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 'Fro jHUna man in Alcdicval Political riiougiu," American Historical
Review I VI
:i951), 472-492. ' '

EK'a copv, annotRtod,

A. "Geoffrey of Monmouth" (half page)

B. ''Bracton" (idem, yellow)

C. "Cicero, De Officiis 1.57" (half page)

D. Nevspa- er clipping, Sat./Sun, l/2 Feb ^6

S. ''?atria" ( ;^/3 nage )

/ / / / / / Jf
U U U L
 (^

PRO PATRIA MORI

IN MEDIEVAL POLITICAL THOUGHT

By
ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

REPRINTED FROM THE

AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

VOL. LVI, No. 3 APRIL, 1931

/ n n u
/
u u u f
U U U J
 (Rc-printcd from Thf American Historical Review, Vol. LVI, No. 3, April, 1951)

Pro Patria Mori

in Medieval Political Thought*
Ernst H. Kantorowicz

CHRISTM.-XS, 1914. Belgium then was occupied by the German armies.

Cardinal Mercier, the ultrapatrioiic primate of Belgium and archbishop of
Malines, was in many respects the champion of the intellectual resistance of
his country against the occupying power. To comfort his flock and to en-
courage his fellow citizens the cardinal distributed on Christmas Day, 1914,
his famous pastoral letter Patriotism and Endurance. In it he developed some
challenging ideas about the relations between patriotism and religion, and
about the otherworldly effects of deatli on the battlefield. "Who does not
feel that patriotism is 'consecrated,' and that an attack on the national dignity
is a sort of sacrilegious profanation'" The cardinal had been asked whether
the soldier who fell in the service ui a just cause ("and that ours clearly is")

was a martyr. The Prince of the Church had to answer that, in a strict and
theological sense, the soldier was not a martyr, because he died arms in hand,
whereas the martyr gives himself up u> his executioners without resistance.

Bui if you ask ine what I think of the eternal salvation of a brave man, who
consciously gives his life to defend the honor of his country and to avenge violated
Justice, I do not hesitate to reply that there is no doubt whatever that Christ crowns
military valor, and that death christianly accepted assures to the soldier the salva-
tion of his soul. . . . The soldier who dies to save his brothers, to protect the
hearths and the altars of his country, fulfills the highest form of love. are . . . We
justified in hoping for them the immortal crown which encircles the foreheads of
the elect. For such the virtue of an act of perfect love that, of itself alone,
is it

wipes out a whole life of sin. Of a sinner instantly it makes a saint.'

To this pastoral letter objections were raised immediately, and not onlv
on the part of the German governor general, the cultured and educated

This paper, read at tlie joint luncheon of the .^inerivjn Historical Association, Pacific Coast
Branch, and the American Philosophical Associ.ition. Picitic Division, on December 2y, 1949, at
Mills College, in Oakland, California, is published here with few minor changes and some
additions. The intention of this address, which had to nitxt the fields of iiitcrcst of both his-
torians and philosophers, is clearly not to exhaust the subiect but to outline with a few strokes
the, in fact, much more complicated problem. I am greatly indebted to Professors I.udwig
Fdclstein and Leonardo Olschki for various valuable supccvtions
'The pastoral letter has been published often; see, cj^.. A Shepherd among Wolves: War-
Time I etters of C.irdinal Meraer, selected by Arthur Boutwood (London, n.d), pp. 46 f., whose
translation 1 use here.

472

/ / / / / / L
U U U O
473 ^''0 Patria Mori in Medieval Thought Rrusl If. Kantoroivicz 474
Baron von Bissing.* On March 25, 1915, Cardinal Billot, a patriotic French- those who had suffered for the fatherland {ob patriam pugnando volnera
man, severely censured the words used by his confrere in the Sacred College. passi), and who, as the true predecessors of the
crowned martyrs and con-
"To say," he wrote, "that the mere fact of dying consciously for the just cause fessors of the church, had "their brows bound with snowy
fillets," the insignia
of the Fatherland 'suffices to assure salvation' means to substitute the Father- of agonal victory like the crown with which the fillet
so often was com-
land for God . . . , to forget what is God, what is sin, what is divine for- bined.' And we need only to mention the name of Cicero or that of Horace,
giveness."* whose second "Rom.in Ode" (III, 2) is alluded to in the title of the present
If two eminent princes of the church disagree so profoundly on a funda- paper, in order to conjure up that huge compound of ethical values which in
mental matter of life and death, and of life after death, we may be sure that Rome were in.separable from the death pro patria and which later were
the reasons for such a basic disagreement are to be sought in a distant past revived by Petrarch and the early humanists, with their new standards of
and that the whole problem has a lung history. In fact, to the ears of the civic virtues and merits.
professional medievalist almost every word of Cardinal Mercier's pastoral In Greek as well as in Roman antiquity, the term Ttatpi; or patria referred
letter has the familiar ring of a long-established tradition. And since the chiefly, if not exclusively, u, the Only barbarians were named, like
city.
involved problem has bcuh a historical and a philosophical background, it modern nationals, after their country, and only barbarians were patriotai,
may be fitting to trace, if in a necessarily sketchy fashion, the early develop- whereas the Greeks were proud of being politai, citizens. The city, of course,
ment of the idea Pro patria mori within the political concepts of the medieval would include the surroundings, which might even be expanded, as some-
Christian world.* times in Roman poetry, to the whole of the Italian peninsula. To the Stoics, it
is true, and to the other philoso[)hical schools as
well, the notion of patna
Every schoolboy reading his first Latin sentences would soon learn in may have meant {osmos of which they were citizens. But
the universe, the
what high esteem Greek and Roman antiquity held those who died in battle then this was a philosophical or religious, and not a political, conception. For
for their community, polis or res publica. The reasons were many and com- the Roman Empire or the orbis Romanus would not have been referred to
plex. There was, in earlier times, the religious fear of a return of the dead, as patria, and if a soldier, when kilkJ m the defense of Gaul or Spain or
later the religious desire to apotheosize the dead.' The quasi deification of war Syria, died nevertheless a hero's death pro patria. was
it a death for the res
heroes was fully developed by the fifth century b.c. at the latest. We need only publica Romana, for Rome and all Rome sttxid for her gods, perhaps the
to think of Sparta. But we may think also of that broad alley on the Athenian Dea Roma, the imperial pater patriae, or Roman education and life in gen-
Kerameikos, the Dromus, where on either side official tombs honored those eralbut not for the territory he happened to defend.' Patria, most certainly,
who had died in battle for their city, and where Pericles delivered the funeral did not mean the same thing at all times, but usually meant the citv.
sf)cech in which he placed the first victims of the Pcloponnesian War among .Although Greek and Roman anticjuity had made heroes of and almost
the immortals.* Or we may recall the lines of Vergil where Aeneas sees in
and although the ancient model otherwise
deified the victims of war, deter-
the Elysian plains, dwelling together with priests and poets and prophets,
mined medieval thought in more than one respect, the Western mind in the
2 Fcir the German reaction, sec D. Cardinal Mercier, Cardinal Meraer's Own Story (New
). feudal age was reluctant or failed to accept those views. Civic death pro
York, 1920), pp. 4S ff. The correspondence between Cardinal Mercier and Baron \on Bissing,
or Baron von der Lancken. makes peculiarly interesting reading for the historian, for diere is a V'crgil, Aeiieid, VI, 660 ff ; for the fillets, see Kiiuard Nordcn, P. Vergiltus Maro Aenas
striking contrast between the debasement and brutalizaiion of style, language, and human Buck VI (Leipzig, 1903), 293; for the connection of fillet and crown (surviving in the b<iws
p.
standards which has taken place between the two world wars and the courteous form, the gen- adorning our funerary wreaths), see Erwin R. Goodenough, "The Crown of Victory in Judaism."
erally humane tone, and the occupying power's great patience which those letters disclose. Alt hidletin, .K.W'III (1946), ijq tf.. especially p. iso. nnd tor the conncLtiuii uit.i the .liadem.
s Cardinal Billot's rcs|>onse is known to nie only from the excerpts Andreas .\lfoldi, "InsiKnien und Tracht der niini^cLen Kaiser," Fumische Mitletliingen, I
quoted by Franz Cumont, (1935),
Lux perpetua (Paris, I94y>, p. 44^, who has called attention to the conflicting opinions of tlie 146; cf. Richard Delbrijck, "Uer spatantike Kaiscrornat," Anti/(e, VllI (1932), 7 f.
two cardinals. '
-^ "The orbis Romanus (see. in general, Joseph Vogt, Or/>is Romanus, Tiihingen, 19^9} was
* I do not the problem, though deserving a monographic study, has been dis-
find that both Inked to and -ct over against the urhs: see, e.g., the legend tola urhis et uibis on coins of
cussed before. Cjrl F.rdmann, Die Fnlstehuna des Kreuzziigs^edankens (Stuttgart, 1935), touches Constantine and Licinius, which has survived in the papal blessing uihi et orbi. But the orbis
upon related ideas and adduces relevant material. Romanus, except in a philosophical sense and when coinciding; with ci{oumene, would not have
' See, e.g., Cumont, pp. 332 ff. been patria despite tlie lines (Rutilius Nanutianus. De reditu suu, 1, 63 and 66>:
' Geor>;e Karo, An Atric Cemetery: Excavattoni in the Kerameikos at Athent (Philadelphia, Fecisti patriam diiersu geniihus uiiam
1943), pp. 24 f. Vrl-em fecisti quod prius orbis erat.

n n 1 1
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 475 Pro Palria Mori in Mrtijrral Thaiit^ht Ernst II. Kanioro'xicz 476
patria, whatever "patna" then may have designated, had lost its religious ordered to receive the soul of the dcfuna and to conduct it ad patriam
flavor and semirclipous connotations. Christianity was certainly one factor Paradist. Heaven had become the common fatherland of the Christians, com-
causing that change. With regard to the Chri.stians. "every place abroad is parable to the xoivi-| jtatpi; which in ancient times had designated the
their fatherland, and in their fatherland they arc aliens," says the writer of netherworld."
the "Letter to Diognct."*' TTie ties fcnering man to his patna on earth, already If religiously and ethically the Christian idea of patria was well defined,
.slackening in the Late Empire, had lost their value. "Why should that man the same cannot be said of the political meaning of patna during the cen-
be praised?" asks Saint Augu-stine. "Because he was a lover of his city? This turies of Western feudalism. To be sure, the word itself existed and it was
he could be carnally. . . . But he was not a lover of the City above." ^^ And in used time and again. But its meaning much more closely related to antiquity
the City of God (especially V, i8) Augustine assembles scores of examples to than to modern times was practically always "native town or village," the
show that, if the Romans did their great deeds for human glory and an home (Hamat) of a man. A knight going to war might make provisions
earthly city, it should be far easier for Christians to do similar things for the for returning home safely (sanus in patriam fuero regressus), or a person
love of the patna actema. How much easier for a Christian to offer himself might return to a town or county ad visendam patriam parentcsque}" This,
up for the eternal fatherland if a Curtius, leaping into the chasm, made the though most generally the meaning of patna. did not necessarily exclude a
supreme sacrifice to obey the false gods! The Christian, according to the lingering of the broader and more exalted ancient notion of "fatherland" into
teaching of the Fathers, had become the citizen of a cirv in another world. Christian times. The monks of early Prankish monasteries, for example,
Ethically, death for the carnal fatherland meant little if compared with that might be held to pra\' pro statu ecclesiae et salute regis vel patriae or "for the
for the spiritual patna. Jerusalem in Heaven, or with the true models of eternal s^vation and the happiness of king or fatherland";" and even the
civic self-sacrifice, the marrvrs, confessors, and holv virgins. The saints had title pater patriae might be occasionally applied to a medieval prince,"
cases
given their hves for the invisible community in heaven and the celestial city, in which patna certainly meant more than just the native village. Those,
the true patna of their desire.s; and a final return to that fatherland in Heaven however, were formalized phrases of ancient tradition, and they reflected
should be the normal desire of every Christian soul while wandering in
1* SeePluurch, Moraiia, 113C, ed by William R. Paton and Hans Wegetiaupt (Leipzig,
exile on earth.
]925)-l. 234- 2-
Nostrum est interim *" The examples, chosen ai random, could easily be multiplied ad
infinitum. For those
meniem engere ouoied. see hurmulur SaT.^aUcT:srs in M.G.H.. Le^es. V. 401. 23, and 402. 17: M.G.H.. Bneir
dcT drutichcn Kaisrrznl. V: Bnefsammlun^rn der Zett Hannchs IV., ed. by Erdmann and
Et ptttnam
totis
Fickcniiinn, 3t.9, 3, and patam. Even in much later times, and not only in Italy, would pjma
t'Otis appetere
refer to the city. When PliiUp )V of France made a treaty with the bishop of Verdun, a bishopric
El ad Jerusalem liicn bclon^mg to the empire, and demanded that the bishop "per se et grntes tuns trneiur

a babylonia patnam lutare pro poste sua et dejendere bona fide una cum gmti/>ui noitrti," the snpubtion
reierreJ not to France as patria but to the city of Verdun: Fntz Kern, Acta Imperii, AngUae et
Pas! lofiga regredi
Frannae (Tubingen. 191IJ, No. 155, pp. 103, K^ The plural patriae, eg., in a document of
tandem exsilia RuJolf Habsburg mentiomng patriae rt protinciae ad impmum spectantes (see M.GM., Legei
IV. vol. 111. Su. 653, p. 654. 2). means cities: d. .\usonius. Ordo nobihum urhium, X\1I. 1O6
sings Abclard," who may stand here for thousands of others who have (Bordeaux): "Haet patna ett, pamat ud Roma superiemt omnei." .Also the lencri of Rattier m
uttered the same idea. After all, in the exequies ^not to mention many other
ot Verona (M.G.H.. Bnefe der deutschm Kmsrrzeu. 1, ed. by Fntt Weigle, pp.
passim the word has a local meaning.
1
49, 4. and

places in the liturgies the priest would entreat God that the holy angels be
'' The foriiiuUi occurs so often in early Frankish Jocuinenti.
while disappearing later, that
it must be of ancient ongm and must go back to soiiir supplicatto. see, e.g.. Formulae
Murculfi.
in M.GJi.. Leges. V. 40. 19. and 43, 2, or the Council of Compicgne. 757, M.G.H., Concilia.m
Ouottd by Karl Ludwig Schmidt, Die Pelts tn Kmhr und Web (RcktoratsproFramm dcr II, 62, 13. On the other hand tfiere should not be excluded a possible relation with the
Uiiiversitiit Kascl. iQBii). p. 47' book oflerinp several clues ic> die present problem: see Mipnc.
Visipothic formula pnnceps vrl gens am patna (see Lex Visigothorum, M.G.H., Legum m
Patr Lut.. II, J173C. Secao I. vol. 1, index. s.f. "patna"), which tomes clever to anuque concepts of public law than
1" Augustine. Contra Gaudntium 1, 37. in Jacques P. Mipne, Patrologta Letma. XUII.
,
729. the Frankisfi form which is attenuated. In the Carolmgian Leges Saxonum, for example, the
The chief evidence it Book V of t.hr Citttas Dn especially V, ife. where tht preat deeds, of
.

mcamiig of patna is purely local (see M.G.H.. funres luns Oermanici anHqui in utum scholarum,
indi\idual Romans for their purely terrestrial pome are adduced to encuura^ even trreatcr Chris-
pp. 24, 27, 46 &-). For VisigotfiK Spam, see ihe reient study of Floyd Seyward Lear, "The Public
tian deeds f^o artrrne patna.
^1 Aticlard, Hvmn 29 Sabt)at(> ad Vesperas " in Guido Maris Drevei, Analecta Hymmce.
Ljw of the Visiirottiic Code." Specitlum. XW\
(1951;. 1-23, who suesses (p. 20, n. 42' the
dt&culty cii reading positive conclusions ui view of termmology.
XLVIIl (190^), 163, No. 139. The stanza U) " preceded by three stanzas describuif the celes- ' Percy hixax scrrani::.. Kaiser Rom und Rrr.aiatic (Leipzig and Berlin 1929;, 1. 80
tial city and the court of the King of Hcavtai.
f.,
II, Hi-

II o
u u u u
II II
 477 Pro Patria Mnri it! Mcdirval Thitiufki Ernst J], Kantorawicz 478
medieval "patriotism" as little as the bookish reproductions from Vergil, a modern sense. By the twelfth century, however, the fourth ca.se of the later
Horace, and other classical authors in the works of medieval poets and aide aux quatre cas (the German VierfalUbede) made its appearance: a
writers." taxation pro defensione rcgni}" Professor Straycr, in a most stimulating little
For all that, however, a warrior's heroic self-.sacrificc did exist in the study, has pointed out that Louis VI when
of France, facing an attack from
Middle Apes; only, the man would offer him.self up for his lord and ma.ster across the Rhine (1124), went to St. Denis, took the Onflamme from the
(rather than for a territor\ or an idea of "state"), comparable to the martyr's altar, offered prayers pro defensione regni, and made grants to the abbey
death for his Lord and Master. The political sacrifice of a knight would have dedicated to St. Denis, the patron saint of France and the dynasty. That is
been personal and individual rather than "public," and it was that personal to say, "for the defense of the realm" divine help was needed, and it was
sacrifice resulting from the relations between lord and vassal, or from the idea secured by giving to the church.'"' At the end of the thirteenth century, how-
of personal fealtv, which medieval literature ha.s so abundantlv prai.sed and ever, the proportions were definitely reversed. Pro defensione regni the king
often glorified. A vassal would follow the duke of Champagne or defend the no longer gave; he took. He imposed a tax to meet the emergency of the
count of burgundy against aggression. But it would be the "duke" or the realm, and pro necessitate regni he imposed the tax also on the church."
"count," and not some "eternal Burgundy" or an "idea of Champagne" for It is well known to what extent the pattern of those taxes pro defensione
which it would have been worth while to shed one's blood, even though the or pro necessitate regni followed the pattern of the crusading taxes ^tenths,
ancient personifications of provinces survived in medieval imagery. ''
At any fifteenths, twentieth.s which were levied from the whole church, or parts
event, patrtu had lost the emotional content which had characterized it in of it, by the Hoh See pro defensione (necessitate) Terrae Sanctae. For, the
antiquity, while on the other hand patria was as vet far from coinciding with goal of the crusades has usually, and in early times always, been formulated
a national territory or a territorial state as in modern times. in terms of a defensive war, a defen.se of the Christian brothers and churches
Like other great changes in history leading tf) modern civilization a in the Holy Land, and not as a war of aggression against the infidels.'''
change in tlie concept of patna can be traced to the twelfth and thirteenth Already the Norman kings of Sicily had begun to transfer the idea of a
centuries. The transformation implied that indeed the classic emotional values defensive war to their own realm and accordingly took taxes pro defensione
of patria were recovered, as they descended, so to speak, from heaven back to (necessitate) regni.'" In order to simplify here a rather complicated issue,
earth; but it implied also that henceforth the notion of "fatherland" might and we might
for the sake of brevity, sa\ : What was good for the regnum
well transcend the ancient city limitations and refer to a national kingdom, Christi regis. Jerusalem and the HoK Land, was good for the regnum regis
"*
or to the "crown" as the visible symbol of a national territorial community. Stciliae or Franctae. If a special and extraordinary taxation was iustifiable
Within certain limited fields that development can be grasfied almcj.st '^'' For die tweltdi century, Martin IV to Charlc, of .\niou (Nov. 26. 1283)
.see tlie letter of

statistically. Taxation, for instance, may be used as an example for illustrating after lift- Sicilian \'c,spcri. The \m]k
even betorc Frederick II, w he. is said to have in-
states that
troduced, after lii.s return from the Holy Land, suhi'twiones et coUectae ordinertar. the Sicilian
the re-emergence of the notion of patria. The feudal aids which were due on (Norman) kings liati imposed, as an cxtraordinan- tax. coliectr pro drimsionr ipsius rrgni . . .

three occasion.s ransom for the feudal lord, knighting of his eldest son.
d. Le, Rrgittres du Pape Martin /V (Parii, 1913), No, 488. p. 225; also Lts Kcpstres du Pupr
Hurionus /!' No. 96, p. 75. Pope Martui seems to fiavc invesagated the maner
(Parii. iBHf)),
dowry for his elde.st daughter were [lersonal lordly taxes which had nothing rather tlioriiuglih he writes "dc mudu suhiinitionum etc. nuhil aiiud potuii mirntn nisi
tor
quud antiniinrtirti hahei reUttw." For Frederick II's culhctuc, see Ern.<it Kantorowicz, Krnser
whatsoever to do with the country, nation, or patna in either an ancient or frirdrnh der Zweitr Erj;, bd. (Berlin, 1931;. p. gg.
.

-" loscpli K, Sirasc:, "L>efense ot the Realm and Roval Power in France." Szudi in Ovorr
'"Thr model of Horace. Odes,
quite ohvioui, c.p.. in Richer, Hutormc. I, K, ed l
III. 2, l-.

Cirorp Watty (Hannvcr, 1H7T), p. 77 "deciis prv patria nion egregtiiniifue pru chnstiatioriiw
di Gwc Luzzattti (Milan, ig^g), pp, 28^1 fl.
- This, of course, wa- die whole is.suc of Ciertcis liucos. See also Straycr. op.
defemtone morti dare" cl. Lrdmann, Krtuzsugsgedanke p. 22. n. 62, alsu tor the parahelism of
.
cit., p. 290,
pania anil chnsttanorum dejensiu
and puiSim.
'" --' Erdniann, Kreuzzu^s^cdunkr p, 321; somewhat dificrcnt was die Charter of .Mfonso Vl\
h IS quite sufhcieni to recall the faninus tliroiic-iniaKCs of Ottn III fMumeli GosikU.
.

for Confraternitv ot belchitc (

tfie 1 36 which wa.'- founded 'ad C tmsttanorum drimsivnrm et
liamlwrp loscphus), or the byzantme haloed citv jjixidesscs: see, for the lattc;. Kurt Weitzmaiin, 1 )

Sanacenuruni vi-piessionrm " set Percy Ernst Schramm "Das Kastilische K,6n%'tum und
The loshua Roll (Princeton. lyjR). hp^. 65. (17. (>g, 71, -t,. and, foi tlir J\cKVI)lu^ 111 Calernio!
hrnst Kitziu;{Ci, "The Mosaicb ot the Cappclla Halaiuia ir Palermo." jin Bulltriw, XXXI
kaiscrium wahrend dct Rccontiuista," I'estschnf: iur Gerhard Ktttrr (Tiibingcn, i95t'J. p. iji.
iij4g)!
In Spain the whole development was difiereni in so far as crusadmg idea and national idea or
(

a8(j, and i\y.. b.

(latriotisni coincided .Viso crusaders' songs would show tlie idea of annihilation of the Moslems
'"In luK, of course, patrui wa.s practicallv alwavb tin citv or city-state, thoufjli witi: Dante
and Petrarch tile countr\ ot Italy, too, began ti. become puma. In a soniewhai broader scnjt tlie "lUm debentui pe'yerr Saracenoi destruerr Dreves, AnaJ Hymu XLV'b (1904), 78, No. 06,
'

terms Imiiuth 01 Autoniu were meci ui antiquity; sec alsi> below u 2', stanza 7
"^ .^bove. n. 19.

u u u
 479 Pro Patria Mori in Miulicval ThoiK/hl
Ernst II. Kantorowicz 480
in the case of an emergency in the kingdom of Jerusalem and for its defense,
land numine deum electa all that had been recovered for France by the
it seemed also justifiable (especially in the age of the purely secularized
Chanson de Roland and the other chan.<ons de geste."'' The kingdom of
crusades, such as those against the Hohenstaufen and Aragonese) to meet
France, Francta, whose very name suggested the fatherland of the free
the emergencies of the Sicilian kingdom or those of France in the same
(franci),was the land of the new chosen people;^* she too was, so to say, a
fashion. After all, "Emergency begins at home."
Francta Deo sacra'" for whose sacred soil it was worth while, and even sweet,
Once established, that tax did not disappear again; only the terminology
to make the supreme sacrifice, while to defend and protect her would imply
used in levying it changed occasionally. The old argument pro defensione
a quasi-religious value comparable to charity.
{necessitate) regni sometimes amplified by the expression "for the defense
Actually the dejensio Terrae Sanctae becomes directly relevant to that
of the king," the supreme feudal lord remained valid throughout and has
complex problem once we ask what was the reward for those fighting and
not disappeared even now in the twentieth century.^'' In addition, however,
perishing for the Holy Land.
in the second half of the thirteenth century, and especially in France, we find
a tax imposed ad tuttionem patriae or aJ defenstonem patriae?'" And in 1302,
The decrees of the Council of Clermont, in 1095, established the indul-
after the French defeat at Courtrai, Philip IV or his officers asked subventions
gences for the crusaders in a canonically perfectly correct and unimpeachable
from the clergy "for the defense of the native fatherland which the venerable
fashion. The second Canon of Clermont states quite unambiguously: "This
antiquity of our ancestors ordered to fight for, because they preferred the care
expedition shall be considered an equivalent of all penitence" {iter illud pro
for the fatherland even to the love for their descendents."^*' Here, then, that
omtii poenitentia reputetur) .^ That is, all punishment which church dis-
crucial word patria appears in a fairly modern sense, referring to a territorial

national state and harking back to the model of ancient times. In other words,
cipline might have decreed against a penitent fasts, alms, prayers, pil-

bv the end of the thirteenth century the national monarchy of France was
grimages should be forgotten and atoned for by the crusade. The crusading
campaign itself was the atonement. It was a remission of those temporal
strong enough and sufficiently advanced to proclaim patria and
impose taxes, including church taxes, ad defensionem natalis patriae.
itself as to
punishments which the church had the power to impose but not a remission
of sins. This distinction, the neglect of which was so characteristic of Luther's
But was it worth dying for that fatherland as the martyrs died for the
contemporaries, was meaningless also to the contemporaries of the crusades.
patria in heaven ? Perhaps we should draw a parallel between the "holy soil"
All our sources mention, strangely enough, not the remission of ecclesiastical
of the Terra Sancta overseas and the "holy soil" of la doulce France, the
punishment but the remission of sins, the remissto peccatorum, as the reward
French fatherland. The emotional ring of names such as Lattum or Ausonia
^''
Aenetd. Ill, 477; Pliny, Nat. Hist.. Ill, 39 fl., 138. It seems strange that Ausonia and
in the verses of Ovid or Vergil "ecce tibi Ausontae tellus; hanc arripe velis"
Ausones preserved its emotional power in Byzantium, in the poems, e.g., of Theodores Prodromos
("Lo, yours is Ausonia's soil; sail and seize it!") or the strong emotion (12th century), ed. b\ Angelo Mai, Patrum nova Bihliotheca (Rome, 18^3), \T, 399 ff., Con-
stantinople IS tailed Auaovwv jx6/.i: (X, 21), the emperor is 6 xcbv Auoavwv fj^.iog (IV, 10)
dwelling, for instance, in Pliny's praise of Italy Haec est Italia dis sacra, a or Ai'inovwv ai'Toxunxaiti (X, 171 1: sec also ixjcms I, 65; II, 17; VI, 13; XIX, 53: XX, 13, as
well as the poems of Manuel Holobolos (13th century), ed. by Jean Fi^n^ois Boissonadc,
^* These questions have been studied in recent years most successfully by Gaines Post; sec, Anecdota Graeca (Pans. 1833), V, 159 fi.. e.g., II, 6 (p. 161); IV, 1 (p. 163); V, 16 (p. 165),
alH)ve "Plena potestas and Consent in Medieval Assemblies," Traditic,
all,
(1944), 571 ff., and
etc. The Byzantine court tradition can be easih traced back to
it may e\en have been started

"The Theory of Public Law and the State in the Thirteenth Century." Seminar, vi (1^48), 42 ff.,
I

by Optatianus Porfinus. Carmina. X\' (III), lo: "maxime Caesar j Ausontae decus o. lux pia
esp. 5S H Sec Straycr, op. at., p. 292; "tarn pro capitr nostra, tarn pro corona regni deimdendii" KomiiliJum" cf. X (XXI). 13; XVI (X), 38; "0 lux Ausonidum". \ll (XXIII), 2: "magnt/
:

"
and in general hi.-, paper "The Laicization of French and Enxlisti Society in the Thirtecntli Cen- Ausonidiim ducior
tury," Speculum. X\' ( 1440), 76 R.. esp. 82 ft. 2* Percy Ernst Schramm, Der Konig von frankrexch (Weimar,
1939), I, 137, 228. and
^''
Strayer. Deteiist oi tiit Realm." p. 2g2. n. 7, p. 204. n. 6. passim, has collected some material; sec also Helmuth Kampf, Pierre Duhois (Leipzig and
8 0n Aujiusi 29, i?o2, Philip IV writes to the clergy of the bailiwick Berlin I9<s). For Franci=lihcri see, e.g., Alexander of Rocs, Memoriale. c. 17, ed. b\ Herbert
of Bourses: "ad ,

defensionevi natalis patrie pro qua referenda patrum antuimtas piignare precefni em.' curam .
Cirundniann and Hermann HeimjK:!. Die Schrilten des Alexander von Roes (Deutsches Mittel-
tiherorum prelerens carttan ." Quoted by Paul de Lajrarde. "La
. .
Philowiphie socialr d'flenri de alter: Kritischc Studicntexte der Monumenta C^rmaniae Historica, IV; Weimar, 1949). p. 38, 13,
Gand et de (iodefroid de Fontaines," Kecueil de trataiix d'histoire ei de phihlogie, ^nx" scr.. fasc. and passim: also Wilhelm Bergcs. Die rorstenspiegel des hohen und spaten Mittelalters (Leipzig,
18 (iQ4j), p. 8H, n. I. It u, apparently that kind of phraseology which Stravcr, "Laicization," 1938), pp. 7I' t.; Leclercq. jean de Paris, pp. tji, {.. Ime.s 103 fi.
p. 85, n 2, alludes to; see also lean l^cler.q, feati di Pans et I'ecclesiohnie du XIII'- siecte -"One example for many Richier. Lm vie de Saint-Remi. ed. by W. N. Bolderston (London,
(Paris, 1942). p. 18, n. 5, and in Revue du woven age latin, (1945), 166, n. 6; Frantz Fuiick-
I
1912), line 61 "Molt jait dieus aperte monstrance/ D'especial amour a France": or line 114;

Brentano. Menwtre sur la hataille de Courtrai (Paris. i8yi), p. 87, passim, and Philip le Bel
"A hien Dieus \eri\ France eslargie/ La grace duu Saint Espente." For France n the "doux
en Flandre (Pans, 1897), p. 424. Toyaume de lesus Christ" nct Kainpf, p. 111. See also below, n. 41.
*" Lrdmann, Kreuzzugsgedant^c, p. 316.

n n I n
u u I u
481 Pro Patr'ta Mori in Medieval Thoiu/lil Ernst II. Kantorozvicz 482
of the crusaders. Even Pope Urban II, although at Clermont the matter had about patria which eventually were to form a good basis for later discus-
been phrased correctly, was careless when claiming in his letters that the sions.^* In some respect the later theories are foreshadf)wed also in a letter of
crusade effected a remissio omnium peccatorum. And this idea was generally Urban II, who wrote: "None who shall be killed in this campaign for the love
current among clergy and laity alike.'" of God and his brothers shall doubt that he will find remission of his sins and
On the strength of this premise the death of a crusader in battle would the eternal beatitude according to the mercy of God."" Here the parallelism
easily appear as a new martyrdom. The crusader, certain of the remission of of "love of God and love of his brothers" is of some importance
because it

all his sins, was assured of his entry straight into Paradise and might expect, was the Christian virtue of caritas which finally was to work as a lever to
for his self-sacrifice in the service of Christ the King, the martyr's crown in justify ethically, or even to sanctify, war and death for the fatherland.
the life hereafter. A crusader's song reflects this assumption quite clearly: Two generations after Ivo and Urban, around 1170, the poet of the
Chanson de Roland muses about the Frankish-French warriors of Charle-
He that embarks to the Holy Land,
He that dies in this campaign, magne: "Se vos murez. esterez seinz martirs""And if you die, you shall
Shall enter into heaven's bliss be holy martyrs."" true, of course, that the warriors of
It is Charlemagne
And with the saints there shall he dwell.'''
supposedly were fighting the Saracens in Spain and therefore equaled
crusaders. However, to the French people of the twelfth and thirteenth
This idea was still shared by Dante. His ancestor, Cacciaguida, was slain as
centuries those Frankish soldiers had become French soldiers while Charles
a crusader in the Second Crusade. The poet, therefore, will meet his venerable
himself figured as "emperor of France." Death against the Saracens
forbear in the heaven of Mars where the champions of God and the martyrs there-

"E fore was at the same time death for the French emperor and French brothers
have their place in the peace of Paradise. Cacciaguida himself explains:
and compatriots, a fact which gave the "martyrdom" of the slain also a
venni dal martiro a questa pace."^^ This was not only the language of poets
national flavor. Priority, to be sure, was held by death for the supreme lord,
and of public opinion. Ivo of Chartres, the greatest canon lawyer around iioo,
divine or feudal. At a council at Limoges, in 1031, where the truce of God
collected in his Decretum and in the Panormia a number of relevant passages,
was discussed, a vassal of the duke of Gascogne was told: "For your lord
and reproduced, along with others, also a passage from a letter of Pope
you have to accept death and for this loyalty you will become a martyr
(858-867) in which the pope declared that any soldier killed in
. . .
Nicholas I

would be received
of God."'" Here the crown of martyrdom descended upon those suffering
the defense of faith against pagans or infidels as a citizen
death for their feudal lord. By the middle of the thirteenth century, however,
in the kingdom of heaven. "For if one of you should be killed, the Almighty
the crusader idea of a holy war was all but completely secularized, and its
knows that he died for the truth of faith, the salvation of the patria, and the
place was taken by a quasi-holy war for the defense of the realm or of the
defense of Christians; and therefore the soldier will attain the aforementioned
reward.""^'' The importance of this passage should be sought not only in the
nation symbolized by the "crown" of France. A poet of that age, Richier,

Nicholas could promise in good faith the celestial patria to

glorifying Rheims and its first bishop, St. Remy, styled the crown of France
fact that I those
the most precious of all relics and declared that those who were killed in
who died in the defense of faith or of the patria in this world,^'' but that Ivo
memory protection of the crown should be saved in the life after death. Thus they
of Chartres in his collections called back to a number of utterances
'1 Ihid., pp. 294, 317.
were rendered equal to saints or martyrs. God himself, argues the (loet,

*2 Dreves, Anal. Hymn., XLVb, 78, No. g6; Erdmann, Kreuzzugsgedan^r, p. 317:
Illur qiiictimque tenderit, ^^^Ivo, Decretum, X, 93, 97, with places from another lener of Pope Nicholas I (M.G.H.,
Mortuus i/'i fiieril, Epistolae, VI, 585, 11 f.) and from Ambrose.
Cadi bona reieprrir, "Paul Kehr, Papsturkunden in Spanien. 1: Katalamen (Abhandlunyen Gottin>;en, N. F.
El cum Sanctis permansrrit. XVIII, 2; Berlin, 1926), p. 287 f., No. 23: "In qua videlicet expedmone si quis pro Dei et
^^Paradiso. XV, 148. fratrum suorum dilectione occuherit. peccatorum projecto suorum indulgciitiam et eterne vite

Ivo, Decretum, X, 87, in Migne, Patr. Lat., CLXI, 720; Erdmann, Kreuzsugsgedanl^e, consortium in renturum se ex clementissima Dei nostri miseratione non dubitet."
** Chanson de Roland, line 134: d. Cuniont, Lux perperua. p. 445. Leonardo Olschki, Der
P- 248. 1

3' "quisquls . . . in hoc belli certamine fideliter mortuus fuerit, regno illi coelestia minime ideate Mittetpun^t franl^reichs (Heidelberg, 1913), pp. 14 ff.
ne^ahuntt<r. Not'it enim ownipote/is. si t/uulihet lestrorum morielur, quod pro irritate fiJei et =" Mi>;ne. Purr ImI., CXLIl. mocpH " Dehieras pro semote tuo mortem siisapere, . . . el
sttlutatione patriae ac defenstone Chnstianorum mortuus est, ideo ah eo ptaetitutatum praemium martyr Dei pro lali fide fieres." CI. Marc Bloch. Les rots thaumaturges (Strasbourg,
1924), p.
consequetur." 244, n. 3.

u u
 483 Pro Patria Mori in Medieval Thought Ernst II Kantorowicz
.
484
sanctifying "the king, the crown, and the realm" in which the grace of the reason commands that all members be not only directed by the head and
Holy Spirit had been multipHed, has sent from high heaven the holy balm serving the head but also willing to expose themselves
for the head. More-
of anointment por la corone deffendre.*" over, the king's peace is the peace not only of the realm
but also of the church,
The voice of the poet was echoed by that of the priest. When Philip IV of learning, virtue, and justice, and it permits the
concentration of forces for
of France started his disastrous campaign against the craftsmen and peasants the acquisition of the Holy Land. "Therefore he who
carries war against the
of Flanders a war marking in so many respects the watershed between two king [of France], works against the whole church, against
the Catholic
,
^ ,
ages an unknown cleric delivered a sermon on the king's departure to war. doctrine, against holiness and justice, and against the
Holy Land." Here the
'He preached on I Maccabees. 7., 10-22. a passage which in any century would equation of "war for France" and "war for the Holy Land" has
been carried
readily lend itself as a locus classicus for self-righteously interpreted warfare: through. We
seem already to hear Joan of Arc saying: "Those who wage war
"They march against us in the plenty of pride and lawlessness. . . . We, how- against the holy realm of France, wage war against King
Jesus.""
ever, will fight for our souls and laws; and the Lord himself will crush them \ The preacher, by adducing the organological concept of state, has struck
before our faces." To prove the just cause of the French, the preacher first a new tone which demands consideration of yet another topic: the realm as
exalted the saintly character at large of the nobiles et sancti reges Francorum. corpus mysticum.
They are saints (i) for their love of purity to the effect that, whereas other

princely races were stained, the blood royal of France has remained per- Whereas the concept of the church as the corpus Christi goes back to St.
view of the church; (3) for
fectly pure; (2) for their protection of holiness in Paul (I Cor., 12, 12), the term corpus mysticum has no biblical tradition. In
their spreading of holiness because they procreate holy kings {cum generent fact, it is far less ancient than might be expected. Corpus mysticum first ap-
'-tx\'
'll_l' I jflf/oy reges); (4) for their working of miracles by healing scrofula, the peared in Carolingian times, and it then referred not at all to the church, or
"king's evil" arguments apparently representing the common opinion in to the oneness and unity of Christian society, but to the Eucharist. It desig-
the surroundings of Philip IV and very well known from the political trac- nated the consecrated host, the mystical body of Christ." This, with few
tates of Pierre Dubois. There follows of course that the cause of those royal exceptions, remained the meaning of corpus
official mysticum until the
saints is perforce the cause of Justice herself, whereas the Flemings are fight- middle of the twelfth century, that is, until well after the great dispute about
ing for an unjust cause {"cum autem nos bellemus pro justitia, illi pro transubstantiation which is connected with the name of Berengar of Tours.
injustitia"). The wicked Flemings are almost congratulated because through In response to Berengar's doctrine and that of heretical sectarians, who tended
the king's war against them they have a chance to be, as it were, "liberated" to spiritualize and mystify the Sacrament of the Altar, the church was com-
from their injustice and conquered by the holy king of France rather than pelled to stress most emphatically not a spiritual or mystical but the real

by evil. On the other hand, death on the battlefield for a just cause receives presence of the human Christ in the Eucharist. The Sacrament now was
its reward. "Since the most noble kind of death is the agony for justice, there
"The document has been published by Dom (ean Leclercq, "Un sermon
interesting
is no doubt but that those who die for the justice of the king and realm prononce pendant guerre de Flandre sous Philippe le Bel," Revue du moyen age latin, I
la

[of France] shall be crowned by God as martyrs." The "agony for justice," (1945), 165-72. For the general background, see Kampf, Pierre Duhois, who publishes a similar
sermon by Guillaume dc Sauqueville (pp. 109-11). The maxim of the anonymous preacher
exemplified by Christ, is the price paid for the crown of martyrdom, and (Leclercq, p. 172, lines 163 <!.), "si ipsi volunt ah iniustitta vinci, orahimus u: a potestate et
exeralu regto dertncanttir. Melius est enim eis a rege find quam a malo et in iniustiiia per-
this "justice" is that of the king of France and his realm. The preacher, how- durare." indicates the theory according to which war is made ex caritate. This in fact was the
ever, demands the sacrifice for the holy king for yet another reason. He current scholastic doctrine; see Harry Gmur, Thomas von Aquino und der Krieg (Leipzig and
Berlin, 1933), pp. 7 f.; see also p. 46 for the theory that the king waging a just war acts "ex
demands it not on the grounds of the old feudal ties of lord and vassal but zelo iustitiae, quasi ex aucloritale Dei." In a similar fashion all the other theories of that remark-

on the grounds new organological concept of the able sermon could be analyzed as reflections of contemporary thought. For the two quotations
of the state. The king,
see pp. 170, 87 tf. {"cum enim nohilissimum moriendi genus sit agonirare pro lustitia, non
said he, is the head, the subjects arc the members of the body politic. Natural duhium qtiin isli qui pro lUStitia regis et regni moriuntur, a Deo ut martyres coronenlur") and
pp. 170, 65 ff. ("Igitur qui contra regem invehitur, lahorat contra lotam ecclesiam, contra
*" Richier, lines 46 40; Bloch, loc. dr. For the notion of "crown," see Fritz Hartung,
ff., p. doitrinam catholiram. contra sanctitatem \sc. regis] et iustiliam et Terram Stinctam" ).
"Die Krone als Symbol iler nion.irchischen
Hcrrsthaft iin ausgehemlen Mittelalter," Abhand- *^ The history of the term corpus mysticum has been settled, in a brilliant
study, by Henri
liirij^en der Prettssischrn Akademie (1940), No. 13 (KerUn, 1941), csp. for France pp. ig ff. de Lubac, Corpus mxsticum (Paris. 1944), also in Kecherches de science religieuse, XXIX (1039)
Further, see Richier, hncs 61 ., 73 fJ., 114 ff., pp. 41 ff.; and above, n. 1^. 257 f}., 429 tf., and .\XX (1940), 40 rt., 191 ff.

u u
I J
I L
48: Pro Patr'ia Mori in MtulU'val T/ioru/lit Ernst H. Kantorowicz 486
termed significantly the corpus verum or corpus naturale, or simply the or closely related to, the new study of Roman law, which began to exercise
corpus Christi, the name under which also the feast of Corpus Christi was its powerful influence on the concepts of church and state alike. They reached
instituted in the Western Church, in 1264. That is to say, the Pauline term their first full growth when, by the middle of the thirteenth century, the
originally designating the Christian church, now began to designate the great lawyer-pope Innocent IV introduced or elaborated the notion of the
host, whereas the notion corpus mysticum, hitherto used tf) describe the host, persona ficta, the fictitious or (as we would call it) juristic person, that abstrac-
was gradually transferred, after 11 50, to the church as an organized body. It tion of any aggregate of mancorporation, community, or dignity without
was finally through Pope Boniface VIII and the bull Unam sanctum that the which modern society could not easily exist." Under the impact of those
doctrine of the church as "one mystical body the head of which is Christ" ideas,soon augmented and ethicized by Aristotelian social doctrines, the
(untim corpus mysticum cuius caput Christus) was defined and dogmatized. former liturgical term corpus mysticum lost much of its transcendental mean-
Now the term corpus mysticum as a designation of the church in its ing. To what extent the purely sociological and juristic features began to
sociological and ecclesiological aspects was adopted in a critical moment of dominate may be gathered from Aquinas, who quite juristically defined the
church history. After the investiture struggle there arose, for many reasons, church also as persona mystica instead of corpus mysticum.*' That is, the
the "danger of too much stress being laid on the institutional, corporational mysterious materiality which the term corpus mysticum had still preserved,
side of the Church" as a body politic.^'' It was the beginning of the so-called was here abandoned and exchanged for the juristic abstraction of the "mystical
secularization of the medieval church, a process which was balanced by an person," which was synonymous with the lawyers' "fictitious person."
all the more designedly mystical interpretation of the administrative body. While the lofty idea of the church as corpus mysticum cuius caput Christus
The new term corpus mysticum linked the building of the visible church filled itself with secular corporational and legal contents, the secular state,
organism, it is true, with the former liturgical sphere; but, at the same time, striving after its own exaltation and quasi-religious glorification, itself adopted
it placed the church as a body politic or a political organism on one level with the term "body mystical" and used it for its own justification and its own
the secular bodies politic which by that time began to assert themselves as ends. Already Vincent of Beauvais in the mid-thirteenth century mentions
self-sufficient communities. Moreover, the terminological change coincided the corpus reipublicae mysticum.*'' The lawyers began to distinguish five or
with that moment in the history of Western thought in which cf)rporational more corpora ^y^/Vavillage, city and province, realm and universe." Baldus
and organological doctrines began to pervade political theories anew and to defined the populus not simply as the individuals of a community, but as
form decisively the political thinking of the high and late Middle Ages. It "men assembled into one mystical body" {hominum coUectio in unum corpus
was then, for example, that John of Salisbury wrote those famous chapters mysticum).*" And in England as well as in France the terms corpus politicum
of his Policraticus in which he compared the commonweal of the state with and corpus mysticum were used, without clear distinction, to designate the

the organism of the human body." people and the state.*"

In addition to the organological concept of the spiritual and secular com- At any event, before the end of the thirteenth century secular communi-
munities there was yet annlher set of corporational doctrines, deriving from, ties, large and small, were to be defined as "mystical bodies," meaning simply

<3 follow here the stiimilatinK article by Gerhart B. Ladncr, "As|>ects of Meiiiaeval Thought
I
" Gierke. Ill, 246 fT.

on Church and State," Rtiitu/ of Politics, IX (1947), 403 H., csp. 414 f. *" See, e.g., Thomas Aquinas, Summa ad i: "Dicendum quod caput
theol., Ill, q. 48, a. 2,
''
Policraticus. V, c. 2, ed. by Clemens C. J. Webb, I, 282 fT. Most instructive for the origins et membra sunt quasi una persona mystica." Sec Lubac, in Recherches, XXIX, 461, n. 4.
organological concepts is Wilhcltn Nestle, "Uie Fabel dcs Menenius Agrippa," Klio, XXI *' Speculum doctrinale, VII, c. 8, quoted by Ciierke, III,
of the 548, n. 75.
** Gierke,
(1926-27), 3511 It., who shows to what extent St. Paul has reproduced current stoic ideas 545, n. 64, quoting Antonio de Rosellis; sec also Fritz Kern, Humana civilitas
III,

(pp. 358 f.) the line leading from Stoicism ("socii ems \dei\ sumus rt membra"; Seneca,
cp. 92, 30) to the Christian Chnsti sumns membra (Rom., 12, 4) and further to Roman law
(see Cud. T/ieod., IX, 14, 3 |In Eutropium, Sept. 4, 397): "virorum lUustniim iiui coiisitits et
consistorio tiostro intersunt, senatorum etiam, nam et ipsi pars corporis nostri sunt," a passage to
which Professor Otto Maenchen kindly called my attention) should be investigated even beyond
Otto von CJierke. Das deutsche Geiiossenschafisrecht (Berlin, 1881), For John of111,
Salisbury's allcyed source, Pstudo-Plutarch's tnstiinlio
Traiani, see Hans Liebeschijtz, "John of
Salisbury and Pseudo-Plutarch," journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes. VI (1943),
33 A., who <hows convincingly, it seems to me, tliat Pseudo-Plutarch is Salisbury himself.
(Leipzig, 1913). tor the five cori)orations of medieval political thought.
"Gierke, III, 432.
''" In Kngland the term is found very often in Lancastrian
times; see, e.g.. Rotuli Parliamen-
torum, IV, 367, in a parliamentary sermon of the legum doctor William Lynwodc (1430-31);
John Fortescue, De iMudibus Legum Angliae, c. 13, cd. by Stanley B. Chrimes (Cambridge,
134 ff. 1942), p. 30, 17 and 28; see also the sermons of Bishop John Russel, of Lincoln (148?), quoted
by Stanley B. Chrimes, English Constitutional Ideas of the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, 1936),
pp. 180, 185. For France, see Hartung, "Die Krone," p. 29, quoting jean de Terre Rouge
(ca. 1430).

n 1

u u I J
 Pro Palna Mori in Medifval Thoiujhl Ernst H. Kantorowicz 488
487
derived from the Christian faith, the forces of which now were activated in
any polity, any corpus morale et politicum^^ in the Aristotelian sense. There
the service of the secular corpus mysticum of the state.
was, of course, no difficulty whatsoever in combining Aristotelian concepts
Pope Urban had qualified the crusader's death on the battlefield as
II
with ecclesiastical terminology. Godfrey of Fontaines, a Belgian philosopher
"charity" when he glorified death pro Dei et fratrum dilectione. In the thir-
of the late thirteenth century, integrated very neatly the corpus mysticum
teenth century, the amor patriae was commonly interpreted as caritas.
into the AristoteUan scheme. "Everyone is by nature part of a social com-
munity, and thereby also a member of some mystical body." That is to say, Amor
patriae in radice chari talis fundatur Love for the fatherland is founded

man is by nature a "social animal." As an animal sociale, however, man is in the root of a charity which puts, not one's own things before those common,
but the common things before one's own. Deservedly the virtue of charity
"by nature" also part of some "mystical body," some social body collective or . . .

precedes all other virtues because the merit of any virtue depends upon that of
aggregate, which Dante easily defined as "Mankind" and which others may charity. Therefore the amor patriae deserves a rank of honor above ail other
define, as need be, in the sense (jf populus or patria, no matter whether virtues.

referring to the kingdom of France or the city-state of Florence or any other

This is the opinion of Tolomeo of Lucca in his continuation of Aquinas'
community and corporation." From the works of
social Aristotle a new halo
De regimine principum.''^ And in the same chapter, in which by and large
had descended upon the organisms of human society.
he follows Saint Augustine, Tolomeo adduces Cicero saying that to all of us
the parents and children, relatives and household members are dear, but that
It will not be difficult now to draw some conclusions. Once the corpus
"the fatherland embraces caritate all those relations. What good citizen would
mysticum has been identified with the corpus morale et politicum of the
hesitate towelcome death if it were profitable for the fatherland?" The
people and has become synonymous with nation and "fatherland," death
examples drawn from Roman antiquity which Tolomeo had borrowed from
pro patria, that is, for a mystical body corporate, regains its former nobility.
Augustine were repeated by Dante with even greater emphasis." He talks
Death for the fatherland now is viewed in a truly religious perspective; it
about the Roman Decii as the "most sacred victims" {sacratissimae victimae)
appears as a sacrifice for the corpus mysticum of the state which is no less
and recalls "that ineffable sacrifice" {illud inenarrabile sacrifictum) of Cato,
a reality than the corpus mysticum of the church. It all implies a recovery
of Romans, that is, who for the salvation of their patria or its liberty did not
of certain ethical values and moral emotions which with regard to the
shun the darkness of death. "Whoever designs the good of the state designs
secular state had been practically absent during the earlier Middle Ages,
the goal of law." This was the thema probandum of Dante's chapter which
and yet so dominant in Creek and Roman antiquity. This, however, does not
opens up a new legal-philosophic aspect of death for the fatherland.
mean simply a paganization of the idea pro patria mori. Humanism had us
To what extent actually a hero's death pro patria was religiously defended
effects, but the quasi-religious aspects of death for the fatherland clearly
and defined may be gathered from the philosophers of the late thirteenth
" Gierke, III, 548. n- 75- century, an age steeped in Aristotelian and often Averroistic modes of
'^GcKlfrey of Fontaines, Quaestiones ordinariae, I, 2, 5, ed. by Oilon Lottin (Louvain, 19??),
p. 89; cf. I)e Lagarde, op. cit., p. 64.
It may be mentioned liere that in the thirteenth century thought. Remigio de' Girolami, a Florentine who had studied in Paris and
aUo the royal tide begins to change from rex Francorum to rex Franciae, indicating the terri-
toiah/.ation of the st;iie; icc Sihramm, Dei Kotitg ton Frankrrirh. 1, 111, n. see also Straycr,
1 :
who seems to have been Dante's teacher, was a corporationalist in the ex-
"Laicization," pp. 81 f., cf. p. 85, n. 3. On the other hand, the new definitcncss of national
treme.*'^ Although he did not, like Dante, confess the Averroistic corpor-
boundaries is reflected also by the national limitation of ecclesiastical provinces, unknown in the

cjrlier Middle Agc-s; see, for a few gotid remarks, Gerd Tellenbach, "Vom Zusammenleben der
abendlandischcn Volker im Mittelalter," Festsclmft jiir Gerhard Ritter (Tiibingcn, 19'io), pp. 19 f.
'' Thomas Aquinas, De regimine principum. III, c, 4, ed. by Joseph Mathis (Rome and
Turin, 1948), p. 41. For Aquinas himself, see Summa Theologiae,
I, 60, 5, Resp.: "Est enim
In England the title Rex Aiigliae became the general custom under Henry II. Interesting, in
virtuosi civis ut se exponat mortis perictilo pro totitis retpublicae conservatwne" ; also II-II, loi,
this connection, aie the remarks of Sir Fraiicis Bacon on the importance of a country's name as
3, 3 ("pietas se extendit ad patriam ."), with the good commentary on patria according to
a unifier of the country. When, at the entree /oyeuse of James I, in 1603, Bacon suggested the
. .

Aquinas, in Die Deutsche Thomas- Ausgahe (Heidelberg, 1943), XX, 343 H. In general, see
name of Great Britain for the united crowns of I'ngland an<l Scotland, he remarked; "For name,
Hilene Petrc, Cantas (Ixjuvain, 1948), pp. 3s tf.
though it seem but a superficial and outward matter, yet it carrietli much impression and
fiich;iMtiiicnt. '
And he reminds the kinj; of the power dwcllini; in the natne ol CJraccia (nr the
Monarchia, II, ;. See the very imjiortant study of Theodore Silverstein, "On the Genesis
of De Monarchia, II, V," Speculum, XIII (1938). 326 ff.
Greek resistance aeainst Persia, in that of Helvetia to knit together the Swiss confederation, and
'''
For Remlcio"s De bono cummiitii. sec Richard Egenter, "Gemeinnutz vor Eigennutz,"
in that of Spain as "a special means of the better union md conglutination of the several king-
Scholastil^, IX (1954), 79-92: see also Martin Grabmann, Mittelalterliches Ceistrslehen (Munich,
doms." Ct. Stanley Thomas Hindoff, "The Stuarts and Their St)le." Englis/i Historical Retiew,
1926), I, iilier den Einfluss der aristotelischen Philosophic,"' Sitzungsherichte
361 ff., and "Studien
LX (1945), 207. See, for Spain, also Schramm, "Das kastilische Konig- und Kaisertum,"
der bayerischen .H^ademie (1934 J, No. 2, 18 ff. The social aspects of De bono communi have
pp. 109 f.

JU

U U
/ / / / I
I
u I
489 Pro Palrid Mori in Medieval Thotic/lit Ernst II. Kantoromcz 490
ationalism of the collective soul, he nevertheless almost sacrifices the in- is one who strongly defends the sacrifice of temporal death for the father-
dividual soul to the collective state. To Remigio the patria, the city com- land but who no less strongly objects to spiritual death: for the temporal

munity, takes precedence over both family and individual. Man is bound to state man is not entitled to sacrifice the salvation of the soul. Moreover, he
love his patria more than himself; he should love it immediately after God warns of a false death pro republica: for example, if a man chooses death
"for the similitude which the city has with God." The universe, he argues, is on the battlefield not for his fatherland but for his own rashness; or if, instead
more perfect an image of God than the city, but the city a small universe of defending the justice and innocence of his country, he strives to acquire

is more perfect an image of God than the individual. That is, for the sake only honor and glory for his country in defiance of all justice something
of the corpus mysticum of the city Remigio strangely devaluates the physical called "imperialism" in modern language. For all that, Henry of Ghent
individual which alone, according to Genesis, was created in the likeness of vehemently rebukes the cowards who run away instead of fighting. Rather

God. The Florentine, however, with some reservations went so far as to than to fly, the soldier should choose death on the battlefield pro patria et

maintain that the personally guiltless citizen, if he could prevent his country republica in accordance with Cicero's device Patria mihi vita mea carior est
from being eternally condemned to hell, should readily take upon himself "The fatherland is dearer to me than my life." And in this connection Henry
his own eternal condemnation, even prefer it to being saved himself while of Ghent gives, as it were, the final blessing to death pro patria: he compares

his city was condemned. That means advocating not a simple pro patria tnori the death of a citizen for his brothers and his community to the supreme

an attempt defend even the sacrifice of Christ for mankind."

in the sense of suffering a natural death. It is to

eternal death of the soul, the jeopardy of individual salvation and of the It is against the background of the secularized idea of the corpus mysticum
beatitude of the life eternal for the sake of the temporal fatherland.'** implying that the state as an abstract notion or the state as a juristic person
Cicero could ask with Posidonius {De officiis, i, 45, 159) whether really finally achieved its semi-religious or natural-rehgious exaltation that we can
the community was always and under any circumstances to be placed above fully understand a tractate of Enea Silvio Piccolomini, later Pope Pius II,

the virtues of moderation and modesty. And his answer was a clear No. which in 1446 he dedicated to the Habsburg emperor Frederick III.* With
other teachers, this learned humanist maintains that the prince, the emperor,
For there are things, partly so dirty, partly so disgraceful and vile that the wise
man will not do them even for the sake of the fatherland and its conservation. . . .
is entitled to take away the private property even of meritorious citizens in

Such things, therefore, he would not take upon himself for the sake of the res the case of an emergency of the state."" The ruler may demand even more
publica, nor will the res publico wish to accept them for herself. than the property: he may demand ad usum publicum also the lives of the
Hence, the self-denial of the Christian patriot of Florence goes far beyond citizens.

the wise moderation which the classical author demands, at least with regard
It should not [writes Enea Silvio] appear too hard when we say that for the
to the sage. benefit of the whole body a foot or hand, which in the state are the citizens, must
Also in the Aristotelian and Averroistic circles at Paris similar problems be amputated, since the prince himself, who is the head of the mystical body of the
state, is held to sacrifice his life whenever the commonweal would demand it.
must have been widely discussed. Henry of Ghent, though far from siding
with the absurdity of his contemporary, Remigio de' Girolami, yet takes a Not rarely do we find in the writings of curialists that the Roman pontilT
stand against the scholarly selfishness of true or fictitious Averroists who is stvleil the head of the corpus mysticum of the church.*' In Enea Silvio's
held that the philosopher should not sacrifice his speculative life, and there- writing, however, we find a new version of the old theme. The "mystical
with his beatitude of this world, if it conflicted with his civic duties." Henry " /*/(/., p. 87.
'*" Enea De ortti et auctoritate impetii Romani, cd. by Gerhard Kallcn, Aeneas Silvius
Silvio,
been elucidated by De Lagardc, op. dr., p. 65, and "Individualisme et corporatismc au moyen Piccolomini als Puhlizist (Stuttgart, 1939). PP- 80 ff.
age," Keiueil de navatix d'histoire et de philolo^ie, i""* sir., XLIV (i9<7)- ^9- "" For necessilas non hahet le^em. see Post, "The Theory of Public Law," p. 56.
" \\,T liic pioljlcm, wlucli lla^ liten clearly rccot-nbed by hj;ciitcr, op. cit., pp. tii| ff., see *' Enea Silvio, Ue ortti, pp. 8i, 418 H. For the pope as head of the corpus mysticum,
see,
also Post, "The Theory of Public Law" (above, n. 24), p. 48. who remark-, tint according to e.g., Hermann of Schihlitz, Contra haerelicos, 11, c. 3, cd. by Richard Scholz, Unhe^arintf
the scholastic philosophers "the salvation of one's soul is the only private light that is su()trior /(irchenpolitische Streitschrijten aus der Zeit Ludwigs des Bayern (Rome, 191 4), 11, 143 f. ("ita
to the public utility, except in the case of a bishop,
who cannot, says Pope Innocent 111, resign
" se habent omttes fideles ad capud ecclesie, quod est Koniaiius pontifex, in corpore mistico
his office to save his own soul il he is needed to help others to salvation
ecrlesir"); see also Ah.irus Pelai'iiis, Coltiriunt, ed. by Scholz, op. cit., II, 506 ("ecclesta que est
5' De Lagardc, "Henri de Gand," pp. u ff., upon whose excerpts I have to lely, since die
corpus Christi misticum ibi est, ubt est caput, scilicet papa").
. . .

Quodhhets of Henry of t;hcnt arc not accessible to iiie.

n 1

u u
491 Pro Patria Mori in Medieval ThouyJit Erti.U II. Kantoroivicz 492
body of the church the head of which is Christ" has been replaced here by 1937, the fa5ade of the Milan cathedral for the commemoration service for

the "mystical body of the state the head of which is the prince." And so as to the dead soldiers of the Fascist Italian divisions in Franco Spain, illustrate

make the parallel quite unambiguous Enca Silvio reminds his princely reader some of the recent nationalistic ravings which so terribly distort an originally

that Christ sacrificed himself voluntarily althougli he, too, was princeps et venerable and lofty idea.

rector as the heail of the church."'" On the other hand, the disenchantment of the world has progressed

Here the parallelism of spiritual corpus mysticum and secular corpus rapidly, and the ancient ethical values, miserably abused and exploited in

mysticum, of the mystical body's divine head and its princely head, of self- every quarter, are about to dissolve like smoke. Cold efficiency during and

sacrifice for the heavenly transcendental community and self-sacrifice for the after the Second World War, together with the individual's fear of being

terrestrial metajihysical community has reached a certain point of culmina- trapped by so-called "illusions" instead of professing "realistic views," has

And from this

tion. high-point onward the historian will find it easy to coast done away with the traditional "superstructures," reUgious as well as

down that road which ultimately leads to early modern, modern, and ultra- ideologic, to the effect that human Uves no longer are sacrificed but "liqui-
modern statisms. dated." We are about to demand a soldier's death without any reconciling

It would be wrong to underrate the role which humanism and revived emotional equivalent for the lost life. If the soldier's death in action not to

antiquity have played in the emotional revaluation of the ancient pro patna mention the citizen's death in bomb-struck cities is deprived of any idea

mori in modern times. The main spring, however, is that at a certain moment encompassing humanitas, be it God or king or patria, it will be deprived also

in history the "state" in the abstract or the state as a corporation appeared of the ennobling idea of self-sacrifice. It becomes a cold-blooded slaughter

as a corpus mysticum and that death for this new mystical body appeared or, what is worse, assumes the value and significance of a political traffic

equal in value to the death of a crusader for the cause of God. And it may accident on a bank hoHday.

be left to the reader to figure out all the distortions which the central idea of

the corpus mysticum has suffered by its transference to national, party, and Needless to say, the two cardinals quoted in the introduction are far

racial doctrines in more distant and in most recent times. The so-called remote from those debasing tendencies which belong anyhow to a later

"Tombs of Martyrs" of the National-Socialist movement in Munich, or the period: both regarded the soldier's death on the battlefield as a true sacrifice

gigantic streamer Chi muore per Italia non muore coverip.g, on Christmas, which with or without otherworldly reward bestowed a final shimmer of
human nobility on the human victim. When now we turn back to re-read
mori became an act of caritas and equivalent to pro Deo (Christo) mori, it
*2 If pro patria

might be expected, as Professor Philip Merlan kindly pointed out to me, that accordingly patnuiit
Cardinal Mercier's pastoral letter of Christmas, 1914, we realize that the
tnihere, [reason against would be paralleled by Deum (Chnstum) irahere In
the tathcrland, words he used, which then appeared so challenging, are in fact fully justified
fact, Dante. Injerno, XXXIV, Brutus and Cassius sharing the punishment of )udas.
describes
rhis idea, however, has a long history, since every treasonable act would be interpreted by
by a very long tradition of ecclesiastical doctrine and Western political
means of biblical exemplarism as a rejictition of the treason of )udas. See, e.g., Poenitentiale thought in general. Those words did not express his private opinion or willful
Valicellaiium, cc. 50 and 51, where it is said diat not only a person delivering anodier man up
to hii enemies he judged like Judas, but also "si quis castelluni irl nvitatem aut aticuiiis
shall interpretation. Much can be said also, however, in support of Cardinal Billot's
itnimiioiieiti in maniis inimicurum spiniii fudiie tradnteni" Hermann Joseph Schniitz, Die
:

BusshiUher tiiid Busidisziplin der Kin/ie (1883), 1, 376 f., quoted by Ferdinand Koeiien, in
view. From a theological-dogmatic basis, he rejected the sentence expounding
Deuisches Dante-lulu hiuh, VII (1923), 93, n. 11. Moreover, the crimen liiesae niuiestatis was that "death christianly accepted assures to the soldier the salvation of the
customarily made parallel vvith the crime of the lese majesty of (!od; see Krnst Kantorowicz,
Kunrr Fnediuh, \lx\i,. Ud., p. 110. Relevant to the problem is the study ot Maxiine Leiuosse, soul," because, he claimed, this was substituting the fatherland for God.
"l.a lese niaicste dans la monarchic franque." Revue dii moyen age laiin. II (1946), 5-24. who
And indeed, this substituting tendency has become more and more obvious
very neady puints out how the notion Uieia niaiestas was replaced in the West by the feudal
concept of infidettlas (personal treason as opposed to public treason); how the substance of since 1914. History, we might venture to say, supported Cardinal Mercier;
laesa m,iie.<tiis as a public crime was retained as a result of the lelij^ious or ecclesioloyical status
of the king (Alcuin, Epist., Ill, 12, in M.O.H., Epist., IV, 24: "hi neiem regis neniu cominunuare
theology. Cardinal Billot. But who was right and who wrong, in the crucial
quia linstiis Domini est et omnis qiiisijuis till' sairilegio jssenserit.
jiidae tiaditori
aiideiit, t . . . . . .

matter of the soldier's eternal salvation, cannot be decided by either the

iiKiulus sempilervii cremahilur imendiis"): and tiow finally after the Boloi'nes rrvi\a! of R.,riijn
law the ancient l./esa maiestas reappears without alwlishing the Chiistian conce[it of the king's historian or, after the split between faith and reason, the philosopher.
religious nature. Both trends concur in the intetpretation of suicide as treason or felony because
" Kdmund
through this crime "the king, being the head, has lost one of his mystical niemlicrs
Berkeley, California
Plowden, The Commentaries or Reports (London, i8i6^ p. 261,

n 1

u u I u
u u
 t .

^
!^
Geoffrey of M o nm </ut h i s t o r i a Regum
OUAJL.^^<it

, ff
V-C< Hi ;

Eritanniae IX.4('Faral's edition chap. 147

pp. 232-233 ) .

Viri Christiana professione insigniti,mane

at in V o b i s concivium vestrorum pietas et
p at r i ae , qui ,
p ro di t i on e p aganorum extermina-
t i , vob
sempiternum erunt opprobrium n 1
i s
3 i
ipsos defendere i nst iteriti s Pugnat
pro
pat ri a ve st ra et mor
f supervenerit
era , s 1

ult ro pro eadem p a t i in i n i . I p s a eni V 1 c tor ni

1 a
est animae remediu ni.Quicumque eni:
et
pro
pro fratribus suij mortem
inieri t V i V am ,

hostiam se praest at Deo Chr

i st urn qu
e i n s e qu i
non ambigit u r qui
pro fratrib us s u i
ix*sixtlt animara di gnat
us est ponere,
Si al 1 qui s i
gitur vestru m in hoc
b ell,
mort em sub i eri t
^i* mors ilia omni
um '

del 1 c t o rum s uo r ui Po eni t ent i a et ab

^um
s olu t i
eam hoc modo rec
ipere non diff ug
e r i t

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t
Cari sunt liber 1 pr opinqui
paren t e s , ar i
,

familiare s,sed omnes omnium caritates

p at r i a a coraplexa est, pro qua quis b onus
dub i t e mortem oppet er e , si Profuturus?

i\ '-,
"-f -c*.*
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U U L U
 c
Samstag/Sonntag, l./2.rebruar 1958

Ein Spruch, an dem sich die Geister scheiden

Horaz-Zitat wird aos der Universitat entfernt / Stiirmische Studentenversammlung
MiinohnrrStudentpn<.chaft In
Zu einer erregten Debatte kam es vorgestern bci dcr Vollversammlung der
est pro patria mori"
der Inlversitat. Es ging um die Entstheidung, ob das Hora/.-ZiUt ,.Uulce et decorum
erbalten bleihrn
(SUB und ehrenvoll ist es. fur dw Vaterland lu sterben) im Mchthof der rniversilat
erselzt w erden
Oder durch den Spruch ..Mortui vlventes obligant" (Die Toten verpflichten die Lebenden)
minutenlang durdi scbrilles Pfeifen
soil. Narli einer uber dreisiundlgen Auseinandersetzung, die oft
anwcsen-
und ohrenbetiiubendp Pfui-Rufe unterbrochen wurde, stimmten etwa 75 Prozent der Ober 3000
Sinnspruch ..Mortui vlventes
den Studenten fur den von Rektor Dr. Egon Wiberg vorgesihlagencn
lusteht. wird aller
obligant". Der Akademische Senat der Universitat, dem die letzte Entsdjeidung
Voraus.siciit nadi die Empfehlung der Studenten guthelBen.

Die Verwaltung der Universitat halle alle
Vorbereitungen getroften, um die Versammlung
nicht in eine Saalschlacht ausarten zu lassen. Auf
den Gangen postierten sich eine Stunde vor Be-
ginn 15 Manner, die durch ihre Schirmmutzen
als Hauswache" geltennzeichnet waren. Sie hat-
ten Anweisung, bei einem Krawall darauf zu
achtcn, daB das Mobiliar der Universitat nicht
beschiidigt werde. Eine Viertelstunde vor Ver-
sammlungsbeginn war die Aula bis auf den
letzten Platz besetzt. Als auch die Gange gefiillt
waren, wurde das Auditorium maximum geoff-
net. Dorthin wurde die Diskussion mit Laut-
sprechern iibertragen. Noch nie waren zu einer
Vollver.sammlung des AStA so vlele Studenten
erschienen wie gestern. In den beiden groBen
Salen und auf don Gangen verfolgten uber 3000
Studierende die Debatte.
Bevor die Versammlung begann, mel-
olflziell
dete sidi der Student Walter Weber zu Wort. Er
forderte seine Kommilitonen auf, eine Solidari-
tatsorklarung fur das Gdttinger Manifest und die
entspredienden Erkliirungen Albert Schweitzers
und der Heidelberger Professoren abzugebcn.
Sein Antrag wurde mit tosendem Beifall und
schrillen Pflffcn beantwortet. Ein Sprecher des
AStA erklarte, uber den Antrag konne nicht ab-
gestimmt werden, da er nicht vorschriftsmiiBiB
24 Stunden vor der Versammlung beim AStA
eingereicht worden sei. Dann erofTnete der erste
u Vorsitzende des AStA, Udo Jansen, die Voll-
iS versammlung. Er begruBte besonders Rektor Dr.
1- Egon Wiberg. Jansen bezeichnele die Ausein-
ie andersetzung iiber den Sinnspruch als eine reine
g- interne Hochschulangelegenheit. Er konne nicht
a. begreifen, warum der Meinungsstreit in der
e- Offentliciikeit .so ausgewalzt worden sci. Man
id solle kein Politikum daraus marhen.
li-
Gedenken an die Geschwister Scholl
i-
e- Rektor Dr. Wiberg ging auf die.Geschichte des
r- Horaz-Zitates ein, das vor iiber einem halben
m Jahrhundert im Lichthof der Universitat ange-
?n bracht worden sei. ,.Bei der Vollversammlung
i- gehe es nicht um die Entscheidung, ob der Spruch
)n bleibt", sagte er. Es geht um
die Respektierung
in dcr Gefiihle. Nach zwei Weltkriegen und nach
1- Hiroshima mag das Wort vom .siiBen Tod' fiir
m das Vaterland manchem Mensclien auf der Lippe
er erstarren. Ist er desiialb zu vcrdammen?" Aus
in dieser Meinung heraus habe er den Spruch
i- Mortui viventes obligant" vorgeschlagen, der
s- an die Heldentat der Geschwister SchoU er-
innere. Der Rektor ermahnte die Studenten, sich
bei der Entscheidung ihrer akademi.schen Ver-
antwortung bewuBt zu sein.
Nadi dem Rektor meldete sidi der AStA-Ver-
treter Giinthcr von Wulffen zu Wort. Er vertci-
digte das Horaz-Zitat. Halten Sie mich nidU fin-
so naiv, daB ich glaube, es ware siifi, von einem
T 34 zermalmt oder von Atomstaub bedeckt zu
werden", sagte er. Trotzdem ist das Zitat ein
Lobpreis der Vaterlandsliebe." Zvvischenruf:
Sollen wir deshalbverrecken?"Daraur V.'ulffen:
Eine solche Ilaltung kommt der Aufgabe der
Kultur des Vaterlandes nahe." Minutenlanges
ohrenbetiiubendes Pfeifen und Pfui-Rufen hin-
derte Wulffen am Weitersprechen.
Bei der Diskussion war die Aula in zwei Lager
gespalten: Auf der linken Seile saBen die Ver-
treter und Gesinnungsfreunde des Liberalen
Studentenbundes, die gegen das Horaz-Zitat
waren; auf der rechten Seite die Vertreter des
AStA und die Angehorigen der katholisclien
farbentragenden und nicht farbentragcnden Ver-
bindungen. Sie waren fiir die Beibehaltung des
Spruches.
Hans Engelhardt, dem Liberalen Studenten-
bund nahestehcnd. erklarte, der Wiederaufbau
der Bundesrepublik sei nach dem Motto vor-
gegangen Lasset alles beim alten und priifet
wenig, denn allcsAlte ist gut." Dieses Vorhaben
ncnne man Restauration. Sie habe sich auch beim
Ziprgitter im Lichthof wieder gezcigt. (Spontaner
Beifall.) ..Wer Rlaubt, daB wir den Frieden nicht
am dringendsten brauchen, der trete vor. "Engel-
hardt stellte den Antrag, sofort daruber abzu-
stimmen, ob das Horaz-Zitat erhalten bleiben
soil. Es meldoten sich jcdoch noch andere Stu-
denten zum Wort. Sie erklnrten, das Zitat sym-
bolisiere ijbersteigerten Nntionali.-^mu.''. Es set
bezeichnend. daB es angebiacht wurde, als Kai-
ser Wilhelm IT. rcglcrto
fiir den Vorschlag des Rektor*
Nach dreistiindiger Di.skussion wurde abge-
stimmt: Etwa drei Viertel der Studenten spra-
chen sich fur den Vorsdilag des Rektors aus.
Damit wird der Spruch ..Mortui viventes obli-
gant" wahrsdicinlich schon in den naclisten
Wochen im Adlergitter des Lichthofcs montiert.
Ein Antrag, unter dem Sinnspruch die Namen
und das Todesdatum der Geschwister Sclioll an-
zubringen, wurde abgelehnt. Die Studenten be-
fiirwortettn noch, das altc sdimiedeeiscrne
Horaz-Zitat dem ungarischen Studenten zutiber-
lassen.Er hatte darum gebeten, vveil er es an
einer wurdigcn Stelle" aufbewahren will.
Edmund Gruber

it
n
Simsalabim ein Mann muB her!

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'31. "Dante's 'Two Suns'," in Semitic and Oriental Studies PresenUd to William Popper
(University of California Publications in Semitic Philolog\-, XI ; Berkele\ and Los
Angeles, 1951), 217-231.

Ul'r coriy, ar.ncts*"ed.

"(3) Ich glaube..." (port of a letter)

"Dante u. Evzanz" (soiral notebcck cage)

X
"Duo luininaria'' (^pi-^al notebook pa ge^ )

"Two suns" (raemo pad slip)

"Sol" (half Dape, vellov)

"Deux soleils" (half page)

G. ti tv-oed -Dares;
1-ij. of Ganzelo de 3erceo, Duelo de la
te-<^t
irren Mpria (cf. note affired to p. h,)
^

1-ij. English translp-t- ion of same.

,-mi''--

U U L L
 1

firprinted from
.Semitic: ani> Orikm m STuniF.s
l!nive^sir^ ol Calitornia Publuuituins m Scmitu Philtilogx . \olunie XI, 195'

DAXTE'S 'TWO SUNS'

ERNST I-l. KANTTOPCWICZ

Two ondf- luivc b!ii Bii1 by Providnnot;, liml W- (!ontempkt.!d by

mfsffabk:, btifore ni&u U<
him: the blesBedness, to wit, of iL tlie exorcifif of man's proper power
tliis life wliicii oonsiflts

and IB figured by the terrefltrial paradise and the bkHediM!SS of etenuJ life which f!onsL!t?
:

in the fruition of th<' divine afijKfrl, it. which his power nmy not astiend unl< assisted by
the divine hpht. And thif iilesHednesf if piven t(j be undersiood by the eelestial paradise.

Max, aociording to thf two ends set before iiim, need of a twofold directive
is in

power; the Roman Pontiff to lead mankind in accordance with things revealed
to eternal life ; and the R.oman Emperor to direct the human race to 1mporal
felicity in accordance with the teachings of philosophy.
This is, in the words of a famous passage of the Monorchia, Dante's \'iew
of a world order such as it should be, but as it was not owing t.o the incessant
strife tieitween papacy and empire for the supreme position in this world. ^ The
discord lietween the two supreme authorities has l:)een, time and again, de-
plored by the poei as the mainspring of Italj-'s, and mdeed the world's, political
and moral disaBt,er around 1300. The contest l)etween the two universal
powers concerning some alleged supremacy of one over the other appieared to
Dante as a struggle devoid of substance and foundation. The twc) offices, so
lie ponders, def?' comparison altogether, since their tasks are fundamentally
different If, however, a comparison of Pontiff and Emperor tie desired, the
first thing t.o do would tie to reducie both to a common denominat.or allowing
comparison.
C)f such common denominators Dant*" adduces two in his Mmiarchia} Both
Pontiff and Emperor are, above all. men. Therefore they must be measured
bj" the standard of man, by the humaraiai- which personally they represent.

"As men they have to be referred i.o the optimua homo who is the measure of
all others and, as it were, their idea, whosoever this 'best man' may be. That

is. they have t,o lie referred t.o him who is mostly one in his own kind." In

other words, the verv- ''Idea of Man," the man "whosoever he may be "

that encompasses most perfectly the human race and "is mostly one in his
kind," is the standai-d of both Pontiff and Emperor so far as they are bwol
This is not only a truly "humanistic argument by which Dant*' transfoB
'

the theoretical strife of many centuries to a completely new plane; it falls ia

also with the pohticaJ doctrines of that age which had learned t.o distinguidi
more clearly than lief ore lietween man and his office, lietween king and crown.
So far as the ofia;!- of Pontiff and Emperor are concerned, so Dante continues,
it is obvious that both offi(!es derive from the same source, which is God. The

' Mimarckia. Ill, xvi, 7.

= xii, 7 fi.
Jind., Ill,
Hart.ung, ''Dje Krone alF Symbol der monarcliiHchen Herrnuhafi mi Mjti^lalier,"
J'rii7
AbhandLunfieti der BfrrLmer Akadenne. IMO, No ]8 (3W4] also E KanUirowici '- .^'..^.
:
'

EiBCUb,' Hiriuipinii: Festf/alH fur Alfred Wetier (Heidelberg, ]i<48 jip. 225 ff.. ^ . :

Post, "The Tlieor^ of Puiihc Law and the State in the Tiurtoeuth Geutun-,' ,^!. _ 1

(1948), 42 S.
[217]

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218 Vniversitp of Califomui Tuhltc.ationi; in Semitic Philology

pomnioii flRnnniinatnr of tho offinoK, thoreforr,. If "oither Ood himself in M'hom

all disposition i;- univf'rsully united, or sonu fiuhfitaiKif inferior to God,'' some
of the celestiul intelhpenreH, in whioli the deity appears in a more particularized
form.''
Ah hiinianitaf< in Dante'^ scliemc if- always peculiarly- concentric with dcitafi,

it becomep almoRt natural that the human and the divine Hhould appear also
aK the two planer whicli Pontiff and Emj)eror have in common. Only when re-
duced to these two denoniinatorh, il seeniF to Dante, could the two powers
he(!ome comparable a1 all. However, wiien reducjed to tlie human and divine
planes the two powers would cease to be in a state of competition concerning
the Ruprenuicy of either one or the otiier; for in the mirror of human perfection
and of tlie divnie bemg, or tiie celestial beings. Pontiff and Emj)eror are ec|ual
anyhow
These, by and large, are the arguments which Dante expounds in the
Mmiarchia. In the iHviim Commedia. however, he reduces the two universal
})owers to yei anotiier denommator to prove tlieir equality when, in addition
to humanitat: and dtvinitax of Pontiff and Emperor, the poet refers to the
Roman character tliey have in common, to tlieir Rontanitas. In fact, nothing
could be more Dantesque tiian this triad of Man. God, and Rome.
The sixteenth Canto of tiie Purffotonti has as its essence the meeting of
Dante with the Lombard Marco. Dante had inquired of Marco about the
causes of ^'icf and sin sin(te some people placed those causes in the heavens
whereas otiiers sougln tlienj IkjIow on eartli.

lirotiier,
Tin world IK blind, aud truly thou comest from it,

l)egins Marco's reply. He explains that Necessity deriving from stellar in-
fluence must lie refuted altiiougb indeed the heavens set man's impulses in
motion Tet Reason and Freewill are given to man to secure the victori- of
ins bettei nature Tiierefore. ii is solely man s fault, mn thai of the stars, if

vice and sin predominate on earth. Man's soul was created suuple; and as it
''sprung from a joyous maker," it knows no other desire than to return to Him.
The soul, iiowever, foi it^ return to God. needs guidance; il needs the laws to
curb it. and needs a ruler, the Emperor, who discerns dello vera ciUad< aimcn
la torrc. "of the true city at least the lower." With this remark the Lombard
tunis from the sphere of tiieolug^ and natural philosophy to thai of jioiitical
piiiloKopiiyLaws, suys lie. certamly then are. yex none puts them to work

because the shepherd the Pontiff wiu> leads the flock.
thougli chewing th' cud hatli not tht hoofs divided.

He is not kosher. True enough, he "ruminates" : lie ruminates the theological

knowledge of generations, but does not fulfill the other reiiuirement of the
Law: to discern Ciood from Evil as indicated by the cloven hoofs. The flock, the
ignorant crowd, becomes like its; leader sinful and corrupt and desires ''whereof
he is greedy." Hence, neither stars noi nature is responsible foi the corruptness
MmuiTchta III, xii, 11: "vl ipw l>eus . . , vel ahqua suLwtantia l>eo inferior."

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 Kantoromcz: Dante's "Two Suns" 219
of the world, but the fault is with ovil leadership. The Pontiff ha^ enpulfed the
Emperor, has joined to his pontifical staff the imperial sword. And the residt:
both Empire and Church go ill because united in one hand they cease
to fear
each other.
What should the right order of the world be? What had it been like so
long as the world was good? Here Marco hints at Rome.

Solovu Iloma, cht- il buon mondo feo,

due soli aver, che I'una e I'altra strada
faneaii vedere, e del mondo v di Deo.

(She that had made thf pond world, Ilomu, was wont
To having two whinh made plain to sight
RiTNt-
Both one road and the other, world and God.)

For centuries, ever since the age of

Gregory "VTI, a dangerous image had gained
influence on the political theory- of the papacy: Sun and Moon as
symbols of
Church and Empire.^ Although the sheer coexistence of two celestial luminaries
of unequal size proved, all bj- itself, less than nothing in view
of the relations
of regnum and sacerdotium, the metaphor had yet been taken
as evidence for
the inferiority of the Moon-Empire to which only some reflected
light was
granted from the Sun-Papacy. Dante, in the Mcmarchia. had denied and ridi-
culed the validity of the Sun-Moon sjTiibol as an evidencie m political
matters.'
Now, in the Comedy, he abolishes it, and no more than two words are needed
to do away with that specter: due soli. Pope and Emperor, to
Dante two
coordinate and equal powers with different tasks, no longei- reflect a major and
a minor light: they are "Two Suns'" which jointly illummate the world to
lead
the human race to the two goals which "Providence, tlrnt ineffable,
has set
before man": the terrestrial paradise and the celestial. And from
this greater
concept Dante cannot exclude Home. From liome there siiall shine forth the
Two Suns to bring light to man and shed light on his path; from Rome, the
capital of the World and the Empire as well as of Italy. Pontiff
and Emperor,
ci)e(iuals when measured by the standards of Man and God, are
coe(]uals also
with regard to Rome and to their solar characters. Rome, according to
the
poet, "was wont to having two suns." And by the power of two
luminaries
of equal grandeur Rome had created the "good world,"
a world sucli as it
had been, so we might saj-, so long as an EmjMjror a Deo coronatun and
a
Pontiff a Deo electus still balanced, supported, and checked one
another.'
It is by means of that rather bold new metaphor that
Dante tries to over-
come the effects of the theocratic Sun-Moon symbolism. There is nothing
obscure ab out his intentions. He wishes to emphasize, once more, that the
f-
For Sun-Moon syniboUsm of papacy and empire, see Konrad BurdacJi, Rtetizo und
th(
dir geulig> ViamiiuMi semer Zett (Voni MiUetaUerzur KeformaUon, Vol. II, 1: Berlin 113-
Uih). pp. 27,< ff., 332 ff and ptMstni; also Perry Enist 8ciiramni, Aawer,
Rom und Hmot-cUw
(Leii)zig and Berim, 1920;, Vol. 1, pp. 124 f., n. o, and 11,
p. (K, line 31
; Monorchia, III, iv. See also the objections to this clmpt<;r' of DanU-s contemporarv
adversary the Dominican Ciuido Vemani: Thomas Kappeli, "Der
I)autKegner Guido
Vemani O.I .
von Riminj, '
QueUer, urui Forgchungei, am Ualieriuicheii ^Uchtvet, mid Biblw
Uieken, XXVIII (1937-1938J, 144 ff.
' Bee E. Kantorowicz, Laudes regtae (Berkeley and Loe Angele6,
1946), pp. 106, 145.

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220 University of California PuUications in Semitic Philology

secular sphere exists in its own right, that the celestial paradise is sided by a
terrestrial
paradise of equal dignity, and that Philosophy and Theologj-,
Empire and Papacy are of equal rank. Yet, that new metaphor itself Two
Suns shining forth from Pomestrikes us as strange and hardly less fantastic
than the old Sun-Moon symbolism serving as the evidence for papal suprem-
acy. If taken in a literal sense, the idea of two suns over Rome appears even
monstrous, frightening rather than comforting. The appearance of a second
sun, an anhelion, was a bad omen for the Romans in ancient times, as may
be gathered from Uvyf and Claudian, too, uses the image of gemini soles
purely in the negative to indicate the monstrosity of an epoch.* For all that,
however, Dante's image of the Two Suns was, in a politico-theological sense,
not at all foreign to Roman
thought, nor, for that matter, to medieval thought.
In fact, we need only to turn to Byzantium in order to find the image of the
Two Suns not too rarely in the language of poetrj- and rhetoric. The plurality
of emperors, customary in Constantinople, would have challenged unfailingly
the court poets and rhetors to compare their emperors with two, or e^-en more,
suns just as they were used to compare the imperial couple, basileus and basi-
lissa, with sun and moon."
We
may, however, forget about those obvious comparisons, and turn to
what may be called the original version of Dante's image of the Two Suns of
Rome,
Theodoros Prodromos, a well-known and indeed prolific poet of the Com-
nenian age," has written among many other works a great number of poems
for John II Comnenus (1118-1143)epinikia, epithalamia, epitaphia, and,
following Byzantine court etiquette and court demands, also several poems
for the pro kypsis}- The prokypsis was a wooden platform or tribune which,

*Livy, XXIX, 14; cf. Pliny, A'cU. Hist. II, 31 f.

"Claudian, hi Eutropium, 1, 7.
'" Examples of tlu. solar
duality are verj- numerous; see, e.g., Theodoros Prodromos (cf
next notch J'oematu, 1, 6, ed. Mai, I'atrum nova bibUotheca (Rome, 1853), Vol. VI,
p. 399:
ijXtf Kal vaprjKu Svo Xatiirpoi ifiottTTrjpt^
irarrip Kal riicvoy fiaaiXtis . . .

XIV,23,ed. Mai, p.412:

'Vutiaiwv ijXit Xafi-rpi . . .

twc oi^atrroKpaTopiov
ftcrd Ttav rapTjXUav aov
Manuel Holobolos (see below), II, 14, ed. J. F. Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca (Paris 1833)
vol. V, p. 161:
Sn/pifoi To(i<ri( roiis Xa^irpoin iiXlom tuv Kbaovuiv,
irarkpa rt Ka.1 tov viov . . .

Theodoros Hyrtalceno.s, ed. Boissonade, op. cit., I, p. 258 (last lines): 'ilivo'iy r,\Luv SLcu,, h
^ipopovvTiM ivi V,i. Otto Treitmger, hie ostrimiische Kaiser- und Reichsidee
. . .
nach ihrer
Gestaltung in, hofischen Zeremmuell (Jena, 1938), pp. 117 ff; ibid., p. 115, for the
comparison
of the emperor with Ilelios, and of the empress with Selene, which is very frequent
indeed.
" For the literature on Prodromos, see, in addition to K. Krumbaclier, Geschichte der
byzanltnischen Ltteralur (2d ed.; Munich, 1897), pp. 359 and passim ott Index) the very
complete bibliography by Konrad Heilig, "Ostroni und da.s Deutsche Reich urn 'die Mitte
des 12. Jahrhunderts," m
T. Mayer, K. Heilig, C. Erdmann, Kauertuvt und Herzogsyewalt
tmZettalter friedriclis I. (Schriften des Reichsinstituts fur ult<,-re deutsche Geschiclitskunde
IX; Leipzig, 1944), p. 237, n, 3. The poems of Prodromos referred to liere are found in Mai
(see n. 10), V ol. \'I, pp. 399 ff., and in the essay on Prodromos bv Carl Neumann,
Griechische
Gesditchlsschreiber und Geschtclitscjuellen im zwiilften Jahrhunderl (Leipzig, 1888),
pp. 37 ff
" For the prokypsis, see August Heisenberg, "Aus der Geschichte und Literatur
der
Palaiologenzeit," tiUzungxherichte der Bayenschen Akademie, 1920, Abli. 85
10, pp. ff.; Trei-
tmger, op. cit., pp. 112 fT. Tlic Hellenistic and Late Antique models of the ceremony deserve
further investigation; for some suggestions see M. A. Audreeva, in Seminarium
Kondako-
vtanuni, I (1927), 157 fT. (Ru.ssian).

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 Kantorowicz : Dante's "Two Suns" 221
appropriately draped with tapestries and golden curtains,
was erected in the
open to serve the imperial ceremonial on the two main
ecclesiastical feasts,
Christmas and Epiphany (January 6), as well as on a few other
occasions, at
weddings in the royal house or, in later times, coronations
also. To this
prokypsis the majesties had to ascend, while the front
of the platform was
still veiled, by a back step. When they
had arranged themselves on the trib-
une, the curtains were flung open: the emperors, now
visible to court and
army, who were assembled in front of the platform,
made their "epiphany"
and received the acclamations which were due on that occasion.
It was prob-
ably after those acclamations that a court poet or orator
had to address the
emperor. The speaker was expected, as it were, to interpret
the meaning of this
highly dramatic pageantry by putting it into some
relation with the festal
event. It was almost traditional that those poems alluded
to the emperor as
the Helios basileus, the Sun-Emperor, who like the rising
sun had risen on the
prokypsis. In a more or less skillful fashion the poet
would try also to parallel
the imperial epiphany with that of Christ: on Christmas,
with the epiphany
in the flesh in the cave-stable of Bethlehem and on Epiphany, with that
;
in the
baptismal waters of the Jordan.
One of those prokypsis poems of Theodoros Prodromos for the "Feast
of
Lights," as Byzantium called the Epiphany, is devoted,
almost in its entirety,
to the theme of the Two Suns."

Light up, Rhomaean City! And once more: Light up.

Bask in the double beams of your Two Suns.
You have the Sun of Justice, here, the Father's
Reflected splendour, naked in the Jordan.
And, there, you have the Sun of Monarchy,
The Father's vicar, shining in the palace.
Oh, what Ughts flood on thee today. City of Rome!
What beams shoot down on this earth's face!

In this manner Prodromos carries through his comparison

between the Two
Suns, one divine and the other imperial. The city, of course, is
not that Rome
on the Tiber which the Byzantines have learnt to despise and
hate, but the
New Rome, the Second Rome on the Bosphorus. This other Rome owns Two
Sunsnot emperor and pope, of course, nor even emperor and patriarch of
Constantin ople; but Christ himself, the Sun of Justice ("HXios rfjs
hiKaiocbv^^),
'^ Poem XVIII, ed. Mai, p. 413:
*wTifoi; T6Xts IxjinaU, -wiXiv ipu iponl^ov
iiT\aXs airya^ov ralj oiryaij kn Sim tSiv riXiwv
<ix*'S iKtidtv riXiov Tov rijs SiKaioaOyris,
rd Tov Tarpos iiiravyaona yviiviv iv 'lopbavji-
ixm ii/Ttv6tv riXiov tov Trjs fioyoKpariai,
t6v Toil -raTpos bidSoxov XafiTpdy tv avaiCTdpois'
01 rdaa ipuTa ajifitpoy Tr)v 'yoipTjv tppvKT(iipovaii>-
01 rSaai Td repiytiov iKTivti SqLSovxovaiv
dXX 6 XpKTTOS fiiv TJXlOS Kal toitjtijs ijXiov
ffi S IjXiov tA rpayp.ara, axTjxToCxt, fiapTvpovcty
. . .

The Light and Sun symbolism is dominant

in the liturgies of practically all churches on the
least ot l^piphany, particularly in the East<.Tn churches;
see, e.g., P. Hendrix "La Ffite de
d'Histmre du Christianisme: JubiU Alfred Loisy (Paris'
. P'P.,fo"o?' ^r^,"",^/^ and Amster-
dam, 1928), Vol. II, pp. 213 ff 226 fT.; Treitinger, op. cit, p. 117, n. 350.
,

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222 University of California Publications in Semitic Philology

is the city's great luminary together with the emperor. To raise the question of
"supremacy" would be ridiculous, since one is man, the other God. Still, the
emperor-sun rises "together" with the Sun of Justice because he, the emperor,
is the recognized christomimetes the imitator, even impersonator, of Christ
whom the Byzantines, in view of his share in the world government, would
go far to style their "second God" (devrtpos 6e6s).'*
The emperor a "Sun" as the mimeles of Christ: this is the leading idea which
yet another Byzantine poet has developed. Manuel Holobolos,'* a thirteenth-
century court poet serving under the first Palaeologan emperors, Michael VIII
and Andronikos II, likewise compares his Helios basilcus with Helios-Christ.
He wonders, when comparing the Two Suns with each other, how the divine
Sun of Justice found space in the "narrow disk" of the cave of Bethlehem,
and how the huge imperial Sun could be encompa.ssed by the small wooden
scaffold of the prokypsis. But he is quick to explain this "miracle" by empha-
sizing that the emperor, after all, was the perfect mimctes of Christ.'*
This, however, is only one aspect of the emperor's Sun-likeness. For the
Byzantine basileus is "Sun" not only becau.se he imitates, impersonates, and
stages Christ. This, to be sure, was the Christian version by which the imperial
Sun-rulership was made more palatable to an age which rarely except in the

paganizing circles of rhetoric schools was conscious of the pagan origin and
substratum surviving in this solar ruler-worship. For in fact the emperor was
also "Sun" in his own right ever since the times of Constantine, in whom a far
older Roman tradition came to end.'^ Theodoros Prodromo*!, in a poem to
Emperor Manuel I, actually strikes tiie right chord when he, too, hints at the
emperor's christomimcsis and at his theophoric name (Manuel = Immanuel),
but adds ^^^^^^ ^^^ Christos, dare style Phoibos too."
I

'*
For the concept of /it^njais (Bfotiifiijm^, xP'^^o/iJ/iTjiTis), see the material collected by
Michaelis, s.v. ^i/iioMoi, in Kittel, Theoloyisrhes Worterhuch zum Xeuen Testament,
Gerhard
Vol. IV (1(138), pp. 661-078, esp. p. C66, n. 8, in connection with the ruler cult. For the
Hellenistic period, see Erwin 11. Goodenough, "The Political Philosophy of Hellenistic
Kingship," Yale Classical Studies, Vol. I (1921)), pp. 55 fF., and for the Constantinian age,
N. 11. Baj'nes, "Eusebius and the Christian Emp\n\" Melanges Bidez (Annuaire de I'lnslitut
de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales, Vol. II; 1034), pp. 13-18. For the einpi'ror as SfOrtpos
Seos, see Ma.v Bachmann, Die Rede des Johannes Syropulos an den Kaiser Isaak II. Angelas
(Munich Diss., 1935), p. 11, line 15, who adduces more material; for the problem in general,
H. Volknmnn, "Der Zweite nach dem K()nig," Fhilologus, XCII (1937), 285 ff.; F. J.
Dolger, Antike und Christenlum, Vol. Ill (1933), p. 121; and for the early connection with
the Sun-God, Reitzenstcin, I'oimandres (Leipzig, 1904), pp. 278 ff.
" M. Treu, ".Manuel Ilolobolos," Byzantinische Zeitschrifl, V (1896), 538 ff.; Heisenberg,
op. pp. 112 ff., who discusses all the prokypsis poems of Ilolobolos as edited by Bois-
rit.,
sonade, op. rit.. Vol. V, pp. 159 ff.
Compare ilolobolos, II, 16-18, with IV, 1-3; Boissonade, pp. 161, 163. The distinction

between the "Sun-Gods" and their disks is interesting; see Ix'low, n. 32. The "contraction
/t of the sun" to a size fitting in a narrow space was a very popular lopos. See, e.g., Ephrem,
Hymnus in Epiphaniam, II, 9, ed. Lamy, I, p. 16: ". celebret Solem nostrum [i.e., Chri.s-
. .

tum] quod eousque suam contraxit amplitudinem vehement iamque temperavit, ut po.s.s!t

internus animae purae oculus eurn aspicere." See also Usener, Weihnarhtsfcst (below, n. 44),
pp. 365 f.
" Treitinger, op. rit., pp. 119 f., has outlined very clearly the pagan as well as the Chris-
tian strata of the imperial Sun-rulership.
**
rolyap toX^w at top XpLffrdv Kal 'i>oi^ov ovofxaaai'
at) yap is xPi'^'OM^M'!'''" xpiaruvvpiO^ vwdpxfit.

Neumann (above, n. 11 ), p. ()7, lines 70 f. Ilcilig, op. rit., p. 247, emends 70170^ (for oO yap).
;

What matters here is only the comparison of the emiK-ror with both Christ and .\i)ollo in
one verse.

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Kantorowicz : Dante's "Two Suns" 223

We realize that the
emperor is "Sun" as the Christ-imitating prince, but that
he is another Phoibos as well, a Sun-God independent of
the Christian God.
The verse reflects, even in that late period, the essence of the earlier and
origi-
nal triangle of Emperor, Christ, and Sol invidus. It
conjures up, once more,
that competition of "Suns" so fateful in the critical century
of transition. That
Christ and emperor could appear to the Byzantines as
"Two Suns" becomes
plausible once we recall that
both could claim, independently and yet inter-
dependently, a solar character, and that each was the central
figure of a solar
theology.
The Roman-imperial solar theology, such as it began to develop in the first
century h.c, has too many facets to allow an unambiguous definition. The
borderline between comparison and identity of a ruler with the
Sun-God or
with any other deity was never clearly drawn. In fact, full
identity of the
ruler with the god would almost rule out the possibility
of "duplication." The
main idea which could lead to a gemination of the celestial body was
that the
emperor represented a "new Sun," a i^kos "HXws, a Sol novus.'^ The
Asiatics
honoring Caligula must have had some gemination of the Sun in
mind when
they declared in an inscription

The new Sun, Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, shall with his own rays radiate
together (with Helios)."

The verb "to radiate together" (<rwava\aixirHv) indeed would suggest the
idea
of a second sun; and the fact that Caligula shines "with
his own rays" (iSiais
avyah) makes it rather obvious that the imperial
"new Sun" is at the same time
credited to be a second sun beside, or even competing with, the
heavenly disk.
A similar idea is expressed by the distichs in which the island of Rhodes
declares
Rhodes, once the island of Helios, am now Caesar's,
I,

And I boast of equal light from each.

I was near extinguished when a new ray gave light
to me,
Helios, and aside thy brilliance shone Nero."

' For the designation

of a ruler as a "new" god (Dionysos, Helios, etc.), whereby
parison and Identification remain fluctuating notions, see A. com-
D. Nock, "Notes on Ruler-
Cult, Journal of Hellenic Studies, XLVIII (1028), 33 ff. For Christ
as "sol novus" see
Ambrosius, Senno VI, Migne, I'atr. Lai., Vol. XVH, cols. 635 ff
2..
Ditt^-nberger, Sylloge Inner. Graec., 3d ed., 1917, No. 798 (2d ed., No. 365)- 6 vto,
I atos Kaiaap ^ffaaros TtpnaviKot
. . . avpafaXan^l^ai rats iiiai, avyaU. Cf. F. Sauter Der
^^"'/"' (T"'"nKT Beitnige zur Altertumswis.sc.nschaft,
IWt%i'
llett i^'ff^'"/'
^1, btuttgart, tnVK"'"''/;,""'
1934), p. 141; see, for related expres-sions,
Papyri Osloenses, Fasc HI " 1
'^^>' ^''- 126. 4, and p. 188; also No.
52, 18, Fasc. U VA 0% I

m.-/l^^',oS'''A!"""'''''"
sun ^^H"'
^ metaphors were applied al.so to high officers. The praetor Brutus
'
P. t> , .

r.*lf T .
^''"'
i""''T:-
**'>'.'. 7, 24). Later, an epigram from Gortvn celebrates
^T
" Anlhologia Palulimi, IX, 178 (Antiphilus of Byzantium):
"S2 xopos 'AeX(ou, vvv Kalaapoi d 'P66os (l)il
vdaos, Xcrov S' a^xw
<piyyoi ir' iinifiortpuiv.
fiiri aiifvvvfikvav fit via KarofoiTiatv AktU,

"AXit, Kal irapa adv <piyyoi \afi\pe Nepwv.

L'Orange, "Domus aurea-Der

Sonnenpalast," Serta Eitremiana
foslJ^udw.n'fiii
(Uslo, 1942) pp. 69 f"-
f whose
'i-
thesis ofNero's Sun-emperorshii), however, seems to Ix- carried
""'^'-Apotheosis in Ancient Rome," Xumismatic Chronicle,
eths^r.', Vil(iy47)' Se'ff

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224 University of California Publications in Semitic Philology

The imperial neos Helios has doubled the sun: Helios and Nero shine together
on the human race, just as Caligula emanating his owti beams doubled the
brilliance of the natural sun.^^
That the conception "new Sun" was not of Roman origin
of the ruler as a
may be taken for granted. The whole compound of solar ideas originated in
the Near East. One might be inclined to consider Pharaonic tradition, since
the rulers of Egypt were consistently identified with Ro' and praised without
end as the Sun of Egypt

(Turn) thy face unto me, thou rising Sun,

That illumincth the Two Lands with its beauty!
Thou Sun of mankind, that banisheth the dark from Egypt,
Thou art like thy father Re', who ariseth in the firmament."

However, the very identity Egyptian king with the Sun makes a
of the
doubling as expressed in the cult of the Roman emperors less likely, although
there is much fluctuation, also in Egypt, in the relationship of ruler and god-
head.^"
Perhaps it will be more profitable to think, in the first place, of Persia,
whose model has so decisively influenced the Hellenistic as well as the imperial
solar theology in its formative period. If we may believe Pseudo-Callisthenes,
the Achaemenid kings already displayed that official title which later the
Sassanids adopted: 6 'll\i(^ awavaTtWuv, "The one rising together with
Helios."" Again the "together," the simultaneous rising of Helios and
it is

King, which evokes the impression of a duplication of the sun. And inci-
dentally we find that very phrase in a Roman poem. When greeting Domitian
on the day of his new consulate, at the beginning of the new year, Statius
exclaims
Atque oritur cum sole novo, cum grandibus astris . . .

(And he rises together with the new sun, with the great stars . .
.)

Statius' phrase oritur cum sole matches verbatim the 'IlXiw avpavaTtWuv of the
Persian title. And in Statius we find also that element of competition between
imperial and physical sun which later became so momentous: Clarius ipse
nilens he, the emperor, shines clearer and brighter than the sun and the
heavenly bodies.''*

" See below, n. 40, for the survival of those idea.s, and above, n. 19, for the neos Helios.
" Cf. Ivan Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Sear East (Uppsala, 1943),
p. 6; and in general, Jules Baillet, Le Rigime pharaonique (Paris, 1912), V^ol. I, pp. 13 ff., and
passim.
'^ Baillet, op.Vol. I, p. 15, 4, seems to think of 'Two Suns." A certain "duplication"
cit.,
(King and Amnion) is certainly intended by the statues of Thutmo.se III, at Medinet Habu
and Karnak, where king and god appear as synthronoi; cf. Uvo Holscher, The Excavations of
the Eighteenth Dynasty: The Excavations of Medinet Habu, II (Chicago, 1939), PL III, facing
p. 12, and figs. 43, 44, on page 51.
2" Historia Alexandri Magni, ed. W. Kroll (Berlin, 1926), I, 36, 2
(p. 40), also I. 38, 2-3,
and 40, 2 (pp. 42, 45). The title seems to be authentic, since Antiochus of Commagcne uses
similar titles (synthronos of Mithras). For the Sa.s.sanid8 (Chosroe II), see Theophylact
Simokattes, Hist. IV, 8, 5; Carl Clemen, Griechische und lateinische Xachrichlen iiher die
persische Religion (Religionsgeschichtliche Versuehc und Wirarbeiten, XVII: 1; Giessen,
1920), p. 193; also Arthur Christensen, U
Empire des Sassanides (Copenhagen, 1907), p. 88.
" Statius, Silvae, IV, 1,3-4; Sautr, op. cit., p. 139.

u u u /
 Kantoromcz: Dante's "Two Suns" 225

The
idea of a duplication of the sun has been expressed in the Roman
Empire in various forms, though usually more by implication than explicitly.
Imperial-divine geminations were anything but rare in the Empire, since the
emperor could become the impersonator of any deity, and vice versa.^' Just
as Juppiter or Mars was hailed as "Augustus" of the Romans,^^ so did the
Sun-God become "Lord of the Roman Empire": SOL DOMINUS IMPERII
ROMANI appears on coins of Aurelian, who for himself chose the style
DEUS ET DOMINUS (NATUS)." This would imply that indeed there
were two domini of the Empire, Sol and Aurelian.
Further, we may think of that very broad idea of the Sun-God as the em-
peror's companion.'" SOL INVICTUS COMES AUGUSTI seems very close
to "duplication," especially when we consider the coins displaying the jugate
busts ofEmperor and Sol; for on those coins the similarity of the features of
emperor and god such that in fact "twinship" seems to be aspired.'' It is
is

as though a biga of suns was to protect the empire." This concept did not
exclude an element of competition. Already in Statius' verses we noticed the
trend to exalt the imperial sun over the physical; and the coins inscribed
ORIENS AUGUSTI or CLARITAS AUGUSTI
apparently reflect ideas
which would hallow the "Rise" and the "Brightness" of the sun as exclusively
imperial monopolies."
It isremarkable that those ideologies and solar theologumena do not break
off with the introduction of Christianity. To Eusebius the Christian emperor
Constantine still is the one "rising together with the Sun" (6 "HXt<^ awava-

reWwv) f^ and the image of the two suns imperial and physical will con-
tinue to be used by the Byzantine court poets and orators. Corippus, in his
panegyric on the accession of Justin II (565), produces in some detail his
arguments for twin suns with which the Roman capital was blessed. When
=' Usener, "Zwillingsbildung," Kleine Schriften, IV (1913), pp. 334 ff.; A. D. Nock, "The Em-
peror's Divine Comes," Journal of Roman Studies, XXXVII (1947), 102 ff., e.specially
p. 108, with n. 56; E. Kantorowicz, "The Quinity of Winchester," Art Bulletin, XXIX (1947),
ol n,
^ For the gods as emperors see Nock, "Studies in the Graeco-Roman Beliefs of the Em-
pire,'youro/ of Hellenic Studies, XL\ (1925), 84 ff., esp. p. 93. The archaeological material-
gods in the uniform of emperors, even including Christ would probably yield further inter-
esting aspects of the problem.
" For Aurelian see Mattingly and Sydenham, The Roman Imperial Coinage, V: 1 (1927)
pp. 258 f., cf. p. 301, and PI. VII, 110, 112; .see al.so Kantorowicz, "The Quinity of Win-
chester," p. 82, n. 56.
^'o See, for tliat whole idea, Nock, "The Emperor's Divine
Comes," pp. 102-116. Alfoldi,
The Conversion of Constantine and Pagan Rome (Oxford, 1948), p. 59, understands the cotne's
Augusti merely as "the lackey of the Emperor." See Nock, p. 103, against this interpretation
in the sense of subordination of the comes.
" See Kantorowicz, op. cit., figs. 27-29; Panegyrici Laiini, VII, 21, ed. Baehrens, p. 177, 15
(to Constantine): "vidisti teque in illius (sc. Solis comitantis) six'cie recognovisti."
'2 Nock, "Comes,"
p. 114, n. 108, directs attt'ntion to the fact that occasionally a distinc-
tion is made between the disk of the visible sun and HeUos, or Apollo. Perhaps one should
add Tertullian, Apolog. XVI, 10: "habentes ipsum (i.e. solem = Christum) ubique in suo
clypeo." Al.so Ovid, Met. XV, 192, seems to take the disk as the shield of Phoebus ("Ipsc^
(sc. Phoebi] dei clipeus terra cum tollitur una Mane rulwt"). See, further, Corippus, below,
n. 3'7; Holobolos (above, n. 10), II, 17, and IV, 2, ed. Boissonade, Vol. V,
pp. 161, 163. Both
Christ and emperor, as Helioi, seem to be tlistinguished from the disk belonging to them
(which is not^ identical with the physical sun).
'' I shall discu.ss these
coins in another connection.
" Eusebius, Vita Const. I, 43, ed. Ileikel, p. 28, 11.

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226 University of California Publications in Semitic Philology

describing the emperor's elevation on the buckler he avails himself of the fa-
miliar sun metaphors. Four selected young men, writes Corippus," lift the
"tremendous disk of the shield," and standing on it the Emperor Justin be-
comes manifest

. . . Now
he is present, the greatest benefactor of the common world, to whom kings bend
their necks in subjection, before whose name they tremble, and whose divinity
they worship.
There he stands on that disk, the most powerful prince, having the looks of the Sun. Yet
another light shines forth from the city. This day is truly a marvel, for it allows Two Suns
to rise together at the time. Or did my song carry mu beyond its proper bounds? Per-
same
haps you that I say Two Suns are rising together and at once. But those are not
it puzzles
empty words. The mind of the Just [sc. Justin] resplends more than the sun. It docs not
merge into the ocean; it does not yield to darkness; nor is it obscured by a black shadow.

This not the place to give any detailed analysis of Corippus' lines. The
is

elevation on the buckler appears to the poet as the epiphany of the Euergctes.^^
On his huge disk the emperor rises like another sun; he appears, like the mysles
in the cults, ad instar Solis}'' The spiritualization of the sun as the "mind
of
the Just" has long tradition,'* and the metaphors adduced to evidence the
its

superiority of that new "Sun of Virtue" over the physical sun are derived,
almost verbatim, from the language of Christian writers." What matters here
is only the image of the Two Suns, the physical sun and
the imperial. This
image lingers on Byzantine court language until it loses all its substance.
in the
An epinikion of Theodoros Prodromos for John II Comnenus may illustrate
this style.

" Corippus, In laudem lustini, II, 145 ff., ed. Partsch, in Mm. Germ. Hist., Auct. ant. Ill,
p. loUl
nunc maximus orbis
. . .

communis benefactor adest, cui subdita reges

coUa parant, nomenque tremunt et numen adorant.
adstitit in clipeo princeps fortissimus illo
soils habens speciem. Lux altera fulsit ab urbe.
Mirata est pariter geminos consurgere soles
una favcns cademque dies. Mea carmina nunme
mensuram transgressa suam? niirabere forsan
quod dixi geminos pariter consurgere soles.
Nee vacuis verbis nee inanibus ista figuris
ore feres prolata meo, si dicta rependis.
Mens iusti plus sole nitet. Non mergitur undis,
Non cedit tenebris, non fusca obtexitur umbra.
Lux operum aeterno lucet splendore bonorum.
Cf. J. A. Straub, Vom Herrscherideal der Spatantike (Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Geistes-
gcschichte, Vol. XVIII; Stuttgart, 193!)), p. 134; see also L'Orange, "Domus aurea" (above
n. 21), p. 70.
The formula nuno-adest is typical for the epiphany in an almost liturgical sense. For

the benefactor-tbtpyiTTji title in the ruler cult, see, for the earlier times, Eiliv Skard, Zwei
rehgtos-politische Begriffe eueroetes-concokdia (.\vhandlinger Norske Videnskaps-
Akademi, Oslo, 1931 2; 1932), pp. 6-66; for the Roman period, I^>o Bcrhnger, Beitrage zur
:

inoffiziellen Tilulatur der romischen Kaiser (Breslau Diss., 1935), pp. 49, 67, 77.
" The ingens clipei orbis (line 137), the size of which may be gathered 'from Byzantine
mmiatures, is quasi the di.sk of the sun (rlipeus solis) on which the emperor solis habens
speciem rises. Cf. Apuleius, Met. XI, 24, where Lucius is presented to the people as another
sun.
'^ See, e.g., for the sunlikc rise
of virtue in man's soul, Philo, Legum alleg. I, 45, ed. Cohn
I, p. 72, quoted by F. J. Dolgcr, Sol Salutis (2d ed.; Miinster,
1925), p. 150, n. 2; see aLso
Nock, "Comes," p. 114, n. 8.
" See below, n. 47 (Maximus of Turin), also n. 45 ("Sun without setting").

/ J
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 Kantorowicz : Dante's "Two Suns"
227
Sun-Basileus divine, bringer of light and radiance,
Thou hidest the sun, thou shinest ujwn t he morning earth.
Thou art to rise henceforth and beam the rays from heaven.
Thou puttest the ea-st to flame, lustrest the eve.
Thy mock-sun is the other sun rising as thy companion."

There is still the old duality of suns. But the emperor has
outshone Helios,
and the physical sun serves only as the parhelion of the true
luminary '
the
emperor.
The twinship of emperor and physical sun, or
of emperor and Phoibos
though surviving in the rhetorical flowers of the paganizing
Byzantine court
poetry, had lost its meaning as well as its last touch of
"reality." Yet, the old
symbol of the Two Suns regained, and retained, some of its
former values
whenever the outworn pagan image was replaced by the new
symbol-values
of Christian thought. Already Corippus strikes that
note. It was probably
nothing but a play with the name of Justin which prompted
Corippus to inter-
pret his imperial luminary as the "mind of the Just."
However, since his main
arguments for the superior power of the "inner" Sun, the "Sun
of the Just "
are borrowed directly from the ecclesiastical, or even
liturgical language, it
may well be that the imperial Sol Jusli was expected to evoke
associations with
the divine Sol Justitiae, which was Christ.
The
designations of Sol Justitiae (Malachi, 4: 2) and of Oriens
(Luke, 1 78; :

cf. Zach. 3: 8, G: 12) form the basis of the

solar veneration and solar theology
which were rampant in the cult of Christ."' They appear from
the earliest
times of the Christian era, and they were perpetuated above
all in the Eastern
liturgies, but are almost as frequently found in
the Western service.

O Oriens,
splendor lucis aeternae,
et sol iustitiae,

is the beginning of one of the 0-Antiphones in the Advent office

of the present
Roman breviary, and similar examples could be adduced in great numbers.
That the new spiritual Sun was without competition and that
from the very
beginning this divine light eclipsed the natural sun was, of course,
the common
and current interpretation on the part of the Church. "He, the
only Sun, has
risen from on high," writes (with Luke, 1
78) Melito of Sardes in the times
:
of
Marcus Au relius."' "Pie will rise above the sun," writes Justin Martyr. He,
*" Prodromos, X, 121 fT., ed. Mai, p. 409:
HXie 6fit ^atriXfi) ipuaipopf at\aa(p6p(,
AiTficpu^ai t6v iiXiov, X(i>i^as s yrjv iuav
ail yovD Xoiirov di/artXXt, aii yovv clktivo^oXu,
Tr)i> lo) Karawvpafve S^Sovxt xiix iawipav,
K^KtXvoS (is TTOpijXlOJ ooi WapaVaTfWfTU.
A similar idea in Holobolos, I, 1-4, cd. Boissonadc,
p. 159, where the physical sun blinded
"f the "suig imperial sun flees to the West.
Scores of similar colo^es could
h^nn ^fT"'
be collected; see Treitingcjr, Die oslromuche Kaiser- und Reichsidee,
pp 115 ff

der /Xai^^/Smn'^Kloi?).''"'
''"' ''"'"'"' ^ "'^^ *" ""'' ""^ ''^""^ '^ Gerechtigkeit urul
" Dolger, SolSalutis, p. 156, n. 3.
" Ibid., p. 153.

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228 University of California Publications in Semitic Philology

the "new from the natural sun, is the "Light without eve-
Sun,"*'' differing
ning" and the "Sun without setting."" His is the plenitudo claritatis, who is
"our Sun, the true Sun," writes Zeno of Verona." And in Maximus of Turin
we find the model of Corippus' arguments; for, writes Maximus, whereas the
"old sun" of the material world suffers eclipses, is excluded from the houses
by walls, is obscured by clouds, and lends its light also to crimes and sins of
men, the true Sun of Justice knoweth none of those deficiencies. A concept of
Two Suns, divine and natural, is of course impossible in a system in which the
New Sun has quasi-monopolized the "Light of the World" and owns the
plenitvdo claritatis, the plenty, or even the totality, of brightness.*'
Yet, there was a time when the Sun of Justice was in competition, not with
the physical sun, but with the "unconquered Sun," the Sol invictus of the
pagan religion that is, with the very deity which, in its turn, so long had been
;

the alter ego of the Roman emperors. It is true, occasionally a Christian poet
might identify the new Sun pagan solar deity: Salve, o
of Justice with the
Apollo vere, is the invocation by which Paulinus of Nola addresses Christ;*'
and this salute is paralleled by Sophronius' Phaeton Christos.*^ Those identifi-
cations with the pagan god are relatively rare, since the true momentum of the
solar theology and solar nomenclature of Christ was that it served as a weapon
against the solar henotheism of the Invictus, the emperor's celestial double.
The history of the final arrangement between the Two Suns, the Christian
Sol Justitiae and the imperialized Sol invictus, has often been traced.'" The
emperor, as it were, changed his celestial patron and antitype by exchanging
the "Unconquered Sun" for the "Sun of Justice." But through this exchange
the ancient Hellenistic-Roman solar theology had a chance to survive in a
Christian garb. Thus we find in the Byzantine Empire, beside the deflated
solar imagery of the paganizing poets and rhetors, a well-rounded tradition of
*' Christ, the sol novus, as opposed to the physical sun, the sol vetus: Maximus of Turin
(attributed to Ambrose), in a Christmas sermon, Migne, Patr. Lot., Vol. XVII, cols. 635 f.;
of. H. Usencr, Das Weihnachtsfesl (2d ed.; Bonn, 1911), pp. 366 f. See also Ephrem, Hymnus
in Epiphaniam, II, 9, ed. Lamy, I, p. 16: "sol iste, qui aestu sue terram urit, nobiscum
celebret Solem nostrum."
" For ^s iivkaitfpov, see, e.g., Methodius (f 312), Symposium, XI, 31, in W. Christ and
M. Paranikas, Anlhologia Graeca Carminum Christianorum (Leipzig, 1871), p. 34 (Zufis
\opafb%, Xpio-ri, x"ip<, <^5 iiviartpov) see, ibid., p. 174, Cosmas Mefodus, Hypapante Canon,
;

lines 86 f. burden which is four times repeated); also p. 198, line 59; or p. 256, for Metro-
(a
phanes' Trinity Canon, line 63 ((*ais] rpiXaftTh &vi(rxepov). See also the Hirmos 'Haafas <pon
JJciK ivkairtpov, which was sung, e.g., on December 24, January 5, February 2, as well as on
many other days; Menaia, editio Romana, 1892, II, p. 621, III, pp. 80, 483, etc. Even more
popular was the image of Christ as iSvroi "IIXios, which, e.g., through Sophronius, Oratio,
m Migne, Patr. Gr., Vol. LXXXVII: 3, col. 4004, was pa.ssed on to the liturgy, although the
image is much older; see, e.g., Methodius of Olympos, Sympos. IV, 5, VI, 5, VIII, 3, ed.
Bonwetsch, 1917, pp. 51, 21; 09, 22; 84, 24; see also Christ and Paranikas, Anthologia, pp.
173, 251, 256, and passim: also F. C. Conybeare, Rituale Armenorum (Oxford, 1905), pp.
417 (), 432, etc. See also F. J. Dolger, "Christus als Licht ohne Abend," Antike und Christen-
tum. Vol. V (1936), pp. 8 ff.
" Zeno, Tract. IX, De nativitate Domini et majestate, Migne, Patr. Lat., Vol. XI, col. 417b, a
sermon, recently analyzed by Dolger, Antike und Christentum, Vol. VI (1940), pp. 1-56
(not yet accessible to me).
" Migne, Patr. Lat., Vol. XVII, cols. 635 ff., esp. 3-4; here also (col. 636d) the ex-
pression sol ju-ttus et sapiens (above, nn. 35, 39).
*' Paulinus of Nola, Carmen
II, 51, ed. Hartel, p. 349.
9 Migne, Patr. Gr., Vol. LXXXVII:
3, col. 3760b.
'" From Usener ("Sol invictus," in: Das
Weihnarhtsfest, pp. 348 ff.) to Alfoldi, Conversion
of Constantine (above, n. 30), there is an enormous literature on the subject.

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Kantorowicz: Dante's "Two Suns" 229

"Sun-Rulership," since the imperial "heliomimetes" became a christomimetes,

and therewith again the Hving twin image of a Sun, of the "Sun of Justice" in
heaven." Nothing can be more teUing than the fact that many solar metaphors
which henceforth would be applied to the emperor were actually Christian
coinages for Christ, the New Sun. We have noticed Corippus' borrowing, di-
rectly or indirectly, from Maximus of Turin. And when we read the Byzantine
acclamations hailing the "rise without evening of the imperial power" or
praising the "inexhaustible font" of the imperial Sun, we know that these
acclaims have transferred to the emperor colores which were borrowed from the
liturgy of the Church.*^
This, then, appears to be the origin of the Byzantine concept of the Two
Suns. They are represented by Christ and the Emperor, the Two Suns of Rome
on the Bosphorus. And we now may ask whether this vast compound of ideas
is relevant, in any respect, to Dante's image of Pope and Emperor as the Two

Suns of ancient Rome on the Tiber. It would be foolish to assert that Dante's
line

Soleva Roma, che il buon mondo feo,

due soli aver . . .

depended directly on the Byzantine model, and even more so to insist that
Dante consciously followed Byzantine "ideas." Nevertheless, we should not
underestimate the effectiveness of the original imperial Sun-Rulership.
It was the Reform Papacy of the eleventh century which created that image
of the two great luminaries as symbols of the two universal powers on earth:
the sun equaling the pope; the moon, the emperor. This new symbolism is

interesting all by itself. The creation of a "Sun-Papacy" falls in with that

general trend of Church reform to imperialize the papal office, that is, to
materialize the Donation of Constantine to the letter, and to claim imperial
prerogatives for the Holy See to an extent which, though known in outlines,
has not yet become visible in all details. The extravagant claims of the Dictatus
Papae the crown adorning the papal tiara the imperial purple {cappa rubea)
; ;

as worn by the pope; the imperialized acclamations {laudes) as sung to the

pope; the papal coronations and crown- wearings the omni-insular theory ;

(that is, the papal claim to overlordship over all islands) ; the organization of a
papal court after the model of secular princes; the papal feudal lordship over
princes, and the papal claim to the vicariate of the empire should an inter-
regnum occur; the adoption of the imperial title vicarius Christi or Dei, as well
as inummerable other items, are indicative of the same general development
the pope has become, according to canonistic interpretation, the verus
" This development has been outlined very neatly by Treitinger, op. cil., pp. 117 ff.; see
also A. Grabar, L'Empereur dans I'art byzantin (Paris, 1936), for the general problem.
" Constantine Porph., De caerimoniis, I, 78, ed. Keiske, p. 375, 6, and ed. Vogt, II, p. 176,
17 IT. :. iopra^ei rriv aiiv iivkaTrfpov i.vdXri^'iy t)Js abroKpaTopiKiji i^oixrlas, 6 Stiva, ri &.K(Voitov
. .

ippkap T^i oUovukviii. For akenolos a.s an epithet of Christ, see De caerim. I, 2, ed. Reiske, p. 40,
ed. Vogt, I, p. 33, 19. See also Eustathius of Thes.saloniche, Manuelis Comneni laudatio
funebris, c. 71, Migne, I'atr. Gr., Vol. CXXXV, eol. 1025b, who praises the dynasty as a
"sun without setting" (ipuaipopritroi eU fiiuroc). AH thost! adjectives have been transferred
. . .

from the ecclesiastical cultual language to the language of the imperial cult.

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 230 University of California Publications in Semitic Philology

I im-perator.^^ To this concept of a Caesarean Papacy we may now add a new

feature: the Pope as Sun. Indeed, the Roman Pontiff, who as Vicar of Christ
became ipso facto also the antitype of the Sol Justitiae, has entered as Helios-
Pope on the full legacy of the Roman emperors.
For all that, the original solar qualities of the emperor were not quite for-
>
gotten, even though the part which in general the idea of Sun-Rulership
played in the West was negligible as compared with that which it played in
the East." Wehave at our disposal some evidence which is rather important
in view of the problem of the Two Suns. Cardinal Humbert of Silva Candida,
the champion of Church reform in the eleventh century, has rejected, on one
occasion, the efforts of some people who tried to compare the emperor to the
sun. He declares that such comparisons were futile, since they would lead the
people to set a second sun, the imperial, over against the papal sun so that
those people in fact soli alterum solem apponant, "place another sun at the
side of the sun."" This duplication of the sun could not find the approval of
the cardinal, who just mentions it as a curiosity. He does not tell us who the
people were that considered the emperor the "Sun." However, Cardinal Hum-
bert, this staunch fighter against the Byzantines, cannot have been ignorant
of the fact that the Byzantine emperor was traditionally called the Helios
basilcus; and, on the other hand, there must have been some recollection of the

emperor's solar character even in the West as indeed some miniatures would
suggest,^' if the cardinal considered it worth his while to pillory those styling
the emperor the "Sun."
It must have been from those two sources, Byzantine influx and Western
recollection, that the thirteenthcentury experienced that rather baffling re-
vival of imperial-solar concepts under Frederick II. In the both apocalyptic
and messianic climate of that age the idea of the Sun-Emperor could not easily
be separated from that of the Savior-Emperor. In fact, Frederick II appeared
as Sol in a prophecy from Tibur." Also, a North Italian poet writes

Sol novus est ortus, pax, gloria, semita, portus . . .

,

a line reflecting the messianic atmosphere hovering around that emperor and,
" The main feature.s of the impprialized papacy have been collected recent Iv bv Percy
Ernst Schramm, "Sacerdotium und Regnum im Austausch ihrer Vorrechte,"' Sludi Gre-
goriani, ed. G. B. Borino (Rome, 1947), Vol. II, pp. 403-457; see, for the omni-insular theory,
Luis Weckmann, Las hulas alejandrinas de 1493 y la teoria polUica del papado medieval
(Mexico, 194!)), esp. pp. 209 ff.; and in general E. Kantorowicz, Laudes regiae (Berkeley and
Angeles, 1940), pp. 136 ff., and passim.
Koii^flA IfujUlavKi.*^^
" '
I > " ". See, in general, Franz Kampers, V'am Werdegang der ahendlandischen Kaisermystik
*A ttx-gfc ( kivi\.uy, (Leipzig and Berlin, 1924), who has tried to trace, in this as well as in his other writings^ the

ITT] TVT"/, ^.. I
'H^ bl ] SH<lrj<Yf,
.
so'a'"A<lea'? i" the Middle Ages, though not too successfully. See below, n. 56.
" Humbert, Adversus simoniacos, III, c. 21, Mon. Germ. Hist., Libelli de lite, Vol. I, p.
225, 24: "ut modo ei (sc. sacerdotali dignitati) velut lunae solem saeculares potstats
'V0,fc7^. praeponant, modo velut soli alterum solem apponant, modo quod lanien rarissime fit in
solo iiliationis nomine velut filium patri supponant." Dante's solution, in the last chapter
of the Monarchia, comes very close to the third alternative: "Ilia igitur reverentia Caesar
utatur ad Petrum, qua primogenitus filius debet uti ad patrem."
" See, e.g.. Otto Brendel, "Der Schild des Achilles," Die Antike, Vol. XII (1936), pi. 15,
facmg p. 280.
" K. Hampe, "Eine friihe Verkniipfung der WcLssagung vom Endkaiser mit Friedrich II.
und Konrad IV.," Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie, 1917, Abh. 6, p. 18, and, p. 1 1,
some additional notes on solar veneration.

/ J c
U U J J / / /
I Kantorowicz : Dante's "Two Suns" 231

in its first part, reminiscent of Statius.^' Sol Frederick in the eyeaof mundi is

a South Italian poet/' whereas Manfred, Frederick's son, styles his father
Sol mundi, audor pads, and even Sol Justitiae.^" About the influence of the
Byzantine court style there can be little doubt in Frederick's surroundings.
We know the Greek panegyrics written by South Italian officials, and their
idioms correspond with the language of the Latin orators of the Sicilian court.*'
This, however, was also the air which Dante breathed. He may not have
known the Byzantine poetry of his time. But he knew Statius. He knew Petnis
de Vinea and his Letter Book. He knew most certainly the North and South
Italian poets of his age. His own letters were couched in the style of the im-
perial chancery of Frederick II and of the Bolognese. Little wonder that his
Savior-Emperor, the Luxembourg Henry VII, appears not only as the "Lamb
of God, which taketh away the sin of the world," but also as Sol noster, as
the Titan exoriens, or the Titan paciftcns.'^- It is true, in the Monorchia the
emperor's solar character is not stressed, and in one of his letters of that period,
in which he avails himself of the then current symbols, Dante condescends to
give the emperor the designation of "Moon"; for the poet rebukes the Floren-
tines, who had assumed quasi-imperial rights, for having duplicated Delia
(Diana), whereas they did not dare duplicate also Delius (Apollo), that is, the
Sun-Pope.*' The idea of a gemination of the great luminaries thus had been
in Dante's mind, if in a negative sense, long before he wrote that Canto of the
Purgatory in which he glorifies former Rome's "Two Suns." In those lines
he does what Cardinal Humbert had objected to: he sets another Sun at the
side of the papal Sun. He actually reinstates the emperor in his proper place
as the Sol mundi, in full agreement with the trends of thought of his time, and
he does so without denying to the papal Vicarius Christi the representation of
the Sun of the World.
In short, the lines of the Lombard Marco are not simply a whim, or a flash
of poetic inventiveness (though they are that as well); they are an act of
reinstatement of the emperor in his old rights. It is the language of his own
time, it is the then customary solar apostrophes of the imperial power, which
have lead Dante to his duplication of the Sun and to his seemingly strange
and irrational metaphor of Rome's due soli.
" Orfinus of Lodi, ed. Ceruti, in Miscellanea di storia Italiana, Vol. VII (1869), p. 45
cf. p. 38; see above, n. 26.
" E. Winkelnmnn, Acta imperii inedila (1880), Vol. I, n. 725, p. 571, 5, a letter of Magister
Terrisius of Atina.
'" IIuillard-Br6holles, Historia diplomalica Friderici Secundi (Paris, 1861), Vol. VI,
p. 811.
For a few other places see Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite, Erganzungsband, 1931,
p. 251.
" See Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich . . .
, pp. 133, 205. For the Norman-Byzantine
8un-King8hip in panegyrics, see, e.g., Eugenios of Palermo, ed. L. Stcrnbach, in Byzantinische
Zeitschrifl,XI (1902), p. 449, 8: inffXOvfrai tui i/Mov aals dxricri (to King William of Sicily);
cf. line 11: iivkairtpov ffXirwv of Xaftirpdv fijiaidpov.
" Dante, Epist. VII, 1-2; V, 1. / /
" Epist. VI, 2. \ '

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G
166. A major mijquebranto 4 malor mi pesar

Movicse el alfaraa toda de su logar:

Entraron a Pilato por conselo tomar,

Que non gelo podlesen los dinoipulos furtar.

167. Sennor, dixicron ellos, aquel galeador

Que nos revolvia a todos como grant tnrfador,

Decia unas palabras que nos facen pauvor,

Ca traya tal companna qual elll, non Eeyor,

168. Alavabase elli a la su crlazon,

Que a morir avia, tomar en cruz pasion,

Mas que al tercer dia saldria de la prision,

Resucitaria de cabo en major condicion,

169. Sennor, pavor avemos que vernan suscriados

Desque fueremos todos en Sabbado entrados,

Furtar nos an el cuerpo, seremos enganados,

Foronse de nos riso, seremos :iial errados,

17D, Sennor, tu metl guarda, ca debeslo facer.

Que nos en tal escarnio non podamos caer:

Mucho mas nos valdria todos muertos seer

Que de re feces omes tal escarnio prender,

171, Farian de nos escarnio e coroporri-n canciones,

Ca son omes maldignos, traviessas criazones,

Poblarian todo el mundo vallejos e' ren cones

Farian de la mentira istorias, e' sermones,

172, Recudiolis Pilatus a essos gtorriones,

Ca bien lis entendia elli los cora zones:

Asaz avedes guardas et fardittdos peones,

Guardat bien el sepuloro, controbatli canciones.

/
U U u/c
D
/ /
I
 173. Los unos digan salmos, los otros lecciones,

Los unos Jubedompnej los otros be ndlolones

t

Pasaredes la noche faclendo tales sones,

175. Cercat bien el sepiilcro de buenos veladores,

Non sean embriagos nin sean donnidores,

No lis cala demanana facer otras labores,

Nin vaian esta noche visltar las uxores,

176, Tornaron al sepulcro vestidos de lorigas,

Diclendo de sus bocas muchas suclas nemigas,

Controbando cantar^s que non valian tres figas,

Tocando instrumentos, cedras, rotas e gigas,

177. Cantaban los trufanes unas controvad\aras

Que eran a su Madre amargas e mui duras:

Aljama, nos velemos, andemos en corduras,

Si non, far an de nos escarnio e gahurras,

CAHTICA, Eya velar, eya velar, eya velar,

178, Velat allama de los ludios, eya velar:

Que non vos furten el fijo de Dios, eya velar:

? 179. Ca furtarvoslo querran, eya velar:

Andres e Peidro et Johan, eya velar,

^ 180, Non sabedes tanto descanto, eya velar,

Que salgades de so el canto, eya velar.

181, Todos son ladronciellos, eya velar,

Que assechan por los pestiellos, eya velar,

^ 182, Vuestra lengua tan palabrera, eya velar:

\ I
A vos dado mala earrera, eya velar,

^ 183, Todos son omes plegadizos, eya velar,

Rioaduchos mescladizos, eya velar.

II
U U U L
U
II
I
 j

/ 184., Vuestra lengua sin reoabdo, eya velar:

Por mal cabo vos a echado, eya velar.

c- 185. Non sabodes tanto do enganno, eya velar:

'
U 'h

Que salgades ende este ano, eya velar,

186, Non sabedes tanta razon, eya velar:

Que salgades de la prision, eya velar,

// 187, Tomaselo e Matheo, eya velar:

De furtarlo han grant deseo, eya velar.

If 188, El discipulo lo vendio, eya velar:

El Maestro non lo entendio, eya velar,

189, Don Fhilipo, Simon e ludas, eya velar:

Por furtar buscan ayudas, eya velar,

190, Si lo quleren acometer, eya velar:

Oy es dia de pare seer, eya velar,

191, Mientre ellos triscaban* dician sus truferias,

Cosas mui desapuestas, grandes alevosias,

Peso' al Rey del Cielo de tan graxries follias

Quomo decian de Xpo et de sus compannlas,

192, Pesoli de su Madre sobre todo lo al

Que li dician blasfemlas, e' 11 dician grant mal:

Tornolis el depuorto en otro sobernal,

Que non cantaban alto, nin cantaban tuval,

193, Vinolis sobrevienta, un espanto cabdal,

Nin lis veno por armas, nin por fuerza carnal

Mas vinolis por DiDs Sennor spiritual,

El que sofrir non quiso de aver su igual,

194, Vinolis tal espanto o tal mala ventura,

Perdieron el sentido e toda la cordura:

n u 1 1

u u I
 ,

Todos caieron muertos sobre la tierra dvira,

lacian todos revueltos redor la nepultura,

195. Recordaron bien tarde los mal aventurados,

Non vedlen de los ojos todos escalabrados,

Feriense tmos con otros como embellinados

Eran todos los risos en bocedos tornados.

196, Resuscito Don Xpto: Dios tan grant alegrial

Dos so les Deo gra.cia.Sj nacieron essi dia:

Resuscitaba Don Xpto, e la Virgo Maria

Toda la amargtira tor no en ale^ria.

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 ,

Todos caieron muertos sobre la tierra d\ira,

lacian todos revueltos redor la nepialtura,

195. Recordaron Men tarde los mal aventurados,

Non vedien de los ojos todos escalabrados,

Feriense uiios con otros como embellinados

Eran todos los risos en bocedos tornados.

196. Resuscito Don Xpto: Dios tan grant alegrlal

D os sol es Deo graciasi nacieron essi dia:

Resuscitaba Don Xpto, e la Virgo Maria

Toda la amargura tor no en ale^ria.

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I I
 Gonzalo de Berceo, Duelo de la Vlrgen Mara

(Complaint of the Virgin Mary)

166 [The Virgin:] To my greatest grief and sorrow

the v/hole Sjmago^ue bestirred itself

and vrent to see Pontius Pilate to search for his advice

so that the disciples [of Christ] vrould not steal Him [His body]
from them.

167 "Sir", they said, "that imposter

who has brought unrest to all of us, as the cheater that he

is,

has said words that frighten us;

he has indeed with him companions equal to him, no better.

168 He has boasted to his pupils

that he would die and suffer on the cross,

but on the third day he would rise from his prison

and be resurrected in a ne\-j better shape.

169 Sir, we fear that Christ's disciples

vrtiile we shall be celebrating our Sabbath

may steal his body from us; then we would have been cheated,

vre would be laughed at and our predicament vrould be grievous.

170 Sir, do you put guards at his tomb, this you must do

in order that vre may not be exposed to mockery.

We would all of us rather be dead

than to suffer mockery from such ne'er-do-v/ells.

171 They would jeer at us and improvise insulting songs,

for they are unvvorthy people, vdcked creatures

vrtio vrould flood the v^ole vrorld, the most remote valleys and
corners,
out of lies they woxild build their stories and their tales."

U U J U
 172 Pontius Pilate ansv/ered these strange birds,

for well did he understand their minds:

"You have gxiards enough and brave foot-soldiers

You yourselves guard the sepulchre welll improvise chants

173 The ones should recite psalms, the others lessons,

the ones Jube domne the others benedictions [=

.
. . . mebenedicere]

You vri.ll spend the night singing in this manner...

175 Surround the sepulchre with good i;i/atchmen.

They should not be drunkards nor prone to sleep.

They should do no other vrork on the same day

nor should they join their ^^d.ves at night,"

176 The guards came to the sepulchre covered with armor,

saying obscenities in their hostile mood,

improvising chants not irorth three figs,

playing instruments: zithers, harps and fiddles.

177 The rascals sang chants

bitter and hard to hear for Christ's Mother:

"Oh Synagogue [= community of Jews], let us hold our v/atch

and be clever,

Othen^ase we vrill be mocked and jeered at I"

Chant: "On with the watch"

17S l.Keep vratching, oh Synagogue: on vdth the watchl

: that the Son of God should not be stolen from you: on vd.th the
watchl'
1 179 2. For they will try to steal him from you,...

: Andrew, Peter and John...

ISO 3. Thou [= Christ] knovrest no magic song...

: strong enough to let thee escape from under the block of stone...

II II c
U U J
 181 : /^, All are fine thieves...

s who spy through door-locks ..

182 : 5. Thy talkative tongue...

: has brought thee to a bad pass...

183 : 6. All are upstarts, riffraff, impure of blood...

184 : 7. Thy unsuccessful tongue...

: has thrown thee into mishap. .

185 : 8. Thou dost not know tricks enough...

: to be able to escape hence for this vdiole year...

186 : 9. Thou dost not knov; enough reason...

: to be able to escape from this prison...

187 :10. Tomaseio and Matthew. .

: have a great desire to steal him...

fe
188 :11. His own disciple betrayed him...

: without the master sensing it...

189 :12. Sir Philipp, Simon and Judas...

: look for helpers in the theft.,

190 :13. If they are ready for the enterprise...

: today is the day when they should rise and appear...

On to the watch:

191 V/hile they were dancing and making their jokes,

very indecently and very disloyally,

the King of Heaven was grieved by the foolish things

they were saying of Christ and His disciples.

192 He was grieved more than anything else

because they said blasphemies about His Mother, they were

indeed saying
harsh things about her.
He turned their mirth into something different,
something unearthly,

for from now on they did no longer sing, either high or low.

n lie D
U U J L
 I

193 There came fright to them, total fear,

it did not come through arms nor through bodily force,

it came through God, our spiritual Lord

who did not vd.sh to tolerate that anyone should be equal to Him.

19/^ There came to them fear and such bad luck

that they lost their senses and aLl their vdt (cleverness).

All of them fell dead on the hard ground,

all lay with their bodies contorted round the sepulchre,

195 Too late the unlucky ones awoke from their blindness,

they could not see with their eyes gouged out,

they struck one another as though mad from poisoning,

all laughter had changed into moaning,

196 Our Lord Christ was resurrected - God, what great delight

Two suns through God' s will were bom on that day:

Both our Lord Christ and the Virgin Mary were resurrected,

all bitterness was turned into mirth.

U U J J
t\ll i?l6 'i&i^^cvnijj-iC? (o{Mo^'0'y\
'^
Ei'l/i^'t
SL'^

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/ / /

U U J I
"^**Ws*f*r

dp iA^^lf imC& J^ J^L^^

ALBRECHT
BERNSTORFF
ZUM
GEDACHTNIS

19^2

PRIVATDRUCK AUSGELIEFERT DURCH

HELMUT KUPPER VORMALS GEORG BONDI

/n c c
/
u u J J
 K R N S T K A \ T O R O X* I C Z

DR GASTFREUND

Achter November 1938 ... Berlin . . . scchs Wochen nach Miinchen.

Das Wochencnde vor der Mundiener Krise hatte idi in Stintenburg
verbracht, in ganz kleinem Kreise. Statt der iiblichen Gesprache, nur
Radio: London, Paris, Rom - nidits konnte den Nadirichtcnhunger be-
friedigen. Die siidwarts laufenden Militartransporte, die wir auf der
ganzen Strecke gesehen hatten, in Wittenberg, in Zarrenthin, spradien
deutlicher als die verworrenen Stimmcn, die aus dem Radio tonten.
Und drauEen Sonne windstiller Septembertage,
die heiiJe strahlende
der See blauer denn je, die Rasenflache griiner, und der Bootsteg wcifier.
Die Nervenspannung jencr Herbstwodien war zu grofi, um ihrer allein
Herr zu werden, um allein zu Haus am Arbcitstisch den Abend zu ver-
brmgen. Im Angesicht der Gegcnwart verlorcn die Dokumente der
Vergangenheit die Kraft, einen in ihren Bann zu zichen. Mehr als jc
batten die Freunde im damaligen Berlin das Bediirfnis, einander so
haufig wie moglich zu sehen, in standiger Fiihlung zu bleiben. Nadi-
ricliten auszutauschen, und gcmeinsam das nun schon Unvermeidlidie,
die Katastrophe Europas, zu iiberdenken und, zum hundertstenmal, zu
iiberreden. Anderes war kaum zu tun.
Am 8. November und Helmut Kiipper bei^
sollten Albrecht Bernstorff
mir in der Carmerstrafie cssen. Friih am Morgen dcs 8. holte midi ein
Anruf Bernstorffs aus dem Badezimmer: wir miifiten das Essen bci mir
vertagen; ich sollte statt dessen zu ihm konimen und mir das Notigste
mitbringen, um eventuell nach Stintenburg zu fahren. Idi verstand den
Wink, obwohl idi erst etwas spater viber die Ereignisse der Nadit
unterriditct wurde: das Ausbrcnnen der Synagogcn, die Plunderung
jijdisdicr Laden und die wahllosc Verhaftung einzelncr Juden. Bern-

storff hatte midi vor Haft oder Sdilimmerem retten wollen. Dankbar

siedclte idi zu ihm iiber, um mehr als eine Woche in der Hildebrand-

53

/ / I I L L
U U J U
 strafie verborgen zu bleiben, bis Gcfahr mich nidit mehr bcstand,
fiir
idi meinen Pafi in Kandcn hielt und von ihm zur Bahn geleitet, unrer
Kiippers Obhut nach England abreisen konnte.
Ob Albrecht daran gedadit hat, in welche Gefahr cr
selbst sich begab.
als er mich bei sidi verbarg? An jenem Morgen
gewifb nicht. Ihm, dem
Ritterlidien, der nur das im Augenblick zum Sdiutze des Frcundes
Notige erwog, kam der Gedanke an eigne Gefahrdung
wohl kaum in
den Sinn. Sparer, und auf mcine Einwande hin, schob
er Gedanken an
sich selbsteinfadi beiseite. Er veraditete die Gefahr, wie er die
Nazis
veraditete - und halite. Er hat das ihm selbst Drohende,
damals und
spater, verhangnisvoll unterschatzt. Es gehorte zu
seinem Wesen; und
die Freude, mir zur Freiheit verholfen und
dem Feind ein Opfer ent-
rissen zu haben, iiberwog alles andere.

Es war das letztemal, dal^ mich Albrechts Gastfreundschaft, der so

ich
' oft genossenen, erfreuen durfte. Er war, wie
es sidi fast von selbst ver-
stcht, der vorbiMlidic Hauswirt.
Gastfreundschaft ist von Freund-
schaft,von Takt und Gute des Herzens, nidn zu trennen.
Wem das
Leben mit Freunden so sehr das Natiirliche war wie
fur Albrecht, dem
istauch dasFeingefuhl gegeben, zu wissen, welcheBegegnungen
der ihm
gemeinsamen Freunde Bereidierung versprechen - und zu
welcher
Stunde! - und welche Begegnungen besser vermieden
werden. Wir alle
haben zahliose Facetten unseres Seins; und nicht alles, das
zwei Freun-
den gemeinsam ist, mui] gleichermaf5cn auf Dritte und
Vierte iibertrag-
bar sein. Albredit BernstorfF war in der Eindeutigkeit seines Wesens
nicht schillernd.
Aber wenige Menschen waren facettenreicher als er, der
Diplomat, Aristokrat und Bankier, der in j'ungen
Jahren an der noch
kaiserlichen Wiener Botsdiafi den Haudi von
Hofmannsthals Didi-
tung und den des literarischen Wien verspiirte. Die Zahl
seiner Freunde
- wirklicher Freunde - in alien Landcrn West-Europas war ganz un-
gewohnlidi groi?. Was er braudite, was er suchte, war gewifi mandics
und war aber vor allem das gutc Gespradi, das anregend
vieles,

mit anderen Schwingungsgleichheit herstellt und crwarmend

mensdi-
liche Warme erzeugt. Ob jenes Gemeinsame sich
im Historisch-Politi-
schen einstellte, ob im Literarischen, in der Natur oder im
Anckdoii-
sdien iiber Menschen und Dinge, war an sidi gleidigiiltig.
Bcrnstorff
war warmebediirftig; und in menschlichen Beziehungen war
cr, der
sonst Nadisiditige, durch jedc Art Frostigkeit leicht
verargert. Denn

54

U U J
 '

er seibst breketc eben jcne \(,"arme aus, die sidi dcnen, die bci
mm una
mit ihm waren, rasch mittcilte.
Hienn lag seine grofie und vcrstandnjsvoUc Kunst als Wirt und Gasi-
freund. Ihm lag gar nichts daran, seibst den Mittelpunkt
zu bildcn,
aber vid daran, einen soldien zu sdiaffen. Nodi heute, nadi zwolf,
funfzehn Jahren, liefie sidi iiber fast jedes Zusammensein bci ihm die
Autsdirift setzen, in Berlin wjc in scinem geliebten Snntcnburg.
Den
Kreis seiner Gaste hielt er mcist klein gcnug, urn
Zersplittcrung nidit
aufkommen zu lassen: ein Lundi in Berlin mit Adam von Trott und
emigen des spateren Kreisauer Kreises, wobei das
Gespradi sdion
damals den historisA-religioscn Fragen moglidxcn >J7iderstands
gait;
ein anderes mit Maurice Bowra, wobci Oxford und
die Erziehung nach
emem - w'cldiem? - Bild zur Erorterung stand; oder mit Victor Ham-
mer, wobei die Kunst, Budidruck und Sdinft, im Mittelpunkt
stand.
Mit Aage Friis, dem jiingstverstorbcnen Senior dcr curopaisdbcn
Histo-
riker, dessenAttadiement an Albredits Familie und Familicngesdiiditc
so weit gmg, dafi er in Kopenhagen in der Bernstorff
Vej wohntc, gab
es das Historiker-Fadigespradi. Und cm Abend var
da, mit dem
jungen Schwabadi, Kate Riezler und anderen, an dem uns
vielleidit
allzu leibhaft das Grauen vor der kunftigen Europa-Verunstaltung
vor
Augen trat.

Albredit Bernstorff hattc ein tiefcs inneres Bediirfnis naA dcrlei

Gc-
spradien. Obwohl er glanzend erziihlte und wunderbar
plaudertc, war
er dodi gar nidit darauf aus, Wortfiihrer zu sem. Er besafi, vielleidit
audi berufsmafiig gesdiult, die Fahigkeit, zuhoren zu konnen
oder dcr
Debarte mit einem Vitzwort die Sdiarfe zu nehmcn. Im iibrigen sah
man ihn, mit jenem seltsam leiditen Sdiritt sdiwerer Mensdicn, kudos
hm und her gehen, urn einen anderen seiner guten Weinc, einen Kognak
oder "Whisky zu holen, Glaser auszutausdien und dodi das Gespradi
nidit abreifien zu lassen.

Der vollkommene Virt war er in Stintenburg. Hier, in dem bezau-

bernden Familiensdilofs zwisdien den Seen, von dessen Tcrrassc und
Fenstern man nadi Siiden hin iiber die weidic abfallendc Rasenfladie
aufs Wasser hinumersdiaute; hier, auf dcr Halbinsel, im Wald, im
Dorf war
, 2u Hause. Hier vereinte er fiir die Vodien-
er wirklidi
enden ein paar Freunde, drci, vier oder fiinf, die nadi dem Essen, fiir
das vorbildlid) seine Sdiwester gesorgt hattc, um den groEcn Kamin

55

U U J U
 safien, die Weinglaser zur Scire, von den Biidiern der Bibliothek um
geben und in leichtere oder ernstere Gesprache verwickclt, die meist erst
langc nadi Mitternacht endeten. Bisweilen bradite er auch grolkre Ge-
sellsdiaftzusammen. Ein Pfingstfest 1937, bei dem die Vervandten
aus Altenhot, Nadibarn aus der Umgebung und wohl ein DutMnd
Wodienendgaste aus der Siadt sich vereinten, ist mir unverge(51ich als
eines der letztcn grofien Festc grofien Stils, das vir im alten Europa>>
begangen haben. Audi hier bradite es der Hausherr zustande, dafi
selbst die grofie Gesellsdiaft cine innere Einhcit wahrte.

VielleidiT war,
wie jedc Liebe, audi die Liebe zu Stintenburg und zum
Leben mit Stintenburg ein Teil von Albredits Verhangnis. Als idi ihn
das letztemal in London sah, im Januar 1939, kurz vor der eigcnen
'
Oberf ahri nadi Amerika, bespradien wir seine Moglidikeiten, nadi
England zuriidizukehren und Deutsdiland zu verlassen. Dinge batten
sidi in London nidit ganz so enrwidielt, v.-ie er es erhoffr hatte. Wir
bespradien das Fiir und Wider der Obersiedlung nadi London. Albredit
selbst war unsdiliissig. Dann sah er vom Teller auf. Und Stinten-
burg? Idi sdiwieg und zerpfludite einc Streidiholzsdiaditel.
Stintenburg war ein Teil seiner selbst, sein Rahmen, die Handbrcir
festen Bodens unter den Fiiften, die der KosmopoUt braudite. Hier
stand er auf seinemGrund und Boden seinem nidit nur well er der
Herr war, sondern well dies Famllieniand, von ihm belebt, die ihm ge-
mafie Lebensluft bot, von der er nodi im Savoy in London zehrte,
wie er umgekehrt Londons Luft nadi Stintenburg verpflanzte. Stinten-
burg war <ckosmopoiitisdi durdi ihn, dem alle kasernenhafte Enge
verhafit und zuwider war, und der als Kind, wie er oftmals mit Stolz
erzahlte, Bieisoldaten in Spielgeld umsdimolz. Da es diesem durdi
und durdi giitigcn Mensdien, der vor allem Freunden Freund sein
wollte, besdiieden war, in den verruditesten Baradien eines geistig und
leiblidi kasernierten Deutsdiland umzukommen, ist einer der uner-
traglidisten Gedanken ein Sinnbild jcner Leidenszeit Deutsdilands
und der Welt.

56

U U J I
/lie 7216 ^ir(/lSi ^(A"fcr(7^ar?r7 C^Pcri^'m^ ' r
n
MfLl

i\

n L
1 1

u u u u
*35. ''Kaiser Friedrich II und das Konigsbild des Hellenismus," in Varia Variorum:
testgabejur Karl Reinhardt (Miinster-Koln,
1952), 169-193.

EKs co^^y, annotated.

A. Postcard from A. Alfoldi, 1? Dec ^2

B. Letter from Alfoldi, 20
Mar 55
C. Letter from H. A. PestugiSres,
5 Dec 52
D. Letter from ^Vanz Wieacker,
10 Jan 52
E. Letter from i-^M. Powicke , 1? Ar,ril 53
P. Letter from Ihor .'^evcenko, 29 Dec ^2

n L 1 1
u u u
 LEO BAECK .

f^STlTUTB /

ARCHIVE

'm

LEO BAECK INSTITUTE I ARCHIVgX

Collection
^
EmST KANTOHOWICZ
Box no.: h out of 4

Published Mss.
Accession no.: 721
AR

Location r 49/5

MS^

n L D
U U U L 1 1


SONDERDRUCK
AUS DER

REINHARDT-FESTSCHRIFT

Im Buchhandel einzeln nicht kSuflich

u u u J
 m.

ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

KAISER FRIEDRICH UND DAS KDNIGSBILD II.

DBS HELLENISMUS
(Marginalia miscellanea)

In einem anregenden Werk iiber die Apotheose im Spiegel des hclle-

nistisdi-spatantiken Herrsdierportrats hat Hans Peter L'Orange an Hand

gewisser Einzelziige wie Haartradit und Himmelsblidt einen Bildtypus her-
ausgestellt, den er mit Alexander dem Grofien beginnen lafit und dessen
Fortleben er bis zu dem Staufenkaiser Friedridi II. vcrfolgt*). Ob diese
Linienfiihrung sadilidi in alien Einzelheiten richtig ist, stche nidit zur Er-
orterung*). Audi mag es hier gleichgultig sein, dafi der diadem-gekronte
bartige Kopf im Besitze des Kaiser-Friedrich-Muscums ganz gewifi nidit
Friedridi II. darstellt'). Nadi Ausweis der Miinzen und des Kopfes vom
Capuaner AbguE wiederzufinden Ernst Langlotz kurz
Briidientor, dessen
vor dem Zweiten Weltkrieg gegliidit ist, war die offizielle Bildauffassung
des Kaisers (und nur um cin offizielles Portrat konnte es sidi dodi handeln)
eine ganzlidi andere. Wenn ferner die kaiserlidicn Parteiganger oberitalie-
nisdier Stadte sidi damals die barbarasi nannten, so ermutigt der Partei-
name gewifi nidit, cin bartiges Haupt als Bildnis des letztcn Staufenkaisers
zu identifizieren*).

Der Kopf entstammt jedodi allem Ansdiein nadi der siiditalienisdien

Bildhauersdiule des 13. Jahrhunderts, und da der Kiinstler, einem spat-
antiken Modell nadiarbeitend, den Kopf mit der ivaoro^fi rns k6mtis, den
flammenden Lodtcn des Sonnengottes, versehen hat, so laf$t sidi L'Oranges
weiter Bogenspannung, durdi die er HellenistisdieS und Staufisdies zu ver-
binden weifi, eine innere Bereditigung nidit abspredien. Im Gegenteil, das
ardiaologisdie Problem, das der ausgezeidinete Osloer Gelchrte damit an-
gedeutet hat, lafit die Frage aufkommen, in wcldiem Malle hellenistisdies

Gut uberhaupt in der Umgebung Friedridis II. wirksam gewescn ist, und
bis zu wcldiem Grade es statthaft ist, audi die Ziige des hellenistisdien
Herrsdicrtyps in das historisdie Bild dieses Kaisers einzuzcidinen.

Das Thema Friedridi II. und der Hellenismus" ist begrciflidierweise

sdiledithin unaussdiopflidi. Was so wird man fragen diirfen ist denn
nidit, mit Einsdilufi des Christentums, letztcn Endes hellenistisdien Ur-

n u L u
1 1
u u I
170 Ernst H. Kantorowicz Kaiser Friedrich II. und das Konigsbild des Hellenismus 171

sprungs gewesen? Ganz gewifi wiirde dies geltcn fur die Rezeption des diese neuersdilossenen hellenistisdien Konigsspiegel bisher fast voUig un-
Aristoteles. Sieht man aber von all dem hier ab, so tragi doch der ganze beaditet gelassen, sehr zu ihrem eigenen Sdiaden^"*). Eine Ausnahme bildet

sonstige gelehrte Betrieb am Kaiserhofe den Stempel des Hellenismus. Die dabei Artur Steinwenter''^), der, als Reditshistoriker dem Begriff des vopos
Physiognomiker, Astrologen, Menschen- und Tier-Mediziner, die Botaniker, fpvj/uxos und seiner Gesdiidite nadigehend, auf jene Stobaeus-Fragmente
Zoologen, die Opiiker und Alchimisten, sie alle arbciten mit Material, das und die Arbeit von Goodenough zuriidigegriffen und naturgemafi audi die,

letztlich hellenistisdier Herkunft wenn man daS Thema auf das

ist. Selbst in letzter Zeit vielfadi behandelten, Reden des Themistius beriidcsiditigt

hellenistische Konigsbild einzusdiranken sucht, so bleibt des Vagen immer hat, deren Topoi in die byzantinisdie Rhetorik geradeso eingingen wie
noch genug. Die Arbeiten von Andreas Alfoldi und anderen haben es klar- die des Eusebius in die theologisdi gefarbten Staatslehren der Byzantiner'*).

gestellt, dafi Tradit und Zeremoniell der weltlidien wie geistlidien Herr- Dafi im Westcn fur die Lehre vom Mittlertum des Kaisers als lex animatu
scher des Mittelalters weitgehend und ganz direkt vom Hellenismus be- Friedridi II. eine besonders widitige Stellung einnahm, ist verstandlidi
stimmt waren^). Ein Gelehrtenleben hindurdi hat ferner Franz Kampers durdi die hier einmal vollig unproblematisdie Oberlieferung des Begriff s:
in immer erneuten, wenn audi nidit immer ganz gliicklidien Anlaufen ver- Justinian hat die Pragung des Themistius fast wortlidi in seine Novelle 105
sudit,von Friedridi II. her zum Hellenismus die Briicke zu schlagen. Dabei iibernommen"). Durdi das erneuerte Studium des romlsdien Redites ist
bewegten sidi seine Fragen meist in dem schwer fafibaren Wolkenraum von dann die Lehre von der lex animata sdion im 12., vor allem aber im
Kaisersage und Kaisermystik, und seine Arbeiten werden dinglicher nur 13. Jahrhundert wieder fruditbar geworden, und dadurdi indirekt audi die
da, wo sie sich mit einem ganz konkreten Begriff wie dem der Fortuna hellenistisdie Lehre vom Mittlertum des Herrsdiers'*). Glossatoren wie Rhe-
AugHSti besdiaftigen*). toren des juristisdien Jahrhunderts" konnten nidit umhin, sidi mit der
Nun haben jedodi in jiingster Zeit die Arbeiten von Erwin R. Goode- Ansdiauung auseinanderzusetzen, dafi Gott den Herrsdier als das be-
nough^) und Louis Delatte^) iiber die hellenistisdhen Konigsspiegel, deren seelte Gesetz zu den Mensdien herabgesandt hat".

Fragmente bei Stobaeus iiberliefert sind, das Problem der hellenistisdien

Staatsphilosophie sehr viel sdiarfer beleuditet; und auf der Grundlage der Im Zusammenhang mit der Lehre von der lex animata verdient jedodi
Papyri und Insdiriften hat Wilhelm Sdiubart weiterhin das Gesamtbild ein weiterer Topos Beaditung. In seiner grofien Prunkrede auf Friedridi II.,
nodi um wesentlidie Einzelziige bereidiern und erganzen konnen*). Diese die ihrer Gattung nadi, wenn audi weniger den Bildern nadi, der ostlidien
und andere Arbeiten'") haben mit verbliiffender Deutlidikeit gezeigt, in Enkomien-Literatur angehort, hat Petrus de Vinea, der kaiserlidie Logo-
weldiem bisher ungeahnten und durdiaus nidit-erkannten Ausmafi Konigs- thet, seinen Herrn gepriesen als den pacator iustissimus quern supremi . . .

ideal und Staatstheorie des Hellenismus im Mittelalter weitergewirkt manus opificis formavit in hominern, ut tot rerum habenas flecterct ct

haben. Die hellenistisdie Konigsphilosophie hat in sehr widitigen Einzel- cuncta sub iuris ordine limitaret^^). Idi hatte diese Zeilen vor vielen Jahren
heiten zunadist das spatantike, dann das byzantinisdie Kaiserbild beein- mit der Adams-Spekulation des 13. Jahrhunderts in Verbindung gebradit:
flufit, von dem wiederum mandie Zuge eingewoben sind in die Herrsdier- der Kaiser ist wie Adam und damit wie der neue Adam", Christus
auffassung, der man am Hofe Friedridis II. gehuldigt hat. von Gott selbst ersdiaffen oder gezeugt'-"). Ob und wieweit diese Idee
Auf weldie Weise etwa die hellenistisdien Konigstheorien in das byzan- mitgesdiwungen hat, bleibe vorerst dahingestellt. Sie war jedodi nidit

tinisdie Denken einmiindeten, hat Norman H. Baynes an einem Beispiel allein mafigebend; denn das Bild von dem Herrsdier, den des hodisten
verdeutlidit, indem er auf die Vermittlerrolle des Eusebius hinwies**). Es Werkmeisters Hand selbst zum Mensdien geformt hat", ist nidit erst im
handelte sidi dabei ganz besonders um die Vorstellung des hellenistisdien 13. Jahrhundert gepragt worden. Die einzige Parallele, die idi seinerzcit

Konigs Nadiahmers" der Gottheit,

als eines eincsOeomuriTT)?*-), der sinn- heranziehen konnte, war eine Stelle bei Benzo von Alba, einem Panegy-
gemafi in Byzanz immer starker zu einem xP'^^ot^'^^ITi^s abgewandelt riker der Zeit Heinridis IV., der seinen Kaiser anspradi als de coelo
wurde, zu demjenigen also, von Amts wegen den Gott-
der gleidiSam missus, non homo carnis'-^). Aber diese Parallele pafit nidit redit. Woran
mensdien fast biihnenmafiig vergegenwartigte und auf Erden die Christus- Benzo, dem zumindest einzelne Stidiwortc des romisdien Redites bekannt
rolle spielte ein Gedanke, der wiederum das ostlidie Hofzeremoniell aufs waren-"-), gedadithaben mag, war eher die lex-animata-Lchre: der Kaiser
starkste mitbestimmt hat^^). ist der von Gott zu den Mensdien Herabgesandte (Benzos: de coelo missus),

Dafi die mimesis nidit das einzige Theorem hellenistisdier Herrsdier- und zwar als das lebendige oder beseelte Gesetz selbst (Benzos: non homo
philosophie gewesen sein konnte, das vom Altertum ins Mittelalter hiniiber- carnis). Gehort audi das Bild, das Benzo benutzte, dem gleidien, oder

gewirkt hat, ware von vornherein zu erwarten gewesen. Leider hat jedodi wenigstens einem verwandten Ideenkreis an, so ist es dodi nidit identisdi
die mittelalterlidie Historik, falls nidit neuere Arbeiten hier iibersehen sind, mit Vincas Kaiser, den des hodisten Werkmeisters Hand selbst zum Men-

M3L

I I L L
U U U J
/ '
 I

172 Ernst H. Kantoroivicz Kaiser Friedrich II. und das Konigshild des Hellenismus 173

schcn geschaffen hat". Die schlagende Parallele findet sidi jedodi in einer Es ist nun aufierordcntlidi bezeidinend, daft in diesem Falle Vineas
dcr hellenistisdien Staatstheorien. Methode genau die gleidie gewesen ware wie die des Ekphantos. Jener Satz
In der Sdirift irepl paaiAtia? stellt der Pythagoraer" Ekphantos eine des Ekphantos findet sidi wortUdi audi bei Clemens von Alexandrien, der
Betraditung iiber die Kosmosregionen an, wie sie in besserer Oberlieferung ihn jedodi anfiihrt als Zitat aus einer Sdirift ivEpl tv/xo? eines anderen
in der hermetisdien K6pii k6ctijiou erhalten ist^''*). Jede der Regionen wird nPythagoraers", des Eurysos^^). Eurysos ist ganz gewifi nidit von Ekphan-
rcgiert von einem Herrscher, der innerhalb seines Bereidies der Gottheit tos abhangig gewesen-**). Denn das Eurysos-Zitat bei Clemens bringt, trotz
jcweils nachstverwandt ist. In der Himtnelsrcgion herrschen die Gotter wortlidierCbereinstimmung, einen fundamental anderen Gedanken zum
sclbst; im Ather herrsdit Helios iiber die Sterne; in der Luftregion herrsdit Ausdrudc, der bestimmt der ursprunglidie ist. Eurysos spridit namlidi gar
Selene iiber die Seelendamonen. nidit vom Konig, sondern vom Mensdien im allgemeinen.

Bei uns auf der Erde ist zwar der Mensdi das Bestgeborene, das Gottlidiere Sein Gehause hat er (der Mensdi) mit den iibrigen Gesdiopfen (den Tieren)
aber ist der Konig, der innerhalb der alien gemeinsamen Mensdiennatur am Besse- gemeinsam insofern, als er aus dem gleidien Stoffe gefertigt ist. Aber er (der
ren den Lowenanteil hat. Mensdi) ist von dem hodisten Werkmeister geformt, der ihn fertigend sidi selbst
Den iibrigen Mensdien gleidit er durdi scin Gehiiuse insofern, als er aus dem Zum Vorbild nahm."
gleidien Stoffe gefertigt ist; aber er ist von dem hodisten Werkmeister geformt,
der ihn fertigend sidi selbst zum Vorbild nahm (to \iv OKavos toIs AoittoTs Mit anderen Wortcn, Clemens von Alexandrien fiihrte das Zitat aus Eury-
6noios, o!a yeyovobs tK tos auras OXag, utt6 texvIto 6 'EipyaaiJievos Xcoorco, 6;
sos an als Bestatigung der Lehre vom Mensdien als imago Dei, eine Lehre,
^TEXviTEuaev aCrrov apxETurrco xpwiJEvos tourco).
Der Konig ist also das eine und einzige Gesdiopf, das des oberen Konigs inne- die von Genesis, 1, 27, ganz zu sdiweigen in einen voUig anderen Zu-
wird (KaraoxEuaaua 5f) (bv 6 PcctiAeOs ev Kai uovov fvvoriTiKov tco dcvcoTEpco sammenhang gehort, sdion damals ihre lange Gesdiidite hinter sidi hatte
PocJiAfcos); und wahrend er seinem Fertiger von jeher bekannt war, ist er den und eine nodi langere Gesdiidite in kunftigen Jahrhunderten entfalten
von ihm Beherrsditen ein soldier, den man in seinem Konigtum wie in einem
sollte-").
Lidite erblidt-*)."
Es ware also Ekphantos gewesen, der ansdieinend als erster den Satz von
Auf die konigliche Mittlerlehre, die hier wie anderwarts in den pytha- der Mensdienersdiaffung im allgemeinen auf die der Konigsersdiaffung im
goraisdien" Konigstraktaten sehr deutlidi formuliert ist und die im Um- besonderen, ja in einem aussdilieftlidien Sinne, iibertragen hatte'"). Die
kreis Friedridis II. gleidifalls wiederkehrt, sei nidit weiter eingegangen^^). Ahnlidikeit zwisdien Vinea und Ekphantos liefe demnadi einzig daraut
Der entsdieidende Satz jedodi iiber den gottlidien Tediniten, der selbst den hinaus, dafi beide die homo imago De-Lehre einseitig zu einer aufs aufierste
Konig geformt hat, stimmt inhaltlidi mit Vineas Lobrede voUig iiberein. gesteigerten reximago Def-Lehre umgebogen batten. Durdi dieses einfadie
Wie Vinea nun dazu gekommen, einen Gedanken des Ekphantos in
ist Mittel ware der Konig nunmehr als der einzige von Gott selbst nadi seinem
soldi erstaunlidier Ahnlidikeit zu wiederholen? Grundsatzlidi wird mit Ebenbild Ersdiaffene hingestellt worden; und da dem Konig ganz selbst-
zwei Moglidikeiten zu redinen sein: Vinea konnte den gleidien Gedanken verstandlidi die Aufgabe zufiel, seine Untertanen sidi selbst und dadurdi
gehabt und ihm in seiner bibelnahen Spradie Ausdrudc gegeben haben, oder i
Gott anzugleidien, so war er kraft der uinriais zu einer Art MIttlerwescns
aber es ware mit einer indirekten Oberlieferung zu redinen, da er ja die erhoben, um somit als letzter der Gotter, aber erster der Mensdien" zu
Stobaeus-Fragmente selbst nidit gekannt haben kann. wirken - "Gedanken,
weder Ekphantos nodi Vinea nodi audi der
die
Hinsiditlidi der ersten Moglidikeit, der der Gedankengleidiheit, lohnt papstlidien Staatslehre fremd waren und die audi, wiewohl in
anderer
es sdion, einige Erwagungen anzustellen. Vineas Ausdrudisweise quern Brediung, in der lex animata-Lehrc vorherrsdien")- All das wurde
demnadi
SMpremi manus opificis formavit in hominem lehnt sidi ganz offenkundig in der Hauptsadie besagen, daf5 der Konig in fast
aussdilieftlidiem Mafic
an Genesis, 2, 7 f, an: Formavit ergo Dominus Deus hominem . . . Gott als die imago Dei gewesen sei. Es ist nur eine aufierste Uberspitzung der sonst
SHpremus opifex oder artifex (Xcootos texvIths) ist natiirlidi ein ganz her- sdion fast nennenden und allgemeingiiltigen Ansdiauung des
banal zu
kommlidies Bild, so alt wie die Interpretation des Sedistagewerkes selbst. Mittelalters, der gemafi der Konig zwar im besonderen, aber keineswcgs

Geht man nun von der Genesis- Stelle aus, so hattc Vinea im Grunde nidits cxklusiven Sinne als imago Dei verehrt wurde.
anderes getan, als das vom Mensdien und seiner Ersdiaffung generell Ge- Andererseits jedodi audi die Moglidikeit einer Kontinuitat der Ober-
ist

sagte nunmehr in besonderer oder gar aussdiliefilidier Weise auf den Kaiser lieferung nidit von der Hand zu wcisen. Es liefien sidi wahrsdieinlidi sehr
und Seine Ersdiaffung zu beziehen. Fricdridi ware demnadi DER Mensdi, vicle Stellen aus dcr byzantinisdien Panegyrik anfiihren, die in irgendeiner
der neue Urvatcr gewesen, der wiederum eins war mit der ganzen Mensdi- Form die Gedanken des Ekphantos aufnehmen und weiterspinnen. Delattc
heit, als deren Inbegriff Vinea seinen Hcrrn denn audi darstellt-'). hat eine Anzahl soldier Falle zusammenstcUen konnen, in denen des

ri I I L L
u u u u
 174 Ernst H. Kantorowicz Kaiser Friedrich II. und das Konigsbild des Hellenismus 175

Ekphantos Lehre wenigstens anklingt"-). Hier sei, weil der zeitlidie Ab- Privatperson einem Angreifer von Besitz oder Personen auferlegen kann,
stand von Vinea relativ gering ist, nur auf eine unbcaditete Parallele aus indem er den Kaiser anruft per invocationem nostri (sc. imperatoris)
der byzantinischen Hofrhetorik verwiesen. In einer anonym iiberlieferten nominis^^).Der unreditmafiig Angegriffene sudite sidi also zu sdiiitzen
Leidienrcde auf den im Jahre 1180 verstorbenen Kaiser Manuel Komnenos durdi Anrufung des Kaisernamens, wobei die Formel lautete: ex parte impe-
sagt ein Rhetor'^): ratoris defendo, oder audi: prohiheo te ex parte regis (imperatoris) quod
me offendere non praesumas. Daraufhin gait der Angriff, wenn er dennodi
Weh mir, o Kaiser, Gebilde Du der Hande des besten Werkmeisters, Gottes
erfolgte, gleidisam als ein Angriff auf die Person des Kaisers selbst, und
{irAdaMaxEipcovdpiaTOTEXvoueEou); Du beseeltesGoIdbildnis der Konigsherrsdiaft
(PaCTiAEia5XpwcroOv<i9(5puMa2mfiuxv). das - Glut des Herzensfeuers zwar, dodi der Fall wurde demgemafi, unter Aussdilufi aller Lokalgeriditsbarkeit,
audi eine Hammerung von Drangsal und Muhen
auf dem gedrungenen Ambofi direkt vor das Hofgeridit gezogen. Die defensa diente unter anderem audi
der Standhaftigkeit von dem Demiurgen weise und kunstredit zu einer Stele
der dazu, die koniglidie Geriditsbarkeit gegeniiber den lokalen Gewalten aus-
Tapf erkeit gefertigt (els avSpefa? axriAri v -rrpos toO SiimoupyoO ao9cos 9iAoTexvTi6ev>)
und, wie auf einer Sdiaubuhne der koniglidien Warte, den Mensdien als Ur-Idee zudehnen^*).
aufgeriditet worden ist (irpos dpxsTu-jTiav dvepcb-rrois . . . dpQcoe^v)." Uber die Herkunft dieser Einriditung ist bisher keine Einigkeit erzielt

worden. Dafi die Paragraphen unter Friedridi II. formuliert worden sind
Trotz aller Kiinstelei und durdi alien Schwulst rhetorisdier Oberladen-
und erst 1231 ihre endgiiltige Fassung erhielten, steht wohl fest. Ebenso-
heit hindurch ist doch noch, obwohl gleidisam fladigedriickt durdi das Ge-
wenig kann aber bezweifelt werden, dafi die defensa sdion unter den Nor-
hammcre des gottlidien Bildhauer-Sdimiedes, der urspriinglidie Gedanke
niannen bestanden hat. Ein Dokument vom Jahre 1227 zeigt, daE nodi vier
zu erkennen: der von des gottlidien Aristotediniten Hand zum Bild, und
Jahre vor der Gesetzgebung von Melfi nidit nur der Herrsdier, sondern audi
damit den iibrigen Mensdien zum Vorbild, geformte Kaiser, ein lebendes
der zustandige Erzbisdiof oder ein Lokalbeamter angerufen werden konn-
Goldbildnis der Ur-Idee aller Konigsherrsdiaft oder, wie es ein Diditer des
ten*'). Aus normannisdier Zeit ist ein Fall aus dem Jahre 1163 bekannt
spaten 13. Jahrhunderts ausdruckt, ein Euvfux" ivSaX^a yuxfis Tfjs
geworden, der in der Chronik der Abtci Casauria uberliefert ist^^). Weiier
paCTiAiKWTdTiis34). Der Leichcnredner hat freilidi die Metapher des Ekphan-
haben einzelne Gclehrte versudit, durdi ein Zuriidcdatieren des Stadtredits
tos ihres metaphysisdien Gehaltes nahezu entledigt, indem er die imago Dei
von Trani ins elfte Jahrhundert die defensa nodi friiher anzusetzen'").
allzu dinglidi als ein von Gott - hier gewissermafien einem berufiten He-
Andere haben daran gedadii, die Institution aus dem normannisdien Redit
phaistos gleichend - mit Hammersdilagen gefcrtigtes Goldbild versteht.
herzuleiten und sic mit dem //aro-Ruf in Verbindung zu bringen. Haro
Aber dieser dinglidie Bilddiarakter des Konigs hat sehr viele Parallelen'^),
ist jedodi, wie das englisdie hue and cry oder das hodideutsdie zeter ledig-
hervorgerufen vielleidit durdi die tatsadilidie Bedeutung, die im Osten
lidi ein Geruft", das juristisdi als ein Beweismittel der handhaften Tat
dem Kaiserbild selbst nodi in diristlidier Zeit zukam'"').
Angesidits der Byzanznahe des staufisdien Grofihofes ware es durdiaus
diente,und dieser Haro-Kuf, der freilidi zunadist ein Alarmgesdirei war,
hattc im 13. Jahrhundert nidits zu tun mit einem privaten Sclbstsdiutz
statthaft, wenigstens die Moglidikeit offen zu lassen, dafi traditionelles Ge-
per invocationem nomims regis**).
dankengut der hellenistisdien Konigsspiegel in byzantinisdier Brediung auf
Vinea und die Capuaner Rhetorensdiule hiniibergewirkt hat, selbst wenn Was Friedridi II. bezwedite, als er 1231 fiir das ganze Konigreidi ein-

sidi eine bestimmte Quelle nidit mehr so eindeutig feststellen lafk wie ctwa heitlidi die Anrufung des Herrsdiernamens bei Auferlegung der defensa
im Falle der Lehre von der lex animata^''). Und die Frage der Oberlieferung anordnete, sagt das Gesetzbudi selbst ganz deutlidi; es war, neben vielem
lafit sidi audi nur allgemein, aber kaum eindeutig losen anderen, cine Manifestation der zumindest potentiellen Allgegenwart des ci, ^bct^Au/t,
in bezug auf einen
anderen juristisdien Bcgriff. Kaisers: et sic nos etiam qui prohihente individuitate personae ubique
non possumus, ubique potentialiter adesse credamur*^)^
praesentialiter esse
Der Glossator Andreas von Isernia, der unter den ersten Anjous sdirieb,
.Cd-
Die Paragraphen I, 16-19 des Liber augustalis, der grofien Konstitutio-
nen-Sammlung, die Friedridi II. 1231 in Melfi fiir sein siiditalisdies
bemerkte hicrzu sehr riditig: Juxta illud: An nescis longas regibus esse

Konigreidi veroffentlidit hat, und zwar gleidizeitig in lateinisdier wie in manusf"*^). Ungehorsam gegeniiber einer auferlegten defensa war daher
griediisdier Spradie, habcn sdion den Zcitgenossen ein gewisses
Erstaunen audi gleidibedeutend mit einer Veraditung des kaiserlidien Namens, so dafi
abgenotigt. Der Kaiser spridit hier von einer seltsamen Einriditung zum das Gesetzbudi die Erwartung ausspredien konnte, dafi selbst bei falsdilidi
Sdiutze des individuellen Besitzes wie dem des Individuums und seiner
An- gebotener defensa der zu unredit Betroffenc zunadist gehordie und sogar
gchorigen gegen Gewalt durdi das Reditsmittcl der privaten
defensa'^^). sein gutcs Redit fiir den AugenbliA preisgebc ob reverentiam culminis
Die defensa ist ein Friedegebot, das nidit ein Beamtcr sondern jeglidie nostri").

