... are (still) alive and vivid in the hearts and the
minds of people of [Pakistan]...Therefore, General Zia insanely ... used Islam ...
to ensure the survival of his own regime....

?Nusrat Bhutto, [87]

How much success Zia had using state-sponsored Islamisation to strengthen national
cohesion is also disputed. Religious riots broke out in 1983 and 1984.[91]
Sectarian divisions between Sunnis and Shia worsened over the issue of the 1979
Zakat ordinance, but differences in fiqh jurisprudence also arose in marriage and
divorce, inheritance and wills and imposition of hadd punishments.[92][93]

Among Sunni Muslims, Deobandis and Barelvis also had disputes.[91] Zia favoured
Deobandi doctrine and the Sufi pirs of Sindh (who were Barelvi) joined the anti-Zia
Movement for the Restoration of Democracy.[91]

Hudood Ordinance[edit]
Main article: Hudood Ordinance
In one of his first and most controversial measures to Islamize Pakistani society
was the replacement of parts of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) with the 1979 "Hudood
Ordinance."[94] (Hudood meaning limits or restrictions, as in limits of acceptable
behaviour in Islamic law.) The Ordinance added new criminal offences of adultery
and fornication to Pakistani law, and new punishments of whipping, amputation, and
stoning to death.[95]

For theft or robbery, the PPC punishments of imprisonment or fine, or both, were
replaced by amputation of the right hand of the offender for theft, and amputation
of the right hand and left foot for robbery.[83] For Zina (extramarital sex) the
provisions relating to adultery were replaced by the Ordinance with punishments of
flogged 100 lashes for those unmarried offenders, and stoning to death for married
offenders.[83]

All these punishments were dependent on proof required for hadd being met. In
practice the Hudd requirementfour Muslim men of good repute testifying as witness
to the crimewas seldom met. As of 2014, no one offenders have been stoned or had
limbs amputated by the Pakistani judicial system. To be found guilty of theft,
zina, or drinking alcohol by less strict tazir standardswhere the punishment was
flogging and/or imprisonmentwas common, and there have been many floggings.

More worrisome for human rights and women's rights advocates, lawyers and
politicians was the incarceration of thousands of rape victims on charges of zina.
[83] The onus of providing proof in a rape case rests with the woman herself.[83]
Uncorroborated testimony by women was inadmissible in hudood crimes.[96] If the
victim/accuser was unable to prove her allegation, bringing the case to court was
considered equivalent to a confession of sexual intercourse outside of lawful
marriage.[83] Despite this the ordinance remained in force until the Women's
Protection Bill was passed in 2006.[97]

Although the Sharia punishments were imposed, the due process, witnesses, law of
evidence, and prosecution system remained Anglo-Saxon.[83]

The hybridisation of Pakistan penal code with Islamic laws was difficult because of
the difference in the underlying logic of the two legal systems.[83] PPC was kingly
law, Haddood is a religious and community-based law.

Other sharia laws[edit]

Under Zia, the order for women to cover their heads while in public was implemented
in public schools, colleges and state television. Women's participation in sports
and the performing arts was severely restricted. Following Sharia law, women's
legal testimony was given half the weight of a man's, according to critics. Unlike
men, women entering into legal contracts were required to have their signature
witness by another person.[96]

In 1980 the "Zakat and Ushr Ordinance, 1980" was implemented.[98] The measure
called for a 2.5% annual deduction from personal bank accounts on the first day of
Ramadan, with Zia stating that the revenues would be used for poverty relief.[99]
Zakat committees were established to oversee distribution of the funds.[89]

In 1981 interest payments were replaced by "profit and loss" accounts (though
profit was thought to be simply interest by another name).[99] Textbooks were
overhauled to remove un-Islamic material, and un-Islamic books were removed from
libraries.[99] Eating and drinking during Ramadan was outlawed, attempts were made
to enforce praying of salat five times a day.[89]

Blasphemy ordinances[edit]
To outlaw blasphemy, the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) and the Criminal Procedure Code
(CrPC) were amended through ordinances in 1980, 1982 and 1986. The 1980 law
prohibited derogatory remarks against Islamic personages, and carried a three-year
prison sentence.[100] In 1982 the small Ahmadiyya religious minority were
prohibited from saying or implying they were Muslims. In 1986 declaring anything
implying disrespect to the Islamic prophet Muhammad, Ahl al-Bayt (family members of
Muhammad), Sahabah (companions of Muhammad) or Sha'ar-i-Islam (Islamic symbols) was
made a cognisable offence, punishable with imprisonment or fine, or both.[101]

