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The period after the [First World] War witnessed one of the most startling
outbreaks of pure numinousness ever recalled in the history of the world.
We witness the birth of new deities [numines] with our own eyes. You
would need to be blind and deaf to all current realities if you were unable
ISSN 1469-0764 Print/ISSN 1743-9647 Online/07/020205-08 2007 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/14690760701321098
206 M. Feldman and M. Turda
(Greece, Hungary, the western Ukraine), rather than episodes already familiar in
Anglophone secondary literature (Spain, Slovakia and France).
The first glimpse of clerical fascism in interwar Europe is given in the section
Orthodox/Greek-Orthodox Christianity and Fascism, which opens with Aristo-
tle Kallis discussion of Greek interwar politics in Fascism and Religion: The
Metaxas Regime in Greece and the Third Hellenic Civilisation. As with similar
Orthodox Christian countries such as Serbia and Romania, the processes of politi-
cal liberalisation and social modernisation in Greece created propitious condi-
tions for fascist ideas to emerge. However, although religion was a central facet of
Ioannis Metaxas regenerative project for the nation, his notion of religion heavily
depended on restoring and continuing the established churchs role in Greek soci-
ety, rather than attempting to introduce religious politics into the heart of his
regime. As Kallis clearly demonstrates, Metaxas himself attempted to base his
regime on the traditional authority of established entities (the nation, religion
and the church), a novel layer of personal charismatisation (the leader cult) and
an emerging ethos of totalitarianism.
In terms of Orthodoxy in central and southeast Europe, one notices that
Croatias experience of fascism was not the only entanglement between radical
politics and Christianity, not even within the federal state of Yugoslavia, for Serbia
also exhibited numerous features characteristic of ultra-nationalism and fascism,
as Maria Falina suggests in Between Clerical Fascism and Political Orthodoxy:
Orthodox Christianity and Nationalism in Interwar Serbia. Assessing the pivotal
role played by nationalism in the politicisation of religion, Falina considers polit-
ical Orthodoxism a more appropriate term for describing the relationship
between Orthodoxy and fascism than clerical fascism. In a similarly sceptical
vein, Valentin S a ndulescus Sacralised Politics in Action: the February 1937
ab
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Burial of the Romanian Iron Guard leaders Ion Mo ta and Vasile Marin inspects
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In contrast, it was the Greek Orthodox Church that dominated much of the evolv-
ing nationalism in interwar western Ukraine, argues Anton Shekhovtsov. By Cross
and Sword: Clerical Fascism in Interwar Western Ukraine finds that the fascist
style of certain political parties, and the fascistisation of the political milieu,
ignited the transformation of nationalist clericalism into clerical fascism. Echoing
Schumans remark about the troubled soul of the nation, Shekhovtsov insists that
it was the Christian churches inability to answer the general European crisis expe-
rienced by millions during the interwar period that gave rise to radical forms of
Christianity. What emerges from his analysis is the sense that the perceived crisis
of the modern world that constituted a main factor not only in the successes of
Italian Fascism and German Nazism, but also in the problematic cases of friendship
and even fusion between fascism and particular understandings of Christianity.
This fusion of fascism with clerical ideology is also the main focus of the three
studies comprising the section Protestant Christianity and Fascism, which
commences with Tom Linehans On The Side of Christ: Fascist Clerics in 1930s
Britain. It appears that, even though BUF clerics (both Catholic and Protestant)
did not tend to see fascism as a substitute for their own Christian beliefs, many of
210 M. Feldman and M. Turda
them hoped to reconcile the Christian faith with fascist praxis (an example of
collusion rather than synthesis, to adopt the terminology proposed by Roger
Griffin). In similar vein, the Swedish case study next explored by Lena Berggren,
entitled Completing the Lutheran Reformation: Ultra-nationalism, Christianity
and the Possibility of Clerical Fascism in Interwar Sweden, investigates the rela-
tionship between Protestant Christianity (in this case evangelical Lutheranism)
and nationalism. Berggren focuses upon forms of fascism that materialised around
radical theologians within Lutheran churches that generally favoured the ascen-
dancy of Nazism in Germany. Similar to Germany, many Swedish fascists
perceived the evangelical Nordic Faith to be not only profoundly Christian, but
the pure, true and original form of Christianity, one revealing the natural teach-
ings of God.