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 Kaiser Friedrich II. und das Konigsbild des Hdlenismus \77
176 Ernst H. Kantorowicz

Namen oder Bild. Nun ist Rom, wenn auch vcrklart

das Asylwesen in
Das sind Ansdiauungen, die von einem einfadien Gervift weit entfernt durch das legendare Asylrccht des Romulus, erst im Jahre 42 v. Chr. ein-
sind. Hingegen ist die Idee der potentiellen Allgegenwart des Kaisers
urn
gefuhrt worden, wahrend cs in Agypten schon zur Ptolemaerzeit bestand*')-
so naher verwandt der antiken, zumal spatantiken Vorstellung von
der
SoUte dies vielleicht zum Verstandnis beitragen dafur, dafi audi der
Allgegenwart der Kaiser-m>ja^*j. So ist denn audi die bisher einzige
Namensanruf, wie ihn Apuleius beschreibt, sich auf den Brauch im ptolc-
einwandfreie Parallele zu der sizilisdien Kaiserinvokation bei einem
maischen Agypten zuriickfiihren lafit?
romischen SdiriftSteller der Zeit Mark Aurels gefunden wordcn"). In den
Die einschlagigen Stellen hat Wilhelm Schubart aus den Papyri zusam-
Metamorphosen des Apuleius (III, 29) wird erzahlt, wie der unselige, in
mengetragen und besprodien, und es kann hier nur das von ihm Gesagte
einen Escl verwandelte Lucius sidi gegen seine Peiniger und ihre Sdilage zu
wiederholt werden*-). Ein Tebtunis Papyrus des 2. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.
sdiutzen sudite. Er besdilofi ad auxilium civile decurrere et interposito
meldet, dafi in einem Dorf ein Mann im Bade uberfallen worden sei. In
venerahili principis nomine tot aerumnis me liberare. Er entsdilofi sidi also
seiner Besdiwerde den Vorfall bekundet der Betroffene, dafi, als der
iiber
dafiir, zwisdien sidi und seine Peiniger den Namen des Kaisers zu inter-
um midi besdiaftigte Diener den Konig um Hilfe rief, mehrere Leutc her-
ponieren". In einem thessalisdien Marktort angelangt, will er in dem Men-
beikamen"*"). Dafi der Konig selbst gerade in der Nahe des dorflidien
sdiengewimmel der Griedien genuino sermone, also dodi wohl in seiner
Badehauses geweilt habe, ist mehr denn unwahrscheinlich. Gemeint ist, dafi
eignen angeborenen Spradie, den Namen des Kaisers anrufen (nomen
der Junge den Konigsnamen ausstiefi, woraufhin die Leute zu Hilfe eilten.
augustum Caesaris invocare temptavi). Aber Lucius konnte natiirlidi nur
Ahnlich heifit es bei einer anderen Gelegenheit: Als idi zum Konig
in ein Eselsgebriill ausbredien, reliquum autem Caesaris nomen enuntiare
rief
mir beizustehen, horten mich einige von den anderen und eilten herbei**).*
nan potui. Dafi sein unmelodisdies Brullen die Peiniger nur dazu heraus-
Wenn ferner die Tempelsklaven der Bubastis an den machtigen Finanz-
forderte, mit ihren Lederriemen um so kraftiger auf den Esel einzusdilagen,
beamten Zenon schreiben, es hatte sich eine Anrufung des Konigs eriibrigt,
hat mit der Sache selbst nidits mehr zu tun, da ja die Eselstreiber nicht
da Zenon, gegenwartig sei*'), so entsprache das etwa der Anrufung
ja er,
wissen konnten, daB sie sidi damit beinahe einer Veraditung des Kaiser-
der Lokalgewaltigen des vor-friderizianischen Rechts in Sizilien.
namens sdiuldig gemadit batten.
Es ist naturlich richtig, dafi in diesen Fallen der Konigsnamen audi als
Die ganz deutlich, dafi im 2. Jahrhundert, als Apuleius, der
Stelle zeigt
Alarmgeschrei diente, um Hilfe herbeizurufen. Aber es ist doch aufier-
Isisglaubige aus dem numidischen Madaura, seine Metamorphosen schrieb,
ordentlich bezeichnend, dafi man, um Larm zu schlagen, eben nicht
eine der sizilisdien defensa durdiaus wesensverwandte Einrichtung bestand
..zeterte", sondern den Namen des Konigs anrief, also etwa schrie paaiXtO
und dem Diditer sei es aus Thessalien oder aus Numidien oder vielleidit
poi^OEi, so wie man spater gerufen hatte XpicrxJ Poi^Oei. Es bleibt ferner
nur aus Gebraudien der Kulte bekannt war, namlich sidi durch die An-
bestehen, dafi man den Konigsnamen anrief, wenn ein Angriff, eine Mifi-
rufung des Kaiser-Namens, und damit des Kaiser-Numens, gegen Angriffe zu
handlung oder ein sonstiger Rechtsbrudi drohte oder stattfand, und in
sdiutzen. Auffallend ist es nur, dafi sonst im romisdien Bereidi so wenig
dieser Bezichung stimmt dann der Brauch in Agypten durchaus iiberein mit
von dieser Einriditung bekannt ist. Denn dafi Graber und andere Statten dem bei Apuleius beschriebenen Verfahren: der Name des Ptolemaerkonigs
und Stiftungen unter den Sdiutz des Kaisers gestellt werden, hat mit dem
wurde wie der des Kaisers interponiert", geradeso wie spater der Name
durdi Kaiserinvokation zu erreidienden momentanen Reditssdiutz nichts
Christi oder Gottes gleichsam interponiert wurde. Die Reditsbedeutung
gemeinsam.
dessen hat Schubart sicher riditig umschrieben, wenn er sagt, dafi durdi die
Woran jene Invokation viel eher erinnert, ist vielleidit das Asylredit der
i Anrufung des Konigs dieTat offentlidi" wurde und damit zur Hilfe-
Kaiserstatuen und der Sdiutz, der dem zukommt, der ein Kaiserbild beriihrt.
leistung verpfliditete. Daneben hat jedoch die Invokation des Herrscher-
In diesem Falle wird zwar nidit der Name des Kaisers, wohl aber das
namens auch etwas Soteriologisches. Der Herrscher ist dXt^fKOKos. Durcii
Bildnis des Kaisers ninterponiert", und es ist bekannt, dafi dieses Bildnis-
seine Allgegenwart ist er nahe, audi wenn er leiblich fern ist. Sein Zorn
Asylrecht zu dem unstatthaften Mifibrauch gefiihrt hat, nun einfadi stets
erreicht den Missetater, und am Zorne des Konigs stirbt man"**).
eine Miinze bei sidi zu tragen, um somit jeden Augcnblidk das Miinzbild
Es ist wohl kaum zu bezweifeln, dafi die Papyri und Apuleius die gleiche
des Kaisers interponieren" zu konnen oder es wie ein Amulett dem Ver-
Rechtsanschauung wiedergeben. Dies scheint weniger wahrsdieinlich hin-
folger vorzuhalten^*). Der Untersdiied zwischen der defensa und dem ad
sichtlidi der facpdricxts oder Korapdnffi^, die, gleichfalls in ptolemaisdien Pa-
statuas conjugere ist natiirlidi der, dafi im ersten Fall der unsdiuldig Ange-
wahrend im Falle des Statuen-
pyri nachweisbar, dann im byzantinischen Recht eine gewissc RoUe spielte
griffene den Namen des Kaisers interponiert,
und sdiliefilich in dem weitverbreiteten Ndpos yscopyiKd? (vcrmutlich
Asyls der sdiuldig Verfolgte sich durch Flucht zur Kalserstatue den Ha-
7. Jahrhundert) einen Niederschlag fand*^). Das Verfahren ist nach den
sdiern entzieht. Gemeinsam ist jedoch die Stellvertretung des Kaisers durch

12 Reinhardt-Festsdirift

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178 Ernst H. Kantorowicz Kaiser Friedrich II. und das Konigsbild des Hellenismus 179

wenigen Andeutungen des Agrargcsetzes nicht deutlidi zu rekonstruieren, reich aus spat- und nachkarolingischer Zeit iiberliefert. Spater treten sie

doch handelt es sich man, vorwiegend bei Besitzstorung, das

darum, dafi zurilck und werden seltener, vielleicht weil dann die strengeren Formcn des
Geschrei" erhob, das heifit: bei den lokalen Beamten (im Jahre 441 war liturgischen Empfangs fiir die freieren literarischen Erzeugnisse wenig Spiel-

es der Proconsul der Provinz Asia) Einspruch" oder Klage erhob^'^). DaR raum mehr licficn. Erst im Spatmittelalter tritt die Adventus-Dichtung
diescr Einsprudi mit Berufung auf den Herrsdicr erfolgte, ist wohl fiir wieder schr stark hervor, und zwar gab dann, ahnlich wie in der Musik"^),
Agypten, doch nicht fiir Byzanz bezeugt, und nur die Tatsache, dafi an- die Liturgie selbst durch Lockerung oder gar Zerfall ihrer Strenge den Stoff

sdieincnd das Delikt der Besitzstorung dabei im Vordergrund stand, liefie her fiir die so beliebten tableaux, die bereichert noch um renaissancehaft
vielleicht an einen Zusammenhang mit der dejensa des sizilischen Ge- klassizistische Motive den nunmehr auch wichtig gewor-
staatsrechtlich
setzbuches denken^"). denen Einzug, die entree joyeuse eines Fiirsten verherrlichten*'^).
Der Glossator der sizilischen Konstitutionen, Andreas von Isernia, erklart In Byzanz ist der Verlauf ein etwas anderer gewesen. Aus einer sehr
mehrmals, daft das ius defensae cin ius novum darstelle*'). Das ist so reichen Tradition schopfend hat die Epiphanie-Dichtung und -Rhetorik

nicht richtig, da die dejensa unter Anrufung des Konigs oder einer stets und zu alien Zeiten ihren festen Platz
im Kaiserzeremoniell behalten.
Lokalgewalt schon vor 1231 bestand. Vielleicht beschrankte sich die Neue- Dabei gait diese zeremoniellc Dichtung und Redekunst nicht nur dem
rung Friedrichs II. einfadi darauf, dafi er die defensa aus dem Lokal- Empfang und Einzug selbst, wenn der Kaiser siegreich oder nach langerer
bereich endgiiltig herausgelost hat, um fiir das ganze Konigreich die Auf- Abwesenheit wieder in seine Hauptstadt zuriickkehrte, sondern sie war
crlegung der defensa durch Anruf des Kaisernamens vorzuschreiben. Das Beiwerk bei jedcr Epiphanie" des Kaisers, jedem offiziellen
unerlafiliches

Delikt wurde damit unweigerlich gleichsam als ein plackum coronae vor Erscheinen in feierlicher Form. Oberhaupt ist ja im Osten ganz ahnlich
das Hofgeridit gezogen. Es ist dabei gar nicht unmoglich, dafi Friedrichs wie in der Antike die Idee der Epiphanie, die immer zugleich eine Mani-
Neuerung" direkt auf Apuleius zuriickging, wenigstens in der Formulie- festation des Gottlidien einschlofi,
im Kult wie im Leben von unendlich
rung: nomen august um Cae saris invocare bei Apuleius klingt an die zwei- grofierer Bedeutung gewesen als im Westen. Das trifft zu
fiir die liturgi-

malig wiederholte invocatio nostri nominis im GeSetzbuch doch so stark an, schen Handlungen der Kirche - man denke etwa an die Kronung von

daft eine Abhangigkeit glaubhaft erscheint. Mit Apuleius war man damals Taufling oder Brautpaar - aber auch fiir die Liturgie des Hofes. Hierhin
durchaus vertraut.Johann von Salisbury hat ihn vielfach benutzt**). Eine gehorte dann auch jene Zurschaustellung des Kaisers an bestimmten Kirchen-
Handschrift der Metamorphosen in beneventanischer Schrift lafit sich im festen (Weihnachten und Epiphanien) und an bestimmten Hoffesten (Kro-

12. Jahrhundert in Monte Cassino, also im sizilischen Konigreich, nach- nung und Hochzeit), wenn sich der Basileus auf einer mit Stoffen und
weisen*-). Es liegt kein Grund vor zu vermuten, dafi den Apuliern" Apu- Teppichen reich verkleideten Estrade, genannt Prokypsis, dem Volke zeigte.
leiusunbekannt gcwesen und ihnen die Bedeutung des Kaiseranrufs ent- Das Zeremoniell verlangte dabei, daft die Vorhange, die zunadist den
gangen sein soUte. Kaiser verhiillten, im gegebenen Augenblidt und nach vorbcreitendem Ruf-
Trifft dicse Annahme zu, so hatte Friedrich II. durch die Vermittlung lied richtigen KXritixa plotzlich zuriicJigezogen wurden, um den Blick
des Apuleius de facto gar nicht romischen, sondern hellenistischen oder auf den Kaiser freigebend gleichsam seine, und zugleich die gottliche, Epi-
ptolemaischen Brauch wiederhergestellt. Dies wiirde allerdings nur fiir die phanie zu symbolisieren. Bei dieser Schaustellung traten dann Poeten und
Invokation des Kaisernamens gelten, denn dem Rechtsmittel der defensa Rhetoren in ihre Rechte, die in mehr oder minder festgepragten Formen
selbst mogen andere Rechtsanschauungen zugrunde liegen. dieses hochst artifizielle Erscheinen" des Kaisers feierten*').

Von den karolingischen susceptacula wie von den byzantinischen Epi-

Eine dritte kleine Beobachtung sei hier abschliefiend angefiigt, deren Aus- phaniegedichten unterscheidet sich das Gedicht auf Friedrich II. insofern,
wertung, wenn sie iiberhaupt Wert hat, anderen iiberlassen bleiben mag. als es nicht eigentlich zur Empfangs- oder Erscheinungsfeier selbst gedichtet
Es handelt sich um ein Gedicht, das den Einzug Friedrichs II. in Jerusalem, worden ist, sondern nur des Kaisers Adventus, seinen Einzug in Jerusalem,
am 17. Marz 1229, verherrlicht. beschreibt. Dies geschieht allerdings in einer Weise, die dem sonst fiir
Aus den Casus Sancti Galli hat jiingst Walter Bulst die Bezeichnung Empfange und Einziige iiblichen Ideengehalt vollig gleichkommt. Dafi der
susceptacula regum zutage gefordert und damit hochst dankenswerter Wcise Dichtcr, ein Passauer Kanoniker namens Marquard von Ricd, selbst im
den terminus technicus wieder eingefiihrt fiir eine Gattung von Liedern, Heiligen Land anwesend und somit Augenzeuge war, als Friedrich II. in
die zum feierlichen Empfang eines Herrschers, eben ad regem suscipiendum, Jerusalem einzog, ware an sich moglich gewesen. Bezeugt ist das nicht, und
gcdichtet und vorgetragen wurden"). Soldie Gedichte fiir den Adventus
im Wiener Schottenkloster entstandene
die Inserierung des Gcdichtes in die
oder die Epiphanie eines Herrschers, oder auch Bischofs, sind iiberaus zahl- Fortsetzung der Klosterneuburger Annalen weist nur auf die gleichen Be-

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180 Ernst H. Kantorowicz

Kaiser Friedrich II. und das Konigsbild des Hcllenismus 181

zirke im Siidosten des Reiches hin, in denen Marquard, um 1240 Propst von Apostrophe der Einzugsstadt Jerusalem besteht gerade
in dem Element der
Matsec im Salzburgisdien, audi sonst zu suchen ist"). Aus dem relativ um- Gleidi- Oder Ein-cbnigkeit von Gott und
Kaiser, die hier durdi das Bild
fangreichen Gedidit seien hier zwei Versgrupp)en angefiihrt, die fiir den des Einzugs erzeugt wird, und in dem der
wediselseitigen Bedingtheit, in-
Adventus augusti bezeichncnd sind***).
dem der Gott fur den Kaiser das Bild und Vorbild
aufgestellt, der Kaiser
aber das Bild des Gottes erneuert und
Subdita sunt elementa Deo: quos foverit ille, ins Gedaditnis zurudcgerufen hat.
Ilia fovent, e converso quos urserit urgent. Dieser ein Gott, jener des Gottes frommer
und kluger Mime." Diese Art,
Adveniente Dei famulo magno Friderico die christomimesis nidit durdi Aufzahlung
Sol nitet, aura tepet, aqua bullit, terra virescit.
von Tugenden wie justitia,
aequitas, dementia, sondern gleidisam als aktives Bild
Fons inquam Syloe qui tnultis aruit annis, buhnenmafiig zu
Nunc quasi congaudens producit aquas salientes vergegenwartigen, ist im Westen sonst eher den
. .
Sdiilderungen von Heiligen J^ tii. et'
vorbehalten: sie sind es vor alien anderen,
die wie Franziskus siditbar in
Jerusalem gaude nomen domini venerare den Fufitapfen ihres Herrn wandeln und
Magnifica laude: vis ut dicam tibi quare? als die wahren Nadiahmer Christi
audi ihrem Herrn Ahnlidies verriditen.
Rex quia magnificus Jesus olim, nunc Fridericus, Mit Bezug auf Kaiser und Konige
Promptus uterque pati, sunt in te magnificati. 1st jedodi soldie Bildgleidiheit
begreiflidierweise selten, wenn man von dem .1
'

Obtulit ille prior semet pro posteriore Sitzen auf dem Konigsthron oder ''
Riditerstuhl absieht. Erst die spatmittel-
Et pro posterior sua seque prioris honore,
Hie Deus, ille Dei pius ac prudens imitator.
alterhdie,und zumal franzosisdie, Konigsmystik hat
die Bildgleidiheit
von Herrsdier und Gottheit audi in andere
Bereidie, wie in das des Wunder-
Die erste Gruppe der bier angefubrten Verse diene lediglidi dazu, den wirkens, hineinprojiziert.
messianisdien" Charakter klarzustellen, der fast stets, oder doch sehr All dies anders im Osten,
ist wo gerade jene Art des antithetisdien Bild-
haiufig, in die Adventus-Diditung eingewoben ist. Die vier Elemence sind vergle.dies hundertfadi zu belegen ist, zumal in der Epiphaniediditung^')-
Gott untertan; doch sie gebordien dem Diener Gottes und darum begiinsti- Es genuge nur eines der Epiphanie-Gedidite anzufuhren,
hier,
gen sie den Kaiser bei seinem Einzug {adveniente Dei famulo). Die Sonne, die bei der
Prokypsis am Epiphanienfest, im Osten
hier das Element des Feuers vertretend, brennt nicht, sondern sie strahlt; bekanntlidi die Feier der Taufe
Chnsti, vorgetragen wurden. Der
die Luft ist lau; das Wasser sprudelt; die Erde sdimiickt sich mit neuem Verfasser ist Theodoros Prodromes, ein
gefeierter D.diter der Komnenenzeit,
Griin; und der seit vielen Jahren trockene Siloam-Quell bringt springende der Johannes Komnenos (1118-1143)
mit folgenden Versen begriifite'^)
Wasser hervor, um seine Mitfreude am Erscheinen des Kaisers zu bezeugen.
Das alles ist gewifi kein verstedtter Hinweis darauf, da(5 es Friihling ist, I6o0 SiirXfi TTovi^yupis, SmAti
xapdt 'Pconaiois,
obwohl ja Friedridi II. im Marz in Jerusalem einzog. Gemeint ist natiir- Aovrrpa Xpitrrou, xai Tpdiraia AauTTpA
toO ^aa\Ui^'
lidi jener messianisdi zeitlose Friihling, der kalenderwidrig audi im Som- Xpiaxos dXoueri Si" i^yas Xovn-pu tco
twv OSotcov,
mer, Herbst oder Winter herrsdien wurde, sobald der Gesalbte crsdieint*').
dva? iirXuveti 61 i\\ia% Aourpcp tu twv 16pwTcov
In Agypten, zum Beispiel, hatte die Epiphanie des Herrsdiers oder seiner
6 piv ouvrpipsi KEcpoXAs Iv Oecrri 6paK6vTuv,
Beauftragten ein Steigen des Nils zur Folge^").
6 6i ouyKAivEi Ke<potAas Trl xfi^ yfis pappApcov
Worauf es hier jedodi ankommt, ist nidit die messianisdie Stimmung des
6 piv ToOs K9coAEuovTas 69EIS dnroKTivvOEi,
Advents, sondern der in der zweiten Versgruppe enthaltene antithctisdic
6 6i ovyKAElEi 9coAoTs tous irpiv Avetous repaos'
Vcrgleidi des in Jerusalem einreitenden Kaisers mit Christus am Palm-
t6v \xiv t6 TTVEOMa napTupEl -n-Epicn-Epas
sonntag, die durdi ein hic-ille eingefiihrte christomimesis des Kaisers: Hie ^v eISei,

Deus, Tov 6' ^ Aeuki^ TTEpiCTTEpa TT)? vIktis

Dei pius ac prudens imitator. Vergleidie des Herrsdiers mit Gott
ille KOtTOyy^AAEl'
oder Christus sind iiberaus haufig im Mittelalter: der Konig ist quasi oder t6v piu (pcovfl TTOtpCt TTOtTpbs Ul6v
&VO(KTlpUTTEl,

sicut Deus in terris. Antithesen wiederum wiirden das Untersdieidendc Tov hi Hepctcov 6Ao9pUTfiv to Trpoyncrra
powaf
zwisdien der gottlidien Allmadit und der koniglidien Teilmadit hervor- 60KU <pcovfi5 kl oOpavoO SEvnipos ^ttokoOeiv
heben. Das ist hier jedodi nidit der pall. Die Antithetik dient viclmehr Powatjs TT&Aiv AaoT5, oCrros 6 PoctiAeus \io\j- - .

dem Vergleidi; sie dient dazu, den Untersdiied zu verwisdien oder ihn CtiiTOS Ets 6V E066KTl<Ta, TOUTCp Kol TTEieapXEiTE-
vergessen zu madien und den Bild-Parallelismus zwisdien dem einzichendcn <5iM96TEpoi Koc0a(pov/ai ii\v paaiA(5o irdAiv
Kaiser und dem einziehenden Gott hervorzuheben. Das Erregcnde an jener Aovn-pols AvoyEwi^OECOs Kal iraAiyyEVEalos

n u 1 I 1

u I u
182 Ernst H. Kantorowicz Kaiser Friedrich II. und das Konigsbild des Hellenismus 183

Das wiirde in einfadier Obersetzung etwa lauten: gleidisam als Sohn vcrkunden zu lassen oder von Kaiser und Christus als
den zwei Sonnen" Neu-Roms zu singen").
Sieh da, zweifadie Feier, zweifadie Freude den Romern:
Zwei weitere Beispiele seien hier angefiigt, wcil sie nodi naher an die
Christi Bad und des Kaisers glanzende Siegesmale. Zeit oder Umgebung Friedridis
heranfuhren. Nikephoros Blemmides,
II.
Christus ward fiir uns gewasdien im Bad des Wassers,
ein Rhetor und Gelehrter der Laskaridenzeit, der unter anderem
audi cine
Der Herrsdier ward fiir uns gespiilt im Bad des Sdiweifies.
Leidienrede auf Friedridi II., den Freund und Sdiwiegervater
des Kaisers
Jener zermalmt im Wasser Dradienkopfe,
Johann Vatatzes, verfafite, sdirieb auf die Geburt eines kaiserlidien Prinzen
Dieser beugt zur Erde Barbarenkopfe.
ein ubersdiwanglidies Gedidit. Der Neugeborene ist Sohn des Helios, Kind
Jener totet die Schlangen im Hohlensdilupf,
der Selene ('HXiou tekvov
Dieser versdiliefit die einst dreisten Perser in ihrem Schlupf.
TraMfpaoC/s, Aap-rrpas aeAi^vrisyovE). Vom Vater hat
er die Intellektualitat (voepoxtis), von der Mutter die Besonnenheit oder
Jenen bezeugt der Geist in Taubengestalt,
Enthaltsamkeit ((Jco<ppoCTuvTi). Dann folgen die Vergleidie:
Diesen vermeldet das WeifS der Siegestaube.
Der Jungfrau Kind ist Christus; du das der Keusdiesten.
Jenen kiindet des Vaters Stimme als Sohn,
Diesen rufen die Taten aus als Perser- Verderben.
Der Vater Christi ist hodiste Vernunft, Allherrsdier, Allregiercr;
Dein Vater ist der hodiste Intellekt bei uns auf Erden.
Mir sdieint, idi hort zum zweitenmal vom Himmel eine Stimme,

Die wieder Volkern zuruft: Dies ist mein Konig,

Der Vater Christi ist durdis Los Selbstherrsdier, Selbstregierer;
An ihm hab idi Gefallen, und ihm gehorcht."
Denn von Christus stammt der christos. und du bistGesalbter durdi diesen."
Sie beide reinigen die Konigsstadt Es folgt dann nodi ein Vergleidi mit den drei Magiern, die einst Christus
Durch Bader von Wieder- und von Neugeburt. aufsuditen, wahrend jetzt die Untertanen den Neugebornen
sudien, um ihm
Gold zu bringen^"). Das gleidie Sdiema findet sidi bei einem suditallsdien
Das Gedanken- oder Bildersdiema dieser Verse bedarf kaum des Kom-
Gnedien, Nikolaus von Otranto, wohl der Sohn von Friedridis II.
mentars. Wie in den Versen auf den Einzug Friedrichs II. in Jerusalem GroK-
hofnotar Johann von Otranto, der zur Feier des Malers
bildct hier der antithetisdie Vergleidi das wesentliche Stilmittel. DaiJ uns
Paulus von
Otranto den Apostel Paulus als literarisdie Staffage benutzt.
die Vergleiche eines tertium zu entbehren scheinen, liegt an uns, nidit an
Ein einziger Paulus nur war unter den Aposteln;
dem DIchter, der sidi nur der herkommlichen Metaphern bedient. Fiir den
Und nur ein Paulus ward geboren unter Malern.
Westen ist der 6. Januar das Fest der heiligen Drei Konige. Fiir den Byzan-
Es spridit in Worten jener bis zum heutigen Tag;
tiner ist es das Fest der Taufe Christi, das wiederum als Siegcsfest gesehen
So spridit in Bildnissen die Malerei.
wird. Hundertfach wiederholen die Stichoi der ostlichen Liturgien, aber
Jener die Leudite des gesamten Erdenrunds,
audi die Malereien, das Bild des im Jordan auf die Dradien tretenden
Dieser die Zier in allem Kirdienbau^*)."
Christus. Umgekehrt aber ist der Sieg iiber den Dradien dem iiber Bar-
baren oder andere Kaiserfeinde sdion auf Miinzen und Medaillen der kon- Es ist fraglos, dafi diese antithetisdien Vergleidie, die auf der Basis des
stantisdien und nadikonstantisdien Zeit gleidigesetzt worden: dag La- b \>kv b hi Gottheit und Herrsdier gleidisam in-eins-setzen und auf eine
barum mit den Kaiserbildern auf den Dradien aufgepflanzt oder der Ebene bringen, ein aulkrst beliebtes und immer wiederkehrendes Stilmittel
Kaiser, den Kreuzstab in der Hand, mit dem Fufie auf eine Sdilange mit bildcn"*'). Es findet sidi natiirlidi auch bei Rednern und Predigern. So sagt
Mensdienkopf tretend'^). Ebenso ist die Geisttaube iiber dem Jordan audi Eustathius von Thessalonidi, der Homersdioliast, in einer Epiphanienredc

die Siegestaube, die oft genug in ihrem Sdinabel den Siegeskranz tragt, um vor Kaiser Manuel Komnenus: Der Allkonig (TrauPacriXsOs) Jesus hat
Christus zu kronen'^). Und die Katharsis des Reidies durdi den Sdiweifi gegen den mit Blutsdiuld beflediten ewigen Tod das gewaltige Siegeszeidien
des Kaisers ist gleidifalls ein seit friihester Zeit unendlidi oft wiederholtes aufgeriditet; du aber, o Retter-Kaiser (di auTep pacriAeO), hast so

Bild'^). Der Osten, der wcit mehr als der Westen jedcs Fest Christi bild- wage idi es zu sagen - gegen den mensdienverderbenden Krieg gefoditen
haft als Siegesfest auszulegen vermag, ist darum audi unendlidi viel reidier und hast dieses totbringende Ubel in die Tiefe hinabgesdileudert***)."

an Moglidikeiten, den Kaiser mit Christus zu vergleidien, als der Westen. Die Gesdiidite soldier Vergleidie von Gottheit und Fiirst mittels der Anti-
Der kaiserlidie christomimctcs in Byzanz wandelt ex officio unaufhorlidi these im einzelnen zu verfolgen, geht hier nidit an. Sie finden sidi iiberall
in den Fufitapfen seines gottlidien ^Mitkonigs" wie im Westen nur ein in Byzanz, im lateinisdien Bereidi etwa bei Corippus"-). Die romisdien
heiliger Franziskus'"). Das ergibt dann audi jene Verfloditenheit von Kaiser-Panegyriker des 3. Jahrhunderts sind voU soldier Bilder genau wie
Kaiser und Gottmensdi, die es gestattet, die Himmelsstimme den Kaiser die romisdien Kaiserdiditer man denke etwa an Martials Vergleidie von

U U I
 184 Ernst H. Kantorowicz Kaiser Friedridi 11. und das Konigsbild des Hellenismui 185

Domitian mit Hercules und anderen Gottern). Das friiheste soldier Epi- ANMERKUNGEN
phanie-Gedidite, das wir kennen und das Gottheit und Konig gleichsam auf
einen Nenner bringt, um sdiliefilidi sogar den gegenwartigen Konig 1> H. P. L'Orange, Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture (Instituttet for Sammen-
iiber
lignende Kulturforskning, Ser. B, Skrifter, XLIV), Oslo, 1947.
die abwesenden und ohrenlosen" Gotter zu stcllen, sind jene Ithyphalloi,
2) Einwande beziiglidi einiger Einzelheiten (Interpretation von Nero) madite
die dem Demetrius Poliorketes bei seinem Einzug als Befreier
Athens im Miss Jocelyn M. C. Toynbce, in Numismatic Chronicle, 1947, 126 149, dodi be-
Jahre 290 v. Chr. vorgetragen wurden und die dann den Athenern wie ein riihren dicse das Hauptproblem nidit. L'Orange's Arbeit ist nidit auf ein inter-
<
modemer ^Sdilager" in den Ohren lagen**^). Das Gedicht, desscn Anfang essantes, wcnn audi spateres und auiJerhalb seines Arbeitsfeldes liegendes Problem

nidit erhalten wird mit einem Vergleidi von Demeter und Demetrius
ist, eingegangen: wieweit die dvaoToAT) ttjs k6uti5, die Sonnenfrisur", etwa auf die
Haartradit Ludwigs XIV. eingewirkt hat. Aber der Kult des Roi soleil ist nodi
begonnen haben. Beide mogen als Athen besonders nahestehend und zu-
niemals systematisdi auf seine Quellen hin untersudit worden.
gehorig gefeiert worden sein; denn der Diditer fahrt dann fort:
3> L'Orange, Apotheosis, 129, Fig. 97, versieht iibrigens die Zuweisung des mittel-
So wie die grofiten und die liebsten Gotter sind alterlidicn Portraitkopfes selbst mit einem Fragezeidien. Ansdieinend stammt die

Sie der Stadt erschienen;

Deutung als Friedridi II." von A. Venturi, Storia dell' Arte Italiana, Mailand,
1904, III, p. 540, und Fig. 519.
Denn hierher hat Demetrios und Demeter
4> Es ware zu hoffcn, daf? Langlotz seinen Fund veroffentlidit, selbst wenn der
Hergefiihrt der Kairos.
Abguft etwas enttausdiend ist. Zur Bartlosigkeit, vgl. Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrtch
SIE kam, um die hodiheiligen Mysterien der Zweite: Ergdnzungshand, Berlin, 1931, 258 f.
Kores zu begehen; 5> A. Alfoldi, Die Ausgestaltung des monardiisdien Zeremoniells am romisdien
ER aber einem Gotte sdion und heitcr
ist gleidi Kaiserhofe", Mitteil.d.DeutsAen Archaol. Inst., Rom. Abt., XLIX, 1934, 118 ff., und ^' ^' i^^-H-t
lachelnd gegenwartig . .
Insignicn und Tradit der romischen Kaiser", ebda., L, 1935, 171 ff.; audi Ridiard 'p.^'ftiifff. k*.H.uOa
Es ist wie wenig an diesem Schema die christliche Diditung im
erstaunlidi,
Delbruck, Der spatantike Kaiserornat", Antike, VIII, 1932, 21 ff., und die Arbei- ^ ci^o^, ieft^ik*^
"^^
'

ten von Percy Ernst Schramm. Fiir die Kirdie, vgl. Theodor Klauser, Abendlan-
y"^ , - .,

Grunde verandert hat. Von dem Spielcn mit dem theophoren disdie Liturgiegesdiidite: Forsdiungsberidit und Besinnung", Eleutheria. Bonner 'j "''*^-
^ "*
Namen ganz "

zu sdiweigen), ist cs vor allem die erstrebte

Gleichebnigkeit von Gottheit
theologische Blatter fiir kriegsgefangene Studenten, I., 1944, 10 f., und vor allem "/fJ'Z, n-i2 ,

jetzt Der Ursprung der bisAoflichen Insignien und Ehrenredote (Bonner akademi-
und Herrscher bei ihrer Epiphanie, die als das Konstante erscheint, aber sdie Reden, I.), Krefeld, 1949, eine Arbeit, der man nur baldige Fortsetzung
auch der durch ein 6 uiv -6U eingeleitete antithetische Vergleidi, der wiinsdien kann.
dann von den Byzantinern -
im Sinne von Christus und Basi-
natiirlidi *> F. Kampers, Die Fortuna Caesarea Kaiser Friedridis 11.", Hist. Jahrb.,
leus - bis zur Ermudung wiederholt wird. Erst in Byzanz
ist allerdings XLVIII, 1928, 208 ff. Kampers hat sidi leider mandie einfadie Linie verbaut durdi
das sdiematisdie Ableiern" soldier Vergleidie, Annahme eines ratselvollen Oberlebens" oder dunklen Erinnerns" in bezug auf
vielleidit nadi dem Vorbild
osthdier Liturgien8), zur wirklidien Mode antike Elemente. Der Sonnenkult" Friedridis II., z. B., hat seine klare Briidie
geworden.
zum byzantinisdien Hofstil etwa in dem Gedidit des Eugenios von Palermo auf
Wie der Passauer Diditcr dazu kam, in etwas uberrasdiender
Weise jenes Konig Wilhelm von Sizilien; vgl. Leo Sternbadi, Eugenios von Palermo', Byz.
Sdiema auf Friedridi II. anzuwenden, lafit sidi kaum 2s., XI., 1902, 449.
beantworten. Inter-
essanter als die Quellenfrage ware es, die andere Frage zu stellen, wie es '> Erwin R. Goodenough, The Political Philosophy of Hellenistic Kingship',
denn kam, dafi der Westen iiberhaupt Yale Classical Studies, I., 1928, 55 ff., sowie The Politics of Philo Judaeus, New
die antithetisdien Bildvcrgleidievon
Herrsdier und Christus so selten benutzt hat und dafi Haven, 1938, 86 ff.
plunais offenbar im
Osten und Westen Versdiiedenes bedeutete. *
*> Louis Delatte, Les Traites de la Royaute d'Ecphante, Diotogcne et Sthenidas
(Bibl. de la Fac. de Philos. et Lettres de I'Univ. de Liege, Fasc. XCVII), Liittich-
Dies ware Thema, das nidit cinfadi im Vorbci-
freilich ein sehr grofies
^ H
b'
Paris, 1942.
gehen behandelt werden kann. Hier waren nur einige Lesefriidite
zu ber- 9) W. Sdiubart, Das hellcnistisdie Konigsideal nadi Insdiriften
und Papyri',
U-iLu UjU.N <Ui.env gen; und nidit mehr war beabsiditigt, als durdi wenige, Archiv Papyrusforschung, XII, 1936, Iff., Das Konigsbild des Hellenismus',
fiir
I allzu fliiditig ge-
zogene Linien, ohne alien Ansprudi auf sdiliissige Losungen, Antike, XIII, 1937, 272 ff., und Das Gesetz und der Kaiser", Klio, XXX,
ein Problem
zu umreifien, das durdi seine Gesdiidite der LoAenfrisur 1937, 54 ff.
des Sonncngottcs
der klassisdie Ardiaologe angeregt hat. Die !"> Unzuganglidi sind mir zur Zeit H. E. Stier, Nomos hasileus. Diss. Berlin,
hellenistisdi-staufisdic Bogen-
1927, und P. Zancan, // moanarcato ellenistico nei suoi elementi federativi,
weite der hier nur angedeuteten Fragen aber mag
Karl Reinhardt, dem Padua, 1934.
Freund der Frankfurter Jahrc, erneut bestatigen, wie
sehr iiber Meilen und 11> N. H. Baynes, Eusebius and the Christian Empire", Melanges Bidez (An-
Zeiten hinwcg und trotz Sdiranken und Sdiwcigens
der mittelaltcrlidie Histo- nuaire de I'Inst. de Philol. et d'Hist. Orient, et Slaves, II), Briissel, 1934, 13 ff.
riker dcs Graecisten bedarf. Siche audi, das Weiterwirken in Byzanz, Delatte, Traites, 152
fiir ff., und eine

n u 1

u
186 Ernst H. Kantorowicz
Kaiser Friedrich II. und das Konigshild des Hellenismus 187

hingeworfcne, wenn audi aulserst fundierte Bemerkung von Louis Robert, Hel- gesiditsder sehr lebendigen Panegyrik in Byzanz und audi im Laskaridisdien
lenica, IV, 1948, p. 100, beziiglich der continuite des habitudes litteraires et des Reich von Nicaea, zu dem der Hof engste Beziehungen hatte (vgl. etwi Erg.Bd.,
cliches moraux et politiques, de la fin du Ille siecle a I'epoque justinienne". Siehe
133), sind derartigeAnsprachen an den Kaiser sehr wohl moglich ge^/esen. Fiir
ferner, fiir die in den hellenistischen Konigstraktaten so aufierordentlich wichtige den hier verfolgten Zweck ware das iibrigens gleidigiiltig, da es nur auf das
9iXavepw7T(a, neben den Arbeiten von Sdiubart (Anm. 9), den Aufsatz von H. I. Vorhandensein des Topos ankommt.
Bell, Philanthropia in the Papyri of the Roman Period", Hommages a Joseph
Bidcz et a Franz Cumont (Collection Latomus, II), Briissel, 1948, 31 ff., fiir
21) Benzo, Ad Heinricum, VI, c. 7, MGH. SS., XI, 669, 1; vgl. Erg. Bd., 108.

Byzanz besonders 35 f., wo jedodi das unendlich weite Feld der ostlidien Liturgie 22* Vgl. P. E. Schramm, Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio, Leipzig-Berlin, 1929,
fiir diesen Begriff nicht ausgewertet worden ist. I, 281 f., 284.
12)Pur den Begriff und seine Gesdiidite, vgl. etwa Midiaelis, s. v. piueotiai, 23) Wachsmuth, Hermetica
in Stobaeus, I, 49, 45, ed. I, p. 407, ed. Walter Scott,
G. Kittel, Theologisches Worterhuch zum N.T., IV, 19381940, 661 ff. (Oxford, 1924), I, 494 ff.; Delatte, Traites, 154 und 174 ff.

13)Otto Treitinger, Die ostromische Kaiser- und Reichsidee nach ihrer Gestal- Die hier zitierte Stelle ist bei Stobaeus zweimal iiberliefert, IV, vi, 22, ed.
2*>
tung im hojisAen Zeremoniell, Jena, 1938, bes. 125 ff. Hense, 245, und IV, vii, 64, Hense, 272; neue Edition bei Delatte, Traites, 25 f.
l*' Kenneth M. Setton, Christian Attitude Towards the Emperor in the Fourth und 27 f., cf. 47 f.; Goodenough, .Political Philosophy", 76, und Politics of Philo,
Century (Studies in History, Economics and Public Law. of Columbia Univer- . .
98 f., iibersetzt die Stellen.

sity, vol. 482), New York, 1941, bringt den Obergang sdion zum Ausdruck, und 25* Vgl. Delatte, Index Roi mediateur"; auch Goodenough, Politics of
s. v.
Coodenough schlieEt seinen Aufsatz (.Political Philosophy") mit einem Ausblick Philo, 98, mit anderen interessanten Stellen; fiir Friedrich II. im Zusammenhang
auf das Mittelalter (pp. 100 f.). Aber selbst der ungewohnlichen Belesenheit von mit der lex animata, vgl. Steinwenter, 263; auch Erg. Bd., 83 ff.; unten Anm. 31.
V,"ilhelm Berges, Die Furstenspiegel des hohen und spaten Mittelalters, Leipzig, 26) Benz, Ecclesia Spiritualis, 231.
1938, scheinen die hellenistischen Spiegel entgangen zu sein. 27)
Clemens, Stromata, V, 5, 29, ed. Stahlin, II, 344, 20; Goodenough, Politi-
15> Artur Steinwenter, NOMOI EMTYXOZ: Zur Geschichte einer politisdien cal Philosophy", 76, n. 75, bezieht die Stelle auf den Konig; korrekter bei De-
Theorie", Anzeiger der Wiener Akademie, LXXXIII, 1946, 250 ff. Auf Grund latte, 177.
von Delatte, Traites, 245 ff., waren noch einige Erganzungen zu madien, die je- 28) Delatte, 178 und 285.
doch die von Steinwenter gezeichneten Entwicklungslinien, insbesondere der spa-
29) Vgl. Delatte, 178 ff,, mit Material zur homo imago Dei-Lehre, von der es
teren Zeit, nicht wesentlich beeinflussen. Nur als Kuriosum sei vermerkt, dafi der
iibrigens auch eine trinitarische Version gibt: homo qui ad imaginem sanctae Tri-
Sultan Melik Nassir Mohammed von Agypten einem Sdireiben an Kaiser
sich in
B. in einer der vielen Antworten auf Karls d. Gr.
Andronicus III. (1328 1341) f) ^cofi Tfjs SiKaioovvrij eIs tov Koanov bezeich-
nitatis conditus est heiCt es
Rundfrage uber die Taufe (Migne, Patr. lat.,
z.

XCVIII, 939 C). Fur die Durdi-

nct, was doch wohl als eine Umsdireibung von voyo? ftjyuxS aufzufassen ist;
fiihrung dieser Lehre, vgl. etwa Anastasius Sinaita, Quaestio II (Migne, Gr.,
vgl. W. Regel, Analecta Byzantino-Russica, St. Petersburg, 1891, p. 57, 7.
LXXXIX, 344 C), wo der Mensch als vaos Iijlvja/xos toO eeoO aufgefafit
16' Zuletzt etwa Pietro de Francisci, Arcana Imperii, Mailand, 1948, III : 2, wird, der den Vater, den Sohn als Hohepriester und das Pneuma als Feuer
114ff., und Johannes Straub, Vom Herrscherideal in der Sp'dtantike,
vorher der Wahrheit in sidi tragt. Die Auslegung ist wesentlich durdi das pluralische
Stuttgart, 160 ff. Vgl. audi Kampers, Fortuna" 223. Fiir die Nadiwir-
1939,
kung des Themistius in Byzanz, vgl. die Arbeiten von Vladimir Valdenberg, in

,Wir" in Gen., 1, 26 27, bestimmt worden, das sdion Philo Schwierig-
keiten bereitcte, der jedoch den Plural auf die bei der Sdiopfung des Menschen
Byzantton, I und II, vor allem Le idee politidie di Procopio di Gaza e di Me- Harry A. Wolfson, Philo, Cam-
mittatigen 6EUTepoi bezog; vgl. fiir die Stellen
nandro Protettore", Studi Btzantini IV, 1935, 67 ff., bes. 73 f. Die
e Neoellenici, bridge, Mass., 1948, I, 387, Anm. 18. Von christlidier Seite wurde dann der
ideengesdiiditlich so wichtige Themistius-Forsdiung wird erst dann den voUen Plural auf die Trinitat bezogen; vgl. etwa Athanasius, Contra Arianos Oratio I,
Gehalt der Reden aussdiopfen konnen, wenn die veraltete und iiberdies schwer Migne, P-Gr., XXVI, 49 A, oder Gregor von Nyssa, De hominis opi-
c. 18, bei
erhaltlidie Ausgabe von Dindorf (Leipzig, 1832) ersetzt sein wird durch die Neu-
ficio, c. 6, bei Migne, P-Gr., XLIV, 140 BC; fur weiteres Material s. H. Pinard,
ausgabe und englisdie Cbersetzung, die Professor Glanville Downey, in Dumbar-
^Creation", Dictionnaire de theologie catholique. III, 2111 ff., bes. 2118 f., und
ton Oaks, vorbereitet.
fiir das ikonographische Problem Adelheid Heimann, Trinitas creator mundi",
l'' Vgl. Noz: Just., 105, 2, 4, mit Themistius, or. (Rede uber die XIX, 228 a Journal of the Warburg Institute, II, 19381939, 42 ff.

Philanthropia des Kaisers Theodosius); hierzu Steinwenter, 251 und 260. Obrigens Es ware interessant, dem Oszillieren zwisdien Menschenersdiaffung" und
S")
sagt sdion Menander (hasilikos logos, 11, ed. Bursian, Abh. Akad. Miinchen, 1882, .Konigserschaffung" im einzelnen nachzugehen. Die Ahnlidikeit des Mcnsdien mit
p. 97, 25 f.), dafi der Konig Tfj 6' dATi9ef<jt tt)v KorraPoAfiv oOpavoQev fx^i- Gott (Gen., 1, 27) ist zu Zeiten fast gewohnheitsmafiig dahin interpretiert wor-
18)Nadiweise bei Steinwenter, 252 ff.; vgl. Berges, Fiirstenspiegel, 49; audi den, daC Gott und Mensch einander durdi die paalAeia angeglichen seien, ein Ge-
meincn Erganzungsband, 86, 99. danke, der (von Philo und Origenes zu schweigen) in groBartiger Weise zum
19> Huillard-Breholles, Vie Ausdruck gebracht worden ist von Gregor von Nyssa, De hominis opificio, c. 4 f.,
et Correspondance de Pierre de la Vigne, Paris,
bei Migne, PGr., XLIV, 136 f., worauf midi freundlicherweise Professor Wer-
1865, Anh. No. 107, p. 426.
ner Jager aufmerksam machte. Hier ist geradezu eine Theorie der mensdilichen
< Vgl. K. Friedrich Berlin
II., 1927, p. 476; ferner die Analyse von Ernst Souveranitat, oder der Souveranitat des koniglidien Menschen, formuliert wor-
Benz, Ecclesia Spiritualis, Stuttgart, 1934, 227 ff., 231. Ob
bes. das Studt wirk- den; sdiwadier dann bei Theodoret, Quaestiones in Genesim, c. XX. bei Migne,
lidi gesprodiene Rhetorik oder Stiliibungsrhetorik sdiwer zu sagen. An-
ist, ist
PGr., LXXX, 104 ff., und bei Anastasius Sinaita, Quaestiones, c. XXIV, bei

n 1

u u
IBfi Ems: H. Kantorowm Kaiser Fricirich II. und das Konigshild des Hellerusmus 189

Migne, PGr., LXXXIX. 541 fi. Vgl. zuna Thema audi Johannef. Hehn, JLxod gestellt, das Reidi quasi mit ,Engeln* ajigefiillt und in eincm Himmel auf Erden
Ternunus 'Bild Gortet',' Festschrift Eduard Sachau (ed. Gotthold ^Teil), Berlin, Tcrwandelt sei.

1915, 36 52. Der Oberpang von Adam zv Konig, und von Konig zn Adam, '"> Ahnlidies audi von der Lehre der Eridiifiung der K6nigs$ee!en, die bei
pilt
fehlt dtnn audi mcht in By2an7:Eiu6Ko bi fiar-i'/\Eu>5 Kocfjjuss, BfjXoi' o? cru, pacriXEu, tw Friedridi II. und dem djTnastisierten 13. Jahrhunden cine pevisse Rolle spielt;
Kocrpti] vfi'JX'f'i 'A5au uev ooi c -rrpuiroK yryoutos tu> koctpco vfVXT) kki poKriXE\>5 irrX. vpl. erw'a den Brief (vohl S: ;-a Conrad IV. bei HuilUrd-Breholles, Hist.
Vpl. Theodciroi, Hvrtakeno.s. bei Boissonadc (i. u. Anm. 34), 1, 251. Hier vird diplom. Friderici Secundi, T ^-
.5.. V, 275, fiir die infusio suhtilis ct nohi-
also der Kaiser, vie Adam, zur "STeitseeie. Ls animac bei Konipen. Man denke audi an Pierre Dubois. Einfadier zu erkliren
ist das Fortleben cmes andeicn Axioms des dynastisdien Gedankens. C/L, III,
*!' Vpl. Kori knsmou. ed. Scott. 1. 4%, 12. einf haufip anpefiihrte Stelk, 7.. B.
bej T. Boll. Oficnharung Johannn. Leipzip-Berlin, 1914. Anh. I] (K6-
>lj tic^ 710 (Diocletian und Maximian): dus geruti et deorurn creatores; ahnlidi sdion
nipf aii- Offenbarunc.straper"), p. 137. Fiir dit papale TTieonf peniipt e hier, auf vorher bei Seneca, Consolatio ad Marcum, XV, 1 Caesares qui dis gemti dcosque :

Innocen? 111. hinzuweisen inter Dcum ei hirmmem cnnstituti, Ep. \"1. 86. Mipne,
:
gcniturj diCKVtur (vgl. F. Cumont, Textes et monuments relatifs aux mysteres de

Patr. Lat., CCXV, BK C. und die beruhmte Stelle im i>crmo de diversis, II, ebda.. Mithra, Briissel, 1899, 1, 291, n. 5). n-oru die diristlidie Version unter Philipp IV.
CCXVIl, 658. von Frankreid) panz folgeriding lautct: sancti reges Frjncorum . . . cum generent

S2' Delarte, 152 fi.

sanctos reges; vgl. Dom jean Ledercq, Un sermon prononce pendant la guerre
de Flandre sons Philippe le Bel", Ret-uc du moyen age latin, I, 1945,
170; audi
**' V Repel, Tontcs rerum hvzantmarum, St. Petersburp. 1^17, Fasc. 2, p. 195, meinen Aufsatz ,Pro patria mori in Mediaeval Thought*, Amer. Hist. Rev., LVI,
712. 1951, 483. Die Quelle diirfte in diesem Falle Vergil sein; Aeneis, IX, 642: dis
*' So in dem Prokypsis-Gc&idca
(Nr. 19) des Manuel Holobolos. bei J.F. Bois- gcnitf et gemture deos.
sonade. Anecdote Graeca, Paris, 1E33, V, p. 181, 4; zur Datierunp (1295) vpl. *> Huillard-Breholles, Hist, dipl., IV, pp. 17 fi.;der Glosse wegen benutze idi
A. Heisenberp, Aus der Gesducfate und Literatur der Palaiolopenzeit', Sitz. Bcr. die Cervoni-Ausgabe: Constitutionum regru Siciliarum lihri III. sumptibus . . .

Munchen, 1920, Abk ID, 124 f. Andererseiti war natiiriid) der Patriardi eine Antonii Cervonii, Neapel, 1773, pp. 35 fi. und fiir den griediisdien Tex: die Aus-
exKUjv lujcra XpioroD kkI Suvfv'XDS; cf Peter Charani!.. , Coronation'". Byzantton, gabe von C. Carcani, Neapel, 1786.
XV. 1941, 53, Anm. 23.
" Liher
aug., I. 16. Die Literatur ist angefiihrt bei Hans Niese. Die Gesetz-
*''' Ein paar Beispiek bei Delatte. Traites, pp. 154, 157, 180, die sidi gehung der normanmschen Dynastie im Regrutm Sicdiae, Halle, 1910, p. 32, n. 4.
auf spaterer Literatur leidit vermehren iieiien. Nikephoros Blemmides, z. B., Neuere A.'beiten sind mir nidst bekannt geworden, dodi sdiliefit das deren Exi-
nenn: seinen Kaiserspiepel peradezu ^otcriXiKOS daC
auBpinj und Terlanpt. stenz nidi: aus.
der pute Kaiser ein kkuwv sei, ak der vielbesunpent Kanon des
strahlender
' Fiir die erste Formel, vgl. Niese, 34, n. 3, auf Grund des Chron. Casaur.
Poiykiei (c. 6); Mipne, PGr.. CLXIl, 667 C, Tpl. 633 B. Oder Tbeodorus, Hyrta-
kenoi. der mit Bezup auf den Kaiser sapt: E&pEv 'AuBpioTov ly^;irx'^' iowrfis dtvB-
(unten, Anm. 42), vo allerdingj veto, nidit defendo steht; fiir die zweite Fonnel
vgl. .^jidreas v. Cervoni-Ausgabe des Lih. aug., p. 35. Federico Cic-
Isemia,
piaiTD (Boissonade, Anccd. gr., 1, 262). Andererseits findet sid) den liturpi- m caL..jone. Manuale di sioria del diritto italiano, Mailand (ohne Jahr). II. 163 f.,
sdien Biidiem der Ostkirdie iiberrasdiend haufip Ausdrudt ^Statue* oder
der
S ^i''^. der im iibngen byrantmisdie Herkunf: vermutet, betont die Ausdehnung
^Steie'. wc der "Vesten bestimmt nur ..Bild' pebraudien vurde: o-ttiXt] Eyy-'X^S
der kaiserlidien Geriditsbarkeit ettemSbtr den lokalen Gevalten.
K3: EiXJrvojs eIkujv beifii et bei.tpielyweist m emem SudiO!. fiir St. Ipnat'us
(Menoic editio Romana, H'88 fi.. 111. 416, zum 29. Januari. Fur den Gtr *^*
C. A. Garufi, ^La defense ex parte do'^ini imperatoris in un documcnto
von Ejju^uxos (! audi oben. Anm. 29' bieten die ostlidien liturpisdien i .
private del 122728', Rjvista itahana per le icienze gutriduhe, XXVII, 1899,
pieidifalis emt
unauspesdiopftt Quelle, die audi zur Lehre von der iex
vollip 1 90 S. Leidcr ist mir die Zeitsdinft, die cinen groiicn Teil der italienisdien
animate sovit zu deren Verstandnit nodi mandies beitrapen kbnnte. Ubrigens sei Arbeiten iiber die defense enthalt (vgl. Niese, p. 33), gcgenm-artig nidit zugang-
audi darac ennnert, da in der theurpisdien Praxis die Beiebunp von Gotter- Lidi. Idi kenne die Arbeit Ganifis nur aat der Besprediung im Ardnvio storico

statuettec erwas panz iiblidies var: man madite das 6ya?^c des Gottet siciUtno, ser. II, vol. XXIV, 1899, 344.
lmifk/X^ ; "^'pi- ^- I^ Doddi. ,The Theurpv".
Journal oj Roman Studies, *" Chromcon Casaitriense, bei Mnratori, Scnptores, II, 1009, eine Urkunde,
XXX VII, 1947. 62 fi. Der pleidisam mapisdie Charakter der Empsi'due. im Ostcn auf die erstmals Niese, p. 34, fur die defensa aufmerksam gemadit hat.
soT-ie] starker entvidtelt als im Vesten, viirde erne Untersudiung lohnen.
*** Cipolla, ,Un dubbio sulla data degli Ordinamenti tranesi', Rendiconti dei
6' Helmut Kruse, Studicn zur offizieUen Celtung des Kaiserhildes im rbrru- Lincei, ser. V, vol V, 1896, 267 fi., der die Ordinamenti von Trani nidit 1063,
schen Reich. Paderbom. 1''34; Treitinper. 204 fi.; audi Sirarpie Der Nersessian, i..
sondem 1363 datiert; vgl. hierzu audi L. S. Villanueva, in Arch. stor. stciL,
,Une apoiopie des imapes au septieme siecie". Byzantion. XVII. 1944 45, 60 fi., ser. II, vol. XXI, 1896, 403. Die defensa -wird is Trani, wie iibrigens audi ander-
und vohl aus detc pieidien Jahrhundert, oder -wenig friiher. cine koptisdie Pre- arcs in spaterer Zeit, auf erlegt da la parte de la rnia signoria.
dipt. in der sehr ansdiauitdi die Aufstellunp und dai Asylredit det KaiacaUda
** Ober den Haro-Kvi, vgl. Niese, 33, n. 4, und seine Kritik an E. Glasson,
besdirieben 'V'ird. freilidi nur. um die Superioritat ernes MutterpantAiyei 4m-
,tude historique sur la clameur de Haro', Kow.elie revue historique de droit
zutun; cf. Villiam H. Vorrell, The Coptic Manuscripts m the Freer Collection
fran;.ais et etranger, VI, 1882, 397 ff, 517 ff. Fiir die gennanisdie Institution des
(University of Midiigan Studiej,. Humanistic Seriei. X'. New York, 1923, p. 375.
Geriiftet vgl. jrtrt L. L. Hammeridi, Clamor (Kgl. Danvke Videnskabemei
Max Badimann, Die Redi det Johannes Syropuios an den Kaiser haak U An-
Sclskab, XXIX 1), Kopcnhagea, 19^1-
.

gelos (nSin95t, Diss. Mundien. 1935. p. 32 (zu p. 16. 32), denkt bd den Vor-
:

6> Lii>er aug., I, 17 (gegesB Eade); Huillard-Brehollet, IV, p. 20.

tcn cryytXiKai 6lKowowopq>ai an die Ikonen des Angelos. durd) die. da iiberal] auf-

UU(jc

Cf

u u I u
 . -

190 Ernst H. KantoTowicT

Kaiser Eriedrtch II. und das Komgshild des HeUcmsmus 191

^* Ccrvont-Ausgabc, p. 41, Glosst zu uhiquL potcntialiter.

ficfuhrten Papyri. Berliner Griechische L'rkundcn, VllI, 1762, 3 f . (V. Sdiuban
4') Liiter aug., I, 19. und D. Sdiafer, Spacptolemdischc Papyri, Berlin, 1933, 40), z. B^ spridit da von,
*' CI. Mamertinui pancy. ^cnathl Maximiann c )A. p. 113, 9 Baehrcns: ,A- daC am folgenden Tage nodi vie! mehr Men.sdien zum Tore des kamen und . . .

cumquc sun. tn ununi

paiattum cnnccsicntti. divimtateni vcstrani uhiquv
lice: die Flilfe der Koniginncn und Truppen anncfen (Ksi ^(5oi)irro T(*rc Pno-iXiffffa?

versan. omnc^ terras omniuquc marui plena esse vastri. Quid enin. mirum si. cum Kal BuwduEi';!. ' Die Leutc verlangtcn die Lntfemung cmes nnd '

possii htc mundus Invn esse plenui, posstt ei Herculis (i. c. Muxtmianl)? Ci. Leo seiner Genossen aus dem Gau. Darauf kam der Strarepe auf .*- ver- . ..

Berlinjjei, lieitrdgv zur tnaffiziellen Titulatur der romisdier Kaiser, Diss. Breslau rriKtctt die Leutc und versprach. der Rcgicrung zu bcrichten. Hicr handcit cs sidi

1935, 65 (audi 62, Anm. 220). Fiir die bvzantim-

,.vinuelit Omniprasem" de.";
jedodi nidil, wic bei dem Oberfali im Bade, um die Abwchr einer imminenten

schen Kaiseri, vgl. Frany Diil^er, Dif Kaiserurkundr der livzaniiner ai,s Aus- Gefahr, sondern darum, den Villcn der Bewohner durdizusetzen durdi einen
drudi ihrer politisdiei Ansdiauunger' Histonsdit I'.citsrJjrift, CLIX, 1939, 235, wAppell" an die
selbsrversciindlidi nidit anwescnden Koniginnen (des Jab-
nnni. 2. Der Absolutismu ie^'aiisien spacer du Omniprasen? des Konigs. Vgl. res 58 V. Chr.) und die Truppen, d. h., wic die Herausgeber erklaren, an die

^^ 2 li. Sir Vilhair llladcstont. C.nmmentariei on the Laws ni England, p. "270

(allf Ausgaber faaben du gleidit Paginierung); A consequence of (t)hi.s prero-
^KbnigsmadiT ais Ganzes". Der Fall ist viel ahnlicher der von Gregoire mit-
geteiltcn ephesi.sdien Insdinft v.]. 441 n. Chr. als erw-a der Apuleius-Stelle. Das
gative is thf legal uhiqmty of the king. His majejTV in the eve of the law i.s gieidic sdieint mir der Fall zu sein bei PSI VI, 551, (Puhhlicaziom dcUa Societa
always present in [all his courts ... It is the regal offict, and nni tht rnval per,<!on. Italiana per la riccrca dci Papiri greet e lattni, ed. G. Viteili, M. Norsa etc,
that is always present in] coun, always read^ t(> unuertakt prosecutioni o: Florenz, 1920, VI, p. 2), vom Jahre 272/1 v. Chr., wo, wie audi Sdiuban an-
proiiouiict ludgmen: tor the benefit and protection of the subieci.' Da'- ist gcnau nimmi, der Kbnig wohl anwesend war. als man an ihn appellienc; rjelleidit audi
du gieidu An?diauun^, die der Liher aiignsiuh- durdi du Antithest praasemialtter im P. Cam) Zenon.
59 52^, p 233. bei dem der Sadiverhalt Sdiuban als zweifel-
potentiahtey zuni Ausdrud; bringi haft ersdiien Icti wiirdt denken, daC es sidi um die von Brehier besdiriebene
KC-raBoTiCTic iiandek, eint Ankiage also oder e;B Emsprudi. Dodi mu icb die
*9' Francesco Schupfcr, La dciensa e t'asmo di Apulein", Rii. itUi.. per Ic
Lntsdieidung Berufeneren iiberiassen, da icb mich in den sdbwierigen Redits-
scienzc giuTid., XXI, 1H96. 422 fi.; ihid., XXX, 1905, 1H5: Villanueva, in Arth.
problemen Ap'ptens nicht auskenne
Star. siciL, ser. II, vol. XXI, 1896. -402 fi.; audi Nmo Tamassia. Nuovi studi
sulla defensa'und Ancora sulia defense". Am del R. Istituto }'enett>, LX,
,
**' Gregoire, a. a. Vaher
Ashburnet. .The Farmers' Law', Journal of Hel-
O.

190D 1901, 343 fl. und 685 [.. wo jedoch die preces fiir den Kaiser oder an ihn lenic Studies. XXXIl, 1912, pp. 9C; und 94 f., iibersetzi die einscfalapigen Stellen
verwediseit werden mir der reditiidieii invncatm des Kaisernamens. hs sel iibri- (^32 und Kl) demgema audi mit complain
gens bcmerk;, dat in Apuleius Vorbiid. Lukiar. Asinu. l It. ,^584;, es emfadi 58' Oben, Anm, 5", bezugiidi Ag^Titens.
heifat ^TTHi 5 Tro?AaKt' 'a Kaio-ar' ava&ofio-ai STrstJuuout was eher nad; emeiE *" Liher aug., Cervoni, pp. 35 und 3B; siehe audi meinen Erganzungshand 95. ,

Seufzer klingi, als nadi emeni reaitiiaien vlnterponieren" (s. unten; de.<- Kaiser- *1> Vgl Ausgabe des Policraticus von Clemens C 1. "Vebb. Oxford. 1919,
die
namens.
1, p. xxxiv. WD alierdings nidit die Metamorphosen benutzi sind.
*> L. Wenger. ^Asvlredit",
Reallcxikon fur Antikc und ChTistentiim. ] 6.
in
62' Cf. E. A. Lowe. The henevenian Script. Oxford, 1914. p. 12: die beidcn
1943, S36ff.; Mommsen. Strafrecht. 45H fi.; cf. Dig.. 47, IC, 38: qui tmagtnen. m oeriihmten Apuleu-Hss. der Laurentiana m beneventanisdier Sdirift sind dodi
imperatoTis m
mvidutm altertus ponaret.
wohl von Monte Cassino
Si' Friedridi vor Woesi,
Asyiwesev Agyptens tri der J'tuleniderzei: und
Da.'
die spdtere Entwickltntf ,'Mundiener lieitrage zur Papvrusforsdiung, V]. Miindien
63* 'V alther Buist. Susccptacuia regum*'. Corona Qurrma Tis:gaht Keri
Strecker. Leipzig. ]''41. '"ft
1923. bes, p. 10b, 210; i. obei; Anm .3b
"*' Vgl. Manfred Bukofzer, Studies in Medieval and Rcnaisianci Music,
'^^ 'W. Sdiuban, ^as helienistisdit Konigsidea!', Ard:. j. Papyrusforschung,
F.

XII, 1936, 16.

Nev York. 1952. besonders 217 fi. iiber den Ursprunp der spatmitielalterlidien
S" Tebt III, '9S. ed. Hunt und Smvh. The Tehtums Papyri, III. 1933. 251 f.; Met-Cvkien aus dem Briidi.ein der Liturgie.
*' Vgl. Kantorowicz, ^The King's Advent and the Enigmatic Panels in the
T0& Trai&apiQu poTiCTaiTO' TO' fcccniAec was die Herausgeber iiiiersetzen ^Having :

shouted for help ir the king's name

" Doors of Santa Sabina", Ar: Bulletin. XX^^, 1944, 21 C, Anm. 2C. P E. Sdiramm,
*** Berliner Griechische
Lier Ki)ntg von TranKrci&j. Veimar, 1939, 1, 204, mit Aimi. 5. Das Matfia' Sbtr
Urkunden, III, 1007.
die spatmirteiaite'liOicii enrree.i ist zwar uncndlich, dennodi wiirdc e$ :

> Cairo P. Zenon, 59 451, ed. C. C. Edgar, Zenon Papyri, III, Cairo, 1928, das neue siaatsrediilidie Liemcnt herauszuarbeiten. durdi das das litu.'j, _ i
.

p. 175. ment des friihen Minelaltcrs vollig verdedst wird cm Beitrai; zu dem schr
X 49) Die Stellen bei Cumont, L'Egypte des astrolngues. Briissel. 1937. 212 Anm 1.
viei weiteren Thema ,Vom liturgisdien Kumgtum zum KeditskoiugtiMB von
*" Cf. Louis Br&ier. ^L'ekhuesis dans ie droit popuiaire a Byzancr' Gottes Gnader.'
Miscella- ,

nea GuillaurrK de Jerphanioti fOricntaha Christiana Periodoca, XIII), Rom, 1947, 6' Idi gehe auf Emzelheiten hier nidi: ein, die idi in anderem Zusammenhang
33 fi.; Henn Gregoirt, Miettes d'hiJtoire byzantine", Anatolian Studies for Sir bespredien werde; vgl. die klassisdie Darstellung der prokypsis von August Hci-
V'Ultam Mitdiell Ramsay, 1923, 157 f.; fiir die Daiierung des Agrargesetzes, scniierg, Aus der Geschichte und Lttcratur der Palasologenzetl, Sitr.-Ber. Miin-
vgl. Georg Ostrogorskv Geschichte des hyzantinisdiet: Staata Miindien. 194C, 54. dien. 1920, Abh. 10, bes. 85 fi.

Anm. 1. "' Dber Marquard von Ried, E. \C'inkelroann, Jahrhitcher der dvutsdien Ge-
Hierher gehbren, wu mir sdieint. audi einige der vor Sdiuban. p. 16, an- schichte Kaiser Frtedrich II., Leipzig. 1897, II, p. 78, Anm. 3 f

n II I L
u u I J
192 Ernst H. Kantorowicz Kaiser Fricdrich II. und das Konigshild des Helleniimus 193

*> MGH. SS., IX, p. 625. Suns'," Semitic and Oriental Studies presented to William Popper, Berkeley,
Continuatio Scotorum,
e9' Walafrid Strabo (MGH. Poetae, III, 183. 1951, 217231.
Das sagi vollig eindeutig, z. B.,
TO* Heiscnbergs Ausgahc des Niccphorus Blcmmides, Leipzig (Teubner),
A,
No. XV);
1896, pp. lie f.; Raffaele Cantarella. Poeti Bizanttm, Mailand, 1948, No.
XCII,
^Innmatur nostra laetos
Terra ftores proferens:
vol. I, p. 210, und II, 240, die iralienisdic Obersetzung. Die cinsdilagigcn Zeilcn

Ver novum praesencat aestas, (!) tauten:

Cum datur te cemerc ..." irapSevou toko^ 6 Xptoros. au ttj? aoK^poveirraTV,!;-

XpioToO TTcmip 6 TrpcoTO? U0O5, iraiTdua^. TraiTOKpfiTcjp,

Bulsr (oben Anni.2i hat vie! zu vielc historisdit- Data" aus den susccptacuU her-
Kai CToO TTcrrfip iv voepots T015 koC' finas 6 TrpwTOs.
auszulesen versudit; riditij; Wolfram von den Steinen, Notker der Dichter,
XptOToO Trcrrfip KXTipouyiKcos aOrAua^. auroKparoop'
Bern, 1948, I, 495 (Wenn du kommst, ist Friihlmgswetter").
'Ek ytip XpiOToO XpiCTTO? iori. Kai av Xpioro; iK toOtou . .

> P. Berlin, 10 580, 42 f.; Berliner Klassikertextc, V, 1907, p. 119, zur Be-
griifiung des praefectus praetono Orientis: W) J. N. Sola, De Codice Laurentiano X plutei V", Byzantinische Zeitsdirift,

a^Ev
XX, 1911, 381:
kK eIs KTTiTfipas dSeo-ipcTov iirAeTo uBcop.
riaOXo? n^v els f|v T0T5 dTroa-roXoi? uovos,
NeTXos dcpoupapcrrns ^E6u(TctTo 5 ouXotKi yairjs .

TTE^vjKEv ^v T0T5 ^coypi<potr

'

Kai HoOAos i\%

'1> Es geniijir hier,auf die Akklamationen hinzuweisen, die unaufhorlidi, unter
AaAeT 5' &<iwo; u^xP' "^"^ ^^ ^^ Xoyois,
Verwendunp der Tcxtc der ieweilijjen Festtagsliturgie, Kaiser unci Gottiieit anti-
XoAeT -rrivo^iv oOrcos ti ^uypaipia'
thetisdi vergleidien; Treitinger, passim; einigc gutf Beobaditungen vom Musika-
AduTTTi^ 4kivo5 arrdcrris oIkouuevtis,
lisdien her bei JacquesHandsdiin, Das Zeremonienwerk Kaiser Konstanttm und
die sangbarc Dtchtun^, Baseler Rektoratsprogramm 1940 41 (Basel, 1942). oOtos Be koctmos dtrdaais ^KKArio-iais . . .

'** Theodoros Prodromoi, Poemau, XVI, 1 17, ed. Angelo Mai, Patrum nova
80) Manuel Holobolos, XVIII, 1 ff., ed. Boisssonade, V, 179; audi
Siehe, z. B.,
hibltotheca, VI, Rom, 1853, p. 412. das oben (Anm. 77) angefiihrte Gedidit des Prodromos sowie dessen XII. Gedidit
M) (Mai, p. 411) zur Weihnachts-Prokypsis.
Fiir das Labarum iiber der Sdilange (Spei puhlica), vgl. Jules Maurice,
Numismatiquc Constanttmennc Tafel IX. 2, und dazu
. Pans. 1908, I. die be-
81> rerum hyzantmarum, p. 27, 22 ff. Fiir den griedii-sdi-sizili-
Regel, Pontes
kanntc Besdireibunp des Palast^emiildes, in dem Konstantins Sieg iiber Licinius sdien Umkreis vgl. etwa die Palmsonntagspredigt des Philagathos vor Konig Ro-
ais Drachensie;; gefeiert wird, bei Iiusebius, Vita Consianttni. Ill, 3. Fiir den auf ger II., bei Migne, PGr., CXXXII, 541 B, gedrudct als Homilie XXVI des Theo-
die Sdilange mit Menschenicopf tretenden Kaiser, vgl. Babelon, Attila dans la phanes Kerameus, wo der Glanz der Auferstehunp mit dem des Konigshofes kon-
nunusmatique", Revue numismatiquc, ser. IV, vol. XVIII, 1914, pp. 301 ff.,
trastiertwird. Vgl. Ernst Kitzinger, The Mosaics of the Cappelia Palatina in
Abb. 38. Palermo", Art Bulletin, XXXI, 1949, p. 281, mit Anm. 68 fur die Verfassersdiaft
der Homilie.
'*> Zugrundf Psalm 73, 13: ovvrrpivvo? Tct<; KEOiaAdc^ tmv SpoKovrcov
liegt
83> Corippus, In laudem Justim, 137 (MGH. AA. ant.,
II, 428, ed. Partsdi,
^1 ToO OBcfTo;. Damit wird dann Christi Taufc zum Kampf gegen und Sieg
iiber den Drachen; vgl. Carl-Martin Edsman, Lc haptemc de feu (Acta Seminarii 111:2), sagt, ganz iihnlidi wic nach ihm Marquard von Ried; ille est omnipotens
(sc. Christus), htc ommpotcntis imago. Oberhaupt sind
gewisse Obereinstimmun-
Neotestamentici Upsaliensis, IX), Leipzig-Uppsala, 1940, pp. 46 fi. Fiir einige
gen dodi merkwurdig; vgl., z.B.. Conppus, 1. 361, Partsch, p. 126: Omnia
biidlidie Darstellungen, vgl. J. Strzygowski, Iconographic der Taufc Christi,
Miindien. 1885; vgl. audi Dicttonnairv d'archeolngic chretiennc et de liturgic. II,
I lustmo praehen: clementa favorcm. Omnia congaudcnt; siehe aucb II, 94 ff.,

346 ff. Eines der schbnsten Dokumente fiir die Tauf-Siegeskrbnung ist em Gold- Partsdi, 129.

medaillon der Dumbarton Oaks Collection, in Washington, die Herabkunft der 831 Cf. Franz Sauter, Der romisdic Kaiserkult bei Martial und Statius, Stutt-

Geisttaube mit dem Siegeskran? darstellend, und eines der interessantesten eine gart, 1934, 81 f., und passim.
Stele aus T'alin (Armenien) des 6. jahrhunderts, deren Kenntnis idi Professor *4) Der Text 253 D, audi in den Collectanea Alcxandnna,
bei Athenaeus. VII,
Sirarpie Der Nersessian verdanke: dodi wird dieses Thema in anderem Zusam- ed. J. U. Powell, Oxford, 1925. 173 f.; dazu Victor Ehrenberg.
Athenischer

menhanp zu behandeln sein. Hymnus auf Demetrius Poliorketes", Antike, VII, 1931, 279 ff., und vor allcm
'5 Vgl. etwa, von anderen Prodromos-Gediditen abgesehen. O. Weinreidi, Antikes Gottmensdiemum", Ncuc Jahrbiicher, II, 1926, 646 ff.
Manuel Holobolos
(oben Anm. 33), XVI, 3 ff, dazu Heisenberg, a. a. O.. 119.
bei Boissonade, p. 177;
85) das Spielen mit dem Namen Manuel (Emmanuel-Christus) siehe, z, B.,
Fiir
DaC der Kaiser sudorum rivos vergielie audi bei CI. Mamertinus, Gratiarum Eustathius von Thessalomdi, bei Regel. Pontes, 57, 1, oder Theodoros Prodromos'
actio, 6, p. 249, ed. Baehrens, ed. H. Gutzwiller, Die Neufahrsrede dei Konsuli Epithalamium. 71, bei Carl Neumann, Griechische Ccschichtssd^'-ciber und
Claudius Mamertinus vor dem Kaiser Julian, Basel, 1942, 36. Geschichtsquellen des zwiilften Jahrhunderts, Leipzig. 1888, p. 67: u yap wS

'** Die Gottheit als tiuyipottJiAEOs des Kaisers sehr haufig in den Akklamationen XpicrTOuipT|Tos XP'"'^'^'"^'^^ CnrdpxEiS.
angerufen; cf. Consunt. Porph., De caertmoniis, I, 5, p. 47, 6 Reiske, audi II, Es ware dabei vor allem an die Paradigmengebete und an die ZtiuEpov-
86'

19 (p. 612, 4), II, 43 (p. 650, 4 und 22), und passim. Siehe audi die Gegnersdiaft Stidioi (bei der Epiphanien-Wassenieihe) zu denken; vgl. A. Baumstark, Para-
gegen diesen Ansprudi bei den Franken; Libri Caroltm, I, 1, ed. Basigen (MGH. digmengebete ostsyrischer Kirdiendichtung", Onens Christianus, Ser. II, vol.
Concilia. II SuppL), 8 ff., audi 130, 180 f. (mit Anm. 2). X XI, 1923, und ders., Die WtM/u-Amiphonen des romisdien Breviers und der
"> Prodromos, XVIII, Kreis ihrer griediisdien Parallelen", Die Kirchenmusik, X, 1909, 153 ff.
ed. Mai, 413; s. audi Kantorowicz, .Dante's Two
13 Keinlurdi-Fciudirif' -tU^r

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 Prof.V7ieac!;er
17b Freiburg i. Cr, Freiburg, den I^.J^nuar 1952
Winterer -StraOe II

3^ dehr verehrter Hen- is.antorov/icz,

V
ich brauche nicht zm aagen,welche I'reude es ;'

fiir mich ist ,Beitrf^ge aus der Hand des Histo-

rikers zu erhalten,deB8en ungeheurer liinfluB

auf die Jugend von 192 5 und 193o,ja auch spH-
ter in mir keinesvvegs voriibergegangen ist und
dessen Bild durch die Uberlieferungen Frank-
furter and Leiptiger ?'reunde mir lebendig war,
Ich habe die)S beiden Aufsatze nicht weniger
begierig gelesen afiis seinerzeit das groBe Jiuch.
Was ich darauf zu erwidern habe,kann nicht an-
ders a Is unf achm-^jinisch sein - mit Ausnahme
des norma mi is Chen haro,das ich aus Anla^ des
dezamviralen ilndoplorare zu studieren hatte
Festschrift wenger i (1945; 129 ff;einen
(,

Sonderdruck habe ich leider nicht mehr). Ich

glaubte damals zu lernen,daB hier die nachbar-
liche H^ If spf licht beim Au^uf gegen dnn juand-
feind ohne v/e teres in den allgemeinen Meerbanr.
ubergehe,und d'fl diese i^^riivkdr--ngunt^ des ge-
nosaenschnft lichen Oharakters der alt en Hilfs-
pfiicht darin zum -^uadruck komme,daS das Auf-
^ebot a Is "lierrenruf dem L'^ndesherrn vorbJa-
'

h3lten,unbefugtes (reriift als vider le haro

buBpflichtig werde. ijoch dies ist nur ein
^ebenpunkt, flfichtiger v/ar mir die eindringende
Erinnerung nn den JJom von I'isa in diesem J'riih-
jahr,in dem rein antike GrebHlkformen nicht
mehr als ILontinuit^t sondern als Vollrenaissai
,

ce erschienen;vom Zeus-utricoli '\'yr^^^^

U
I J
U U U J
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des Ohristus nn der Jt.?inzel I'isanoa im J<attik-
atero bbendort ganz zujR schweigen, *ro patri^
mori erinntj-'t an die hierzuland durch die r -
r adoxe der letzten ciahrzehnte ganz verschiit-
tete hiraaniatische is-omoonente des I'atriotis-
mus,j' des iMfltionalismusjder liarbar kann kein
i-'atriot sein and wir sahens an manehen ijands-
leuten,
ich weiB nicht,vvas ich f?uf die ^eschenke
erwidern soli., ich kann nut einiges Ziuf'-'-ili-
ge zusamniensteliei ,dag unter meinen liufenden
^Deparata znr -^i^nd ist.
Ich freute mich,mir vosslers im >Tesprr-ch
bei ihnen vorzust e.Iien;ich vermisse beide in
rrankfurt in dies em dhre sehr,

xn aufriehtiger verehrung

ihr ganz ergebener

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'36. yens per naturam, dens per gratiam:
ANote on Mediaeval PoUtJr.l tk , ,

Harvard Theological Review, ^^^^'^^y*

XLV (1952), 253-277

^TCs copy, annotated.

A. 2-page letter frora Werner Jae^^er,

26 Jan S3
B. "Deus per naturam" (spiral
notebook pa^e
C. Letter fron Ihor Sevcenko,
P.^ Mar 53
D. Idem, 31 jnn 53

S. Idem (2 pages), 25 jJan 53

P' 2-pa,e letter from Gerhart
Ladner, 20 Jan 53
G. Letter from Theodor Klauser,
21 Apr 53

n II ij II
u u I u
 ^
DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GRATIAM
A NOTE OX MEDIAEVAL POLITICAL THEOLUU\

BY

ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

Reprinted from
THE HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
PRINTED AT THE HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRINTING OFFICE Vol. XLV, No. 4, October 19S2
CAMBRIDGE, MASS., U.S.A.

n u u
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 DEUS PER NATUIL\M, DELS PER GR-ATIAM
A Note on Mediaeval Political Theology

ERNST H. K.\XTORO\VICZ
Institi'te por -Advanced Sti-dy. Prdjcetox, New Jersey

Dr. George H. Williams" recent study on The Xorman Anony-

mous of I loo A.D.. published as an extra number of this Review,*
may be taken as an excuse for delving once more into the highly
suggestive pamphlets of this anti-Gregorian royalist. In a para-
graph beaded Christus per naturam. Christus per gratiam Dr.
Williams, able and stimulating, discusses the Christolog>' per-
haps we should say: political Christolog\' of that courageous
mediaeval publicist." thereby commendably calling attention to a
hitherto somewhat neglected topic: the bearing of Christology- on
the relationship between Church and State." It is. however, not
the christological aspect of the natura-gratia problem which will
be dealt with in the following pages, but the historical and
doxographic sides of it. Dr. Williams, it is true, has indicated
the immediate, or possibly immediate, sources of his author's
pwlitical theories, but it would have exceeded by far the proper
tasks of his analysis to trace ever>- theorem back to its origins.*

Although the building up of an unbroken catena phUologica is

^George H Williams. The Norman .Anonymous of iioo .\.D. (Han-ard Theo-

lupcal Studies. XMII: Issued by iht Hanard Theolopical Re\-ie), Cambridge,
1951-
In the present "Note" the discussion of many a problem that might have been
interestingand even essential, has been omitted or sidestepped. I have consciously
avoided embarking on interrelated problems, all of them subtle and complicated,
and have preferred to concentrate on the one question which the title indicates.
Besides the obligations acknowledged in the footnotes I wish to thank Professor
Harold F Chemiss for many and improvements
fruitful conversatioai, suggestions,
ioT similar courtesies my thanks go to Professor .\rthur D Nock and Dr. George H.
WiQiams, both at Harvard, to Professor Ludwig Edelslein, at Johns Hopkins, and
Professor TTieodor E Mommsen. at Princeton University.
'Williams, i28ff.
' See Williams"
Foreword, p. vii. for the original title of his doctoral dissertation.
Meanwhile Dr. Williams has elaborated this problem in his study '"Christology and
Church-State Relation in the Fourth Century." Church History. XX. i^ei. No. 3,
pp. 3-33, No. 4, pp. 3-26, in which he touches also upwn the problems discussed in
the present "Note.'"
* Williams. 57f, nos. i68ff, has collected the parallels within the writings of
his
author and has indicated se\eral relevant antecedents

II
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254 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL RE\7EW DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GRATIAM 2SS
I '

not intended here either, it may yet prove not quite useless to In a preceding section of the same tractate the author examines
spread out in the present paper some material, casually collected the position of kings and priests according to the Old Testament.
and perforce incomplete, which might elucidate the adaptation to He quotes (quite traditionally, as will be seen presently) the
Christian thought of an axiom of Hellenistic political theory. versicles Exodus, 2 2. 2 8 ("Diis non detrahes et principi populi
tui non maledices"), and Psalms, 81,6 ("Ego dixi: dii cstis''), in

order to conclude that both the anointed king and the anointed
priest were through their anointment dii or, as were
he puts it,
The crucial sentence to which Dr. ^?\'illiams" chapter-heading
Dcus ct Christus. He stresses exphcitly that those anointed on
alludes is found in the tractate De Romano Pontifirr, but its
earth are Dcus ct Christus not only according to name (nam en)
essence is rendered more concisely in the tractate Dc Consccra-
but also according to essence (res):
tionc Pontificum ct Rcf^um in which the Norman AnonvTnou? puts
forth with greatest vigor his ideas about the proportions prevailing Nam nisi rem haberent, falso designarentur hoc nomine (sc. dii et
."
christi )
between the divine power and the royal power .^

"The king's power is the power of God, but it is God's by nature, the The anointed participate in the divine name and essence, though

king's by grace." " not without some restriction; they participate

not by nature but by grace, since onl}- Christ. Son of God and Son of
Although a line of distinction has been drawn between divine
man, owned both (name and essence) by grace as well as by nature. For
power and royal power, that clear distinction itself will turn out he is God by nature and deified by none, is holy by nature and sanc-
to be extremely useful for blurring the borderline between divine tified by none. But I said also "by grace" because according to his
and royal powers: it will be peculiarly useful to the Anonymous human nature he is deified and is sanctified by the Father."
for exalting the king and proving, in the first place, his vicariate
Thus enters Christology into the picture only to be carried over,
of Christ. For the author logically continues:
in an unusual fashion, to the royalist theor\'. For now the Christ-
Also, the king is Deus ct and whatsoever he
Christum, but by grace: like anointed on earth is. so to speak, bound to receive his two
does, he does not simply as a man but as one who has been made Dcus ct
natures, too. At the anointment, says the author, the spirit of the
Christm by grace: and even he who is Dcus ct Christus by nature, does
Lord and power "leaped" into the anointed (insiliebat
his deifying
what he does through his vicar through whom vicariously he acts."
in cos) changing them into different men. In that moment, and
'
Monumenta Germaniat Historica, Libelli df lite, III, 662fi. I shall quoti- this from that moment on, they become truly "figure and image" of
tractate simpK In quotinp papi- and line the God-man (Christi figure ficrent ct imago), inasmuch as the
"6(i7,,?()t: "Potesta^ enim repLs potestas Dei est, Dei quidein est per naturam.
repis per gratiam
" anointed on earth now becomes a gemina persona, that is.

'667,,37-4o; "Unde et rex Deus et Christus est, sed per gratiam, et quicquid one person by nature, the other by grace. ... In view of one person
facit non homo simpliciter, sed Deu.-; factus et Christus per pratiam facit Immo
he is, by nature, an individual man: in view of the other he is, by grace.
ipse, qui natura Deus est et Christus, per vicarium suum hoc facit, per qucm
vices suas cxequitur ''
For Dru^ iactus. see, e.p., .^upustme. I>i fidr el svmlioUi. a Christus, that is a God-man.^"
c. 9, PL., XL, i8cj: "Non enim sunt naturaliter dh, quicumquc sunt iacti atque "665,37-23.
conditi ex patre per Filium dono Spiritus sancti.'' See also .Augustine. Dr civ., X, i,
'665,24f: non tamen per naturam. sed per gratiam, quia solus Christus,
". . .

ed. Hoffmann (CSEL., 40), L 447: '"[Deusl facit suos cultures deos"; also IX, 23, filius Dei et filius hominis. hoc habet et per gratiam et per naturam
" This argu-
Hoffmann, I, 44of, and below, nos. iq. 6.=;. For vicarim Christi. see now, in addition ment (Christ deus per gratiam) has been often discussed in earUer times and has
to the standard studies of Hamaci; and Riviere, also Michele Maccarrone, " '\'icarius been canvassed also bv Peter the Lombard, ej:.. Senlrntiar. III. dist X. passim.
Christi' e 'vicarius Petri' ncl periodo patristico.'' Rivista di Storia della Chicsa in PL., CXCII, 777f
Italia. II, 1948, 1-32. and "II Papa 'vicarm.'' Christi,' Testi e dottrina del sec. XII "'664.2off: "Itaque in unoquoque gemina intelligitur fuisse persona, una ex
al principio del XIV,'' Miscellanea Paschini, Rome, 1949, II, 1-37. natura. altera ex gratia Una. qua per conditionem naturae ceteris hominibus
. .

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256 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GR.\TI.\M 257

To be sure, the author himself has made a leap in his thinking, mula of natureand grace. In the tractate De Romano Pontificc
for the point of reference for nature and grace has changed. In he discusses once more the investiture problem and defends the
the one case, "nature'' what makes the king equal to all other
is custom according to which the king invests the bishop whh the
human beings, whereas '"grace,'" which leaps into him at his anoint- tcmporalia.

ment, exalts him over all other men and makes him quasi God
For when the king grants the investiture he is not a la>Tnan that grants
and Christ. Contrariwise, in the case of the God-man, "nature" it, but the christus Domini. That is, a christus Domini ruling by grace
indicates the higher order, that of divinity, whereas "grace" refers together with him {per gratiam ei conrcgnans) who is Christus Dominus
only to the humbled Christ in human flesh, co-equal with all other by nature. . . . Verily, that christus per gratiam. the king, serves the
men. Christus per naturam.^"
That the anointed on earth share also, to some extent, in the

divine "nature" a different matter; for through the New Cove-

is Here the king's character of christus per gratiam leads not only,
''
nant those anointed become "more certainly and more truly par- as often it does, to a vicariate of Christ but to a "throne-sharing"
ticipants of the divine grace and nature.'" They become "one with with the Christus per naturam the king by grace a synthronos
God and Christ by the spirit of adoption,'" they are dii ct christi of the God.

per adoptionis spiritum. Again the author has made a leap in his
argumentation, and a significant one it is. "Adoption,'" which has
here taken the place of "grace," is normally understood to be
accomplished by the baptismal unction. Hence, what in fact was The arguments of the Norman writer may be startling but they

make every are startling only in their application to the Church-State struggle
meant to distinguish every Christian and to Christian
of post-Gregorian Europe and their integration into a complex
a "king and priest," now has been appropriated as a special priv-
system and a well-proportioned edifice of mediaeval royalism.
ilege of those anointed at the rites of consecration and ordina-
Apart from that, his arguments ha\'e their set place within a very-
tion." In other words, a ritual act which refers to Christians in

general, has been reduced to appear as a purely royal and priestly long tradition.

prerogative, a method of twisting which can look back to a long The special variety of the antithesis of nature and grace as
line of ancestors.
exhibited by the AnonjTnous is the essential factor of his system.

The Norman .Anonymous, however, prefers to employ his for- His antithesis is not the customar\' one which restores man to
his original nature and therewith to immortality. This version, of
conpruerel, altera qua per eminentiam deilicationis el vim sacramenti cunctis aliis
"By nature we were
course, forms the theme of Ephesians.2,3-5:
precellerel. In una quippe era! naturaliter individuus homo, in altera j)er gratiam
Christus, id estDeus-homo." Thi.s is the mediaeval version of tht- later Tudor children of wrath. . . . But God . . . has quickened us together
theory of thf Kinp's two Bodie.<i (natural and politic) set F. W. Maitland, "The theme
;
with Christ: by grace ye are saved." It is the also of St.
Crown a.s Corporation,'' Selected Essays, Cambridge, 1936, 104-127, and my forth-
coming study on that subject. Augustine's treatise Dc natura ct gratia and his other anti-Pela-
"'
667,2f{ For thi cnnsortcs divinar naturae, sec ; Peter, 14. For the baptismal gian writings." But it does not describe the antithesis favored
mcaninj; of adoption (cf. Rom..S,T 5-2,5 g. 4: Gal,4,5), sec L. VVenger, Art.
by the Norman author. According
;

to his version "nature" is not

"Adoption,"' Reallexilcon fiir Antike und Christentum, I, loyf (e.g., Hesych:
I'loOeaia = 07101' fiawTiafia) . Son of God
also col. 108, for the Pauline antithesis of used in the lower sense of something in need of being remedied
<t>v(T(i and sons of God ecaei (Gal. 4,8; "qui natura non sunt dii"). Sec, above
all, the introductory prayer of the Brnedictio Fontis: "ad recreandos novos "'685,42ff; 6864.
populos. quos tibi fon.s baptismati.< parturit. spiritum adoptionLi emittc"; H A "Sec also 668,3q: "Nee pulo quod aliquis iustius debeat ea preropare quam
Wilson, Tht Gclasian Sacramentary, Oxford, i8q4, 84. It should be added that on Christus ex natura per Christum ex gratia, sanctus ex natura per sanctum ex
other occasion.'; the Anonymous uses the idea of adoption in tht normal way, that gratia." See below, n. 6s, for the "throne-sharing" of all men with Christ.
is, referring to all Christians; sec Williams. i4,5ff, and passim.
" PL., XLR', 247ff.

/n u u /

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258 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GRATLAM 259

and redeemed by "grace." Nature appears as the higher quality however, is of even greater interest, since two notions, new to us,

(God by nature) and grace as the lower (god by grace). here make their appearance: (i) the imitatio of Christ, the gen-

The views of the Anonymous have antecedents. In an address uine supreme King; and (2) the antithesis of owning (possidet)

to the bishops assembled at Ravenna, in 877, Pope John VIII and achieving {consequeretur). All that was implicitly expressed
referred to the events of Christmas 875 when he elevated Charles by the Norman writer as well but it is said more powerfully by
;

the Bald to the imperial dignity. The pope, for reasons closely the pope and it adds some new flavor to the formula contrasting

connected with the political situation at that time, chose to bestow divinity by nature and divinity by grace.'*

rather highilown titles upon his protege. He referred to him as That formula was applied by Pope John VIII to kingship: In
the christus whom God anointed with the oil of gladness above imitation of Christ,King eternal and universal, the Carolingian
his fellows Hebrews, 1,9), a prince "constituted
(Psalms,44,8; emperor ascended by grace to a dignity which Christ owned by
by God as saviour of the world" (a Deo constitutus schator nature. Such reference to kingship was unwarranted by the

mundi),^'' and then explained to what effect God had established natura-gratia formula taken all by itself. In the Commentary on

Charles as the prince of his people: the Psalms, ascribed probably wrongly to Bede, the same topic
appears in connection with the 8ist Psalm, as indeed it often does.
ad imitationem . . . veri Regis Christi filii sui . . . . ita ut quod ipse
To the divine title Deus dcorum (Psalms 81,1, and 49,1) the
[Christus] possidet per naturam, iste [imperator] consequeretur per
author remarks:
gratiam.^^
[that refers to him] through whom all those who are not gods by nature,
Pope John's oration was not to fall into oblivion. It found its
but become gods by grace {per gratiam dii jiunt). are deified {deifi-
place in at least two canonical collections: in that of Anselm of
cantur).
Lucca the earlier redaction of which may fall in the year 1083.
One is God by nature, many
by grace; one is born
(are gods) (a God)
and in that of Cardinal Deusdedit, written between 1085 and from the Father's substance, many have become (gods) by his grace.
1087.^" Other canonical collections may contain that document,
too. At any rate, there is evidence that the address of Pope John The distinction between "being God" and "becoming gods," which
Vni was known to two prominent contemporaries of the Norman is equivalent to the papal possiderc-consequi, is certainly put
Anonymous, and it may have attracted the attention of others forth very vigorously. Then the author comments upon dii estis

as well. (Psalm 81,6),

The similarity between the address of Pope John and the argu- that is, ye may be gods if ye will have done what I shall order ye to do.
ments of the Norman publicist is striking. The papal formula, And 3'e all, without exception, may be "sons of the most High sons,
'"For the political situation, sec Williams, 58, n. 169; P. E. Schramm, Der that is, by adoption, and gods by grace." '"
Konig von Frankreich, Weimar, 1939, I, 36ff; and, for the general papal prt-
dicamcnts in that period, F. Engreen, "Pope John the Eighth and the .^rabs," The commentator is more cautious than theNorman Anonymous
Speculum, XX, 1945, 318-330. For the salvator mundi title, see Heinrich Linssen,
"OEOi: 2:i!TIU': Entwicklung und Verbreitung einer liturgischen Formelgruppe," in keeping apart adoption and grace. And he certainly does
Jahrbuch fiir Liturgicwissenschaft, VIII, 1928, 32ff, 70!, who however, does not
But on soter
"Above, n. 7; also 664, i9f: ". populo Christi Domini figuram
ut in regendo
Nock
. .
consider the mediaeval ruler epithets. cf. also in The Joy of
Study, ed. Sherman E. Johnson, N. Y. 1951, layff.
viccmque tenerent et in Sacramento preferrent imaginem."
"/n Psallorum Librum Exrgcsis, LXXXI, PL., XCIII, 924D, 926.^; see also,
'"Bouquet, Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, VII, 694ff; Mansi, Concilia.
for Psalm 49.1, P.740BC: "L nus namque Deus est per naturam, multi per
XVII, .Appendix, p. 172.
".Anselm of Lucca, Collcclio canoniim, 1,79, ed. M. Thaner, Innsbruck, I90(>- gratiam unus natus est ex substantia Patris. multi fact! ex eius gratia.
;
." The .

author here draws heavily from .\ugustine, Enarralio in Psalmos, XLIX, 2, PL.,
191S, pp. 52f.; PL., CXLIX, 489 (here numbered I, 78); Deusdedit, IV, 92, ed.
Victor Wolf von Glanvell. Die Kanonessammlung des Kardinals Deusdedit, Padcr- XXXVI, 565 (see below, n. 21). For the authorship of the Psalter Exegesis, see
born, I,
M. L. W. Laistner. .\ Hand-List of Bede Manuscripts, Ithaca, N. Y., 1943, 159.
1 90s, 439.

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 260 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GRATIAM 261
not think of kings.-" He talks about the baptized as sons of Jerome would hardly have bothered to emphasize so strongly the
adoption who potentially may become also "gods by grace," pro-
potential deification of all men and to refute a singling out of
vided that they obey the divine commandments. In other words,
rulers had there not existed some tendency to interpret (sug-
he talks about Christians in general, about the justi et dcificati,
gested perhaps by Exodus,2 2,2 8) the "gods" of the Old Testa-
whereby the "deification" again refers to Man in general.-'
ment as kings and princes. In fact, Eusebius, when discussing the
Nevertheless, the interpretation of dii in the restricted sense
8ist Psalm, thinks of the deoi mentioned therein in terms of
of kings and princesmust have existed and even have been fairly
Tjyovfievoi Kal dpxovTe<;. and so did others."* Even Chrysostom
common, as may be gathered from Jerome's Tractates on the
would answer the question "Whom does he call gods in that
Psalms. In his exposition of Psalm 8i, Jerome says epigram-
place?" with "The rulers." -''
Jerome, of course, did not polemize
matically: Quod dii sumus, non sutnus natura, sed gratia." And
against Eusebius, but against a common opinion, whereas the one
he adds:
man against whom he really struggles throughout, Origen, is far

God did not say: "I have said: ye are gods" with regard to kings and from giving so much as a thought to kings or princes. Origen,
princes, but to all: to all those to whom I have equally given body, soul, who actually seems to have fathered the conventional interpreta-
and spirit,-^ I have given also equally divinity and adoption. Equally tion of Psalm 81 (contrasting, in that place, the God by nature
we all are born, emperors and paupers. with the gods by grace), may be Hkewise responsible for the
exegesis of the word "gods" in the sense of "nothing but a name."
""Nor do others; see, e.g., .Augustine, De fide et symbolo,
(above, n. 7),
c. 9
and Enarratio, XLIX (above, n. 19). Cassiodorus, one of the sources of Pseudo-
To by God the name [gods] has been conferred, though
those created
Bede, says in the Expositio in Psalterium, XLIX, i: "Dii dicuntur homines, qui
bonis conversationibus gratiam supernae Majestatis accipiunt. . . Ita ergo filii
not by nature, but by grace.
dicuntur sicut et dii, quia utrumque gratia praestat
utique, non natura"; and
similarly LXXXI, 6: per gratiam utique, non per naturam," since only
"(iilii)
Although they [the gods] are powerful and seem to have been given that
Christ "proprie dicitur Dei Filius" whereas the others are sons only kot' ivaXoylap ;
name by grace, yet none of them is found similar to God in either power
PL., LXX, 348D, S94CD. Also Justin Martyr, Dialogus, c. 124, ed. E. J. Good- or nature.^"
speed, Die altesten .\poIogeten, Gottingen, 1914, 245, stresses the fact that all
men may become sons of God; to Irenaeus, Adv. haer., Ill, vi, i, ed. Harvey, II, 22, To expound the term "gods" as a mere name or speech, a
those having received the grace of the adoption appear as the "gods." It would
be easy to collect similar places in great numbers. X6yo<; <//i\d?, was an expedient adopted also by other interpreters.
" Pseudo-Bcde, In P.sall., XLIX, PL., XCIII, 740B: "Deus dcorum, id est Deus Theodore of Mopsuestia, for example, says very pointedly that
iustorum, Deus deificatorum. Si cnim est iustilicans, est et deificans, quia de iustis
dictum est: 'Ego dixi: Dii estis.' " The Justification betrays Augustinian ideas; 'Eusebius, In Psalmos C ommentaria, LXXXI, PGr., XXIII, 988B; see also
see Enarratio, XLIX, 2, PL., XXXVI, 565: "Manifestum est ergo, quia homines XLIX, 2 433D): The Seventy Sfout (KoKtaav toi's n apxocTas (tai (cptVoi,
(col,

dixit dc'os, ex gratia sua non de substantia sua natos. hvtp iSior fiovov 0oi'. For later times see, e.g., Euthymius Zigabenus, PGr.,
deificatos, . . Qui autem
iustificat, ipse deificat, quia iustificando
filios Dei facit." CXXVIII, 853f, with reference to Exod.,22,28. .\ntonius Melissa, Loci communes,
"Tractatus in Librum Psalmorum, LXXXI, i, ed. G. Morin, .\necdota Mared- II, 3 (al.CLXXIII), PGr., CXXXVI 1020B, apparently reproducing John Chrys-

solana, Maredsou, 1897, III: 2, p. 77; see also Williams, 72, n. 214, who adds a ostom, interprets Exod.,;2,28, in the sense that the "gods" arc the "priests" as
few more places (.\ugustine, the Glossa ordinaria, etc.) for dii as applied to all opposed to the "princes" mentioned in the second half of the versicle; see, how-
Christians, an interpretation which was, of course, well known to the Norman ever, next note; and, for the great variety of interpretations, the summary by
Anonymous as well; see Williams, i44f, I46f, passim. J. J. Reeve, Art. "Gods," International Standard Bible Encyclopaedia, Chicago,
"^The Pauline trichotomy (i Thess.,5,23) should be noted; cf. Erich Dinkier, 1915, II, 1270-1272.
" John Chrys., Expositio in Psalmos, XLIX, PGr., LV, 24of, who gives as the
Die Anthropologic Augustins, Stuttgart, 1934, 25.i;ff; also F. E. Brightman, "Soul,
Body, Spirit," Journal of Theological Studies, II, igoi, 273ff, for the Eastern first meaning of 8eoi that of princes: nVas fyroCSo \e7fi tftoi's; Toits opxo*Toj.

liturgies the trichotomy, however, is found also in the West despite later "emenda-
He, too, refers to Exod.,22,28, while discussing Ps..4g.i 06s ftfuif. :

tions"; see, e.g., H. A. Wilson, The Gelasian Sacramentary, Oxford,

"Origen, In exodum Homilia VI, c. s, ed. Baehrens, I, 196, 22f; also Homilia
1894, 70, in
VIII, c. 2, Baehrens, I, 200,25. The nomen interpretation is applied by others as
the Benediction of Oil for Anointing the Sick: "tutamentum corporis, animae et
well (see, e.g., John Chrys., PGr., XLXTI. 758f) and may go back, in the last
spiritus."
analysis, to the Xe^oMci'oi 9toi of i Cor. ,8,5.

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262 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GRATIAM 263

those styling themselves "gods" do not prevail in the nature of

that Christ, like the Father, is "God by nature" and that he is

the only "Son of God," and that in comparison with the Son's
God, but that they have received, merely by grace, the name of
natural divinity and divine sonship the so-called deification of
god which is a pure matter of speech.-' And Theodoret of Cyrus
explains even more straightforwardly that man by grace or man's adoption to sonship of God cannot detract
from the uniqueness of the God-man.
God the creator of all has a divine nature, not the mere name |
of God |,
We may
turn instead to another aspect of the problem, one
whereas man has only the name "Image [of God]," but is lacking the
which has been conjured up in the address of Pope John VIII
thing itself.-*
when he declared: the emperor achieved by grace a dignity ad
The setting over of ovo/xa against npayfia in that connection ex- imitationcm Regis Christi who was the true King by nature. With-
plains why the Norman Anonymous exclaimed almost angrily: out raising as yet the question how imitatio entered into that
-" picture, it should be taken, for the present moment, simply as a
"Nisi rem haberent, falso designarentur hoc nomine."
We may neglect here the numerous authors who, in the midst fact that the very complex cluster of notions connected with

of the christological struggles, used the antithesis of God-by- imitatio Dei or homo imago Dei has been linked with the prob-
nature, god-by-grace chiefly to prove that the Second Person of the lem of nature and grace; or that, biblically speaking, Psalm 8i,6
Trinity was co-equal and consubstantial with the First: the Son, (dii estis), is inextricably conjoined with Genesis,i,26: Faciamus
like the Father, was God f/)vo-ct whereas all others, "be they sons hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram. That combina-
and gods on earth or in heaven," "'
were "gods" only x^P'"'''- of tion is fairly illustrated by Cyril of Alexandria, who, in his
were "sons of God" only Secret, by adoption. This is what Atha- exegesis of the Fourth Gospel, declares that all men were adopted
nasius expounds, time and again, in his Orations against the (by grace) to the likeness of Christ, God by nature, because
Arians; and some arguments of John Chrysostom ''- and Cyril
'" images are always to the likeness of the archetype.^*
of Alexandria " have a similar intention. Their purpose is to show Cyril, of course, does not speak of kings, he speaks of men in

^ In evang. Joannis, X, 35, PGr., LXVI, 760D. See also the Scholia Vetera in general. On the basis of Genesis, 1,26, however, man and king
Joannem, X, 34, PGr., CV'I, 1260CD, which come very close to Theodore's text. become easily interchangeable. Theodoret of Cyrus, for example,
Since in John, 10,34, the vcrsicle Ps.,8i,6, is quoted most authoritatively by
discusses in one of his Quaestiones the Genesis verse and asks
Christ himself, the exegesis of John frequently is concerned with the interpreta-
tion of Sfoi. what it means. ''''

Some people, writes Theodoret, seek man's like-

'"Theodoret, Quaestiones in Genesim, I, 20, PGr., LXXX, io8.\.
ness to God
an anthropomorphic conception of the deity; others
in
" Above, n. 8.
^ .\thanasius, OralioI, c. 39, a quotation from i Cor. ,8,5. (See next note.) hold that man's God-likeness should be sought in the sphere of
Athanasius applies that antithesis very often; sec, e.g., Contra Arianos
''

Oratio I, cc. 8, 39; Oratio II, cc. 51. 61 Oratio III, c. 6, and passim, PGr., XXVI,
1
the invisible, of the soul. Philo, who seems to have started within
29A, 93A, 272C, 273C, 277A, 334.^. Some of his definitions are interesting: the Greek-speaking world that kind of discussion on Genesis, 1,26,
Or. I, 8, the gods by charis are set over against Christ, "the true image of the
had decided in favor of the invisible, the soul.^" Theodoret, how-
Father's ousia" Or. I, 39, the "true and one Son of the true God," who is God,
;

not as a reward for virtue (iita$l>% dpertis), but ^ucrei Kar' ovaiav, is distinguished ever, declared both opinions wrong. Man is the likeness of God
from rrai'Tcj otroi I'ioi [toi" OeoC] re koI Btol iK\T]Biiaav, tire eTri 7^5, fiVe in
oipavoU (see below, n. 76) Or. II, 59, the "Becoming" sons of God by adoption
; VII (to John,:o,34), PGr., LXXIV, 25C, 32A; sec also, for the problem of
is yap 'yeveadai', 5ta to fii) 0iVei, dWa ffiaei avToiii XeyeaOai lioi'S
stressed: tA niv adoption, I, c. 9 (to John. 1,13), PGr., LXXIII, i53f.
0;cti; and same chapter he contrasts Kara x^P'" with Kara (pvaiv; Or. II, 61,
in the "Cyril, In Joannis Ev., V, c. 5 (to John,8,42), PGr., LXXIII, S,S4D, and
he discusses the nature-grace problem with regard to Christ alone who is the passim.
Bringer of grace rather than the Son by grace (above, n. 9). Theodoret, Quaest. in Gen., I, 20, PGr,, LXXX, i04ff, almost verbatim re-

"^
John Chrys., In Joannem Homilia III (al. II), c. 2, PGr., LIX, 39. peated by Anastasius Sinaita (below, n. 37).
"Cyril plays throughout with the nomen interpretation (above, nos. :6, 2S, "Philo, De opiftcio, 69, Cohn-Wendland, 1, 23, iff, in addition to other places;
29): men are only "called" gods; see, e.g.,In Psalmum LXXXI, PGr., LXIX, cf. Harry A. Wolfson, Philo. Cambridge 116, 347, passim.
1948, I,
1205; In Jvannii Evaitniiium, I, c. 10 (to John, 1,18), PGr., LXXIII, i79.\.B;

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 264 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GRATIAM 265
above with respect to dominion (KaTo. to dpxiKov), that
all is, to
In what respect is man the image of God? According to his rulership
his lordship over nature:
and his power.'**

Just as God himself has the lordship over all and everythin;?, so he gave This theme is echoed, even more strongly, in the West. The so-
man the lordship over the living creatures lacking reason. called Ambrosiaster, writing in Rome during the pontificate of
Pope Damasus (366-384), likewise explains in his Quaestiones:
In other words, man is the image of God chiefly because he is "In dominatione imago Dei factus est homo," ^^ only to go even a
ruler like God. Theodoret admits other possibilities as well, since step further in a later Question. Man, writes he, is the image of
the similitude of man with God may result also from imitations God for the purpose that One be made quasi Lord on whom all
of the archetype (w? apxervirov jxifirJixaTa) . Man, after a limited others depend, for
fashion, is a creator; he too makes images; he rules and judges in
man has the imperium of God, as it were, as his vicar, because every
imitation of God (^aa-iXevei a.v0pu)7To<; Kal Kplvei Kara piprjcrip tov king has the image of God (habens imperium dei quasi vicarius eius,
0ov) ;
but man is imperfect in all that because God creates with- quia omnis rex dei habet imaginem) *^

out labor and without time (Si'xa novov Kal xpovov), gives life to
The between the notions of man, of man a king, and
his images, and is omniscient all of which is beyond man's
oscillation
of royal office could hardly be more irritating than in the case of
abilities. These considerations lead Theodoret to his statement,
Ambrosiaster.
quoted above, that man has only the "name" of God's image but
At any rate, by building up a doctrine of man's original king-
lacks the essence.
ship and of man's essentially royal character those authors come
This conclusion apparently did not satisfy Anastasius Sinaita, a
to create a theory fluctuating between homo imago Dei and rex
most popular seventh-century author, whose influence on late
Byzantine and early Russian thought and art has as yet to be
imago Dei. They are
perhaps with the exception of Ambrosias-

studied. In his Quaestiones he quotes Theodoret and reproduces

ter
far from singling out the professional king as the only
image of God, but their concept of "man" in general is, like that
the latter's text almost verbatim. However, he deviates
where of Philo,^' avowedly royal. The idea of man's inner kingship is
Theodoret declares that man has only the "name" of God's image,
found everywhere in early Christian literature, and it has been
and instead connects the idea of man's rulership after the divine
expounded in a truly grand fashion, for example, by Gregory of
model with Psalm 8i,6, and says that the kingly men, as marked
Nyssa in his vision of man's natural imperial sovereignty, in his
out by Theodoret, are sometimes called "gods" in Holy
Scripture
although there is a great difference between those gods and "PGr., LXXX, 108CD: riaii ovv 6oC ei'/cwv 6 avSpuTTO^'. Kara to ipxiKdn, koto
God: TO ciovataaTiKov. I am grateful to Professor G. B. Ladner for mentioning this place
"God is God by nature, man by grace." " And Anastasius con- to me. See also, for Chrysostom, above, n. 25; further, Ps. .\thanasius, Quaestiones
cludes that man is to the likeness of God
view of his intellect, in
in Vet. Test., LV (to Gen., i, 26), PGr., XXVIII, 733B: Just as God liacnXiva,
SpXii, fJoi'iTidfei in the universe, oi'tui xai 6 di'ffpwrroj apxuif <cat ^a<Tt\fiis Ka8iaT7)Kt
his free will, and his kingly rule. Concerning
the emphasis on ira.fTwv Tujv ewiyeiujy wpayfioiTut>.
rulership Anastasius may have followed Diodorus ""
(Ambrosiaster), Quaestiones Novi Testamenti, \L\, 3, ed. Souter
\'eteris et
of Tarsus
(CSEL, 50), 82, 20. See also Williams, i75ff, for the problem Rex imago Dei,
whose interpretation of Genesis,i,26, has been added
(probably sacerdos Ckrisli.
by a later editor) to Theodoret's exegesis; for Diodorus *0p. cit., CVI, :7, Souter, 243, i2ff. It would be probably worth while to
states
quite bluntly: study Ambrosiaster within the framework of the Eastern Quaestiones literature,
since the similarities are rather remarkable.
"See, e.g., Philo, De opificio, 148, cd. Cohn-Wendland, I, 5if. The kingliness
"Anastasius Sinaita, Quaestiones, XXIV, PGr LXXXXIX, and godliness of the Sage, who in many respects is comparable to the vision of
54iff, csp. S44D,
S45B. I am much obliged to Professor Andre Grabar, of Dumbarton the kingly man as created originally by God, will not be considered here; see,
Oaks, for
calhng my attention to this author and his influence on for some aspects of the problem within the Philonic context, Goodenough, The
later Byzantine thought.
Politics of Philo Judaeus, New Haven, 1938, esp. goff, gSff, passim, and below, n. 81.

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 266 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GR.ATIAM 267
lapidary statement "Where the power of ruling prevails, there
God the Father with God the Sonand defeat the opinion that "two
prevails the image of God," and in his stirring apostrophe: "Thou
art a kingly being, Man" dpxtKov d ^woz^, dvOpcone.'*'^
Gods" were involved in the orthodox dogma. For that purpose he
avails himself, among other arguments, of a comparison with
What matters here is only the combination of the antithesis im-
perial images also, and declares: The emperor and the
"God-by-nature, god-by-grace" with the broad idea of homo-rex emperor's
image are not two emperors even though the same respects are
imago Dei and of the God-vicariate of the "image." In this re-
paid to the image as to the emperor himself;^" nor, for that matter,
spect not only Ambrosiaster illuminating but so also
is is a brief
are there two Gods, since the identity of the Son, who is the per-
remark of Aponius, an author of the fifth century too little ex-
fect "Image" of the Father, with the divine archetype is absolute
plored, who in his commentary on the Canticum canticorum
and therefore greater than that of the emperor's image with the
observes
imperial archetype. For in the emperor's case identity of image
What Christ is by nature, is achieved by those whom ... he has placed and archetype, so far as it goes, is achieved by imitation
as his vicars, through the itnage.*^ whereas the identity of the Son with the Father
(fnij.r]TiKw<;),
Aponius thinks in the first place of the apostles, in the second
not "achieved" at all
is one by nature (^vaiKox;) .*'' We face a

of the apostles' episcopal successors, that

new antithesis, that of physis and mimesis, which presumably was
is, of Church officers;
however, the rcligiosissimi rcges appear to him also as "vicars of looming at the back of all the theorems discussed in these pages

God." " More remarkable is the fact that in Aponius' work we and leads directly to the Hellenistic origins of the nature-grace
it

find "grace" replaced by "image," and we may wonder whether formula.

his version of the problem centered, as it is, in "image" and "imi-

tation," does not come closer to the original strata than the The "Pythagorean" tractates On Kingship, the fragments of
Christian notion of grace. which have been transmitted by Stobaeus, discussed by Goode-
It will be appropriate, though at first glance seemingly not fit- nough, and re-edited, translated, and commented on by Delatte,
ting, to adduce here that famous christological argument of St. were composed probably not earlier than the first or second cen-
Basil which later, during the controversy on images, was repeated turies A.D., which does not preclude reflection of ideas of the
over and over again.^'^' Basil, like all the other anti-Arian christo-
logical champions, endeavored to demonstrate the oneness of "All that is expressed, in essence, already by Athanasius, Contra .Arianos, III,
S, PGr., XXVI, 332A.B. who (333A) stresses that the oneness of the Son with the
"Gregory Nyss., De hominis opificio, 4-5, and In verba 'jaciamus hominem' Father is ov koto x^-P'-" God which here takes the
but according to the ousia of
Oratio I, in PGr., XLIV, i36f, 264f. For the connections with Philo and Plato, see place of physis. See, for the survival of the
Athanasian argument in Pseudo-
Harold F. Chcrniss, The Platonism of Gregory of Nyssa (University of California Atbanasius and John of Damascus, Setton, op. cit., 199, n. 8. The seemingly strange
Publications in Classical Philology, XI), Berkeley, 1934, jgf. (nos. 43f, p.
comparison of Christ with the imperial images derives from the concept that
75);
cf. 82, n. 45. Christ was the perfect image of the Father, even his mimetes (Ignatius, Ad Philad.,
"Aponius, In Canticum Canticorum, ed, H. Bottino and J. Martini, Rome, 7, 2: ^(/iijTT/s Tov narpbs airoC). The comparison with imperial images is found
1843, P- 235 (Lib. XII, ad Cant. VIII, 10). In addition to Harnack, "Vicarii Dei time and again; see, e.g., Sirarpie der Nersessian, "Une apologie des Images au
vel Christi bei Aponius: Ein Bcitrag zur Idcengeschichte dcs Katholizismus," scptieme siecle," Byzantion, XVTI, 1944-45, 6of, for Chrysostom {In inscriptionem
Delbruck-Festschrift, Berlin,
1908, 37-46, see Michele Maccarrone, ''Vicarius altaris homilia I, c. 3, PGr., LI, 7if) and for the Armenian tractate on images by
Christi e Vicarius Petri ncl pcriodo patristico," 2off (see above, n.
7). Cf. Williams, Vrt'anes K'ert'ogh (shortly after 600 A.D.) also Gregory Ny.ss., De hominis
;

176, n. s86.
opificio, 43), and De professione Christiana, PGr.,
4-5 (above, n. XL VI, 245 A,
"Aponius, 202 (Lib. X, ad Cant. VII, 5).
p.
a place to which Professor Werner Jaeger kindly called my attention. The other-
"Basil, De Spiritu sancto, c. 45, PGr., XXXII, 149C, and Homilia XXIV contra
wise very study of Helmut Kruse, Studien zur offiziellen Geltung des
useful
Sabellianos, c. 4, PGr., XXXI, 608A. For the later repetitions of that
passage Kaiscrbildes im romischen Reich, Paderborn, 1934, is less satisfactory with regard
by John of Damascus, see Kenneth M. Setton, Christian Attitude towards the
to the Christian problems.
Emperor in the Fourth Century, New York, 1941, igg, n. 9. Basil's comparison
"PGr., XXXII, 149C: S ovv etTTiv cyroOSo fiifiriTiKUs i) fiKwy, tovto ixet <t>vaiKus
has its antecedents in the writings of .\thanasius ; see next note.
i Tidt.

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268 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GRATIAM 269

Hellenistic period.'' One of the fragments goes under the name of ogram and kingship also the remarkable antithesis of
of divinity

Lokri/" The author elaborates the topos of the wise Being (ousia) and Becoming (genesis) which matches the esse or
Sthenidas of
possidcre as opposed to fieri and consequi in the Christian versions
king:
of that thought. The antithesis of atl and iv xpo'w, intensifying
The King must be a wise man, for so he will be an imitator and emulator
that of nature and imitation, likewise is reflected in the Christian
of the f^rst God. texts. ^^ Moreover, the concept of the royal dii et christi and of
He (the God) king and ruler by Nature [and by BerngJ,
is the first
kings as mediators between God and men is marked out very
Imitation. The one rules in the
the king only by Becoming and by
clearly in all the Pythagorean political tractates. Diotogenes, for
entire universe, the other on earth; and
the one governs and vivifies all
the other has only under- example, another Pythagorean, holds that the God-imitating king,
things forever, in himself possessing wisdom,
who himself is the Animate Law, "has been metamorphosed into
standing within Time.^
a deity among men" by grace, but by mimesis:'^
of course not
Chris-
The similarity, especially of the central section, with the .\nd Diotogenes resumes also the theme of physis and mimesis
tian doctrines is striking. The
resemblance of thought would when he contrasts the God, who "by nature" is the best of all
the present moment
reach identity of thought if we disregard for things most honored, with the king, who "by imitation" is best
the God and uni-
the fact that there has been set over against on earth and among men.*^*
not "by grace," but Other parallels are frequent and suggestive. We are reminded
versal King "by nature" a royal demi-god,
should not forget, however, to what extent
We of the Norman Anonymous and his distinction between the king
by "imitation."
the idea of imitatio had penetrated the
Christian and Jewish as an ordinary individual man and the king as Deus et Christus
in Sthenidas' parallel-
theories of kingship.""^ Moreover, there is by grace when we read how Ecphantus, a third Pythagorean, ex-

R plains the geminate nature of his king:''"'

Stobaeus, IV, 61-64, ed. Hense, IV, pp. 244f, 263-279; Erwin
vi, 22; vii,
Kingship, Yale Classical
Goodenough, "The Political Philosophy of Hellenistic also the Nes-
Les Traites de la Royaute d Ecphante, Commentaries on the Jacobite Liturgy, Oxford, 1913, 35, cf. 17;
Studies, I, 1928, 55-102; Louis Delatte,
according to whose edition the texts torian Order of Baptism, in H. Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, Wiirzburg, 1863,
DiotogJne et Sthenidas, Liege and Paris, 1942,
translation follows that of Goodenough. For L 336f; Chrysostom, In Actus Homilia XXX, 4, PGr., LX, 226-228, where the
are quoted here, whereas the English
and passim (especially the arguments on Holy Spirit the painter of the truly "imperial" (divine) images.
is
the date of the texts, see Delatte, 284f,
the reviewers; see, e.g., M. V. ""For iiaia in that place, see Delatte, 45, 270; cf. supra, nos. 31, 46; and for
DP 87 and io8f) the date seems to be accepted by
;

the antithesis of Time and Eternity, above, p. 263 (n. 35).

S. Morrison, in Journal
Charlcsworth, in Classical Review, LXIII, 1949, "f; J-
A. D. Nock mentioned some doubts be-
"Delatte, 39,11, and 255; Goodenough, 68. For the kings as .\nimate Law, see
of Hellenic Studies. LXIX. iq49, 9if;
read Philo" (see also Charlcsworth, the recent study by Artur Stcinwenter, "NOMOi: EM^I'TXOi:: Zur Gcschichte einer
cause there is no evidence "that any Gentile
politischen Thcorie," .\nzciger der Wiener .Xkademie, LXXXIII, 1946, 25off, and
p. 23, n. i).
Delatte, 24sff.
"For the name Sthenidas, see Delatte, 283.
for "vivifies (Jo-oc), '*Sec, for this passage (Stobaeus, IV, vii, 61, Hense, 265, 5), the commentary of
"Stobaeus, IV, vii, 63; Delatte, 4Sf, cf. 56 and 274ff;
Delatte, p. 254.
mimetes of God and Christ, ''See above, n. 10. Goodenough, 76; Delatte, 2;f, 28 (the passage h,is been
Above, n. 16. For the Byzantine emperor as
"

indicates Euscbius as the mediator of those ideas

transmitted twice by Stobaeus), and the important commentary, pp. I79ff.
see Baynes (below, n. 78), who
For the Jewish strand, see Delatte has not made use of the Philonic parallel adduced by Goodenough, Poli-
which, however, are found throughout (Agapetos). Loci
tics (above, n. 41), 99, a Philo fragment transmitted by .\ntonius Melissa,
the Letter of Aristeas, 188, 210, 281;
Goodenough, Politics of Philo, goff; see also
the philosophical communes, II, c. 2 (al. CIV), PGr., CXXXVI, 1012B: Tn Mf" oiaia tov awfiaTo% lao^
Nock (below, n. 81), 215: "Jews and Chri-Stians alike accepted iravrii Svepiiiwov 6 /3o<rt\fii5, eJoiKTi? Si tov dJiw/iiaToi o/uoios eiTTi rw ewi TrdvTwi'
and that it was his duty to rfi
view that the king was the counterpart of God verbatim repeated by the composer of the Russian Laurcnlian
general, see Michaclis, Art. ''ixi^lofxai, e^v. This passage is
imitate the moral excellences of divinity." In
Chronicle, ed. P. Bychkov (3rd ed., .Archeographic Commission), St. Petersburg,
/iiMITTij," in: Theologischcs
Worterbuch zum Ncuen Testament, ed. G. Kittel,
1898, p. 351 (ad a. 1175), who actually quotes Philo, though he
purports to quote
consider the ritual mimesis
Tubingen, 1959, IV, 661-678, who, however, does not
Cambridge, 1926, p. 8) or the spiritual- Chrysostom, when he writes; "By his earthly nature the Tsar is like all men;
of myths (see Sallustius, c. iv, ed. Nock,
mass-celebrating priest a "painter" imitating by the power of his rank, however, he is like God." I am grateful to Dr. Michael
ization of the painter's mimesis: the
Connolly, The Liturgical Homilies of Cherniavsky, at Princeton, for having called my attention to this passage. See
the true mass in heaven; see, e.g., R. H.
Narsai, Cambridge, 1909, 46- passim ; R. H. Connolly and H. W. Codrington, Two also below, n. 72.

r i -^im.
,
. i M

/ II 11
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270 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GRATIAM 271
On
divine
the earth
is the king
and among
who
us, man has the best nature of
claims the lion's share of the better elements in
all; but more batim, twisted it by changing "animals" into "men," and "man" ^ ^
into "king," and thus adapted Eurysus' statement to the king ^ %_
the common nature.
exclusively, claiming for him alone what had been said of man "
^~
He is like other men in his tabernacle,'**' inasmuch as he is formed of
the same material; but he is fashioned by the supreme Artificer, who
in general.Stratagems of that kind were rare in classical times ^ -i
when texts were not synonymous with absolute authority; and C ^
in making the king used himself as archetype.
even the Jewish interlocutor supporting Celsus against the Chris-
^
Ecphantus thus establishes also a king of two bodies or two tian exegesis complains that scores of prophecies had been claimed
natures, one human and the other god-like again, not godlike for Jesus, or by Jesus, which might just as well have been claimed
by by mimesis.
grace, but to refer to countless others."" This
tendency to establish and then
In addition to that Ecphantus availed himself of the stratagem to monopolize claims was daily bread in mediaeval thought, when
to claim for the king exclusively what normally would refer to words of the Bible were applied and adapted and turned around
man in general, a method not dissimilar to that applied by the as circumstances demanded, on the greatest scale by Joachim of
Norman Anonymous when he represented the ordinary baptismal Fiore. More relevant to the present problem is a phrase of Petrus
unction and "adoption" as though it implied a special privilege de Vinea, the imperial logothete and court orator, who in his great
of his royal and priestly anointed.''" Ecphantus borrowed the eulogy on Frederick II praised his emperor as the one quern
second sentence of the afore-mentioned passage verbatim from an- supremi manus opificis jormavit in hominem. What he did was
other Pythagorean, Eurysus, who was quoted by Clement of Alex- merely to twist by a new application Genesis, 2, 7: Formavit Deus
andria."'^ But Eurysus, in his Uepl ruxa?, does not talk about hominem; but since Vinea certainly did not want to proffer a
kings at all, he talks about man: truism, he evidently wished to imply that his emperor exclusively

Man and by special privilege had been formed by the hand of the
is like the others (sc. created beings) in his tabernacle, inasmuch
as he is formed of the same material (sc. as the animals) ; but he is
supreme Artificer himself."* Or, the most famous example of those
fashioned by the supreme Artificer, who in making him (man) used twists, I Cor. ,2,1 5: Spiritualis iudicat omnia, et ipse a nemine

himself as archetype." iudicatur. By a process, as tortuous as it is revealing, that verse

in which St. Paul demonstrates the inner sovereignty of man en-
In other words, Eurysus said that the Demiurge created man dowed with the Spirit, supposedly came to mean (and in practice
to his own image and likeness, a concept for which he may have it did mean and still does) that the pope exclusively was that
drawn inspiration from various sources, most likely however from
pncumatikos to whom the Apostle referred, and that he alone
Genesis, 1, 2 6." Ecphantus, while taking over that statement ver-
owned, in a forensic sense, the privilege of and being
judging all
" For and its equivalents, rendered by the Vulgate (i
iTKavos
tabernaculum and meaning the dwelling place of the soul, which
Ptr.,
1,13-14) as
the body, see
is
judged by none."- This twisting method of "monopolizing by 4.14
Delatte, 181. The word is used also with regard to the incarnate Christ, e.g., "Origen, In Celsum, I, 50, ed. Koetschau, loi, 17.
Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos, XC, 5, PL., XXXVII, 1163: "In ipso taber- " Huillard-Breholles, Vie et correspondance de Pierre de la Vigne, Paris, 1865,
naculo Imperator militavit pro nobis." According to the Acts of the Persian p. 426, No. 107; see, for a fuller discussion, Kantorowicz, "Kaiser Friedrich II.
Martyrs, it is used also by King Shapur to designate his own body ("so long as und das Konigsbild des Hellenismus," Varia Variorum: Festgabe fiir Karl Rein-
I remain in my tabernacle") cf. Oskar Braun, Ausgewahlte Aktcn Persischcr
;
hardt, Munstcr and Cologne, 1952.
Martyrer (Bibl. d. Kirchenvater), Kempten and Munich, 1915, p. 3, where the The material has been neatly summed up by Albert Michael Kocniger, "Prima "
i * ?
translator's question-mark may be safely omitted. t .
sedes a nemine iudicatur," Beitrage zur Geschichte des christlichen Altertums und
^~^
i?
"Above, n. II. der byzantinischen Literatur: Festgabe Albert Ehrhard, Bonn and Leipzig, 1922, '~'_
"Clement, Stromata, V,
29; Goodenough, 76, n. 75, gives that parallel, but 273-300. As usual, the papal maxim became a cornerstone
Delatte, i77ff., discloses its
s,
true implications.
finally of royal abso- * .^
lutism; see, e.g., Salmasius, Defensio regia pro Carolo I., Paris, 1650 (first published i O .S
" Delatte, 79, gives parallels from Timaeus, but believes that Eurysus was
1 in 1649), ch. VI, p. 169: "Rex a nemine iudicari potest nisi a Deo"; and p. 170: .> \^ <-'>
inspired by Genesis, i, 36. ". . . ilium proprium (regem esse), qui iudicat de omnibus et a nemine iudicatur."
'

y^S'^-*^i

I I I

U I u
 tU*l i*^ - tl*>**^J (pAXio^ft : Pick** d. c B>ftUoi/, tu)i/IUiA
X^ fcoa:t.VliN ,

272 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GRATIAM 273
exclusion" was indeed a very mediaeval method: the office claimed avOpoTToi deoi, deal avdpwiroi.'" For Clement the "gods" were
what was valid for man at large. It is a method of putting office exalted (that is, redeemed or saintly) men and angels, which was
above man, indicating at the same time the shift from man to true for Jerome too and for others as well."** Eusebius and others
office.The wheel turned full circle only when, with Dante, "Man" recognized them as rulers and princes. Jerome expressly rejected
himself, or "being Man," became an office. that idea, and thought rather of all men or at least of all Chris-
A related method of twisting, and of changing application, may tians. Theodoret and his predecessors or followers they de-
be observed in view of the dii of the Old Testament, and thereby pended directly or indirectly on Philo think of the royal man
some light will be shed on the natura-gratia formula so closely as Image of God. Ruiinus tells a spurious story about Constantine
connected with the "gods." Clement of Alexandria, when referring the Great who allegedly addressed the bishops assembled at
to Psalm 8 1, 6, interprets "gods" as those endowed with pneuma Nicaea as "gods.""" Pseudo-Isidorus, in the forged letters of
or gnosis,'''-^ those who are made perfect and therefore immortal,"* Popes Anacletus, Marcellus, Melchiades, and others, repeats
and he styles those human "gods" the synthronoi of the Saviour, Rufinus' statement, styling the bishops now quasi ex cathedra
ranking them with or after the angels."'' Occasionally he illus-
"gods." ^" Finally, Pope Nicholas I allows dii to refer to the pope:
trates the words of the 8ist Psalm by quoting Empedocles on "... pontificem quem constat a pio principe Constantino Deum
the sages that become gods,"" just as on another occasion he ex- appellatum, nee posse Deum ab hominibus iudicari manifestum
plains man's becoming like unto God by quoting Heraclitus: Nothing could be more
est." telling than the new twist from the
^ Stromata, II, xx, 125, s, and IV, xxiii, 149, 8, Stahlin, II, 181, 314; see also
plural pontificcs to the one Roman
and from the "gods" Pontiff,
Protrepticos, XX, 123, Stahlin, I, 86, 18. to the one God "who obviously cannot be judged by man." Surely
Paedagogus, I, vi, 26, i, Stahlin, I, 105, 22. Immortality is, per se, divinity:
'* ~^
this was "monopolizing by exclusion."
cl ovv addfaro! yi-^ovtv i d.v9pwirot, iarai Kal 6(6^ (Hippolytus, Sermo in sanctam

theopkaniam, c. 8, PGr., X, 860A). Sec G. W. Buttcrworth, "The Deification of We now see that with the interpretation of dii in the sense of
Man in Clement of Alexandria," Journal of Theological Studies, XVII, 1916,
" Paedagogus, III, Stahlin,
iSgff, and in the same volume (257ff) some further notes on the subject by i, 2, i, I, 236, 25; Diels, fr. 67.
Cuthbert Lattey, who points out that "deification" docs not imply polytheism, but
*
Jerome, Commentarioli in Ps., LXXXI,
G. Morin, Anecdota Mared-
i, ed.

La divinisa- solana, III:i, 1895, p. 63: "[dii] angeli sive sancti." See above, n. 20 (Cassiodorus),
sanctifying grace. For the Christian deification in general, see J. Gross,
n. 21 (Pseudo-Bede), n. 65 (Athanasius, .Augustine). Augustine prefers to think of
tion du Chretien d'apres les peres grecs, Paris, 1938; also M. Lot-Borodine,
men rather than of angels: ". non frustra in scripturis Sanctis expressius homines
La doctrine de la deification dans I'eglise grecque. Revue de I'histoire des religions, . .

nuncupatos deos quam illos inmortalcs et bcatos, quibus nos acqualcs futures in
CV-CVII, 1932-1933, and the remarks as well as bibliographic notes of A. D.
resurrectione promittitur." De civ., IX, 23, Hoffmann, I, 4408; cf. X, i, and XV,
Nock, in: The Journal of Religion, XXXI, 1951, 2i4f.
23, Hoffmann, 447, and
I, II, 112.
"Stromata, VII, x, 56, 6, Lattey (above, n. 64), p. 261,
Stahlin, III, 41, 24.
I, 2, PL., XXI, 468.
""Rufinus, Hist, eccl., See also Didascalia Apostolorum,
stresses that the usage of the word synthronos indicates a connection of Christian
II, 34, cd. R. H. Connolly, Oxford, 1929, 96,i7ff, for the bishop as king and god.
deification with Ptolemaic king-worship; the connecting link, however, should be
See the letters of Pseudo-Anaclet, c. xix, Pseudo-Marcellus, c. x, Pseudo-
sought in Psalm logCiio),!, a problem which I shall discuss elsewhere on a Melchiades, c. xi, ed. Hinschius, Decretales Pseudo-Isidorianae, Leipzig, 1863, pp. 76,
broader For the equation with angels, see also Friedrich .Andres, "Die Engel-
basis. 228,248, and passim; the places have been collected by Dr. Schafer Williams,
und Damonenlehre des Klemens von Alexandria," Rbmische Quartalschrift, XXXIV, \'isio aetatis aurcac ecclesiae Pseudo-Isidorianae, Ph.D. Diss, (unpubl.), Berkeley,
1926, :3iff; Williams, 162, n, 548. The idea, widely spread in the East and 1951-
especially in the early Church, was that Christ himself represented the "God of "Nicolaus I, />., 86, PL., CXIX. 961, Mon. Germ. Hi.st., Epistolac, VI, p. 486,
gods" with regard to deified men ("gods") who shared the throne with him; see, 178; cf. Jean Riviere, "Sur I'expression Papa-Deus au moyen age," Miscellanea

e.g., Irenaeus, Adv. haer., Ill, vi, 1, ed. Harvey, II, 22; Athanasius, Contra Arianos, F. Ehrle, Rome, 1924. II, 279, who correctly refers to Exod.,22,28, and Ps. 81,6,
I, c. 39, PGr,, XXVI, 92f. The idea is found also in the West: Augustine, Enarrat. but concludes that Nicholas wished to appear merely as primus inter pares. For
in Ps., XLIX, 1, XXXVI, 565 (with
PL., regard to the dii jacti) ; Cassiodorus, the principle of monopohzing by exclusion, see Friedrich Hciler, Altkirchliche
Expos, in Ps., XLIX, PL., LXX, 348D ("Deus autem deorum est Dominus .Autonomic und piipstlichcr Zintralismus, Munich, 1941, 27off, csp. 274f. Gregory
Christus"). This became finally the generally accepted interpretation, see Peter the the Great (Reg., V, 36, Mon. Germ. Hist., Epistolae, I, 318, i5ff) uses the Rufinus
Lombard, Comment, in Ps., XLIX, 1, PL., CXCI, 47sB. story with reference to priests in general, and Gregory VII, in his letter to Bishop

"Stromata, IV, xxiii, 149, 8, Stahlin, II, 314, 26; Dicls, fr. 146. Hermann of Metz (Reg., VTII, 21, ed. Caspar, 533), gives to the story an unmis-
takably hierarchic tcndcncv.

5/^^f

\ \ \ J
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 274 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER OR ATI AM 275

"anointed on earth" kings and priests the Norman Anony- through the adaptation of a restricted group of men, to kings
dii to

mous was good company, including that of his seventeenth-

in or bishops, did the natura-gratia formula become available also
century opposite number, Bossuet.''- At any rate, his arguments for political theory and political theology.
were based on a very definite and very sound tradition. This is To summarize, the mediaeval formula of "God by nature, gods
true also with respect to the "God-by-nature, god-by-grace" for- by grace," which has been thrown by the twelfth-cen-
into focus
mula which customarily was connected with the dii of the 8ist tury Norman royalist, goes back to the Pythagorean or Hellen-
Psalm. The usefulness of that formula for political theory hinged, istic antithesis of "God by physis, god by mimesis;' which the

of course, on the interpretation of dii in the sense of kings. That post-classical or late antique philosophers have combined with
was originally not the case. It is true that the contrast of physis their theories on kingship. To what extent certain other and older
and mimesis, which in the last analysis is Platonic,"' was adapted distinctions
<^uo-et Oeol and Oicrei Oeol, men immortal and gods

by the Pythagoreans to political theory as a means of harmonizing mortal, man a terrestrial mortal god and god a celestial immortal
the state with the cosmos, of attuning men
and the
to the king, man ' would demand consideration cannot be decided here.
king to God, and thereby also of exalting the king and making The way, however, in which Clement of Alexandria quoted the
him for cosmic reasons as similar as possible to the godhead.'^ Heraclitean audpojirot. deoi, 6eol dv6po)TToi, and Athanaslus, follow-

The Christian version of the physis-mimesis contrast had orig- ing St. Paul (i Cor.,8,s), introduced the sons of God and gods
inally nothing whatever to do with political ideas. The attuning iTc cVi yrj<;, eire iv ovpavo1<; allows us to wonder whether those
of earth to heaven was achieved by other means, chiefly through older distinctions, even though expounded in a new non-dialectical
the liturgy, whereas the new physis-charis formula served differ- and more appropriate fashion, may not have been contributive,
ent purposes. Origen, who may have introduced that formula to too.^^ At any rate, in the antithesis of "God-by-nature, gods-by-

explain those puzzling dii of the Old Testament, used the con- grace" we have to recognize the Christian equivalent of at least
trast of nature and grace for apologetic ends; and it retained its one aspect of pre-Christian deification, deification by mimesis.''''

when applied to christological thought

apologetic character also It is certainly not the only political theorem which survived dur-
as a defense and weapon against Arians and other heterodox. ing the Middle Ages by transference.^**
The formula then served, above all, to demonstrate that Christ The "transference" itself, however, demands a few words of
was truly "God by nature" and not identical with that plurality comment. How did the Hellenistic mimesis change into the Chris-
of "gods" who, if they were gods at
and not by name only, all tian charts, or how did imitatio enter into the natura-gratia
were Christian "sons of adoption" or "gods by grace." Only scheme? One has to start from the dogmatic truism that man
'"Vous etes des Dieux,mais dcs Dieux de chair et de sang, de boue et de "The relevant places have been collected by Bywater, in his edition of Hera-
poussifere"; quoted by Fritz Hartung, "L'etat c'cst moi," Historische Zeitschrift, clitus,Oxford, 1877, 26f, and by R. Walzcr, Eraclito, Florence, 1939, loif; see
CLXIX, As Dr. M. Chcrniavsky kindly points out to mc, the same
1949, 20. also Carl Langer, "Euhcmeros und die Theorie der <t>vaei und diati 0eol," Angelos,
arguments were used in Russia, around 1500, by the Abbot of the Volokolamsk H, 1926, As late as the i:th century, the Byzantine emperor is addressed
53ff.
Monastery, Joseph Sanin, Illuminator, c. 16, in: Pravoslavnyi Sobcscdnik, Kazan, 6tit iwiyttof, though x<>/>"'' (V. Valdenberg, "Nikoulitza et les historiens contem-

1857, Parts 3-4, pp. 6o2f: "You are gods and the sons of the most High. . .
porains," Byzantion, HI, 1927, 97; cf. R. Guilland, "Le droit divin k Byzance,"
God has placed you in his place on his throne, because the Tsar in his nature Eos, XLH, 1947, 142, 149), and to Hobbes (Leviathan, c. XV'II) the sovereign is
^'
is like all men, but in his power he is like the supreme God." See above, n. a Deus mortalis.
55.
"See Michaelis (above, n. 51), 663f, also for the increase of the word mniotiai *.\bovc, nos. 3:, 67; cf. n. 11. and below, n. 81.
and its works of Philo; Cherniss (above, n. 42), 62, for the
derivatives in the ^Hans Joachim Schoeps, Aus fruhchristlicher Zeit, Tiibingen, 1950, 298f.
Platonic usage of that figure of speech; and Henry G. Meecham, The Epistle to "Delatte, i52ff; N. H. Baynes, "Eusebius and the Christian Empire," Melanges
Diognetus, Manchester, 1949, i43f, for the commonplace character. Bidez (Annuaire de I'lnstitut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves, H),
"See especially the tractate of Diotogenes; Delatte, 37ff (cf. 270!!); Goode- Brussels, 1934, i3ff; Steinwenter (above, n, 53); also the study mentioned above,
nough, 7iff. n. 61.

i-<( < ^

(LTfLytto.

U I U J
276 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW DEUS PER NATURAM, DEUS PER GRATIAM 277
achieved his God-likeness and regained his original immortality In other words, the supranatural was interposed between
man and
as "Image of God" through the medium of divine grace, mani- his deification. And the supranatural
that is, grace had to
fested and activated through the Incarnation. Not by his proper be interposed if redemption were to make sense. It was this
nature, but by divine grace does man become like God. Apart antinomy of Classical and Christian attitudes which was over-
from the deification from above, however, it is in man's proper come when Dante, despite his full recognition of the celestial
power to become and be like God by imitation of the Godhead, paradise of grace, unlocked a paradiso terrestre to man's
proper
whereby the notion of mimesis implies not merely active imitation, virtii.

but also "ontologically" the Being like to God as the Living Image the Epistle to Diognctus, X,4, cd. Meecham,
86, who in his commentary (p. 134)
of the Deity. Hence the two notions of gratia and imitatio, appear- stresses that "it is the divine grace and
initiative that enables men to imitate God."
ing so often almost interchangeable, On the other hand, A. D. Nock pointed out that there were many
are in fact interrelated aspects of Chris-
tian "imitation of God" and human efforts towards imitation were
that the purely
through the medium of imago Dei. Man the Image ofGod is the considered effective too (Journal of Religion, XXXI,
1951, 214, in his review of
fundamental idea which charis and mimesis have in common and Meecham which unfortunately came to my knowledge only after having finished
the present study). However, also the pagan antecedents
of Christian deification
to which they can be reduced. There is hardly a difference be- had many aspects. It was the current view of pagan philosophy in the post-
tween cikon and mimesis, just as in charis the idea of elKwv tov classical era that the philosopher or the sage shared,
one way or another, the life
of the gods either by his nature or by his training (see
also above, n. 41)
Oiov is included. Gregory of Nyssa's xP^o-Tiai/tcr/id? eo-n t^5 6ela^ should be stressed, however, that for Plato the h^oiu^it
It
0(if existed onlv (card t6
'"
{j)v(Te(o<; fji.ifn]cri^ is probably the formulation bringing us as close Svvarov (Theaet. 176B) whereas Plotinus, when quoting that
passage (Enn.,II,i),
omitted the modification and allowed man to become god-like or
as we can hope to come to determining the transition from imita- such restriction (cf. 11,6). In that generalization, the
even god without
Neo-Platonists certainly
tion to grace. approximated Christian deification, a fact very strongly felt by Augustine.
He
fought the Platonici on the ground of their failure to make it
The difference between mimesis of
pagan thought and gratia of clear that their im-
mortals were, like good Christians, gods a summo Deo facti; for
if the Platonists
Christian thought remains nevertheless considerable. According would only admit that their gods were not per se ipsos beati, there would
be little
to the Hellenistic philosophers it was an act of man's own virtue difference between their teaching and that of the Christians who,
in agreement with
many passages of Holy Scripture, likewise called their exalted men dii (De civ.,
to become God-like and be the God's perfect imitator; it was an IX,23). Hence pagan and Christian deification, despite all obvious
contrasts, did
act of purely human effort and human industry: deorum virtus not appear totally incomparable, and the convergent trends might
be exposed in
a far more subtle and satisfactory fashion than by the essay
natura excellit, hominum autem industria, as Cicero puts it.**" of O. Faller,
"Griechische Vergottung und christliche N'ergottlichung," Gregorianum,
VI, 1925!
According to Christian teaching, however, man could not by his 426fr. For that purpose the most recent studies on Epicurus
should be considered
too, since they suggest a fellowship of the sage with the gods by
proper human power alone, despite his free will, hope to be re- some kind of
homogeneity rather than as a result of supreme efforts. Further investigations
in
stored to his divine Being and divine immortality: this was pos- that direction might succeed in establishing a new link between pagan
god-likeness
by the intervention of grace only, since every natural virtue
sible and Christian deification by grace. See A. H. Armstrong, "The Gods in
Plato,
Plotinus, Epicurus," Classical Quarterly, XXXII, 1938, 190-196;
Norman W.
became of merely relative value without veri Dei vcrus cultus. De Witt, "The New Piety of Epicurus," Transactions of the Royal Society of
Even if the possibility of a completely sinless virtuous man were Canada, 3rd Ser., XXXVIII, 1944, 79-88.

admitted, writes Augustine, this man would yet be without sin,

not by his own natural efforts and merits, but by divine grace.**'

'"Greg. Nyss., De professione, PGr., XLVI, 244C; also 244D; and In verba
'faciamus homincm,' Or. XLIV, 273D. Cf. Cherniss, 62.
I, PGr.,
* Cicero,
Topica, 76; cf. Delatte, 277, also for additional places.
"Augustine, De natura et gratia, c. 42(49), PL., XLIV, 271; also De civ., XIV,
1,5: "Dii enim creati non sua veritate, sed Dei participationc sunt dii. Plus autem
appetendo minus est. Illud itaquc malum, quo, cum sibi homo placet tamquam
. .

sit et lumen, avertitur ab eo lumine, quod ei, si placeat,

ipse et ipse fit lumen."
The idea of grace in connection with imitation and deification is found already in

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G
DEUTSCHER AKADEMISCHER A U ST A U S CH D I E N ST
Professor Dr. -heo^^or Klauser

BONN.DEN 21. April 1953

NASSHSTRASSE J 1
.

8854/55 -k/m- TELEFON 3i2 6n

Herrn
Professor Dr. Ernst Kantorowicz
Institute of Advanced Studies

Princeton / New Jersey c

U.S.A.

Sehr verehrter Herr Kollege Kantorowicz,

Ihre Untersuchung iiber die Formel "Deus per

nflturam, Deus per
gratiam", die Sie mir "mit den besten Neujahrswiinschen"
zuzuschicken
die Liebenswurdigkeit hatten, hat bis jetzt
ungelesen auf meinem Schreib-
tisch liegen bleiben miissen; Vervvaltungsf unktionen
und Lexikonarbeit
hinder-ten mich, mich friiher damit zu bofassen.
Heute habe ich Ihre
ebenso subtile wie ergebnisreiche Studie endlich
durchgearbeitet und
bin erneut tief beeindruckt von der Umsicht, dem
Spiirsinn und der Sorg-
fait, mit der Sie heidnische und christliche
Vorstufen mittelal ter_
licher Vorstellungen blosszulegen verstehen. Hoffentlich
haben Sie
Schiiler, an die Sie Ihre Methods und Sehweise
weitergeben konnen. Bei
uns ist der qualif izierte Nachwuchs sehr sparlich
geworden und ich
denke mit Sorge daran, woher ich die Heifer zur
Bearbeitung der vielen
Themen des Reallexikons fur Antike und Christentum
nehmen soil, -,venn nidt
das Ausland mit seinen Kraften einspringt. Zur
Sache habe ich im Augen-
blick nichts von wesentlicher Bedeutung beizutragen.
./as Sie an ^
deutscher Literatur nicht erwahnen, ist meines Erachtens
auch nicht
sonderlich belangreich. Das gilt speziell von K. Priimm,
Christentum als
Neuheitserlebnis (Freiburg 1939), wo auf Seite 235/64 uber
die Ver-
gottlichung verhandelt wird, im wesentlichen in den Spuren
Fallers, bei
dem das apologetische Interesse im Vordergrund steht.
Forderlich ist
dagegen die Untersuchung uber den Begriff der Gottverahnlichung
von
Platon bis Gregor Nyssa, die der Schweizer Merki, der Schiiler
von 17.
Theiler in Bern, vor einiger Zeit veroff entlicht hat.

-2-
 - 2 -

Sie sind durch Ihre Studien liber die politische Theologie so tief mit
den Problemen wie mit den Quellen vertraut, dass ich meinen mochte,
dass niemand zur Zeit besser als Sie selbst den Artikel "Herrscher"
fiir das Reallexikon schreiben konnte. .Viirden Sie einen solchen Auftra^
ubernehmen?

iiit den besten Griissen und Vmnschen Ihr sehr ergebener

(Professor Dr. Theodor Klauser)

U I L L
f\ll ll\(p l^u fcrio5f ll'p\\A^aro{/j] cZ CoU^cH(7y]
^^3

Amenc-eW Journal o^ /Ir^Ua^ofo^^^

9 ^k^
f^rficla (H uvii
q3S5)
rn6'10. i(rr{^v\d\ rA'j^\(mii 3>'l)

I J J
'37. "ZYN0PONOZ AIKHI," American Journal of Archaeology, LVII (1953), 65-70.

EK'a copy, nnnotated,

A. "G. Zuntz," (3x.^ slip)

B. Postcard from A. D. Nock, lij. Dec 53

C. Postcard from A. Alf oldi , 2?. Oct 53

D. "Appendix, Synthronos Dikei" (full sheet)

/ J u
U I L /
 .

df)

American Journal of Archaeology

Vol. 57, No. 2 (April, 1953)

2YN0PONO2 AIKHI
ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

JULIANUS, Prefect of Egypt under Justinian which a Pretorian Prefect under Justin II is
I, addressed one of his very many poems to styled "coachman of the throne of Dike" (Ai(o;s
Tetianus, a high official of the empire. Teti- 6p6vov fjvioxivuyv) .^ There is a shift within the
anus had refused to accept the governorship of metaphor when another governor is called "son
some distressed areas which the emperor had of the gold-crowned and right-minded Dike"
offered to him, and the poet praised that deci- (tt;'! \pv(ToaTC(f>avoto voT^fj.ovot vita AtKiy?) .''
Never-
sion. Tetianus (said he) wished to enjoy his theless, that, too, forms part of the large num-
inherited fortune and increase it righteously, ber of epigrams for Roman provincial governors
and he wished no more. For, "Justice, en- which acclaim the justice of the governing
throned beside you, knows ((rvvOpovo'; otSe AtK;) official and which have been recently collected

that you loathe to touch wealth won from and brilliantly discussed by Louis Robert.'
those that you rule." * In Didyma several in- Throne-sharing with Dike, of course, was not
scriptions were dedicated to the Proconsul a new feature. Dike, a daughter of Zeus, sat
Festus who, in or around a.d. 263, had accom- at the side of the father of gods and men, at
plished some public works. One of his improve- whose other side we often find Themis.^ The
ments by which he obliged the citizens was the two goddesses became also the natural throne-
new setting of a fountain which Apollo, miracu- companions of kings, especially when the Hel-
lously, had caused to gush forth when Gothic lenistic political philosophies conceived of the
barbarians were besieging the city while the king as fiLp.rjrrj'; of the supreme god.^ Dio of
town people were parched with thirst. The Prusa, for example, calls Kingship "the child of
waters had been sacred to the god; "now, how- Zeus the King" (Atos ySao-iAcw? tKyovos) , and at
ever, (expounds an epigram) this has become her sides there were seated Dike and Eirene as
the fountain of Festus, throne-sharer of golden well as Eunomia, while Nomos as chief adviser
Dike" (tu I'iJf Se $t)otoii (7Vv6p6vov )(pVCTr]<! A(K7;f) . and counsellor was standing nearest to her
A related idea is expressed in an epigram in throne.* Occasionally a philosopher might

1 Greek Anthology 9.445 ed. and trsl. W. R. Paton, III, 7 Erwin R. Goodenough, "The Political Philosophy of
p. 219. Hellenistic Kingship," Yale Classical Studies 1 (1928)
2 Supplementum epigraphicum graecum, red. J. J. E. 55-102; Louis Delatte, Les traitSs de la royauti
Hondius, IV (1929) No. 467.
.
d'Ecphante, Diotogene et Sthenidas (Lidge 1942) , Index,
3 Greek Anthology 9.779, Paton, III, p. 421, who forgot
s.v. "imitation;" Norman H. Baynes, "Eusebius and the
to translate these words. (Annuaire de
Christian Empire," Melanges Bidez I'ln-
4 P. Berlin, 10580, line SO; Berliner Klassikertexte , V
stitut de Philologie et d'Histoire orientales et Slave* 2,
(1907), p. 118.
1934), 13-18.
B Louis Robert, Hellenica IV (Paris 1948), dedicates
Dio Chrysostom, Oratio 1.73(1; cf. V. Valdenberg, "La
8
practically the whole volume to governor inscriptions,
thtorie monarchique de Dion Chrysostorae," Revue des
disclosing thereby one of the most fruitful sources for
etudes grecques 40 (1927) 159; cf. 148f, for the imitation
the knowledge of political thought. Practically all the
epigrams quoted in the present short paper have been of Zeus. For other examples as well as for the whole

discussed l)y him; for those quoted above, see pp. 25f, problem, see Arnold Ehrhardt, "The Political Philoso-
68f, 71f, 98, n.2.
phy of Neo-Platonism," Studi in onore di Vincenzo
6Thalheim, "Dike," RE 5.574; Rudolf Hirzel, Themis, ArangioHuiz (Naples 1952) I 457-482, whose interesting

Dike und Verwandtes (Leipzig 1907) study came too late to be utilized here.

65

I
I J c
L J
 66 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ [A]A 57
claim that "Zeus himself was Dike and Themis esistogether with the other Virtues the cn,\Spovoi
and the oldest and ultimate Law." and might of the Soul, and Origen called the same \'irtues
therefore accord a similar absolutistic character "tlirone-sharers" of Eusebeia who herself had
also to the king. Hovever, more moderate doc- her abode in the soul of the pious who turned
trines prevailed: one understood Dike and towards God.'^
other \'irtues as the king's throne-sharing com- Do we have
understand the governors'
to
panions though admitting the king's identity throne-sharing with Dike, as divulged by the
with the Law as r6fju>i e//Tr)fo.* Finally, what epigrams, in a figurative and moral sense, or do
applied to the king applied also to the gov- we have to take into consideration some cul-
ernors, especially when Diocletian's separation tual substratum. The cultual meaning seems
of civil and military administrations turned tobe favored by VV^ Vollgrafl. He refers to a
the governors primarily into judges qui iusti- number of epigram inscriptions mentioning a
tiam vestram (sc. imperatoris) iudicesaemu- "Temple of Dike," and like others before him
lantur.^^ Hence,
was only after it the middle of he takes those expressions (tc/ao'd?, 7rp69vpa Ai'kt;?,
the third century of our era that epigrams also ayxiBvpo'i and
. . . A1K17S, others) to mean
began to praise governors as cn-i-^^ovot XU-g (or real Dike in front of
shrines of the goddess
which "the Greeks of the fourth centurv- had
The word axvOpovo-:, a relatively rare word in the custom to erect statues of the proconsuls
classical Greek, appears more often in Hellen- whom they intended to honor." " Special sanc-
istic, late Roman, and Christian times. That tuaries of Dike were practically unknown in
gods were said to share their thrones with other classical times, and their ver)' existence has been
gods and demigods, or with kings, heroes, and inferred chiefly from the late epigrams of the
philosophers, was not only a peculiarity of the fourth century and thereafter." However, we
pagan ages. Christ as Man became the may reasonably have our doubts whether in
cn'i'^poi'o? of the Father, the Holv Spirit that of Christian times, as late as the latter half of the
Father and Son; Adam
was created (rCnSpovo's of sixth century, for example, a statue for Justin
God; the Apostles became throne-sharers of the II o' irpoBvpomri AUr/i, or for his Empress Sophia
Redeemer, and the Redeemed were expected should really suggest the
Aiici^s irpoirdpoiSf. Ox-pawv,
to share with Christ the Throne of Eternitv.^^ existence of genuine temples of Dike consisting
"Throne-sharing" there was also in a less cul- in (as Vollgraff assumed) "un edifice rond de
tual and more figurative or moral sense. Philo, dimensions Although \'ollgraff
modestes." i

for example, considered Dikaios\Tie and Phron- does not enlarge specifically on the subject of

f SeePluurch. Alexander 52.4, and Ad princ. inerud. God and King as Throne-Sharers." For a related sub-
4 Moralia 781 B) for the theories of Anaxarchos; also
,
jea, see .Arthur D. Nock, "Zilrroot ttot." Harvard Studies
Themistios, Oratio 9.12Sa, Dindorf, p. 147,4 ao \'alen- in Classical Philology 41 (1950) 1-62.
tinian II) further Artur Steinwenter, "NOMOJ
;
"Philo, Legum allegoriae 5.247, c. 88, Cohn-Wcnd-
EM-^-TXOS: Zur Geschichie einer poliiischen Theorie," land, I, p. 168: SiKO-iovvrii koX ^pirn^it itoi ol ciriporot
Anzeiger der Akademie der Wisiemchaften in H'i>n
Toi'Tifj fi-^t ^vx^s] iptral. A similar idea is found in
1946, No. 19, 250-268.
Cicero, ad Q. fratrem 1.1.51: "tuas vinutes consecratas et
^0 Paneg. lat. Baehrens. p. 265, 15f: see
2 (10) 5,
in deorum numero collocatas vides," quoted by Nock,
Robert, pp. 1075. in his brief but comprehensive resume.
op. cit. 58, note.
The phrase nrc jccra iudicam, frequently found in
inscriptions
Origen, CeU. 550, Koetschau, I, p. 246, 19: rdi
of that time, has the same meaning: cf.

Glanville Downe>-, "'Personifications of Abstraa Ideas in avrfiporovs toi't^i [r^j evcre^ftajl iptras- Figuratively the
the Antioch Mosaics," Trans. Amer. Philol. Ass., 69, word is used also in the Greek Anthology, 12.257.8:
(1958) 549-56!. avrSpofos tipviiat Ttpfiaatr eiuiaflat. .\ related meaning
11
For the alternative construction aOrporot r^JJt (icai) seems to be indicated by the enumeration of virtues in
TofSt, see Scholia in Dionysii Thracis artem grammati- inscriptions; cf. Downey, op. cit. S52ff.

cam, ed. Alfred Hilgard (T^ipzig 1901) p. 589, n. 2 i W. Vollgraff, "Argos dans la d^pendance de Cor-
(marginal note on the Scholia Marciana) . inthe au TV' siMe," Antiquity classique 14 (1945) 5ff.
12 I shall discuss the material in detail, including the IS RE 5.574.
theological asftects, in a forthcoming study: "ZtV^porot: i Greek Anthology 9.812, 815; Vollgraff, p. 9.

I L U
 ,

195S] 2-V"NrON05 AIKHl 67

throne-sharing, we may nevertheless deduce to think of architectural temple constructions

that whose statue was placed in
the person any more than when we read in Justinian's
from of these alleged temples of Dike could be Codex (1.17.1.5) about the sanctissimum tem-
staled with some justification, and with refer- plum itistitiae or even about (1.17.2.20) iusti-
ence to the temple, a miwao'; or irvvfipovry; Atr^. tiar Romanac iemplum. This is not factum de

Louis Robert, who has inspected the inscrip- marmore iemplum, which Ovid (Pont. $.6.2bl.)
tions for governors more thoroughly than any mentions, but one mentis in aede suae. In this
other scholar, arrives at a slightly different sense, a governor of Crete could be styled

result. While rejecting the thesis of those little "temple of Justice" (n^a? 'EvhiKiif^) .^* Louis
round sanctuaries of Dike, he makes ii quite Robert, it seems to me, is perfectly correct when
plausible that and similar expres-
refievo'; Aikt^-; denying the existence of shrines proper of Dike
sions refer simply to the praetorium or to the so far as they are e\'idenced only by the epi-
basilica where the governor sal in court and grams. He was, however, perhaps not quite
rendered justice. "C'est la que siege le gouv- specific enough when interpreting rnnSpovtn
emeur, avvBpnvo^ At'M;s." He admits, of course, AIkji chiefly in a figurative sense.
that 'the statues of governors were erected in There some e\idence that the
is, I think,
front of the sanctuary of Dike, since thLs fact governor was throne-sharer of Dike not only
is attested to bv very many but
inscriptions; figuratively, but also as a figura. The S'^riac

that the sanctuarv- itself, according to Robert, "Life of St. Basil" Amphilo-
is falsely ascribed to

was simplv the praetorium}-'' Qther inscrip- chius of Iconium, a friend of the great Capp-
tions, however, pronij)t him to claim that the docians of the fourth century. To the same
governor was "throne-sharer of Dike" mainly author there is ascribed also a Greek biography
in a figurative sense as a man giving right judg- of Basil which, however, is not identical with

ment and sitting on a tribunal

(diT/f) IBvhiKO's) the Siriac version. may actually go The latter

from which right judgment emanated {(i-rifxa back to the sixth centun .-" The S\riac version,
WvhtKox) }^ In other words, the governor ap- easily accessible in a German translation, be-

peared a throne-sharer of Dike tiirough his just gins with an interesting passage which has some
decisions and righteous judgments. This inter- rele^-ance to governors as throne-sharers of Dike.

pretation, to be sure, comes very close to a "The municipal authorities (writes the au-
purely figurative or "moral" meaning of the thor) do not deny recognition to governors,
Uteran^ image, even though Rolert still com- even to incapable persons whose administra-
bines the idea of throne-sharing with the actual tion has been but brief, by erecting images
duties of the governor-judge. in their honor. In fact, they represent them
With regard to VoUgraff's thesis it may be as just by means of STi-m-
and righteous of&cers
said that it appears highly imj)robable that bolic figures wliich the^ place on the right
TeMevos AtKrji: and related expressions entitle us and left sides of the statues. Although the

1" Roliert.
p 139. Tfac praciortum as a "ahrine" is Paolo Bedjan, Acta Marr\"rum et Sanctorum (Paris JB96)

perba}>s paralleled, as Professor Downe^ kindl^ pointed \'l, pp. 297ff; c. A. Baumstark, is Orims Ckristianus,
out u> me, hv Tiiemistius, Or. 4.52c R. Dindori. p C". Ser. 2, vol. 5 il915) 32Bt. For a German translation!,

will) speaks of CoH.staiiunople as the shnne (i/a>5i of upon which 1 have to relv, see Zetiersleen, in Onetw
the cmperoi. ChristianiLs, Ser. S. vol. 8 (1933) fTR. There is also a
If' Rolien, pp. 12fi, 17fi, passim, for thest and similar Greek text of a "Lite of Basil" attributed to Ampliilo-
expressions. cluus Iconium. which was pubhshed In Combefa,
of

1'' Inscription from Gortvn: Roliert.. p lO'i. For Ampttiiochii Iccmensn. Methodii yataren.szf el Andreae
i/fiiKto a.s the kings throne -sharer, see Themistius, Or. Cretensis opera paeco-lattna (Paris 1644) 155ff (not
15.189b, Dindorf, p. 233. accessible to me) ; von
ec also Karl Holl. Amphiluchitis
2<i
K.. von Zettcrsteen. "Eim Homilie des .^mphilo- Ikontum m seinem T'eriiultntf su den prosirn Kappa-
diius von Iconiimi iiiier liasihus von Caesarea." Tcii- uaztrrri Tiibinpen and Leipzip 19(4) 59. The Greek
schrift Lduard hachau zum siehzipsien Gehurtsiof,. lexl diflers trom tlie Svriac; see, ior the date of the

edited b\ Gotthold WeiJ (Berlin 1915) 223R. re^>njduces latter, A. Baumstark, Gescttichte der ryrischen Literatur

the Syriac text which had lieen previousl'. edited by (Bonn 1922) 262, with the note on p. S5S.

u I d
 .

68 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ [AJA 67

citiesmnv despise the unjust administration 'Evvo/j.irj'i. So<^tV Tnfur)>i) which the epigrams ad-
of thosf men they nevertheless exah them duce in his prai.se and which so ably have been
with pompous names. Thus, so as to have at put into focus by Louis Roberi.22 Such alle-
least one pleasure of those men's sins, they gorical synthrnnismoi of princes with political
preserve in the people's memory the images or civic virtues are found not only in epigrams
ol the officers rather than their power which but also in the political literature. Dio of
has disappeared from the city in which they Pru.sa, Themistios, Aulus Gellius, and others
had heen active for a short time only." offer famous examples of those personified vir-
The author then mentions the hronze statues tues .surrounding the throne, and their ideas
put up for the victors m the circus and in the lingered on throughout the Middle .\ges: Pla-
games before he starts to discuss proper
his centinus, the great jurist of the twelfth century,
subject, the mnnumcntum ae.re pcrenntus which outlines in one of his tractates an impressive
he ventures to place before the minds of visionary image of such
his a tcmplum lustitiac in
readers b) writing the Lite of Saint Rasil. which justice thrones with Reason and Equity
It is evident that the author, when describ- and other virtues.''-^
ing the statues or images of governors with the Similar personifications are just as common
flanking personifications, alludes to something in art. The miniatures, for example, of the
ttiat must have been common practice in the Paris Psalter abound in personifications of all
cities of the late empire. We know the "pomp- kinds. David as a harper appears in the com-
ous titles" h\ which the cities extolled the gov- pany of Melodia and Echo; David slaying the
ernors, for tiiose eulogizing words, mentioned lion is assisted by Ischvs; in his fight against
also by Gregory Nazianzen,^' have been re- Goliath he is protected by Dynamis. and when
peated over and over again in the epigrams. he prostrates himself do penance Metanoia is
to
But dci we know also tfu monuments, or can present.^-* More striking, however, and more
we imagine wtiat tiiey were liker relevant to the subject discus.sed here is the
We
are told that the symbolic figures were formal ceremonious ruler portrait in the same
supposed to represent the governor as just and Codex: David with Sophia on his right side and
righteous. In other words, f>ersonifications of Projjhetia on his left. The Psalter in his left
Dike, Themis, Eunomia, or other civic virtues liand IS. as 11 were, his lawbook which is in-
must have been placed on either side of the spired by the Spirit perched in the shape of a
governor's statue or image. In the companv of dove on tiie halo that surrounds his head and
those hgures the governor would actually ap- crown.=f' Similarly we find tlie Empieror Nike-
pear as "throne-sharer of Dike" or of any other phoros Botaniates (]()78-J()8Jj in the companv
of the personified jjolitical virtues (iSmT^p of Dikaiosyne and Aietheia.^e The pattern was

23 Oregon Naz., Carmim 2.T.7ft: Mignc, PC 37.1551: 2- liuchthal. PI. VII. Por ao0^a in the epigrams, see
Roi)en. 17. li is not unlikeh that unknown an Roiien. p
fj. tlit 107. n. 1. A replica of the image of David is
tlioT ofthe Syriai Pseudi.-Ani|>hiii)diian "Liti ot Basil' lound in a 12th-centur\ Psalter of the National Library
was inspired U\ Grcgor\ Nazianzeii and drew upon tlie in Athens (MS 9, fol. 1) ; d. Paul Buberl, Die Mtiuatur-
verses Ad Nemesxum, bui tiic investigation of the Svriac handsclirifleu der Natimmlhiblwihek in Allien I'Denk-
text lias til bt iett to others scliritten der Wiener Akademie. fi(J.2) 1917, p. 14, PI.
2- Robert, pp l.lfi, (ift <)lfl. WH. for tin persoiiihca X\'ll, hg. 38; tor other MSS influenced bv the Paris
tions in general, set- Downey (atMive, n.lO) . Psalier, see Buchthal. p. 2fi. nos. S, 4, who adduces also
23 Above, notes 8, 9; Gellius, Nodes Att. HA. For the a tew parallels (iigs 48-50) . That the master of the
"Templt of Justice" of I'lacentinus, sec Hermann Ran I'ans Psalter was not the one who introduced the tvpc
toniivia. Studies w tUr Glussatim of thr Honiati Lau Ls perlecth evident.
(Cambridge 1938) 183ff. Paris, B.N.MS Coishn 79, fol. 2: Henri Omont.
! Hugf) Ituchthal, Tlie Miniatures of the Paru. Psalter lacsimiles des mttiiatures des plus anciens MSS. giccs
(London 1938), Pis. 1, 2, 4. 8 That Mera^oto ha.s the de to Uihl. Nat. (Pans l9U2i , PI. LXIU. For other reprc
nieaniiif; ol 'prostration" has liecn stressed hv Milton sentations of Dikaimvne, see Downey 349, n. 1 (Coptic,
\ Calendar and Liturgy,' Humharton
Aiiastos. "Pletht>s 4ti. .ith and Sbh. n. 13 (Syrian, Euteknia flanked
cent.) .