Madrassa Expansions[edit]
Traditional religious madrassass in Pakistan received state sponsorship for the
first time, under the General Zia-ul-Haq's administration,[102] Their number grew
from 893 to 2,801. Most were Deobandi in doctrinal orientation, while one quarter
of them were Barelvi.[103] They received funding from Zakat councils and provided
free religious training, room and board to impoverished Pakistanis.[104] The
schools, which banned televisions and radios, have been criticised by authors for
stoking sectarian hatred both between Muslim sects and against non-Muslims.[102]
[103][104]

Cultural policies[edit]
Main article: New wave of rock music in Pakistan (1980-1989)
In a 1979 address to the nation, Zia decried the Western culture and music in the
country. Soon afterwards, PTV, the national television network ceased playing music
videos and only patriotic songs were broadcast.[105] New taxes were levied on the
film industry and most of the cinemas in Lahore were shut down.[106] New tax rates
were introduced, further decreasing cinema attendances.[106]

This was despite strong support from the largest Western country, the United
States, and warm meetings between Zia and President Ronald Reagan.[55] It was under
Zia and the economic prosperity of his era that the country's urban middle and
lower-middle-classes expanded and Western 1980s fashion wear and hairstyle spread
in popularity, and rock music bands gained momentum, according to leftist cultural
critic Nadeem F. Paracha.[107]

Welfare of the people with disabilities[edit]

During his tenure, he oversaw passing of an ordinance for the welfare of people
with disabilities. The ordinance is called "The Disabled Persons (Employment and
Rehabilitation) Ordinance, 1981" and it was passed into law on 29 December 1981. It
provides the measures for the employment, rehabilitation and welfare of the people
with disabilities.[108]

Dismissal of the Junejo government and call for new elections[edit]

As time passed, the legislature wanted to have more freedom and power and by the
beginning of 1988, rumours about the differences between Prime Minister Muhammad
Khan Junejo and Zia were rife.

It is said by some that Zia-Junejo rift was encouraged by late Mahboob-ul-Haq and
Junejo's insistence on signing Geneva pact without deciding the composition of next
government of Afghanistan before Soviet withdrawal. Junejo also gave Benazir a seat
next to him in parleys before that. Junejo did not strengthen the Islamization
drive and rather weakened it. His era led to serious disturbances in Karachi and
ultimately Karachi went into the secular control of MQM from the clutches of Sunnis
Jamaat-e-Islami.

Ojhri Camp blast had irreversibly weakened Zia.

On 29 May 1988, Zia dissolved the National Assembly and removed the Prime Minister
under article 58(2)b of the amended Constitution. Apart from many other reasons,
Prime Minister Junejo's decision to sign the Geneva Accord against the wishes of
Zia, and his open declarations of removing any military personnel found responsible
for an explosion at a munitions dump at Ojhri Camp, on the outskirts of army
headquarters in Rawalpindi, earlier in the year, proved to be some of the major
factors responsible for his removal.

Zia promised to hold elections in 1988 after the dismissal of Junejo government. He
said that he would hold elections within the next 90 days. The late Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto's daughter Benazir Bhutto had returned from exile earlier in 1986, and had
announced that she would be contesting the elections. With Bhutto's popularity
somewhat growing, and a decrease in international aid following the Soviet
withdrawal from Afghanistan, Zia was in an increasingly difficult political
situation.

Death[edit]
Main article: Death and state funeral of Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq
Zia died in a plane crash on 17 August 1988. After witnessing a US M1 Abrams tank
demonstration in Bahawalpur, Zia had left the small town in the Punjab province by
C-130B Hercules aircraft. The aircraft departed from Bahawalpur Airport and was
expected to reach Islamabad International Airport.[109] Shortly after a smooth
takeoff, the control tower lost contact with the aircraft. Witnesses who saw the
plane in the air afterward claim it was flying erratically, then nosedived and
exploded on impact. In addition to Zia, 31 others died in the plane crash,
including chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General Akhtar Abdur Rahman,
close associate of Zia, Brigadier Siddique Salik, the American Ambassador to
Pakistan Arnold Lewis Raphel and General Herbert M. Wassom, the head of the US
Military aid mission to Pakistan.[110][111] Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the Senate chairman
announced Zia's death on radio and TV. Conditions surrounding his death have given
rise to many conspiracy theories.[112] There is speculation that the United States,
India, the Soviet Union (in retaliation for Pakistani support of the mujahideen in
Afghanistan) or an alliance of them and internal groups within Zia's military were
behind the incident.[113][114]