Furthermore, viewing Christianity and fascism as sharing common assump-
tions about the regeneration of society and the nation is an approach able to
provide fruitful insights into central Europe as well. In the case of Nazi Germany,
as Richard Steigmann-Gall demonstrates, the argument for a link between the
Deutsche Christen and the Nazi attempts to re-shape the German Weltanschauung
has been misinterpreted by a number of scholars. In The Nazis Positive
Christianity: a Variety of Clerical Fascism?, he argues that the Nazis did take
an active interest in religious activities and church organisations, thus demon-
strating that a clerical fascist variety of Nazism may be a viable interpretative
tool, so long as the concept is provided the kind of terminological precision it has
so far lacked.
Likewise, the relationship between Catholicism and fascism has generated
much controversy, as is demonstrated by the seven texts forming the final section
in this volume, Catholic Christianity and Fascism. However, as Jorge Dagnino
clearly demonstrates in Catholic Modernities in Fascist Italy: The Intellectuals of
Azione Cattolica, discussion of clerical fascism should be repositioned: if one
views Fascism not simply as anti-modern, but as an alternative form of moder-
nity, then the relationship between religion and Fascism takes on a different
dimension: the new nationalist morality, family ethic and ultimately rejuvenated
nation advocated by Fascism was favourably received by many Catholic clerics.
That such a shared call for a better and healthier country was answered by many
Catholics is convincingly shown by the case of Belgium. According to Bruno De
Wevers Catholicism and Fascism in Belgium, the history of Lon Degrelle and
the Rexist movement suggests that much of the Catholic agenda was embraced by
Belgian fascists. It was, therefore, by reaching a compromise between the revolu-
tionary zeal of some members within the church, and fascisms ambition to
become a political religion, that a national form of clerical fascism ultimately
appeared in Belgium.
It was this compromise between the Roman Catholic Church and the state that
also provided the institutional framework for Antnio de Oliveira Salazars
Estado Novo. As Antnio Costa Pinto argues in Political Catholicism, Crisis of
Democracy, and Salazars New State in Portugal, the Catholic Church may have
opposed the fascistisation of the regime, while simultaneously attempting to
Catholicise it. This authoritarian Catholic social doctrine also resembled
the corporatist system tested by Engelbert Dollfuss in Austria. Dollfuss regime is
otherwise the only regime included here to have previously been described as
clerical fascist.10 However, as shown in Robert Pyrahs discussion of the theatre
and its relationship to the question of national identity in the 1930s, Enacting
Introduction 211
vistas for academic research and international collaboration in the vexed, and
vexing, study of European Christianity and interwar politics.
Notes
1. Frederick L. Schuman, The Political Theory of German Fascism, The American Political Science
Review, 28/2 (1934), p.232.
2. For a useful survey of recent historiography on Nazism and (political) religion, see Neil Gregor,
Nazism A Political Religion? Rethinking the Voluntarist Turn, in Neil Gregor, ed., Nazism, War
and Genocide (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 2005).
3. See, for example, Hans Maier, ed., Totalitarianism and Political Religions: Concepts for the Comparison
of Dictatorships, Vol. I (Abingdon: Routledge, 2005).
4. Emilio Gentile, Politics as Religion (Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2006). p.11.
5. See, for example, Milan Babiks Nazism as a Secular Religion, History and Theory, 45/3 (2006),
pp.37596.
6. Doris L. Bergen, Nazism and Christianity: Partners and Rivals? A Response to Richard Steig-
mann-Gall, The Holy Reich. Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 19191945, Journal of Contemporary
History, 42/1 (2007), p.29.
7. Quoted in Ernst Piper, Steigmann-Gall, The Holy Reich, in ibid., p.51.
8. I. P. Prundeni, Dumnezeu e fascist, Porunca vremii (20 July 1937). See also Biserica Imbrescu
Ilies, Biserica si Miscarea legionara (Bucharest: Cartea Romneasc, 1940), the infamous book
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