Oaks Papers 4 (1948) 261, n. 403 by Philosophia and Dikaiosyne)

U
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 .

1953] 2YN0PONO2 AIKHI 69

familiar also in the West where, in the Gospel of paintings with epigrams added to the pic-
Book Monte Cassino, the official
of state image ture is shown by Gregory Nazianzen's poem to
shows the Emperor Henry II with Justitia and Nemesius and by many epigrams of the Greek
Pietas, Sapientia and Prudentia, Lex and }us, Anthology.'" On the other hand, there is no
while Ratio in the shape of the dove of the doubt that usually the governors would receive
Holy Spirit, descending from above, indicates statues. Groups such as those described by
tlie divine inspiration.^^ Pseudo-Amphilochius do not seem to have been
The late date of those miniatures (tenth and preserved. This, however, does not imply that
eleventh centuries) does not abate their im- they have not existed. In the so-called "House
portance because the painters were still working of Megalopsychia" at Antioch on the Orontes,
within the antique tradition. This has become reliably dated middle of the fifth century, we
perfectly clearfrom the paintings at Touna el find in the topographical border (section c)
Gebel, near Hermopolis, which prove strikingly of the great mosaic, between a group of dicing
that the personifications of human affections men and the front of a portico of seven col-
and emotions, which interpreted the state of umns, a group of three statues.-''^ They are
mind or the actions of the one portrayed, de- standing obviously in the piazza in the middle
rived from Hellenistic models.^** Moreover, in of the town ^- in front of some official building;
the Vienna Dioscurides (around a.d. 512) we and although that section of the mosaic border
find perhaps the most accurate example of those is badly damaged we yet recognize in the center
synthronismoi which the contemporary epi- a figurewith short tunic and paludamentum
grams allude to: Anicia Juliana, the noble probably a prince or pretorian prefect
{)atroness of arts and learning, seated on her flanked by two men whose high rank is sug-
sella curulis and flanked by Megalopsychia and gested by the long chlamys they wear and by
Phronesis.^" the long staffs they hold near their shoulders.^'
That the governor memorials often consisted We may assume that the governors with their

27 The literature on that MS (\'at. Ottob lat. 74, fol. The two cities, which here are haloed, appear often
193') has been convenientlv summed up by Herbert standing on either side of the chair oi the consul (e.g.,

Bloch, "Monte Cassino, Byzantium, and the West in the Delbruck, Pis. 16, 22-25, 32, 35) . Only in the Constantius
Earher Middle Ages," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 3 (1946) diptvch, however, are the\ genuine throne -sharers after
181, n. 53; see fig. 221 for a reproduction. For the Middle the pattern of the personified Commagene on Nemrud
Ages in general, sec Adolf Katzenelienbogen. Allegories Dagh. See further Katzenellenbogen. Allegories, PI. XI'V,

of the Virtues and Vices in Mediaeval Art (Studies of fig. 27, for Vergil between two Muses (cf. PI. XV, fig. 29) ,

the Warburg Institute, 10) , London 1939. and for a kindred subject, PI. X\'I, fig. 31 (Christ l>e-

28 Sami Gabra, "Caractdres de I'art copte: ses rapports tween Eleemosyne and Dikaiosyne)
avec I'art egyptien et I'art hellenistique," Bulletin de la so Migne, PC 37.1552 (Ad Nemesium, verse 13) , where
sociite d'archeologie copte 1 (1935) 37-41. For the indi- both paintings and sculptures arc mentioned. In the
cation of this article as well as for many another hint I Greek Anthology there are man\ epigrams connected
am greatly indebted to Professor Andre Grabar: it has with icons; see also the scholion to Anthol. Planud.
not been utilized in the excellent, if brief, outline of the (Anth. Graeca 16) 380, ed. Piibner, II, p. 640, quoted
history of personifications offered by Doro Levi, Antioch by A. A. Vasiliev, "The Monument of Porphvrius in the

Mosaic Pavements (Princeton 1947) 1, 253ff. and passim. Hippodrome at Constantinople," Dumbarton Oaks
2f> Dioscurides: Codex Aniciae Julianae picturis illus-
Papers 4 (1948) 40, n. 29. where an epigram l)elongs

tratus . . . phototypice editus, moderante Josepho de to the paintings in the irpoKinrnov (the imperial box)

Karabacek (Leyden 190fi) , fol. 6". Perhaps the diptych in the hippodrome.
of Constantius III (?) , of a.d. 417 (Richard Delbriick, 31 Doro Levi, Antioch. II, PI. LXXIXc, to which Pro-
Die Konsulardiptychen [Berlin and Leipzig 1929] PI. II fessor Sirarpie Der Nersessian kindly called my attention.
and [text] p. 89) , should lie mentioned in this connec- 32 Ibid., I, p. 331. See also Gregory Naz. Ad Nemesium
tion, too, because the personifications not of virtues, 14f, Migne PC 37.1552: ei- /itadrnai trrrtaavrts irroXUaciP-
but of cities: Rome and Constantinople are found Cf. Robert, p. 17, n. 2.

sitting together with the emperors on one tlirone bench. 33 Doro Levi, Antioch, I, p. 331.
70 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ [AJA 57
companions of personified virtues were repre- At any rate, the text of Pseudo-Amphilochius
sented in a similar fashion. Statues of Justitia makes it more than likely that the expression
are known to have existed.^* If represented mjv6povo<s AiK-g had also a more realistic meaning
together with that goddess, the governor would than has hitherto been recognized.
appear in fact as the "throne-sharer of Dike."
Ernst H. Kantorowicz
84 A. Milchhoefer, "Dike," JDAI 7 (1892) 203-208.
Justitia in imagery is very common, of course; see above, The Institute for Advanced Study
notes 26, 29.

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Institute for .idvanced ^tudy,

Princeton,

N.J.

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 APPENDIX , SYNTHRONCB DIKEI

For page 6?, in reference to the moral meant rg of throne-sharing,

marginalia: O.Ztintz, "The Altar of Mercy*', Classica et Mediaevalia.

3tXV (1953), 77. "Having the alUr of pity in one's soul", Philostratus,
V. ep.l3, Kayser 231, 18. (ep.39, Kayser 2U7, 18 - 13th God).

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"Inalienability: A Note on Canonical Practice and the English Coronation
Oath in the Thirteenth Century," Speculum, XXIX (1954), 488-502.

Offprint; no annotnt-.ions.

A. Letter from R. 3tuart Hoyt, i| Nov ^ij.

B. Letter from Josef Qeev , 9 Nov ^h,

C. Letter from Joseph R. Straver, 6 Oct

I J u
 AN OFFPRINT FROM

SPECULUM A JOURNAL OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES

Vol. XXIX July.1954 No. 5

INALIENABILITY: A NOTE ON CANONICAL PRACTICE

AND THE ENGLISH CORONATION OATH IN THE
THIRTEENTH CENTURY

ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

THE MEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

U I J I
 AN OFFPRINT FROM

SPECULUM
A JOURNAL OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES
Vol. XXIX July.1954 No. 3

INALIENABILITY: A NOTE ON CANONICAL PRACTICE

AND THE ENGLISH CORONATION OATH IN THE
THIRTEENTH CENTURY

ERNST H. KANTOROVVICZ

THE MEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

} I u
 INALIENABILITY Inalienability 489

A Note on Canonical Practice and the English must have sworn at some time something about maintaining the rights of the
Coronation Oath in the Thirteenth Century Crown and refraining from alienations. In other words, there must have existed,
By ERNST II. KANTOROWICZ in addition to the standard tripartite oath, some further promise or clause
con-

cerning non-alienation which curiously did not go on record and of which we have
In two letters, one of 1233 and tlie other of 1235, Vope Gregory IX referred to
only indirect knowledge through the papal letters.
the Coronation Oath of King Henry III of Englanil.' In the letter of 1233, Vope Edward I. No addi-
This as.sum])tion becomes almost a certainty in the case of
Gregory reminded the king that, at the time of Henry's coronation in 1216, he,
tional clau.se appended to the standard oath taken by King Edward has been re-
the young king, had sworn a corporeal oath "de regni Angliae iuribus et honorihus
corded, and yet the king himself, only a few months after his coronation, referred
ronservandis ac revocandis alienatis illicite vel distractis."^ In the second letter,
iuraveris, ut
in a letter to Pope Gregory X
to an oath sworn at his coronation by which, as
that of 1235, the i)0])e stressed once more that "in coronatione tua
known that
Edward asserted, the king was "astricted" to conserve the rights of the Crown.'
nioris est, iura, libertates et dignitates conservare regales."' It is well a
On seven other occasions the reader may be sent back again to Mr Richard-
"non-alienation clause" by which the king swore not to alienate the rights of the
son's exhaustive study* King Edward repeated that assertion. Finally, Pope
Crown and to revoke what had been alienated, did not form part of the custom-
Clement V alluded likewise to that clause of the coronation oath. We are, there-
ary oath which, with slight changes, had survived from Anglo-Saxon
trii)artite
fore, compelled to believe that in fact both Henry HI and Edward I took at the
times.'' That standard oath has been quoted by Bracton, and there is every reason
time of their coronations some additional oath which, for one reason or another,
to believe that Bracton reproduced, with substantial accuracy, the oath which
has escaped codification. When finally at the coronation of Edward II a fourth
the English king in the thirteenth century actually professed.' The papal letters,
clause was added, it differed in content widely from what his two predeces.sors
however (which, as Mr Richardson proposes in a highly suggestive study, may
must have sworn.'
even have repeated phrases used by the royal scribes),* indicate that Henry III
Nevertheless, the non-alienation issue had not disappeared from the oath of
' Nothing could l)e farther remote from the present writer's ambition than to rehearse at full length Edward II entirely. Mr Richardson, who has sifted and inspected the relevant
once more the vexed question of the English Coronation Oath and Edward II's "fourth clause." All material with great care and ingenuity, has remarked very correctly that in
that is intended here Is to communicate a few observations which may or maj' not prove relevant to liturgical books not all that is said is always codified (as occasionally, for example,
tlie problem of inalienability, and which have little to do with the aims of the subtle studies of B. Wil-
the Laudes) ;" andwe may add that not all that is codified, is always said (as, for
kinson ("The Coronation Oath of Edward II," Essays in Honour of James Tail [Manchester, 1933],
405 ff., and "The Coronation Oath of Edward II and the Statute of York," Speculum, xix [1944],
example, the commemoration of the emperor in the Orationes mlemncs on Good
445 ff.) or with the investigations of Percy Ernst Schramm (History of the English Coronation [Ox- Friday)." In the Liber regalis, a service book from the beginning of Edward II's
ford, 1937], 204 ff., and "Ordines-Studien III: Die Kronung in England," Archiv fiir Urkunden-
forschung, xv [1938], 349 ff., 357 ff.), although they have sometliing to do with the numerous studies
of the royal clerkswho, as he suggests, may have borrowed from Innocent Ill's bull of 1215 (con-
of 11. G. Richardson, suumied up in his penetrating article on "The Engli-sh Coronation Oath," in
drawn
Speculum, xxiv [1949], 44-75. Where Mr Richardson stopped the present brief note wishes to con- demnation of Magna Charta). However, the papal chancery itself could independently have
tinue, if only with a very limited goal. from the Innocentian bull by checking, so to speak, the file "England" in the papal archives.
' Parliamentary WriU. I, 381 f.: " et iureiurando in coronacione nostra prestito sumus
. .
astricti
.
^ W. Shirley, Royal and Other Historical Reign of Henry III (London, 1862), I, 551.
Letters of the
qno<l iura regni nostri servabimus illibata." See below, n. 60.
' Rymer, Foedera, i: 1, 229, and, for the correct date (1 July), Potthast, 9952; cf. Richardson, p. 51,
' Richardson, p. 49 f.
nos. 43, 44.
Edward II itself, see the studies by Wilkinson and Schramm (above, n. 1), but
*The problem has been clearly recognized by Professor C. H. Mcllwain, The Growth of Political
For the oath of

also Richardson's earlier studie.s. Richardson, p. 60 has demonstrated that the non-alienation
ff.,
Thought in the West (New York, 1932), p. 379: "It is a curious fact calling for further investigation,
reference to the
that in no surviving contemporary form of the English medieval coronation oath
promise was actually embedded in the first clause of Edward II's oath, that is, in the
is there to be
Confessor, including the interpolation from the Leges Anglorum. The problem
of
found any provision touching the inalienability of regalian rights; and yet the statements just cite<l, Laws of Edward the
inalienability in the Leges Anglorum will not be dealt with here. It should be mentioned, though, that
and a number of others, seem to leave no doubt that in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries at
Historical Research, xvi
least, the English king at his coronation did take some kind of solemn engagement under oath not to the findings of Richardson, as put forth in the nulletin of the Institute of
4th Series, xxni (1941), 149 f.,
dismember (1938). 7 and 10. and in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society,
his realm nor to 'blemish' the rights of his Crown . . .
." The history of tlie tripartite
xv. 350. according to
Anglo-Saxon oath has been defeat the thesis of Schramm, Coronation, p. 206. and in Archivf Urk. Forsch.,
efficiently and conveniently summed up by Schramm, Coronation, pp. but to Ed-
which the rex Edwardus of the oath of 1308 supposedly referred, not to the Confessor,
179 ff.

Bracton, De Legibus, ward I. See below, n. 64.

' fol. 107, ed. Woodbine, ll, 305. For the recension which Bracton used, and
Richardson, p. 46.
'"
for the slight changes resulting from the oratio obtiqna, see Richardson, pp. 44 f., nos. 3-4; also Fritz
" See. e.g.. Edmund Bishop. Liturgica Historica (Oxford. 1918), p. 297: " the present Roman . . .

Schulz, "Bracton on Kingship," English Historical Review, Lx (1945), 137, 145 ff.
'Emperor.' " In the more
Richardson,
Missal, in which we may read, but do not say. a commemoration of the
p. 52, has tried to reconstruct from Gregory's answer to Henry III, in 1283, the work commemoration of
recent editions of the Missale Romanum (e.g.. New York edition of
the 1937). the

488 the emperor has dropped out completely. Similar examples may be found time and tune agam.

What about the acclamation, for example, to the nobilissima proles in the Laudes of Emperor Henry

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 490 Inalienability 491
Inalienability

clause of the coronation oath of Henry III, sworn to apparently also by Ed-
reign,which may have been used at the coronation itself, Mr Richardson has dis-
ward I and perhaps even by Edward II.
covered an anonymous additional note saying "that the king at his coronation
has to swear to maintain undiluted the rights of his kingdom. "'^ In that note, *

perhaps a reminder to the celebrant, the anonymous cleric made a perfectly been observed recently by Profes.sor Marcel David that after the age of
It has
scholarly allegation to the Liber Extra, the Decretals of Gregory IX. Thnt he
is, the church reform in the eleventh century the old professiofidei made by a bishop
quoted in a juristic manner aPope llonorius III, originally directed
decretal of at his consecration changed into a iuramentum fidelitatis, and that this change
(in 1220) to the Archbishop of Kalocsa in Southern Hungary, in which
the pope affected, in the course of the twelfth century, also the secular sphere when
the
complained of certain alienations made by King Andrew II of Hungary altliough king's coronation promissio was gradually transformed into a coronation iura-
that king "in sua coronatione iuraverit iura regni sui et honorem coronae illibata
mentum.^^ This change was paralleled by the development of the episcopal oath
servare."" itself and of its wording. Under the influence of feudal law, which
began to spread
This decretal, first identified apparently by Professor Schramm,'* has been in the States of the Church during the eleventh century," as well
as more gen-
quoted by Mr Richardson according to Friedberg's authoritative edition of the erally under the impact of the imperializing tendencies which transformed
the
Corpiis iuris canonici}^ Unfortunately, the philologically best edition is not al-
Church administration into a centralized papal monarchy,'" the ancient oath of
ways the one most useful to the historian. The Kriiger-Mommsen-Schoell edition office taken by bishops and prescribed by the Liber diurnus was
replaced by a
of the Corpus iuris civilis, for example, is next to useless for the mediaeval ist, be-
new form.2' Whereas the ancient formularies of the Liber diurnus demanded from
cause lacks the index of initia of the individual laws and, in the edition of the
it
the bishop a.ssurances mainly in matters of faith and of devotion to the papal
Novellae, even that of the rubrics." The old sixteenth-century editions of both
head of the Church, the new oath was rather a politico-administrative oath of
Roman and canon laws, despite their dubious readings, not only arc far more con- officeand fealty in which the word "faith" no longer had a place. ="
venient and even indispensable for verifying mediaeval allegations but also The oldest form of the new oath goes back, so far as we know, to 1073. It is
yield materially more to the mediaevalist than the modern editions because the oath which Archbishop Wibert of Ravenna, at his ordination, swore to Pope
and that above all they contain
the otherwise almost inaccessible ordinary Alexander II; for, the three North Italian metropolitans (Ravenna, Milan,
glosses.i^ But, alas, ghssae non leguntur
and therewith we historians deprive
' Marcel David, "Le serment du sacre du IX" au XV
ourselves of the accumulated scholarship of many generations while endeavoring si6cle," Revue du Moyen Age Latin, vi (1950),
esp. 168 ff. (published also .separately, Strasbourg, 1951); see also the review by
at the same time individually Schramm, in Zeil-
to reassemble materials which schools of glossators schrift der Satrigny-Siiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte, germ. .\bt. lxix (1952), 542-547.
have collected already 700 years ago. Had Mr Richardson checked, not indeed " Karl Jordan, "Das Eindringen des Lehenswesens
in das Rechtsleben der rBmischen Kurie,"
the best edition, but one of the old glossed editions of the Gregorian Decretals, Arch.f. Urk. Forsch., xii (1931), 13-110, esp. 44 ff.
the present paper would have been superfluous, because the gloss would have " See, for the imperialization of the papacy, Schramm, "Sacerdotium und Regnum im Austausch
ihrer Vorrechte," Studi Gregoriani. u (1947), 403-457. esp. 436 ff.; also my Laudes regiae,
sent him in the same direction as it sent me, when, in the course of a little investi- p. 135 B.,
and the article "Dante's Two Suns," Semitic and Oriental Studies Presented to William Popper (Berke-
gation on the notion of "Crown" in canon law, I naturally chanced upon the de-
ley and Los Angeles, 1951), p. 229, for the "Sun-Papacy"; and, for some additional features
(the papal
cretal of Honorius III. He would have found most or all of the allegations
which "omni-insular theory"), Luis Weckmann, Las Bulas Alejandrinas de li93 y la Teorla Poliiica del
are used in the following pages and, as I believe, clarify that fourth or additional Papado Medieval (Mexico, 1949), esp. pp. 37 flf.

"' For the history

of the episcopal oath, see the very thorough study of Th. Gottlob, Der kirchliche

II,whose saintliness was founded also in his Joseph-like marriage and who certainly had no Amtseid der Bischofe (Kanonistische Studien und Texte, ix [Bonn, 1936)). a book which should be
proUt
worth the acclamation? See my Laudes regiae (Berkeley and Los Angeles, consulted throughout even when not mentioned in the footnotes. For the early oaths, see Liher
1946), p. 99, n. 119.
"^Richardson, in Bull, of the Inst, of Hist. Res., xvi, 11. diurnus, Nos. 73 {^Promissio fidei episcopi), 74 {Cautio episcopi), 75 {Indiculum. episcopi), and 76

" The allegation Extra de vireitirando, inteUe<-to, etc., refers to Liher Extra, {Indiculum episcopi de Langobardia), ed. Th. von Sickel (Vienna, 1889), pp. 69 ff., 74 ff., 79 f., 80 f.;
title De wreiurando.
chapter Iniellecto, that i.s, to c. 33 X, 2, 24. the edition in Migne, PL, cv, 67 ff., is confusing. The forms have been reprinted by Gottlob,
pp. 170
" See Schramm, a., and analyzed, pp. 11 ff.
Arch.f Urk. Forsch., xvi (1939), 284. Wilkinson, in Speculum, xix, 450, n. 1,
in
apparently overlooked Schramm's remark, because he has thoroughly misunderstood " This item, of course, has been noticed by Gottlob, p. 45, who indicates (p. 122) that the essence
the canonistic
of the ancient Promissio Jideiis contained in the first clause of the new oath: "Ego
reference. ab hac hora . . .

" Richardson, in antea ero Sancto Petro etc." This, in fact, is the opinion of Innocent IV, quoted by Johannes
fidelis
p. 48, n. 26, quoting E. Friedberg, Corpus iuris canonicl (Leipzig, 1881), ii, 373.
' See Hermann Kantorowicz, "Die Andreae, Novella in Decretales (Venice, 1612), fol. 184, on c. 4 X, 2, 24 (Ego. N.). gl. Sancto Petro:
Allegationen im spSteren Mittelalter." Arch. Urk. Forsch.,
f.
xin (1935), 15-29, esp. 25 f. "id est fidem quara beatus Petrus servavit et docuit, fideliter observabo." However, fidelis ero refers

" Throughout I am quoting canon law according to a glossed standard edition to fealty rather than to faith; accordingly Johannes Andreae {loc. cit.), when glossing on
fidelis,
in three volumes
(Turm, 1588), and Roman law according to a glossed standard sends the reader to Hostiensis who glossed on that word under the title De feudis of the DecreUls;
edition in five volumes (Venice,
1584), without reference to volume or page.
see his Summa aurea (Venice, 1586). col. 972, on X, 3, 20, n. 10. See, for the controversy, below, n. 29.

U
/
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I
 492 Inalienability
Inalienability 493
Aquileia) were consecrated by the pope himself.*' The oath contained seven of the oath of fealty taken by Robert Guiscard in 1059.''^ It is not impossible that,
clauses,''^ of which the last three referred exclusively to certain episcopal duties:
a few months earlier than the Norman prince, Archbishop WidoMilan de-
of
(V) to the reception of papal legates, (VI) to the appearance at synods when sum-
livered a similar oath;"* but the form of Wido's oath is not preserved, and there-
moned by the pope, and (VII) to the annual visits ad Umina Aposlolorum.^ The
fore Gui.scard's oath of 1059 represents to us the earliest pattern of the first four
four clauses, however, were of a different nature. The bishop (I) swore fealty
first
clauses which were to be included into the new episcopal oath. Although that new
and obedience to St Peter, the Church, and the pope, including the pope's legiti-
episcopal oath implied neither vassalage nor feudal tenure in the proper sense of
mate successors; (II) forswore acts of treason in counsel and action; (III) prom- those words with regard to the spiritualia this actually would have been simony''
ised secrecy with regard to everything the
either directly or throughenvoys or in
pope might intimate to the bishop
writing; and (IV) swore to defend the
the general influence thought is nevertheless evident. This influence
of feudal
can be traced back to Fulbert of Chartres (975-1029?). Fulbert, when asked what
papatus Romanus and the regalia sandi Petri.^
an oath of fealty should contain, gave his expert opinion in a letter (1020 A.D.)
Clauses I-IV agree, minor changes not withstanding, with the first four clauses addres.sed to Duke William of Aquitaine, and the points enumerated by Fulbert
" See Gottlob,
pp. 20 ff., 44 f. The claims of the papacy to the two formerly Lombard ecclesiastical match, by and large, clauses I-IV of both the Guiscard oath and the new episco-
provinces and to that of the Exarchate of Ravenna, of course, are very old.
pal oath.'" The authority of Fulbert's letter in later times is easily explained, for
For the form of Wibert's oath, see Deusdedit, Collectio canonum, v, c. 423, ed. Wolf von Glan-
'<

vell (Paderborn, 1905), i, 599; Liber censuum. No. 148, ed. Fabre und Duchesne
in was included by Gratian in his Decretum,^^
the cour.se of the twelfth century it
(Paris, 1910), i, 417;
Gottlob, pp. 176 f.; also Gregory VII, Registnm, i, 3, ed. Caspar (Berlin, and it was included in the Libri feudorum as well.'" Hence, through Fulbert's letter
1920), p. 6, n. 3.
^ Those clauses agree with the standard oath (below, n. 35), which Johannes Andreae, loc.
cit.,
the feudal background of the new episcopal oath finds a plausible ex-planation.
calls the F(rrma iuramenti septem capitula continens. For the bishops' annual visits to
Rome, see Only in one respect did the oaths imposed by the Holy See show a remarkable
Jaiiuarius Pater, Die bischiijliche tisitatio liminum. as. AposUilorum (Veroffentlichungen
der Gcirres- deviation from feudal norms: the defense of the personal lord, the pope, has been
gesellschaft: Seklion fUr Rechts- und Sozialwissenschaft, xix [Paderborn, 1914)). That limina Apos-
supplemented by a defen.se of the impersonal papatus Romanus and the likewi.se
toloritm finally came to mean not Rome, but the pope, has been clearly expressed
by Johannes An-
dreae, who renders only the common opinion when he glosses Limina: "limina enim impersonal regalia sancti Petri, two notions which hardly antedate the eleventh
apostolorum esse
intelliguntur, ubi est papa ... qui liminibus illis praeest et qui fungitur
vice et auctoritate eorum
century and which are probably coinages of the Reform Papacy."
(sc. apostolorum)."
"Papatum Romanum et regalia sancti Petri
''
adiutor ero ad retinendum et defendendum, salvo
inated from the episcopal oath as prescribed for the bishops of the United States of America; see
meo ordine, contra omnes homines." The notion of regalia sancti Petri, abundantly used or perhaps
Gottlob, p. 99, n. 103.
even introduced by the Reform Papacy, indicates yet another feature of the "iniperialization" of
For Guiscard's oath, see Deusdedit, Cdl. canonum, iii, o. 285, ed. Glanvell, 393 f.; Liber censuum.
*'
the papal Church (above, n. 20). The term appears not only in the oaths of the Norman princes and
No. 163, ed. Fabre and Duchesne, i, 422; and, for the repetition of the oath in 1080, Gregory VII,
in the oaths and promissiones of many German kings and emperors
see, e.g., Mon. Germ. Hist.,
Registrvm, \m, la, ed. Caspar, p. 514.
Const., I, 564, 14, No. 394 (oath of Conrad, son of Henry IV, to Urban II, in 1095), or op.cit., 168,
" Gottlob, p. 43.
17, No. 115 (Promissio of Lothar, in 1133), or 201, 26. No. 144; also 353, 29, No. 250 (Barbarossa)]
-' See 11 X, 5, 41, a decretal of Lucius III: "Indignum est et a Romanae ecclesiae consuetudine
and, in a slightly different form (negotiations with Henry V), 159, 31, No. 107, also
163, 29, No. 1 10 c.

alienum, ut pro spiritualibus facere quis homagium compellatur." See also gl. humagium on that
but also in the writings of the political pamphleteers of that period. See, e.g., the Dialogus
de Pon-
decretal: "id est .sacramentum fidelitatis, qviod pro aliquo spirituali facere quis non debet, cum sit
tificatu, in Mon. Germ. Hist., LibeUi de Lite, in, 538, 30; also Gerhoh, De investigations

I, c. 69, op. cit., 389, 10, who claims that it was the duty
Antichristi,
illud simoniacum ." Since, however, all the decisive words
. . .

such aafidelitas, beneficium, etc.
to defend et regalia atque pmUificalia beati
were ambiguous (see above, n. 22), they were open to feudal interpretation as well. See, for the con-
Petri. The antithesis of regalia and pontificalia reflects the rex et sacerdos idea
which dominates the
troversy on that point, Gottlob, pp. 115 ff., who (esp. pp. 120, 125) proves convincingly that the
Reform Papacy and which Gerhoh (388, 45) expresses quite bluntly when he says that the bishops,
episcopal oath was not really a feudal oath. However, Pope Innocent II, at the Lateran Council of
since they possess not only the sacerdotalia of tithes and oblations but also the regalia on the part of
1139, himself remarked that "Romani pontificis licentia ecclesiastici honoris celsitudo quasi foeudalis
their king, may claim to be quodammodo et reges et sacerdotes domini;
they are therefore entitled to
iuris consuetudine suscipitur et sine eius permissione legaliter non tenetur." Mansi, Concilia, xxi
demand obedience on the part of the people and even an oath of fealty ad dejensionem videlicet re-
534, quoted by E. Eichmann, Dit Kaiserkrunung im Abendland (WUrzburg, 1942), ii, 172; see also
galium simul et poniificalivm beati Petri. See, in that connection, also Descriptio Laleranensis Ec-
p. 178, for the parallelism of episcopal and feudal oaths, and, for a very striking later example,
clesiae, c. 9, ed. R. Valentini and G. Zucchetti, Codice topografico della Cittd. di Roma (Fonti per la
F. Bacthgen, "Die Promissio .\lbrechts I. fUr Bonifaz VIII.," Aus Politilc und Geschichte: Geddchl-
Storia d'ltalia, xc [Rome, 1946]), iii. 345, 5 (including the variant reading in the footnote), where the
nisschrift fiir Georg von Below (Berlin, 1928), pp. 75-90.
pope is styled sacerdos regalis et imperialis episcopus. Those concepts were supported by Justinian's
" Fulbert of Chartres, Epistolae, 58; Migne, PL., clxi, 229 CD.
Novella IX
mediaeval interpretation (Rome as patria legum,fons sacerdotii).
in its
Also the notion " Decretum, c. 18, C. 22. q. 5, ed. Friedberg, i, 887. with n. 157.
papatus (absent from the ifftcr diurnus) became current at the same time; for whereas the
consider- ^ Lehmann, Die
Libri feudorum, n, 6 (in Vol. iv of the Corpus iuris civilis; above, n. 17). Karl
ably older notions of pontificatus and patriarchatus designated umambifruously the
spiritual aspects
Entstehung der Libri feudorum (Rostock. 1891; also in Festschrift der Rostorker Juristenfakultdt zum
of the office, papatus could be easily adjusted to encompassing also the temporal sphere and thus to
60 jiihrigen Doktirrjubilaum Sr. Excellem des Staatsrathes Dr. von Buchka), pp. 34 f., claims that the
fall in with the rex et sacerdos theories. Hence, Innocent IV interpreted the word papatus of the oath
epistola Philiberti (i.e.. Fulberti) came very early into the collection of the Libri feudorum and is found
as meaning principatus tarn in spiritualibus quam in iemporalibus; see Johannes Andreae, loc. cit.
already in the twelfth-century Cod. Par. 4615 (see p. 17).
(above, n. 22). All those terms are very much need of being carefully investigated. It is noteworthy
in
^ This has been noticed also by Eichmann, "Die rOmischen Eide der deutschen KOnige," Savigny
that both the word fidelis (clause I) and the words regalia sancti Petri (clause IV) have been elim-
Zs.f. Rechtsgeschichte, kan. Abt. vi (1916), 172. See also above, n. 26.

U JJ
I
494 Inalienability
Inalienability 495
The oath which Wibert of Ravenna took in 1073 became, with minor changes,"
the "standard form" which, appropriately modified, was to serve many other pur- clause VIII, which was simply tacked on to clause W\ (annual visits ad limina
poses as well.** It was included in the Liber Extra of Pope Gregory IX, in 1234, Apostolorum), the archbishop swore that he would not sell, give away, pawn, rein-
and therewith became the oflScial norm within the Roman Church. ** It still con- feudate, or otherwise alienate, inconsulto Romano pontifice, the property pertain-
tained no more than the seven clauses followed by the customary corroboration: ing ad mrnsam archiepiscopalem, that is, pertaining to the "table possessions" of
Sk me Deus adiuvet et liaec smieti Dei evangelia. What a surprise, then, to find the archbishopric, which served for the support of the archbishop and a few other
around 1200 A.D. scattered references to some additional oath! In a decretal of purposes.**
Pope Celestine III (1191-98), originally a letter addressed to Archbishop William To what extent the non-alienation clause was be something additional
felt to

of Ravenna, the metropolitan was reminded of his "oath of fealty" by which becomes strikingly clear when we turn to another thirteenth-century formulary,
"he was held to alienate nothing from the Holy See."'" Similarly, Pope Innocent referring to Amanicu II of Armagnac, archbishop of Auch, who was consecrated in
reminded the archbishop of Milan in a letter, which
III, Celestine 's successor,
i Rome in 1263. This is, seemingly, a rather late date. In fact, however, the fornm-
likewise became a decretal, that the archbishop was "held astricted by his oath lary is archaic as archaic as the manu.script itself in which it has been trans-
not to reinfeudate anew without previous consultation with the pope."" mitted and which served Professor Andrieu for the reconstruction of the
]\I.

The parallel of canon law evidence with available evidence concerning England Roman pontifical of the twelfth century.*' In the formulary of Auch we find the
is striking: in England, an official oath of only three clauses, and yet a frequently customary seven clauses of the standard oath as prescribed by canon law in the
mentioned non-alienation clause; in Rome, an official oath of seven clauses, and Liber Extra; there follows the corroboration, and thereafter, in no organic con-
some additional non-alienation clause. With regard to
yet repeated allusions to nection whatsoever with the oath proper, comes the non-alienation clause. It will
Rome, however, we are more fortunate than with regard to England, because simplify the matter if the oath, beginning with the seventh clause, be quoted here
forms containing the "eighth clause" of the episcopal oath are indeed known. in full."
Forms containing clause VIII begin to make their appearance by the time of (VII) Apostolorum limina singulis anni.s aut per me aut per meum nuntium visitabo, nisi
Pope Gregorj- IX. The earliest one so far known refers by chance to Archbishop eorum absolvar licentia.
Edmund Abingdon of Canterbury, consecrated in 1234. It has been transmitted
Sic me Deus adiuvet et hec sancta Dei evangelia.
in the Liber eensuum with the forms of Archbishops Marianus of Tuam (1235),
Upsala (1236), Peter of Rouen (1237), and Martin of Leon (probably
Jarlerius of " "Possessiones vero ad mensam mei archiepiscopatus pertinentes non vendam neque donabo
Martin Arias: 1239)." We know, however, also the forms of Raoul of Lyon Deque inpingnorabo neque de novo infeudabo vel aliquo modo alicnabo inconsulto Romano pontifice.
(1234)" and of Ra\-mond of Peiiafort, who became archbishop of Tarragon after Sic me Deus adiuvet et hec sancta evangelia." The phrase inconsulto Romano pontifice was u.sed, in
that connection, already by Innocent III (above, n. 38). The English writ Denon procedendo rege in-
1234.^' That is to say, forms containing that "eighth clause" make their appear-
eontuUo, famous through Sir Francis Bacon {Works, ed. James Spedding [London, 1870], \ii, 687 ff.),
ance suddenly and simultaneously in the thirties of the thirteenth century. In that has nothing to do with the canonistic formulae. For the mensa episcopalis, see .\. Poschl, Bischnfsgut
und merua episcopalis (Bonn, 1908-1911); also his "Bischofliche TafelgUter oder Urbare," ZeiUchri/t
" One changes refers to the phrase "pape
of the suisque successoribus, qui per mehuref car-
. . . del hifiorischen Vereint fiir Striermurlc, xx\T (1931), 141-153.
dirudes intraveriBt." The sUndard oath has replaced the iUlicized words by canonke " The form, as yet unknown to Gottlob, was published by Michel Andrieu, Le Pontifi/^(d romain
(catholice, in
the oath of King John [see below, n. 35], is an error and must \>e corrected), because in the meantime au moyen-&ge (Studi e Testi, 86 [Vatican City, 1940]), i, 290 f.; cf. p. 51, for the manuscript, date,
the papal decree of election of .\lexander III (c. 6, X, 1, 6; Friedberg, ii, 51) had established and other details. The manuscript Vat. lat. 7114 is late thirteenth century, but reflects condi-
the
principle of the two-thirds majority; cf. Gottlob, 58, n. 81. tions of the preceding century. For example, the form of laudei, in the Coronation Order Ad ordi-
The standard form agreed basically with the oath taken
by all sorts of papal dependents: by nandum imperaiorem secundum OccidentaUs, is out of date and belongs to the twelfth century and to
the papal vice-chancellor and papal noUries (M. Tangl, Die papstiichen Kandeiordnungen ron
tlie the era of Benedict of St Peter, though in one respect an effort has been made to modernize them (cf.

lWO-1500 [Innsbruck, 1894], pp. 33 ff., Nos. 1 and 3), by the Roman Senator, the community of my Laudes regiae, pp. Moreover, the Coronation Order secundum Occidentales which, such as it
237 f.).

Tibur, and by the papal feudatories {Liber centum, Xos. 59, Hi, 67, edd. Fabre and Duchesne," stands, has never been used, belongs to a much earlier period and to an ideologj- different from the late
pp.
313, 415, 341); Baethgen, "Promissio," pp. 81 ff. (above, n. 29). The form was used also for the
cf. thirteenth century; see C. Erdmann, Forschungen zur poiitischen Ideenwelt det Friihmittelalters (Ber-
feudal oath of King John; see Stubbs, Select Charter*, pp. 280 f., and below, nos. Im, 1951), pp. 72 ff. That two manuscripts of this Coronation Order originated in the diocese of
50, 51.
See c. 4 X, 2, 24, ed. Friedberg, n, 360. Auch that is. Vat. lat. 7114, and the so-called Codex Gemundensii (from the Cistercian monastery
*"
See c. 8 X, 3, 13, ed. Friedberg, ii, 514 (Jaflfe-Loewenfeld, 17049): "cum ex lacramenlo fideliUtij of Gimont, diocese Auch; see Erdmann, p. 76, n. 1, an addition by Dr R. Elze)
of
is most remark-

tenearis .\postolicae Sedi nihil alienare." able. It will not be hazardous to conclude that also clause VIII of the episcopal oath reflects an earlier
" See c. 2 X. 3. 20, ed. FriedWg, ii, 525 (Potthast, 3525): "iuramento tenearis astrictua non tage; it certainly gives the impression of being older than the standardized clause VIII as quoted
infeudare de novo, Romano pontifice inconsulto." above (n. 42), and like the Laudes and the Coronation Order it was superannuated by the time the
" Liber cermjum. Nog. 198-198d, edd. Fabre and Duchesne,
pp. 449 f.; cf. No. 147, p. 416. manuscript wm was not the superannuated .\uch form of the episcopal
written. Therefore, also, it
" Lib. ceru., So. 54b, p. 287. oath, but the one referred to above (nos. 39-42), which finally was taken over by the Pontifical of
' Tangl, KantUiordnungen, p. 50, No. XMII; cf. Gottlob, p. 56 Durandus and therewith became the common usage of the Roman Church. See, for the Durandus
f.

form, Andrieu, op. cit., in, 392, including footnote 33, which refers to bishops consecrated in Rome.

U I
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 496 Inalic7i.ahil.ity I nali.en ability 497
CVTH) Predia, iKisseasioues. oruameuta que iuris sunt N. ecclesie, nunquam
et^dcsiastica. to add that eighth clause to their oaths, were designatf-d a.s exempti or imm.cdi<iie
uhenaho. ner vcndam, iiec in pipiora ponam, nequr alicui sine eommuni consensu
capituli vel potions parths
sub papa. Now, those who were md}.o medio directly under the pojie were, in the
el sanioris consilii in hencficio vel feudo
dah<.. Qik dis-
tracta sunt, vel in pipnor.- posita, ut ad ius et first place, the papal suffragans of the pope's owti ecclesiastical province and
proprietatem eiusdem N. revocentur
eeelesie, fideliter lahoraho. jurisdiction by and large, the bishops within the States of the Church; second,
the archbishops of Ravenna, Milan, and Aquileia, heading the three North
The non-ulienation promise, which in this case referred
no! only 1o the mensal
Italian ecclesiastical pro\-inces within, as it were, the pomerium of the papal
property of the see, but to aU properties, possessions,
vuri.s /ninl N. ecdc^ie, is clearly
and church valuables que power or under the pope as the "Primate of Italy" (although this title but not
standard oath of the Decretals.
an ad hoc addition quite loosely connected with the
the claim
was of a later date) third, certain exempt bishoprics such as Bam-
;

berg, Puy, the Corsican sees, and indeed verj- many others as well, which, for one
What are the imj.lications of this practice? It
appears that canon law jirovided reason or the other, depended nulh me.dio on the Holy See. To these there were
for a standard ei)is(;opal oath of seven
clauses, but that in some instances an
added, at the latest during the thirteenth century, most of the metroix)litans and
eiphth clause was aj>pended forswearing alienation
and i.romising revocation of other recipients of the pallium who were likewise nullo medio under the p>ope,
properties belonging either to tlie nuni.m rpLHcopalu
or to the church as such: that
IS to say, of possessions allowing
although not all of them had to swear to the eighth clause."
the bishoj. i)ersonallv "to live on his own" or of
I.ossessions ser^-ing the general and public
At what time exaclly the additional oath was introduced it would be difficult
utility of the see. But on what occa-
sions was thai j)romise added? At tlial
to tell. At the Roman synod of 1078, Tojte Oregon,- MI decreed that no bishop
j>oint the glosses shed
procedure. Bernard of Tarma, who comi)osed the
some light on the consecrated by the pope himself that
one who was nidlo medio under the
is,

cretals of Gregorv' IX around 1245,

Glo-ina ordinaria on the De-
remarked on the decretal of Celestine III:
pope
was allowed to hand out possessions of his church as fiefs without the
consent of the pope.^" This, however, was simply a decree, and it had, all by itself,
"Every bi.sho}) who is immediately under the pope, swears
to him that he will not
nothing to do with the episcopal oath of offic-e whereas the decretals of Celestine
alienate j)ro}>erty of the Church, nor give it ;

away in tenure."-" A centurA- later, III and Innocent III make it clear that by the end of the twelfth century the
Baldus glossed the standard oath of seven clauses of the Liher Extra. At the veri' eighth clause had already been added to the oaths of at least the North Italian
end of his interpretation he alleged the decretal
of Innocent III and added the
archbishops, perhaps in agreement with the pattern preserved in the Auch for-
brief remark: "The Liher Extra notes thai the exnn.pti
have to swear also {et.iam) mulary'. On the other hand, the sudden accumulation of evidence in the liSO's of
that they will not alienate Church property
without having consulted the poj.e "
Other glosses, not readily accessible to me, would metropolitans swearing to the eighth clause would suggest that earlier individ-
ments; but the two glosses adduced here are sufficient
i)robably make similar state- ual cases notwithstanding it
became a more general practice only under
to clarify the matter The
glossators mdicate thai certam bishoj.s were
Gregory- IX to make the metropolitans at large take the oath of the exempti in
obliged to take an additional oath Italy.
concernmg non-alienation, although such an oath was
neither ])rescribed bv the
standard oath nor on record in the body of canon law. However thai may t>e, the practic-e observed in Rome around liOO is as obvi-
The group of bishops bound ous as the tendency- of expanding the number of the bishops who depended on
.

mral
*"
^5] '^'"'"^'^' "" <= 8 X. 8. 18:"Nan, quUibel ei.copu.s qui immediate d,mun papr .mheH ''
The oath at the reception of the pallium (cf. above, n. 46)
was substantiallr the same as the
e. fidelitaten, qimtl noi, ulieiml.it bona ecclesie. nee in feudum dabit de nov, el idem
iurame.,- standard oath; see Liber cnutun-m. No. 148, ed. Fabre and Duchesne, p. 417. Not all metropolitans and
tuffi prestent ah, epi.s,-opi .,uls
metropolitanLs." Gottlnb. p. BS, n. ]()H, l.olds that tl.e
pl,.asutr was primates, however, were bound to include clause WW. see, e.g., the form of the primate of Bulgaria
inaccurate whei, talk.up about h,nw eccUnar ,
general, and n.,t specifi.-alh about the in which the additional clause is lacking (Innw^nt III, Rejittrum. y-n, 11; Migne, PL, ccxv, 295.\;
p.,.,.,e.,onc. ad
mmam ,H^a,ente.s Tl.e ob.servatio,, of Gottlob is of peculiar
interest: apparent), Bernard of Gottlob. p. 54 f.); and whether it was included in the form valid for the Latin ftatriarchs in the
Ptema, the .M^mposer of the G/,,,a ardinana, still
referred to the older form a. transmitted hv Eart (Gottlob. p. 55 f.), is doubtful.
the
pontd.cal of Auch ("possessiones ... que iuri.
sunt N. ecclesie;" .ee above, n, 48). a fom, ** Gregorj- Vil, Reg., \i, Sb. 30. ed. Caspar, 402, 16: "Ut nulli epiacopi predi* eodeaiae in bene-
necessarily t.
unkiiown to Gottlob. For the oath, of the
suffragan. t their metropolitans, winch mav ficium tribuant sine consensu pape. de sua sunt consecratione." Cf. Gottlob,
be disr^ si p. 57. Since this was a
garded here, see Gottlob, pp. 13R-16P; ah,,,
p. ]H8, for tl.< lute form.s of that oath. decree, but not yet part of the oath, the non-alienation clause is still lacking in the oath of .\quileia
^ Baldus, in Decretalium volumtn, cimimmtaria (Venice edition
n. 14 "Ext no. quod excmpii delnml
of 1.5H0. fol. 8411'), on c 4 2 24X of tlie eleventh century; Gregorj- VII, Reg., \i, 17a, 4. ed. Qsspu, pp. 428 f. The exempt bishoprics
etiam lurarc quod noi, alienabunt proprietates are listed the Liber ceruruum, edd. Fabre and Duchesne,
:
ecclesiae Romano in i, 243; see the notes 247 ff.. and also Gott-
i-ontihce mconsulto, de feu. c. 2. de reb.
ecc. non ali. (-c. 2 X, 8, 20)." lob, pp. C4 For a Bamlierg
ff. fi>rm, see Raynald. Annalet ecclefiagtiri, ad a. 1206, 13. Gottlob. p. 57,
^ .lohnnnes Andreae,
loc. cit. (above, n. 22). introduces
the oath form as pertinent t. the r7,.op,- assumes probably correctlj- that the nou-alienatioc clause was introduced for the metropolitans at
?> sunt^empU, and adds in gl. mdlr medur. "idem servatur
in aliis, si confirmationem, consecrati- laige bj- the time of Gregory IX. but that it had been added previously for such sees as were, for one
onem vel palhun, a papa recip.unl " But he is
silent, just as .. Host.ens, about the reason or another,
non-alienation in particularly close rehitionship with the Holy See. For the distinction between
Clause. The earlv glossators, including
those of tl.e CmipOaiw prima which contained inalienableChurch property and a bishop's ahenable private property, the jurists often referred to
alread, the
rtandard oath, might have been of great
interest to this study, but unfortunately thev the Decretum, c. IS, D. XXVII] ("De Syracusanae",!, a problem neatly put forth by the author of tlie
cessiwe to me. ' wen "inac-
Summa Paritientit, ed. Terence P. McLaughlin (Toronto. 1952), p. 28.
 48 hialienability
InaUennhility 499
the Ho!> See nulla medio and therefore had to take the non-ahenation oath.
It all
amounted to the development of the new custom according to which those who ation clause was tacked on to the oath of fealty rather than to the three clau.ses
were, so to say, "tenants-in-chief" of the pope, had to add to the of the English coronation oath when, in 1216, an oath of fealty to the pope finst
standard oath
of seven clauses an eighth clause in which they promised not to entered into the Engli.sh coronation ceremonial.
alienate the prop-
erties of their episcopal sees. There remains, however, yet another factor to \h- considered. In 1220, four
The canonical procedure may
shed some new light on the practice observed in years after the coronation of Henry III, Pope Honorius III wTotc the letter
England and alluded to so frequently in the correspondence between English (above, p. 490) to the archbishop of Kalocsa in which he demanded that King
king.sand the Holy See. To the English standard oath there was added, appar- Andrew IT of Hungary revoke certain alienations because "at his coronation,
ently, u non -alienation clause which was not legally codified. he [the king] had sworn to maintain undiluted the rights of his realm and the
Its absence, how-
ever, no longer need.s to startle us, for the corresi)onduig clause honor of his Crown."'' This letter, we recall, passed by 1234 into the Liber Extra,
was absent also
from the standard oath of the Decretals. Furthermore, the addition so that the basic ideas of that letter became binding law within ecclesiastical
of the non-
alienation clause to the English coronation ])rocedure find.s practice. We have no means to determine whether the King of Hungary had really
a i)lausible exi)lana-
tion: CJarduial Guala Ihachieri, who in 1216 acted as the taken a non-alienation oath at his coronation. But whether he did so or not ap-
pa})al legate to England
and who administered the oath to Henry HI,*" simply followed the pears of minor importance compared to the fact that apparently the Holy See
practice
known to him because observed, by that time, in Rome; that is, that the exempli by that time was already proceeding on the assumption that an oath of that kind
who were nulla media under the i)oi>e, swore not only the standard oath, but was customarily taken by any king at his coronation, just as it was taken by an
promised also, and additionall\ not to alienate i)ossessions of their ever-ex7)anding group of high-ranking princes of the Church at their consecra-
,
episcnpatus.
The imi)ersonal episcojmtus, of course, was sensibly replaced by the likewise im- tion.*^ In other words, in Rome the existence of certain royal obligations towards
I)ersonal corona: but otherwise the English king and "tenant-in-chief" of the impersonal crown was taken for granted at a time when that idea had as yet
the
Holy See was treated at least with regard to the additional non-alienation barely penetrated secular jiolitical thought.** Vl mnriit est ("as is the custom"),
oath like the episcopal "tenants-in-chief," the exempli. wrote Pope Gregory IX to Henry- HI in 1235^ the "custom," we may add,
While the connection of coronation and non-alienation oath thus gains a high according to the assumption unilaterally represented by the Holy See, and prob-
degree of probability, it still remains })erfectly legitimate to ask whether the '^ Set c. 38 X,and above, n. 18. It would be worth while to investigate the influence of that
2, 24,
additional clause was api)ended to the three clauses of the Honoriaii decretal of 1220. Gregory IX repeated it suitstaiitialiy in a letter to King -Andrew II of
English coronation
oath proper or rather to the oath of fealty sworn tf. the
i)ope a question which Hungary (31 January, 1238; see Potthast, 9080), and sections of it were reiterated abo in the letter
raises immediately the problem whether or not to Henry III of 1235 (above, n. 2). It should not be underestimated to what extent the papal chancery
King John, in 1213, took that
used the same phrasings on the recurrence of similar situations. The Golden Bull of Kirip .'Vndrew II
non-alienation oath. Unfortunately, it does not seem ])o.ssible
to an.swer those of Hungary, for example, brought aliout u sunilar reaction on the part of the Holy See as King John's
questions satisfactorily. The feudal oath of King John'" has, like
other oaths of issuance of Magna Chartu; see Josef Deer, "Der Weg zur Goldeneii Bulle Andreas' II. von 1222,"
pai)al feudatories and pajml officials,"' the first four clauses x
in common with the tichteeixer Leitriigc zvr allgemeinen GesckichU, (1922), 183 ff., 136.
standard episcoiml oath, notwithstanding the in.sertion of a ** Certain coincidences should be noted: Gregory's Liher Extra wa.s commissioned in 1230 and fin-
s])ecial clause, taken
from the old Liber diumu." oath, of which ro])e Innocent III availed ished in 1234; the oath. of metropolitans begin to show the non-alienation clause regularly and gen-
him.self on erally after 1234; and Pope Gregory's letters to Henry III fall in the same period, 1238 and 1235.
other occasions as well.s^ The similarity of King John\s feudal
oath with the then Should it have been in these years only that the pope "assumed" that a king at his coronation took
current e))iscopal oath might suggest that indeed already
under this king the customarily an oath concerning the malieuability of Crown property!' The Honoriac decretal tt>
non-alienation clause of the exempli was added to the oath of Hungary was certainly earlier than 1234, and so were the decretals of Celestine lU qnd Innocent III
fealty by which the
king recognized the ))apal overlordshij). This hypothesis
and l)eyond the si)here concerning tiie North Italian archbishops. However, it ma\ have lieen Gregory- IX who started to
of the hyi)othetical we cannot move
would further suggest that the non-alien-
generalize what previously had been hicidental.
" Georges de Lagarde, La Saiaaance di l'e*prU Idique au declin dv nuryen 6g, l; Bilan dv XIII*
*"See Richardson, pp. 55, 74. aiicU (Vienna. 1934), 158, n. 28, remarks that the idea of inalienability of rights of the state "a ete une
"Stubbs, Select Charters, th ed. fOxford, 1921), des plu.s lentes a penetrer." For a few remarks on the continental development, see Schramm, Coro-
pp. 280 f.
" Seo above, n. 35, also n. 34. naiiim, pp. 198 f.. and "Das kastilische Kiinigtum in der Zeit Alfonsos des Weisen (1252-84 1," Feni-
" The insertion reads: "Eorun. [i.e., pope and suceessors) damnum, schrift Edmund E. Utengel (MUuster and (Cologne. 1952), p. 4(K); and, for Spain, also Gifford Davis,
si scivero, impediam et remov-
ere faciani si potero: alioquin quam citiu.s potero. intimal),, vel "The Incipient Sentiment of Natlonulit^ in Mediaeval Castile: the Patrimonw real," SpEcti-UM, xn
personae dican. quani em credam
tall
pro ccrto dicturam." The sentence taken fron, the anc.ent hidtculuv, epucopi of the Librr
i.s
(1937), 351-358.
diumus
iNo. 75 (above, n. 21). Innocent III added
that phrase also to the oath of the Buipiriai,
" Above, n. 8, also n. 64. Most same phrase had been used by Prince Louis of
surprisuigly, tlie
primate se<
above M 47 Also, the word.s papatu.'< and regalia smicli Petri France in liLs declaration of 1215, in which he asserted that King John "in corouatioue sua solemp-
have been replaceti b^ "PatTimonium
beati Petri t\. specialiter regnvm Angliae et regnum Hiberniae adiutor ero ad tenendum niter, jrroul vwrm eai, iurasset se iura et consuetudiueh ecclesie et regni .\nglie coiiservaturum." Cf.
"
el defendeudum
contra omne.s homines pro posse meo Hichardson, pp. 51, 64. The French prince, of course, knew perfectly well that Buch oath was not the
mot of France, at least not by that time (aw next note)

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 500 Inalienability
Inalienability 501
ably with regard not only to England, but to the European kingdoms at large.
hard to believe that Edward I, only ten months after his coronation and
It is
Even though it can be proved easily that this assumption was substantially
at a time when every one concerned would have known what the king had
wrong
for example with regard to France" there is nevertheless no reason ised on that occasion, should have tried to fabricate a story about a
prom-
coronation
to doubt that in England the papal legate Guala would have seen to it that the
pronii.se which in fact he had not made.*^ The contrary seems to be true:
facts, m one way or the other, corresponded to the
that is,
papal assumption and that in the papal assumption concerning a generally practiced non-alienation promise
agreement with canon law'^ some non-alienation promise was made by the king.
made by a king at his coronation must have met with the facts also in the case of
There is no ambiguity concerning the influence of Canon Law with regard
to Edward I. That Edward utilized that promise in pursuit of his own interests by
Edward I. By this time, the decretal of
Honorius III mentioning in so many f{ turning it again.st the Holy See does not mitigate the probability that he made the
words the inalienable rights of the Crown, began to be effective at the royal court
additional promi.se. It seems less likely, though, that the same can be said
too. When Edward, ten months after his coronation,
of
referred for the first time to Edward II whose non-alienation promise has to be extracted (as Mr Richardson
the obligations deriving from his coronation oath, his clerk or legal
adviser has shown)*' from the reference to the Laws of the Confessor contained in the
perhaps Francis Accursius or Stephen of S. Giorgio" quoted the Honorian de- first clause of the new coronation oath." However, Edward II
him.self seems to
cretal saying that the king was obliged "to maintain
undiluted the rights of the have referred to an "oath which he had sworn to maintain the laws of the land
realm" and added, by an interesting twist of the romano-canonical maxim
Quod and the estate of the Crown" when, in 1321, he refused to grant the barons letters
omnes tangit, that by his oath the king was bound also "to do nothing
that touches of pardon;** and the note in the Liber regalis, citing once more the Honorian
de-
the Diadem of this realm without
having resorted to the counsel of prelates and cretal concerning the king of Hungary, shows that the idea of the k-ing's
non-
magnates."*" Obiter, because far beyond the scoi)e of this
pai)er, it may be re- alienation promise was engrained as deeply in the minds of the clergj- as certainly
marked that the decretal of Honorius III concerning the Hungarian crown fur-
it was in the minds of fourteenth-century jurists. "Take notice," wrote Baldus,
thered also the development of the notion of "Crown" in
connection with the "that all kings in the world have to swear at their coronation to conserve the
idea of the inalienability of royal rights and possessions. The notion
of Crown, it rights of their reahn on the honor of the Crown,"** which undoubtedly was
true
IS was quite common in England ever since the twelfth century especially
true,
in the latter half of the fourteenth century when Baldus wrote. But the
jurists
with regard to fiscal and judicial matters; but it was only in the
course of the noticed the parallelism of royal and episcopal oaths at an earlier date. Already
thirteenth that the impersonal crown achieved constitutional
importance."' the Ghasa ordinaria on the Honorian decretal indicates that the bishops too, and
"
See Schramm, Der Kbnig von Frankreich fWeiniar, 1939), i,
237, nos. ] and 7, for the introduction
not only the kings, have to promi.se not to alienate.*' Lucas de Penna, writing in
of the non-alienation clause in the French coronation the fifties of the fourteenth century, holds that bishops and kings are"equiparate"
ceremonial in 1365. Actually, a few Ihies had to
be erased in King Charles Vs private de luxe edition of the
ritual in order to squeeze the new clause with regard to their oaths concerning alienation.*' And his contemporary Petrus
into the old version of the oath.
de Ancharano .says quite straightforwardly: "The king, at the time of his corona-
" We may think of the decreUls of Celestine III and Innocent III: above, nos.
37, 38.
" See, for Accursiu.s as well as Stephen of S. Giorpio, G. L. Haskins and E. H. tion, swears not to alienate the things of his kingdom
similarly, the bishops swear;
Kantorowicz. "A
Diplomatic Mission of Francis Accursius," EnalUk HUtmical Review, [not to alienate] the rights of their bishopric."** Related ideas may have
imii (1943), 424 ff.; also 424, prompted
n. 4: for Stephen, see also Robert Weiss, "Cinque the English cleric who, in 1308, added the note to the Liber regalis.
lettere inedite del Cardinale Bendetto Gaetani
(Bonifacio VIII)," Rivista di Stmia della Chieta in Italia, m
(1949), 157-164, esp. 162 ff.; there is,
however, stUl much unedited material on that South Italian clerk = I here from Wilkinson, "Coronation Oath," Speccxum, xnc (1944), 448
at the court ofEdward I. differ
ff.
Parliamentary WriU,. i, 381 "
iureiurando in coronacione nostra
f.: et " See above, n. 9.
. . .
prestito sumus
astricti
quod lura regni nostri servabimus Ulibate nee aliquid quod diadema " See, for this point, also tfie forthcoming study
tangat regni eiusdem absque by Robert S. Hoj-t, "The Coronation OaUi of
ipsorum Iprelatorum et procerum] requisite consilio faciemus."
Richardson, 49 f., has clearly recog- 1S08." Traditio, x (1954), which, through the kindness of its author, I
was able to read in manuscript
nized Uie influence of the Honorian decretal on the wording long after the present paper hiid gone to the press.
of that letter. The strict observation of
the cursus, however, should be noticed too: also the fact that Johanne.s de Trokelow, Annales, ed. H. T. Riley, Rolls Series (London, 1866), p. 109, quoted by
the oath, normally called luramentvm or
sacramentum, here Is called solemnly iusivrandum, apparently in Hoj't, op. cit., note 85: "
allusion to the legal title De ivreiu. iuramentiun quod de legibus terrae et statu coronae manutenendis
. . .

rami, under which the Decretal of Honorius III to Hungary fecerat. ..."
had found its place in the Liber Extra
(above, n. 13); finally, dUidema for corona is unusual Baldus, on c. 33 X, 2, 24, n. 3, In Decretales (Venice. 1580). fol. 261': "Nota quod omnes
in the products of the English chancery
and reges
might indicate the Italian scribe. See further Gaines Post, "A mundi in sua coronatione debent iurare iura regni sua conservare et honorem coronae."
Romano-Canonical Maxim, 'quod om-
ne.s tangif m Bracton," TradMo, iv
(1946), 197-252; Antonio Marongiu, UlstituU, parlamentarc '' See c. 33 X, 2, 24, gloss R^gni sui: "Sic et episcopi iurant in sua consecratione. quod
in iura sui
Itaha daUc origin, al 1600 (Rome, 1949), episcopatus noii alienabunt. ..."
pp 6.5-78, has devoted a chapter to that maxim, but liis
suggestion that Edward 1 may have borrowed it from the Lucas de Penna. In tref librof (Lyon, 1682), 564, on C, XI, 58, 7, n. 8: "Nam aequiparantur
summons of Rudolph of Habsburg for the *

Diet of NUrnberg in 1274, is defeated by the far quantum ad hoc etiam iuramentum super his praestitum de alienatione facta non revocando
earlier evidence from Engknd as assembled bv (?)
Post. episcopus et rex. Ita et principi alienatio rerum fiscalium noscitur interdicta."
' See the extremely useful study by Fritz Hartung. Di* Petrus de Ancharanus
. . .

^
Krone ah Symbol der monarchuichen Herr- (1330-1416), on c. 33 X, 2, 24, n. 1, Hvper Decrelakt (Bolognf, 1581), fol.
'chaft tm ausgehenden MiUelalter (Abhandlungen 291 "Rex iurat tempore suae coronationis non alienare
der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften : res regni sui. Simibter episcopi iurant sui
1840. PhU.-hisl. Kl.. Nr. 13 [Berlin. episcopatus iura."
1941J). esp. pp. 6-19. for the notion of the Crown in England '

U
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502 IV alienability

To summarize, the non-alienation promises of Henry III and Edward I, so

often referred to by both the Holy See and the king, must probably be taken as a
historical fact. Their very existence, at any rate, cannot be ruled out on the ground
that they did not go on record; for the non-alienation oath of the clergy also
formed an additional clause which was not part of the standard oath as prescribed
by canon law. Most interesting, however, and revealing, is yet another point
related to what perhaps may be termed "constitutional semantics." A feudal
oath had been adopted by the Church. It had been transformed into an ej)iscopal
oath at a time when the papal monarchy was in its formative stage. Owing to that
appropriation by the Church, however, the feudal vassalitic oath became an oath
of office binding the bishop, not as a vassal, but as an "officer," and binding him
not only to the pope personally but also to the abstract institution, the papains,
and to the bishop's own office, the episcopatus. Later on, the ecclesiastified and
now pseudo-feudal oath returned in a new guise to the .secular state as an obliga-
tion on the part of the king to protect an impersonal institution, the Crown. To
be sure, a development in that direction was well on its way in England
even
before King John's surrender to the Holy See. Nevertheless, as a result of that
event, of the early application of canonistic practice and maxims
England as a
to
papal feudatory state, and of an objectively false or incorrect assumption on the
part of the Holy See, the canonistic doctrine of "Inalienability" was
articulated
and became the norm in England much earlier than in other European countries.

The Institute for Advanced Study

Princeton, New Jersey

'
'
u u
I
u
 State University of rowA
Iowa City, Iowa
Department or History

S2M fi. College

I owe City, lov/a
4 November 1954

Dear Professor Kantorowicz,

wes so Dleased
1
to receive an offprint of your "Inalienability,"
for which 1 thank you very much. (Now 1 can
refer to it so much more easily, and won't have
to worry about losing an issue of Speculuma hen 1

1 ffive it to students to reed.)

1 may be reading nore into your v/ords tiiRn
you intended, but it seems to me that your ar-
tide has--pt last.', in the literature on the
coronation oath--set the Droblem in the larger
context in which it belongs, viz., the "national"
and the "canonical" (or romano-cenonical) theory
of the crown- -Schramm certainly pointed the way
but in his comrrehensive account did no more,
while 1 have always felt a little uneasy about
Richardson's reluctance to face un to the theo-
retical (or ideological) implications of the
interpolation in the Leges AHHlorum . His inter-
Dretation of 1308, #1, is to me wholly convinc-
ing, including the brilliant part on the Laws
of the Confessor. But ;if the interpolation is
a source on v;hich later theory drew, the inter-
polation itself is a product of earlier theory.
The interDolator (working from Kichard's oath
in Howden's G-esta -Chronicle version) bridged
the gap between the oath and rights of the crown,
then why could not the advisers of iDdward I? If

they could, and if as you indicate is probable--
<John and i^enry need not be assumed to have sworn
an "additional promise," then the assumution that
Ldward I swore an additional Dromise is greatly
diminished. (Anolop-ies for going on and on like
this--of course vou ore right, that we should
ask Mr. Richardson to produce the text of lidward

' U U
I's oath and 1 hoDe ^ou will do so. And while
awaiting his discovery, I would be willing to
wager an Indian-head nickel that the text which
he unearths wo^'ld give hira quite a surprise!)
The delay attendant uDon publishing my co-
ronation oath article in i'raditio gave me the
or)portunity to make some revision--auite substan-
tial, in fact--and i houe some improvement in
the article. I eliminated some material and add-
ed much more on les leys et les custumes which
,

meant that 1 had to get out on a limb on the

textual r)roblem involved in Diceto vs. iiO#den.
I definitely do not want to impose on your gen-
erosity when 1 know you are so busy, as you are
right now, but whenever you do feel you have the
time and would like to see tne revised l,iS I wouM
be much in your debt for any reaction you might
care to express.
iv^any thanks for the Geoffrey of i,ionmouth

references I confess that l am relieved that
you did not refer me iirimed lately to an obvious
and verbatim source of my Simeon's leges patriae .
Although I did not mention it in my letter to
you, tjimeon's phrases struck me as surprisingly
"mature" or "sonhisticated" and I was heartened
by vour reference to the same effect in your
letter--now that vou have said it, i certainly
agree that the lohrase is what one would exoect
in the 13th century, jr.s for G-eoffrey, 1 haven't
found my source there, although he comes near to
it several times, (I can only add that the iaea
of dying for the Fifth i^mendmant is only less
repulsive than for the Btlrgerliches Gesetzbueh
so much more to die for in the letuer.)
1 look forward to reading your Chicago
"oaDer ^^-hen it a pears in the ii.i'.K. (and since
1 do not subscribe to the review, I hoDe you
might spare ne en offprint;, v^ith inany thanks
again for your letter and for the oifprint,
end with warmest regards,

iiincerely yours.

>*^w^^^

I J u
 t^^.t>

Bern, den 9Noveraber 1954.

Vira"bemstr,47.

Sehr verehrter Herr Professor Kantorowicz!

loh danke Ihnen vorerst verbindlichst filr die Zusendung Ihrer

mich so sehr interessierenden Studie und deren Dedikation, Mit der
"Inalienability" steht es in Ungam- soweit ich es auf Grund raeines Je^'j^***.
hOchst lilckenhaften Apparats feststellen kann- ungefahr so: In seiner
Urkunde von 1217 / ^aentpetery, Regesta regum stirpis Arpadianae
critico-diplomatica, Budapest, 1923, Tom. I. Nr,322, p,103 f; Text bei:
Knauz, Monumenta ecclesiae Strigoniensis I,1874,p,2l6 oder i'ejer.
Codex dipl.regni Hungariae ecclesiasticus ac oivilis III/l,p,255/, o^iA^ -^"-^^^

^^ass er frtlher - -urn 1210- Neuerungen einflihren wollte/novae institu-

tiones/, indem er " den von seinen Vorfahren unversehrt bewahrten Zu-
stand seines Landes anderte imd die Komitate, Burgen, Besitz\mgen imd
die anderen Einktlnfte des reichen Ungams als perpetuas hereditates
imter seinen Baronen und nilites verteilte".Der damalige Erzbischof
von Gran widersprach in der Beratijng der Kiorie dera Kbnig imd fiel des-
wegen in Ungnade und vexlA^m ein Gut, das die Kirche von Gyan vom
Vorganger und Bruder ^dreas'II., von K5nig Emerich erhielt. Jetzt,
1217, wird der Erzbischof wieder in Gnade aufgenommen und erhielt das
Gut zurtick, Auch im l6 der Goldenen Bulle von 1222 muss Andreas ver-
3prechen:Integro3 comitatus vel dignitates quascunque in praedia seu
possess iones non confer amus perpetuo. D^irauf folgt das von Ihnen an-
geftlhrte Decret Honorius* III, an den Eb. von Kalocsa<rBle ungarische
Porschung- vor alien Ik-enc Eckhart,A SzenSLorona-eszme tbrtenete/Ge-
schichte der Idee der HI, Krone/, Bp, 1941,8.50, der tlbrigens auf die
englische Parallele hinwies- zweifelte nicht daran, dass Andreas ei-
nen solchen Eid" bei seiner KrOnung tatsachlich geleistet hat. Und
zwar deshalb nicht, weil Honorius IJI in einem BrM* an den rex iunior
B^la- der spatere Bdla IV-aus dem J. 1225 seine frtthere Behauptimg mit
grossenvl^iachdruck wiederholt und das Vorgehen Andreas* eben unter
Hinweis auf seinen KrSnungseid einer scharfen Kritik. unter zieht
/Eckhart a. a. 0,3. 22; fUr den Text fUhrt er Fej^r God.dipl-.III/2,p.47
an/; hier ist u.a, davon die Rede, dass Andreas sogar einen Eid daftlr.
seine Schenkungen nicht rttckg&ngig machen wird,
^^iifliSSc^iS^ o^^Lii^
DieserT^id sei nach der I-Ieinung des Pap'stes ungtQtig, weil er dem
KrSnungseid widerspricht imd so auch nicht^uThalten sei. Von einer
Kronungseid ist dann in der Urkunde S1g)hans V. des Enkels Andreas II.,
vQn 1270 die Hede/Szentpetery Reg, nr.1961. Text n'en2el,Cod,Dipl,T,XII,
PclOrleider im VTortlaut mir zurzeit nicht zuganglich/. Aus dem Regest
bei Szentpetery kann ich nur entnehmen, dass er sich den Untertanen
 gegentlber v^rpflichtete, einen jeden in seinem
Recht zu belassen und
die entfremdeten liechte einem jeden
wiederherzustellen. Wohl auch die
der Krone. Oanz deutlich spricht dagegen der
Kronimgseid des ersten
Anjou-KOnigs, Karls 1/ I3IO.I342/: regnum
sibi commissiim non minuere,
nee aliena^-e, sed potius augere et mala
alienate hactenus secimdum
datam sibi gratiam ad ius pristinum reyocare/
M.Kovachich, Vestigia
comitiorum apud Hmigaros, Budae,1790,p-,174./ In
einem gewissen Zusam-
menliang stehen danit die ide, die die
Konige auf die territorielle
Integritat des Landes gegenUber auslandischer
Usurpation zu leisten
hatten, so m.W. als erster Andxeas III im
J. 129ft ; -dieser als 21 des
Gesetzes von 1298 ist auch in das Corpus luris
Hungarici eingegangen.
Zusammenfassend -laube ich, dass der tiberlieferte
Eid Karls I im we-
sentlichen mit dem Andreas'
n ubereinstimmt. Die Opposition des b -s
vonGran gegen die Neuerungen des K6nige,.war
sicher in dessem Eide be-
grtodet, den die Kirche- wie Eckhart m.E.
mit fiecht vermutet- das erste-
mal eben von Andreas 11- den man
schon aus der Zeit,als er noch dux
war, als emen Yerschwender kannte-
verlangt hat. Das ungarische Ur-
k^mdenmaterial des i3.Jh.-s enthalt auch sonst
vieles, was 8ie inter-
essieren ^de, vor allem sehr viel fUr
pro patria mori . Gerade jetzt
habe ich Ihre frtiheren Aufsatz^^t
viel BeXelirun^ gelesen. Da ich
aus dem guellenlieft "Herrschaftsvertrag^
des Spatmittelalters" zwei
Exemplars besitze, erlaube ich es mir,
Ihnen das eine zuzuschicken.'
Verbindlichst habe ich Ihnen fUr Ihren letzten
Brief zii meinem
Cremmenaufsatz zu danken. Obwohl ich Hans
Vfentzel- aus seiner Erwie-
derung in der ^^eitschrift fUr Kuns^feschichte
1954-ersichtlich- nicht
tiberzeugt habe, halte ich die doi-t
ausgefUh^ten unverandert auf recht
Ihrem VTunsch gemass habe ich einen
Sonderabdruck.LIiss Minor geschickt
und ich hoffe, dass Sie diesen' aUch
ei-halten hat. Binnen eines Jahres'
werden von mir verscLledene ^Videriciana
herauskommen, ajSU in Zusain-
menarbeit z-.T. mit Schramm, z.T. mit
von.Kaschnitz; der letztere hat
wieder ganz sensationelle Dinge gefunden.
In der Hoffnung, dass es Ihneh
wohl ergeht, verbleibe ich mit
vielen herz lichen Gpiissen

Ihr sehr ergebener

PS Anfang September war ich auf dem Internat Kongress

f .Frtlhmittelalter-
torschung in Deutschland, wo u.a. ein Heferat von
Montesquiou-Peaensac
vorgelesen wurde.Er hat ein neues Dokument tlber-
den Triumphboren Ein-
s^f m! St Sf v;'i n^ "T o\de^ Tat, ein- Reliquiar. Also keine antiqari-
^^jstifikation.wie Schramm meinte. Wissen Sie, dass Cecchelli
f?w!
einem Heft seiner ieihe"Vita di Roma nel AfedioevoVl953 in
oder 54/ dS
i^ S.Paolo fobri le ITura auf Karl d.Gr:bezoc?Er hat
^l^^'^S?^^^^^'^ die
Ich sprach ebendort von der Ikonographie ^^
^en^Ioh''?^.^;^iL^--^i^?^''^''/^^?^^^
gen. ^^^ dem Kongress vorgetra,
des Aachener Lothatkreu-
ZJ^l '^^^''' ^^^^^S^^' ^^^ Augustus-Cameos gerade im Kreuzzent-
U'
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t PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
PRINCETON NEW JERSEY

Department of History

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 An Absolutist Concept and its Late Mediaeval Origins,'
*39. "Mysteries of State:
Harvard Theological Review, XLVIII (1955), 65-91.

EK's copy, annotated.

Estado," Revista
40. . Spanish Translation by Rodriguez Aranda: "Secretos de
deEstudios Politicos, LXV (1959), 37-70.

Ek's copy, not annotated. In with it, ho^-ever, a cor-

rected pape-rroof version that vns not incorporated
in the final printing.
The following items found in the English version, f^39:
A. "Angelo de Ubaldis" (slip)
'3. "ji. 39), $112 (slip)

C. "Resp. in Princ, Prin. in republ.'' (slip)

D. "Rex maritus" (slip)

E. "Mysterium-minis^erium" (slip)
P. Idem. (slip, yellow)

G. ''ludex- 3acerdos'' (half page, yello")

H. ''i-Uritus reinublicae (half page)

I. ''Angelo de Tummulillis" (half page)
J. Letter from A.D.Kock, 5 Har ^i\.

K. "Misterium-miiiisterium'' (half page )

L. "oilentium" (half page)

M. ''Sponsus" (half page)

N. "Mr. Oavies' Oisraiasal'' (clipping from NYTirnes

0. "Sponsus"' (half page, gellovr)

P. Letter from V/m. Elton, 10 May 63

Q. "Not so long ago..." (Apparently a draft of opening

sentences oT the article; full page, vellow)

R. ;?-r>age letter from A. Alfbldi, 6 Nov (or 11 June) ^5

r-
S, "Silentium" (half page)

I J O
 '1 Aj^

MYSTERIES OF STATE: AN ABSOLUTIST CONCEPT AND

ITS LATE MEDIAEVAL ORIGINS

BY

ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

Reprinted from
THE HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Vol. XL VIII, No. 1, January, 1955

PRINTED AT THE HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRINTING OFFICE

CAMBRIDGE, MASS., U.S.A.

U I J
 MYSTERIES OF STATE
An Absolutist Concept and Its Late
Mediaeval Origins *

ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
The Institute for Advanced Study
Princeton, New Jersey

Mysteries of State as a concept of Absolutism has its mediaeval

background. It is a late offshoot of that spiritual-secular hybrid-
ism which, as a result of the infinite cross-relations between Church
and State, may be found in every century of the Middle Ages and
has deservedly attracted the attention of historians for many years.
After A. Alfoldi's fundamental studies on ceremonial and insignia
of Roman emperors,' Theodor Klauser discussed more recently
the origin of the episcopal insignia and rights of honor, and showed
very clearly how, and after the age of Constantine the Great,
in

various privileges of vestment and rank of the highest officers of

the Late Empire were passed on to the bishops of the victorious
Church.- At about the same time, Percy Ernst Schramm published
his compendious article on the mutual exchange of rights of honor
between sacerdotium and rcgnum, in which he demonstrated how
the imitatio imperii on the part of the spiritual power was balanced
by an imitatio sacerdotii on the part of the secular power.'
Schramm carried his study only to the threshold of the Hohen-
staufen period, and he was right to stop where he did. For the
mutual borrowings of which he speaks
insignia, titles, symbols,
privileges, and prerogatives
affected in the earlier Middle Ages
chiefly the ruling individuals, both spiritual and secular, the crown-
* This paper was read at the joint session of the .American Catholic Historical
Association and the American Historical Association, on December 28, 1953, in
Chicago. The title has been slightly modified; the content remains practically
unchanged.
'Andreas Alfoldi, "Die Ausgestaltung des monarchischen Zeremoniells am
romischcn Kaiscrhofe," and "Insignien und Tracht der romischen Kaiser," Romische
Mitteilungen, XLIX (1934), 1-118; L (1935), 1-171.
'Theodor Klauser, Der Ursprung der bischoflichen Insignien und Ehrenrechte
(Bonner akademische Rcdcn, I: Krcfeld, 1949).
* Percy Ernst Schramm, "Sacerdotium und Regnum im Austausch ihrer Vor-

rechte," Studi Gregoriani, II (1947), 403-457.

/ J U
 66 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
MYSTERIES OF STATE 67
wearing pontiff and the mitre-wearing emperor, until finally the
Law Moreover, both Laws were influenced by scholastic
jurists.''
sacerdotiutn had an imperial appearance, and the regnutn a clerical
method and thought, as well as by Aristotelian philosophy;
touch. By the beginning of the thirteenth century at the latest, a finally,
the jurists of all branches of Law applied
certain state of saturation was reached, when both the spiritual freely, and without
scruples or inhibitions, theological metaphors
and secular dignitaries were rigged with all the essential attributes and similes when
expounding their points of view in glosses and legal
opinions.
of their offices.
The borrowings between the two orbits, however, did not then
"t Under the impact of those exchanges between canon and civilian

come to an end. Only the objectives changed, as the center of

glossators and commentators all but non-existent in the earlier

gravity shifted, so to speak, from the ruling personages of the

Middle Ages something came into being which then was called
"Mysteries of State," and which today in a more generalizing
Middle Ages to the ruled collectives of early modern times, to the
sense is often termed "Political Theology." Felicitous
new national states and other That is to
political communities. as ever,
Maitland once remarked that eventually "the nation stepped into
say, the field of exchanges between Church and State, and of mu-
the shoes of the Prince." ' While
tual influences, was expanded from individual dignitaries to com- fully agreeing, I yet feel that we
should add: "Not before the Prince himself had stepped into the
pact communities. Therewith sociological problems began to shape
pontifical shoes of Pope and Bishop."
problems and, vice versa, ecclesiology, sociology.
ecclesiological
In fact, "Pontificalism" was perhaps the outstanding
Under the pope as princeps and verus imperator the hierarchical feature
apparatus of the notwithstanding some impor-
Roman Church
of the new monarchies, and few princes not even Louis XIV
tant features of Constitutionalism showed a tendency be-
*
to
were so genuinely pontifical as King James I of England. In
little juristic
a
dictionary, published in 1607 and called The Inter-
come the perfect prototype of an absolute and rational monarchy
preter, an able civilian. Dr. John Cowell, advanced
on a mystical whereas simultaneously the state
basis, showed in- certain polit-
ical theorieswith which normally James I would not have dis-
creasingly a tendency to become a quasi-Church and, in other re-
agreed: that the king is ever of full age; that he is not taken
spects, a mystical monarchy on a rational basis. It is here in these to

waters brackish waters, if you prefer that the new state

be subject to death, but is a corporation in himself that liveth
forever; that the king is above the laws; and that he admits legis-
mysticism found its breeding and dwelling place.
lation by the estates only by his benignity or by reason of his
The basic problem may be approached most easily by posing a
coronation oath.** Since the Interpreter roused the indignation of
simple question: How, by what channels and by what techniques,
This has been pointed out repeatedly by Gaines Post; see
especially his study
were the spiritual arcana ecclesiae transferred to the state so as on "A Romano-Canonical Maxim, 'Quod omnes tangit,' in Bracton,"
Traditio, IV
to produce the new secular arcana imperii of absolutism? The (1946), 197-251, and his paper read before the Riccobono Seminar on
"The Theory
of Public Law and the State in the Thirteenth Century," Seminar, VI
answer to this question is given by the sources on which we have 42-59 also his latest study
(1948)
on "The Two Laws and the Statute of York," Speculum,'
;

to rely; for without neglecting either narratives or arts, ceremonial XXIX (1954), 417-432.
"The expression, much discussed in Germany
in the early 1930s, has become
or liturgy, it may yet be said that our main evidence is legal. It more popular in this country, unless I am
mistaken, through a study by George
ismainly by our legal sources that the new ways of exchange be- LaPiana, "Political Theology," The Interpretation of History
(Princeton, 194?)
F. W. Maitland, "Moral Personality and Legal
Personality," in his Selected
tween the spiritual and the secular become evident. After all, the Essays (Cambridge, 1936), 230.
Canonists used and applied Roman Law; " For the case of Dr. John Cowell, see Charles H. Mcllwain,
the Civilians used and The Political Works
of James I (Cambridge, Mass., 1918),
pp. l.xxxviiff, and, more recently, Stanley B
applied Canon Law; and both Laws were used also by Common Chrimes, "Dr. John Cowell," English Historical Review, LXIV
(1949), 461-487,
who prints in the .Appendix the relevant passages from Cowell's
Interpreter or
* See Brian Tierney, "The Canonists and the Mediaeval State," Review of Politics, Book Containing the Signification of Words, first published in
Cambridge, 1607
XV (1953), 378-388. Cowell quotes many French authors, and it may have been
derived from one of
those sources that he points at the king's "benignity"
(s.v. "Parliament") His

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 68 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW MYSTERIES OF STATE 69

the Commons, on whom the king depended for a subsidy, the king been known to scholarly James I. However, Mysteries
of State
himself was compelled to take exception to Dr. Cowell's words. has perhaps more a Christian than a Tacitean flavor,
although the
And thus an irate king descended upon a poor scholar who had word arcana served to designate both the pagan and the Christian
meant to please his sovereign lord. James I complained, in a mysteria}- There is, however, reason to think not of the
Roman
proclamation of 1610, that nothing "is now unsearched into," historian but rather of Roman Law, of a law
of the Emperors
neither the "very highest mysteries of the Godhead," nor "the Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius who, in
395, addressed them-
deepest mysteries that belong to the persons or state of King and selves to the praejectus Urhi Symmachus when
they said it was
Princes, who are Gods on earth," and that incompetent men "will "sacrilege" to dispute the Prince's judgment and selection
of offi-
freely wade by their writings in the deepest mysteries of monarchy cials.'3 "Sacrilege," to be sure,
a strong word which borders on
is

and politick government." " On other occasions, James I spoke of the "zone of silence" reserved for mysteria and arcana,
for actions
"my Prerogative or mystery of State," of the "mysterie of the in church and in court.'^ However, this ancient law, inserted by
King's power," and of "the mysticall reverence, that belongs unto Justinian in his Code, was prominent in the legislation of Roger
II
them that sit in the Throne of God," or ordered the speaker of
^**
of Sicily as well as of Frederick 11,^^ and was
repeated, in a
the House of Commons "to acquaint that house with our pleasure
"Tacitus, Annales, II, 36. The expression, of course, was
known; see, e.g.,
that none therein shall presume to meddle ('to meddle' was a ParUamentary Debates in 1610, p. 52, where the Lords are said to "sitt
neerer the
Sterne of government, and therefore are made
favorite expression of absolutism) with anything concerning our acquainted first with those things
that are Arcana imperii etc" For the interrelations
between arcana and mysteria,
government or mysteries of State." ^^ see Othmar Perler, Art. "Arkandisziplin," Reallexikon
fur Antike und Christentum,
I (1950), 667-676, with full literature.
It would not be easy to decide quickly and accurately whence
"Codex Theodos., i, 6, 9 - C.g, 29, 2: "Disputari de principali iudicio non
that notion Mysteries of State derived. It might, of course, have oportet: sacrilegii enim instar est dubitare, an
dignus sit, quern elegerit imperator."
is

been a translation of Tacitus' arcana imperii temptari, "to make " For the connections between arcana-mysteria and silenlium,
see Odo Casel, De

trial of the innermost of the empire" and Tacitus may well have
philosophorum graecorum silentio mystico (Religionsgeschichtliche
Vorarbeiten, XVI:2;
Versuche und
1919). The silentium belonged also to the court
Giessen,
ritual of the Roman emperors; see Alfoldi, "Zeremoniell" (above, n. i),
38 f. O.
contemporary Charles Loyseau, for example, when discussing the validity of the Treitinger, Die ostromische Kaiser- und Reichsidee nach ihrer
Gestaltung im' hofischen
provincial Coutumiers and the legislative power of the provincial assemblies, says Zeremoniell (Jena, 1938), 52 f.; and, for its representation
in earlv Christian art,
also that "sa [the king's] bonte permette au peuple des Provinces coustumi^res de the important remarks of .\ndre Grabar, "Une fresque
visigothique et I'iconographie
choisir certaines Coustumes, selon lesquelles ils desire vivre." Loyseau's Trait6 des du silence," Cahiers archeologiques, I (1945), 126 ff. The sUentium,
however, was
Seigneuries was first printed in 1608; but Loyseau was probably not the first to just as strictly imposed by Frederick II on the parties appearing in the law courts;
use the phrase; see William Farr Church, Constitutional Thought in Sixteenth- see Liber augustalis, I, 32: "Cultus iustitiae silentium reputatur."
The words
Century France (Harvard Hist. Stud., XLVH; Cambridge, 1941), 325, n. 57. derive from Isaiah, 32, 17; but the law itself is framed on
Gratian's Decretum, II, ,'

"See Thomas P. Taswell-Langmead, English Constitutional History, 8th ed. by C. V, qu. 4, c. 3, ed. Emil Friedberg, Corpus iuris canonici
(Leipzig, 1879), L 548 f
Coleman Philippson (London, 1919), 488, note (y), where the better part of the a passage taken from the acts of the nth Council of
Toledo (675 A.D.)i which
proclamation is printed; cf. Chrimes, op. cit., 472f. See also Parliamentary Debates had passed through various canonical collections, including that of
Pseudo-Isidorus,
in 1610, ed. by S. R. Gardiner (Camden Society, 81; London, 1862), 22ff. before it was received by Gratian and, probably through
him, bv Frederick II!
"Mcllwain, Polit. Works, 332 f., for King James' Speech in the Star Chamber, of For his law in the Liber augustalis, see Constitutionum rcgni
Siciliarum libri tres
1616. It should be noted, however, that the king says also: "For though the Com- (Sumptibus Antonii Cervonii, Naples, 1773), 82. I am quoting the law
book of
mon Law be a mystery and skill best knowen vnto your selues ."
. Here the
.
Frederick II throughout according to this edition (abbreviated
Liber aug. [with
word "mystery" certainly has the meaning of handicraft or trade
in the sense book and title], ed. Cervone [with page]) because it contains
the glosses of
of "arts and mysteries," which perhaps would allow the suggestion that "mysteries Marinus de Caramanico and Andreas of Isernia; the edition of
C. Carcani (Naples,
of state" are the handicraft or trade of kings. 1786), though in some respects superior because it contains also the Greek
text,'
"See Parliamentary History of England (London, 1806), I, 1326 f. where the lacks the gloss; and the "chronological" edition of
J. L. A. Huillard-Breholles|
"mystery" is the Spanish marriage of Prince Charles see also Mcllwain, Constitu- Historia diplomatica Friderici Secundi (Paris, 1852-1861), IV,
ff., though it may
;
i

tionalism Ancient and Modern (rev. ed., Ithaca, N.Y., 1947), 112, cf. 125. To have some better readings, is practically useless for the legal
historian because it
"meddle" turns up time and time again; it is the equivalent of Latin se inlromittere; breaks up the unity of books and titles.
see, e.g., Matthaeus de Afflictis (below, n. 22), I, fol. 45, on Liber aug., I, 4: "Ut "See the so-called Vatican .Assizes, I, 17 (published probably in
1140, at Ariano
nuUus se intromittat de factis et consiliis regis." in Apuha), ed. Francesco Brandileone, II diritto
Romano nelle leggi Normanne e

HM

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70 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW MYSTERIES OF STATE 71

slightly attenuated form, also by Bracton.'" Nor did it fail to which the jurists of the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries Placen-
impress James I, who in 1616, very fittingly in a Star Chamber tinus, Azo, and others
termed religio iuris, "Religion of Law," ''

speech, clearly referred to it when he said: "That which con- and what in the surroundings of Frederick II was termed some-
cernes the mysterie of the Kings power, is not lawful to be dis- times mystcrium lustitiae.-" It is true, the emperor himself in his
puted.'' He warned his audience "to keep in their own bounds, Sicilian Constitutions mentioned only the ministerhim lustitiae, or
because was not lawful to dispute the absolute Prerogative of
it rather the sacratissimum minis tcrium lustitiae, which he entrusted
the Crown ... It is Athiesme and blasphemie to dispute what to his officials.-' But the two words ministerium and mysterium
God can doe ... So, it is presumption and high contempt in a were almost interchangeable since early Christian times, and
Subiect, to dispute what a King can do ." '^ The references . .
they were perpetually confused in mediaeval times: a later glos-
to the law of the three Roman emperors are evident. Needless to sator of the Sicilian Constitutions, Matthaeus de Afflictis, when
say that this law had passed, long before, also into Canon Law glossing Frederick's law, still found it necessary to point out in
where it was applied to the pope.'* many words the difference between ministerium and mysterium."
"Mysteries of State," then, derived obviously from that orbit
_ .. . Y c! ,GuiLe tall* ,

Pontificis disputare non licet." See also Oldradus de Ponte, Consilia, LXII, n. i r
'

Sveve del regno di Sicilia (Turin, 1884), 103. The

matches that of the Codex text (Lyon, 1550), fol. 21"': "De potestate vestra dubitare sacrilegium essct. arg. C. de ^Wa.LXV, f*<.
(above, n. 13), but after the word iudicio there is added: consiliis, inslitutionibus, H
cri.^sacri. 1. (C. 9, 29, 2)."
factis. The same text is repeated by Frederick II, Liber aug., I, 4, ed. Cervone, 15. gtT^./O:!''':?''***^
'"
The religio iuris is usually discussed by the glossators in connection with '.

" Bracton, De Icgibus et consuetudinibus Angliae, fol. 34, ed. by G. E. Woodbine ^*^*" ** 7"*^"'"
Justinian's Institutes, Prooem.: ". . . et fiat [princeps Romanus] tarn iuris re-
(New Haven, 1915-1942), II, 109: "De cartis vero regiis et factis regum non ligiosissimus hostibus triumphator." Cf. Placentinus, Summa Institutio- Uc. i^^^<^
quam victis
**"

dcbent nee possunt iustitiarii nee privatae personae disputare, ncc etiam, si in illis num, ed. H. Fitting, Juristische Schriften des friiheren Mittelalters (Halle, 1876), (.(>.] poU^*f*-
dubitatio oriatur, possunt earn interprctari." It is difficult to follow the arguments 222, 21; Azo, Summa Institutionum, cd. F. W. Maitland, Select Passages from the i,'(,4;o _ .,,^^^^-^'
on this passage advanced by Fritz Schulz, "Bracton on Kingship," Engl. Hist. Rev., Works of Bracton and .\zo (Selden Society, VIII: London, 1895), 6. The Glossa
LX (1945), 173, admirable though his discussion is in so many other respects. ordinaria on "religiosissimus") parallels,
(gl. like .\zo and others did before, the \^*>''>, ^^^
Schulz claims that "here the words et factis regum must be interpolated." These notions iuris religio and Iriumphus. See also .Andreas of Isernia, on Liber aug., I, Cfu^itu S4fY\'(.,\'
words, however, are well attested in this connection by the two Sicilian Law Codes 99, ed. Cervone, 168: "lustitia habct multas partes inter quas est relieio et sac- Covuiw^ f>'f-.
(above, n. 15); there is no reason to assume an interpolation, but much reason to ramentum Nam sacramentum est religio: unde dicitur iurisiurandi religio." , ^^
. . .

wonder where the de factis came from. Schulz claims also that the plural regum lurisiurandi religio remained a technical term of Jurisprudence, and it is significant''" "'"'S,'^
instead of regis "is conspicuous." I do not think so: the plural slipped in because that a 16th-century French jurist, when referring to Philo, De specialibus legibus, J*A Xiii / , :

C. 9, 29, which Schulz did not take into consideration, has the heading "Idem
2, II: De iureiurando religioneque, quoted Philo, Liber de iurisiurandi religione; see
iT'/tfl j.
A.\.\. ( = .\ugusti) ad Symmachum praefectum Urbi," for the law was issued Pierre Gregoire, De Republica, VI, c. 3, n. 2 (Lyon, 1609), 137, in marg. ,''"

by the three emperors Gratian, \alcntinian, and Theodosius; and the plural first
slipped, not into Bracton's treatise, but into Liber aug., I, 4, the title of which
reads: "Ut nullus se intromittat (see above, n. 11) de factis seu consiliis regum"
a significant slip because the Byzantine plurality of emperors influenced the South-
Italian scriptoriaand chanceries not at all rarely; see G. B. Ladner, "The 'Por-
""'Pctrus de Vinea. Epistolac, III, 69, ed. by Simon Schard (Basel, 1566), 512:
"vendere precio iusticiae mysterium," a school letter distorting the imperial laws.
Venal justice, of course, compared with simony; see Philipp of Leyden (below, n.
67), Casus LX, n. 33, p. 253 f.; Lucas de Penna, on C. 12, 45, i, n. 61, p. 915:
"gravius crimen est vendere iustitiam quam praebendam legimus enim Christum ;

traits' of Emperors in Southern Italian Exultet Rolls and the Liturgical esse iustitiam [see Decretum, C. XI, q. 3, c. 84, ed. Friedberg, I, 666], non Icgitur
Commemo-
ration of the Emperor," Speculum, XVH (1942), 189 ff., who convincingly inter- autem esse praebendam."
prets tho.se plurals in South-Italian liturgical texts. How to explain the similarity "'Liber aug., I, 63, ed. Cervone, 124.
of Bracton's wording with that of the Sicilian law-book is a different matter; *'
but For the interchangeable use of ministerium and mysterium, see F. Blatt,
when Bracton wrote his treatise (probably between 1250 and 1259), England was "Ministerium-Mysterium," .Archivum latinitatis medii aevi. I\' (1923), 80 f.; one
"swamped" by Sicilians; see E. Kantorowicz, "Pctrus de Vinea in England,"
Mitteilungen des Osterrcichischen Instituts fur Geschichtsforschung, LI
II
i
might add E. Diehl, Inscriptioncs latinae christianae veteres (Berlin, 1924), I, 4,
No. 14 ("ministeriis adque mysteriis religiose celebrandis") also The Book of
(1937-38), ;

esp. 74 ff., 81 ff. Armagh, ed. by John Gwynn (Dublin, 19J3), p. ccxxi (quotation of Romans,
" Mcllwain,
in 1610, p. 23, 3.
Political Works of James I, m f. ; see also Parliamentary Debates i II, 25). Matthaeus de .Afflictis, In utriusque Siciliae
1562), I, fol. 216", on Liber aug.,
Constitutiones (Venice,
I, 63 [60], nos. 4-5, finds the chief difference
. . .

"*The law of the three emperors penetrated also Canon Law; see the gloss between the two notions finally in the fact that "mysterium non potest fieri in
on
Decretum, II, C.XVII, qu. 4, c. 4. And, as Professor Gaines Post kindly pointed privatis domibus sed ministerium iustitiae potest fieri etiam in privatis
. . . ,
out
to me, the law was transferred also to the pope; see Hostiensis, Summa domibus," a somewhat disappointing result of a promising effort. See also .\. Souter,
aurea
(Venice, 1586), col. 1610, De crimine sacrilegii, n. 2: "Similiter de iudicio summi A Glossary of Later Latin (Oxford, 1949), s.v. "ministerium."

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12 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW MYSTERIES OF STATE 73

There seems, therefore, little doubt that it was from the stratum guage mingled strangely with the new solemnity of the legist's
of the "Mysteries of Justice" "Justice" standing that period in idiom when Roger II, in the Preface to his Sicilian Assizes of
for "Government" or "State" James concept Mys-
that I's of (probably) 1140, called his collection of new laws an oblation to
teries of State arose. And it was from the same stratum that the God. Dignum et necessarium est, "It is meet and necessary"
Pontificalism of absolute kings originated. with these words the Preface opened to explain the purpose of the
The royal "PontificaHsm," then, seems to be resting in the collection, and continued:

government is a mysterium administered

legally settled belief that
In qua oblatione By this oblation [of new laws] the royal office
alone by the king-highpriest and his indisputable officers, and
presumes for itself a certain privilege of priesthood, wherefore some
that all actions committed in the name of those "Mysteries of
wise man and jurisprudent called the law interpreters 'Priests of Law.' ^^

State" are valid ipso facto or ex opere operate, regardless even

of the personal worthiness of the king and his henchmen. With the last quoted words King Roger referred to the opening
Whence does this pontifical attitude, unknown in the earlier paragraph of Justinian's Digest which naturally attracted the at-
Middle Ages, derive? To be sure, the "king-priest," the rex et tention of the mediaeval jurists. Accursius (died ca. 1258), in the
sacerdos, was an early mediaeval ideal of many facets,-'' though Glossa ordinaria on D. drew a clear
i, i, i, parallel between the
always inseparable from the Christ-centered kingship of that age; priests of the Church and those of the Law:
or, if you prefer, from the liturgical kingship linked to the altar,
Just as the priests minister and confection things holy, so do WE,
which finally gave way to a legalistic kingship by divine right.
since the laws are most sacred . . . And just as the priest, when im-
This legalism began in the twelfth century when the king's quasi-
posing penitence, renders to each one what is his right, so do WE when
sacerdotal character no longer was legitimized exclusively as an
we judge.-
effluence of unction and altar, but as an effluence of the gravity of
Roman Law which styled judges and lawyers sacerdotes iustitiae,
An imperial judge at Florence around 1238, John of Viterbo, in-
"Priests of Justice." -*
The ancient solemnity of liturgical lan- ferred from the Codex that "the judge is hallowed by the presence
"*
There is a considerable lack of clarity with regard to the rex et sacerdos ideal. of God" and that "in all legal causes the judge is said, nay, be-
Without trying to solve a complicated problem in a footnote, a few remarks may
not be out of order. In the early Christian centuries, the rex et sacerdos ideal had lieved to be God with regard to men," whereby the fact that the
nothing to do with consecrations: it was chiefly a survival of the imperial title judge administers a sacramentutn, the oath, and had a copy of
Poniijex Maximus, though also an adaptation of that title to Christian thought by
way of the biblical model of Melchizedek. The introduction of royal anointments Holy Scriptures on his table, served or was pressed to fit the
in the 7th and 8th centuries produced the liturgical note: the new coronation
anointing of Old-Testament pattern was fused with the baptismal anointing of tion of D. I, I, 1; also Symmachus, Ep. X, 3, 13, Mon. Germ. Hist., Auct. ant.,

New-Testament pattern "ut intelligat baptizatus regale ac sacerdotale minbterium VI, 282, 28, addressing the emperors Iustitiae sacerdotes. For the passage itself, see
accepisse" (see, among a score of similar phrasings, .^malar of Trier's response to Ulrich von Liibtow, "De iustitia et iure," Savigny Zeitschrift fiir Rechtsgeschichte,
the questionnaire of Charlemagne on baptism, Patr. lat., XCIX, 898D): the king, rom. Abt., LXVI (1948), 458 f., esp. 524, 559 f., 563.
like the neo-baptized, was rex et sacerdos, though in a special sense, and his priest- * Brandileone, Diritto Romano (above, n. 15), 94 f.: "In qua oblatione regni
hood was esoteric only, and not clerical. After the introduction of head-anointings officium quoddam sibi sacerdotii vendicat privilegium unde quidam sapiens legisque
;

at the bishops' consecration, the king's coronation was strongly assimilated to the peritus iuris interpretes iurb sacerdotes appellat." Compare Dignum et necessarium
ordination of a bishop: the royal office was "clericalized" and the ruler considered est with the Preface of the Mass: Vere dignum et iustum est; and the relative
nott omnino laicus. Roman and Canon Laws finally produced a new, neither junction In qua oblatione with Quam oblationem before the Consecration. Neither
esoteric nor liturgico-clerical, but legalistic-clerical interpretation of the old rex et
f the similarities nor the slight variations are meaningless: one wanted the assonance
sacerdos ideal, though without inactivating the earlier layers completely. with the Mass, but refrained as yet from profanation.
''Digest, I, I, i: "(Ulpianus) Cuius merito quis nos sacerdotes apf>ellet: iustitiam " Glossa ordinaria, on D. i, i, 1, gl. 'sacerdotes': "quia ut sacerdotes sacra minis-
namque colimus ." VVTio he (quis) was that called the judges and jurists priests
. . trant et conficiunt, ita et nos, cum leges sunt sanctissimae Ut ius suum cuique . . .

is not said; see, however, Aulus Gellius, Noctes .Atticae, XIV, 4: ". iudicem, qui
. . tribuit sacerdos in danda poenitentia, sic et nos in iudicando." A long commentary
Iustitiae antistes est";also Quintilian, Inst. orat.. XI, i, 69: "iuris antistes" See on the subject is found in Guillaume Bude, Annotationes in XXIIII Pandectarum
further the inscription CIL., VI, 2250: sacerdos iustitiae, with Mommsen's quota- libros (Lyon, iSSi), 28 ff.

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 74 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW MYSTERIES OF STATE 75

purpose of a para- religious exaltation of the jurist-priest."" So maxim, and know how the "Man endowed with the Holy Spirit,"
great a jurist as William Durand, the Speculator, writing at the
the pncumatikos of the Apostle, finally was replaced by the in-
end of the thirteenth century, quoted the glossators to the effect cumbent of an office, the bishop, and was identified in particular
"that the emperor ranked as a presbyter according to the passage
with the Bishop of Rome; and how, after passing through the
where it is said (D.i,i,i ): 'Deservedly we, the judges, are called Dictatus papae of Gregory \'II and the bull Unam sanctam of
priests.' " -**
And he referred to both Roman Law and Gratian's Boniface VIII, the papal maxim claiming universal jurisdiction
Decretum, as he added: "The emperor is called also pontiff."-"
under certain circumstances was established for all times to come:
It is most significant that here a positive effort was made to prove
Sancta Scdcs omncs iudicat. sed a ncminc iudicatur?^
the king's non-laical, and even pontifical, character within the
Far less well known is the later, secular, history of that maxim.
Church, not as a result of his anointment with the holy balm, but
Baldus, the great legal authority of the fourteenth century, re-
as a result of Ulpian's comparison of judges with priests. At any marked that the emperor was also called Rex. quia alios regit et a
rate, kingship was about to be severed from the altar space, and nemjne regitur. "Ruler, because he rules others and is ruled by
the ancient ideal of priest-kingship after the model of Melchizedek
none. " ''
Matthaeus de Afflictis. the Sicilian glossator at the be-
and of Christ was gradually replaced by a new regal pontificalism
ginning of the sixteenth century, declared: "The emperor com-
after the model of LTlpian or even Justinian himself.
mands the others, but he is commanded by none." '*'-
De .Afflictis,
That the Mysteries of State were inseparable from the sphere
of course, did not quote or twist St. Paul; he quoted Baldus, who
of law and jurisdiction demands no further comment. The claim in his turn hardly thought of the Epistle to the Corinthians, but of
to universal jurisdiction
which Barbarossa advised, as the story (
the canonist maxim: Sancta scdcs omncs iudicat. The same was
goes, by the four Doctors of Bologna put up on the basis of Feu- )
probably true when James I declared that God had the fxjwer "to
dal and Roman Laws, was a failure. It was not a failure when the
judge all and to be judged by none," not without adding, though,
same claim was made by the Roman Pontiff on the basis of i
that "Kings are justly called Gods,'^' for that they exercise a
Corinthians 2,15: "The spiritual man judges all, but himself is
manner or resemblance of Divine Power on earth." Nor did '^*

judged by none." We are well acquainted with the history of that

Salmasius, an absolutist of a good vintage, think of the Apostolic
"John of Viterbo, De repimine civitatum,
c.25, ed. Gaetano Salvemini, in: Letter when, in his Regal Defense of Charles I of England, first
Bibliotheca iuridica medii aevi (Bologna, 1901), ni.226: ", nam iudex alias
sacerdos dicitur quia sacra dat .; et alias dicitur:
.
'Judex dei presentia con.secra-
. .

printed in 1649, said plainly and simply: "He is a king in the

tur' .; dicitur etiam, immo creditur, esse deus in omnibus pro
. .
hominibus ." . .
"See Michael Koeniger, "Prima sedes a nemine iudicatur," Beitrage zur
.\lbert
The places referred to are D.i,i,: C. 3,1,14; C. 2,59,2.8.
;

Geschichte des christlichen .Mtertums und der byzantinischen Literatur: Festgabe

^Guillelmus Durandus, Rationale divinorum officiorum, 11,8,6 (Lyon, 1565), Albert Ehrhard 'Bonn und Leipzig, 192:). 273-300; see, for Boniface Mil, also
fol.55' "Quidam etiam dicunt (D 1.8,9,3) quod [imperator] presb\1.er' Konrad Burdach. Rienzo und die geistige Wandlung seiner Zeit (Vom Mittelalter
. . .
fit
iuxta illud: "Cuius merito quis nos sacerdotes appellat'."
zur Reformation, II,:: Berlin. 3913-28), 53S ff. See the angn.- 16th-century diatribe
"Durandus, loc.cit.: Imperator etiam pontifex dictus est." Cf Rationale,II,ii
against the papal maxim by Pierre de Belloy, Moyens d'abus. entreprises et nuUitez
"Unde et Romani Imperatores pontifices dicebantur." This is simply the customary-
du rescrit et bulle du Pape Sixte X"' (Paris,: 586). 61 ff.
quotation from Gratian, Decretum, I, Dist.XXl.c.i ,8, ed. Friedberg,
1,68. The "Baldus, on Digest, Prooem.j1.23 ( Venice,! 5 86), I,fol.2'.
passage in the Decretum is taken from Isidore of Seville, Etym.,\'ll,i2.
The "'Matthaeus de .\fBictis. In Sicil. Const., praeIudia,quXXI,n 3,fol.:8: "quia
civilians rarely failed to aUege that place of the Decretum
when they came to imperator aliis imperat. sed sibi a nemine imperatur. ut dicit Baldus in prin.ff.
discuss the pontifical and sacerdotal qualities
the Prince in connection with
of
veteris.in ii.col." (see above,n.3i).
Justinian, lnstit.,II,i,8("per pontifices deo consecrata sunt"), or with D.
1,8,9,1 ''For the kings as "gods" (dn), see my paper ''Deus per naturam. Deus p>er
("cum princeps eum [locum sacrum] dedicavit"). Later Bude. op. cit. (above4i.26),
gratiam." Harvard Theological Review, XLV (1952), 253-277. where I have indi-
30, blames Accursius
and, for that matter, the whole old school of glossators cated (e.g.,274,n.72 the connections with absolutist theories, though without pene-
)

quod ad nostras pontificf.^ rctulit that is, for having equated the ancient
pontijes trating the matter and without recognizing to what extent that notion was actuaUy
:

with the modern Christian bishop. This does honor to Bude's strong]>-
developed pivotal in the theories of English and French absolutists. See, e.g., above, n.9.
hLstorical understanding By that time, however, the damage was done and the
king had become "pontifical."
"James I's Sp)eech to the Lords and Commons, March 21, 1609; see Mcllwain,
PoUtical Works. 307 f.

fA^** iM.'Cr^C' fr<rt*^^ tt<.dLccoit .'

I<xo uy,a^c9J- i^-tc^/^ '3't*<A i^cuit
"<{/Ly<-* 'V**-

A* ?flufo(x dUcU-wn ^.tV- uX^-^ r-cffl. c.iv, t^ta^^x<<u*^ pct<^^A^ t^tf^iOt^oi

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 76 HARVARD THEOLOGIC'VL REVIEW
MYSTERIES OF STATE 77
'''''

proper sense of the word, who judges all and is judged by none."
handsomeness, as perhaps occasionally in an address of
for its
Salmasius clearly twisted nothing but the papal theory by trans-
James I,^* but for its agreement with the fundamental law of the
ferring its essence to the secular state. Literally, the absolute
realm and with contemporary legal concepts. In 1538, a French
Prince had stepped into the shoes of the Roman Pontiff: he, the
lawyer. Charles de Grassaille. advanced in his book On the Regalian
Prince, now became the super-man, that homo spiritualis whom
Rights of France the theory that "a marriage both moral and poli-
Boniface VIII so powerfully had tried to monopolize to the exclu-
tic" {matrimonium morale ct politicum) was contracted between
sion of all others for the Roman Pontiff.-^''
the king and his respublica.^" Grassaille as well as other sixteenth-
The ''Mysteries of State" were practically always bound to the
legal sphere. On the accession of Henry
century lawyers Rene Choppin, in 1572,'"' or FranQois Hotman,

there was introduced into the French Coronation Order a rubric

II of France, in 1547,
in 1576 ^' declared that the king's power over the domain and
the fisc was only that which a husband had over the dowry of his
before and after the bestowal of the ring, saying that by this ring
''the king solemnly married his realm," Ic ray cspousa solcm-
wife:
state."
"The domain is the dowry inseparable from the pubhc
*^ Rene Choppin
actually went so far as to say that the
nellcment Ic rpyaumc.^' This was not just a metaphor introduced
king "is the mystical spouse of the respublica' (Rex rcipublicae
Salmasius, Defensio repia pro Carolo I.,c.VI
*'' (Paris. 1650 [first published in mysticus coniunx).*'^ This has been looked upon occasionally as
1649!), i6g: "Rex a nemine iudicari potest nisi Deo"; and 170: "... ilium
a
proprium [regem esse], qui iudicat de omnibus et
a nemine iudicatur." says about his predecessor kings that "ils oni contracte avec leur couronne une
"'See Burdach, Rienzo (above, n.,^o), 211 f.,26Q f.. and passim (Index, s.v. espece de mariage communcment appelle .saint et poUtique"; cf. Recueil general
"Obermensch"), on the idea of the "superman" and its connection witli the homo
des anciens lois franQaises, ed.by Isambert, Taillandier et Decrusy, vol. (Paris, XV
spiritualis. The genealogy of "superman"'
however, very complicated, though a
is,
1829). 32R, No.iQi see also Hartung ft)elow,n.40), 33 f
;
and, for the sponsus
connection with St Paul and the Epistle to the Corinthian.<; cannot easily be denied. ;

metaphor Burdach, Rienzo. 41-61.

in general.
See Gregory the Great, Moralia. XVIII,c.54 ( 92). on Job,27.20-2: Patr. lat.. "" See,
e.g., King James I's Speech to his First Parliament, in
;

LXXVI,9sA. Gregory comment.'^ on i, Cor.2,10. and says about St. Paul; "More 1603 Parliamentary ; i

History, 1,930; "'What God hath conjoined then, let no man separate' I am the
suo [Paulusl 'homine.";' vocan.s omnes humana sapientes. quia qui divina sapiunt,
husband, and all the whole island is m> lawful wife; 1 am the head, and it is my
videlicet supra homines sunt \'idebimu.'i igitur Deum, si per coelestem conversa-
body ; 1 am the shepherd, and it L*; my flock."
tionem suprahomines esse mereamur." The notion of suprahomines thus coincides
* Charles de Grassaille, Rccahum Franciae libri duo, I. ius xx (Paris, I.^4^),
largely with that of dii (see above.n.3,^). See Charles Norris Cochrane. Christianity 217:
"Rex dicitur maritus reipublicae Et dicitur esse matrimonium morale et poli-
and Classical Culture (Oxford, 1940), ii3,n.i;
J. Maritain. Theonas. Conversations
. . .

ticum; sicut inter ecclesiam et Praelatum matrimonium spirit uale contrahitur.

of a Sage (London and New
York, 1933). 189; see also R. Reitzenstein, Die hel- Et sicut vir est caput uxoris. uxor vero corpus viri .... ita Rex est caput
U)ZM. . .

lenistischen Mysterienreligionen (ud ed., Berlin, 1927), .^68 ff.. for St Paul, and
reipublicae et respublica eius corpus " See above,n.38, and below, nos.48,s6.
further Karl Holl. Luther (Tiibingen, 1932), 222,533. There is, however, yet an-
"Rene Choppin. De Domanio Franciae. Lib.II, tit.i, n.2 (Paris, 1605), p.203;
other strand. Nikephoras Gregoras, writing in the 14th century, still styles the
"Sicuti enim Lege JuUa, dos est a marito inalienabiUs ita Regium Coronae patri-
Byzantine emperor "divine and man above men" (delos xal itvip dvepuwav :

monium, individua Reipublicae dos"; also Lib.III. tit. 5. n.6. p.449; "Rex. curator
irepwiro!) cf. Rodolphe Guilland. "Le droit divin a Byzance " Eos. XLII
;
(1947), Reipublicae ac mysticus ipsius coniunx." See. for the French version, Choppin,
153. This strand, of course, leads to the very broad problem of the theios aner,
Les oeuvres (Paris. 1635). 11,117 and 259 See also the very useful study of Fritz
which cannot be broached Cf L Bieler. OElOl AMI!': Das Bild des
here.
Hartung, Die Krone als Symbol der monarchischen Herrschaft im ausgehenden
"gotthchen Menschen" in Spiitantike und Fruhchristentum (Vienna, 1935).
Mittelalter ( Abhandlungen der Preussischen .Mcademie, 1940, Nr.13 Berlin, 1941 K
''Th. Godefroy, Le ceremonial de France (Paris, i6iq), 348. for the coronation ;

33 i-
of 1547. and. p. 661, for the more detailed rubric; of 1594: '.\NNEAr ROYAL: "Fran(;ois Hotman, FrancogalUa. c. IX. n. 5 (first published in 1576; the early
Parcc qu'au jour du Sacre le Roy espousa solemnellement son Royaume, et fut
editions do not contain Chapter IX. and the later editions were not accessible
commc par le doux, gracieux, et amiable lien de mariage inseparablement uny avec to
me) cf. Andre Lemaire. Les lois fondamentales de la monarchie frangaise (Paris,
;
ses subjects, pour mutuellement sentrfelaimer ainsi que sont le.s espoux.
luy fut I907),93.n.2. for the editions (also 99,n.2). and.p.ioo, for the marriage metaphor
par le dit Evesque de Chartres presente un anneau, pour marque de ceste reciproque
used also by Pierre Gregoire, De RepubUca, IX,:,ji (Lyon,i6o9; first published
conjonction." The rubric after the ceremon\ same bishop "mit le dit
say.'^ that the in 1578), p.267.\: the Prince as sponsus reipublicae and the fisc as the
dos pro
anneau. duquel le Roy espousoit son Royaume. au quatriesme doigt de sa main oneribas danda.
dextrt, dont procede certaine veine attouchant au coeur." See, for the last remark *"See Filippo E. Vassalli. "Concetto e natura del fisco." Studi Senesi.
(1908), XXV
concerning the ring finger, Gratian, Decretum, II, C.XXX, qu.5,c.7, ed.Friedberg 198, nos. 3-4, and 201. for the metaphor. The problem of inalienability of the fisc
1,1106.In his edict of 1607, concerning the reunion to the Crown of his private or demesne in France is one of the leading subjects in the excellent study of
William
patrimony of Navarre, Henry I\' quite obviously alludes to those rubrics, when he F. Church. Constitutional Thought in Sixteenth-Century France (above, n. 8).
"Above, n.40; also Church. Const. Thought, 82.

I
I
L
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 78 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW MYSTERIES OF STATE 79

a "new theory."*^ In fact, however, those French lawyers, es- church . . . so is the Prince in the respublica, and the respublica in

pecially Grassaille, quoted verbatim the Prince.*^

from the Commentaries on
the last three books of Justinian's
Codex by a South-Italian jurist,
Lucas de Penna (born ca. 1320), whose work was widely studied
and six times reprinted in sixteenth-century France/'' The pas-
sage from Lucas de Penna, quoted by Grassaille, contains a whole
political theory in nuce, based on Ephesians,
5,
of the matrimonialMass; and since it leads to other relevant
problems, we may use Lucas de Penna's arguments as stepping
stones for further discussion."*"
Lucas de Penna commented on Codex, 11,58,7, on the Occu-
pation of Desert Land, excepting, however, lands belonging to the
Here some of the roots of royal "Pontificalism" are laid bare.
Lucas availed himself of the very old metaphor of the mystical
marriage of the bishop to his see to interpret the relations between
Prince and state ^"
a metaphor widely and generally discussed
the apostolic Lesson
two generations before when Pope Celestine V, by his abdication
of 1294, actually "divorced" himself from the universal Church to
which he was married.''"'
In addition, Lucas de
Penna cited verbatim a passage from
Gratian's Decretum: "The Bishop is in the Church, and the
Church in the Bishop." Those words, hailing from a famous ''^

fisc and the patrimony of the Prince. It is actually the fisc which
letter of St.
Cyprian, have always been taken as a corner-stone
he wishes to discuss, and quite skilfully he starts with a quotation
of the doctrine of the "monarchic episcopate." " When trans-
from Lucan who styled Cato urbi pater urbiquc maritus, ''father '"
Lucas de Penna, loc.cit.: ". inter principem et rempublicam matrimonium
. .

to the city and the city's husband." ^^ From this metaphor he morale contrahitur et politicum. Item, sicut inter ecclesiam et praelatum matrimon-
ium spirituale contrahitur et divinum
makes his way which two hundred years
to the subject in later the
ita inter principem et rempubUcam
. . . ,

matrimonium temporale contrahitur et terrenum; et sicut ecclesia est in praelato

French lawyers were interested, as he argues: et praelatus in ecclesia . . princeps in republica et respublica in principe."
. , ita
Lucas de Penna may have been guided by .\ndreas of Isernia, a NeapoUtan like
There is contracted a moral and himself, who on ("Qui successores teneantur"), n. 16, In usus feudorum
I feud., 3
political marriage between the Prince
(Naples, 571), 2r, wrote: "Est princeps in republica sicut caput, et respublica in
1
and the respublica.
eo sicut in capite, ut dicitur de praelato in ecclesia, et ecclesia in praelato" (see also
Also, just as there below, n. 53).
is contracted a spiritual and divine marriage be-
*"The basis of course, Ephes.,5,25 ("sicut et Christus dilexit ecclesiam"), which
is,
tween a church and its prelate, so is there contracted a temporal and is also basic for the nuptial mass the early Christian marriage rings, therefore,
;
dis-
terrestrial marriage between the Prince and the State. played in the bezel the marriage of Christ to the Church; see O.M.Dalton, Cata-
logue of Early Christian .Antiquities and Objects from the Christian East
Also, just as the church
... of
is in the prelate and the prelate in the the British Museum (London, 1901), 130 and 131 a particularly beautiful
specimen ;

is in the Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington.D.C.

" See Hartung, Krone als Symbol, The marriage of a bishop to his see is a very common image to which,e.g.. Pope
33.
See Walter UUmann, The Medieval Idea of Law as represented by Lucas de Clement II, who refused to divorce himself from his bishopric Bamberg, alluded
in
Penna (London, 1946), n.n.2, for the editions. Ullmann reasonably restricts him- most telling words; see Clement II, Ep.,MII, Patr.lat.,CXLII,58SB; and, above
self to a "few obvious examples" of French jurists who all, the decretal X, i, 7, 2 (Innocent III), ed. Friedberg, II,
referred to Lucas de Penna 97.
(Tiraqueau, Jean de Montaigne, Pierre Rebuffi, Bodin) their number, however, is
; "'The argument was used especially on the part of the French legists in the
legion. Grassaille copies verbatim and actually cites Lucas' commentary on trial against the memory of Pope Boniface VIII; cf.P.Dupuy,
C.ii,'s8, Histoire du difierend
7, in the passage quoted above (n.3Q) d'entre le Pape Boniface VIII et Philippe le Bel (Paris,
1655), 453 f., and passim;
"Lucas de Penna, Commentaria in Tres Libros Codicis, on C. 11, 58, 7, n. 8 ff. Burdach, Rienzo, 52 f.
(Lyons, 1582), 563 f., a place which Ullmann does not seem to have " Gratian, Decretum, 11^ C.VII,qu.i,c.7, ed.Friedberg,
discussed, 1,568 f.
though (p.i76,n.i) he quotes another marriage metaphor of Lucas. ""'Cyprian, Ep.,66,c.8, ed. W.Hartel (CSEL.,III:2, 1871),
See below, 11,733,5. It would be
n.49, for the biblical and ritual background. rewarding to investigate the history of Cyprian's image of reciprocity. See,
e.g.,
*'"Item princeps si verum dicere vel agnoscere volumus, ... Athanasius, Oratio III contra Arianos,c.5, PGr.,XXVI,332A, quoted by
est maritus G.Ladner!
reipublicae iuxta illud Lucani [Pharsalia, 11,388]." The history of the Roman
. "The Concept of the Image in the Greek Fathers," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, VII
title pater (parens) patriae has been admirably discussed by A. Alfbldi, (i953).8.n.3i ("The image might well say: 'I [the image] and the
"Die emperor are
Geburt der kaiserlichen Bild.symbolik: 3. Parens patriae," Museum one, I am in him and he is in me' "). Or, for a much later period,
Helveticum, IX Petrus Damiani,
(IQ52), 204-243, and X
(1953). 103-124. The title urbi maritus is not quite Disceptatio synodalis, in: Mon.Germ.Hist., Libelli de lite,
1,93,36 f.: "ut ... rex
rare either, since it is found in Priscian, Servius, and others, as every well com-
in Romano pontifice et Romanus pontifex inveniatur in rege" (a place to which
mented edition of Lucan may show. Professor Theodor E. Mommsen kindly called my attention). The ultimate source,

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 80 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
MYSTERIES OF STATE 81
f erred to the secular sphere already by Andreas of Isernia, gloss-
ing the Sicilian Constitutions shortly after 1300, then by Lucas de This corporational aspect, though with a different emphasis,
Penna and Matthaeus de Afflictis '^ the words of St. Cyprian was brought into the picture by Lucas de Penna at the latest.
no While continuing his political exegesis of Ephesians 5, he applied
fitted less neatly as a corner-stone of the "pontifical mon-
archy": "The Prince to the Prince the versicle: "The man is the head of the wife, and
is in the respublica, and the rcspublka is in
the Prince." A certain corpo rational twist came into the secular the wife the body of the man," and logically concluded: "After
V the same fashion, the Prince is the head of the realm, and the realm
version of thatmaxim certainly through Lucas de Penna, as will
'^^

be shown presently. The English crown jurists under Queen Eliza- the body of the Prince."
"'"
The corporational tenet, however, was

beth, however, twisted that twist when they pointed out that "the formulated even more succinctly, when he continued:
king body politic is incorporated with his subjects, and they
in his
And just as men are joined together spiritually in the spiritual body,
with him," and when Sir Francis Bacon rendered an even more .... so are men joined together morally
the head of which is Christ
condensed formula, coined by his predecessors and defining the and politically in the respublica, which is a body the head of which is

king as "a body corporate in a body natural, and a body natural the Prince."
"
in a body corporate" {corpus corporatum in corpore naturali, ct
corpus naturale in corpore corporato):'^ No doubt, St. Cyprian's Here we envisage that portentous equation, which became cus-
coinage had been changed, but the die and the die-sinker are still tomary around the middle of the thirteenth century: the corpus
recognizable. rcipublicae mysticum, headed by the Prince, compared with the
corpus ecclesiae mysticum, headed by Christ.''^ While ignoring
of course, is in all those cases John 14,10, whose own model is difficult to determine. here the very obvious parallelism of the ecclesiastical and the secu-
See, however, Eduard Nordcn, Agnostos Theos (Berlin,i923), 305; Wilfred L.Knox,
lar "mystical bodies," which has been discussed in another con-
Some Hellenistic Elements in Primitive Christianity (Schweich Lectures,i942:
London,i944),78,n.3, believes that the Johannine saying "goes back to the nection, it is pertinent to indicate the importance of Aristotle's
doctrine of human society (or the state) as an entity having both
pantheistic tradition of Stoicism influenced perhaps by the religion of Egypt," and
quotes (p.73,n.2, at the very end of the note) as "the nearest parallel to the
Johannine language" a phrase found several times in the magical papyri: av yap moral and political ends. For it was in the last analysis a concept
fl eyu Kal eyu air, see K. Preisendanz, Papyri graecae
magicae (Leipzig and Berlin, based on Aristotle when the jurists pointed out, time and again,
1931), II, 47 (P. VIII, 37 ff., 49 ff.) and 123 (P. XIII, 795, with some literature in
the footnote). The parallel, however, does not contain the word in (ep), which that the state was a corpus morale et politicum which then indeed
in
fact reflects two different "spaces" and which is essential for the development
from could be set over against the corpus mysticum et spirituale of the
John 14,10, to St. Cyprian and thence to the corporational doctrines of early modern
times. See also next note. Church with the same ease with which Dante assembled the ter-
"Andreas of Isernia, Prooemium super
Constitutionibus, ed. Cervone (above, ". item, sicut vir est caput uxoris, uxor vero
n.14), p.xxvi, whUe discussing
the fisc ("fiscus et respublica Romanorum idem Lucas de Penna, loc. cit.: . .

ita princeps caput reipubUcae, et

respublica eius corpus." The
sunt"), concludes: "Rex ergo et respublica regni sui idem sunt corpus viri . . . ,
qui est in
. .
writing which
quotation is Ephes. s,23 and 28; that is, it belongs to that apostolic
.
,

regno sicut caput, respublica in co sicut in capite." The basis is clearly

John lo.^o, and corporational
and 14,10 (as in the case of Athanasius, quoted above,n.S2), but the (above, n.49) predominantly referred to both marriage rite
juristic
above, n.38, for James I,
allegation quoted by Andreas is the place of the Decretum (above,n.5i). doctrines in their early setting. See also next note, and
Matthaeus
de Afflictis, on Const.,II,3,n.62, fol.iT, refers to Lucas de Penna: "Princeps est in
who quoted those passages.
""Item, sicut membra coniunguntur corpore carnaliter, et homines
in humano
republica et respublica in principe."
Christus est caput
"The spirituaU corpori spiritualiter coniunguntur cui corpori
. . . ,
corporational interpretation of that passage a mystical sense
in was reipublicae quae corpus est, cuius
certainly very old within the Church, though sic moraliter et politice homines coniunguntur
it was not juristicaUy rationalized
before the 12th or 13th century. For Lucas de Penna, see below, caput est princeps."
nos. 56 f.
patria mori," .\merican Historical Review, LVI (i9Si),486
f., 490 f.,
"Edmund Plowden, Commentaries or Reports (London,i8i6), 233a (Willion "See "Pro
v.
for additional examples. See also Huguccio of Pisa (d. 1210),
who sets over against
Berkley), one of a score of similar utterances; see Bacon,
"Post-nati," in: Works of
the body of Christ that of the Devil (". ita infideles sunt unum corpus, cuius
.
Sir Francis Bacon, ed. by Spedding and Heath
(London,i892),VH,667, who cf. Onory, Fond canonisUche
(below,n.84),i7S.n.2, who adds
actually quotes Plowden, Reports,2i3 (Case of the caput est diabolus");
Duchy of Lancaster).
similar places.

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 MYSTERIES OF STATE 83
82 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
ordination, by which both promised not to alienate property
restrial paradise and the celestial paradise on one denominator belonging to the fisc and to the church respectively.^'
as the two goals of mankind.''' Tempting though it would be to demonstrate how indeed the
Lucas de Penna, by quo method, thus arrives athis quid pro
king's non-alienation promise at his coronation derived from and
an "equiparation" not only of Prince and bishop, but also of was related to the episcopal oath (and in the first place the non-
Prince and Christ. And he made the comparison with Christ alienation oath of the English kings in the thirteenth century ),2
poignantly clear when he added: we may pass over that vexed question, and turn, so to speak, to
Just as Christ joined to himself an alien-born, the Church of Gentiles, the mystcria fisci which Lucas de Penna, seemingly in some absurd
as his spouse . . . , so has the Prince joined to himself the state as his mood, had linked to the mystic marriage of Christ and the Church.
(iO
sponsa, which is not his Christus and fiscus, however, were not so far apart for the me-
diaeval lawyers as they would be to us."'
Thus, the venerable image of sponsus and sponsa, Christ and his
In 144 1, in a law suit tried before the Court of the Exchequer,
Church, was transferred from the spiritual to the secular and
adapted need for defining the relations between
John Paston, then a Justice of the Court of Common Pleas and
to the jurist's
well known to us as the compiler of the Paston Letters, dropped
Prince and State. We now understand how the French jurist hap-
quite casually a strange remark: "What is not snatched by
pened to style the king the mysticus coniunx of France. The
Prince not only donned the episcopal shoes, but became like the
Christus, is snatched by the Fiscus'' (Quod non capit Christus,

bishops' celestial prototype both the head of a mystical body capit fiscus).^* Professor Plucknett, the learned interpreter of
that law suit, took that sentence apparently as a bon mot of Paston
and its groom.
which he quoted because he rightly considered it "too good to be
With this canonistic mysticism there was fused the institutional-
lost." But Paston's remark would not have been lost anjrway. In
ism of Roman Law. Lucas de Penna's true purpose, when enlarg-
his collection of emblems, first published in 1522, the great Italian
ing on those marriage metaphors, was to illustrate the peculiarities
jurist and humanist Andrea Alciati presented an emblem carrying
of the fisc. He interpreted the fisc as the dowry of the respublka,
and maintained that the husband was entitled only to use, but not "Lucas de Penna, op.cit.: "Nam aequiparantur quantum ad hoc etiara iuramen-
tum super his pracstitum dc alienatione facta (non) rcvocando episcopus et rex. Ita
to alienate, the property of his wife. He further paralleled the et principi alienatio rerum quae in patrimonio imperii et reipublicae sunt
fiscalium,
vows, exchanged by groom and bride at their marriage, to the et separate consistunt a privato patrimonio suo, iuste noscitur interdicta." There
follows the comparison of the fisc with the dos which the respublica entrusts to the
oaths, taken by kings at their coronation and by bishops at their Prince at her marriage. See above,n.4i. Naturally, the palrimonium Petri figures as
'''
For the connection of morale ("ethical" the dos of the papal sponsa, Rome; see, e.g., Okiradus de Ponte, Consilia, LXXXV,
in the Aristotelean sense) and politicum
n.i (Lyon, 1550), fol.28'', who admonishes the pope "ut sanctitas vestra revertatur
it will suffice here to quote Thomas
Aquinas' Prooemium,c.6, of his Expositio in
libros Politicorum Aristotelis, ed. by Raymundus M.Spiazzi (Turin and Rome, ad sponsam .et reparet suum patrimoniura et suam dotem, quae multipliciter
. .

1951), p. 2: ". et huiusmodi quae ad moralem scientiam pertinent: manifestum

. .
est collapsa." The doctrine finally traveled its full circular course in the 17th century,

est politicam scientiam contineri . sub activis [scientiis] quae sunt scien-
. . . . .
when the Roman pontiff appeared as the maritus of a respublica temporalis (the
tiae morales." The expression corpus politicum el mysticum is found frequently States of the Church) iure principatus and ex sola ralione dominii publici, though
in England and France as a predication of the state; see, e.g., S.B.Chrimes, English as a bishop he was also married to the Roman Church (tanquam vir Ecclesiae)
Constitutional Ideas in the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, 1936), 180,185 ("the De Luca, Theatrum I de feudis, disc. 61, n. 6, quoted by Vassalli, "Fisco," 209
mistik or politike body") for France, Church, Constitutional Thought, 29,
;
(above, n. 42).
n.2o; 34,n.36; 278,n.i6 ("le corps politique et mystique"). See also above, n.37 "'See my study on "Inalienability: Canon Law and the English Coronation
("saint et poUtique"). Oaths of the Thirteenth Century," Speculum, XXIX (1954), 488-502-
""Lucas de Penna, loc.cit.: "Amplius, sicut Christus alienigenam, id est, gentilem " Without then knowing either the origin or later history of that comparison,
ecclesiam sibi copulavit uxorem, 3S.q.l. hac itaque, sic et princeps rempublicam, I have briefly discussed the problem in "Christus-Fiscus," Synopsis: Festgabe fiir

quae quantum ad dominium sua non est, cum ad principatum assumitur, sponsam Alfred Weber (Heidelberg, 1949), 225-235.
*
sibi coniungit .". The reference is to Gratian's Dccrctum, II,C.XXXV,q.i,i
. T.F.T.Plucknett, "The Lancastrian Constitution," Tudor Studies Presented
(Gratian's commentary on .Augustine, De civitate Dei,XV,c.i6), ed. Friedberg, to .\.F.Pollard (London, i924),i68,n.io.
1,1263.

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 84 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
MYSTERIES OF STATE 85
the motto Quod non capit Christus, rapit fiscusS''' And from
of Pope John XXII
those and similar passages served to prove
Alciati's authoritative and incredibly influential book, the motto
that Christ, as he had a fiscus, owned property.^'
wandered into scores of highly respectable collections of emblems,
The antithetical juxtaposition of Christus and Fiscus may
devices, and proverbs of which the Renaissance was so fond."^
sound like blasphemy moderns, since the magnitudes do not
to
Nor was the hon mot a coinage of Paston. A century before him
seem comparable. Mediaeval jurists obviously thought and felt
the Flemish Civilian Philip of Leyden had remarked: "We com-
differently. To
them, Christus meant simply the Church, and the
pare the patrimonial possessions of Christ and the Fisc" {Bona
comparison hinged upon the inalienability of both ecclesiastical
patritnonialia Christi et fisci comparantur)!''' Similar remarks are
and fiscal property, of property belonging to either one of the two
found in Baldus' works; and even in the thirteenth century, Brac-
"dead hands," the Church or the fisc. What ecclesia and fiscus
ton singled out the res nullhts, "the things belonging to no individ-
"^
had in common was perpetuity: in legal language, the "fisc never
ual," as property "only of God and the Fisc."
dies," fiscus nunquam moriturp It is immortal like the Dignitas,
The source was Gratian's Decretum, the
of all those lawyers
the Dignity of Prince or king, pope or bishop, which "never dies"
chapter on tithes: Hoc tollit fiscus, quod non accipit Christus,
even though the mortal incumbent may die. Nor did time run
"What is not received by Christus, is exacted by the Fiscus." '"
against the fisc, as it did not run against the king either, the king
Gratian borrowed the passage from a pseudo-Augustinian sermon.
as King, the king in his DignitasP
However, the genuine St. .\ugustine likewise talks about the fiscus
of Christ ^"
metaphors whose importance should not be mini-
In the last analysis, the "equiparation" of Church and fisc goes
back to ancient Roman times when things belonging to the tetnpla
mized, because in the course of the Poverty Struggle in the times
since the fourth century gradually replaced by ecclcsiac
"Andrea Alciati, Emblemata (Lyon.issi; first edition 1522), p.158, No.CXLVII. were legally on equal footing with things belonging to the sacred
The motto is tm^ found in the edilio prince ps of~i5w, but in that of 1531 see Henry ;

Green, Andrea Alciati and the Books of Emblems (London, 1872), 324, who indi- demesne of the emperor."^ Accordingly, Bracton called those
cates (p.viii) that in the wake of Alciati's publication some thirteen hundred
" The decisive passages are Decretum, II,C.XII,q.i,c.i2 ("Quare habuit
authors published more than 3000 Emblem Books, while .Alciati's original was [Christus]
loculos cui angeli ministrabant, nisi quia ecclesia ipsius loculos habitura erat?") and
translated into all European languages. I am indebted to Mrs. Catcrina Olschki C.17 ("Habebat Dominus loculos, a fidclibus oblata conservans .") both
for having called my attention to the Alciati emblem. passages are taken from Augustine, In Johannem, 12,6 ("loculos habens"), and
. . ;

""See, e.g., K. F. W. Wander, Deutsches Sprichworterlexikon (Leipzig, 1867), they are referred to by Pope John XXII in his decretals against the Spirituals; cf.
1,538, Nos.S4,56,57; V,ii02, N0.95, cf. Nos.103,104; Johannes Georgius Seyboldus, Extravagantes loannis XXII, tit.XIV,c.5. ed. Friedbcrg,II,i230 ff., esp. 12,53. The
Selectiora Adagia latino-germanica (Niirnberg,i683),3o6; Gustavo Strafforello, La word loculus, meaning "pur.se," then could be taken to mean "fi.sc"; see Matthaeus
sapienza del mondo ovvero dizionario universale dei proverbi di tutti popoli (Turin, de .Afflictis, op. cit., prael.,X\',nos.7-g, whoelaborates on the question whether or not
1883), II, 86, s.v. "Fisco." Christ had a fisc in the proper sense of the word. The whole problem will be dis-
"'Philippus de Leyden, De cura rei publicae et sorte principantis,I,9, cd- hy R. cussed separately.
Fruin and P.C.MoIhuysen (The Hague,i9i5), 13. Baldus, Consilia, I,27i,n.3 (Venice, 15 75), foLSi': "respublica et fiscus smt
""The phrase "fiscus et ecclesia aequiparantur" is found time and time again; quid eternum et perpetuum quantum ad essentiam, licet dispositioncs icpe ;

cf.Baldus, on C.io,i,3,n.2 (Venice,is86), fol.236'. Especially mutentur: fiscus cnim nunquam moritur."
in connection with
Justinian's Novel 7,2, those equiparations would be found; The principle SuUum tempus rurrit contra rcgem was commonly acknowledged
e.g., Bartolus, Super
Authenticis (Venice,is67), fol.13'. Matthaeus de Afflictis quotes in the thirteenth century at the latest
the proverb at ; see,e.g., Bracton, fols.14,56,103, ed.Woodbine,
least twice; see In Constit. Sicil., praeludia, qu.XV,n.3 11,58,167,293, and passim.
(fol.14'), and on Const.,
1,7 ('de decimis'), fol.S3^ Bracton, fol.14, ed. Woodbine, 11,57 "See Justinian's Institutcs,2,i,7; also D. 1,8,1, and C. 7,38, 2.
f-: " . sed t.mtum .\s late as the fifth
in bonisDei vel bonis fisci." century do we find that ius publicum
and ius templorum are treated on equal
""Decretum, II,C.XVI,qu.7,c.8, ed.Friedberg,I,8o2. The passage footing; see Arthur Steinwenter, "Uber einige Bedeutungen von ius in den
was taken from
[Pseudo-lAugustinus, Sermoncs supposititii, 86,3, Patr.lat., XXXIX, nachklassischen Quellcn," lura, IV (1953), 138 f., who shows also that tcrmino-
col. 191
Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos,CXLVI,i7, Patr.lat.,XXXVII, logically ius ecclesiar simply took the
place of ius templorum, although with the
C0I1911
The whole passage is quoted and interpreted, e.g., by Lucas edict of Licinius, of
de Penna, op cit on 313 (at least in the form transmitted by Lactantius, De morti-
C.io,i,i,n.7, p. 5. bus persecutorum, 48), the new notion of corpus C hristianorum was connected
with Church property; cf. Arnold Ehrhardt,
"Das corpus Christi und die Korpora-

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 86 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
MYSTERIES OF STATE 87
things fiscal also res quasi sacrae,'"' and Lucas de Penna talked
^ We should not be mistaken: that language does not betray, or
occasionally about fiscus sanctissimus, "the most holy Fisc"
rather does not yet betray, an effort to "deify" the fisc and
though perhaps we, today, find it easier to understand Baldus who the
State; but it does betray an effort to explain by means of theolog-
called the fisc, owing to its immortality, "the soul of the state"
ical terms the nature of the fisc, its perpetuity or, to
(fiscus reipublicac anima)?''
quote Baldus,
the fact that it is quid eternum et perpetuum quantum ad essen-
Moreover, to the fisc the lawyers attributed ubiquity and omni-
tiam, "something eternal and perpetual with regard to its
presence: Fiscus ubique pracsens declared Accursius (ca. 1230) es-
''*
sence." **-
The reverse side of the application of theological lan-
in a gloss often repeated, especially by the glossators of the
guage to secular institutions was, on the one hand, that the fisc
Sicilian Constitutions,^" an ubiquity which made "usucaption of
and the machinery eventually did become godlike, whereas,
state
land for absence of the owner" impossible.**" As so often, it was
on the other hand, God and Christ were demoted to mere symbols
Baldus who drew from that mysterious ubiquity and omnipresence
of legal fiction in order to expound the ubiquity and eternity of
of the fisc a straightforward conclusion: Fiscus est ubique et sic
the fictitious person called Fisc.
in hoc Deo similis, "The Fisc is omnipresent, and in that, there-
**
was always that lingua mczzo-tcologica customary with the
It
fore, it is similar to God."
jurists, which elevated the secular state into the sphere of "mys-

tery." This is true also of that strange personification, the "Dig-

tionen im spatromischen Recht," Zeitschrift fiir Rechtsgeschichte, rom.Abt., LXXI
(I9S3), 299 ff-, and LXXII (1954). nity which does not die." For with regard to the immortal Dignitas
'"Bracton, fol. 14, ed. Woodbine, II, 57 f.; cf. fol.407. Woodbine, III, 266, and passim.
we find again the same juxtaposition: "The king (said Baldus)
Lucas de Penna, on (Lyon, 1582), p. 5, with reference to C. 7,37, 2:
C.io,i,n.2
sacratissimus fiscus and sacralissimum aerarium. Those expressions are found also, is under no obligation to man, though he is obligated to God and
time and time again, in the works of the French jurists of the sixteenth century, his Dignity which is perpetual." "' It was always a problem of
though not without an intention to claim imperial rights for the king; e.g., Choppin
(above,n.4o), II,tit.i,n.2, p. 203: "Sacrum enim existimatur, ut Imperiale, sic Regale TIME, of perpetuity, which made the Deity comparable to the
Patrimonium, quod ideo a re privata ipsorum Principum separari solet." This is Fisc or to the Dignity or to the "King Body politic."
one of the numerous adaptations of imperial prerogatives to royal claims in the
wake of the rex imperator in regno suo theory (see below,n.84). Thespeculations about the immortal Dignity as well as the ap-
"Baldus, I,27i,n.2, foLST: "Et, ut ita loquar, est [fiscus] ipsius
Consilia, plication of that notion ran through many phases: from abbot to
Reipublicae anima et sustentamentum." This does not prevent him, of course, to
say on another occasion correctly: "Fiscus per se est quoddam corpus inanimatum"; bishop and pope, from pope to emperor, and from the emperor to
see Consilia,I,363,n.2, Popular also was the comparison with the stomach
fol. 118'. the "kings not recognizing a superior." ^"^ Eventually one said that
(Lucas de Penna, on C.ii,s8,7,n.io, p.564) which is found as early as Corippus,
In laudem Iustini,II,249 f. (Mon.Gcrm.Hist., .Auctorcs antiquissimi, 111,2,
p.133):
". .cognoscite fiscum / Vcntris habere locum, per quem omnia membra cibantur,"
.
2,n.22: ". . . quia sicut Romana
Ecclesia ubique est, sic fiscum Ecclesiae Romanae
which in its turn goes back to the parable of Menenius Agrippa which itself has a ubique existcre oportet." See, on the emperor's ubiquity, my paper ''Invocatio
long history; see Wilhelm Nestle, "Die Fabel des Menenius Agrippa," Klio, nominis imperatoris," Bollettino del Centro di studi fllologici e linguistic! siciliani,
XXI
(1926-27), 358 f., also in his Griechische Studien (1948), 502 ff.; Friedrich Gombel, in (I9SS).
Die Fabel 'Vom Magen den Gliedern' in der Weltliteratur ( Beih.z.Zeitschr f "^See above,n.72.
roman. Philol., LXXX: Halle, 1934). *"
Baldus, on X, 2, 24,33, "S- I" Decretalium volumen commentaria (Venice,
"Glossa ordinaria, on C.7,37.i,v. 'Continuum.' 1580), fol. 261': "Unde imperator non obligatur homini, sed Deo et
. . .
dignitati
"Marinus de Caramanico, on Liber aug,. III, 39, ed. Cervone (above, n. suae, quae perpetua est."
14),
p.399a: ". et sic non loquitur de fisco qui semper est praesens."
. .
See also "The basis a decretal of Alexander III: X, 1,29, 14, ed.Friedberg, 11,162; see
is
Matthaeus de Affiictis, on the same law, n.3, vol.11, foI.i86: ". nee requiritur . . for the development of the theory, O.von Gierke, Das deutsche Genossenschaftsrecht
probare de praesentia fisci, quia liscus semper est praesens."
(Berlin,i88i), III,27i,n.73. For the secular dignitaries, see Baldus, Consilia, III,
""See, e.g., Justinian, Instit.,II,6,rubr.: ".inter praesentes decennio, inter
. .

'.S9.n-3. fol.4s'; and, ibid., n.4, for the perpetuity of the regal dignity if the king
absenles viginti annis usucapiantur." Presence or absence of the owner makes
non cognoscit superiorem. For the origins of the doctrine of kings not recognizing
legally some difference, but the fisc is legallyalways present.
" Baldus, on C.7,37,1, fol, 37^ We a superior, see the excellent study of the late Sergio Mochi Onory, Fonti canonistiche
should not forget that the Church also has
ubiquity; see Marcus Antonius Peregrinus, De iure lisci libri octo (Venice, 161 1),
dell'idea moderna dello stato (Pubblicazioni dell'universiti cattolica del Sacro
I, Cuore, N.S., XXXVIII: Milan,i95i).

/
I
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88 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW MYSTERIES OF STATE 89

the rcgia Dignitas "never dies,"

**''
or that the regia Maiestas once the whole existing "Phoenix-kind." Hence, being mortal as
"never dies," **"
or one confronted Hke Baldus the persona per- individual and immortal as species, the Phoenix probably could
sonalis of the mortal dignitary with his persona idealis, the Dig- claim, if he claimed at all, to be a prototype of the "Corporation
so that finally the French king could
'"
nity which never dies,**' sole."
claim to have two guardian angels, one by reason of his indi- In the speculations about the Dignitas theological metaphors
vidual person, and another by reason of his Dignity.*"* And per- were effective too, and even the christological substratum is often
force one arrived one day, though not apparently before the six- quite unmistakable. Thomas Aquinas
combining Aris-
St. by
teenth century, at the lapidary formula: Le roy ne meurt jamais, totelean doctrines about the organon, or instrumcntum, with a
"The King never dies," even though the English jurists of that theological tenet of Byzantine origin which he came to know
period still were careful enough
*
to say: "The king, as King, through John of Damascus had expanded upon his doctrine
never dies." according to which the humanitas Christi was the instrumentum
Other compared the Dignitas with a more classical sym-
jurists divinitatis and therewith the instrument of the principalis causa
bol of immortaHty and resurrection, the legendary bird Phoenix.'*'^ efficiens which was God."-
The comparison was not badly chosen there was always only one :
This doctrine, too, wandered to the lawyers and was applied to
Phoenix alive at a time; every new Phoenix was "identical" with their political theories. They equated the Dignitas "which does
his predecessor and would be "identical" with his successor; more- not die" with the Divinitas, and the mortal body natural of the
over, in the case of this bird
somewhat similar to the angels dignitary with the humanitas; and on that basis Baldus could
species and individual coincided. "The whole kind is preserved in write:
the individual," as Baldus put it, so that every Phoenix was at
Here we recognize the Dignity as the principalis and the person as
"
Matthaeus de .\fflictis, on Liber aug., 11,35,11.23, vol.II.fol.;?: "Quae dignitas
regia nunquam moritur."
the instrument alls. Hence, the fundament of an action is the Dignitas
* Baldus, on X,i,2,7,n.78, In Decretales, fol.18: "Nam
non moritur." regia maiestas her.self which is perpetual."''
"Baldus, Consilia,III,2i7,n.3, fol.63': [persona] personalis quae est anima
". . .

in substantia hominis, et non persona idealis quae est dignitas."

"*
Grassaille, Regalium Franciae libri duo, I, ius xx (Paris, 1545), 210: "Item, Rex
Or, when discussing the two persons concurring in the Prince, he
Franciae duos habct bonos angelos custodes: unum ratione suae privatae personae, writes
alterum ratione dignitatis regalis."
*"The slogan turns up quite frequently in the arguments of English jurists in the
middle of the 16th century; see, e.g., Plowden, Reports, 233a: "for as to this Body
And the king's [individual] person is the organum et instrumentum
[his body politic] the King never dies." In France, it is certainly found by the of that other person which is intellectual and public. And that persona
end of the century, though it should not be confused with the funerary cries Le
rot est mart! Vive le rot! which have a quite different and non-juristic origin. "'Maitland, Selected Essays, 73-127, and passim.
""The comparison, to my knowledge, is first found in the Glossa ordinaria of "The subject has been treated very thoroughly by Theophil Tschipke, Die
Bernard of Parma on the Gregorian Decretals; see gl. "substitutum," on X, 1,29, 14. Menschheit Christi als Heilsorgan der Gottheit unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung
See further Johannes .^ndreae. In Decretalium libros Novella (Venice, 1612), fol. der Lehre des Heiligen Thomas von .\quino (Freiburger Theologische Studien, LV:
2o6'-207, on X,i,29,i4,nos.30-3i, gl. "Phenix," Baldus, on the same decretal, n.3, Freiburg,i94o) see also M.Grabmann, "Die Lehre des Erzbischofs und Augustiner-
;

In Decretales, fol.107, who draws philosophically the right conclusion: "Est autem theologcn Jakob von \iterbo (t 1307/8) vom Episkopat und Primal und ihre
qua totum genus servatur in
avis unica singularissima, in individuo." The com- Beziehung zum Heiligen Thomas von .\quino," Episcopus: Studien iiber das
parison more striking than can be intimated here;
is far see Jean Hubaux and Bischoisamt . . . Kardinal von Faulhaber . . . dargebracht (Regensburg, 1949).
Maxime Leroy, Le mythe du Phenix (Liege and Paris, 1939), and the important i90,n.io, for further literature.
remarks on that study by .A.-J.Festugiere, "Le symbole du Phenix et le mysticism "Baldus, Consilia, III, 1 2 1, n.6, fol.34: "Ibi attendimus dignitatem tanquam prin-
hermetique," Monuments Piot, XXXVIII (1941), 147-1S1, with which one should cipalcm et personam tanquam instrumentalem. L'nde fundamentum actus est ipsa
compare Jean de Tcrre Rouge, Tructatus de iure futuri successoris legitimi in regiis dignitas quae est perpetua." In the same paragraph he also makes the distinction
hereditatibus, esp. I,art.2, in the appendix of F.Hotman, Consilia (.\rras, "quod persona sit causa immediata, dignitas autem sit causa remota," whereby we
1586)
35 should as the causa remota.
recall that God is often said to act (e.g. at elections)

I n
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90 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW MYSTERIES OF STATE 91

intellectualis et publka is the one, which principaliter causes the One body of Christ which is he himself, and another body of which
actions.^* he is the head."**

We now understand method and may understand also

the And with those and many similar definitions of the bodies indi-

whence derives that ecclesiological substratum which so often is vidual and collective of Christ we then may compare the legal

perceptible in the speeches and pleadings of English Crown jurists distinctions of the Tudor judges who pointed out, time and time
in late Tudor times. We immediately recognize the ecclesiological again, that
doctrine of the corpus mysticiim when, for example, one of the King has two Bodies, the one whereof is a Body natural
the and . . .

judges opined that suicide was a crime not only against
Nature, but also against the king, "because he, being the Head,
has lost one of his mystical Members." ""' The same, though per-
haps less obvious, is true for the terminology of the English jurists
whenever they argued about the king as an individual and the
king as King, and then usually talked about the king's "two
God and in this he is subject to Passions and Death as other Men are; and the
other is a Body politic and the Members thereof are the subjects, and
he and they together compose the corporation, and he is incorporated
with them and they with him, and he is the Head, and they are the
Members; and this Body is not subject to Passions and Death, for as to
this Body the King never dies.^""

bodies" while slipping only rarely and saying instead "two per-
from these strata of thought, I believe, that the absolutist
sons"
after all, they were not Nestorians, and Sir Edward Coke
It is

concept "Mysteries of State" took its origin and that, when finally
as well as others cautiously pointed out that though the king has
the Nation stepped into the pontifical shoes of the Prince, the
"two bodies" he "hath but one person." "" We may actually hark
modern absolute state, even without a Prince, was enabled to
far back, to the twelfth century when the Church
emerged as first
make claims like a Church.
the corpus mystkum,^'' and to teachers such as Simon of Tournai
or Gregory of Bergamo, to find some, later often repeated, theo- i22,n.29: sunt corpora Christi: Unum materiale, quod sumpsit de virgine,
"Duo
logical formulations of the following pattern: et spirituale collegium, collegium ecclesiasticum." See also, ibid.,n.30.
"Gregory of Bergamo, De veritate corporis Christi, c.i8, ed.H.Hurter, Sanc-
Two are the bodies of Christ: the human material body which he torum patrum opuscula selccta (Innsbruck, 1879), vol. XXXIX, 75 f.: ".Aliud esse
assumed from the Virgin, and the spiritual collegiate body, the college novimus Christi corpus, quod videlicet ipse est, aliud corpus, cuius ipse caput est."
Cf, Lubac, op.cit., 18s (with n.155), also 123 f., and passim, for many more examples
of the Church.*
of the duplex corpus Christi.
" Baldus, duarum Plowden, Reports,233a, quoted also by Sir William Blackstone, Commen-
Consilia,III,i59,n.6, fol.45': ". personarum Rex
. . loco
fungitur . .Et persona regis est organum et instrumcntum illius personae
.
taries on the Laws of England, I,p.249-
intellectualis et publicae. Et ilia persona intellectualis et publica est ilia, quae
principaliter fundat actus: quia magis attenditur actus, seu virtus principalis, quam
virtus organica." Compare,e.g., Aquinas, Summa theologiae.
Ilia, qu.LXII,a.s
resp.: "Principalis autem causa Deus, ad quern comparatur
efficicns gratiae est ipse
humanitas Christi sicut instrumcntum coniunctum"; or IIIa,qu.\'lI,a.i, ad 3:
"Quod humanitas Christi est instrumcntum divinitatis . . . tanquam instru- 1
mentum animatum anima rationali." The transition to the juristic application of
this doctrine may perhaps be found in Aquinas himself when he writes (Ilia,
qu.VIII,a.2): "In quantum vero anima est motor corporis, corpus instrumcntaliter
servit animae."
"Plowden, Reports, 261 Maitland, Selected Essays, iio,n.2.
;
I
"Coke, in Calvin's Case (Reports, VII, loa), distinguishes theologically, or
even christologically, when he says that the king, though he has "two bodies"
(and "two capacities"), has "but one person." Maitland, op.cit., iio,n.4.
"See, in addition to Lubac (next note), G.B.Ladner, "Aspects of Mediaeval
Thought on Church and State," Review of Politics, IX (1947), 403 ff., esp.414 f.
"Simon of Tournai, quoted by Henri de Lubac, Corpus mysticum (Paris, 1949),

U I
 SECRETOS DE EST ADO
(UN CONCEPTO ABSOLUTISTA Y SUS TARDIOS
ORIGENES MEDIEVALES) ()

La expresion Secretos de Estado como concepto del absolutismo

tiene un fondo medieval. Es un tardi'o hrote de aquel hibridismo
secular-espiritual que, como resultado de las infinitas relaciones en-
tre Iglesia y Estado, puede hallarse en cada uno de los siglos de
la Edad Media y que durante muchos anos ha atraido merecidamen-
te la atencion de los historiadores. Despues de los fundamentales

estudios de A. Alfoldi sobre el ceremonial y las insignias de los

emperadcres romanos (i), Theodor Klauser, en epoca mas recien-
te, examine el origen de las insignias episcopales y de los derechos
honorificos, y mostro con mucha claridad como pasaron a los obis-
pos de la victoriosa Iglesia, en la epoca de Constantino el Grande
y posteriormente, determinados privilegios de investiduras y ca-
tegorias de los funcionarios del Imperio de la ultima epoca (2).

Por el mismo tiempo, Percy Ernst Schramm publico su breve ar-

ti'culo sobre los intercambios mutuos de derechos honorificos entre
sacerdotium y regnum, en el que demostraba como la imiUitto im-

(*) Estc ensayo fue lei'do en la sesion conjunta de la American Catho-

lic Historical Association y de la American Historical Association, cl 28 de
diciembre de 1955, en Chicago, y se publico por primera vez en The Harvard
Theological Rei-iew, XLVIII (1955), 65-91. Muchos de los problemas insi-
nuados en este articulo se han examinado con mas cuidado en mi libro The
King's Two Bodia: A study in Medwvflj Political Theology (Princeton. C-C^Ci' C C
1957), aunque aqui he anadido algunas cosas que no se encuentran en el
libro. Quedo reconocido a! Dr. Rodri'guez Aranda por la traduccicn al espafiol
de mi ensayo.
,

(i) Andreas AlpoLDI: "Die Ausgc ltaltung des monarchischen Zere- Ic

moniells am romischen Kaiserhcfeo, e Hnsignien und Tracht der romis-
chen Kaiser, Romische Mitteilungen, XLIX (19^4), 1-118; L (1935), l'i7i.
(2) Theodor KlaiJSER:
Ehrenrechte (Lecturas academicas de Bonn,
Der Urs(>:iii^ der btschofltchen
I. Krefeld, 1949).
hisignieri und / ^

I L
 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

pern por parte del poder espiritual

sacerdout por parte del poder
fue eqinhbrada por una tmmw
secular (3). Schramm llevo su estu-
d.o solo umbral del pen'odo Hohenstaufen,
al
y estuvo acertado
en detenerse donde lo h.zo.
Pues los mutuos prestamos a
que se
refiere ms.gnias. tftulos. smbolos.
pr.v.leg.os y prerrogafvas-
afectarcn a prmcip.os de la
Edad Med.a. principalmente a las
m-
a.v,duahdades d.rigentes. espintaales
y seculares. al pont.'f.ce que
llevaba corona
y al emperador que llevaba m.tra. hasta
que fmal-
mem^ el sacerdoUum tuvo apanenca
.mpenal, y e! regnum aspec-
to cler,ca: A
comienzos del siglo x.u, lo mas
tarde. se alcanzo un
c.erto estadc de saturacion
cuando los d.gnatar.os espirituales y
seculares se atav.aron con los atr.butos esenciales
de sus funciones.
S.n embargo los prestamos entre las dos orbuas no acabaron.
Solo camharon los objet.vos cuando el centro de gravedad se mo-
V.O. por decrlo as.', de los personajes d.rigentes
de la Edad Me-
d.a a las colect.v.dades
dingidas de pr.nc.pios de los
tiempos mo-
dernos^a los nuevos estados
nacionalesy a otras ccmun.dades polf.
t.cas. Es deer, ambito de intercamb.os entre
el
Igles.a y Estado.
y de .nfluencas mutuas. se cxpand.6 desde
los d.gnatar.os md.v.,
duales a las comunidades
compactas. Por esto. los problemas
socio-
lcg.cos empezaron a
conf.gurar los problemas
ecles.ast.cos y. vi<-e.
versa, lo ecles.ast.co a
lo sociolog.co. Con el Papa como Pnnc.o,
verus ,mperator y

sa.
aparato jerarquico de la iglesia
el

de algunos .mportantes rasgos

romana ," J
de const.tucional.smo (4)-
mos-
t.o tendenca a convertirse en
el protot.po perfecto
de una monar-
qu.a absoluta .ac.onal sobre una base m.'st.ca.
y m.entras que s.-
mu.taneamente Estado mostro una crecente
el
tendencia a con-
vernrse en una semiWglesia.
y. en o.ros .espectos. en una
monar-
qu.a m.st.ca sobre una base
rac.onal. Fue aqu.' en
estas aguas
aguas nauseahmdas. si as, se
quie,e donde el m.sticismo del
nuevo Estado hallo su alimento
y su morada.
El problema fundamental
se puede enfocar con
mas faclidad
planteando una simple cuest.on
: ^Como. por que canales
y me'
di^nte que tecn.cas. se transf.r.eron
al Estado los espirituales ar^

.hrer Vorrechte... Stud.

Gregonam. II (,947), 405,457
(4) Vease BR.AN T.Erney The Canon.su and the
^^y/,>^ ^
Rev,., o PoUUcs, XV
:

(,95,). ,78-588. y su
Med.aeval
impor.nn.e T^b;rT/,c. Fou..
State,,

ilattom of the Conahar Theory (Cambridge. 1956).

38
 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

cana ecclesiae para producir los niievos seculares arcana iaipem del
absoliitismo? La respuesta a esta pregunta esta dada por las fiien-
tes con las que tenemos que contar ; sin olvidar los relatos o
las artes, el ceremonial o la liturgia, se puede decir que nuestra
principal evidencia se debe a las leyes. Principalmente por nuestras
fuentes legales se han hecho evidentes los nuevos modos de in-

tercambio entre los espiritual y lo secular. Despues de todo, los

canonistas usaban y aplicaban el Derecho romano ; los civilistas

usaban y aplicaban el Derecho canonico ; y ambos derechos fueron

usados tambien por juristas del Derecho consuetudinario (5). Ade-
mas, ambos derechos fueron mfluidos por el metodo y el pensa-
miento escolastico, asi como por la fi'.osofia aristotelica ; finalmen-
tc, los juristas de todas las ramas del Derecho aplicaban libremente,
y sin o inhibiciones, similes y metaforas teologicas cuan-
escrupi'.los

de exponian sus puntos de vista en glosas y opiniones legales. Ba-

jo el impacto de estos intercambios entre glosadores y comenta-
listas canonicos y civiles que no existian en la A!t2 Edad Me-
dia surgio algo a lo que se le llamo entonces "Secretes de Es-
cado", y que hoy, en un sentido mas generalizado, se denomina con
frecuencia uTeologia pol.tica (6). Afortunado como siempre, no-
taba una vez Maitland que eventualmente la nacion usurpna las

funciones del Principen (7). Aunque estoy por complete de acuer-

do, creo que podriamos agregar : uPero no antes de que el Prin-
cipe mismo usurpara las funciones pontificales del Papa y del
obispc".
En efecto, el pontificalismo'> fue quiza el lasgo mas sobre-
saliente de las nuevas monarqu.'as, y pocos principes ni siquie-

(5) Esto ha sido apuntado repetidamente por Gaines Post: vease es-
pecialmente su cstudio sobre -A Romano-Canonical Maxim, "Quod omncs
tangit". in Bracton.', Tradttio, IV (1946), 197-251, y su ensayo leido ante
el Riccobono Seminar sobre The Theory of Public Law and the State in
the Thirteenth Century. Seminar, VI (1948), 42-59; tambien su mis re-
ciente estudio sobre "The Two Laws and the Statute of York' Speculum. ,

XXIX (1945), 417-452.

(6) La expres:6n, muy discutida a principios de la decada de 1950

(Carl Schmitt: Politische Theologte. Munich y Leipzig. 1923), se ha po-
pularizado mas en este pais, si es que no mc equivoco, debido a un estu-
dio de George Lapiana, Political Theology . The Interpretation of His-
tory (Prmceton, 1943).

(7) F. W. MAffLAND: <.Moral Personality and Legal Personality", en

sus Selected Essays (Cambridge, 1936), 230.

39

' u
 ,

RRNST H. KANTOROWICZ

ra Luis XIV- fiieron tan genuinainente pontificales como el Rey

[aime I de Inf,laterra. En un peqiieno diccionario de Deiecho, pu-
blicado en 1607 y llamado The Interpreter, un capacitado civilista.
el Dr. John Cowell, anticipo ciertas teori'as politicas con las que nor-
malmente Jaime I no habri'a estado en desacuerdo : que el rey
siempre es mnyor de edad : que no esta sujeto a la muerte, sine
que es en si mismo una institucion que vive eternamente; que el
rey esta por encima de las leyes;
y que admite la legislacion de!
Estado solo a causa de su benignidad o en razon de su juramento
de coronacion (8). Puesto qje The Intepreter suscito la indignacion
de los Comtines, de qmen el rey dependia para lograr su subsidio,
el rey rmsmo se molesto por las palabras de Cowell. Asi, pues, un
rey airado fulmino a un pobre erudite que solo queri'a agradar
a su soberano. Jaime I se quejaba. en una proclama de 1610, de
que nada ise deja ahora sin investigam ni "los mas altcs mis-
terios de ia cabeza dc Dios ., ni los secretos mas profundos que
pertenecen a las personas o Estado del ley y los principes, que
son Dios en la Tierrai, y que hombres incompetentes escudri-
naran libremente con sus escritos los mas profundos secretos de
la monarquia y de !a gobemacion poHtica >
(9). En otras ocasione^,

(8) Para el caso del Dr. John Cowell. vease Charles H. Mc Ilvvain :

The Political Works of James I (Cambridge. Mass., iqi8), pp. XXXVl!

y sigs., y mis recientemente, Stanley B. Chrimes. ^Dr. John Cowell ,

English Historical ReiieTi, LXIV {1949), 461-487, que reprodujo en el

Ap>cndice los pasajes importantes del libro de CowELL, Interpreter or
Book Containing the Signification Words, publicado por vez primera
of
en Cambridge, 1607. Cowell cita muchos autores Franceses, y puede pro-
ceder de una de estas fuentes el haber hablado de la benignidad- del
rey (v. <.Par!amento ). Su coetaneo Charles LoyseaM, por ejemplo, al

IL discutir la validcz de los Coutumiers provinciales y cfel poder legislative)

de asambleas provinciales dice tambien que <.sa bonte (la del rey) pcr-
las

mette au peuple des Provinces coustumieres de choisir certaines Coustu-

mes, selon lesquellesils desire vivre. EI traite des Seigneuries de Lo\

SEA^ fue impreso por primera vez en 1608: pero probablementc Loysea^
Cjoy-rcci- *-^ t/>
'

no fue el primero que uso la frase vease William Farr Church: ^Con- ;

i^Oi' .
smuticnal Jhqugh t in Sixteenth-Centu ry France^ {Harvard Hist. SiudT,
ILL XLVII; Cambridge, 1941), 325, n. 57.
'

(9) Vease Thomas P. Taswell - Langmead : English Constitutional

History, 8. ed., de Coleman Philippson (Londres, 1919), 488, nota (y).
en la que se mayor parte de la proclama; cf. Chri-
halla improsa la

MES, op. cit., 472 y sig. Veanse tambien los Debates parlamentarios de
1610, ed. por S. R. Gardiner (Cimden Society, 81 Londres. 1862), 22 y :

siguientes.

40

U I I D
 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

jaime I se refirio a <mi Prerrogativa o secreto de Estado". al 'se-

creto del poder del rey, o a la reverencia mi'stica que pertenece

a qiiienes se sientan en el trono de Dios.> (lo), u ordeno al 'Speaker
de la Camara de los Comunes que advirtiera a aquella Camara
que no intentara nadie entrometerse (enrrometerse era una expre-
sion favorita del absolutismo) en nada que concerniera a nuestra
gcbernacion o secretes de Estado)> (ii).

No seri'a facil decidir rapidamente y con precision de donde

se deriva el concepto de Secretos de Estado. Podn'a haber sido.
naturalmente, una traduccion del arcana imperii temptan, de Ta-
cito, (cexaminar los secretos del imperio)),
y es posible que el culto
faime I conociera a Tacito. Si embargo, la expresion secretos de
Estado tiene mas sabor cristiano que de Tacito, aunque la pala-
bra arcana servi'a para designar los misteria paganos y los cristia-
nos (12). Sin embargo, hay razones para pensar no en el historiadoi
romano, sino en Derecho romano debido a una ley de los em-
el

peradores Graciano, Valentmo y Teodosio, quienes en el afio ^95 se

dirigi'an al praefectus Urbi Symmachus diciendo que era sacrile-
gio discutir el juicio del Principe y las decisiones de los fimcio-
narios (13). Seguramente que sacrilegio)) es una palabra fuerte

MclLWAIN: Polit. Works, 332 y sigs., para el discurso del icy

(10)

laime en la Star Chamber, en 1616. Debe notarse, sin embargo, que el

rey dice tambien : For though the Common Law be a mystery and skill
best knowen unto your selues..." Con toda seguridad, la palabra .mystc
ry tiene aqui el sentido de oticio o comercio, en
el sentido de .cartes y
secretos)), que quiza puede sugerir que
lo secretos de Estado son los
oficios o comercios que hacen los reyes.
(11) Vease Parliamentary History of England (Londres, 1806), I, 1.326
y sigs.. en donde el .secretO" es el matrimcnio espanol del Principe Car-
los; vease tambien McIlwain: nConstitutionalism Ancient and Modern
(rev. ed., Ithaca, N. Y., 1947), 112, ef. 125. Entrometerse se repite un.i

y otra vez; es el equivalente del latin se tntromittere ; vease. por ejem-

plo, Mateo de Afflictis (abajo. n. 22). I, fol. 45, sobre Liber augustalis.
I. 4: Ut nulliis se intromittat de factis et consiliis regis."

(12) TXciTO: Anales, II, 36. La expresion, naturalmente, era conoci-

da; veanse, por ejempio, los .Debates Parlamentarios de 1610, pag. 52.
donde se dice que los lores que "se sientan mas cerca del gobierno y. per
tanto, se familiarizan primero con aquellas cosas que son Arcana impe-
rii, etc.". Para las interrelaciones entre arcana y misteria, vease Othmap

f. PURLER, arti'culo "Arkandisziplin... Reallextkon fiir Antike und Christen-

tiini, I (1950), 667-676, con una completa bibliografia.
(13) Codigo de Teodosio, I, 6, g^C. 9, 29, 2: "Disputari de principali
ludicio non oportet : sacrilegii enim'instar est dubitare, an is dignus sit,
^uem elegerit imperator.

/ U
 ERNST H. KANTOROWltZ

que bordea de silencio reservada para mtsterta y arcana,

la ..zona

para las acciones en la iglesia y en el tribunal

(14). No obstante.
esta vieja ley, incluida en su Codigo por Justiniano fue
capital, tanto
en la legislacion de Rogerio II de Sicilia, como de Federico II (15).
y fue tambien repetida. en forma ligeramente atenuada, por Brae-
ton {16). No dejo de impresionar a Jaime 1, quien en 1616,
muy

(14) Para las conexiones entre arcana-mystena y sikntium, vease Odd

Casel: De philosophorum graecorum stlentio mysttco (Religionsgeschichtli-
che Versuche^ V=rarbeiten, XVI, 2; Giessen, 1919). El .ikntium per^
It teneo'a tambien al ritual de la corte de los emperadores romanos; vease
AlfoLDI: uZeremotiiell.. (arnba, n. i), 38 y sigs. O. Treitinger Die os-
:
t:
Iromtsche
- A
Kaiser-und Retchsidee mch ihrer Ge^italtunn im hiifnchen Ze
remoyiiell (Jena. 1938), y, para su representacion en el arte cris-
52 y sigs.
J tiano primitive,
/ las importantes observaciones de Andr/ Grabar : >'Uni
/t
fresque visigothique et Ticcnogriphie du silence... Cahiers archeolo^iques,
I
126 y sigs. Sin embargo, el silenttum fue impuesto estrictamente
(1945).
por Federico II sobre las partes que comparecian ante
los Tribunals de
la Ley; vease Liber augustalts. 1. 32: ..Cultus iustitiae
silentium reputa-
tur... Las palabras proceden de IsaIas, pero
32. 17. la ley misma esta for-
jada sobre el Decretum de Graciano, II. C. V. qu. 4. c. 3. ed. de Emil
Friedberg. Corpus tuns caywnia (Leipzig.
1879), I. 548 y s:gs.. pasaje to-
rnado de las actas del n
Concilio de Toledo (675 despues de C.) que paso
a traves de varias colecciones canonicas.
incluycndo la del Pseudo-Isidoro,
antes de que lo recibiera Graciano y, probablemente
a traves de el. Fe-
derico II. Para su ley en el Uher augustalis,
vease Coustttutionum regni
Stabarum Ubn tres (Sumptibus Antonii Cervonii. Napoles.
1773. 82). Cito
el libro de leyes de Federico II de
acuerdo con esta edicion (en abreviado.
Liber aug., ed. Cervine), porquc contiene las
glosas de Marinus DE Ca-
RAMANICO y ANDREAS DE ISERNIA la edicon de C.
Carcani (Napoles. 1786),:

aunque superior en algunos respectos porque contiene

tambien el texto
griego, carece de comentarios y la edicion
: cronolcgica de J. L. A.
Huillard-Breholles. Histona diplomattca Fnderta Secuiidi
(Pan's. 1852-1861),
IV, I
y sigs., aunque tiene algunas interpretaciones mejores. practicamente
es intjtil para el historiador de las leyec oorque rompe la unidad de libros
y titulos.

(15) Veanse las llamadas

1 4sSi.c.e Sesiones del Vaticano,-. I. 17 (publicadas
probablemente en 1140 en Ariano, en^'Apulia). ed.
Francisco Br.indileone.
II dmtto Romano nelle legg,
Nomuinne e Sveve del regtio di Sicilta (Tu-
rm. 1884). 103. El texto es igual al del Codigo
(arriba. n. 13). pero des^
pues de la palabra ludtcio se afiade cmtsiliis,
: institutionihus, factis. El
mismo texto es repetido por Federico II. Uber aug., I. 4. ed. Cervone. 15.
(16) Bracton: De legihus et consuetudintbus An^liae, fol. 34. ed. de
E. Woodbine (New Haven. 1915-1942). II. .09: De cartis vero regiis
et factis regum non debent nee possutji
iustitiarii nee privatae personae
i'vitr
disputare. nee etiam. in dubitatio oriatur.
.se illis possurn cam interpreta-

I
iHt
42

U I
 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

oportunamente en un discurso en la Star Chamber, se refirio Cia-

ramente a ello diciendo: No es legal discutir aquello que concier-

ne al secreto del poder del rey". Adverti'a a su auditono <.que se

mantuviera dentro de sus li'mites. porqiie no era legal disputar so-

bre la Prerrogativa absoluta de Es ateo y constituye la corona.

una blasfemii discut'^- io que puede hacer Dios... Del mismo modo,
es presuncion y gran desden en un subdito. discutir lo que puede

hacer un rey...- (17). Las refereniias a la ley de los tres emperado-

res romancs son evidentes. No es preciso decir que esta ley se habia

convertido, mucho tiempo antes, en ley canonica cuando se apli'

CO al Papa <i8).

ri.' Es d-.fi'cil seguir los <,rgi;mentos sobre este pasaje anticipados por Fritz
SCHULZ: Bracton on Kingship. Engl. Hist. Rev.. LX (1945), j;?- aun-
que su examen es admirable en muchos otros respecios. SCHULZ pretendc
que las palabras et facUs regum deben ser interpoladas Sin embargo. .

estas palabras se halian bien atestiguadas en esta conexion por los dos
Cc'digos sicilianos no hay razon para suponer una inter
(arriba. n. 15):

polacion. pero si para preguntarse de donde procede de jaciis. SCHUL7

pretende que es conspicuo^ el plural regum en vez de regts. No lo creo:
el plural se desliza porque C. g. 29. 2. que SCHULZ no tomo en conside-

racion. tiene el Idem AAA. (-Augusti) ad SyMmachum

encabezamiento
praefectum Urbi>', pues la ley fue prcmulgada por los tres emperadores
Grac.ano. Valentiniano y Teodosio; y el plural se deslizc primero. no en
el tratado de Bracton. sino en el Liber Aug., I. 4. cuyo ti'tulo dice: -Ut
nullus se intromittat (vease arriba. n 11) de facta seu consiliis regum'
desliz significative porque la pluralidad de emperadores bizantinos del
sur de Italia no es raro que inf.uyera en las scriptoria y cancillerias del sur
de Italia : vease G. B. Ladnep The : Emperor in Southern
Portraits' of

Italian Exultet Rolls and the Liturgical Gammemoration of the Emperor>.,

Speculum. XVII (1942). 189 y sigs.. que interpreta estos plurales en los

textos litiirgicos del sur de Italia de un modo convincente. Como explicar

la semeianza de los terminct de Bracton con el del libro de leyes Sici-

lian es una cuestion distinta : pero cuando Bfacton escribio su tratado

(probablemente entre 1250 y 1259). Inglaterra estaba inundada de sici-

lianos: vease E. KanTOROWICZ: Petrus de Vinea in England . Mitfei-

lungen dei ^iterreichtschen /nstituts fur Geschtchftforchung, f-LW/ (1937-

'^
58), esp. 74 y sigs.. 81 y sigs.