A board of inquiry was set up to investigate the crash. It concluded 'the most
probable cause of the crash was a criminal act of sabotage perpetrated in the
aircraft'. It also suggested that poisonous gases were released which incapacitated
the passengers and crew, which would explain why no Mayday signal was given.[115]
There was also speculation into other facts involving the details of the
investigation. A flight recorder (black box) was not located after the crash and
previous C-130 aircraft did have them installed.[116]

Maj. Gen. (retd) Mahmud Ali Durrani, who was also suspected by, then United States
Ambassador to India, John Gunther Dean for being extraordinarily insistent with
President Zia to visit the demonstration and from many circles within Pakistan he
is considered to be the prime suspect in the incident,[117] claimed later that
reports of Israeli and Indian involvement in Zia's plane-crash were only
speculations and he rejected the statement that was given by former president
Ghulam Ishaq Khan that the presidential plane was blown up in the air. Durrani
stated that Zia's plane was destroyed while landing.[118]

Lt. General Hameed Gul, the head of Pakistans Inter Services Intelligence agency
at the time, suggested that the United States might be responsible, even though the
U.S. Ambassador and military attach were also killed. He told The Times that the
Pakistani President was killed in a conspiracy involving a "foreign power".[119]

Legacy[edit]

Zia's Tomb
Funeral and aftermath[edit]
Well, he was a great loss...He is a martyr, and was a great man.
George P. Shultz, 1988, [120]

Grave stone of Zia's grave

His funeral was held on 19 August 1988 in Islamabad. As a 21-gun salute of light
artillery resounded off the lush Margalla Hills, nearly 1 million mourners joined
in chants of "Zia ul-Haq, you will live as long as the sun and moon remain above."
His remains were laid to rest in a 4-by-10-foot dirt grave in front of the huge,
modern Faisal Mosque that Zia had built as a symbol of Pakistani-Saudi friendship.
[121][122] Also in attendance was his successor President Ghulam Ishaq Khan chiefs
of staff of armed forces, chairman joint chiefs, and other high military and civil
officials. Former US Secretary of State George P. Shultz also laid a floral wreath
at Zia's grave.[120]

Public image[edit]
Even after his death, Zia-ul-Haq remained a highly polarizing and widely discussed
figure in the country's intellectual and political circles.[123] Out of the
country's short history, Zia-ul-Haq's legacy remains a most toxic, enduring, and
tamper-proof legacy, according to the editorial written in Dawn.[123] Historians
and political scientists widely discussed and studied his policy making skills,
some authors noting him as "The Ringmaster",[124] "Master of Illusion"[125] and
"Master Tactician".[126] However, his most remembered and enduring legacy was his
indirect involvement and military strategies, by proxy supporting the Mujahideen,
against the USSR's war in Afghanistan.[127] His reign also helped the conservatives
to rise at the national politics against Benazir Bhutto.[127] He is also noted as
being one of Pakistan's most successful generals, placing the armed forces in
charge of the country's affairs.[128] During his regime, western styles in hair,
clothing, and music flooded the country.[107] The 1980s gave birth to Pakistani
rock music, which expressed Pakistani nationalism in the country.[107]

Removal of name from the Constitution of Pakistan[edit]

With the passing of Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan, General
Zia's name was permanently deleted from the Constitution of Pakistan.[129][130]