(17) MclLWAlN: PcUttcal Works of ]ames 1, 3}.;. y sigs. Vease tambien

Parhamentary Debates in 1610, pig. 2}. f>arrafo j.

(18) La ley de los tres emperadores pcnetro tambien e! Derecho ca-

nonico: vease la glosa sobre el Decretum, II. C. XVII. qu. c. 4. Y como

el profesor Gaines Post me supirio amablemente. la ley paso tambien al

Papa: vease HosTIENSIS : Summa Aurea (Venecia. 1586), col. 1610, De

crtmint sacrilegti, n. 2 : Similiter de ludicio summi Pontificis disputare

43

I u
 ERNS7 H. KANTOROWICZ

'.Sccrctos de Estado-. pue.s. precede

claramcnrc dc ia oibiu que
los junstas de Jos siglos xii
y otros
>' xin ^ Placentinus, Azo
Uamaron rehgto juns. (Religion del Derecho-^ (i9).
y que en t.em-
pos de Federico 11 fue Ilamada, a veces. fnystenum
lus^ttme (io).
Es aerto que emperador mismo en sus Constiruciones
el
sicilia-
nas solo mencionaba el mmi^enum lusuUae,
o mis bien el sacru-
tissimimi ministenum lustttiae, que confiaba a sus fiincionanos <2il.
Pero las dos palabras mimst-enum y mystenum eran casi inrer-
cambiables desde los pnmeros tiempos del
cristianismo, y fueron
confundidas perpetuamenie en tiempos
medjevales; un comenta-
nsta posterior de las Constitucionc.
s.cilianas. Maicr de Afflict is.

non licet.,, Veasc tambien

Oldradus dl Pontt Cimsilio. LXU. i. :

(Lyon. 1550). fol. 21 rb. .Dc porestate vestra dubitarc sacnkgiuni cshi
:

are. C. de en. sacn...^^Il (C.

9. 29, 2). Vease tambien Angelo dec:
Ubaldi en C. 9. 2S. 2. -n. 2 (Venecia.
1570). fol. 26g nunquam dc inh:, : ,

bil.tatc vcl .n.sufic.entia (off.ciali.s)

a.s.suinpt. per Papam vcl per prmapcir
disputandum est.. Tambien GuiDO Papa Consxka. LXV. n. lo (Lyon. :

1544). fol. 86: uDisputare enim de ipsorum (sc. papac ci imperaicr,;,) ^.

testate nemini licet: quimmo faciens crimen .sacrilegu committn
(19) El rehgio .uni es discutido cornentemente
por los plosa3c.-e5 t:
conexion con las Institucionts dc lustmiano- Proemio : <
ei fiat (cl Pn'r.
cipe romano) ta^ mns rehtiio.si.ssimus quam
1*1 victis hostibus tnumphator.
[
Cf. Placentinus: Summa InstauUonum, ed H. FrmNC: JunsUsche Srh'i'
ten dcsfruj^ren
Mittclalter, (Halle 1876). 222. 21: AzO:
Summa Jr;.-:::.
Unnum. ISTF. W. Maitland. Sehcted Passage!:
from the Works oj BrarUn
and .^o (Seiden Society. VIII. Londres.
1895). 6. La Glossa ordtuane (glc-
sa sobre rel.giosisstmus. compara. como lo hicieron antes Azo y otro.v
)

las nociones luns rehg,o y tnumpkus. Vease tambien

Andreas DE hi
sobre el Uher auf., 1. ^, ed. Cervone. 168:
lustitia habet multas ;. .

inter quas est rcligio et sacramentum Nam sacramentum est religio:

unde dicitur lunsiurandi religio., lunsiurandi rebgw quedo como te .:
tecnico de lunsprudencia. y es significative que un mnsta irancet
la
oi
glo XVI. a! refenrsc a Filon. De
Speciaiihus legibus. II: De tureturandt
veUgionequt. citara a Fil6n. Uber de iur^siurand,
reltpone ; vease PlERRI
GRECOIRE: De RepuhUca. VI. c. n. 2"'(Lyon.
j. 1609). 137.'^
(20) PEmus DL ViNEA: Efrstolue III. (,9. ed. de Simon Schard
.
(B.
silea. 1566). 512: .venderc precio lustinae mystenum . carta desvirtuan
.,ui "VvitoV' do las leyes impenalcs. Justicia venal por supuesto. compa^da con la
simonia veasc Felipe DE Leyden
:
(abaK). n. 67) : Cas^s, LX. n. 33. pap-
nas 253 y sigs. LuCAS DE Penna en C.
: 12. 45. i. n. 6j. pig. 955: ,
gra.
vius crimen est vendere lusiitiam quam praebendam : lepimus emm Chris-
tum esse lustitiam (veasc Dti-rettum. C. XI. q. 3. c. 84. ed. Friedberp.
I. 666), non legitur autem esse praebendam.>
(21) Uber aug.. 1. 63, ed. Cervone. 124.

4A

d^ J t s c u. ^Ol

n
U I
 SRCRETOS DE ESTADO

al glosar la ley de Federico. luzgaba aiin necesano expresai exten-

samentc la diferencia que exisic entre mimstemmi y mystei-ium (22).
Por tanto. parece ofrecer pocas dndas que fuc del estrato secretos
de la justiciar
en aquel tiempo .dusticiav sipnificaha Gohier-

no>' o (tEstado'
de donde surgio el concepto dt Secrctos de
Estado de (aime i. Y fue en el mismo estrato donde sc orifjino el
pontificalismo de los reyes absolutos.
EI .(pontificalismov real. pues. parece descansar en la creencia
legalmentc establecida de que el pobierno es un ni'^'Sterwm admi-
nistrado solo por el alto sacerdotc real y sus indiscutiblcs funcio
narios, y que todas las acciones realizadas en nombre de csos use-
cretos de Estado^. son validas ipso facto o ex ohere opcato, pres-
cindiendo incluso del valor personal del rey y de sus seeuidores.
c'De donde se deriva esta activiciad pontifical, desconorida en
la aha Edad Media? Seouramente, el rey-sacerdote. el rex ci iucar-
doi, fue un ideal primitivo medieval de muchas facetas (23), aunquc

U-i) Para e'. ust uucrcambiabU dt nuiitsierunr. y mysteriiim, veast

f. BlatT: iMinistenum-Mystcnuni' . Archtvum laUmtatu mediiaevx, IV
J1923). 80 y sigs. ; podria afiadirsr E. DiEHL hncnpttonei latnutL Chrts-
:

Uanac veteres (Berlin, rg^^). I, 4. niim. 14 ( 'mini.?terjs adqur mystcriis

religiose celebrandis.-): tambiei. booh of Amtaah. ed. dt- John Gwynr
(Dublin, 191 jj. pag. ccxxi (citas dc romano;, u. 25). Mated DE Afflictis :

In utnusque StciUat:.. CmisMuttom: ^ fVenecia. 1562). 1. fol 216 v.. en

Uher au}i.. I. h^ (60). nunu. 4-5. eiicuentra. por ultimo, qut- la diteren-
cia principal entre las do.s nocionej> reside en e! hecho de que .mysterium
non potest fier; 111 pnvati.s domibui... sed miiusterium lustitiae potest
fieri etiam in pnvati.s domibui . resultado algo decepcionantc dc un pro
mctedor esfueno. Veast tambieu A
(Oxford. 1949). s. V. iministenum .
SoiTrER : A. Glossary aj Later Lrttni ^
(23) Existe un.i considerable faita de clandad respecto al rea et sacer-
dos idea!. Sm intentar resclver un problem, coniplic.ido en una nota. qui-
za scan oportuna.s unas cuanta.s obscrvacione;.. En iot. siglos cnstianos pn-
mitivos, el rex et sacerdos idea! no tenia nada que ver con las consagra-
^iones: pwb nbie m e alU era un supervivientc del tttulo imperial Pmitifej
pr\*^Ut>tJLiAAt^i^
Maxtmu!,. aunqui t.imbieii era una adaptacicn de ese titulo e': pensamien-
to cnstiano siguiendo el modelo blblico de Meiquisedec. La introduccion
de las uncioiies reaies tn ios siglo.s vii y vili produio la nota litiirgica : la
nueva coronacion uiigida .1 cstilo del Vieio Testamento. .ut intelligat bap-
tizatu.s regale ac sacerdotak ministenum accepisse (veasc. entre una vein-
tcna de frase.s semeiantes. la respuesta dc Amalar de Trier al cuestiona-
rio de Carlomagno sobre el bautismo. Pair. lat.. XCIX. 898. i): el rey.
como el neofito bautizado. era rex el sacerdos. auiiquc en un sentido es-
pecial, y su sacerdocio era s61o esotenco v ni' clerical Despues dc la in-

45

U I u u
 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

siempre inseparable de la monarquia con Cnsto como centre de

aquella epoca; o, si se prefiere. de la monarquia litiireica liga-

da al altar, que por ultimo dio lugar a una monarquia legalista de

derecho divino. Este legalismo empezo en el siglo Xll, cuando el

caracter casi -sacerdotal no se legitime ya exclusivamente como un

ef.uvio de uncion y altar, sino como un efluvio de la seriedad del
Derecho romano que nombraba a jueces y abogados sacerdotes lu^ti-
tiae. usacerdotes de la jusricia>> {24). La antigua solemnidad del
ienguaje litiirgico se mezclaba extrafiamente con la nueva solemni-
dad del idioma de los junstas cuando Rogerio II, en el prefacio
a BUS Debates silicianos de (probablemente) 1 140, llamo a su co-
leccion de leyes nuevas una oblacion a Dios. Dignus et nectasartum
est, con estas palabras empezaba el prefacio. explicando el prcpo-
sito de la coleccion, y contmuaba

<dn qua oblattone. Por esta oblacion (de leyes nuevas) el

funcionario real asume para si mismo determinado privilegio

sacerdotal, por lo cuai algiin sabio llamo a los interpretes de
la ley "sacerdotes de la ley>' (25).

troduccion de las unciones de cabeza en las consagraciones de los obis-

pos. la coronacion del rey sc hizo muy parecida a la ordenacion de un
obispc : el funcionanc real fue cclericalizado y sc considero al gobernan-
te not! omnmo latcus. El Derecho romano y canonico produicron final-
mente una interpretacicn nueva, ni esoterica ni linirgica-clerical. sino lega-
lista-clencal, del vieio rex et sacerdoi, ideal, aunquc sin dejar dc activar
'^
per complete las priniitivas cap>as.

(24) Dj^eslc), 1. I. 1 : Ulpiano. Cuiu;, merito qui.', nos sacerj^s ap

pellet: lustitiam namquc colimus.. No sc dice a quienes llamaba el

AaT^") jueces y junstas sacerdotes; embargo, AULUS Gellius, Nodes

veasc. sin
Atttcae, XIV, 4: :... ludicem, qui lustiiiae antistes est: tambien QuiNTl-
LIANO. Inst Oral., XI, I, 69: "iuris antistes". Vease. ademas. la inscnp-
cion CIL, VI. 2250: iocerdo!: lustitiae, con la iiota dc MoMMSEN de D. t.
I. i: tambien Symmachus, Ep. X. 3. 13. Mon. Gemi. Hist., Auct. ant..
VI. 282. 28. llama a Ics emperadores lustittot sacerdotes. Para e! pasaje
mismo. vease Ulrich VON LiJBTOW ; .Ek lustitia et iure>' : SAVIGm :

Zeitschrift fur Rechtsgeschichte, rom. Abt.. LXVl (1448). 458 y sigs..

esp. 524, 559 y sigs.; 56:5.

(25) BrANDILEONT. : Romano (arriba.

Dtritto 11. 15), 94 y sip.: In qua
oblationc regni officium quoddam sibi sacerdotii vendicat pnvilegium; unde
quidnm sapiens leghsque pcritus iuris interpretes mris sacerdotes appellat.
Comparese, Dtgnum et necessanum est con el prefacio de la misa : Vere
diauuni e^ lustum est, y la relativa union In qua ohlatione con Quam obUi-
tioneni antes dc la consagracion. Ni las .semcianzas ni las vanaciones mas

46

I u
 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

Conpalabras citadas en ultimo lugar el

las
rey Rogeno se re^
feria al paragrafo pnmerc ,-|el
Digesto de Justiniano que. como es
natural, atrajo la atencion de los
juristas medievales. Accursiiis
(muerto hacia 1258), en la Glosa ord.naria en D. i. i. i. hace nn
claro paralelo entre los sacerdotes
de la Iglesia y los de la ley

"Del mismo modo que los sacerdotes administran

y se
ocupan de las cosas sagradas. asi' lo hacemos NOSOTROS, pues^
to que las leyes son mas sagradas Y
.. asl como el sacerdote,
cuando imponc penitencia. da a cada
uno lo que le corres^
ponde en derecho. asi lo hacemos NosoTROS
cuando juzea^
^
mos.. (26).

Unjuez imperial. Juan de Viterbo.

hacia 1238 en Florencia
inferia del Cod.go que -el juez
esta consagrado por la presenc.a de
Dios. y que .,en todas
causas legales se dice, o meicr.
las
se cree
que el ,ucz es D.os con respetto a los
hombres.,. de donde el hecho
de que el ,uez admm.stre un sacramentum
y tenga un ejemplar
deSagradas Escnturas sohre su mesa,
las
servfa se intentaba -o
que sirviera- a los fines de una
exaltacon para-religiosa del
sacerdote^junsta (27). Un junsta tan grande ccmo William Du-
rand, el Speculator, que escribfa
a fines del siglo xiii, c.taba
a los
glosadores para decir .que el emperador podi'a considerarse como
pre^em segun el pasaje en que se dice (D. i. ,. ,,): Nosotros

ligeras careccn de senndo; se deseaba corre.pondenc.a con

la
la nsa. p.ro
absteniendosc. s.n embargo, de la profanacion.

J
(26)
5
Glosa ordtnana, en ' D
'^- i
' i
'
i
!
al
S'-
o-.,-,j .
sacerdoteS). : ..quia ut sacer-
dctesj sacra m.n.trant et
conficiunt. ,ta e, nos. cum leges sunt sanct.ss-

T
no .n

GU,LMUME Bude:
"V
'"'/""";/""'"'
,ud.cando.., Un
''''^""^

cxtenso comentano sobre el

'''"'^'
'" ''^"'^^ PO<=naem;a. sic et

tema se encuen.ra en
J
A,u.taUones ,.. XXIV PandecUrum
"
Ubros (Lyon I J
^'" P"^'^'""" '' '"'^^^ --^'^^- ANCELO
DEgL Uba^

''f '' y I Uy
uno verbo Docorem facere
e
poss.t. dicendo:
eodem modo papa pronuntiat
"Pronuntio te Doctorem " I L
sacerd.tem., Para o.ros aspectos del pro'
blema. vease The K.r.g's T^o Baches. ,20 y sigs
lUAN DE Vn^RBO:
(27) De re,.r.,ne ctv^tatum. c. .,. ed Gaetano
Salvemen. en: B,H,otHeca
,und,ca n.dn ae.. (Bolon.a. ',01). I,?.!
I|idex
eus .n
deJ p.esent.a consecratur
omn,bus pro hom.n.bus
.." ; diatur et.am. .mmo creditur. esse
/^ LU
.
Los pasa.es citados es.an en D ,
' t- ^. I. 14: C. [. ,9. 2, 8.

47

I U L
 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

ios jueces. somos llamados, con razon, sacerdotes (28). Y se

re-
fiere al Derecho romano y al Decreto de Graciano, anadiendo
"El emperador se llama tambien Donti'fice
(29). Es altamente sig-
nificativo que se hiciera aqui' un positive esfiierzo para probar el
caracter no laico, e incluso pontifical, del rey dentro de la Iglesia.
no como resultado de ungirlo con balsamo sagrado, sino como
el
consecuencia de la comparacion que hace Ulpiano de Ios jueces
con Ios sacerdotes. De cualquier forma, la realeza esta a punto de
.ser separada del altar, y el viejo ideal de la monarqm'a sacerdotal
segiin elmodelo de Melquisedec y de Cristo fue sustituida
gra-
dualmente por un nuevo pontificalismo real segun
el modelo de
Ulpiano e incluso del mismo Justiniano.
Que Ios Secretos de Estado eran inseparables de la esfera de
la Ley y de la jurisdiccion no necesita mas comentarios.
La pre-
tension a una jurisdiccion universal que Barbarroja (aconsejado,
segun cuenta la historia. por Ios cuatro doctores
de Bolonia) esta-
tlecio basandose en e! Derecho lomano y feudal, fue un fracaso.
No constituyo un fracaso cuando hizo la misma
pretension el Ro-
mano Pontifice basandose en la epistola i." a Ios corintios, 2, 15:
"El hombre espiritual juzga a todos, pero a el mismo no lo juzga
Conocemos muy bien la historia de esta maxima,
nadie...
y sabe-
mos como el .Hombre dctado con el Esp'ritu Santo, el IneumaU.
kos del Apostol. fue sustituido finalmente por
un funcionario, el

(28) GUILLELMUS DURANDUS Ratiotmle dhinorum offictorum,

:
II. 8, 6
V (Lyon, 1565), fol. 55: ..Quidam etiam dicunt ... (D. 9. 3) quod (im-
i. 8.
peratir) fit presbyter iuxta illd : "Cuius merito quis nos sacerdotes an-
pcllat*'.

(29) DuRANDUS: he. at.: .

Imperator etiam pontifex dictus est.-
Cf. Rationale, .Unde et Romani imperatores pontifices diceban-
11. 11:
tur... Esta cs simplemente la aco.stumbrada cita
de Graciano: Decrelum.
I. Dist. xxi. c. ,. paragrafo 8. ed. Friedberg, I, 68. El pasaje en el De-
cretum esta tornado de IsiDORO DE SevillA:
Etimologias, VII. 12. Los ci-
vilistas raramente dejan de alegar
este parrafo del Decretum cuando dis-
cuten las cualidades pontifirales sacerdotales
y del Principe en relacion
con Justiniano. Instit. II. i. 8 (-per pontifices deo consecrat^ sunt..), o con
ay D. I. 8. 9. I (cum princ^ eum (locum sacrum) dtdicavit..). Ma^
adelantc. BuDg. op.
<LfS
cit. (arriba.
con n. 26), 30. acusa a Accursius -y
este motivo a toda escuela
de glosadores quod ad nostros pontifices
la

retuUt: es decir, per haber igualado al

pontifice antiguo con el moderno
obispo cristiano. Esto hace honor al sentido historico
tan fuertemente des-
arrollado de BUDg. En aquella epoca. sin embargo, cl dano estaba hecho
y el rey se habi'a convertido en pontifical.'.

48

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obispo, y file idcntificado en particular con el obispo de Roma

y como, despues de haberse probado por el Dicfatui papae de
Gregorio VII y la biila Unam sanctam de Bonifacio VIII, se es-

tablecio para todos los tiempos futures la maxima papal que exi-
gfa la jurisdiccion universal en determinadas circunstancias : Samta
Sedes Onines iudicat, sed a nemine iudicatur (30).
Mucho menos conocida es la posterior y secular historia de
esta maxima. Baldus, la gran autoridad juridica del siglo xiv, ob-
servaba que al emperador se le llamaba tambien Rex, quia aHoi
regit et a nemine regitur, "Rey porque rige a los otros y no es
regido por nadie (31). Mateo de Afflictis, el comentarista sici-

liano del siglc XVI, declaraba : "El emperador manda a los otros.
pero a el no le manda nadie" {52). De Afflictis, por supuesto. no ci-

taba o interpretaba a San Pablo; citaba a Baldus, quien, a su vez,

apenas pensaba en la Epi'stola a los Corintios, sino en la maxi-
ma de los canonistas : Sancta sedes omnes iadicat. Esto mismo
era cierto probablemente cuando Jaime I declare que Dios tenia
poder para juzgar a todos y no ser juzgado por nadieo, no sin
anadir, sin embargo, que los icreyes son llamados dioses, con ra-
z6n (33), pues realizan una especie de poder divino en la Tie-

Vease ALBERT MiCHAEL KoeNiCER

(50) .Prima sedes : a nemine iudi-
catur", Blitm^e Zur geschichte des Chnstlwheii Altcrtiims uiiJ der byzan-
tinischer. ..vcratur; FTT, g.ioe Albert Ehrhard (Bonn y Leipzig, 27^ 1922),
300; vease, para Bonifacio VIII, tambien KoNRAD BuRDACH: Rienzo und
die geistige VVo ;
7g seiner Zeit (
Von Mittclalter zur Reformation, II.

I. Berlin, 1913-28), 538 y sigs. Vease la violenta diatriba del siglo xvi
contra la maxima papal por PIERRE DE Belloy: Moyens d'abus, enlre-
prises et nullitez dii resent et hulle du Papa Sixte V (Pan's, 1586), 6i y
siguientes.

(31) Baldus, sobre el Dtgesto. Prcmio, n. 23 (Venecia, 1586), 6i -

j y 2.^.
(32) Mateo de Afflictis en Sicil, Const., praeludia, qu. XXI, n. 3.

folio 18: 'iquia impcrator aliis imperat, sed sibi a nemine imperator, ut
Baldus ini prij f gigaj veteris. in ii. coI. (vease arriba, n. 31). Cf.
dicit
^ Angelo DEGLI TUbaldi en Dig. proemri rubr. (Venecia, 1580), fol. 2: Im-
perator quia imperat et a nem/ni sibi imperatur.x Tambien Albericus DE
RosATE en Dig proem. "Omnem", n. 15 (Venecia. 1585), fol. 4: quia
ipse [imperator] facta subditorum iudicat : sua iudicat solus Deus : sicut

de Papa dicitur... (C. U^ q. 3, c. 15) cum sit aequalis potestas utriusquc. ..>'

;ix
La referencia al Decretum es un pasaje del pseudo-Isidoro ; cf. Friedberc, :

Corpus luris Canonici (Leipzig, 1879), I, 6ia, n. 224.

(33) Para los reyes como "dioses>'. vease mi ensayo < Deus per natu-
ram, Deus per gratiam. Harvard Theological Ret-iew, XLV (1952), 253-

49

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rrai> (34). Salmasius, absolutista de (ja) buena (epocg), tampoco pen-

UCjLfeVU'VW^'^. saba en la carta apostclica
'V^ cuando en su Regal Defeme oj CharLsi I
of England, impresa por vez primera en 1649. dijo clara
y simple-
mente: Es rey en el vcrdadero sentido de la palabra. que juzga a
todos y no es juzgado por nadie.. Lo que
(35). interpretaba Salma-
sius no era sino la teoria papal, transfiriendo
su esencia el estado
secular. Literalmente, el principe absoluto
habi'a usurpado !a fun-
cion al Romano Pontifice el. el principe. se convirtio ahora
;
en
el superhombre. ese homo Spmtualts i\ que Bonifacio VIII habfa m-
tentado energicamente monopolizar en beneficio
del Romano Pon-
tifice. con exclusion de todos
los otros (36).

277. donde he indicado (por ejemplo. iy^, n.

72) ks conexiones con lav
1 teonas absolutistas. aunque sin penetraV
mucho en el asunto y sin reco-
nocer hasta que punto la nocion fue realmente
cardinal en las teor.'as de
los absolutistas ingleses
y franceses. Vaese,
por ejemplo. arriba, n. 9.
(34) Discurso de Jaime I en la Camara de Ics Lores
y de los Comu-
ncs, 11 de marzo de 1609; vease
McIlwain: Political Works, 307 y sigs.
(55) Salmasius: Defensio regia pro Carolo I, c.
VI (Pan's, 1650- pu-
bhcado per primera vez en 1649). 169: .Rex
a nemine ludicar/ potesl nis.
a Dec; y 170: ... ,llum proprium [rege/ esse] qui iudicat 'de omnibus
et a nemine iudicatur.'
(36) Vease Burdach:
RwnZo (arriba, n. 30), 211 y sig., 269
y s,g
y pass,m (Index, s. v. 4Aermensch). sobre la idea
del .superhombre'
y su relation con el homo sptrituaUs. La genealogia del .superhombre..
es
no obstante, muy complicada. aunque
no puede negarse su relacon con
^an Pablo y la Epi'stola a los Corintios.
Vease Gregorio el Grande, Mo-
ralia. XVIII, c.
54 (paragrafo 92), en Job, 27. 20-21 Pair. lat. LXXVl
1 95A. Los comentanos^,.Grs^ori9_j_,. Cor.
2. .0, y dice sobre San Pa-
:

blo: More n,o [Paulus^l "hom.ues" vocans omnes

hunyina sap,entes,
qma qm diz^na sapmnt, vuUUcet -supra hommes"
sunt. Vtdebtmus .gitur
Deum, per coelestem conversattonem
"suprahomxnes" esse mereumur
La noc.cn de suprahomines coincide, as,
pues, en gran parte, con la de
1-1 du (vease arriba, n. 53). Ve| Vease Charles
Norris Cochrane- Chns-
Uamty and Classud Culture (Oxford,
.940). 1,3, n. i; J. MaRITAIN: Theo-
nas, Conversations of a Sage
(Ix,ndres y Nueva York, ,89.
,95,), ve^se
tambien R. Reitzenstein : Dte hellemt.sche
MystenenreUgionen (J* ed..
cion Berhn ,927), 368 y sigs., para San Pablo, y tambien Karl HoLL:
Luther (Tubingen, ,932), 222, 533- Existe.
embargo, todavfa o.ra co- sin
rriente. Nikephoras Gregoras, que escribfa en el
siglo xiv, llama atin
al emperador b.zantino <,divino y hombre sobre los hombres.. '(e-o^ k^I bx=o
avOp,r,v c!vOp.:ro; cf. Rodolphe Guilland:
Le droit divin a Bv-
zance,., Eos XLII (,947), .53- Esta corriente,
por supues.o. lleva al muy
amp 10 problema del the.os ancr. del que
no podemos ocuparnos aqu."
Cf. L. Bieler: hKIOv an HP: Dar^Bikldes .gtMuhen Menschen.
ipatantike und Friihchnstentum
m
' 't (Viena, 1935).

50

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Los <(Secretos de Estado>- se limitaron siempre, practicamente,

a la esfera jiiri'dica. A la siibida al trono de Enrique II de Francia,
en 1547, se introdujo en la Orden de Coronacion francesa un paira-
fo antes y despues de la concesion del anillo, diciendo que por este
anillo el rey se casaba solemnemente con su reino le roy espon-
sa solemnellement le royaume (37). Esto no era precisamente una
metafora introducida por su belleza, como quizan ocurrio ocasional-
mente en un discurso de la reina Isabel o Jaime I (38), sino por su
acuerdo con el Derecho fundamental del remo y con los conceptos

(37) Th. GoDEFROY: Le Ceretnomal

348, de_^ France (Pan's, i6iy),
para coronacion de 1547, y p. 661 para ^irrafos) mas detallados de n954>
la
lS"ff
..ANNEAU ROYAL: Pane qu'a^ jour dti Sacre Te Roy espo^sa sokmnelle-
ment son Royaume, et jut comme par le cloux, gracieux, et amuible
1
f"^
hen '

de niariage .nseparablement uny avec ses subjects, pour t^nttuellement

s'entr(e)aimer amsi que sout les espoux, luy jut par le dtt Eiesque de
ChartKej_ presente un amieau, pour nuirque de ceste redproque cotij^tiori.,..
'Vie
El parrafo.de despues de la ceremonia dice que el mismo obispo /mit le
dit anneau, duquel le Roy espousoit son Royaume, a)^' quatriesmc doigt
de sa main dextre, dont precede Vea- certaine veine attouchpnt au coeur-. 0/
se, para la ultima observacion concerniente al dedo
anular, Graciano:
Decretum, II. C. XXX, q. 5. c. 7, ed. Fnedberg^ I, ,106; vease para
las liltimas fuentes clasicas de esta
A
doctrina (Geli.ius : Noct. .\tt7. X, )

10, 1-2; Macrobius: Sat., VIII, 13, 7-10; Isidoro de Sevilla: De ojj.
eccles., II, 20, 8), Franz Joseph Dolger: uml Christentum, V
Antike
(i9?3). 199; y para el renacimicnto de la doctrina en Ordo ad jcwtendum

tiponsalia en
m Ecdesiae
!a Iglesia de Saruni. William Maskell: Monumenta Ritua-
fs
Anglicanae (2." ed., Oxford, 1882), I, de
59. En su edicto
1607 sobre la union a la corona de su patrimonio privado de Navarra,
Enrique IV alude claramente a estas riibricas al decir de los reycs que le
preccdieron que .ils ont contracte avec leur couronne une esp^ce de ma-
nage communement appelle saint et politique)); cf. Recueil general des
anciens lois jranfaises, ed. de Isambert, Taillandier et Decrusy, vol. XV
(Paris, 1829), 328, num. 191: veasc tambien Hartung
(abajo. n. 40), 33
y sigs. y para metafora del Sponsus en general, BurdacH: Rien^^o, 41-61.
la

'; (38) La reina Isabel recordo a su Parlamento ><el compromise de

este
mi matrimonio con mi reino.; cf. MiLTON WaLDMAN: England's
Eliza-
beth (New York y Boston, 1933), 66. Vease, para
el rey Jaime I, el
discurso a su primer Parlamento en 1603: Parliamentary History, I, 930:
"Lo que Dios ha unido. ningun hombre puede separarlo". Yo soy el
esposo y toda la isla es mi esposa legftima; yo soy la cabeza y ella es
mi cuerpo; yo soy el pastor y ella es mi rebano. Vease tambien la
Declaration of John Pym, Esq., en John Rushwortd, The Tryal Tho-
of
mas Earl of Strafford (Londres, 1680), 666: E1 rey] es
[el el esposo de
la Commonwealth. ... el es la cabeza, ellos son el cuerpo; es tanta la
union que no pueden separarse sin destruirse ambos.')

to. ruU-ica U-Kov<^LCQ.

wrvA txoovaX-o ,
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legales contemporaneos. En 1538. iin abogado frances, Charles de

Grassaille, avanzo en su libro sobre los derechos regalistas de Fran-
cia la teon'a de que ise contiaia iin matnmonio moral y politico
(matrimonnim morale et polittaim) entre e! rey y su republican {^9).
Grass.aille, asi come otros jurisconsultos del siglo XVi Rene Cho-
pin,en 1572 (40) o Franfois Hotman. en 1576 (41) declararon
que el poder del rey scbre el reino y el fisco era solo como el qi:2
tenia un marido sobre la dote de su mujer : E1 reino es la dote
inseparable del Estado publico- (42). Rene Chopin llego hasta de-
cir que el rey .es el esposo mistico de la respublica (Rex reipu-
blicue mystuus contunx) (43). Esto se ha considerado ocasional-
mente como una ateoria nueva {44). De hecho, no obstante, aqiie-
ilos abogados Franceses, especialmente Grassaille. citaban, palabra
por palabra, los Ccmentarios sobre los tres ultimos libros del

(i9) Charles de Grassaille: Regalwm Fraiiaat Ubn Ouo, I, ms XX

(Pan's, 1545), 217: ..Rex dicitur maritus rcipublicae... Et dicitur esse ma-
trimonium morale et politicum : sicut inter ecclesiam et Praelatum matri-
mcnium Spirituale contrahitur ... Et sicut vir est caput axons, uxor veto
corpus viri... ita Rex est caput reipublicae et respublica eius corpus..
Vease arriba, n. 38, y abajo niims. 48, 56.

(40) Rene Choppin: De Domanto Franciae, lib. II, tit. i, 2 (Paris.

1605), p. 205: Sicuti eniin Lege Julia, dos est a marito iiialienabilis:
ita Regium Coronae patrimonium. individua Reipublicae dos.; tambieii
lib. Ill, tit. 5. n. 6, 449: .<Rex, curator Reipublicae ac mysticus... ipsius
coniun^o Vease, para la version francesa, Choppin: Les. Oeuvres (Paris.
1635), II, 117 y 259. Vea.se tambien el muy litil estudio de Fritz Har-
TUNG: Die Krone als Jyvtbol der monarchischen Herrschaft im ausge-
hencieji Mittekilter (Abhandlungen der Prcussischcn Akademie, 1940, nii-
"A
mero I3: Berlin. 1941). 33 y sig.

(41) Francois Hotman : Francogalha, c. IX. n. 5 (publicada por pn-

mcra vez en 1576; las primeras ediciones no contienen el capi'tulo IX,
y
las ultimas no me fueron accesibles); cf. Andr LemairE:
Lds lois fon-
damentales cle la monarchte franfuise (Paris. 1907), 93, n. 2 para las edi-
ciones (tambien y p. 100, para la metafora del matrimonio,
99, n. 2)
empleada tambien por PIERRE Gregoire, DeRepuhlica, IX, i, 11 (Lyon,

KO 1609J, publicada por primcra vez en 1578, p. 267A

Spousiis reipublicae, y
(42)
Senesi,
Vease FiLlPPo E. Vassali:
XXV
el
el principe como

fisco como el dos pro oneribus danda.

..Concetto e natura del
:

fisco., SUidi
(1908), 198, niims. 3-4, y 201 para la metafora. EI problema
de la inalienabilidad del fisco o posesion real en Francia es uno de los
temas principales en el excelente estudio de William F. Curch: Constt-
tutional Thought in Sixteenth-Century France, arriba, n. 8.

(43) Arriba, n. 40; tambien CHURCH: Const. Thought, 82.

(44) Vease HaRTUNG: Krone als Symbol, 33.

52

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Codigo de Jiistiniano de iin juiista del sur de Italia, Lucas de

Fenna (nacido hacia 1320), cuya obra fiie miiy estudiada, y reim-
presa seis veces en Francia en el siglo XVi (45). El pasaje de Lucas
de Penna, citado por Grassaille, contiene toda un teon'a poli'tica in

nuce, basada en los Efesios, 5, la leccion apostolica de la misa ma-

trimonial y puesto que lleva a otros problemas importantes pO'
;

demos emplear los argumentos de Lucas de Penna come medio para

una discusion ulterior (46).

Lucas de Penna comento el Codigo. 11, 58, 7, sobre la ocupa'

cion de tierra desierta, pero exceptuaba las tierras que pertenecian al

fisco y el patrimonio del pri'ncipe. Es el fisco realmente lo que desea

discutir, y con mucha habilidad empieza con ima cita de Lucano
que llamo a Caton ttrbi pater urbique mantus, < padre de la ciu-

dad y marido de la ciudad" (47). De esta metafora pasa al tema

por el que se interesaron doscientos afios despues los jurisconsul-
tos Franceses ; se expresa asi

Hay contraido un matrimonio moral y politico entre el princi-

pc y la repi'iblica.

Del mismo modo que hay contraido un matrimonio espiritual

(45) Vease WALTER Uli.MANN : the Meuieid) Idea 0/ Laic a< repre-

sented fry Lucas de Peiiiia (Loiidres, 1946), 14, n. 2 para las ediciones.
Razonablemente, UllmaN se limita a unos cuantos ejemplos obvios/ de
los iuristas franceses que sc refieren a Lucas de Penna (Tiraqucau. lean
de Montaigne, Pierre Rebuffi, Bodino); su niimero, no obstanle, forma
legicn. Grassaille copia literalmente las citas del comentario de Lucas so-

bre C. II, 58, 7 en el pasaje arriba citado (n. 59).

(46) Lucas de Pi-.NNA: Commentaria in Ties Libros Codicil sobre

C. II, 8 y sigs. (Lyon,
58, 7, n. 1582), 563 y sij?., lupar que Ullman no
parecc habcr cxaminado, aunque (p. 176, n. i) cita otra metafor.i de Lu-

cas sobre el matrimonio. Vease abajo, n. 49, para el fondo biblico y ri-

tual. Lucas de Penna quiza fue estimulado por su maestro Cynus de

Pisioia, en C. 7, 37, 3, n. 5 (Frankfurt, 1578), fo!. 446: tambien Albe-
ricus de Rosatc, en C. 7, 37, 3. n. 12 (Venecia, TS85), fol. 107, se rcfie-

re al matrimonium i>itellectuale del pri'ncipe. Vease, para un cxamen mas

dctcnido. The Kiug's Two Bodies, 212 y sigs., y 221 y sigs.

(47) "Item princeps si vetum dicere vcl agnoscere volumus..., csi ma-
ritus reipublicae iuxta illud Lucani (Farsalia, II, 38^.' La historia del ti-

tulo romano pater {parens) patriae ha sido admirablcmente examinada por

A. Al.FoLDI: -Die Geburt dcr Kaiscrlichcn Bildsymbolik : 3. Parens pa-
triae". Museum Heheticuni, IX (i9'52), 204-243. y X (1953), 105-124. El

titulo urln maritus no cs tampoco muy raro, puesto que se halla en Pris-
ciano, Servius y otros, como lo puede demosttar toda edicion bicn comen-
tada de Lucano.

53

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entre una I^lesia y su prelado, asi hay tambien contraido iin ma-
trimonio temporal y terrestre entre el prfncipe y el Estado.
Asi como la Iglesia esta en el prelado y el prelado en la Igle-

sia..., asi el prfncipe esta en la respublica, y la reipvHica en el

principe (48).
Aqui se hallan expiiestas al desnudo algunas de las rai'ces del

pontificalismo>) real. Se valia Lucas de la antiquisima metafora

del matrlmonio mi'stico del obispo con su rebano para interpretar
las relaciones entre el principe y el Estado (49), metafora amplia

y generalmente d'scutida oos generaciones antes cuando el Papa

Celestino V, al abdicar en 1284, se cdivorcio" de la Iglesia uni-
versal con la que estaba casado (50).

Ademas, Lucas de Penna citaba literalmente un pasajc del De-

cretum, de Graciano : "El obispo es en la Iglesia, y la Iglesia en
el obispo^> {51). Estas palabras, procedentes de una famosa carta

(48) Lucas de Penna: Loc cif. : "... inter principcm et rempublicam

matrimoniutn morale contrahitur ct politicum. Item, sicut inter ecclesiam
et praelatum matrimonium spirituale contrahitur et divinum..., ita inter

principem et rempublicam matrimonium temporale contrahitur et terre-

num : et sicut ecclesia est in praelato et praelatus in ecclesia..., ita prin-

ceps in Lucas de Penna pudo haber

republica et respublica in principe.

sido orientado por AndrEas DE ISERNIA, napolitano como el mismo, quien

("Qui successores teneantur) n. 16, In usus feudorum (Napolcs, 1571).
21, escribia! Est princeps in republica sicut caput, et respublica in eo
sicut in capite, ut dicitur de praelato in ecclesia, et ecclesia in praelatO"
(v^ase tambien abaio, n. 5^).

(49) La base es, por supuesto, Efesios, 5, 25 ('sicut et Christus dile-

xit ecclesiam), que es tambien la base para la misa nupcial ; los primiti-
vos nnillos dc boda cristianos, por tanto, mostraban en el bisel el matri-
monio de Cristo con la Iglesia ; vease O. M. Dalton : Catalogue of Early
Christian Antiquitiesand Objects from the Christian East... of the British
Museum (Londres, igoi), i^o y 1:51: un ejemplar especialmente bello se
encuentra en la Dumbarton Oak Research Library and Collection, Washing-
ton, D. C. El matrimonio de un obispo con su sede es una imagen muy
corriente a la que se aludc con las mas notables palabras, como por ejem-
plo, el Papa Clemente II. Ep. VIII, Patrol, let., CXLII, 588B: y sobrc
0^ todo. el X, i, 7. 2 (Inocente III), ed. Friedberg, II, 97.
decretal

(50) El argumento fu^ empleado especialmente por parte de los !e-

gistas franceses en el juicio contra la memoria del Papa Bonifacio VIII
cf. P. Duptrv: Histoire du differend d'entre le Pape Boniface VIU et Phi-

lippe k Bel (Pan's, 1655), 45:} y sigs. y passim; BuRDACH : Rieti;:o, 52 y

siguiente.

(51) Graciano: Decretum. II. C. VII. q. r. C. 7. ed. Friedberg. I.

568 y sig.
I

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de San Cipriano, han considerado siempre como una piedra an-

se
gular de la doctrina del (cepiscopado monarquico
(52). Cuando se
aplican a la esfer,i secular
por Andreas de Isernia, glosando ya
la Constitucion siciliana poco despues de 1 joo, y luego por Lucas de
Penna y Mateo de Afflictis {53). las palabras de San Cipriano se
adecuan con no menos precision como piedra angular a la
monar'
quia pontifical). : EI principe es en la reslmblica, y la reipublica es
en el principe)>. Una determinada peculiaridad respecto al cuerpo

(52) Cipriano: Ep., 66, c. 8. ed. W. Hartel (CSEL.. Ill: 2, 1871),

II. 733. 5- Valdri'a la pena investigar la historia de la imagen de la reci-
procidad de Cipriano. Vease, por ejemplo. Atanasio: Oratw HI contra
Arpanos, c. 5, PGr.. XXVI. 332A. citado por G. Ladner ..The con- :

cept of the Image in the Greek Fathers.., Dumbarton Oiks Papers, Vll
{1953), 8, n. 31 (<.La imagen podri'a decir muy bien :
'To [la imagen]
y el emperador somos uno, yo soy en
una epoca mucho mas tardi'a, Petrus Damiani:
en Mon. Germ. Hist. Ubelli de lite, I, 93. 36
y
el y el

sig.; ..ut... rex in

es en mi".
..Disceptatio
O bien,
synodalis,
Roma-
para
o
no Pontifice et Romanus pontifex inveniatur in rege (pasaje hacia el que
llamo mi atencion amablemente el profesor Theodor E. Mommsen). La
fuente esencial naturalmente, en todas estas cosas, Juan, 14,
es,
10, cuyo
propio modelo es dificil determinar. Vease, no obstante,
Eduard NoRDEN:
Agnostos Theos (Berlin, Wilfred Knox
1923), 305; L. : Some Hellems^
Uc Elements m Pnmttive Chnstiamty (Schwcich Lectures, 1942; Lon-
dres, 1944), 78, n. cree que expresion
5. la de San Juan vuelve a la
tradicion pantei'sta del estoicismo quiza influida por la religion de Egipto,
y cita
(p. 73, n. 2^31 fmal de la nota, como .,el paralelo mas cercano al
lenguaie de San Jilan.> la frase que se ^cuentra varias veces en el papiro
magi4-
"
ou fr/.(i il i-^u) Ka;' ^Y'" 3I; vease K. Preisendanz
i-j
: Papyri grae-
cae rkagicae (Leipzig y Berlin, i^i), II,47 (/T VIII, 37 y sigs., 49 y
siguientes) y 123 (P. XIII, con alguna b(ibliografia en
795, la nota). El
paralelo, sin embargo, no contiene
la palabra en (iv), que de hecho refleja
dos espacios diferentes
y que es esencial para el desenvolvimiento desde
San Juan, 14. 10, hasta San Cipriano, y de aqui a las doctrinas corpo-
rativas de principios de tiempos
los modernos. Vease tambien la nota
siguiente.

(53) Andeas de Isernia: Proj^mmn super ConsUluUombus, ed. Cer-

vone (arriba, n. 14), p. xxvi, al examinar el fisco (..fiscus et respublica /'
Romanorum idem concluye : ..Rex ergo et respublica regni sui idem
sunt).),
sunt..., qui est in regno sicut caput, respublica in
eo sicut in capite... La
base es evidentemente San Juan,^i4, 10 (como en el caso de Atanasio,
arriba citado, n. 52), pero la alegacion juridica
lO.ZD
citada por Andreas esta
iX H ^^ lugar del Decretum (arriba, n. 51). Mateo de Afflictis, en Const..
3
II, 3, n. 62, fol. Ir^, se refiere a Lucas de Penna: .Pnnceps est in repu-
blica et respublica in principe.)) ir-

OlA><.|1-
55
P'^'J

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 ERNST H. KAmOROWICZ

penetra la version secuiar de esta maxima (54), precisamente por

medio de Lucas de Penna, como se mostrara ahora. No obstante.
Ids juristas de la corona inglesa bajo la reina Isabel retorcieron el
sentido de esta peciiliaridad al indicar que del rey en su cuerpo
politico se incorpora a sus subditos, y ellos a el, llegando a dar
Francis Bacon una formula aiin mas condensada, acunada por sus
predecesores y que definia al rey como "un cuerpo social en un cuer-
po natural, y un cuerpo natural en un cuerpo social- {corpus corpo-
ratitm in corpore naturah, et corpus naturale in cort>cre corpara-
to (55). Sin duda, la acunacion de San Cipriano habi'a fido cam-
biada, pero el sello y el giabado podi'an aun reconocerse.
Esta metafora del cuerpo, aunque con una acentuacion dite-
rente, la expreso por ultimo Lucas de Penna. Continuandc su exe-
gesis poli'tica de los Efesios, 5, aplico al principe el verskulo : (El
hombre es la cabeza de la esposa. y la esposa el cuerpo del hcm-
breii, y concluia logicamente : Del mismo modo, el principe es
la cabeza del reino, y el reino el aierpo del principe {56). Sin
embargo, el credo corporative fue formulado aun mas sucinta-
mente, al continuar

<<Y del mismo modo que los hombres estan unidos espt-
ritualmente en el cuerpo espiritual, cuya cabeza es Cristo. ,

asi hombres estan unidos moral y politicamente en la

los

respiMica, que es un cuerpo cuya cabeza es el principc" <57).

(54) La interpretacion corporativa dc cste pasaie en un sentido mfs'

tico era ciertamcnte muy antigua dentro de la Iglesia, aunque no estuvo
jun'dicamcnte racionalizada ante de los siglos XII o xiii. Para Lucas DE Penna
vease abajo, nums. 56 y sig.

(55) Edmund Plowden: Commentaries or Reports (Londres, t8i6) 233 / Ct

,1 (WiLLION V. Berkley), como ejemplo de una entre una vcintena de
cxpresiones parecidas; vease Bacon : '.Post-nati, en Works of Sir Francis
Bacon, ed. de Spedding and Heath (Londres, 1892), VII, 667, quien cita
a Plowden : Reports 213 (Caso del Ducado de Lancaster).
(56) Lucas de Penna, loc. cit.-. ..Item, sicut vir est caput uxoris, uxor
vero corpus viri..., itc princeps caput reipublicae, et rcspublica eius cor-
pus." La cita es de Efesios, 5. 23 y 28; esto es. pert;enece al cscrito
apostolico que (arriba, n. 49) se refiere principalmente tl rito matrimo- '
Q .

mial y a las doctrinas corporativas en su marco primeroi Vease tambien

la nota siguiente, y arriba, n. 38, para Jaime I, quien cito estos pasajes.

(57) ..Item, sicut membra coniunguntur in humano corpore carnaliter.

et homines spirituali corpori spiritualiter coniunguntur cui corpori Chris-

56

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 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

Nos encontramos aqui con esa portentosa eciiacion que llego

d ser corriente a niediados del siglo XIII : el corpm reihublicae
mysttciim, encabezado por el pn'ncipe, comparado con el corpus
edesiae mysticum, encabezado por Cristo {58). Prescindiendo aqui
del muy obvio paralelismo con los <<cuerpos misticos eclesiasticos

y seculares, que se ha examinado en otia conexion, conviene in^

dicar la importancia de la doctrina aristotelica sobre la sociedad hu-
mana Estado) conio entidad con fines morales y politicos.
(o el

Fue, en ultimo analisis, el concepto basado en Aristoteles, indicado

una y otra vez por ios junstas, de que el Estado era un corpus mo-
rale et poUticum, el que se opuso hiego al corpus mysticum et i/n-
ntuale de la Iglesia, con la misma facilidad con que Dante reunio
en un comun denominador el paraiso terrestre y el paraiso celes-
tial como las dos metas de la humanidad (59).
Lucas de Penna, con su metodo quid pro quo, llega de este
modo a una equiparacion no solo del pn'ncipe y del obispo. sino
tambien del pn'ncipe y Cristo. Y el mismo hizo la comparacion
con Cristo acerbamente clara al anadir :

"Del mismo modo que Cristo une a si como si fuera su

esposa a una institucion ajena, la Iglesia de los Gentiles...
asi el pn'ncipe ha unido a el el Estado como si fuera su s/'on-
sa, que no es suya..." (60).

tus est caput..., sic moraliter et politice homines coniunguntur reipublicae

quae corpu^s est, cuius caput est princeps.
I^
(58) Vase American Historical Review, LVI (1951),
<iPro patria mori",
/

486 y sig.,'para mas eiemplos. Veasc tambien HUGUCCIO DE PISA (muerto

en 1210) qbe enfrento al cuerpo de Cristo el del diabto ("... ita infideles
/
j |
/I
u u
sunt unum corpus, cuius caput est diabolus), fr. Onory: Fonti cano.
f>
mstiche (abaio, n. 84). t,- yg i n. 2, que anade pasajes parecidos.
i "I ^
(59) Psra 'a relacion de morale (xeticc en el sentido aristotelico) y I

pnliticum bastara citar aqui el Prooemium, c. 6 de Santo Tomas DE

Aquino a su Expositio in libros Politicorum Aristotelis, ed. de Ray-
mundus M. Spiazzi (Turin y Roma, 1951), p. 2: "... et huiusmodi quae
ad moralem scientiam pertinent: manifestum est politicam scientiam...
contineri... sub activis (scientiis) quae sunt scientiae morales>'. La expre-
sion corpw: politicum et mysticum se balla con frecuencia en Inglaterra
y Francia como aflrmacion del Estado: vease, por e)emplo. S. B. Chrimes:
English Constitutional Ideas in the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, 19^6),
180. 18"; (.^ mfsticj o cuerpo poli'tico"): para Francia, Church, Constitu-
tional Thought. 29, n. 20: ^4, n. 36: 278, n. 16 ("le corps politique et
mystique..). Vease tambien arriba, n. -^y (nSaint et politique>>).
(60) Lucas de Penna. Ioc. cit.: .Amplius, sicut Christus alienigenam.

57

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Asi, pues, la venerable metafora del sponsus

y la iponsa, Cristo
y su Iglesia. paso de lo espiritual a lo secular, adaptandose a las
necesidades del jurista para definir las relaciones entre principe
y Estado. Comprendemos ahora por que los juristas franceses 11a-
maron al rey el mysttcus conwnx de Francia. El principe
no solo
usurpo las funciones episcopales. sino que se convirtio -como pro-
totipo celestial del obispo en la cabeza de un cuerpo mistico
y
en su novio.
Con este misticismo canonico se fundio el
institucionalismo del
Derecho romano. El verdadero proposito de Lucas de
Penna. al
amphar las metaforas sobre el matrimonio, era ilustrar las peculia-
ridades del fisco. Consideraba al fisco como la dote de la reipii^
hltca, y sostenfa que el marido era el unico que estaba autorizado
a usar, pero no a enajenar, los bienes de su esposa. Comparaba.
ademas. los votos cambiados por el novio y la novia en su matri-
monio con los juramentos de los reyes en su coronacion y de los
obispos en su ordenacion.
y por los cuales prometian ambos no
enajenar los bienes pertenecientes a! fisco
y a la Iglesia respecti-
vamente (6i).

Aunque seri'a tentador demostrar como. sin diida alguna. la

/
H id

et

ad
est.

cretum
gentilem ecclesiatn
princcps rcmpublicam, quae

de Graciano.
sibi copulavit uxorem,
quantum ad dominium su.l^non est. cum
principatum assumitur. sponsam sibi coniungit... Se
II. C.
refiere al De-
XXXV. q.
35. q.

paragrafo
i. 'hac itaque. sic

I. I (Comentar.o
de Graciano sobre De Cnntate Dei, de San Agustin, XV. c. 16). ed. Fried-
berg, I. 1.263.
,

Lucas de Penna. op. cit.: ,.Nam aequipaintur quantum

(61)
ad hoc
a etiam luramentum super his praestitum.de
alincatone facta (non) revo-
cando episcopus et rex. Ita et principi^ alienatio rerum fiscalium. quae
m patrimonio imperii et republicae sunt et separate
consistunt a private
^ patrimonio suo, iuste noscitur interdicta. Sigue
la comparacion del fisco
con el dos que la respubUca confia al principe
en su matrimonio. Vease.
arriba n. 41. Naturalmente. el patnmonium
Petn figura como el dos de
la Sponsa papal, Roma; vease,
por ejemplo. Oldrados de Ponte: Cotj-
itlul, LXXXV. n. I (Lyon. 1/550), fol. 2&e- quien amonesta Papa -ut / _ al
sanctitas vestra revertatur ad Sponsam. . et reparet suum patrimonium et '
Q suam dotem. quae multipliciter est collapsa... Finalmente la doctrina reco-
m6 su curso circular completo en el siglo
xvii, cuando el Romano Pon-
tffice aparecio como cl mantus
de una respubhca temporalis (los Estados
de la Iglesia) lure
prinapatus y ex sola ratione dominii publici, aunque ;

como obispo estaba casado con la Iglesia romana

(tanquam vir EAesiae); Ire
De Luca: Theatrum I de Feudis. disc. 61. n. 6. '
citado por vJfssALLi:
Fisco>'. 209 (arriba, n. 42).

58

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 SECRETOS DE ESTADC

no enajenacion prometida por el rey en su coronacion se deriva

y
estaba relacionada con el juramento episcopal
(y en primer lugar
el juramento de no-enajenacion de los reyes ingleses en el si-
glo xril) (62), dejaremos esta enojosa cuestion,
volviendo, por de-
cirlo asi. a los mystena fisci que Lucas
de Penna, al parecer de
un modo absurdo, habi'a unido al matrimonio mistico de Cristo
y la Iglesia. Cristo y el fisco, sin embargo, no estaban tan apar-
tados de los jurisconsultos medievales como pueden estarlo de nos-
otros {63).
En
44 1, en una demanda que se tramitaba en el Tribunal dei
1

Exchequer, John Paston, juez entonces en el Juzgado

de Common
Pleas y al que conocemos bien como compilador
de las cartas Pas-
ton, pronuncio casualmente una observacion
notable: Lo que no
se lo lleva Cristo se lo lleva e! fisco (Quod non calnt Chmtu&, capit
fiscus (64).

EI profesor Plucknett, docto interprete de la demanda a que

nos referimos, tomo scntencia
la al parecer como una bon mot de
Paston a la que el citaba porque la consideraba con razon dema-
siado buena para que se perdiera.>. Pero la observacion de Paston
no perdido de todos modos. En su coleccion de emble-
se habri'a

mas. publicada por primera vez en 1522. el gran

humanista y
)urisconsulto italiano Andrea Alciati. presentaba un emblema que
ostentaba el siguiente mote: Quod non capit Christus, rapit fis-
cus (65). Y del autorizado e mcrei'blemente influyentc libro
de Al-
ciati. el mote se extendio a una veintena de muy respetables colec-

(62) Vcasc mi estudio sobre -Inalienability: Canon Law and

the En-
glish Coronation Oaths of the Thirteenth Century...
Speculum, XXIX
ii<M, 488-502.
(63) Sin conocer entonces el origen o la historia posterior de esta com-
paracion examine brevemente el problcma en
Christus-Fiscus>., Synopsn:
Festgabe fiir Alfred Weber. (Heidelberg,
1949), 225-235.
(64) T. F. T. PLUCKlErr:prhe
Lancastrian Constitution... Tudor
Studies Presented to A. F.\Pollard
(Londres. 1924). 168. n. 10.
(65) Andrea Alciati : Er,ihler,mta (Lyon, 1551; primera edicion
1522).
pagina 158. num. CXLVII. El mote se halla en
la edicion de 1531; v^ase
Henry Green : Andrea Alciati and the Books of Emblems (Londres. 1872).
324. que indica (p. VIII) que despues de publicac.on
la de Alciati. mil
trescientos autores publicaron mas de tres mil libros de cmblemas, en tanto
que el original de Alciati
tradujo a todos los idiomas europeos. Estoy
se
reconocido a Mrs. Caterina Olsechki por haber Uamado
mi atencion hacia
el emblema de Alciati.

59

i,timii^iui^-

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 liRNST H. KANTOROWICZ

Clones de emblemas, divisas

y pioveibios, a !os que fiie tan aficio-
nado el Renacimiento (66). Tampoco fiie la bon mot acufiacion
exclusiva de Paston. Un siglo antes que el, el civilista flamenco
Felipe de Leyden habi'a observado : Se pueden comparar ios
bienes patrimoniales de Cristo con Ios del fisco (Bona patrimo-
nuiha Chnsti et fisci comparantur) {67). Se encuentran obscrva-
clones semejantes en las obras de Baldus; e incluso en el siglo xill,
Bracton distingui'a la res nullws, ..las cosas que no pertenecen a
nadie como bienes que pertenecen ((solo a Dios y al fisco (68).
La fuente de todos aquellos jurisconsultos era el Decretum de
Graciano, en el capltulo que se titula Hot tollit fiscus, quod nan :

accipit Chnstus {.<Lo que Cristo no lo recibe, el fisco

se lo lie-
vaw (69). Graciano tome el pasaje de un sermon pseudo-agusti-
niano. Sin embargo, el mismo San Agustin habla tambien sobre el
fisais de Cristo {70), metafcra cuya importancia no debe estimarse
en poco, porque en el curse de la lucha de la pobreza en tiempos
del Papa luan XXII, estos y otios pasajes parecidos Servian para
probar que Cristo, en tanto que tenia un fiscus, posei'a bienes
(71).

(66) Veasc. por e)emplo. K. H. W. Wander: Deutsche Sprtchwin-

terlextkou (Leipzig, 1867), 5}8, niims V.
I,
54, 56, 57: 1.102, mime-
ro 95, cf. miins. 105, 104; Iohannes Georgius Sryboidus: St-lectwra
Adugia latmo-aermatuca (Niiriibcrg. 1685, 306: Gustavo Strafforeij.o :

La Sapienza del mondo o zero dizfonario universale det proverbi di tiitti

popoh (Turin. 1883), II. 86. S. V. .Fisco".
(67) Felipe de Leyde.N: De cura i-ei publtcae et sorte pnapatitis.
1, g. ed. por R. Fruin y P. C. Molhuysen (La Haya, 1915). 13.
(68) La, frase .fiscus et ecclcsiae aequiparantur" se halla una y otra
vez; cf. BOLDUS, en C. 10, i. 3. ,11. 2 (Venecia. 1.586). fol. 236. Especial-
mente en relacion con la Norelal de JUSTINIANO. 7, 2, pueden encontrarse
cstas equiparaciones: ej. Bartolus: Super Authenticis (Venecia. 1567),
A\ fol. 13. Mateo de Affuctis cita el proverbio por Ios menos dos vcces:
vease en Constit-Stcil, proclui'da, qu. XV. n. 3 (fol. 14), y en Const.. I.
7
r (<.de

tantum
decimis.).
in bonis
fol. 53.
Dei vel bonis
Br-on, fol. 14, cd. Woodbine, II, 57 f. : . scd
fisci.

(69) Decretum, II, C. XVI. qu. 7. c. 8. ed. Friedberg, 802.

I, EI
pasaje fue tornado del pseudo-Agustiii, Sermones SuppostMu. 86
3 Patr. lat. XXXIX, col. 1912.
(70) AcusTfN: Enarrattones in Psahnos, CXLXI. 17. Patr. lat. XXXVII.
col. 191 1. Tcdo el pasaje lo cita e interpreta. por ejemplo. Lucas df
Penna. op. cit., en C. 10, i, i. n. 7, p. 5.
(71) Los paisajes decisivos
II. son
C. XII. q. i, c. 12 Decretum,
(..Quare habuit [Christus] loculos cui angeli ministrabant,
nisi quia ccclesia
ipsius loculos habitura cr.it?.) Y c. 17 Habebat Dominus loculos, a fide-
(

60

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La antitetica )'uxtaposici6n de Cnslus y Ftscus puedc parecer

una blasfemia a Jos modemos. puesTo que las magnitudes no pa-
recen ccmparables. Es obvjo que los juristas medievales
pensaban
y sentfan de un modo distmro. Para eUos Christus significaba sim-
plemente la Jglesia, y la comparacion giraba sobrc la malienabi-
lidad de los bienes eclesiasticos y fiscalcs. de los que pent- .-r
a una de las dos < manos muertas. la Iglesia o el fisco. Lo que
la Ecclcsia y el ftfcus tenfan en comun era la perpetuidad : en len-
guaje legil el fisco nunca muere", fiscus nunquam moniur (-2).
Es mmortal como la Digmtas, la dignidad del principe o el rcy.
el Papa o el obispo, que
aunque individualmente - nunca mueren) .

puedan monr. El tiempo no podia hacer nada contra el fisco. come

no podia tampoco contra el rey. el rev en cuanto rey. el rev
en
su Dtgmtas (73).

En ultimo termino, la -equipararion, de la Iglesia con cl fisco

se remonta a los tiempos de la antigua Roma cuando las cosas que
pertenecian ? los templa reemplazados gradualmente desde e!
siglo IV por las ecclesia~ eran legalmente
iguales a las cosas que
pertenecian al patrimonio saerado del emperador
(74). Per consi-

libus obiata conservans

ambo.' pasa,e* ...-.a:, u^miao. de AGL'STiN:
>.);

In lohannem. 12. 6 (Lorulos habensv)

y los cita el Papa luan XXII en sus
decretos contra los esp;ritualistas: rf.
Eitrflt.fl.gflr.tfi, johanms XXll, ti-
Tulo XIV. c. 5. ed. Fncdberg II. 3.230 y s,gs. espec. 1.233. La palabra
Ionium, que signifies cofrc. se podia lomar entonces como significando
fisco: veasc MaTCO DE Afflictis. op. cri.. prael. XV. nums. 7-9. que
irata de la cucsuon de si Cnsto ruvo o no un fisco en el sentido propio
de la palabra. Se exanunara todo e! problems apane.
(72) Baldus: Consilui, I. 271. n. 3 {Venecia. 1575!. fol. 81: Res-
publica et fiscus suit quid etemum
perpetuum quantum ad essennan.. ei
licet dispositiones saepe mutcntur: fiscus enim nunquam moritur..
(73) El principio Nullum tempus cumi contra
regem fue corr.erite-
mente reconocido en el siglo XIII y despues: vease. por etemplo. Brac-
TON. fols. 14. 56. IC5. ed. Woodbine. II. 58. 167. 293 y passim.
(74) Veanse las lni.tituta de luSTINlANO. 2. tambien O.
i. 7: i. 8. i

y C. 7. 38, 2. En feha tan tardia como el siglo v vcmos que se tratan en

iguales terminos tui. puhhrum y tus Umplorum: vease Apthltf Steivwen-
TER: OJ^ einige
Bcdeutungen von jus in den nachklassischen Quellen .

lura. IV|]953). 138 y sig.. que muestra tambien que

termmologicamente
zus ecclesiae ocupo el lugar de .uj tenyplorum.
aunque con el edicto de
Licinius del ano 313 (al menos en forma transmitida por LaCTanqo:
la

De mortdbuf pcrsecutorum. 48). el nuevo concepto de corpus ChnsUanorum

se relaciono con bienes de la Iglesia: cf. ARNOLD Ehrhardt : >.Das Cor-

61

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 HRNST H. KANTOROWIC7

gmente. Bracton llamo a cstas cosas fiscaies tambien res quasi sa-
crae {75). y Lucas de Penna (76) hablo ocasionalmcnte sobrc e! jiscus
sancttssimus. aunque en la acrualidad qiuzi nos sea mas ficil com^
prender a Baldus que llamo al fisco, deb.do a su mmortalidad. .el
alma del Estado.^ (Fiscus retpubltcac
anima) (77).
Los junsconsultos atribuian, ademds.
al ubicuidad y om- fisco.
mpresencia: fiscus uhiquc praescus. declaro
Accursius (ca. i.2?ol
en una glosa repetida con frecuencia
(78). especialmenre per los co-
mcntanstas de las Constituciones s.cilianas
(79). ubicuidad que han'a
imposible la prescripcion de tierra
< la por ausencia del propieta-

PU.S Chnst, and

d.cj^rporat.oncn, im Spatrom.schen Rechr.
Zc^lscHnn .

furiechtgesTKirhie rorn. AL., LXXl

(1953). 299 y s.gs. y LXXII
(1954).
^^''- '"^^ ^'^'""'=- " 57 y s.g.. ef. fo! 40-. WoOD-
nJw r"^-passtm.
BINE, III. 266
y
(76) Lucas de Penna. en C. . (Lyon. ,58a). p. 5. co. retc ,0. u n.
rcnc.a a L. 7. ^7. 2:
Sacrati^stmus ftscus y sacratisstmus
aeranum Esta.
cxpres.ones .e hallan tamb.en. una
y otra vez. en las obras dc los jur.s-
tas franceses del s.glo XVl.
aunque no sin mtencion de cx.g.r derecho.
.mpenales para el rey: por e,emplo. Chopper, (arriba. n. 40). II. titu-
lo 1. n. 2. p. 203: uSacrum
Imperiale. sic Regale emm existimatur. ut
Patnmonium. quod idco a re
ipsorum Prmcipum separar, solet.. privata
Esta es una de las numerosas
adaptaciones de las prerrogativas impenale^
a las pretensiones reales
en el despertar de la teoria rer trnfcrato.
,
regno suo (veasc abaio. n. 84).
(77) Baldus : ConsiUa. 1. 2-1, n. 2, fol 81
,Et
rr- ^^' ,,,
"' 'I'' loquar,
ItiscusJ
1
ipsius
est
Reipubhcae an.ma et sustcntamcntum, . Esto no 1- impidc
por supuesto. decir en otra ocasion
correctameme : ,<Fikus per se est
quoddam corpus inanimatum vease Cimstlm.
I, 36^ n. 2, fol. 1,8 Era
:

lambien popular comparacion con el estomago (Lucas DE Penna.

la
en C. 11.
58, 7- n. 10, p. 5641 que sc encuentra ya
en CoRlPPUs In iaudem lusum :

11, 249
y sig. (Mon. Germ. Hist., Auctores antiquissimi. Ill 2
p 13,)-
u... cognoscte fiscum
Ventris habere locum, per quem omnia
membra cl
bantur,,. el cua! se remonta
a la parabola de Menen.o
Agripa. cue t.ene
una larga histona vease Wilhelm Nestle .-

Die Fabel des Meneniu. :

Agrippa.,, KUo. XXI

(1926-27). 358 y sig. tambien en sus Gnech.sche ;

}>tud,en (,948). 502

y sigs; Pricolstch GoMBEL ,<Die Fabel "Von Ma- :

gen den Ghedgsi." ,n der Weltlheratur,

(Beih. z. ZetUchr. /. roman Ph^-
U, 1. LXXX. Halle. 1934).
(78) Glossa ordtnana. en C. V. "Contmuum"
7, 37. i.

(79) Marinus de CaRAMANICO. sobre Ltb. ang.. HI. 39. Cervone

ed.
(amba. n. p. 339a:
14), . . et sic non loquitur de fisco qui semper est
praeseus... Vease tambien Matco de Afl.CTIS.
sobre la misma ley. n 3
volumen II. fol, ,86: .... nee requiritur probare de praesem.a
fiscu qu.J
nscus semper est praesens.)-

62

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 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

no. (80). Y con frecuencia fiie Baldus quien dedujo de esas mis-
renosas ubicuidad y omnipresencia del fisco una conclusion recta
Fiscus est uhique et sic in hoc Deo stmilis, (cel fisco es omnipre-
sente, y. por tanto, en esto semejante a Dios" (81).

No debemos equivocarnos: cste lenguaje no revela. o mas

bien. no revela aiin el esfuerzo por .(deificar>. al fisco y al Es-
tado: pero revela el esfuerzo por explicar mediante terminos teo-
logicos la naruraleza del fisco. su perpetuidad o.
c:tando a Baldus,
el hecho de que es quid eternum et perpetuum quantum ad esen-
Uam. oalgo externo y pcrpetuo respecto a su esencia)> (82). El re-
verse de la aphcacion de! Icnguajc teologico a las instkuciones se-
culares fue. por una parte, que e! fisco maqumana
y la estatal se
convirtieron eventuaimente en scmejantes a Dios, en tanto
que,
por otra parte. Dios y Cnsto fueron reducidos a meros
simbolos
legales ficttcios para exponer la ubicuidad y eternidad de esa per-
sona ficticia que se llamaba Fisco.
Fue siempre aquelja Lin?:ita mezzo -teologxca, usual en los ju-
nstas, la que elevo al Estado secular a la esfera del secreto)).
Tambien puede decir esto de aquella extrana personificacion.
se

'da dignidad que no muere.-. Respecto a !a inmortal Digmtas

ha-
llamos siempre la misma yuxtaposicion : El rey dice Baldus
no depende de ningun hombre, sino de Dios y de su propia dig-
nidad, que es perpetua (83). Siempre fue un problema
de tiempo,
de perpetuidad, lo que hizo comparable la deidad a! fisco o a la
Dignidad, o al cuerpo politico de! rey)).
Las especulaciones sobre la Dignidad inmortal, asi como ia apli-

(80) Vease. por cicmplo. lusTINIANO: Instit., II. 6, rubr. : ... inter
pracsentes decennio. inter ahsentes
usucapiantur., La pre- vigint. annis
sencia o ausencia del propietario implica
legalmente alguna diferencia. pero
legalmente el fisco esta presente siempre.
(8i> Baldus en C. 7. 37. i, fd. 37. No debe olvidarse quo tambien
la Iglesia tiene ubicuidad: vease Marcus Antonius Peregrinus De jure :

fisci Ubri octo (Venecia. i6ii). I. 2, n. 22: quia sicut Romana Ec

..

clesia ubique est, sic fiscum Ecclesiac Romanae ubique existere oportet..
Vease. sobre la ubicuidad del emperador, mi ensayo .dnvocatio nominis
imperatoris:. BoIiet.no del Ceutn, di Stud> Filologtci e Unguisttci sia-
Itani. Ill (1955).
(82) Vease. arriba. n. 72.
(83) Baldus, en X, 2, 24. 33. n. 5. in Decretaltum volumen commen-
tary (Venecia. 1580). fol. 261: .<Unde imperator... non obligator homini.
sed Deo et dignitati suae, quae perpetua est..

63

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 ERNST H. KAN10R0W1C7.

cacion de cse concepto paso por miichas fases desde el abad a! :

obispo y al Papa, del Papa al emperador y del emperador

a los

superior" Eventualmente se dijc

oreyes que no reconocen (84).

Digmtas ..nunca muere.< o que la regia Maicstax

que la regta (85),

.
nunca muerc. (86). o se confromo, como hizo Baldus, la i>eriom
dignidad
f)ersondiK del dignatario mortal con su persona idealis,
la

que nunca muere (87). hasta el punto de que el rey frances pre-
razon de su
tendio que tenia dos angeles de la guarda, iino por
persona individual, y otro por razon de su dignidad (88).
Y asi
forzosamente se Uego un dia. aunqiie al parecer no antes del si-

lapidaria formula: Le roy ne meurt ]U>tWS, "cl rey

glo XVI. a la
pe-
no muere nunca: no obstante los juristas ingleses de aquel
(El rey.
riodo tuvieron buen cuidado de hacer la observacion :

en cuanto rey, no muere nunca (89).

Otros juristas compararon la Dignitas con el mas clasico sim-

bob de la inmortalidad y la resurreccion, la legendaria ave Fe-

nix i^o). La comparacion no estaba mal escogida :

en un tiempc

un decreto de Alejandro III: X. i, 29. 14. ed. Fried-

(84) La base es

162: vease. para el dcsarrollo de la teon'a, O. vON GIERKE: Das

berg. II,

deutsche Genossevschaftsrecht (Berlin. 1881). Ill, 271. n. 7:5. Para

los dig-

natarios seculares. vease Baldus Cmisilia, 111. 159. n. ?. fol. 45: e ihid..
:

real si el rey iotj cop^osat su-

n. 4. para la perpetuidad de la dignidad
periorem. Para los on'genes de la doctrina dc los reyes
que no conocen

superior, vease cl excelente estudio del difunto Sercic MoCHl Onory :

Fonti canonistiche moderna dello stato (publicazioni deH'univer-

dell'idea

sita cattolicn de! Sacro Coure. N. S.

XXXVIII. Milan, iq^il-
(85) Mateo de Afflictis. en Liber aug., II. >,>. n. 2^. vol. II. fol. 77:
"Quae dignitas regia nunquam moritur.o
(86) Baldus. en X. i. 2. 7- n. 78. In Decretales. fol. 18: Nam regia

maiestas non moritur."

n. fol- 6?: [personaT personalis
(87) Baldus: Consilia, HI. 217. s-

quae est anima in substantia hominis. et non persona idealis quae est dig-

nitas.

(88) GrassaillE: Regalium Franciae Uhri duo. I. ius XX (Paris, 154^)'

210: .(Item. Rex Franciae duos habet bonos angelos custodes unum ra- :

privatae personae. alterum ratione dignitatis regalis.-

tione suae
(8q) El slogan vuelve con mucha frecuencia en los argumentos de los

de mediados del siglo XVI: vease. por ejemplo, Pl.OW-

luristas ingleses

DEN: Reports. 2:5^3: "cn lo que respecta a su cuerpo [su cuerpo politi-

En Francia se encucntra a fines de siglo. aun-

co] el rey nunca muere..
est mort! Vive le
quc no debe confundirse con el grito funerario Le roi
roi]. que tienc un origen totalmente distinto y
no juridico.
or-
(qo) La comparacion. que yo sepa. se halla primero en la Glossa

64

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 SECRETOS DE F^TADO

determinado solo habia una Fen.x

viva; cada nueva Fen.x era
.dent.ca.. a su predecesora. Y sen'a .dentica a su sucesora; ade^
mas. en el case de esta ave -parecida en cierto mode a los in-
geles-. espeac y el individno coincid.'an.
la
.El genero entero
esta preservado en el
mdividuc. como d.jo Baldus. de mode
que
cada Fen,x era a la vez todo
el existente genero-Fenix..
De aqu.'
que siendo mortal en cuanto indiv.duo
e inmortal como espec.e
el ave Fen.x pudiera pretender ser. si es que pretendfa algo. el
prototipo de <'Corporaci6n absoluta.. (9i).
la

En las especulaciones scbre ia Dxgmtas

teologica. las metaforas
ueron tamb.en eficaces. e
mcluso e! substrato cr>stol6gico es
con
trecuenna, completamente
inequfvcco. Santo Tomas de
Aquino
-combmando las doctrinas anstotehcas sobre
el organon, o ins-
irurnentum, con un credo de
origen bizantino que conocio
a traves
de Juan de Damasco- hab.'a
creado su doctrina. segun la
cual.
la humamtas Chnstt era el imtrumenUnndtvmitatis y con ello .1
instrumento de la imncipahs causa cffiaens. que era
Dios (92)
Esta doctrma psso tambien
a !os junsconsultos
y se apl.co a
sus teona^polffcas. Equipararon estos la Digmtas que nunca

^retal,ur. hbros novella

nun,s. gl. ..Phen.x..:
(Venecia.
Baldus. en
,6,a), fol. .06-207. e X , .0Z
30^3,. el n.sn,o decreto. ;. Z^.
Juo.>.
Vease
o
el";
La LZ:;
'''

^"^"'""''"^' - ^^^
''"^'^'""

comparacon es mas notable de

ea. HUBA^x y Max.mh LhroV: Le
filo-fican^ente

lo
,a conclus.on
enus servatur
que se puede msinuar aaui
re a

in
:

.ndiv
E t

"s.
1939). las .mportan.es observnciones
,ny.He ^u PH^^^TZ y P.
y sobre
FhstucerE:
este estudio por A I
,.La .ymbole du Phen.x et la myst.csn, hermet.q^e,, Mo,
nu.,ets P.ot, XXXVIII (,94.). 147-5.. con lo que se debe compara

Mim (Arras. 1586). 35 y sigs.

(91) Maitland: Selected Essays. 73,,.; y pass^m.
92) El tema ha sido tratado de un
modo acabado por Te<3f,i.o Tsch.p-

B uck.,chU,un, derLehre des He.U.en

Thor^as ron A.u.no (Freibur-
."" '-'' ''"'"^^' '^^"^^ --^ --''- M- Grab-
MANN
MANN: D,en''tlLehre^Erzbischofs und Augusfner.heologen
Jacob von
Viterbo (muerto haca ,307-8) vom
Episkopa, und Pnmat und ,hre
Be-
z.ehug .um Hej.gen Thomas von
Aquino... Episcopus: Stud^en Ober
da.
B.schofsamt... Kard.nnl von
Faulhaber dargelnach, (Regensbu;r'.Q4Q)
190. n. 10 para mas literatura sobre el tema.

/ / _/ II II
U L U U
 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

muere con la Divinitas, y el ciierpo mortal natural del dignata-

rio con la humanitas ; y basandose en esto, pudo escribir Baldus

iReconocemos aqiii la dignidad como lo principalis y la

persona como lo instrumentalis. Per tanto, el fundament de

una accion es la Dignitas misma, que es perpetua (93).

O, cuando examma las do? personas que concurren en el prln-

cipe, escribe

'<Y la person I (individual) del rey es el organiitn et iijs-

trumentum de esa otra persona intelectual

y publica. Y esta
persona inteUectualis et publica es la que realiza principali-
ter las accionesn (94).

Comprendemos ahora metodc y podemos comprender tarn-

el

bien de donde se deriva el substrato eclesiastico que con tanta

frccuencii se percibe en !os informes y alegatos de !os juristas
de la Corona inglesa en los ultimos tiempos de la dinastia Tudor.
Reconocemos inmediatamente la doctrina eclesiastica del corpus
mysticum cuando, por ejemplo, uno de los jueces opinaba que el

(93) Baldus: Comilui, 111. 121, n. 6. 0!. 34: dbi attendimus digni-
tatem tanquam pnncipalem ct personam tanquam mstrumentalem. Undr
fundamentum actus est ipsa dignitas quiae est pcrpctua. - En el inismc
parrafo hace t.imbien la distincion <iquod persona sit causa inmcdiata,
dignitas autem sit causa remota, por donde podemos recordar que a mc-
nudo se dice que Dies actua (por eiemplo, en las elecciones) como la cau-
sa remota.

(94) Baldus: ConsiUa. HI, 159, n. 6, fol. 45: .. loco duarum per-
sonarum Rex fungitur... Et persona regis est organum et instrumentum
illius personae inteUectualis et publicae. Et ilia persona inteUectualis et

publica est ilia, quae principaliter fundat actus: quia magis attenditur
actus, seu virtus principalis, quam virtus organica.i. Comparese, por ejem-
plo, Santo Tomas: Sumnw theologiae, Ilia, q. LXII. a. 5, resp. : "Prin-
cipalis autem causa efficiens gratiae est ipse I>eus. ad quern comparatur
humanitas Christi, sicut instrumentum coniunctum>> ; o. Ilia, q. VII, a. 1

a 3: (iQuod humanitas Christi est instrumentum divinitatis... tanquam

instrumentum animatum anima rationali... La transicion a la aplicaci6n
juri'dica de esta doctrina se puede hallar quizi en el mismo Santo Tomas
cuando escribe (Ilia, q. VIII, a. 2): In quantum vero anima est motor
corporis, corpus instrumentaliter servit animae.

66

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SECRETOS DE ESI ADO

suicKlio era un crimen no solo contra Dios y la naturaleza. no

tambien contra el rey, cporque el, que es la Cabeza, ha perdido
lino de sus miembros mfsticos,. {95). Lo mismo se pi.ede afirmar
aunque es qu.za
menos obvio. de la terminolog'a de los juristas
mgleses s.empre que hablan del rey
como individuo y del rey en
cuanto rey,
y luego cornentemente suelen hablar de los dos cu^r-
pos.> del rey, aun cuando
alguna vez se equivocaban
d.ccndo ..dos
personas; despues de todo no eran nestonanos
y S,r Edward
Coke y otros ohservaron cautamente
que aunque el rey tenia dos
cuerpos.s solo .tenfa una persona-
(96). Realmente tenemos que
remontarnos al siglo xu. cuando la Iglesia aparecio por pr.mera
vez como un corpus mysUcum
{97). y a pred.cadores, tales como
Simon de Tournay o Gregoric de
Bergamo, para encontrar algi.
nas formulacone. teclogicas,
repetidas despues con frecuencia.
del
tipo siguiente

Hay dos cuerpos de Cristo: elcuerpo material humano

que rec,b.6 de la V.rgen y el cuerpo espiritual. constitu.'do
como colegio de la Iglesia >
(98).
.'Un cuerpo de Cr.sto. que
e. el mismo. y otro cuerpo.
del ci:al es la cabeza
(99),

Y con estas
y otras defimc.ones parecidas de los cuerpos
.ndi^
v.duales
y c olect.vos de Cnsto podemos. pues. comparar
las dis-

(95) Plowden: Report.. .6.; Ma,tund: SeUcted

(96) Coke, en Calvin's Case
Essays, o ,

fReoorts VI[ ,^ \ a

M ^ ; 'cy aunque tiene dos

cuerDo<! l\, J, J . ,
'''''''''-"^'
o^X uo. nl -'^ '-^ -^ Pe-n..,. MAr^.A^^,.

(97) Vease, ademas de LUBAC (nota siguiente), G. B. Ladner As

Ijcts o Mediaeval Thought on Church
and
'X (1947). 405 y sigs.. espec.
State.,. R..e. o7 Po^.t
r^ncs,
'
414 y sig

ri,1. n A /' ^ "^" '""' ''P" Christi: Unum mate-

r quod sun,ps,t de virgine,
. et spirituale collegium,
siasticuin.
collegiu^
"eg>um eccle-
Tcfe
Vease tambien, ibid, n 30
(99) GRECOR,o OE BERCAMO: <,De ver.tate corporis Christ,., c. .8

lumen x*
XXXIX. 75 y s,g.
"""
:
"'"""'" "^"'^
Ail,ud esse novimus Chirst.
corpus,
'^'"^ (Innsbruck. ,8^), vo-
q^od Z-
.85 (con el n
,55), tambi^n r.j y
plos del duplex corpus Christi.
s,g.. y pass,,. para mucho. m^ ^Tm '

67

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 KRNST H. KANTOROWICZ

tinciones legalistas de los jueces rudor, quienes apuntaron repe-

tidamente que

...ei rey tiene dos cuerpos, de los cuales uno es un cuer-

po natural.... y en este el esta sometido a las pasiones y a
la muerte como lo estan los hombres; y otro e?
el -.m cuerpo
politico y sus miembros son sus subditos, y el y ellos juntos
componen la corporacion y el esta incorporado a ellos y ellos
a el,
y el es la cabcza y ellos son los miembros : y este cuer-
po no esta sujeto a las pasiones y a la muerte. nues con res-
pecto a este cuerpo, el rey nunca muere (loo).

Creo que fue en estos estratos de

pensamiento donde se on-
gmo el concepto absolutista de "secretos de Estado,.
y que cuan-
do por ultimo, la Nacion se apodero
de las funciones pontificales
del prmcipe. el moderno Estado
absoluto, incluso sin pn'ncipe,
es-
tuvo en condiciones de hacer exigencias
como si fuera una Iglesia.

Ernst H. Kantorowicz

R^SVMt
Us Mysteres de I'Etat, comme un concept de I'Absoluttsme,
ont un fondement medieval. C'est le dernier rejeton de cet hibns^
me spirituel, un resultat de l<i serie des relations entre
I'EgUse et
I'Etai, qu'on peut trouver dans chaque siicle du Moyen Age,
ayant attire I'attention des histonens
pendant des annees.
On peut se rapprocher plus jacilement du probleme
basique en
posant une simple question: Par quelles
voies et par quelles tech-
niques peut etre transfere le spirituel,
arcana ecclesiae a I'Etat pour
\nodutre le secular arcana imperii de
I'absolutisme?
Sous I'impact des relations entre les glossateurs et commen-
tateurs cannonistes et civilistes.
qui n'existaient pas dans la pre-
miere epoque du Moyen Age. pris corps ce qui jut appelle
plus

(loo) Plowden: Report.., 135a. citado tambi^n por Sir

William Black-
STONE: Commentaries on the Laws
of England, I, p. 249.

68

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 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

tard "Les Mysthes de I'Etat" et qu'aujourd'hut dans

un sens (.lus
general on appelle "U Theologte Politique".
n est evident que les Mystcres de I'Etat 6tment ms^arables
dudomame de la lor et de la jundtction. lis etaient toujours urns
a la loi et a la jundiction.
Rene Chopfnn a dit que le ro, "est
I'epoux mystique de la respublica".
Cest ici que Von person la grande equation, hubituelle uu
Moyen Age et au XIW" siecle: le corpus reipublrcae mysticum.
a la tete de laquelle se trotive
jesuchrist.
Cest de ce dermer estrate de la pensee,
que I'auteur crmt que
leconcept absolutiste "Mystcres de
I'Etat" prit son ongine et c'est
en dernier lieu que la Nation amva
jusqu'aux souliers pontijicaux
du Prince; le moderne Etat Absolut, que, mime sans un Pnnce.
/ pouvoit fane ses petitions comme une Eglise.

SUMM ARY
Mysteries of State as a concept
of Absolutism has its mediaeval
background. It is late offshoot
of that spintual^secular hybnsm
which, as a result of the
infinite cross - relations beinieen
Church and State, may be found m
every century of the Middle
Ages and has deservedly attracted the
attention of historians for
many years.

The problem may be approached most easily

basic
by posmg
a simple question: How, by
ivhat channels and by what techni-
ques, were the spiritual arcana
ecclesiae transferred to the state
as to produce the new secular arcana imperii
of absolutism?
Under the impact of the exchanges between
canon and civu
han glossators and commentators
-all but non-existent m the
earlier Middle Ages
something came into being which then
was called "Mysteries of State", and which
today in a more gene-
ralizing sense is often termed
"Political Theology".
That the Mysteries of State were inseparable
from the sphere
of law and jurisdiction demands no fuHher
comment, because they
were practically always bound to the
legal sphere. Rene Choppin
actually went so far as to say that
the king "is the mystical spouse
of the respublica".

69

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

Here ue envisage that portentous equation, which became

customary around the middle of the thirteenth century: the cor-
pus reipublicae mysticum, headed by Christ.
It is from this strata of thought that the author believes
the absolutist concept "Mysteries of State" took its origin
and that, u'hen the Nation finally stepped into the pontifical
shoes of the Prince, the modern Absolute State, even without a
Pnnce, was enabled to make claims like a Church.

70

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Revista de Estudios Politicos

Marzo- Abril 959 Nu MERO 104

nep6ito legal. M. 3.436. 1968.

Su m a r 1 o

ESTUDIOS Y NOTAS:
Carlos Martinez de Campos: El limite eldstico en las relacio-
nes diplomdticas.
Ernst H. Kantorowicz: Secretos de Estado (Un concepto ah-
solutista y sus tardios origenes medievales).
Francisco Murillo Ferrol: Umdad, teologia y poUtica.
Emilio Garrigues: Espana vista por Maquiavelo y Campanella
o de la razon a la pasion de Estado.
SlLio Rivisi Lm Constitiicion tiirca republicana.
:

]ose M." DfEZ'ALEGRfA, S. J.: La filosofia de la esperanza de

Pedro Lain.
Camilo Barcia TrelleS: El ayer, el hoy y el mafiana interna-
cionales.

MUNDO HISPAt^ICO:
Juan Francisco Marsal : La sociologia posttwista en Argentina.

RECENSIONES
NOTICIAS DE LIBROS
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Melchor Fernandez Ai.magro: BihUografia de historia conte-
pordnea de Esparia.

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bonificacidn del 20 por 100 sobre el precio de venta marcado en ellos.

INSTITUTO 0E-EST11DI0.S POLITIfO.S- MADRID PI. d. I, M.rina E,p,fiol,, 8

n J II L
U L U U
 "3"

ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

SECRETOS DE ESTADO
(UN CONCEPTO ABSOLUTISTA Y SUS TARDIOS
ORIGENES MEDIEVALES)

INSTITUTO DE tSiUDIOS POLITICO^

MADRID
1 g 5 y

/ J /
U L U
I I
 SECRETOS DE ESTADO
(UN CONCEPTO ABSOLUTISTA Y SUS TARDIOS
ORIGENES MEDIEVALES) ()

La expresion Secretes de Estado como concept

del absolutijino
tiene un fondo medieval. Es un tardio brote
de aquel hibridismo
secular-espiritual que, como resultado de las infmitas relaciones en-
tre Iglesia
y Estado. puede hallarse en cada uno de los siglos de
la Edad Media y que durante miichos aiios ha atraldo
mtrccidamen-
te la atencion de los historiadores. Despues de los fundamentales
estudios de A. Alfoldi sobre el ceremonial
y las msignias de los
emperadcres romanos (i). Theodor Klauser. en epoca mas recien-
te. examine el origen de las msignias episcopales y de los derechos
honorificos, y mostro con mucha claridad como pasaron a los obis-
pos de la victoriosa Iglesia. en la epoca de Constantino el Grande
y posteriormente. determinados pnvilegios de investiduras
y ca-
tegorias de los funcionarios del
Imperio de la ultima epoca {2).
Por el mismo tiempo, Percy Ernst Schramm
publico su breve ar-
ti'culo sobre los intercambios mutuos de derechos
honorificos entre
sacerdotium y regnum. en el que demostraba como la imttdtto ij-

(*) Este ensayo fue lei'do en la sesi6n ronjunta de American Catho-

la
lic Historical Association
y de la American Historical Association, el 28 de
diciembre de 1953. en Chicago,
y se publico por primera vez en Tht Hanani
Theological Review, XLVIII (,95,). 6,-9..
Muchos de los probiemas insi-
nuados en este artfculo se han examinado con mas
cuidado en mi libro Tht
King's Two Bodici: A study m
Mediaeval Polittcal Theology (Princeton.
1957). aunque aqui he anadido Mgunas cosas que no se encuentran en el
libro. Quedo reconocido al Dr. Rodrfgwe? Aranda por la tradiircicn al espaflol
de mi ensayo.
(i) Andreas Alfoldi: ..Die Ausgeltaltung des monarchischen Zere-
moniells am romischen Kaiserhcfe, e .Insignien und Tracht der romis-
chen Kaiser.. Rdmische Mittetlungen, XLIX (1934), 1-1,8; L (1935), 1-17..
(2) Theodor Klauser : Der Lhsprumg der btschiifUchen Insiynien Mtirf
Ehrenrechte (Lecturas academicas de Bonn. I. Krefeld. 1949).

/ n o / ./
u L u u
 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

i>em por parte del poder esp.ntual fue

equilibrada por una tmitatio
sacerdotn por parte del poder
secular d). Schramm llevo su estu^
dio solo umbral del pen'odo Hohenstaufen.
al
y estuvo acertado
en detenerse donde lo hizo. Pues
los mutiios prestamos a que se
ref.ere -^.ns.^n.as. litulos.
s:mbolos. priv.legios
y prerrogatwas-
afectarcn a prmc:p,os de la Edad Media, prmcipalmente a las in-
d.v,dual.dades d.ngentes. esp.rituales
y seculares. al pontffice que
Hevaba corona y al cmperador que
llevaba mitra, hasta que final-
mentz el sacerdoUum tuvo apariencia
imperial, y e! re^num aspec-
to clenca. A
com.enzos del siglo Xlii. lo mas tarde.
se alcanzo un
c.erto estadc de saturacion
cuando los dignatanos esp.rituales y
seculares se atav.aron con los atributos esenciales
de sus funciones.
Sm embargo, los prestamos entre
las dos orbitas no acabaron.
Solo cambiaron los objetivos
cuando el centro de gravedad se mo-
v.o. por deorlo as.', de
los personajes dingentes
de la Edad Me-
dia a las colect.v.daces
dirigidas de prmcipios de los
tiempos mo-
dernos. a los nuevos estados
nacionales y a otras comumdades
polf-
ticas. Es aec.r.
ambito de intercambios entre Fglesia
el
y Estado.
y de mfluencas mutuas. se expandio desde los dignatar.os ind.v.-
duales a las comumdades compactas. Por esto. los problemas socio-
logicos empezaron a configurar los problemas ecles.asticos y. vi^e-
versa. lo ecles.ast.co a lo
sociologico. Con el Papa como prtnct,^
verus tmperator y
el aparato jerirquico de la Idesia romana .'pe,
sar de algunos importantes rasgos de
constituconal.smo (4) - mos-
tro tendenca a convertirse
en el prototipo perfecto de una
monar-
quia absoluta
y ..icional sobre -ma base m.'stica. mientras que
s.-
multaneamente cl Estado mostro una
creciente tendencia a con-
vernrse en una sem.-Iglesia.
y. en otros respectos. en una
monar-
quia mist.ca sohre una base
racional. Fue aqiu' en estas
aguas
-aguas nauseabundas. si as! se quiere-
donde el misticismo del
nuevo Estado hallo su alimento
y su morada.
El problema fundamental se
puede enfocar con mas facilidad
planteando una simple cuest.on ^Como. por que
:
canales v n.c-
diante que tecmcas. se transfirieron
al Estado los espirituales ar-

(J) PERCY ERNST SCHRAMM: -Sacerdcum und Reum ,m Aus.ausch

ihrer Vorrechie.. Studi Gregorian,. II (,947), 40^457
(4) Vease Brian Tierney The Canonists and
:
the Mediaeval S,ate>.,
Re,cw of Pol.ucs, XV
(19,?). 578-588. y su importante i.bro The Foun-
dations of the Conaltar Theory (Cambridge,
1956).

38

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 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

cdflecdesiae para prodiicir los mievos seculares arcana imperii del

Absolutismo? La respuesta a esta pregunta esta dada por las fuen-
tes con las que tenemos que contar; sin olvidar los relates o
las artes, el ceremonial o la liturgia, se puede decir que nuestra
principal evidencia se debe a las leyes. Principalmente por nuestras
fuentes legales se han hecho evidentes los nuevos modos de in-
tercambio entre los espiritual y lo secular. Despues de todc, los
canonistas usaban y aplicaban el Derecho romano; los civilistas
usaban y aplicaban el Derecho canonico; y ambos derechos fueron
usados tambien por juristas del Derecho consuetudinario
(5). Ade-
mas, ambos derechos fueron influidos por el metodo y el pensa-
miento escolastico, asi como por la filosofia aristotelica ; finalmen-
te, los juristas de todas las ramas del Derecho aplicaban libremente,
y sin escrupulos o mhibiciones, similes y metaforas teologicas cuan-
de exponian sus puntos de vista en glosas y opiniones legales. Ba-
jo el impacto de estos intercambios entre glosadores y comenta-
listas canonicos y civiles
qi,e no existian en la Alta Edad Me-
dia surgio algo a lo que se le llamo entonces ((Secretes de Es-
iado'>, y que hoy, en un sentido mas generalizado, se denomina con
frecuencia ((Teologia pol.tica))Afortunado como siempre, no-
(6).

taba una vez Maitland que eventualmente (da nacion usurpo las
funciones del Principe.' (7). Aunque estoy por complete de acuer-
do, creo que podriamos agregar : ((Pero no antes de que el Prin-
cipe mismo usurpara las funciones pontificales del Papa y del
obispo)).

En efecto, el ((pontificalismo.> fue quiza el lasgo mas sobre-

saliente de las nuevas monarqu.'as, y pocos principes ni siquie-

Esto ha sido apuntado repetidamente por Gaines Post; vease es-

(5)

pecialmente su estudio sobre A Romano-Canonical Maxim, "Quod

.

omncs
tangit", in Bracton-,
Tradttto. IV (1946), 197-251. y su ensayo leido ante
e! Riccobono Seminar sobre The Theory of Public Law and the State in
the Thirteenth Century. Seminar, VI
{1948), 42-59: tambien su mas re-
ciente estudio sobre -The Two Laws and the Statute of York., Speculum.
XXIX (1945), 4I7-4J2.
La expresion, muy discutida a principios de la decada de
(6)
1950
(Carl Schmitt: PoUttsche Theologie. Munich
y Leipzig, 1923), se ha po-
pularizado mas en este pais, si es que no me equivoco, debido
a un estu-
dio de George Lapiana, Political Theology. The Interpretation of His-
tory (Princeton, 1943).

(7) F. W. Maitland:
MoraI Personality and Legal Personality.., en
sus Selected Essa.ys (Cambridge, 1936). 230.

39
 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

ra Luis XIV ^ fueron tan genuinamente pontificales como

el Rev
(aime de Inglaterra. En un pequeno diccionario
I
de Derecho, pu^
blicado en 1607 yllamado The Interpreter,
un capacitado civilista.
elDr. John Cowell. anticipo ciertas teorias
politicas con las que nor^
malmente Jaime I no habn'a estado en
desacuerdo : que el rey
s.empre es m.ivor de edad que no esta
: sujeto a la muerte. sine
que es en si mismo una Institucion que vive eternamente; que ei
rey esta por encima de leyes;
las y que admite la legislacion del
Estado solo a causa de su benignidad
o en razon de su juinmento
de coronacion (8). Puesto q.ie The Intepreter
suscito la indignation
de los Comunes. de quien el rey dependia para lograr su subsidio.
el rey m-smo se mclesto por las palabras de Cowell. Asi, pues. un
rey airado fulmino a un pobre crudito que solo queria agradar
a su soberano. Jaime I se quejaba, en una proclama de i5io, de
que nada -se deja ahora sin investigar-. ni ..los mas altcs mis-
tenos de ia cabeza de Dios.. ni los secretos mas profundos que
pertenecen a las pcrsonas Estado del ley y los pn'nc.pes, que
son Dios en que hombres incompetentes escudri-
la Tierra... y
naran Iibremente con sus escntos los
mas profundos secretos de
la monarqu.'a
y de la gobemacion pcKtica- (9). En otras ocasiones

(8) Para el caso del Dr. John

Ccwell. vease Charles H. Mc Ilwain
The PohUcal Works of James 1 (Cambridge.
Mass.. ,q,8), pp. XXXVII
y sigs.. y mas recientemente, Stanley B. Chrimes. Dr. John Cowell
EngUsh H.stoucal Rev.eu,. LXIV (,949). 461-487. que reprodujo en e!
Apend.ce los pasa,es importantes del libro de CoWELL, Interpreter ov
Book Contannng the Signification of Words, publicado por vez primen
en Cambridge. ,607. Cowell cita muchos autcres Franceses, y puede pro-
ceder de una de est-is fuentes haber hablado de la
el
benignidad.. de'
rey (v. ..Par!amento). Su coetaneo Charles Loysean, por ejempio al
d.scut.r la vahdez de los Coutumiers provinciales
y del poder legislative
de asambleas provinciales dice tambien que
las
..sa bonte (la del rey) pcr-
mette au peuple des Provinces coustumieres
de choisir certaines Coustu-
mes. selon lesquelles ils desire vivre...
El traite des Seigneunes de Lov -

SEAN fue impreso por primera vez en

1608: pero probablemente Loysean
no fue el primero que uso la frase: vease
William Farr Church- uCon-
stituticnal Thought in Sixteenth-Century
France.. (Hanard Hist. Stud..
XLVII; Cambridge, 1941), n. 5-.
J25,
(9) Vease Thomas P. Taswell - Langmead: EngUsh Constitution^-
H,.Uory, 8. ed.. de Coleman Ph.lippson (Londres,
.9,9). 488. nota (y)
en la que se halla impr.sa la
mayor parte de la proclama: cf. Chri-
MES, op. cit.. 472
y sig. Veanse tambien los Debates parlamentarios de
'6,0, ed. por S. R. Gardiner (Camden
Society. 8, Londres. 1862). 22
;
v
siguientes.

40

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 \ SECRETOS DE ESTADO

jaime 1 se refino a .mi Prerrogaiiva o secreto de Estado> . al se-

creto del poder del rey)), o a "la reverencia misnca que pertenece
a quienes se sientan en el trono de Dios.. <io). u ordeno al Spe.ker
de Camara de los Comunes que advirtiera a aquclla Camara
la

que no mtentara nadie entrometerse (entrometerse era una exore-

sion favcrita del absolutismo) en nada que concerniera a nuestra
gcbemacion o secretos de Estado (ii).
No seria facil decidir rapidamente y con precision de donde
se denva
concept de Secretos de Estado. Podna haber side,
el

naturalmente. una traduccion del arcana tmperii temptan. de Ta-

cito, examinar los secretos del impcrio, y es posible que e! culto
laime I conociera a Tacito. Si embargo, la expresion secretos de
Estado tiene mas sabor cristiano que de Tacito. aunque la pala-
bra arcana servla para designar los mistena paganos > los
cristia-
nos (12). Sin embargo, hay razones para pensar no en el histonador
romano, sino en el Derecho romano debido a una ley de los em-
peradores Graciano. Valentino y Teodosio, quienes en el
ano ^9^ se
dingfan al praefectus Vrbi Symmachus diciendo que era sacrile-
gio>. discutir el juicio del Principe y las decisiones
de los fiinoc-
nanos (13). Seguramente que sacrilegio" es una palabra fuerte

(10) MclLWAIN: Polit. Works. 332 y sigs.. para e] discurso del ley
laime en la Star Chamber, en 1616. Debe notarse. sin embargo, que e!
rey dice tambien .For though the Common Law
: be a mystery and skill
best knowen unto your selues.
la palabra ..myste- . Con toda segundad,
ry tiene aqui el sentido de oficio o comercio.
>
en el sentido de .artes y
secretos.. lo que quiza puede sugenr que
.secretos de Estado. son kjj
oficios o comercios que hacen los reyes.

(n) Vease Parhamentary Hislorj. of England (Londres. 1806).

1, 1.326
y sigs., en donde el .secreto.- es el matnmcnio espanol del
Principe Car-
los: vease tambien McIlwain: .Constitutionalism Ancient and Modern
(rev. ed.. lihace. N. Y.. 1947), 112. ef. 125. Entrometerse se repite una
y otra ver: es el equivalente del latin se sntromttUre vease.
; por eiem-
plo. Mated de Afflictis (abajo. n. 22). I. fol. 45, sobre Uber augustah.^.
I. 4: Ut nulli:s se in'.romittaf de factis et consiliis regis..
(12) Ticrro: Anales. II. 36. La expresion. naturalmente. era conoci-
da: veanse.
por e)empk). los .Debates ParIamentar)os de 1610. pag.
5:.
donde se dice que los kres que se sientan mas cerca del gobierno
y. per
.

tanto. se famihanzan pnmero con aquellas cosas

que son Arcana tmpt-
ni, etc.... Para las interrelaciones
entre arcana y nustena. vease Othmap
PaRLER. articulo .Arkandisziplin- . Redllexjkon fur AnUkt und ChnsUn-
Una. I (1950)' 667-676. con una completa bibliografia.
ii3> Codtgo ie Teodosto, I, 6. 9<;. 9. 29. 2: ..Disputari de principali
iudicio non oportet sacrilegii enim instar est dubitare. an :s dignus sit.
:

^uem elegerit amperator.>.

4*

U L I L
 ERNSl H. KANTOROWIC7

que bordea la <.zona de silenc.o..

reservada para rmstenu
y arena.
^ra las acc.ones en
la .gle.a
y en el tribunal (X4). No obstante.
sta V e,a ley. .nclu.da
en su Cod.go por )ustmuno
fue cap.tal. tanto
en la leg-s^acon de Rogeno
li de S.cil.a.
como de Fedenco II (.5,.
"'' ^^ I'S-'- atenuada. por Brae-
r^'"."""^'^"
ton /06). No de,o de .mpres.onar a Ja.me I. qu.en en :6x6. muy

("'Da. n. I), 3B y sig^

fie^fc f , ^ o. TreiTINGER: Die 05.

uano pnm.t,vo.
' ^ ^- ^'- f"" '" 'epresentacion en ate ens
e]
las mportante. observaconcs de
Andr, Grabar In

' 3=: Cultus lusntiae silentuim

tur..
cur.>. La. nnUhr
i^s ""f*^^'- reputa-
palabras proceden dc Isaias 22 t- r.,^ 1 1

.ada sobre De..et, dc ""'"' "-'' "'

el
Gracm^o I C V

'Napoles. i,,^, Hz). Cito

e! hbro de leyes de Fedenro TI A^ j
">,., CD. L.ervune,. tx>rquc

contieiu- las elosas dr Mapim/.- , r

::r r";" ""' "-' -- ->" i -

'-"'c ottg., 4, ed.

IK)
(16) n iep/,.s
BR*rrr.M.
BRaCToN:
1. Cervone. 15.
De j i.

E. Woodbme (New Haven.

ci consuetudtnibus Anzlme fol .. .A 1
.qi,-ig42) n ,00
tI
 SECRETOS DP nSTAfX)

cportunarnente en un discurso en la Star Chamber, se refirio cla-

ramente a ello diciendo : No es legal discutir aquello que concier-
ne al secreto del poder del rey... Advertia a su aiiditorio "que se
mantuviera dentro dc sus limites. porque no era legal disputar so-
bre la Prerrogativa absoluta dc la corona.. Es ateo y constituye
una biasfzmii disciitu- lo que pucv-ie hacer Dios... Del mismo modo,
es presuncion y gran desden en un subdito, discurir lo que puede
hacer un rey... (17). Las referennas a la ley de los tres emperado-
res rcmanos son evidentes. No es preciso decir que esta ley se habia
convertido, mucho tiempo antes, en ley canonica cuando se apli-
c6 al Papa (18).

n.. Es dificil seguir los .irgumentos sobre cstc pasajc anticipados por Fritz
SCHULZ: Bracton on Kingship . En^l. Hisi. Ret.. LX (1945), 17^. aun-
que su cxamen es admirable en muchos otro.'i respectcs. ScHULZ pretendc
que las paiabras et factis rtgitm debcn scr interpoladas. . Sin embargo,
estas paiabras se hallan bier, atestiguadas en esta conexion por los dos
Ccdipos sicilianos (arriba, no hay razon para suponer una inter
n. 15);
polacion, pero si para preguiuarsc de donde precede de factis. SCHULZ
pretende que .<es conspicuo. el plural ref;um en ve? dc regis. No lo creo
el plural se desliza porque C. g. 2g. 2. que Schulz no tomo en conside-
racion. tiene el AAA. (-Augusti) ad Synsmachum
encabezamiento Idem
pracfectum Urbi, pues la ley fue promulgada por los tres emperadores
Grac;ano. Valentiniano y Teodosio: y el plural sc deslizc primero.
no en
el tratado de Bracton. sino en el Liber Aug.,
I. 4. cuyo titulo dice: Ut
nullus se intromittat (vease arriba. n 11) de seu
facUi, consiliis reguni'
desliz significativo porque la pluralidad de emperadores bizantinos del
sur dc Italiano es raro que influyera en las icrtptorta y cancillen'as del sur
de Italia: vease G. B. Ladner The : Emperor in Southern
Portraits' of
Italian Exultet Rolls and the Liturgical Commemoration of the Emperor>.,
Speculum. XVII (1942). i8g y
que mterpreta estos plurales en los
sigs.,
textos litiirgicos del su. de Italia de un modo convincente. Como cxplicar
la semeianza de ios termino:. dc Bracton con el del libro de leyes sici-
liano es una cuestion distinta ; pero cuando Bracton cscribio su tratado
(probablcmcntc entre i3io y ij^g). Inglaterra estaba rnundada- de sici-
lianos: vease E. KantorowicZ: Petrus de Vinea in England.. Mtt-
lungen des Osterreichmchen Instituts fin Geschtchetforchung, LIII (1937-
?8). esp. 74 y sig.s.. 81 y sigs.

(17) MclLWAIN: Poltttcal Works of loines I. m. y sigs. Vease tambien

ParliamenUiry Debates in 1610. pag. 2j. parrafo 3.
(18) La ley de los tres emperadores penetro tambien el Derecho ca-
iidnico: vease glosa .sobrc
la el Decretuni, II. C. XVII. qu. c. 4. Y como
el profesor Gaines Post me sugirio amablemente. la ley paso tambien al
Papa: vease HoSTIENSis Summa Aurea (Venecia.
:
1586), col. 1610. De
crtmine sacrilegit. n. 2: Similiter de ludicio summi Pontificis disputare

43

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Secretos de Estado)., pi.es, procede claramente

de la orbita que
los juristas de los siglos xii y xili Placentinus. Azo y otros
llamaron religto juris, ^Religion del Derecho (i9),
y que en tiem^
pos de Federico II fue llamada, a veces. mystenum lustitwe
(20).
Es cierto que emperador mismo en sus Constituciones
el
sicilia-
nas solo mencionaba el mimsterium hstitiae,
o mis bien el sacra-
tissimum mmistenum lustiUae, que contiaba a sus funcionarios {21).
Pero las dos palabras mmisterium mystenum - eran cast inter-
y
cambiables desde primeros tiempos del cnstianismo.
los
y fueron
confundidas perpetuamentc en tiempos medievales;
un comenta-
nsta posterior de las Constituciones sicilianas.
Mateo de Afflictis.

non licet... Veasc tambien Oldkadus de Ponte Consilta, LXII, :

n. 1

(Lyon, 1550), fol. 21 rb. : .Dc potestate vestra dubitare sacrilegium essct.
arg. C. de cri. sacri.... 1. H (C. 9, 29, 2). Vease tambien Angelo dec.i 1

Ubaldi en C. 9, 28, 2. n. 2 (Venecia. 1579). fol. 269: nunquam de inh.v

bihtate vel insuficientia assumpti per
(officialis) Papam vel per principcm
disputandum est... Tambien GuiDO Papa : ConstUa, LXV, n. 10 (Lyon.
1544). fol. 86: .Disputare enim de ipsorum (sc. papae ct imper.itoris) po-
testate nemini licet: quinimo faciens crimen sacrilegii committit...
(19) El reltgto iuris es discutido conientemente por los glosadores en
conexion con las Instituciones de Justiniano, Proemio: ... et fiat (el Prin-
cipe romano) tan iuris religiosissimus quam victis hostibus triumphator...
Cf. Placentinus: Summa
Instttutwnum, ed H. Fitting: Junsttsche Schrif-
ten des fruheren MitteUlters (Halle
1876). 222. 21; Azo: Summa Institu-
Uonum, ed. F. W. Maitland, Selected Passages from the
Works Bracton of
and Azo (Seiden Society, VIII, Londres. 1895). 6. La Glossa ordmaua (glo-
sa sobre ^religiosissimus.) ccmpara.
como lo hicieron antes Azo y otros.
las nociones mris reltgio y inumphus. Vease tambien
Andreas de Isernia
sobre el Uber auj^., I, 99, ed. Cervcne. 168:
-lustitia habct multas parte...
inter quas est religio ct sacramentum. Nam sacramentum
.
est religio:
unde dicitur iurisiurandi religio... lunsmrandi religio quedo como termino
tecnico de la jurisprudencia. y es significative que un jurista frances del si-
glo XVI. al referirse a Fil6n. De Specialtbus legibus, II De lureiurandv :

religioneque, citara a Fil6n, Uber de turusiurandi relipom- vease PlERRE ;

GRfcoiRE: De RepubUca, VI. c. 3, n. 2 (Lyon. 1609). 1^7.

(20) Pett?us de Vinea: Epistolae, III. 69. de Simon Schard (Ba-
ed.
silea. 1566), 512: .vendere precio iustitiae mysterium carta desvirtuan- .

do las leyes imperiales. )usticia venal, por supuesto, comparada con la

simonia: vease FELIPE DE Leyden (abajo, n. 67): Casus, LX. n. 35, pagi-
nas 255 y sigs. Lucas de Penna: en C. 12, 45. i, n. 61. pag. 915: .gra-
vius crimen est vendere iustitiam quam praebendam ; legimus enim Chris-
tum esse iustitiam (vease Decrettum. C. XI. q. 3. c. 84. ed. Friedberg.
I. 666), non legitur autem esse praebendam..
(21) Ljfcer aug., I. 63, ed. Cervone. 124.

44

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 5ECRETOS DE ESTADO

al glosar la ley de Federico, juzgaba aiin necesario expresar exten-

samente la diferencia que existe entre ministerium y mysterium (22).
Por tanto, parece ofrecer pocas dudas que fue de! estrato
..secretos
de la Justicia en aquel tiempo Jiisticia significaba ..Gobier-
no>. o ((Estado de donde surgio el concepto de Secretes de
Estado de Jaime I. Y fue en el mismo estrato donde se origino el
pontificalismo de los reyes absolutes.
El pontificalismo)> leal. pues. parece descansar en la creencia
legalmente establecida de que el gobierno es un mysteritim admi-
nistrado solo por el alto sacerdote real y sus indiscutibles funcio-
narics, y que todas las acciones realizadas en nombre de esos se-
cretos de Estado son validas ipso facto o ex ohcre ope'ato, pres-
cindiendo incluso del valor personal del rey y de sus seguidores.
cDe donde se deriva esta actividad pontifical, desconocida en
la alta Edad Media? Seguramente, el rey-sacerdote, el rex et meet'
dos, fue un ideal primitivo medieval de muchas facetas
(23), aunque

(2.1) Para el uso uuercambiable

mimslenum y myslenitm, vease
de
F. BlatT: Ministerium-Mysteriutn, Archivum latimtatis mediiaem, IV
(192?), 80 y sigs.: podri'a anadirse E. DiEHl, : Inscriptiones latmae Chris-
tianae veleres num. 14
(Berlin, 1924).
ministeris adque mysteriis
I. 4. (

religiosecelebrandis-.); tambien hook of Armagh, ed. de

John Gwynn
(Dublin, ign). pag. CCXXI (citas de rcmanos 11. 25). Mateo de
Afflictis :

In utriusque Sialiae... ConsMutio>ies (Venecia, 1562), 1, fol. 216 v.. en

Ltber aug., I, 63 (60), niims. 4-5, encuentra. por ultimo, que la diferen-
cia prmcipal entre las dos nociones reside en el hecho de que
mysterium
non potest fieri in privatis domibus..., sed ministerium iustiti,ie potest
fieri etiam in privatis domibus., resuitado algo decepcionante de un pro-
metedor csfuerzo. Vease tambien A. SONTER : A. Glossary of I^ter Latin
(Oxford. 1949), s. V. xministerium.
Existe una considerable faita de claridad respccto al rex
(23) et sacer-
dos ideal. Sin intentar resolver un problema complicado en una
nota. qui-
za scan oportunas unas cuantas observaciones. En los
siglos cristianos pri-
mitivos. cl rex et sacerdos ideal no tenia nada que ver con las consagra-
ciones: probablemente era un superviviente de! titulo imperial Pontifex
Maximus, aunque tambien una adaptacicn de ese titulo el pensamien-
era
to cristiano siguiendo el modelo biblico de Melquisedec. La introduccion
de las unciones reales en los siglos vil y vill produjo la nota liturgica : la
nueva coronacion ungida a estilo del Viejo Testamento, ..ut intelligat bap-
tizatus regale ac sacerdotale ministerium accepisse..
(vease, entre una vein-
tena de frases semejantes, la respuesta de Amalar de Trier al cuestiona-
rio de Carlomagno sobre el bautismo, Patr. lat., XCIX, 898, i): el rey.
como el neofito bautizado, era rex et sacerdos, aunque en un sentido es-
peaal, y su sacerdocio era s6Io esoterico y no clerical. Despues de la in-

45

n J I L
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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

siempre inseparable de la monarquia con Cristo como centre de

aquella epoca ; o. si se prefiere, de la monarquia liturgica lipn-
da al altar, que por ultimo dio lugar a una monarquia legalista de
derecho divino. Este legalism empezo en el siglo Xll, cuando el

caracter casi-sacerdotal no se legitime ya exclusivamente como un

eEuvio de uncion y altar, sino como un efluvio de la seriedad del
Derecho romano que nombraba a jueces y abogados sacerdotes imti-
tiae. (isacerdotes de la justicia (24). La antigua solemnidad dei
ienguaie liturgico se mezclaba extranamente con la nueva solemni-
dad del idioma de los juristas cuando Ro^erio II, en el prefacio
a sus Debates silicianos de (probablemente) 11 40, llamo a su co-
leccicn de leyes nuevas una oblacion a Dios. Dignus et necessanum
est, con estas palabra: empezaba el prefacio. explicando cl prcpo-
sito de la coleccion, y continuaba:

/n qua oblattone. Por esta oblacion (de leyes nuevas) ei

funcionario real asume para si mismo determinado privilegio
sacerdotal, por lo cual algun sabio llamo a los interpretes de
la ley sacerdotes de la ley (25).

troduccion de las unciones de cabeza en las consagraciones de los obis-

pos, la coronacion del rey sc hizo muy parecida a la ordenacion de un
obispc: el funcionario real fue clericalizado y se considero al gobcrnan-
te non omntuo laicus. El Derecho romnno y canonico prodtiieron finat-
mente una interprctacicn nueva, ni esotenca ni liturgica-clerical, sino lega-
lista-clerical, del vieio rex et sacerdos uieal, aunque sin dejar de activar
por complete las priniitivas capas.

(24) Digesto, I, I, I : . Ulpjano. Cuius merito quis nos sacerdos ap-

pellet: iustitiam namque colimus... No se dice a quienes llamaba el
jueces y juristas sacerdotes; vease, sin embargo, AuLUS Gellius. Nodes
Atticae, XIV, 4: ludicem. qui lustitiae antistes est; tambien QuiNTI-
LIANO, Inst Orat., XI, i, 69: .iuris antistes. Vease. ademas, la inscrip-
cion CIL, VI. 2250: sacerdos lustitiae, con la nota de Mommsen de D. i,
I. i: tambien Symmachus. Ep. X, 3. ij. Mon. Germ. Htst., Auct. ant..
VI, 282. 28, llama a los emperadorcs lustitiae sacerdotes. Para el pasaje
mismo. vease Ulrich von LiJBTOW : <.De iustitia et iure ; Savigny :

Zeitschrift fiir Rechtsgeschichte, rom. Abt.. LXVI (1948). 458 y sigs..

esp. 524. 559 y s'gs. ; 563.
(25) Brandileone: Romano (arriba.
Diritlo n. 94 y sig. : In qu.i
15),
oblationc regni officium quoddam sibi saccrdotii vendicat privilegium; undc
quidam sapiens Icgisque peritus iuris interpretes iuris sacerdotes appellat.
Comparese Dignum et necessanum est con el prefacio de la misa Vere :

dtgnum es iustum est, y la relativa union In qua oblattone con Quam obla-
tionem antes de la consagracion. Ni las semejanzas ni las variaciones mas

46

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 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

Con !as palabra? citadas en ultimo liigar el rey Rogerio se re-

fen'a al parigrafo primero Digesto de Justiniano que.
.-|el
como es
natural, atrajo la atencion de los juristas inedievales. Accursiiis
(muerto hacia 1258), en !a Glosa ordinaria en D. i. i, i. hace .-n
claro paralelo entre los sacerdotes de la
Iglesia y los de la ley:

"Del mismo modo que los sacerdotes administran y se

ocupan de las cosas sagradas. asi' lo hacemos NOSOTROS, pues-
to que las leyes son mas sagradas .. Y asi como el sacerdote.
cuando imponc penitencia, da a cada uno lo
que le corres-
ponde en derecho, asi lo hacemos NOSOTROS cuando
juzga-
mosi) (26).

IJn juez imperial, [uan de Viterbo. hacia

1238 en Florencia.
inferia del Codigo que .el jliez esta consagrado por la presencia de
Dios" y que -en todas causas legales se dice, o mejcr. se cree
las

que el juez es Dios con respecto a los hombres,

de donde el hecho
de que e! juez administre un sacramentum y tenga un ejemplar
de las Sagradas Escrituras sobre sii mesa, servia o se intentaba
que sirviera a los fines de una exaltacion para-religiosa del
sacerdote-jurista (27). Un jurista tan grande ccmo William Du-
rand, el Speculator, que escrib'a a fines del siglo XIli, citaba
a los
glosadores para decir que emperador podia considerarse como
el

presbitero segun el pasaje en que se dice (D. i, i. i,):

.Nosotros

ligeras carecen de sentido; deseaba la correspondenc.a con

se
la misa. p^ro
absteniendose, sin embargo, de la profanacion.
Glosa ordwaru.. en D. .. i.
(26) gl.
,. ..sacerdotes,,: .quia ut sacer-
dotes,, sacra mmistrant et conficiunt.
ita ct nos. cum leges sunt sanctissi-
mae... Ut lus suum cuique tribuit sacerdos in danda poenitentia. sic et
nos in rudicando.,. Un extenso comentano sobre tema se encuen.ra en
el
GUILLAUME BUD^: AtwotaUoncs ,n XXIV Pandectarum Ubros (Lyon. 1,5,).
28 y sigs. Cf. tambien para el paralelismo de index
y sacerdos, Angeic
DEG1.I Ubard, en C.
9, 29. 2. n. (Venecia. ,579), fol. .69: -.Imperator ,

uno verbo Doctorem facere possit.

dicendo: "Pronuntio te Doctorem "
et eodem modo papa pronuntiat
sacerdctem... Para otrcs aspcctos del
pro-
blema. veasc The King's Two Bodies,
120 y sigs.
{27) lUAN
DE Viterbo: De regimine civitatum,
c. ,5. ed Gaetano
Salvemen.. en: BMwtheca nmdica medn
aev, (Bolonia. 1901), III. 226-
^.... Nam mdex al.as sacerdos dicitur quia sacra dat...: et alias dicitur:
Index del prcsentia consecratur..." ; dicitur etiam. immo creditur. esse
deus m omnibus pro hominibus... Los pasajes citados estan en
: C.

D i ,

i. 1. 14; C. I. 59, 2. 8.

47

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 URNST H. KANTOROWICZ

ios jueces, somos llamados, con razon, sacerdotes {28). Y se re-

fiere al Derecho romano y al Decreto de Graciano, anadiendo:
"El emperador se llama tambien Dontifice
(29). Es altamente sig-
nificativo que se hiciera aquf un positivo esfuerzo para probar el
caracter no laico, e incluso pontifical, del rey dentro de la Iglesia.
no como resultado de ungirlo con ba'.samo sagrado, sine
el como
consecuencia de la comparacion que hace Ulpiano de Ios jueces
con Ios sacerdotes. De cualquier forma, la realeza esta a punto de
ser separada del altar, y el viejo ideal de la monarquia sacerdotal
segi'in modelo de Melquisedec y de Cristo fue sustituida gra-
el

dualmente por un nuevo pontificalismo real segun el modelo de

Ulpiano e incluso del mismo fustiniano.
Que Ios Secretos de Estado eran inseparables de la esfera de
la Ley y de la jurisdiccion no necesita mas comentarios. La pre-
tension a una jurisdiccion universal que Barbarroja (aconsejado.
segun cuenta la historia, por Ios cuatro doctores de Bolonia) esta-
tlccio basandose en el Derecho lomano y feudal, fue un fracaso.
No constituyo un fracaso cuando hizo la misma pretension el Ro-
mano Pontifice basandose en la epistola i." a Ios corintios, 2, 15:
"El hombre espiritual juzga a todos, pero a el mismo no lo juzga
Conocemos muy bien la historia de esta maxima, y sabe-
iiadie.

mos como el -Hombre dotado con el Espi'ritu Santo, el tnet(matu

kos del Apostol, fue sustituido finalmente por un funcionario, el

(28) Guil.LELMUS DURANDUS: Rationale dk-inorum oijiaorum, II, 8, 6

(Lyon, 1565). fol. 55: oQuidam etiam dicunt... 8, g, 3) quod (im-
(D. i,

peratur) fit presbyter iiixta illud : "Cuius merito quis nos sacerdotes ap-
pellat".

(29) DuRANDUS: loc. cil.i Imperator etiam pontifex dictus est.

Cf. Rationale, II, n; Unde etRomani imperatores pontifices diceban-
tur. Esta es simplemente la acostumbrada cita de Graciano Decretunh :

I, Dist. xxi, c. T, paragrafo 8, ed. Friedberg, 68. El pasaje en el

De- I,

cretum esta tornado de IsiDORO DE Sevilla Etimologias VII, 12. Los ci- : ,

vihstas raramente dejan de alegar estc parrafo del

Decretiim cuando dis-
futen las cualidades pontificales y sacerdotales del Principe en relacion
con Justiniano. Insth. II, i.8 (.per pontifices deo consecrate sunt-), o con
D. I, 8, 9, I (r.cum principes eum (locum sacrum) dedicavit). Mas
adelante, BuD^, op. cit. (arriba, n.
con 26), 30, acusa a Accursius y
este motivo a toda escuela
dc glosadores quod ad Witros jyovtifices
li

retiiltt: es decir, per haber igualado al pontifice antiguo con

el moderno
obispo cristiano. Esto hace honor al sentido historic tan fuertemente
des-
arrollado de Buofi. En aquella dpoca, sin embargo, el daflo estaba
hecho
y el rey se habfa convertido en pontifical".

n J I u
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 SECRETOS D ESTAUO

obispo, y file identificado en particular con el obispo de Roma;

y como, despiies de haberse probado por el Dictatui papae de
Gregorio VII y la biila Unam sanctum de Bonifacio
VIII, se es-
tablecio para todos los tiempos futuros !a
maxima papal que exi-
gia la jiirisdiccion universal en determinadas
circunstancias : Samta
Sedes Omnes mdicat, sed a nemine ludtcatur (30).
Mucho menos conocida es la posterior y secular historia de
esta maxima. Baldiis, la
gran autoridad juridica del siglo xiv, ob-
servaba que al emperador se le llamaba tambien Rex, quia altoi
regit et a vemtne regttur, ..Rey porque rige a los otros y no es
regido por nadie- {31). Mateo de Afflictis, el comentarista sici-
liano del siglo XVi. declaraba .El emperador
: manda a los otros.
pero a el no le manda nadie.. (32). De Afflictis, por supuesto. no ci-
taba o interpretaba a San Pablo ; citaba a Baldus, quien, a su vez.
apenas pensaba en la Epi'stola a los Corintios, sino en la maxi-
ma de los canonistas : Sancta sedes omnes mdicat. Esto misnio
era cierto probablemente cuando Jaime I declare que Dios tenia
poder para juzgar a todos y no ser juzgado
por nadie.., no sin
anadir. sin embargo, que los -reyes son
llamados dioses, con ra-
z6n.> ^33), pues realizan una especie
de poder divino en la Tie-

(?o) Ve<ise Albert Michael Koeniger:

.Prima sedes a nemine ludi-
catur..,Badrage Zur geschichte des Chnstlichen Altertums
und der hyzan-
tmischen Uteratur; Festgabe Albert Ehrhard (Bonn
y Leipzig. 1922). 27V
?oo: vease. para Bonifacio VIII, tambien Konrad Burdach : Rienzo und
die geistige Wandhig seiner Zeit (Von Mittclalter zur Reformation. II,
I. Berlin. 191^-28), 5^8 y sigs. Vease la violenta diatriba del siglo xvi
contra la maxima papal por Pierre de BelLoy Mttyens d'abus, entre.
:

pnses et nullttez du resent et bulle du Papa Sixte V (Pan's. 1586). 61

y
siguienfes.
(?i) Baldus. sobre el Dtgesto. Proemio. n. (Venecia.
2:5 1586), 61 y
siguientes.

(32) Mateo de Affi.ICTIS en 5icj7. Const., praeludia, qu. XXI. n. ^

folio 18: ..quia imperator aliis imperat, sed sibi a nemine imperator. ut
dicit Baldus ins pri. y sigs. veteris. en ii. col... (vease arriba. n. 31). Cf.
Angelo DEGLI Ubaldi en Dig. proem, ruhr. (Venecia. 1580). fol. 2:
i
-Im-
perator quia imperat et a nemeni sibi imperatur... Tambien Albericus de
Rosate en Dig proem. "Omnem". n. ij (Venecia. 1585). fol. 4: .quia
ipse [imperator] subditorum iudicat
facta : sua mdicat solus Dcus: sicut
de Papa dicitur ... (C. IC. q. 3. c. 15) cum sit iiequalis potestas utriusque. ..>
La refcrencia al Decretum es un pasaje del pseudo-Isidoro ; cf. Friedberg:
Corpus luris Canomci (Leipzig, 1879), I, 610, n. 224.
(33) Para los reyes como dioses". vease mi ensayo Deus per natu-
ram. Dcus per gratiam. Harvard Theological Review. XLV (1952). 2<;v

49

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

rra (34). Salmasius, absolutista de la buena epoca, tanipoco peii'

saba en la cuando en su Regal Dejease of CharLei I
carta apostolica

of England, impresa por vez primera en 1649, dijo clara y simple-

mente: Es rey en el vcrdadero sentido de la palabra, que juzga a
todos y no es juzgado por nadie)) (35). Lo que interpretaba Salma-
sius no era sino la teon'a papal, transfinendo su esencia el estado

secular. Literalmente, el principe absolute habla usurpado la fun-

cion al Romano Pontifice; el, el principe, se convirtio ahora en
el superhombre, ese homo Spiritualts al que Bonifacio Vlil habia in-
tentado energicamente monopolizar en beneficio del Romano Pon-
tifice, con exclusion de todos los otros (36).

277, donde he indicado (por ejemplo, 174, n. 72) las conexiones con las
teori'as absolutistas, aunque sin penetrar mucho en el asunto
y sin rcco-
nocer hasta que punto la nocion fuc realmente cardinal en las teorias de
los absolutistas ingleses y franceses. Vaese, por ejemplo, arriba, n. 9.
(54) Discurso de Jaime Camara de los Lores y de los Comu-
I en la
nes, 21 de marzo de i6oy; vease McIlwain: Political Works,
307 y sigs.
(35) Salmasius: Defensio regia pro Carolo I, c. VI (Paris, 1650; pu-
blicado por primera vez en 1649), 169: ..Rex a nemine iudicare potest nisi
a E>eo>'; y 170: .(... ilium proprium [reges esse] qui iudicat de
omnibus
et a nemine ludicatur.-
(36) Vease BurdacH:
RtenZo (arriba, n. 30), 211 y sig., 269 y sig.,
y passim (Index, s. v. -Ubermcnsch>.), sobie la idea del superhombre..
y su relacion con el homo spiritualts. La genealogia del .-superhombre.. es,
no obstante, muy complicada, aunque no puede negarse su relacion con
San Pablo y la Epi'stola a los Corintios. Vease Gregorio el Grande, Mo-
ralta, XVIII, c. 54 (paragrafo 92), en )ob,
27, 20-21 Pair. lat. LXXVl, ;

95A. Los comentarios de Gregorio a i. Cor. 2, 10, y dice sobre San Pa-
blo: i'More suo [Paulus] "homines" vocans omnes humana saptentes,
quia qui divina sapiunt, vidilicet "supra hoynines" sunt. Videbtmus
igitur
Deum, SI per coelestem conversatwnem "suprahomines" esse mereamur.
La nocicn de suprahomines coincide, asi pues, en gran parte, con la
de
dU (vease arriba. n. 33). Vease Vease Charles Norris Cochrane:
Chns-
tiantty and Classical Culture (Oxford,
1940). 113. n. i; J. Maruain: Theo-
nas, Conversations of a Sage (Londres y Nueva York,
1933), 189; vense
tambien R. Reitzenstein : Die hellenitische MysUrienreligionen
(3.* edi-
cion. Berlin. 1927), 368 y sigs., para San Pablo, y tambien KaRl Holl:
Luther (Tubingen. 1932). 222. 533. Existe. sin embargo, todavia otra co-
rriente. NiKEPHORAs Gregoras. que escribia en el siglo XIV, llama aiin
al emperador bizantino odivino
y hombre sobrc los hombres.. 'isfo; Kni\ j^ji
av^pn') TT.ov a V Op, tiro; cf. RoDOLPHE GuiLLAND
,.Le droit divin a By- :

zance.., Eos. XLII (1947), 153. Esta corriente. por

supuesto, lleva al muy
amplio problema del theios aner, del que no podemcs
ocuparnos aqui
Cf. L. Bieler: HEIOv an IIP: Dar BM des .gtittlichen Menschen. m
Spatantike und FnihchrisUntum (Viena. 1935).

50

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Los ((Secretes de Estado- se limitaron siempre, practicamente,

a la esfera juridica. A la subida al trono de Enrique II de Francia,

en 1547. se introdiijo en laOrden de Coronacion francesa un parra-

fo antes y despues de la concesion del anillo, diciendo que por este

aniUo ((cl rey se casaba solemnemente con su reino

le roy Cipon-

sa solemnellement le royaume (37). Esto no era precisamente una

metafora intrcducida por su belleza, como quizan ocurrio ocasional-
mente en un discurso de la reina Isabel o Jaime I (38), sine por su
acuerdo con el Derecho fundamental del reino y con los conceptos

Th. GoDEFROY: Le Ceremonial de France (Pan's, 1619), 348,

(37)
para coronacion de 1547, y p. 661 para parrafos mas detallados de 1954-
la

ANNEAU ROYAL: Puree qu'an jour du Sacre le Roy esponsa solemnelle-

ment son Royaume, et fut comme par le doux, gracieux, et amiable lien
de mariage uny avec ses subjects, pour mutuellement
imeparablement
s'entr(e)aimer ainst que sont ks espoux, luy fut par le dtt Evesque der
Chartres presente un anneau, pour marque de ceste reciproque con;ocfioti.>-
El parrafo de despues de la ceremonia dice que el mismo obispo mit le

dit anneau, duquel le Roy espousoit son Royaume, an quatriesme doigt

de sa main dextre, dont proccde certaine veine attouchant au coeut". Vea-

se, para la ultima observacion conccrniente al dedo anular, GraciaNO:

Decretum, II, C. XXX, q. 5. c. 7, ed. Friedberg; I, 1106: vease para

las ultimas fuentes clasicas de esta doctrina (Gellius: Noct. Atta., X,

10, 1-2:Macrobius: Sat., VIII, 13, 7-10; Isidorc de Sevilla: De off.
eccles., II, 20, 8), Franz Joseph EXjLGER: Antifee und Christentum, V

(1953), 199; y para el renacimiento de la doctrina

en Ordo ad facxemium
Esponsalia en la Iglesia de Sarum, WILLIAM Maskell: Monumenta Rttua-
lia Ecclesiae Anglicanae (2.* ed., Oxford, 1882), I, 59. En su edicto de
1607 sobre la union a la corona de su patrimonio privado de Navarra.
Enrique IV alude claramente a estas rubricas al decir de los reyes que le

precedieron que lils ont contracte avec leur couronnc une espece de ma-
riage communement appelle saint et politique" ; cf. Recueil general des
anciens lois franfaises, ed. de Isambert, Taillandier et Decrusy. vol. XV
(Paris, 1829), 328, num. 191 ; vease tambien Hartung (abajo, n. 40), 33
y sigs. y para la metafora del Spotxsus en general, BuRDACH Ren*o, 41-61. :

(38) La reina Isabel recordo a su Parlamento >el compromise de este

mi matrimonio con mi reino ; cf. MiLTON WaldmaN: England's Eliza-

beth (New York y Boston, 1933), 66. V^ase, para el rey Jaime I, et

discurso a su primer Parlamento en 1603: Parliamentary History, I, 930:

que Dios ha unido, ningun hombre puede separarlo". Yo soy el
(('*Lx>

esposo y toda la isla es mi esposa legi'tima; yo soy la cabeza y ella es

mi cuerpo: yo soy el pastor y ella es mi rebano. Vease tambien la
Declaration of John Pym, Esq., en John Rushwortd, The Tryal of Tho-
mas Earl of Strafford (Londres, 1680), 666: ((El [el rey] es el esposo de
la Commonwealth..., el es la cabeza, ellos son el cuerpo; es tanta lat

union que no puedcn separarse sin destruirse ambos.

51

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 ERNST H. KANTORCWICZ

legales contemporaneos. En 1538, un abogado frances. Charles de

Grassaille. avanzo en sii libro sobre los derechos regahstas
de Fran-
cia la tecn'a de que ..se contraia un matrimonio moral
y politico
[matnmomum morale et polittcum) entre e! rey
y su republics [^%
Grassaille, asi conic otros jurisconsultos
del siglo xvi -Rene Cho-
pin, en 1572 (40) o Frangcis Hotnian,
en 1576 (41) - declararon
que el poder del rey sobre el reino y el fisco era
solo como el qi:c
tenia un mar.do sobre la dote de su mujer :
E1 reino es la dote
inseparable del Estado publico..
(42). Rene Chopin llego hasta de-
cir que el rey ..es el esposo mistico
de la re^publua (Rex reipw
bhcae mysUcus comunx) Esto se ha ccnsiderado ccas.onal-
(43).
mente como una ..teon'a nueva.. De hecho. no obstante, aque-
{44).
lios abogados franceses, especialmente Grassaille, citaban. palabra
por palabra. los Comentarios sobre los tres iiltimos libros del

(i9) Charles de Grassaille: Regaltum Franaae

(Pan's.
Ubn Duo, I. n,s XX
1545), 217: .Rex dicilur maritus reipublicae.. Et dicitur esse ma-
tnmon.um morale et politicum: s.cut inter ecclesiam Praelatum matri-
et
mcuum Spintuale contrahuur... Et s.cut vir est caput axons, uxor vero
corpus v,n... ,ta Rex est caput re.publicae et respublica ems corpus..
Vease arriba. n. 58, y abajo niims. 48. 56.
(40) Ren ChopfiN: De Domamo Franaae. lib. II. tit. i. .
(Paris:'
1605), p. 205: S.cut. cn.m Lege Jul.a. dos es. a manto
inal.e'nabilis
ua Reg.um Coronae patnmon.um, .nd.vidua Reipubl.cae dos..;
,ambie.i
lib. III. t.t. n. 6.
5, 449: Rex. curator Re.publicae mysticus..
.-.c
.ps.us
cci.uns... Vease, para version
la francesa. Choppin : Us Ocuvres (Paris.
1635). n. .17 Ve.ase tambien
y 259. el muy lit.l estud.o de Frit7 Har'
TUNC: Dw Krone
symbol der r,wnarMschen Herrschaft
als
,m ausee-
heudem M,ttelaltcr (Abhandlungen der
Prcuss.schen Ak.idem.e. ,040 mi-
mero h; Berlin. 1941). ^5 y sig.

(4.) Francois Hotman: Francogallm, c. IX,

5 (publ.cada por pr.- n.
niera vez en 1,76: pr.meras ed.ciones no contienen el
las
cap.'tulo IX y
las ult.mas no me fueron .iccesibles) ; cf. Andri?
Lemaire Las Ims ion- :

cameniaks ce la u>narch,e fran^atse (Par.'s.

,907). 95. n. 2 para las edi-
cones (tamb.e^n 99. n. 2)
y p. ,00. para la metafora del matrimon.o,
empleada tamb.en por Pierre Gregoire,
De RepuhUca, IX , (Lyon , ,

.609). pubhcada por pnmera vez en

,578. p. 267A el pr.ncipe como :

Sponsus retpubUcae. y el fisco como el

dos pro onenbus danda
(4^) Vease F.LlPPo E. Vassali .Concetto : e natura del
W.. XXV (,908). ,98. nums. ,-4. y .01 para la
Studi
metafora. El problema
fisco..

de la .nal.enab.lidad del
o posesion real en Franca es
fisco
uno de los
temas pr.nc.palcs en el excelente estudio
de William F. Curch Coustu :
tutwnal Thought i.i Sixteenth-Century
France, arriba, n. 8.
(43) Arnba. n. 40: tambien Church: Const.
Thought, 82.
(44) Vease Hartung Krone als Symbol, :
53.

52

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 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

Codigo de Justiniano de iin jiiiista del sur de Italia, Lucas de

Penna (nacido hacia 1320), ciiya obra fue muy estudiada, y reim-
presa seis veces en Francia en el siglo XVi {45). El pasaje de Lucas
de Penna, citado por Grassaille, contiene toda iin teon'a politica m
nuce, basada en los Efesios, 5, la leccion apostolica de la misa ma-
trimonial ;
y puesto que Ueva a otros problemas importantes po-

demos emplear los argumentos de Lucas de Penna como medio para

una discusion ulterior (46).

Lucas de Penna coinento el Codigo. 11, 58, 7, sobre la ocupa-

cto'n de tierra desterta, pero exceptuaba las tierras que perteneci'an al

fisco y el patrimonio del principe. Es el fisco realmente lo que desea

discutir, y con mucha habilidad empieza con una cita de Lucano
que llamo Caton urbi pater urhique marttus, "padre de la ciu-
a

dad y marido de la ciudad.' (47). De esta metifora pasa al tenia

por el que se interesaron doscientos anos despues los jurisconsul-
tos Franceses ; se expresa asi

Hay contraido un matrimonio moral y politico entre el pn'nci'

pe y la repi'iblica.

Del mismo modo que hay contraido un matrimonio espiritual

(45) Veasc Walter Uli.Mann: The Medieval Idea of Lau as repre-

sented fry Lucas de Penna (Londres, 1946), 14. n. 2 para las ediciones.
Razonablemente, Ullman se limita a "unos cuantos cjcmplos obvioS" de
los juristas franceses que se refieren a Lucas de Penna (Tiraqucau. lean
de Montaigne, Pierre Rebuffi, BoHino); su niimero, no obstante, forma
legicn. Grassaille copia literalmente las citas del comentario de Lucas so-
bre C. II, 58, 7 en el pasaje arriba citado (n. jg).

(46) Lucas de Penna: Commentaria m Tres Libros Codicis sobre

C. II, 58. 7, n. 8 y sigs. (Lyon. 1582), 563 y sig., lugar que Ul.LMAN no
parece haber examinado, aunquc (p. 176, n. i) cita otra metafora de Lu-
cas sobre el matrimonio. Vease abajo, n. 49, para el fondo biblico y ri-
tual. Lucas de Penna quiza fue estimulado por su maestro Cynus de
Pistoia, en C. 7. 57. 5, n. 5 (Frankfurt. 1578). fo!. 446: tambien Albe-
ricus de Rosate, en C. 7. 37. 3. n. 12 (Venecia. 1^85), fol. 107. se refie-
re matrtmomum intellectiiale del
al principe. Vease, para un examen mas
detenido. The Kiiiji's Tuo Bodies, 212 y sigs., y 221 y sips.
(47) Item princeps si verum dicere vel agnoscere volumus. .., est ma-
ritus reipublicae iuxta illud Lucani [Farsalm. La historia del ti'-
II. 588.'
tu!o romano paley {parens) patriae ha sido admirablomente examin.ida por
A. AlFoLDI: Die Geburt der Kaiscrlichen Bildsymbolik : 3. Parens pa-
triae". Museum Heheticum. IX (1952). 204-24?. y X (195?). 10^124. El
ti'tulo urbt mantus no es tampoco muy raro, puesto que se halla en Pris-
ciano, Servius y otr-s. como lo pucdc demosttar toda edicion bien comen-
tada de Lucano.

53

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

entre una Iglesia y sii prelado, asl hay tambien contraido un ma-
trimonio temporal y terrestre entre el pn'ncipe y el Estado.
Asi como la Iglesia esta en el prelado y el preladc en la Igle-
sia..., asi el pn'ncipz esta en la respublica, y la reipiiblica en el

pn'ncipe (48).
Aqiii se hallan expuestas al desnudo algunas de las rai'ces del
pontificalismo)) real. Se vali'a Lucas de la antiquisima metafora
del matrimonio mistico del obispo con su rebano para interpretar
las relaciones entre el pn'ncipe y el Estado metafora amplia
(49),

y generalmente d''scutida dos generaciones antes cuando el Papa

Celestino V. al ahdicar en 1284, se divorci6 de la Iglesia uni-
versal con la que estaba casado (50).
Ademas, Lucas de Penna citaba literalmente un pasaje del De-
cretum, de Graciano E1 obispo es en la Iglesia, y la Iglesia en
:

el obispo (51). Estas palabras, procedentes de una famosa carta

Lucas de Penna
(48) Loc : cit.: ... inter principem et rempublicam
matrimonium morale contrahitur et politicum. Item, sicut inter ecclesiam
et praelatum matrimonium spirituale contrahitur et divinum..., ita inter
principem et rempublicam matrimonium temporale contrahitur et terre-
num; et sicut ecclesia est in praelato et praelatus in ecclesia..., ita prin-
ceps in republica et respublica in principo- LucAS DE Penna pudo haber
sido orientado por ANDREAS DE Isernia, napolitano como el mismo, quien
('.Qui successores teneantur) n. 16, In usus feudorum (Napoles, 1571),
21, escribia: Est princeps in republica sicut caput, et respublica in eo
sicut in capite. ut dicitur de praelato in ecclesia, et ecclesia in praelato
(vcase tambien abajo, n. 5^).

(49) La base es, por supuesto, Efesios, 5, 25 (-sicut et Christus dile-

xit ecclesiami>), que es tambien la base para la misa nupcial; los primiti-
ves anillos de boda cristianos, por tanto, mostraban en el bisel el matri-
monio de Cristo con M. Dalton: Catalogue of Early
la Iglesia; vease O.
Christian Anti<juities and Objects from the Christian East... of the British
Museum (Londres, 1901), 130 y 131; un ejemplar espccialmente bello se
encuentra en la Dumbarton Oak Research Library and Collection, Washing-
ton, D. C. El matrimonio de un obispo con su sede es una imagcn muy
corriente a la que se alude con las mas notables palabras, como por eje m-
plo. el Papa Clemente IL Ep. VIII, Patrol, let., CXLII. 588B: y sob re
todo. el decretal X, i, 7, 2 (Inocente III), ed. Friedberg, II, 97.
(50) argumento fu^ empleado especialmente por parte de los le-
El
gistas Franceses en el juicio contra la memona del Papa
Bonifacio VIII;
cf. P. DUPUY: Histoire du diffirend d'entre
le Pape Boniface VIII et Phi-
lippe k Bel (Pan's. 1655), 455 y sigs. y passim: BuRDACH RienZo, 52
:
y
siguiente.

(51) Graciano: Decretum, II, C. VII, q. i. C. 7, ed. Fnedberg, I.

568 y sig.

54

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 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

de San Cipriano, han considerado siempre como una piedra an-

se

gular de la doctrina del episcopado monarquicow (52). Cuando se

aplican a la esfern secular ya por Andreas de Isernia, glosando
la Constitucion siciliana poco despues de 1300, y lucgo por Lucas de
Penna y Mateo de Afflictis {53). las palabras de San Cipriano se
adecuan con no menos precision como piedra angular a la ((monar-
quia pontifical)' : El principe es en la respublica, y la rcipttblica e.s

en el principe. Una determinada peculiaridad respecto al cuerpo

(52) Cipriano: Ep., 66, c. 8, ed. W. Hand (CSEL.. llh 2, 1871).

II. 735. 5- Valdn'a la pena investigar la historia de

la imagen de la reci-

procidad de Cipriano. Vease, por ejemplo, Atanasio: Oratio III contra

Arrianos, c. 5, PGr., XXVI, 332A, Ladner The con-

citado por G. :

cept of the Image in the Greek Fathers, Dumbarton Ooks Papers, VII

{1953), 8, n. 31 (La imagen podria decir muy bien: "Yo [la imagen]

y emperador somos uno, yo soy en el y el es en mi'"." O bien, para

el

una epoca mucho mas tardia, Petrus DaMIANI: Disceptatio synodalis,

en Mon. Germ. Hist. LibelU de lite, I, 93. 36 y sig. ut... rex in Roma- ;

no Pontifice et Romanus pontifex inveniatur in rege)' (pasaje hacia el que

Uamo mi atencion amablemente el profesor Theodor E. Mommsen). La
fuente esencial es, naturalmcnie, en todas estas cosas, Juan, 14, 10, cuyo
propio modelo es difi'cil determinar. Vease, no obstante, Eduard NoRDEN:
Agnostos Theos (Berlin, 1923), 305; WILFRED L. KnoX: Smne Helkms-
ttc Elements in PrimHive Christianity (Schweich Lectures, 1942: Lon-
dres, 1944), 78, n. 3, cree que la exprcsion de San Juan > vuelve a la

tradicion panteista del estoicismo quiza influida por la religion de Egipto,

y cita (p. 73, n. 2) al final de la nota, como "el paralelo mas cercano al

lenguaje de San Juan la frase que se encuentra varias veces en el papiro

magico: ob 7c(p e! ifto Kai 371!) atj; vease K. PreisendanZ: Papyrt grae-
cae magicae (Leipzig y Berlin, 1931), II, 47 VIII, 37 y sigs., 49 y
(P-

siguientes) y 123 (P. XIII, 795, con alguna bibliografia en la nota). El

paralelo, sin embargo, no contiene la palabra en (:v), que de hecho refleja

dos espacios diferentes y que es esencial para el desenvolvimiento desde
San Juan, 14, 10, hasta San Cipriano, y de aqui a las doctrinas corpo-

rativas de principios de los tiempos modernos. Vease tambien la nota

siguiente.

(55) Andeas de Isernia : Proemitin super Constitutionibus, ed. Cer-

vone (arriba, n. 14), p. xxvi, al examinar el fisco (nfiscus et respublica

Romanorum idem sunt), concluye: "Rex ergo et respublica regni sui idem
sunt..., qui est in regno sicut caput, respublica in eo sicut in capiten. La
base es evidentemente San Juan. 14, 10 (como en el caso de Atanasio,
arriba citado, n. 52), pero la alegacion juri'dica citada por ANDREAS esti
en el lugar del Decretum (arriba, n. 51). Mateo de Afflictis, en Const.,

II, 3, n. 62, fol. 11, se refiere a LuCAS DE Penna : Princeps est in repu-
blica et respublica in principe. .

55

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 ERNST H. KAtsnOROWICZ

penetra la vers.on secular de esta max.ma (54). preasamente por

medio de Lucas de Penna. como se mostrara ahora. No obstante,
los junstas de la corona mglesa bajo la reina Isabel retorc.eron el
senudo de esta peculundad al md.car que .,e! rey en su cuerpo
pol>t.co se
mcorpora a sus sUbditos,
y ellos a el,., llegando a dar
Francs Bacon una formula atin mas
condensada. acunada por sus
predecesores y que defm.'a al rey como .un cuerpo social
en un cuer-
po natural, y un cuerpo natural en
un cuerpo social, (corpus corpo-
rattmi m
corpore naturah, et corpm
naUiraU cort^cre cvrpora^ m
to (55). Sin duda. la acunacion
de San Cipriano hab.'a ndo cam-
biada. pero el sello
y el grabado podi'an aun reconocerse.
Esta metafora del cuerpo,
aunque con una acentuacion dife-
rente, la expreso por ultimo Lucas
de Penna. Cont.nuando su exe-
gesis polftica de los Efesios.
5. aplico al nrinc.pe el versiculo : .El
hombre es la cabeza de la esposa,
y la esposa el cuerpo del hem-
bre>,
y conclui'a log.camente : .Del mismo modo, el prmcipe es
la cabeza del reino,
y el reino e! cuerpo del prfncipe.
(56). Sin
embargo, el credo corporat.vo fue
formulado aun mas sucinta-
mente, al continuar:

<'Y del mismo modo que los hombres estan unidos espi-
ntualmente en cuerpo espiritual, cuya cabeza es
el
Cristo
asf los hombres estan
un.dos moral y poli'ticamente en
la
respubhca, que es un cuerpo
cuya cabeza es el principe..
{57).

(54) La .nterpretacon corporative de

este
sent.do mis- pasaje en un
t.co era c.ertamente muy
antigua dentro de la Iglesia,
aunque no estuvo
jundicamente racionalizada ante de los siglos
xil o xill. Para Lucas df
Penna
vease aba)o. niims. 56 y sig.

(55) Edmund Plowden: Commentan.s or Reports (Londres.

a (W1LL.0N Berkley),
,8r6) 2U
V.como ejemplo de una entre una ve.ntena
de
expresiones parecdas; vease Bacon
.Post-nati. en Works of S,r Franc,
:

Bacor,, ed. de Spedd.ng and

Heath (Londres. ,892). VII. 667. qu.en
eta
a Plowden: Reports
2.5 (Caso del Ducado de Lancaster).
(56) LUCAS DE Penna, Ice. at.: ..Item, sicut v,r
est caput uxor.s. uxor
vero corpus vr,.... e prmceps caput re.pubiicae. et respublica eius cor-
pus.. La eta es de Efesu>s, 5. 23 y .8; esto es. pertenece al escnto
apostohco que (arriba. n. se
49) refiere principalmente
rito matrimo- el
nial y a las doctrinas corporativas
en marco pr.mero. Vease tambien
su
ia ,,ota s.gu.ente.
y arriba. n. 38, para Jaime I. quien cto estos pasajes.
(57) 'Item, s.cut membra con.unguntur
in humano corpore carnai.ter.
et homines sp.ntuali corpori spiritualite,
con.unguntur cu, corpori Chns-

56

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SECRETOS DE EST A DO

Nos encontramos aqui con esa jxsrtentosa ecuacion que Ilego

a ser corriente a mediados del siglo Xlll : eJ corpui reiPuhlicae

mysticum, encabezado por el pn'ncipe, comparado con el corpiu
eclesiae mystvcum, encabezado por Cnsto (58). Prescindiendo aqui
del muy obvio paralelismo con los cuerpos misncos" eclesiasticos
y seculares, que se ha exammado en otra conexion. conviene in-

d)car la imjxsrtapcia de la docrnna aristotclica sobre la sociedad Hu-

mana (o el Estado) como enndad con fines morales y poli'ticos.

Fue, en ultimo analisis. el concepto basado en Aristoteles, indicado

una y otra vez por los junstas, de que el Estado era un corpus mO'
rale ct poUticum. el que se opuso luego al corpus mysticutn et s^t-
ntuale de la Iglesia. con ia misma facilidad con que Dante reunio
en un comun denominador el paraiso terrestre y el parafso celes-
tial como las dos metas de la humanidad (59).

Lucas de Penna, con su meiodo qutd pro quo, llega de este

modo a una equiparacion no solo del principje y del obispo. sino
tambien del pn'ncipe y Cnsto. Y el mismo hizo la comparacion
con Cnsto acerbamente clara al anadir

Ekl mismc modo que Cnsto une a si como si fuera su

esposa a una institucion ajena. la Iglesia de los Gentiles .,

asi el prmcipe ha unido a el el Estado como si fuera su sporj'

sa. que nc es suya - (60).

tus est caput . sic morahter et politice homines coniungvintur reipublicae

quae corpues est. cuius caput est pnnceps.>
(58) Vease 'Pro American Historiccd Rn-ie-u, LVI (1951).
patria mori>,
486 y sig.. para mas ewmplos. Vease tambien HuGUCao DE PISA (muerto
en j2io) que enfrento al cuerpo de Cnsto el del diablo ... na infideles (

sunt unum corpas, cuius caput est diabolus), fr. OnoRY : Fonti cano-
msUchr (abaio. n. 84), 1. 75. n. :. que anade pasaies parecidos.
(59) Para la relacion de morale {etico' en el sentido an&totelico) y
poUiirum bastara citar aqui el Prooemium, c. 6 de Santo Tomas DE
j^(JUINO a su EipofiUo in Ubros PoUticorum Aristotehs. ed. de Ray-
mundus M. Spiarri {Turin y Roma. 1951). p. i : et huiusmodi quae
ad fnoralem sncnUam pertinent : manifestum est poUticam scieniuim .

contineri sub activis (scientiis) quae sunt icientiae morale i^. La expre-
sion corpus poUUcum et mysUcurn se halla con frecuencia en Inglaterra

y Francia como afirmacion del Estado: vease. por eiemplo. S. B. Chrimes:

En^Ush ConsUiuUonal Ideas in the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge. 1956).
180. 185 <'la mistica o cuerpo politico'): para Francia. Church. ConstitU'
twnal Thought, 29. n. 20: 54. n. j6: 278. n. 16 ("le corps politique et
mysnque>). Vease tambien arriba. n. ^7 (<'Saint et pcditique").
(60I Lucas de Penna. loc. cit.: .Amplius. sicut Christus alienigenam.

U L
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 ERNST H. KANTOKOWICZ

Asi, pues, la venerable metafora del sponsus

y la aponsa. Cnsto
y su Iglesia, paso de lo espintual a lo secular, adaptindosc a las
necesidadcs del junsta para defmir las, relaciones enrre prmcipe
y Estado. Comprendemos ahora por que los juristas franceses lla-
maron al rey mysticus contunx de Francia. El principe no solo
el

usurpo las funciones episcopales. sino que se convirtio como pro-

totipo celestial del obispo en la cabeza de un cuerpo mistico
y
en su novio.
Con este misticismo canonico .'^e fundio el mstirucionalismo del
Derecho romano. EI verdadero proposito de Lucas de Penna.
al
amphar las metaforas sobre el matrimonio, era ilustrar las peculia-
ndades del fisco. Consideraba al fisco como la dote de la re&pu^
hhca, Y sostenia que el mando era el linico que est:.ba auronzado
a usar, pero no a enajenar, los bienes de su esposa. Comparaba.
ademas. los votos cambiados por el novio y la novia en su matri-
monio con juramentos de los reyes en su coronacion y de los
los

obispos en su ordenacion,
y por los cuales prometi'an ambos no
enajenar los bienes pertenecientes al fisco v a Iglcsia
la respecti-
vamente (6i).

Aunque seria tentador demostrar como. sm duda alpuna. la

id est. gentilem ecclesiam sibi copulavit uxorem, q. hac itaquc.

35. 1. sic
et prmceps rempublicam. quae quantum ad dominium sua non est.
cum
ad pnncipatum assumitur, sponsam sibi coniungit Sc refierr nl De- >

cretun, 6e Graciano, II. C. XXXV. q. I. paraprafo 1 (Comentano

de Graciano sobre De Civitate Dei. de San Agustin. XV. c. 16). ed. Fried-
berg, I. 1.263.
Lucas OT Penna.
(61) op. cit. : <Nam aequiparentur quantum ad hoc
etiam luramentum super his praestitum de alineatione faaa (non) revo-
cando episcopus et rex. ha et princip.o alienatio rerum fiscalium. quae
in patrimonio imperii et republicae sunt et separate consistunt a private
patrimonio suo. iuste nosatur interdicta.> Sipue la comparacion del fiaco
con el dos que la resfnthUco confia al principe en su matrimonio. Vcasc.
arriba 41. Naturalmente, el patnmomum Petn figura como el
n.
dos de
\s Sponsa papal. Roma: vease. por eiemplo. Oldrados DE
PoNTE: Con-
siita. LXXXV. n. i (Lyon. 1.550). fol. 28. quien amonesta al Papa
-m
sanctitas vestra revertatur ad Sponsam et reparct suum patrimonium et
suam dotem. quae multipliciter est collapsa. Finalmente
.
la doctnna reco-
rrio su curso circular complete en el siglo xvil. cuando
el Romano Pon-
tffice aparecio como el mantus de una
respuhhca temporaits flos Estados
de la Iglesia) iure
pnncxpatus y ex sola ratione dormnii pubUci. aunque
como obispo estaba casado con la Iglesia romana (ianquam
inr Eclesiae)-
De Luca: Theatrum 1 de Feudis. disc. 61. n. 6. citado por
Vassalli :

Fisco>-. 20Q larriba. n. 42).

J J O
/ /

U L L I
 SECRETOS DE ESTADC

no enajenacion prometida por el rey en su coronacion se deriva

y
estaba reiacionada con el juramento episcopal (y en primer lugar
el juramento de no'enajenacion de los reyes mgleses en el si-
glo xni) {62),dejaremos esta enojosa cuestion, volviendo. por de-
cirio asi. a los mysteria ftsa que Lucas de Penna, al parecer
de
un modo absurdo. habia unido al matnmonio mistico de Cnsto

y la Iglesia. Cnstc y el ftsco, sm embargo, no estaban tan apar-

tados de los jurisconsultos medievalcs como pueden estarlo de
nos-
otros (63).
En 1441, en una demanda que se tramitaba en el Tribunal dei
Exchequer. John Paston, |uez entonces en el Juzgado de Common
Pleas y al que conocemos bien como compilador de las
cartas Pas-
ton, pronuncio casualmente una observacion notable : Lo que no
se lo Ileva Cristo se lo lleva e! fisco (Quod non captt Chnstui, capii
jiscus (64).

Ei profesor Plucknett, docto interprete de demanda

la a que
nos refenmos, tomo la scntencia al parecer como una bon mot de
Paston a la que el citaba porque la consideraba con razon ((dema-
siado buena para que se perdieran. Pero la observacion de Paston
no se habria perdido
de todos modos. En su coleccion de emble-
mas. piiblicada por primera vez en 1522. e) gran humanista
y
lurisconsulto itahano Andrea Aiciati. presentaba un emblema
que
ostentaba el siguiente mote: Quod non capit Chnstus, rapit fis-
cus (65). Y del autonzado e mcreiblemente mfiuyente libro de Ai-
ciati, el mote se extendio a una veintena de muy respetables colec-

(021 Vcasi m: estudio sobrc .Inalienability: Canon Law and the En-
glish Coronation Oaths of the Thirteenth Century . Siteculuni. XXIX
|ic)45), 488-502.
(63) Sm conocer entoncef-
ei origen o la historia posterior dc est.i com-

paracion examine brevemente el problema en '>Christus-Fiscus...

Synopsis:
Festgabe fiir Alfred Weber (Heidelberg. 1949),
225-235.
(64) T. F. T.
PluckuetT: The Lancastrian Constitution). Tudor
Studies Presented to A. F. PoUard (Londres,
1924). 168. n. 10.
Andrea Alqati: EmhU-mata (Lyon, 1551; primera ediaon 1523).
(65)

pagma 158. niim. CXLVII. El mote se halla en la edicion de vease

1531 :

Henry Green: Andrea AlcutU and the Books of Emhlemi (Londres, 1872).
i24- que indica (p. VIII) que despues de la publicacion de Alciati. mil
trescientos autores publicaron mas de tres mil libros dc embiemas. en tanto
que el original de Aiciati se tradujo a todos los idiomas europcos. Estoy
reconocido Mrs. Caterina Olsechk. por haber Uamado mi atencion hacia
a

1 emblema de Aiciati.

59

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Clones de emblemas. divisas

y proverbios, a 'os que fiie tan aficio-
nado el Renacimiento (66). Tampoco fue la hon mot acunacion
excliisiva de Paston. Un siglo antes que el. e! civilista flamenco
Felipe de Leyden habia observado : .,Se pueden comparar los
bienes patnmoniales de Cnsto con los del
fisco-. {Bona patnmo^
malm ChrisU et fisct comparantur) {67). Se encuentran observa-
Clones semeiante.s en las obras de Baldus: e incluso en el siglo Xlll,
Braaon distmguia la res nullms, ,
!as cosas que no pertenecen a
nadie como
bienes que pertenecen usolo a Dios
y al fisco). (68).
La fuentt de todos aquellos jurisconsultos era
el Decretum de
Graciano. en el capitulo que se titula Hoc tolht fiscus. quod :
non
acciptt Christus {.Lo que Cnsto no lo recibe.
el fisco se !o lie-
va (69). Graciano tome pasaje de
el un sermon pseudo-agusti-
mano. Sm embargo, el mismo San Agusti'n habla tambien sobre el
fiscus de Cristo
metafora cuya importancia no debe estimarse
(70).
en poco. porque en el curse de la lucha
de la pobreza en tiempos
del Papa Juan XXII, estos y otros pasajes parecidos
Servian para'
probar que Cristo. en tanto q-je tenia im
fiscus, poseia bienes (71).

(66) Vease. por e,emplo. K. F. W. Wander: Deutsche Spnch-wdr-

terlex,kou (Leipzig. ,867). I. 558.
nume- nums 54. 56. 57: V. ,.,02.
ro cf. nums.
95. 104: Johannes Georgius Seyboldus:
10?.
Sekctmra
Aclagta lattno-gernuimca (Niiruberg.
,685, ^06: Gustavo Strafforello :

Let Sapienza del mondo o vera diztottano umversale de, proverb, d, tutU
popoh (Turin. 188?). II, 8^,. S. V. Fiscc.
(67) Felipe de Leyden.- De cura re, puhUcae et sorte pnapautts.
I. 9. ed. por R. Fruin y P. C. Molhuysen (La Haya, 1915). i^.
(68) La frase .fiscus et ecclesiac aequiparantur.. se halU una y otra
vez; cf. BOLDUS, en C. ,0. 1. -,. n. 2 (Venecia. ..586). fol. 236. Especial-
mente en relac.on con la Novela. de Iustiniano. pueden encontrarse
7. 2.
cstas equiparaciones: Bartolus
e,. : Super Autheutins (Venecia. ,567).
fol. ,3. Matco DE AFFLIcris cita proverbio por
el los menos dos veces:
vease en Constit-Sial. procluida.
qu. XV. n. 3 (fol. .4). y en Const I
-
(..de decimis..), fol. Braton,
53. fol. 14. ed. Woodbme. II. ,7 f. : .
sed
tantum in bonis Dei vel bonis fisci..

(69) Decretum. II. C. XVI. qu. 7. c. 8. ed. Fnedbcrg. I. 80^. El

pasaie fue tornado del pscudo-Agustin. Sermones SupposMu. 86
3 Patr. lat. XXXIX. col. 1912.
(70) AGUSTfN: Enarrationes Psalmos,
... CXLXI. 17. Patr. lai. XXXVII.
^1. 191.. Todo el pasaie lo cita c interprets, por c,cmplo, LuCAS DF
Penna. op. cit.. en C. 10. 1, i,
n. 7. p. ,.
(71) Los paisaies decisivos son Decretum. II. C. XII. q i

(..Quare habuit [Chnstus] loculos cui angel, minist'r.nbant, n>s, quia ecclesia '

ipsms loculos habiturn er...?,) Y r. ,7 ( Habeba. Dominus loculos. a fide-

60

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La antitetica yuxtaposicion de Crtstus y Ftscus puede parecer

una blasfemia a los modernos, puesto que las magnitudes no pa-
recen comparables. Es obvio que los juristas medievales pensaban

y sentian de un modo distinto. Para ellos Christus significaba sim-

plemente la Iglesia, y la comparacion giraba sobre la inalienabi-

lidad de los bienes eclesiasticos y fiscales, de los que pertenr-'an

a una de las dos nmanos muertas, la Iglesia o el fisco. Lo que
la Ecclesia y el ftscus teni'an en comun era la perpetuidad : en len-
guaje legal <(el fisco nunca muere^, ftscus nunquam moniur (72).

Es inmortal como la Dignitas, la dignidad del pn'ncipe o el rey,

el Papa o el obispo, que "Hunca mueren", aunque individualmente

puedan morir. El tiempo no podia hacer nada contra el fisco, como
no podia tampoco contra el rey, el rey en cuanto rey. el rey en

su Dignitas (73).
En ultimo termino, la 'equipararion' de la Iglesia con el fisco

se remonta a los tiempos de la antigua Roma cuando las cosas que

perteneci'an a los templa reemplazados gradualmente desde el

siglo IV por las ecclesiae eran legalmente iguales a las cosas que
perteneci'an al patnmonio sagrado del emperador (74). Por consi-

libus oblata conservans. .

. ) ; ambos pasajes estan tornados de AgustIn:
In Johannem, 12. 6 (Lorulos habens>) y los cita el Papa Juan XXII en sus
decretos contra los espintualistas; cf. Rxtrava^anles Johamits XXII, ti-

tulo XIV. c. 5. ed. Fnedberg II, 1.230 y sigs. espec. 1.233. La palabra
loculus, que significa cofre, se podia tomar entonces como significando
<fiscou; vease Mateo DE Afflictis, op. at., prael., XV. nums. 7-9, que
trata de la cuestion de si Cristo tuvo o no un fisco en el sentido propio
de la palabra. Se examinara todo el problema aparte.
(72) Baldus: Constlta, I, 271, n. 3 (Venecia, 1575), fol. 81: Res-
publica et fiscus sint quid etcrnum et perpctuum quantum ad essentiam.
licet dispositiones saepc mutentur: fiscus enim nunquam moritur.'
(73) El principio Nullum tempus cumt contra regem fue corriente-

mente reconocido en el siglo XIIl y despues ; vease, por ejemplo, Brac-

TON. fols. 14. 56. 103. ed. Woodbine, II. 58. 167. 293 y passtm.
(74) Veanse las Instttuta de lusTlNIANO, 2, 1. 7; tambien O. 1. 8. 1

y C. 7, 38, 2. En feha tan tardi'a como el siglo v vemos que se tratan en

Iguales terminos jus publicum y ius temphrum; vease ARTHUR Steinwen-

TER : "Uber einige Bedeutungen von tus in den nachklassischen Quellen .

lura, IV (1953). 138 y sig., que muestra tambien que terminologicamentc

ius ecclesiae ocupo el lugar de lus templorum, aunque con el edicto de

Licinius del menos en la forma transmitida por Lactancio:

ano 313 (al

De mortibus persecutorum, 48), el nuevo concepto de corpus Chnstianorum

se relaciono con bienes de la Iglesia: cf. ARNOLD Ehrhardt: Das Cor-

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

guiente, Bracton llamo a estas cosas fiscales tambien res quasi sa-
crae (75), y Lucas de Penna (76) hablo ocasionalmente sobre el jiscus
sanctissimus, aunqiie en la actiialidad quiza nos sea mas facil com-
prender a Baldus que llamo al fisco, debido a su inmortalidad, el
alma del Estadoi (Fiscus reipublicae anima) {77).
Los jurisconsultos atribuian, ademas, al fisco, ubicuidad y om'
nipresencia: jiscus idnque praeseus, declare Accursius (ca. 1.2^0)
en una glosa repetida con frecuencia (78), especialmente por los co-
mentaristas de las Constituciones sicilianas (79), ubicuidad que han'a
imposible la (cprescripcion de la tierra por ausencia del propieta-

pus Christi and die korporationem im Spatromischen Rechtu. Zeitschnjt

fiir Rechtgeschichte rom. Abt., LXXI (1953), 299 y sigs. y LXXII (1954).
(75) Bracton, fol. 14. ed. Woodbine, II, 57 y sig., ef. fo! 407. Wood-
bine, III, 266 y passim.
(76) Lucas de Penna. en C. 10, i, n. 2 (Lyon, 1582), p. 5, con refe-
renda a C. 7, 37, 2 : Sacratissimus fiscus y sacratissimus aeranum. Estas
cxpresiones se hallan tambien. una y otra vez, en las obras de los juris-
tas franceses del siglo xvi, aunque no sin intencion de exigir derechos
imperiales para el rey; f>or ejemplo, Choppin (arriba, n. 40), II. ti'tu-

lo I, n. 2, p. 203: I Sacrum enim existimatur, ut Imperiale, sic Regale

Patrimonium, quod ideo a re privata ipsorum Principum separari solet".
Esta es una de las numerosas adaptaciones de las prcrrogativas imperiales
a las pretensiones reales en el despertar de la teori'a rex imperatar in
regno suo (vease aba jo, n. 84).

(77) Baldus: ConsiUa, I, 271. n. 2, fol. 81: .>Et, ut ita loquar, est
[fiscus] ipsius Reipublicae anima et sustentamcntumi'. Esto no le impide,
por supuesto, decir en otra ocasion coriectamente: <cFiscus p)er se est
quoddam corpus inanimatum" : vease Cimsiha, I. 363, n. 2, fol. 118. Era
tambien popular la comparacion con estomago (LuCAS DE F>Enna, en C. ii.
el

58, 7, n. 10, p. 564) que se encuentra ya en CoRIPPUS In laudem lusttm, :

II, 249 y (Mon. Germ. Hist., Auctores antiquissimi. III, 2, p. 133):

sig.

... cognoscite fiscum Ventris habere locum, per quern omnia membra
ci-
bantur", el cual se remonta a la parabola de Mencnio Agripa, que tiene
una larga historia; vease WiLHELM NESTLE: Die Fabel des Menenius
Agrippai>, Klio, XXI (1926-27), 358 y sig.; tambien en sus Griechische
Studien (1948), 502 y sigs; Fricolsich Gombel: Die Fabel "Von Ma-
gen den Gliederu" in der Weltliteratur (Beih. z. Zeitschr. f. roman. Phi-
lo I. LXXX. Halle. 1934).
(78) Glossa ordiruiria, en C. 7, 37, i, V. "Gjntinuum".
(79) Marinus de Caramanico, sobre Lib. ang.. III. 39, ed. Cervonc
(arriba, n. 14), p. 339a: i<... et sic non loquitur de fisco qui semper est
praeseus. Vease tambien Mateo DE Aflictis, sobre la misma ley, n. 3,
volumen II, fol. 186: ... nee requiritur probare de praesentia fisci, quia
fiscus semper est praesens.

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 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

rio>. (80). Y con frecuencia fue Baldus quien dedujo de

esas mis-
tenosas ubicuidad y omnipresencia del fisco una
conclusion recta
Fiscus est ubique et sic in hoc Deo simtlis, ael fisco es omnipre-
sente, y, por tanto, en esto semejante a Dios (81).
No debemos equivocarnos : este lenguaje no revela, o mas
bien, no revela aiin el esfuerzo por "deificar)> al fisco Es-
y al
tado ;
pero revela el esfuerzo por explicar mediante terminos teo-
logicos !a naruraleza del fisco, su perpetuidad
o, c:tando a Baldus,
el hecho de que es .juid eterntim et perpetnum quantum ad esen-
ttam, <(algo externo
y perpetuo respecto a su esencia {82). El re-
verso de la aplicacion del lenguaje teologico a las
instituciones se-
culares fue. por una parte, que el fisco y la maquinaria estatal se
convirtieron eventualmente en semejantes a Dios,
en tanto que.
por otra parte. Dios y Cristo fueron reducidos
a meros simbolos
legales ficticios para exponer la ubicuidad y eternidad de esa per-
sona ficticia que se llamaba Fisco.
Fue siempre aquella Lingua mezzo -teologica, usual
en los ju-
ristas, la que elevo al Estado secular
a la esfera del secreto.
Tambien puede decir esto de aquella extrana personificacion.
se

"la dignidad que no muere)). Respecto a !a inmortal

Dignitas ha-
llamos siempre la misma yuxtaposicion .El rey
:
dice Baldus
no depende de nmgun hombre, sino de Dios
y de su propia dig-
nidad, que es perpetua {83). Siempre fue un
problema de tiampo,
de perpetuidad, lo que hizo comparable la deidad
al fisco o a la
Dignidad. o al <(cuerpo politico del rey.
Las especulaciones sobre Dignidad inmortal,
la asi como la apli-

(80) Vease. por cjcmplo. Justiniano: bntit., 11, 6, rubr. : , ... inter
praesentes decennio, inter ahsentes viginti annis usucapiantur.,, La pre-
sence o ausencia del propietario implica legalmente alguna
diferencia. pero
legalmente el fisco esta presente siempre.
(81) Baldus en C. 7. 37. ,. fol. 37. No debe olvidarse que tambien
la Iglesia tiene ubicuidad; Marcus Antonius Peregrinus De iure
vease :

fisci Ubri octo (Venecia. 161 1), I, 2. n. 22: ... quia sicut Romana
Ec-
clesia ubique est. sic fiscum Ecclesiae Romanae ubique existere
oportet..
Vease, sobre la ubicuidad del empcrador, mi ensayo oinvocatio nominis
imperatoris... BoIlef.no del Centra di Studi Filologici e Unguistk, sic
liani. 111 (1955).
(82) Vease, arriba, n. 72.
(83) Baldus, en X, 2, 24, 53. n. 5. /,. DecretaUum volumen conxmeu-
tana (Venecia, 1580). fol. 261: ..Unde imperator... non obligatur homini,
sed Deo et dignitati suae, quae perpetua est."