Honours[edit]
Knight of the Order of Chula Chom Klao (Thailand).
Books about Haq's time period[edit]
The Leopard and the Fox by Tariq Ali (2007)
Breaking the Curfew by Emma Duncan (1989) ISBN 0-7181-2989-X
Working with Zia by General Khalid Mahmud Arif
Khaki Shadows by General Khalid Mahmud Arif
Desperately Seeking Paradise by Ziauddin Sardar
Waiting for Allah by Christina Lamb
Ayub, Bhutto, and Zia by Hassan Iftikhar
Journey to Disillusionment by Sherbaz Khan Mazari
Ghost Wars by Steven Coll
General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq Shaheed: A Compilation by various authors
Charlie Wilson's War: The Extraordinary Story of the Largest Covert Operation in
History by George Crile III
The Bear Trap: Afghanistan's Untold Story by Mohammed Yousaf, Mark Adkin (1992)
ISBN 0-85052-267-6
A Case of Exploding Mangoes by Mohammed Hanif
Pakistan's Politics The Zia Years by Mushahid Hussain Syed
Pakistan Under Martial Law 1977-1985 by Muhammad Waseem
Songs of Blood and Sword by Fatima Bhutto
Ayub, Muhammad (2005). An army, Its Role and Rule: A History of the Pakistan Army
from Independence to Kargil, 19471999. RoseDog Books. ISBN 9780805995947.
Portrayals in popular culture[edit]
Zia has been portrayed in English language popular culture a number of times
including:

In the comic Shattered Visage, it is implied that Zia's death was orchestrated by
the same intelligence agency that ran The Village from the show The Prisoner.
Zia was portrayed by Indian actor Om Puri in the 2007 film Charlie Wilson's War.
Zia is caricatured as one of the main protagonists in Mohammed Hanif's 2008
satirical novel A Case of Exploding Mangoes which is loosely based around the
events of his death.[131]
Zia is the basis for the character General Hyder in Salman Rushdie's novel Shame
(1983), which describes Zia's long-lasting relationship with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
(here known as Iskander Harrapa), the president whom he would later overthrow and
"put to death".
Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's takeover of Pakistan and circumstances of his death were
referenced in the Star Trek novel The Rise and Fall of Khan Noonien Singh, Volume
One. In a prelude to the fictional Eugenics Wars, it is implied that genetically
engineered "superman" Khan Noonien Singh arranged the crash.[132]
The oppressive regime of Zia-ul-Haq and the execution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was
referenced in the book "Songs of Blood and Sword", a non-fiction memoir by Murtaza
Bhutto's daughter Fatima Bhutto with chilling intensity.
See also[edit]
Pakistan portal
Biography portal
icon Politics portal
Human Rights in Pakistan under General Zia-ul-Haq
Politics of Pakistan
Line of succession to the President of Pakistan
List of Presidents of Pakistan
Military dictatorship
Oppression under the regime of General Zia-ul-Haq
Corporate capitalisation
References[edit]
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?page%3D2008%5C%5C05%5C%5C30%5C%5Cstory_30-5-2008_pg7_56&date=2009-09-04. Archived
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216. In his first speech to the nation, Zia pledged the government would work to
create a true Islamic society.
Jump up ^ Haqqani 2010, p. 131: "Zia ul-Haq is often identified as the person most
responsible for turning Pakistan into a global center for political Islam.
Undoubtedly, Zia went farthest in defining Pakistan as an Islamic state, and he
nurtured the jihadist ideology."
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245. Pakistan during the period 19771988 ... aspired to be an ideological state...
the goal of an Islamic state was deemed to be its main basis.
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2016.
Jump up ^ In the summer of 1976, General Zia, who had superseded seven senior
senior lieutenant-generals, told Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: "Sir, I am so
grateful to you for appointing me Chief of Army Staff. Not only myself, but may
future generations will be eternally grateful to you for singling me out for such a
great honor, and this is a favour which I can never forget." The Herald, July 1992
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^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses (1980).
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1979). "CIA Sent Bhutto to the Gallows". The New York Time. Retrieved 23 August
2011 via sixhour.com. "I [Ramsey Clark] do not believe in conspiracy theories in
general, but the similarities in the staging of riots in Chile (where the CIA
allegedly helped overthrow President Salvador Allende) and in Pakistan are just too
close, Bhutto was removed from power in Pakistan by force on 5 July, after the
usual party on the 4th at the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad, with U.S. approval, if not
more, by Zia. Bhutto was falsely accused and subjected to brutality for months
during proceedings that corrupted the Judiciary of Pakistan before being murdered,
then hanged. As Americans, we must ask ourselves this: Is it possible that a
rational military leader under the circumstances in Pakistan could have overthrown
a constitutional government, without at least the tacit approval of the United
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leaders sensed that the General's game was different ... Many people now [1988]
believe that the General had his plan ready when he took over the reins of
government, and had been astutely following the plan when he announced the
postponement of the elections."
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Ansari, PAF. Roedad Khan. Retrieved 16 November 2011. "What is a constitution? It
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we shall live under a different system. Today, the people will follow wherever I
lead. All the politicians including the once mighty Mr. Bhutto and his [Scumbag]
friends will follow me with tails wagging...." General Zia-ul-Haq in 1977
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The Need for Consultation (mushawara)|by Muhammad Haq Archived 9 December 2014 at
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^ Jump up to: a b Talbot, Ian (1998). Pakistan, a Modern History. NY: St.Martin's
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remittances from overseas' workers than on economic policies. ... per capita income
[increased] by 34% but the economy also benefited in this period from overseas
remittances of $25 billion.
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CLIO. p. 110. Retrieved 4 December 2014. The dramatic rise in remittances coincided
with the first year of the Zia government and is considered the most significant
economic development during his era. These remittances totaling $3.2 billion per
year for most of the 1980s, were substantial, particular in relation to the size of