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cacion de ese concepto paso por muchas fases desde

: el abad al
obispo y al Papa, del Papa al emperador y del emperador a los
..reyes que no reconocen superior.. (84). Eventualmente se dijo
que la regia Dij^mtas ..nunca nuiere.. (85), o que la regia Maiestus
nunca muere.. (86). o se confronto, como hizo Baldus, la penonii
personalis del dignatario mortal con su persona
idealis, la dignidad
que nunca muere (87). hasta el punto de que el rey frances pre-
tendio que teni'a dos angeles de la guarda, uno por razon de su
persona mdividual. y otro por razon de su dignidad (88). Y
asf
forzosamente se llego un di'a, aunque al parecer no antes
del si-
glo XVI. a la lapidaria formula: Le roy ne meurt
jamais, el rey
no muere nimca"; no obstante los juristas ingleses de aquel pe-
ri'odo tuvieron buen cuidado de hacer la observacion : E1 rey.
en cuanto rey, no muere nuncai) (89).
Otros juristas compararon la Digmtas con el mas clasico sim-
bolo de la inmortalidad y la resurreccion, la legendaria ave Fe-
nix {9o). La comparacion no estaba mal escogida : en un tiempo

(84) La b.ise es un decreto de Alejandro III: X. 1. 29, ed. Fried-

14,
berg, 162: II. vease.
para el desarrolio de la teori'a. O. voN GIERKE: Das
deutsche Genossenschaftsrecht (Berlin. 1881). III. 271. n. 75. Para los dig-
natarlos seculares. vease Baldus Consilia,
: III. 159. n. ?. fol. 45; e ihtd..
n. 4, para la perpetuidad de la dignidad real si el rey >wn cognoscit su-
periorem. Para los on'genes de la doctrina de reyes
los que no conoccn
superior, vease el excelente estudio difunto Sergio Mochi
del Onory :

Fonti cationistiche dell'idea moderna dello stato (publicnzioni dell'univer-

sita cattolica del Sacro Coure. N. S. XXXVIII. Milan. 195 1).
(85) Mateo de Afflictis, en Liber aug., U. 155. n. 2^ vol. fol.
11. 77:
"Quae dignitas regia nunquam moritur...
Baldus. en X.
(86) i. 2. 7. n. 78. In Decretales, fol. 18: Nam reg.a
maiestas non moritur."
(87) Baldus: ComiUa. III. 217. n. ^
[personal personalisfol. 6,:

quae est anima in substantia hominis. et non persona idealis quae

est dig-
nitas."

(88) Grassaille: Regaltum Franctae lihri duo. I. ius XX (Paris. 1545).

210: ..Item. Rex Franciae duos habet bonos angelos custodes: unum ra-
tione suae privatae personae. alterum ratione dignitatis regalis...
(89) El slogan vuelve con mucha frecuencia en los argumentos de los
juristas ingleses de mediados del siglo XVI vease. por
;
ejemplo. Plow-
DEN: RepoHs, 2^?a: .en lo que respecta a su cuerpo [su cuerpo politi-
co] el rey nunca muere.. En Francia se encuentra a fines de siglo, aun-
que no debe confundirse con el grito funerario Le roi est mart]
Vive le
roil, que tiene un origen totalmente distinto
y no juri'dico.
{90) La comparacion. que yo sepa. .se halla primero en la Glo.sa or-

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determinado solo habia una Fenix viva ; cada nueva Fenix era
'identica a su predecesora. Y seria identica a su sucesora; adc'
mas, en el caso de esta ave parecida en cierto modo a los an-

geles , la especie y el individiic coincidian. E1 genero entero

esta preservado en el individuo, como dijo Baldus, modo que de
cada Fenix era a la vez todo el existente <(generO'Fcnix)>. De aqui
que siendo mortal en cuanto individuo e inmortal como especie,

el ave Fenix pudiera pretender ser, si es que pretendia algo, el

prototipo de la cCorporacion absoluta (9i).

En las especulaciones sobre la Dtgnitas teologica, las metaforas

fueron tambien eficaces, e incluso e! substrate cristologico es, con
frecuencia, completamente inequivcco. Santo Tomas de Aquino
combinando las doctrinas aristoteiicas sobre el organon, o ins-
trumentum, con un credo de origen bizantino que conocio a traves
de Juan de Damasco habi'a creado su doctrina, segun la cual,
la humanitas Christi era el instrument urn divinitatis y con ello el

mstrumento de la frincipa/ii causa cjjiciens, que era Dios (92).

Esta doctrina paso tambien a los jurisconsultos y se aplico a
sus teorias politicas. Equipararon estos la Dignitas que nunca

liinaria de Bernardo de Pai.Ma a los Decretos gregorianos; vease gl. '^sub-

stitutumo, en X, i, 29, 14. Vease, adetnas, JOHANNES Andreae: In De-
cretalium libros novella (Venecia. 1612), fol. 206-207, en X, i, 29, 14,
niims. 30-31, gl. ((Phenixx; Baldus, en el mismo decrcto, n. 3, In De-
cretales, fol. 107, que deduce filosoficamente la conclusion recta: oEst
autem avis unica singularissima, in qua totum genus servatur in indivi-
duo." La comparacion es
mas notable de lo que se puede insinuar aqui.
Vease Jean Hubanx y Maxime LeroY: Le mythe du Phenix (Lieja y Pa-
ris, 1939), y las importantes observacioncs sobre este estudio por A. J.

Festugiere: La symbole du Phenix et la mysticism hermetique, Mo'

numejits Piot, XXXVIII (1941), 147-51, con lo que se debe comparar
Jean de FerrE Rouge: Tractatus de iure futun succesoris legitimi in re^
gits hereditatibus, esp, I parte, art. 2, en el apendice de F. Hotman, Con-
silia (Arras, 1586), 35 y sigs.
(91) Maitland: Selected Essays, 73-127 y passtm.
(92) tema ha sido tratado de un modo acabado por Te<3filo Tschip-
El
KE : Die menschheit Christi als Heilsorgan der Goltheil unter hesonderer
Beriick-sichtigung der Lehre HeiUgen Thomas von Aquino (Freibur-
des
ger Theologische Studien, LV. Freiburg, 1940) vease tambien M. Grab- ;

MANN: "Die Lehre der Erzbischofs und Augustinertheologen Jacob von

Viterbo (muerto hacia 1307-8) vom Episkopat und Primat und ihre Bc-
ziehug zum Heiligen Thomas von Aquinon, Episcopus : Studien Uber das
Bischofsamt... Kardinal von Faulhaber... dargehrachi (Regensburg. 1949),
190, n. 10 para mis literatura sobre el tema.

65

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

inuere con la Divinitas, y el ciierpo mortal natural del dignata-

no con la humamtas ; y basandose en esto. pudo escribir Baldus

"Reconocemos aqui la dignidad como lo pnncipalis y la

persona como lo instrumentalis. Por tanto, el fundamento de
una accion es la Dtgnttas misma, que es perpetua (93).

O, cuando examina las dos personas que concurren en el prin-

cipe, escribe

"Y la person I (individual) del rey es el argamim et ius-

tntmentum de esa otra persona intelectual
y publica. Y esta
persona intellectualis et publica es la que realiza
prmcipalu
ier las acciones (94).

Comprendemos ahora metcdc y podemos comprender tam-

cl

bien de donde se deriva el substrato eclesiastico que con tanta

frccuencii se percibe en los informes y alegatos de !os juristas
de Corona inglesa en los liltinios tiempos de la dinastia Tudor.
la

Reconocemos inmediatamente la doctrina eclesiastica

del cgrpm
mysticum cuando, por ejemplo, uno de los jueces
opinaba que el

(9i) Baldus: Cons.ha, III. ,.,. . 6. fd. ^4 :

.,Ib. attend.mus dign,-
tatem tanquam pnncipalem personam
et tanquam instrumentalem. Undt
fundamemum actus est ipsa dignitas quiae est perpetua.- En el mismo
parrafo hace tambien la distincion -quod
causa inmediata. persona sit
dignitas autem
causa remota... por dondc podemos recordar
sit
que a mc-
nudo se dice que Dios actiia (por e|emplo. en las elecciones)
como la cau-
sa remota.

(94) Baldus: Comtha. III. ,. n. 6. fol. 45: ... loco duarum pcr-
sonarum Rex fungitur... Et persona regis est organum et instrumentum
illius personae intellectualis et publicae. Et ilia persona intellectualis et
publica est ilia, quae principaliter fundat actus: quia magis attenditur
actus, seu virtus principalis, quam virtus organica.. Comparcse. por ejem-
plo, Santo Tomas: Summa theologiae. llla, q. LXII, a. 5. resp. : Prin-
cipalis autem causa efficiens gratiae
Deus, ad quern comparatur
est ipse
humanitas Christi, sicut instrumentum coniunctum; o. Ilia, q. VII, a. i
a 3: (.Quod humanitas Christi est instrumentum divinitatis... tanquam
instrumentum animatum anima rationali... La transicion a la aplicaci6n
luridica de esta doctrina se puede hallar quiza en el mismo Santo Toma.
cuando escribe (Ilia, q. VIII, a. 2): ..In quantum vero anima est motor
corporis, corpus instrumentaliter servit animae.

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suicidio era un crimen no solo contra Dios y la natiiraleza. sino

tambien contra el rey, porqiie el, que es la Cabeza, ha perdido
uno de sus miembros misticos- {95). Lo mismo se puede afirmar.
aiinque es qiiiza menos cbvio, de la terminolog'n de los juristas
ingieses siempre que hablan del rey como individuo
del rey en
y
cuanto rey, y luego corrientemente suelen hablar de
los "dos cuer-
pos>^ del rey, aun cuando alguna vez se
equivocaban diciendo ..dos
personaso; despues de todo no eran nestorianos
y Sir Edward
Coke y otros observaron cautamente que aunque el rey tenia dos
cuerpos)), solo tenia una persona. (96). Reaimente tenemos que
remontarnos al siglo XH. cuando la Iglesia aparecio por primera
vez como un corpus mysttcum (9y), y a predicadores, tales como
Simon de Tournay c Gregoric de Bergamo, para encontrar
algu-
nas formulacionei tLologicas, repetidas
despues con frecuencia, del
tipo siguiente

Hay dos cuerpos de Cnsto : cuerpo material humano

el
que recibio de la Virgen y el cuerpo espiritual, constituido
Como colegio de la Iglesia.. (98).
Un cuerpo de Cnsto. que es il mismo. y otro cuerpo.
del ciial es la cabeza (99).

Y con estas y otras defmiciones parecidas

de los cuerpos indi-
viduales y colectivos de Cnsto podemos.
pues. comparar fes dis-

(95) Plowden: Reports,

261: MaitlanD: Selected Essays,
no n 2
(96) Coke, en Cairn's Case (Reports. VIJ,
.0 a), d.stingue leolog-
camente. y hasta cnstologicamente. al decir que elrey aunque tiene ..dos
cuerpos.. ,dos capacidades
(y ). .solo ticne una personn-. Maiti and
op. ctt., no, n. 4.

Vease. ademas de Lubac (nota siguiente),

(97)
G. Launer
B. As-

pects of Mediaeval Thought on

Church .^nd State,., Rez^ew of PoUUcs,
IX (iQ47),
40J y sigs., espec. 414 y sig.
(98) Simon de Tournai, citado por Henry de Lubac : Cor^, Mys-
ttcum (Pan's, ,949). 122, n. 29: ..Duo sunt corpora Chnsf : Unum mate-
riale, quod sumpsit de virgine, et spirituale collegium, collegium eccle-
siasticum... Vease tambien. ibid, n. 30.
(99) Gregorio de Bergamo:
De ventate corporis Chnsti.., c. ,8.
ed. H. Hurler. Sanctorum Patrum opucula electa
(Innsbruck, 1879). vo-
lumen XXXIX. 75 y sig.: Alliud esse novimus
Chirsti corpus, quod vi-
dehcit ipse est, aliud corpus, cuius ipse caput est... Cf. Lubac, op cit
185 (con el n tambien 12^ y
,55), sig.. y pass,,,:, para muchos mis 'eiem'
plos del duplex corpus Christt.

fi7

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

tinciones legalistas de los jueces

rudor. qu.encs apuntaron repe-
tidamente que

" .ei rey tiene dos cuerpos, de los

cuales uno es un cuer-
po natural,.., y en este el esta sometido a las pasiones y a
la muerte como lo estan los hombres; y el otro es un cuerpo
poh'tico
y sus miembios son sus subditos, y el y ellos juntos
componen la corporacion y el esta incorporado
a ellos y ellos
a el, y el es la cabcza y ellos son los miembros
y este cuer- :

po no esta sujeto a las pasiones

y a la muerte. oues con res-
pecto a este cuerpo, el rey
nunca muere (loo).

Creo que fue en estos estratos

de pensamiento donde se ori-
Sino el concepto absolutists de .secretos
de Estado. y que cuan-
do por ult.mo la Nac.on se apodero
de las funciones pontificales
del pnncpe. el moderno Estado
absolute, mcluso sin prmcipe
es-
tuvo en condiciones de hacer
exigencias como si fuera una
Iglesia.

Ernst H. Kantorowicz

ResuMe
Les Mysteres de I'Etat, comnu un concept de I'Absoluttsme,
ont un fondement medieval. C'est
le dermer rejeton de cet
htbns^
me spmtuel, un resultat de k serve des relations entre I'EgUse et
I'Etat. qu'on peut trouver dans chaque
sthle du Moyen Age
ayant attire I'attention des histonens
pendant des annees
On pent se rapprocher plus facilement du
probleme basique en
posant une simple question: Par
quelles voies et par quelles tech^
mques peut etre transfers le spintuel,
arcana ecclesiae a I'Etat pour
inoduire le secular arcana imperii
de I'absolutisme?
Sous I'lmpact des relations entre
les glossateurs et commen-
tateurs cannomstes et civilistes,
qui n'existaient pas dans la pre-
miere epoque du Moyen Age, pris corps ce qui jut appelle plus

Jr^^'^''"''
.STONE:
^'^''
Commentaries on the
'"'
Laws
''''^'' '^'"'i^"

of England, I.
^ Sir

p. 249.
W,LL.AM Black-

68

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 SECRETOS DE ESTADO

tard "Les Mysteres de I'Etat" et

qu'aujourd'hut dam im sens plus
general on appelle "La Theologie
Politique".
II est evident que les Mysteres de I'Etat etaient inseparables
du domame de la loi et de la jundictwn. lis etaient toujaurs im,s
a la loi et a la juridiction. Rene
Choppin a dtt que le rm ''est
I'epoux mystique de la respuhlica".
C'est ici que I'on per^oir la grande equation, hahituelle au
Moyen Age et au XIW"- siecle: le corpus reipublicae mysticum.
a la tete de laquelle se trouve jesuchnst.

C'est de ce dernier estrate de la pensee,

que I'auteur croit que
leconcept absolutiste "Mysteres de I'Etat"
prit son ongine et c'est
en dernier lieu que la Nation arriva jusqu'aux
souliers pontificaux
du Prince; le moderne Etat Absolut, que, meme sans un Pnnce,
il pouvoit fane ses petitions comme tine Eglise.

SUMMARY
Mysteries of State as a concept
of Absolutism has tts mediaeval
background. It is late offshoot of that spiritual-secular hybrtsni
uhich. as a result of the infinite cross - relations betueen
Church and State, may be found m
every century of the Middle
Ages and has deservedly attracted the attention
of historians for
many years.

The problem may be approached most easily by posing

basic
a simple question-. Hon; by ichat
channels and by what techm-
ques, were the spiritual arcana ecclesiae
transferred to the state
as to produce the new secular arcana imperii of absolutism?
Under the impact of the exchanges between canon
and civt-
lum glossators and commentators all
but non-existent in the
earlier Middle Ages something came into being which then
was called "Mysteries of State", and which today in a more gene-
ralizing sense is often termed "Political Theology".
That the Mysteries of State were inseparable
from the sphere
of law and jurisdiction demands no further comment,
because they
were practically always bound to the legal
sphere. Rene Choppin
actually went so far as to say that the
king "is the mystical .fpouse
of the respuhlica".

69

n J u n
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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

Here ue envtsage that portentous equation, uhrch became

^usto^naryjound the
pus re,publ.cae mysticum.
mMleof the thnteenth century.
headed by Christ
hZ
""' ''""'" "f '^"'*^^' '^'' '^-^hor
the'\b!T. '^^ beUeves

rmce. uas enabled to

/
make clmms hke a Church.

70

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:r
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
Cambridge 38, Massachusetts

K21 Eliot House

March 5, 1954

Professor Ernst H. Kantorowicz

Institute for Advanced Study-
Princeton, New Jersey

Dear Kantorowicz:

Many thanks for your

good letter and for the article. Please
pardon me if in the pressure of business
which is upon us all here, at this time
of year, I am a little slow in being
able to answer you definitely. I need
not say that there is no question of the
value of any article from you but only
the one which you mention of its suita-
bility for this particular journal. I
shall want to read it carefully myself
and to get at least one colleague to
read it

Your trip to Greece

soimds most enviable. I have long had
a desire to see Delos and Thera. Your
choice of an ideal title is excellent;
but I would have to consider as an alter-
native Cardinal Prefect of the Vatican
Library,

George Williams has been

doing verywftll indeed. It will be pleasant
to see you in iway, all being well and I
hope
that you will keep a Monday free to dine
with the Society. It is splendid news that

n J L J
U L J J
your book Is to go to Press so
soon and i
am sure that your paper at
D.O. will be
well worth the trouble It takes
you.
By the way in support of the
view that
^5;? !?^??^.^^
metaphorical you will have
f'ragment of Moschion in Stob.
I 8.38
p 100 W^

Yours ever.

CUjlJL., ^ NJ
'>'-tA.

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MOKOW <.....
Niw DCLHI 4S Golt Unk Roi mi let,
OTTAWA rillzen Bid
Pabis 37 Rue Cumartll!l j\ MR, DAVIES' DISMISSAL ince, about
Rtn DE JiNtuo Rut senador Dantai 14
HoMj
SANTIAGO. Chili
Via Delia Moirode
Bandera
:4
7' After what former Ambassador hai and ar
Stotkholm Grand Hotel Formosa, i
TOKYO Aiahl Bulldliit George F. Kennan describes as a
VIENNA tl) Loewelstrasse 8 opposite th
"long ordeal of unfortunate, repeti-
MAIL SUBSCRIPTION, V. B.. TERRITORIES airfields at
tious investigations and uncertain-
Edition, 1 Yr. 6 Mcij. 3 vVi is an impor
Daily and Sunaar $J7.5 IH.1S ties," John Paton Davies Jr., career
tweekdays
Sunday
I3.S0
IS. 50
7.25
1.75
4.n
4.75 diplomat of twenty-three years' ex-
A third f
One week. $1.00. tOne week. 50c. is halfway t
perience, has been dismissed from the
Canada the Tachens,
Edition. 1 Yr. e Mo. 3 MOJ. federal service. In his statement on
C.illy and Sunday MJ.no II7.7S $9.50 River off th
Weekday* 16.50 Br,? 4 75
the final action taken. Secretary
Sunday 17.50 10.00 5.75 city of Food
For Rates to Other Countries Apply Subsciiptinn Depi.
Dulles i>oint3 out that Mr. Davies'
loyalty is not in question but that his
Quemoys, ha?
MICROFILM EDITION, by the year $160.00 Nationalist in
BOUND VOLUME 10 00 "judgment, discretion and reliability"
rying war ms
THE NEW YORK TIMES INDEX are in question.
U.S.A. nists. There w
?4 semi-monthly Issues $35.00 For this reason Mr. Davies is not
Annual Cumulative Volume 35.00 on Peikantang
Seml-monthlles with Annual Oimulatlve Volume 50.00
only deprived of a salaried position,
For Rates to OtherCounlrles Apply Subscrlpllun Dcpt. 29, which wa.'
but also of the pension to which he
The Associated Thus far t
the use
Press Is entitled exclusively to would have been entitled after four
republication of all news dispatches
for on these vari
credited to
It or not otherwise credited In this more years of service. In other
paper and local news of spontaneous orlRln pub- sporadic and
llshed herein. Rights of rfDUhllcatlon of all other words, though he is not charged with i

matter herein are also reserved seem to have h

committing a crime, he is being sub-
jected to a severe financial penalty.
propaganda valu.
NOTHING HAPPENS TWICE Secretary Dulles concurs with the de-
abroad, rather th
determined effort
Politics would be much simpler If, cision of a security hearing board of
rious positions p
like weather, its trends could
the five members that "the continued em-
be scientifically predicted. Unfortu- ployment of Mr. Davies is not clearly has been fairly 1
ling at Quemo;
nately, even the Weather Bureau consistent with the interests of the
have been comir
sometimes errs when it encounters national security." This is about as
nists to any of
hurricanes, and the political predic- negative a way of stating a reason
tors are far less reliable. Wind from for action Nationalists hf
as could be readily
the east, or wind from the west; we imagined. planes in attac
scarcely know in advance how it is In a letter addressed to Lieut. Gen. artillery positic
going to blow and how strongly. There Daniel Noce, chairman of the secu- These island
is a belief that the party in power said to be step^
rity hearing panel, Mr. Davies out-
always loses some votes in Congress quest of the m;
lines his opinions, attitudes and re-
in a midterm election. Usually it does, essentially def
ports over a period of years. It is
but nobody can be sure how many. fairly clear from this letter and from
fensive in cha
Last Tuesday it wasn't very many. stitute part of
the statements of Mr. Dulles that
Last Tuesday, for example, did not Mr. Davies' offenses, if this is the mation and
resemble 1946, when the Democratic right word, were: first, a difference Formosa. It
majority in the House dropped from of opinion as to a proper American the National!'
243 to 188. To go farther back, it did ited reply to
policy in China; second, associations
not resemble 1938, when the Demo- with known suspected Commu-
or
cratic majority, though still main- nists; third, a frank expression of
tained, dropped from 333 to 262. SOVIET
opinion to persons outside the Depart-
The truth is that this is a country ment of State, presumably newspaper Today is t:

and an age of great change so much men. It was Mr. Davies' belief, as his versary of th
so that we could say pretty confi- letter emphasizes, that it was diffi- which brougl
dently that, politically speaking, noth- cult for a diplomat to know
enough Russia. As i

ing happens twice. The old influences about communism in Moscow wi

without knowing
are affected by new influences. Popu- Communists. for speeches
lation grows but it does not grow In the absence of any testimony displays of S
evenly. Centers of cities lose to out- parades to a
except that given by Mr. Davies him-
lying districts. New industrial areas, self in his letter taneous entl
impossible for
it is
as in Detroit and still more recently the public to condemn Mr. Davies or whc
citizens
in Los Angeles, overshadow the old Sunday day
to exonerate him. He himself has
ones. Southerners come North with- expressed a willingness to have the by the oblij
out losing their Southern sentiments. whole record made public. The State the "spontf
Easterners go West without losing Department at this writing has not will know b"
their Eastern sentiments. What shall thoughts.
been so willing. Mr. Davies is dis-
we make Oklahoma missed after what is essentially
of the people of Thirty-sev
a star
and Arkansas who went to California
chamber proceeding. siderable tir
during the great depression, settled beings. Th(
The Davies case is not likely to be
there and now vote there ? What are ers who m
a good recruiting argument for the
they doing to the returns from Cali- tion are g:
fornia?
State Department. We need diplomats
Certainly this is something Babes boi
of courage and intelligence in all
not easy to determine even if one has
levels of the service. These almost m and
an adding machine big enough to fill threshold
furtive proceedings do not attract
Grand Central Terminal and as com- fought
such men. Voltaire said when the Eng-
f.
plicated as the Milky Way. ago had
lish shot Admiral Byng for being too
If we look back over a series of
cautious, that they doubtless did it for the
midterm elections we detect an ebb childrer
to encourage the others. But this
and flow in the powers of the great neither
principle is not any sounder today
parties even when, as was actually
than it was two hundred years ago, harsh
the case, the Republican party held
makes
control for twenty-four years from
the Wf
1860 to 1884 and the Democratic party
A SYMBOL IS REVIVED fumbi'

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 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH
RIVERSIDE, CALIFORNIA

10 May, 1965

ProfesBorErnBt Kantorowicz
The Institute for Advanced Study
Princeton, New Jeraey

Dear Profeaaor Kantorowiczj

Thank you for your cordial note, just

received. I want to apologize for my
stupid error of memory,
which I caught shortly after I sent you my
enthusiastic letier
concerning your work. I suppose I was too excited to
recall that
the Troilus reference is not in Act IV
but in Act III. To atone
r^A u,',,
^^P' ^ ^^' t^ quote herex. Ulysses says in III.iii.l96-206
to Achilles^ I italicize key words)j

The providence that* in a wfctchful state

s
Knows almost every grain of Pluto's gold,
Finds bottom in th* uncomprehensijhre deeps,
Keeps place with thought, and almost, like the
gods.
Does thoughts unveil in their dumb cradles.
There is a mystery with whom relation
Durst never meddle.. in the soul of state
.
Which hath an operation more divine
Than breath or pen can give expressure to .
All the commerce that you have had with
Troy
As perfectly is ours as yours, my lord.,..

The state assumes, therefore, providential omniscience

and mystery; the
state is more than secular, is indeed a power
ineffable. The mystery
is thus not to be meddled with or questioned.
Or do I misread?
? ^ official Elizabethan propagand.-the so-called
.^Li*"!*.;;^ ^^""l
Tudor myth"--is perhaps strei^hened by the
fact that it is Ul,sse;,too,
who delivers the most mmemorable defence of
hierarchy and "order" in
Shakespearem (I.iii. 75-lM). Both speeches, therefore,
tend to support
*;!;' ^^^^^^^Ptan absoluteness beyond question. All I can say is
!u
that I feel strongly the relevance of your
"mystery of state" essay
to my understanding of the passage I have
quoted.

As faa as the Inns of Court are concerned,

I believe I have
ubstantial evidence to indicate the coniervative political
thinking,at
the period in question, congruent with the above
references. I have
almost ready a monograph on the play which includes,
among other perspectires.
one which will .how the play to tend towards
a defence of the law.

should be most delighted and honored by the

I
chance to meet and
talk with you. Im shall write you when I arrive in New York this fall,
^ ^ enclose
,
P.S. I a nail note, -^^Jfours sincerely, ^^*-<tjt*-- hCLl
written years 'go-^bghfag^j^wiU^ba^
underline the legal points r;^*Stliarmo'H*"' ^

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\^TrK,

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-A^ , ^^~ **^

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U L U U
41. ''Invocatio Nominis Imperatoris: On w. 21-25 of Cielo d'Alcamo's Contrasto"
Bolletlino del Centra di Studi filologici e linguistici Siciliani, III (1955), 35-50.

EK's cor>y, annotated.

A. Postcard, unsigned, S/2>/Sl

B. PostcRT-d, author unrecognized, 10 May 55

C. "Letter to the ICE BOX" (ne-spaner clioning)

D. "Cosmne Prag-ensis" (slip, vello-O

E. Letter from Gerhart Ladner, Ih June 55

P. "Invocatio" (slip, yellov)
G. "Omnipresence" (slip)
H. Letter from Leo onitzer, ll\. Nov 55
I. "Baldus, Cons. I" (slip)
J. i-etter from Prof. Ettore, 1?. Dec Sk

\.

n J L
u u (_
 &)

ERNST KANTOKOWICZ

INVOCATIO NOMINIS
IMPERATORIS
(On vv. 21-25 of Cielo d'Alcamo's Contrasto)

Eslralto dal Bolletlino del Centro di Studi Filologici

e Linguialici Siciliani
Vol. Ill 1955 o vT ^ 'CT)

G. MOHI & FIGLI - PALEHiMO

n LJ L L'
U U U
 I
ERNST KANTOROWICZ

INVOCATIO NOMINIS
IMPERATORIS
(On vv. 21-25 of Oielo d'Alcarao's Contrasto)

Eslratlo dal Bollettino del Cetilro di Sludi Filologici

e Ijinguislici Siciliani Vol 111 1955

G. MOlU & FIGLI - PALEKMO

/
U ' _'
L U U L
I
 Se i tuoi parent! trovammi. e the mi pozzon tari?

Una (ktcnsa mvtuxi di dumilia agostari,

Non mi tocara padreto per cp.anto avert a 'm Bari,

Vive lo 'mperadorc, grazi'a Deo!

Intcndi, bella, quel che ti dieo eo?

Sicilian vernacular poetry knows

Cielo
Every student of early
sure to knovv the fifth stanza quo-
d'Alcamo's Rosa f reseat and he is
because it contains all the
clues for datn.g ^he poem Fhe
ted above
medallion-like gold coins of trederK:k
II,
,<u.u.tales, those beautiful
issued in .23./ Hence, the poem must have originated after
^ve';e first

C. G;^"''^Cro^
The rendered here follows the e.h.ion of
of the Contras.o
<:J
(,) text
'zl M<: nl Cuna, Milan. ..47.
.>vhich ^ievKU^s rn
\S-,:f ^.^J
J^^^,
^,--

Crocetti -s edition, the review ot th.s

n
hook by ^^}^^^r^^
'enuure, ^s'^e Antomo
suggests its valne and P^-^f.^-''''^;^'l:'Z^''ta^7X^i^o.. AU. del Come^no
d. '-^cu, a
Paomaro. Caratlere e iradi/.one .<W t"ntrasto
..
^^
di Studi Fcdenaam, Palermo. .952. 408. " " """ ^PP' ^ '
J^*-
Intcrnaziovale
replace a.ere a 'm Br^ '''"y to Ernst Kantorow.cz. KaUer
of ^^'Xt^^^Il'^
Fredcruk II, "'in";ddi,ion
cc .n
(2) For the s.s//rv
^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^.^^ j^^
Friedruh dcr Z^eUc: ^-^-"'i:"P"""^;^\ clie ahen.i.andische
Glvp.ik des .3.
'^^'d
Hans Wkntzel. Oer Augustahs 1-ntdnihs 11. "" '
Mhte'alter und Antikc
lahrhnnderts... ZeUschn^ fur
^'"^'f^'^'^^^^^;,^'s,,^^/]aiu^r,ade H.nr:k Cornell,
Int Spiegel ^^-" ^^^%^\^J^'^^^:v^:^:, ForLun^en .ur Kur,se-
Stockholm. .950. 9-ff. '"'' I TI .,,-, Tosek DEtR. "Die Easier
, iriff- also
lx)wen.
.chkh.e und c/,n.s//,c/,e. es ,. .md
un .v Jahrhunderts ... ZeUscUrift
^''^I'^f^^'^^'^^^^,
Gcntme- schmtt ^i^' - 3 j
Kaniee und der sud..,>l.en>sche
.
^ ,^,iav i.S.Sff-
.-/mr,-<-r,,se;- .1 r<;,o/,t;- '""^ ,
" J^ f:, .2th-centurv eur-
/,Vr
'^""^'f .
,han t^fore the
Those reeent allow us to understand f'';
stu.lies
/.'^^^"^J^;,^ ^..^.j^a^ding the
'<^;;;' .no-
.ents of South-nalian art
o whu^ .^o
"-j;;:"
l^^^ ^o-i-rLg-oina ... *^r..^o
fu
.^.^ hi s-sten. .dottato da
Rusg.ero ,1...

TTl ;::r,;"H:^^^V^:^93.
da Federico II )
seguito. non istituito...

I n
I u
 that date, and since the emperor is acclaimed as still alive no mat- Ihe defensa could be miposed on the aggressor
not only by every offi-
^
ter as to whether we read Vive or Viva ^
it must have been written
cial, high and low,^ but by every
private individual wishing to protect
either his property or his person
before 1250. It is true, of course, one might try to argue that also the and the persons of his household
against violent action of any kind.
Emperor Henry VII, in his Statute of January 13, 13^2, ordered the And he protected himself per
minting of gold coins called aiigustarii, so that the unnamed emperor invocationem nominis imperatons or regis, as the glossators were -
quick to point out, indicating that .the king
might refer also to Henrv VII.' However, the coins of the Luxem- is emperor in his realm). "
\n other words, the unlawfully attacked
bourg prince remained a project and were probably never issued; nor person forbade in the name
of the emperor the trespasser to
could the poem itself belong to that late period, since it is cited bv continue his violent action, whereby
the formula had to be used: ex parte
Dante in his De vulgari eloquentia which falls in the years 1303 or imperatoris defendo, or prohibeo
te ex parte regis {imperatoris)
1304.'' Besides, the mention of the defensa prevents us from moving quod me offendere non praesumas^'^
After this magic formula had been
beyond the orbit of the kingdom of Sicily and Apulia: the defensa exclaimed, the attack was consi-
derert an attack agamst the emperor himself.
as an institution of law was restricted to the South. If, however, stu- The trespasser's case
(juite logically, was brought,
dents of the history of literature often try to prove that Cielo's Rosa under exclusion of all local jurisdiction'
directly and immediately before
fresca must be later than 1231 because in that year only was the de- the Magna Cuna or the law courts
of
the emperor himself, so that the
fensa introduced by the Liher augustalis, that is, the great collection defensa, among other things served
also to strengthen and extend the sove.eign
of laws published in both Latin and Greek by Frederick II at the Diet jurisdiction against the
of Melfi, then they are not quite correct: the defensa existed in Nor-
local powers - Other implications, however,
have to be considered
in the hrst^ place. Marino da
man times." Nevertheless, the combination of augustales and defensa Caramanico, who composed the ordinary
gloss on the Liber augustalis
leaves no alternative as to the date of the poem, and this date is fur- about ,275, was j)erhaps coirect
ne said: tt per hanc constitutionern
when
thermore supported by the acclamation or invocation of the emperor. succurnt Imperator
drbilihus
qui sepe a potenttbus opprimuntur.''
For according to the Liber augustalis a private person could impose But the foremost intention of
the defensa only per invocationem nostri [imperatoris) nominis, and
to this invocadon the line Vive (or Viva) In mperadore , graz'a Deo '

doubtless refers.'
The titles I, 16-19. f the Liher augustalis commanded both the
admiration and the surprise of Frederick's contemporaries. The em-
peror regulated or re-established in these paragraphs a rather strong "^'" '"' '"^""-" '''^"'"' ='"<' ''''' '^'""'^- '-'"'-hold
men b.rw,ro'tecte7bv\h^;
tmmixrs protected Dy the defema. x^
The invocation
'',''; '"''
of the th-.t king replaced. Of course
ot the emperor; see. e. g.. MA.r..AEes e Akf,.,ct,s,
and effective legal remedy for the protection of a person, including / utrius^ue^iA.e AV./,o/4ri
o '-

nes et consUtuHo.^es n.,vnsiu.

t>raelect,o (Venice, ,562). on L,h. au^r., I. ".
his family, and of personal projjerty. against imminent ,7.;,. f. 9
aggression. '""^"'""'^ """i"''' Im|X-ra,oris huitis regni.
extetiditur
"

quia ,..x ?
aui-; tc-xtus A
loquens de
,
d regim .

Im,Kratore. extenrlitur a<l regem For the fornu.la Rex in .,.

uZo
dTsen:frT:;,i:,;Vd-;'^'^
' ..k- S..uth-.talian gls^a.ors (Marino
aisernia, Hai^tolotnco da Capua, and others),
da C.-rama^tico
see France.sco Cai.asso. / ../ovsa/on' e la
aX leoria
(3) Whereas Monaci and Ufiolini read Viva, Guerrieri-Crocctti,
135. suRgcsts the reading
delta sovra,uta, Ma^, ,9,-,, and for that
formtda in general. SERGto Moc, Ovorv
Vive. With regard to the daiing ilic variants are of no importance because canomstiche delrtdea moder>ia dello stalo, Foni
in either case Milan u)t,
the emperor woiihl pr()\c to he aUve. See below, n. (.0) For the first version (defendo), see Niese,
7. Cesetzgehunf;, ,4. n. 3 The law itself
Monumctila Cennimuw Hislonca: Coiistittttioties (L,^ a.g I. ,6. Cervone, p. 36) says:
(4) ct Ada puhlka IV
/
No 7^7
/-/. S8
ss 80J- F.idem.iue ex parte In,fx.ria prohilxa' ut in uni i

34 ft. and No. 72g. 4, p. 72,, ,3 f.

-
p. 718, -

"''^'" ^'' ^^'^^'"' bv'Andrea^lIsc"ni.; Cerne

(5) />< el,H,cntia. I, 12; for 'the date of that work, see
vtili^aTi .<>!, andlv
30 diui M^Uh" Atliictis,
oy iviaitn. Afflic^iT"""';";-
on l.ih aup I ir 1 <fi\ r, f^i c/; ( or. -, it,
Aristide Marigo, De be adapts the formula in the foll.S
,

Vulf^an clnqucnua, Horence, 1938 (= vol. VI of Michcle Rarbi's

also l-RiKtmicii SciiNKintR, Daute, 4th ed., Weimar.
Dante edition) pp XXII-XXIH-
maiestatis Regis nostri Ferdinand, prohibeo
fa^i^ioiv' "a E^
^r' ::;^';';,:,^r ;'t
1947. 102. te talem. atque reqniro ut nmc
<^M>""' , hin^^n-, ,
praesiimas me inantea
nte 'n
n,)n
(6) Hans Nikse Die GesetzgehuUf, dcr nonnanmschen Dxnaslie im oflenderc in t)ersonam ...
Halle, 1910. 34, n. 6; .see below, n. 17.
Rennum
^ Siciliae,
^'''' ""^ ' ''"'""' """' '" "" ""'>
Magistrati Justitiarii et Tustitiarii
n.ci"*
no tn cognoscant
'
'I'
ANtmEA dTser.va.
'^''f''"'" "

(7) Viva wou!d Ix- more appropriate for an acclamation or invocation despite the following ...
n Uh. aug..
,8. Cervone 4^. declares
I.
nota quod non imponitur defensa ex parte ,cm
graza Deo (.. Long live the F.m|K-ror, thanks be to Cod >.). Vive, however, Con.itis vel Baronis. scd .antum Regis.. Xoil
woidd make sense .ludere del,ent all. hoc ,us s.b, vendicare ,..
too (.. The Emperor lives, thanks l,e to God .). nor woidd The tendency of expanding the roval jt.risdictio^
this version jeopardize the accla-
matory character: Christm vivit {el ref^mt) is likewise an acclamation;
Et-GEN Rosen.st.k:k-Hi;essy, Vivit Oeus ., / memoriam
.,
Ernsl
see. for the problem.
Lohmeyer, hrsg.. von Werner
M an"rno"S
iMilan >
"^'m '^^J^ " C,cc:AG..,o^E. Ma.ua'e d. s,ona del d.r.L ..aUaZ
(no year), II, i63f; also Niese. Gesetzi;ebung.
34. n 4.
Schmauch, fituttgart, 1951, 250-260. (12) Marino da Caramanico, on Lib. aug.. I, 16,"
Cervone, 35.

U L
these laws was to protect the king's peace , that is, the peace of About the no unanimity
origins of the Sicilian defensa there is

the land, as Matthaeus de Afflictis,"^ a later glossator of Frederick's among scholars. That the titles I, 16-19. of the U.her augiistalis were
Constitutions, clearly recognized: omnes istae constitutiones practen- shaped under Frederick II and received their final form onlv in 1231,
tae tendiint ad pacem el bene agendum.^^ there can be no doubt. On the other hand, it cannot be doubted

of course, this institution of law to which Cielo d'Alcamo's either that the defensa existed before 1231 and was known in Norman
It is,

poem alludes. The voung lover, who was about to steal his girl, or times. A document of 1227, four years before the codification of the

his girl's heart, from her parents, was, so to speak, a trespasser on defensa laws, shows that not onlv the emperor but also the competent
the property of the family and an aggressor of a family member. bishop or local official could be invoked.'" From Norman times, a
But, asks the lover, what 'could the girl's parents do, after all? They case of 163 is known which, by chance, has been transmitted in the
1

could, by invoking the name of the emperor, impose a defensa on Chronicle of the Abbey of Casauria: here the king was invoked.'' Some
him tor 'attacking the heart of their daughter. This trespass would scholars have tried to date back to the iith (cntury the municipal

cost him 2000 (lugustales

there lives an emperor, thanks be to God . by-laws of Trani mentioning the defensa and thereby to date back the

The whole depicted fairly correctly, although the sum

situation is defensa as well." Others tried to derive the defensa from the customs
of 2000 augustcdes seems rather excessive and the juristic situation is of Normandy and connect it with the Haro cry Haro, however, was
judged too favorably. The normal procedure was that the attacker like the Middle High Geiman Zeter merely a <
hue and cry which
juristically served as
an evidence gained in the very act of crime; but
yielding to a defensa while trying to rob an oxen, had to let the
this Haro cry, which was in the first )>lace an alarm, had in the 13th
oxen go and pay to the fisc as a fine for his attack the value of the
attacked object.' In this case, the poet would have assessed the girl's century nothing to do with the private self-protection />:r ittvncationem
value, or the value of her heart, generously at 2000 augustales. But nominis iniperatoris or regts.^'^
^

the lover, of course, had not the intention to let his object go. He How Frederick II himself interpreted that custom and what his
therefore became guiltv of contempt of the defensa and therewith intentions were when, in 1231. he introduced uniformly for the whole

of the emperor's name: and in this case the fine would have amounted kingdom the invocation of the imperial name for inij^osing a defensa

to one-third of the value of his property if the attack was carried is said quite clearly in the Liber augiistalis For one thing, it
itself.

through bv force of arms, or to a quarter if arms were not used.'^ was a manifestation of the emperor's omnipresence, or at least his
Hence, the voung lover must have been quite a wealthy man. Yet, potential omnipresence: et sic nns etiam qui prohihente individuitate

despite his wealth the legal case would not have been in his favor, personae nbicjue praesentialiter esse non possumns, ubiqiie potentia-
liter adesse credaniur.'" To the words ubique potentialiter the glossator
because on top of the line for contempt of the defensa he would have
been condemned to return the girl to her parents. The poet, therefore.
did not really talk in legal terms, nor may he have intended to do
(161 C A. Gari Fl, I.a (lifi-nsa ex part:- domini iniftiralons ir. tin documcnto privato
so. What the poem suggests is actually a good deal of bragging on
'

del 12:7-28 >i, Rivisia ilalitiiia per Ir scienze i^iunflicln-. WVII, i8()g. i(;o-i(;4 (cf. Archivio
the part of the lover and of minimizing the legal difficulties involved, slorico sUiliaiio, scr. II, vol, XXI\'. 1899. 344), publishes a document containinj; a complaint
about an abbess of a nimncrv in Messina ini!)(>ncns nobis tiefensam ex parte domini nostri
since nobody could steal a girl simply by paying 2000 augustals. But. divi impcratoris et vencrabilissimi pairis nosiri archicpistopi . This, by the way, is one of
after all. those words were meant not to pass a legal test, but onlv the earliest cases where in a document Frederick 11 is referred to as divus.

to impress the hella and seduce her and what laws and facts would (17) See Chronicon Casauriense, in MtRAXORi, Scriplorcs, II. 1009, a document to which
NiKSE, Gesetzgebiinfr, 34, called attention in connection with the defensa
not be twisted or d'storted in such a case?^ A^t ivvvo* be/vii^^eA {18) Thai the Ordimimenti of Trani should be dated i3''3. and not 1063. has been shown
bv C1P01.LA, Un (lubbio sulla data dej;li Ordinamcnti iranesi . Rindieonli dvi l.incei.
^-^ vJ
- ser. V, vol. V, 1896, 267ff; cf, L. S. Vii.lanieva, in Arch. star, sicil., ser. II, vol. XXI, 1896,
-J -^
""^iMJt^ 403. The defensa was imposed in Trani (as well as in other places during the later Middle
(13) Mattii Akki... on Lih aiig., I, i5 (= I, 17). n. 3, fol. 92; see .tIso Nikse, Ctse/zjjf- riZiTTTT-i Ages) da la parte de la mia signoria.
bunj^, 34. cnncciniiif^l.andfricdcn >. ^!I ^

(19) For the Haro cry, sec NiFsr, Cesclzi^ehuni^. 33, n, 4. and his criticism of F,. Glasson,
(14) Lih. mig., I, 16, Ccrvone, 38: > I't lamen si justae dcfensae imponantiir pro rebus , j^^ " fitude historique sur la clameur de Haro . .Xouzelle rente historupic de droit franfaii
mobilibus, utpote bovc ab'aio vel similibus, tloniinus, qui ronira tlcfcnsam vcncrit, et id, -^
et etranger, VI, 1882, 397!!, 5i7ff; for the Germanic institution of the hue and cry
quod pDst dcfensam ab>^tulit, rcddat; et aliud tantundcm curiae nostrae componat ". >%i^' -j
see L. L. Hammericii, Clamor (in Kgl. Danske Videnskabcrnes Selskab, XXIX : 1), Copen-
(15) Lib. (111^.. I. iH, Ccrxoiic. 42: Si quidcni cum arniis hoc fecerit, in tenia parte hX-oJ hagen, 1 94 1. See also below, n. 33.
omnium bonoruni Mioruni puniatur... Si vcro sine armis, in quarta bonorum praedictorum (20) See the last clause of Lib. aug., I, 17, Cervone, 41.
parte omnino contemptorem daninandum esse sancimus .

I J
U L I L
 Maiiiio da Caramanico. the only unassailable parallel of the Sicilian invocation of the emperor
(|iiotiiig fioin Ovid's Hcroides, remarked \erv
hitherto detected is found in a Roman author of the times of Marcu;,
neatly: Juxta iUnd: 'An nescis longas regibus esse niamis? ''^
The
meaning Aurelius, in the Metamorphoses of Apuleius.-'' Francesco Schupfer, the
of this imperial ubiquity, of course, was that the officers as
great Italian historian of law, first called attention to the passage where
well as the private individuals, when imposing the defensa by invo-
the unfortunate Lucius, transformed into an ass. tried to protect him-
cation of the emperor's name, acted as the emperor's vicegerents, just
as the emperor himself acted as the vicegerent of God: \Fidelcs] sola self against the whacks of the most unpleasant and rude donkey-driv-
ers. Lucius decided ad auxilium civile decurrere et interposito vene-
protections nostrue post Deum defensione laetantur, says the preamble
of that law r:ihdi principis nomine tot aerumnis me liberare. That is to say, he
(I. 17). iVIatthaeus de Afllictis, glossing the words post
decided to <> interpose the emperor's name between himself and his
Deuni, expounded accordingly that a man has security when standing
sub Dei regisque protect:one, and that by an assault not only the torturers. When town in Thessaly where crowds of
arriving in a little

pe:-son attacked was insulted but also God and the king Greeks were marketing, he made an attempt to invoke in his own
; :

rex studet dare securitateni in regno mo, et ideo Imperator dicitur human language the name of the emperor {nonien augustum Caesa-
Deus totiiis mundi. scdicet, ratione iiirisdictionis et protcctionis.-'^ It is 'tis invocare teniptavi). Poor Lucius, however, could only hee-haw,
reliquiini autem Caesaris nomen enuntiare non potiu. That his unmel-
logical, therefore, that
contempt of a defensa was synonymous with
contempt of the emperor's name, of the emperor himself, and ultima- odious howling was merely another challenge for his torturers to resume
tely of God: and accordingly the legislator decreed whacking the donkey with their leather whips has nothing to do with
that a defensa by
invocation of the emperor's name, even when falsely imposed, the problem under discussion here; for the donkey-drivers could net
was
for ihe moment to be obeyed ob reverenttam cuhninis know that thev were acting in contempt of the emperor's name.
nostrir' To
this the glossators remarks that likewise The passage shows clearly that in the second century, when Apu-
an unjust excommunication <.

binds in order that there leius, the Isis worshij^per from Numidian Madaura. wrote his Meta-
may be held in greater reverence the keys
of the Church ." morphoses, some legal institution must ha\e e\i<red which was closely
These are concepts far remote from a simple < hue and cry >. related with the emperor invocation of the Sicilian defensa: a self-
Al! the more closely, however, is the idea of the emperor's protection by invoking the emperor's name. What is remarkable is one
potential
omnipresence related with the antic|ue, especially late-antique, concejit thing only: that otherwise this institution seems to have been un-
of the omnipresence of the numina of the Roman emperors." known within the Roman orbit. For the fact that tombs or foundations
In fact.
were placed under the protection of the emperor has nothing to do
with the momentary remedy of law attainable by the invocation of
(:i) Ibid.. r1 l'bi(|iio pounli.iliicr .>:
>
cf, Ovin, F/;.. XVI. i66.
the emperor's name. What this invocation may remind us of is the right
{22) MAmi,
AKri.icTis. on Lib. aui^., I, i6 (= I, 17), n. %, fol. gir:
(|U1.1 'X of asylum granted by the imperial statues, that is. the protection
tali insuitu nin solum est oficnsiis ipse insiiltatus, sed etiam
Deus et rex, sub quor iini
protectione erat ipse offensus . For the doctrine accordinR to which the ruler was hnst
which a person derived from taking refuge to and touching the em-
peror's image. In this case it was not the name but the image of the
n.tim seaiiidiis. some relevant material has been collected bv H. Xoi.kmanv Der Zweite
nach dem Kiinig ... /'//i/o'oijks. XCII. ;H^-3i6.
{it,) Lib. r/i/i;., I. iQ. Cervone. 48f.
1937,
"
emperor which was interposed : and it is well known that this right
(ftVJ (24) l^^^TT^I. Afi-i.iciis, on IJb. aiig I, 18 (= I, 19), n. 11. fol. loiv: .
Idco excomnui- ,-
of image asylum led to the illicit misuse of simply carrying a coin in
nicat^o miusta ligat, ut clavcs ecclesiae habcant in maiori
reverenlia ... He then continue^
saymi; quml ille qui iniuste est cxcommunicatus, si hoc patienter ferat, apud one's pocket in order to '- interpose ^' at any moment the coin image
.

corona m habehit
"^ Deum

...

(25) Ci.. Mamertinis. I'tiiici^. i^ciiflhl M,i\imia>io,

113. 9: uhi- c. 14, ed. Rakhp.kn.s. p.
cuniqiie unimi licet palatiuni
siiis, in conce.sseritis,
ubiqiie versari. divinitatem vestram
Mclam., Franck.sco Schvpfer.
29ff. Cf. I.a defensa c rasino di
omncs terras oiuniaque maria plena esse vestri. Quid cnim minim si, cum possit hie mundiis (26) Api'i.eius, Ill, .

Apuleio .., Riv. ital. her Ic scienze giurid.. XXI, 1896. ^22-424; Viu,anleva, in .4rr/i. stor^
lovis esse pleniis, possit et Hcrculis (sc. M.iximiani)?.. See
Lf:o Berlincer, Reilrage :ur Nuovi studi sulla dejensa and
mojfi::cUcn Tiliilatur titr romischeu Kiiisrr. Diss Brcslau. 193^. sicil ser II vol XXI. 1896, 402!?; also Nino Tamvssia, .

6^ (also 62. n. 220). For l.X. 1900-1901. u.^ff and 685ff. where,
the virtual omnipresence of the Hy/antine emperor, sec Franz Doiger, Ancora sulla defeusa ... .l/(t del R. Jstilulo Vetielo.
>.
Die Kaiserurkunde tnvocatto of the
however the preces for the emperor (or to him) are mistaken for the legal
..

der Byzanliner a!s Ausdruck ihrer politischcn AuschauunRen

Hislorische Zeilschrifl.
obscrvaticm may lie added that in the mcxlel of Apulcius, that is, in
..,

Cl-IX. 1939, 235. n. (also in Doi.GKR, liyzaiiz unci die curopiiiuhe SlnatenweH.
17 im|)erial name. The
Ettal, 19^3. "'"> K"a/oao" (ivi/ioj)-
i6)_^or the following, see also my
article .Kaiser Friedrich 11. und das Kiinigsbild des Lucian's Acinus, c. 16 (S84). the text savs simply f'/K-MV :n-,i/.A(iKi>
of the imixrial naiiie. and
Hellemsmiis ... Van,, Vonorum: Festt^abe fiir Karl Reiuhardt. Miinster and Cologne, aai yhinlriinvi: This is a sigh rather than a legal interposition
19^2, originalh was lacking.
i76fT, some material of which is repealed here with considerable additions. the place from Lucian, therefore, shows that the juristic aspect

n LJ I J
U I J
 9-

of the emperor or to hold up against a persecutor like an amulet.^^

it
papyrus When I called to the king for assistance, some of the
..

The difTercnce between the defcnsa and the ad statnas cotifugcrc, of :

others heard me and came up in a hurry .'* Furthermore,

course, is tliat in the case of the defcnsa the person guiltlessly attacked when the
temple slaves in the Bubastis wrote to the powerful officer of
interposes the name of the emperor, whereas in the case of the image finances,
Zeno. that an invocation of the king had [jroved unnecessary,
asylum the guilty tries to flee from his persecutors by taking refuge since
he, Zeno, was present, '^ they may have had in mind the invocation
to the statues. Piowever, both institutions have in common the idea
of the competent local official, this, we recall, was
that the emperor was vicariously present in either his name or his the custom in
Sicily prior to the legislation of Frederick 11.
image. The right of asylum, though glorified by the legends of Rom-
of course, perfectly correct to say that in all those cases
It is,
ulus,was yet a denizen of Rome; it was introduced in 42 B. C. only, the
king's name served as an alarm to call for help. *' But it is
whereas it existed in Egypt since the times of the Ptolomees."^ Does that, nevertheless
most significant that when one wanted to beat <m alarm, one did not
perhajjs. help us to
understand that also the invocatio Caesaris nominis
cry Zetcr or Haro, but invoked the name of the king as though
as described by Apuleius can be traced to customs observed in Ptole- he
were present, and probably cried Bnnun') (i,>,]ih,, just as one
mean Kgypt? would
have cried in later times Xoiorr fioi'iOi /.Moreover, it is true also
The
relevant places have been brought together from the papyri that
in Ptolemean Egypt people invoked the king's name when
by Wilhelm Schubart. who discussed them so ably that no more need an assault
or trespass was imminent or took place; and in this respect,
be done here than repeat what he said.-" In a Tebtunis Papyrus of the the cu-
stom of Egypt seems to be identical with the practice described
second century B. C. we read that in some village a man was attacked bv
Apuleius: the name of the Ptolemean king, just like that of the
in the bath-house. In his complaint about the incident, the man em'-
test-
peror, was interposed. The legal significance of that
ified that H when
boy occupied with my care cried to the king
the jiractice has been
described, no doubt correctly, by Schubart who says that
for help, several people came up in haste .'" That the king
himself by the in-
vocation of the king's name the act of violence became j)ub'lic
should have happened to be near the village bath-house is indeed and
therewith implied a public obligation to help. In addition to
more than unlikely. What the attacked meant to say is that the that,
young servant invoked the name of the king whereupon several people however, the invocation of the ruler's name has also its soteriological
aspects. The prince is dAi-^inan'K. Owing to his omnipresence he is
came running along for help. On another occasion, it is said in a
near, even though corporeally he may be far away. His wrath will
reach the evil-doer, and of the king's wrath you die .'*
Wknger, It can hardly be doubted that the papyri
n.
*"^* I'- ..Asvlrccht ., in: Rcallcxikon fur Antike imd ChrUt,-i,r,
LUristinlum, II, ,/; and Apuleius reflect
MoMMSKN, S^eff;

msmmmmm
Romisches Slrafrnhl 4;Sff .Sec/),V .7 in ,8 the same legal ideas. In other words, the invocatio regis
in ^' A* "'^ q"'" m^S'"'^'" imporatoris or iwperatoris
invidi.-,.n alterius "
portarct and ,'l n .h. 7'1

seems to hail from Egypt and must have been known within the Roman
orbit by the second century at the latest. Unfortunately
Apuleius'

(.^1) Berliner Griechische Vrkundcn. HI. 1007.

(32) CairoZcnon. 59 451, c<l. C. C:. Kik.xr, Zennn Pa[>\ri. Ill (Cairo. 1928).
P.
17V
iauxUium) as the essential fUtnre- i^',,. A
^^
J^% ''^". recognizes the imperial relief (t,Ti)

- Endoplorare
The legal clamor, of course, is found also in Roman Law; see Franz Wh-aikkr,
Miimliener lieitrui^r :ur I'afxrusforschinit; und aiuikcn Richlsiiesihiclite,
..,

XX\I\' {:^ Festschrift fiir Ix-opold Wcngcr, I). 1944. \2g-\-g. a stiidv to which
Professor
Wieackcr kindly called my attcniion. What matters here, however, is the fact that the
king's name served as clamor and that therewith the persecution of the crime
no longer
was a matter of the private group of neighbors but became one of public justice exercised
by the king. See. for that development in general. W'ikacker, i-fSi: ..
Es war der Fortschritt
der st.iatHchen Inrechtsverfolgung, der gnindsiitzlich keine private Unrechtsabwehr
mehr
htt . The invocation of the kings name sets that staatliche
Uttrechtszcrfotirunt; into mo-
tion, and at this point that the Hellenistic practice is paralleled by that of Sicilv.
It is

(34) ^t- F. CuMONT, L'f.^ypte dcs aslroloi^ues. Brussels, 1937, 212, n.' i See also above,
n. 21. For the parallel between the wrath of Cod

and ihe wrath of the king >, see
KuDOLF K6STI.KR, Hulderxlzug ah Strafe ( == Kirchenrechtliche Abh.mdlungen, LAII).
Stuttgart, 1910.

n jf / u
u L I f
10
II

evidence appeared of little value because allegedly his story was not Andreas of
Isernia claims in his Pcregrinu, the learned gloss
on
countenanced by other sources. This, however, is not correct, as Am- the Liber aiigustalis written around 1309, that Frederick IPs
lus de-
mianus Marcell'inus may prove. Aginatius, a Roman of senatorial fensae represents a ius novum.'" This is not quite correct, since the
rank and vicariiis urbis about 370 A. 1)., was charged with adultery defen.sa by invocation of the king or of a local power existed
before
achieved by magic. His enemies used the charge to do away with 23 1. What seems to have been new was that Frederick II severed the
1

the man and have him put to death. They proceeded brutally, and private defema definitely and completely from all
entanglements of
when thev came to arrest him no one took the slightest notice when
Aginatius in a loud voice exclaimed the names of the emperors local
courts or the
jurisdiction
Magna
and tried to
A
brmg those cases directly before his
Curia. means to that end was his order de-
nee audittis [est Aginatius], ciun mugnis clamorihus appcllaret noniina creeing that a jirivate person could impose a defen.sa onlv bv invo-
principum.-''^ Professor A. Alfoldi (who kindly called my atten-
As cation of the emperor's name, and later glossators excluded
most
tion to this passage) informs me, this kind of appeal to the emperor emphatically any other invocation, though Matlhaeus de Atflictis
belonged to the privileges of Roman senators in that period. However adds: msi regnum esser vaean, a rrge; for' in this case posset
name in case of imponi
that may be, the invocation of the emperor's acts
defensa sub nomine Papae, since the pope was feudally the lord pa-
of violence was practiced in Rome, according to Ammianus, by the
ramount of the kingdom.'" 7'he reason for this practice is perfectily
end of the fourth century. Perhaps additional relevant places will be clear: the invocation of a local lord would have brought the case
be-
found in time. It does not seem likelv. however, that the invocatio fore the court of the lord whose protection was impbred.
nardfioijOi^
The inten-
noiuinis inipcratoris is reflected also in the tufioiiOiL; or tion of the emperor, however, was to make every
defensa case, as it
which can be traced to Ptolemean papyri and which later on was of were, a p/aeituni coronae, a plea of the Crown, and thereby
to freeze
some importance in By/antine law where it is found also in the widely out the jurisdiction ol feudal and ecclesiastical lords. Through
the pri-
known vuikk ;-/ (.;o;7a)s of. probablv, the seventh century.'" It is dif-
vate defensa every individual subject was forced to submit
to the
ficult to reconstruct the jirocedure on the basis of that agrarian law. jurisdiction oi the Crown directly
a development of administrative
Hov.ever. when landed property was trespassed the person affected technique which was in full swing everywhere in Western Europe.
It
could set up a c clamour , that is, remonstrate and complain before seems, therefore, that Frederick IPs innovation (if we disregard
other
the local official. A case of that kind
year 441 wi.en is known in the technical details) consisted chiefly in decreeing the invocation
of the
such a complaint was brought before the proconsul of the province emperor's name throughout the realm, uniformly and without
an
of Asia.'' That one appealed on that occasion to the king by invoking exception, as a means of undercutting the competency of local
courts.
his name was perhaj)s the custom in Egypt, but apjiarently not in legitimate to ask whether there can be found any link to
It is
Byzantium. At any rate, on the basis of our present evidence it would the Hellenistic models. Hans Niese verv correctly observed that in
be hazardous to connect the Sicilian dcfoisa with that Byzantine
custom.
F. PRElsiciKt, Wiirterbucli der i^riecliischen I'apyruswkiinden. Berlin,
192s. II, i8,, s. x.
J'lVftfiu. and suspects that the later ?^i.-/.'o/r,(.. had a similar meaning. In fact, some of
2e)
(35) Ammiani's Marcki i.im s. XWIII, i, 55f: cf. Andrkw Ai.ioi.di, A CstiflicI of Ideas the papyri mentioned bv Sciiibart (p. 16) suggest likewise a petition. Herliner
Criechische
in the l.ttic Roman Empire, Oxford, 1952, 74 and 136, n. 26. Urkunden. VIII, 176;, ^f (W. SciiinART and D. Sciiafir, Spdtptolemdische Papyri, Berlin,
(36) Cf. I,oi:is Urfiiifr, \.'fl{boesi'i dans
'. le droil populairc a Bvzance . Miscellanea ic;33. p. 40), says that the people went to the gates of
the city i:i rni l^ln<:>eroTa^'i urn Ainnn,;
Cuilliiinne de Jerplianion (= Orientalia I'hristiana I'criodita, XIII), Rome. 1Q47, 3.^tt. For Hill !\vi nun,; to remove frmi the region some criminal with his cotiipanions.
the Aj;rarian Law (niainlv 32 and 81), see the edition bv Walter Ashburner. The
That is. thev
" implored the queens and military authorities to ban those malefactors, or appealed
Farmer's Law ). Journal of Hellenic Studies, XXX, 1910, R^ff, and, for a translation, ibid., to the Kiini'^smachl als Canzes, as Schubart put it, which however does not
XXXII, 1912, 6Sff. For the date (between early 7th and early Hth centuries), see Franz imply that the
queens (of the year 58 B. C.) were personally present. This case (and two others quoted
Doi.(;i:r, .. Xonios Georgikos ein Gcsetz des Kaisers Justinian II.? , Miinchener
1st tier by Schubart) is apparently more closely related to the incident described bv Gregoire (aliovc.
Heitrui^e ziir XXXV (= Festschrift Wcnger, II), 1945. 18-48; cf. Georc
Pafiynisforscliiint^ n. 37) than to the iinocatio imperatoris niennoned b\ Apulcius. Nor is
it a clamor in the
OsTROooHSKY. Gesclticlilc des byzantinischen Staates, Munich, ic^4o, 54, n. 1; also E. E. legal .sense, though it is perhaps compaiablc to the Roman i/m questione inclamme which
<
LipSic. Ii\:anz iind die Slaven, Weimar. 1951. 38ff. Wicacker (above, n. 33), p. 147. renders with klagefiihr-nd um Gericht rufen : onlv.
..

(37) Hk.nri Grkc.oirk, Mictles d'histoire by/antine >, Anatolian Studies for Sir William
.

the inchiinare in Eg\pt seems to have included the spelling cut of the ruler's
Mitchell Ramsay. Manchester, 1923, I57f. Asiihurnf.r, op. cit.. XXXII, 90 and 94f, translates name.
However, it has to be left to the competent legal historian to solve the intricacies of the
H'iT(t/iot}r with complain .
I.
law of the papvri.
(38) Mr. Coi.iN Roberts, at Oxford, kindly called niv attention to the ft'tFvii^,; (petition) (39) On /,/.. 16. Cervone, 38.
auf^., I,
fig Til Tov l^(ini/J(.t^ /'niiiin. which is found in the ])apyri of the third century B. C. (cf. (40) Mattii. Akfi.ictis. on Lib. ciuir.. I, 17 (= I, 18), n. 20, fol 95V; see alxjve, n. 11.

I L
U L I J
 \
3

a rhetorical phrase
Frederick's laws the word invocatio was merely known seems most
which the de- of Frederick II the treatise was likely, especially
circumscribing rather than describing the formula by the detailed description of the King of
formula was ex parte impe- when we read in Dc mundo
fensa should be imposed; tor the correct
and this Persia and his government, which I quote here according to the older
{imperatoris) prolnbeo, as the lawbook itself explains:
'^
nail
the Name version, though putting the variances of Nicolaus Siculus into square
is, speaking, not an invocation: it is an action In
strictly
dictatores who for- brackets.^'
of the Emperor ...^Whence then did the imperial
answer: Thepassages about the king of Persia are introduced to ex])lain
mulated the law derive that phrase? It will not he too bold to
how the deity residing in heaven and far distant from the terrestrial
from Apuleius. For Apuleius' nomen augustum Caesaris invocare
phrase nostri nomi- sphere could yet be the cause of everything wholesome on earth. For,
bears so much resemblance to the twice-repeated
says the author, in a similar fashion the Persian Great King is found
nis invocatio of the Libcr augustahs that a rhetorical dependence ap-
residing in his palace at Susa or Ekbatana omnibus invtsibilis.
pears plausible enough. Apuleius was not an auctor ignotus.
hap- We
Nevertheless, through his satellites and various ranks of officials and
pen to know of a 12th century manuscript of the Metamorphoses
servants ipse rex [imperator], dominus et dens nominatus \dictus\,
in Beneventan script which was in Monte Cassino, that is, in the
every reason to believe that copies
omnia quidem videt [videat], omnia aiitcm audit [audiat], because
Sicilian kingdom," and there is
through a system of signals by beacon-fires the king was informed
of that author were available to the imperial dictatores in the 13th
within a day's time about all events in the mo>t distant parts of his
century. Nor can we assume that Apuleius should have escaped the
far-flung enijnre stretching from the Hellespont to the Indus. If it
Apulians or that they missed the importance of the invocation of
were unseemly for the Persian king to be in person everywhere {stan-
the emperor's name which the Roman poet mentions. If that be correct,
tem esse ubique [per se... insistendo disponere]), it would be even
then Frederick II would have restored through Apuleius not so much
more unseemly for the deity. For it is more dignified and venerable
a Roman as, indirecdv, a Hellenistic or Ptolemean custom, when he
to reside in the remoteness of the sui)reme region, and yet to be the
decreed that the defensa be imposed per invocationem nostri noniinis.
<:ause of everything salutiferous and wholesome " by the power exten-
In concluding, a word may be added about the imperial ubiquity.
West during ding through the whole world (potentia autem per universum habi-
The Pseudo-Aristotelian De nuindo was known in the
iante [vim vera per universum orbem progressam])."'
the Middle Ages through a Latin translation made by, or at least
This is not the place to discuss the new ideal of a king who
ascribed to Apuleius among whose philosophical writings the treatise
personally kept remote from battlefield and visible interference, while
was included." Two independent versions of the De mundo, however, an idea, by the
being only invisibly effective through his power
originated in the thirteenth century in the Sicilian kingdom where
way, which was represented by the philosophical romance of
also
translations from Greek into Latin were a very normal occupation in
Sidrach, allegedly translated from Arabic into Latin for Frederick II,
the Norman and Hohenstaufen periods. One translation was made,
and which later fascinated Pierre Dubois.'" This ideal was not that
apparently before 1240. by Nicolaus Siculus who wrote in Paris; the
other one. occasionally called the hitcrprctotio Manfrediatia, was pro-
bably made even before that of Nicolaus Siculus." That at the court
(45) The two versions arc edited by Lorimer. Text Tradition, 42fT.
t, ed. Lorimer. S^ff.
(46) Lorimer, Text Tradition. 76ff: cf. De mundo. 3^80
(47) Friedruii Ai'GUST von der
Hevpte, OiV (ieburtsslunde des souzerdnev Staates. Re-
gensburg. 1952, -,29f. n. v. quotes (unfortunately without folio or chapter) from the as
NiESK. Cesitzi^fbunf^. 34, n. y. above, n. 10. holding that in the case
(41)
yet unedited" Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS 24^95. the .advice of Sidrach
(42) CI. K, A. LowK, The Bcnevetilan Script, Oxford. gi4, 16, as well as his study home and commission
of war the king should not himself Hght his battles, but stay at
The l'iii<|iic Manuscript of Apuleius' Mctainorphosca (I>a ureniian, 68.1) and its Oldest connaissauce de la nature
others For the Sidrach and Frederick II, see Cm

-\'. Langi.ois, l.a

Transcript (Lnurcnti.Tn. ^y.i) >'. CLissical Qiirirli'rly, XIV. 192 o, 150-155. Frederick's tamous questions, trans-
et du mondc au mayen d<ic. Paris. 1911. i8iff. .85f;
Aristolehs (qui fcrtui libilhis) De mumlo, cd. W. L. I^)RiMKR. Paris, 1933, i8ff, by Charles
(43) mitted as an addenc.um to Slichael Scotus' I.iber particularis and first published
and W. L. Lorimkk. The Texl TracHtwii 0/ Psetido-Arislolle De mundo' (= St. Andrews
'

Homer Haskins. Sliidie, in the Hiv/orv of Mediaeial Science. Cambridge, 1924. 2q2ff, are
University Publications. No XVIlIl, 1924. i(){f. I am greatly indebted to Professor Ludwig of the century
quite obviously inspired by the Sidrach (see, e.g.. Langlois, 207). By the end
Edelstcin, in Johns Hopkins University, who called my attention to the Sicilian text Heiimit Kampi Ixipzig and
Pierre Dubois,' Summariahrnis et compendiosa doctrina, cd. .

transmission of l'>c mundo. und die geistigen Grundlagen

lierlin. 19^6, p. 19. lines 2ifT (sec a'so Kampe, Pierre Dubois
(44) I-oKiMKR, 7V.V/ Tradition. 25-28; in his edition of De mundo, z6fi, however,
he and Berlin, 1935, 70), recommends
des franziisischen \ationalbe'dUsslseius urn ifoo, Ui|)zig
revises his former statinients and is inclined to date the Manfrediana fortasse initio- [vos] remanentes in terra
Philip IV of France to let princes and dukes wage his wars, ^

saeculi XIII instruccioni, cxercituum prepa-

-testra natali, liberorum procrcacioni, eorum educacioni,
>

U L
4 15

of Frederick II, to all that we know. It is rather the antithesis of always and everywhere present.' The maxim Fiscus ubiqtie praesens
personal and potential presence of the emperor that we are interested remained standard. It was repeated, e. by Marino da Caramanico g.,

in here. Obviously, the invocatio nominis imperatoris was supposed in his gloss on the Liber angustalis,'' and it was quoted by Matthaeus
to compensate for the want of the personal presence prohibente indu de Atflictis in a similar connection." Finally Baldus drew the, so to
viduitate personae, as the law had it. The emperor's ubiquity existed speak, logical and last consequence: Fiscus est ubique et sic in hoc
only potentialiter and in this respect it was effective in every private Deo similts est.'' But ubiquity was not restricted to the fisc, it belonged
individual imposing a defcnsa in the emperor's name, though it was also to the Church and to the administration of justice. The Glossa or-
effective normally through the imperial officials. This idea was pro- dinaria on the Digest claimed that the fisc, the Church, and the admi-
claimed, time and time again, in Frederick's diploma for the appoint- nistration of justice (pfjicnim magistratuum) were de jure publico. Per-
ment of governors: quia pracsfntialiter iihique adesse non pnssumus, iihi haj)s we might say that only something that was public could be also
Innge latequc puti'titialiter pri'Diineriuis."' The same idea was repeated in (' ubiquitous . Ihe maxim Roniana Ecclesia ubique est was naturally
two letters transmitted in the collection of Petrus de Vinea, probably recognized as valid, with or without reference to the ecclesiastical fisc;
school exercises, where the emperor supposedly said Ciimque ad id cxe- :
for the Church was publit in an eminent sense. ^"^ Hence, the emperor,
quendum non possumus... personalitrr interesse, licet snnus potentia- being the persona publica without restriction and par excellence, had
liter uhique.^'' The ensuing assertion that through the medium of the ubiquity in a juristic sense. Baldus. when commenting on the passage
'Ht.
officials the emperor's commands were carried from potentiality to '^
of the Digest where the argument of Chrysippus on the rotio^ fjaot/.ev^
actuality , de potentia ad actum, leaves no doubt about the Aristo- is mentioned, says: The king is the animate Law (Nov. 105, 2, 4),
telian background of these utterances.'" But thev, too, imply that the and... therefore the subjects can say: I sleep, and my heart, that is, my
emperor was potentialiter iibique. king, watches . ''
In other words, the Prince as the lex animata and the
The ruler's ubiquity, however, derives also from the Law, Roman viva et vigilans iustitia was credited to be omnipresent: and he had ubi-
as well as Canon. The Glossa ordinaria of Accursius, composed proba- quity, ah )ve all, ratione uuisdictionis et protectionis.'" It is this doctri-
bly around 1228, produces the legal maxim Fiscus ubiqtie praesens,
meaning that the fisc could never forfeit property by prescription for
" absence of the owner because the fisc could never be absent : it \vas\
(51) Glossa ordinaria. on C. 7, 37, 1, gl. " Continuum ".

(52) On Lib. aug.. Ill, 39, Cervone, 399: " ...sic non loquitur de tisco qui semper est
praesens 'i.

(53) ,M.\TTii. AiKUCTis, on Lib. aiifi.lU. 31 (~-- III. 39), n. 3, vol. Ill, fol. i86r: " Nee
racioni vacando
ad honortni Dei... He justifies that attitude bv hinting; at the modet rcquiritiir probare de praescntia fisci quia fiscus semper est praesens .
:

of Roman emperors and Tartar khans : ymmo Icgitur nonnullos Romanos im|)cratores (54) Bai.dis, on C. 7, 37. I, n. i (Venice, 1586), fol. 37r; cf. fol. 28r.
sic quam plura mundi rcgna et climata gubernasse. Audivi qucndam qui cum Tartaris (55) G/o.v.snordinaria, on /);g 1, 1. 1. 2. c.\. in sacns
, cf. Gainks Post. The Two :

conver.satus fucrar, rccitarc quod rex terre eorum quiesciens circa medium regni sui sic Laws and the Statute of York . Speculum, XXIX. 1954, 421. n. 18.
mittit ad singulas partes cius pugnans per alios cum nccessitas hoc cxposcit . News about (56) Marc;is Antoniis Peregrims, De iure fisci iihri octo (Venice, 161 1), I, 2, n. 22:
the Tartars and the brilliance of their capital were readily accessible: see, e.g., Leonardo " ...quia sicut Romana Ecclesia ubique est, sic fiscnm Fcclesiao Ronianac ubique existcrc
Ol.sciiki, GuiUaume liouchcr: A French Artist at the Court of the Khtiin, Baltimore, 1946. oportet .
The ideal of the rex quiesciens or roi assis became prominent again under Ch,nrles V of (57) BAi.ni:s, on Dit^.. 1.3.2 (\enice. 1586), fol. \-\\ "Rex est lex animata: et... subditi
France; see Heydte, 334, n. 41, whose ultimate source is probably Christine de Pisan, Le possunt tunc dicere: Ego dormio et cor meum. id est. Rex meus, vigilat (Cant., 5.2)... Baldus
livrc des fais et bonnes meurs du sai^e my Charles V, cd. S. Soi knte. Paris, 1936. 131:
aciuallv fuses two different doctrines, lex est rex and the king as lex animata, both deriving
" Ci dit comment le roy Charles moult conquestoit en ses guerres, non obsiant n'v alast
from Roman Law (Dig., i. 3, 2, and .Voi.. 105, 2. 4). This is true also of Aecidiis Romanus:
en i^rsonne ; or Froissart, Chroniques. II, 87, ed. Gaston Raynai'd, Paris, 1894, vol.
De rei^miine principum, I, i, c. 12 (cfr. R. W. Cari.yi.e and A. J. Carlyee, A History of
I.\, 127: car, tons quois, estans en ses cambres et en ses deduis, il reconqueroit ce que
.(
Mediaeval Political Theory in the M'est. Edinburgh and Ixindon. 1928. V. 76, n. 2) Est :

prediccsseurs avoient perdu sus les camps, la teste armce et I'tspcc en le main...
si
To >.
enim rex... quaedam lex, et lex est quidam rex sive princeps: nam lex est quidam inani-
what extent this new ideal may have Ix-en influenced bv the ideal of Ps. Aristotle's De
matus princeps, princeps vero est quaedam animata lex . The doctrines, only vaguely
muiido and by the jurists' concept of the king as dcus in terris would need further invest-
connected with the idea of royal omnipresence, shall not be discussed here: sec Hvns Erich
gaiion.
Stier, tX,in^ fiiifl(/i.Fr^*, Pliiloloiius. LXXXIII, 1928, 225-258: Artir Steinwenter, ..y.w/o,s
Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Constitutiones et Acta puhlica, No. f/ui/fvyoi;: Zur Geschichte einer politischcn Iheoric , Anzeijicr der .{kademie
(48) II, 223, dcr Wisser.
(49) Petrus de Vinea, Ep., Ill, 68, ed. Simon Schard, Basel, i s66, p. 507; cf. Ep III,
,
schaf'ten in Wien, LXXXIII, 1946. 250-268.
69, p. 511. Matthaeum, VI,
(58) For the king as an ever vigilant justice, sec Ai.berti s M.\cnus. hi
{50) Ep., Ill, 68, p. 507: ...ut quod in potentia gerimus, per eos velut ministros iusti- Haec autem potestas animata del>et esse
10, ed. A. Borgnet. Paris, i8<>3, vol. XX, 266: .

ciae deduceretur ad actum >.. See also Ep., Ill, 64, p. quo medio in actum velut sed viva et vigi-
493: iusiiti."i, quia rex non tantum deln-t esse iustus.... non torix?ns vel dormiens,
,.

de ])otcntia singula prodeunt ".

lans iustitia . Sec also above, n. 22. and Lib. aug., I, 17, for iurisdiclio el prolectio,

n J
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 "9

i6 i7.-'.Uufca V '^^'^'-"*-'-'^ '^^'^j- ^ci>L^j^. (ifJUVfU'vc.L^.

^'^^'^J( ^' .

ne which, at the end of a long historical development, was couched by

Sir William Blackstone in the loUowine words:
<-t-' ^-Ci^ h-v;<. -^Plot... c-^ COit.e u
A consequence of [the king's] prerogative is the legal ubiquity ot the
(( king. His majesty in the eye of the law is always pres>ent in [all his courts...
uc U'>exa.ia'u^ ^'<-xc^L^u<
It is the regal office, and not the royal person, that is always present in]
pT-.o^e^a ^c.c,>^-.a .- .
'O^c 5^ ^(cvc^o
court, always ready to undertake prosecutions, or pronunce judgment for
the benefit and protection of the subject .'"''

The distinction between office and person, he sure, was not as

to
clear-cut in the earlv thirteenth century as it was in the eighteenth
when Blackstone wrote. But ubiquity of emperor or king as a persona
piiblica for the sake of jurisdiction and protec tion this is still the
same compound of ideas and the same language which guided Fre-
derick II when he issued the laws of defensa and introduced for the
whole kingdom of Sicily the invocalio nominis imperatoris as a legal
remedy against violence and attack.'"'
Of all these implications, of course,Cielo d'Alcamo was not aware
when he wrote his Contrasto; nor the young lover when he bragged
about paying a defensa of 2000 augustals: nor. for that matter, the
'<--l
girl when she was kissed. Their ubiquity was of a different kind.

The Institute for Advanced Sliulv

Princeton, U.S.A.

J ''^vvt C t I

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f\^(K <i-CK. t^juOJL (XJ, fftXtU*t*.t e^C^UA^ - 'L^^ VCkXSLk-

^yio.f.O.ti {'^^ tC - -

Li. PL 2.14 ,
6*^. t.%Q ( fiejJ, lia) > ^1y*^^U.>> c-cnrpi<v^ i-^r^^fu v<.>^

Wnj.iAM Blackstone, Commenlaries nn the La'ds

(59) Sir of England, p. * 270 (all edi-
tions have the same pagination).
.*^a(. 7t*|^l-df\0
(60) Only after having returned the galleys, did I gel to see the aitide by Ridolf M.
Ki/x)s, Nikolaus von Hari, fine nciic Otii-llc ztir Kaiscridec uulcr Frie-
Kh(.i.i< fe/ioji; tier
,
*
}-iJ^;rcL^ , Lx i/| f f
? <rv -s-f)
drich II., in Driitsches Archiv.W (19^4), 166-190, in which we find another allusion to the
emperor's ubi<juity. Nicholas, Abbot and Deacon of the Church of Ban, wrote, in or after
1235, an encomium in praise of Frederick II in which he demanded (p. 175, 16) that evcrv
subject serve the emperor, (juia omnia novit et falli non potest..., quia ubique eius poten-
tia invenitur et ideo fuge aditus denegalur; si asccndcro ad cclum, ad summa moncium,
illuc est, et descendero ad infernum (Ps. 138,8), id est in abditis latitavero, non efTugiam
si

manus cius (Sap. 16, 15: Tob. 13, 2) iuxta illud poeticum .In nescis longas rei^ibtis esse
:

manus . This is the same line from Ovid which Marino da Caramanico quoted (above,
n. 21). The encomia of Abbot Nicholas of Bari deserve to be studied and analysed very
thoroughly.

a p C I -CVtA-O-^ -M. ^iMH;

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TO THE EDITOR: This selection
ICE
I've
BOX
no opinions social, political
herein submitted to you, we hope or commercial.
will not prove too subversive or
And so you see that I must be,
controversial to preclude its pub-
with sentiments of loyalty.
lishment. We felt it closely reflected
the classroom atmosphere that too The very perfect model of a
many academicians have to work in
member of the faculty.
today. As to this writer's identity, Chorus
he's but a fifth amendment poet And so you ."jee that he must be,
without a tinge of pink except for with sentiments of loyalty.
his short term as president of the The very perfect model of a mem-
Politburo. ber of the faculty.
Ode to Hysteria (tune: "I am the I'm qualified to educate in mat-
very model of a modern major gen- ters of heredity,
eral") Un.sullied by the taint of any doc-
I am the very model of a mem- trinaire rigidity.
ber of the faculty. I teach the Darwin theory with
Because I'm simply overcome evaluation critical.
with sentiments of loyalty. Uninfluenced by dogmatics, re-
I daily think of reasons why I'm ligious or political.
so glad to be American, I understand the economic forces
And thank the Lord I've always that have made us great,
been a registered Republican. The system of free enterprise I
The thoughts I think are only do not underestimate.
thoughts approved by my commu- I'm well equipped objectively to
nity. point out flaw.= in Marxist thought.
I pledge allegiance to the flag at Because I've never read his work
every opportunity. and rest assured I will not.
I haven't had a thing to do with I freely follow the truth in ways
Communist conspirators. which I am sure will satisfy
And neither have my relatives, The Board of Regents, 'Wilham
descendants or progenitors. Hearst, and Hoover of the F.B.l
I try to keep away from proposi- Art linear. Bill Toles and Jim
tions controversial; Green.

n J u J
u L u J
 -rnsis Cl'irouica Boemonua. II,viii, ed. B. Bretholz,
>.,, ns. 95-4.

[Bohemians, in 1040 object to Henry III raising the

amount of tribute, which had been fixed they say by
Charleaagne s son Pippin. The ECiueror justifies his
action with the following speech.]

Re^ibus hie mos est semper alit.uid novi legi ac'dere

anteriori, necue onim amis lex est constituta tempore in

uno, sed per successores regum crevit serin r legum. Nam qui

regunt leges, non reguntur legibus, quia lex, ut aiunt vulgo,

cereum habet nasum ot rex ferream manum et longam, ut earn |^ ^J
placeat
flectere queat, quo sibi/ [Ed. notes Grimi:., (f<Jrterbuch, VII,

408,2; XIII, 130, 4 ] . ippinus rex fecit quod voluit; vos

autem nisi quo volo faciatis^ ostendam vobis, quot pictos

habeam clipeoo aut quid bello valeam.

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U L U
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 FORDHAM UNIVERSITY
New York 58, N. Y.

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
June 14,195l>

Dar Eka,

thanks for your equally charming and erudite

llftny
paper on Cielo d'Alcamo's Rosa Pre sea oMly you
could achieve such a combination. Sjnong the many
c
interesting things in the article, I was particularly
struck by the antithesis praesentialiter-potentialiter ,

because, just as in the antithesis of legatine power

and papal plenitudt potestatis. here, too, the formulation
of absolutism seems to deTelopput of the impossibility
of actual omnipregeace. '

hope you are v/ell, and I shall see you during

I
the summer either in Sea Grirt or, if not, if I should come
to Princeton. T am now working hard at my reform book,
even though I am really dreadfully tired, especially as
T had to gc to Toronto a week ago to bring my more and
more invalid mother-in-law to Jcarsdale, and since then
John has had virus pn(JVJnonia;he is getting over it novf.
The trouble is that one finds so many more
intersting things wdiile working. I still have to write
two short but concentrated chapteiyon reform terminology
and ideology in the early liturgy an" canon law and
to enlarge considerably the last chapte.',on early
monasticism. And then, of course, many of the notes are
not yet in definitive shape. I hope I can do it all
during the summer. Not much of a holiday
Werner Jaeger has asked me to give the lecture
on Gregory of Nyssa's anthropology at next yea'^'s
DO Symposium. I had to reply that I can only do it if I
shall have finished my book by September, at least
"in the rough". It would be nice to give the lecture;
nevertheless,! half hope he will not be able to wait.

With best wishes

Yours as ever
^z-

U' /
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 Tho:nasHodRkin, Tlielettorr, of_Ca^:iPiHHil> London,!

, 3/i-i^->i-!-.

7'- ---no, B^.Vjr, "^orv-lp ?o "porTnula bcstOTinr trolice

Car^siodor:

IrotGctlor '". fTuitio Ilefrii noninie. '

^'
"Thounih it seen3 superfluous of
rrrant ^^
since all are J^^ J^T^J^J^f
Phielded by the
to r,nv of our sub.lects,
lavrs,'-et no-ed by your cr" for help v;e
a-e -niinr ^o
torer oi defence
o rnl^ve ^^ou and to -ive you as a str-n- nonmis),. into
the s^-^elter of our name tuitio nostri
H (

^The
assaulc. of
EH
which you rr^- retire v,^ien v/ounded
cnenies.
<;

o ^d.note, thi? -'ettor com-iented unon by

Dahn, Koniry;. '^^ 92^^:1^^'
o iii, 1P.^-1?7.

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)

REPRINT FROM
LATE CLASSICAL
AND MEDIAEVAL STUDIES
IN HONOR OF
ALBERT MATHIAS FRIEND, JR,
EDITED BY KURT WEITZMANN
WTTH THE ASSISTANCE OF

SIRARPIE DER NERSESSIAN GEORGE H. FORSYTH, JR.

ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THEODOR E MOMMSEN

PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS
1955

/ J
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 23. THE CAROLINGIAN KING
IN THE BIBLE OF SAN PAOLO FUORI LE MURA
ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

NOTHING problematic about the approximate date of the magnificent

is
Caro-
lingian Bible which for a long time had been deposited in
the Roman monastery
of San Callisto before it was entrusted to the care of the Benedictine monks of the
Abbey of San Paolo fuori le mura. Artistic considerations make it impossible to
suggest for that precious manuscript, whme ceremonial throne image is closely related
to that of the St. Emmeram Codex
aureus in Munich, a date other than the latter half
of the ninth century. This was a period when the
Carolingian school of painting,
which Professor Albert M. Friend ingeniously tried to locate in St. Denis, was at its'
best.^ Since the Bible is dedicated to a king named
"Charles," lea\'ing us the choice
between either Charles the Bald or Charles the Fat, the work
must have been executed
in the sixties, seventies, or eighties of the ninth
century.=^ The reduction of that still
rather wide chronological margin depends entirely upon
the person of the king to
whom the Bible was dedicated; that is, whether the king, ceremoniously
represented
on fol. ir (Fig. i), should be identified as Charles II or Charles III. Needless to say,
both the Bald and the Fat Charles found their intercessors and
champions among
modern scholars until finally the law of gra\'ity seems to ha\T pre^-ailed:
the scale
of Charles the Fat, as might be expected, appeared as the
heavier one.-
One
clue for solving the question has been given by the artist
himself. He has
covered the disc-like globe in the left hand of the prince with
one of those highly
artificialand complicated monograms (Fig. A) M'hich had become the
fashion in
Greek and Roman antiquity and survived throughout the Middle
Ages." Unfortu-
nately that monogram is ambiguous too; it may be deciphered
as containing a reference
to either Charles the Bald or Charles the Fat and to either one of their queens.
Richildis or Richardis. and therefore it is of little help. Indirectly, perhaps, it may
^Alben M. Friend. "Carolingian .A.n in tlie Abbev of St. Denib." Art
Studies, i (iqitii^ 67-- "Two
Manascripts of tht Sctiool of St. Denis." Speculum, i (1926).
59-70
^Mon. Grrm. Hi.^1.. Poetae.. m. 257 (So. vi. ,): "Hunr karolum repem-
also 2=,8. 55:
-^-^
". . . rex Karolus
">jjui>
ore sertnub.
= Apart from Mabillon and Montfaucon, who took it for granted
tliat tlie manuscript should be ascribed
to Cltarles the Bald (cf. Dummler, m: Keuc.s Archiv. iv
[.87c,], r,Hf.. {Jn-; also Pertz. in: Archtv. v
fa 824] 4.6)
lus ascription ha.s beet, favored, for example, b^ Comte P. Dumeu. "Ingobert, un grand calligraphe du
IV M.lan^cs off em a trmle CMatelatn. Paris ,9,0,
^i^di^.
pp. .fl.. Friend, op. cU.. p. 71. n v A. Boeckler
Al,endlandtsche Mtmatureru
J^^lir. and Leipzig 1930. .,76-. though tending tow^ds Charles the Bald
leaves the question undecided. For Charles III. see
H. Janitschek, D:e Tr^rrer Ada-Handschuft. Leipzig
.889. P 99- n who believed that tlie manuscript was written ca. 88.. tliat is.
.S.
even before Charles III
becanu king of Irance (also Traube: below, note
6); F. F. Leitsdmh. Gesrhichte drr Karohng:schrn
Malere^ Beri.n 1894. p. 87. at least adds a question
mark: <auf Befehl des Konigs Karl (des Dicken') "
Later, however, Georg Leidmger, Der Codex Aureus der
Ba^en.sche-n StautshibUothek m Munrhen Munich
1921 -.925. VI. ,23, talks about "das dem Munchener Codex
aureus am nachsten stehende Prachtwerk der
karc^mgischen Buchkunst .... die Bibel Karis des Kahlen
in San Paolo fuon le mura." See below, notes r,fi
* On monograms, see V
Gardthau.sen. Das alte Monogramm. Leipzig
19.4: also s.v. "Monogramm." Ae
XXXI (.93J5 133-143: and for eariy Christian times.
,
H. Ledercq. s.v. "Monogramme." Dictionnane d'arche-
ologte chrettenne et de liturgie, xi.8
(1934). 369-2392.

28 7

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

Fig. A
offer an additional clue, though only after the problem has been attacked and solved
or clarified in a different fashion.
The chief argument in favor of Charles III as against his literature-inspiring and
art-patronizing uncle has been extracted from a line of the verse inscription filling
the purple panel under the throne image and, as usual, interpreting the meaning of
the scene. Two verse lines refer to the veiled queen who, followed by another woman,
probably a lady-in-waiting, approaches the throne from the king's left (Fig. i). They
read:

Nobilis ad laevam coniunx de more venustat,

Qua insignis proles in regnum rite paretur.

Beautifying as usual is the noble consort on the left,

By whom distinguished issue may be rightfully given to the realm.

It is not really the whole couplet that is supposed to decide date and fate of the
manuscript. It is a single word, the subjunctive paretur, which prompted a group
of scholars to assume that the royal couple addressed by the poet was as yet without
children. Against Mabillon and Montfaucon this theory was produced, in 1824, by
G. H. Pertz.' It gradually became the vulgate opinion within the Monumenta Ger-
maniae Historica. Reluctantly, and almost withdrawing in a footnote the decision
made in the text, even Ludwig Traube" accepted the suggestion of Pertz, which
through C. Schnaase and H. Janitschek had already started to pen-ade also the works
of art historians.' Monumenta tradition and art history happily came to cooperate in

^ Pertz, Archiv. v, 456[.

"Traubt. in his edition of Mon. C.rrm. Hist.. Poctae. Penzio tamen crediderim
iii, 242. ^vf. "Cum
Karoluni III esse quo auctore codex i.e. intra 880 et 88;
scriptus est, de Karolo Calvo propter nam . . .

coniunctivum i, 14 [reference to the poem, op. cit.. 257] cogitari nequit." In the footnote (n. 2), however,
he sliow.s that he feels rather uncomfortable: "Haud scio an haec, dum Pertz et Schnaase f,see next note] . . ,

mihi imponuni, confidentiu.x pronuntiaverim. Nam quod .Schnaase adfirmat. potest errare: quod autem
. . .

rex orbus dicitur, contra suadet. ut de Karolo Calvo coRitemus " He dien refers to E. Dummler, Geschichte
des OstfratiktschfTi Rficlie;. Berlin i8(),r,, 1, r.Stjfl,, 758, that is, the very places which actually would prove
tliat the codex, after all. refers to Charles the Bald.

Janitschek, op. at.. 99: he overstresses the meaning of rite paretur in the sense of legitimacy, for the
"

line merely parallels the rtte guherriat which refers to the king (line
6); C. Schnaase, Geschichte der
bildenden Kiinstr tm Mittelalter. and ed., Dusseldorf 1865-1879. lu, 640, n. 2, actualh preceded Janitschek.
and exercised some influence on Traube.
2 8 8

U ' I J
L
u u I U
 X f, I [

V\<r

1. Rome, San Paolo f.I.m. Bible. Fol. Ir: Charles the Bald

U/ /
L
-' u uI I
 X I. M

1. Rome, San Paolo f.l.m. Bible. Fol. Ir: Charles the Bald

/ J n n
/
u J u u
 r

2. Rome, San Paolo f.l.m. Bible. Fol. 185v: King Solomon 3. Paris, B. N. Cod. lat. 1111. Fol. 2v: Coronation of a Prankish Prince

n J n
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 THE CAROLINGIAN KING IN THE BIBLE OF SAN PAOLO
the works of Percy Ernst Schramm. After a careful investigation of the whole matter
and after weighing almost all the pros and almost all the cons, Schramm nevertheless
followed the lead of Traube and Pertz chiefly because he felt he had to make a
decision
a tout prix.' His authority, safe
under the carapace of Traube's authority, practically
decided the matter by drawing a conclusion which seemed straightforward and
simple
enough. Charles the Bald (so the argument runs) had descendants; Charles
the Fat
had none. The poet had expressed the hope that the queen may give noble
princes to
the realm. Was
too bold then to conclude that the subjunctive (paretur), which
it
in
Latin carries also the burden of a Greek optative, referred to Charles the
Fat without
children and therefore desirous of issue, whereas the same subjunctive
precluded the
identification with Charles the Bald who had issue and therefore
could not reasonably
be desirous of more?
Psychologyperhaps not so good a guide in Carolingian family relations, nor are
is

straightforward solutions always the best. Three persons celebrating their

birthday on
the same day discover that together their ages amount to 99 years: does that necessarily
imply that each participant 33 years old? Straightforwardness with regard to royal
is

offspring has often enough wrought havoc with datings of manuscripts

or attributions
of poems and other documents. Emperor Henry H was made a saint, not to mention
other miracles, for his Joseph-like marriage. Do we have to blush for him, or for the
Church which mistakenly canonized him, when we find that a form of Laudes casts
a shadow on his chastity by indiscreetly acclaiming his nobilissima proles} I do not
think so; for the acclamatory formula, which has puzzled scholars of rank, had the
meaning of a potentialis: had there been offspring, the princes would have been
acclaimed as nobilissima proles. That is all. The formula does not indicate, nor is it
meant to indicate, a historical fact. Things are no better when the historian jubilates
because younger kings, precellentissimi filii reges, are acclaimed, was gerade auf
Ludwig den Frommen passt.'' Unfortunately it is the live essence of liturgical formulae
that, in one way or the other, they always "fit the occasion,"
since that is what they

8Schramm, "Umstrittene Kaiserbilder aus dem 9. bis 12. Jahrhundert," Neues Archiv, xlvii
(1928), 478,
makes it perfectly clear that Charles II was as good a candidate as Charles III; but then
he decides abruptly
for the latter without offering any other reason than the authority
of Traube and Pertz. In his admirable
work Dte Deutschen Kaiser und Konige in Bildern Hirer Zeit: 75/7/52, Leipzig and Berlin
1928, 641., that
attribution appears as an established fact, and also the caption of pi.
41 does not betray by a question mark
Schramm's former wavering. For a good plate, see A. Boinet, La miniature
Carotin gienne, Paris iq.9
pi. CXXI. ^ ^
See, for those Laudes, F. Leitschuh, Katalog der Handschriften
der kgl. Bibliothek zu Bamberg, Bamberg
1898, 1.i, 147; also Pat. Lat., cxl, 54f., and Acta Sanctorum,
July, iii, 699. To solve the nonexistent mysteries
of a proles regalis in the Laudes of Conrad II has been tried
in vain by W. Wattenbach, in: Neues Archiv.
" (1877). 439- Similar efforts of F. E. Warren, The Liturgy and Ritual
of the Celtic Church. Oxford 1881!
to solve the problems of some Irish nobilissima
proles in an Exultet have been indicated by Edmund
Bishop, Ltturgtca Historica. Oxford 1918,
p. 297, who warns of the "very common pitfalls" of those
formulae and adds that it is "very unsafe to attempt strict
historical deductions from liturgical formulae,
new or old." See also his remarks on p. 13, where he sounds another
warning.
"See E. Eichmann, "Die Ordines der Kaiserkronung." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fiir Rechtsge-
schichte \.&n Abt., 11 (1912), 10, who overlooked
that this was simply the standard formula of the Franco-
Roman Laudes (see my Laudes regiae, Berkeley and Los Angeles
1946, pp. losff., 109, n. 146); but others
were no more fortunate in other respects (see Laudes,
p. 55, n. 142, or p. 107, n. 140).

28 9

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
are there for: if offspring there be, the formula will be sung; and if there be none, it

will not be sung; and if it were sung nevertheless, no great harm would be done
because its presaging solemnity might "fit" an occasion to come. The scholarly

criticism concerning the offspring, however, may have grossly misleading effects,

which brings us back to unlucky Charles without children. The St. Gall ms 381
contains a number of poems 'Tor the Reception of Kings," that is, poems sung for a

king's adventiis at the gates of the monastery. One of those chants is formed almost
verbatim, if with the transposition of some lines, after the "Blessings" of Deut. aSigff.,
and reads:

Blessed shalt thou be when thou comest in,

and blessed shalt thou be when thou goest out.
Blessed shalt thou be in the city,

and blessed shalt thou be in the field.

Blessed shall be the fruit of thy body, and the fruit of thy ground.
Blessed shall be thy basket and thy store . . .

The modern literary critic who maintains that the words Benedictus fructus ventris tui
"speak against attribution to Charles III whose marriage was without issue, so that

to all likelihood the lines referred to Louis the German," borders on blasphemy and
leaves us uncertain as to whether to laugh or cry. Those Blessings of unsurpassed
simplicity, dignity, and beauty "fit" every occasion, every Charles and Louis and
Henry, simply because they are "Blessings," and therefore they are found already in
the Liber responsalis as a fitting form for the reception of any and every king, be he
even a king without a fruit of his body or a basket or a store." The literary critic did

not fare better with another susceptaculum composed of four lines from Hosea i2:5f.,

and a burden Salve proles regum invictissimorum intercalated after every line and
serving also as an opening. We are told that the proles must refer to children of a
ruling king, which allegedly wovdd "fit" only the sons of Louis the German, among
them Charles III, and only before August 28, 876, when Louis the German died.
Why sons should stop being "offspring of most unconquered kings" after the death
of their father is a mystery of literary criticism which none will be desirous of pene-
trating; but the greeting salve proles regum fitted every ruling Carolingian king of
the ninth century, since there was none who had not kings as fathers and grand-
fathers.'^ It is a futile occupation to try to extract allusions where there are none, just

11 W^. Bulst, "Susceptacula regum," Corona Quernea: Festgabe Karl Strecker (Schriften des Reichsinstituts
fiir altere deutsche Geschichtskunde, vi, Leipzig 1941), io5f. It is the merit of Dr. Bulst to have excavated

tlif technical term susceptacula and to have collected the St. Gall chants sung at the reception of kings;

but his ascriptions, practically throughout, are doul)tful and often untenable. See, for the Benedictus tu
in civitate etc. the responsories In susceptione regum of the Liber responsalis: Pat. Lat., lxxviii, 828C.
12 Bulst, op. cit., lo^ff. Dr. Bulst assumes that, because in the Laudes the acclamation of the proles regalis

refers to the younger princes, proles is always used, so to speak, in view of future generations and not of
past. This, however, is wrong. A mature emperor or king could still be proles regalis. Instead of long
arg;uments, it suffices to quote a line of Walahfrid Strabo for a reception of Charles the Bald:
Salve regum sancta proles
Care Christo Carole.

290

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 THE CAROLINGIAN KING IN THE BIBLE OF SAN PAOLO
as futile as the effort to determine the month or season of the year of a king's reception
when a poem says: "When thou comest, the flowers bloom and the pastures turn
green again."" Nor should we be startled when we find that a number of charters of
Charles III contain prayer-like formulae for the ruler's proles: it has been recognized
long ago that as historical evidence for or against descendants those formulae are
completely worthless.^*
The
question arises whether the lines under the ceremonial throne image of "King
Charles" in the Bible of S. Paolo likewise are without value. After all, to express the
hope that a queen may give "distinguished descendants" to her kingdom was a very
natural expectation because, once more, that was what a queen was there for, whether
her name be Hermintrude or Richildis or Richardis. But let alone the possibility that
a generality was expressed, does that wish, even when couched in the subjunctive
paretur, necessarily imply that the queen has never before borne children at all? For
one thing, the queen, having given birth to several children, may have been
after
expectant again when the inscription was composed. The subjunctive, all by itself,
would not exclude that possibility. Or else, her children may have died or been crippled
or otherwise incapacitated. Why, then, should it not be desirable that the queen
give birth to other, and perhaps more fortunate children? But even if we wink at
the experts and assume that the queen to "King Charles" was meant to be as yet with-
out offspring, would demand a good portion of hard-boiled credulity to accept any
it

proposition which ruled out the possibility that the verse might yet refer to a queen,
or to two queens, married to Charles the Bald."
Charles II was married twice. His first consort Hermintrude died October 6, 869.
She had given birth to many children, to at least four sons, so that (to use the words

See Mon. Germ. Hist., Poetae, 11, 406, No. 64. In another poem of that kind, Charles the Bald is greeted
on his entry into Metz:
Carolus praeclarus
Progenie sancta
elegit Quern Deus
Regere gentes.
Cf. A. Prost, "Caractdre et signification de quatre pieces liturgiques compos^es k Metz," Memoires de la
societe nationale des antiquaires de France, xxxvii (1876), zogf. There was no panegyric poetry which did
not stress the 7eVo5 of the praised, and the pattern as established by Simonides and Pindar, poured into
rules by Aphthonius and Menander, and transmitted, for example, by Themistius and Himerius
to the
East, and by Claudian and others to the West (see, for the latter, L. B. Struthers, "The Rhetorical
Structure
of the Encomia of Claudius Claudianus," Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, xxx
[1919], 49-88), was of
course received by the Carolingian poets and preachers. See, for example, Hincmar's allocution to Charles
the Bald at the latter's coronation in Metz (869) which, though for special reasons, is
a long praise of
Charles' ancestry; see Mon. Germ. Hist., Capitularia, 11, "Two manuscripts,"
340, aSff., No. 276; also Friend,
p. 67, and below, See also E. R. Curtius, Europdische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter, Bern
n. 47.
1948, p. 164, for the panegyric technique (formula laudis) in the Middle Ages.
''In Egypt, to be sure, the Nile rises on that occasion; see my remarks on that
^ congaudere of nature in
"Kaiser Friedrich II. und das Kiinigsbild des Hellenismus," Varia Variorum: Festgabe
fiir Karl Reinhardt,
Munster and Cologne 1952, p. 192, nos. 69-70. For the imperial "Spring" metaphor, it is sufficient to
quote
Horace, Carmina, iv, 5, 6ff.:
Instar veris enim voltus ubi tuus
Adfulsit populo, gratior it dies
Et soles melius nitent.
" See Paul Kehr, in his Introduction of Mon. Germ. Hist., Diplomata Karoli Tertii, p. xl: "Als historische
Zeugnisse smd diese formelhaften Bestimmungen ohne Bedeutung." . . .

"must be admitted that, for example, Leidinger or Schramm (above, notes

It
3, 8) did not rule out entirely
another solution as did Pertz and others.

29 1

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
of a bishop) "the loyal subjects were to be congratulated for having the best hopes"
for a secured succession to the throne." However, during the last three or four years
of Hermintude's came to rest on one son alone, on Louis, a stam-
life the succession
merer, whom (according to the same bishop) God had destined "to undergo suffering
as all the faithful know to their sorrow," and for whom Charles the Bald showed little

sympathy." It is true, a brother of Louis, Karloman, was alive; but that prince had
been given up to religious life; he was abbot of St, Medard and did not count as a
possible successor to the throne, although on a later occasion he made two unfortunate
and abortive efforts to seize power, whereupon he was blinded by his father. Two
other sons of Queen Hermintrude died within a year. Lothar, abbot of St. Germain,
who had always been in ill health, died in 865. And Charles, King of Aquitaine, had
an accident while hunting, and died on September 29, 866.'* This prince was already
a dying man when Charles the Bald, after having been married to Hermintrude for

24 years, asked the Prankish bishops assembled in Soissons to grant his consort a
solemn coronation and unction."
Separate coronations of princesses were not a very old custom in the Carolingian
house; but by 866 they were not unusual either. Charles the Bald himself had ordered
his daughter Judith crowned, in 856, before she was married to King Eathelwulf of
East Anglia. Thereafter, in 862 and 865 respectively, Lothair II had his two queens
crowned.^" Hence, Charles the Bald seems to have followed simply the new custom of
which he himself had been the initiator by the coronation of Judith, when after a
long marriage he finally demanded a solemn consecration for his consort Hermin-
trude. But the newly established custom was not the chief reason for the solemnity
which took place on August 25, 866, in Soissons. In an allocution which preceded the
coronation proper, two bishops put forth that the Prankish kingdom rested on the
succession of princes of the blood and that the house of Charles II had been met by
various afflictions during the last year, and finally they said quite bluntly: "Therefore
the king demands that there be extended the episcopal blessing to his wife that the
Lord may deign to give him through her that issue from which the holy Church may
have solace and the realm the necessary defense ... if God so wills and cooperates."
The bishops concluded their address to the people by referring to Abraham and Sarah
who in far more advanced years than the king and queen were nevertheless blessed
with a son, Isaac, and they asserted that the prayers of priests and their supplications

18 See the Adlocutio duorum episcoporum at the consecration of Queen Hermintrude, in 866; Mon. Germ.
Hist., Capit., 11, 453, 37, No. 301: ". in quorum nobilitate
. . fideles illius [regis] spem maximam se habere
. . .

sunt gratulati."
''''Ibid., p. 454, 1: ". . . aliquibus [filiis scil. Hludowico Karolo Aquitaniae]
et suo iudicio talem
. . .

passionem permisit incurrere, sicut fideles illius agnoscunter dolore." See also Diimmler, Ostfr. Reich, 1. 2,
483, sSgf.
18 Diimmler, Ostfr. Reich, 1. 2, 590, n. 80, for Lothair; 588(1. and 759ff., for Karloman; 543f., for the
accident of Charles of Aquitaine.
^^ Annates Bertiniani, ad a. 866, ed. Waitz (Script, rer. German., 1883), 82f.

20 For the coronation of Judith, see Schramm, "Ordines-Studien II," Archiv fUr Urkundenforschiing, xv

(1938), 8fF., and, for the coronations of other queens, 11, n. 5; see also his Der Konig von Frankreich,
Weimar 1939, i, 2 iff.

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 THE CAROLINGIAN KING IN THE BIBLE OF SAN PAOLO
might make the mercy of God inclined to cooperate and to connive at the king's
demands. ^^
In other words, Charles the Bald hoped that the consecration and unction
of his
queen might have the effects of a Fruchtbarkeitszauber. To attribute extra-sacramental
powers to a sacramental act was, of course, nothing unusual. Baptism not only freed
man from the consequences of the original sin, but was believed also to have supra-
natural healing powers as experienced, according to the legends, by
Constantine the
Great. To the consecration of the Byzantine emperor the Patriarch of Antioch,
Theodore Balsamon, ascribed the same effects as to baptism, that is, to do away with
all the crimes and sins of the emperor's former life." That
idea was still favored in
fourteenth-century France when Jean Golein, a clerk in the surroundings of Charles V,
declared that the king by his anointment was "telement nettoie de ses pechiez
come
celui qui entre nouvellement en religion esprouvee: que aussi comme
ou baptesme
les pechiez sont pardonnez ..."'' And even in Elizabethan England the Crown jurists
held that the descent of the Crown "wipes away imperfections."" The same was true
with regard to holy orders;" and also concerning the sacrament of marriage
a decretal
of Pope Alexander III expounded: "Such ispower of matrimony that those born
the
out of wedlock become legitimate after matrimony has been entered on."'* It is there-
fore not surprising to find that Charles the Bald ascribed to the
touching with chrism
the power to restore fertility to his aging queen.
The decisive thing here, however, is that Queen Hermintrude's coronation was
staged, expressis verbis, for the purpose of calling down on her the blessings of heaven
for further descendants. It is, therefore, difficult to understand why the supplication
of the dedicatory poem in the Bible of S. Paolo-"by whom there be given progeny"
should have "fitted" only Charles III because he had no children, and not
Charles the
Bald although he had children."
These considerations would allow the poem to be written, and the Bible to be
executed, around 866 when everyone knew that the king was hoping for more
sons.
Since, however. Queen Hermintrude died on October 6, 869, it would
seem safe to
set the date of the Bible after 866 and before 869. "Before 869" is actually the date
21Mon. Germ. Hist., Capit., ii, 453f., esp. 454, gfl.: "Propterea petit benedictionem episcopalem
super
uxorem suam venire, ut talem sobolem ei Dominus de ilia dignetur donare, unde sancta ecclesia
solacium
et regnum necessariam defensionem annuente et cooperante Domino possit habere." That Hermin-
. . .

trude's unction was supposed to have the effects of a fertility charm has, of course, been noticed
before; see
Schramm, Konig von Frankreich, 1, 2^{.
^^Pat. Gr., cxxxvii, 1156; Marc Bloch, Les rois thaumaturges, Strasbourg
1924, pp. 198, 476.
23 Bloch, op. cit., p. 483.
"Edmund Plowden, Commentaries or Reports, London 1816, p. 238; the same idea
was repeated by
Sir Edward Coke, Sir Francis Bacon, Sir William Blackstone, and other English Jurists.
" Bloch, op. cit., p. 483, n. 2, quotes Bernard of Clairvaux saying that entering into a monastic
order
secundum baptisma nuncupetur {Pat. Lat., clxxxii, 889).
28 "Tanta est vis matrimonii, ut qui antea sunt geniti,
post contractum matrimonium legitimi habeantur."
Cf. c. 6 X, 4, 17; E. Friedberg, Corpus canon ici, Leipzig 1881, n, 712.
iuris
" Traube (above, note 6), however, when quoting Dummler, apparently recognized that the
"althouch"
deserved to be considered.

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ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
suggested by Professor Friend, though for different reasons.^' However, there yet
remains another, and preferable, possibility of linking the manuscript to Charles
the Bald.
The celestial blessings which Charles II had hoped for, failed to materialize. When
Queen Hermintrude died, the king waited only a few months to get remarried.
Already on January 22, 870, Charles' marriage with his former mistress, Richildis,
sister of the Count of Provence, was solemnized." Apart from other reasons, the haste
of his second marriage may be explained also by the king's desire to secure the succes-
sion to the throne. However, Charles' second marriage remained without issue. In

875, Queen Richildis had a miscarriage. In 876 she was pregnant again; but the son
to whom she gave birth on the road when fleeing from Heristal after the defeat of
Charles near Andernach at the hands of his German nephew, died after a few months.^"
That is to say, Charles the Bald actually did remain without descendants from his
second queen. At long last, the subjunctive paretur suggesting a marriage without
issue seems justified and may nevertheless refer to Charles the Bald, and not to the
childless Charles III. Everything "fits," and with regard to Queen Richildis it may
be said: Nihil obstat.
There is more to all that than a joke and a hypothesis. A charter of Charles the
Bald has been preserved which is quite relevant, but which hitherto has been over-
looked by those trying to date and locate the Bible of S. Paolo. This oversight is

pardonable. The editor of the document dated it 846 wrongly, to be sure, because
Queen Richildis is mentioned. The charter therefore must fall after 870. Further,
Charles is called king, and not emperor, and therefore it must fall between 870 and
875. Actually, the charter isnow competently dated May 12, 871." At that time,
Charles made a grant to Notre Dame of Paris in which he placed the abbey of St.-loi
under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Paris. When making that grant, the king
expressed the hope that a donation to the cathedral of Maria Genetrix might bring
profit to king and queen from the Virgin. And, says the text, to gratify the bishop's

more because the Virgo Genetrix, for the sake of the

petition pleases the king all the
whole Christian people, might in return grant him and the queen descendants.
Actually, the thought of royal descendants pervades the entire document, which
contains also a clause stipulating that the canons of Notre Dame as well as the monks
28Friend, "Carolingian Art," p. 71, followed Durrieu too closely when assuming that the monogram
contained the cipher of Hermintrude; see below, note 36.
^^ Annales Bertiniani, ad a. 870, ed. Waitz, p. 108; Diimmler, Ostfr. Reich, 1. 2, 758f.
^'> Ann. Bert., ad a.
875 ("aborsu filium pcperit"), and ad a. 876 ("et fugiens, subsequenti nocte galli
cantu in via peperit filium"); Waitz. pp. 126, i32f.
81 The charter, edited by Jules Tardif, Monuments historiques, Paris 1866,
p. gSf., No. 152, was dated
by him May 12, 846. The second volume of the great edition of charters of Charles the Bald by M. Georges
Tessier, Recueil des actes de Charles II le Chauve, roi de France, i, Paris 1943, 840-860, was not yet avail-
able to me so that I still have to rely on the edition of Tardif. The charter, however, which belongs to
the small group of documents carrying the Byzantine legimus in red ink, has been dealt with in another
connection by M. Tessier, "Diplome de Charles le Chauve pour Saint-Philibert de Tournus," Bibliothique
de I'tcole des Charles, xciii (1932), 201, where the correct date is given. See also Jusselin, in: Le Moyen
Age, XXXIX (1929), 231.

294

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 THE CAROLINGIAN KING IN THE BIBLE OF SAN PAOLO
of St.-Ioi were held to celebrate annually not only the ordinary anniversaries of
Louis the Pious and Empress Judith, the king's parents, but also the king's birthday
and day of consecration, the birthday of Queen Richildis, and the wedding anniversary
of the royal couple. Those were stipulations which had become customary in Charles
the Bald's later years." In addition, however, there follows once more a reference to
the expected royal progeny, as the charter adds: "Moreover, the present and future
bishops shall celebrate with the continuous assiduity of prayers and masses, together
with all the clergy under their authority, the birth of our offspring if it should come
to pass that such be granted by the prolific Virgin; and a refection shall be held with
the greatest care in both congregations on the day of the birth of our offspring if, as
we said, such shall have been granted by the Mother of God."*'
It is evident that the thought of additional descendants occupied the mind of
Charles the Bald not only after 866 when he lost an able-bodied son by accident and
had Queen Hermintrude crowned for the clearly defined purpose of securing more
children; but also after his second marriage he was possessed by the same idea. The
charter for Notre Dame shows that the king's hopes and wishes had been transferred
to his new queen. And while in 866 Charles the Bald had placed his hopes in a sacra-

mental action and in the supplications of the priests, he now turned to the fecunda
Virgo Genetrix herself who, in so many respects, had taken over the functions of the
Roman goddess Fecunditas.
If we take all those dispositions of Charles the Bald into consideration, it becomes
almost incomprehensible that, on account of the disputed verse line, the attribution
of the S. Paolo Bible to Charles the Bald could ever have been ruled out highhandedly
and straightforwardly because that king had children and Charles III had none. The
attribution to Charles the Bald, however, eliminates also other acknowledged difficul-
ties: first, how to explain the improbable fact that a French scriptorium which evidently
was closely attached to the West-Frankish dynasty, should have donated one of the
most precious manuscripts to the Eastern Carolingian, who certainly was not held in
high esteem;'* and second, how to ignore the book's dedication to a "king," whereas
32 The badly mutilated, but its contents are clear. The bishop of Paris, petitioning the king,
charter is

"deprecatus est ut ob nostrae mercedis coniugisque reginae [Virjginis intemeratae genitricis Mariae
. . .

emolumentum" the abbey be placed under the bishop of Paris. "Cuius petitionibus eo cessimus libentius
cjuo nostrae utilitati profuturum perspeximus amplius, et ob domini nostri Jhesu Christi suaeque virginis
[matris hon]orem et utilis
. .[propter?] nobis in salutem populi Christiani a genitrice virgine prolis
. . . .

." The stipulations concerning the anniversaries will be discussed

attributionem. . .
in my forthcoming
study, long overdue, on "Charles the Bald and the Natales Caesarum."
33 The king orders the bishop to celebrate "nativitatem praeterea
amabilimae coniugis nostrae, Richildis
reginae, kalendis Augustis, et copulam secundum Dei voluntatem nostrae coniunctionis, insuper et ortum
prolis nostrae, si a fecunda virgine impetrando data fuerit, sub continua orationum missarumque assiduitate
cum omni clero sibi commisso, praesens futurusque antistes celebret, et refectio in utraque congregatione,
in die ortus prolis nostrae, si, ut diximus, a genitrice Dei data fuerit, studiosissime peragatur."
3* Schramm, "Umstrittene Kaiserbilder," well as in Die deutschen Kaiser und Konige etc., pp. 64^,
p. 478, as
takes it as an effluence of Charles Ill's imperial dignity and his reunion of the empire of Charlemagne "that
the so-called School of Corbie executed for him, the scion of the Eastern Prankish line, a Bible which
represents the apex of book illumination of that generation." The happiness of that reunion of the empire
may have been less great in France than in the East Prankish parts of the empire.

2 9 5

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
Charles Ill's relations to France fell in the period when he was emperor.^' Even though
inaccuracies with regard to the title might be taken into account if everything else
pointed in the other direction, there is nevertheless no reason for simply brushing
aside a piece of perfectly sound evidence.
One point is as yet in need of clarification: was the queen approaching the throne
Charles 11 consort Hermintrude, or was she Richildis, the second queen,
's first whom
he married in 870? Here the monogram on the orb may be of some help (Fig. A).
Schramm thought of deciphering the monogram as Christe, conserua Karolum et
Richardim or something to that effect; he admitted, however, that the weird agglom-
eration of characters could be read just as well et Richildim, whereas it seemed more
difficult to extricate the letters for et Hermintrudim from the intricate design.'" That,
if nothing else, may settle this question of Hermintrude versus Richildis. It will
probably be safe to identify the veiled princess in the miniature with Queen
Richildis."
There
however, some good additional reason for that ascription. Professor
is,

Schramm, keen observer that he is, has stressed most emphatically the uniqueness of
a queen's representation in a Carolingian painting.'' Pictures of consorts are indeed
very rare in Carolingian art. Their names are occasionally mentioned on coins; there
is a medallion picture of the
Empress Judith on the front page of Hrabanus Maurus'
commentary on the Book of Judith; and there exists if genuine a gem displaying a
female head with the inscription richilde.'" But in a highly ceremonious picture,
showing the king in full regalia seated on his throne, the simultaneous representation
of a royal consort, even in the reduced size in which she appears in the S. Paolo Bible,
was unique in that period. Even in later times, in the works of Ottonian art when
queens were represented more often, a devotional pattern prevailed depicting the
queen crouching with the king at the feet of Christ or being crowned by Christ;" but
also the Ottonian throne images do not seem to take cognizance of
queens at all.
Considering, therefore, the quite extraordinary display of a queen in the Bible
of
S. Paolo and her explicit mention in the explanatory verse,
we are bound to think of
some special occasion for which the manuscript may have been executed; and it will
not appear farfetched if we now conclude that the Bible of S. Paolo was executed on
the occasion of Charles the Bald's marriage to Richildis.

''=
This fact has been hushed up to make the attribution to Charles III possible. Janitschek and Traube,
however, were ready to date the Bible "between 880 and 888," that is, even before Charles III
began to rule
over France; see above, notes 3 and 6.
3 Schramm, "Umstrittene Kaiserbilder,"
pp. 479f., is probably correct against Pertz, Archiv, v, pp. 454fr., and
other suggestions. Without being an expert in the deciphering of monograms, I too find
it difficult to recon-
struct the name Hermintrudis. The flatness of the globe which appears more like
a disc, is, however, not
necessarily a sign of degeneration; it agrees with Byzantine and Near Eastern art
where angels are not rarely
seen holding a disc-globe with the monogram of Christ or the cross or other symbols.
^- It seems devious to me
to try to identify the second lady, behind Richildis, as Charles II's
first queen
Hermintrude.
2* Schramm, Deutsche Konige unci Kaiser,
p. 65.
39 Schramm, op. cit.,
p. 51, for Angilberga; pi. 16, for Empress Judith; and fig. 37a, for the gem of Richildis
ibid., pis. 65, 66, 71b, 81, etc.

296

/ n u( _/
U J U I
 THE CAROLINGIAN KING IN THE BIBLE OF SAN PAOLO
This hypothesis would justify the presence of the queen in the ceremonious throne
image. It may even
explain the fact that the queen makes her appearance
veiled, and
not crowned. Also the verse inscription expressing
the hope that the newly wedded
queen may give birth legitimately to noble descendants
would find a very natural
explanation. It is true, a difficulty remains: Queen
Hermintrude died on October 6,
869, and Charles' marriage to Richildis took place on
January 22, 870. How could
the voluminous Bible of S. Paolo have been
written and illustrated within less than
four months? To begin with,
would be reasonable it toargue that the Bible was not
dedicated on the very day when the wedding
was celebrated, but on some other
suitable occasion in the course of the ivedding
year. Even the possibility should not
be ruled out completely that the Bible may have
been made for the wedding anni-
versary, since Charles the Bald, contrary
to all Western custom, had ordered the
liturgical celebration of his wedding anniversaries in various monasteries and cathe-
drals. At St. Denis this custom can be traced as far back as 862; the observance
of the
anniversary of his marriage to Queen Richildis
was ordered by the king for St.
Stephen's of Lyon in 870, and in the following year
for Notre Dame of Paris and the
abbey of St.-loi.- However, the Bible manuscript itself furnishes us with some clues
It has been observed that the full-page miniatures as well as a great
all
number of
pages containing large initials or incipits have
been subsequently pasted into the
Bible; that the images betray the hands
of several artists; and that the illustrations
were executed (some of the ornamental borders remained unfinished,
hastily
and the
purple panels inserted for inscription in gold
lettering remained sometimes vacant) "
In other words, to a Bible text which
was ready in writing, the images were added
with some speed and for some special purpose.
It can hardly be doubted that
this
special purpose should be sought
somehow in connection with the king's second
marriage in 870.
Every bit of evidence, in addition to reason
and probability, therefore compels us
to abandon Pertz' quite arbitrary attribution of the
manuscript to Charles the Fat, an
attribution hinging
upon a subjunctive wrongly related, on a disregard
of the title
"king," and on some mysterious devotion
of a French monastery to its unpleasant
and gauche East-Frankish lord. As a wedding
gift for Charles III the manuscript
cannot be taken into account. Charles the
Fat ivas married in 862, when no French
scriptorium would have dreamed of honoring
that unknown prince. And whether
Charles III was really so desirous of having an
offspring, as has been rashly assumed
may reasonably be doubted. Archbishop Hincmar of
Reims may have known more
than we know today about Charles Ill's wishes
when he reported that, in 873 the
young king, in a fit, exclaimed that he did not
touch his wife (quia uxorem mam
^/"""'"^"'^ (bove. note
31), p. ,,8, No. .86. for St. Denis; Bouquet. Recueil des
^ "r^^'^'''fi'
desGaules historiens
et de
France, vni. 6.., No. ..3. for Lyons: and above,
la
note 33. for Par s and S .feSi
' ^'"'' ' ^""^ "^^="''" '
no A H^ ' 'T.r' "uf"" '""P^" '^^ S. Paolo Bible. I am grealy indebted to
' he Library, and to Don. Ildefonso Tassi. the lea/n
ofT
of PatoTd
S. Paolo, for discussing ^^T:'"'"^-^
with me the many problems of the Codex
d 1 b arian
and for calling mv attention to the
observations summarized in the text. AH
detailed evidence must be left to the future
edLrlfTe manuscript
297

I 1

U J I u
 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
carnali commercio non contingeret);*'^ and at a later time, in 887, so we are told,
Charles declared publicly that never during his long married life had he had inter-

course with Queen Richardis (publice protestatur numquam se carnali coitu cum ea
miscuisse).** True or not, it was, as numerous legends concerning Richardis show,"

public gossip that something was wrong with this king's married life. Therefore, it
would have been exceedingly tactless to remark on his expected descendants, as it

would have been an incomprehensible faux pas to display, contrary to all tradition,
the unfortunate Empress Richardis in a throne image of Charles III. That, it would
seem, finishes off Pertz' unhappy suggestion and severs, once and for all, any connec-
tion of Charles the Fat with the Bible of S. Paolo.
Being restored to Charles the Bald, the Bible of S. Paolo returns again to its proper
surroundings and to the place to which it belongs and from which it should never
have been removed: to the great number of precious manuscripts which were pro-
duced in the surroundings of Charles the Bald, and probably commissioned by him,
in the sixties and seventies of the ninth century. But do we know anything about the
scriptorium in which that extravagant Bible could possibly have originated? Beyond
guesswork nothing certain can be said. There is, however, some little observation
which, for what it is worth, should not be passed unmentioned.
In addition to the throne image of Charles the Bald, the Bible of S. Paolo contains
yet a second throne image, that of King Solomon (Fig. 2). The King of Wisdom,
throned like his Frankish successors under a magnificent canopy, is about to decide
the case of the two harlots and to pronounce his famous judgment. He is represented
as a mature man, the face framed by a full dark beard. In the upper register King
Solomon is seen once more, this time on the way to Gihon, his coronation place.
Riding a white mule, he is preceded by Nathan the Prophet and Zadoc the priest.

Again, as in the central picture, Solomon is bearded; and he is dressed in a long gown
which reaches down to his ankles even while sitting on his mount. Finally, in the
upper right corner we recognize Solomon's anointing at the hands of Zadoc while
Nathan assists on his right side. This type of coronation scene the king between two
haloed priests or saints was anything but conventional in Carolingian art. We have to
descend probably to the Bamberg Apocalypse, where Otto III is crowned by Saints
Peter and Paul, before we encounter once more this variation of an otherwise well-
known pattern." Nevertheless, Carolingian art did produce, perhaps only a year or

*^ Annates Berlin., ad a. 873, ed. Wait?,, p. 122.

** Regino of Priim, Chronkon. ad a. 887, cd. Kurze (Script, rer. german.; 1890), p. 127. According to that

chronicle, Richardis herself is supposed to have made a statement to the effect that she "ab omni viril
commixtione se inmunem esse profitetur." She went, in 887, to a monastery to become a nun (see next note)
*5 Already the account of Hincmar (i.e., the Ann. Berlin.), and even more so that of Regino of Priim

have novelistic features and come close to the pattern of hagiographic legends. For the later legends con
cerning the virginal sancla Richardis imperalrix, see Diimmler, Oslfrdnkisches Reich, 11, 285f., esp. nos
70-73. Whatever the truth may be, there is no doubt but that ever since 873 some grave disturbances of
Charles Ill's married life were generally known and common talk. The only thing that is really startling is
that scholars of highest rank should have been taken in by Pertz' superficial and rash conclusion.
*8 Schramm, Die deulschen Konige und Kaiser, pi. 78, cf. pi. 83.

298

U J
 THE CAROLINGIAN KING IN THE BIBLE OF SAN PAOLO
two earlier than the anointment of Solomon, a scene of that kind. The frontispiece of
the unfinished sacramentary, cod. lat. 1141 of the Bibliotheque Nationale (Fig. 3),
shows the coronation "by the Hand of God" of a haloed prince in
Prankish garment',
flanked by two likewise haloed bishops. Professor Friend
has identified the figures as
King Clovis attended by St. Remi and Arnulf of Metz; but more recently, the
St.
two bishops have been disclosed to represent Popes Gelasius and Gregory the Great,
whose Sacramentaries were authoritative in the Frankish Empire, whereas the ex-
tremely youthful king has been called Charlemagne."^ What
attracts our attention,
however, is not so much the whole coronation scene and
its meaning as the young
coronandus of ms 1141. For apparently under his influence, King Solomon, the
coronandus of the S. Paolo Bible (Fig. 2), has completely changed his
appearance.
Instead of being bearded, as he was before, he is beardless, and
instead of wearing a
long gown reaching down to the ankles he wears a short tunic which leaves his feet
in high boots and his knees visible. In short, Solomon at his coronation has been
replaced by another personage: instead of a Jewish king there
appears, all of a sudden,
a youthful beardless "Clovis" in Frankish attire who
resembles the haloed prince of
the unfinished Metz sacramentary as a brother (Figs.
2, 3).*' How that picture slipped
into the Solomon scenes will probably never be known.
It is an "iconographic
interpolation" caused perhaps by the fact that the artist, for
depicting the coronation
scene, turned to ms 1141 for a model, but then failed
to assimilate the central figure
of his model to the Solomon type of the Biblical image.
The inferences of this observation might be rather far-reaching.
Ms 1 141 could not
easily have left the scriptorium in which it originated,
since it was as yet unfinished;
nor could it, for that very reason,
have been widely known in 870 or 871 when the
S. Paolo Bible was worked on. Would that
imply that the painter of the "interpolated
prince" worked in the same scriptorium in which the as
yet unfinished ms 1 141 was
deposited or waiting to be finished?" And was the scriptorium
of ms 1 141, as Professor

<^ Friend, "TwoManuscripts," pp. 66ff. (cf. Schramm, op. cit., p.

58), identified the three figures on the
basis of Hincmar's addressat the Lotharingian coronation of Charles the Bald, in
869; see Mon Germ Hist
Captt., n, 340, 22ff. (see above, note 12). New findings,
however, bring new solutions. Professor Andrd
Grabar called my attention to the study of
J. Croquison, "Le 'Sacramentaire Charlemagne,' " Cahiers
archeologiques, VI (1952), 55-70 (with pis. xvi-xvni), who has shown
convincingly, as I believe that the
two bishops were meant to be Pope Gelasius (carrying the closed book)
and Pope Gregory the Great
(carrying the open book), the two representatives of the liturgy
valid in the Frankish Empire. The identifica-
tion of the youth with Charlemagne, so treacherously obvious from
the point of view of liturgical historv
seems to me less satisfactory: a ruler who died at the age of
72, would not easily be represented half a
century or more after his death, in the extremely youthful age displayed
by the central figure which is
lacking all the familiar features of Charlemagne known from other
representations. The possibilities to
identify the young pnnce more convincingly are not yet exhausted.
See, e.g., below, note
49
I have also inspected ms 1141, hoping that the color schemes
might provide some additional clue The
agreements, however, are too general to allow any conclusions
mantle: red with gold dots- boots- blue-
trousers: red; tunic: yellow with light violet (ms
1141) or light violet and lacking the yellow (S Paolo ms)'
"Friend o/,. a< naturally dated ms 1.41 ca. 869-870, since he connected
it with Charles' coronation
at Metz, which would bring the Sacramentary and the
Bible of S. Paolo chronologically very close together
M. Croquison (above, note 47) makes no indication as to the date, though he
too thinks of Charles the Bald
who may have ordered it for the liturgical service in his palace chapel."
Professor E. A. Lowe (to him as
well as to Professor Kurt Weitzmann I am greatly
indebted for stimulating advice and criticism) kindly
informed me that, while accepting 870-871 as the date of the Bible
of S. Paolo, he would be inclined to

299

J
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 ERNST H. KANTOROAVICZ
Friend suggests, the abbey of St. Denis? And if that were correct, would then the slip
of the painter of the S. Paolo Bible, owing to the interrelations with ms 1141, draw all
the other manuscripts of the so-called "School of Corbie" to the scriptorium in which
MS 1141 was executed, presumably St. Denis?
The present author can only pose, not answer, those questions. For to solve those
problems would be the task, not of the historian, but of the art historian, which the
author of this contribution in honor of Bert Friend is not.

THE INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY-

PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

attribute to ms 141 a date of 10 to 20 years earlier. It would seem good to recall that not onlv Charlemagne
1

was interested in liturgical matters, but that this was true also of Charles the Bald. We know, e.g., that
Charles the Bald occasionally ordered to celebrate before him the old Gallican mass, just as he had the
liturgies of Jerusalem and Constantinople celebrated in his presence, but that he decided for the Roman
mass: "sed nos sequendam ducimus Romanam Ecdesiam in missarum celebratione." Cf. Mabillon. De liturgia
gallicana libri tres. praef., c. 3. in Pat. Lot., lxxii, 103-104. Would that allow us perhaps to identify the
young prince between the two representatives of the ancient and the modern liturgies with Charles the Bald?

300

n J
u J
 <
i

G3^J~^ Enc.

(K'lA^^f ScU^ci^ ^ f T-<. flL^^^ .UJt, ^ '< '=<^^>X ^'^^^*l-^-<:<-^r>i ^.f'it-C^

(Jisi . /^,uj .

U J
I u
 . ,

U v; 1 c ;

'tudies
F r 1 1. C l; t c.

)rov;ic2

vcn dem un,^ 1 chert Byzantir

ich aus Ihrer letzten freundlichen Sonderin:cV
ftir die ich Ihnen sehr herzlich danke, wenigst-'r.r rr.hr-
beit lesen: The Carolingian King". Ausgezeichr
Stand ardcharakter liturgischer Formen sagen.
:
orre-t-end auch, wie :;ie die Frap-^ ^"-"
losen. . .._ _.. einem Punkt kann ich Ihritj ..j,,

kische Herrscher zwisohen Gelasius r- '

-ppror iir. oc
der Sr" - - -j.-- Bibel vor "-'
.en sehr
f-chen rasus esse debet, sagt die liturgit
_rii:ia:
brik im Ordo
des iiber Censuum. Leider habe ich alle Textunterlagen
-iin^a-e:

una kann Ihnen daher im Aufenblick nicht mit wait-

aber evtl. Dr. Elze tun, der zukfinftige Herausgeber der Cr-
-:.nn

dines in den Monumenta Germaniae, den ich ai. 3he weger

tigkeit des fruhen Zeugniss^ -lerksam gemacht habe, Zu Seite
mochte ich noch darauf hinweisen, dass die "M:inchsweihe" also Hi^ ,

klbsterliche Profes;- - ttelalterlichen Theologie nit

V.'irkungen verbimden 7/ird vie die Tauf e dariiber brlr.rt t-, ;

die Arbe: sel: Jahrbuch fiir Liturgiev, . . _

23ff . Ich freue mich schcn auf die Lektur-^ "T-^.or anderei, .., .

".'ie ich beim Durchb] f^'+.+ f^-r-^ ^^v v,,.-h^n c-^-^ -^^.4-
;[)inge ro>

Herzlichst grussend Ihr

^^^V^^^-^t^

n J I c
U J I D
(^-f^.xrd)
(^ FRANZ JOSEPH DDLGER-INSTITUT BONN, den 50. November 1955
ZUR ERFORSCHUNG DER SPATANTIKE UNIV.-HAUPTGEBAUDE, AM HOF 1

TELEFON: 31941/433

Professor Dr. Ernst Kantorowicz

The Institute for Advanced Study
Princeton, New Jersey

Sehr verehrter Herr Kantorowicz,

auf Ihren Brief vom 11. Oktober habe ich nicht

gleich geantwortet,
weil ich erst mit Herrn Dr. Elze wegen des Ordines-Material>
sprechen
wollte. Ich selbst habe in meiner Bibliothek die
Ordines-Unterlagen
nicht mehr, nachdem sie 1 944 ein Opfer der Flammen geworden sind.
Ich konnte also, als ich Ihnen meinen ersten Brief
schickte, nur die
eine Rubrik mitteilen, die sich im Ordo Cencius befindet.
Dieser Text
ist auch bei Eichmann angegeben.

Nun sagt mir Herr Dr. Elze, dass er ausser dieser einen
Stelle im
Ordo Cencius keine zweite kennt. Herr Elze ist inf
olgedessen geneigt
anzunehmen, dass die Bartlosigkeit des Herrschers bei'^ronung
erst
relativ spat eingef;ihrt worden sei, und die von Ihnen
behandelten
Miniaturen daher nicht damit erklart warden konnen. Ich glaube
das
nicht. Es steht nicht alles in rubricis, quod est in
factis. Viel-
leicht stossen Sie selber im Laufe der Zeit auf Zeugnisse,
die die
Sache in dem einen oder dem anderen Sinne klaren.

Ihre Betrachtung iiber Istanbul und die allgemeine Weltlage

entspricht
meinen eigenen Eindracken. Auch fiir mich ist Rom nach wie
vor nicht
zu ubertreffen. Auch Athen fand ich trotz der Akropolis
nicht ver-
gleichbar.

Mit sehr herzlichen Griissen Ihr

J\'.\. ^ IS. <: , .,

:\ i>^\

7^,

U J I u
 I 11\h Lf Pl^ii,c,-l UPilfkiynit nCl rcf '^o f-(-i'(7V\
; i
^^I

^^ y

IX -y (!35/;), go^-^6/. (oh^'M^I (UJ7^4<7r^ ;^V5,

U 3
45. "The Baptism of the Apostles," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, IX-X (1956), 204-251.

EK's copy, annotated.

A. "H. Arbman"' (slip)

B. "Queen. . .Maundy Money'' (newspancr clipping)

C. "Rom. pedilr>\ iuiti" (slip, yellow)

D. Letter from Lud"ig Bieler, 16 Feb 58

E. "Pussvaschung" (spiral notebook pa(-e)

P. Idem.

G, Letter from Leonardo Olschki, 3 Nov 57

H, Letter from Stephan Seeliger, I4..6.57

I. Letter from Leo Eisenhofer, 11 Feb 5?

J. Letter from Me^er ^iaapiro, 1 Jan 57

K. Letter from Prancis vformald, 13 June 57

L. l;-page letter (legal sized) from A. Alfbldi, 3 Dec 5^

M, Photo of ''intoretto' s "El Lavatorio" from Prado

U J I u
 I

AN OFFPRINT FROM

Dumbarton Oaks Papers

NUMBERS NINE AND TEN

THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES

Ernst H. Kantorowicz

I
4
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

n Jjf / o
u I I
 COPYRIGHT I95G

BY THE TRUSTEES FOR HARVARD UNIVERSITY

THE DUMBARTON OAKS RESEARCH LIBRARY AND COLLECTION
WASHINGTON, D.C.

DISTRIBUTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY

GEOFFREY CUMBERLEGE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON

MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

/ / n -/ -'
u J L u
 '-
'.j^u-^' .:-_-p t

THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES

Ernst H. Kantorowicz

U J L
 UERIES originating in a field of knowledge outside that of one's
own studies often have the effect of a stimulant. Professor Manfred
Bukofzer, my friend and formerly my colleague at Berkeley,
chanced, in a Huntington Library manuscript, upon a musicologically inter-
esting passage. His findings prompted him to raise the question whether
the so-called Mandatum - the ritual Feet-washing on Maundy Thursday
had any beyond die obvious one of estabfishing the supreme
significance
example of humility and charity. Since the performance of that ceremonious
This study is in substance identical with a paper
laving projected into the political sphere, in so far as
was practiced in the
it
read at the "Symposium on Byzantine Liturgy
later Middle Ages by Byzantine emperors and Western kings,^ the present
and Music" at Dumbarton Oaks in April 1954.
author happened to be vaguely acquainted with the problem itself and ven-
Only after returning the galleys to the Press did I tured to say that the rite might have something to do with the "Baptism of

receive the news that on December 7, 1955, Manfred the Apostles." Only after delving much more deeply into the matter, how-
ever, did it become apparent how involved the problem actually was.
Bukofzer died at the age of forty-five. The present
Many strands of a diffused tradition had to be drawn to a common center
volume of Papers is dedicated to the memory of a
in order to answer with some precision the musicological question of Pro-
venerable scholar and venerated colleague of whose
fessor Bukofzer, who could anticipate and briefly summarize in a recent
presence the Dumbarton Oaks community has been study some results of the present investigation."
deprived, but I do not want this Paper to appear

without also commemorating the name of the friend *

who inspired it: Manfred Bukofzer.

k
An Epiphanyantiphon of the Eastern Church, which drifted along with
E. H. K.
similar chants into the Western Liber responsalis, refers to the institution of
the Sacrament of Baptism:

Today the sting of sin has been broken, the Lord has been baptized, and regeneration
has been given to us.'*

'
See below, n. 160.
' Manfred Bukofzer, Studies in Mediaeval and Retmisaance Music (New York, 1950), 238,
n. 47. While it stands to reason that my own remarks on the musicological aspects of the
Mandatum briefly discussed, as they are, at the end of this paper rely entirely upon Pro-
fessor Bukofzer's investigations, I wish to emphasize that in other respects also I am indebted
to him for several valuable hints. My tlianks go further to Professor Sirarpie Der Nersessian,
Professor Albert M. Friend, Jr., Dr. Ralph E. Giesey, Dr. Rosalie B. Green, Mrs. Dora Panof-
sky. Professor Kurt Weitzmann, and Dr. Schafer Williams, from whose help, advice, sugges-
tions, and assistance 1 greatly profited. Several photographs were kindly placed at my disposal
by the Department of Art and Archeology of Princeton University (figs. 40, 51, 52, 55), by
Professor Weitzmann (figs. 17a-b, 24, 31, 32, 35, 37, 41, 42, 43, 45, 53), by Professor
Friend (fig. 44) and by the Morgan Library, in New York (figs. 16, 25).
'
Liber responsalis. In octavas Theophaniae, PL., LXXVIIl, 744 B: "Peccati aculeus
conteretur hodie, baptizato Domino; et nobis data est regeneratio." For Eastern patterns, see

Ritiiale Arrnenoruv^, ed. F. C. Conybeare (Oxford, 1905), for example, p. 418, n. 13; 426,
n. 23; also 186, nos. 40, 43, 32. For the general scheme, see the a^fupov (hodie) antiphons
described by A. Baumstark, "Die Ho^iic-Antiphonen des romischen Breviers und der Kreis
t
ihrer griechischen Parallelen," Die Kirchenmusik, X (1909-1910), 153-160; also Egon Wellesz,

' J
/ J _'
U J L L
 mn

206 ERNST H. KANTOROVVICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 207

There is nothing really remarkable in this text; for nothing would seem more other great rehgious ideas which made no
different dates less important. The
natural than to link the institution of the Sacrament of Regeneration with Pauhne baptism "into the Death and Resurrection of Christ," as well as
the Baptism of Christ in Jordan, that is, widi the feast of Epiphany. What the Pentecostal Descent of the Spirit conferring the spiritual baptism, were
appears most natural, however, is not always what happens in history. the "great religious ideas" " which detracted from the calendar anniversary
Festal calendars, establishing the Hturgical year of a political or religious of the Jordan events; and, whereas the ideas of Easter
t tf
and Pentecost were
community, have their peculiar difficulties in all reUgions pre-Christian, merely rivals of the idea of Epiphany in the Oriental Churches, they defi-
non-Christian, and Christian alike. Those calendars are conditioned, prac- West - all the more so since here the feast of Epiph-
nately prevailed in the
ticallyeverywhere, by the cycles of nature as well as by the annual recur- any was dominated by other events. After some vacillation, the Western
rence of mythically or historically memorable events propriiwi de tempore Churches abandoned Epiphany as the chief baptismal day of the catechu-
and proprium sanctorum. But the efforts to force those two species of festi- mens and gave preference to the vigils of Easter and Pentecost.' Other
vals into coincidence have frequently obscured the original reference point baptismal days were observed regionally Christmas, for example, or the
of an anniversary. The later Roman calendars such as the Feriale Duranum day of John the Baptist.** Rarely,
St. however even in liturgical literature
or the Calendar of 354 demonstrate those difficulties time and time again, is there mention of an old tradition according to which Maundy Thursday
and the calendar of the Christian liturgical year does not form an exception.^ was looked upon as the day when the Sacrament of Baptism was officially
We need think only of the complicated history of the feast of Christmas, instituted.
that is, the introduction of December 25th as the Nativity of Christ in the The tradition of Maundy Thursday as the date of the institution of
Western and Eastern Churches, understand the interference of natural
to baptism is inextricably bound up with the vexed question of the Baptism of
cycles widi historical commemorations.' Moreover, as a result of the general
the Apostles which puzzled ecclesiastical writers in the early centuries of the
spiritualization of Christian religious thought, the commemorative dates of Christian era." Were the apostles baptized or not? And if they were, was it
anniversaries were often subordinated to other considerations - spiritual, Christ himself or another person who baptized them? The bearings of that
speculative, mystical, or local - and thus it happened that the date of the question are evident. The dominical prescription, transmitted in the Fourth
institution of theSacrament of Baptism also could begin to fluctuate. Gospel (John 3:5), says that "Except a man be born of water and of the
To be sure, the Epiphany date remained valid as that of the institution
Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God." Was one supposed to
of baptism, and as such it was observed at all times in the Eastern Churches.
assume that the apostles were not saved because they lacked their evan-
However, even in the East this anniversary date was in competition with the
gelically certified rebirth by water? Already Tertullian had spoken against
this assumption.'" On the other hand, if the apostles were saved without
Eastern Elements in Western Chant (Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae,
Subsidia II; Oxford,
1947), 141 ff. See also Hieroiiymus Frank OSB, "Hodie caelesti sponso iuncta
est ecclesia," * The between commdmoraisons historiques and jetes d'idee has been skil-
distinction
Vom Christlichen Mysterium: Gesammelte Arheiten zum Geddchtnis von Odo Casel OSB
fully carried through by A. Baumstark, Liturgie cumparee, 3rd ed. by Dom Bernard Botte
(Diisseldorf, 1951), 192-226, who admits the Eastern (Syrian)
background of the famous (Chevetogne and Paris, 1953), 173 f, 179 ff.
Epiphany antiphon though chiiming tliat the composition of the chant was
Roman. No less ' For Epiphany
as baptismal day, see the classical study of Karl Hoi!, "Der Ursprung des
interesting than the question when and how those Eastern
chants got into the Western Liber
Epiphanienfestes," in his Gesammelte Aufsdtze zur Kirchengeschichte, II (Tiibingen, 1928),
responsalis is the question when and how they were eliminated
from the Western responsoria.
' For the Feriale Duranum,
123-154; in general, see, e.g., Ludwig Handbuch der katholischen Liturgik, II
Eisenhofer,
see R. O. Fink, O. S. Hoey, and W. F. Snyder, in: yak
Classi- (Freiburg, 1933), 232 f, b. For the problem, see also F. M. Braun, "Le bapteme d'apr^s
cal Studies, VII (1940); A. D. Nock, 'The Roman Army
and the Roman Rehgious Year " le quatrieme Evangile," Revue thomiste, XLVIII (1948), 347-369.
Harvard Theological Review, XLV (1952), 187-252; and, for the Calendar
of 354, the recent ' The shifting of the baptismal day from
monograph by Henri Stern, Le Calendrier de 354 (Institut frangais d'archeologie January 6th to December 25th is easily explained,
de Beyrouth because originally the Nativity of Christ was celebrated on the day of Epiphany; hence, the
LV; Paris, 1953), which in many respects may be called final.
" For the problem of Christmas,
reference point may have been mistaken, but not really changed (cf. Eisenhofer, loc. cit.).
see the bibliographie raisonnee by Hieronymus
Frank That the day of St. John the Baptist served as baptismal dav is almost self-evident. The Copts
"Fruhgeschichte und Ursprung des romischen Weihnachtsfestes im
Lichte neuerer Forschung " baptized on the day of the Consecration of the Chrism and of the "Baptism of the Apostles"
Archiv fiir Liturgiewissenschaft, II ( 1952), 1-24, to whom
unfortunately the valuable study by
(see below, n. 45).
Dom Anselm Strittmatter, "Christmas and Epiphany: Origins and Antecedents " t
Thourht See Harry A. Echle, "The Baptism of the Apostles," 365 f.
Traditio, III (1945),
Xyil (1942), 600-626, remained inaccessible. For a few additional
texts on Epiphany see
"'Tertullian, De baptismo, c. 12, ed. A. Reifferscheid and G. Wissowa {CSEL., XX:
Theodor E. Mommsen, "Aponius and Orosius on the Significance
of Epiphany " Late Classical
and Mediaeval Studies in Honor of Albert Matthias Friend, Vienna, 1890), 210 S, also ed. R. F. Refoule and M. Drouzy (Paris, 1952), 82 ff, with valu-
Jr. (Princeton 1955) 96-111
* {'
able notes. Tertullian, like Augustine in his letter to Seleuciana (below, n. 12), neatly sums

J
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 iBMBi

208 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 209

participation in baptism, then to all appearances the dominical prescription The Johannine narration of the course of events is simple enough, and it
Jacked general validity. The Gospels gave no answer to those questions, and will be well to recall some of the details, since they will have to be referred
the allusion of John 4:1-2 seemed to deny at any rate a baptism at the hands to quite frequently. Christ rises from supper, lays his garments aside, and
of Christ: "Jesus himself did not baptize, but his disciples did." This verse girds himself with a towel. After that, he puts water into a basin - viTTTrjp
made the problem even more perplexing: could the apostles baptize others in Greek, pelvis in Latin - and begins to wash the feet of the disciples and
t %
without themselves being baptized? wipe them with the towel with which he is girded. Venit ad Petrum - he
It is not surprising, then, that there arose the question concerning the comes to Simon Peter, apparently not the first of the disciples whose feet
Baptism of the Apostles, and that since the correct answer could not be were bathed,'* and at that point there develops the memorable stichomythia
known, it was answered in many different ways. Some authors held that the
"Le lavement des pieds et la repon.se de Jesus k Pierre," Revue Biblique, XLIV
(1935), 22 ff;
were baptized by Christ, others said: "By John the Baptist."
disciples also, for a few remarks, Wilfred L. Knox, Some Hellenistic Elements
in Primitive Chriliianittj
Clement of Alexandria seems to have thought that Christ baptized Simon (Schweich Lectures, 1942; London, 1944), 75, n. 3. For the synagogical background,
see
Peter only, who in turn baptized some, or
below, n. 15. Two
important studies on the Mandatum proper may be added here: for the
all, of the other disciples." St.
East, see S. Petrides, "Le lavement des pieds dans leglise grecque," t,chos
d'Orient, III (1899-
Augustine was inchned to believe that were baptized by Christ
all apostles 1900), 321-326, and, for the West, Dionys Stiefenhofer, "Die liturgische Fusswaschung am
himself, but declined to accept the version according to which all were Griindonnerstag in der abendliindischen Kirche," Festgabe Aloys Knopfler zur Vollendung
des
70. Lebensjahres (Freiburg, 1917), 325-339.
baptized on Maundy Thursday in connection with the Last Supper/^ '*
East and West differ on that point. Origen, In loannem Commentarius, XXXII, 4
ff, ed.
This version sprang from the Gospel of John, for only the Fourth Gospel Preuschen (GCS., X =
Origen, IV; Berlin, 1903), 435,18 ff, says one would assume that
describes the Feet-washing ceremony in the Upper Room, whereas Peter was first and Judas last; Christ, however, acting like a good physician,
it omits started with
Judas who needed medical treatment most urgently, and treated Peter last J,, D^arrov
the narration one would expect Kavrwv
in that place, that of the Last Supper and of ht6fLivov T7/S vixpiw^ tS>v TToSwf. Ephrem (below, n. 30), ed. Lamy, I, 394, likewise gives Peter
tlie Institution of the Eucharist. This central event is barely alluded to in the last place in the file of apostles: Auctor gratiae lavavit pedes omnium disciptdorum usque
John where it is said quite briefly: "And supper being ended ... he
13, ad Simonem; quum autem ad eum accessisset Hie timuit etc. Ephrem 's reason for this
. . . ,

sequence, however, was not medical, but ethical: Incipiendo autem a minimo docuit omnes
risetli from supper." Instead, all stress is laid upon the scene about which
humilitatem (p. 392). See also Cyrillonas (below, n. 32), p. 28. This remained the traditional
tlie Synoptics are silent: the Laving of the Feet." sequence within the Orthodox Church; cf. Goar, Euchologion (Paris, 1647), 753, nos. 12-
J.
13, also p. 748 for the custom of beginning the Feet-washing with Judas (traditionally staged
up the various opinions current in his times; he refers also
John 13:9-10, but deduces from
to by the ostiarius) and ending it with Peter (traditionally staged by the oeconomicus) cf
that passage that the apostles were baptized previously, probably by John the Baptist. Cf. Petrides, 322 f.
Echle, loc. cit. The opposite opinion we West by Augustine, In loannem, LVI,
find represented in the
" For Clement, whose theory transmitted indirectly only through scattered remarks in
is V. I, PL., XXXV, 1788: deinde subiunctum est, 'Venit ergo ad Simonem Petnjm,' qua.si
. . .

John Moschos, Sophronios, Nikephoros Kallistos, and other writers, see Echle, 367 f. aliquibus iam lavisset, post eos venisset ad primum. Quis enim nesciat primum Apostolorum
"Augustine, In Joannis Evangelium, LVI, c. 3 if, PL., XXXV, 1788 f, says nothing about esse beatissimum Petrum? Sed non ita intelligendum est quod post aliquos ad ilium venerit;
the Baptism of the Apostles, though in LVII, c. 1, he says: Ubi visum est intelligendum sed quod ab illo coeperit. Quando ergo pedes discipulorum lavare coepit, venit ad eum, a quo
quod
Baptismo quidem homo totus abluitur; sed dum postea vivit in saeculo, humanis affectibus
isto coepit, id est, ad Petrum. This, then, seems to have been a widely spread opinion in the West;
terram velut pedibus calcans . contrahit. In his letter to Seleuciana, however, while al- it is quoted, e.g., in Bernard of Porto's Ordo Lateranensis, c.
133, ed. Ludwig Fischer (Munich
. .

luding to John 13, he says: . .quos [apostolos] intelligimus iam fuisse baptizatos sive
.
and Freising, 1916), 53; also Ernaud of Bonneval, Liber de cardinalihus operibus Chri.<di, c. 7
baptismo Joliannis, sicut nonnulli arbitrantur, sive, quod magis credibile est, baptismo Christi. ("Deablutionepedum"),PL., CLXXXIX, 1650 A: de mensa stirgens,linteo sc praecinxit.
. . .

Cf. Ep., CCLXV, cc. 4 F, ed. A. Goldbacher {CSEL., LVII; Vienna, et ad genua Petri
1911), 641 ff, esp. 643. obtulit famulatum. Ernaud even excluded Judas from the pedilavium,
. . .

This passage became, so to speak, the official version; it was repeated verbatim, which Augustine did not do (below, n. 83). It is interesting to notice that even in this rela-
e.g., by
Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae. Ilia, q. 72, a.6, 2,who likewise reflects upon the Baptism tively insignificant matter there prevails in the West a hierarchic rationalism, the tendency
of the Apostles in connection with John 13:10, just as TertulUan does,
De baptismo, c. 12. to proceed in rank from top to bottom, whereas the East - here as always recognizes the
" The theological hterature on this topic is, of course, immense.
See, in general,' A. Malvy, mystery in the unexpectedly reversed order.
"Lavement des pieds," Dictionnaire de tlieologie catholique, IX (1926), 16-36- H The question of Peter's precedence, or that of Judas, cannot, unfortunately, be specified
Leclercq'
"Lavement," DACL., VIII:2 (1929), 2002 ff. There are some more recent by the iconographic material. There are, it is true, scores of pictures showing the apostles as
studies, e.g. Paul
Fiebig, "Die Fusswaschung," Angehs, III (1928), 121 ff; H. '
von Campenhausen "Zur they handle their sandals while Peter washed; rarely, however, can it be told whether thev
is
Auslegung von Job. 13,6-10," ZNW., XXXIII (1934), 259-271; Ernst
Lohmeyer "Die are lacing their sandals after the washing, or unlacing them in order to be washed. Only one
Fusswaschung," ZNW., XXXVIII (1939). 74-94, and Anton Friedrichsen. type suggests that Judas has preceded Peter: a small crouching figure, separated from the
"Bemerkungen zur
Fusswaschung," ibid., 94-96. The theological commentaries on Jolm 13 yield other disciples, is rubbing his feet or putting on his sandals, while Peter is being washed. This
historically not
very much; see, however, Alfred Loisy, Le quatrieme evangile, 2nd ed. is quite obvious in a Byzantine fresco in Curtea de Arges (Rumania); see Oreste Tafrali,
(Paris, 1921), 382 ff-
Oscar Cullmann, Les sacrements dans Fevangile Johannique (Paris,
1951), 73 ff; R. p' Braun Monuments byzantins de Curtia de Arges (Paris, 1931), pi. LXXl bis, and text p. 137 ff;

n J J u
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210 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 211
between Master and disciple which was to become basic for all representa- some inner causal connection between the Feet-washing and the Institution

tions of that scene:

of the Eucharist. In short, one began to attribute to the ritual washing a
sacramental and, more specifically, a baptismal meaning. Peter's reluctance
(6) And Peter saith unto him: "Lord, dost thou wash my feet?"
to accept his Master's services compared ideally with the reluctance of
(7) Jesus answered and said unto him: "What I do thou knowest not now; but John
thou shalt know thereafter."
the Baptist to perform the service demanded of him, a parallelism between
wash my feet." Jesus answered him: the Baptism in Jordan and the Laving in the Upper Chamber which did not
(8) Peter saith unto him: "Thou shalt never
"If I wash thee not, thou hast no part with me." escape St. Ambrose,'" and which occasionally was reflected in the art of a
(9) Simon Peter saith unto him: "Lord, not my feet only, but
also my hands and my later period (figs. 57, 58). ''
Clement of Alexandria held that
If, further,
head" (non solum pedes, scd etiam manus et caput).
only St. Peter was baptized by Christ himself, he too may have thought of
(10) Jesus saith to him: "He that is washed needeth not save to
wash his feet, but
the Feet-washing at which, of all the apostles, Peter alone was distinguished
is clean every whit. And ye are clean, but not all are."
by being told that he was clean, and therefore apparently had been cleansed
The words, of course, hinted at Judas' imminent betrayal. In the Synop-
last before.^
tic Gospels, this prediction forms an indispensable part of the Last Supper; Moreover, any event or action connected with water would have evoked
in the Fourth, it is shifted to the Feet-washing ceremony, although it will
in early-Christian typological thinking some association with baptism.'*
be repeated once more when Christ, later on, dips the sop for Judas. For, Hippolytus of Rome, for example, interpreted the bath of Susanna as a bap-
so we are told, after having washed the feet of the disciples and taken his
tism which he linked to passover.'"'" The Syrian Aphraates, called the "Persian
garments, Christ returned to the table, reclined again, and set out to ex- Sage," who wrote around a.d. 340, drew an even more succinct parallel:
plain what his doing meant. "If I Lord and Master, have washed
then, your
Israel [he wrote] was baptized in the middle of the Red Sea on
your feet, ye also ought to wash one another's feet." It was an example of this paschal night . . .
;

humility and charity set to the disciples, a Mandatum novum (ipToXr) Kaivri)
Zusammenstoss Jesu mit dem pharisaischen Oberpriester auf dem Tempelplatz: Zu Pap. Ox.
or new commandment of mutual love and this is what the Mandatum was V, 840," Coniectanea Neotestamentica, XI (1947), 97-108.
in the first place. '"Ambrosius, De fiacramentis. III, 1, 4, ed. Johannes Quasten, Monumcnta cucharistica et
The intentions of the writer of the Fourth Gospel, in omitting from his liturgica vetustissima (Florilegium Patristicum, VII; Bonn, 1936), 152, 10 R: et ait . . .

illi Petrus: 'Tu mihi lavas pedes?' Habes hoc et alibi: 'Venit ad lohannem, et ait illi
. . .

narration the communion of the apostles and inserting instead the cere-
lohannes: Ego a te dcbco baptizari, et tu venis ad me [.Matth. 3:14]?' See also the sermon
monious pedilavium, will have to remain his own secret. It is easily under- attributed to Fulgentius, Scrmo, XXVI, PL., LXV, 893D: Sic et conversus ttius Joannes ex-

were inclined to raise the laving in cusabat ad Jordanem, sic et tu excusas ad pelvrm; and, for a later period, Bemaud of Bonneval,
stood, however, that later interpreters
Liber de cardinalibus operibus, VII, PL., CLXXXIX, 1652B:
Johannes venienti Simili mode et
the Upper Chamber to a sacramental level, an act hardly less meaningful Domino ad baptismum The resistance of John was a famous subject for
tentavit resistere . . .

and portentous than the breaking of the bread itself, with which the Feet- dramatization in sermons, dialogues, and mystery plays; see George LaPiana, Le rappre-
sentazioni sacre ( Grottaf errata, 1912), 72 ff.
washing was so closely connected. At any rate, the exegetes were inclined
" Notably in the casket of Farfa (fig. 57; cf. n. 154); see also the portable altar from the
to see that ancient ritual of the Synagogue ^^ in a new light, to attribute to Rhine (fig. 58, n. 155).
it more than an act merely of humility and charity, and to visualize "Echle, in Traditio, III (1945), 367 f.
" The monograph of Per Ivar Lundberg, La typologie baptismale dans I'ancienne egli.se
see further, for a Byzantine silver embroidery, S. Eitrcm, "La Sainte Ablution sur une broderie (Upsala, 1942), may replace here an enumeration of the vast literature on that subject; see,
en argent byzantine," Ei's- Mnj/iT/v STn'ptSoji'os- Ad'/xTrpoi' (Athens, 1935), 160 (fig.); see also however, also F. J. Dolgcr, "Der Durchzug durch das Rote Meer als Sinnbild der christlichen
Bibl.Nat., MS. copte 13 (below, n. 128, and fig. 45). See, for the West, e.g., Hanns Swarzen- Taufe," Antike und Christentum, II (1930), 63-69, also 70 ff.
ski, Die iUuminiertcn Handschriften dcs XIII. Jahrhunderts in den Landern an Rhein, Main '^
Hippolytus, e;? tov AavL-qK, I, 16, ed. Bonwetsch {GCS., I: 1, 1897), 26 f: Trolav "exdiTov
und Donau (Berlin, 1936), pi. 144, fig. 805, and text page 64 ("der sich die Fiisse trocknende iijficpav)" flAA.' *j rrjv rov Trdaxa; iy jy
to Xovrpov iv TrapaSiirrw toU Karrro/xf rots tTOifJu'i^fTai Kal
Apostel"). (rj iKKkijaia (us) SoKTarra a.ToXovo/j.fi'rj KaOapa }'vp(f>rj Otu) wapitnaTai. The bath of Susanna is
" The synagogical background of the ritual washing, important though may be
it is, left paralleled here mainly with the nuptial bath of the Church; cf. Odo Casel, "Die Taufe als
aside for the present discussion; see, however, H. Strack and P. Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Brautbad der Kirche," Jahrbuch fiir Liturgietvissemchaft, V (1925), 144 ff, and, for the
Neiien Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch, II (Munich, 1924), 557; Robert Eisler, "Zur Hippolytus passage in particular, his "Art und Sinn der altesten christlichen Osterfeier,"
Fusswaschung am Tage vor Passah," ZNTW., XIV (1913), 268 ff, as well as the papyrus JLW., XIV (1938), 23. Casel, in that connection, refers also to the Maundy Thursday bath of
Gospel fragment, published, e.g., by H. B. Swete, Ztvei neue Evangclienfragmente (Lietz- the catechumens mentioned in Hippolytus' Apostolic Tradition, c. 20, reprinted bv L.
manns Kleine Texte, 31; Bonn, 1908; reprinted in 1924, pp. 4-9); Joachim Jeremias, "Der Duchesne, Christian Worship, 5th ed. (London, 1931), 533.

'J J c
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 212 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 213
and our Saviour washed, also on the paschal night, the feet of his disciples, which is the Apostles? The Fourth Gospel, our only source, is not at all clear on that
the Sacrament of Baptism. ^^
point. The narration begins with the words: "And supper being ended . . .

In a similar vein Origen, a century before Aphraates, had already inter- he riseth from supper." This would suggest that the Feet-washing was
preted the famous scene under the oak trees of Mambre in a baptismal performed after the meal, and, apparently, after the Institution of the
sense. Abraham washed the feet of his three angelic visitors before serving Eucharist -an
additional act of charity and humihty, accentuating the
them their meal: charitable contents of the preceding brotherly repast. On the other hand,

For Abraham wrote Origen] knew that the dominical sacrament cannot be consum-
|
so we are told, the laving being accomplished Jesus reclined again at the
mated except by washing the feet.22 table, not only to explain the meaning of the "New Commandment," but
also to dip the sop for Judas. If this Judas-Communion be taken as an inte-
If by "dominical sacrament" the Eucharist was meant, then indeed the
gral part of the Last Supper, as it is in the other Gospels, then indeed the
Laving of the Feet must have meant baptism to Origen. At any rate, Origen
Feet-washing would have taken place before the Communion of the
placed in parallel the laving of the angels before their meal and
the
Apostles.
pedilavitim of the apostles - yet another typological concordance of
which All that can be said on the basis of the Fourth Gospel
late mediaeval manuscript painters availed is that the laving
themselves (fig. IS).'"*
interrupted the meal, was performed during the meal.
or, at least, that it
Origen's simile calls to our attention a rather important
point. Abraham,
The scene is, in fact, occasionally so represented by mediaeval miniaturists.
as was the custom in the Mediterranean world,
first washed his visitors' feet
The twelfth-century Bible of Floreffe (near Liege), for example, shows the
and thereafter served the meal. Was that the sequence of
events in the
disciples still at the table, together with Christ who gives the sop to Judas;
Upper Chamber too? Did the laving take place before or
after the breaking
of the bread? Did the Feet-washing precede
at the same time, however, Christ washes the foot of Peter from under the
or follow the Communion of
table (fig. 14)."* In magnificent simplicity and directness this scene is shown
" Aphraates, Homily XII ("On the Pasch") c. in a Psalter, likewise of the twelfth century, in the Morgan Library: the
6, trsl. Georg Bert, Aphrahat's des permchen
,

WnsenHomdien (Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der bread, as yet unbroken,
III:
altchristhchen Literatur is on the table at which the disciples are seated,
3-4; Leipzig, 1888), 191. In the Latin translation
of J. Parisot, Aphraati, Sapientis
Persae Demonstratioues, in Graffin, Patrologia while the lordly halneator (to use an expression of Zeno of Verona) reaches
Syriaca, I (1894). 527, the passage reads-
Bapttzatus est ciutcm Israel in medio man hac
paschatis nocte, in die salmtionis; et Salvator again from under the table for Peter's foot to bathe it (fig. 16).-' Those
noster ettam pedes lavit discipulomm suorum
nocte paschatis, quod est sacramcntum haptismi paintings may follow the perfectly sound interpretation of Augustine who
See, for the whcl,,- problem, the extremely
useful study by Edward Duncan, Baptism in
the Demonstrations of Aphraates the Persian J. pointed out that Coena ergo facta means Coena iam parata, "the table being
Sage (The Catholic University of America
Studies in Christian Antiquity, No. 8; Washington,
D. C, 1945) esp. 53 f and 67 ff
,
prepared" instead of "supper being ended." However, this interpretation,
Origenes, In Genesim Homiliac, IV, c.
2, ed. Baehrens (Origenes, VI: 1 GCS
Berhn, 1920), 53, 5: Sciebat enim [Abraham]
XXIX- though found in some other paintings (see, e.g., fig. 25), was not the one
dominica sacramenta non nisi in lavandis pedi-
busconsummanda. For no obvious reason Origen first relates
that AI,raham ordered the meal
to conquer despite the authority of its champion.^**
tor his guests before he discusses the
Feet-washing. See next note
^^''' "'"""^ *^'""^"' ^'''''
;'"P^'-'"" (Stockholm, 1925), =*
Brit. Mus., Add. MS. 17737-8, fol. 4\
''T'''tA^I"'.J^J^-
63 and
f^'X pi.
p. 334. 25. The text of the Biblia pauperum
chronology of events characteristic of the
is highly significant for the confused ""New York, Morgan Library MS 645, fol. 4', a particularly beautiful Psalter fragment
Western Church. The author first states: "Da begat containing the Entry into Jerusalem with the Reception (fols. 3'-4'), the Feet-washing, and
unser herr das mandat. Then he tells the
Abraham at Mambre: "kaum das sv 7u im
story of the Crucifixion (5'). I am indebted to the Morgan Library for placing a photograph at my
chomen, da er m
nun -" e^sen und zu trinken geben het und ir fuez
gewasehen het." Genesis disposal. Cf. Zeno of Verona, Tractatus, II, c. 35, PL., XI, 480f: lam balneator praecinctus
''^' ^^'"^'"^ ^''' ^"'^"^ '^^ ^''' ^"^ ^h^" ^^" t prepare exspectat (with reference to baptism, although the epithet praecinctus is reminiscent
. V^ T"''
Th. author
The has a reason /
the meal. . . .

for correcting Genesis: "Abraham

petzaichnet unseren herren der of the Feet-washing) see also James of Edessa, The Hymns of Severus
sich diemutikleichen neiget fur sein ;
of Antioch and Others,
lunger und ir fues zwug naeh dem essen." ed. and trsl. by E. W. Brooks, POr., VI (1911), 106 f (Hymn 63): "[we] have gained
whole, favored this sequence of events (see
Rome, on the
below, nos. 82, 83), and therefore the cleansing through the divine laver of regeneration."
the B,W,a pauperum changed also the
author of
sequence of Genesis 18. See also Hans von "Augustine, In Joannis Evangelium, LV, c. 3, PL., XXXV, 1786: Non ita debemus intel-
Gabeentz, der
^'l^f^^Panperum und Apokalypse der Grossherzogl. Bibliothek zu Weimar ligere coenam factam veluti iam consummatam atque transactam: adhuc enim coenahatur, cum
^'
' ' ^^^"*^- ^^^ ^eet-washing of Genesis and Dominus surrexit et pedes lavit discipulis suis. Nam postea recubuit, et buccellam suo traditori
ha
tliatof Tohn
John 133 are paralleled ^r^""
,T/^; also u^"^"^^
in the Modena, Bibl. Estense. MS. a. U. 6 7 fol 34' dedit, utique coena nondum fxnita, hoc est, dum adhuc panis esset in mensa. 'Coena ergo facta,'
of which a reproduction is found in
Eneiclopedia Cattoliea (Vatican, 1951),
VII '969 See dictum est, iam parata, et ad convivantium mensam usumque perducta. It is surprising that
below, n. 26, for Augustine's chronology.
in this case the West, with few exceptions, disregarded Augustine's interpretation.

n J J L
U J L U
 214 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 215
However, upon the question whether the laving was meant to precede or After the Lord had washed their feet and reclined again
fat the table], he gave them
to follow the Last Supper, other conclusions depended. If that ceremony was his Body and Blood; whereas Israel first ate the
paschal meal and was baptized there-
performed after the Last Supper, it could be understood exclusively as the after in the Red Sea.-'*

act of humility and charity which the Mandatum novum was at any rate. Aphraates further pointed out what the baptismal laving of the apostles
If, however, that humble service was assumed to have been rendered before meant: whereas the baptism performed by the Precursor referred to peni-
the meal, as was the custom (so to speak) since Abraham's times, then tence only, the laving of the disciples represented the evangelical institution
indeed the washing and the meal would appear to be in causal relationship of true baptism, because in that paschal night the Lord revealed
to the
with one another and a totally different chain of symbols could, though not apostles the mystery of a baptism into his Passion and Death.-'" Other
Syrian
of necessity, be activated. For in this event the washing could have taken authors show some familiarity with the baptismal exegesis of the Feet-wash-
place in preparation for the Supper and for the Institution of the Eucharist; ing.""' They may not always be quite clear about the point; but the evidence
that is, in preparation for the First Communion of the Apostles and the of Cyrillonas, a Syrian poet of the end of the fourth century, is unmistakable,
first communion normally followed immediately after baptism. In other for he conceived of the Feet-washing as the prelude to the reception of the
words, the washing in the vliTT-qp, the foot-basin, might appear as the Bap- Eucharist. He seems to have had in mind the passing of the newly baptized
tism of Apostles. Moreover, the Feet-washing, if it preceded directly the from the baptistery into the church,'' when he makes Christ speak after the
Institution of the Eucharist, might be taken to be synonymous widi the In- laving:
stitution of the Sacrament of Baptism in general, and the two holy rites of
Behold, I have washed and cleansed you; now hasten joyfully into the church and enter
salvation could be said to have been instituted on the same day. into her portals as heirs.''-
Hence, the chronology of events was of major importance for the evalu-
" Aphraates, Homily XII, c. 6; Bert, Apliraliat, 192 Parisot, in Patr. Syr.,
I, 531: Et
f;
ation of the ceremonious laving. It could be taken either as an act of charity pnstquam pedes eonim, dedit eis Corpus et Sanguinem suum. Seats autem \populus\
lavit

and only charity, or it could be taken to have, in addition to its charitable Israel, (fui posU/tiam pascha mandticaverunt, baptizati
sunt in nube et in mart. Duncan,
Aphraates, 68 f.
values, a sacramental meaning. In short, a double interpretation sprung up, " Bert, Aphrahat, 193; Parisot, op. cit. 527 f Noveris
etenim, carksime, Salvatorem nocte
:

one charitable and the other sacramental, which now shall be traced in its ilia dedisse baptismum veritatis. Nam
quamdiu cum discipulis conversatus e.st, haptismtis
radiations into various spheres of influence. legis,quo sacerdotes baptizahant, erat baptismus ille de quo dicebat lohannes: 'Paenitentiam
agite a peccatis vestris.' At in ea nocte manifestavit eis sacramentum baptismi
passionis mortis
suae, sicuti dixit Apotolus: 'Consepulti estis ei per baptismum in mortem, et cum
eo surrexistis
per virtutem Dei.' Cf. Duncan, Aphraates, 67 S, who has collected the Aphraates passages
n referring to the Feet-washing.
""See, e.g., Theodore of Mopsuestia, Commentarium Evangelium Johannis Apostoli,
A few texts may first illustrate the baptismal exegesis of the Feet-wash- ed. and trsl. by J.-M. Voste,
in
Corpus scriptorum Christianorum orientalium. Script. Syri,
in:
ing. When Origen said that "the dominical ser. IV, vol. Ill, versio latino (Louvain, 1940), 18.3, on 'Non habebis partem':
sacraments cannot be consum- Cum autem ex
mated without washing the hoc verbo exktimaret baptismi loco esse banc lotionem, et ab ea se sumpturum participationem
he must have assumed that the pedilavium
feet,"
cum Domino, atque idcirco diceret ut se totum lavaret, si ita res se haberet, Dominus
preceded the ritual meal - as in the case of Abraham's
angelic visitors.-' corrigit eius ignorantiam, diccns: Qui lotus est etc. Dominus noster vero loquens Simoni
dicere
Quite unequivocal as usual, however, is the Syrian vult: Hie non e.st bapti.imus in remissionem peccatorum Theodore then goes on saying:
tradition, which most . . .

Receperunt nempe discipuli baptismum remissionis a Johanne. eos vero perfecit descensus
significantly connects the baptismal interpretation . . ,

of the Feet-washing di- Spiritus qui postca venit super eos. This argumentation, of course, is quite conventional and
rectly with the chronology of events in the may be found, time and time again, in both East and West. See also Ephrem, Sermo III in
Upper Chamber. Aphraates we
recall, styled the Mandatum straightforwardly the "Sacrament of Baptism " hebdomadam sanctam, c. 4, ed. T. J. Lamy (Malines, 1882), I, 398, who indicates at least
the connection of John 13:10 with baptismal ideas by adding the word baptismus {Qui
When contrasting the baptism of the disciples with
Israel's baptism in the baptismo ablotus est nullo prorsus lavacro indiget); Ephrem holds that the disciples
. . .

Red Sea, he made the sequence of events one of were previously baptized "with fire and with the spirit," though not with water, and he, too,
the essentials of his
argument: assumes that the Feet-washing preceded the Institution of the Eucharist; see ibid., 414 flF.
See also a sermon falsely attributed to John Chr\sostom, PGr., LIX, 718.
"Duncan, Aphraates, 71.
"''" ^"S'"' ^" ^"""""'"' '^'^-^"- " Cyrillonas, Ihjmnus
47, 1. Pn-uschen (Origenes,
IV ^Tr^' T: ?a"f/ ^"u
"'' ""'' P<^dilaviu,n
-* iiber die Fus.<iwa.schung, trsl. by P. S. Landersdorfer, Amgewdhlte
'''' is compared with the services of Schriften der syrisclicn Dichter (Bibliothek der Kirchenviiter, \'I; Kemptcn and Munich
Abrrham
1912), 29.

U J L
 216 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 217
And during the Last Supper itself, according to Cyrillonas, Christ referred
to the foot-bath which thus takes the place of the "Jordan," the
to his preceding services: baptismal
font. Smce it seems quite unlikely that the idiomelon was
Behold, how highly I have honored you. I have laved your feet and have invited you to
formed after the
text of Anastasius Sinaita,
who, on the contrary, probably used or para-
share my meal.'*'*
phrased the chant, we may assume that the
chant antedated at least the
No doubt could arise for Cyrillonas that the Feet-washing was the prepara- seventh century.belongs until the present day to the Maundy
It
Thursday
tion for the Eucharist. service of the Greek and Russian Churches,-
and the basic idea embedded
This tradition belonged not to the Syrians alone. They may have started m the idiomelon will therefore be found
everywhere within the Orthodox
it, but it was popular and persistent throughout the East. Anastasius Sinaita, orbit, from Grottaferrata to Moscow.
writing before a.ix 700, was a Syrian by birth, it is true; but his writings form This
true also with regard to the Gospel lessons
is
in the hturgy on Holy
part of Byzantine literature. On one occasion, when discussing in his Hexa- Thursday. The pericopes are Matthew 26:2-19,
John 13:3-17 and again
emeron the achievements of the fifth day of the Creation, he happened to Matthew 26:21-39. The readings are arranged in such a fashion that by
compare the Temple of Solomon with the Church of Christ, and thereby the mtercalation of John into the report of
Matthew, the impression is given
remarked: that the Feet-washing preceded the Communion
of the Apostles."
After the fifth day, Solomon the son of David washed the temple
type of the in the
The same chronology of events
by the Armenian rite
is reflected also
baptismal washing of the Church by Christ the son of David; therefore, in which the baptismal interpretation of
the basin of the pedilavium was not unknown
the Last Supper on the fifth day [that is, the
fityakr, kIix-^tt,, feria quinta] takes the place either. A prayer after the Feet-washing
of the baptismal font: the feet of the apostles
and preceding the liturgy says:
were laved in a baptismal fashion by
Christ, whereafter he gave them to participate in
his Body and Blood. *
Wherefore even day thou completedst in the economical humanity
this
the two works
of our salvation begun in ineffable humihty,
by washing in the holy upper-chamber the
Anastasius Sinaita, who later exercised
considerable influence on the Russian teet of thy disciples and by distributing among
them thy body and blood.3
Church and on Russian Church symbolism, culled his flowers from
many a Since the preceding prayer remembers the renewal
theological bypath. In this case, however, he seems
simply to have enlarged
of God's command
"through the visible water of this washing" and entreats
upon an ISiofieXov dSea-noTop, an anonymous and undated chant which in "endue us God to
with the holiness of thy holy Spirit," there can be
the tenth century appears in a Grottaferrata manuscript as an Epistham- but Httle doubt that the
"two works of our salvation" instituted on Holy Thursday
honos- a prayer ad poptilum said at the end of the mass from behind t]i(>
were Baptism and
the Eucharist.
ambo - and normally belongs to Vespers on Holy Thursday
in the Greek
These concepts can be traced also in the Egyptian
Church as well as in her daughter Churches. It
begins with the
Church. It would
words: be difficult to tell whether Origen's exegesis of Genesis
The 18:4, the washing
glorious disciples were illuminated in the basin of the Last Supper.=- of the feet of Abraham's angelic visitors, has
influenced the lectionaries.
To "illuminate" (cf>coTtCeip) means However that may be, the later Coptic lessons for Maundy Thursday
to baptize, and the "basin of the meal" con-
{vlnrrip ro5 SetVvou) refers here - as tained the pericope Genesis 18:1-23,^" immediately
in the exegesis of Anastasius
Sinaita - followed by the Man-
datum ceremony which, in turn, opened with two specially
2
Cyrillonas, Erste Homilie iiber das
Pascha Christi, trsl. by Landersdorfer 34 composed
Anastasius S.naita, Zn Hexaemeron, V, PGr.,
LXXXLX, 922C
lessons: one referring to Israel's crossing of the Red Sea/" and
(only in a Latin version ) the other
Haec nos cj,untus d^s docet de
Christo et Ecclesia, symholn et
"

rn^cans rnnapn.m haptismatisin quo creati sunt c,uinque sensus

Ligmata, ante 12^1- "Triodion (Rome, 1879) 665; Service Book of the Holy Orthodox-Catholic
hoc qmnto mquam dte saeculi, in
huLnae naturae
quinquies millesimo anno, factum est
I ^^ ^'''^^ ^^"'^"'^'^
Apostolic
(^='t'^" ^d New
o^riZT''^
'

etiam lamc'rum a "''Pg""^ York, 1906),

Sdomone^Uo David in templo Dei Hierosolymis, ^Uo, CI. ^ J.U.
in typum haptisnu^tis
Der filn Dav,d. Quomodo etiam rur... Eccle^ecZisii ''
Euaggelion (Rome, 1880), 131
ilU peM. in magno coenaLlo, f.

hahens puscnae; pedes discipulorum primum quintoZele2Zm ''Rituale Armenorum, ed. F. C. Conybeare (Oxford, 1905), 219.
baptizavit Christus, deinde aeatt
et "t^"wt
sangumem in participationem
ded'itcoZ^et
corpus et "Le lectionnaire de la
Semaine Sainte: Texte copte
... d'aprds le manuscrit Add 5997
. . .

"Le P'-^g'^ere opisthambonoi dei du British Museum, ed. and trsl. by O. H. E. Burmester, POr., XXV
."'^I"'^"'"^..^!!"'^^'' Codici criptense," Bollettino (1943) 253 f The
R
Badia Greca di Grottaferrata, III '"^"*" "^""
delta Genesis pericope is followed by the rubric: "Void les le^-ons qu
(1949) 62 no 29 lines -^ ff- " - ^ ^ on lit sur le Bass'in." It seems
"'"^ "' -^f'/aV- aov that^in the Coptic Church the laving had its place within
eV r^ n.rr,p. .of, 8V.o
i^f^J^oJ
,
S^W Chris and J' p" '"'^'''
. .

^""'"'g' ^''''<^-
the frame of the mass.
carminumChristianorum(Le]p7i 1871) 94 "Op. cit., 257: "Quand Israel traversa le mer Rouge, leurs pieds foulerent la mer
ils all^rent violemment dans I'eau; les pieds d'lsrael et de toute la maison de Jacob leurs

/J J u
/
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 .

218 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 219

referring to the crossing of the Jordan nnder Joshna/' While normally both ingly interpreted as the Orarion, the stole of the deacon." Later on, in the
crossings were taken to be typological prefignrations of Baptism, they were mediaeval Coptic Churcli, we have also the testimony of Bishop Macarius
here prefignrations of the Feet-washing, too, as the repetition of the word of Manuf, secretary to the Patriarch between 920 and 933. Not only does he
"feet" clearly demonstrates. The Feet-washing, therefore, belonged to the assert that "on the day of the preparation of the chrism the baptism of the
general componnd of baptismal ideas. Moreover, in the Coptic Cluirch, the apostles took place," but he mentions also that on the same day the Patriarch
pedilaviian and the reading of John 13:1-17 were followed by the pericopes performed baptism "because it is said that on this day Christ baptized his
of the Institution of the Eucharist from I Corinthians 11:23-26 and Mat- disciples."
"
"*-
thew 26:20-29 so that clearly the Feet- washing preceded the Last Supper. We notice that in
Eastern Churches there was a certain readiness to
all
This chronology is found also in the ApopJithegnuita patrtim, "The Say- interpret the pedihwium in a baptismal fashion or at least to have it chrono-
ings of the Monastic Fathers," and in the Syriac derivatives of that collection logically precede the Institution of the Eucharist.
of edifying tales, which was composed in Egypt in the fourth or fifth cen-
tury." In one of these stories we find the discussion of the Ordines Christi
Ill
a speculative interpretation of the life of Christ in which an effort was made
to attribute to Christ the performance of every duty and function pertaining With regard to imagery, our interest will
be concentrated, for obvious
to the various orders and ranks of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. That cursus reasons, on representations which show both the Feet-washing and the Last
honorum started with the function of uatiurius which Christ allegedly exer- Supper. The evidence for the treatment of these two themes in one
earliest
cised when driving the money-changers from the Temple, and it ended in picture is found in the purple Codex of Rossano, a Greek Gospel-book of the
the Last Supper when Christ as a priest or bishop imparted the bread and sixth century (fig. 17a).'" At first glance we might be inclined to think that
the cup to the apostles. This priestly or episcopal function, however, was the Rossanensis has the wrong chronology: the Judas scene seems to precede
preceded by the diaconate of Christ, who took upon himself the obligations the lavatio pedum. This, however, is not quite correct. Judas does not receive
of a deacon when he washed the feet of the apostles. In other words, the the sop, but dips his hand into the dish. Hence, the artist did not follow the
Feet-washing preceded the Communion of the Apostles. It may be men- Fourth Gospel, but presented the scene according to Matthew 26:23, or
tioned obiter that the towel with which Christ girded himself, was accord- Mark 14:20. It cannot be said, therefore, that he disregarded the sequence
of events in John when he added marginally following probably an old

pieds danserent; ils eviterent la ruine; chanterent cantique:

iconographic formula '' the Mandatiim scene in the upper right corner.
ils le Louons le Seigneur, car il
a ete glorifie'." In fact, he may have been quite conscious of the correct sequence, for after
" Op. cit., 258: "Josue avec le peuple traverserent le Joiirdaiii; leurs pieds foulerent las
"Cf. H. Lecleicq, "Lavement," DACL., VIII: 2 (1929), col. 2004. See also the
s.v.
pierres qui sont au-dessous de I'eau; leurs pieds furent fennes; ils battirent leurs enneinis."
Coptic "Prayer of the Basin" for the extreme importance attributed to the "towel"; Burmester,
" Op. 267-273, follows a long and interesting litany wliicli was repeated also
cit.,
on the in Museon, XLV, 239 (above n. 42).
day of Peter and Paul, when once more tlie lavatio pedum was performed; see
Burmester "L. Villecourt, "Un manuscrit arabe sur le Saint Clireme dans I'eglise copte,"
"Two Services of tlie Coptic Church attributed to Peter, Bishop of Bahnesa," Mtiscou, Revue
XLV d'histoire ecclesiastique, XN'III (1922), 16The chronology is confused and it is not clear
ff.
(1932), 241 f. Then
277) a short grace is said after the laving and (277-282) the
(p.
lessons exactly what day was meant; however, baptism was performed on the day on which the
referring to the Last Supper begin. See also p. 239, the "Prayer
of the Basin (Lakane)," chrism was consecrated and the apostles were baptized. This day, it is true, was for a long
where the baptismal meaning of the Feet-washing is expressed quite clearly: ".
who . .
time Good Friday; but since 933 - with a brief interruption - it seems to have been Holy
didst prepare for us the way of Life by the feet of Thine elect holy
Apostles." The Br Mus Thursday; cf. Philipp Hofmeister, Die heiligen Ole in der morgen- und abendliimiischen
MS. Add. 5997 is dated 1273; but the lectionary itself, which of course contains
very old Kirche (Das ostliche Christentum, N. F., Heft 6-7; Wurzburg, 1948), 46; see also Riedel,
material, is said to have been composed by the Patriarch in
Gabriel II (1131-1146)- see Gottinger Nachrichten ( 1902 ) 697 ff ,
Burmester, in POr. XXIV (1933), 173.
" Rossano, Bibl. Arcivescovile, Gospel-book, fol. 3'; see A. Muiioz, 7/ codice jnirpurco di
"For the Greek text of the Apophthegmata passage, see A. Wilmart, "Les ordres
du Ro.ssano e framinento sinopense (Rome, 1907), pi. 5.
il
Christ," Revue des sciences religieuses. III (1923), 324 ff, esp. 326, who has
admirably traced "This formula (the placing of the Feet-washing in the right comer of the Last Supper),
the history of that topic. See, for the Syriac tradition, Ernest A.
VVallis Budge The Paradise which is found in all centuries, may be of considerable age, as Professor Kurt Weitzmann
or Garden of the Holy Fathers (London, 1907), II, 135 (c.
594), and 243 (c 429)- and for kindly pointed out to me. The vlim^p, of course, is marginal in the Psalters where it illustrates
the Latin version, Verba Seniorum, IV, c. 8, PL., LXXIII,
1()16A. Within the tradition of 'that Ps.50:9 ("Thou shalt sprinkle me with hyssop, and I shall be cleansed"); cf.
story there are many variations with regard to tlie ranks (see J. J.
Tikkanen,
Wilmart, op. cit.), but tlie Feet- "Die Psalter-Illustration im .Mittelalter," Acta Societatis Scicutiarum Fennicac, X.X.XI: 5
washing is practically always interpreted as a function of Christ
the Deacon. (1903), 55.

' J
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 220 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 221
the laving he depicts the Communion of the Apostles whereby the disciples,
take the Last Supper, which both precedes and
follows after the Feet-wash-
as in wall paintings and mosaics, approach Christ from opposite directions ing, but omit the Communion." The
Syrian readings, however do not
to receive the bread and the chalice respectively (figs. 17b-c)/* We might
follow the Byzantine scheme,^^ and the only
feature which the Eastern
argue that the artist followed the Greek lessons of Maundy Thursday, which representations seem to have in common is that
the pedilavium precedes the
were Matthew, John, and again Matthew, and that he merely took the free- Last Supper and the Communion of the Apostles.
dom This is true of an eleventh-
to intercalate John, not after Matthew 26:19, as the pericope would century Athos manuscript ''
as well as of several Armenian manuscripts '
suggest, but after Matthew 26:23, thereby throwing the Judas scene to the although on the whole the laving ceremony, in
Eastern art, is rarely con-
first pericope and severing, by the Feet-washing, the Last Supper from the
joined with the Last Supper or the Communion
of the Apostles in one
Communion of the Apostles.
image.""
There arise, however, certain difficulties. The peculiar tripartition of The scheme of the Rossanensis and the Syrian manuscripts remained
scenes, rare on the whole, is found mainly in Syrian manuscripts, the British
practically without influence in the East, and it was completely
Museum "'
and the Vatican Syriac 559 (figs. 18a-c),'" both
Additional 7170 unknown in
the West. Even one extraordinary case in which the Communion
in the
of the early thirteenth century, in which the Feet-washing is not inter- of
the Apostles appears together with the washing
calated, but precedes both the Last
ceremony in a western work
Supper and the Communion. This might of art - the thirteenth-century Enamel Casket
strengthen the hypothesis according to which the Codex Rossanensis origi-
from Huy - the Communion
precedes the laving (figs. 19a-b)." It would be
nated in Antioch," and not in Byzantium, where that tripartition is not hazardous to call this
sequence of events without qualification "Roman," although
found; for the Paris Gospels, Bibl.Nat.MS.gr.74, repeat apparently by mis- it is remarkable
that in the Roman orbit there
a certain predilection for this chronology.
is

The Sacramentary of Ivrea of the time of Otto III (fig.

"See, e.g., Charles Diehl, Manuel d'art byzantin, I (2nd ed., Paris, 20) may serve as an
1925), 258 ("rappel- ''
lent, par leur disposition, la decoration d'un hemicycle
d'abside"). As Professor A. M. Friend
illustration: in the upper register is the Last Supper according to John,
kindly informed me, this pattern was found already in Zion Church,
in Jerusalem; see Hugues
" Cf. H. Omont, Bibliothec^ue Nationale, Departement
Vincent and F. M. Abel, Jerusalem: Recherches de topographie, des MSS: Evangiles avec peintures
d'archeoloEie et d'histoire
byzantmes du XV siecle (Paris, n. d.), for the MS.; pi. 167
(Paris, 1912-1926), II: 3, p. 456, n. 5. (fol. 195): Last Supper pi 168
" For the manuscript, see Hugo Buchthal, "The Painting (195'): Feet-washing; pi. 168b (fol. 196): Last Supper
of the Syrian Jacobites in its (almost identical with fol 195)
Relation to Byzantine and Islamic Art," Sijrm, XX where one would expect the Communion of the Apostles.
(1939), 136 (cf. next note). The sequence
flF

is: Feet-washing (fol. 139'), Last Supper

"Jerphanion, Syriaque No. 559, 19, gives the later readings.
(fol. 139'), Communion of the Apostles (fol. 141') Severus of Antioch in his
Th^ by the way, is also the sequence hymn On the Washing on Maundy Service," does not convey any suggestions
of events depicted by Ephrem; see Sermo 111 with regard to
in the pericopes; see James of Edessa. Hymns
Hebdomadam Sanctum (above, n. 30), cc. 1-3: Feet-washing; cc. 4-8- of Severus, ed. Brooks, POr., VT, 106 f. Nor are
Judas (= Last we certain about the Byzantine pericopes in the earlier times.
Supper); and Sermo IV, cc. 1-4: Institution of the Eucharist =
( Communion of the Apostles) "Athos, Dionysiou 740, fol. 52' (Feet-washing) and fol. 53' (Last
See below, n. 51, for other sequences. Supper). I am in-
" See G. de Jerphanion, Les miniatures du manuscrit debted to Professor A. M. Friend for acquainting me with this
syriaque No. 559 de la Bibliotheque manuscript. This sequence is
VatU:ane (V^^^^n City 1940), pis. xvi-xvn, figs. 32-34. also that of the texts; see. e.g.. Minisci, "Le preghiere
This MS., by and large, duplicates opisthambonoi" (above, n. 35). 61.
Brit. Mus. Add.
-'
f i no. 28, lines 16 ff, where the Feet-washing precedes the Institution
7170 Jerphanion, 62 f).
(cf. of the Eucharist.
~ Anton Baumstark, "Bild und Liturgie in antiochenischem " As Professor Sirarpie Der Ncrsessian kindly informs me the
Feet-washing precedes the
Evangelienbuchschmuck des Last Supper and the Communion of the Apostles in the following
6. Jahrhunderts, Ehrengabe deutscher Wissenschaft, ed. by Armenian manuscripts:
Franz Fessler (Freiburg 1920)
233-252, does not discuss Feet-washing and Last Supper when Jerusalem, Armenian Patriarchate, MS. 2583, fol. 13 (Feet-washing) and 14'
he tries to hnk the Rossanensii fol. (Com-
to the Syrian Lectionary reconstructed mainly munion of the Apostles). Gospels dated 1444; Manchester. John Rylands Libr.,
MS. armen.
on the basis of the hymns and sermons
of 20, 24 and 25" (Last Supper), Gospels dated 1587; Paris, Pozzi Collection (no foho
fols.
Severus of Antioch (Severus, unfortunately, yields little for
the Laving on Maundy Thursday)
see also Baumstark, "Das Kirchenjahr in Antiocheia numbers: Washing and Communion), Gospels dated 1586. In about twelve other Armenian
zwischen 512 und 518" Rdmusche
Quartalsckrift, XI (1897), 31-66. For the pericopes at MSS., however, the Washing of the Feet comes after the Last Supper or Communion,
a later date, see Jerphanion and in
opct the Gospel-book of 1653 (Jerusalem. Armenian Patriarchate, MS. 2350) the
19; they do not seem to justify the sequence of events depicted Last Supper is
in the Rossano Codex At-
tention may be called to the fact that in the later above and the Feet-washing below, though without a line separating the two scenes.
Cappadocian cycles the Last Supper always
" The reason is that most of the Eastern representations of the laving
"' are found in the
P"^'"^"'^ ^y Jerphanion, La voix des monuments
"
TZtV^n^^ToZT'
(Pans. 1930), 24^249. However,'''l*f
the Last Supper apparently is always
represented, as in the
Psalters as an illustration of Ps. 50:9 (see above, n. 47), whereas Gospel and
Lectionary
Rossanensis, accordmg to Matthew 26 (Judas dipping scene are relatively rare. See. however, above, no. 55.
illustrations of that
his hand), and not according
to John " Fernand Crooy. Les emaux carolingiens de la Chdsse de Saint
13 Judas receiv^mg the sop). One may wonder whether the Marc a Huu-sur-Meuse
confusing narration of Tat an's
Du:tessaron has had any mfluence; but to answer (Paris, 1948).
this question is beyond the
capabilities of "Ivrea, Bibl. Capitolare MS. 86, fol. 50' (ca. a.d. 1001-1002); cf. A. Ebner, Quellen uiul
the present author.

Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kungstgeschichte des Missale Romanum (Freiburg. 1896),

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 222 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 223
in the lower is the lavatio padum.''^' We find this scheme ven- frequently, for
third, the Arrest. This sequence of events will be found no less frequently
example, in a Gospel-book of Gnesen of the late eleventh century (fig. 21 ),""
than the other version, and it might be found in Europe anywhere - most
or in the clear outhne of an English Psalter of tlie tliirteenth (fig. 22)," not
telhngly, for example, in the Wilten chalice of the twelfth
century (fig.
to mention a score of other similar representations."' It was a very conven- 26),*'" or in a wall painting
of St. Caecilia in Cologne, of the late thirteenth
tional artistic manner of depicting the narration of John, even though,
(fig. 30).'' The correct chronology, as represented by these images, does
rather surprisingly, the chronolog>- of e\ents has been re\ersed. To be sure,
not belong to any one school or any one country alone. Nevertheless, on the
the relation between upper and lovv'er sections need not always be that of a basis of a cursor)' examination of tlie Index of Christian Art it has
been ob-
chronological order proceeding from above to below. A Munich Psalter of
ser\'ed that especially in late
mediaeval France the pcdilmium preceding
tlie thirteenth century, for example, would suggest that the contents have the Last Supper is almost in\ariably the order displayed by all kinds
of
to be read from below to above, since otherwise the Entry into Jerusalem works of art. For example, the Psalter (so-called) of St. Louis and Blanche
would follow after the Laving and the Last Supper (fig. 23)."' Scruples of
of Castile of the thirteenth century shows the well-known scheme of the
chronology, however, have to be excluded when examining the tvielfth- Ivrea Sacramentar\- (fig. 20) or the Gnesen Gospels (fig. 21) in a reversed
century Gospels from Pembroke College where a third scene is introduced:
order: the Mandatum is in the upper register, the Last Supper in the lower
the Kiss of Judas and the Arrest of Christ (fig. 24).'" Here the sequence is
(fig. 27).'" The same sequence is persistent in the ivories - and if die dip-
clearly: Last Supper, Laving, Arrest.
t>'ch of the Collection Reubell (fig. 28) should not be deemed unambiguous
Contrariwise, the magnificent Gospel-book of Matilda of Tuscany ( Mor-
enough, then the dipt)'ch of die Musee de Cluny (fig. 29) may dispel every
gan Library), which falls in the second half of the eleventh century, shows
possible doubt concerning the chronology: tlie Feet-washing follows im-
that the West had not totally surrendered to tlie wrong chronolog)- (fig.
mediately after the Entr\' and therefore clearly precedes the Last Supper.'"
25)."' In the uppermost third where the Feet- washing takes place, the table
Admittedly, there are exceptions which give the opposite chronology."
is laid with dishes as yet untouched coena iam parata, as Augustine inter-
However, the question arises whether the predilection of French artists can
preted versicle 13:2 of St. John."'^ There follows, in the central section, the be accounted for by some other e\idence, and whether the observation of
Last Supper with the Judas scene according to John; finally, in the lowest the correct chronology ma)- have some significance. Perhaps the hterary
tradition in the West can provide us with some clue.
57; G. B. Ladner, "Din italienisclie Malerei im 11. Jalirhundert,'" Jahrbuch der kuiisthiistorischcn
Sammlungen in M'ien, \ (1931j, 137, fig. 115; Luigi Maguaiu, Lc miniatuw del
Sacra-
mentariu d'lvrea e di cdtri codici Wamioudtani (Vatican, 1934 pi. xiw j,
"^
seems that the West had a strong prelereuce for representing the Last Supper
It IV
accord-
ing to jofui, whereas the East apparently prefened tlie
versions ol Mattliew and Maik. The
problem, however, should be studied in greater detail than is
In the Roman Church, the baptismal interpretation of the lavatio pedum
intended here.
""Gnesen, Chapter Library MS. la, fol. 45\ cf. Societe frangaise was never accepted. Rome, in that respect, was peculiarly guarded and un-
dc reproductions de
manuscrits a peinturcn. bulletin, XIX (Paris, 1938), pi. xxxix Augustine, far from recognizing the equation of Feet-washing
rec-eptive. St.
"British Museum, Royal MS. 1. D. X., fol. 4'; cf. A. Herbert,
'A Psalter in the B.M. and Baptism of the Apostles, warns of confounding the ceremony of charity
(Ro)-al MS. 1. D. X) Illummated in England in tlie Thirteenth
Genturv," Wdvole
Annual, m
(1913-14), 47-56.
' ^ Societu
^ with the Sacrament of Regeneration; he mentions in his letter to Januarius
" See below figs. 27, 28 (nos. 69, 70) also, for a Lectionan- that in order to sever the pedilavium completely from baptism many teachers
, ; at Karlsrulie, O. Hombuiger
and K. Preisendanz, Dai Evangeliatar den Spetierer Domcn (Leinzic 1930) ">() ''1
^ f b^ ;, - i nl
pi. -i
(fol. 28).
,
""Heinrich lOapsia, "Der Bertoldus-Kelch aus dem Kloster Wilten," Jahrb.d.kunsthist.
"Cf. Hanns Swarzenski, DU' lateinischen illuminiertcn Sammlungen in Wien, N. F. XII (1938), 7-34.
Handnchriften des XIII. Jahr-
hundertn in den Ldruiem an Rhein, Main und Donau (Berlin, "P. Clemen, Die gotisclie Monumentalmalerei der Rheirdande ( Diisseldorf , 1930), pi.
1936), pi. 84 fig 498
" Cambridge, Pembroke College MS. 120, fol. 3'; XX.
cf. M. R. James.A Descriptwe
Catalogue Paris, Bibl. de l.^rsenal,
of tlw MSS. in the Library of Pembroke College, Cambridge MS. lat. 1186, fol. 22'; cf. Henri Martin, Les joyaux de FArsenal
(Cambridge. 1905), facing p. (Paris, 1909), 1, pi. xxvui.

-New York, Morgan Library MS. 492. '"Raymond Koechlin, Les ivoires gothii^ues fran^is (Paris, 1924), pi. cxxxvii, figs 799
fol. 100- cf. Sir George \A'arner, Gos-TH'h of and 805.
Matilda, Countess of Tuscany (Roxburghe Cluh,
1917), pi. xxiv.
" Above, n. 26.
''
I am greatly indebted to Dr. Rosahe B. Green, of the Princeton Index of Christian
Art,
who called my attention to various items touched upon here.

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 224 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 225
(or churches) have refused to make it a custom or to introduce it at all, Optatus tried preclude every possible interpretation of the pedihvium
to
that others had no scruples toward eliminating the laving from the custom- as a "better" bapHsm than the one which the apostles
may have previoiisly
ary rite, and that a third group found it expedient to defer the whole laving received, and he therefore stressed the point that the washing had merely
ceremony to a different date.^" He pointed out that the disciples had been charitable, but not sacramental, values. This distinction
must have been
baptized previously either by John or, preferably, by the Master himself deeply engrained in the African Church. In one of the
four sermons Dc
so that a repetition of baptism M'ould have been wholly improper," and lavandis pcdihus ascribed to Fulgentius of Ruspe, an
ardent defender of
declared that whereas by baptism the whole man was cleansed, the washing Augustine s anti-Donatist doctrines in Africa, the preacher .said
straight-
of the feet referred only to the daily pardonable sins/* \'ery consciously for^^'ardly: "The Feet-washing is not the Mystery of Baptism, but the obser-
Augustine severed the act of charity from the Sacrament of Baptism, there- vation of charity." " This antithesis of charitable and sacramental aspects
by admitting, of course, by imphcation that he was quite famiUar with the should be kept in mind, for it will be heard from the other side of the fence
concept of a baptismal exegesis of the pedilavium. He could not easily have as well.
avoided such admission; for among those who beheved that the laving did The reluctance of the African bishops to acknowledge in the
Maundy
pertain to the Sacrament of Baptism was the imposing figure of Ambrose of Thursday ceremony any traits other than those of charity, as well as their
Milan who, in 387 at San Lorenzo in Milan, presumably stooped to wash, resistance to making any concessions in that matter, resulted
clearly from
in a thoroughly non-Roman fashion, the feet of his unusually gifted cate- the horror which they felt toward anything resembling re-baptism,
which
chumen from Tagaste, Augustine.^^ the Donatists demanded - or were charged with - and which might imply
St. Augustine's attitude may have been determined by conditions in a serious encroachment on the sacramental power of the hierarchv.
What
Africa. More than
a generation before him, Optatus, Bishop of Mileve in exactly the repercussions of the anti-Donatist struggles were in
the long run,
Numidia, had written against the schismatic Donatists who logically had to and what
to extent they influenced the Roman Church in the sense in which
defend the possibilit)' of a second baptism if the first had been performed bv
''See
(Pseudo-) Fulgentius. Scrmo XXIIl, PL., LXV, 890D: Non est istud
a traditor, and in that connection Optatus declared that, mysterium
baptismi. sed ohsequium caritatis. Cf. Sermo XXTV, col. 891C:
Oficium i>os doceo humilitatis,
when Christ laved the feet of his disciples, ... he non repctitkmcm baptismi. While a great number of these sermons have been
fulfilled merely a form of humility, identified by
but pronounced notlung concerning the sacrament of baptism.'" G. Morin, "Notes sur un manuscrit des homehes du Pseudo-Fulgentius," Retme
benedictine,
XXVI (1909), 223-228, the four sermons Dc lavandis pedibus (XXIII-XXTI) have not
yet
found their author and may actually be by Fulgentius: see also ELgius Dekkers and Aemilius
'=
Augustine, Ep. LV, Goldbacher (CSEL., XXXIV, 2), 208: Ne ad ipsum
c. 33, ed.
Gaar, C/at)t,v Patrum Latinorum (Sacris erudiri. III; Bruges and Hague, 1951 147
baptismi sacramentum pertinere videretur, multi hoc in comuctudincm ), f, no. 844.
reciperv nolucrunt Ac-cording to Morin, p. 228. the collection represents an African" ti-pe of the
notmulli etiam de consuetudiuv auferre non duhitavenmt, alujui fifth or sixth
auUnn, ut hoc iecretiore centur>'. In fact, it can hardl\- be later than that because many sermons contain
tempore comineudanmt el a baptismi sacramcnto distiuouerent, vel an intimate
diem tertium octavarum knowledge of imperial ceremonial not easil\' obtainable at a later period. Whether the
vel etiam tpmm octavum, ut hoc facerent, elegcrunt. It is
. . .
not at all unlikelv that amonc
the multi who dechned to introduce tlie Laving, was Rome; see
sermons are "African" is a different matter. For example, Sermo XXV (cok. 891-893)
below, nos. 107 108 '

"Augustine, Ep. CCLXV, ed. Goldbacher {CSEL., LVII),

Echle, in Traditiv,
'*
III, 366, n.
Augustine, In Joannem, LVII,
8.
643;' see aboJe n 1" Cf

PL., XXX\,
. -
contains a long passage from Augustine, In Joannem, LV, c. 7, PL.. XSXV. 1787 {Quid autem
mirum . which in its turn served to compose the Inlatio (the Preface) of the Moz-
. .),

arabic Maundy Thursday mass; cf. Liber Mozarabicus Sacramentorum, ed. Marius Ferotin
c. 1, 1790: Ubi vimm est intelligeudum quod (Paris, 1912), 241. no, 586; also the Mozarabic Missale Mixtum.
Bapttsmo quidem homo totus ahluitur; sed dum isto postea in PL., LXXX\', 416A.
vivit in saeculo, humanLs affectibu.s This passage, borrowed presumably from the Mozarabic mass, appears also in the Maundv
terram velut pedibm calcans. contrahit undc dicat. . , 'Dimitte nobis debita nostra '
See Thursda>- lllatio (or Preface) of the GaUican Missale Gothicum, xx\iii, PL., LXXII, 266; ed.
also ibid., LVI, c. 4-5, col. 1789: . . . homo in sancto quulem Baptus-mo totus
abluitur non H. M. Bannister (Henr>- Bradshaw Sncieti', LII; London 1917), 63 f. It does not seem likely
praeter pedes, sed totus omnina. verumtamen cum in
rebus humanis postea vivitur quasi
pedes sunt, ubi ex humanis rebus afficimur. Even tho.se who are that the Mozarabic mass was derixed from the Gallican, which follows the text of Augustine less
clean l)ecause the^ Mvv right
eously, opus closely than the Hispanic mass; see, for all that. Marcel Havard, "Centonisations patristiques
tamen habent pedes lavare, quoniam sine peccato utique non sunt Augustine's dans formules hturgiques," in F. Cabrol. Les origines liturgiques (Paris, 1906), 287 ff
les
arguments are closely related to those of TertuUian, De
baptLsmo, c. 12- see also Theodore
of Mopsuestia, above, n. 30. Bernard of Clairvaux (cf. 246 ff), who reproduces the three texts (Augustine. Mozarabic, Gallican) in parallel.
(below, n. 79) followed .Augustine
closelv However, it has not been noticed that Fulgentius' sermons have a few additional clauses in
"See below, n. 103. Stiefenhofer, "Die liturgische Fusswaschung"
(see above n 13')"
32, Erst Augustn, schneidet bewusst die \erbindung von common with the Galhcan mass which the Mozarabic has not.
Taufe " und Fusswaschung durch
J:
Optatus of Mileve, De schismate Donatistarum. \\ c. 3. PL.. XI, 1049B Cum lavaret Fulgentius XX\'l Missale Gothicum
pedes dtscipulis suis. solam fecerat formam humilitatis,
. . ,
nihil pronuntiaverat
^ dr "
.sacra
(col. 893C) (col. 266)
mento baptismatis.
. tremoie concussi (discipuh) conba- Turbatur Petrus cemens exemplum tantae

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226 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 227

anti-Arianism finally moulded Rome," would be difficult to assess. How- Feet-washing, whereas Augiistine taught that the laving
took place before
ever, even in so peripheral a matter as the lavatio pedum the Roman attitude the meal proper started.**' Ernaud may simply have followed
the chronology
was extremely imyielding throughout the Middle Ages. established by the Roman prayer at Communion on
Holy Thursday: "The
It is true, of course, that Bernard of Clairvaux called the ahlutio pedum, Lord Jesus, after he had supped with his disciples, washed their *'
feet."
when he discussed it together with Baptism and Communion in a Maundy Ernaud goes much further, of course, when he asserts that
Judas no longer
Thursday sermon, a "sacrament." But he used this term in the sense of a was present at the Feet-washing because he had left the Upper
Chamber
"sacramental," that is, a holy action not reckoned among the sacraments after receiving the sop - a scene which he, like scores of miniaturists, places
proper as, e.g., a king's consecration. The Mandatum was to him a sacra- chronologically before the pedilavium, so that finally
the Biblia pauperum
mental instituted to wash off the daily venial sins, a "sign," a symbol of likewise reversed the order of Genesis 18:4-10 and
claimed that Abraham
humility and charity, but definitely not a ritual action preparatory to Com- washed the feet of his angelic visitors after the meal.'"' Here again Ernaud
munion.'" Similar arguments were brought forth by Bernard's contemporary disregards Augustine, who strongly emphasized that even
Judas was washed
Ernaud, Abbot of Bonneval.*"' Ernaud clearly defines the laving as a sacra- although the Master knew that this disciple would betray him; "*
and in the
mental, and not as a sacrament, and in addition to that he betrays certain Eastern Church the hturgical chants voice the lament that
Judas betrayed
confusions which must have been very common in his times, and for which Christ although his Lord had humbled himself to v^'ash the disloyal disciple's
he cannot be held responsible. It was a minor matter that he deviated from feet.''' Ernaud, however, must have represented an opinion widely diffused
Augustine in that he held that the Institution of the Eucharist preceded the
"'
Ernaud begins his sermon with the words: 7am sacramcnta corporis sui
{loc. cit.)
dicere non audebant. Cecidt'iat apostolis
super eo.s hiimilitati.s in regc tantac maiestatis; trcru- Dominus dtstrihucrat, iam exierat Judas, cum rcpcnte dc mcn.sa surgcns linteo .se
praccinxit,
cuiusdam formidolosa sarcina: quia muiidi cscit pavens humanitas, quia ad eius vcxtigia et ad genua Petri, lavaturus pedes eius, ipse genibus
flcxis Dominus servo con.summatae
dynasta ad servilia dignatus se inclinare scsc inclinare dignatur Divinitas. humilitatis ohtulit jamuhtiim. See above, n. 14, for Petnis and
Judas.
vestigia. " Dominus Jesus, postquam
coenavit cum discipuhs suis. lavit pedes corum, ct ait illis:
'Scitis quid fecerim vobis. .'. This Communion prayer is based on
In addition to the italicized words, the passages have in .
13:12 where
John the
common tremor (trcmcscit) of
tlie
text, however, reads: 'Postquam ergo la\it pedes eorum dixit eis: Scitis .'. The text
the disciples, from wliich Fulgentius proceeds to mention . .
of . . .

mundi dijnanta where the Mlssalc the prayer is of considerable age, since it is found in the Liber antiphonarius the
Gothicum has rex tantac maiestatis. See further Fulgentius, XXIV, oldest manu-
891B, and XX\'I, 894A: script of which is the Compiegne Codex wTitten under Charles the Bald
grandc mtjstcrium; o carwn mysterium (also XXV, 892A: O stupendum {PL., LX.XXVIII,
spectaculum!), and compare Miisale Gothicum: O admirahilc
miraculum! grandc 6 675CD); see also, for the transmission of the prayer in later times, Michel Andrieu, Lc
sacramcntum, grandc mysterium! Pontifical Romain an moyen-dge (Studi e Testi, 86; Vatican, 1938), I, 226, also 228 and 233.
Here the Gothicum seems to have used Augustine, /fi Joannem,
LVII, c. 2, PL.. XXXV, 1790 "See the place quoted above, n. 81, as well as Emaud's specific remark (col. 16.53C)
who (with reference to the Song of Songs) hkewise exclaims: O admirahilc
.sacramet^tum' o An mensac tuac participationem Judas proditor est admi.s.sus; .sed ab hoc lavacro salutari
grande mysterium! That Augustine was the source of both the
sermon and the GaUican mass exclusus, lavari in fine non potuit, quia Apostolatus sui honorem detestabiJi cupiditate focdavit.
goes without saying. However, there are certain
interrelations (and there may be more)'
See, for the Biblia pauperum, above, n. 23.
between the sermon and the Mlssalc which it might be worth
while to investigate. Also the "*
Augustine, In Joannem, L\. c. 6, PL., XXXV, 1786 f: ut hoc quoque ad maximum
perpetual comparisons of the pedilavium with the laving . . .

of infants and with baptism despite

a definitely anti-baptismal interpretation of the
cumulum humilitatis accederet, quod etiam non dedignatus
pedes lavare, cuius manus
Uli est
Feet-washing, might suggest for the sermon
surroundings iam praevidebat in scelere. But Augustine (ibid., LXII, c. 3, col. 1802) denies the communion
which the baptismal Feet-washing was still practiced.
in
to Judas, whereas Ernaud holds the opposite view (see preceding note). It is remarkable
See the excellent sketch by A. Jungmann, "Die Abwehr des germanischen
J. Arianismus though that the early sacramentaries do not deny the Judas communion. In the Preface of the
und der Umbruch der religiosen Kultur des friihen Mittelalters."
Zeitschrifi fur katholische Maundy Thursday .Mass in the Gelasian Sacramentary, ed. H. A. Wilson (Oxford, 1894), 73,
Theologic, LXIX (1947), 3&-99; but nothing comparable has been wTitten on
the influence the participation of Judas is an essential point: Pascit igitur mitis Deus barharum Judas, ct
which anti-Donatism or its Abwehr exercised on the Western -
Church a central theme in sustinet in mensam crudelem convivam, donee
Rudolph Sohms Das alt katholische Kirchenrecht und das se suo laqueo perderet. . . See also .\lban
Dekrct Gratians (Leipzig 1918)
Actually, the fear of any kind of re-baptism was
Dold and Leo Eizenhofer, Das Prager Sakramentar (Texte und Arbeiten der Erzabtei Beuron,
not unreasonable. The Anabaptists of the
1. Abt., Heft 38-12; Beuron, 1949), 49, as well as other Gelasiana. The Gregorianum also
sixteenth centiir)', as opposed to the Lutherans,
clung to the Feet-washing as "a sacrament
instituted and ordained by Christ," whereas to
has this Preface, though shghtly attenuated: Patitur mitis Deus immitem Judam, et sustinet
the Lutherans it appeared as grdulicher
pius crudelem convivam, qui merito laqueo suo periturus erat. Cf. The Gregorian Sacra- . .

" ^- ^""''^' ^""^'^ '''"^^'^'"- '''^''^' Lutheranae, II (Leipzig

^ZTir IfS\"^;
1848), 38 and 424; below, n. 160. ^ ^ mentary under Charles the Great, ed. Wilson (Bradshaw Societv, XLIX; London, 1915);
also PL., LXXNTII, 82. See next note.
"Bernard of Clairvaux, In Coena Domini: Scrmo de
baptusmo, saeramento altaris et
ahlutwnc pedum (esp. cc. 3-4), PL., CLXXXIII 271 ff "See, e.g., Triodion (Rome, 1879), 669, the Kathisma: Horo? ai Tp6no<:, lovBa, 7rpoS6Ty,v
Tov ^u>Typo<i upyuaaTo; . firj OTi'SctiriT/o-as iKtivoK twv oAAo)!'
tre rrj^ rpaTrt^rji; uiri!>aaTo; (it]

*n vncnov ayaBCov apu'TjpAin' iyivov\ These rhetorical questions

viipas Tm'<; iroSa',. tovs rrov-; VTrcpeiSa';
are implied already in Ephrcm, Scrmo III in hebdomadam sanctam, ed. Lamv, I, 400 and 408:

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228 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 229

in the West, for in fact we often find in western imagery that only eleven
Sutri, for example, who wrote at the end of the eleventh century, still re-
apostles were present at the Mandatum.^^ peated that passage and asserted that "after the
laving of the feet of St.
The attitude of Rome was certainly important; but Rome, especially in
Peter and the other apostles, the sacrament
of Body and Blood was dis-
the early Middle Ages, was not yet identical with the West, and Roman pensed." It is true, the whole passage, including
the interpretation of the
liturgical customs were not yet those of all the Western Churches in many
pedilavium as baptism, may still be found in liturgical writings, for
of which, the Prankish included, a definitely non-Roman stratum remained example
m the somewhat old-fashioned Ordo Lateranensis of Bernard of Porto
vigorous for many centuries. In a Carolingian catechism of the ninth cen- {ca.
IISO)."" On the whole, however, it may be said that by the time of Bonizo
tury, the catechumen "Why are those
asks: reborn in the font of baptism led
the canonists had begun
omit the baptismal passage from the second
to
to the table of the Lord?" And he receives the answer:
Fabian letter, even though the letter itself was quoted
regularly on account
To confirm in them all the sacraments of Christianity. For also the Lord, after
. . .
of the confection of chrism on Holy Thursday;
laving the feet of the apostles, handed to them the mysteries of his Body and Blood." " and in this connection it was
mcorporated also into the Roman Breviary."' However,
the underlying idea
In thesame century, the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals were composed in Gaul. of the clause equating the Mandatum with baptism
was probably no longer
One of the false decretals, the so-called Second Letter of Pope Fabian ( 240- understood, since it deviated too strongly from the
Roman customs which
253 ) contains a long paragraph about the consecration of chrism on Holy
, became the binding norm age of the Church Reform. At any rate, the
in the
Thursday: the Pope is made to remark that not only was the preparation of baptismal phrase in the Fabian letter no longer is
found either in Iv'o of
the holy oils instituted on Maundy Thursday, but also communion and Chartres or in Gratian's Decretumr although both
authors still quote the
baptism - "for the washing of our feet signifies baptism." "* From Pseudo- letter itself. Therewith the idea of the
baptismal values of the pedilavium
Isidorus that passage wandered to other collections of canon law. Bonizo of was lost to the jurists who
glossed the Decretum, and likewise it strayed out
Etenim quamvis agnosceret pravam eius mentem, inclinavit se ut lavaret ei pedes, sed cor of the sight of the theologians.
alius non fuit ablutus. See Lamy, I, 423, n. 1, on the question of the This does not imply that the chronology of events
Judas communion. It is
noteworthy that these ideas are found also in a Maundy Thursday antiphon of the propagated under the
Beneventan influence of Roman customs was uniformly
rite: Lavi pedes tuos, discipule; feci te testem
sacramenti mei. Manducasti panem mettm; et tu accepted. The Egyptian medi-
quare sine causa sitisti sanguinem meum? See the Beneventan Gradual, tation about the ordines Christi, according
in Paleographie to which Christ as a deacon
musicale, XV (1931), 288, where the learned editor adds: "Expression
bien hardie, et qui
semble assez pen romaine d'inspiration. Spontancment on pense a un original
grec." He is sores nostri acceperunt nobisque reliquerunt,
reminded of the tone of the Improperia; but the prototype is found crisma conficere docuit; ipsa enim lavatio
Ephrem. It is significant
in nostrorum sigmficat baptismum, quando sancti crismatis
pedum
for the non-Roman climate that this antiphon has the rubric: Deinde rcsponsorium unctione perficitur atque conftrmatur
Am- Dr. Schafer Wi hams, Washington, was kind enough to call my attention
in
brosmnum, although it is not found in the Milanese service books that we to this passage!
know. For the letter of Fabian with regard to the confection of
"See, e.g., the Salzburg, Stiftsbibliothek Antiphonal (MS. a. XII. the holy oils, see also Goar Eucho-
7, fol. 298), of the
^^*'*';^" P""^"'-- ^e consacrer le Saint Chreme," ^chos dOrient,
middle of the twelfth century, reproduced by Karl Lind, Ein
Antiphonarium mit Bild^chmuck S?' . t'u^:
1900), 4; Philipp Hofmcister, Die heiligen Ole (above, n.
III (1899-
tm Stifte St. Peter zu Salzburg (Vienna, 1870), pi. x, and 45), 45.
p. 15; or the New York, Morgan "Bonizo, Liber de vita Christiana, II, c. 52, ed. E. Perels
Library, Pierpont MS. 521; cf. M. R. James, "Four (Berlin, 1930) 60- In cena
Leaves of an English Psalter," Walpole So- Dommi antiqua traditione a Sanctis patribus accepimus reconciliari
ciety Annual, XXV
(1936-37), pi. vi. Rather significant for the later stvle is Duccio's
Retable at
specialiter debere
pcnttentes ideo quia eo die sacramentorum, baptismi
Siena, m the Cathedral Museum (Opera del Duomo), of 1308-1311
(see fig 40) See also
scilicet et sanguinis Domini, apostolis
a
domtno Christo donata fuit traditio. Ibid., II, c. 55,
below, n. 121, for the Bernini relief in the Cathedra
Petri
p. 62: [On this dav the consecration of
(fig. 39). If the Mozarabic Liber the chrism and the reconciliation of the penitents]
ordtnum, ed. M. Ferotin (Monumenta ecclesiae liturgica, quia ultimo pascha cum discipulis celebrato
V; Paris, 1904), 190, line 24 (cf post Petri ceterorumque discipulorum pedum lavationem,
n. 2), says: ". . exiendum ad viginti duos pedes; et accedendum est adcenam pos^ pedes ut nobis evangelica narrat hystoria
tterum Christum scimus recubuisse et sacramcnta sui
corporis et sanguinis et ordinem cele-
" "
'
''^" ^^ " "^""^^ *^^* "'^ ^^^^^" ''P'*'^' ^^^^ ^""^^ ^^""^'^^ ""* ^^'"^ brandi apostolis tradidisse. . .
reslno' .

" Cf Bernhardi Cardinalis et Lateranensis ecclesiae prioris

catechese baptismale du IX* siecle," Revue . Ordo Officiorum ecclesiae Later-
benedictine, LVII anensis, Ludwig Fischer
nQlv^riQ^inilTiV'^""
( 1947), 196-200 17: Quare renati fonte haptismatis mox corporis et sanguinis
c. 126, ed. (Historische Forschungen und Quellen, 2-3- Munich and
domini sacra- Freising, 1916), 49 f.
mentaperapmnt? Resp. Ob hoc videlicet ut omnia christianitatis
in eis sacramcnta firmentur "Breviarium Romanum, January 20th, "SS. Fabiani et
Nam et salvator, postquam lavit pedes apostolorum [see above, n. SebasUana": Idem statuit ut
82], tradidit eis sui corporis
'^ quotannis feria quinta in Coena Domini, vetere combusto, chrisma
et sangumts mtsteria. renovatur. Cf Hofmeister
Die heiligen Ole, 45.
lfin7.K^'';r^<r:,^'''"^''' ^^'f"-^"^"'^"'"^
^t capituh AngHramm (Leipzig, 1863). " Ivo of Chartres, Decretum, II, 73, PL., CLXI, 176; for
Honentales episcopos": In illo die dominus Iest,s, postquam Gratian, see c. 18, D.3 de con-
""""^^ coenavit secratione, ed. E. Friedberg, Corpus luris Canonici, I
lAbo'
(see above, n. 9^
82) cum dtsapults suts et pedes eorum lavit, sicut (Leipzig, 1879), 1357 (with n. 173 for
a Sanctis apostolis praedcccs- the older canonical collections )

/
U J J u ' _/ -/
I
 230 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 231
washed the feet of the apostles before he instituted as a priest or bishop the
the Church of the former Exarchate either."' And
Sacrament of the Altar, was translated at an early time into Latin prob- was generally observed
it
over a long period in the Churches of Gaul and Milan. Although there is no
ably in the sixth century. The translation apparently was made in Rome,
direct evidence extant that the East ever practiced a
but it was the Irish with their strange preference for things Egyptian baptismal Laving of
the Feet, it is difficult to imagine that all the non-Roman
who spread the story in the West, especially on the fringes of the Roman Churches of the
Patriarchate."" It appears in the so-called Hihcrncnsis (the Irish collection
West should have adopted that ritual without the stimulus of ideas which
of canons of the seventh century) and in the Bobbio Missal as well as
were common in Syria and not unknown to the other Eastern Churches."'
in
the Malalianus Chronicle of the eighth century and in St. Gall manuscripts
The practice of the Gallican Church is well known, and the places refer-
of the ninth. In the twelfth century its popularity rose. The story is reported
ring to the baptismal rite Ad pedes lavandos in the Missale Gothicum, the
by Ivo of Chartres and Honorius of Autun, by the Gallicanum and the Bohhien.se have often been collected."" Additional
vettis,
Norman Anonymous,
evidence can be gleaned easily from the answers of Frankish bishops
Stephen of Range, Hugh of St. Victor, and finally by Peter the to
Lombard;
and it is found in manuscripts from Monte Cassino and Cluny, Charlemagne's inquiry concerning baptism.'"" The ceremony itself, the
from St.
Martial and Paris, Chartres and Troyes, and from various
washing of the feet of the neo-baptized after he had left the font and donned
other places."'
In short, through that story of the Egyptian
his white garment, is of minor interest here - with one exception: According
monks some recollection re-
to all the Gallican service
books the celebrant, after having accomplished
mained alive of the old tradition according to which the laving was per-
the washing, speaks the formula Ego tihi lava pedes.'''' This
formed in preparation of the Last Supper. formula cor-
responds with that spoken at the accomplishments of other holy
All that, however, of minor importance. actions
is What matters here is that in (Ego
the early Middle Ages the
te baptizo. Ego te absolvo etc.), and it may suggest what kind of
non-Roman Churches of the West practiced the liturgical rank was attributed to the baptismal Laving of the Feet.'"'
pedilavitim as part of the baptismal rite itself:
the feet of the neophyte were By far the most interesting evidence, however, comes from Milan. The
washed. In Spain and in Africa this rite
was eliminated by the fourth and ritual itself was similar to that of Gaul, though it was somewhat more elab-
fifth centuries.- In the Irish
Church the baptismal Feet-washing was prac- orate. The celebrant, or the bishop if he himself performed the rites, not only
ticed as late as the ninth century,
when it is mentioned by the Stowe kissed the foot of the neo-baptized after the laving, but also
Missal.- A Ravenna inscription ( according to
suggests that this rite was not unknown in a later Milanese Order) placed on his head three times the heel
of the
neophyte's foot - a strange variety of sacred calcatio colli, or rather
a ges-
" Wilmart, "Les ordres du Christ" (above,
n. 43), has carefully inspected
to -y^s Paragraph^not all
the texts refcTrcd
of which, however, contain the "^Tlie Feet -washing referred to in the baptistry of S. Giovanni in Fonte,
is
passage on'he p.rf,7j:^: where an ,.,/
''^f-vu-
rj^ .-,*
The Norman Anonymous escaped Wilmart; inscription beneath a mosaic showing the Baptism of Christ reads: <-^*5^ >
see Heinrich Bohmer. Kirche unci
England undjn der Normandie im
XI. und XII. Jahrhundert
Siaat in
Ubi deposuit Ihs vestimenta sua et misit aquam ^u^^<cn^^^ dl^Tok*ut ^
(Leip.iriSQQ 457 d" In pclvim, coepit lavare pedes discipttlorum .stiorum. 10 f^ -uci Uu- .

Ordination of the Apostles"; similarly Duncan, Aphraates, 74 f.

Tractate XIX, ed. Bohmer 473
a number of relevant observations. f- see aKo 441 11^ t Duncan, Aphraates, 71, is certainly correct when he refutes the generally accepted
A.a (Hazard Theological Studies,
George Wil iim. H tZV a
' '

"^ ''''
'
""

(cf. L. Ducliesnc, Christian Wor.ship [5th ed., London,

view
1931], 326) according to which "there
XVnrcL!:;!!; Lss! ZTIsT'"''"''' was in the Orient no trace of a washing of feet in connection with baptism." There is, however,
no evidence that a washing of the feet actually belonged to baptismal rites.
"See Leclercq, DACL., VIII: 2, col. 2007-9; Malvy, Diet, theol. oath., IX, 17; Quasten.
Monumenta eucharistica, 128, n. 1; Duncan, Aphraates, 75.
does not seem to have wriHor. fl.^ *. J '"'"' ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^ n. who unfortunate v ""See F. Wiegand, Erzhi.schof Odilbert von Mailand iiber die Tatife (Studien zur
.t. ,
Geschiclite der Thcologie und der Kirche, IV:
The polemic^ of ^^1;^li hrpf (aW tf7r 77^^"^ ^'''' ''
''V'--'-
that a baptismal
submitted to Charlemagne in answer
I; Leipzig, 1899), 63
to the emperor's inquiry of 812
which only nine answers
to
flF; Odilbert's work was

were known untilM. Hanssens, "Deux documents carolingiens sur le bapteme," Ephemerides
''^"^;:';rT^/r-^^"^^^^---"^ liturgicae, XLI
J.
1927), 69 ff, added a tenth from an Orleans manuscript. See also A. Wilmart,
(

Analccta Reginemia (Studi e Testi, 59; Vatican, 1933), 154, n. 3, who mentions seventeen
About the sequence ^^'"^^'^ ^^'^f-^' ^S^D. 217.
o?evnts^f is
:^^
such answers, though admitting that "plusieurs sont irreellcs."
"'-"/""^ '"^'^"'"^ ^^^'^ '''- --''"'
linteo is followed byrserof .i^o^ ^'"^^"^ ''
'"^'P'^""^' Cor^^^^^^^ Sang.m donUni nostri icm christi
" See PL.,
LXXII, 275C, 370A, 502D.
vitam aeternam Amen .sit tihi in
""Other actions, to be sure, are introduced in a similar fashion: Pcrungo te chri.tma .lancti-
tatis, for example, precedes the laving formula in the Missale Gothicum;
PL., LXXII, 275C.

/ / _/ _/ C
U J J J
 232 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE RAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 233
ture of caput suhmittere quasi cleo praesenti, "inclining the head nnder the It willnot be superfluous to add the remark here
that even the ordinary
quasi-present God," of which other examples are known. ^"* What matters lavatio pedum of the clerics on Maundy
Thursday is not attested to in Rome
here is that Ambrose of Milan himself, at various times, interpreted the prior to the twelfth or thirteenth century; '
and we may wonder whether
meaning of the baptismal Feet-washing, and that his remarks shed all the Augustine's remark about the attitude of some
churches which found it
light we may desire on our present problem.'"^ Ambrose, too, considered "safer" not to introduce the laving at all,
was not made in reference to
the laving above all an act of humility and charity; but he saw more in it Rome.'"" What Saint Ambrose stressed, however,
was the difference between
than that. He held that Christ not only humiliated himself by giving the the Milanese sacramental concept of the laving
and the Roman charitable or
example of mutual love, but that he also washed the venena serpentis, the hospitable concept of that ceremony. Nor was
Ambrose the man to content
"poisons of the snake," from his disciples by cleansing them."" He further himself with mere hints. He was, in fact, extraordinarily outspoken, as he
compared the reluctance of Peter to be laved by his Master with the reluc- continued:
tance of John the Raptist to perform the laving in Jordan for Christ and
One thing is humility, another sanctification.
listen why [the laving] is a
is Now
thereby established an interrelation between the laving on Epiphany and mystery and a sanctification: "Unless 1 wash thy feet,
thou wilt have no part with me "
the laving on Maundy Thursday.'"" Finally Ambrose, while defending the This I say not to rebuke others, but to recommend
my own way of officiating In every
baptismal essence of the Feet-washing, enlarged upon the differences pre- respect 1 am desirous to follow the Roman Church. Yet, we too are men having our
senses. Hence, what is retained more correctly in other places, that
vailing between the liturgical uses of Rome and Milan. more correctly
' we
too shall retain. '1"
We know very well that this custom [of washing the feet at baptism] is not observed
by the Roman Church whose type and form in all other respects we Those were strong words directed against Rome and Roman
follow; but this usage, and not
rite of feet-washing Rome has not. Perhaps Rome avoided [its introduction] on ac- without irony Ambrose concluded his diatribe, saying:
count of the crowds. Nonetheless, there are those who dare excuse [that omission] and
maintain that the laving shall be performed not at the Mystery, not at Baptism, not at
WE follow the Apostle Peter himself. WE cling to his devotion. What savs the Roman
Church now? For to us the Apostle Peter himself is the author
the Regeneration, because the washing of the feet should be offered only, as it were, of our assertion he who
was a priest of the Roman Church. Peter himself said: "Lord, not
to a guest.^"'' my feet only, but also
my hands and my head" - non solum pedes, sed etiam manus et caput.
'"
Stiefenhofer, "Liturgische Fusswaschung" (above,
13), 327, sums up the material
n.
from Beroldus, ed. M. Magistretti, Beroldus sive Ecclesiae Amhrosianae Mediolanensis
And Ambrose added:
kalen-
darium et ordines saec. XII (Milan, 1894) inaccessible to me was Joseph Visconti, Notice the What
;
De antiquis faith. first he objected to,was a matter of his humility; what after-
baptismi ritihus et caeremoniis (presumably in his Observationes ecclesiasticae wards he offered, was a matter of
[Milan, 1615- his devotion and faith.*"
1626] ), Lib. 11, c. 17-20, where the rites as mentioned above are described. On Holy
Saturday,
the Archbishop of Milan himself baptizes three boys, naming them suetudinem non habet, ut pedes lavet. Vide ergo, forte propter multitudinem
Peter, Paul, and John (see,'
declinavit. Sunt
for a similar practice in Rome, M. Andrieu, Le
Pontifical romain au moyen-dge, 1 [Vatican tamen, qui dicant et excusare conentur, quia hoc non in mysterio
City, 1938], 245, with n. 24), and washes their feet
faciendum est, non in
after the fashion described. See, for caput baptismate, non in regeneratione, sed quasi hospiti pedes lavandi sint.
submittere, F. Dolger, Sol Salutis
( Liturgiegeschichdiche " See Ordo Roincnus X,
J. Forschungen, 4-5; 2nd ed c. 12, PL., LXXVIII, 1013A; according to
the new edition bv
Munster, 1925), 7 ff. Andneu, Pontifical romain, II, 464 and 552 (Pontificale Romanae Curiae,
saec. XIII, Ordo
"**The passages are collected by Quasten, Monumenta XLII, c. 31), the Ordo X does not seem to antedate the thirteenth century.
eucharistica, 128, n. 1.
J.
Huhn See also Eisenhofer
Die Bedeutung des Wortes Sacramentum bei dem Kirchenvater Liturgik,
Ambrosius (Fulda 1928)' II, 523, n. 77.
33-43 (inaccessible to me), seems to hold that Ambrose defended "" See above, n. 72.
the pcdilavium as a "sacra-
mental," and not as a "sacrament"; see, however, the " De
review of Karl Adam, in Theoloaischc Sacramentis, 111, 1, 5, Quasten. 152. 23
Aliud est humUitatis, aliud sanctificationis
ff:
Quartalschrift, CX (1929), 177-179, who, on the Dentque
contrary, stresses vigorously its character audi, quia mysterium est et sanctificatio: 'Nisi lavero tibi
pedes, non habebis mecum
as a sacrament. Cf. Duncan, Aphraates, 72 ff; also
above, n. 85. for the Beneventan Gradual- partem.' Hoc idea dico, non quod alios reprehendam, sed mea
Lavt pedes tuos, discipule; feci te testem sacramenti
ipse officio commendem. In
mei, and the rubric Respomorium omnibus cupio sequi ecclesiam Romanam; sed tamen et nos homines sensum habemus;
Ambrostanum. ideo,
quod alibi rectius servatur, et nos rectius custodimus. Strangely enough this passage
served
"Ambrose, De Sacramentis, Quasten, p. 153: Lavas ergo pedes, ut laves venena
III, 1, 7, Pope Nicholas II, in a letter to the Milanese, as proof of Ambrose's conformity with
serpentis; also In Psalmum Rome:
48, n. 8: Unde dominus discipulis pedes lavit, ut lavaret venena Unde et ipse S. Ambrosius se in omnibus sequi magistram sanctam Romanam
profitetur
serpentts; PL XIV, 1215A; Quasten, 128, n. 1. The metaphor was very common both ecclesiam -a. passage incorporated into Gratian's Decretum,
in the c. 1. D.XXII ed ' Friedberp
East and the West. ^'
1, 73 (with n. 3).
'"
See above, n. 16. "'De Sacramentis, III, 1, 6, Quasten, 152. 30 ff: Ipsum sequimur ajyostolum Petrum,
- De Sacramentis III, 1, 5, ed. Quasten, 152: mn ignoramus quod ecclesia Romana banc ipsius infiaeremus devotioni. Ad
hoc ecclesia Romana quid respondet? Utique ipse auctor est
consuetudmem non habeat, cuius typum in omnibus sequimur nobis huius adsertionis Petrus apostolus, qui sacerdos fuit ecclesiae
et formam; banc tamen con- Romanae. Ipse Petrus ait:

n J J L
u J J u
234 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 235
tian sarcophagi of the fourth
The between the Milanese sacramental and the Roman charitable
difference and fifth centuries (figs. 33, 34)."'' In those
sculptures, which
concepts of the pedilavium may be rednced to a different emphasis laid on breathe the moderation of late classical works of
still
art
the emotions are tempered. Christ,
different versicles of the Fonrth Gospel. Ambrose, conceiving of the Feet- humiliated before the enthroned Pilate'
IS counter-balanced by the
washing as a "mystery" and baptismal "sanctification," stressed the (so to Feet-washing Christ humiliating himself beforJ
the words the enthroned disciple who will become
speak) positive versicles: the hidden promise contained in the princeps apostolomm. The
latter s gesture is one of quiet
"Unless I wash thy feet, thon wilt have no part with me," and Peter's devo- remonstrance, which still survives in the tenth-
tion and faith as distingnished from his humility
"-'
when he said: century ivory casket from Quedfinburg (fig.
35), as well as in the Gospels
my of Emperor Henry II (fig. 36),>' both
"Lord, not my feet only, but also my hands and head." Contrariwise, works of art of the Ottonian period
Rome, seeing in theceremony only the expression of lunnility and charity, The gesture came to the British Isles with the Gospels
of Saint Augustine
stressed the (so to speak) negative versicles in which Peter remonstrated: (seventh century), at the latest; "^ and found in the twelfth-century
it is
Psalter from
"Dost thou wash my and "Thou shalt never wash my feet." Those are
feet?" St. Swithin's Priory at Winchester (fig. 37),"** which still re-
flectsthe former calmness and balance of emotions.
two different concepts of which Ambrose on the one hand and the Africans A century later, Peter's
on the other are the chief exponents. reproachful resistance will be expressed more
vehemently; for before the
In whatever fashion one may wish thirteenth century one would hardly expect the
to explain the origin of this dichotomy, versicle "Dost thou wash
about its existence there can be no doubt, especially since our archaeological
my feet?" tobe represented so drastically as in the altar frontal
from Copen-
and iconographic evidence strikingly supports and hagen, where the bewildered apostle points his right
illustrates the dual con- index finger
^ at Christ
(fig.38)."
cept. This, of course would not imply that the antithesis of Roman and
Milanese rites can be held responsible for the differing Monsignore Wilpert was indined to call this gesture of
artistic concepts, but humble remon-
rather that both art and strance and deprecation the "Roman gesture." '^"
liturgy reflect the same conceptual difference. Indeed, Roman it may be
called, especially when we remember St. Ambrose's antithesis: "One thing
is humility, another is For those representations express the
sanctification."
IV
humihty of both the lavator and the lavatus, but they do
not reflect the idea
In the Rossano Codex (fig. 17a) Peter is shown as he tries to keep of sanctification. And Roman
his it may be called for yet another reason: that
Master from humiliating himself, and the disciple's beseeching gesture gesture is displayed in the most prominent place of the Roman world, in the
seems to say: "Dost thou wash my feet?" This version is found sporadically Cathedra Petri itself, at St. Peter's in Rome, where the throne of the Prince
Byzantium as well as in Syria. The Leningrad Lectionary, for
in the East, in of Apostles in its Bernini encasement has its place in the center of the
example, shows most impressively the gesture of supreme embarrassment tribwia. Here, on one of the bronze side panels of die seat (fig.
39), we find
and amazement on the part of Peter (fig. 31)."' We find a similar gesture Bernini's relief of the Feet-washing.'-' He shows
the familiar gesture of the
also in a Syrian miniature of the twelfth or thirteenth century
(fig. 32),'"
although here the objections of Peter are less reproachful than "^J. Wilpert, / sarcofagi cristiani antichi, I (Rome,
they are 1929-36), pi. xn fig 5 (Crvot of
categorical, as if he were saying: "Thou shalt never wash St. Peter's in Rome) and fig. 4 (Aries, Mas.
my feet." This Lapidaire).
""A. Goldschmidt, Die Elfenbeimkulpturen aus der
gesture of amazement and reproach coupled with remonstrance Zeit der kawlingischen uml otto-
and resist- nu^chen Kau^er, I (Berlin, 1914), pi. lxxi, fig. 147b; and
Goldschmidt. German llluminatiori,
ance is iconographically very old. In fact, it goes back to
the very first
n (New York, n.d.), pi. 3/ (Munich, Staatsbibliothek, Clm.
4452, fol. 105')
'" Francis Wormald, The
representations of the Feet-washing that Miniatures in the Gospels of St. Augustine, Corpus
we know: to a group of early Chris- lege MS. 286 (Cambridge, 1954), pi. i (cf. pi. ^ Christi Col-
5), and p. 12 (with n 1)
Domine, non solum pedes, sed etiam manus -Brit. Mus., Cotton Nero C. IV, fol. 20'; see G. F. Warner.
et caput.' Vide fidem. Quod ante excmavit ' Reproductions from Illumi-
humilitatis quod postea nated Manuscripts in the British Museum, III (London,
fiiit; obtulit, dcvutionis et fidci. 1910-28), pi. vii.
'"Above, n. Ill; also 110: aliud "'Poul N0rlund, Gyldne altre: jysk metalkunst fra valdenmrstiden (Copenhagen
humilitatis, aliud sauctificatiouis
. . .
IQ-^fi)
151 B. r b - /,
-Leningrad, Public Library, MS. gr. 21, fol. 6- photograph fig. .

by courtesy of Professor
Weitzmann. See also Charles Rufus Morey, "Notes on East ""Wilpert, Die romischen Mosaiken und Malereien (Freiburg,
Christian Miniatiires " Art Bui- 1916), p. 853.
='
Roberto Battaglia, La cattedra Berniniana di San Pietro
ktin, XI (1929), fig. 96, p. 83 f. For other instances (Rome, 1943), pi. xxv (facing
of that gesture in the East see
Venice, San Giorgio dei Greci, Lectionary, fol. 274'.
ee '
p. 120) and pp. 106 f. See, for the reduction to eleven apostles, above,
'
n. 86, and the Sienese
"* Berlin, Staatsbibl.
MS. Sachau, 304, fol. 89'.
panelof the early fouiteenth century (fig. 40) '
^f l-K-^Cx-.f a-o-vc <jri-*iiiK
.
f^ e-M-iC" - ''

n J J
u J J
 236 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 237
disciple in an unfamiliar fashion: an almost terrified Peter remonstrates not 45).''' To have Christ seated - actually on a stool decked very imperially
so much, it would seem, to the laving itself as to the passionate baccio di with a roll-shaped cushion - and Peter standing, while the other aposdes
piede which, though not mentioned in the Gospel, has been taken over from wait their turn in might be meaningful because it is reminiscent of
file,

both the baptismal laving and the then customary Maundy Thursday ritual Byzantine court ceremonial. According to Codinus, the emperor
was seated
as influenced perhaps by monastic practice. The bearded apostles likewise when on Maundy Thursday twelve well-groomed poor were led into his
are terrified or stunned, while the beardless youngest of the remaining chamber to get their right foot
washed, wiped, and kissed by the emperor.'''"
eleven disciples (Judas absent), being the only one whose eyes potentially It is strange, however, that this usage should be
reflected in only one -
is

meet the Master's, glides past almost Hoats behind St. Peter, with a non- Coptic - manuscript even though attention has been called recently
to cer-
chalant gesture of his right hand. tain similarities between Byzantine and Fatimid court
ceremonial.'^"
As opposed to the Roman gesture of remonstrance an iconographic type The observation has been made that Peter holding his head sometimes
was introduced which usually is called "Byzantine," and of which our shows a face that seems to express sorrow, distress, and pain; and we may
earliest evidence is probably the Chludov Psalter of the ninth century ( fig. wonder whether that gesture did not originally serve to express, purely
41).^^^ The characteristic feature of that type is the gesture of St. Peter: he iconographically, real physical pain. For indeed, Peter's gesture seems
to
puts his right hand to his head, illustrating of course the words: "Not only have classical antecedents.'" A
warrior, probably a wounded Philoctetes,
the feet, but also my hands and my head." There are few variations of this embossed in the cheek piece of a helmet from Megara (fig. 46), holds his
gesture which actually may be considerably older than the ninth century, head with his right hand, obviously expressing the pains he suffered from
since the master of the Chludov Psalter was certainly not the first painter
to apply that type when illustrating Psalm 50:9.^-^ Sometimes Peter would '" Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. Copte 13, fol. 259'.
only point at his head, as in the Berlin Gospels or the Sinai Sticherarion, both ''Codinos, De officialibus, c. 12, ed. I. Becker (Bonn, 1839), 70 f. The crucial place is

of the thirteenth century (figs. 43-44); '"^

sometimes he may mournfully p. 70, 19 f :
/cat toi'tov fj-iv Ka6laavT0<i, tov 8t irporoTraTrd
to tvayytkiov avayiViuaKovroi kt\-
. . .

The interpretation of the genetivus abwlutus {tovtov fuv Ka6iaavro<:) is diBcult

because it
hold his head, as in the tenth-century Gospel-book from Patmos (fig. 42).^"'^ might refer also fo the first of the twelve poor who entered with candles in their hands.
The Roman "stand-off" gesture, to be sure, was not unknown in the East However, the parallelism of the one seated and the protopapas {tovtov fitv - tov 8i) leaves us
hardly a choice: the emperor is seated, the protopapas reads the Gospel - and who, if any
it will suffice here to recall the Rossanensis or the Leningrad Lectionary
person, could be seated while the Gospel was read, but the emperor? This, at any rate, is the
(figs. 17a; 31),^^" but it is true nonetheless that the "hand to head" pictur- interpretation of Petrides, "Lavement," Echos d Orient, III, 324 (Treitinger, Kaiser- und
ing of Peter remained typical in Byzantine art, and in that of the Eastern Reichsidee, 126 f, unfortunately did not paraphrase this place). I am grateful to Dr. George
Stamires, of the Institute for Advanced Study, at Princeton, for giving me additional argu-
Churches in general: the author of the Painter's Guidebook from Mount
ments supporting this interpretation, and to Professor R. H. Jenkins, of the University of
J.
Athos mentions the gesture as the standard representation of that scene.'" London, for expressing his opinion and for calling my attention to the study quoted below,
Actually, the clinging to that gesture could lead to a genuine tour de force,
n. 130.

'""See M. Canard, "Le ceremonial fatimite et le ceremonial byzantin: Essai de com-

as in a curious Coptic manuscript of the thirteenth century in the Biblio-
paraison," Bijzantion, XXI (1951), 355-420, who shows that there were similarities of cere-
...^^^^'^ theque Nationale: Peter, standing, holds his head and awkwardly balances monial between Fatimid Egvpt and Byzantium, but admits also (418 flF) that these similarities
M3 1 f.^-'? )
on one foot while Christ, contrary to most representations, may just as well betray Uttle more than a common oriental origin.
whether The question arises
is seated (fig.
in Coptic circles it could have been known what the Feet-washing ceremonial was hke in

Constantinople provided that the interpretation of the Codinus passage be correct; for
''^
Moscow, Historical Museum, Cod. 129, fol. 50'. Professor Milton Anastos kindly informed me that in his opinion the genetivus absolutus
'"See Tikkanen, "Psalter-Illustration," (above, n. 47), 55, for Ps. 50:9, also for the referred to the first men, and not to the emperor. In a Western miniature
of the twelve poor
Chludov Psalter in general. (Seligmann Sammlung, H. Paul and P. Graupe [Berlin, 1930], pi. xliv, fig. 140) Peter is
'" Berlin, Staatsbibl., MS. gr. qu. 66, fol. 314'; Sinai, MS. gr. 1216, 203', to standing upright while Christ performs his humble service with bended knees; but in this
fol. which
Professor A. M. Friend kindly called my
most peculiar because the Feet-washing
attention, is picture, the ceremonious details of B.N. Copte 13 are lacking.
takes place in the open, and not in the Upper Chamber; notice also "' Mrs. Dora Panofsky was kind enough to call my attention to this fact, and to place at
the figure of Judas.
" Patmos, Libreria Monte
Giovanni MS. 70, fol. 177'. my disposal the iconographic material collected by her. The interrelations between the antique
'" See also above,
n. 113.
medical scenes and the mediaeval ritual lavings have been noticed also by Eitrem, "Sainte
'" 'Epixtvtla
Ti,t C<ypa(t,iKi,<i T(xvr]<s: Dos Handbuch der Malerei vom Berae Athos German ablution" (above, n. 14), 161, by Sudhofi^ (below, nos. 141, 143), and Miss Milne (see note
trsl. by G. Schafer (Trier, 1855), 198 f. 133).

' u
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 238 ERNST II. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 239
a wound in his leg."" This may prompt
what it is worth, to inspect
us, for medical codex we see the physician kneading the leg of the patient over a
the representations of medical treatments of wounds and diseases in which TTohavLTTTT)p (fig.
47a-b),'" a motion found not rarely in representations of
the viTTT-qp or TToSai'iiTTTjp, tlic foot-basin, is often displayed. the pedilavhwi; for example, in a painting on a twelfth-century Pisan cruci-
In the first place, we should recall that very different from modern fixwhere, as so often, Christ rather kneads the leg than washes the foot of
customs a footbath belonged to the furniture of an antique dining-room, Peter (fig. 52).'" And in the same Vienna medical codex we find not only
because banquet guests had their feet washed before they lay down for the the foot-basin, but also a patient holding his head while bathing his feet
meal.*''^ On we see a servant performing that lowly service
a Corinthian jar (fig.47c)."^
to a diner (fig. 48),'''^ and we may think of Plato's Symposium (175 a): It would be beside the point to carry the medical relations too far; yet
"Then Agathon said to the servants: "Wash Alcibiades, servants, that he may it is not at devious to associate the medical treatment with the laving on
all

recline as the third with us.' Not to mention many similar places in Greek
"
Maundy Thursday, which was, according to Origen, a washing of the "feet
literature,"'^ we need think only of Herodotus' famous story about the golden of the soul." '**
Holy Thursday was, if any day, the medical day of the
foot-bath of Amasis, which later was worked into an image of a god a liturgical year, on which Christus medicus was peculiarly present. God the
story often referred toby early Christian apologetics in order to argue Physician and Christ as the tW/ao? :iojTT]p, the one "giving medical treatment
against image worship and prove the base nature of the pagan deities in and healing the afflictions of the bodies," were
to the sufl^erings of all souls
general ^'"
to understand that a vivT-qp naturally was found also in the invoked time and time again on that day in the rite of the Consecration of
Upper Chamber, at least according to the report of the Fourth Gospel. the Holy Oils of the Eastern Church: larpk twj^ xpvxoJv Kai twu crcopaTcju
That useful basin, however, also served medical purposes, as may be u p6vo<; \\ivxSiv re. kol a-cjpdTCJv iaTp6<;, "Physician of the souls and the bodies.
gathered not only from inscriptions in Epidaurus but also from numerous . . . The only physician of souls and bodies" '"''
- such were the invocations
pictures.'" An anjhaUos, an oil-flask, in the Louvre displays a full clinical which in great variety were repeated at the Maundy service."" Also in the
scene with a foot-bath in the center (fig. 49)."'' A terracotta relief from the
necropohs of the Isola Sacra shows a complete medical instnimentarium (Locust Valley, N. Y., 1952), 244-266. See also Sudhoff (next note) p. 105: ".
der . .

while the physician treats the patient whose foot is in the basin (fig. SO).''"' Antike entstammendes urspriingliches Illustrationsgut" (cf. p. 80).
'" Karl SudhoH, "Szenen aus der Sprechstunde
Our und bei Krankenbesuchen des Arztes in
illustrated medical manuscripts, it is true, are of a late date; but as in mittelalterlichcn Handschriften," Archiv fiir Gcschichte der Medizin, X (1917), 71 ff. and
the herbals, in astronomic-astrological and other scientific works, the manu- 105 ff; his material derives chiefly from Pseudo-Apuleius MSS, especially from the Vienna,
script illustrations were derived from late antique models.'*" In a Nat. Bibl., Cod. 93 (thirteenth century); see pi. ii, fig. 5 (fol. 9") and pi. vi, fig. 13 (fol. 43").
Viennese
'"Pisa, Museo Civico, right arm of a Cross (twelfth or thirteenth century); Princeton Art
Department photograph.
von Sybel, "Zwei Bronzen," Jahrbuch dcs deutschen Archdolopischen Imtituts
'""L. '" Sudhoff, op. and
II tit., pi. X, fig. 62, p. 122, where he mentions the connections with the
(I887),15fF, andpl. I. Feet-washing of the apostles.
''"
The remarks following here are drawn from the rich material collected by Miss Marjorie '"Origen, On Jeremiah, 1, 9 = Fragmente aus der Prophetenkatene, Nr. XXIII, ed.
Milne, "A Greek Footbath in the Metropolitan Museum of Art," American Erich Klostermann (Origen, III = GCS., VI), 246: Tr,',&as ry^ i/^vx'/* <iKa6apaiav {koX)
J. Jourml of
Archeology, XLVIII (1944), 26-63, esp. 30 ff; see 31, n. 40, for the footbath as "a piece of StriOyvai tov 'Irjvov. Origen speaks often about "the feet of our soul"; see, e.g., In Isaiam
dining room furniture."
Homilia, VI, 3, ed. W. A. Baehrens (Origen, VIII = GCS., XXXIII), 273, 3: animae vestrae
""Corpus Vasortan Antiquortim: Bihliotheque Nationale, fasc. 1, ed. S Lambrino pedes lavare; also // Ezechielem Homilia, II, 4, ibid., p. 346, 15: firmos animae pedes
(Paris
1930), pi. 17, 4; Milne, 56, No. 40. fmbere. The expression passed on to the prayers; cf. Teodoro Minisci, "Le preghiere
'^ Plato, Symp. 175A; Plutarch,
Phocion, c. XX; Milne, 31, n. 39. opisthambonoi," (above, n. 35), 61, no. 28, lines 16 ff: ilTr6ir\vi'ov tov<; (/'i'X"toi\ koI
. . .

"*"
Herod., II, 172 f; see Milne, 32, and the passages from Christian
authors collected bv croj/xaTtKoi's TroSa?.
her in n. 44.
Euchologion (Rome, 1873), 182 (the Kathisma): 6 tarpo? Koi jio-qOo^; tu>v iv ttoVow
'""
"' Milne, 31, n. 38.
o \vTpo)Tr'i<i T( Koi 2<uTr;p tuiv iv v6aoi<:; also p. 183 (the Kontakiou) 'Xmrip ^I'os Oto'i- iravTwii :

"E. Pottier, "Une clinique grecque au V siecle," Monuments Piot, XIII (1906), 148 ff laTpvwv TTudij Tt Twi' i(/v)^<ui'- Kal (jw/LuiTd)!' Ta (n'l'Tpi/i/iara See also Etichologion, 190 f,
. . .

pis. xm, XIV, 1; Milne, 53, No. 13.

196, in the prayer of the priest. Actually the whole Akolouthia is interspersed with medical
"Guido Calza, La necropoli del Porto di Roma nelV Isola Sacra (Rome, 1940), 251 symbols.
fig. 149.
""See also the inscription of Timgad: Christe, tu solus medicus Sanctis ct penitentibus,
""For the general problem, see Kurt Weitzmann, Greek Mythology
in Byzantine Art ed. P. Monceaux, in Comptes rcndus de T Academic dcs Inscriptions et Bellcs-Lettrcs (1920),
(Prmceton, 1951), with the literature on p. 4, n. 3; see also his study
on "The Greek Sources 78 f, and its Greek parallel from Frikya, in Syria: larpot Koi \vm<s kokwv; see F. J. Dolger,
of Islamic Scientific Illustrations," Archaeologica Orientalia
in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld IXfc)Y5: Das Fisclisymbol in friihchristlicher Zeit, I (Rome, 1910), 253, n. 25. Both inscrip-

n J J u
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 240 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 241
Western Church the services on the Feria quinta have retained some of that
Utrecht Psalter (fig. 53).'" And
was received, above all, by the artists at
it
peculiarly medical essence.'" Moreover, Origen actually said that at the
the abbey of Monte Cassino where Greek and Latin orbits of culture inter-
Feet-washing on Holy Thursday Christ acted like the wise physician who
sected. We find that type, for example, in Formia, in the neighborhood of
first treats the sick needing treatment most that is, Judas and who last
Monte Cassino (fig. 51); '" but above all we find it in the Casket of Farfa,
treats the patient being in best shape and therefore needing treatment least:
which is of peculiar interest here because the Feet-washing appears in
And in an anonymous sermon ascribed to Fulgentius, Christ asks
Peter.'*'*
closest connection with the Baptism of Christ Jordan (fig. 57).'"'
Peter why he, still being sick, wards off the hand of the physician."" It makes
in Those
two scenes appear also together in a portable altar from the Rhine, of ca.
no sense to press the medical metaphor and to overestimate its relevance.
1160, where they are connected with the Crucifixion and the Empty Tomb
When, however, the statement is made that the Byzantine custom of repre-
(fig. 58 )."'' Do we have to assume that in those cases the
senting Peter holding his head
baptismal concept
was "un-Roman" because this gesture was
of the laving still was cooperative, or that Ambrose's comparison of the
"too poor and too paltry to be Roman," ^^^ one may wonder whether this
reluctant John the Baptist with the reluctant Peter was effective? After all,
un-Roman paltriness did not have its roots in a stratum which Rome has
the Ambrosian writings, his De mysteriis and De Sacrainentis, were not
very often disregarded or missed.
forgotten.
The so-called Byzantine gesture of Peter made its appearance early in In the later Middle Ages, the "Byzantine" gesture dominated in the
Western art, about the late tenth century, when it is found in an Antiphonary West, whereas the "Roman" gesture became comparatively rare. Again, it
of St. Gall (fig. 54).'" It is shown, around a.d. 1050, in a Cottonian Psalter
would go much too far to claim without qualification that this Byzantine type
which still reflects some of the elegance, liveliness, and directness of the
was that of "sanctification" in the Ambrosian sense, or that, especially in the
later Middle Ages, the artists were still aware of the fact that this gesture
tions arequoted by R. Arbesmann, "The Concept of 'Christus Medicus' in St. Augustine,"
Traditio,X (1954), 1, n. 1. "devotion and faith," according to Ambrose,^"*" as distin-
testified to Peter's
'"See, for example, the Exorcismus olei in the Mozarabic rite; Liber Ordinum, ed. guished from humility and charity. Referring, however, as it does, to the
Ferotin (Paris, 1904), 10: nisi te, Christe, peritissimum 7iiedicu7n te imploramus
. . . . . .
imphcit promise "If I wash thee not, thou wilt have no part widi me," and
. .Similarly in the Leofric Missal, ed. F. E. Warren (Oxford, 1883), 257. See also Sacra-
.

mentarium Gelasianuin, ed. Wilson, 65 (Tu eius medere vulneribtis) 65 and 67: {et ;
to Peter's ensuing demand to have also his hands and his head washed, the
medicinam tribue vulneratis). Byzantine gesture stresses undoubtedly the more affirmative aspects of
'"Origen, In loannem, XXXII, 4 ff (on John 13:6 ff), ed. Preuschen (GCS., X =
Origen, Peter's attitude, whereas the Roman gesture brought to the fore the aspects
IV; Berlin, 1903), 433 ff, esp. 435,18 ff. The metaphor of Christ the Physician
(see Matthew
9:12; Mark 2:17; Luke 5:31, etc.) is very common in Origen; see the passages collected in of reluctance and even resistance on the part of the disciple. This diflFerence
the new edition of MarcDiacre, Vie de Porphyre, ivique de Gaza, c. 29, by H. Gregoire and
le
has been indicated by the artist who, in the twelfth or early thirteenth
M.-A. Kugener (Paris, 1930), 26 and 109, with additional passages contributed by A. Bauni-
stark, in: Oriens Christianus, III. Ser., 9 ( = vol. XXXI; 1934), 125. Also,
century, sculptured the reliefs of San Pietro in Spoleto (fig. 55) where both
Jerome, In Marcum,
1, 29, ed. G. Morin, Anecdota Maredsolana, 111:2 (Maredsou, 1897), 337,14, depends on scenes are represented: in the first, Christ shown, carrying basin and
is
Origen: Egregius medicus [/esus] et venis est archiater. Medicus Moyses, medicus
Esaias, towel and approaching St. Peter who objects and modestly tries to keep his
medicus omnes sancti. Sed iste archiater est. See, in general, A. von Harnack, Die
Mission
und Ausbreitung des Christentums, I (4th ed., Leipzig, 1924), 129 ff; F. Master away; in the second, Christ washes the feet of the apostle who now
J.
Dolger, "Der
Heiland," Antike und Christentum, VI (1950), 241 ff; Leonardo Olschki,
"The Wise Men demands also the washing of his head.'" The first scene may be called
of the East in Oriental Tradition: 1. Jesus the Physician," Semitic and Oriental Studies Pre-
sented to William Popper, ed. Walther
""British Museum, Cottonian MS. Tib. C. VI, fol. IT.
J. Fischel (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1951), 375- '" Sant' Angelo in Formis (near Capua), Fresco in the nave, South Wall (Photo Anderson
381, with nos. 25 ff (on pages 391 f), who considers a possible later influence of
.Manichean 27185); see G. de Jerphanion, "Le cycle iconographique de Sant' Angelo in Formis," La voi.v
concepts on St. Augustine; however, the Christus medicus image was
current long before des monuments (Paris, 1930), pi. lvi, p. 279; see also Herbert Bloch (next note), 200, n. 114.
Augustine; see also Arbesmann (above, n. 146), 1-28, esp. 27 f.
" Herbert Bloch, "Monte Cassino, Byzantium, and the West in the Earlier Middle Ages,"
" (Ps.-) Fulgentius, Sermo XXV
("De lavandis pedibus"), PL., LXV, 892A: Adhuc quasi
delicatus aegrotus [Petrus] repellis medici manus? Curam bonam
Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 3 (1946), 207 ff and fig. 253, with full bibliography in n. 144.
vis recusare?
""Cf. Fritz Witte, Tausend Jahre deutscher Kunst am Rhein, I (Berlin, 1932), 56, and
""Wilpert, Die romischen Mosaiken und Malereien der kirchlichen
Bauten (2nd ed II, pl. 47.
Freiburg, 1917), p. 853: "In der Tat ist er [der Gestus] zu kleinlich,
um romisch zu sein' ""Above, n. 111.
und kommt erst spater auf."
'" Princeton
Art Department photograph. The Church of St. Peter's in Spoleto was partly
'"St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS. 390-^91 (Antiphonary); Adolf Merton, Die
Buchmalerei destroyed in 1329, but the sculptures of the exterior are obviously of an earlier date. See also
m St. Gallen vom neunten bis zum elften Jahrhundert (Stiittgart, 1912), pi. lxviii,
fig. 2. fig. 15, the Biblia pauperum (above, n. 23), where Peter makes both gestures at the same time.

n JJ u 1
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242 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 243
"negative" and the second "positive"; and together or in juxtaposition they We are interested not so much in the ritual laving itself, but rather in
render an illustration of Ambrose's words: "One thing is humility, another the antiphons which were sung while and after the officiating dignitary
is sanctification." performed his services."" The number of antiphons, their selection and their
However that may be, the two artistic formulae imply an antithesis order, varied from cathedral to cathedral and monastery to monastery. Saint-
comparable one of "humility" and "sanctification," of charitable and
to the Yrieix, an abbey affiliated to St. Martial in Limoges, had no less than twenty-
baptismal aspects of the same ritual, though it would be hazardous to iden- nine antiphons sung on that occasion; others had only seven or nine. Uni-
tify, especially in the later period, every representation of Peter "hand to formity of texts was never achieved nor aspired to during the Middle Ages,
head" with the baptismal and sacramental interpretation of the Feet-wash- though of course certain antiphons based on John 13 or referring to Mary
ing in an early age. Iconographic types have a life of their own. They survive Magdalen when anointing the feet of Christ, will be found almost every-
although (and sometimes because) their original meaning is lost and for- where. For all those individual predilections, which resist any detailed
gotten; and in that respect iconographic formulae do not differ considerably classification, two basic Maundy antiphons yet stand out clearly: one
sets of
from Hturgical formulae. being, or gradually becoming, the Roman vulgate vaUd throughout the
Western Church, and the other, following a tradition apparently restricted
V to a few French and English churches, which may be called here the non-
Roman group.
Of the liturgical staging of the Maundy Thursday washing there have
It would be a most cumbersome task and perhaps not even worth the
been handed down to us vivid descriptions from both the mediaeval Eastern
effort to investigate history and transmission of every individual Mandafum
Church, where that ceremony no longer is generally practiced, '"'* and the
mediaeval Western Church, where the Mandafum actually has survived.'"'"
antiphon, although occasionally the origin of an antiphon may be rather

The details of the ceremonial, interesting though they are, seem of minor
telling. It will suffice here to indicate the hallmarks distinguishing the Roman
importance here. While the Gospel of John was read, the officiating Church
vulgate form from the non-Roman sets of antiphons. Two tables ( A and B
dignitary pope or bishop or abbot re-enacted the humble services reii-
may illustrate the main features. In Table A six forms are found which
represent, despite their lack of imiformity, the customary Western usage.
dered by Christ and a miniature in the Bible 7norolisee
to his disciples,
The Liber responsalis is in many respects not at all characteristic of Roman
(fig. 56) may remind us once more that emperors and kings also washed on
or even ItaUan practice; but the Mandatum antiphons fall in with what later
that day the feet of twelve poor men who, in return for lending themselves
became the general custom, or perhaps was already customary at that
to that performance, received their prcshyterium, the Maundy Penny."'"
time.""'- The Lucca Missale of a Benedictine abbey has a "Beneventan"
''"
Echos d'Orient, III, 321-326, gives a detailed description, chiefly
Petiidts, "Liivemeiit,"
on the basis of tlie Ttjpika, and believes tliat the rite was introduced to Byzantium from
eral, E. .Martene, De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus. III (Bassano, 1788), 100 (Lil). IV, c. .XXII.
Jerusalem in the tenth century. See Jean-Baptiste Thibaut, Ordre des offices de la Scmainc whose
8, 3), example refers to King Robert of France (996-1031); see, for Byzantium,
earliest
Sainte a Jerusalem (Paris, 1926), 76 f, for a description according to the Tijpikon of Jerusalem
Treitinger (above, n. 129), 126 f, and, for the West, a few remarks by Percy Ernst Schramm,
of 1122: the Patriarch is the lavator, the role of Peter played by a metropolitan, and the
is "Sacerdotium und Regnum im Austausch ihrer V^orrechte," Studi Gregoriani, II (1947), 428 f;
other apostles are staged by two bishops, three priests, tliree deacons, and three suljdeacons; see, for the English Maundy Pennies, Helen Farquhar, "Royal Charities," British Numismatic
one sings the poh/chronion to the Patriarcli. The rite is performed Jerusalem, where
still in Journal, XVI (1921-22), 195 ff. See also H. A. Daniel, Codex liturgicus, II, 424, for a strange
Professor Carl Kraeling, of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, attended the
II.
incident in connection with princely Feet-washing ceremonies: Duke Maurice William of
performance in recent years, thereby observing also the ceremonious removal of the green Sachsen-Zcitz, originally a Protestant, embraced tlie Catholic faith and now ordered (.\pril
wrapper of a cake of - very fittingly - Prt/mo/ite soap. According to Petrides,
323, the cere- 14, 1718) twelve old men, who happened to be Lutherans, to appear for the Feet-washing
mony is officiated today in only three Greek churches, but it survived in Russia; see, e.g., a repast following in the princely chapel at Weyda; the result was that the twelve poor
Berkbeck and the Russian Church, ed. by Athelstan Riley (London and New York, were punished and made to do public penitence in the Lutheran Church.
I9I7)!
135 ff, to which Dr. Schafer Williams,
Washington, kindly called my attention. As Pro-
in "" This subject
has been carefully investigated by Bukofzer, Studies in Mediaeval and
fessor Der Nersessian informs me, the ceremonial Feet-washing
continues to be performed Renaissance Music, 230 ff, and little more shall be done here than to straighten out a few
in the Armenian Church.
items. Needless to say, vvitli regard to ail musicological questions, I depend entirely upon
"" See, in general,
Eisenhofer, Liturgik, I, 522 f, and, for many interesting details, Stiefen- the study of Bukofzer. See above, n. 2.
hofer, "Liturgische Fusswaschung" (above, n. 13). ""PL., LXXVIII, 848 f. Another set of antiphons is found at Ma.ss on Holv ThTirsda\'
""Laborde. Bible moralis6e. III, pi. 485 (Brit. Mvis., Harlev MS. {ibid., 766) which seems to me mucli more closely related to the conventional sets than the
1526-27, fob 14').
For the royal ritual (practiced in Hapsburg Austria until the twentieth Mandatum set proper of the Liber responsalis:
century), see, in gen-

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 t^rowwn

244 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

peculiarity (No. 10: Dominus) which is interspersed into
Cum recuhuisset
a form otherwise characteristic of the Roman sets.'"' The Besangon set is
conventional with one exception (No. 5), on which account it has been
selected here.'"' The customs of the papal Curia were not a determinant
factor before the thirteenth century. Besides, the papal Curia, we recall,

introduced the ceremonious Feet-washing on Holy Thursday apparently

only at a late date, and in the Roman Ordines it first appears in the twelfth
century.'"' Unfortunately, the antiphons are not enumerated in those later

mediaeval Roman Ordines,^^^ just as they are lacking in the Ordo Lateranen-
sis
'"^
and in the Pontificale Rormnae Curiae of the thirteenth century.'^*

For the later Middle Ages, however, the Missale Romanum of 1474 may
serve as a pattern here; '""
it does not differ substantially from the current
use which has one antiphon (No. 7: Maneant in vobis) in common with a
170
probably Italian set of the fifteenth century

1. Coenantibus autetn, accepit Jesus panem

2. Accepto pane Judas tradidit Domimim
3. St male locutus sum, perhibe testimonium (John 18:23)
4. Coena facta est, dixit Jesus disciptdis
5. Mandatum novum
6. Diligamus nos invicem, quia charitas ex Deo est
7. Si ego Dominus
8. In diebus illis mulier
9. Postquam surrexit
10. Vbi fratres in unum glorificant Dominum
11. Congregavit nos Christus
The first three versicles, of course, refer to the Last Supper and to the treason of Judas who,
by the way, has received the bread {accepto pane). On the other hand, the Feet-washing
takes place after the Last Supper and after Judas has left (see above, nos. 81-85).
'"For the manuscript, see Ebner, Missale Romanum, 65 f. For the Mandatum and the
Beneventan features, see Le Codex 10673 de la Bihliotheque Vaticane fonds latin (X7* sidclc)
Graduel Beneventain ( Paleographie Musicale, XIV
[1931]), 284 fF, pis. xxxvii-xxxviii.
"*E. Martene, De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus (Bassano, 1788), III, 110.
'" See above, n. 108, for the Ordo Romamts X. The Feet-washing, however, is mentioned
Ordines of Benedict of
also in the St. Peter's (chap. 4) and of Cencius Savelli (c. 25); PL.,
LXXVIII, 1040 f, 1074.
'"Ordo XIII, c. 22, Ordo XIV, c. 84 (cf. c. 91), Ordo XV, c. 69, PL., LXXVIII, 1118D,
1207C (1210D), 1311C.
""Ordo Lateranensis, ed. Fischer, has both a Mandatum pauperum (c. 118, p. 46) and a
Mandatum fratrum (c. 133, p. 53); but only for the Mandatum pauperum is mention made
of antiphons, beginning Mandatum novum do vobis.
'"Above, n. 108; Andrieu, Pontifical romain, 464, 552; also the Pontifical of Durandus
II,

mentions only the Mandatitm novum antiphon; see Andrieu, III, 581.
'^Missale Romanum Mediolani, 1474, ed. R. Lippe (Henry Bradshaw Society, XVII;
London, 1899), 159 f, where the caput versicle is contained in the antiphon Quod ego facio
(p. 160,22).
' Bukofzer, Studies, 234 f.

n JJ u D
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 H^-CDi,
14. Bible of Floreffe. Brit. Mus., Add. MS. 17738, fol. 4

15. Biblia pauperuni. Munich, Cgni. 20, fol. 10 16. New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS. 645, fol. 4'

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iuiig

2~. Psalter of St. Louis.

-1!.. .\Tsenal, MS. lat il86, fol. 22

31. Leningrad, Public Libr., MS. gr. 21, foL 6' 32. Berlin, Staatsbibl, Sachau .VIS. 304, fol. 89
ib. ix'on Oipn uli. i'ujis. C,-lit;vUu:. I.. 29. Ivcjn dipt> ig. Pans. Must*

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^Vf,

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^#.i^J*i-T^ | -i* JV 1

40. Duccio, rotable. Siena, Musfo Oiwra del Diionio

45. Puns, Bibl. .\ut., Cciptf 13, iul. 25y

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veer, hn^qu'dtnnonrj'af tnufarnn Qjwfi dtltttttlfi
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smi. -iiti-

THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 245

Liber responsalis s. IX
1. Mandatum novum
2. Postquam surrexit
3. Cum surrexisset
4. In diebus illis

5. Diligamus nos
6. Si ego Dominus
7. In hoc cognoscent
8. Locutus est omnipo-
tens
9. Discumbens Dns ac-
cepitpanem
10. Locutus est Dominus
11. Ubi est charitas et
dilectio
12. Domine tu mihi lavas
13. Domine, non tantwn
pedes
14. Vos vocatis me Magis-
ter
15. Mulier quae erat
16. Maria autem unxit
17. Congregavit nos Chris-
tus

Roman Missal of 1474

1. Postquam surrexit
2. Dominus Jesus
3. Benedixisti Domine
4. Exemplum enim dedi
5. Quam dilecta
6. Deus miseriatur
7. Congregavit nos
8. Mulier quae erat
9. Domine, tu mihi
10. Quod ego facio
11. Si ego Dominus

12. In hoc cognoscent

13. Benedicta sit Trinitas
14. Ubi caritas et amor
 246 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
Great though the variety of these antiphons is, the sets have certain
THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 247
features in common. There are the "historical" antiphons referring, as This explains why, for example, in the Lucca
is manuscript the antiphon Ubi
caritas et amor follows after the rubric Post
natural, to John 13 and to its parallel, Mary Magdalen anointing the feet lavattim - that is, as a transition
of Christ (John 12:1-8). Characteristically, however, the full emphasis to or in anticipation of the carita.s in
was refectorio when the whole chant was
laid not on the hut on the more general idea of Caritas,
historical events, sung. It explains also why
antiphon has invariably concluded the Roman
this

which in turn led to a selection of antiphons having nothing to do with the sets ever since the later Middle Ages,
and sporadically also in earUer times,
laving itself.
even though it may not always be recognizable:
the antiphon Christus
The descendit, for example, which concludes the
last three antiphons of the current Roman Missal exhibit this feature Besan^on set, is simply the
very clearly. Maneant in vohis continuation of Ubi caritas et amor. But whatever
fides, spes, caritas, tria haec, which is found the origin of the whole
in early times as a pedilavium antiphon, taken from
chant may be, the antiphon - blending,
were, the caritas offered to the
as it
is I Corinthians 13:13.
would he tempting poor and the caritas in refectorio offered to the monks -
It to assume that the words tria haec prompted the selec- stresses power-
fully the concept of charity itself which,
tion of the ensuing antiphon Bencdicta sit sancta Trinitas, as St. Ambrose confirms, was
which forms also in
the Introit of the Feast of Holy Trinity.'" However, the Trinity Rome the main content of the pedilavium.
antiphon
probably came into the Maundy rites for other and better reasons This impression is corroborated by the choice of
historic antiphons: they,
and from
too, emphasize the aspects of charity and
another source. Above all, it should not be separated from the humility. To be sure, the antiphon
last antiphon
of the present rite to which Dornine, tu mihi lavas pedes? taken from the dialogue between Christ and
is
it originally belonged: Ubi caritas et amor, Deus Peter, and the Liber responsalis as well as
This antiphon, ancient and beautiful as it is, is (so
ihi est. Besangon still insert the antiphon
to speak) the
Song of Songs of the idea of charity.'^^' It is taken from Dornine, non tantum pedes. On the whole, however, the
a chant which can
Roman usage se-
be traced back to Carolingian times,'^^' when it lected the versicles which, according to Ambrose,
testified to Peter's humil-
still contained a
Multos
annos acclamation for the emperor. For, Uhi ity. And is it not like unto a projection of that ancient fourth-century
caritas et amor belonged to the
controversy between Milan and Rome when we find that the versicle of
Caritas chants sung in the refectory, when
the monks united for a caritas
an extra allotment of wine granted to them Peter's "devotion and faith," by means of which Ambrose tried to defend the
on certain feast days and anni-
baptismal essence of the laving, omitted entirely in the Roman
versaries - the
so-called caritas in refectorio. Obviously,
caritas had in this
is
Missals?
For in the antiphon John 13:6-8 the Roman Missal, including the current
case a totally different meaning: it was
a grant to the monks on special oc- use, very strangely skips the decisive versicle: Non solum
casions and it had,
by itself, nothing to do with the "New
all pedes, sed etiam
Commandment" manus et caput.
of mutual love of which the Fourth
Gospel speaks. However, the caritas in While this versicle was, we might say, neglected or even conspicuous
refectorio yet linked to the idea of Charity of
is
John 13; for the extra wine for its absence from Roman
was conspicuous for its presence in the
usage, it
allotment was granted to the monks
especially after the weekly washing usage of some French and English churches and monasteries. The
of
the feet of the poor, and after the pecu-
Mandatum proper on Holy Thursday.^' liarity of the non-Roman sets of antiphons can be easily
gathered from the
forms assembled in Table B: the Gradual of Saint- Yrieix of the
eleventh
lr.:^:e:L^^:'^t''
'' '''^'-''-'-^ ^-
> '- ^ -* ^^ -^^^ ^^^ the Trinity century,"' the Gradual from Rouen of the thirteenth century,'"* a Paris
Missal of the same date,''' and the Sarum Missal of the thirteenth century."*

monks on royal anniversaries (not only anniversaries of the death, but also
for their prayers
of coronations, anointments, birth- and wedding-days), that those
acclamations were voiced
in the refectory. I shall treat the very complex problem separately.
sptrttuels et textes devots du moyen-dge (Paris,
2&-36. 1932), "'Le Codex 903 de la Bibl.Nat. de Paris: Graduel de Saint-Yrieix ( Paleographie
musicale
"* The acclamatory last versicle originally XIII; [Tournay, 1925]), fol. 134.
ran: "" Le Graduel
Et pro vita dominorum dc Teglise cathcdrale de Rouen au XIIP siecle, ed. by V. H. Loriquet, Dom
exoremus
Multos ut cum ipm annos Pothier et Abbe Colette (Rouen, 1907), II, fol. 89.
gaudeamus,
Propter quorum hie amorcm MS. lat. 1112, fol. 90'; Bukofzer, 231 and 234.
"Paris, Bibl. Nat.,
congregamur
Cf. BischofF, 170. It was obviously on the '"J. Wickham Legg, The Sarum Missal (Oxford, 1916), 108; see Bukofzer, 232, for a
y tne ocoa<!inn
occasion f o
of a

^
speciali refectio granted to the great number of Sarum manuscripts and later prints. See also Walter Howard Frere,
The Use

n J L u
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 248 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 249
tion frequently found in the monastic liturgies; '
finally, Benedicat
TABLE B Dominus is a quite general request for the divine blessings.'" Moreover,
the
Saint-Yrieix s. XI second antiphon - Venit
ad Petrum - contains the versicle Si non lavero
1. Mandatum novum 17. Congregavit nos Chris- te, non hahebis partem mecum, and it ends
in the versicle Domine, non tan-
2. Postquam surrexit tus tum pedes meos sed et nrnnus et caput, that is, in those statements
which
3. Si ego Domimis 18. Congregavit nos in
Ambrose considered decisive for the sacramental meaning of the
4. Domine, tu milii lavas unum Feet-wash-
ing and which, according to him, Rome regarded not
5. In diebus illis 19. Caritas est stunmnm too highly. Hence, the
6. Diliganius nos 20. Surgit Jesus whole ceremony of the Mandatum ended in that line testifying
to Peter's
7. Ubi fratres in unum 21. Vos vocatis me magis- "devotion and faith" and, more specifically, in the word caput,
a versicle
8. Maneant in nobis ter
which the Roman sets treated negligently or omitted completely in favor
9. Manete autem 22. Misit denique
of die hues testifying to Peter's humility and to caritas in general.
10. In hoc cognosccnt 23. Postquam ergo It should
11. Deus caritas est 24. Coena facta be mentioned also that in the non-Roman sets the Caritas idea is definitely
12. Ubi est caritas 25. Ante diem festwu of secondary importance: in the sets of Paris and Sarum the Caritas chant is
13. Tunc percinxit se 26. Venit ad Petrum absent and the idea is touched upon only in the second antiphon - Dili-
14. Mulier quae erat 27. Benedicat Dominus
gamus nos invicem quia caritas ex Deo est.^^^
15. Maria ergo unxit 28. Tellus ac aethera
16. Dixit autem Jesus 29. Domum istam
The most obvious feature distinguishing the non-Roman from the Roman
sets,however, remains the couple of antiphons concluding the French and
Rouen s. XIII Paris s. XIII Sarum s. XIII
English series: Ante diem festum and Venit ad Petrum. When, how,
1. Mandatum novum 1. Mandatum novum 1. Mandatum novum and
2. Siego Dominus Diligamus nos
where these two antiphons were first linked together to form the end of the
2. Dihgamus nos
3. Vos vocatis me magis- Postquam surrexit 3. In diebus illis
Mandatum ceremony remains to be ascertained. The scheme, however, is
ter In diebus ilh's 4. Maria ergo unxit found mainly in France - in Saint-Yrieix, Paris, and Rouen - and in Eng-
4. In hoc cognoscent Si ego Dominus 5. Postquam surrexit land in the rite of Sarum (Salisbury) on
which English churches and mon-
5. In diebus ilh's In hoc cognoscent 6. Vos vocatis me magister
Maria ergo unxit ^ asteries depended in ever increasing numbers. The customs of Sarum
6. 7. Vos vocatis me magister t. Si ego Dominus "were
7. Dih'gamus nos 8. Ante diem festum as the sun in the heavens whose rays shed light upon other churches,"
8. Ante diem festum
8. Ubi fratres in unum 9. Venit ad Petrum claimed Bishop Aegidius of SaUsbury (1256), and consequently the Sarum
9. Venit ad Petrum
9. Ubi est caritas
set of antiphons will be found, during and after the thirteenth century,
10. Domine, tu mihi lavas in
11. Ante diem festum very many English liturgical manuscripts."*' Liturgical connections between
12. Venit ad Petrum Rouen and Sarum are well known, and hturgical interrelations between
Sarum, Normandy, and Sicily are likewise on record, as in the case of a
The outstanding mark of distinction of these sets of antiphons peculiar Exultet finale."' More recently certain similarities between Sarum
is of
course, that they end invariably in the
versicles Ante diem
and the rite of Aquileia have been indicated."' All these observations, how-
festum and Vniit
ad Petrtim. Thisalso true with regard to the set of
is
Saint-Yrieix- for Telhs "" See, e.g., Laudes of St. Gall for the imprecation htam congregationem; Kantorowicz,
the
ac aethera iuhilent is a hymn, and not
an antiphon proper, which was very Laudes regiae (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1946), 124, n. 37; or the line Istam sedem for
popular m the tAvelfth century at the eulogy after the Mandatum^'' whereas the episcopal Laudes; ibid., 113 f.

Domum istam is an intention for the house, the monastery,

^ The versicle takes the place of the Benedictio super Populum, that is, at the very end
which is an addi- of the holy action.
""See Wilmart, "L'hymne de la charite" (above, n. 173), 29, who noticed the absence of

li::;::;^ iss:;s
I^^ f^i^, see Prere,
t^^e^^^^^t^^ittr r^?
Oraduale Lis^ur^:: ^^ ^s.^^^.^^^-^^::
^
r "^ ^-'^
the Caritas
"
""

logical
hymn
Bukofzer, 232.
Kantorowicz, "A
Review,
in France.

XXXIV
Norman Finale of the Exultet and the Rite of Sanim," Harvard Theo-
(1941), 129-143.
'" See Bischoff, 169, n. 22; Bukofzer, 237. '"Tommaso Leccissotti, "II 'Missale monasticum secundum morem et ritum Casinensis

/ / _' L C
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 250 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE BAPTISM OF THE APOSTLES 251
ever, do not offer a clue for the origin of the couple of antiphons concluding emphasis laid on the word caput should not be severed from the icono-
the Mandatum, and no more can be said than that apparently the non- graphic evidence.
Roman series originated in France.
What matters here is not only the similarity of textual arrangements was the caput melisma which Professor Bukofzer chanced upon in a
It
characterizing the French, Norman, and English Mandatum antiphons, but Huntington Library manuscript, and which gave rise to his question about
also and above all the stress by which that concluding couple of anti-
the meaning of the Feet-washing on Maundy Thursday, and therewith to
phons is distinguished, and which is completely lacking in the Roman the present investigation. His finding, on the other hand, ended the long
usage. "Stress," in that case, is not used in a figurative sense and subjectively, guessing among musicologists trying to discover whence Dufay, Obrecht,
but in a literal sense and objectively. For in those non-Roman concluding and Okeghem borrowed the cantus firmus for their Caput Masses. It became
antiphons something is added that is most curious. Melismata that is, strikingly clear that the non-Roman antiphon Venit ad Petrum was the
richly ornamented cantillations are as commonly found at the beginning source of Dufay 's Missa Caput, whereas the two other Netherlandish com-
of a musical phrase as they are rarely found at the end of a chant or on the
posers followed Dufay. That Dufay had taken the caput mefisma not from
last word.^'" It is all the more remarkable, therefore, that in the non-Roman
Paris or Rouen (not to mention Saint-Yrieix ) , but from Sarum, was more
sets of antiphons the natural which concluding versicles bear anyhow,
stress, than likely anyhow. The English origin of Dufay 's cantus firmus, however,
is multiplied by final melismata. That is to say,
in the antiphon Ante diem has since been ascertained by new findings,'"' and thereby a new Unk has
festum the concluding word discipulonim is distinguished by a long me- been established between the Netherlandish composers of the fifteenth
lisma, just as in the final antiphon of the whole performance, Venit ad century and the England of Dunstable.
Petrum, the last word, caput, carries a melisma (figs. 59 and 60). To distin- It is a long way from Origen to Dufay, from the Baptism of the Apostles
guish a word by a melisma would normally imply that the word was deemed to the Netherlandish Missa Caput. would be
It ridiculous to maintain that
particularly important. The musical stress laid by the melisma on the word the Netherlandish composers, when selecting the caput melisma for their
caput finds an explanation in the iconography of the Feet-washing, and it cantus firmus, had the slightest notion of how it happened that a mefisma
may be useful to look once more at the pictorial representations of that adorned the word caput. Nor would the late mediaeval painters, who simply
scene. The "Roman" gesture of St. Peter, e.g., in the Gospel-book of continued an ancient and, by their times, traditional iconographic type, have
Henry
II (fig. 36), would hardly have suggested a
melisma on caput. Contrari- known that St. Peter's gesture "hand to head" originally perhaps reflected
wise, the "Byzantine" gesture showing Peter pointing a non-Roman or Oriental interpretation of the Maundy Thursday rites. The
at his head, a gesture
which began spread to the West in the late tenth century and
to dichotomy between non-Roman and Roman practices, so powerfully voiced
became
dominant in the later Middle Ages, makes it very obvious in the fourth century by both Ambrose and Augustine, and of some
how it happened St. St.
that the word caput was also musically set off by that special importance in their day, was no longer rationalized. Nevertheless, those
emphasis which
a melisma conveys. For unknown reasons the antiphon Venit ad Petrum early-Christian antinomies have left their marks, even though it is only by
was,
in the non-Roman sets of antiphons, always coupled
with the
using many oddly shaped stepping-stones quarried from Eastern and West-
preceding
Ante diem festum. Apparently the two antiphons were ern rites, from archaeology and iconography, from theology and law, from
treated alike musi-
cally, resulting in a mefisma on the
last word of the penultimate liturgy and musicology, that we can trace the survival of exegetic differences
antiphon
discipulorum. The musical adornment of caput, and in its to a substratum of which any single source would be silent.
wake discipu-
lorum, is all the more startling since none of the
other Mandatum antiphons The Institute for Advanced Study
has a melisma. In whatever way
be explained that only the concluding
it Princeton, N. J.
couple of non-Roman antiphons shows this
musical ornamentation, the "'
"Caput redivivum: A new Source for Dufay 's MLssa Caput," Journal of
Cf. Bukofzer,
the American Musicological Society, IV (1951), 97-110.
Congregationis alias Sancte lustine'." Miscellanea
Giovanni Mercati, V (Studi e Testi 125-
Vatican, 1946), 368, 372, 373, n. 20. '
^^^'

'"Bukofzer, 238, whom I follow throughout in

the present section.

n JJ L L
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'
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(lU^<J

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 I
(

iSf'

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s;
I^Queen and Philip Distrihiite
Maundy Money at St. All)ans
By
flu the AssoiratPd PrpSi
Ax^oifftfpH Pre!% *K_ i^...i^j
y-v
the Qu-^en i_.. 1 1
and her hus-
e.scorted
ST. ALBANS, April 18. Queen band into the abbey.
Elizabeth II and Prince Philip to- Officials in the procession were'
day handed out Maundy money 'draped with towels to symbolize >
the times when a sovereign wash-
the traditional royal Easter offer-
gd the feet of llie poor. ^

ing to aged poor folk at the nine The Queen, who will be 31 years
centuries-old abbey here. old on Sunday, handed out purses
It was the fir.st time in about to 31 old men and 31 old women
300 years that the ceremony wa.s from the St. Alban.s dioce."=e.
Ueld ouLside London. E^ch person received three
The custom dates back to the purses of the specially minted
Middle Age.s when every Maundy Maundy money. In the first lot
Thinsday Eiigli.sh .sovereigns dis- was 1 15s. ($4,901 for each
tributed mor.ey, food and clothing woman and 2 5s. i$6 30i for each
to as many old men and old man.
wnmen as the monarch had j-ears The,; came a pui-se ronlaininc
of age. 1 (,S2.80) in lieu of clothing and
Yeomen of the Royal Guard, in a purse containing 31 pence t35
colorful gold and scarlet uniforms, cents I.

U J J I
c
K^rCU. ^
pQ^dUi {<^ -^O^^^

U _' U U

D Telephone : 91998 ST. Patrick's
22 ViLLiERs Road
rathgar
Dublin
16-11-1958.

Sehr verehrter ^-err Professor,

V/asich Ihnen heute schreibe, wollte ich

Il-men schon lanze raitteilen, es ist bloss aus
eine.a technischen ^rund Inmer vrieder aufi^eschoben
worden,

I'n vercanger.en Sonnner, als ich in xjriissel an

(ler Libliotheque Koyale arbeitete, besr.chte ich
auch einmal ganz kurz das Kusee du Jinquantc^-
aire. Da ist unter den ausgestellten Stiiclcen
rr.ittelalterlicher lunst auch eine Serie-von
Passions-Szenen in Email, als ScliinucI: eines
Tragaltares, und darmiter auch eine Fusswaschimg.
Da nun mein Interesse durch Il-ire Arbeit aiicje-
regt \-7a.T, hab ich mir diese eine Darstell'uig ge-
nauer angesehen und fand etwas. das mich ein
wenig ers taunt e. Uie ich nanlich die Szene
interpret iere, nacht Petriis mit der einen hand
die ^este der Abv;-ehr, mit der anderen zeigt er
auf seinen hopf - also die zv/ei "Phasen" der i^and
Imig, \ie sie etwa das Relief aus Spoleto (5?)
gesonclert zeigt, zusar'^inen. Sie t;ehen auf diesen
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H
Dr. STEPHAN SEELIGER MUNCHEN 22
WidenmayersiraBe 32 Telefon 26782

4.6.57

Herrn
Prof. Dr. Ernst H.Kantorowicz

22 Alexander street

Princeton K.J.

Sehr verehrter Kerr Professor Kantorowicz,

erlauben Sie mir bitte, daB ich mich als ein Ihnen Unbekannter
mit fol^render
Frage an Sie wende: ich habe vor einem Jahr hier in Miinchen
rait einer Arbeit
uber die Ikono/-raphie des Pf ingstvainders promoviert und bin
nun reim weiteren
Studium und bei der Lekture Ihres Aufsatzes iiber die Taufe der
Apostel zu der
Uberle^n,'- gekoramen, in wie ;veit4m MaBe bei ?f ingstdarstellungen
die T^aufe der
Apostel ebenfalls verbildlicht ist.
Die Interpretation des Pfinirst'^nders als Tauie der Apostel
basiert ja auf
Ivlatth.3.11 (ebcnso Lukas 3.l6):der aber nach mir kommt
...wird euch kit hi.
Geist und mit Feuer taufen; da diese Taufe mit Feuer nur Pfingsten
stattgefunden
haben kann. AuBerdem auf Apg.1.5:ihr aber sollt mit heiligem
Geist ^P-etauft werden
nicht lange nach diesen Tagen.
Eine Verbildlichun^x dieses Ged;:nkens scheint rair am ehesten moglich
in den
Pfmgstbildern, in denen Ghristus selbst den Geist sendet. Ich habe hieruber
im
"Munster" 1956, R.5/6 einen kleinen Artikel geschrieben, von dem
ich Ihnen aber
leider Kemen Sonderdruck schicken kar.n, da darails vergessen
wurde, solche anzu-
fertigen. Doch habe ich auBer meinen nach der Lekture Ihres
Aufsatzes an-estell-
ten Uterlegimgen keinerlei Anhalt fiir meine Interpretation.
Ich ware Ihnen deshalb zu besonderem Dank verbunden, wenn
Sie mir geltgent-
lich schrieben, was Sie zu meinen Uberlegungen meinen. Da
im .euen Testament
em Bericht iiber die aui e der Apostel lehlt, kormten sich j wohl
,

zwei MeinunP-en
^ter die Taufe der Apostel herausgebildet haben: die von Ihnen
dargelegte, basierend
auf der Vorstellung der Taufe mit Vvasser, und die Auffassung
des Pfinrstwunders
als Taufe mit Geist und Feuer. In der bildenden Kunst wird eine
Verbindung zwi-
schen Taufe und Pfingsten, soviel ich sehe, nur in V6zelay
angedeutet, weil dort
unter dem Pfmgsttympanon am trumeau Johannes d.T.stehti von
Schriftquellen ke> ne
ich nur einen Sermon des Odilo v.Cluny, In die Pentecostes,
wo bezeichnenderweise
Joh.1.55: ego quidem vos baptizo in aqu;.; qui autem post me
venturus est, ipse vos
baptizabit in Spiritu sancto" durch "et igni" erganzt wird.
Ich hoffe, daB ich Ihnen mit dieser Anx>age nicht allzu gro.e
Miihen mache,
ware Ihnen sehr dankbar, wenn Sie mir gelfgentlich schreiben v.ilrden,
und bin
in aufrichtiger Ergebenheit

Ihr
X

u J u I
 Neuburg,ll.Februar 1957

Sehr verehrter Herr Professor,

Vielen Dank fiir Thre freundlichen Zeilen vom 2o.Januar,

die ich langst erhalten habe.Am 25.Januar habe
ich die Papiere an
Herrn Professor PHnofsky geschickt und auch schon
eine Ankunfts-
bestatigung erhalten. Ich habe s^e englisch
geschrieben.so gut ich
konnte.ich denke,es ist im allgemeinen verstandlich.P.
Jungmann ant-
wortete sofort.dass er das erbetene Empfehlungsschreiben
abgesandt
habe.P.Dold hat es wohl auch getan.wenn Ich auch
noch keine Nachricht
dartjber erhielt.An Ihre Adresse habe ich
um jene Zeit auch noch einige
Separata, zum Teil alteren Da turns, ge8chickt,weil
solches auf dem Vor-
druck gevrtlnscht war. Die neueren Stticke habe ich
erst im letzten
Somirer oder Herbst erhalten und ich hatte
sie Ihnen nicht ^leich
geschickt, veil ich nicht dachte,dass Sie ihnen
tiel Tnteressantes
abgewinnen konnten.

Mittlerweile ist liber Rom auch Ihre neue und sefcr wertvolJe
Gabe Uber die Taufe der Apostel eingetroffen und ich
danke Ihnen
sehr herzlich daftir.Sie haben wieder an einem
interessanten Beispiel
gezeigt.wie notwendig und vertvoll diese Zusanirr:enschau von
archaeology
and iconography, theology and law, liturgy and
musicology ist.um das
geschichtliche Werden dieser Dinge zu verstehen.Dase seit
der Aus-
arbeitung Ihres Werkes einiges Neue tiber berUhrte Fragen
erschienen
ist, haben Sie selbst beobachtet.Vielleicht darf
ich trotzdem auf
folgendea hinweisen: Chr.Mohrmarn,iipiphania(Ni
jmegen-Utrecht 1953;
hollandisch) = Revue des sc.phil.et theol. 37(1953)
644-67o;franzosisch)
sehr interessant,wie all es, was sie schreibt. Thomas
Schafer,Die Puss-

I n
U J I u
waechung im monastiachen Brauchtum und in der lat.Liturgie = Texte
u.Arbeiten(Beuron 1956) I.Abt.Heft 47,eine Arbeit, die der Sammlung
P.Dolds Ehre macht. Darin sind auch die Texte des Ainbrosius behandelt.

Eine kleine Erganzung.die er Obersehen hat:Paller in der Zeitschr.

f .kath.Theol.64(l94o) 88-91, Entwicklung in der Anschauung des Arabr.

De sacram.und de myst.dee Ambrosius sind endlich im Wiener CorDUS

erschienen,Bd 73.- Das als ganz bescheidener Dank.

Das Haus mlt der Kaieerin-Elisabetft-Tafel kenne ich.Vann haben

Sie da gewohnt? Das Stift wtirden Sie hier innen nicht wiedererkennen,

Es ist sehr schade,dass seine ehemaligen SaminlLmgen in alle Winde

zerstreut wurden.Neuerdings hat sich ein junger Pater Hon uns daran-

gemacht.die Geschicke des Stifts unter Schlosser und seinen Nach-

folgern zu studieren.

Nochmals herzlichen Dank irnd freundliche Grtlsse

von Ihrem sehr ergebenen

< <,c^ Ci^yuJicJe^ \ ^^^

PStDas Missale Francoriim ist urn Weihn^.chten als Nr 2 unserer Serie

ersGhienen.

r\J
u J
(^
T 279 West ^th Street
New York 14
January 1,1957

My dear Kantorowicz,

in reading your admirable werk en the Baptism of the ipostlea

I had noted a few small details with question marks, details wh<ch were
not at all important, however, for the main argument or conclusions. T had
postponed comment on these until T could verify them.

The inscription In the Ravenna baptistery which you c< te on

t).2M,n.97 <Joe not pertain to the main mosslc of the Baptism on the dome,
as your author Implies, but 1 s on one of the ebsldlole arches and probebly
accompanied a lost mosalc(or painting) of the Waahlnc of Feet. See Vn Berchem
and Clouzot,LeB mosalques chret1enne8,r>P'101,102. The "ubl* form la common
m inscriptions describing an image.

Coptic l'^ (p. 2^56) Is definitely dated in 1180 in the colophon.

This date has been questioned, but I have verified it through Dr.LabIb, a
young Coptic scholar , now In Hamburg, with whom I examined the manuscript
In Paris in 1954. x find your conjecture about Byzantine court ceremonial
as the source of the sitting Christ In this scene very attractive, even
though the evidence for the practice comes from a later source, m
the Wsst
the kneeling Christ probably reflects the kneeling priest or abbot In the
ceremony of Maundy Thursday since the Xjth century.

fia I hsve been interested for some time m

the symmetry
of Peter and Pilate at the sides of the early sarcophagi. Your comment on
the relation of the two scenes 1 s so concise that T 'm not sure how far you
go in affirming a thoologlcal-poll tlaal meaning. Do you believe that Christ's
humility to Peter is an acknowledgment of papal authority as Christ's humility
to Fllate acknowledges the authority of the Roman empire(- this was my own
view, or conjecture rather, si nee I hsd not founded 1 1 on contemporary texts)?
But Is thsre not also s symmetry of sctlon in the washing of hands and waahlng
of feet ?.... On the role of "charity* In the Roman r4te, T recall the well-
known letter of Ignatius where he speaka of the church at Rome as the
''president of charity"*

For the coupling of Peter and Fllste there must bo s very

old tradition. The aaocryphal Gospel of Peter (2nd c. AD) makes Pilate an
important and central figure counterposed to the Jews.

In wonder if the great Importance of Maundy Thursday at

at.Yrleix ml^t not have to do with the fact that Saint Martial was believed
to be the servant at the ^aat Supper and the Washing of Feet.

With best wishes for the new year.

Sincerely yours,

1- '< c /- ..

U J
I D
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I J U L
I

U J u u
i

Feudalism in History
Edited by Rushton Coulborn

WITH CONTRIBUTIONS BY
JOSEPH R. STRAYER WILLIAM EDGERTON
F.

EDWIN O. REISCHAUER DANIEL THORNER

DERK BODDE ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
BURR C. BRUNDAGE MARC SZEFTEL
RUSHTON COULBORN
FOREWORD BY A. L. KROEBER

ARCHON BOOKS
HAMDEN, CONNECTICUT
1965

U J u
 VIII
"FEUDALISM"
IN THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE^
BY ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

I. Introduction

THERE freely
is general reluctance among historians
and without specification, institutional terminology
to transfer,

from one cycle of culture to another or to apply modern

notions to the conditions of the past. The historian might
object to the application of the Augustmian notion of "City
of God," even though it derives from Philo of Alexandria, to Eastern
religious thought or to tlie Byzantine Church in
general. Also, he
would probably refrain from calling the medieval guilds "trade unions"
and hesitate to talk about "socialism" in antiquity.
Analogies of that kind are almost certain to do injustice
to both the
original and the simile. The original becomes too easily a mere abstrac-
tion, severed from its genuine surroundings
in time and space, and
therefore in danger of forfeiting its own color values;
and the simile
is in danger of being forced into a
framework of conditions and of
mind unwarranted by its proper setting.
Toavoid confusion, therefore, the historian will be inclined
to use
contemporaneous notions which really belong to the time and
cultural
orbit he intends to discuss. And he will gain very much by that pro-
cedure. For example, instead of talking about "Renaissances" during
the Middle Ages he may prefer to speak of medieval Renovatio move-
ments; and by using that term, which the Carolingians themselves
used, the whole historical development becomes clear: the Carolingian
Renovatio suddenly appears in the perspective of the
Roman imperial
renovatio coins while, on the other hand, the features
distinguishing
the medieval renovatio from the Italian Renaissance
stand out as clearly
as those which both movements have in common.

^This essay, written down hastily, was submitted in ilic fall of 1950 for the
purpose of serving as a starting point for general discussion
at the conference on
teudahsm, held then by the American Council of Learned
Societies, which led
to the writmg of the present volume. It was
not the author's intention to have
this sketch published, for it docs no more
than render a digest of what schol.irs
such as A. A. Vasihev, Georg Ostrogorsky, and others have
said about a highly
disputed subject. The author docs not claim any
opinions of his own, while he
admits he may have misunderstood those of others.
It is at the editor's request
that the essay is published.

151

. k

n JJ u u
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 PART TyyO: SPECIAL STUDIES
All this holds good also with regard to feudalism. When the his-
torian talks about Western feudalism, he thinks of a form of military,
social, political, and administrative organization determined, not by

the ownership of land, but by man's temporary relationship to land.

He knows that man's relationship to land defined man's social status,
and that through the medium of land or feudal tenure very many

human relations services and duties as well as privileges, pensions,

and prerogatives were expressed which had nothing to do with the
soil itself and even less with the performance of military service in

return for holding a patch of land. It is easily forgotten that parliamen-

tary representation is just asmuch an offshoot from feudal concepts
as the sovereignty of petty German princes, or that at least fifty per
cent of modern common law is based upon feudal thought. Again,
the historian, when discussing feudalism may visualize a decentralized,
fragmented, and personal government, or a feudal hierarchy inter-
preted, by contemporaries, in terms and as a mirror of the angelic hier-
archies, or a feudal universalism as a political ideology. Feudalism, in
the West, actually formed Western Society, formed that "feudal soci-
ety" into which the church too, was integrated.
Western feudalism actually reflects, and is synonymous with, a pe-
culiar conception of the world; and if we bear the complexity of
Western feudal society in mind, we may say a priori that nothing com.-
parable to such complexity ever existed in the Byantine Empire, except
when and where the Empire became Prankish.

The term feudalism, therefore, in the sense of a complex organiza-

seem applicable to Byzantine conditions.
tion of feudal society, does not
If, however, we forget about that complex feudal society and the

feudal conception of the world, and simply ask whether some isolated
feudal features can be detected in the Byzantine orbit, the answer
would be in the affirmative. Military tenure, independent magnates,
immunities, private armies and taxation as well as other feudal features
are found in Byzantium, too. In this respect we may recall Anglo-
Saxon England where certain feudal features and principles had been
developed before 1066, though without forming a feudal system; for
not before the time of the Norman Conquest did England change into
a feudally organized realm. And, in a similar fashion, it was not before

the Prankish conquest of 1204 that Byzantine territories were really

feudally organized, even though some Byzantine institutions may have
favored that new organization.

152 /

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 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
The Prankish rule in the East was merely an episode which will
not
demand consideration here. One thing is clear: feudal features
and
principles existed in the Byzantine Empire, but they
were never tied
together to form an articulated whole consistent in itself. Nor was
political or legalthought ever determined by a feudal conception of
the world. Feudalism never became an ideal; the
"day-dream" of
feudal structure as expressed in rhe famous tiulle
tcrre sans seigneur
was completely absent from the Byzantine East. On the contrary,
wliat
feud?: features did exist were always somewhat isolated
and accidental,
and they were "deviations" from the normal pattern of state
organiza-
tion, the ideal of which was always a state
governed centrally by the
Chris'-hke basileus and his heliocentrically working
officials.
The isolated feudal features which will be discussed here are closely
interlocked with Byzantine history in general, with
territorial gains
and losses, with military needs and the solution of defense
problems,
and with the problems of the rural population of the
empire. Our
sources are scattered. There is, needless to say, no
codification of feudal
law and customs comparable to the Western coutttmiers or
the Prankish
color, a^codes of Jerusalem and Morea. We
have to rely upon ob-
serva'-ons made here and there and analyzed
by modern scholars.
Their investigations are as yet anything but definite,
and the disagree-
ments are often very considerable. Certain facts, however,
stand out
cleariy.

Both the and military history of Byzantium were determined

social
by the polarity of peasant militia and latifundia-owning
nobility. Both
systerrs derived from late Roman conditions.
During the middle-
Byzartine period, from the seventh to the eleventh century,
the system
of peasant militia prevailed
owing to the theme organization. Prom
the eleventh century onward the landowning
nobility became again
the n.ost important factor of Byzantine society.
In the thirteenth
centurv, it is true, the peasant miUtia came to the fore
again when the
Byzar :ne Empire was reduced to the small realm of Nicaea. But it
was eclipsed once more by the great landowning lords after the fall
of the Latin Empire, in 1261, And
those lords remained the most
powerful element throughout the late-Byzantine period.
The feudal features are particularly strong whenever the great
no-
bility rules. But certain feudal elements
arc found also in the miHtia
systen^ nor arc they absent from the church.
;

I shall start with a discussion of the

system of peasant soldiers. I shall
then *mx\ to the lords of the latifundia. And I shall
conclude with a

n J u n
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 PART TWO: SPECIAL STUDIES
few remarks on the church. The nature of the problem will make it
necessary to discuss feudal features largely within the frame of mili-
tary history.

II. The Army and Forms of

Dependent Tenure >

During the early-Byzantine period, which extends well beyond

Justinian I until the beginning of the seventh century, the army was
a motley congeries of many elements. The nucleus was still the old
mobile army, the professional soldiers {stratiotai) who were either
volunteers or drafted men. These units were reinforced by the buccel-
larii, the private guards of the great landowners {dyjiatoi),which
belonged also to the mobile army. The frontiers of the empire were
guarded by the limitanei, called riparienses before a.d. 363, peasants
with military obligations settled on the frontier. Finally there were the
symmachoi or joederati, barbarian client tribes
which had received
land within the empire, sometimes straddling the frontier line and
formed semi-independent vassal states under the Roman protectorate.
It is well known that those barbarian tribal auxiliaries, which had
been settled and not as individuals on the frontiers, were of
as tribes
the greatest importance during the early Byzantine period and the age
of the migrations. The empire, by utilizing the manpower of Goths,
Huns, Alans, Lombards, and others, secured itself against the attacks
of those as well as of other tribes;. but it required all the skill of By-
zantine diplomacy to play those tribes off successfully against each
other or, when they grew dangerous as allies, to march them off to
the western parts of the empire.
The question may be raised whether those tribal frontier states,
which were formed on the Rhine and the Danube on the
as well as
Euphrates, should be considered "feudatories" of the empire. For when,
around a.d. iooo. Otto III organized Poland, Bohemia, and Hungary
in a somewhat comparable fashion as amici imperii Romanorum those
frontier neighbors appeared often as feudally dependent kingdoms.
However, neither in early Byzantine times nor in later centuries did
Byzantium avail herself of a feudal ideology to designate relations with
tributary neighbors, although in effect the tributary relationship may
not have been very different from that of vassalage. The relations of
Byzantium with other states were expressed in terms of a complicated
spiritual kinship, and it had a very specific meaning if, for example,
the Prankish kings or emperors were addressed as pneumatikos adelphos

154

n JJ u
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 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
whereas the Tsar of the Bulgarians was styled
(spiritual brother),
pneumatikon te\non (spiritual son). Also it meant one thing when
the Prince {archon) of Russia received, like the princes of the Turks
or Patzinaks, imperial letters (grammata), and another when the
princes of Croatia, Serbia, Naples, Amalfi, and also the Doge of
Venice received an order {keleusis), for grammata were sent by the
basileus, and a {eleusis by the dcspotes, the "lord." It is, however,
obvious that the dependency implied in these modes of address was
not conceived in feudal terms.*
Besides the frontier tribes and states, the frontier militia is of great
importance to our subject.
During the third century, allegedly under Severus Alexander, a
bipartition of the Roman army was effected. The mobile army, which
could be sent to any of the four corners of the world, was relieved by
an immobile army stationed as garrisons along the limes, the limkanei
milites.These frontier guards were genuine peasant-soldiers. They re-
ceived from the government farmsteads which were inheritable and
were owned, or held, on condition of performing military service. Here,
then, we
find a frontier militia of small landowners, a clear case of
the combination of grants of land with military service. The soldier-
settlers doing were more often than not barbarians, indi-
this service
vidual barbarians as distinguished from the barbarians settled as whole
tribes along die frontiers, which havt been discussed above.

That this system of frontier peasant-soldiers survived in Byzantine

times a fact evidenced even in the law. Justinian, in his Code (xi,
?s
60,
3) repeats a novel of Thcodosius II of the first half of the fifth century
{Nov. Thcodos., xxiv, 4) in which the emperor proclaims that military
service as limitaneus the necessary condition for possessing land
is
on
the frontiers of the empire;and Theodosius remarks that by his decree
he is merely continuing old practices and old laws.
The peasant militia which composed the limitanei was to become of
the greatest importance in the middle period of Byzantine history.
During the fifth and sixth centuries the professional army, weakened
by unreliable barbarian components, was gradually decaying, and the
wars of Justinian whittled down its strength. At any rate, the mobile
army was not able to ward off the Slavs when they occupied the Balkan
Peninsula, nor could it stem effectively the Persian attacks or, finally
those of the Arabs who occupied Egypt and Syria and, in the latter half

'Gcorg Ostrogorsky in Semin. Kondakovtanum, viii (1936), 4iff.; A. A.

Vasili?:'/ 'n Speculum, vii (1932), 35off.

155
I

n J u D
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 P.lirr TWO: SPECIAL Sl'UDlliS

of the seventh century, pushed forward to the very capital of the empire.
The frontiers of the Byzantine state had moved from the Danube and
the Euphrates to the outskirts of Constantinople, that is, to Asia Minor.
In that emergency a complete reorganization of the army, and
indeed the state, became imperative. If in former days the frontiers
had been guarded by the limitanei, a hereditary peasant soldiery, why
not apply tliat system to the central provinces of the empire, to Asia
Minor which now had become the frontier? In fact, the application
of the limitanei system to the heart of the empire was synonymous with
the introduction of the theme organization.
The administrative reorganization of the surviving parts of the
empire, which was started by the Emperor Heraclius (610-641) and
carried through by his immediate successors, is not the subject of our
amounted to a militarization at large in
discussion here. It that the
regimental or army districts (themata) first superseded, and later re-
placed, the former provincial divisions as instituted by Diocletian.
Moreover, the themata no longer were ruled by civilians, as had been
the case with the provinces, but by military governors, called strategoi,
to whom the full military, and jurisdictional power was delegated.
civil,

Their merum et mixtum imperinm resembled that of the two exarchs,

of Ravenna and Carthage, as established by Justinian.
The greatest changes resulting from the theme organization, how-
were those which affected the social stratification of the empire.
ever,
The former professional army composed of barbarian mercenaries
disappeared, if we except the imperial bodyguards in Constantinople,
and in its place a new army of peasant-soldiers was created. The change
started with the quartering of certain regiments permanently in certain
districts of Asia Minor, now the glacis of the fortress Byzantium, instead

of moving the outfits about, from one frontier to another.That is, the
regiments were settled down like the former limitanei units, and the
tendency to settle would probably have arisen anyhow among die sol-
diers themselves. This settling of the soldiers was now carried through
systematically by the government. There was more than enough land
to settle an army. After the Persian and Arab invasions of Asia Minor,
after the occupation of those territories by the invaders, and after the
reconqucst of the devastated provinces, the government had plenty of
unoccupied soil at its disposal. This land was parcelled out in the form
of farmsteads {stratioti\a ktematd) to individual soldiers, large enough
for the maintenance of a family. The farmsteads were owned he-
reditarily on the condition that the tenant performed military service.

n J u D
u J J I
 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
The peasant-soldier, of course, could own more
land than he needed
for his maintenance provided that
he, or his family, were able to culti-
vate the land. The minimum, however,
which he had to have was an
estate of the value of four pounds
gold. This minimum could not be
alienated, sold, or given away,
whereas the excess land owned above
the four pounds margin was saleable.
Normally, the eldest son of the
peasant-soldier would inherit the estate with the incumbent military
duties, whereas the younger sons would settle as free
peasants and
normal taxpayers without military duties attached
to the soil,
The change that had taken place was considerable. In
former days
the professional soldiers were called stratiotai;
now, however, the word
stratiotes designated the farmer settled
within the theme and holding,
or rather owning, land of a size
comparable to the Western knight's
fee. From later sources we may gather that the new stratiotes was
obliged to appear, when called to active duty, fully equipped with
a
horse, tnat he had to pay some taxes for his little estate, but that during
active service
he received a certain, though small, amount of
pay.
From the Western knight's fee the stratiotikpn ktema differed
in that it
was not conferred for a limited time only, but was
given as hereditary
property to the stratiotes. Moreover, the
stratiotai did not form an
aristocracy-at least, not in the classical period-but remained small
peasant .aolders.
The theme organization was to make it possible to
effect of the
recruit ^he army from within the empire instead
of hiring barbarians
or other mercenaries. As a result, the
government's expenses for the
army and for the defense of the empire in general were
reduced con-
siderablv. In addition to being more
economical, the theme system
createc a reliable peasant militia which
was willing to defend its
property, which drew from the soil both its
livelihood and the means
for waging war, and which, on top
of all that, even paid some taxes
to the state.

Whereas Western feudal institutions military duties were attached

in
to the person, they were attached to the soil in
the Byzantine theme
system. And this is significant because the theme system was the direct
continuation, or the revival, of the Roman system of limitanei which, in
Byzantium, had moved from the frontier to the heart of the empire
when, so to speak, the suburbicarian districts
of the capital became
identical with the "frontier."
The 'tratiotai themselves were not all of Greek stock; many of them
were foreigners, often barbarians. Armenian settlers abounded, but

n J u u
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 PART TWO: SPECIAL STUDIES
there were also many Slavs among the peasant-soldiers. This Slavic
colonization has led Russian scholars in particular to the assumption
that Slavic influence was largely responsible for the theme system,
above all on the ground that the peasants sometimes were organized
into taxation communities which coincided with village communities.
Others, however, prefer to think of the model of Persia and assume
that both Persia and Byzantium were affected by the practices of

Turanian tribes Huns, Avars, Protomagyars, Turks, and others. How-
ever that may be, the theme system was, in the lirst place, a develop-

ment of the Roman Umitanei.

The theme organization remained effective for three centuries and
a half, and it was not by chance that the age of peasant militia coin-
cided with the best centuries of Byzantine history. The theme system
not only activated Byzantium's military power, but socially, too, had
most wholesome effects, for it goes almost without saying that a strong
peasant militia and a healthy peasantry as represented by the younger
sons of the stratiotai was the best means of checking the power and
curbing the greed of the great landowners, the dynatoi.
Ever since late Roman times, the government had tried to stop the

development of the latifundia and to check the increasing power of

the great landlords who, as a result of Rome's Hellenistic heritage, had
transformed the economic life even of Italy, a typical peasant country.
At the same government depended on the great
time, however, the
landowners to whom the free peasants had been turned over for fiscal
military purposes, the collection of taxes and the recruitment of sol-
diers. The peasants thus became serfs, coloni, men legally bound to

the soil glebae adscriptitii and practically bound to the ownership
of their lords. We know the organization of the latifundia from all
parts of the empire, in greatest detail, however, from Egypt where the
Oxyrhynchus papyri have yielded the papers of the Apion family.
The Apion were lords of large parts of Middle Egypt in the time of
Justinian and they were, at the same time, holders of the highest
imperial offices. Their huge estates, which resembled privately owned
principalities, were administered on the model of the imperial adminis-

tration. Like other landlords, the Apion had their private army of hired
soldiers {buccellarii), including men of Germanic extraction, which
formed a military reserve badly needed by the government for the rein-
forcement of the professional army.
These landowning magnates, called dynatoi in Byzantium, tended
there, as everywhere else, to expand their estates by absorbing the small

15S
\\

n J u c
 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
farmers and bringmg the free peasantry into quasi-feudal dependency.
The Byzantine emperors tried to stop that development, and, although
Justinian I as well as Justinian II legislated against the expansion of
the latifundia at the cost of the peasants, was nevertheless only through
it

the theme system that a countermovement became effective. Not only

did the government-protected system of military estates begin to de-
velop its own dynamics, but the landlords were also strictly forbidden
to bring the stratiotaiand the military estates into their possession; and
wherever the great lords had actually bought, or otherwise acquired,
stratioti}{a \tcmata they were obliged to return them to the former

owners, often without compensation. Moreover, through the inroads of

Persians and Arabs the great landowners had suffered terrific losses
so that the establishment of the theme peasantry coincided with a state
of weakness of the dynatoi.
Under which lasted
these conditions, until the middle of the eleventh
century, the empire began to gather strength. The new system of
peasant militia, together with the general militarization of the theme
government and the generally healthy condition of the state, enabled
Byzantium to reconquer great parts of the lost provinces. In the south
and east, Syria returned to the fold, the Euphrates was reached again,
and even Aleppo was taken for Most spectacular were the
a while.
final victories of Basil II (976-1025) over the Bulgars. The Balkan

provinces returned to the empire and once more the Danube formed
the frontier of the Byzantine power. But the recovery was not decisive,
for a vicious circle was in operation and it led on to a nearer approach
to feudalization of Byzantium than the earlier changes had done.

III. The Later, Quasi-Feudal Regime

The greater extension of the empire brought about changes of the
armv organization. Frontier soldiers of the pattern of limitanei within
the central provinces appeared less important, a consideration which
strongly affected the theme militia. Instead, a professional army was
needed which could be moved about quickly. This new permanent
army developed from the nucleus of the imperial guard regiments
stationed inand around Constantinople, and by the tenth century the
garrison of the capital became almost coincident with the "mobile
army." We find that those guard regiments, the tagmata, became as
important as the themata, the agrarian militia, and that finally the
themes were completely eclipsed by the array of professional mer-

159

n JJ u L
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 H.1RT TWO: SPECIAL STUDIES
cenanes composed of Normans, Russo- Varangians, Anglo-Saxons, and
others.
The formerly quite wholesome militarization of the government
now began to show a diflerent aspect. The strategoi, that is, provincial
commanders and governors showed an increasing interest
of the themes,
in the permanent professional army which could be utilized for the
exercise of political power and against the emperor far more conven-
iently than the militia of the themes. The generals of the victorious
wars had been drawn from the great landowning families, whose
influence began to increase as the increased security of the empire gave
new value to the possession of land as a source of wealth. In other
words, generals and great estate-owners, here as everywhere, began
to line up and soon became a menace to the central government and
to the emperors themselves. The emperors of the tenth century
Romanus I, Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, Basil II legislated
against the increasing power of the landed aristocracy and tried to keep
the theme organization intact. At the same time, they had to fight
rebellious generals aspiring to the crown. Finally, the emperors of the
Ducas Dynasty (1059-1081), after the Macedonians, changed the tactics.
Supported by the church, they began to build up a civilian aristocracy
of scholars and great officials within the capital (Michael Psellus be-
longed to that category) and to play off that new aristocracy against
the military aristocracy of the generals who were supported by the
great landowners.
In short, the eleventh-century rulers tried to demilitarize and to
civilianize the administration and to reduce the power of the military
class. This policy is clearly reflected in the decay of the theme organiza-
tion. The strategos as governor of a province began to disappear at that
time, and his place was taken by the praetor, formerly the supreme
justice on the staff of the strategos. The praetor, of course, was a civilian,
and thus the former primacy of the military command in the themes
was replaced by the primacy of a civilian administration based upon
the new aristocracy of scholars and civilians in the capital.
But the preponderance of the civilian aristocracy in the capital did not
entail a strengthening of the central power in the rural districts. Gen-
erals and great landowners outweighed the and with the
civilians,
accession of Alexius Comnenus (1081-1118) the mihtary party con-
quered the state anyhow. But even before the time of Alexius and his
military supporters, the emperors of the Ducas Dynasty had been
compelled to give great privileges both to their civilian adherents and

160

u J U /
 THE BYZANTISE EMPIRE
to their military or landowning adversaries. And it was under those
civilian-minded rulers that the pronoia system was first developed,
a
system which approached quasi-feudahzation of Byzantium.
Theologically, ;voo;j means "providence"; otherwise it means "fore-
sight" or "care." To
give lands to a person cis pronoian means, accord-
ingly, to give lands into the care of a person. In practice,
it meant that
estateswere given both to high officers of the state or army and to
monasteries and private persons also. They were given in
permanent
administration as a reward for services. The grants differed from
simple
donations in that ihc pronoia land was absolutely bound to the recipient,
the prorioetes\ that he received it for a definite period only, usually
for
life; that he could not sell the pronoia estate; and that it was not
hereditary.
It is significant that the first pronoetcs that we know of was a mem-
ber of the civilian aristocracy of the capital, Constantine
Lichudes, a
great scholar and friend of Michael Psellus, whom Constantine
Mono-
machus i'1042-1055) had chosen rcspo.nsible minister in his government.
When tr.e power of the civilian aristocracy was reduced, the pronoetai
came to belong more or less to the landed or fighting aristocracv. Al-
ready Alexius (1081-1118) availed himself of the rapidly developing
I

pronoia system for military purposes. The old stratiotika

ktcmata of
the peasant militia under the theme system had become
unimportant.
The .^o-mer legislation forbidding sny person to buy, or
otherwise
acquire, the military farmsteads w?? revoked under
the Ducas em-
perors. The result was that the dynatoi now were
able to expand and
bring the former strathtai into dependency. In any case
iht stratiotai
themselves had often changed from the status of poor peasant
soldiers
to that of petty nobility or gentry. Under Heradius, the founder of the
theme system, the minimum value of a military estate had been
four
pounds gold, the quantity of land which could not be sold by
the
stratic : By the end of the tenth ccr.rjry, the minimum value of those
.

knights^ fees was raised to twelve pounds gold, due not

to a devaluation
of the money but heavy armor which the stratiotes now was ex-
to the
pected to own. But an estate worth twelve pounds gold no longer was
a peasant estate fit for the poor; was an estate
it fit for the mailed knight
of the landowning gentry. And this new class of gentry was likewise
found among the pronoetai, the owners of pronoia estates.
Moreover, the new class oi pronoia owners replaced, in liability
to mill-
tary strvicc, the former class of peasant soldiers of the decaying theme
organ.-ation. The own?r of a pronoia estate had to serve as a heavily

161

IIJ
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 PART TWO: SPECIAL STVDIES
mailed knight of the caliber of f^aiaphraf^tes, and, when summoned,
he had to appear with a certain number of horsemen, likewise mailed,
according to the size of his pronoia estate. It is true, of course, that other
landowners, too, had to serve; nor were the landowning monasteries
and churches exempt. But their contingents were lightly armed in-
fantrymen and not heavy cavalrymen. It is probable that the govern-
ment, in order to get more mailed knights, expanded the pronoia
system enormously during the twelfth century with the result that a
mihtary aristocracy rapidly developed they stood between the govern-
;

ment and large sectors of the rural population, peasants and small
landowners who had become dependent on them.
Certain parallels between the Byzantine pronoia lords and the West-
ern feudal lords cannot be denied, and those parallels become all the
more striking when we which the pronoia
consider the "immunities"

lords enjoyed. Immunity m Greek exl^ousseia (from cxcusarc, excuse)
had existed before the times of the Comneni. Churches and monas-
teries had not infrequently enjoyed, for certain parts of their property,

the revenues of taxation. In fact, they were allowed to collect for them-
selves the ordmary taxes and keep them as so-called solrmma, a practice
which tended to undercut the emperor's prerogative of collecting taxes.
But those ecclesiastical exemptions were not the rule, though they were
not rare. At anv rate, they do not compare with the immunities granted
to the pronoia lords.
It had, of course, been common practice in late Roman and early
Byzantine times for great landowners to enjoy immunities. This prac-
tice had not disappeared, but had become relatively unimportant,

during the middle period of Byzantine history in which the theme

organization, then the favorite child of the government, had flourished
in the interests of the themes the emperors of the tenth century had
tried to restrict the dynaioi in every way. With the decay of the themes
and the peasant militia in the eleventh century, however, cxl^usscicd,
immunities, began to mushroom everywhere. Immunity privileges
included partial or total exemption from taxes of the pronoia lord
within his estate; exemption usually from pubUc works also; and
exclusion of the imperial officials from entry upon the lands of the
pronoia. Since the formerly free peasants within the pronoia district
had become paroikpi, more or less serfs, of the pronoetes, they came
under his jurisdiction although that jurisdiction was restricted. At the
same time the bad custom of farming out taxes began to develop. The
central government thus jeopardized its most important prerogatives
262

IJ
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 THE BYZANTWE EMPIRE
in the rural parts of the country, including the right of direct taxation,
for either there was a pronoetcs who was tax-free or was granted the
taxes, or else a tax-farmer, replacing the former imperial collectors,

imposed and collected the dues to his own advantage.

Under these circumstances the pronoetai became great magnates
within the empire, and their large estates appeared, like those of the
Apion family of sixth-century Egypt, as little empires within the empire.
The magnates had their own soldiers; they held land in return for mili-

tary se-vice (personal as well as witb their retainers), and the number
of their liverymen was and value of their
fixed according to the size
estates: they held land for a restricted time only and not as property;

they cri'oyed immunities and exemptions; they had some iurisdiction

within their estates and they encroached upon and absorbed the former
;

stratiouha ktemata insofar as the former stratiotai did not themselves

become pronoetai.
It goes without saying that the c-own became more and more de-
pendent on the magnates, more so as financial problems of
all the
keepinr 3 professional mobile arrn^ became almost insurmountable.
Pay anc provisions fo'- that mobile army became so expensive that the
maintenance of the mercenaries devoured the greater part of the budget,
then as ever. The army had to be paid mainly from the urban revenues
and from the rents paid by the rura tax-farmers. Throughout the late
Byzantine period the costs of the mobile army remained the crucial
financia' burden, since the upkeep of mercenaries was as ruinously
expensive in the East as it was in the West. Hence, the contingents of
the pronoia lords were, apparcntlv. the only cheap element in the late
Byzantine army. But the indirect losses involved in the form of im-
munities and alienated taxes made the new system in fact far less
advantageous for the government than -the old theme organization of
Byzantium's golden age. Nor wa: tnc military ser\'ice of the prcnoic
lords n reliable resort, for a tcndencv arose to allow it to be replaced
by the ppvment of a sum of moncv. This, of course, corresponds to the
Western scutage. The favor of commuting the military obligations was
granted above all to the monastenc."- owing to the peculiar position of
the church ; this is something which occurred both in tlic East and the
West. The surviving peasant soldiery were usually allowed to pay
money instead of serving, and in late Byzantine times scutage must
have been almost the general custom This is indicated by the strong
opposition to special taxation for the nu-ing of mercenaries maintained

J6i

n u II II
U u u I
 PART TWO: SPECIAL STUDIES
by Gcmistos Plcthon, the statesman who was well known in the West
for his discussions of Plato at the Council
of Florence.
Thus there were in the later Byzantine period, beginning with the
Comncni, a great number of feudal features, isolated and not integrated
into a general feudal conception of the state or
the world. was this It
situation which the Franks encountered when
they conquered Con-
stantinople and the greater part of the empire the empire which they
divided and subdivided according to a regular feudal
pattern such as
hardly existed in the West. The conquerors found the
Byzantine
pronoia system so similar to their own feudal organization,
and the
Greeks found the new feudal system so much like their own,
that the
words pronoia and feudutn became interchangeable. Pronoia was ac-
tually used as a translation of feudum, and vice versa.
Itremains true that before 1204 the feudal features never amounted
to anything comparable with the complex
feudal totality of the West.
Feudal tendencies there were in Byzantium, but the empire
except
under the Franksremained a centrally governed state
of imperial
officials. Even the weakened Byzantine
administration was vasdy more
a centralized bureaucracy, and far less a feudal state, than France
around 1300 under Philip IV or England under Edward
I. The Byzan-
tine Empire remained essentially
bureaucratic in its last two centuries
as before. Nor should we overestimate
the Frankish influence which
was lasting only in Greece (Morea) and Thessalonica
Further, the oscillation between the theme system,
and the pronoia
system was not ended by those events. There was an
interlude when the
little Empire
of Nicaea under the Lascaridcs returned, during
the
Frankish occupation of the Latin Empire, to the system
of a peasant
militia.After the reconquest of Constantinople by Michael Palaeologue
in 1261, however, the pronoia system
acquired new strength. It was
then that the pronoia estates became hereditary
and began to resemble
feudal principalities of Western pattern.

IV. The Church and Feudalistic Tendencies

Finally, a few words about the church and some feudal features
within the ecclesiastical orbit.
Needless to say, an ecclesiastical feudal edifice, independent
of the
state, never had a chance to develop
in the East. It is quite inconceiv-
able that the Patriarch of Constantinople
should ever have exercised
the rights of a supreme feudal lord over secular
vassal princes, com-
parable to those which his Roman colleague claimed over Dalmatia
164

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 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
and Sicily, Aragon and England as well as over other kingdoms and
principalities and over all islands. Nor was there in the East a Patrimony
of St. Andrew comparable to the
Western Patrimony of St Peter a
state teeming with counts and barons
who, as lords of the Campagna
were direct vassals of the pope,
recognizing him as their sovereign lord'
unknown in
Also the East were those great
spiritual princes of the
West who were not only bishops of the church but
also great feuda-
tories and officers of the
crown; who, being vassals themselves
and
having vassals, were integrated into
the general feudal nexus, and
were equal in importance and in
some regions in number with the
secular feudal princes. In the
Holy Roman Empire around 1500 we
find 127 spiritual pnnces standing
beside 159 secular princes. Nothing
Byzantium. Yet the Byzantine Church
i^'
a '^'J''''^''''''^^ wat
affected by those
feudal tendencies which have been
mentioned above
-immunities and the duty of raising foot
soldiers from its estates
Also, monasteries could be
IS one
granted lands m pronoian. Above all there
which must be considered because its
.vnstitution
Western equiva-
lent profoundly influenced the whole
development of feudahsm: this
IS the chansttl^ion.

'' '^' ^"''^^

translation of the Latin beneficium
^^'^T?^'" which
m the West, came to mean, and to be synonymous with,
"fief" The
bener.cc was a special kind of
lease or of die Roman prccanum,
a lease
given for temporary use or for
life on conditions so
favorable that the
precanum appeared to the recipient as a beneficium.
^^^'"''hion was not an institution taken over
.k'^^v ^y^'l''^'''^ from
the West, but It derived from
the same late Roman conditions as the

1?A . ;\''' '^ ^"^ '"^ ^" '^' ^^^^ '^' ^y^^=^ -^^^ved, above
all the needs of the church whose landed property was inalienable
and
had to be leased in one way or another if it was to yield
But
whereas m the West the beneficium was fused with vassalage,a rent.
especially
after :.c secularization of
church property by Charles Martel,
the East-
crn cnansu^,on hzd, from the very
beginning, a different function. It
was applied mainly, though not exclusively,
upon monastic property
The owner of a monastery-he might be the
emperor, a bishop, or any
other person-vvould give the
monastic lands in tenure, usually to a
layman who had to administer the
property, take care of the buildings,
and provide for the maintenance of
the monks. Since church property
was never tax-free in Byzantium, the
tenant {charistikarios) had to pay
the puohc taxes from the revenues,
but he could keep, once all his
expenses were covered, the excess of
the revenues.

165

n u n D
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 PART TWO: SPECIAL STUDIES
That this administration through charisti\arioi was often oppressive
cannot be denied. But the charistikjo?! was not altogctlier an anti-monas-
tic institution, as has sometimes been assumed, or even a result of the

iconoclastic struggles and the anti-monastic feelings of the iconoclasts.

The system was much older than iconoclasm. It can be traced back to
the fifth century when the Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon sharply
censured the practice; the censure was often repeated in later times.
Some churchmen thought less unfavorably of the c/iaristl/{ion, however,
and in earlier times had usually been the church authorities them-
it

selves who handled appointments of charistil^arioi. The quasi-feudal

appearance of the charistikjo?! belongs to the early period of the Com-
neni, for then the
emperor Alexius I began it assumed the right to
appoint the charistil^arioi, and he began to invest his supporters freely
with good charistikja, usually for life. It was, of course, a convenient
method of rewarding them.
It is to be noted that the pronoia and imperial charistihjon appeared

simultaneously; there was a parallelism between the two institutions,

and Alexius I was chief promoter of both. Nothing prevented the
emperor from giving the same man a pronoia estate and a charistikjon
as well. In tlie West, the advowson, which in a number of respects was
reminiscent of the chansU}{ion, became feudalized, and the parallelism
of charisii/{ion and pronoia was advowson
reflected in the parallelism of
and fief; but, whereas the former were of limited term, the latter were
not.
In ecclesiastical as in lay institutions in the East feudalistic develop-
ments remained sporadic and unsystematic; they were never integrated.
The involved mechanism of Western feudalism with its hierarchies of
vassals, its divided jurisdictions, and its fragmentation of power had

no more chance of engulfing the Byzantine Church than it had of

superseding the bureaucracy of the Byzantine state.

166

II
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FEUDALISM
VIII

IN THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE

BY ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
(Compiled by William Bowsl^y)

Brehier, L. Les institutions de I'empire byzantin. Paris, 1949. (This is vol. 11

of Brehier's Le monde byzantine, 3 vols., Paris, 1947-1950.')

Charanis, P. "Economic Factors in the Decline of the Byzantine Empire,"

Journal of Economic History, vol. 13 (1953), pp. 412-424.

Charanis, P."The Monastic Properties of the State in the Byzantine Empire,"

Dumbarton Oal^s Papers, no. 4 (1948), pp. 51-118.
Charanis, P. "On the Social Structure and Economic Organization of the
Byzantine Empire in the Thirteenth Century and Later," Byzantino-
slavica, vol. 12 (1951), pp. 94-153-

Charanis, P. "On the Social Structure of the Later Roman Empire," By-
zantion, vol. 17 (1944-45), ?? 39-57-
Ostrogorsky, G. "Agrarian Conditions in the Byzantine Emoire in the
Middle Ages," Cambridge Economic History of Europe, vol. i (1941),
pp. 194-223.
Ostrogorsky, G. "Le grand domaine dans I'empire byzantine," SociStS Jean
Bodin. Recucil IV. Le Domaine (1949), pp. 35-50.
Ostrogorsky, G. Pronoia, A
Contribution to the History of Feudalism in
Byzantium and in the South-Slavic Lands. Belgrade: Serbian Academy
of Science, Special Editions, clxxvi, Byzantine Institute, vol. i, 1951
(in Serbian). Sec the English summary, by Ihor Sevccnko> "An Impor-
tant Contribution to the Social History of Late Byzantium," in The
Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the United
States, vol. 11 (1952), pp. 448-459.
Ostrogorsky, G. "Die Wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Entwicklungsgrund-
lagen dcs byzantinischen Relchcs," in Vierteljahrschrift fiir Sozial- und
Wirtschaftsgeschichte, vol. 22 (1929), pp. 129-143.
Vasiliev, A. A. History of the Byzantine Empire, 2nd cdn., Madison (Wise),
1952, esp. pp. 536-579.
Vasiliev, A. A. "On the Question of Byzantine Feudalism," in Byzantion,
vol.8 (1933), pp. 584-604.

412

11
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I
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
BERKELEY 4, CALIFORNIA July S, 19^1

uushton Ooaloorn
i^roi'essor
2197 howell ii'jill iioad, L.w.
Atlanta, Georgia

Lear Ivlr. Cculborn:

thank you very much for your letter of

I
July 5. T must confess that I feel aost embarrassed about
the whole issue T am, on the v?hole, not uncooperative;
but in this case T would not know how to cooperate. I wrote
ray paper bona fide for a discussion, and for nothing but a
__
discussion n. Lad T known that the publication was intended,
every
mentioned
with rrofes-
sor Kroeber but I think you were present, too. Or were you
,

talking with so^e o+her person? T forget. "^ith Dr. Cdcraard

I talked in ..ashington around Larch 10th. L5y sin is that T
did not write to you. ?his T admit and I wish to c":.polo;ize
once more for ray omission.
Your sug;::estion that j collaborate with somebody is
difficult to materialize, '"he only one that occurs to ae as
a Byzantinist who might be interested in i'eudalism, is Dr.
Charanis, at P.utgers, However, I hardly know him, and a
collaboration by correspondence takes very much time and is
not satisfactory, resides, he would most certainly at-^ack
the problem from a totally difierent point of viev;.
I fully appreciate all that you say about "imaginative
interpretation" of history, and within ray limitations I usually
try to offer something of that kind, i^owever, there remains
the difference between a lecture (or discussion) and a public-
ation. Lly paper may have served its purpose at its time, but
it no longer v;ould serve its purpose j.f it vvere published. :?he
material has been carried together hastily to conform wakti ^^e
deadline, nor has the material been interpre*:ed imaginatively.
'ro ray judgment it is not fit for r publication, and in that
respect the decision should be v/ith the author.
I am very sorry to disappoint you, but I am afraid the
volume will have to go out without my contribution.
i/ith kind regards.
Yours sincerely, ,

Ernst H. Kc.ntorovvic 7-

/ u n c
/

U U J I
 I
i

y 12 iG Frnci ttan^ovoiATtcZ Q^PicHov]

Hji^^ ^ ^3/

^rfCiAjl /
y

//
U U L
U U
I
I I
 ) 1

47. "Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage," Deutsches Archiv, XIII 09571^'
115-150.

raK^'s CO'-'', snnotflt.ei.

U7A. Reprinted in Stupo r Mundl (Dqrmstadt, 1966), i;82-52i;.

A. Letter from ^^'riedrich -iqethgen, 1? Sept ^6

B. Copy of letter HK to Baethpen, 30 Sept 56

C. "Kinp^created by God directly"' 3-pape handwritten

early draft of opening of article (?)

D. "Testamentum Pradirici Irnperatorii" 6-naKe photocdpy

(n negative) of Kscorial MS. lat .d. III. 3, fola. 100-102^

E. Idem, tvpe'-rritten transcription, edited (5 pages)

F. "Crunter Wolf, Ein unveroffentlichen Testament Kaiser
PriedT^icha II, Zs. f . d.Gesch. d.Oberrheins IOI4. (19^6),
1-51. 6 page review-criticism of this article, i-i th
footnotes and handvr.itten annotations, bv EK; never
published.

Letl-er from Hans Martin Schaller, [(..6.19^6

H. Idem, 7.8.19^7

T. Letter frc.m Erich Genzmer, 11 June 57 (3 pages)

J. Letter from Leo Eisenhofer, 31 Mav 57

K. Letter from E.l. Wood^-'ard, Ifl Apr 57

L. Letter by EK to R.M.Kloos, Ik Apr 56 (copy)

M. Letter from Kloos, 3 May 56 (2 pages

N. Idem, 19 July 56

0. Letter EK to Kloos, 12 Nov 55 iP- small pages of an

oj-iginal, signod, probably retyped lor ^h^t '-as sent,
i^us c??rbun of t'..-c j\ill pages [2 ^nd of the "inal J
letter. )

P. Letter from Kloos, 23 Dec 55

Letter SK to Kloos 7 rtec 56 (unfinished, pr-obably

t
begun again.

n u 1

U u I
 '^^le^.'^AU
@)
/^ yU^U^^^^AjUr^

J. F. BDHMER, REGESTA IMPERII Deutsches Archiv

Hcraus<;cgeben von dcr
fur
DSTERREICHISCHEN AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN
Erforschung des Mittelalters
Die vonjotiann Friedridi Bohmer (17951863)
begrundeten Regesta
Imperii umfassen die Zcit von den Karolingein
bis zum Ausgang des namens der Monumenta Germaniae Histori ca
Mittclalters und haben sich durch immer weitere Heranziehung audi
dcr au(?erdeutsdien Quellen zum Hauptquellenwcrk der curopaisdien
herausgegeben von
Gesdiiditc entwidielt. Vom zweiteii Teil: (Sachsisdies Haus) liegen
im AnsdiluE an die 1893 crsdiienencn Regesten unter
Hcinridi I.

und Otto I. nunmehr foigende Bande in Ncubearbeitung vor: FRIEDRICH BAETHGEN und WALTHER HOLTZMANN

II. SACHSISCHES HAUS: 919-1024

2. Abteilung

DIE REGESTEN DES KAISERREICHES UNTLR OTTO II.

955 (973) - 983 Sonderdruck

Nadi J. F. Bohmer neubcarbeitet von Hanns !.eo Miiioletzky 13. Jahrgang
158 Scitcn. Quart. 1950. Brosdi. DM 17,80
Heft 1

3. Abteilung
DIE REGESTEN DES KAISERREICHES UNTER OTTO III.

980 (983) - 1002

Nadi J. F. Bohmer neubcarbeitet von MathiiJc Uhlirz

/. Lieferung (bis 997)

260 Seitcn. Quart. 1956. Brosch. DM 40,

2. Lieferung (998-1002)

178 Seitcn Quart. 1957. Brosdi. ca. DM 30.

HERMANN BDHLAUS NACHFOLGER

1957
GRAZ/KOLN
BDHLAU VERLAG KDLN GRAZ

/
U U U
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I
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 Inhalt

Fricdrich Baethgcn, Monumenta Gcrmaniic Historica, Bericht

fur das Jahr 1954/55 1

Auf siitze
Franz-Josef Schmalc, Die Bologneser Sdiule der Ars dictandi 16

Helmut PlechI, Studien zur Tegernsscr Bricfsammlung des 1 2. Jahr-

hundcrts. IV, 1 35

Ernst Kantorowicz, Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 115

Rudolf M. Kloos, Ein Brief des Petrus de Prece zum Tode Fried-
richs II 151

Hermann Heimpel, Ober den Pavo" des Alexander von Roes . 171

Miszellen
Josef Szovcrffy, Der Investiturstreit und die Petrus-Hymnen des
Mittelalters 228

Besp rechungen und Anzeigen

1. Allgemeincs 241

2. Hilfswisscnschaftcn und Quellenkunde 243

3. Politisdie und Kirdiengesdiidite des Mittelalters 271

4. Rechts- und Vcrfassungsgeschidite 294

5. Sozial- und Wirtsdiaflsgesdiidite 299

6. Landeskunde 303

7. Kultur- und Geistcsgesdiiehte 315

AdolfHofmeistcrf 327

n u n o
u u I I
'7f

115

Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage

Von

Ernst Kantorowicz

1. Ein angeblidies Testament Kaiser Friedrichs II.

Vor mehr als einem halben Jahrhundert hat Scheffer-Boi-

chorst auf ein Testament Friedridis II. aufmerksam gemadit, von
dem er vermutete da6 es eine Stilubung" sei. Das Stiick war ihm nur
fragmentarisdi bekannt; hatte er das Ganze gesehen, so hatte er wohi
keinen Augenblick gezogert, sidi nodi sehr viel bestimmter auszuspre-
Vor lingerer Zeit hat sodann der Verfasser dieser Zeilen, von
dien*).

dem immer wieder verbliiffenden Spiirsinn des unvergefilichen Carl

Erdmann auf eine Handsdirift des Escorial (d. III. 3) verwiesen, sidi
mit diesem Testament besdiaftigt, das er als eine Stilubung zweifellos

italienisdier Herkunft" bezeichnete, die jedoch nicht ganz ohne Inter-

esse" sei und auf die er an anderer Stelle zuriickzukommen verspradi*).
Dieses Verspredien ist, wie so viele Arbeitsversprechen, bisher nidit ein-
gelost worden, und wenn dies heute dennodi gesdiieht, so gab den Anlafi
dazu die Heidelberger Dissertation von Dr. Gunther Wolf, die jiingst

in der Form eines langeren Zeitsdiriftenaufsatzcs erschiencn ist*).

In der Stadtbibliothek zu Besanjon stiefi Dr. Wolf im Verlaufe an-

derer Arbeiten auf die Absdirift des bislang nur unvoUstandig veroffent-
lichten Testaments, dessen Text in dem genannten Escorialensis, eincr

Papierhandschrift der ersten Halfte des 14. Jahrhunderts, iiberliefert ist

') P. Schef f er-Boichorst, Zur Gesdiidite des XII. und XIII.

Jhdts. (1897) 268 ff.

) E.Kantorow i c z, Petrus de Vinea in England, MDIG. 51 (1937) 86 ff

') Gunther Wolf, Ein unveroffentlidites Testament Kaiser Friedridis II.,

Zs. f. d. Gesdi. d. Oberrh. 104 (1956) 151. Enthusiasmus und Arbeitseifer ge-
paart mit Finderfreude sind dieser Arbeit gewifi nidit abzuspredien, und man
hatte nur gewiinsdit, dafi diese Qualitaten sidi an einem tauglidieren Objekt
entfaltet hatten sowie unter sadiverstandiger Leitung, die wiederum der Ent-
widilung kritisdier Fahigkeiten zugute gekommen ware.