the economy. They accounted for 10 percent of GDP; 45 percent of current account
receipts, and 40 percent of total foreign exchange earnings
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252. The need for stability in the strategic region of Balochistan during the
Afghan war led Zia to distance himself from the sectarian conflict between the
heterodox Zikri community and the ulama. ... Significantly standing aside from the
issue, Zia lent credence to critics' claim that his call for Islamisation was just
a cover for his undemocratic regime rather than a genuine desire.
^ Jump up to: a b c Talbot, Ian (1998). Pakistan, a Modern History. NY: St.Martin's
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Jump up ^ "Rape of the Law". Newslinemagazine.com. 5 October 2003. Retrieved 13
November 2011.
Jump up ^ "Zakat Ordinance 1980" (PDF). cdcpakistan.com. Retrieved 21 November
2014.
^ Jump up to: a b c Jones, Owen Bennett (2002). Pakistan : eye of the storm. New
Haven and London: Yale University Press. pp. 167.
Jump up ^ "What are Pakistan's blasphemy laws?". bbc news. 6 November 2014.
Retrieved 21 November 2014.
Jump up ^ Jahangir, Asma. "Human Rights in Pakistan, a System in the Making.". In
Samantha, Power. Realizing Human Rights: Moving from Inspiration to Impact.
Palgrave MacMillan. p. 181. Retrieved 20 November 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam, edited by
Zahid Hussain, Columbia University Press, 2006, p.81
^ Jump up to: a b Apocalyptic Realm: Jihadists in South Asia, By Dilip Hiro, Yale
University Press, 2012, p.162
^ Jump up to: a b Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam, edited by
Zahid Hussain, Columbia University Press, 2006, p.78
Jump up ^ Branigan, Tania (13 February 2004). "'My film is part of the peace
process'". London: Guardian Unlimited. Retrieved 3 July 2008.
^ Jump up to: a b "Lollywood goes pop". On The Media. Retrieved 3 July 2008.
^ Jump up to: a b c Nadeem F. Paracha (28 March 2013). "Times of the Vital Sign".
Dawn News, Nadeem F. Paracha. Archived from the original on 2 April 2013. Retrieved
3 April 2013. This was a time when the wily General Ziaul-Haq was reigning
supreme ... Even though the country, at the time was covered by a ... faade of
strict conservatism and ... moralistic pretence,... Ironically, it ... also
propelled the gradual expansion of the country's urban middle and lower-middle-
classes. And it is the youth cultures that emerged from these classes that launched
the first shots of the kind of pop culture, scene and music we now call modern
Pakistani pop.
Jump up ^ "THE DISABLED PERSONS (EMPLOYMENT AND REHABILITATION) ORDINANCE, 1981"
(PDF). The Government of Punjab. 29 December 1981. Retrieved 24 March 2016.
Jump up ^ Harro Ranter (17 August 1988). "ASN Aircraft accident Lockheed C-130B
Hercules 23494 Bahawalpur Airport (BHV)". aviation-safety.net. Retrieved 24 March
2016.
Jump up ^ Foreign affairs Pakistan by Pakistan. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, (MOFA,
1988)
Jump up ^ "Plea in court to revive C-130 crash case" Business Recorder, 22 April
1996 Archived 30 May 2005 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "Editorial: Another clue into General Zia's death". Daily Times. Lahore.
4 December 2005. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
Jump up ^ Bone, James; Hussain, Zahid (16 August 2008). "As Pakistan comes full
circle, a light is shone on Zia ul-Haq's death". The Times. London. p. 40.
Retrieved 13 November 2011. (Subscription required (help)).(subscription required)
Jump up ^ Hamilton, Dwight; Rimsa, Kostas (2007). Terror Threat: International and
Homegrown terrorists and their threat to Canada. Dundurn. p. 83. ISBN
9781550027365. Retrieved 3 July 2015 via books.google.com.au.
Jump up ^ The History and Culture of Pakistan by Nigel Kelly. ISBN 1-901458-67-9
Jump up ^ https://news.google.com/newspapers?
id=fXIhAAAAIBAJ&sjid=f4gFAAAAIBAJ&pg=4632,3574622&dq=c-130+black+box&hl=en.
Retrieved 12 August 2015. Missing or empty |title= (help)[dead link]
Jump up ^ John Gunther Dean.[1] Oral history at jimmycarterlibrary
Jump up ^ Durrani, Mahmud Ali (14 September 2009). "Pakistan started war with India
in 1965". Daily Times. Retrieved 3 November 2011.
Jump up ^ Ghosh, Palash. "Politics Who Killed General Zia Of Pakistan? Perhaps The
Israelis, The US, Moscow; He Implemented Sharia Law And His Murder Remains Unsolved
25 Years Later". International Business Times. IBT Media Inc. Retrieved 2014-11-22.
^ Jump up to: a b Fineman, Mark (21 August 1988). "Million Mourn at Funeral for
Pakistan's Zia". The Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2 December 2012.
Jump up ^ There is also still a lot of controversy on who or what actually lies
buried in Zia's supposed grave. Some people claim only his jawbone was found and
identified, and is buried there; whilst others claim that bits and pieces of a
number of the aircrash victims were put in together. See SAH Rizvi in his article
in 'The Pakistan Observer' Islamabad, 27 August 1988
Jump up ^ The Faisal Mosque is named after the late Saudi Arabian king Faisal, and
was partially constructed with Saudi funds
^ Jump up to: a b Nasir, Abbas (7 July 2012). "Zia's Long Shadow". Dawn Newspapers.
Dawn Newspapers. Retrieved 2 December 2012.
Jump up ^ Hyman, Ghayur & Kaushik 1989, p. 35
Jump up ^ Rehman, I A (September 1988). "Ziaul Haq: Master of illusion". Islamabad:
Dawn Newspapers, Rehman. Dawn Newspapers. Retrieved 18 August 2016.
Jump up ^ Shah, Mehtab Ali (1997). The foreign policy of Pakistan: ethnic impacts