/ n
I u
116 Ernst Kantorowicz,

Zu den Rcchtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 117
(E). Abgesehen von der Arenga und mandierlei Zusatzen stimmt das
Stiick zumal in den eigentlidien Testamentsbestimmungen weit- Testament E findet sich in der Handschrift (f 100 102'') zusammen
gehend mit dem von W e i 1 a n d veroffcntliditen Testament iiberein mit Stijcken des Berard von Neapel, denen wiederum solchc aus dem
(W), dessen Authentizitat nidit zu bezweifeln ist*). Dr. Wolf bringt Briefbuch des Thomas von Capua eingesprengt sind genauer aus der
darum audi den Text von E dankenswerter Weise in Parallelkolumne Zehn-Buch-Redaktion der Thomas-Brief e, die wohl um 1268 von dem
mit den einsdilagigen Stellen von zum AbdruA^). Es sdiliefit sich W papstlichen Notar Jordan von Tcrracina zusammengestellt wurde. Zu
eine Editheitskritik" an, in der die Moglidikeit einer Falschung oder diesen Einsprengseln gehort z. B. ein Papstbrief Prelatis et ttniversitati
einer Stiliibung in durchaus nidit iiberzeugender Weise abgelehnt wird. Hyspanie [sic] (115"^-^) und ein soldier an Danemark (115^116^)^). Es
Datiert wird das Stiick, weil es angeblidi eine Versdilediterung des handelt sich also, zumindest in den hier in Betradit kommenden Teilen
kaiserlidien Gesundiieitszustandes erkennen lasse, auf etwa eine Wodie der Handsdirift, um eine vorwiegend aus kurialen Briefbiidiern schop-
nadi W (also etwa 7. 13. Dezember 1250). Die Absonderlidikeit eines fende Zusammenstellung von Stiicken versdiiedenartiger Herkunft, in
Doppeltestaments wird damit erklart, dafi W Staatstestament", E die dann audi E hineingeraten ist, das ich hier behelfsmafiig als lite-
jedoch Privattestament" sei. Einem kurzen Absdinitt iiber Theologie rarisch zugestutzte Oberarbeitung" von W bezeichnen mochte. Mit E
und Staatsauffassung" folgt eine Besprediung der Legate und Titel haben nun die beiden Papstbriefe gemein, dafi alle drei Dokumentc sich

sowie ein Vergleidi mit anderen Herrschertestamenten der Zeit. Da fast in den Arengen ein wenig an das bekannte Statthalterdiplom Fried-
alle Schliisse mit der Editheitsfrage stehen und fallen, geniigt es hier, richs II. (V n i e a , Epistolae V, 1) anlehnen, das ja zusammen mit dem
sich allein mit dieser zu befassen"). Prooemium des Liher augtistalis Stiliibungen nidit selten zum Vorbiid

*) MG. Const. II, Nr. 274, S. 282 289. Zu angefuhrten den von W e 11 a n d
Griinden fiir die Edithcit des Testaments, die aus der Obcrliefcrung hervorgeht,
Fassung habe (s. unten im Text zu Anm. 26). Umgekehrt heifit es S. 12, eine
sei nodi hinzugefugt, da(5 Manfred nidit nur sidi mehrfadi auf das Testament
Falschung sei unwahrsdieinlich, wcil sidi in E alle von Vehse bemerkten Stil-
bezieht und dessen Bestimmungen korrekt zitiert(BF. 4633,4635, 4637 u. 6. ), son-
mittel" fanden, ferner der bei Friedrich II. beliebte Adamstopos" und sdiliefilidi
dern dafi audi das Diktat seiner Erlasse und Briefe sidi oft eng an den Wort-
w6rtliches Zitat aus dem Corpus luris Civilis". Die Verwendung des allbckann-
laut des Testaments ansdilieCt; vgl. z. B. den Brief an die Palcrmitaner (BF.
ten Kanzleistils und der rhetorisdien Mittel besagt natiirlidi genauso wenig wie
4633; B. Capasso, Hist. Diplom. Regni Siciliae [Neapcl, 1874] S. 5 f.),
Zitate aus dem Corpus luris Civilis, das ja kein dem Gebrauch vor-
kaiserlichen
beginnend Etsi primi parentis incauta transgressio, mit den ersten Worten
. . .

behaltcnes Gchcimwerk war; und was sdiiiefilidi den Adamstopos anbetrifft,

des Testaments; oder, in dem gleidien Brief (Z. 11), divus Cesar genitor noster
so darf man daran erinnern, da(5 es ja das Wcsen einer Falsdiung ist, sich
rebus hum
ants assumptus mit Wei land S. 385, Z. 13: ;//
einem Original nadi Moglidikeit anzupassen (s. unten Anm. 35 zur Verwen-
rebus h n m a n i s ab s u m p t i vivere videamur. Dergleidien lieRo sidi nodi
dung des Statthalterdiploms). Was weiterhin zur Entkraftung der Ansicht, es
mehrfadi nadiweisen. Es ist immerhin bezcichncnd, dafi sidi ahnlidie Nieder-
handle sidi um eine Stiliibung, angefiihrt wird, blcibt nahezu unverstandlich,
sdilage des Testaments E ansdieinend nidit finden.
so etwa die Bemerkung (S. 17, Anm. 40): Wie hatte das aragonesische K6-
') Vgl. Wolf, S. 4 ff., der es leider vcrabsaumt hat, das keineswegs kurze
nigshaus Interesse an der Absdirift (um 1340!!) gehabt [Ausrufezeichen sind
Stiick nadi Paragraphen untcrzuteilen oder die Zeilen zu numerieren. Soweit Zitat],ware E cine Stiliibung gewesen?" Oder ebda. dieBemerkung: Bcrt-
moglich, zitiere idi E hier nadi den Paragraphennummern der Parallelkolumne v. Ocra etwa, die alle
hold v. Hohenburg, Ridiard v. Caserta und Walter
von W. Die wenigen Textverbesserungen sind nidit wescntlich: S. 5. Z. 11 v. u.: Friedrich iiberlebten, hatten einer Interpolation ihrer Namen in die Zeugen-
et velut start vclut; ebda. Z. 10 v. u. ist das Fragezeidien nadi poeticum sinn-
liste unechten Testaments sidier nidit tatenlos zugesehen!" Was hatte
eines
entstcllend und zu strcidien; Z. 2 v. u.: karissimi fiir carissimi; S. 6, 2:
das aragonesische Konigshaus mit einer Briefsammlung zu tun? Und was hatten
subbreviloquio statt des sinnstbrenden sub breviloquio fbreoiloquio ist doch
die grofien Hcrren des Kaiserhofes wohl gegen einen Stilsdiiiler oder Stil-
wohl Druckfehler] S. 6, 6: salvationis nostre statt Salvatoris nostri; S. 8,
;
meister unternehmen sollen?
Z. 1 adquires statt adimis. Die Zeichensetzung ist willkiirlidi und besser in
:

der Hs. als im Drudc. ') Spanienbrief habe ich MDIG. 51 S. 87

Den f. abgedruckt. Erst nachtraglidi

) Damit werden natiirlidi audi die Betrachtungen

madite midi frcundlidicrweise Frau Dr. Emmy darauf aufmerksam, Heller
iiber Staatstestament"
da(? dieser Brief auf die Sammlung des Thomas von Capua zuriickgche, ebenso
und Privattestament" (Wolf, S. 21 ff.) hinfiillig, die an sich recht frag-
der an Danemark, und audi (nadi giitiger Mitteiiung von Herrn Dr. R. M.
wiirdig sind (s. unten Anm. 28). Als Kriterien fiir dio Editheit werden sowohl
Abweichungen von audi Obereinstimmungcn mit echtcn Dokumenten bei-
als
K o o s ) nodi zwei weitere, die bei S. F. a h n Collectio monumentorum,
1 H ,

I (1724) S. 350 und 384 gedruckt sind. Fiir den Charakter derartiger Brief-
gcbradit. S. 15 wird z. B. gesagt, es sdiwadie wieder den Verdadit einer
sammlungen hochst lehrreich ist die Abhandlung von H. M. S c h a e r Zur 1 1 ,
Falsdiung ab", daB der Notarstitel eine voUig ungewohnliche, ja einmalige
Entstehung der sog. Briefsammlung des Petrus de Vinea, DA. 12 (1956)
114 ff., bes. 142 ff.

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118 Ernst Kantorowicz, Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 119

gedient hat^). In der langatmigen, von einer Unzahl rhetorischcr Fragen Wenn in W bestimmt wird, dafi nadi kinderlosem Tode der legitimen
gesdiwcllten Arenga von E ist denn audi ein Kernsatz des Diploms Sohne der legitimierte Manfred folgen solle, fugt E die niditssagendc
(ex necessitate quadam oportuit naturam subesse iusticie et servire iudicio Klausel hinzu: Deinde succedat, cui lex permiserit^^).

libertatem) sofort zu erkennen, freilich sdiulmafiig versdiont" und zu- Von soldien rhctorisdien Sdiulpfropfungen wimmelt das Stiidt, dodi
gleidi verballhornt: et sic oportet miserrime, oportuit et oportehit in sind andere Anderungen aufsdilufireidier. In Frage kommen da zu-
posterum legem nature subesse peccato et iugo servitutis servire libertatis nadist ein paar geographisdie Einzelheiten im Zusammenhang mit den
iudicium^). Von der Haufung der Tempora (oportet, oportuit, oportebit Sdienkungen. Es ist verstandlidi, dafi der weniger bekannte ducatus
in posterum) ganz abzusehen hat der Verfasser vorgeblich der mlt Stirie durdi den viel gelaufigeren ducatus Suavie ersetzt wird'*). Audi
dem Tode ringende, dennodi sein allerletztes Testament diktierendc dafi der Stilist fur suditalisdie Fledien kein sonderlidies Interesse zeigt,

Kaiser'") durch Wortmacherei nur Unklarheiten geschaffen: statt dafi wird man ihm nidit verargen durfen. Bekanntlidi erhielt Manfred neben
als Konsequenz von Adams Fall hinfort die (mensdilidie) Natur der dem Monte Santangelo Hauptapanage das Furstentum Tarent. Die-
als

Gereditigkeit unterstellt und die Freiheit dem Riditersprudi horig wer- ser Principat, obwohl in Normannenzeiten des ofteren ahnlidien Zwek-

den mufite," heifit es nun, daf? die lex nature der Siinde unterstellt und ken dienend'5), war dodi mehr oder weniger in Vergessenheit geratcn
der Richtspruch der Freiheit dem Joch der Kneditsdiaft horig werden und daher von neuem und ad hoc zusammenzustellen. Demgemafi wer-
mufi, mufite und miissen wird". Wahrend in W Konig Konrad zum den in W die Grafsdiaften aufgezahlt (Monte Scaglioso, Tricarico und
Erben bestimmt wird in imperio et in omnibus aliis empticiis et quo- Gravina); ferner wird der Manfred zustehende Kijstenstridi definiert
quomodo acquisitis, also im Reidi und alien kauflidi oder sonstwie (a maritima terre Bari usque Polianum); Polignano, siidlidi von Bari,
erworbenen" Pertinenzen, wird daraus in E eine langere Aufzahlung, mit alien Pertinenzen wird hinzugefiigt und die allgemeine Ausdehnung
unterbrodien durdi die typlsdie Entsdiuldigung fiir Weitsdiweifigkeit bestimmt von Porta Roseto bis zum Quell des Bradano (fluminis Bran-
ut subbreviloquio utamur, die dann ihrerseits zu neuer Weitsdiweifig- dani)"^^). Das Gesamt dieser Landereien formte also das Fiirstentum
keit fiihrt: in omnibus et singulis bonis nostris, que nostro subiacent Tarent. Der Verfasser von E madite sidi die Sadie leiditer und weniger
dominio, vel subesse debent, sub celo, super terram, ab oriente usque umstandlidi. Er setzte Manfred zum Erben ein in principatu Tarentino

in occidens, ab aquilone usque in meridiem^^) rhetorisdie Ampli- und in comitatu de Bari^'') letzteres ein zumindest uniiblidier Aus-
fikationen also, die fiir jeden, der mit derartigen Produkten vertraut
ist, die rhetorisdi-literarisdie nStilubung" kenntlidi madien. Das gleidie
Ebda. Wolf,
gilt fiir das danadi Folgendc; denn wo W kurz und biindig im
Weise
')

als
S.
die
8 2. Diese lex versteht
lex regia. Das ist ein
11 f., 29, 39 u. 6. seltsamer
Mifiverstehen der Funktion der lex de
iiblidien Stil sagt in subsidium Terre Sancte, heifit es in E in recupera- imperio, durdi die dem Princeps die Vollgewalt der Legislation (wenn man
sive sanctissimi sepulcri salvationis nostre^^).
wurde, die aber nidit die Sukzession regelt
will: die Souveranitat) iibertragcn
tione terre sancte ultra mare
(so S. 29: Nadi der die Nadifolge im Kaisertum erfolgt"), wic besagtem
Manfred (oder dessen Notar Petrus de Prece) audi durdiaus bekannt war;
vgl. den Romeraufruf, MG. Const. II, Nr. 424, S. 564, Z. 11 f.: cum ilia /sc.
Z. B. Vinea, Epp., Ill, 68 und 69. Das gleidie gilt natiirlidi audi von
') lex regia] in iure condendo, non enim circa ekccionem et formam imperii
editen Studten; vgl. etwa Manfreds Statthalterdiplom (MG. Const. II, Nr. 422 alloquatur. Was
der Stilkiinstler sidi bei der lex gedadit hat, ist nidit klar; er
S. 553) oder den Brief Heinrichs III. von England an Teano (MDIG. 51 konnte natiirlidi an den Enkelsohn Friedridi gedadit haben oder andore im
S. 71 Die necessitas ersdieint dabei fast als ein Sdilagwort ghibelli-
ff.). Testament genannte Nadikommen, oder an das Watilredit der Kurfiirsten,
nisdier Ansdiauungen und in Manfreds Aufruf an die Romer wird sie gar oder an die versdiiedenartigen Rcdite des Papstes falls er sidi iiberhaupt
personifiziert: Respondet mundi deposcens Necessitas: Nemo nisi maximi etwas gedadit hat und nidit einfadi Worte gemadit hat.
filius cesaris (MG. Const. II, Nr. 424 S. 565 Z. 12). Es ist bezeidinend, dafi ") Wolf, 6 4; vgl. wo
S. S. 32 f, mit Redit Suavie zugunsten von
dieses Kennwort in E weggelassen worden ist; s. unten Anm. 27 fiir die Tendenz Stirie zuriidcgewiesen wird.
des Studies.
") Roger
) Wo 1 f , S. 5, Mitte.
(vgl. Eridi
gab das Fiirstentum Tarent seinem zweiten Sohne Tankred
II.

Caspar, Roger II. [1904] 428); als letzter hielt es wohl Wil-
') Ebda. S. 20, audi 17 f. und 21 Anm. 1, wobei liberal! die Worte sine
helm III. von Sizilien.
scriptis eine verhangnisvoUe RoUe spielen; s. unten Anm. 33.
") Ebda. S. 6, S 2.
) MG. Const. II, S. 385 f 3.
") Ebda. 6. ") Wolf , S. 7 3; vgl. S. 34.

/ / u I L
 120 Ernst Kantorowicz, Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 121

druck, da die Kanzlei stets von der terra Bari spridit, und audi sachlidi Manfredi, sui^% War Manfred
filii also vielleidit dodizum Grafen der
nidit ohne weiteres zutreffend. Andererseits aber zeigte sidi der Testator Aldobrandesca gemacht worden, wie E vorsah? es Denn warum sonst
in E grofiziigiger als sein Vorganger in W; denn zu der Reihe apulisdier <l'c Nennung seines Namens im Zusammenhang mit der Grafschaft? Der
Sdienkungen fiigte er unerwartet, und gleichsam ex madiina, nodi den Sachverhalt ist naturlich langst erkannt worden20). Aus hochst plausiblen
comitatus Ildebrandischus hinzu, also die toskanisdie Grafsdiaft der Grunden im wesentlidien wohl um Zeit zu gewinnen hat die
Aldobrandesca. Zunadist ware man dem Verfasser zuzutrauen bcreit, kaiserlidie Verwaltung im romisdien Tuszien zunachst den Versudi ge-
4;^
es sei der wenig bekannte Brandanus-FluR bei ihm zu Ildebrandischus macht, die Ereignisse zu Fiorentino in der Capitanata nidit sofort be-
geworden. Aber so einfadi liegen die Dinge dodi nidit. In der Ausstat- kanntzugeben und damit das Ableben des Kaisers nodi zu versdileiern
tung Manfreds mit der Aldobrandesca konnte sidi namlidi, wenn man (wenn man will: geheimzuhalten")2i). Bis gegen Ende Januar 1251 gab
so will, ein Korndien Wahrheit finden lassen; ja bei einigem Gesdiidt also die Verwaltung in scheinbarer Unbefangenheit vor, noch im Namen
hatte sidi sogar auf Grund dieser Verleihung ein gar nidit iibles Edit- des Kaisers zu handeln, jedoch unter Hinzufiigung des Namens Man-
heitsplaidoyer zugunsten von E aufbauen lassen, wenn die Absonder- freds, der ja bis zur Ankunft Konrads IV. als balius der Kaiserherrschaft
lidikeit einer toskanisdien Dotation fiir Manfred, und zugleidi die in Italien eingesetzt war ein Umstand, der dem Generalvikar natur-
krasseste aller Abweidiungen von W, dem Herausgeber von E blofi auf- lich nidit unbekannt sein konnte'^S). Dafi diese Nennung Manfreds als
gefallen ware'^). die Folge von Bestimmungen anzusehen wie
ist, sie spatestens im Testa-
Zur Klarung der Interpolation wird es sidi nidit vermeiden lassen, ment W festgelegt wurden, geht aus einem Dokument vom 27. Januar
auf einige Einzelheiten hinzuweisen, die der Zeit gleidi nadi dem Todc 1251 hervor, in dem sidi dieGemeinde Grosseto denen von Siena unter-
des Kaisers angehoren. Seit dem Umsdiwung in Florenz im Oktober wirft zu Ehren" des Kaisers und Manfreds und gleichzeitig verspricht,
1250 zuungunsten der Kaiserpartei war die Reidisherrsdiaft in der Tos- Siena gegen alle zu unterstiitzen aufier contra imperatorem et dominum
kana am Zerfall. Um zu retten was nodi zu retten war, sudite die kai- Manfredum predictum et filios et heredes ipsius imperatoris-'^) Die Nen-
Verwaltung mit Hilfe des ghibellinisdien Siena wenigstens die
serlidie
Picker, Forsdiungen IV, Nr. 416, S. 427 f., dazu II, S. 518 f., 411;
')
Maremma und Aldobrandesca zu sichern. Ober diese Versudie gibt nun BFW. 13779. Zum Problem selbst hat August Karst, Gesdiidite Manfreds
eine seit ihrer Veroffentlidiung durdi Picker durdiaus nidit unbeadi- vom Tode Friedridis II. bis zu seiner Kronung (1897) 3 f Anm. 4, alles .,

tete Urkunde Auskunft. Im Rate von Siena wurde am 4. Januar 1251 relevante Material zusammengestcllt. Vgl. audi nadiste Anmerkung.

ein Schreiben verlesen, das vom 31. Dezember 1250 datiert war (also
-"). Vgl. Fedor Schneider, Toscanisdie Studien V, QFIAB. 13 (1910)
1 ff., bes. S. 2 Anm. 5.
mehr als zwei Wodien nadi dem Tode des Kaisers) und in dem der *') Zur Frage der Geheimhaltung" von Friedridis Tod in der Toskana
Generalvikar des Sprengels Von Amelia bis Corneto und in der Aldo-
vgl. die Kontrovcrse zwischen Davidsohn und Schneider in QFIAB.
brandesca und Maremma" befiehlt, der Kommune Siena die Grafsdiaft
13,
245 254 und 255 272, bei der man im wesentlidien Schneider, der
Fickers Argumcnte wird folgen miissen.
verteidigt,
der Aldobrandesca zum Sdiutz gegen Reidisfeinde und Rebellen zu ^') Im Gegensatz zu Schneider, a. a. O. 261 Anm. 1, sehe ich keinen
iibergeben pro parte serenissimi domini nostri et illustris viri domini Grund, warum dem Generalvikar die Einsetzung Manfreds zum balius in
Italia nidit auf Grund des Testaments bekannt sein konnte. Manfred selbst
ziticrt es ja wortlidi am 15. Dezember in seinem Brief an Palermo (s. o.
Anm. 4). Im iibrigen mag naturlich fur den Eventualfall des Todes des Kaisers
'*) Wolf , bemerkt lediglidi: Weiter [d. h. zu den apulisdien Landc-
S. 34,
die Vcrweserschaft Manfreds audi langst zuvor und au(5er-testamentarisch ge-
reien] erhalt Manfred den comitatus Ildebrandis [sic], der die Ortc um- . . .
regelt worden sein. Dal5 die Gchcimhaltung" des Todes im romisdien Tuszien
faik." Zehn Fledicn sind aufgcziihlt auf Grund von BF. 441, einer Beleihungs-
von Galvano Lancia, und nicht von Manfred, ausgegangen sei, ist eine an-
urkunde Ottos IV. von 1210. Wolf hat es sidi ansdieinend gar nidit klar-
sprediende Hypothese von Karst, a. a. O.
gemadit, dal.s in E Manfred zu den siiditalisdien Liegensdiaftcn nodi eine tos- -') Picker, Forsdiungen,
IV, Nr. 417 S. 428 f.; BFW. 13786. Dafi die
kanisdie Grafsdiaft zugesprodien wird, wie er freilidi audi dem Leser nicht Exceptionsklausel die S6hne und Erben" auch sonst einsdiliefien kann, ist
klarzumadien vcrsudit, wo eigentlidi diese zusatzlidie Grafsdiaft liegt, die dodi
selbstverstandlich wahr. Der Zcitpunkt und die Umstande, unter denen Gros-
gar nidit zu den kalabrisdien Besitzungen pafit. Infolgedessen ist er mit
allzu seto die Verpflichtung auf sidi nahm, deuten aber dodi darauf hin, dafi es sidi
grofier Sorglosigkeit iiber die Tatsadie hinweggegangen, dall
ihm hicr zur hier nicht um potentielle, sondcrn um aktuelle Nadikommen und Erben'
Gesdiidite Toskanas eine einzigartigc ..Quelle" zur Verfugung stand,
mit der handelt. Schneider, a. a. O. S. 10 f. hat ganz gewifi redit, wenn er sagt,
er sidi zumindest hatte auseinandersetzen diirfen.
dafi sdion am 27. Januar keiner mehr daran glaubte, daK der Kaiser nodi lebe.

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 122 Ernst Kantorowicz, Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 123

nung der Sohne und Erben" deutet in diesem Falle dodi wohl eindeu- Charakter der Escorial-Sammlung ohnehin nahelegen wiirde. So erhalt
tig auf das Testament hin, selbst wenn die Fiktion immer nodi auf- B. der Notar Nikolaus den eigentiimlidien und
z. sonst nidit belegbaren
rechterhalten wurde, dafi der Kaiser am Leben sei. Dementsprechend Titel sacri imperii et nunc dicti imperatoris Frederici notarius, d. h.
erfolgte also die Nennung Manfreds
nicht, weil er Graf der Aldo- der Reichsnotar" wird hier zum Privatnotar" des quondam imperator,
brandesca, sondern weil er fur Konrad IV. Reidisverweser in Italien war. dem ja vom Papst das Reich abgesprodien ist-*). Wenn in W ( 6) der
Es ware nun durchaus moglich, dafi der Verfasser von E die Kompe- Kaiser 100 000 Goldunzen fiirs Heilige Land aussetzt pro salute anime
tenzen Manfreds nIcht erfafit und darum nicht untersdiieden hat und
nostre, so wird in E diese Wendung unterdriickt. Andererseits, wenn in
dafi er ihm aus diesem Grunde die Aldobrandesca als Erbe zusprach. Der W der Kaiser bestimmt, dafi der Kirdie restituantur omnia iura sua,
wahre Sadiverhalt wird aber vermutlidi sehr viel einfacher und viel salvis in omnibus . . . iure et honore imperii, so wird in E wiederum
weniger staatsrechtlich" sein. In der Aldobrandesca und Maremma wa- die Salvierungsklausel unterdriickt, dafiir aber gesagt, Friedridi habe
ren seit Jahren die Verwandten Manfreds, die Lancias, als kaiscrliche bestimmt reddere et restituere omnia iura omnesque rationes . . . que
Beamte tatig. Spatestens seit 1249 unterstand der Verwaltungsbezirk quas possidemus in u eine Verscharfung, die sdion S c h e f -
et i s t e ,

Manfreds Onkel Galvano Lancia, der dort als Generalvikar fungierte. fer-Boichorst dazu fiihrte, das Stiick als StiliJbung" zu bezeidi-
Nachdem dann (wohl im Januar 1251) Galvano Lancia Toskana ver- nen^T). Und wenn schliefSlidi, um von kleineren Anderungen zu sdiwei-
lassen hatte, urn sich nach Sizilien zu begeben, blieb als Reichsvikar
der gen, in W der Kaiser den Sohnen auferlegt, die testamentarisdien Dispo-
Maremma und Aldobrandesca sein Sohn zuriick, der fiir uns erstmals sitionen zu beobaditen ( 19), so befiehlt in E der Kaiser ex autoritate
am 8. Januar 1251 nadiweisbar ist und spaterhin mehrfach in Erschei- nobis a iure concessa (ein zumindest iiberflussiger Zusatz, da ja jeder
nung tritt. Sein Name war Manfred Lancia2<). Dafi ein des Dictamens
Testator aus der Autoritat des Rechtes heraus seine Dispositionen trifft),
Beflissener den Reichsvikar in der Aldobrandesca mit dem Kaisersohn Testament lex a nostra magestate autenticata; und wenn in
dafi das sit
vertausdite, ist nicht nur verzeihlich, sondern auch aufierst naheliegend.
W universis fidelibus bei ihrem Treueid (sub sacramento fidelitatis)
Auf diese Weise ist wohl die toskanische Grafschaft in das Testament predicta omnia illibata teneant et observent, so
befohlen wird, dafi sie
E hineingeraten, wobei es freilidi weniger verzeihlidi gewesen ware, wird in E konsequenterweise der Satz iiber Untertanen und Treueid
hatte wirklich der sterbende Kaiser seinen Sohn Manfred mit dessen Sohne gerichtete
wiederum ausgelassen, dafiir aber das auch gegen die
Vetter Manfred III. Lancia verwechselt. aufgefahren:
grobe Geschijtz einer dem Tyrannen" gemaBen Ponformel
Im iibrigen ist der Irrtum des Verfassers von E recht willkommen, ut contradictores huius rei ultimo supplicio tanquam nobis rebelles et

weil er immerhin einen ungefahren Anhalt proditores omnimodo iudicentur^^). Die Tendenz der Oberarbeitung be-
fiir die Datierung des
Stiidtes gibt vermudidi 1251. Es ist wohl audi anzunchmen, da(? der darf keiner weiteren Worte.
Verfasser irgendwo im mittleren Italien beheimatet war, was
moglidier- Von der Arenga zum Reditsinhah leitet E iiber, indem es den Kaiser
weise eine andere Frage klaren konnte: daB namlich der
in W genannte die tiefsinnige Betrachtung anstellen lafit, der Tod sei nidits anderes als
Notar Nikolaus von Brindisi in E ersetzt wird durch den, zumindcst in
der Anconitaner Mark
bekannten, kaiserlidien Riditer Nikolaus von
Calvi25),obwohl hier der Sadiverhalt weniger offenkundig ist als im
Falle ") Ebda. S. 15 und 49.
Manfreds und der Aldobrandesca.
") Ebda. S. 6 17; Scheffer-Boichorst, S 270. Zur Tendenz vgl.
Dafi der Verfasser von E etwa im Interesse Manfreds gearbeitet hatte, audi obcn Anm. 8 (Fortlassen der necessitas und Ersetzen der iustitia durdi
sdieint nidit wahrsdieinHdi. Im Gegcnteil, Mehreres weist wohl peccatum).
eher
darauf hin, dafi er irgendwie mit kurialen Kreisen ") Ebda. 19, sdion von Pertz als unedit angeschen und von
S. 8
liiert war, was der
Scheffer-Boichorst, a. a. O. S. 270 angczweifelt. Fiir die Tendenz
siehe audi obcn Anm. 8, letzte Zeile. W
o f S. 21 f., sdiliefit gerade aus der I ,

Fortlassung der fideles etc., dafi E ein Privattestament sei. Es sei hier obiter
") Cber Manfred III. Lancia vgl. Schneider, O
a. a. S 5ff ISff- bemerkt, daft die Untersdicidung zwisdien Staats- und Privattestament hodist
BFW. 13781.
'

ungliicklich ist. Ein Staatstcstament gibt es im Grunde gar nidit (respublicu non
") Wolf, 15 Anm. 35a.
habet haeredem, quia semper vivit in semetipsa, sagt B a 1 d u s Consilia, III, ,

n u I u
 Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 125
124 Ernst Kantorowicz,
die Siebenzahl (in W sind es 9 bzw. 10 und der Notar) der testes rogati
das Ende des Lebens, das man im Zeitlidien zu fuhren glaube''29). Nadi letzteres ein tedinisdier Begriff (der Gegensatz sind die im Straf-
einer kleinen Vorlesung oder Belehrung daruber, dafi nadi
der Norm prozefi befohlenen oder gezwungenen Zeugen), der in einer
Fassung
des [romisdien] Civilrechts Ihr, geliebteste Sohne, in
dieser Welt unsere von W audi vorkommt, in E aber wieder pleonastisdi erweitcrt wird
eigene Person darstellt"^''), entschliefit sidi der kaiserlidie Patient,
um (ad hoc vocatis et rogatis), und aus dem keine weiteren Sdilusse gezogen
nicht mtestat" zu versdieiden, nunmehr nodi ein nunkupatives
Testa- werden konnenS*). Das alles ist lediglidi ein gewisses Sidi-Briisten mit
ment" zu verfassen. Hatte der Kaiser dieses Nunkupativ-Testament \ juristisdien Kenntnissen auf Seiten des Stilisten, bar aller historisdi-
n 1 c h t gemadit, so ware er freilidi immer nodi nidit intestat verstor- rcalen Grundlagen.
ben, da er ja angeblidi adit Tage zuvor W ausgefertigt hatte"). Das
Ungliidi ware audi sonst nidit zu grofi gewesen, da das Vorliandensein Nadi dem hier Ausgefuhrten ist es wohl offenkundig, dafi E ledig-
von Sohnen irgendweldie Intestatserben ohnedies aussdilofi^^); und der
lidi ein vermutlidi von kurialer Seite literarisdi zugestutztes
bei Privatleuten gefahrlidiste Intestatserbe, der Fiskus, Muster eines Kaisertestaments darstellt, das der Auswahl von Berard-
kam in diesem
Fall ja nidit in Betradit. Aus dieser Besorgnis heraus also braudite der
und Thomas-Briefen vorangestellt worden ist. Dabei bleibt es in diesem

Kaiser sidi kaum veranlafit gesehen zu haben, nun nodi ein nuncupati-
Zusammenhang gleidigiiltig, ob man ein soldies Stiidi eine Stiliibung
vum testamentum quod sine scriptis dicitur
oder eine Veruneditung zu nennen vorzieht. Sdiliisse iiber tatsadilidie
zu hinterlassen, wie es das
romisdie Redit im Falle angeborener oder erworbener Blindheit
z. B. Vorgange in den letzten Tagen des Kaisers lassen sidi daraus nidit zie-
wie audi im Falle von Analphabetentum des Testators und sonstigem
Unvermogen vorsieht, wobei der Testator, falls sieben Zeugen mit dem
23, 21, 1 und 4 (Quod si litteras testator ignorct vel subscrihere nequeat,
Notar als aditem anwesend sind, weder eigenhandig die Namen der
octavo suhscriptore pro eo adhihito eadem servari decernimus ... Per nun-
Erben eintragt, wie das sonst seine Pflidit war, nodi audi den eignen cupationem quoque, hoc est sine s c r i pt u r a testamenta ,

Namen eigenhandig untersdireibt^'). Dies erklart dann wohl audi in non alias valere sancimus, ut supra dictum est...). Wolf ist (vgl. S. 23,
E
Anm. 11) diesen reditlidien Fragcn aus dem Wcge gegangen, zuma! iiber den
Einflufi des romisdien Rcdits auf das Mittelaltcr im Einzelnen audi untcr den
Fadileuten nodi mancherlei Unkiarhcit herrsdit". Das ist moglidi; was uns
159 n. 5 [Venedig, 1575],
wie gewifi sdion vide vor ihm), well ja
fol. 45^, jedodi angeht, ist allein, was sidi die Juristen des 13. Jhdts. fiir Gedanken
jcdes Testament privatrcditlidi ist; und wenn ein Herrsdier (wie etwa Karl d. gemadit haben und wie sie z. B. das nunkupative Testament interprctierten.
Gr.) sein Reich unter die Sohne aufteilt, so iiberrascht uns eben die Tatsadie, In dieser Beziehung ist denn audi die Glossa ordinaria zu Cod. 6, 22,
dafi hier das Reidi privatreditlidi" behandelt wurde. Dal5 im ubrigen dem 8, V. per nuncupationem' ganz klar: per testamentum nuncupativum sine
Privatrcdit entnommcne Maximen (wie etwa das bckannte Quod omnes tangit, solennitate, non tamen sine scriptura, ut inst. e..cecus [= Inst. II, 12, 4].
ab omnibus comprobetur [Cod. 5, 59, 5, 2]; hierzu Gaines Post, Traditio 4 Sed quare dicitur hoc nuncupativum, cum tamen habeat tantam similitudinem
[1946] 179 ff.) formbildcnd und sdilielllidi mafigebend audi fur das offentlidie cum scripto? Resp. quia testator non signat, nee suhscribit, nee nomen heredis
Redit werdcn konnten, ist cine im Spatmittelalter allenthalben zu beobaditende scribit, quod in eo /sc. test, scripto] esset necesse. Ober die Bedeutung und
Ersdieinung. Eincn reditlidien Untersdiied zwisdien und E vermag idi nidit W Entwidilungsgesdiidite der nuncupatio in der klassisdien und nadiklassisdien
zu entdedten. Jurisprudenz, auf die hier nidit niiher eingegangen werdcn soil, vgl. B. K ij b -
ler V.Testament (juristisdi)", in Pauly-Wissowa RE., V A 1 (1934) Sp. 990,
*) Wolf, und dazu wo Wort
besserer Einsidit
S. 5
(S. 5, Anm.
S. 23,
3 b) als
das [finis vite
Imperativ aufgcfafit wird.
. ./ credite trotz
993, 996.
Aus der Wendung sine scriptis dicitur lassen sich Sdiliisse auf
sizilisdie Konzepte, Beurkundungsvorgange u. a. nicht ziehcn (s. oben Anm. 10).
) S. unten S. 133.
*) Vgl. etwa Dig. 22, 5, 11; Wolf, S. 9 und 13. Zu den Zeugennamen,
") Wolf, S. 13 Anm. 27 und S. 19 f. soweit sie in E nicht mit denen von W
iibereinstimmen, sei bcmerkt, dafi
"-) Cod. 6, 14, 2: existente filio . . . nemopotest intestato heres existere; und
Rozardus de la Cerr natiirlich zu
. . . A
c e r r a zu ergiinzen ist, vielleidit

dazu Glossa ordinaria, Graf Roger von Acerra, der in einer Papsturkunde von 1255 als verstorben
v. existere": ...per suum heredem quivis
alius excluditur.
erwahnt wird (BFW. 8978). Interessant der Zeuge archiepiscopus Neapoli-
ist
tanus insofern, als der Stuhl 1250 nur einen Elekten hatte, Berard Caraccioli,
") Cod. Thcod. 4, 4, 257 nidit (oder nur fragmcntarisdi durdi Justi-
Da der erst 1252 konsekriert wurde. Auch diese Tatsadie hat nicht stutzig Wolf
nians Codex) bckannt warcn, so kommt fur das Nunkupativtcstamcnt im gemadit, obwohl er sie (S. 48; vgl. S. 13) selbst vermerkt. Dies ist eines der
we-
sentlidicn in Bctracht Cod. 6, 22, 8 {ut carentes oculis seu vielcn Anzeidicn dafiir, dafi der Stilist mit den Vcrhaltnissen im Siiden nicht
morbo vel ita nati
per nuncupationem suae condant moderamina voluntatis, praesentibus vertraut war, also wohl in Mittelitalien zu suchen ist.
septem
testibus tabulario etiam: ... ut sine scriptis
.
. .
testentur), und Cod. 6,

n u
126 Ernst Kantorowicz, Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 127

hen; sic beruhen notwendig auf einer falschen Voraussetzung, namlidi 2. Vivit et non vivit
auf der der Echtheit des Testaments. Trotzdem lohntc es, dieses an-
Ein der Erythraisdien Sibyllc zugesdiriebenes Vaticinium, das bald
geblidie Testament zu veroffentlidien; dcnn als Vcruneditung hat es
nadi dem Tode Friedridis II. entstanden sein mag, fand verhaltnismafiig
fiir gewisse Ansdiauungen in den Jahren nadi dem Tode des Kaisers
rasdi betraditlidie Verbreitung'*). Soweit bekannt findet sidi in die-
natiirlidi einen Qucllenwert, und zwar einen gar nidit uninteressanten'5)_
ser Wcissagung die friiheste Spur der Sage vom fortlebenden Kaiser, die
Ein Passus des Testaments hilft uns zumindest, gewisse Grundlagen der
um das Motiv von des Kaisers Wiederkehr wie um weitcre Sagenstoffc
Kaisersage scharfer als bisher zu erfassen, vor allem den fiir die Ent-
vermehn und seit 1519 in steigendem Mai^e auf Barbarossa iibertragen,
stehung der Kaisersage entsdieidenden Sibyllensprudi Vhit et non vivit.
im Zeitalter der Nadiromantik cine Art politisdier Verwirk-
sdilicfilidi

lidiung fand, von der das Kyffhauserdenkmal ein spates, wenn audi

Der vielleidit nidit gliidilidies, Zcugnis ablcgt. In der sozusagen urspriing-

''')
einzige Anhaltspunkt zur Datierung von E sdieint mir, wie sdion
bemerkt, in der Erwahnung der Aldobrandesca Dotation Manfreds zu lie-
als lidicn' Fassung des Sibyllinums werdcn nun die .Adlerhenncn" auf-
gen, was bedeuten wiirde, da die O'berarbeitung wohl ganz bald nadi dem
Tode des Kaisers, also im Jahre 1251, entstanden ist. Zur Entstehung selbst
gezahlt, die dem Adler" d. h. Friedridi II. Adlerjunge" be-
liifit sidi nidits Genaueres sagen. Testament V
ist wohl sdion in den ersten
sdiert haben: die maurisdie Konstanze von Aragon, die orientalisdie Isa-
Monaten des Jahres 1251 in Mittel- und Oberitalien bekannt geworden, wie bella von Jerusalem, die britannisdie Isabella Plantagenet, die deutsdie
vielleidit audi die Oberlieferung erkennen lafit (MG. Const. II, S. 382 f.). Der
Konkubine Adclheid (Mutter Enzios) und die gallisdie (d. i. lombar-
allem Ansdiein nadi kurialen Kreisen nahestehende Verfasser von E hat dies
Testament gekannt und sidi offenbar beeilt, es literarisdi interessant* zu disdie) Bianca Lancia. Dann heifit es vom Kaiser selbst: Verborgencn
madicn, indem er es zureditstutzte. Dafi er \P kannte, ergibt sidi unbezweifel- Todes wird er die Augen sdilieSen und fortlcbcn; tonen wird es unter
bar aus dem ersten Halbsatz der Arenga, den er fast wortlidi iibernahm, wobei
den Volkcm ,Er lebt und lebt nidii', denn eines von den Jungcn und
er jedodi den stilgerediten, die Anfangsworte verfleditenden, rhythmisdi sdiwe-
ren Einsatz von V: Primi parentis incauta transgressio, in einen Hexameter von den Jungcn der Jungen wird iiberleben'")."
Terwandelte Adam primus parens sic posteris legem indixit. Start der kurzen
:
Eine spatere vcrkiirzte Form der Erythraa bezicht sidi, wie mir
iminteressanten Einleitung von W hat dann eine ,inter-
der Verfasser
sdicint, in diesem Teil eher auf das Konigreidi Trinacria, d. h. die Inscl
essante" Arenga fabrizicrt: in rhetorisdie Fragen eingekleidcte Banalitaten
iiber den Tod; eine zum Teil baren Unsinn enthaltende Verballhomung des Sizilien. Vorangesdiidtt wird hier, dafi ein Junges der Jungen' von der
Statthalterdiploms,dessen Einfleditung jedoch den Eindruck erw-edken sollte, gallisdien Henne", also von Bianca Lancia, iiberlebe. Dann kommt das
ed)t friderizianisA"zu klinpcn, wie es ia audi nidit anders sein konnte, da
es angeblidi der sterbende Kaiser selbst war, der ^nunkupativ' die Vorte
Kcrnstiick: Scin Tod wird verborgen und unbekanni bleiben, und
wahlte. Zur weiteren Dramatisierung, und audi um die eignen juristisdien tonen wird es i m Vo 1 kc : .Er lebt und lebt nichi"'^). Ein pullus
Kenntnisse ins Lidit zu setzcn, fiigte der Verfasser dann das Nunkupativ-
Testament ein. ReportagemaCig vminteressant war die Mehrzahl der editen ") Vgl. fiir das Vaticinium O. Holder-Egger, Italienisdie Prophetien

Bestimmungen ( 7 16 in W), wahrend die Apanagierung der Sohnc eit des 13. Jhdts., NA. 15 (1890) 155 ff., und fiir die Datierung in die ersten
vielen Jahren ein Gegenstand allgemeinen Interesses war (s. unten Anm. 60). Jahre nadi dem Tode des Kaisers S. 149 f.;femer P. Kampers, Die
Die die Sohne betreffenden Absdinitte hat er denn audi im allgemeinen riditig deutsdie Kaiseridce in Prophetic und Sage (18%) 84 ff. und passim, und
reproduziert, wenn audi teils .-versdiont', teils verkiirzt (wie die langweilige H ampe u. Anm. 42),
(s. S. 7.
Aufzahlung Ton apulisdien Giitern), teils mifiverstanden, tells aber audi er- '") Holder-Egger, a. a. O. S. 166 fiir die gaUinae und S. 168 fiir den
weitert, indem er die im Testament Niditgenannten so bedadite, wie sidi das Sprudi: Oculos eius morte claudet ahscondita supervizetque; sonahit et m
aus der Situation um 1251 zu ergeben sdiien. Obwohj nidit ohne kuriale Ten- populis: ,Vivit, non vivit,' uno ex pulLis pullisque pullorum superstite.
denz, hat der Dberarbeiter wohl dodi keinen anderen Zwei verfolgt als den ) Holder-Egger, NA. 30 (1905) 333 f.: Et dahitur et qutnta /Gal-

der literarisdien Reportage. Politisdie Absiditen lagen ihm gewiC ganz fern.
licanaj gallina. que claudet oculos suos, uno tantum ex pullis [pullisque ist m.
A. nadi iiberfliissiger und eher fehlleitender Zusatz Holder-Egger $]
pullorum superstite; cuius mors erit ahscondita et incognita, sonabitque in
populo: .Vivit' et .Non vivit'. Idi bin mit Rudolf M. Kloos, Ein Brief
des Petrus de Prece zum Tode Friedridis II., unten S. 156, Anm. 20, gleidifalls
der Ansidit, dafi die kiirzere Fassung viel spater als 1254 zu datiercn ist und
uomoglidi in die Zeit um 1270 und eher nodi spater gehort. Zu beaditen lit,
z. B., dafi das in popuUs der langeren Fassung verwandeh ist zu in populo,

was ansdieincnd auf Trinacria zu beziehen ware. Doch licgt es mir fern, das
Sibyllinum neu ausduten zu wollen.

n u I
I uL
 128 Ernst Kamorowicz,
2u den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaijersage
i29
pullorum wird zwar einleitend nodi genannt, aber dcr Spruch selbst,
danke, der vielieidit durdi die
Vivit et non vivit, ist kausal nidit mehr so deutlich mit dem Vorhanden- hodist zwdfelhafte, in jedem
Fall nur
regionale und ganz kurzfnsnge,
sein von Sohnen und Enkcln verkniipft wie in der friiheren Fassung. sogenannte ^Gehdmhaltung" des To-
dcs Fnedndis durdi Manfred irgendweldien
II.
Die Weissagung wurde sparer von Fra Salimbene in seiner Chronik Nahrungsstoff erhalten
har^i). Diese
mehrfadi zitien, und in keinem Falle fehlt der entscheidende Satz Vivit mysnfizierte Version soli uns
hicr nidit weiter angehen,
non auf den audi andere Autoren deutlidi anspielten^*). Es
wohingegen die Vei.s.sagung Er
et vivit, fallt lebt und lebt nidit" im Zusammenhang
niu der Frage dynastisdier
dennodi auf, daB Salimbene nur ein einziges Mai den volien Sprudi Sukzession dodi von erheblidiem
Interesse ist.
erwahnt mit Nennung der und audi da Um zunadist bei den Sibyllen zu bleiben,
pulli, ist das Forrleben des Kai- so hat Karl a m p e eincn H
sers bereits abgelbst von den Deszendenten, die an den anderen Stellen
Brief Oder erne Flugsdirift der
Leute von Tivoli veroffentlidit, in
dem
sdion gamidit mehr erwahnt werden*"). diese den Tod des Kaisers
beklagten (ca. Januar 1251)).
Was die
Seltsamerweise hat man es bisher verabsiiumt, die sdilagende Parallele
Sibylle -
dodi wohl die Tiburtma -
verheificn habe, naml.di, dafi zu

zu diesem Sprudi heranzuziehen, die dodi mandies verdeutlidit. In dem

seiner 2eu die Sdiollen fruditbar sein
wurden", das habe der Kaiser
erfullt, dessen messianisdies
Kapitel zum Lob gutgeratener und gutgezogener Kinder heifit es bei Kaisertum nunmehr der Sohn Konrad IV
fortsetzen wurde. Dabei bedienten sidi die Tiburtiner in ihrer
Jesus Siradi (30, 4): Mortuus est pater . . . et quasi non est mortuus, Flug-
sdirift des Vergleidis mit der
similem enint reliquit post se. Das Sibyllinum Vivit et non vivit wendet Sonne: Gleidi der Sonne, wenn sic von
der Himmelsadise in das westlidie
also nur ins Affirmative, was Jesus Siradi gleidisam negativ ausgedriidst Meer smkt, so hinterlaUt Friedridi
im Westen eine Sonne Sohn, deren Morgenrote im Osten sdion
als
hat: mortuus est et quasi non est mortuus. Genauer gesagt: der Vcter zu
leuditen beginnt, wahrend nodi
stirbt zwar, ist jedodi nidit tot, weil er ja seinesgleidien hinter sidi die Sterne am Himmelsgewolbe fun-
keln).- Auf das Mythologumenon
gelassen hat." Das Fortleben des Vaters ist verbiirgt im Sohne. Das ist braudit hier nidit nahcr eingc-
nun offenbar genau das Gleidie, was der Sibyllensprudi zumindest
gangen zu werden, da es bekanm genug ist:
der lugubre Tod des Helios
in der urspriinglidien langeren Fassung zum Ausdrudi bringen
an jedem Abend, jedem Wintersolsticium,
und sein Viederersdiemen an
jedem Morgen, jedem Jahresbeginn als ein vr';n,o; draTf/J.w,'").
wollte: Vivit, non vivit, uno ex pullis pullisque pullorum superstite Worauf
es hier ankommt, ist die Identitat zwisdien Vater und Sohn oder,
Sdion in der zweiten, kiirzeren Fassung der Er^'thraisdien Sibylle ist um im
Bilde zu bleiben, zwisdien der sdieidenden
dcr Kausalsatz, oder kausale Ablativus absolutus, fortgelassen, der wie und der aufgehenden Sonne,
die zwar wediselt, aber dennodi stets
bei Jesus Siradi das Fortleben des Vaters begriindet durdi das Ober- die gleidie Sonne bleibt. Die Iden-

leben von und darum in Kindern. Start dessen wird vielleidit

titat gewahrleistet dabei audi
die Kontinuitat: wie der Vater so wird
der Sohn ein Friedefurst sein, dem Manfred mit den
sdion in der spateren Sibylle und ganz gewifi bei Salimbene das Fort- iibrigen Briidcm,

leben gleidisam mystif iziert : Sein Tod wird verborgen und unbekannt
bleiben", und darum wird es heifien Er lebt und lebt nidit". Nidit so *') Zu der Geheimhalrung des Todes vgl. ober
Anm. 21 die Kontroverse
wegen der Ver- zwisdien D a v d s o n und Fedor Schneider
sehr wegen des Fortlebens in den Kindern, sondern ,
m QFIAB. 13, S. 245272
be, der kaum viel mehr herauskommt
borgenheit des Todes lebt der Vater, der Kaiser, gehcimnis- und dodi nidi, verheimlidit".
als ein quasi sibyllinisdies , VerheimTidit
'

voll weiter. Das ist natiirlidi ein vollkommen anderer und neuer Ge- ^'^^^ Verkniipfung der Weissagung vom Endkaiser
mu*\^j"f
Fnedndi Tt'"'',^""'
II. und Konrad IV. (SB. Heidelberg 1917, Nr. 6).
'')^Ebda. S. 18 audi S. 11. Hampe
iibersetzte ioifm gcminm mit Sonnen-
sohn was der Bedeutung n.dit ganz geredit wird.
Salimbene di Adam,
)
ed. Ho 1 d c r - E g g e r , MG. SS, 32, S. 174, 243,
Sonnenknabe
.
genau wie sol puer nidit
,st, sondern die nodi knabenhafte Sonne".
347. 537 stets in der Form in populis, nidit in populo. Vgl. fiir einen Anklang Da Sonne im
Ueutsdien we.blidi ist, konnte man geneigt
das Sdireiben des Petrus dc Precc bei K oo ! s unten S. 152,
, Anm. 5, der mit
bonne zu ubersetzen, was zwar den
sein, sol gertitus mit .Toditer-

Redit auf die Sadisisdie Weitdironik verweist (MG. Dt. Chron. 2, S. 258 c. 399). Sinn trafe, wegen der Beziehung auf
Konrad IV. ,edod, n.dit angangig ist. Idi
habe deswegen die Vendung mit
*") Nur S. 537 hat Salimlieni; die voile Fassung mu dem Nadisatz iiber die bonne als Sohn" iibersetzt.
pulli, die aber keine entsdieidende RoUe spielen. S. 174, 243, 347 hat der
^^' Zauberpapyr. vgl. Franz Boll, Griediisdie
Sprudi eini- ganz andere Bedcutung, da von den Nadikommen nidit mehr die KriinH^T'^^R "'f,"u'^
"'^"'^"'-E ^91)' S. 42. Der Mythos von Helios, der
35.
Rede ist. Sua alals KKnabe
taghch K semen Lauf begmnt, war naturl.di ganz genau bekannt.
mit Unredit oder Redit dem Der
Alexander Neiam (gest. 1217) zugesdiriebene

V UcutsdiM Ardiiv XI 11

' I u
 130 Ernst Kantorowicz,
Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage
131
vom Vater weise und bestimmt bevollmaditigt, die Pfade der kaiser-
germen ah augustorum sanguine longo legittime
lidien Majestat bercitet." Kurz, das Bild des Jesus Sirach, wonadi der derivatum*^) eine be-
sondcre Mission innewohne, w,e dies
naturlidi langst bcobaditet worden
Vater zwar gestorben, jedodi nicht tot sci, weil cr similem reliquit post
ist). Dabei ist aber in diesen Stiiden
fast durdigangig das dvnastische
sc, ist hier auf die Sonne iibertragen, die zwar allabendlidi dem Tode
Element dem personlidien Element, dem
verfallt, abcr individuellen Throninhaber,
doch nie wirklich tot ist, weil sie sidi alimorgcndlidi er-
ubergeordnet, am starksten vielleidit in Manfreds
neuert aliusque et idem nasceris, wie Horaz im Sakulargedidit (10 f.)
gleidifalls Petrus de Prece
Romermanifest, das
zum Verfasser hat^O). Hampe hat .sehr riditig
den Sonnengott anredet.
bemerkt, dafi in dem Brief der Tiburtiner personlidie Eigensdiaften
Wenig spater schrieb der Notar und spatere Vicekanzler der jiingeren des
^Endkaiscrs" von Fricdrich II. auf Konrad IV ubcrtragen worden
Staufer, Petrus de Prece, einem Ungcnannten einen Brief, in dem er die sind,
obwohl dodi der Begriff selbst
gegen jedc Pluralisierung spcrrcn
sidi
Behauptung zuriidcwies, es sei mit dem Tode Friedridis II. das Kaiscr-
miifitesi). In dieser Hinsidit geht Petrus de Prece wohl nodi
tum der Staufer erioschen: wenn wirklidi, wie gesagt wiirde, der Adler einen Sdiritt
welter, wenn er Konradin als Erneuerer emer felix etas und der aurea
der Friihe" verstorben sei, so lebe er doch weiter in vielen iiberlebenden
saecula verheifit62), wie frcilich sdion vor ihm Manfred
Adlerjungen, die aus ihm hervorgegangen seien'*^). Die Anlehnung an die Viederkehr
der aurea tempera unter Konrad IV. crwartct hattes).
die Erythraisdie Sibylle ist deutlidi genug und vom Herausgeber des Es ist fast wie
m spatromisdier Zeit, als von jedem neuen Kaiser bei seinem
Rcgierungs-
Briefes audi voll gewiirdigt wordcn*^). Zu unterstreidien ware nodi,
antritt gleidisam automatisch der Beginn eines
daC hier anders als bei Salimbene nidit das leiseste Sdiwanken
klamien wurde"). Was dort jedodi am Kaiseramt
goldenen Zeitalters pro-
hing, wird nadi 1250
vorhanden ist, wie denn die Sibylle zu interprctieren und das Fortlebcn
des Kaisers zu begriinden sei: vivit in pullis superstitihus. Es lohnt, sidi
weitgehend mit der Dynastie verknupft, die ja wie das personifizicrtc
dieser Tatsadie zu erinnern. An andercr Stelle spridit Petrus dc Prece
Amt selbst ihrc eigene Kontinuitat, ja Sempiiernitat hattc.

davon, dafi das himmlisdie Haus der Augusti ununtcrbrodicn (perpetuo) Dieser Kontinuitat hat sdion zu Lebzeitcn des Kaisers
der Abt Niko-
in seinen Gestirnen leudite*^)", und daP iiberhaupt dem illustrissimum laus von Bari Ausdrud gegeben^S). In seinem
Enkomium auf Friedridi
II. verhieC er dem Reidie der Kaisererben Dauer bis zum jiingsten
so^. Mythographus G. H. Bode, Scriptores rerum mythica-
III, c. 8, 4, ed.
rum latini tres (Celle 1834) 201, Z. 30 ff., sagt: [Solem = ApollmemJ imher- Gcricht: die progenies werde herrschen bis zum Ende der Welt, weil mit
hem pingunt, quod singulis diebus renascendo quasi iunior videatur, und inier- dem Gesdiledit am Tag seiner Bewahrung das Furstentum ruhe"
pretiert weiterhin den Beinamen Phoebus als novus, und zwar quod revera sol
in ortu sun quotidic novus appareat. Ahnlidi sdion der Mythographus II
(c. 19, ed. Bode, S. 81, Z. 8). Auf dem Mythopraphus III fufite dann Petrus
Berdiorius (Pierre Bersuire), der Freund Petrarcas, der un\ 1340 sdirieb und
spater unter dem Namen Thomas Walleys gedrudct worden ist (Metamorphosis
**) Vgl. Kloos, Petrus de Prece und Konradin, QFIAB. 34 (1954) 97, J 9.

Ovidiana, Paris 151.S VP). Dessen Exegesc wurdc dann, wie jiingst
16, fol.
*) Vgl. Kantorowicz, Erg.-Bd., S. 222 ff.

Sabine K r ii g e r DA. 12 (1956) 210 f. gezeigt hat, von Dietridi von Nieheim
, ") MG. Const. II, Nr. 424 S. 559 ff. Es sollte betont werden, da Petrus
fiir seine Sdiolien zur Alexandersage benutzt. Zur Oberlieferung vgl. H. de Prece als der Hauptherold des staufischen Dynastiekultes
betraditet wer-
Liebeschiitz, Fulgentius
Metaphoralis (1926), bes. 15 ff., 41 ff.; E. den muC, vielleidit neben Heinrich von Isemia.
Panofsky, Hercules am Sdieidewege 0930) 1 1 ff. und passim. Zum stcrben- ") Hampe, a. a. O., S. 14.
den Helios vgl. besonders F. J. D
6 g e r So! Salutis - (Mijnstcr 1925) 343 ff.
1 ,

) Kloos, QHAB. 34, S. 98, 10.

und passim.
Vgl. die Edition des Briefes von R. M. Kloos, der mir freundlidier-
''') ") BF. 4633, C a p a s s o Hist, diplom., S. 6 (an die Palennitaner)
, : ut . . .

weise einen Sdireibmasdiinendurdisdilag seines Aufsatzes uberliefi, unten aurea iam rediisse tempora gratulentur.
S. 151
170. Don S. 169 f.: de orientali videlicet aquila quam dtcitis occi-
. . . ") A. A 1 Der neue Weltherrsdier der IV. Ekloge Vergils, Hermes
f 6 1 d i
,

disse,que si pro certo decessit ut fertur, vivit tamen in pullis multis superstiti- 65 (1930) 369384, bes. 375; audi Rom. Mitt. 50 (1935) 89 und passim. Der
hus ex eodem. Topos durchzieht nodi die karolingisdie Hofdichtung (Sedulius u. a.).
) Kloos, a. a. O. S. 170, Anm. 7. ") Kloos, Nikolaus von Bari, eine neue Quelle zur Entwidtlung der
*') Vgl. Eugen ii 11 e r M
Peter von Prezza, ein Publizist des Interregnums
,
Kaiseridee unter Friedridi II., DA. 11 (1954) 166190, veroffentlidite erstmals
(Abh. Heidelberg 1913) S. 75, und den Text (ut tanquam coelestis Augustorum die ganz ungcwohnlidi mteressanlen Stijdte, die, obwohl in vielem nur Bc-
stellata syderihus perpetuo radiaret) bei De 1 Re, Cronisti e scrittori (1868) kanntes bestatigend, dennodi em voUig neue* Lidit auf den
,Kaierkult' unter
II, 679, 23. Friedrich II. werfen.

n u I U
I u
 132 Ernst Kantorowicz, Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage
133

(Ps. 109,3) und in all seinen Vikaren Christus gegenwartig sei^S). Dafi was sdion das editc Kaisertestament (W) ausgesprodien hatte: der Kaiser
fiir Nikolaus von Bari das imperiale semen gleichsam vom Himmel sagte darin, cr disponiere fiir seine Sohne, damit wir, wiewohl mensdi-
kommt (de celo venit) und darum alien anderen Furstenhausern ubcr- lidicn Dingen cntrafft, dcnnoch zu lebcn sdieincnSS)."
legen ist, gehort in einen anderen Zusammenhang ein Gedanke, der Es ist also nidit ganz von ungefahr, dafi in der Erythraisdien Sibylle der
in Manfreds Romermanifest dann breit ausgesponnen ist^^). Die Idee der Gedanke des kaiserlidien Fortlebens Vivit et non vivit ersdieint und
Fortdauer hingegen ist nidit weniger eindeutig dargelegt in Manfreds zunadist audi ganz riditig mit den Nadikommen, den pulli, verknupft
Brief an Konrad IV., in dem sich audi das Sonnenbild der Tiburtiner worden ist; das heifit, es handelte sidi audi in dem Sibyllinum zunadist
wiederfindet: Es sank die Sonne der Welt, die unter den Volkern um nidits anderes als um das Fortleben der kaiserlidien Dynastie, um
leuchtete; es sank die Sonne der Gcrechtigkeit; es sank der Urheber des das Fortleben des Kaisers in Sohn und Enkel,
und nidit etwa um das
Friedcns"; den Volkern aber erwadise Hoffnung, ja vollige GewiKheit ratselhafte Fortleben der individuellen Person selbst,
Friedridis II. Die
und sicheres Vertrauen, denn mag audi jene Sonne zum Untergang
sidi vielfadie Besdiaftigung mit den Sohnen in Kundgebungen und Rela-
bereitet haben, so ist dodi durch den Ordo einer gewissen tionen jeglidier Art mag dem Sibyllenautor Derartiges nahegelegt ha-
Kontinuitat ihr erneutes Leuditen in Eudi [sc. Konrad IV.] ge- ben''); und in diesen allgemeinen Rahmen gehort audi das in der
geben, und so glaubt man nidit, da6 der Vater abwesend sei, da man Escorial-Handsdirift uberlieferte Testament E.
hofft er lebe im SohneSS)." Der Manfredbrief bringt im Grunde nur das. Dieses Testament fur das tiefere Verstandnis der ganzen Thcoric
ist

des dynastisdien Fortlebens um so widitiger, als wir

in ihm eine deut-
"") Vgl. das Enkonium auf Friedridi II., 11 (Kloos, S. 172f.). Aus- lidie Wendung ins Juristisdie wahrnehmen. Die Arcnga, die sidi zunadist
gehend von Genesis 49, 10 (Jakob seine Sohne um sidi versammelnd) bezieht
rem rhetorisdi in bibliscb-philosophisdien und poetischen Betraditungen
Nikolaus die Segnung des Juda auf Friedridi II: Es wird das Szepter nidit
entwendet werden von der Hand des Herrn Friedridi nodi der Stab des iiber den Tod ergeht, gleitet dann hinuber in juristisdies Gedankengut,
Herrsdiers von seinen Lenden ,donec veniat qui mittendus est', id est
. . . um zu den konkreten Erbsdiaftsbestimmungen zu gelangen.
sdiliefilidi
Christus ad iudicium, hoc est usque ad fincm mundi, que progenies imperabit,
Der sterbende Kaiser habe sidi dabei direkt an seine Sohne gewandt:
quia ,seciim est principtum in die virtutis suae' [Ps. 109, 3], id est Christus
in omnibus suis vicariis". Das dynastisdie Moment ist in den Lobspriidien des Videntihus itaque nobis in mundo per sonaliter plus non posse
Nikolaus iiberaus stark vertreten, und obwohl in ihnen die biblisdien Beziige do-
minieren, so gibt
consistere . . .per suhstitutum fulgere procuramus et vivere
dodi zahlreidie Verbindungslinien zu der Feier der Cesarea
es ,

stirps, die wir von Petrus de Prece (etwa in Manfreds Romermanifest) her cum iuxta legum civilium normam, o filii karissimi, nostram personam
kennen. Zur Kontinuitat audi obcn Anm. 47. proprtam presentetis in mttndo. Scriptum est enim: . Q videt me
/ ,

") Vgl. Kloos, S. 170 4 fiir die Preisung der nobilitas generis, die sidi V id e t e t pa t r em me um" (Job. 14, 9)8i).
von Kaisern und Konigen herleitet: qui de celo venit [Job. 3, 'i'l], super omnes
Es lohnt, dicscn Paragraphen genau durdizuinterpretieren.
est, id est, qui de imperiali seminc descendit, cunctis nobilpr est. Derartiges kennen Der Ici-
wir sonst eigentlidi nur zum Preis der franzosisdien Dynastie (und audi da im tcnde Gedanke des ersten Halbsatzes entspridit etwa dem
Statthaltcr-
Grunde erst seit dem Ende
des 13. Jhdts.), wobei naturlidi die staufisdi-romi- diplom, zumal in der Fassung von 1240 fur Pandulf von Fasanella:
sdien divi imperatores durdi die sancti reges Frankreidis ersetzt werden; vgl.
der Kaiser, so heifit es da, setzte einen Generalvikar ein quia
etwa (um von Dubois und allbekanntem Material zu sdiweigen) Dom Jean presen-
Leclercq, Un sermon prononce pendant la guerre de Flandre sous Philippe uhique adesse non possumus, ubi longe lateque potentialiter pre-
tialiter
le Bel, Rev. du moyen age latin 1 (1945) 165172, besonders S. 169
Z. 21: minemus^^). Der gleidie Gedanke war sdion vorher in einem der
/die sancti reges Francie] sanctitatem generant, cum generent sanctos reges.
Zu vergleidien ist Vergil, Aeneis IX, 642: dis genite et geniture deos; audi
Seneca, Consol. ad Marcum, XV, 1: Caesares qui dis geniti deosque genituri
*) MG. Const. II, S. 385 Z. de imperio ... [et filiis nostrisj
12f.: sic
dicuntur, und eine (naturlidi damals nidit bekannte) Insdirift: diis geniti et
duximus disponendum, ut rebus humanis absumpti vivere videamur.
deorum creatores (CIL. Ill, 710: Diocletian und Maximian). In der Kriegs-
predigt ist das Ersetzen der dii durdi sancti ganz ofFenkundig. ) Vgl. fiir Friedridi II. und Sohne im Jahre 1247, Kantorowicz,
seine
Erg.-Bd., 302 ff.,
S. die Nadirichten der Piacentiner Annalen und des Mai-
") BF. 4634, Huillard-Br^holles, Hist, dipl. VI, 811: ... ut licet nardin von Imola; vgl. ebda. S. 307 Anm. 26.
occasum sol ille petierit, per cuiusdam tamen c on t in u a t o n i s or din em
relucescat in vobis
') Wolf, a. a. O. S. 5 f
. . . et sic pater abesse nan creditur, dum vivere speratur in
filio. ) MG. Const. II, Nr. 223 S. 306 Z. 37 f.

' / U I u
 durch andere ersetzt seien et
( alll
fuerunt els subsUtutl helsit es
in der
134 Ernst Kantorowicz, Z,u den Keausgi uiiuia^wi >jci ..,.,w.-_j, 135

Defensa-Gesctze des Liber augustalis erortert worden*') und findct sidi im Laufe des Verfahrens ein oder mehrere Riditer ausgesdiieden und
audi in einer Stiliibung der Briefsammlung des Petrus de Vinea wiedcr Glossa ordinaria des Accursius zu diesem Gesetz), noch den
sowie in den Statthalterdiplomen Konrads IV.64). DIese Statthalter sind gleichen Geriditshof darstelle. Die Frage wird bejaht, denn: eine Legion,
(z. B. im Falle Enzios) persone nostre speculum^^), sie sind tamquam von deren Mannschaft viele gefallenund durch andere ersetzt seien,
nostre ymaginarium visionis^^) oder audi quasi partes . . . corporis aieibe stets die gleiche Legion; ein Yolk sei heute das gleidie, das es vor
[nostriP''). Diese Idee der kaiserlidien Stellvertretung ist in dem Testa- hundert Jahren war, obwohl keiner der damals Lebenden nodi am Le-
ment gleidisam von den Statthaltem auf die Erben iibertragen: da der ben sei; ein Schiff, dessen Planken nach und nach allesamt ersetzt seien,
Kaiser personaliter nidit mehr in der Welt sein kann, so wolle er durdi bleibe dennoch das gleiche Sdiiff ; und eine Sdiafherde, so fiigt die Glosse
einen Ersatzmann leuditen und leben per substitutum julgere et hinzu, bleibe durch Substitution stets die gleiche Herde. In diesem Sinne
vivere. Die Obertragung dieser Idee sdiliefit jedodi eine nidit unwesent- bleibt daher der Gerichtshof immer der gleiche, auch tribus vel duobus
lidie Veranderung ein: die Statthalterdiplome und verwandte Zeugnisse iudicibus mortuis et aliis subrogatis^*). Diese Anschauung gait ganz all-
implizieren eine kaiserlidie Ub i q u i t a t , eine Allgegenwart des Kaisers gemein fiir alle Arten von Verbanden: in collegiis . . . semper idem
im Raume; Testament E jedodi, wie iibrigens audi das edite Testament W, corpus manet, quamvis successive omnes moriantur et alii loco ipsorum
impliziert sozusagen eine kaiserlidie Sempiternitat, eine immer- substituantur, sagt etwa Bracton'"). In all diesen Fallen handelt es sich
wahrende Gegenwart des Kaisers in der Zeit^^). um das Fortleben der forma oder species, wie es denn auch in Dig. 5, 1,
Hierbei ist nun der Wortlaut von E nidit ohne Bedeutung; denn 76 ausdriicklich erwahnt wird^i). Dafi nun die Substitution oder Subro-
per substitutum oder per subrogatum vivere ist juristisdier terminus gation das Mittel zur Sempiternisierung ist, haben die spateren Juristen
tedinicus. Dig. 5, 1, 76 behandelt die Frage, ob ein Geriditshof, bei dem unzweideutig ausgesprochen. Dig 8, 2, 33, z. B., erortert eine perpetuelle
Servitut zur Erhaltung einer ewigen Wand" (paries aeternus) an einem
') Lib. aug. dazu Kantorowicz, Invocatio nominis impera-
I, 17; vgl. Gebaude. Dazu sagt korrigierend die Glosse zum Worte ,aeternus': id
toris, Bollettino del Centro di Stud! Filologici e Linguistic! Sicilian!, 3 (1955)
est sempiternus. nam aeternum dicitur quod semper fuit et est: ut Deus.
35 50. Hinzuzufijgen ware noch Vinea, Ep. II, 8, ein Manifest an die Romer,
wo es heit: licet nostra non sit ubique corporalis praesentia, nostrae tamen ad sempiternus dicitur, quod incepit et non desinet; ut an im a et an ge -
longinquos or bis terminos laxantur habenae. lu ! et haec s e rv it u s , was spaterhin Bartolus und Baldus lapidar zu-
'*) Vinea III, 69. Fur Konrad IV., vgl. MG. Const. II, Nr. 344 S. 452 sammenfafiten: perpetuatio per successionem sive subrogationem^^).
fit
Z. 2 ff.: Verum cum per individuitatem persone simul et semel ubique perso-
naliter nostra serenitas adesse non possit, ut noscant subditi longas regibus
esse manus [Ovid, Ep. XVI, 166] . . . Das mehrfadie Zitieren der Ovidstelle
im Umkreis der sizilisdien Staufer ist auffallend; cf. Kloos, DA. 11, S. 175 ) Glos. ord. zu Dig. 5, 1, 76, v. proponebatur'. Ich zitiere die Accur-

16, Nikolaus von Bari; ferner Marinus de Caramanico,

fiir v. .Ubique sius-Glosse nach der 5-bandigen Ausgabe des Corpus iuris civilis,, Venedig
potentialiter' zu Liber Augustalis, I, 17 ed. Cervone (Neapel, 17), S. 41; 1584.
s. audi Kantorowicz, a. a. O., S. 40, Anm. 21. An die staufischen Vor- '") Bracton, De legibus et consuetudinibus Angliae, fol. 374b, ed. Wood-
lagen (ohne die Ovidstelle) lehnte sidi dann auch die Kanzlei Karls von Anjou bine, IV S. 175, ed. Travers Twiss (Rolls Series), V S. 448.
an; vgl. etwa R. T
r i f o n e, La legislazione angioina (Neapel 1921) 77, Z. 18. ") Vgl. den Sdilufi-Satz: quapropter cuius rei species eadcm consisteret,
) MG. Const.
Nr. 217 S. 302 Z. 5.
II, rem quoque eandem esse existimari, wobei die Glosse v. rei species' erkla-
) Ebda. Nr. 422 S. 554 Z. 5. Zugrunde liegt hier, wie in zahlreichen ahn- rend sagt: id est forma, und der kaum spatere Odofredus bemcrkt (zu Dig.
lidien Fallen, etwa Cod. 7, 62, 16 (Cod. Theod. 11, 30, 11): Vikare und 5, 1, 76 [Lyon 1550] fol. 209"): unde ex quo remanet idem genus vel cadem
Riditer .qui imaginem principalis disceptationis accipiunt'. Vgl. etwa Lucas species, licet non sit eadem qualitas, tamen eandem rem iudicamus.
de Penna, zu Cod. 11, 40, 4, n. 1 (In Tres Libros; Lyon, 158?), S. 446, zum '*) Bartolus zu Dig. 33 (Ausgabe Lyon 1555) fol. 222; Baldus zur
8, 2,
Worte imagines: Alias ponitur [imago] pro simulatione vel fictione . . . gleidien Stelle (Venedig 1586) fol. 311. Vgl. iibrigens auch Bartolus zu Cod.
eo quod id quod agitur veritatis figuram repraesentat. Sic delegatus dicitur 11, 9, 2, n. 1, fol. 37^, v. .aeternus': improprie [princeps] dicitur aeternus:
imago delegantis. supra de appel. etiam (= Cod. 7, 62, 16). tamen imperator respectu officii, quod non debet habere finem, potest diet
') Petrus de Vinea, III, 69, ed. u H
a r d - B r ^ h o 1 e s Hist, dipl.,
i 1 1 1 , sempiternus. Interessant ist, wegen seiner Stellungnahme zur aristotelisdien
IV S. 246. Zugrunde liegt hier Cod. 9, 8, 5 rubr.: nam et ipsi /sc. senatores] Lchre von der Anfangs- und daher auch Endlosigkeit der Welt, Angelus de
pars corporis nostri sunt. Ubaldis zu Dig. 8, 2, 33, n. 2 und 4 (Venedig 1580) fols. 185v-186. Audi er
') Fiir die kaiserliche Ubiquitat vgl. meinen oben (Anm. 63) zitierten wendet sidi zunachst gegen den Mifibrauch des Wortes aeternus und sagt:
Aufsatz. Nota sub sole nihil possibile est aeternum, fit tantum aeternitas per successio-

U
U J
L U
I
I
I I
136 Emst Kantorowicz, Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 137

Soviel vorerst zum Ausdruck per substitutum vivere. Die Substitu- et filius] eadem persona fingatur esse'''). All diese Stellen warden immer
tionsidee ist jedodi von allem Anfang aufs engste verquidt mit dem wieder herangezogen, und es versteht sidi, dafi davon audi die kaiserlidie
Erbredit und daher schliefilich audi mit dem dynastisdien Thron- Kanzlei nidit unberuhrt blieb. In einem Briefe Friedridis II. von 1233
folgeredit. I n s t. 3, 1, 3 heifit es: Et statim morte parentis quasi conti- z. B. findet sidi ein Niedersdilag dieser Lehre, wenn darin gesagt wird,
nuatur dominium. Zu den Worten quasi continuatur" bemerkt dabei dal? Vater und Sohn durdi die Liebe, sicut innate bencficio gratie, una
die Glosse: . . . pater et filius unum fictione iuris sunt''^). Diese juri- persona censetur''^).
stisdie Fiktion einer Identitiit von Vater und Sohn, Erblasser und Erben, Wir verstehen jetzt besser, was der Stilist des Testamentes E im Sinnc
ist naturlich ein ganz allgcmein verbreiteter Gedanke, zumal Cod. 6, 26, hatte, wenn er den sterbenden Kaiser die Sohne belehren la(5t, dafi sie
11 (worauf sidi audi die Glosse beruft) dafiir die gesidierte Grundlage gemaft der Norm des romisdien Redits" des Kaisers Person darstclltcn:
bildet: Natura pater et filius unum fictione iuris sunt. Andererseits wird er bezog sidi offenbar auf Cod. oder auf die Institutionenglosse
6, 26, 11
die continuatio dominii durdi Dig. 28, 2, 11 festgestellt, indem das Ge- quasi" oder ahnlidie Stellen. Ebenso ist in diesem Sinne Manfreds Brief
setz sagt, die erbenden Sohne, selbst wenn nidn ausdriidilidi als Erben an Konrad IV. zu verstehen, wenn er sagt daf? durdi den Ordo einer
eingesetzt, galten sdion zu Lebzeiten des Vaters in gewissem Sinnc gewissen Kontinuitat" die vaterlidie Sonne
als nunmehr in ihm, Konrad,
die Herrcn" des vaterlidien Besitzes (etiam vivo patre quodammodo von neuem leudite, so dafi man glaube, der Vater sei nidit abwesend,
domini existimantur). Sdiliefilidi wurde von den Juristen gern die vielmehr hoffe man, er lebe im Sohne weiter; und im gleidien Atem
Glosse Quam filii' zu Dig. 50, 16, 220 herangezogen, wo es heifit, dafi kommt Manfred dann auf das Erbredit zu spredien^^^ Ferner, wenn
der Vater die eigene Natur im Sohne zu erhalten tradite: quaelibet res Konrad IV. in einem Brief an den Justitiar von Abruzzo (verfafit von
conservationem sui desiderat, ut videat pater suam naturam in filio Petrus de Prece) von sidi selbst sagt, dafi dem Willen Gottes iam
nadi
conservari. Die gleidie Lehre einer quasi-Identitat von Vater und Sohn genitor noster revixit in filio, so gehort audi das vielleidit nodi zu dem
vertrat audi die Kanonistik. Decretum C. I q. 4 c 8 sagt mit Bezug auf Topos von der Einheit von Vater und Sohn*'')^ ^an wird sidi namlidi in
Erzeuger und Sohn: unus erat cum illo'*). Aus dem Ausdrudc rex iiivenis diesem Zusammenhang audi an die, im wesentlidien aristotelisdien, Zeu-
in C. XXIV q. 1 c. 42 leitete man die Lehre her (entsprediend Dig. 28, gungs- und Vererbungslehren der Antike erinnern miissen, die in der
2, 11), dafi der Sohn sdion zu Lebzeiten des Vaters Konig sei"'), wah- Sdiolastik wieder zu Ehren kamen; denn audi diese Lehren fiihrten zur
rend die Glosse primatus" zu C. VII q. 1 c. 8 herhalten mufite, um auf Annahme einer psydiisdi-physisdien Identitat" von Vater und Sohn,
Grund von Deut. 21, 17 iiber die Primogenitur abzuhandeln'^^). DaR und sie blieben daher seitens der Juristen keineswegs unbeaditet^*).
dabei die Kanonistcn weitgehend wiederum auf das romisdic Redit
Bezug nahmen, ist selbstverstandlidi. Zenzelinus de Cassanis, z. B., alle-
") Extrav. Joann. XXII, tit. Ill, F r i e d be r g , II, Sp. 1207.
giert in der Glosse sublimitatem eorum" zur BuUe Execrabilis ausdriid;- '*) Bohmer, Acta imperii selecta, Nr. 301, S. 265.
lidi die Glosse quasi continuatur" zu Inst. 3, 1, 3, wenn er sagt: [pater ") oben Anm. 58, und ansdiiieCend: ncc creditur tarn pretiosa hereditas
S.
amisisse patronum, dum eius confidit invenire dominium tarn suave, tarn placi-
dum in herede. Die quasi-Personifizierung der Erbsdiaft war iiblidi auf Grund
nem seu subrogationem; mit der Glosse untersdieidet er dann zwisdien aeternus der vieizitierten lex mortuo (Dig 46, 1, 22: quia hereditas personae vice
und sempiternus, gibt zu, da(? die Scele und die Engel kein Ende haben, lehnt fungitur). Vgl. dariiber Gierke, Genossensdiaftsredit III, S. 362 zur here-
aber den Begriff fiir eine Servitut ab, quia impossibile est aliquid esse sub sole ditas iacens, audi S. 203.
sine fine, et idea mundus habebit finem secundum fidem, licet princeps philo-
BF. 4619;
") Winkelmann,
Acta imperii inedita, I, Nr. 488, S. 408,
sophorum fuerit in opinione contraria motus rationibus naturalibus.
Z. 29, herangezogen von Kloos, unten S. 164 Anm. 60, nadi dem der Brief
'') Die Glosse zitiert dabei Cod. 6, 26, 11. Diktat des Petrus de Prece ist.
F r e d b e r g, I, Sp. 419 f.; die Steile
''*)
i ist einem Briefe Augustins ent- Vgl. dariiber die umfassende Arbeit von Erna L e s k y
*') Die Zeugungs- ,

nommen. Fiir die Glossa ordinaria benutze idi die 3-biindige Ausgabe des und Vererbungslehren der Antike und ihr Nadiwirken (Abh. d. Akad. d. Wiss.
Corpus Iuris Canonici, Turin 1588. in Mainz, Gcistes- und Sozialwiss. Kl., 1950, Nr. 19 [1951]); und fiir die Sdio-
") Fried berg, I, Sp. 983 f. Auf Dig. 28, 2, 11 beruft sidi dann z. B. lastik A. M Die Zeugung der Organismen, insbesondere des Men-
i 1 1 c r e r ,

Petrus de Andiarano, Consilia, LXXXII

(Venedig 1574), fol. 40: [heredes] n. 2 sdien, nadi dem Weltbild des hi. Thomas von Aquin und dem der Gegenwart
etiam vivo patre quodammodo domini existimantur. Vgl. unten Anm. 86. (Wien 1947); s. audi in Zs. f. kath. Theol. 57 (1933) 491556. Vgl. unten
") Cf. F r c d b e r g I, Sp. 569 zum Erstgcburtsrecht Esaus.
i , Anm. 84.

n u J
U L I
 138 Ernst Kantorowicz,
Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 139
Es bereitet nunmehr auch keine Sdiwierigkeiten, das Bibelzitat
Jo- sam, et sic est identitas particularis naturae patris et filii^*). Terre Rouge
hannes 14, 9, das der Verfasser des Testaments E unmittelbar folgen
beruhrt dann die kanonistisdie Lehre, nach der in Bezug auf das
richtig einzureihen
Amt
laf5t, und zu bewertcn. Nach romischem Redit, so
Amtsvorganger und Amtsnachfolger als e i n e Person zu gelten haben^S),
habe der Kaiser angcblich gesagt, stellten die Sohne des Kaisers Person
und erhartet dies dadurdi, dafi nach den Anschauungen des Erbrechts der
in der Welt dar: Es steht namlidi gesdirieben: ,Wer midi sieht, sieht
Sohn schon zu Lebzeiten des Vaters domimis cum patre rerum patris sei, so
audi meinen Vater'." Hier ist es nun zur Abwedislung die theologisdi-
von Vater und Sohn gleichsam gemeinsdiaftlich uberlagerte do-
dafi das
dogmatische Wesensgleidiheit von Gottvater und Gott dem Sohn, durch
minum auf den Erben ohne Unterbrediung iibergehe^s). Da nun Vater
weldie die Identitat von Vater und Sohn fictione iuris erhartet wird.
und Sohn ihrer Natur nadi gleidi seien, so lassen sich auf dieses Ver-
Es ware jedodi ein totales Verkennen der Methode juristisdien Argu-
haltnis auch die Worte der Sdirift anwenden, etwa das Wort des Paulus
mentierens im Spatmittelalter, wollte man annehmen, der Autor von E
(Romer 8, 17): Si filius ergo heres; oder das Wort des Johannes-Evan-
stiinde mit dieser theologisdien Oberhohung einer juristisdien Fiktion
geliums (16, 15): Omnia quaecunque habet Pater, mea sunt; oder das
allein. An Beispiclen fur dicse Methode besteht wahrlidi kein Mangel^^),
Wort des Vaters im Gleidinis vom Verlorenen Sohn (Lukas 15, 31):
und die genaue Parailele fiir den voriiegenden Fall bietet sidi in der
Fili, tu semper mecum es, et omnia mea tua sunt, wozu der Autor hin-
Tat bei einem franzosisdien Juristen, Jean de Terre Rouge, der bald
zufiigt: scilicet per identitatem paternae naturae^"^). Es sei hier nicht
nadi 1400 einen Traktai iiber das Thronfolgeredit in Frankreidi
weiter auf diese ins Dynastische getragenen diristologisdien und bib-
sdirieb^3^_
lisdien Beweisc eingegangen; denn das Gesagte geniigt vollstandig, um
Den Anlafi zu dem Traktat gab der seit 1381 offenkundige Wahn- zu erkennen, in welchen gedanklichen Rahmen der Passus des Testaments
sinn Karls VI. von Frankreidi und die danadi unter dem Drudi bur- E gehort: die Sohne stellen des Kaisers cigene Person in der Welt dar,
gundisdier Anspriidie resultierende Frage, ob der Dauphin rege vivente denn es steht geschrieben Qui videt me, videt et Patrem meum. Der
zur Thronfolge und Regierungsiibernahme bereditigt Jean de Terre
sei. Sadiverhalt ist durdi den franzosischen Juristen der spateren Zeit wohl
Rouge untersudit eingehend die Griinde, die fiir die Nadifolge des
Sohnes, und zumal des Erstgeborenen spredien, und kommt dabei zu
einer ganzen Anzahl von Sdilussen", deren einige hier erwahnt seien. **) Tract. I, art. 2, Concl. 1: quod pater et filius, licet distinguantur , siip-

Vater und Sohn, obwohl man sie untersdieide, gelten dennodi in Bezug posito tamen unum idem sunt specie et natura ncdum communi (quia uterque
homo), sed etiam in natura particulari patris. Prohatur conclusio: nam secun-
auf Art und Natur als ein und derselbe, und zwar nidit nur im Hinblidt dum Philosophum in semine hominis est quaedam vis impressiva etc., ut haec
auf die allgemeine Gattungsnatur des Mensdien, sondern auf die parti- hahentur et notantur per sanctum Thomam in 1. parte, quaest. ult. art. 1
kulare Natur des Vaters: im Samen des Mensdien sei, wie Aristoteles [cf. Summa Theol., I, q. 119, art. 1, resp. 2; auch I, q. 118, art. 1, ad 3].
Die einschlagigen Aristotelesstellen, obwohl besonders zahlreich in De genera-
und Thomas von Aquino dargelegt hatten, quaedam vis impressiva, tione animalium, sind doch weit verstreut; vgl. Harold Cherniss, Aristo-
activa, derivata ab anima generantis et a suis remotis parentibus wirk- tle's Criticism of Plato and the Academy (Baltimore 1944) 470 f.

*') Concl. 2: quod sub ratione illius identitatis consuetudo trans fert regnum
et regni succcssioncm in primogenitum . . . sicut quando scrihitur abbati vel
") Vgi. Kantorowicz, Mysteries of State: An Absolutist Concept and alicui praelato vel officiario seculari vel ecclesiastico, intellegitur scriptum
its Late Mediaeval Origins, Harvard Theological Review 48 (1955) 6591, esse sub ratione praelaturae et officii, ut c. q u oni am abbas, de of fie.
insbes. S. 76 f f delegat. [c. 14 X
1, 29; Friedberg, II, 162; s. unten Anm. 90]. Filiatio

lohanncs de Terra Rubea, De iure futuri successoris Icgitimi in regiis

"')
enim nihil aliud est, quam ilia identitas particularis naturae praesens penetrans

hercditatibus, gedrudtt als Anhang zu Francisci Hotomani (Hotman),

in fHium, ut I. liberorum, de verb, signif. cum gloss. [Dig. 50, 16, 220, v.
Consilia
(Arras 1586) 2762. Eine gute Analyse des Traktats gibt Andr^ Lemaire, Quam filii' ; vgl. oben S. 136].

Les lois fondamentales de la monardiie franfaise d'apr^s les th^oriciens ") Concl. 4: quod quia filius est idem cum patre vivente..., ipse est
de
I'ancien regime (1907) 54 ff.; vgl. audi John Milton Potter, The (secundum philosophum) aliquid patris Concl. 5: quod filius vivente patre
Develop- . . .

ment and Significance of the Salic Law of the French, EHR. 52 (1937) est quodammodo dominus rerum patris cum eo: ita quod post mortem patris
235253; William Farr Church, Constitutional Thought in Sixteenth- novam hereditatem acquirere non ccnsetur, sed magis dominium (quod habebat)
Century France (Cambridge, Mass., 1941), 28 f. In Betradit kommen hier im continuare et plenam administrationem consequi . .

wesentlichen die Konklusionen von Tract. I, art. 2, S. 35 ff.

"') Concl. 3 enthalt alle diese Bibelstellen.

n u J J
140 Ernst Kantorowicz,
Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 141
vollig geklart, und das einzig Oberrasdiende ist die Tatsache, dafi diese
In den wenigen hier angefiihrten Satzen des Johannes
Ansdiauungen schon um 1250 voll entwidcelt waren. Gerson ist
im wesentlidien der gleidie Problemkreis umrissen, der den bisherigen
Ein spacer Autor mag uns nodi in anderer Bcziehung zu Hilfe kom-
Ausfuhrungen zugrunde lag und der audi in dem angeblidien Testament
men, Johannes Gerson, der in seinem reidihaltigen Traktat Vivat Rex
des Kaisers (E) angedeutet ist. Denn wenn der Kaiser durdi das Testa-
auf die Identitat von Vater und Sohn zu spredien kommt und dabei
ment Anstalten trifft, durdi einen substitutus zu leuchten und zu leben",
gleichzeitig andeutet, dafi audi nodi in anderer Beziehung der Vater im
und sidi zu diesem Zwedi an die Sohne wendet, die juristisch seine eigene
Sohne fortlebe. Gerson nennt den Dauphin den ersten und wahren
Person darstellen, so ist damit doch Ahnlidies ausgesagt wie von Gerson.
Erben des Konigs" und schliefit dann folgende Betraditung an:
Es sind die gleidien Voraussetzungen, von denen beide ausgehen, was
Est enim [Delph'mus] tanquam una cum rege persona, secundum Sa-
natiirlidi audi fiir Terre Rouge nodi zutrifft. Wahrend uns nun Gersons
pient is dictum Ecclesiastici XXX; Mortuus est pater et quasi non est
Zitat aus Jesus Siradi wieder zu dem Sibyllensprudi zuriickfiihren
mortuus, reliquit enim similem filium post se." Pater post naturalem,
konnte, drangt seine Theorie von einer secunda Regis vita, die sich in
aut civilem, mortem in filii sui adhuc vivit persona^^).
der Dignitas manifestiere, in eine andere Riditung, der hier nodi nadi-
Hier wird das dem Sibyllensprudi Er lebt und lebt nidit" so nahe
zugehen ist.
verwandte Wort des Jesus Siradi Er ist tot und ist gleldisam nidit tot"
Die Lehre von der Identitat von Vater und Sohn, oder Konig und
ausdriidtUdi auf die Identitat von Vater und Sohn, Konig und Thron- Thronfolger, ebenso wie die Idee des Fortlebens in einem substitutus,
folger angewandt. Gerson fijgt jedodi hinzu, dafi der Vater nadi seinem
wurzelt namlidi zu allem anderen audi in einem Bereidi, in dem Juris-
naturlidien oder zivilen Tod" in der Person seines Sohnes nodi fort-
prudenz und Mythologie zusammenstofien, wodurdi wiederum die juri-
lebt. Mit anderen Worten, er untersdieidet de facto zwei versdiiedene stisdien Argumente in gewissem Sinne dem Sibyllinum naherriidcen. Dies
Tode des Vaters: den natiirlidien Tod des Fleisdies und den juristisdien
gesdiieht ansdieinend erstmals in der Glosse zum Worte substitutum"
Tod als Konig, der ja audi durdi Abdankung oder, wie im Falle Karls
die sidi in der von Bernhard von Parma um 1241 (oder 1245) verfafiten
VI., durdi Regierungsunfahigkeit eintreten konnte. Gerson projiziert
Glossa ordinaria zu den Dekretalen Gregors IX. findet. Bern-
also die ganze Lehre des per substitutum vivere gleidizeitig auf den
hard glossierte die Dekretale Quoniam abbas (c. 14 X 1, 29) Papst
physischen Konig und auf die Konigs w ii r d e , die Dignitas, die ja per
Alexanders III., in der der Papst das Verfahren des Abtes von Leicester
substitutum ihre eigene Kontinuitat und Sempiternitat hat gleidisam
billigte, nadi dem Tode des Abtes von Windiester zusammen mit dessen
bis ans Ende der Tage". Auf diesen zivilen Tod des Konigs, oder viel- neugewahltem Amtsnachfolger (abbatem Vincestriae de novo substi-
mehr auf sein ziviles Leben und Fortleben kommt Gerson nodimals zu- tutum) index delegatus zu fungieren. Zur Begriindung
als fiihrte der
riidi. Er fiihrt namlidi aus:
Papst an, dafi die urspriinglidie Bestallung nur unter Nennung des Orts-
De secunda Regis vita verba faciemus, civili videlicet et politica, que
namens (Abt von Winchester) und nicht mit Nennung des Personen-
status regalis dicitur aut dignitas. Estque eo melior sola vita corporali,
namens erfolgt sei und sidi daher ohne weiteres audi auf jeden Nadi-
quo ipsa est diuturnior per legitimam successionem . . .^9).
folger im Amt beziehe^"). Dieses Verfahren mag alterer Praxis ent-
Das zivile oder politisdie Leben ist also gleidibedeutend mft dem
status regalis, der personifizierten Dignitas oder dem Amt; und dieses
*) c 14 X 1, 29; Friedberg, II, Sp. 162: quia sub expressis nominibus
zivile oder politisdie Leben" der Dignitas steht um so hoher als es locorum non personarum commissio literarum a nobis emunavit
et Auf die . . .

durdi legitime Sukzession langerwahrend ist als das blof? leiblidie Leben. Tatsadic, dafi die Bestallung ihrerseits entweder von der individuellen papst-
lidien Person oder vom Papste kraft seines Amies vorgenommen wcrdcn
konnte, sei hier nidit eingcgangen, zumal der gewahlte Papstnamen (z. B.
") Gerson, Vivat Rex, I, Opera omnia, ed.
consid. iv, in: Ellies du Pin Alexander III. im Gegensatz zu Rolandus BanJinelli) seinerseits als unperson-
(Antwerpen 1706), IV, S. 591. Die Rede wurde 1405 gehalten. lidie Dienstbezeidinung aufgefafit werden konnte. Vgl. etwa zum Liber Sextus,
Prooem., die Glossa ordinaria, v. Bonifacius'', iiber die papstlidie Namensan-
) Ibid. II Opp. IV, S. 592. Der Gedanke, dafi der Konig zwei
prol.;
Leben" oder nodi mehr
habe, ist gleidi in der einleitenden Akklamation
derung: Respondelur hoc fieri, ut ostendatur ad permutationem nominis, fac-
ausgesprodien Vivat [rex] corporaliter, vivat politice
tum mutationcm hominis: cum enim prius esset purus homo, nunc viccm vert
: et civiliter, vivat spiri-
Dei gerit in tcrris. Vgl. audi Baldus zum Liber Extra, Prooem., rubr., n. 5 f (In
tualiter et indesinenter . . .

Decretalium volumcn commentaria [Venedig 1580] fol. 3): Non ergo istud

U U J
IIJ
L -/ I
 142 Ernst Kantorowicz, Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage
143
sprodien haben; aber erst Papst Alexander III. hat
die bestehendc Praxis Jahren auch von Papst Innocenz IV. in seinem
Dekretalcnapparat for-
rationalisiert und damit ein juristisdies Prinzip formuliert, dessen Be- muliert worden95), und das Sdilagwort
Dignitas non moritur umsdirieb
deutung die Rechtslehrer der nadifolgenden Zeit unsdiwer
begriffen. die hinfort herrschende Lehre.
Technisdi unterschied man fortan klar zwischen Person und Amt, zwi- Uns gehen hier nicht die zahlreichen Varianten und
sdien einer delegatio facta personae
Anwendungen des
und einer delegatio facta dignitati, Themas an: dafi die Kirdie immerwiihrend ist, quia
Christus non mori-
die erstere zeitlich besdirankt durdi (bestenfalls) die Lebensdauer des tur^^); dal? die regia dignitas nunquam moritur, audi wenn der indivi-
Bestallten, die letztere zeitlich unbegrenzt, well
am Amt haftendsi). Urn duelle Konig stirbt97); dafi der Princeps nur Gott verpflichtet
sei et digni-
1215 hat dann Damasus in einer Glosse zu Quoniam abbas das entschei- tati suae quae perpetua est^s); oder dafi die regia
maiestas mmquam mo-
dende Wort gepragt: Dignitas nunqHam perit, individua vero quotidie ritur^9) _
Variationen des gleidien Themas, die schlieElich in
England
pereunt92). Als hernadi die Dekretale in die offizielle
Sammlung Papst um die Mitte, in Frankreich gegen Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts einmunden
Gregors IX. einging (1232), erhielt sie die den Inhalt wiedergebende in die berijhmte Formel, die den westlidien Monardiien zum Edcstein
Aufsdirift: Eine Delegation, die einer Wiirde [d. h. einem
Wurden- dynastischer Dogmatik wird: Le roi ne meurt jamais^ooy Es ist frcilich
trager] ohne Nennung des Eigennamens gemacht ist,
geht auf den langst nicht genugend bekannt, dafi diese Formel sidi in direkter Filia-
Nachfolger uber93). Etwa zehn Jahre dann audi
spater gibt die tion vom 12. Jahrhundert, genauer: von Papst Alexanders Dekretale
Glossa ordinaria von Parma den Grund fur die
des Bernhard Quoniam abbas , herleitet. Was hier jedodi allein unser Interesse
nun langst iiblidie Praxis an: Vorganger und Nachfolger in einer Wurde beansprucht, ist die Glosse SHbstitutum'' Bernhards von Parma zu die-
seien n e Person zu verstehen (pro una persona intelliguntur),
als e i
ser Dekretale. Dem Einwand, dafi die Bezeidinung Abt dieses oder
denn die Wiirde stirbt nicht", Dignitas non moritur^*). Die Fiktion der
Identitat von Amtsvorganger und Amtsnadifolger war in den gleichen
') Gierke, III, S. 272, Anm. 77, fur die Personenidentitat von Amtsvor-
ganger und -nachfolger, die konsequentcrweise ineinsgesetzt wird mit der von
nomen, Gr e gorius Erblasser und Erbe; vgl. etwa Johannes Andreae in seiner
, est nomen primae impositionis, sed secundae. Propter Glos. ord. zum
dignitatem apostolatus Liher Sextus (De regulis iuris. c. 46; Friedberg, II, S.
fit nova creatura, et nomen proprium tacetur tanquam 1123), v. Js qui in
minus excellens, et nomen secundae inventionis, id est pontificate, debet tus": quia haeres censetur eadem persona cum defuncto, successor
ex-
. .
.
cum
primi. Et idea si scribetur Papae sub nomine propria batismali, praedecessore.
posset ratione
dicere: Jstae literae non diriguntur mihi', vel quia videtur
in contemptum.
) Johannes Andreae, Novella in Dccretales Gregorii
IX. (Venedig 1612),
Baldus kommt dann darauf zu spredicn, dafi, im Gegensatz zum Papst,
der
zu 4c. X
2, 12, n. 5; vgl. Pierre 11 et G
La personnalit^ juridique en droit
i ,

Kaiser seinen Namen nidit andere; das

fur Justinian, der trotz
gclte
seiner dignitas aha dennoch nomen proprium idem
perseverat, licet coruscatione
dignitatis polleat. An anderer Stella zogert Baldus (zu
Dig., Prooem., rubr.,
n. 30 [Venedig, 1586] fol. 2v), die papstlidie
Namensanderung als effectu's
rei vel alicuius officii designativum aufzufassen.
Die englisdien
audi ecclesiastique (Mcdiein, 1927), 178. Als Dignitas ist naturlidi
audi der Heilige
Stuhl unsterblidi, ebenso das Impcrium etc. Von zahllosen
friiheren Stellen ab-
geschen, vgl. etwa, wegcn der sdiarf bctonten Dauer durdi
Sukzession, Alberi-
cus de Rosatc, zu Dig. 5, 1, 76, n. 1 (Venedig 1584) fol. 304v:
Sedes apostolica
non moritur, sed semper durat in persona successoris et dignitas imperialis
Kronjuristen . . .

folgerten sdion aus dem Gebraudi des Pluralis maiestatis, dafi eine semper durat... et idem in qualibet dignitatc, quia
Handlung perpetuatur in persona
des Konigs amtlidi successorum ...
und nidit privat sei; vgl. etwa Plowden,
Reports (s. u.
Anm. 100), S. 175 b, wo der Vorsitzende Riditer Brook zu diesem Zwedc ') So z. B. Mattheus de Afflicitis,
in seiner Glosse zu Liber aug. II,
Magna Carta von 1215 c. 35,
17 anfuhrt: sequantur curiam n o s t r a m. n. 23 (In utriusque Siciliae Neapolisque sanctiones et constitutiones
fVenedie^
') De ordine iudiciario, c. 42, ed. Agathon Wunderlich, 1562], II, fol. 77).
Anecdota quae processum civilem spectant (Gottingen 1841),
84; cf. G e r k e i
p Baldus, zu 33 X 2, 24, n. 5 (In Decretalium volumen commentaria
c.
Genossensdiaftsredit III, S. 271 Anm. 73. Der Traktat war
m
frijher dem a - D [Venedig 1580] fol. 261 v): Unde imperator non obligatur homini, sed Deo . . .

a s u s zugesdirieben, dodi ansdieinend zu Unredit;

cf. Stephan u 1 1 n e r , K et dignitati suae, quae perpetua est.
Repertorium der Kanonistik (Studi e Testi 71, 1937) 428, Anm.
3. ) Baldus, zu c. 7 X 1, 2, n. 78 (In Decretalium etc., fol. 18).
.
*) Gierke, III, S. 271, Anm. 73, der audi zeigt, dafi sdion Gotfried von Fur England vgl. etwa Edmund Plowden,
')
Trani (sdirieb ca. 1232, starb 1245) das Prinzip auf das Commentaries or Reports
Kaisertum ubertrug. (London 1816) S. 177 f. fur eincn Fall (Hill v. Grange) vom
Die Definition des Damasus ging dann wordidi ein in die Jahre 155455,
GIos. ord. zu c 14 wo die Riditer uber Akte argumentieren, bei denen der Konigstitel
X 1, 29, V. substitutum.
hinzugefiigt war: And King is the name
zum Na-
") Friedberg "I"^ shall
? P"]'^' of continuance,
II, Sp. 162. vjhich always endure as the head and the governor
of the people, as the
") Glos. ord. zu c. 14 X 1, 29, v. .substitutum' Law presumes... and in this the King never dies.'
Im Verlaufe des

n u J u
u L I I
 144 Ernst Kantorowicz,
Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage
jenes Ortes" in Wirklidikeit nur an Stelle 145
des Eigennamens" stehe, be-
gcgnete der Glossator damit, dafi er sagte,
Abt von Winchester" sci
Aion. Er diente daher - von der Jungfriiulichkeit seiner Zeugung nodi
nicht proprmm nomen, sed singulare
et appellativiim similiter,
. . .
sei
ganz abgesehen - audi als ein
Sinnbild der Auferstehung Christi
und
also einzigartig", oder eine Person der Christen iiberhaupt, aber audi
aussondernd, und zuglelch appella- als Sinnbild der ewigen
Erneuerung
tiv. Das Scltsame aber Bernhard hinter singulare einen Vergleidi
dafi
und Dauer romisdier Kaisermacht<3). Diese
ist, Art der Symbolik interes-
einsdiiebt, ut Phoenix; das heifit: Abt sierte jedodi die mittelalterlidien
von Winchester" sei ein Ein- Juristen nur peripher, obwohl Johannes
zelnes, ein Einzelwesen wie der Vogel Andreae in seiner Glosse zu Quoniam abbas
Phonix"')". audi die folkloristisdien Zuge
Vielleicht mag dieser Vergleich der unsterblidien Dignitas des Phonixmythos behandelteio*). Worauf
und ihrer die Juristen mit dem Phonix-
vielfachen Inkarnationen mit Gleidinis hinauswollten, zeigt am
dem Vogel Phonix uns Heutigen abstrus besten eine Glosse des Baldus zu der
erscheinen, audi wenn wir uns daran Dekretale Alexanders Baldus zog namlich aus Bernhard von Parmas
III.
erinnern, dafi dieser Marchenvogel
ein in jeder Beziehung aufiergewohnliches Gesdiopf Vergleidi der Dignitas mit dem Vogel Phonix
war. Denn in jedem einen philosophisdi ein-
gegcbenen Augenblid; gab es in der Welt ja nur einen einzigen wandfrei riditigen SdiluE: Der Phonix ein hodist einziger
Phonix, ist und ein-
der nadi einer Lebensdauer von 500 oder mehr Jahren zigartiger Vogel, inweldiem die ganze Spezies im Individuum erhalten
von der Sonne
sein Nest in Flammen setzen lieE, selbst die Glut wird'os)." Fur Baldus also war der
mit den Schwingen an- Phonix einer der seltenen Falle, in
fachte, und im Feuer den Tod fand, wahrend von den glu-
schliefilidi weldien das Einzelwesen gleidizeitig die ganze Gattung
darstellte, so daft
henden Aschen
aus einer Raupe oder Puppe auskriediend sich der hier nun wirklidi einmal Gattung und
Individuum zusammenfielen und
neue Phonix erhobio^). Die volkskundlichen Zuge des Phonix-Mythos, die Gesamt-Potentialitaten der Phonixgattung im Phonixindividuum
widerspruchsvoll in zahllosen Einzelheiten, sind hier von geringerer Be- voile Aktualitat wurden. Die Gattung war naturlidi unsterblidi oder
deutung. In heidnischer wie in diristlicher Kunst und Literatur war der sempitern, das Individuum hingegen sterblidi.Der sagenhafte Vogel ver-
Phonix ein Sinnbild der Unsterblidikeit, der Zeitenerneuerung und des fiigte demnadi uber eine seltsame Zwienatur:
cr war sowohl Phonix wie
die gesamte Phonixhcit", war Individuum und
Gattung, war zugleidi
Arguments erklarte dann einer der Riditer, indem er die Essenz von Quoniam singular und kollektiv, da die ganze Spezies Phonix" sidi
in nie mehr
abbas wiedergibt, that the Dignity always continues... And
then when ... the relation is to him as King, he as King never
dies
alseinem einzigen Exemplar reproduzierte Eigensdiaften also, die der
although his natural Body dies; but the King in which name it has relation Vogel Phonix einerseits mit den Engeln gemein hatte, andererseits
aber
to him, does ever continue From whence we may see that where a thing
. . . mit der Dignitas geistlicher oder weltlicher Fursten, der ja wiederum
ein
is referred to a particular king by the name of King, hi that case character angelicus eigentiimlidi war'08).
It may extend to his heirs and successors..."
Fur Frank-
reich vgl. Jean Bodin, Les six livres de la r^publique, I,
c. 8 (Paris 1583 [Erst-
ausgabe 1576]) S. 160: Car il est certain que le Roy ne meurt jamais, "") Vgl. das Phonixgedidit des
Laktanz (unten Anm. 109), Vers 163 ff.;
comme I'on d i t ." was wohl dodi zeigt,
. . daC dieses Wort sdion vorher dazu Hubaux -Leroy, S. 6 f 115, und insbesondere Festugiere,
.,

verbreitet war, also wohl in England und Frankreidi annahcrnd a. a. O. S. 149 f. Fur den Phonix im Kaiserkult und
auf Munzcn, vgl. etwa
gleidizcitig
aufkam. J. Lass us, in Monuments Piot, 36 (1936) 81122, und Henri Stern, Le
"") Die Glosse zu c. 14 X 1, 29 ist zu lang, urn hier Calendrier de 354 (Paris 1953) 145
ganz zitiert zu werden; ff.
der einsdilagige Absatz lautet: Sed videtur quod idem sit, etsi '^) Johannes Andreae, zu
c. 14 X 30 Novella ^oben Anm. 96)
non exprimatur 1, 29, n. f.,
proprium nomen; quia hoc nomen abbas talis loci, loco proprii fols. 206v 207.
nominis est . .

Sed non est proprium nomen, sed singulare, ut phoenix, et

appellativum simi-
') Baldus, zu c. 14 X
1, 29, n. 3 (In Decretalium etc. fol. 107): Est autem
liter . . avis unica singularissima, in qua totum genus servatur in individuo. Den
gcne-
Ober den Phonix vgl. Jean Hubaux und Maxime Leroy,
'=) rischen Charaktcr der Dignitas unterstreicht nodi Sir Edward
Coke, Calvin's
Le
mythe du Ph<nix (Bibl. de la fac. de philos. et Icttrcs de I'universit^ Case, in: Reports, VII, fol. 10 b: ,,/f is true that the King in genere
de Liege dieth not,
1939); ferner E. R a p s a r d a L'Ave Fenice di L. Cecilio Firmiano
i but, no question, in individuo he dieth.'
,
Lattanzio
' (Raccolta die studi di lettcratura cristiana antica 4, 1946); A.- J.Festu- ') Auf angelologisdie Fragen wie die der Individuation der Engcl sci
gicre, in Monuments Plot, 38 (1941) 147 ff.; audi Carl-Martin Eds man, hier nidit weiter eingegangen; vgl. zur Orientierung Oberweg-Baum-
Igms dtvinus (Lund, 1949) S. 178-203. K.
Rienzo und die Burdach, gartner, Grundrifi der Gesdi. d. Philos. d. patrist. und sdiolast. Zeit '
geistige Wandlung seiner Zeit. Vom Mittelalter zur (1915), 498 und 580, und, fiir die von Thomas von Aquino abweichendc Auf-
Reformation 2, 1 (1913
1928) S. 83 ff. und passim bringt weniger zur Ph6nixerwartung" des fassung des Duns Scotus, Etienne Gilson, Jean Duns Scot
13. Jhdts. (1952) S. 399 ff.
als man erwarten wiirde. Engel, Phonixe und Wurden (oder Korpersdiaften) haben
jedenfalls zahl-
reiche Zuge gemein; vgl. oben Anm. 72.

10 Deutsche: Archiv XIII

n u
 146 Ernst Kantorowicz,
Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage
147

Mit dem Vogel Phonix war nun mag dazu beigetragen haben, dafi bei Bchandlung der
juristisdi die Dignitas insofern ver- Frage der Suk-
gleichbar, als audi bei der Abts-, Bischofs-, Konigs- oder sonstigen zcssion den Juristen das Phonixgleidinis
Wurdc uberhaupt einfiel, da ja die
in jedem Augenblick nur ein Einziger der Reprascntant der korporativ Identitat von Vater und Sohn, Vorganger und Nadifolger gewohnheits-
erfaftten nGattung"
d. h. der langen Reihc von Amtsvorgangern und
mafiig im Zusammenhang mit dem Erbredit erortert wurde. Es ist im
Amtsnadifolgern war. Die Idee des Per subs tit utum vivere war bei ubrigen durdiaus moglidi, dal? der Vergleidi
der Dignitas mit dem
dem Phonix ebcnso voUkommen Vogel Phonix nidit von Bernhard von Parma eingefuhrt wurde,
erst
ausgepragt wie die der Identitat im
Wechsel der Glieder" lo^). sondern auf fruhere Glossatoren zurudtging. Hier geniigt
unj yfcnn es je eine gleidisam notorische Iden- es jedodi fest-

oder Einheit von Vater und Sohn" gab, so gewifi im Falle des Ic- zustellen, dag jedenfalls zu Anfang der 40er
titat Jahre das Phonixbild zur
gendaren Phonix. Gerade diese Einheit war cs namlich, die als ein be- Verdeutlidiung der vielzitierten Dekretale Quoniam abbas sdion
sonderer Charakterzug des Wundervogels von alien antiken Autoren im Umlauf war. Audi darauf sei nodi verwiesen, dafi in dem von Pe-
ganz sdiarf hervorgehoben wurde. trus de Vinea verfafiten Kampfmanifest Levate circuitu
Am geburtstaglidien Todestag ver- in
scheidend und nadifolgend; wiederum ein Phonix, (1239, April 20) deutlidi auf die Dekretale Alexanders III. angespielt
wo sdion keiner mehr
war; wiederum wurdeii2), und ebenso, daf? man Friedridi II. selbst sdion
er selbst, der soeben nidit war; ein anderer und zu Lebzeiten
doch derselbe," so besdireibt Tertullian das Fortleben des Pho-
gelegentlidi als Phonix" bezeidinete"*). Das alles soil nidit iiberwertet

nixios), Lactanz, nidit weniger gedrangt in seinen Bildern, sagt: Sidi werden; audi I'i&t es sidi nirgends erweisen, dafi die Sibyllentexte sidi

selbst ist er selbst der SproB, ist sein eigener Vater und sein eigener an die Phonixerzahlungen angelehnt batten, selbst wenn in den editcn
Gleiche Sibyllen der
Phonix einmal erwahnt wird"*). Dennodi stehen sidi
Erbe ... Er ist der und doch nicht der
G e c h e der er selbst und dodi Phonixerwartungen und Sibyllenprophetie nahe genug, und ebensowenig
I i , ist nidit er selbst" (Ipsa sibi proles,
suus est pater et suus heres darf es ubersehen werden, dafi Aussagen uber den Phonix wie z. B.
. . . Est eadem sed non eadem, quae est ipsa
nee ipsa est...)^^^). Und ahnlich Claudian: Er
est eadem sed non eadem oder est ipsa nee ipsa est inhaltlidi wie formal
ist der Vater, und er
ist sein Sprofi, und keiner ist der Erschaffer . Der der Zeuger
. . ge-
nadistverwandt sind dem Sprudi der Erythraa Vivit et non vivit. Zu-

wesen, schiefit nun hervor als die gleiche Geburt und er folgt als
sammen mit Jesus Siradis Mortuus est et quasi non mortuus est waren
ein
neuer . . . O Gludilicher du, und Erbe deiner selbst" "<).
sie auf den gleidien Ideenkomplex bezogen.

Es lohnt vielleicht darauf aufmerksam zu madien, daft der Phonix Es ist nidit sdiwierig, das Gesagte nunmehr zusammenzufassen und
nidit nur Vater und Kind seiner selbst, sondern immer wieder audi die einfadicn Sdiliisse zu Ziehen. Von den versdiiedensten Gesiditspunk-
Erbe seiner selbst" genannt wird, so z. B. audi von Ambrosius"i). Dies ten herkommend und unter Zuhilfenahme der versdiiedensten Bilder und
Gleidinisse wurde in der ersten Halfte des 13. Jahrhunderts die Idee

'') Hierfiir Gierke, Genossenschaftsredit, III, S. 270 ff., 277.

"') Tertullian, De
resurrectione mortuorum, XIII, 2: ...natali fine dece-
dens atque succedens, iterum phoenix uhi nemo iam, iterum ipse qui non iam,
"-) Auf die nidit uncrheblidicn kanonistisdien Einsdilage bei Petrus de
Vinea hat kiirzlich Brian Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory
alius idem.
(1955) 77
S. E. aufmerksam gemadit. Auf Quoniam
abbas nimmt Bezug
") Laktanz, Carmen de ave Phoenice, Vers 167 ff., ed. Hubaux- MG. Const. II, S. 297 Z. 23 ff.: non in contemptu papalis officii vel aposto-
L e r oy , a. a. O. S. XV mit leiditer Abweidiung von der Ausgabe Brandt's lice dignitatis ... set persone prevaricationem arguimus.
in CSEL. 27, S. 146.
") Nikolaus von Bari (ed. Kloos, DA.
170 5) vergleidi: Friedridi
11, S.
") Claudian, Phoenix, Vers 24, 69 f., 101, ed. u b a u x- H L e r o y, S.XXI ff.: wegen seiner Einzigkeit mit dem Phonix, wie dies spater zum allgemeinen
Sed pater est prolesque sui nulloque creante . . .
Hofstil der Renaissance-Monardien gehorte: Magnus est dignitate honoris...
Qui fucrat genitor, natus nunc prosilit idem
Ipse est sol in firmamento mundi . . . Unus
secundum non habet, f enix
est et
Succeditque novus . .

pulcherrima pennis aureis decorata.

DaiS. Friedridi selbst (De arte venandi
. . . O felix heresque tui.
cum avibus, II, c. 2) den Phonix erwahnt, freilidi nur um Plinius' Theoric von
") Ambrosius, Expositio in Ps. CXVIII, 13, ed. P
c. e t s c he n i
g , der Zwiegesdiieditigkcit des Vogcis .ibzulehnen, ist hier natiiriidi ohne Bclang.
CSEL. 62, S. 428, Z. 19: . . . et sui heres corporis et cineris sui factns. Bei
Hu -

baux-Leroy, a. a. O. S. 199 ff. wird das heres-VrohXem ganz ungenugend

") Vgl. Sibyllinisdie Weissagungen, VIII, 139, ed. A. Kurfess (1951)
behandelt. S. 166.

10

/
U
U J L
L U
/
I
 148 Ernst Kantorowicz,
Zu den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisersage
149
dcr Dynastie gleichsam ausgearbeitet
oder rationalisiert und audi fur verquidt mit dem Mythos
das vom Vogel
Kajsertum, fur die staufische caesarea Phonix, in dem Unsterblidikeits-
stirps, in AnspruA genommen. glauben. Fortleben durdi
Substitution und Identitat
Dabei sp.elte die
Lehre von der Identitat von Vater und von Erzeuger
^ und
Sohn, Erblasser Erzeugtem zusammenflossen.
und Erben, Monarcben und Thronfolger,
Amtsvorganger und AmtsnaA-
folger die
wohl wichtigste Rolie. Diese Lehre wurde In diesen allgemeinen
vom Kaiser selbst
Zusammenhang reiht sidi nun das unter dem
wie von den Kaisersohnen in mehr
oder weniger
Namen der Erythraisdien Sibylle
nadi 1250 in
allgemeinen Worten Umlauf gesetzte Vatici-
herangezogen. Sie lag dem Sonnengleichnis zugrunde, dem Sdieiden
nium ohne weiteres ein. Der
alte Adler Jebt und
der lebt nidit, da eines
alten und dem Aufgehen der neuen Sonne, die dodi der Adierjungen und ein
immer die gleidie Junges der Jungen Uberlebt".
Es bleibt dabei
bleibt -
aliusque et idem. Das Fortleben im Sohne"
war in dem angeb-
unbenommen, den nadi dem P h s i
y o 1 o g u s sidi stets selbstverjungen-
hdien Testament juristisdi interpretiert als ein
den Adler mit dem Phonix in
per substitutum vivere. Die Verbindung zu bringen, dessen
Stelle der
Juristen selbst anerkannten dasPrinzip der Adler audi sonst oft genug
Daucr im Wedisel", desFort- eingenommen hat"6). Diese Spekulationen
lebens eines Geriditshofes, einer Legion, sdieinen mir ;edodi ganz
eines Volkes, einer Herde, eines und nebensadilidi zu sein. da das
iiberflussig
Sdiiffes trotz Substitution allerKomponenten, angebhdi ratselhafte Vivn et r^on
ja machten die Substitution vivtt sidi vollig zwanglos
aus den
geradezu zum Lebcnsprinzip einer ewigen Dauer: perpetuatio Ansdiauungen, audi den Reditsansdiauungen,
fit per suc- der Zeit erklaren lafit.
cessionem et subrogationem. Das romisdie Erbredit kanonisierte
die Viel seltsamer ist dann
Identitat von Erblasser und Erben
freilidi die Abwandlung der rationalen juristi-
als eine fictio iuris, und die Kano- sdien Argumente ins Sagenhafte, ist der
nisten vertraten
ProzeE der Mystifikation. Der
die gleidie
Ansdiauung auf Grund einiger Satze des Kernsprudi Vivit et r,or, vivit, so
lange er mit dem Oberleben der
Decretums. Hinzu kamen die Zeugungs- und Nadi-
Vererbungslehren der kommen, und das heil?t mit den
Antike, die
von der Sdiolastik rezipiert gleidifalls das Einssein blieb, war mdit mystisdier
dynastisdien Hoffnungen, verbunden
als das Stidiwort D.gnUas
von Vater und Sohn aus quasi naturwissensdiaftlidien Grunden rrori moruur
ver- regta matestas non moritur, oder
le roi ne meurt jamais.
traten und die vielleidit mitverantwortlidi Der Sprudi war'
waren fiir die am Kaiserhofe sozusagen, auf diese Lehren bin
angelegt und hatte wie in den
jedenfalls vertretene Lehre von der besonderen Subtilitat der Konigs- west-
hdien Monardiien in sie einmunden
konnen. Dies gesdiah jedodi nidit
seelen5). Herangezogen wurden audi die evangelisdien Zeugnisse fiir Statt dessenwurde der Satz sdion von Salimbene
die Wesensgleidiheit
verbunden mit dem
von Vater und Sohn. Von der Kanonistik zuerst personhdien, physisdien Tode des
Kaisers unter angeblidi seltsamen
erfafit, von den Zivilisten jedodi alsbald iibernommen, verbreitete sidi Umstanden, das heifit mit der durdiaus
legendaren und unhistorisdien
die eine Identitatvon Amtsvorganger und Amtsnadifolger vorausset- mors abscondita des Kaisers. Vivit et
non vivtt ersdiien damit als das
zende Lehre der Dignitas quae non moritur, die sdiliefilidi hinfiihrte zu Resultat des verborgenen Todes"
und wurde nunmehr auf ein rein
dem Motto: Le roi ne meurt jamais. Und diese Lehre wurde wiederum personhdies mystisdi-physisdies Fortleben
des kaiserlidien Individuums
bezogen, und nidit mehr auf das
unpersonlidie und uberpersonlidie Fort-
leben der Dynastie oder der
Dignitas. Die ursprUnglidien Zusammen-
"') Vgl. den Brief an Konig Konrad (vermutlich eine Stiliibung) bei Hu i 1 -
harige waren somit verwisdit,
lard-Breholles, Hist, dip!., V. S. 274 f.: Immo tanto se maiori nota und die Mystifikation lag den Joadiiten
notahiles faciunt principes inscii quam privati, quanta nobil'uas sanguinis per und hernadi den Transalpinen offenbar
mehr und naher am Herzen,
in f u s ionem sub et nobilis anime facit ipsos esse pre ceteris
til i s als

susceptibiles discipline. Diezugrunde liegende Lehre lafit sich nidit eindcutig

die logisdien SdilUsse der Civilisten
und Kanonisten Sdilusse, die - '

feststellen, dodi kommt sie wohl am nadisten der Lehre von dcr Ersdiaffung mangels einer Dynastie im nadistaufisdien
der Reidie audi keinen rediten
Konigsseelen in der Kore kosmou, fragm. XXIV, ed. A. D. Nock und
Festugiere, Corpus Hermeticum, IV (Paris 1954), 52 ff. Von dem
Corpus Hermeticum war damals jedodi wohl nur der Asclepius bekannt. Man
A.- J. * B Nahrboden fanden.

kann natiirlidi audi an die Lehre von den rationes seminales denken; vgl.
Lesky, a. a. O. (oben Anm. 71) S. 164 ff., audi 172 L; Hans Meyer, Ge- HubauX L o
) - e r y, Le mythe du Phonix (s. Index s. v. Aigle") haben
sdiidite der Lehre von den Keimkraften von der Stoa bis zum
Ausgang der d.ese Parallele v.elle.dit zu weit
Patristik (1914), bes. 184 ff. fur Ausustin und Macrobius als Vermittler
getrieben. Immerhin ist die Ahnlidikeit von
der Adler und Phon.x auf Grund des
Lehre.
Physiologus gegeben, wo die beiden Vogel
nadieinander behandelt werden (cc. 8 und
9).

n u J
 JHJIt_)U ^.4!JJ-
- I

150 Enut Kantorowicz, 2u den Reditsgrundlagen der Kaisenage

So geht die Kaisersagc im Grunde zuruck auf das

Mifiverstehen der
rationalen, juristischen Argumente fiir eine
Kontinuitat der Dynastic
und eine Sempiternitat der Dignitas, was natiirlidi keineswegs aus-
sdilieCt, da6 MifSverstandnisse ahnlidi wie Falsdiungen historische
Fakten erster Ordnung sein konnen, die selbst wiederum
Gesdiichte
madien. Es ist jedoch kaum ubcrtrieben zu sagen, dafi
die Sage vom
Fortleben des in den Berg entriickten und im Berge
sdilummernden Kai-
sers qni non moritur das irrational-verschwommene
oder legendare Ge-
genstiick bildet zu dem juristisdi-rationalen Dogma der westlidien Mo-
narchien: Le rot ne meurt jamais.

Li .

n u J u
U L U I
 Prof. Dr. Wilhclm Ebel

Liibecker Ratsurteilc
Band I 14211500
1006 Urtcile, XV, 579 Sciten, Grofioktav, hiosch., DM 6S
Band II 15011525
1.^78 Urteile, 640 Sciten, C,roj!.okt.iv, hrosch., DM 95,

Band III

iiber lOOOUrteilc aus denjahrcn von 1526 1546 erschcint EnJe 1957

Dcr Rat von Lubeck, das H6distc Recht" fiir die mchr als hundcrt
Stadtc liibisdicn Rechts im Mittclaltcr, ist eine der bcdeutcndsten
reditsschopferischcn Krafte der dcutsdien Rechtsgeschichte uberhaupt.
Das hoctientwickelte Privat-, Handeh- und Scerccht dcs welten han-
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grofitenteils sein in Tausendcn vonUrteilen erarbcitetes Werk. Schon
die bisherigen Veroffentlidiungen des Herau^gebers haben die bislang
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nur wcnig erhalten, widerlcgt. Nun legt der Gottingcr Rechtshisto-

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. . . Es ist keine Obertrcibung zu sagcn, da(? die Edition mit Span-

nung von den Gcrmanistisdicn Rechtshistorikern in ganz Europa er-

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. . .
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grofies Ereignis Innerhalb der Germanistik bezeidinet werden . . .

Weldicn Wert die Edition sdion aus clcmentaren Quellengesidits-

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wahrlidi einen Einsatz gemadit, der kaum hoch gcnug geriihmt wer-
den kann. Die Ausgabe ist vorbildlich in formcller Hinsidit."
Erik Anncrs, Svensk Ji:risttidning 1956

Dr. Hildbi'.rg Brjiicr-Gramni

Der Landvogt Peter von Hagenbach

Die burgundisdie Herrsdiaft am Oberrhein 14691474
ca. 300 Seiten, kart., ca. DM 24, 1957
Peter von Hagenbachs Schidisalsweg ist nicht alltaglldi: ein Rittcr
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zu Breisach, und nach dcm Sprudi dcr Fiirsten, Stadte
und Eidgc-
II nossen wird Hagenbadi hingcrichtct.

als Vorspiel fur den

Bleibcndos Intercsse gewinnt dieses Gcsdichen
Auseinanderset-
Untergang Karls des Kuhncn sclbst, mehr noch als
unpersonalem Staats-
zung von gutem altcm Redit" und modernem
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denken, das sidi erst nadi sAweren KSmpfcn audi
den durdisetzen konnte.

MUSTERSCHMIDT-VERLAG GOTTINGEN

U LJ u
I i
 ^7/p

Sonderdruck
aus

Stupor mundi
Sciten 482-524

ZU DEN RECHTSGRUNDLAGEN
DER KAISERSAGE

von

ERNST KANTOROVCICZ

1966
WISSENSCHAFTLICHE BUCHGESELLSCHAFT
DARMSTADT

n
U JJ U
I
 [115/116] Zu den Rcchtsgrundlagen der Kaiscrsage 483
Aus: Dcutschcs Atchiv fiir Erfoischimg des Mittelalicrs, 13, 1957, S. 115-150
In der Stadtbibliothck zu Besan9on stieB Dr. Wolf im Verlaufe
anderer Arbeiten auf die Abschrift des bislang nur unvoUstiindig
veroffentlichten Testaments, dessen Text in dem genannten Esco-
rialensis, einer Papierhandschrift der ersten Halfte des 14. Jahr-
ZU DEN RECHTSGRUNDLAGEN DER KAISERSAGE hunderts, iiberliefert Abgesehcn von der Arenga und
ist
|
(E).
mancherlei Zusatzen stimmt das Stuck - zumal in den eigentlichen
Von Ernst Kantorowicz Testamentsbestimmungen - weitgehend mit dem von Weiland
veroffentlichten Testament iiberein (W), dessen Authentizitat
1. Ein angebliches Testament Kaiser Friedrichs II.
nicht zu bezweifeln ist*. Dr. Wolf bringt darum auch den Text
von E dankenswerterweise in Parallelkolumne mit den einschla-
Vor mehr einem halben Jahrhundert hat SchcfFer-Boichorst
als

auf ein Testament Friedrichs II. aufmerks;im gemacht, von dem

gigen Stellen von W
zum Abdruck^. Es schlieBt sich eine Echt-
heitskritik" an, in der die Moglichkcit einer Fiilschung oder einer
er vermutete, daB es eine Stilubung" sei. Das Stiick war ihm
nur Stiliibung in durchaus nicht iiberzeugendcr Weise abgelehnt wird.
fragmentarisch bekannt; Ganze gesehcn, so hatte er
hiitte er das
Datiert wird das Stiick, well es angeblich eine Verschlechterung
wohl keinen Augenblick gezogert, sich noch sehr viel bestimmter
auszusprecheni. Vor langerer Zeit hat sodann der Verfasser dieser
Zeilen, von dem immer wieder verbluffenden Spursinn des unver-
* MG. Const. II, Nr. 274, S. 282-289. Zu den von Weiland angcfiihr-
ten Griinden fiir die Echtheit des Testaments, die aus der Oberlicferung
geBlichen Carl Erdmann auf eine Handschrift des Escorial (d. III.
hervorgcht, noch hinzugeftipt, daB Manfred nicht nur sich mehrfach
sei
3) verwiesen, sich mit diesem Testament beschiiftigt, das er als auf das Testament bezieht und dessen Bestimmungen korrekt zitiert
eine Stilubung zweifellos italienischer Herkunft" bezeichnete, (BF. 4633, 4635, 4637 u. sondern daB auch das Diktat seiner Erlasse
6.),
die jedoch nicht ganz ohne Interesse" sei und auf die er an und Briefe sich oft eng an den ^'ortlaut des Testaments anschlicBt; vgl.
anderer Stelle zuriickzukommen versprach^. Dieses Versprechen z. B. den Brief an die Palermitaner (BF. 4633; B. Capasso, Hist. Diplom.
ist,wie so viele Arbeitsversprechen, bisher nicht eingelost worden, Regni Siciliac [Neapel, 1874] S. 5f.), beginnend Etst primi parentis . . .

und wenn dies heute dennoch geschieht, so gab den AnlaB dazu incauta transgressio, mit den ersten Worten des Testaments oder, in dem ;

die Heidelberger Dissertation von Dr. Gunther Wolf, gleichcn Brief (Z. 11), divas Cesar genitor nosier rebus ijumanis assump-
die jungst
in der Form eines langeren Zeitschriftenaufsatzes erschicnen ist. tus mit Weiland S. 385, Z. 13: ut rebus humanis absumpti vivere videa-

mur. Dergleichen licBe sich noch mehrfach nachweisen. Es immer- ist

hin bczeichnend, daB sich ahnliche Niederschlage des Testaments E

P. Scheffer-Boichorst,
anschcinend nicht rinden.
Zur Geschichte des XII. und XIII Ih s
' Vgl. Wolf, S. 4tf., der es leider verabsaumt hat, das keineswegs
(1897)268ff.
E. Kantorowicz.PetrusdeVineainEngland,
kurze Stiick nach Paragraphen unterzuteilen oder die Zeilen zu nume-
*
MOIG. 51 (1937) 86ff.
Gunther Wolf, Ein unveroffentlichtes Testament Kaiser Friedrichs rieren. Soweit moglich, den Paragraphennum-
zitiere ich E hier nach

II., Zs. f. d. Gesch. d. Oberrh. 104 (1956) 1-51.

mern der Parallelkolumne von W. Die wenigen Textverbesserungen
Enthusiusmus und
Arbeitseifer, gepaart mit Finderfreude, sind dieser Arbeit sind nicht wesentlich: S. 5. Z. 11 v. u. : et velut statt velut; ebda. Z. 10
gewif3 nicht
abzusprechen, und man hatte nur gewunscht, daB diese QuaJitaten V. u. ist das Fragezeichen nach poe/icum sinnentstellend und zu streichen;
sich
an einem tauglicheren Objekt Z. 2 v. u. : karissimi fiir carissimi; S. 6, 2: subbreviioquio statt des sinn-
entfaltct hatten
sowie unter sachvcrstiin-
diger Leitung, die wiederum der Entwicklung kritischer storcnden sub hreviloquio [breoiloquio ist doch wohl Druckfehlcr] ; S. 6,
Fahigkeiten
zugute gekommen ware. 6: salvationis nostre statt Salvaioris nostri; S. 8, Z. 1 : adquires statt adiniis.
Die Zeichensetzung ist willkiirlich und besscr in der Hs. als im Druck.
1

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 484 Ernst Kantorowicz 1117/118] ^u den Rechtsgrundlagen
[116/117] der Kaisersage 485
des kaiserUchen Gesundheitszustandes
erkennen lasse, auf etwa solche aus dem
Briefbuch des Thomas von Capua
eingesprengt
eine Woche nach W
(also etwa 7.-13.Dezember 1250). Die Ab- smd - genauer aus der Zehn-Buch-Redaktion
der Thomas-Briefe
sonderlichkeit eines Doppeltestamcnts \vird die wohl um 1268 von dem
damit erklart, daB papstlichen Notar Jordan von Terra-
W Staatstestament", E jedoch ,.Privartestament"
sei. Einem
cina zusammengestellt wurde. Zu
diesen Einsprengseln gehort z B
kurzen Abschnitt iiber Theologie und ein Papstbrief PrJ^//V et universitati
Staatsauffassung" folgt Hyspank [sic] (115r-v) und ein
eine Besprechung der Legate und solcher an Danemark (115v-116v)7.
Titel sowie ein Vergleich mit Es handelt sich also, zumin-
anderen Herrschertestamenten der Zeit. dest in den hier in Betracht kommenden
Da fast alle Schlusse mit Teilen der Handschrift
der Echtheitstrage stehen und faUen.
genugt es hier, sich allein mit um eine vorwiegend aus kurialen
Briefbuchern schopfende Zu-
dieser zu befassen*. sammenstellung von Stiicken verschiedenartiger
| Herkunft. in die
Testament E findet sich in der Handschrift (f
100-1 02 v) zu-
dann auch E hineingeraten ist, das ich hier behelfsmaBig als lite-
sammen mit Stiicken des Berard von Neapel,
denen wiederum
ransch zugestutzte Oberarbeitung" von
W
bezeichnen mochte.
Mit E haben nun die beiden Papstbriefe
Damit werden natiirlich auch die Betrachtungen
gemein, daB alle drei
testament" und ..Privattestament" (Wolf.
iiber Staats- Dokumente sich in den Arengen ein u-enig an das bekannte
S. 21 ff.) hmfallig, Statt-
dic'an sich halterdiplom Friedrichs II. (Vinea, Epistolae
recht fragwurdig sind (s. unten Anm. V, 1) anlehnen, das
28). Als Kriterien fur die Echtheit
werden sowohi Abweichungen von ja zusammen mit dem Prooemium
als auch Cberemstimmungen mit des Liber augustalis Stilubungen
echten Dokumenten
beigebracht. S. 15 wird z. B. gesagt. mcht selten zum Vorbild gedient hat. In der langatmigen,
es ..schwache [ von
wieder den Verdacht einer Falschung einer Unzahl rhetorischer Fragen
voUig ungcwohnliche,
ab", daC der Notarstitel eine geschwellten Arenga von E ist
ja einmahge Fassung habe unten im Text zu denn auch ein Kernsatz des Diploms (ex necessitate
(s. quadam oportuit
Anm. 26). Umgekehrt
heiCt es S. 12, eine Falschung naturam subesse
sei unwahrschein- iusticie et servire iudicio libertatem)
sofort zu erkennen,
hch. well sich m
E ,.alle von Vehse bemerkten Stilmittcl" fanden
ferner
der bei Fnednch 11. beliebtc DenSpanienbrief habe ich MOIG. 51 S. 87f abgedruckt.
Adamstopos" und schlieClich ..wonliches ^
Erst
Zuat aus dem Corpus luris CivUis". Die nachtraglich machte mich freundlicherweise Frau
Verwendung des allbekannten Dr. Emmy Heller
Kan2le.st.ls und der rhetorischen darauf aufmerksam, daC dieser Brief auf die
M.ttel besagt naturhch genauso Sammlung des Thomas
wenig
w.e Zitate aus dem Corpus Juris von Capua zuriickgehe. ebcnso der an Danemark.
Civilis. das ja ke.n dem und auch (nach
ka.serhchen
Gebrauch vorbehaltenes Geheimwerk war; giitiger Mittcilung von Herrn Dr. R. .M.
und was schl.eChch den Kloos) noch zwei weitere, die
Adamstopos anbetr.fft. so darf man daran bei S. F. Hahn, Collectio monumentorum,
erinnern. daC es ja das Wesen I (1724) S. 350 und 384
e.ner Falschung 1st. sich einem gedruckt sind. Fur den Charaktcr derartiger Briefsammlungen
Or.ginal nach Moglichkeit anzupassen hochst
(s. unten Anm.
35 zur X'erwendung des Staathalterdiploms). lehrreich ist die Abhandlung von H. M. Schaller,
Zur Entstehung der
VCas wei-
terhm zur Entkraftung der Ans.cht, sog. Briefsammlung des Petrus de Vinea.
es handle sich um eine Stilubung D.\. 12 (1956) IHff.. bes.
angefuhrt w.rd bleibt nahezu 142ff.
unverstandl.ch. so etwa die Bemerkung
^^"'".^^-''^i'^ hatte das aragonesische Z. B. Vinea, Epp.. Ill, 68 und 69. Das gleiche gilt naturlich
A Konigshaus Intercsse an auch
der Abschnft (um 1340!!) gehabt [Ausrufezeichen von echten Stucken; vgl. etwa Manfreds Statthalterdiplom
ware E
s.nd Zitat], (MG. Const.
erneStdubung gewesen?" Oder ebda. d.e II. Nr. 422 S. 553) oder den Brief
Bemerkung: ..Berthold v. Heinrichs III. von England an Teano
Hohenburg Richard v. Caserta und (MOIG. 51, S. 71 Die wrw/Vaj- erscheint dabei fast als ein Schlagwort
ff.).
VC'alter v. Ocra etwa. die
alle
Fnearich uberlebten. batten einer ghibellinischer Anschauungen, und in Manfreds Aufruf
Interpolation .hrcr Namen in die an die Romer
Zeugenhste e.nes unechten Testaments w.rd sie gar pcrsonifiziert Respondel mimdi dtposcvts I\'ecessitas:
sicher nicht tatenlos zugesehen!" :
Nemo nisi
Uas hatte das aragonesische
Konigshaus mit einer Briefsammlung zu maximi films cesaris (MG. Const. II, Nr. 424 S. 565 Z. Es ist
12). be-
'^'^ '^"" ""^^" '^^ Kaiserhofes zeichnend, daB dieses Kennwort in E weggelassen worden
Tr!
e.nen ^"f T.
St.lschuler ?
oder Stilmcister unternehmen
soUen'^
wohl gegen
Anm. 27 fur die Tcndenz des Stiickes.
ist; s. unten

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 486 Ernst Kantoro\ncz [118/119] [119] Zu den Rechtsgrundkpcn der K.aisersapf 487
frdlich schulmaBig versch6nt" und zugleich verballhornt: et sic Von solchen rhetorischen Schulpfropfungcn
oportet miserrim, oportuit et npnrtehit in posterum legem u-immelt das
nature suhessc Stuck, doch sind anderc
peccato et itign servitutis servirt lihertatis iudicium^.
Andcrungen
aufschluBrcichcr. In Frage
Von der Haufung kommen da zunachst ein paar geographische
der Tempora (oportet, oportuit, oportehit in posterum Einzclheiten im
) ganz abgesehen Zusammenhang mit den Schenkungen. Es ist verstindlich,
hat der Verfasser - vorpeblich der mit dem Tode ringende, den- daB
der wenigcr bekanntc ducatus Stirie
noch sein sillerietztes Testament diktierende Kaiser i" - durch durch den vicl geliuhgeren
ducatus Sumne ersetzt wird". Auch daB
Wortmacherei nur Unklarheiten geschaffen start daB als Konse- der StiHst fur siiditalischc
:
Fleckcn kern sonderliches Interesse zeigt,
quenz von Adams Fall hinfort die (menschlichc) Natur wird man ihm nicht
der verargen diirfen. Bekanntlich erhielt Manfred
Gerechtigkeit unterstellt und die Freiheit neben dem Monte
dem Richterspruch horig Santangelo
werden muBte", heilk es nun, daB dif icx nature der Sunde unter- Hauptapanagc das Fiirstentum Tarent. Dieser
als

Prindpat, obwohl in Normannenzeiten des

stellt and der Richtspruch der Freiheit ofteren ahnlichen
dem Joch der Knecht- Zwecken dicnend ", war doch mehr oder wcniger in
schaft hcirip werden muB, muBtc und miissen Vergessenheit
-wird". Wahrend
geraten und daher von neucm und ad hoc
in W Konig Konrad zum Erben bestmimt wird zusammenzustellen.
omnibus aliis empticiis et quoqunmodv acquisitis, also
in imperio et in

im Reich und
DempemaB -o-erden in W die Grafschaften aufgczahlt (Monte
Scaglioso, Tricarico und Gravina^; femcr
alien kauflich oder sonsrvrie ervrorbenen" Pertinenzen, -wird dar- -ttird der Manfred zu-
stehcnde Kiistenstrich denniert (a maritima terre Ban
aus in E eine langere Aufzahlung, unterbrochen durch usque Polia-
die rj-pischc
num); Polignano, siidlich von Ban, mit alien
Entschuldigung fiir Weitschweifigkeit ut suhhreviloqmo utamur, Pertinenzen wird
die hinznigcfiigt und die allgemeine Ausdehnung
dann ihrerseits zu neuer Veitschweifigkeit bestimmt von Porta
fiihrt: in omnibus et
singulis bonis nostris, que nostro suhiacent
Roscto bis zum
Quell des Bradano (flumims BrandaniJ"^*. Das
dnminio, vel suhesse dehent, sub
Gesamt dieser Landereien formte also das Fiirstentum Tarent.
cell,, super terram, ah oricnte usque
ucadens, ab aqtdlone usque in
it:
Der Verfasser von E machtc sich die Sachc Icichter und wcniger
meridiem'^ - rhetorische Amplifikatdonen also,
die fiir jeden, der mit
derartigen Produkten vertraut ist, die rhetorisch-literarische
Stil-
iibung" kenndich machen. Das gleichc gilt fiir das man will: die Souvcranitat) iibertrapcn
danach Folgendt wurde, die aber nicht die Suk-
denn wo W
kurz und biindig im iiblichen Stil sagt in substdium
Tern
zcssion regclt (so S. 29 Nach der die Nachfolge im Kaisertum
:
erfolgt"),
Sanctc, heiBt es in E x recuperatione terre sancte ultra mare sive sanctis-
wie besaptem Manfred (oder desscn Notar Petrus de Prece) auch
durch-
simi sepulcri salvationis nostre^. \ Wenn in W bestdmmt wird, daB
aus bekannt war; vgl. den Romeraufruf, MG. Const. II,
Nr. 424,
Z. 1 1 f. cum ilia [sc. lex regie] in iwt eondendo, mm rnim circa
S. 564,
nach kmderlosem Tode der legitimen Sohnc :
eleccionem tt
der Icgitir^erte
Manfred folgen soUe, fiigt E die nichtssagende formam tmjterii alloquatw. ^^'as
der Stilkunstler sich bei der lex gcdacht
Klausel hinzu: iiat.ist nicht klar; er konntc natiiriich an den
Deinde succedat, ad lex permiserit^. Enkelsohn Friedrich
gcdacht haben oder andcre im Testament genannte Nachkommen,
oder
an das V; ahlrecht der Kurfiirstcn, oder an die rerschiedenanigcn
" ^X olf, S. 5. ISdittc. Rcchte
'" Ebda. des Papstcs - faUs er sich ixberhaupt etwas gcdacht hat und nicht
S. 20, auch 17f. und 21 Anm. 1, wobei uberall einfech
die \X'one
stne scriptis eint verhanprusvollt Rolie spiden;
^ orte gcmacht hat.
s. unten \nm 33 " Uolf,
" Ebda. S. 6, 2.
S. 6 4; vgl. S. 32f., wo mit Rccht Suatit zugunstcn von
" Ebda. 6.
J tine zuriickgewiesen wird.
" Ebda. S. 8, 2. Diese kx " Roger 11. gab das Furstentum Tarent scmcm rweiten Sohne Tank-
vtxsteht Wolf, 11 f., 29, 39 u. 6. Bcltsamer-
weise red (vgi. Erich Caspar, Roger U. [1904] 428); als letzter hiclt
als die lex regia. Das ist MiBverstehen der Funktion der lex dr
ein es wohl
Wilhelm 111. von bizihcn.
snipmi,, durch die dem Princeps die Vollgcwalt der LegisktiQn
{y.
" JMG. Const, n, S. 385f. 3.

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 ;

488 Ernst Kantorowicz [119/120] [120/121] Zu den Rechtsgrundlagcn dcf Kaisersagc 489
umstandlich. Er setztc Manfred zum Erben ein in principatu Taren- des ghibellinischen Siena wenigstens die Maremma und Aldo-
tino und in comitatu de Bari^'^ - letzteres ein zumindest uniiblicher
brandesca zu sichern. t)ber diese Versuche gibt nun eine seit ihrer
Ausjdruck, da die Kanzlei stets von der terra Bari spricht, und
Veroffenthchung dutch Picker durchaus nicht unbeachtete Ur-
auch sachlich nicht ohne weiteres zutreffend. Andererseits aber
kunde Auskunft. Im Rate von Siena wurde am 4. Januar 1251 ein
zeigte sich der Testator in E trroBziigiger als sein Vorganger in Schreiben verlesen, das vom
Dezember 1250 datiert war (also
31.
W; denn zu der Reihe apulischer Schenlcungen fiigte er uner-
mehr als zwei Wochen nach dem Tode des Kaisers) und in dem
wartet, und gleichsam ex machina, noch den comitatus Ildebrandi-
der Generalvikar des Sprengels Von Amelia bis Corneto und in
schus hinzu, also die toslianische Grafschaft der Aldobrandesca. der Aldobrandesca und Maremma" befiehlt, der Kommune Siena
Zunachst ware man dem Verfasser zuzutrauen bereit, es sei der
die Grafschaft der Aldobrandesca zum Schutz gegen Reichsfeinde
wenig belcannte Brandanus-FluR bei ihm zu Ildehrandischus gcwor-
und Rebellen zu ubergeben pro parte serenissimi domini nostri et
den. Aber so einfach liegcn die Dinge doch nicht. In der Ausstat-
illustris viri domini \
Manfredi, jilii sui^*. War also Manfred rielleicht
tung Manfreds mit der Aldobrandesca konnte sich namlich, wenn
doch zum Grafen der Aldobrandesca gemacht worden, wie es E
man so will, ein Kornchen Wahrheit finden lassen; ja bei einigem vorsah? Denn warum sonsr die \ennung seines Namens im Zu-
Geschick hatte sich sogar auf Grund dieser Verleihung ein gar
sammenhang mit der Grafschaft? Der Sachverhalt ist natiirlich
nicht iibles Echtheitsplaidover zugunsten von E aui^auen lassen,
langst erkannt worden**. Aus hochst plausiblen Griinden - im
wenn die Absonderlichkeit einer toskanischen Dotation fiir
wesentlichen wohl um Zeit zu gewinnen - hat die kaiserliche Ver-
Manfred, und zugleich die krasseste aller Abweichungen von W,
waltung im romischen Tuszien zunachst den Versuch gemacht, die
dem Herausgeber von E bloB aufgefallen ware".
Ereignisse zu Fiorentino in der Capitanata nicht sofort bekannt-
Zur Klarung der Interpolation wird es sich nicht vermeiden zugeben und damit das Ableben des Kaisers noch zu verschleiern
lassen, auf einige Einzelheiten hinzuweisen, die der
Zeit gleich (wenn man will geheimzuhalten")2i. Bis gegen Ende Januar 1251
:

nach dem Tode des Kaisers angehoren. Seit dem Umschwung in gab also die Verwaltung in scheinbarer I'nbefangenheit vor,
Florenz im Oktober 1250 zuungunsten der Kaiserpartei war
die noch im Namen des Kaisers zu handeln, jedoch unter Hinzu-
Reichsherrschaft in der Toskana am Zerfall. zu retten, was Um fiigung des Namens Manfreds, der ja bis zur Ankunft Konrads IV.
noch zu retten war, suchte die kaiserliche Verwaltung mit Hilfe als balius der Kaiserherrschaft in Italien eingesetzt war - ein Um-
stand, der dem Generalvikar natiirlich nicht unbekarmt sein
' Wolf, S.73;vgl. S. 34.
" Wolf, S. 34, bemcrkt lediglich: Weiter (d. h. zu den
apulischen
Landereien] erhiilt Manfred den comitatus Ildebrandis
[sic], der die " Ficker, Forschungen IV, Nr. 416, S. 427 f., dazu U, S. 518f., 411
Orte . umfaCt." Zehn Flecken sind aufgczahlt auf Grund von BF.
BFW. 13779. Zum Problem selbst hat August Karst, Geschichte Man-
. .

441, einer Beleihungsurkunde Ottos IV. von 1210. >Xolf hat

es sich freds vom Tode Fnedrichs II. bis zu seiner K.ronung (1897) 3f., Anm. 4,
anscheinend gar nicht klargemacht, daC in E Manfred
zu den sud- allcs relevante Material zusammengestellt. Vgl. auch nachste An-
itahschen Liegenschaften noch einc toskanische
Grafschaft zugesprochcn merkunp.
wird, wie er freilich auch dem Lescr nicht klarzumachen
versucht, wo *^ \ gl. Fcdor Schneider, Toscanischc Studien \',
QFIAB. 13 (1910)
eigentlich diesc zusatzliche Grafschaft liegt, die
doch gar nicht zu den 1 ff., bcs. S. 2 Anm. 5.
kalabrischen Besitzungen paCt. Infolgedessen ist cr
mit allzu groBer *' Zur Frage der Gchcimhaltung" von Friedrichs
Tod in der Tos-
Sorglosigkeit uber die Tatsache hinweggegangen,
daC ihm hier zur kana vgl. die Kontroverst zwischcn Davidsohn und Schneider in
Geschichtc Toskanas einc einzigartige ..Quelle" zur
\'erfugung stand, QFIAB. 13, 245-254 und 255-272, bei der man im wesenthchen
nut der er sich zumindest hattc auscinandersetzcn
durfen. Schneider, der Fickers Argumcnte vertcidigt, wird folgen m iiaaen .

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 490 Ernst Kantorowicz [122/123] Zu den Rcchtsgrundiagcn der Kaisersagc 491
[121/122J

konnte**. Daf5 diese Nennung Manfreds als die Folge von Bestim- Lancia, der dort als Generalvikar fungierte. Nachdem dann (wohl
mungen anzusehen ist, wie
im Testament
sie spatestens
festge- W im Januar 1251) Galvano Lancia Toskana verlassen hatte, um sich
legt wurden, geht aus einemDokument vom27. Januar 1251 hervor, nach zu begcben, blieb als Reichsvikar der Maremma und
Sizilien
in dem sich die Gemeinde Grosscto denen von Siena unterwirft Aldobrandesca sein Sohn zuriick, der fiir uns erstmals am 8. Januar
zu Ehren" des Kaisers und Manfreds und gleichzeitig verspricht, 1251 nachweisbar und spaterhin mehrfach in Erscheinung tritt.
ist
Siena gegen alle zu unterstiitzen auBer contra imperatorem et domi- Sein Name war Manfred Lancia 24. DaB ein des Dictamens Beflis-
num Manfredum predictum Die
et filios ct beredes ipsius imperatoris^. sener den Reichsvikar in der Aldobrandesca mit dem Kaisersohn
Nen |nung der Sohne und Erben" deutet in diesem Falle doch vcrtauschte, ist nicht nur verzeihlich, sondern auch auBerst nahe-
wohl eindeutig auf das Testament hin, selbst wenn die Fikdon hegend. Auf diese Wcise ist wohl die toskanische Grafschaft in
immer noch autrechterhalten wurde, daB der Kaiser am Leben sei. das Testament E hineingeraten, wobei es freilich weniger ver-
Dementsprechend erfolgte also die Nennung Manfreds - nicht, gewesen ware, hatte wirklich der sterbende Kaiser seinen
zeihlich
weil er Graf der Aldobrandesca, sondern well er fiir Konrad IV. Sohn Manfred mit dessen Vetter Manfred III. Lancia verwechselt.
Reichsverweser in Italien war. Im ubrigen ist der Irrtum des Verfassers von E recht will-
Es ware nun durchaus moglich, daB der Verfasser von E die kommen, weil er immerhin einen ungefahren Anhalt fiir die
Kompetenzen Manfreds nicht erfaBt und darum nicht unter- Dauerung des Stuckes gibt - vermutlich 1251. Es ist wohl auch
schieden hat und daB er ihm aus diesem Grundc die Aldobrandesca anzunehmen, daB der Verfasser irgendwo im mittleren Italien
als Erbe zusprach. Der wahre Sachverhalt wird aber vermutlich beheimatet war, was moglicherweise eine andere Frage klaren
sehr viel einfacher und viel weniger staatsrechtlich" sein. In der konnte: daB namlich der in W
genannte Notar Nikolaus von
Aldobrandesca und Maremma waren seit Jahren die Verwandten Brindisi in E ersetzt wird durch den, zumindest in der Anconitaner
Manfreds, die Lancias, als kaiserliche Beamte tadg. Spatestens seit Mark bekannten, kaiserlichen Richter Nikolaus von Calvi**, ob-
1249 unterstand der Verwaltungsbezirk Manfreds Onkel Galvano wohl hier der Sachverhalt weniger ofFenkundig ist als im Falle

Im Gegensatz 2u Schneider, a. a. O. S. 261 Anm. 1, sehe ich keinen

=2
Manfreds und der ^Mdobrandesca.
Grund, warum dem Generalvikar die Einsetzung Manfreds zum baliiis DaB der Verfasser von E etwa im Interesse Manfreds gearbeitct
in Italia nicht auf Grund des Testaments bckannt sein konntc.
Manfred
hatte, scheint nicht wahrscheinlich. Im Gegenteil, Mehreres weist
selbst zidert es ja worthch am 15. Dczember in seinem Brief
an Palermo wohl eher darauf hin, daB er irgendwie mit kurialen Kreisen liiert
(s. o. Anm. 4). Im ubrigen mag naturlich fiir war, was der Charakter der Escorial-Sammlung ohnehin nahe-
den Eventualfall des Todes |

des Kaisers die "\>r\veserschaft Manfreds auch liingst zuvor und auBer- legen wiirde. So erhalt z. B. der Notar Nikolaus den eigentiimlichen
testamentarisch gercgelt worden sein. DaB die Geheimhaltung" des und sonst nicht belegbaren Titel sacri imperii et nunc dicti imperatoris
Todes im romischen Tuszien von Galvano Lancia, und nicht von Man- Frederici notarius, d. h. der Reichsnotar" wird hier zum Privat-
fred, ausgegangen sei, ist eine ansprechende Hypothese
von Karst, a. a. O. notar" des quondam imperaior, dem ja vom Papst das Reich abge-
"" Picker, Forschungen,
IV, Nr. 417 S. 428 f.; BFW. 13786. DaC die
Exccptionsklausel die S6hne und Erben" auch sonst einschlieCen kann,
sprochen ist 2*. Wenn in W
(6) der Kaiser 100000 Goldunzcn
furs Heilige Land aussetzt pro salute anime nostre, so wird in E diese
ist selbstverstandlich wahr. Der Zeitpunkt
und die Umstiinde, unter
denen Grosseto die Verpflichtung auf sich nahm, deuten aber doch darauf
hin, daC es sich hier nicht um potentielle, sondern um aktuelle Nach- ' ttber Manfred III. Lancia vgl. Schneider, a. a. O. S. Sff., 15ff.;
kommen und Erben" handelt. Schneider, a. a. O. S. lOf., hat ganz BFW. 13781.
gewiB recht, wenn daC schon
er sagt, am 27. Januar keincr mehr daran ^ Wolf, S. 15 Anm. 35a.
glaubte, daC der Kaiser noch lebe. Ebda. S. 15 und 49.

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492 Ernst Kantorowicz 1123J
[123/124/125] Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaiscrsage 493
Wendung unterdriickt. Andererseits, wenn in W der Kaiser be-
stimmt, daB der Kirche restituantur omnia iura sua, salvis in omni- Von der Arenga zum Rechtsinhalt leitet E uber, indera es den
bus . . . iure et honore imperii, so wird in E wiederum die Salvierungs- Kaiser die tiefsinnige Betrachtung anstellen laBt, der Tod sei nichts
klausel unterdriickt, dafiir aber gesagt, Friedrich babe bestimmt anderes als das Ende des Lebens, das man im Zeitlichen zu fuhren
|

reddere et restituere omnia iura omnesque rationes . . . que et quas possi- glaube"". Nach einer kleinen Vorlesung oder Belehrung dariiber,
demus iniuste, eine Verscharfung, die schon Scheffer-Boichorst daB nach der Norm des [romischen] Civilrechts Ihr, geliebteste
dazu fiihrte, das Stiick als Stilubung" zu bezeichnen^'. Und Sohne, in dieser Welt unsere eigene Person darstellt"**, entschlieBt

wenn schlieBlich, um
von kleineren Anderungen zu schweigen, sich der kaiserliche Patient, um nicht intestat" zu verscheidcn,
in W der Kaiser den Sohnen auferlegt, die testamentarischen nunmehr noch ein nunkupatives
Testament" zu verfassen. Hatte
Dispositionen zu beobachten so bcfiehlt in E der Kaiser ex der Kaiser dieses Nunkupativ-Testament nicht gemacht, so ware
( 19),
autoritate nobis a iure concessa (ein zumindest iiberfliissiger Zusatz, cr freilich immer noch nicht intestat verstorben, da er ja angeblich

da ja jeder Testator aus der Autoritat des Rechtes heraus seine acht Tage zuvor W ausgefertigt hatte
Das Ungliick ware auch *i.

Dispositionen trifft), daB das Testament sit lex a nostra magestate sonst nicht zu groB gewesen, da das Vorhandensein von Sohnen
autenticata; und wenn in W ;^//;Y'(?rj/j-y?^i?/;7'jbeiihremTreueid (sub irgendwelche Intestatserben ohnedies ausschloB*^. m^J Jer bei
Sacramento fidelitatis) befohlen wird, daB sie predicta omnia illibata Privatleuten gefahrlichste Intestatserbe, der Fiskus, kam in diesem
wird in E konsequenterweise der Satz iiber
teneant et observent, so Fall ja nicht in Betracht. Aus dieser Besorgnis heraus also brauchte
Untertanen und Treueid wiederum ausgelassen, dafiir aber das auch der Kaiser sich kaum veranlaBt gesehen zu haben, nun noch ein
gegen die Sohne gerichtete grobe Geschiitz einer dem Tyrannen" nuncupativum testamentum quod sine scriptis dicitur zu hinterlassen,
gemaBen Ponformel aufgefahren: ut contradictores huius rei ultimo wie es das romische Recht z. B. im Falle angeborener oder erwor-
supplicio tanquam nobis rehelles et proditores omnimodo iudicentur^^. Die bener Blindheit wie auch im Falle von Analphabetentum des
Tendenz der Cberarbeitung bedarf keiner weiteren Worte. Testators und sonstigem Unvermogen vorsieht, wobei der Testa-
Zeugen mit dem Notar als achtem anwesend sind,
tor, falls sieben

weder eigenhandig die Namen der Erben eintragt, wie das sonst
" Ebda. S. 6 17; Scheffer-Boichorst, S. 270. Zur Tendenz vgl.
seine Pflicht war, noch auch den eignen Namen eigenhandig unter-
auch oben Anm. 8 (Fortlassen der necessitas und Ersetzen der iustitia
durch peccatuni).
schreibt^^. Dies erklart dann wohl auch in E die Siebenzahl (in |

*' Ebda.
8 19, schon von Pcrtz als unecht angesehen und von
S. [Cod. hierzu Gaines Post, Traditio 4 [1946] 179fr.) form-
5, 59, 5, 2];

Scheffer-Boichorst, a. a. O. S. 270, angezweifeh. Fur die Tendenz siehe bildend und schlieBhch mafigebend auch fiir das offentliche Recht wer-
auch oben Anm. 8, letzte Zeile. Wolf, S. 21 f , schlieCt gerade aus der den konnten, ist eine im Spatmittelalter allenthalbcn zu beobachtende
Fortlassung der daC E ein Privattestament sei. Es sei hier
fideles etc., Erscheinung. Einen rechtlichen Unterschied zwischen W und E vermag
obiter bemerkt, daC die Unterscheidung zwischen Staats-
und Privat- ich nicht zu cntdecken.
testament hochst unglucklich ist. Ein Staatstestament gibt es im Grunde -" Wolf, S. 5 und dazu S. 23, wo das Wort [finis vite . . .] creditt trotz
gar nicht {respublica non babet haeredem, quia semper vivit in semetipsa, sagt
bcsserer Einsicht (S. 5, Anm. 3 b) als Imperativ aufgefaCt wird.
Baldus, Consilia, III, 159 n. 5 [Venedig, 1575],
45\ wie gewiB schon fol.
S. unten S. 504. " Wolf, S. 13 Anm. 27 und S. 19 f. \
vicle vor ihm), weil ja jedes Testament *^ Cod. nemo potest
privatrechtlich ist; und wenn 6, 14, 2 existente filio
: . . . intestato heres exislere; und
ein Herrscher (wie etwa Karl d. Gr.) sein Reich
untcr die Sohne auftcilt, dazu Glossa ordinaria, v. existere" : . . .per suum heredem quivis alius
so uberrascht uns eben die Tatsache, daC hier das Reich privatrechdich" excluditur.
behandclt wurde. DaB im ubrigen dem Privatrecht entnommene Maxi- ** Da Cod. Thcod. 2-5-7 nicht (oder nur fragmcntarisch durch
4, 4,
men (wie etwa das bckannte Quod omnes tangit, ab omnibus comprobetur Justinians Codex) bekannt waren, so kommt fiir das Nunkupativ-
testament im wesentlichen in Betracht Cod. 6, 22, 8 (ut carentes oculis sen

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 .

494 Ernst Kantorowicz [125] [125/126] Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 495

W sind hzw. 10 und der Notar) der /esUs rogaii - letzteres ein
es 9 Nach dem hier Ausgefiihrten wohl offenkundig, daB E
ist es
technischer Begriff (der Gegensatz sind die im StrafprozeB be- lediglich ein - vermullich von kurialer Seite - literarisch zuge-
foiilenen oder gezwungenen Zeugen), der in einer Fassung von stutztes Muster eines Kaisertestaments darstellt, das der Auswahl
W auch vorkommt, in E aber wieder pleonastiscli erweitert wird von Bcrard- und Thomas-Briefen worden ist. Uabei
vorangestellt
(ad hoc und aus dem keine weiteren Schliisse ge-
vocatis et rogatis), bleibt es in diesem Zusammenhang gleichgiiltig, ob man ein
zogen werden konnen^*. Das allcs i;-t lediglicli ein gewisses Sich- solches Stuck eine Stiliibung oder eine Verunechtung zu nennen
Brusten mit juristischen Kenntnissen auf seiten des Sdlisten, bar vor2ieht. Schliisse uber tatsiichliche Vorgiinge in den letzten Tagen
aller historisch-realen Grundlagen. des Kaisers lassen sich daraus nicht zie hen ; sie beruhen notwendig
|

auf einer falschen Voraussetzung, niimlich auf der der Echtheit des
morbo vel ita nati per nuncupationein suae condant moderamiiia voluntatis,
Testaments. Trotzdem lohnte angebliche Testament zu
es, dieses
praesentibus septem teslibus . . . tahulario etiam: . . . ut sine script is testeii-
denn als
veroffentlichen; Verunechtung hat es fiir gewisse An-
tiir), und Cod. 6, 23, 21, 1 und 4 (Q_uod si litteras testator ignoret vel
subscribere nequeat, octavo subscript ore pro eo adbibitn eadetri servari decernimus .
schauungen in den Jahren nach dem Tode des Kaisers naturlich
.

Per riuncupationem quoque, hoc est sine scriptura,

einen Quellenwert, und zwar einen gar nicht uninteressanten^*.
testamenta non
alias valere saricimus, ut supra dictum est ...). Wolf ist (vgl. S. 23, Anm. 11)
diesen rechtlichen Fragen aus dem Wege gcgangen, zumal
den iiber vermerkt. Dies ist eines der vielen Anzeichen dafiir,
daB der Stilist mit
F.influB dcs romischen Rcchts auf das Mittclalter im einzelnen auch den Verhiiltnissen im Suden nicht vertraut war, also wohl in Mittcl-
untcr den Faclilcuten noch mancherlci Unklarheit herrscht". Das ist italien zu suchen ist.
moglich; was uns jedoch angeht, ist allein, was sich die Juristen dcs Der
*^ einzige Anhaltspunkt zur Datierung von E scheint mir, wie
13. Jh.s fiir Ccdanken gemacht haben und wie sie z. B. das nunkupa- schon bemerkt, in der Erwahnung der Aldobrandesca als Dotation
tive Testament interpretierten. In dicser Bcziehung ist dcnn auch die Manfreds zu liegen, was bedeuten wiirde, daO die Obcrarbeitung wohl
Glossa ordinaria zu Cod. 6, 22, 8, v. pernuncupationem" ganz klar: ganz bald nach dem Tode des Kaisers, also im Jahre 1251, entstanden
per iestamentum nwuiipativiim sine solennitate, non tamen sine scriptura, ut inst. ist. Zur Entstehung selbst laBt sich nichts Genaueres sagen. Testament
t. . cecus [= Inst. II, 12, 4]. Sed qiiare dicitur hoc nimcupativum, cum tamen W ist wohl schon in den ersten Monaten des Jahres 1251 in Mittel- und
habeat tantam similitndinem cum scriplo? Resp. quia testator non signat, nee Oberitalien bekanntgeworden, wie vielleicht auch die Oberlieferung
subscribit, nee nomen beredis scribit, quod in eo /"sc. test, scripto] esset necesse. erkennen laBt (MG. Const. II, S. 382f.). Der allem Anschein nach kuria-
Ober Bedeutung und Entwicklungsgeschichte der nuncupatio in der
die len Krcisen nahestehende Vcrfasser von E hat dies Testament gekannt
klassischen und nachklassischen Jurisprudenz, auf die hier nicht naher und sich offenbar beeilt, es literarisch interessant"
zu machen, indem
cingcgangen werden soli, vgl. B. Kubler v. Tcstament (juristisch)", er es zurechtstutzte. DaC er W
kannte, ergibt sich unbezweifelbar aus
in Pauly-Wissowa RE., V A 1 (1934) Sp. 990, 993, 996. -
Aus der dem ersten Halbsatz der Arenga, den er fast wortlich ubernahm, wobei
Wcndung sine scriplis dicitur lasscn sich Schlusse auf sizilische Konzepte, er jedochden stilgerechten, die Anfangsworte verflechtenden, rhyth-
Beurkundungsvorgiinge u. a.
Vgl. etwa Dig. 22,
nicht Ziehen (s. oben Anm. 10). misch schweren Einsatz von W
Primi parentis incduta transgressio in
:

5, 11 Wolf, S. 9 und 13. Zu den Zeugennamen.

; einen Hexameter verwandelte: Adam primus parens sic posteris legem
soweit sie in E nicht mit denen von W
iibereinstimmcn, sei bemcrkt, indixit. Statt der kurzen uninteressanten Einleitung von W hat der Ver-
dafi Ro^ardus de la Cerr naturlich zu Acerra zu erganzen ist, vielleicht
. . .
fasser dann eine ,,interessante" Arenga fabriziert: in rhetorischc Fragen
Graf Roger von Acerra, der in einer Papsturkunde von 1255 als ver- eingekleidete Banalitaten iiber den Tod; eine zum Teil baren Unsinn
storben erwahnt wird (BFW. 8978). Intcrcssant ist der Zeuge arcbi- cnthaltende Verballhornung des Statthalterdiploms, desscn Eintlech-
episcopus Neapoli tonus msoicm, als der Stuhl
1250 nureinen Elckten hatte, tung jedoch den Eindruck erwecken sollte, echt friderizianisch" zu
Bcrard Caraccioli, der erst 1252 konsekriert wurde. Auch diese Tatsache klingen, wie cs ja auch nicht anders sein konnte, da es angeblich der
hat Wolf nicht siutzig gemacht, obwohl cr sie (S. 48; vgl. S. sterbende Kaiser selbst war, der ,,nunkupativ" die Worte wiihlte. Zur
13) selbst

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 :

496 Ernst Kantorowicz [126/127] [127/128] Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 497
Ein Passus des Testaments hilft uns zumindest, gewisse Grund- Isabellavon Jerusalem, die britannische Isabella Plantagenet, die
lagen der Kaisersage scharfer als bisher zu erfassen, vor allem den deutsche Konkubine Adelheid (Mutter Enzios) und die gallische
fiir die Entstehung der Kaisersage entscheidenden Sibyllenspruch
(d. i. lombardische) Bianca Lancia. Dann heiBt cs vom Kaiser selbst
Vivif et non vivit.
| Verborgenen Todes wird er die Augen schlieBen undfortleben;
tonen wird es unter den Volkern ,Er lebt und lebt nicht', denn eines
2. Vivit et non vivit
von den J ungen und von den Jungen der Jungen wird iiberleben"."
Eine spatere, verkurzte Form der Erythraa bezieht sich, wie mir
Ein der Erythraischen Sibylie zugeschriebenes Vaticinium, das
scheint, in diesem Teil eher auf das Konigreich Trinacria,
d. h,
bald nach dem Tode Friedrichs II. entstanden sein mag, fand ver-
die Insel Sizilien. Vorangeschickt wird hier, daB ein
haltnismiiBig rasch betrachtliche Verbreitung^. Soweit bekannt
Junges der
Jungen" von der gallischen Henne", also von Bianca Lancia,
findet sich in dieser Weissagung die friiheste Spur der Sage vom
iiberlebe. Dann kommt das Kcrnstiick : Sein Tod wird verbor-
fortlebenden Kaiser, die um
Motiv von des Kaisers Wieder-
das gen und unbekannt bleiben, und tonen wird es im Volke: ,Er lebt
kehr wie um weitere Sagenstoffe vermehrt und seit 1519 in steigen-
und lebt nicht'" ^8. -Ein pullus \pullorum wird zwar einleitend noch
dem MaBe auf Barbarossa iibertragen, schlieBlich im Zeitalter der gcnannt, aber der Spruch selbst, Vivit et non vivit, ist kausal nicht
Nachromantik eine Art politischer Verwirklichung fand, von der
mehr so deutlich mil dem Vorhandensein von Sohnen und Enkeln
das Kyffhauserdenkmal ein spates, wenn auch vielleicht nicht verkniipft wie in der fruheren Fassung. Die Weissagung wurde
gliickliches, Zeugnis ablegt. In der sozusagcn ursprunglichen"
von Fra Salimbene in seiner
spiiter Chronik mehrfach zitiert, und
Fassung des Sibyllinums wcrden nun die Adlerhennen" aufge-
in keinem Falle fehlt der entscheidende Satz Vivit et non vivit,
auf
zahlt, die dem Adler" - d. h. Friedrich II. - Adlerjunge"
beschert den auch andere Autoren deutlich anspielten. Es fallt dennoch
haben: die maurische Konstanze von Aragon, die orientalische
"
Holder-Egger, a. a. O. S. 166 fur die gallinae und S. 168 fiir den
weiteren Dramatisierung, und auch um die eignen juristischen
Kennt- Spruch Oculos eius morte claudet ahscondila supervivetque ; sonabit et inpopulis:
:
nisse ins Licht zu setzen, fugte der Verfasser dann
das Nunkupativ- Vivit, non vivit", uno ex pnHis pullisque pullorum
,, siiperstite.
Testament ReportagemalJig unintercssant war die Mehrzahl der
ein.
" Holder-Egger, NA. 30 (1905) 333 f Et dahitur
: ei quinta [Gallicana]
echten Bestimmungen ( 7-16 in W), wahrend die Apanagierung
der f.allina, que claudet octdos sues, imo tantiim ex pullis\pullisque ist m. A. nach
Sohne seit vielcn Jaliren ein Gegenstand allgemeinen Interesses
war ijbcrflussiger und eher fehlleitendcr Zusatz Holder-Eggcrs] pullorum
(s. unten Anm. 60). Die die Sohne betreffenden
Abschnitte hat er denn sHperstite; cuius mors erit ahscondila et incognita, sonabitque in
populo: Vivit"
auch im allgemeinen richtig reproduziert, wenn auch teils
..verschont", etNon vivit". Ich bin mit Rudolf M. Kloos, Ein Brief des Petrus de
teUs verkiirzt (wie die langweilige Aufzahlung
von apulischen Gutern),' Prece zum Tode Friedrichs II., unten S. Anm.
531, 20, gleichfalls der
teils mifiverstanden, teils aber auch
erweitcrt, indem er die im Testament Ansicht, daC die kurzere Fassung viel spatcr als 1254 zu daticren ist und
Nichtgenannten so bedachte, wie sich das aus der Situation
um 1251 zu wonioglich in die Zeit um
1270 und eher noch spater gehort. Zu beach-
ergeben schien. Obwohl nicht ohne kuriale Tendenz,
hat der Oberarbei- ten ist, z. B., daB das in populis der langercn Fassung verwandelt ist zu
terwohl doch keinen anderen Zweck verfolgt als den der
literarischen /// populo, was anscheincnd auf Trinacria zu beziehen
ware. Doch liegt
Reportage. Politische Absichten lagen ihm gewiC
ganz fern. es mir fern, das Sibyllinum neu ausdeuten zu woUen.
" Vgl. fur das Vaticinium O. Holder-Egger,
Italienischc Prophetien Salimbene de Adam, cd. Holder-Egger, MG. SS. 32, S. 174, 243,
'
des 13. Jh.s. NA. 15 (1890) 155fr., und fur
die Datierung in die crsten 347, 537 stcts in der Form //; populis, nicht in populo. Vgl. fur einen An-
Jahre nach dem Tode des Kaisers S. 149 f; ferner
F. Kampers, Die klang das Schreibcii des Petrus de Prece bei Kloos, unten S. 527, Anm. 5,
deutsche Kaiseridee in Prophetic und Sage
(1896) 84 ff. und passim, und der mit Recht auf die Sachsische Weltchronik verweist (MG. Dt. Chron.
Hampe (s. u. Anm. 42), S. 7.
2, S. 258 c. 399).