on diplomacy, 19711994. London [u.a.]: Tauris. ISBN 1-86064-169-5.
^ Jump up to: a b "Election Commission of Pakistan on Zia-ul-Haq". Election
Commission of Pakistan on Zia-ul-Haq. Retrieved 2 December 2012.
Jump up ^ Kapur, Ashok (1991). "Zia ul Haq's legacy". Pakistan in crisis (1. ed.).
London: Routledge. pp. 146190. ISBN 0-415-00062-9. Retrieved 2 December 2012.
Jump up ^ "18th Amendment Bill, Pakistan". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved
24 March 2016.
Jump up ^ "GeoTV Geo News Latest News Breaking News Pakistan Live Videos". geo.tv.
Retrieved 24 March 2016.
Jump up ^ Mohammed Hanif (May 2008). A Case of Exploding Mangoes. Knopf. ISBN 0-
307-26807-1.
Jump up ^ Greg Cox (July 2001). The Rise and Fall of Khan Noonien Singh, Volume
One. Pocket Books. ISBN 0-671-02127-3.
Bibliography[edit]
Haqqani, Husain (2010), Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military, Carnegie Endowment,
ISBN 978-0-87003-285-1
Hyman, Anthony; Ghayur, Muhammed; Kaushik, Naresh (1989), Pakistan, Zia and
After--, New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, ISBN 81-7017-253-5
Zaeef, Abdul Salam (2011), My Life with the Taliban, Hurst, ISBN 978-1-84-904152-2
External links[edit]
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq
Biography video 'Shaheed e Islam[permanent dead link]
Annotated Bibliography for Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq from the Alsos Digital Library for
Nuclear Issues
"Who Killed Zia?" by Edward Jay Epstein for Vanity Fair, September 1989
Official profile at Pakistan Army website
The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan
General Zia-ul-Haq's plane crash due to mechanical problem (Times of London)
Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq President of Pakistan on Encyclopedia Britannica
Military offices
Preceded by
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Colonel Commandant of Army Armoured Corps
19741978 Succeeded by
Ali Jan Mehsud
Preceded by
Tikka Khan Chief of Army Staff
19761988 Succeeded by
Mirza Aslam Beg
Political offices
Preceded by
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Minister of Defence
1978 Succeeded by
Ali Ahmed Khan Talpur
Preceded by
Ali Ahmed Khan Talpur Minister of Defence
1985 Succeeded by
Muhammad Khan Junejo
Preceded by
Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry President of Pakistan
19781988 Succeeded by
Ghulam Ishaq Khan
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Regime of General Zia-ul-Haq
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Martial Law Administrators of Pakistan
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Presidents of Pakistan (List) Pakistan
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Cold War
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Islamism in South Asia
General ideology
Islamism Pan-Islamism Barelvi Deobandi Wahhabism
Organisations
Afghanistan
Taliban
Bangladesh
Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir Islami Jatiya Oikya Front Islami Oikya Jote
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami
India
Darul Uloom Deoband Darul Uloom Ahmadiyya Salafia Ahl-e-Hadith Girls Islamic
Organisation of India Jamaat-e-Islami Hind Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind National Development
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Organisation of India
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Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan Jamiat Ahle Hadith Jamiat Ulema-e-
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Ahlehadeeth Movement Bangladesh Hizb ut-Tahrir Jamaat-e-Islami Jamaat-e-Islami
Kashmir Jamaat ul-Fuqra Khaksars All India Khilafat Committee Muslim National Guard
Tablighi Jamaat
Leaders
Ahmad Sirhindi Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani Qazi Syed Rafi Mohammad Syed Hayatullah
Qazi Mir Imdad Ali Muhammad Qasim Nanotvi Mian Tufail Mohammad Ashraf Ali Thanwi
Anwar Shah Kashmiri Mahmud al-Hasan Ubaidullah Sindhi Mohammad Ali Jouhar Shaukat
Ali Muhammad Iqbal Allama Mashriqi Abul A'la Maududi Shah Ahmad Noorani Muhammad
Zia-ul-Haq Fazl-ur-Rehman Ghulam Azam Muhammad Ilyas Qadri Motiur Rahman Nizami
Grand Ayatollah Muhammad Hussain Najafi Grand Ayatollah Bashir Hussain Najafi
Muhammad Taqi Usmani Muhammad Asadullah Al-Ghalib Safdar Nagori Jalaluddin Umri
Israr Ahmed Javed Ahmad Ghamidi Qazi Hussain Ahmad Arif Hussain Hussaini Delwar
Hossain Sayeedi Yusuf Islahi Syed Nazeer Husain Khalid Mehmood Soomro Siddiq Hasan
Khan Ehsan Elahi Zaheer Sanaullah Amritsari Abul Kalam Azad
Events Controversies
Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization Hudood Ordinances Shah Bano case Pakistani
Islamisation programme referendum, 1984 Babri Masjid Hasba bill
Authority control
WorldCat Identities VIAF: 176698798 LCCN: n78094546 ISNI: 0000 0003 5600 0184 GND:
118845101 SUDOC: 028567684 BNF: cb12037763k (data)
Categories: 1924 births1988 deathsChiefs of Army Staff, PakistanHaq familyLeaders
who took power by coupMilitary government of Pakistan (197788)Non-U.S. alumni of
the Command and General Staff CollegePakistani anti-communistsPakistani
generalsPakistani politiciansPakistani Sunni MuslimsPeople from JalandharPeople of
the SovietAfghan WarPresidents of PakistanProject-706Punjabi peopleState leaders
killed in aviation accidents or incidentsUniversity of Delhi alumniVictims of
aviation accidents or incidents in PakistanMuhammad Zia-ul-HaqPakistan Army Armored
Corps officers
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