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 498 Ernst Kantorowicz 1128/129] Zu den Rcchtsgrundlagcn
[129) der Kaisersage 499
auf, daB Salimbene nur ein einziges Mai den vollcn Spruch er- soil uns hier nicht weiter angehen, wohingegen die Weissagung
wiihnt mit Nennung der ptilli, und auch da ist das Fortleben des Er lebt und lebt nicht" im Zusammenhang mit der Frage dyna-
Kaisers bereits abgclost von den Deszendentcn, die an den andcren stischer Sukzession doch von erhebhchem Intcresse ist.
Stellen schon gar nicht mehr erwahnt werden*". Um zuniichst bei den Sibyllen zu bleiben, so hat Karl Hampe
Seltsamerweise hat man verabsaumt, die schlagende
es bisher einen Brief oder eine Flugschrift der Leute von Tivoli veroffent-
Parallele zu diesem Spruch hcranzuziehen, die doch manches ver-
licht, in demden Tod des Kaisers beklagten (ca. Januar
diese
deutlicht. In dem Kapitel zum Lob gutgeratcner und gutcrzogener 1251)*2. Was
die Sibylle - doch wohl die Tiburtina - verheiBen
Kinder heiBt es bei Jesus Sirach (30, 4): Mortuus est pater . . . et habe, namlich, daB zu seiner Zeit die Schollen fruchtbar sein
quasi non est mortuus, similem enim reliquit post se. Das Sibyllinum wurden", das habe der Kaiser erfiillt, dessen messianisches Kaiser-
Vivit it non vivit wendet also nur ins Affirmative, was Jesus Sirach tum nunmehr der Sohn, Konrad IV., fortsetzen wiirde. Dabei
gleichsam negativ ausgedrijckt hat mortuus est et quasi non est mortuus.
:
bcdienten sich die Tiburtiner in ihrer Flugschrift des Vergleichs
Genauer gcsagt: der Vater stirbt zwar, ist jedoch nicht tot, weil mit der Sonne: Gleich der Sonne, wenn sie von der Himmels-
cr ja seinesgleichen hinter sich gclassen hat". Das Fortleben des achse in das westliche Meer sinkt, so hinterlaBt Friedrich im
Vaters ist verbiirgt im Sohne. Das ist nun offenbar genau das Westen eine Sonne als Sohn, deren Morgenrote im Osten schon
Gleiche, was der Sibyllenspruch - zumindest in der urspriing-
zu leuchten beginnt, wahrend noch die Sterne am Himmelsge-
lichen liingeren Fassung - zum Ausdruck bringen wollte: Vivit,
wolbe funkeln"." Auf das Mythologumenon braucht hier nicht
non vivit, uno ex pullis pullisque pullorum superstite. Schon in der
naher eingegangen zu werden, da es bekannt genug ist: der lugu-
zweiten, kiirzeren Fassung der Erythraischen Sibylle ist der Kau- bre TodHehos an jedem Abend, jedem Wintersolsticium, und
des
salsatz, oder kausale Ablativus absolutus, fortgelassen, der
wie sein Wiedererscheinen an jedem Morgen, jedem Jahresbeginn als
bei Jesus Sirach das Fortleben des Vaters begrundct durch das ein vyjTTio? avareXXajv**. Worauf es hier ankommt, ist die Identitat
Dberleben von - und datum in - Kindcrn. Statt dcssen wird viel-
leicht schon in der spateren Sibylle und ganz gewiB bei
Salimbene
272, bei der kaum
mehr herauskommt als ein quasi sibyllinisches
viel

das Fortleben gleichsam mystifizicrt: Sein Verheimlicht und doch nicht vcrheimlicht".
Tod wird verborgen
*^ K. Hampe, Eine friihe Verkniipfung der
und unbekannt bleiben", und darum wird es hciBen Er lebt und Weissagung vom End-
kaiser mit Friedrich 11. und Konrad IV. (SB. Heidelberg 1917, Nr. 6).
lebt nicht". Nicht so sehr wegcn des Fortlebens in den Kindern, *'^
Ebda. S. 18, auch S. 11. Hampe iibcrsetzte solem genitum mit
sondern wegender Verborgenheit des Todes lebt der Vater, der Kaiser,
,,Sonnensohn", was der Bedeutung nicht ganz gerecht wird, genau wie
geheimnisvoll weiter. Das ist natiirlich ein vollkommen andercr
solpuer nicht Sonncnknabc" ist, sondern die noch ,,knabenhafte Sonne".
und neuerGe|danke, der durch die hochst zweifelhaftc,
vielleicht Da Sonne im Deutschen weiblich ist, konnte man geneigt sein, sol
in jedem Fall nur regionale und ganz kurzfristige, genitus mit Tochter-Sonne" zu ubersetzen, was zwar den Sinn trafe,
sogenannte
Geheimhaltung" des Todes Friedriths II. durch Manfred irgend- wegen der Beziehung auf Konrad IV. jedoch nicht angangig ist. Ich
welchen Nahrungsstofl" erhalten hat. Dicse mystifizierte habe deswegen die Wendung mit ,, Sonne als Sohn" iibersetzt.
Version
'* Fur diesen Ausdruck
der Zauberpapyri vgl. Franz Boll, Griechi-
*" Nur 537 hat Salimbene die voile Fassung mit dem Nachsatz
S.
sche Kalcnder I (SB. Heidelberg 1910), S. 42, 35. Der Mythos von Helios, I
ubcr die pulli, die abcr kcine entscheidende RoUe
spielen. S. 174, 243, der taglich als Knabe scincn Lauf beginnt, war natiirlich ganz genau
347 hat der Spruch cine ganz andere Bedeutung, da von den
Nachkom- bekannt. Der mit Unrecht oder Recht dem Alexander Neckam (gcst.
men nicht mehr die Rede ist.
1217) zugcschriebenc sog. Mythographus III, c. 8, 4, ed. G. H. Bode,
" Zu der Gchcimhaltung des Todes vgl. oben Anm. 21 die Kontro- Scriptores rerum mythicarum latini tres (Cellc 1834) 201, Z. 30fF.,
verse zwischcn Davidson und Fedor Schneider in QFIAB. 13, S. 245 bis sagt [Solem
: =
Apollinem] imberbem pingunt, quod singulis diebus renascendo

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 Ernst Kantorowicz
[130/131] Zu den Rcchtsgrundlagen der Kaiscrsagc 501
500 [129/130]

zwischen Vater und Sohn oder, um im Bilde

zu bleiben, zwischen
vol! gewiirdigt worden**. Zu unterstreichen ware noch, dafj hier
- anders als bei Salimbene - nicht das Schwanken vorhan-
leiseste
der scheidenden und der aufgehendcn Sonne, die zwar wechselt,
den ist, wie denn die Sibylle zu interpretieren und das Forticben
abcr dennoch stets die gleiche Sonne bleibt. Die Identitat gewahr-
des Kaisers zu begrunden sei: vivit in pullis superstitihus. Es lohnt,
leistet dabei auch die Kondnuitat: wie der Vater so wird der Sohn
ein Friedefiirst sein, dem Manfred mit den iibrigen Briidern, I
sich dieser Tatsache zu erinnern. An anderer Stelle spricht Petrus
dc Prece davon, da(5 das himmlische Haus der Augusti ununter-
vom Vater weise und bestimmt bevollmiichtigt, die Pfadc der
brochen (perpetuo) in seinen Gestirnen leuchte*'", und daB iiber-
kaiserlichen Majestat bereitet." Kurz, das Bild des Jesus Siracii,
haupt dem illustrissimum germen ah augustorum sanguine longo
wonach der Vater zwar gestorben, jedoch nicht tot sei, weil er \

legittime derivatum^^ eine

besondere Mission innewohne, wie dies
similem reliquit post se, ist hier auf die Sonne iibertragen, die zwar
natiirlich langst beobachtet worden ist**. Dabei ist aber in
allabendlich dem Tode vcrfSllt, aber doch nie wirklich tot ist, weil
diesen Stiicken fast durchgangig das dynastische Element dem
sie sich allmorgendlich erneuert - aliusque et idem tiasceris, wie
personlichen Element, dem individuellen Throninhaber, uberge-
Horaz im Sakulargedicht den Sonnengott anredet.
(lOf.)
Wenig spater schrieb der Notar und spaterc Vizekanzler der
ordnet, am starksten vielleicht in Manfreds Romermanifest, das

jvingeren Staufer, Petrus de Prece, einem Ungenannten einen Brief,

gleichfalls Petrus de Prece zum Verfasser hut^. Hampe hat sehr
in dem er die Behauptung zuriickwies, es sei mit dem Tode Fried-
richtig bemerkt, daB in dem Brief der Tiburtiner personliche
Eigenschaften des Endkaisers" von Friedrich II. auf Konrad IV.
richs II. das Kaisertum der Staufer erloschen: wenn wirklich, wie
gesagt wiirde, der Adler der Friihe" verstorben sei, so Icbc er
iibertragen worden
obwohl doch der BegriiTselbst sich gegen
sind,
jede Pluralisierung sperren muBte". In dieser Hinsicht geht Petrus
doch weiter in vielen iiberlebenden Adlerjungen, die aus ihm
de Prece wohl noch einen Schritt weiter, wenn er Konradin als
hervorgegangen seien". Die Anlehnung an die Erythraische
Erneuerer cmtvfelix- etas und der aurea saecula verheiBt**, wie frei-
Sibylle ist deutlich genug und vom Herausgeber des Briefes auch
lich schon vor ihm Manfred die VC'iederkehr der aurea tempora unter
quasi imiior videatur, und interpretiert weiterhin den Beinamen Phoebus Konrad IV. erwartet hatte**. Es ist fast wie in spatromischer Zeit,
und zwar quod reiera sol in ortu sua
als novus, qtiotidie novus appareat. Ahnl ich

schon der Mythographus II (c. 19, ed. Bode, S. 81, Z. 8). Auf dem " Kloos, a. a. O. S. 170, Anm. 7.
Mythographus III fuBte dann Petrus Bcrchorius (Pierre Bersuire), der
*' Vgl. Eugen Miiller, Peter von Prezza, ein Pubhzist des Interreg-
Freund Petrarcas, der um 1340 schrieb und spater untcr dem Namcn
nums (Abh. Heidelberg 1913) S. 75, und den Text (ut tanquam coelestis
Thomas Walleys gedruckt worden (Metamorphosis Ovidiana, Paris
ist
Augustorum stellata syderibus perpetuo radiaret) bei Del Re, Cronisti e
1515-16, fol. VI'). Desscn Exegese wurde dann, wie jungst Sabine
scrittori (1868) II, 679, 23.
Kruger, DA. 12 (1956) 210f. gezeigt hat,
von Dietrich von Nicheim " Vgl. Kloos, Petrus de Prece und Konradin, QFIAB. 34 (1954) 97,
fUr seine Scholien zur Alexandersage benutzt. Zur Obcrlicferung vgl.
9.
H. 1-iebeschutz, Fulgentius
Metaphorahs (1926), bcs. 15ff., 41 ff.; " Vgl. Kantorowicz, Erg.-Bd., S. 222ff.
E. Panofsky, Hercules am Scheidewege (1930) 11 ff. und passim. Zum
* MG. Const. II, Nr. 424 S. 559 ff. Es sollte betont werden, daB Petrus
sterbcnden Helios vgl. besonders F.
J. Dolger, Sol Salutis* (Munster de Prece als der Hauptherold des staufischcn Dynastiekultes betrachtct
1925) 343 ff. und passim.
*'
werden muB, vielleicht neben Heinrich von Isernia.
Vgl. die Edition des Briefes von R. M. Kloos, der mir freund-
" Hampe, a. a. O., S. 14.
licherweise einen Schreibmaschinendurchschlag seines Aufsatzes uber-
Kloos, QFIAB. 34, S. 98, 10.
lieC DA13 (1657), S. 151-170; in unserm Band S. 525. Dort S. 169f.: '"^
BF. 4633, Capasso, Hist, diplom., S. 6 (an die Palcrmitaner) ; ///...
... de orientali videlicet aquila quant dicitis occidisse, que si pro cerio decessil
aurea iam rediisse tempora gratulentur.
ut fertur, vivit tamen in pullis multis superstitihus ex eodem.

n u u n
u u I t
502 Ernst Kantorowicz [131/132] Zu den Rechtsgrundlagcn
[132/133J der Kaisersage 503
alsvon jedem neuen Kaiser bei seinem Regierungsantritt gleich- anderen Zusammenhang - ein Gedanke, der in Manfreds Romcr-
sam automatisch der Beginn eines goldcnen Zcitalters proklamiert manifest dann brcit ausgesponnen ist". Die Idee der Fortdauer
wurde**. Was dort jedoch am
Kaiseramt hing, wird nach 1250 hingegen ist nicht wenigcr eindcutig dargelegt in Manfreds Brief
weitgehend mit der Dynastie verkniipft, die ja - wie das personi- an Konrad IV., in dem sich auch das Sonnenbiid der Tiburtiner
fizierte Amt selbst - ihre eigene Kontinuitat, ja Sempiternitat wiederfindet: Es sank die Sonne der Welt, die unter den Volkern
hattc. leuchtetc; es sank die Sonne der Gerechtigkeit; cs sank der Urhe-
Dieser Kontinuitat hat schon zu Lebzciten des Kaisers der Abt des Friedens"; den Volkern abet erwachse Hoffnung, ja vollige
lier

Nikolaus von Bari Ausdruck gegebcn*^. In seinem Enkomium GewiBheit und sicheres Vertrauen, denn mag auch jene Sonne
auf Friedrich II. verhieB er dcm Reiche der Kaisererben Dauer sich zum Untergang bcrcitet haben, so
doch durch den Ordo einer ist
biszum JiingstenGericht: die progenies werdc herrschcn bis zum gewissen Kontinuitat ihr erneutes Lcuchtcn in Each fsc. Konrad IV.]
Ende der Welt, weil mit dem Geschlecht am Tag seiner Bewah- gegcben, und so glaubt man nicht, daB der Vater abwesend sci,
rung das Fiirstentum ruhe" |
(Ps. 109,3) und in all seinen Vikarcn da man hofft, er lebe im Sohne^." Der Manfredbrief bringt im
Christus gegenwartig sei^. DaB fiir Nikolaus von Bari das impe- Grunde nur das, was sclion das echte Kaisertestament (W) aus-
|

riak semen gleichsam vom Himmcl kommt (de celo venit) und darum gesprochen hatte: der Kaiser sagte darin, er disponiere fiir seine
alien anderen Fiirstenhausern iiberlegen ist, gehort in einen Sohne, damit wir, wiewohl menschlichen Dingen entrafFt, den-
noch zu leben scheinen"".

^*A. Alfoldi, Der neue Wcltherrscher der IV. Ekloge Vergils, Her- *' Vgl. Kloos, S. 170 4 fur die Preisung der nobilitas generis, die sich
mes 65 (1930) 369-384, bcs. 375; auch Rom. Mitt. 50 (1935) 89 und von Kaisern und Konigen herlcitet: qui de celo venit [Joh. 3, 31], super
passim. Der Topos durchzieht noch die karolingische Hofdichtung omnes est, id est, qui de imperiali semine descendit, cunctis nohilor est. Derartiges
(Sedulius u. a.). kennen wir sonst eigendich nur zum Preis der franzosischen Dvnastie
" Kloos, Nikolaus von Bari, eine neue Quelle zur Entwicklung der (und auch da im Grunde erst seit dem Ende des 13. Jh.s), wobei
Kaiseridee unter Friedrich II., DA. 11 (1954) 166-190, vcroffentlichte naturlich die staufisch-romischen divi imperatores durch die sancti reges
erstmals die ganz ungewohnlich interessanten Stiicke, die, obwohl in Frankreichs ersetzt werden ; vgl. etwa (um von Dubois und allbekann-
vielem nur Bekanntes bcstiitigend, dennoch ein vollig neues Licht auf tem Material zu schweigen) Dom Jean Leclercq, Un sermon prononcc
den Kaiserkult" unter Friedrich II. wcrfen. pendant guerre de Flandre sous Philippe
la Ic Bel, Rev. du moyen age
=*
Vgl. das Enkomium auf Friedrich II., 11 (Kloos, S. 172f.).Aus- latin 1 (1945) 165-172, besonders S. 169 Z. 21 : /"die sancti reges Francie]
gehend von Genesis 49, 10 (Jakob seine Sohne um sich versammelnd) sanctitatem generant, cum generent sanctos reges. Zu vergleichen ist Vergil,
bezieht Nikolaus die Segnung des Juda auf Friedrich II: Es wird das Aeneis IX, Ml: dis genite et gcniture deos; auch Seneca, Consol. ad Marcum,
Szcpter nicht entwendet werdcn von der Hand des Herrn Friedrich noch XV, Caesares qui dis geniti deosque genituri dicuntur,
1 : und eine (naturlich
der Stab des Herrschers von seinen Lenden ,dnnec vtniat qui mitlendiis damals nicht bekannte) Inschrift:
. . .
diis geniti et deorum creatores (CIL. Ill,
est', id est Christus ad iudicitim, hoc est usque ad finem mundi, que progenies 710: Diocletian und Maximian). In der Kriegspredigt ist das Ersetzen
imperahit, quia ,secum est principium in die virtutis suae' [Ps. 109, 3], id est der dii durch sancti ganz offenkundig.
Christus in omnibus suis ricariis." Das dynastische Moment ist in den Lob- ^ BF. 4634, Huillard-Brdhollcs, Hist. dipl. VI, 811: ... ut licet
spruchen des Nikolaus iiberaus stark vertreten, und obwohl in ihnen occasum sol ille petierit, per cuiiudam tamen continuationis ordinem
die biblischen Bezuge dominiercn, so gibt es doch zahlreiche Vcrbin- relucescat in vohis . . . et sic pater abesse non creditur, dum vivere speratur in
dungslinien zu der Feier der Caesarea stirps, die wir von Petrus de Prece filio.
(etwa in Manfreds Romcrmanifest) her kennen. Zur Kontinuitat auch " MG. Const. II, S. 385 Z. 12f.: sic de imperio . . . [et filiis nostris]
oben Anm. 47. duximus disponendum, ut rebus humanis absumpti vivere vide am ur.

n u u
504 Ernst Kantorowicz [133] [133/134] Zu den Rcchtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 503

Es ist also nicht ganz von ungefiihr, daB in der Erythraischcn

einem der Defensa-Gts&tze des Liber atigustalis erortert worden *3
|

Sibylle der Gedanke des kaiserlichen Fortlcbens - Vivif et nan

und findet sich auch in einer Stiliibung der Briefsammlung des
vivit - erscheint und zunachst auch ganz richtig mit den Nach- Petrus de Vinea wiedcr sowie in den Statthalterdiplomcn Kon-
kommen, den puUi, verkniipft worden ist; das heiBt, es handclte
radsIV.**. Diese Statthalter sind (z. B. im Falle ^mios) persone
sich auch in dem Sibyllinum zuniichst urn nichts anderes als um nostre speculum^^, sie sind tamquam nostre ymaginarium visionis^ oder
das Fortleben der kaiserlichen Dynastic, um das Fortleben des auch quasi partes . . . corporis fnostrij'^''. Diese Idee der kaiserlichen
Kaisers in Sohn und Enkel, und nicht etwa um das ratselhafte Stellvertretung ist in dem Testament gleichsam von den Statthaltern
Fortleben der individuellen Person selbst, Friedrichs Die viel-
II.
auf die Erben iibertragen da der Kaiser personaliter nicht mehr in
:

fache Beschaftigung mit den Sohnen in Kundgebungen und Rela- der Welt sein kann, so wolle er durch einen Ersatzmann leuchten
tionen jeglicher Art mag dem Sibyllenautor derartiges nahegelegt und leben - per substitutum fulgere Die Obertragung dieser et vivere.
haben*"; und in diesen allgemeinen Rahmen gehort auch das in Idee schlieBt jedoch eine nicht unwesentliche Veranderung ein:
der Escorial-Handschrift iiberlieferte Testament E. die Statthalterdiplome und verwandte Zeugnisse implizieren eine
Dieses Testament ist fiir das tiefere Verstiindnis der ganzen
" Lib. aug. I, 17; vgl. dazu Kantorowicz, Invocatio nominis impcra-
Theorie des dynastischen Fortlebens um so wichtiger, als wir in
toris,BoUettino del Centro di Studi Filologici e Linguistic! Sicilian], 3
ihm eine deutliche Wendung ins Juristische wahrnehmen. Die
(1955) 35-50. Hinzuzufugen ware noch Vinea, Ep. II, 8, ein Manifest
Arenga, die sich zunachst rein rhetorisch in biblisch-philo-
an die Romer, wo es heiBt : licet nostra non sit uhiqiie corporalis praesentia,
sophischen und poetischen Betrachtungen iiber den Tod ergeht, nostrae tamen ad longinquos orbis terminos laxanlttr bahenae.
gleitetdann hiniiber in juristisches Gedankengut, um schlieBlich " Vinea III, 69. Fur Konrad IV., vgl. MG. Const. II, Nr. 344
zu den konkreten Erbschaftsbestimmungen zu gelangen. Der S. 452 Z. 2fr. Verum cum per individuitatem persone simul et semel ubique
:

sterbende Kaiser habe sich dabei direkt an seine Sohne gewandt: personaliter nostra serenitas adesse non possit, ut noscant subditi longas regibiis

Videntibus itaque nobis in mundo personaliter plus non posse consi- esse manus [Ovid, Ep. XVI, 166] Das mehrfache Zitieren der Ovid- . . .

stelle im Umkreis der sizilischen Staufcr ist auffallend; cf. Kloos, DA.
stere . . . per subs ti tutu m fulgere procuramus et vivere, cum iuxta
legum civilium normam, 11, S. 175 16, Nikolaus von Bari; ferncr Marinus de Caramanico,
fiir
o filii karissimi, nostram personam propriam
v. Ubique potentialiter" zu Liber Augustalis, I, 17ed.Cervone (Neapel,
presentetis in mundo. Scriptum est enim: Qui videt me, videt et
17), S. 41; auch Kantorowicz, a. a. O., S. 40, Anm. 21. An die stau-
s.
patrem meum" (Joh. 14, 9)".
fischen Vorlagen (ohnc die Ovidstelle) lehnte sich dann auch die Kanzlei
Es lohnt, diesen Paragraphen genau durchzuinterpretieren. Der
Karls von Anjou an; vgl. etwa R. Trifone, La legislazione angioina
leitende Gedanke des ersten Halbsatzes entspricht etwa dem Statt- (Neapel 1921) 77, Z. 18.
halterdiplom, zumal in der Fassung von 1240 fiir Pandulf von MG. Const. II, Nr. 217 S. 302 Z. 5.
Fasanella: der Kaiser, so heiBt es da, setzte einen Generalvikar ein Ebda. Nr. 422 S. 554 Z. 5. Zugrunde liegt hier, wie in zahlrcichen
''

quia presentialiter ubique adesse non possumus, ubi longe lateque poten- ahnlichen Fallen, etwa Cod. 7, 62, 16 (Cod. Theod. 11, 30, 11): Vikare
tialiter preminemus^"^. Der gleiche Gedanke war schon vorher in und Richter ,,qui imaginem principalis disceptationis accipiunt". Vgl. etwa
Lucas de Penna, zu Cod. 11, 40, 4, n. 1 (In Tres Libros; Lyon, 1582),
S. 446, zum Wortc imagines: Alias ponitur [imago] pro simulatione vel
Vgl. furPriedrich und
seine Sohne im Jahre 1247, Kantorowicz,
II. fictione , . . eo quod id quod agitur veritatis figuram repraesentat. Sic delegatus
Erg.-Bd., S. 302ff., die Nachrichten der Piacentincr Annalen und des dicitur imago delegantis. supra de appel. etiam (= Cod. 7, 62, 16).
Mainardin von Imola; vgl. ebda. S. 307 Anm. 26. " Petrus de Vinea. Ill, 69, ed. Huillard-Breholles, Hist, dipl., IV
" Wolf, a. a. O. S. 5f. S. 246. Zugrunde liegt hier Cod. 9, 8, 5 rubr. : nam et ipsi /"sc. senatores]
MG. Const. II, Nr. 223 S. 306 Z. 37f. pars corporis nostri sunt.

n u u 3
U L I I
 506 Rrnst Kantofowicz 134/135) Zu den Rechtsgrundlagcn
1
[135/136] der Kaiscrsagc 507
kaiserliche Uhiqiiitat, cine Allgegenwart des Kaisers im Raume; Substitution oder Subrogation das Mittel zur Sempiternisierung
Testament E jedoch, wie iibrigens auch das echtc Testament W, ist, haben die spatercn Juristen unzweideutig
ausgesprochen. Dig.
impliziert sozusagen eine kaiserliche Sempiternitat, eine immer- B., erortert eine perpetuelle Servitut zur
8, 2, 33, z.
Erhaltung einer
wahrende Gegcnwart des Kaisers in der Zeit**. ewigen Wand" (paries aeternus) an einem Gebaude. Dazu sagt
Hierbei ist nun der Wortlaut von E nicht ohne Bedeutung; denn korrigierend die Glosse zum Worte ,aetermis' : id est sempiterrms.
per suhstltutHm oder per suhrogatiim vivere ist juristischer terminus nam aeternum dicitur quod semper fuit et est: tit Deus. sempiterniis dicitur,
technicus. Dig. 5, 1, 76 behandelt die Frage, ob ein Gerichtshof, quod incepit et non desinet; tit anima et angelus et haec servitus, was
bei dem im Laufe des Verfahrens ein oder mehrere Richtcr aus- spiitcrhin Bartolus und Baldus
|
lapidar zuszmmtnMken: perpetuatio
geschiedcn und dutch andere ersetzt seicn (et alii fuerunt eis sub- per sticcessionem sive subrogationem'''^.
fit
stituti heifit es G
o s s a o r d i n a r i a des Accursius zu diesem
in der 1 Soviel vorerst zum Ausdruck
\

per substitutum vivere. Die Sub-

Gesetz), noch den gleichen Gerichtshof darstelle. Die Frage wird stitutionsidee jedoch von allem x\nfang aufs engste verquickt
ist
hejaht, denn: eine Legion, von deren Mannschaft viele gefallcn mit dem Erbrecht - und daher schlicBlich auch mit dem dynasti-
und durch andere ersetzt seien, bleibe stets die gleiche Legion; schen Thronfolgerecht. Inst. 3, 1,3 heiBt es: Et statim morte
ein Volk sei heute das gleiche, das es vor hundert Jahren war, parentis quasi continuatur dominium. Zu den Worten quasi conti-
obwohl keiner der damals Lebenden noch am Leben sei; ein nuattir" bemerkt dabei die Glosse: . . . pater et filius timm fictione
Schiff, dessen Planken nach und nach allesamt ersetzt seien, blcibc
iuris Diese juristische Fiktion einer Idcntitat
stint''^.
von Vater und
dennoch das gleiche Schiff; und eine Schafherde, so fiigt die Glosse Sohn, Erblasser und Erben, ist naturlich ein ganz allgemein ver-
hinzu, bleibe durch Substitution stets die gleiche Herde. In diesem breiteter Gedanke, zumal Cod. 6, 26, 11 (worauf sich auch die
Sinne bleibt daher der Gerichtshof immer der gleiche, auch tribus Glosse beruft) dafur die gcsicherte Grundlage bildet: Natura pater
vel duohus iudicibus mortuis et aliis subrogatis'^^. Diese Anschauung et filius unum fictione iuris stmt. Andcrerseits wird die continuatio
gait ganz allgemein fur alle Arten von Verbanden: in collegiis dominii durch Dig. 28, 2,
. . .
1 1 festgestellt, indem das Gesetz sagt,
semper idem corpus manet, qiiamvis omnes moriantur el alii
successive
locoipsorum substituantur, sagt etwa Bracton'". In all diescn Fallen
handelt es sich um das Fortleben Att forma oder species, wie cs denn
" Bartolus zu Dig. 8, 2, 33 (Ausgabe Lyon 1555) fol. 222; Baldus zur
gleichen Stelle (Venedig 1586) fol. 311. Vgl. ubrigens auch Bartolus zu
auch in Dig. 5, 1, 76 ausdriicklich erwahnt wird". DaB nun die Cod. 11, 9, 2, n. 1, fol. 37", v. aetermis" : improprie [princeps] dicitur
aeternus: tamen imperator respect u officii, quod non debet Ihihere
finem, potest
FUr die kaiserliche Ubiquitat vgl. meinen oben (Anm. 63) zitiertcn did sempitermis. Interessant ist, wegen seiner Stellungnahme zur aristo-
Aufsatz.
tclischen Lehrc von der Anfangs- und daher auch Endlosigkeit der
Glos. ord. zu Dig. 5, 1, 76, v. proponebatur" Ich zitierc die Accur-
. Welt, Angelus de Ubaldis zu Dig. 8, 2, 33, n. 2 und 4 (Venedig 1580)
sius-Glosse nach der 5b.^ndigen Ausgabe des Corpus fols. 185'-186. Auch er wendet sich zunachst gegen den MiBbrauch des
iuris civilis, Vencdig
*'
1584.
Wortcs aeternus und sagt Not a sub sole nihil possibile est aeternum, fit
:

" Bracton, De
Icgibus et consuetudinibus Angliae, fol.
374b,' ed. tantum aeternitas per successionem seu subrogationem ; mit der Glosse unter-
Woodbine, IV S. 175, ed. Travcrs Twiss (Rolls Series), V schcidet er dann zwischen aeternus und sempiternus, gibt zu, daC die
S. 448.
" Vgl. den SchluBsatz: qtiapropter cuius rei species eadem Seele und die Engel kein Endc haben, lehnt aber den Bcgriff fur eine
consisteret,
rem quoque eandem esse esislimari, wobci die Glosse v. w species'' er- Servitut ab, quia impossibile est aliquid esse sub sole sine fine, et idea mundiis
klarend sagt: id est forma, und der kaum spatere Odofredus bemerkt habebit finem secundum fidcm, licet princeps philosopborum fuerit in opinione
(zu Dig. 5, 1, 76 [Lyon 1550] fol. 209'): unde ex quo remanet idem genus contraria motus rationibus naturalibus.
vel eadem species, licet non sit eadem "
qualitas. tamen eandem rem iudkamus. Die Glosse zitiert dabei Cod. 6, 26, 11.

U/U U J
J
/
I I
508 Hrnst Kantorowicz [136/137]
[137/138] Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 509
die erbenden Sohne, selbst wcnn nicht ausdriicklich als Erbcn
laBt, daB sie gemaB der Norm dcs romischen Rechts" des Kai-
eingesetzt, galten schon zu Lebzeitcn des Vaters in gewissem
Herrcn" dcs vaterlichen Besitzes (efiam vivo pa/re
sers Person darstellten: er bezog sich offenbar auf Cod. 6, 26, 11
Sinne als die
Oder auf die Institutionenglosse quasi" oder ahnliche Stellen.
quodammodo domini txistimantur) SchlieBlich wurdc von den Juri-
.

Ebenso ist in diesem Sinne Manfreds Brief an Konrad IV. zu

sten gem die Glosse Qmmfilii" zu Dig. 50, 16, 220 herangezogen,
wo es heiBt, daB der Vater die eigene Natur im Sohne zu erhaltcn verstehen, wenn daB durch den Ordo einer gewissen
er sagt,

ut videat pater suam Kontinuitat" die vaterliche Sonne nunmehr in ihm, Konrad, von
trachte : qtiaelibet res conservationem sui desiderat,

Die gleiche Lehre einer quasi-Identitiit

ncuem leuchte, so daB man glaube, der Vater sei nicht abwesend,
naturam in filio conservari.
auch die Kanonistik. Decretum vielmehr hoffe man, er lebe im Sohne weiter; und im gleichen
von Vater und Sohn vertrat
Atem kommt Manfred dann auf das Erbrecht zu sprechen". Fer-
C. I q. 4 c 8 sagt mit Bezug auf Erzeugcr und Sohn: unus erat cum
ner, wenn Konrad IV. in einem Brief an den Justitiar von Abruzzo
i/lo''*. Aus dem Ausdruck rex iuvenis in C. XXIV q. Ic. 42 leitete
daB der Sohn (verfaBt von Petrus de Prece) von sich selbst sagt, daB nach dem
man die Lehre her (entsprechend Dig. 28, 2, 1 1),

Willen Gottcs iam genitor noster revixit in filio, so gehort auch das
schon zu Lebzeiten des Vaters Konig sei'*, wahrend die Glosse
8 herhalten muBte, um auf Grund von vielleicht noch zu dem Topos von der Einheit von Vater und
primatus" zu C. VII q. 1 c.

Deut. 21, 17 liber die Primogenitur abzuhandeln'*. DaB dabei die

Sohn**. Man
wird sich namlich in diesem Zusammenhang auch
an die, im wesentlichen aristotelischen, Zeugungs- und Verer-
Kanonisten weitgehend wiederum auf das romische Recht Bezug
bungslehren der Antike erinnern mussen, die in der Scholastik
nahmen, ist selbstverstandlich. Zenzelinus de Cassanis, z. B., alle-
wieder zu Ehrcn kamen; denn auch diese Lehren fiihrten zur
giert in der Glosse siiblimitatem eorum" zur Bulk Execrahilis aus-
driicklich die Glosse quasi continuatur" zu Inst. 3, 1, 3, wenn cr
Annahmc einer psychisch-physischen Idendtat" von Vater und
Sohn, und sie blieben daher seitens der Juristen keineswegs
sagt: [pater |
et filius] eadem persona fingatur esse''"'. All diese Stellen
unbeachtet*'.
wurden immer wieder herangezogen, und es versteht sich, dali |

davon auch die kaiserliche Kanzlei nicht unberiihrt blieb. In

Es bereitet nunmehr auch kcine Schwierigkeiten, das Bibelzitat
Johannes 14, 9, das der Verfasser des Testaments E unmittelbar
einem Briefe Friedrichs II. von 1233 z. B. findet sich ein Nieder-
schlag dieser Lehre, wenn darin gesagt wird, daB Vater und Sohn ' oben Anm. 58, und anschliefiend ff creditur tarn prttiosa beredilas
S. :

durch die Liebe, sicut innate beneficio gratie, una persona censetur''^. amisisse patrommi, dum eius confidit invenire dominium tarn suave, tarn placidum

Wir verstehen jetzt besser, was der Stilist des Testamcntes E im in Ijerede. Die quasi-Personifizicrung der Erbschaft war iiblich auf Grund
Sinne hatte, wenn er den sterbenden Kaiser die Sohne belehren der vielzitiertcn lex mortuo (Dig. 46, 1, 22: quia liereditas penonae vice
fungiti4r). Vgl. daruber Gierke, Genossenschaftsrecht III, S. 362 zur

'^ Friedberg, I, cinem Briefe Augustins ent-

Sp. 419f.; die Stelle ist
hereditas iacens, auch S. 203.

nommen. Fur die Glossa ordinaria benutze ich die 3bandigc Ausgabc BF. 4619; Winkclmann, Acta imperii inedita, I, Nr. 488, S. 408,
*"

Z. 29, herangezogen von KIoos, DA 13 (1957), S. 164 Anm. 60, nach

des Corpus luris Canonici, Turin 1588.
'* Friedberg, I, Sp. dem der Brief Diktat des Petrus de Prece ist.
983 f. Auf Dig. 28, 2, 11 beruft sich dann z. B.
" Vgl. daruber die umfassende Arbeit von Erna Lesky, Die Zeu-
Petrus de Ancharano, Consilia, LXXXII n. 2 (Vencdig 1574), fol. 40:
[beredes] etiam vivo patre
gungs- und Vererbungslehren der Antike und ihr Nachwirken (Abh.
quodammodo domini existimantur. Vgl. imtcn
Anm. d. Akad. d. Wiss. in Mainz, Geistcs- und Sozialwiss. KI., 1950, Nr. 19
86.
'* [1951]); und Zeugung der Organis-
fur die Scholastik A. Mitterer, Die
Cf. Friedberg, I, Sp. 569 zum Erstgcburtsrecht Esaus.
"' mcn, insbesondere des Menschcn, nach dem Weltbild des hi. Thomas
Extrav. Joann. XXII, tit. Ill, Friedberg, II, Sp. 1207.
' Bohmcr, Acta imperii
von Aquin und dem der Gegcnwart (Wien 1947); s. auch in Zs. f. kath.
selccta, Nr. 301, S. 265.
Theol. 57 (1933) 491-556. Vgl. unten Anm. 84.

/ / u u u
510 Ernst Kantorowicz 11381 [138/139] Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 511

tolgen liiBt, und zu bewcrten. Nach romischem

richtig einzureihen und Natur als ein und derselbe, und zwar nicht nur im Hinblick
Recht, so habe der Kaiser angeblich gesagt, stellten die Sohne des auf die allgemeine Gattungsnatur des Menschen, sondern auf die
Kaisers Person in der Welt dar: Es steht namlich geschrieben: partikulare Natur des Vaters: im Samen des Menschen sei, wie
,Wer mich sieht, sieht auch meinen Vater'." Hicr ist es nun zur Aristoteles und Thomas von Aquino dargelegt hatten, qiiaedam
Abwechslung die theologisch-dogmatische Wcsensglcichheit von vis impressiva, activa, derivata ab anima generantis et a siiis nmotis
Gottvater und Gott dem Sohn, durch welche die Identitiit von parentibus ^\tk\szm, et sic est identitas particularis naturae patris et

Vater und Sohn fictione iuris crhartet wird. Es ware jedoch cin Terre Rouge beriihrt dann die kanonistische Lehre, nach der
filii^*.

totales Verkenncn der Methode juristischen Argumentierens im in bezug auf das Amt Amtsvorganger und Amtsnachfolger als

Spatmittelaiter, wollte man annchmen, der Autor von E stiinde cine Person zu gelten haben*^, und erhartet dies dadurch, daB nach
mit dieser theologischen Oberhohung einer juristischen Fiktion den Anschauungen des Erbrechts der Sohn schon zu Lebzeiten
allein. An Beispielen fiir diese Methode besteht wahrlich l<cin des Vaters dominus cum patre rerum patris sei, so daB das von Vater
Mangel*^, und die genaue Parallele fiir den vorliegenden Fall bie- und Sohn gleichsam gemeinschaftlich iiberlagerte dominum auf den
tet sich in der Tat bei einem franzosischen Juristen, Jean dc Terre Erben ohne Unterbrechung iibergche**. Da nun Vater und Sohn
Rouge, der bald nach 1400 cinen Traktat iibcr das Throntolge- ihrer Natur nach gleich seien, so lassen sich auf dieses Verhaltnis

recht in Frankreich schrieb*^. auch die Worte der Schrift anwenden, etwa das Wort des Paulus
Den Anlal5 zu dem Traktat gab der seit 1381 offenkundige
Wahnsinn Karls VI. von brankrcich und die danach unter dem
Druck burgundischer Anspriiche resultierende Frage, ob der ** Tract. I, art. 2, Concl. 1 : quod pater et filius, licet distinguantur, suppo-

Dauphin rege vivente zur Thronfolge und Regierungsiibernahmc s'lto tameii imiim idem sunt specie et natura nedum commmii (quia uterque homo) ,

berechtigt sei. Jean de Terre Rcjuge untersucht eingehend die sed etiam in natura particulari patris. Probatur conclusio: nam secundum Pliilo-

sophum in semine Imminis est quaedam vis impressiva etc., ut bacc hahentur et
Griinde, die Nachfolgc des Sohnes, und zumal des Erst-
fiir die
notantur per sanctum TIjomam in I parte, quaest. ult. art. 1 [cf. Summa
geborenen sprechen, und kommt dabei zu einer ganzen Anzahl
.

Theol., 1, q. 119, art. 1, rcsp. 2; auch I, q. 118, art. 1, ad 3]. Die ein-
von Schliissen", deren einige hier erwahnt seicn. Vater und Sohn,
schlagigen AristotelesstcUen, obwohl besonders zahlreich in De genera-
obwohl man sie untcrscheide, gelten dennoch in bezug auf Art tiniie animalium, sind doch weit verstrcut; vgl. Harold Cherniss, Ari-
stotle's Criticism of Plato and the Academy (Baltimore 1944) 470f.
*- Vgl. Kantorowicz, Mysteries of State: An Absolutist Concept and *' Concl. 2 : quod sub ratione illius identitatis consuetudo transfer! regnum
its Late Mediaeval Origins, Harvard Theological Review 48 (1955) et regni successionem in primogenitum . . . sicut qiiando scribitur abhati vel alicui

65-91, insbes. S. 76ff. praelato velofficiario seculari vel ecclesiasticn, intellegitur script um esse sub ratione
*^ Johannes dc Terra Rubea, Dc iurc futuri successoris legitimi in praelaturae et officii, ut c. quoniam abbas, de offic. delegat. [c. 14 X 1, 29;
regiis hercditatibus, gcdruckt als Anhang zu Francisci Hotomani (Hot- I'riedberg, II, 162; s. unten Anm. 90]. [iliatio enim nihil aliiid est, quam
man), Consilia (Arras 1586) 27-62. Einc gute Analyse des Traktats gibt ilia identitas particularis naturae praesens penetrans in filium, ut I. liberorum,
Andri Lemaire, Les lois fondanicntales dc la monarchic frangaise de verb, signij. cum gloss. [Dig. 50, 16, 220, v. Quam filii'\- vgl. obcn
d'apres les thcoriciens dc i'ancien regime (1907) 54ff. ; vgl. auch John S. 508].
* idem cum patre vivente
Milton Potter, The Development and Significance of the Salic Law of Concl. 4: quod quia filius est . . ., ipse est (secun-

the French, EHR. 52 (1937) 235-253; William Farr Church, Consti- dum philosophum) aliquid patris . . . Concl. 5: quod filius vivente patre est
tutionalThought in Sixteenth-Century France (Cambridge, Mass., 1941), qundammodo dominus rerum patris cum eo: ita quod post mortem patris novam
28 f In Betracht kommen hier im wcsentlichen die Konklusioncn von hereditatem acquirere non censetur, sed magis dominium (quod babebat) cnn-
Tnut. 1, art. 2, S. 35ff. tiuuare et ptenam administrationem consequi . . .

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512 Ernst Kantorowicz [139/140] [140/141] Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 513

(Romer 8, 17): Si films ergo heres; oder das Wort dcs Johannes- der ja auch durch Abdankung oder, wie im Falle
Karls VI., durch
Evangeliums Omnia quaecwique hahet Pater, mea sunt; oder
(16, 15): Regierungsunfiihigkeit eintreten konnte. Gerson
projiziert also
das Wort des Vaters im Gleichnis vom Verlorenen Sohn (Lukas die ganze Lchre deeper substitutum
vivere gleichzeitig auf den physi-
15, 31): Fili, tu semper mecum es, et omnia mea ttia sunt, wozu der schen Konig und auf die Konigs wiirde,
die Dignitas, die ]2^per
Autor hinzufiigt: scilicet per identitatem paternae naturae*"^. Es sei substitutum ihre eigene Kontinuitat und
Sempiternitat hat gleich-
hier nicht weiter auf diese ins Dynastische getragenen christo- sam bis ans Ende der Tage". Auf diesen zivilen
Tod des Konigs,
logischen und biblischcn Bewcisc eingcgangen; denn das Gesagte Oder vielmehr auf sein ziviles Leben und Fortleben
kommt Gerson
gcniigt vollstandig, um zu erkennen, in welchen gedanklichen nochmals zuruck. Er fiihrt namlich aus
Rahmen der Passus des Testaments E gehort: die Sohne stellen De secunda Regis vita verba faciemiis, civili videlicet et politica, que
des Kaisers eigene Person in der Welt dar, denn es steht geschrie- status regalis dicitur aut dignitas. Estque
eo melior sola vita corporal], quo
ben^/// videt me, videt et Patrem meum. Der Sachverhalt ist durch den ipsa est diuturnior per legitimam successionem ....

franzosischen Juristen der spateren Zeit wohl |

vollig geklart, und Das zivile oder politische Leben ist also gleichbedeutend mit
das einzig Oberraschende ist die Tatsache, daB diese Anschau- dem status regalis, der pcrsonifizierten Dignitas
oder dem Amt;
ungen schon um 1250 voll entwickelt warcn. und dieses zivile oder politische Leben" der Dignitas steht uni
Ein spater Autor mag uns noch in anderer Beziehung zu Hilfe so hoher, durch legitime Sukzession langerwahrend ist als
als es

kommen, Johannes Gerson, der in seinem reichhaltigen Traktat das bloB ieibliche Leben.
|

Yivat Rex auf die Identitiit von Vater und Sohn zu sprechen In den wenigen hier angefiihrten Satzcn des
Johannes Gerson
kommt und dabei gleichzeitig andeutet, daB auch noch in anderer ist im wesentlichen der gleiche Problemkreis umrissen, der den
Beziehung der Vater im Sohne Gerson nennt den Dau-
fortlebe. bisherigen Ausfiihrungen zugrunde lag und der auch
in dem an-
phin den ersten und wahren Erben des Konigs" und schlieBt geblichen Testament des Kaisers (E) angedeutet ist. Denn wenn
dann folgende Betrachtung an der Kaiser durch das Testament Anstaltcn trifft, durch einen
Est enim [Delplmus] tanquam una cum rege persona, secundum Sa- substitutus zu leuchten und zu leben", und sich zu
diesem Zweck
pientis dictum Ecclesiastici XXX; Mortuus est pater et quasi non est an die Sohne wendet, die juristisch seine eigene Person darstellen,
mortuus, reliquit enim similem filium post se." Pater post naturalem, so ist damit doch Ahnliches ausgesagt wie von Gerson. Es sind
nut civilem, mortem in filii sui adhuc vivit persona^. die gleichen Voraussetzungen, von denen beide ausgehen, was
Hier wird das dem Sibyllenspruch Er lebt und lebt nicht" so naturlich auch fiir Terre Rouge noch zutrifft. Wahrend uns nun
nahe verwandte Wort des Jesus Sirach Er ist tot und ist gleich- Gersons Zitat aus Jesus Sirach wieder zu dem Sibyllenspruch
sam nicht tot" ausdriicklich auf die Identitat von Vater und Sohn, zuriickfuhren konnte, drangt seine Theorie von einer secunda
Konig und Thronfolger angewandt. Gerson fugt jedoch hinzu, Regis vita, die sich in der Dignitas manifestiere, in eine andere
daB der Vater nach seinem naturlichen oder zivilen Tod" in der Richtung, der hier noch nachzugehen ist.

Person seines Sohnes noch fortlebt. Mit andercn Worten, er Die Lehre von der Identitat von Vater und Sohn, oder Konig
unterscheidet de facto zwei verschicdene Tode des Vaters: den und Thronfolger, ebenso wie die Idee des Fortlebens in einem
natiirlichen Tod dcs Fleisches und den juristischen Tod als Konig,
* Opp. I\', S. 592. Der Gedanke, daB der Konig zwei
Ibid. II prol. ;

' Concl. 3 enthalt alle diese Bibclstellen. Leben" - oder noch mehr - habe, ist gleich in der einleitenden Akkla-
*' Gerson, Vivat Rex, I, consid. iv, in: Opera omnia, ed. EUics du mation ausgesprochen : V^ivat [rex] corporaliter, vivat polilice et civiliter,
Pin (Antwerpen 1706), IV, S. 591. Die Rede wurde 1405 gchalten. vivat spiritiialiter et indtsinenler . . .

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514 Ernst Kantorowicz [141] [141/142] Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage 515

substitutus, wurzell niimlich zu allem anderen auch in einem Bereich, alterer Praxis ent|sprochen haben; aber
Papst Alexander IIL erst
in Jurisprudenz und Mythologie zusammenstofien, wodurch
dem hat die bestehende Praxis rationalisiert
und damit ein juristisches
w'iederum die juristischen Argumente in gewisscm Sinnc dem Prmzip formuliert, dessen Bedeutung die
Rechtslehrer der nach-
Sibyillinum naherriicken. Dies geschieht anscheinend erstmals in folgenden Zeit unschwer begriffen. Technisch
unterschied man
der Glosse zum Worte von Bernhard
substitutum" , die sich in der fortan klar zwischen Person und Amt,
zwischcn einer dekgatio
von Parma um 1241 (oder 1245) verfaBten Glossa ordinaria facta persanae und
einer dekgatio facta dignitati, die erstere
zeitlich
zu den Dekretalen Gregors IX. Bernhard glossierte die
findet. beschrankt durch (bestenfalls) die Lebensdaucr
des Bestallten,
Dekretale i5//oww abbas (c. 14 X 1, 29) Papst Alexanders III., in die letztere zeitlich unbegrenzt, weil am
Amt haftend*'. 1215 Um
der der Papst das Verfahren des Abtes von Leicester billigte, nach hat dann Damasus in einer Glosse zu Quoniam
abbas das entschei-
dem Tode des Abtes von Winchester zusammen mit dessen neu- dende Wort gepriigt: Dignitas nmquam peril, indJvidua vero quotidk
gewahltem Amtsnachfolger (abbatem Vincestriae de novo substi- pereunt^^.Als hernach die Dekretale in die offizielle Sammlung
tutum) als iudex delegatus zu fungieren. Zur Begrundung fiihrte Papst Gregors IX. einging (1232), erhielt sie die den
Inhalt wieder-
der Papst an, daB die urspriingliche Bestallung nur unter Nennung gebende Aufschrift: Eine Delegation, die einer Wurde
[d. h.
des Ortsnamens (Abt von Winchester) und nicht mit Nennung einem Wiirdentrager] ohne Nennung des Eigennamens
gemacht
des Personcnnamens erfolgt sei und sich daher ohne weiteres auch ist, geht auf den Nachfolger uber3."
Etwa zehn Jahre sparer gibt
auf jeden Nachfolger im Amt beziehe*". Dieses Verfahren mag dann auch die Glossa ordinaria des Bernhard von Parma den
Grund fur die nun langst iibliche Praxis an: Vorganger und Nach-
"" c 14 X 1, 29; Friedbcrg, II, Sp. 162: quia sub exprtssis mminihits folger in einer Wiirde seien als eine Person zu verstehen
(pro una
locorum personarum commissio literarum a nobis emanavit
et tion Auf die . . .
persona intelliguntur), denn die Wurde stirbt nicht",
Dignitas non
Tatsache, daB die Bestallung ihrerseits entweder von der individuellcn moritur^. Die Fiktion der Idendtat von Amtsvorganger
Amtes vorgenommen
und
piipstlichen Person oder vom Papste kraft seines
werden konnte, sei hier nicht eingegangen, zumal der gewiihlte Papst- 1586] fol. 2'), die papstliche Namensanderung als ejfectus rei vel alicuius
namen (z. B. im Gcgcnsatz zu Rolandus Bandinelli)
Alexander III. officii designativum aufzufassen.
Die englischen Kronjuristen folgerten
scinerseits als unpersonlichc Dienstbezeichnung aufgcfaBt werden schon aus dem Gebrauch des Pluralis maiestatis, daB eine Handlung des
konnte. Vgl. etwa zum Liber Sextus, Prooem., die Glossa ordinaria, Konigs amtlich und nicht privat sei; vgl. etwa Piowdcn, Reports (s. u.
V. Bonifacius'\ ubcr die papstliche Namensiinderung: Respondetur hoc Anm. 100), S. 175 b, wo der Vorsitzende Richter Brook zu diesem
fieri, ut osttndatur ad ptrmutationem nowiriis, factani mutationem bominis: Zweck Magna Cbarta von 1215 c. 17 anfuhrt sequantur curiam nostram.
:

cum enim priiis esse! purus homo, nunc vicem veri Dei gerit in terris. Vgl. auch ' De ordine iudiciario.c. 42, ed. Agathon Wunderlich, Anecdota
Baldus zum Liber Extra, Prooem., rubr., n. 5f (In Decretalium volumcn quae processum civilem spectant (Gottingen 1841), 84; cf. Gierke,
commentaria [Venedig 1580] fol. 3): Non ergo is/ud nomen, Gregorius, Genossenschaftsrecht III, S. 271 Anm. 73. Der Traktat war fruher dem
est nomen primae impositionis, sed sec/indae. Propter dignitatem apostolatus fit Damasus zugeschrieben, doch anscheinend zu Unrecht; cf. Stephan
noia creatura, et nomen proprium tacetur tanquam minus escellens, et nomen Kuttner, Repertorium der Kanonistik (Studi e Testi 71, 1937) 428,
secundae invent ionis, id est pontificate, debet exprimi. Et idea si scribe tur Papae Anm. 3.
sub nomine propria batismali, posset ratione dicere: Istae literae non dirigiintiir " Gierke, III, S. 271, Anm. auch
daB schon Gotfricd
73, der zcigt,
mibi", vel quia videtur in contemptum. Baldus kommt dann darauf zu von Trani (schrieb ca. 1232, starb 1245) das Prinzip auf das Kaisertum
sprechen, daB, im Gegensatz zum Papst, der Kaiser seinen Namen nicht ubertrug. Die Definition des Damasus ging dann worthch ein in die
andcre; das gelte auch fur Justinian, der trotz seiner dignitas alta dcn- Glos. ord. zu c. 14 X 1, 29, v. substitutum"
noch nomen proprium idem perseverat, licet coruscatione dignitatis polleat. An ' Fricdberg II, Sp. 162.
anderer Stellc zogert Baldus (zu Dig., Prooem., rubr., n. 30 [Venedig, " Glos. ord. zu c. 14 X 1, 29, v. substitutum"

n u u
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 [143/144J Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen der Kaisersage
516 Ernst Kantorowicz [142/143] 517
geniigend bekannt, daB diese Formel sich
Amtsnachfolger war in den gleichen |
Jahren auch von Papst in direkter Filiation vom
12. Jahrhundert, genauer: von Papst
Innocenz IV. in seinem Dckretalenapparat tormulicrt worden", Alexanders Dekretale Ouo-
ntam abbas, herleitet. Was hier jedoch
und das Schlagwort Dignitas non moritur umschrieb die hinfort allein unser InteTesse
beansprucht, ist die Glosse suhstitutum"
herrschende Lehre. Bernhards von Parma
zu dieser Dekretale. Dem Einwand, daB
Lns gehen hier nicht die zahlreichen Varianten und Anwen- die Bezeichnung \bt
dieses Oder jenes Ortes" in Wirklichkeit
dungen des Themas an: daB die Kirche immerwahrend ist, quia \ nur ,.an Stelle des Eigen-
namens" stehe, begegnete der Glossator damit,
Christus non moritur*^; daB die regia di^itas nunquam moritur, auch daB er sagte, Abt
von Wmchester" nicht proprium nomen, sed singulare '."
sei
wenn der individuelle Konig stirbt"; daB der Princeps nur Gott et
appelkttvum similiter, sei also einzigartig",
vcrpflichtet sei tt dignitati suae quae perpetua ist**; oder daB die oder eine Person aus-
sondcrnd, und zugleich appellativ. Das
regia maiestas nunquam moritur** - Variationen des gleichen Themas, Seltsame aber ist, daB
Bernhard hintcr singulare einen Vcrgleich
die schlieBlich in England um die Mitte, in Frankreich gegen einschiebt, ut Phoenix;
das heiBt: Abt von Winchester" sei
Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts einmiinden in die beriihrme Formel, ein Einzelnes, ein Einzel-
wesen wie der Vogel Phonix^oi".
die den westlichen Monarchien zum Eckstein dynastischer Dog-
matik wird: Le roi ne meurt jamais'^'^. Es ist freilich langst nicht
\'ielleicht mag dieser Vergleich der unsterblichen Dignitas
und
ihrer vielfachen Inkarnationen mit dem Vogel Phonix uns Heud-
gen abstrus erscheinen, auch wenn wir uns daran
*''
Gierke, III, S. 272, Anm. 77, fiir die Personcnidentitat von Amts- erinnern, daB
dieser Marchenvogel ein in jeder Beziehung
vorganger und -nachfolger, die konsequenterwcise ineinsgesetzt wird auBergewohnliches
mit der von Erblasser und Erbc; vgl. ctwa Johannes Andreae in seiner
Glos. ord. zum Lihtr Sextus ( De regulis iuris, c. 46 ; Friedberg, II, S. 1 123),
Jahrc 1554-55, wo die Richter uber Akte argumentieren, bei denen der
Konigstitel zum Namen des Konigs hinzugefugt war:
V. // qm in ius": . . . quia haeris censitur eadem persona cum defwulo, And King is the
name of continuance, which shall always endure as the head and the governor
successor cum praedtcessore. of the
**
people, as the l^w presumes . and in this the King never
dies." Im Ver-
Johannes Andreae, Novella in Decretales Grtgorii IX. (Vcnedig . .

laufe desArguments erklartc dann ciner der Richter, indcm cr die

1612), 2u c. 4 X 2, 12, n. 5; vgl. Pierre Gillet, La personnaliti juridique
Essenz von Quoni am abbas wicdergibt, that the Dignity
en droit eccl6siastiquc (Mccheln, 1927), 178. .\ls Dignitas ist natiirlich always con-
auch der Heilige Stuhl unsterblich, ebenso das Imperium etc. Von zahl-
tinues . . . And then when ...the relation is to him as King, he as King
never dies, although bis natural Body dies; but the King in which name it has
losen friiheren Stcllen abgesehen, vgl. etwa, wegen der scharf betonten
relation to him, does ever continue From whence we may
Dauer durch Sukzcssion, Albericus de Rosate, zu Dig. 5, 1, 76, n. 1
. . . see that where a
tbingis referred to a particular kingby the name of King, in
(N'cnedig 1584) fol. 304'': Sedes apostolica non moritur, sed semper dural that case it may
in persona tuccessoris
extend to bis heirs and successors
Frankreich vgl. Jean . .
." Fiir
. . . et dignitas imperialis semper durat . . . et idem in
Bodin, Lcs de la ripublique, I, c. 8 (Paris 1583 [Erstausgabe
six livrcs
qualihet dignitate, quia perpetuatur in persona successorum . . .

"'
So z. B. Mattheus de Afflicitis, in seiner Glossc zu Liber aug. 11, 1576]) S. 160: Car il est certain que le Roy ne meurt jamais, comme r on
dit was wohl doch zeigt, daC dieses Wort schon vorhcr verbreitct
."
35, n. 23 (In utriusque Siciliae Ncapolisque sanctiones et constitutiones
. .

war, also wohl in England und Frankreich annahcrnd glcichzeitig auf-

[Vencdig 1562], II, fol. 77j.
kam.
* Baldus, zu c. 33 X 2, 24, n. 5 (In Dccretalium volumcn commen-
'" Die Glossc zu c. 14 X 29 ist zu lang, um hier ganz
taria [Vcnedig 1580] fol. 261'^): Vnde imperator . . . non obligatur bomini. 1, ziticrt zu
sed Deo et dignitati suae, quae p>erpetua
werden der cinschlagige Absatz
; lautet : Sed videtur quod idem sit, etsi non
est.
exprimatur proprium nomen; quia hoc nomen abbas
Baldus, zu c. 7 X 1, 2, n. 78 (In Dccretalium etc., fol. 18).
talis loci, loco proprii
Hominis est Sed non est proprium nomen, sed singulare, ut phoenix, et
^^ England vgl. etwa Edmund Plowdcn, Commenuries or
Fiir . . .

Reports (London 1816) S. 177f. fur einen Fall (Hill v. Grange) vom appellativum similiter . . .

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518 Ernst Kantofovic? 1144/145] 1145/146] Zu den Rechtsgrundkgen der Kaiscrsapc 519
Geschopf war. Denn jedem gegebenen Augenbiick gab es in
in 1st ein hc.chst dnziger und e; ,r
der "^elt ja nur einen einzigen Phcinix, der nach einer Lebensdaue:
Vo^rcl, in welchem
die ganzc Spezies im Individuur .
:,n uird^"*." Fiir Baldm
von 500 oder mehr jahren von der Sonne sein Nest in Flammen alsowar der Phonix cincr der seltenen
Fille, in wdchcn das Einzel-
setzenlielJ, selbst die Glut mit den Schwingen anfachte, und schiicB- wescn gleichzeinp die ganze Gattung
darsteUtc, so daB hier nun
iich im Feuer den Tod fand, wahrend von den gliihenden Aschen wirkhch einmal Gatrung und Indi.-iduum
- auF einer Raupe oder Puppe auskriechend - sich der ncue Phonii; zusammenfielen und
die Gcsamt-Potentialitaten der
Phomxtrarrune im Ph6nmndi^^-
erhob^"*.Die volkskundlichen Ziigc des Phonix-Mrthos, wider- duum voile Akrualitat ^-urden. Die Gatrung
war natiirHch un-
BpruchsvoU in zahllosen Einzelheiten, sind hier von geringerer stcrblich Odersempitem, das Individuum ^
-
Bedeutung. In heidnischer vie in christlicher Kunst und Literatur
sterblich. Der
sagenhafte Xo^d. veri=ugte dcmnach iiber
war der Phonis ein Sinnbild der Lnsterblichkeit, der Zeifjri-
t ..^le Z^icnatur

erwar sowohl Phonix wie die gcsamte

Phonixhcit", war Indi-
erneuerung und des Aion. Er dientc daher - von der jungfriiij-
|
viduum und Gattung, war zugleich singulir
und kollektiv, da die
lichkeit seiner Zeugung noch ganz abgeseben - auch als ein Sinn- ganzc Speaes Ph6nix'- sich in nie mehr
als eincm einzigen Exem-
bild der Auferstehung Christi und der Christen iiberhaupt, abtr plar reprodurierte - Eigenschaften
also, ie der Vogel Phonix
auch als Sinnbild der evigen Erneuerung und Dauer romische: emerscits mit den Engeln gemein hatte,
andererseits abcr mit der
Kaisermacht "^. Diese Art der Symbolik interessierte jedoch die Di^itas geistlicher oder welthcher Fiirsten,
der ja wiederum ein
mitteiaiterlichen Juristen nur poripher, obwohl Johannes .\ndreat character angelicMs eigentiimhch warit*.
in seiner Glosse zu Qunniam ahbas auch die folklorisrischer; Zujrt
j

Mit dem Vogel Phonix war nun juristisch die

Dienitas insofcrn
des Phbnixmnhos behandelte^"^. 'Worauf die Juristen mit aer:. vergleichbar, als auch bd der Abts-,
Bischofs-, Konigs- oder
Phonix-Gleichnis "hinauswollten, zeigt am besten eine Glosse dei- sonsGgen ^STiirde in jedem Augenbiick nur
dn Einziger der
BalduF ?M der Dekretale .Alexanders III. Baldus zog namlicb aus Reprasentant der korporadv crfaBten ..Gattung" - d. h. der langen
Bemhard von Parmas Vergleicb der Digniias mit dem Vogel Pho- Rdhe von Am: -em und -\mtsnachfolgern - war. Die
nix einen philosophisch einwandfrei richtigen SchluB , J>er Phonix Idee des Per
: su:: . .: r:i,ere war beidem Phbnix ebenso voL-
" Ofacr den Phbnix vpl. Jean Hubaux und Maxime
LcroT, Le mT,tht
koinmen ausgepragt wie die der Idcnritat im Wechsd der Glie-
du Phenix (Bibl. de la fac. de philos. et iettres dc runivcrsitt dc Liepc dcr"i^; und wenn es jc dne gldchsam
notorische Identitat oder
1939) fcmer E. Rapisarda,
: L'Ave Fcnicc di L. Cecilio Firmiano Lattan-
zio (Raccolta die studi di letteratura cristiana antica 4, 1946) Fesm- ; A.-l. ^'"'
Baldus, zu 14 X
29, Q. 3 (In Decretaliuin etc. foL 107):
c. 1, En
giert, ir Monuments Piot, 3B (1941j 147ff. aucli Carl-Martin Edsman.
;
autem avis mica singkJansszma, in qtta tvtttm genus serfalw m
Igms divimis fL,und, 1949) S. 178-203. K. Burdach, Rjcnzo und dit
iruLiiduo. Den
gencrischen Charakter der Digmtas unterstrcicht noc -,
ard Coke,
peisnpe V( andlunp seiner Zeit. Voni Mittelalter zur Refcwmatioc 2, 1 Calvin's Case, in Reports, VII, fol. \^h: Jt is tru,
: .
.vg in genert
'1913-1928) S. 83ff. und passiin brinpt weniger zur ..Phonixerwartunp'" difth not, but, m qmstwn, m indtniub bt dietb."
man erwarten wurde.
des 13. Jh.s, als ^"* Auf
angclolopischc Ftagen wic die der .'
-
~
I" Vgl. das Phbnixgedicht
des Laktanz (unten Anni. 109), Vers 163fi. sei hier mcfat weiter eingegaogen; vgl. zur ^ .

dazu Hubaux-Lercn S. 6f., 115, und insbesc.ndere Festupiere, a.a. O.

,
Baumgartner, GrundriB der Gesch. d. Philos. cL patnst. und scholast.
S. 149f. Fiir den
Phonix im Kaiserkult und auf den Mimzen vpl. erwa Zeni (1915), 498 und 580, und, fur die von Thomas von A-
J. Lassus in Monuments Piot, 36 (1936) 81-122, und Henri Stem, Lc wcichcnde Auffassunp des Duns Scotus, Etiennc GJson, i.
Calendner dt 354 ("Paris 1953) 145 ff. Scot (19^ xc und V; urden (odtr Kbrpcrscbaften)
"" Johannes Andreat, zu c. 14 X
1, 29, n. 30f., Novella (obcn Anni. habtM )Cj :...;.. ..._^, gcmcin; vgL oben Anm. 12.
96) fols. 2O6''-207. *"" Hicrfiir Gierke, Gcnossenschaftsrccht, III, S. 2T0ff., 277,

n u u u
 .

!-\V [146/147] ri47] Zii den Rechtsprundlapcn der kaiscrsapc

521
< >MM-v ii'iv t'Mii j^iii', -i^' iv'wil- ini I'all des lepcn- und Nachfoleer ijewohnhejrsmafiig im
\^c)rean.rcr
Zusammcn-
(,-.' f 'HHi: (licM iiiiiiicii war c; iiiimlicii, die als cin hanp nut dem Erbrechi erortm wurde. Es ist
im iibrj;- ^laus
^vnwWlww' rjhHtttktrtr.iii', tlcj. VC'iitidt;rvi)|{cls vun alien antiken mopiich, dafi der ^'erpleich der Dignitas
mit dem ^ . .

nia.
Ax(VtM-i jiif m^liHi*! lntrvi.ir|rt;ii(iiH;Ti viitdt hTt) irt:huTTStaj_'Iicher nicht erst von Bernhard von Parma eingefuhn v-urde, sondern
,tt,n I. -<.,. 1 ....!,.,. 1.
11(1 imtl uuciii'.jii',tnid; wiedcTum ein ]'h()nix, aut truhcre Glc.ssatoren zuriickping.
Hier peniict es jedoch fest-
vv
wr, wicdcTiini CT selbst, der soeber nicht 7.usteUen, dafi ledenfalls ?.u Anfang
der 40er Jahre das Phonixbild
VTW . flw ttnut^Tif mill imii ikru/hf", sn licschrcibt 7cmil]mn da'^ Fon- zur Verdeutlichung der vicizirierten
Dekretalc Qiir,mam ehhes
WilK't.i civ?. V^l^nu^ "*. Luauii!-., iitclr wciukct trearanp in scinen schon im llmlaut war. Auch darauf sei noch
verviesen, daB in
WiWr-n. NHj:i ,.Su;li ncIIjsi ist er scli>ii der Sprolj, ir seir cigener dem von Petrus de ^ 'inea verfaBten Kampfmanifes!
Letmte in
N'w> vm<l !tciti ciKCuer litlic . . . Br isl der GUtcty. mid dech nubt dtr ctrcmtu (1239, April 20) deutlich auf
die Dekretale Alexanders III.
Ivt fi Ncliwi isl uud diicb nich* rr itimt' Ivtc mi proks, angespielt wurde"2, und ebenso, dafSman Fnednch H. selbst
.,. .. ;.iiiBt cf Jims inres . . . hsi eaatir sec Mr. taMwi, qiiat es: ipse nee schon zu Lebzeiten pelegentlich als Phomx- bezeichnete"*. Das
rpit est . Ji*. Und ahiiUcb Ciaudian. ,^ ist der Vanrr, imd cr
. alles soil mcht iiberw'ertet verden; auch laBt es sich nirpends
tsi sciti Sprtil!. und keiner ist der Lnciafttr Iter dct Zeuecr crweisen, daii die Sibvllentextf sich an
die Phomxerzahlungen
pfwchcii. schiclli nui) hcrvtrr ai-^ dit gtstche G-nuf imti er rolgt angelehnt batten, selbst ^x'enn in den echten
Sibvllen der Phonix
lib fin ncuer . . . O Gliicklichcr du uiui Erv- Mvw stbrf^ .''
emma. ervahnt vird^^''. Dennoch stehen sich
Phomxerwartungen
lohnt viclleicht daiauf autmeticsair zu
Efi tt m mn:. ttiD der und SibvUenprophetie nahe penug, und ebensowemg
darf" es iiber-
Phcmix nicht nut Vater und Kmc scmr- ' irir nnmrr sehcn werden, dafl Aussagen uber den Phonix,
vie z. B. e^ eaden:
vieder auch ErlK seiner selost' frrnann- aucr van sea mi: eadem oder esi ipsa mc ipsa esi,
inhalrlich vie formal nachst-
.\mbrosius ^'^ . Dies majr dazu ijeizetEisccr. ouacn.. liiL be: Be- verwandt sind dem Sprucb der Er^Tihraa ]'mr mn
ei viva. Zusam-
handlunp der Fratrt der Su cer. iimner cj^ :-
men mit lesus Siracbs Mnrtuus esi et quasi mortuus waren sic
cleichnis iiberhaup' eintie*. Ot .. l.. vL-irnrrsarvai: Vicrr .
...u., auf den pieichen Ideenkomplex bezopen.
tint: est

"* Tcrtullian, Dt resurrsctiont rncrnnmnr- SHI 2 awi/.' )4.-

dectdetis atqui succidm:. it mm- paeans *tm am: ttrrm- r:s m mt: mm-, tami. ^^ Auf die
nicht uncrheblichcn kanonisnschen Einschlape bci
Petrus
alius idem. de ^'lnea hat kurzlich Brian Tiemcy, Foundations of
the Concfliar
'" Laktanz. Carmer. dr arc Piuxncce 'Vqs' K^S. a. inrrMn> -.Ljetn-. . , Theor\ ri955) S. 77ff. aufmerksatn pcmacht. Auf ' >
chhas
a. a. O. S. X^' mtt Iciehtcr Aowstaump tct laer Mwyi rt
^. i fincctts m ninimt Bczup MG. Const. U, S. 297 Z. 23ff. : nor: ii papalis
CSEI.. 27, S. 14t) officii vel apustalict dignitatis . . . sel perstme prtvaruatwnem argmmus.
" Claudtai: Phdsncw ^ >r^ 7"-; t9>.' lUl a: fiimrm -^jgmr. " Nikoiaus von Bar) (cd. Kloos, DA. 11, S. 170 5) vergleicnt
S. !X:\'lfi Friedrichweeen semer Emzipketr nut dem Phonix, wit dies spatcr zum
^MAm- Si trii v rr^sic a%enicincr Hofstil der Rctiaissancc-Monarchen pehorte: Magnus est
^ . /.-r- miA. yrsnu Mar- dtgniiait oonoris . . . pmiamentv mmidt
Ipse est sui in
Vnus est ei sscmdum . . .

SmtnHtfrnt MMb noK baiftt, feiiix pulcberrima a penms aweis decorata. DaB
Fricdncb
selbst ( Dt arte venandi cum auiim, 11, c. 2) dc- -rwahnt, frcilicb
'" \mH(VllU> ! il'iVi'.t: nur urn Plinius" Theont von der Zwicpcs. ..__;. ...i.eit dcs Vopdf.
abzukhncn, ist hicr naturhch ohne Belanp.
till).'
"* Vgl. SibvUinischc VC eissapunpcn, Vlll, 139, cd. A. K-urfcss (1951)
6.166.

n u c
J u
.

u i
 ,

520 Ernst Rantorowicz ri46/147J [1471 Zu den Rechtsprundlagcn der Kaiscrsapc .S21

Einheit von Vater unci Sohn" gab, so gcwil^ im Fall des legen-
\ organger und Nachfolger gewohnheitstnafiig im
darcn Phbnix. Gcradc diese Einheit war es niimlich, die als ein
Zusammen-
hang mit dcm Erbrechi erbrtert wurde.
Es ist im iibrigen durchaus
besonderer Charakterzug des Wundervogels von alien antiken mogUch, daB der Vergleich der Dtgnitas mit
Autorcn gzm scharf hervorgehoben wurdc. Am geburtstaglichen
dem Vogel Phonix
nicht erst von Bernhard von Parma
eingefiihrt wurde, sondern
Todestag verscheidend und nacht'olgend wiederum ein Phonix. ;
aut truhcre Glossatoren zuriickging.
Hier geniigt es jedoch fest-
wo schon keiner mehr war; wiederum er selbst, der soeben nichi zustellen, daB jedenfalls zu
Antang der 40er Jahre das Phonixbild
war; ein anderer uni' doch derselhe^\ sn beschreibt Tertuliian das Fort- zur Verdeutlichung der vielzitierten
Dekretalc Quoniam ahbas
leben des Phonix i*"*. Lactanz, nichr weniger gedrangt in scinen schon im Umlaut war. Auch darauf sei
noch verwiesen, daB in
Bildcrn, sagt: Sich selbst ist er selbst der SproB, ist sein eigener dem von Petrus de Vinea vertaBten Kampfmanifest
Levate in
Vater und sein eigener Erbe . . . Er ist der Gleiche und doch nichi der ctrcmtu (1239, April 20) deutlich auf
die Dekretale Alexanders III
Gieiche, der er selbst ist und doch nicht er selbst" (Ipsa sibi proles, angespielt wurde"", und ebenso, daB
man Friedrich II. selbst
suus est pater et suus heres Est eadem sed noii eadem, quae est ipsa nee
. . .
schon zu Lebzeiten gelegenilich als Phonix"
bezeichnete "8. Das
ipsa est . . .)
i"*.
Und ahnlich Claudian Er ist der Vater, und er :
alles sol] nicht uberwcrtet werden; auch
liiBt es sich nirgends
ist und keiner ist der Erschaffer
sein SproB, Der der Zeuger . . .
erweisen, daB die Sibyllentexte sich an
die Phonixerzahlungen
gewesen, schieBr nun hervor als die gleiche Geburt und er tolgt angelehnt hatten, selbst wenn in den echten
Sibvllen der Phonix
als ein ncucr O Gliicklicher du, und Erhe deiner selhsf^^"."
. . .
einmal erwahnt wirdi^-*. Dennoch stehen
sich Phomxer^^'artungen
Es lohnt vielleicht darauf aufmerksam zu machen, dal] der und SibyUenprophetie nahe genug, und ebensowenig
darf es iiber-
Phonix nicht nur \^ater und Kind seiner selbst, sondern immer sehen werden, daB Aussagen iiber den Phonix,
wie z. B. est eadem
wieder auch Erbc seiner selbst" genannt wird, so z. B. auch von sed non eadem oder est ipsa nee ipsa est,
inhaltlich wie formal nachst-
Ambrosius"'. Dies mag dazu beigctragen haben, daB bei Be-
|
verwandt sind dem Spruch der Ervthraa I VwV et non
vivit. Zusam-
handlung der Frage der Sukzession den Juristen das Phbnix- men mit Jesus Sirachs Mortuus est et quasi non mortuus est
gleichnis uberhaupt eintiel, da
waren sie
ja die Identitat von Vater und Sohn, auf den gleichen Ideenkomplex bezogen.
'* Tertuliian, Dc resurrectiont mortuorum, XIII, 2 : . . . na/aii ftnr
decedens atque succedens, iterttm phoenix ubi nemo iam, iterum ipse qui noii iam, >'= Auf die nicht uncrheblichcn kanonistischen Einschlape bei
Petrus
alius idem.
de \'inea hat kiirzlich Brian Ticmev, Foundations of
the Conciliar
Lakun2, Carmen de avc Phocnice, Vers 167 ff., ed. Hubaux-Lero^
">
Theory ri955) S. 77ff. aufmerksam pcmacht. Auf Quoniam
a. a. O. S. X\' mit leichtcr Abwcichung von der Ausgabt Brandts
ahbas
in nimmt Bczug MG. Const. II, S. 297 Z.23ff.: not, w contemptu papalis
CSEL. 27, S. 146.
officii vel apostoltce dignitatis . . . set persont prevaricatwnem argmmus.
" Claudian, Phoenix, \ ers 24. 69f., 101, cd. Hubaux-Lcrov, "' Nikolaus von Bari (cd. Kloos, DA. 11, S. 170 5) verglcichi
S. XXIff.:
Friedrich wegcn seiner Emzipkeit mit dcm Phbnix,
wie dies sparer zum
Sed pater est prolesque sui nulloqm creante . . .
allpcmcinen Hofstil der Rcnaissance-Monarchen gehbrtc: Magnus est
Qui fuerat genitor, natus nunc prosiln idem
dtgmtat, honoris Ipse est sol in firmamento mimdi
. . .
Unus est et secundum . . .

Succedttque novus . . .
non habet, fenix pulcberrimo a pennis aureis decorata. DaB Friedrich
. . . O felix beresque tut. selbst (De arte venandi cum atdhiis, II, c. 2) den Phbnix erwahnt, freilich
'" Ambrosius, Exposido in Ps. CX\ail, c. 13, cd. Pctschenig, in nur um Plinius' Theorit von der Zwiegeschlcchtigkcit des \ogels
CSEL. 62, S. 428, Z. 19: et sui iteres corporis et ctneris sui /actus. Bei
. . .
abzulehnen, ist hier natiirlich ohnc Bclang.
Hubaux-Leroy, a. a. O. S. IWff vvird das ,6fr-Problcni ganz ungenii- "* Vgl. Sibvllinisclif VC eissagungcn, VUI, 139, ed. A. K-urfess (1951)
Kcnd behandclt. S. 166.

n u C
u J I
522 Rrnst kantorowicz 1147/148) Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen
[148/149J der Kaisersapc 523
Es ist nicht schwierig, das Gesagte nunmehr zusammenzufasscn cvangelischen Zeugnisse fiir die Wescnsgleichheit
von Vater und
und die einfachen Schliissc zu ziehen. Von den verschiedensten Sohn. Von der Kanonistik zuerst erfaBt,
von den Zivilisten jedoch
Gesichtspunkten herkommend und unter Zuhilfenahmc der ver- alsbaldubernommen, verbreitete sich die eine Identitat
von Amts-
schiedensten Bilder und Gleichnissc wurde in der erstcn Halfte des vorganger und Amtsnachfolger voraussetzende
Lehre der Dimitas
13. Jahrhunderts die Idee der Dynastie gleichsam ausgearbeitet quae non moritur, die schlieBlich
hinfiihrtc zu dem
|

Motto: Le roi
oder rationalisiert und auch fiir das Kaisertum, fiir die staufischc ne meurt jamais. Und diese Lehre
wurde wiederum verquickt mit
genommen. Dabei spieitc die Lehre von
caesarea stirps, in Anspruch dem M^irhos vom Vogel
|

Phonix, in dem Unsterblichkeitsglauben

der Identitat von Vater und Sohn, Erblasser und Erben, Monar- Fortleben durch Substitution und Identitat
von Erzeuger und
chen und Thronfolger, Amtsvorganger und Amtsnachfolger die Erzeugtem zusammenflossen.
wohl wichrigste RoUe. Diese Lehre wurde vom Kaiser selbst wie In diesen allgemeinen Zusammenhang
reiht sich nun das unter
von den Kaisersohnen in mehr oder weniger allgemeinen Worten dem Namen der Ervthraischen Sibylle nach
1250 in Umlauf
herangezogen. Sie lag dem Sonnengleichnis zugrunde, dem Schei- gesetzte Vaticinium ohne weiteres ein.
Der alte Adler lebt und
den der alten und dem Aufgehen der neuen Sonne, die doch immer lebt nicht, da eines der Adlerjungen und ein Junges der Jungen
die gleiche bleibt - aliusque et idem. Das Fortleben im Sohne" war uberlebt". Es bleibt dabei unbenommen,
den nach dem Physiolosus
in dem angeblichen Testament juristisch interpretiert als ein per sich stets selbstverjiingenden Adler
mit dem Phonix in Verbin-
Die Juristen selbst anerkannten das Prinzip der
substituttim vivere. dung zu bringen, dessen Stelle der
Adler auch sonst oft genug ein-
Dauer im Wechsel", des Fortlebens eines Gerichtshofes, einer genommen hat". Diese Spekulationen scheinen mir
jedoch ganz
Legion, eines Volkes, einer Herde, eines Schiffes trotz Substitution uberfliissig und nebensachUch zu sein,
da das angebUch ratselhafte
aller Komponenten, machten die Substitution geradezu zum
ja Vtvit et non volhg zwanglos aus den Anschauungen, auch
vivit sich
Lebensprinzip einer ewigen Dauer perpetuatio fit per successionem et
: den Rechtsanschauungen, der Zeit erklaren laBt.
suhrogationem. Das romische Erbrecht kanonisierte die Identitat von Vie! seltsamer dann freilich die Abwandlung der rationalen
ist
Erblasser und Erben als eine fictio iuris, und die Kanonisten ver- juristischen Argumente ins Sagenhafte, ist
der ProzeB der Mysti-
traten die gleiche Anschauung auf Grund einiger Satze des fikation. Der Kernspruch I 'ivit et non
vivit, solange er mit dem
Decretums. Hinzu kamen die Zeugungs- und Vererbungslehren Uberleben der Nachkommen, und das heiBt mit
den dynastischen
der Antike, die - von der Scholastik rezipiert - gleichfalls das Eins- Hofltnungen, verbunden blieb, war nicht
mystischer" als das
sein von Vater und Sohn aus quasi naturwissenschaftlichen Grun- Stichwort Dignitas non moritur, regia maiestas non moritur
oder le roi
den vertraten und die vielleicht mitverantwortlich waren fiir die ne meurt jamais. Der Spruch war, sozusagen,
auf diese Lehren hin
am Kaiserhofe jedenfalls vertretene Lehre von der besonderen
Subtilitat der Kbnigsseelen "*. Herangezogen wurden auch die 52 ff. Von dem Corpus Hermeticum war damals jedoch wohl nur der
Asclepius bekannt. iMan kann naturlich auch an
die Lehre von den
''''
Konig Konrad (vermutlich eine Stilubung) bei
Vpl. den Brief an rationes semmales denken; vgl. Lcsky, a. a.
O. (oben Anm. 71) S. 164ff.,
Huillard-Breholles, Hist, dipl., Y.^.llAi.: Immo tanto se maiori nota auch 172f.; Hans Meyer, Geschichte der Lehre von den
Keimkraften
notabile! facimt prim ipes inscii quart privati, quamto nobilitas sanguinis per von der Stoa bis zum Ausgang der Patristik (1914), bes.
184ff. fiir
infusionem sub t His et nobilis anime facit ipsos esse pre ceteris siiscepti- Augustin und Macrobius als Vermittler der Lehre.
Die zugrunde liegende Lehre laCt sich nicht cindeutig
biles discipline. '"'
Hubaux-Leroy, Lc mythe du Phonix (s. Index s. v. Aigle"), haben
feststellen, doch kommt sie wohl am nachsten der Lehre von der Er- diese Paralleie vielleicht zu weit getricbcn. Immerhin ist
die Ahnlichkeit
schaffung der Kbnigsseeien in der Kore kosmou, fragm. XXIV, etl. von Adler und Phonix auf Grund des Physiologus gegeben, wo die
A. D. Nock und A. -J. Festugiere, Corpus Hermeticum, IV (Paris 1954), beiden \'6gel nacheinander behandclt werden (cc. 8 und 9;.
 Man

524 Kantorowicz : Rcchtsgrundlagcn der Kaiscrsagc 1149/150]

angelegt und hatte wie in den westlichen Monarchien in sie ein-

munden konnen. Dies geschah jedoch nicht. Statt dessen wurde
der Satz schon von Salimbene verbunden mit dem personlichen,
physischen Tode des Kaisers unter angeblich seltsamen Umstan-
den, das heiBt mit der durchaus legendaren und unhistorischen
mors ahscondita des Kaisers. Vivit et non vivit erschien damit als das
Resultat des verborgcnen Todes" und wurde nunmehr auf ein
rein personliches mystisch-physisches Fortleben des kaiserlichen
Individuums bezogen, und nicht mehr auf das unpersonliche und
iiberpersonliche Fortleben der Dynastie oder der Dtgnitas. Die
urspriinglichen Zusammenhange waren somit verwischt, und die
Mystifikation lag den Joachiten und hernach den Transalpinen
offenbar mehr und naher am Herzen als die logischen Schliisse
der Civilisten und Kanonisten - Schliisse, die mangels einer
Dynastie im nachstaufischen Reiche auch keinen rechten Nahr-
boden fanden. |

So geht die Kaisersage im Grunde zuriick auf das MiBverstehen

der rationalen, juristischen Argumente fiir eine Kontinuitat der
Dynastie und eine Sempiternitat der Dignitas, was natiirlich keines-
wegs ausschlieBt, daB MiBverstandnisse - ahnlich wie Falschun-
gen - historische Fakten erster Ordnung sein konnen, die selbst
wiederum Geschichte machen. Es ist jedoch kaum iibertrieben zu
sagen, daB die Sage vom Fortleben des in den Berg entruckten
und im Berge schlummernden Kaisers qui non moritur das irrational-
verschwommene oder legendare Gegenstuck bildet zu dem ju-
ristisch-rationalen Dogma der westlichen Monarchien: Le rot ne
meurt Jamais.

U
U L J
J J
I
I
Monumenta Germaniae Historica Miindien 2, den <

Arcisscr.llse 10
^r 1956
DER PRASIDENT Tel.: 5 82 51, Apparat 373

PC/
Herrn Professor fjr
Dr. Kant o rov/i c z
ii .

22, Alexander street

i-rii-oeton / :.ev; Jersey

Mein lieber Kantorowicz

aiii 13. September sinu x. .j~^ Abgeg^i.^^n i. i.nt Luftpu-o t;ii.s

Eahnenkorrektur Ihres Aufsatzes fur das DA, 2. it der ormalen ;

i

tost ein zweites Sxemplar una das Manuskript Icn bit te Sie .

nun, uns sobald die die Korrektur haben erledigen konnen, das
von Ihnen korrigierte i]xernplar mit Luftpost und eingeschrieben
zuruckzusenden. Ferner bitte ich um eine r:itteilung, ob die da-
rit einversta-naen ^ -urden, da.:s -/ir die zweite Korrektur
hier erledigen - v/enn das Loglich sein sollte, wiirde ich das
im Inx-aresse der Bescnleunigung des DrucKs sehr begriissen.

Sodann mochte ich zu deniAufsatz noch ein paar Bemerkungen

machen: AriLierkung 5 habe ich unter den von lunen gegebenen
Textverbesserungen Hencius statt liancius gestrichen, da in der
Handscnrift, v/ie die aus dam Faksimile von 'Yolf ersehen kon-
nen, tatsachlich Hancius stent. Ferner inachte ^T.Fuhrniann zu
Armierkung 35 darauf aufK.erksam, da.is das Incipit des Pestainents
zu betonen ist: Adan. priiaus parens. Jann aber ergibt sich,
dass die iiroffnung des I'e- Darnents Adam - indixit einen rhytiuni-
sciien Hexameter darstell.. ...,..__c.. ...^chteebenfalls Jr.Puhnnann
darauf aufmerksam, dass auf deite 2 libertatis iudicium doch
wohl zu uberseiizen ist ndt: das brteil der ireiheit, d.h. aie
freie Entscheidung oder Freiheit der M-tscheidung. Die eckige
Klamer: [eveniiuell auch: 'das ^Jesetz dem peccatum nature
J ware
vielleicht besser zu otreichen, da lex naturae - Laturgesex?!
doch wonl sicher zusarrmengehbrt und gemeint ist, dass
das ^- .

turgeseDz der dunde insofern uncerworfen ist, als durch diese

eben der Tod zum ui.cxusweicnlicrien dchicksal geworden
ist. Viel-

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leiciituberlegen 3ie dieae ^inwendunsen noch eimal und
machen davon nach Belieben G-ebrauch.

^'L^r iieuxe nur diese gesciiaf-c lichen Dinge , denen ich wie
stets die herzliciisten Grriisse belfui?e.

Ihr

1. (k4^
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 30. Spt. 19'^ 6

Kein llebftr Paethpen,

"Geschfiftskorrespondens" ist etwas ganz Neties in unserer alien

BeziahunK, abr as iiacht mir Spass.

Dla Fahnen per luftpost fand Ich b*l nlnr Ruckkehr vom Lake
Tahoa (ir der Sierra Tv'evada) :ier vor und machte mich, von den Ferien
gaki*aftigt, rlaich an die Arbeit, ^ch war pcrade in Pagrlff, "^ie an riie
K.G. zurUckzusen'-'^n, als ihr Brief ankam und mir die RUcksendxinp des sehr
arwunschtan KanuskrLpts vcrhiaas ich halte nicht al]e Anrierunp*n in meire
Kopia Ubartrapen). Gestam erhielt ich das Faket und schob die Korrekturen
der ?wei Leiber baiseita - imH hier ist rias Resultat. ^^eir, Ich ^^rauche
keine zweite Korrf'ktur und freue -nich rur, wenn '^>ie das erledipen la^-sen
kotonan. Es sind in Fan7.an nicht sphr viela rorrekturen idcg^ n* tip rew^sen
und dia paar i^dditarrenta, die ich Mr nicht verkr^ifen kcnnta, sind -neistens
ans Knde der Abschnitte oder Ani^erkunpen pesetzt. Teh plaubr, dass alles
klar ist. "err Kloos vrird al.lerdinps die perauen Seiten7-ablen etc. seir es
Aufsatzes einfullen m.iS-an und ni-^'ft sich vielleicht auch der wenipan Vor-
xind RUcJ^verwelse bei .^eiten^ahlen an.

Herm Fuhrmann bin ich fiir seine Hinweise sehr dankbar. Der Hexa-
meter Adam prinus parens ist eine Schlamperei tnainerseits, da ich ihn schon
bairn Abschr-iben vor -nehr als ?C Jahren bencrkte. Tudjcium habc Ich nevitral
mit Richtspruch ibersetzt, was T'lr beide Fl'llTe passt. "Irteil" V- re ja eher
sententia,und im Sinne "freier Entscheidunr" WSre es eber arbitrium als
ludiciurTr"- aber Richtppruch passt sowohl im ^jirne von -erichtsbof als auch
im mehr verirnerlichten Sinne. Ein paar Aachen habe ich dabei aucb roch
scharfer fassen kornen unH dabel Henm Wolf etwas schon' n kirnen. tub ver-
stehe nicht pane, dass Timst in Heidelberg sich dieser Arbeit doch offenbar
garni cVt anpenornmen hat.

Noch eines: kbnnte ich wohl (auf meine Kosten) 1^0 Separata haben?
Ich haba die Lrfahrxing gemacht, dass ich inmer zu wenig Sonderdrucke habe
und ich habe es mir darum zur fiewohrheit gemacht, nir lieber zu viele als
zu wenige zu bestellen.

Ich hoffe Sie hatten einen gut^n 3o"iTner. Ilae etter mus in Europe
Uberall scheusslich pewesen sein, und auch hier in ( sten war es au5"?erordent-
lich kuhl. In den '^rpen aTierdinps war es st^ndip ach^n und heiss und
trocken und nlchts bekonmt nlr besser als nehrere rtochen hindurch den panzen
Tap in Padehosen zu verbrinpen.

Ich schreibe Thnen bald -^ehr, irs^^esohdere auch liber den Plan, Sie
einmal ein Semester hierzuhaben. Doch darlber s|*iter.
Alles Herzliche wie stets und Dank fir
Ihre Aufsatz-Petreuunp. -\/^.

6/^

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 o

I
Escorial lVis,lat.d.III,3.

f.lOO. Testamentum Friderici Imperatoris.^

FridericuSjDei gratia Romanorum imperator semper au-

gustus, Jherusalem et Sicilie rex, Corrado illustrissimo

Jherusalem et Sicilie regi; Fr^derico Haustrie et Suavie

regi; Henrrico,qui aliter Zarlotus dicitur,regni Arlensis

illustri et spectabili regi; discrete et provide Kanfredo,

principi Tarentinoj Eenrrico,qui theutonice HenQius voca-

tur, Turrium et Gallure regi probissimo; Frederico, discre

to et honorabilj comiti Celani et Albe, et Corradino, co-

mitis Rizardi filio, comiti Theaano, freternitatem, iinani-

mitatem, pacem et concordiam,

Adam, primus parens, sic posteris legem indiiit, quod

omnes morimur. Impremeditata enim sue transgressionis

licentia ipsius mortis -ttitiimaiB- terminum inf iiit imposte-

rum, nee aliud libertatis vel gratie, ymo pocius servitu-

tis ingr^ate nobis impetravit privilegium, nisi acerbita-

tis mortis, quasi quoddam infinitum desiderium et irre-

cusabile omnibus creaturis indicium. Nee quippe merer e-

mur, si eiusdem Ade cessavisset improvise peccati trans-

gressio et sic superviverent antecessores nostri, qui

mortis insatiabili puteo & c gtndunt ur . Et sic oportet

<

nature
mis3*rime, opportuit et opportebit impost erum legem/s^'b-

esse peccato et iufr^o servitutis servire libertatis iudi-

+ f.lOO cium. Quis namque ""

mortis evadet ^ laqueis? Que creatirra
visibilis deduci ad nichilum^ retrahi poterit, cum filius

Dei iuxta dictum D e riptorua- in nubibus ctli supervenerit?

Que prorsuE element^a continebunt materiajbum sue materie,

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 quin fatiscant, cvtm Dei apparebit iudicium? Noime scrip-
turn est:celum et terrajtf transibunt et omnia que ir eis
sunt? Et iterumr'omnia trarxsibunt, verba mea non transi-
ent'? Et rursus: omnes morimur et velut aqua labimur*?

Nonne u'u<t hoc testatur poeticum: debemus morti nos nos-

Liv. traque sive receptus? Nil igitur mors nisi finis vite in

ipsis temporabilibus credite iudicatur.

Vidcntibus itaque nobis in mundo personaliter plus
non posse consist ere, cum hoc credamus procedere a supe-

riori potentia, per substitutum fulgre procuramus et vi-

vere. 0um iuxta legum civilium normam, filii iJ^atissimi,

nostram personam ip e kro presentetis in mundo fa crip turn est,

enim: qui videt me, videt et patrem meum|j^^i personam igi

tur nostram vestris i^^is- impeS^t^tis, non immerito digni-

tatum, facultatum et possessionum nostrarum nobis curamus

vos successores describere. Cim scriptura ,iure civile neo-

non in libro Genesis adinventa fore ad eternam rei memo-

riam concedatur. Ne igitur nos, Fredericus, qui plus vive-

re nequimus in mundo, intestati videamur decedere^ Idcirco

nuncupattoim// testamentuit,quod sine__.scri2tis dicitur,

facere procuravimus. In quo quidem testamento nobis here-

dem instituimus illustrissimum ac excellentissimum regem

Corradum, f ilium nostriam, in corona et romano imperio et

+ f.lOl in omnibus dignitatibus, facultatibus *

, thesauris et pos
sessionibus nostris. Et ut subbreviloquio utamur: in omni-

bus et singulis bonis nostris, que nostro subiacent demi-

se
nio vel subesse debent sub celo, supra terram, ab oriente

usque in occidens, ab aquilone usque in meridiem, precipi-

entes eidem Corrado illuatrissimo regi, ut .C, millia unci-

arum auri expendere debeat in recuperationejlJ terre sancte

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 ultra mare sive sanctissimi sepulcri salvationis nostre,

non pretermittentes, q.uin eidem regi excellentissimo in-

iungamus, ut deteat reddere et restituere omnia iiira om-

nesque rationes sanctissime Romane ecclesie, matri nostre

que et ciuas pof>sidemus iniuste, si eidem regi christianifl-

simo ipsa raisericors et pia mater ecclesia iure de'oita

facere non cessavit, Illustrem regem FredericiuQ, nepotem

nostrum, nobis heredem instituimus in ducatu Austrie et

Suairie et pro expensis ei dari precipimus .xii. millia

unciarum auri et hiis iubemus et voIiltius ipsum esse con-

tentum, alioquin a nostra hereditate privetur, volentes et
precipientes, ut de omnibus supradictis debeat respondere
iamdicto Corrado illustrissimo et excellentissimo Jheru-

salem et Sicilie Regi, Henrricum sive Zarlotum filium

nostrum nobis heredem instituimus in regno Sicilie si. vel

Arlensi reservata licentia ipsi regi Corrado, quod istorum

duoriom eidem Henrrico dare et concedere voluerit, et pro

expensis ei dart- precipimus ,c. raillia unciarum auri et

II
/Of" hiis iubemus eum esse contentum, hoc addito quod de omni-

bus respondere teneatur Corrado predicto preeminent issimo

regi. Manfredum dilectum filium nostrum nobis heredem

instituimus in principatu Tarentino, in terra Sancti Ange-

li, in comitatu de L e ti (lo e eo) , in comitatu Ildebrandts-

cho, in ,lx. raillia unciarum auri et in omnibus massariis

regni nostri, et hiis eum iubemus esse contentum. Ipsum

etiam ballium relinquimus ipsi regi Corrado, donee ipse

rex Corradus venerit in regnura Apulie vel Sicilie, iuben-

tes quod ipse M. de omnibus teneatur respondere iamdicto

potentissimo regi Corrado. Fredericum filium nostrum

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 nobis heredem instituimus in comitatu Celani et Albe et i^

baronatu Antiocie et eidem pro expensis dari precipimus

,xx, millia unciarum auri et eiim hiis voluraus esse conten-

tura, hoc addito, quod de omnibus teneatur respondere Corra

do regi iamdicto. Dilectum nepotera nostrum Corradinura,
f ilium comitis Rizardi, filii nostri, nobis heredem insti-

tuimus in comitatu Theatino et eidera dari precipimus, cum

attigerit vel superaverit pubertatem, .xx, millia unciar'jm

auri pro expensis et hiis volumus euro esse contentum et

de omnibus teneatur respondere Corrado iamdicto illustris-

simo regi. In Henrrico sive Hencio filio nostro volunus

"*
+ f .102 sequi proverbium antiquorum: Nee bonis adquires diviti-
as nee malis possessiones relinques. Set si predictum

Henricum de captivitate aliquando evadere contigerit, ip^-

3um in provisione largissime nanus ipsius regis Corradi

relinquimus. Dimittentes in eadem provisione ipsius ex-

cellent issimi regis Corradi omnes filias nostras, quibus

in dotibus, donis et zonis, prout de eius fuerit providen-

tia, velit aliquando providere, Cui magnificent issimo

regi Corradd in omnibus in sua persona descriptis sub-

stituimus ipsum Henrrioun qui aliter Zar lotus dicitur, si

predictus rex Corradus, quod absit, sine filiis liberis

masculis legit imis et extant ibus moreretur. Cui regi

Henrrico, qui Zar lotus vocatur, in omnibus iamdictis

substituimus ipsum Manfredum, si predictus rex Zarlotus

absque filiis masculis liberis legitimis et extantibuy

moreretur. Deinde succedat, cui lex perraiserit,

Et banc voluraus, approbamus atque decreviraus esse

nostram ultimam voluntatem et nostrum ultimum testamen-

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"*
^,m
>

tiim, lubentes et decernentes ex auctoritate nobis a iure

concessa, quod istud testamentum inter filios et heredes

nostros sit lex a nostra majestate autenticata et quod

vim et robur omni tempore testamenti obtineat, mandantes

etiam ut oontradictores huius rei ultimo supplicio tam-

+ 102^ quam nobis rebelles '^
et proditores omnimodo iudicentur.

Quare nos Fredericus Romanorum imperator semper augu-

stus, Jherusalem et Sicilie rex, ad maiorem firmitatem et

cautelam hoc signum sancte crucis nostris propriis

manibus imposuimus, qui amodo vivere non valemus.

Actum in cast^iio Floriantino coram archiepiscopo

Palermitano, archiepiscopo Neapolitano, comite Rizardo de

Caserta, comite Rozardo della (Jerra, narchione de |ilmburgo

Gualterio comite de Ocra et Petro de Calabria testibus

fidelibus ad hoc vocatis et rogatis.

Et ego Nichola de Calvis sacri imperii et nunc dicti

iraperatoris Frederici notarius hiis omnibus interfui et

rogatus scribere scripsi et publicavi.

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 1.

<l

V r,untr Wolf, llln unver8ffentllchte Testament

Za.f .d.Geecli.d.Oberrheius 104 (1956) 1-51.

KaUer Prledrichs fl.,

Pinderfreude, iinthusiasmus und Arbeitseifer sind in dieser litudie

(elner Meidelberger Diss.) an einen kaua tauglichen (Jbjekt angesetzt

worden, leider auch mit kaua tauglichen krltischen Mitteln. Vf. stiess

in der Stadtbibliothek zu Besancon auf die Abschrift eines keineswegs

unbekannten, wiewohl bisher nicht vollstHndig veraffentlichten "'iesta-

neuts" Pr.s.II., dessen fxt in einer Fapierhs.s.XIV dee liscurial

(d.lll.3) Uberliefert ist <B). Abgesehen von der Arenga und "verschBn-

ernden" liinaselheiten stimat das StUck, zunal in Besug auf die Legate,

mit dem von heiland >. Const. IX, Kr. 274,5,384 verbftentlichten Testatient

(W) in wesentlichen I'unJ:ten lft>erein. Vf , spricht b nls "Staatstestament"

n (S.aiff), H jedoch als ein "Privattestawcnt", das etwa eine Woche nach

W verfasst worden wei (S.13,Anr..27>. Da ailc vo Vf. gesogenen dchlUsse

und weine fast durctiwegs un^lUcklichen Beobachtungen davon ausgehen, dass

r fl fUr echt erklHrt, genlJgt es hier allein die i^chtheitsfrage ru

1
behsndelii.

X. Des Vf.B Kriterien sind ebenso eigentUalich wie umfasscnd insofern,

als er sorohl Ubereinstinmung mit wie Abvieichung von echten StUcken
als Zeichcn der lichtheit ansieht. S.12 heisst es x.P., eine PiUschung
sel sei unwalirsclieinlich, reil sich in deei Testanont '^nlle von Vehse
bemerkten Stilmittel" fXnden, ferner der "bei Pr.ll. beliebte Adans-
topos" und "wOrtliches Zitat aus den Corpus Juris Civilis,** wobei Vf.
offenbar nicht darar. gedacht hat, dasc es das Wesen der PVlschung ist,
sich deo: Original anxupassen. iTngeKchrt aber findet Vf. S.15, es
"schwKche wieder den Verdacht einer Pttlschung ab," veil der Nctars-
titel eine vSliig einiaalige PasRung habe. Was schliesslich zur
BntkriCftung der Ansieht, es handelc sich un eine StilUbung, vom Vf,
vorgebracht wird, bleibt nahezu unverstSndlich, so z.B. S.17, mit Aran.
40: **Berthold v.Hohenburg, Richard v. Caserta u. Walter v.Ocra etws...
hXtten einer Interpolation ihrer N'anen in die Zeugenliste eines
unechten Testaments sicherlich nicht tatenlos sugesehen.**

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3
2.
f

T^ment E, von Schef f er-Boichto^rt (dea die Areng* nocli unbekannt

war; cf. ZuKl^esch.d.XTT. u. Xliy, Jhdts. [1897], 268ff.) wie auch vom

Rf. IXiigst als StilUbung eflcannt (Ml6*G, 31,S.86ff , vor Vf. lelder nicht
/
herangerogen), findet slch in dr H (100-102^) tuasumoen rait StUclcen aus

der Sanunlung des Barard v. Netpal, denen wiederum (nach gUtiger Mitteilung

von Prau Dr. Bamy tfeller) aolche au^ 4em Grief buch des ThoMia v. Capua

eingcsprrngt sind, so r.B. eln Hapatbrief Tcelati...Hyapanic [sic] (115'-v)

und VMohl auch eln aolcher an nKnemark (115^-116^*^ Ps handclt sich also,

aumindest in dieaen Teilen, un eine vorwiegend aua pXpstlichen Brief-

bUchern schBpfende Zuaamnenstellung von StUcken verachiedenartiger Her-

kunft. in die dann auch E (eine lUflc ^tieXf;iKM4^lAltf "literariach

augeatutzte Uberarbaitung" iuL bici^^phoMlt Version von h) hineingeraten

ist, Mlt E haben die beiden Papstbriefe genein, daas alle drel Stlfcka

in den Arengen sich ein wanig an daa bakannte Statthaltardiplo^a (Vinea,

Ep.,V,l) snlehnen, das Ja zusamen ait dea Prooemium der Konstitutionen

StilUbungen nicht selten aun Vorbild gedlent hat (vgl.etiw Vlnea, Epp.

ItI,6S,C)9). In der langatnigen, von einer l!beraalsl rhetorischer Fragen

geschwellten Arenga von E iat dan' auch ein Kernaate des Diplor^ (ex

necessitate quadan oportuit naturaa aubassc iusticia at rvira iudicio

<^ libcrtatea) su finden, freilich achulaltasig ''verachUnt'* und verballhornt

at sic oportat miaerriae, oportuit et oportebit in poaterian legea nature

aubease peccato et iugo servitutia aervire libertatia iudiciun (S.S).

Von der fiXufung der Teapora (oportet, oportuit, oportebit in poaterua)

gana absuaehen hat der Schreibcr (vorgeblich der zwar mit dem Tode ringende,

dennoch sein allerletates Teataiaent 1>tvia Kona0pt** (a^"^ acriptif H

diktiarende Kaiaar (S.20] siemlichen llnainn pro<luxiert, wenn ar aagt, data

ala Konaequanz von Adama Hall hinfort "die lc nature der SUnde" oder

"daa ueaetx den paccatun nature unteratellt aei und daa Garicht der Preiheit

/
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 3.

dttn Joche der Knechtachaft diene." WKlurend in w, wie achon Scheffar-

Boichhorat bemerkta, KUnia Konrad aum llrben dealKniart wird '*Tn Reich

und alien kKuflich odee aonatwie eriorbenen" Pertinenaen, wird daraua in

E eine IKngere AufaKhlung achlieaaend mit der typischen HntachulrtiRung

fUr Weitachweifigkelt ut aubbreviloquio utawur (nicht aub breviloquio in

Text dea Vf.a, S.6,(2), die nur zu neuer Weitachweifigkeit fUhrt: in

o^mitHig at aingu lia b onia noatria, que noatro aubiacent dorainio vel a ubeaae

debent a ub celo, auper terram, ab <>f iggtejiegue in occidena_a^ aguilone

uaque in meridiem . Wo W kurz und bUndig in Ublichen Stil aagt in aubsidiua

Terre ^ancte (S.6,$6), heiaat ea in B in recuperatio ne terre aanc te ultra

nare aive aanctiaaia i a epulcri Salvator ia noatri . Wenn in H beatirarat wird

(S.8,(2), daaa nach kinderloaera Tod der legitiraen SOhne der legitimierte

Manfred folgen aolle, fUgt n hinzu: Deinde auc cedat, cui lex peraiaerit .
,, Vt\i<''

waa Vf . aeltaataer ifeisc ala lex rcgia verateht, ao das die lex de inperio

aoit gana unerwartet su einen Erb geaeta wUrde (S.llf,29 u.tf.).

ft u Von aolctien meiat rein rhetorischen Schulpfropfungen winmelt daa

Stuck, doch Bind andere Anderungen vielleicht aufachluasreicher. Wenn daa

eU>\
in mittleren und ntfrdlichen Italien kaum bekannte Brandanua-PlUaachen (der

aUdapuliache Dradano an der Crenae der Baailicata) nunnehr in n sum toaka-

niachen comitatus Ildebrandischua wird, Uber den der Kaiaer Manfred geaetat
i . u ?i a. .

haben aoll und wenn das in Nor den unbekannte Plorentinun in Capitanata

dcm durch Abt Joachin wohlbekannten Piore wird ( in caatro Pl orianenai ).

ao weiaa man, wo ungefUhr der StilachUler bebeiaatet war, der audem den

Notar Nicolaua v. Brindiai eraetzt durch den in der Mark Ancona besaer

bekannten kalaer lichen Richter Nicolaua v. Calvi (S.9 und 15). Niuit man

weiter an, daaa der StilkUnatler irgenwie nit kurialen Kreiaen liiert war,

waa der Charakter der Hscoriai-Sannlung ohnediea nahelegt, ao findet wohl

nocb einigea Andere eine Ltfaung. Beaagter Notar Nicolaua erhXlt nKnlich

/ / U I J
 A.

(vgl.S.9} dn eigentUmlichen Titol acri iiqperti et nunc dlcti JaptfrRtorta

Frederici notafiua , d.h. Niculaus wird sua Privatnotar dea quondam iwpera"

tor , detn Ja daa Reich abgeaprochen ist. i^enn in W der Kaiser bestinict,

da8 der i<irche reatituantur oi'xnia iura sua, salvia in omnibus. Jure et

honore inperii , so wird daraus in E ein reddere et restituere otania iura

omneaque rationea. .que et guaa poaaiderous iniuate (t.6,17) - elne dem

tUJL
U^ kurialen dtiliaten angemeasen eracheincnde VerschiCrf ung , die Vf. zunitchat

durch daa (Mer garnicht anwendbare) Stilioittel der traductio (cf.

<^intilian, Inat.or.,9.3,71) zu er klVren audit, dann aber (S.16) roeint:

"Ob nicht gar in dem 'iniuate* Ironie mitachwingt. . .[liimveia auf daa sog.

;>atiri8che Xeatanent], wer verraag ea xu aagenl'* Und wenn achlieaalich

in N der kaiaer den Stfhnen auferlegt, die teatamentariachen Diapositiunen

zu beubacnten, weil eie andernfalla vcua iirbe auageachloaaen wUrden (S.8,

19), ao befiehlt in h der Kaiaer ex autoritate nobia a lure conceeaa ,

daaa daa Xeataiaent ait lex a nostra mageatate autenticata , und fMhrt zum

Schluaa noch daa grobe Geachlitz einer den "Tyrannen" gernXsaen ^'bnfornel

auf : ut contradictorea huiua rei ultimo supi locio tanquaa nobis rebelles

t proditores oaniwodo iudicentur .

Von der Arenga zun Keciitsinhalt leitet E Uber durch die tiefsinnige

Betrachtung (S.S), daaa "der Tod nichta anderea aei ala daa Bnde dea Lebena,

das man im Zeitlichen zu fUhren glaubt" - Worte, hinter denen nach Anaicht

dca Vf.s "der trbatende Vatcr" zu atelien acheint; doch fUgt Vf. hinzu:

"Mtfscn dieae Werte auch eines gewiaaen topischen Charaktera nicht entbehren,

abe ein *Topoa* findet eben auch nur dann Anwendung, wenn man glaubt ihn

anwenden zu aollen oder zu mllaaen" (S.23>. Nach einer kleinen Vorleaung

darllber, daaa "nach der Norm dca [rbniachen] Civilrechta ihr, geliebteate

/ / U I
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 5.

SWhne, in (!lMr Welt uiisere eigene Person darstellt'* (vgl. zn personalittt

etc. wlederuiu Uae Stattlmlterdlplou , entcxaie8t alch der kaisecliche

Patient, um nicht "inteatat" zu verscheiden, nunnehr noch "eln nunkupativet

Teataraent" zu verfaaaen, MMtte der Kaiaer dieses Niinkupativ-Testament

nicht gemcht, so witre or freilich inner noch nicht intestat verstorben,

da er Ja - wie vf. s.l9f meint - in W schoi ein gUltlges Teetafsent aus-

{:efrtigt hatte. Daa 'JnflUck wXre auch sonst nicht u gross gewesen, da

das Vorhandenseln von *^hnen Intestatserbcn ohnedies ausschloss (C,6,14,2:

exlstttnte filio...neno potest intestate htres existere) und der aonst

geflthrlichste Intestatserbc, der riskus. In dieses Palle Ja nicht in

Retracht kaiB. Aus dieser aesorgnis heraus also brauchte der Kaiser sich

kauB yerdnlasst gesehen haben, nun noch ein nuncupativun testanentum quod

sine script is dicitur au hinte-lasaen, Mie es das rtfjiische rtecht in

Falle
angeborener oder erworbener lUindheit (C.6.22,8) Mie auch Im Halle von

Analphabetentun dea Testators CO. 6, 23, 21,1) voraieht, wobei der Testator

weder ei^jenhKndig die Nanen der Jrben eintrKgt ttjcii auch den eignen Namen

eigenhHndlg unterschrsibt, falls 7 Zeugen .ait dejt Notar als aciiten anvwsend
2
sind. Dies erklXrt dann Mohl auch die Siebensahl der testes rogati -

2. Vf. ist ( vgl.

S* 23, Ana. 11) all diesen rechtliciien rragcri aus den tvg
gegangen, "auBial Uber den .'iinfluss des riJalschen Rechts auf das
Mlttclalter in Hinzelnen auch unter den i=achleuten noch mancherlei
L'nklarheit herrscht." Das ist nwSglich; ms uns Jedoch angeht,
ist
was sich die Juristcn des la.Jhc'.ts. fUr t^cdanken nemaciit haben und
wie sie a.D. das Nunkupativ-Testaraert interpretierten. In dieser
Deziehung ist denn auch die Glossa ordinaria zu C.6,22,8, v. per
nuccupationeM ganz klarj "per tcstaiientim nuncupativun sine solennitate,
non tanen sine scriptura. ut inst. e.cecus (Inst. 2. 12, 4). Sed
quare
dicitur hoc nuncupativua, cum tuinen habeat tantam siMilitudinen
cub
scripto? Resp. quia testator non signat, nee subscribit, ncc noMn
heredis scribit, quod in eo asset nccesse..." Der Glossa ordinaria
schliesst sich dann Oynus ausdrUcklich an und in wcsentlichen auch
dessen SchUler iiartolus, so dasa deren Interpretation als allgemein
anerkannt gelt en kann.

/ / /_/


letzteres eln technischer flegriff (0.22,S,11; Oegnat su befohlenen oder

gerwungenen Zeugen), der In einer Passung von W auch vorkonBt, in U aber

(S.9) wiederuM plcoiiMtUch erweitert wird (>d hoc voc*tl ct rog>tia ) und

aus detn kelne waiteren SchlUaae geaogan weden kSnnen (S.13; der Zeugennane

Kuaardua da l a Car... iat natUrlicti au Acerra u ergHnaen, vJallelcht Craf

Roger v.Acerra, der in einer Papaturkunde vorkonwt (BPW 8978], wihrend der

^euce ArchiepJBcopua Ne apolitanua in insofern intereasant ist, ala der

Stuhl 1250 nur einn hlekten batte; cf. S.46 und 48). Daa allea iat ledig-

lich ain actaeclit gcrug geratenea Sich-brUaten mit etwaa juristiechem

Wiasen auf Seiten dea Sti listen, bar aller realen (.rundlagen. Ha lohnt

daher auch nicht, auf Vf. a Oetrachtungen ltt)er Konaepte und e)eurkundunga-

vorgtfnge in der eleilischen f.nlci einzugehen, von der. daa nunkupative

Teatanent R anf:eblich einc Musr.ahe.e bilde (S.17): "ner Auadruck 'aine scrip-

tia dicitur* macht n.E. aotohl eine htillttiung sis auch cine FKlachung

unwahracheinlich, da er sich nur auf einen Vorgang bei dieaer Urkunde

besiehen kann." Vgl, hierau ^-.6,n3,21,4: Per nuncupationeg. quo<^ue. ^^oc

est Bine script ura. testantenta ! t.6,22,8 riibr.: ut str, ecrlptic testcntur .

Nach dieaen AuatUhrungen iat ea *#ohl offenkundig, daaa K lediislich

eln - vernutlich kurial - augeatntstea Muater einea Vaiaertestanenta

daratcllt, das dann der Auswahl von Verard- und ThownS-Briefen eingefUgt

worden ist. Dabei bleib ea In dieaen Zuaamoenhang gleichgUltig, ob man

^,c{c, \rt
ein solchea StUck licber eine Verunechtung oder eine StllUbung zu ncnnen

'.>uaLu wUnscht. Die SchlUsse dea vf.s beruhen auf einer falschen Vorauasetzung,

TiMnlich auf der l^hthelt des Teotaraenta. Ha erllbrigt sich daher, auf dieae
iM'^'ht^-tu "OluAittf-

einaugchen. Trotzdem lohntc es, daa StUck zu ver3ffentlichen; denn als

StllUbung Oder Ve: unechtung hat E natUrlich clnen Quellenwert, und rwar

einen garni cht unintereasanten.

Brnat Kantorot^cc

/ / U I
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U
U
 Dr. H.M. Schaller, Roma Pom, 4.6.1956
Istituto Storico Germanico
Corso Vittorio Eraanuele, 209

Sehr verehrter Herr Professor,

fur Ihren liebenswdrdigen Brief vom 8.5. danke ich Ihnen
herzlich. Ich bin sehr glucklich, daS Sie meinen Aufsatz so
freundlich beurteilt hnben, denn gerade an Ihrem IJrteil sis
dem des besten Kenners der staufischen Zeit ist mir naturlich
ganz besonders gelegen. Kit Ihrer Bemerkung, daG Petrus de
Vines und seine Sakralisierung des Staates eher dem Strom-
kreis der Juristen angehort als umgekehrt, haben Gie selbst-
verst-indlich vollig recht. Ich habe mich da unklar ausge-
driickt. Sagen wollte ich, dafi die Pd"^^-Briefe in der spateren
Zeit wie ein Leitmotiv anscheinend gerade dort oft auftau-
chen, v;o geistige Stromungen, die auf die Sakralisierimg
abzielen, wirken, wobei die PdV-Texte wohl nur gerne heran-
gezogenes 'laterial gev/esen sind, aber nicht /vusgangspurikt
Mit meinem /.ufsatz ist naturlich noch nicht das letzte Wort
liber die PdV-Sammlung gesprochen. Ich halte es fur raoglich,
daS die ^.Iteste Samralung, von deren Aussehen wir nichts wis-
sen, an der p'lpstlichen Kurie hergestellt worden ist and in
Paris als Kern gedient hat, den man rait in Frankreich befind-
lichera Material sehr stark erweitert hat. /.ber solange dafir
keine besseren Indizien vorlieeen. mu ich bei melner 'lypo-
these bleiben, zumal, auch wenn die alteste Sammlung nicht in
T'aris entstanden v/nre, sich nichts daran andern wlirde, da3
die heute noch vor'iandene PdV-tJberlieferiJing auf jeden Fall,
wie ich es darzustellen versucht habe, unmittelbar oder mit-
telbar entweder auf die Pariser Universitat oder die papst-
liche Kurie zurUckgeht.
'>^'as die Arengae betrifft, so mochte ich sie gerne gele-
gentlich zusarame.i mit Herrii Xloos edieren, sobald wir wissen,
wer nun tatsUchlich der Verfasser oder Sammler dieser Texte
gewesen ist, oder wenigstens, wo und v/ann sie entstanden
sind. Dabei mochte ich Ihnen noch ganz besonders danken flir
I Ihren Hiniveis auf die ;.rengae-'berlieferung in Sevilla, Co-
lombina Cod. 82-1-23, die mir unbekannt war. Falls Sie selbst
Oder vielleicht Herr Prof. Kristeller eine Notiz darliber ha-
ben sollten, auf welchen Folien die Arengae stehen, ware ich
Ihnen fiir eine kurze Zitteilimg sehr dankbar. Tm ubrigen ver-
steht es sich von selbst, dal3 Herr Kloos und ich uns kein
Monopol far diese Arengae anmaSen; wenn Sie selbst, Herr Pro-
fessor, Oder irgendjemand anderes sich niit diesen Texten
welter beschaftigen wollen, wurden v/ir das nur begriSen.
7/ir sind dem Plan einer jMition der Sache eigentlich nur
deshalb n-ihergetreten, well wir nun einmal am PdV-Material
arbeiten und die Arengae dabei ganz gut einbeziehen konnen,
Mit freundlichen GruQen
Ihr Ihnen sehr ergebener

n u I u
^i'^'>\U:

^ Rom, 7.8.1957
Sehr verehrter Professor,
flerr
haben Sie herzlichen Dank fur die Zusendung Ihrer beiden
Aulsatze. Ich hatte sie zwar schon Vurz vorher in rlen
entsr)re-
chenden Zeitschriftenb'-.nden gelesen, freue raich aber sehr, ^
sie
nun auch zu besitzen. Ihre Ausf lihriinsen uber das von
G. 7olf
^""^ ^^^ :;scorial-ns. haben mich vbllir
M?oii ;^"i^'^''^^.-S^J^r''^
aberzeugt, und ich habe raeine ursprungliche Vermutung, daB es
sich urn eme frahere assung des echten Testaments
m aer Anzeige Ihres ..ufsatzes im nachsten T^and der
handeln konne,
^FIAB. ent-
sprechend berichtigt. Ratselhaft bleibt rriir vor a
lacolaus de Galvis. r]n in etwa vergleichbarer Titel
Hem der :;otar
im Jan. 1247_bei udolf von Poggibonsi, der, von -Tpius findet sich
cner ,.otar, m ciffentli-
aen ^lenst ..onig Jnzios getreten war: imperiali
auctoritate et dicti domini regis scriba et notarius (^^F'7
Der iJicolaus de Galvis selbst braucht m. ;. nicht unbedingt 13597)
dem kais. hichter .^icolaus de Calvo identisch zu sein, mit
wenn ich
,^!^^!?.sei^?5 2eit Herrn Dr. V.'olf selbst erst brieflich
auf diese
Loglicn.:eit hmgev/iesen habe. ITicht fur ausgeschlossen
aali der otilist sich selbst in der
halte ich,
Ilotarsnennung verewif^en v/oll-
te,__und man sollte daher ruhig noch andere
Personlichkeiten in
^rwagung Ziehen (vielleicht auch den Biografen Innocenz
IV. '?'?)

lait groGem mteresse habe ich ferner

Ihre ..usfiihrun-en iiber Vivit
et non vivit gelesen, die endlich diesen
schivierigen Komplex ge-
kl,-.rt haben. .Is wir Stipendiaten uns ira
rcim. Institut
Kufsatz unterhielten, meinte ilbrigens ^^err Dr. ITitschke,aber Ihrer
hatte m
diesem Zusammenhang auch die Bemerkungen in der Ghrorik
r.es sog. .^icolaus Jarasllla (iJuratori
man
SS 8, 497f.) ranfredus
.
quasi raanens Prederico, in quo quidem vivit pater iam *
*

raortuus *

usw. erwuhnen konnen. Aber Ihnen kam es ja wohl mehr

auf die
grundsjtzliche Aufhellung der Bedeutung des ^'ivit et non
ais auf die Darbietung samtlicher Peugnisse an vivit sfl
Sehr erfreut hat -ich auch Ihr Auf sat z in 'Speculum
zur rrage der ..achwirDung des Petrus de Vinea 32, der
v/i^ auch zur Jr-
lauterung der Pariser Brief samml;ing lat 8567 ^vertvolle
liefert. Sie wissen vielleicht, de.G, ich auf Grund
.
Beitr^ge
lung gerne emmal eine Biografie des IJicolaus de Rocca dieser Samm-
schreiben
mochte, vielleicht r-.sammen mit einer edition seiner
xe. Dabei wurae es mir eine groSe 'TUfe sein,
Prmvatbrie-
wenn Sie Ihren
i-lan einer ^erausgabe der Brief e des Stephanus
de S.Georgio, von
dem mir .^err Kloos schrieb, verwirklichen warden. Dafi
_

ich im
ubrigenfur die i:. de Rocca-Briefe kein I.Ionopol beanspruche, ver-
steht sich von selbst. Venn Sie aus lat. 8567 auch
irgendwelche
i.icolaus-otucke veroffentlichen wollen, habe ich gar nichts
gegen; im Gegenteil. Ich selbst habe Librlgens den da-
Brief ">.d in-
star facta celestis - describendo" (lat. 8567 f.103r)
in
lassung memer Dissertation aufgenommen und hoffe, dai? die Keu-
der nun
scp.on bald em Jahr dauernde Druck (in Archiv fur
Diplomatik 3)
bald beendet sein wird.
^?''%^?^' ^^^^^ vielleicht noch berichten,
rin ich ^i^P%^i'''J^'^^
da^ To? ab 1. )ktober endg ,ltig von Rom nach .Ranchen
und m iibersiedelA
den unmittelb&ren Dienst der ;,.Ionumenta tret en werde.
Ich bleibe mit nochmaligem Danl: und den besten
GriiBen
Ihr Ihnen sehr ergebener

/foUUf^ U/fai/fl'l^ ^Ujg^Xtlj.

n u u 1

u u u I
k
JH Professor Dr. Erich Genzmer (24a) Hamburg 13, den 11. Juni 1957
Mittelweg 17 I

Luftpost
Herm Professor Dr. Ernst Kantorowicz
The Institute for Advanced Study
School of Historical Studies
Princeton N.J.
U3A

Sehr verehrter Herr Kantorowicz!

Herzlichsten Dank fUr Ihren Aufsatz uber die Rechtsgrund-
lage der Kaisersage. Ich habe ihn geradezu mit Spannung gele-
sen. Dass der schlafende Barbarossa im Kyffhauser ein deut-
sches Missverstandnis staufischer dynastischer Propaganda ist,
hatte ich mir nicht traumen lassen. Ihre Arbeit zeigt, wie weit>
man, von einer scheinbar speziellen, trockenen Echtheitsf rage
ausgehend, mit einer Methode gelangen kann, welche alien in Be-
tracht kommenden G-edankenstrbmungen nachspurt.
Ich hoffe, zu Ihren Argumenten noch ein wenig beitragen
zu kbnnen. Aber zunachst gestatten sie mir eine etwas schul-
meisterliche Bemerkung. Wir haben alle auf dem Gymnasium ge-
lemt, videri mit "scheinen" zu ubersetzen. Aber dieae Uber-
setzung ist falsch, nicht nur in juristischen Texten, sondem
auch in philosophischen und sonstigen. Gotheins sonst gute
tJbersetzung der Consolatio philosophiae des Boethius zeigt das
bei Jedem Male, wo er videri mit "scheinen" tibersetzt. Schei-
nen bedeutet, dass etwas nur scheinbar oder bestenfalls, dass
es wahrscheinlich so ist. Videri bedeutet, dass etwas so ange-
sehen werden muss, ... dass etwas als ... anzusehen ist. in
den Rechtsquellen igt s geradezu ein Juristisches s^i^ man
kann es dort meistens mit "fiir die juristische Betrachtung" iibo*
setzen oder auch mit: "gel ten als". Consentire videtur = gilt
als zustimmend. Auf S. 133 oben Ihres Aufsatzes wUrde ich e twa
ubersetzen: " .... als lebend angesehen werden."
Nun zur Sache, und zwar zu S. 137 ff. Nach romischem
Recht ist der Erbe Repraesentant, zu deutsch Wiedervergegenwar-
tiger des Erblassers. Daraus hat ja Ferdinand Lassalle die be-
rtthmte juristische tJnsterblichkeit kraft des rbmischen Erb-
rechts entwickelt. Wenn Sie das ausgezeichnete Buch von Frie-
drich von Woess, Das romische Erbrecht und die Erbanwarter,
Berlin: Pranz Vahlen 1910, zur Hand haben, finden Sie auf S.8
ff . einen tJberblick iiber den zweiten Band von Lassalles "Sy-
stem der erworbenen Rechte". Auch die Pomulierung von Ludwig
MitteiB uber die Ererbung der Personlichteit wird dort (S.12y
erwahnt, ebenso die Sitte, den Ring ale Annex der Personlich -
^eit dem Srben zu ubergeben ^S. H3). Sedes materiae im Cor-
pus luris ist die Justinianische Novelle 48, am Ende ihrer prae
fatio. In der mittelalterlichen Einteilung des Authenticum
steht sie in der collatio V Titel 2. Dort heisst es:"Cum uti-
que nostris videtur legibus unam quodammodo esse personam he-
redis et eius qui in eum transmittit hereditatem". tiazu bit-
te ich die Glossa ordinaria des Accursius heranzuziehen, und
zwar die Glossen Unam quodammodo und Sibimet, wo es am Ende

heisst

U
/U U
u
/
I
 -2-

heiastr^cum sit (der Erbe) cua eo (dem Erblasser) eadem persona ".
Es gibt eine Reihe von Paralilstellen, die nicht so
deutlich sprechen, z.B. D. 41, 3, 22 (Heres et hereditas ... unius
personae ... vice funguntur). Dazu aber die accursische Glosse
Unius: "scilicet deftmcti, ut" ... etc. (folgen Parallelstellen)
Zu 3. 140: Wenn Johannes Gerson von der mors natural is
aut civilis des Vaters spricht, der aber in der Person seines
Sohnes fortlebt, so gebraucht er gleichfalls einen Ausdruck des
romischen Rechta. Die bei den romischen Juristen allgemein ubli-
che Gegenub erst el lung von naturaliter und civiliter (Belege in
Heumann-Seckels Handlexikon zu den Quellen des rbmischen Rechts)
findet nur einen speziellen Anwendungsfall in den Ausdriicken
mors naturalia und mors civilis. Sin spater Sprossling der mors
civilis ist der "bUrgerliche Tod" als Strafe, wie er in Artikel
10 der Preussischen Verf assungsurkunde von 1850, in Artikel 13
der Belgischen Verfassung verboten wurde, wahrend die mort ci-
vile der zu lebenslanglicher Zwangsarbeit oder Deportation Verur-
teilten in Prankreich erst 1854 abgeschafft wurde. In Deutschland
hatte man die Reichsacht mit dem btirgerlichen Tod verglichen
(Belege in Weiske, Rechtslexikon fiir Juristen aller teutschen
Staaten, Leipzig 1857 Band 11 s. 432 ff.).
Der biirgerliche Tod hat, soviel ich sehe, zwei Grundla-
gen im romischen Recht. Einmal erscheint er als Nebenfolge der
Deportation auf eine Insel. j^^ ^^^^ Institutionen 1, 12, 1 heisst
es von demDeportierten:" perinde ac si mortuo eo". Dazu die
accursische G-losse Mortuo: "nota deportatum mc^uum, ailtcet ci-
viliter. sic** ... (folgen Parallelstellen). Diese BdffalTfintjg^ kommt
ftir Gerson schwerlich in Betracht, wohl aber ?ur die spatere
Entwicklung der mort civile bezw. des biirgerlichen Todes ale
einer Strafe Oder Nebenfolge einer Strafe.
Die andere romanistische Quelle li|ft wie ich vermute,
in den Rechtssatzen iiber die Kriegsgef angenechaft. Der kriegs-
gefangene Rbmer ist Sklave der Peindc. Kehrt er aber zurlick
(postliminiiam)
, so erhalt er seine Rechtstellung wieder. Stirbt
er in der Gefangenschaf t, so wird er kraft der Piktion einer
Lex Cornelia als im Moment der Gef angennsQime d.h. im letzten
,

Augenblick seiner Preiheit, gestorben behandelt und kann also

nach romischem Recht beerbt werden. In C. 8, 50 (51) lex 1 1
am Ende heisst e8:"cum eo tempore quo captus est diem suum pa-
ter obisse existimetur". Die accursische Glosse zu dieser Stel-
le gibt fiir unsere Prage allerdings nichts aus. Aber nehaen wir
D. 49, 15, 11 pr. , wo es am Schlusse heisst: "sive quoniam non
reverse eo (= patre) exinde sui iuris videtur fuisse, ex quo pa-
ter hostium potitus est." In d ieseq Palle lebt also der Vater
(naturaliter^ als Sklave der Peinde, ist aber, civiliter verstor-
oen, so dass der Sohn frei von der vaterlichen Gewalt geworden
ist. Hierzu die accursische Glosse Exinde, welche die verschie-
denen in der Lex behandelten Palle auseinanderlegt und'^n deren
Mit^e es heisst: "quia cum pater gjpr itur na turaliter ...".
Eine SpEBialarbeit iiber die romanistlschen Ursprunge der
mors civilis ist mir nicht bekannt. Ich selber kann nicht unter-
suchen, wo etwa bei Accursius sonst noch vom mori civiliter oder
naturaliter die Rede ist und welche Entwickliingen bei den Spa-
teren, vielleicht bei Petrus de Bellapartica, Cinus, Bartolus,
Baldus usw.usw. a ich daran geknupft haben. Ob sie auf den Trak-
tat des Johannes de Terra Rubea eingewirkt hat, kann ich aus Ih-
rem Bericht uber den Traktat (S. 138 bis 140 Ihree Aufsatzes)
nicht ersehen. Aber bei Gerson ist es doch wohl deutlich. Pur

-3-

/ / U U J
 -3-

ihn ist die mors civilis der Juristische Tod, welcher auch die
mors politica notwendig einschliesst. Daraus ergibt sich fUr
Geraon, daes auch das juristische Portleben, die vita civilia,
die vita politica, den kbniglichen Stand, umfasst. Gerson
schreibt ganz korrekt: "De secunda Regis vita ..., civili vide-
licet et politica ...". sie sprechen vom civilen oder politi-
Bche Leben (S. 140 luiten) . Aber, wenn ich nicht Irre, handelt
es sich fUr Gerson nicht um ein "Oder"^ sondem um ein "Und".
Er will das politische Leben in das "civile", d.h. juristische
einschliessen, so wie x\ der Terminologie des modernen Verfas-
sungsrechts die ataatsburgerlichen Recnte mit den biirgerlichen
Rechten als ihrer Voraussetzung zusammenhangen.
Wenn ich im Vorstehenden die Glosse des Accursius, die
sukzessive zwischen etwa 1220 und 1250/1260 entstanden ist, zi-
tiert habe, so geschah es, weil sie gedruckt und bequem erreich-
bar ist. Im grossen ganzen hat aber Accursius anscheinend gegen-
uber semen unmittelbaren Vorgangem, wie Azo, Hugolinus nichts
weaentlich Neues gebrachto
Bitte nehmen Sie dies alles als ein Zeichen fUr das le-
bendige Interesse, welches Ihr Aufsatz in mir erweckt hat.
Dabei haben wir in Hamburg aber Ihre friihere Prage (Ur-
teil im Namen des Kbnigs statt im Namen Gottes) nicht vergessen.
Einer unserer wissenschaf tlichen Mitarbeiter beschaftigt sich
mit diesen Dingen, und ich hoffe, dass seine Ergebnisse Ihnen
bald vorgelegt werden konnen.
Mit nochmaligem aufrichtigen Dank und herzlichen Griis-
sen bin ich, sehr verehrter Herr Kantorowicz,

Ihr Ihnen stets sehr ergebener

n u u J
u u J I
 Stift Neuburg.am 31. Mai 1957

Sehr verehrter Herr Professor!

Vielen Dank fur das vor wenigen Pagen angekommene Ser^aratum

Three interessanten und ftir die Kaiser^eechichte sehr
wertvollen
Beitrage im Neuen^ ,d.h. jetzt Deutschen Archiv.Eine kleine
kritische
Bem^^rkung.Kann "Son-enknabe" nicht doch auch im Deutschen
"die Some
ale Knabe" bedeuten? Ich meine wenigstens.-S.124 Anra.
29:Leider habe
ich dpn Text nicht zur Hand.Aus dem.was Sie geben(finis
vite. .credi-
.

te = vitae creditae) mcchte ich annehnen.dass ee

heissen soil:" des
anvertrautenCnamlich vom Schbcfer den Henschen) Lebens'.'-Genilgt zur
Erklarung des Ursprungs der Kaisersage wirklich ein^Missverstehen"
(S.15o)? Liegt der Grund der Mystifikation nicht doch
tiefer? Gibt
es nicht auch schon in der Antike etwas Ahnliches?
Ich meine, raich zu
erinnern.weiss aber nicht mehr.HoAch es gesehen habe. Ich kann
mich
aber a^^ch tauschen.Prof .Alfoldi mtJsste es wissen.Ist der
nicht dort?
Bei Fulbri. ht bin ich leider zu spat gekoiru-nen.Die Auswahl
hat schon stattgefunden und die Stiuendien ftir 1957/58 sind ^
alle
vergeben.FtJr 1958/59 konnte ich vorgemerkt werden.Ich hatte
eher
wissen sollen.dass die Anmeldungen moglichst bald geschehen
mlissen,
dann hatte es der Zeit nach bis zur Auswahlsitzung noch
gereicht.
Ich hatte.bevor ich Schritte unternahm,erst Ihren und
P.Anselms
Bescheid abvarten wol]en.Dadurch entstand die Verzogerung.Ob
ich
freilich zu den Auserwah ten gehbrt hatte ,ist auch ungewiss.Ich
habe bei der Fulbright Commission, Deutsches Programm,Bad Godesberg,
auch angefragt,ob nicht ein Stipendium des nachsten Jahres ftir
mich
schon dieses Jahr abgezweigt werden konnte, aber das geschieht
of fen-
bar auch nicht.
Ee ist mir sehr leid,dass das schief geg^jngen ist.Ich
hatte
das mir ja von Ihrem Institut im Falle des Versagens
Pulbrights in
Aussicht gestellte Keisestipendium lieber nicht beansDrucht. Jetzt
b leibt mir aber nichts anderes tibrig.
P.Anselm verde ich i^-d^tt naeiT^Tea-Ta^^en auch berichten.

Wit den herzlichsten Grussen und WUnr chen

yCi 'cO. (^i

(.A^cO-C'xtu.^

r <^z^

n u u u
u u I I
\^7- 1^.139

THE INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY

PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

4/*; /'
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SCHOOL OF HISTORICAL STUDIES

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 Ui. April 19^6

Lieber Herr Kloos,

Ich schrieb eben an Herrn Dr. Fxihnnann we^en der "olf'schen

Dissertation urr* deren Besorechunp, sardte auch plpichzeitiiJ: -nein MS
an das DA mit Ihrem Nanen als Interadresse.

Diese Pespre-^hunpr hrt sich zu einem l/inppren />\ifsatz au?rewchsen,

ir dessen Tell I Ich der StilUburt^scharakter (Verunecht\inr, bbcrarbeiturp,
Literari alerunp oder wie Imrier Sie e? rennen mtipen) de?' Testarionts nach-
pewlesen zu hahcr pjaube. Ir. Teil II >-esprenhe id danr suf ^rpiter
Grundlape die Phrase des sop. Testaments per svibstit-utuTi vivpre xind ver-
binde dieses Dictum mlt dem Sibyllinun Vivit et ron vivTT i

Wbplicherweise uberschreidpt sir;h das zum Teil "-it Threr Aran,?)!

Ihres '^eitraps z\ir Baethpen-Festschrift, da "^ie .la diese Ann. noch i-.
Slnne der "Identit:=t" von Valer und ='chn ausbauer well ten. rias schadet
aber pamlchts - an werdpsten der Ssche selVst. Aus-erdeT koTTnen 3ie
.1a als T rster heraus, und wenn zwei /ufs-^tze intepriert sind, so zel^^t

es n\ir, dass von vcrschlederen Anl^ufen ber yhnliche -esultate er7,ielt

werdcn. Das sollte Sle sc werip wie nich i'^ cerirr'^iten strren. T'-er
Titel meines Aufsatzes ("Zu den Recbtsrrundlapen Her Kalsersape") zeipt
.1a, daPS ich aiif anderes hir.auswill, wobei Ihr f-vPrece-^rief z\r" Tode

Kriedrichs II. mir wiederuw ein willkcTmener Anstoss und "riickensteir

war.

Ich babe .ledoch noch einipe Pitten. Zurf-chst W^re ich Ihnen
sehr dar.kbar, wenn Sie die Seiten- und Anmerkunpszahlen Ihres '"rpce-
aufcatzes, dpr doch wohl DA 1?/? hfrauskc^t, eins^tzen wirden. Ich
zitierte nach rhrerri Schreibmasrhinendurchschlap, der Sie .1a sicher
noch zur Hand haben. Zweitens mbchte ich Sie bitten, nein MS Ibren
Editionsmpthoder ^-leicihen. Per iinplo-A-nprikani-ohe '>til ist andprs,
weil es kelne S _ ribt, sondeiTi blop- kurslv. ^'cn Irterschied zu
,

nachen, was unterstrichen tird was unterschla'npelt werden nuss, babe

ich nicht inmer pewusst und meine Assistentin hat slcber noch einlres
verwechselt. A^ch das Aufreben nr'.l'->cher ^and- urd T>uch-''ahlen fiel
mir schwer. Vlelleicht passen Sie auch darauf auf - a. cb wenn Sie
sprachlich aiif Anplicis^en stos'-er: ich bin -neiner bisweilen nicht
panz sicher.

U
/u u
u/
I
 - ? -

Die V.olf 'sche Arheit Ist Ubripens Vei rt-'b^ren

Zusehen nrch
schlechter als ich .edacht hatte. Die Interpolation
der Aldobrandesca
als .otation fur M.nfred 1st ihm Uberhaupt
nicht aufref alien - er da'hte
offer-ar, die Grafschaft iMpr- auch in
Apulien. Ich babe -.elne Krttik
mit panz wenUen Ausrahmen, In die Funsroten
verdi^-^npt tmd avicb sonst'
versucht, die Kritik herabzusti-rrnen. Soil ten Sle 1e<1och finden. ich
f5ei 7,u scharf rewpsen oder -lich
UberflUf^-ifer KritteTei bir-rere'en
3o sapen Sie mir das Vitte ranz offen. Ich bin villens, alle "Anprlffe"
?yx elln,irieren, die 3ie als
unbeerUn^^et, 2U heftip odrr ir '^er Sache
selbst ^weifelhaft empfinden sollten. Mir llept
1a in rmnde nur
dnrar, dies Dokument nirht als "echt"
diirchpf^hen 7,u la^^sen. Tbr ink
mit dem 8ozu55apen von Frau Heller peschwurpenen
Zaunofabl dea Thomas
vor Capua (was wie eine Alfred i-.ebpr'sche
Pr-ipunp klinpt) war -nir
parz wertvoU; T.anpela eines Hahn, -Qll.-nonum
.. kor.rte ich aber bls-
er die >-eiden ISriefe richt elnsehen -
doch bin ich rt-^cbst^ Voche in
harvard und kbrnte ^as nachholen.

I^er schlies-^lich noch zwei Nachtr'arsel:

1) AnTrul06 Oilson: ( Paris 19<2 ) war auspela- en.

vlelleicht einer Anderunp, ur.d zwar In folpender Welge:

1^2!!^!* ^^^'^ ^^^ "edeutunp und Lntwicklunpsgeschichte der nuncuoatio

in kUaslscher und nachklasslscher Jurisprudenz

sei hler nicht einpe-

panpen, da zur Erkl-!runp, des Testaments E di.- Jurisprudenz des 13.Jhdts.

nasspebend war; vf^l. .ledoch P.KUbler, v. "Tbetanent Murintisch)," in:
Bd.V A:l ) RE., VA,1, Sp.9?C,993,996 zur Crlentierunp. Aus der Aendunp sine

^^^i'^HLli^ii^ ^^^'^^'^ 5i^ SchlUs-e auf sizilische Konzepte, reurkun-

durpsvorRiinKe u.'rf, nicht zlehen (s.oben Anm.lC).

Dr. Schallers PdV-Aufsatz babe ich mit prf^sstem

Interesse und
^It Tewundcrunp Pelesen. Rr ist clnfach ai:spe7eicbnet
und unf^ew hnlich
auf schlus reich. fch schrclbe ihm noch direkt. Pob
^'enson ist cgrz ver-
gnupt hier, da er eine Stelle als Instructor an
r^ar-iard ^oDlepe (6 i
Columbia 'university) beko'nmen hat. An Fi'-iulein Dr.Autbenriet scbrei^e
ich dieser Tape.

Kit bestem Dank im Voraus, puten AUnschen

und Grllssen

Ihr

/
U u u
' u
u u I
Dr. M.
S. Kloos
Munchen 2
Arcisatr. 10/218. Miinchen, >. IVlai ^^?^.

Sehr verehrter Herr Profesdor Kantorowicz!

Heben oie besten Denk fur Ihren freundlichen Briet vom 14.
April; euch Thr Aufsatz ist inzwischen wohlbehelten aler ein-
getrot'len.
Seit unserem letzten Briet'wechsel haben oich zwei Dinge ge-
andert, die das Verhaltnis Ihres Auf^atzes zu aera meinit^en
ein verandern; erstens wird mein Aufsatz nicht oChoa
weni>:5

jetzt, aondern aucti erst in 13,1 eraclieinen, also im gleichen

Heft wie der Ihrige, und zwar wohi unmittelbar voraudgehend,
da Ihr Thema chronologisch weiter ausgreift. Dies ist je euch
gut so, da )ie raehrfach euf den von
veroffentiichten Text
mil?
Bezug nehmen, wahrend ich mehr en passant auf Ihre Beurteiiung
des Wolfschen Testaments hinweise.
?in zweites eber ist wichtif^-er, namlich dali sich ein Aufsatz
sehr wesentlich erweitert het, weo auch aer Hauptgrund fiir
die verzoe'erte Publikation ist. Die Wrweiterung besteht vor
allem in der Kinzufiigung eines zweiten Teils, den man etv*a
'Kaisermythus und Poiitik' iiberschreiben konnte. as v^ar vor
allem ein Gedenke der mir wahrend der Aroeit aufstieii and
,

mir so wichtig erschien, d&ii ich inn zar Diskussion stellen

zu miissen glaubte: namlich aa^i Friedrich selbst bereits ganz
bewulit die Wrblichkeit der Kaiserwiirde angestrebt haue. Ich
stiitze mich dabei vor pllem auf das echte Testament, in cem
Friedrich iiber das Reich verfugt als ob es vieder Papst noch
I'\ir3ten gebe, und ziehe zur Illustration heren die entspre-
chenden Bestrebungen vor und n^ch Friedrich, seine eij^enen
Aulierungen, '-iuoniam abbas' und die rt^asi-Icentitatstheorie
und mit dieser schlieSlich die mystischen Vorstellungen: Sonne^
Phonix, aquila orientalis.
3ie werden nun verstehen, da^i ich zunachst etwas beunruhigt
war, els ich in Ihrem Brief den Titei Ihres Aufsatzes .^as
Nun, nechdem ich diesen selbst gelesen habe, hat sich doch
die Beunrui^igung gelegt und ich bin vielmehr LiDerzeugt, da^i

beide Aufsatze ohne nnderungen sehr gut nebeneinander stehen

konnen. Benutzen wir zwar vielfach ahnliche /^rgumente, so ist

n u u u
U U I I
doch der viesichtswinkei jeweils ein gpnz enderer entaprecherid
dem verschiedenen Ausgsngspunkt and Ziel der Untersuchungen.
Ich ubersende Ihnen gleichzeitig mit gewohnlic'ier Post den
Durchschiag meiaej Aufi38tze3, wea ich ja allerdingo jchon
friiher hattetun konnen; aber ich konnte je ebensowenig ver-
muten, wie oich Ihre Besorechung des Wolfschen Testaments
euswschson wiirde, wie ahnen konnten, waa aus meiner elten
^;ie

Anmerkung 24 w/eraen wiirde! Soilten 3ie also doch glauben, nech

Kenntnis meines ganzen Aufsatzes etwas andera zu sollen, so
ist dafiir natiirlich noch reichlich, Zeit (vielleicht Ihre Anm.
45'^), aber wie gesrgt, ich gleube, daii raan alies so lassen
kann.
Die technischen /mderungen hsbe ich durchgeluhrt , es war nicht
allzu viel.
Die merkwlirdige Paralieiitat der beiden Arbeiten hat natiiriich
uriinde, die teilweise wenigstens derin liegen, daJ Manchea,
wad ^'ie jetzt zaaanraenfasoen, in anderen Zusammenhangen be-
reits in Ihren I'ruheren Arbeiten fiir den, der Augen hat zu
sehen, verstreat lag - und wie stark ich dieae benutzt hebe,
zeigen hoffentlich deutlich genug meine Zitete. Dies will
nichts anaere.i besagen, al3 daJ ich mich in gewiosem oinne
als Ihr ochiiier i'iihle , der sich allerdings - and deswegen
scheue ich mich ein wenig dies aaszasprechen - seiner Unzu-
langlichkeit durchaus bewuiit ist. Die Kraft aer Darstellung,
die ich vor allem in Ihrem 'FriedricWII. so sehr bewunaere, '

fehlt voilig and ob ich jeinals Ihre umfasoenae Stoffbe-

rnir

herrschang erreichen werce, erscheint mir sehr i'raglich. Je-

denfells aber wird es Ihnen demnach verstandlich sein, deU
each der oChiiler einm&l in das Horn des Meisters stdJt!
Es wird raich neturiich ganz beoonderj iuteresjieren, wes oie
zu meinen oben angedeuteten Jedanken iiber das liestreben Fried-
richs, das Kaisertam erbiich zu laachen, dagen werden.
Was Ihre Arbeit anbetriflt, so hebe ich daren natiiriich wtder
in Form noch Inhelt etwes aaszusetzen, vieinehr hatte ich mir
ja auch seinerzeit schon segen konnen, dfiii die emotionel be-
dingten V-orte einea personlichen ijriefes nicht mit einer fur
die Offentlichkeit bestirnmten Kritik zu verwechseln sind.
t^brigens haben Sie Ihren Angriff ja auch deutlich genug an
die richtige Adresse gerichtet, die fiir eine solche Arbeit
verantwortlich ist!

/
U
U U
/
u I I
I I
Nach3ten3 werae ich rnich wohl mit flerrn ocheller gemeirioem
mit den 'Arenge Petri de Vineis' bedchaftii^en musjen, woreus
^^8h^acheinlich ein Petrud de Viverio wird. /ber de^ lot mehr
Herrn Scheilero Sache, wahrend jich mein /agenmerk hfuptaach-
lich auf die mitiiberlieferten Boioj^nerfer AreritSen and den /d-
vokstentrjiktet richten wird. Gestern schickte mir Herr Nitscii-
ke einen oonderdruck seines Aufsstzes uber die '?eden des Bar-
tnoiomaus von Capua (.^FI/B.). der leider Ihren Accursiuoauf-
aatz nicht kannte, sodaB der Arbeit eigentiich die Jrundiege
fehlt.
Herrn Schallers PdV-Aufsatz zeichnet wie aile .jeine /rbeiten
groBe Klerheit und NFiichternheit aus sodaB man unbedingt v^/eiB
,

woran man ist. Vas mich personlich besonders freut ist die
Tatssche, daB er meinem Standpunkt in aer PaV-Kra 'e so ge-
recnt wie moglich wurce, soda.j ich seine Ausfiihrungen sis
Genzes ohne weiteres unterschreiben k&nn. t^brigens schreibt
er mir ^er^de, daB .jetzt Professor Pivec seinen Aufsatz 'Die
Brief ssmmiung des Petr^s de Vinea' herausgebpacht babe (Inns-
brucker Eeitrage zur Kulturwissenschaf t 5, 1955, Heft 2: Al-
tertumswissenschaft - "umanismus, S. 73 - 84); er versuche
darin nachzuweisen, deB fast aile Brief e von Buch I (Scherd)
Fiktionen seien! Kommentar iiberfliissig.
!

Fur Herrn Benson freut es mich sehr, ded er eine offenbar

befriedigende Steile gefunden hat; uns aile aoer betriibt es,
daB die Hoffnung ihn bsld wieder bei uns zu sehen, nun end-
giiltig dehin ist; wir mochten ihn sehr gem.
Damit verbleibe ist ich mit den besten Wiinschen far Ihr
Wohler^^ehen und Ihre Arbeiten und mit herzlichem GruB
Ihr stets sehr ergebener

IfL^KAj^iuiu.^

n u u
?
Munchen, 19. Juli 1956.

Sehr verehrter nerr Professor Aaiitorowicz!

Haben oie zunachst besxen jjank fur Ihre beiden Brieie vom 26.
Mai-und 18. Juni, auf dereii ^ecxritwortur.g 3ie ja nun reichlich iaa
lange warten niuBten. Es frout mich sehr, dais 3ie nieinen Aulsatz
anerkei.nen, zumal die Hesonanz unsersr .-^rbeiten ja hier recht
gering ist.
Die letzte Anrr.erKui^g meines Aufsatzes zu Julius Caescir, qui pro-
Ji32_J^i^^^^^^ii^-SiM^J^^3^ iiabe icn inzwischen noch
erweiT^ert. Der Inhtilt dieses -qui-Satzes ist ja niches anderes,
als Fanfred 1265 in seinem Rome manifest anfuhrt urn gegebe-
v;as

nenf^lls seine r^aiseransprUche auch gegen den Villen des yenats

durchzusetzen, worauf Jie Ssite 559 Ihres Friedrichbucnes hin-
gewiesen haoen. So laeine ich, daI3 man sich schon urn 1250 (Jedan-
ken machte, die in diese -:iGhtung fuhrten. Ne.ir konnte ich nicht
in die .inmerkung preesen, aber es h:.n.^t noch ein ganzer Ratten-
sctiwanz von Fragen daran, vor allem der Virtus-JedankeH, der
Zusai;;merihang mit der alteren staufischen .iuf .assung von der
translatio imperii (Karl d.G-r. und Otto I. habei. sich propria
virtute das imperium erworben^ i.ullius beneficio), das ulles un-
ter dem iiesichtspunkt der papstlichen Fichtanerkennung, , . Ich
mochte gern die KuISe haben, dies eingehender zu verfolgen.
Aoer: zunachst mulr ich jetzt einen Liters burbericnt uber Frie-
drich II. 1950-56 fur Prof. Kutcners Traditio machen; zwischen-
durcn Koimt mein Urlciub, ab morgen vier .ocnen, den ich in
rrier und der iiifel verbringen werde , wo ich zu x4ause bin.
Im Herbst muB ich dann ernsthaft wieder ein Stuck Petr^is de
Vinea kollationieren und im- Winter wird rnein nnteil an dem Auf-
satz uoer die Arenge Petri de Viverio akut werden. Inzwischen
werde ica gedrangt, die Funcaner Inschriften abzuschliefien, r-ie
ich ja noch iiebenner mache damit sie zum dtadt jubilaum 1958
,

erscheinen kbnnen. Also Arbeit genug!

Am 1 Jdnuar soil nun der Hrchivdienst beginnen. Kir graust vor
.

dem iiedanken an das Archiv, aoer ich sehe Keine andere Zukunfts-
moglichKeit fur mich. Dann wird meine Zeit fur wissenschaftliche
Arbeit naturlich noch kncipper.

n u u J
U L I I
tjbrigens ist rair da noca euwas ^iufgefallen, was 3ie u.j-. inter-
essieren kormte, wolur iclri aber keine Terwei.dung naoe. Jecrietun
re^2i^ ^^}^J^_Joo^^'^^J_^ est, o^pera auj^ni Dei_revel are et_conf inert
honorifi^un^^ das ist Opusculun. de S. Severe episcopo, Kap.2,
in B. Dapasso, Nonumenta ad I\eapolitani ducatus historiam per-
tinentia 1(1881) 3. 270. Dazu benierkt er Anm. 3: Hoc initium. .

ex libro Tobias desumptuiii pluribus et praesertini nostris, qui

sunecorum vitas scripserurit , conmiune fuit... j^hnlich beginnt
auch rieinrici II. vitae additarneritum, iXG.iiS. 4, 3. 816, die Er-
zaiilung vori der iiingelsmesse auf dem Monte 'Jargano. Hangt das KXEii
nicht mit 'Arcana imperii* zusairrmer;? In den Atti del convegno
di studi Federiciani zitiert K^rongiii 3. 32, Anm. 2 '
le belle pa-
gine d4 .P. Ue Francisci, Arcana Imperii, vol. 1,111,2, Kilano
1938, p. 46,76sg.' l^s muB sich um dj,e zweite Aui'lage von P.
De Prancisci's Storia del diriuto romano handeln, :
ie ich a&er
hier nirgends beKOiiimen kann.
Beiliegend kar.n ich. Ihnen bereit:s einen Fahnenabzug meiner Selbsl
'bezicntigung uber den Petrus dQ Prece - Aufsatz schicken, v7ie 3i
seiien, habe ich hier eine Parallele zu dem von Ihnen im I'ikolaus
von Sari benerkten gefunden, die auch sehr interessant ist. Das
ist ja uberhaupt eine merk^vUrdige Erscaeinung, da.ii ofienbar ge-
raae bei den sizilischen juris ten Verse antiker Ji enter ein
solch juristisch.es, 3-ewicnt bekommen. Sin welter Fall ware im
Manfredmanifest, nbsatz 20, gerade die Jtelle liber Julius Cae-
sar, v/o LUiian ziciert wird: traximus imperium q uamvis nolenxe
senatu! Das v;are aucn mal eine UncersuCxUng wert.
Darnit griiiie icn Sie fur heute herzlich und wiinsche Ihnen einen
recht angenenmen und erholsaiLen Url-iUb
Ihr

Meine ridresse bis 19. August:

/W^ Ut. t^u^
Trier, Danystr. 3.

n u u J
U J I I
 THE INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY
PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

I'i. Nov. 19<1

Licbsr Herr Dr. Kloos,

Herzlichst^n Dank fUr Ihren fr^\indlich..n Prief

und sof^ben iat auch das darln
anPekUndipte KS ancr,.koTni
'nen. Ich bin mitt<.n in anderen Ding^n,
konntr ^s mir
sb^r nicht vrrsagen, doch sopl-ich
einen Blick in das
Heft zu werfen. Ich stellte sofort
fest, dass es sich
um die mir bekannte StilUbung
h.ndelt, die ich "Petrus
oe Vine, xn England," '/ICG,
LI,p.86, erWdhnte und von
,. ich eine Ihotographie hier hab^ mit meiner Trans-
.kription von ca.l939. Irsofern also nichts neues.
Was mich an d.m Testament s.Z.
interessierte, war
lediglich die Phrase (bei Ihnen
7.ile 30ff):
Et sic oportet miserrime,
opportuit -^t "oooort^bit
impost^rm Ir-gem nature subesse et iupo
s^Tvire libertatig iudlnium . ~ -servituti^
Die unterstrichenen Stellen
-ti men naturlich mit
drmbekarnten Statthalterdiplom PdV.,V,l,
Uberein, d h
o
-3 1st aie m StilUbunPen Ubliche Verba llhornunp orVr *
.dapti^rung de. Diploms oder des
Ub.aug.-rooems (cf.
^^"^ "" '^^^ ^"^^^ ^''lli^ rinwandfrei
Z'a.^u'V.I
puf die "Lnechtbeit" des Testaments
hinweist. D.ss
.' suave iupum imperii in seiner letzten
J'^^:
ls Stunde
= ^1" 1^!; -^^^^^^^tis anre^nrochen hrttte, ist doch
in Zu^tand d.r Ver-, Zer-
und Beknirschunp kurz: .ine
ti|tnoia, die wir dem guten Fr.II.
doch lieber ersp,ren
wollen und die Uberdies ein
Weiterbe.fhen d,.
uss doch ein "Joch der Freiheit" i ,+ iK.r.-pv Ir^^^^rim^ . ^ ^^^*
^ST^> aberflu5!?ig femacht
h" + f* *n=.-
h..tte.TDass ^4. u- '^t'^-^"'*^^
weiterhm ein Kaiser "Intestat" sterben
.ollte und ein Testament macht,
um das Reich mit Pertin-
-nzen dem Heimfall an den
Fiskus zu entziehen, ist Joch
-xne so ulkige Idee, dass wir
.ie nur dem mit ein pa^r
juristischen Floskeln glanzend.n
SUlisten zuschreib;n
dar.en: ich bxn nicht sicher,
glaube aber nicht, dass
ein Kaiser mtestat sterben
kann - auss^r in
P^^'^^"l^che p.trimonium . das j. aber
-eW "f
dem gf't""
di" Fiskus schon in der An tike o^t mit
zu rammenfieL Sif

/ / u u u
 r^izende Anr^d* "Filii beati..eimi" vol]
en wir doch libber
uch de-i Stilisten zuput*. halten. (Ich
sahe ^hen. dass
3ie karissimi" l-sn: ich bin nicht
Panz Ub*r7,tifrt. ber
in diesem Falle rntfiele meine ^-merkung).
Weiter: das
^itat Joh,l[-,9, rnit dem ganzm voraufpehe.nden
imd folP^nder
Sstz xst von Dr...olf nicht verstanden.
Es hand^'lt sich'
um die jurtstische Identitat von Vater
und Sohn-
Inst^III,l,3: "t 5tatim norte parentis
cuasi continustur
do:Tanium" und dazu Glos.a ord. .v.cmasi
"s.d pat.r et
:

lilius unuxn fiction" iuris sunt."

C.6,26,11: "Natura pater et filius
eadem esse person*
pene intelUguntur."
c.8,C.I,q.l4, ed.Friedberg,I,Ll9 "unus
err.t cum il]o."
Extravnp. Johann X:gl. TU ( -Execrsbilis),
die rao-e
'''"''^' "^P"^'''
'^ ^^^^^'^ "'^""^ persons finr
atuHs'-^e^"^''"'
FUr di Ribelstelle (oder panz Mhnliche:
Joh.ir,,!-^; Rrm.
8,1. i Gal.h,7j Luk.l<,31; Ps.lC9 [llC] ,1) in die-em
Zu-
sammenhang, sihe z.P. Jean de Terre
Roupe, Tract I art 2
conclusio 1-],, p.3^ff (ich benut.e di, Auir.be '
;^i:
angemnpt 1st an Tr^^s^^, (ttDfa^^
, Coa^.cU^ (^. ^r^s,
"^ ^^' ^^^ bek.nnti cf .Pohmer,^cta,
T^^</r^^rn'^?Torr
I,26^,No.301 (1233): "...una persona
censetur". DaJi
diese Idee jedoch so Pd.ntisch-tolpatschig
in Fr. 's
Testament ausgepaukt sein sollte, deutet
^^ederum auf
eine .jtilUnunp hin.
^*^\^^''''^^'';^^^^;:^^r^^: Es steht zusammen mit einer
Grupp*
!^r^\
'-''^ - mnemark, fol.ll^v.ll6, an Spanien),
die alle nnklanpe an ?dV.,V,l, haben,
wobei Ernmv Heller
den Spanxenbrief bei Thomas v.Gapua
nachweisen vd.ll.Aber
daruber spater, wenn Ich die Kommentare
Wolf's ^ele-'en
habe. Der Stilist 1st ein Mann,
der mit etwas Rechtswis-
/''\''? "i^l ^d darum diese Abschnitte in das
nh+ T
echte Testament hineingezaubert hat.
Dsss die Erbenreihe
von Interesse sein kann, habe ich
MICG gesagt. Ob ich
michallerdings noch einmal in die minutiae
dieser Fr.ge
hineinknxeen werde, weiss ich nicht: Stilubung
bleibt das
btuck jedoch, .'.elbst wenn es im Faktischen
auf eine bes-
'

sere Lber lief i^runp zurUckgehen kTnnte

als die KO-Con-^t.
abpedruckte. bbrigens: opertet.^poriuit. op ortebjt ist
doch ganz alberne Aufweitung des
Jitatthslterdiploms, d,s
Totenbett kaum travestiert haben
w-ird; ^MV^'v
wurde. n*^/r
FdV,V,l, ist eben, neben dem Prooemium, eine der

U
/U U/L
J I I
 - 2 -

THE INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY

PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

bekannt<sten Kanzlei-Ausseningen, mit der immer

wiedpr gft-pielt wurde - aber aus.'^<-rhalb der Kanzlei
von Stilschulern und Parodisten.

Es hat mich a\isserordntlich gefrput, Sle in

Rom getroffen und doch verba Itnismas^ig viel von
Ihnen ges^hen zu haben. Ihre Arbeiten inti^ressieren
mich naturpeinas? sehr. r^rUssen Sie Pob Prrtson von
mir, der - mich kennend - mein Nichtschrriben rnt-
schuldiren wird; ich wollt* Ihm. gl.ich nach ^.einer
Ruckkehr eine Zeile schr^iben, urn ihm zu sacen, va?
?ehr ich mich freute ihn so srbeitsfriach vried<Tzu-
sehen. Auch an Fraulein Authenrith m^^inp bstn
Orusse und Dank far ihrn Brief, den ich bald beant-
worten werde. Dumb. Oaks 7-8 warden b<''tellt.

yt besten GrUssen und guten i^Unschen, und mit

nochmal.ippm Dank fur das K3,
Ihj^

rtirddie Baethpen-Festschrift eigentlich p'edruckt?

Und wenn, wo?

//
I
U U U
L
I I
 ' 2 '

Pr substitutum viv-re fuhrt zum Jurist! schen, von dm Dr.Wolf

lider gru so wniR wiss wit von Stil, Kritik und ndrn Dinpen,
Zun'dchst ht tr viner. was Sie richtip in vivort verbes-ertn.
Ppr substitutum vivert bziht sich zuifichst uf ds Fortlbn, \if
dit SemplUrnitat der uniyersitates (z.B. D.'-1,3,3C rubr. ): ein Volk,
eina Lepion, tine Herd* bl-ibt iTrmer diestlbe Einhit, selbst
wnn all
Menschtn, Soldaten, Schafe durch anH-re substituiert sind; das Ol^idia
bai einm Schiff, das-^an Plank en alle nach unci nach rsetzt word
en
sind; das Gleicha bei einem Orichtshof, d ssn Richtar
substituiert
worden sindj cf. etwa zu D.'^,l,76, Glos.ord .. v. proponebatur ;
"der
Grlchtshof dr Glaiche tribus vel duobus iudicibus mortuis !
aliis
r^ubropatis." Subropatus \and sub a ti tutus sind etwa pleichbedeutend;
Z.5. Bracton, De lepibus . fol.BT'ib, ed.;voodbine,IV,17^, Rolls
Sr.,
V,UUf (basirnd auf D.ul,3,3G, Glos.ord .,v. sinpulaa rs )t "In coll.piis
...semp#r idm corpus mantt, quamvis successive omnes moriantur
at
alii loco ipsorum substituantur ..." Es gibt noch schlapr
Stelltn,
di ich aber nicht rasch ganug fin^en kann. Auf jeden Fall: par subst .
^vere ist tei-minus tachnicus und haisst: durch einan quasi "3ttt-
halter" waitarlebftn, der in niasam Falla Sohn und Erba ist.
Ifvaitar, das Zitat Joh . ,lli;9 mit dam ganzan voraufgahandan
und
folpcnden Absatz, von Kerrri Dr.*. nicht erkannt.
Per substitutxim vivera impllziert eine quasi Idantitat das ver-
storbanan Schafas mit dam :'>rsatz-3chaf usw. Die Anschauunp hSngt zu-
saniman mit dan Erbrecht, dar juristi schen Idantitst von arblassandam
Vater und erbendem (oder errotandam) Sohn.
Inst. Ill, 1,3: "Et statim morta parantis cuasi contin\iatur dominium",
mit Glossa v. quasi : "sad pater at fillus unum fictiona iuris sunt."
Cod.6,26,11: "Natura patar at filius aadam as a persona pane intal-
lipuntur."
Dacratum. c.8,C.I,q.U, Friadberg,I,ljl9: "unus arat cum illo."
xtrav.Joh.22 , III (F.xrcrabilis), Glossa v. sub limit a tem aorum
:
'"Tpater et filLas] eadwrn persona fingatur assa." In'; so waiter,
an vmzahligen 3 tall an.
Jetzt die Bibelstella; cf.Jaan da Terra Rouga, Tract.
I, art. 2, con-
clusionea 1-L und passim, pp. ^f^ff Cich banutza die Auspaba, dia an-
gahJingt ist an Frangois Hotman, Consilia (Arras, 1186), wo
im pl^ichan
Sinna zura Baweis fur Identity t von Vatar und Sohn zitiert warden:
Joh.l6:l^, KQm. c:l^. Gal.h-7, Luc.r:31, ?s.lG9:l, usw.
Dxe Rachtsidaa als solcKa war am Hofa Fr. 's II. natUrlich
bakannt;
Z.3. Bbhmar, Acta. I,26^,?Jo.301 (a.l233): "...una persona cansatur."
Garada wail as aina vbllig galaufiga rachtsidaa ist, ist as h^chst
unvahrschainlich, dass sie in padantisch-tolpatschiger 'Aisa untar
Anlehnung an das Statthaltardiplom vorr. starbandan Friedrich ausga-
paukt sain sollta, eingaleitat dxirch dia unglaublich blBde Formal* dar
das SchulTrassig-Didaktischa der SUlschula zu deutlich aufgepi^pt istt
"Gum iuxta l.pum civilium normam, filii karis-imi [ich lese dbrlgens:
baaUPsimi, was noch schc r -r wi^re], nostram personam prasantatis in
mundo" iMfMfy yimtKK TIj , was glaichfalls in ^inem dr Diplom?> wieder*hrt.
lt ;:

Das Folgenda ist ainfach eine aufgeschc5nte vdedarpaba von Cod.

6, 36,8:
"sive scripta siv< fine ?criptura."
Tastamentum per nuncupationem (odar nuncupativum ) Cod. ; 6,22,8, d^-ssan
arstar Satz Ihnan auch verTat warum der 5tilschuler"5re Z^uganraiha
so hUbsch arwaitart hat: praasantibus saptam tastibus . >wvv+
.'Icc C-i Co^iio

n u u
 - 3 -

Die Idee, d.ss der K.is.r wl dU Wltwt Sand* (V.olf.p.lh

urd Anhan^
:*us Cod.Pre?e) "intest.t" sterben konnt.,
w:ir b.ln Vorh.ndens.in
von SBhn*n nicht so .rnchr.ckend (Cod.6,lh,2), w.il in
dla-.m Fll
"xistente fillo...nno poU-^t int-stato heres xistere," auch
nicht
der Fiskus, dr L^liche Intestata-Erb. Dass abar Fr.II.
sich papan
den Heimfall das Raiches mit Pertinenzen antt dan ^isktis schUtzan
muss durch eln "nuncupatives Testament", i-t aina hUbscha Ida.
In
di^sam Lichta lesen Sie doch den Satz (S.h,Z.Uff) Na
igitur nos. ..
intestati videamur dacadara. idcirco nuncupativum testamantum, quod
sxn^ script is dicitur. facere procuravimus.. ." wiedertm
aina normala
^chulrkianjng, die vbllig ausserhalb der kaiserlichan Praxis staht:
hMtte ar ivirklich ain Tastanent per nuncupationem -nachan wollan,
so
hMtte ar don Bagriff nicht zu erkliron brauchan.
^as Kerr v.olf Uber "privatrechtliche TesUmenta" vorbrinpt, ist von
primitlvster Kenntnis plUcklicher Kaise unberUhrt. Wo kann ain HeT-
f^cher das l^.Jhdts. ^tfXUH "privatrechtlich" Uber Reicha verfUpan?
Ind nun gar Fr.II., der r;.mi-ch-rechtlich5te (verzeihen Sia dan Super-
l^tiv) der furopMischen ^onarchen? Das alias ist von dam was
man im
Volgare illustrt "^uatsch" nannt, nicht wait entfamt. Das pilt auch
vcn der int-rpretation des V.'ortes leT (p.<,Z.!i6) als lex ragia es
:

handalt 3ich airJTach urn die lagaleltronfol^a und hat mit dar lax
^^* >!' solcher nicht das mindesta zu tun - doch ist dia lax re^ia
offenbar Hie einziga l^L* ^i* ^err 'n. dam Nanen nach kannt. '

Es lohnt nicht, ins Firzelne zu gahen, \.o dar echta Kam der <^iaban
erbenden Kai?ersohnt und -ankel zu suchan ist, varrSt vialleicht
Ann.Placant . ad a.l'^h?, TO.SS.yVIII,l!96, rebst Collenuccio-Mainardin
von Imola (cf.meinan Erg.Ed, 3C2ff ). Aber das ist eina andara Fraga.
Insgesamt, ich schSma mich meinar Alma Mater Haidalberg, dia
ein seiches unerhbrtas Machwark als Dis^artation anFanornmen hat. Ratan
Sie Kerm w. dringend ab, diasas Zeugs zu druckan; druckt ar as abar,
so mtJchte ich es im BA hasprachan, und zu diasem Z'-ack haben Sia bitta
diesen Brief auf . Das MS gaht sofort an Sie zurUck.

Es hat mich ausserordentlich rafraut, Sia in Rom kannen palamt

und doch verteltnismasslg haufig gesahen zu haben. Ihra Arbaitan in-
teressieren mich naturgerrtSss sehr. wir dia Baathgen-Fastschrift
elgentlich gedruckt? Und wann, wo? GrUssan Sia bitta Bob Benson sehr
von mir, ^cr - mich kennand - meln Nichtschreiben entschuldigen wird;
ich wollta ihm gleich nach meinar Ruckkahr "ine Zeila schreiban, urn
ihm zu sagen, vde sehr ich mich freuta, ihn so arbaitsfrisch wiedar-
zufindan. Auch Frl.Dr. Authanrieth meine bastan GrUsse und Dank fUr
ihren Brief, den ich bald baantwortan wa'-de. D.O.Papars 7-8 warden
bastallt.
Mit bestan GrUssen und guten 'AUnschen, und mit nachmaligam
Dank f Ur das MS,
stets Ihr

n u u u
U u I I
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 THE INSTITETTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY
PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY
7. Dca. 19 -It.

Lirber Herr Kloos,

Dank fUi- Ihrer ^ricf Inh hstte k-f.inf Lhvung .

(oder habe f-s vftrpessen), dass Sie die Arbeit

vor
iwolf besprechsr wollten oder sollten.
Eitte tw. Sie
cs - Sie konnfin dabei das vor rcir Gesap-te
wiwder-
holen, soweit es Ihneri riLitzlich scheirit. Dass
der
Spanier,-Brief im Thomas v. Capua rteht, sagte itiir
p.ir)-
mal Ecimj- Heller. Wie die Zusaramenh&rife der Testamerts-
Uberli^rer-unp- aussahen, wus-te ich nicht,
konnte ich
vrohl auch kauni vd-ssen, de ich kein
Initierverzeichnis
der TvC-Saramlung kannte. ifcarirr. aber sollte dann
.lordan
y.Terracina nicht das BtilUbunps-Tertamert vcrwendet
(xch sare nicht: - -^ -t) haben? Es Ift f.ine
fur SHI
seiche SairaTLLunr'er : auf pesch. ntf Forrr:; solche
, :

Sachen finder sich doch auch im fti (111,68,69 etc.)

c-nen durchaus ein sog. "echter Ecrn" zuprtm-le lie^en
map. Dank fir- X 3,25,3, das das apud ecrleEJair. T rt.

Da Sie sich for die Identitl^t von Vcter und

5ohn
'n, hier noch cin paar Stellen, damit man
- . beisanrmen hst
Archidiakon (r:-uido v. Baysio), zu VI,1,B,2 ( 'De sup-
plenda neglig. prael., lex Grandi),n.? (Tenedig,!"??),
fol.Ulj V. filio "filius une persons est cinr.
;
nstre
sue. 3''.qufrt.:, hi' ?uctoritstibuE.
J'

Vor alien, aber Johannes "--erson, Tii J^-gy-. I,considIT,

in upera. ed.Ellics du ?in, 1706,Antwerpen,
IV,''5'lf

".st enim [DclphJ.nu5J tanquair. una cwi Rege persona,

"undum Sapientis dictum Eccli. IIX [jlj] 'Kortuus :

- pater ci quasi non est mortuus, -

-
"
uit enim '

siinilem filiw. post se. Pgter post '

i.lm, sui civil
em mortem, in filii svii adhuc vivit persona."
Damit r-st sich av '

panze Tlcschiohte des "ViTit

et non vivit" r>->" i_. _

n L II J
U J U L
M '72
(^ (|//M f]/\A^\ iic^\/^.\^a^iMir7 Co(pprHnin
S9J/

^ciCPm to I ^i^(^^ ^ C:cUrnf ^' f^^ ^ 7/,,, ^ J/

L
u> ^pGoAux^vw, XXX M (1857;^ 261 'iV5. Coy)'a^MB\ mmiarviTO^

n L J i i

U J U J
^48.

Tst^'ltTJ''
(1957), 231-249.
''''' ^"' ^^^ ^^^-^ ^' P-- de Vinca," Speculum,
XXXII

Offprint, no annotati
ons.

A. Letter from Jamuel

^horne , P.? 3ept 56
B. Ideia, 31 July 56
C. Lett. f.o H.,,.Hich,.d3on,
,n Aug 56 (3
p,a3. Mue,
D. Idem, 3 July 57

Letter from R.M.Kloos,

30 Aug 56
Letter from H. G.^^ichardson,
P ?eb 55
G. ^dem, 10 Feb $$
H. Letter from G.O.Sayles,
?_ Aug 56
I. Letter W. to H. G. .i
ch.rdson (copy), 9 Julv
56
J. Letter EK to G.O.Savles
(copy), 22 July 56
A. Lstter from G. 0. styles, li, Nov 57.
L. Letter from T. P. T.riucknett , 19 Dec 59

n J
L u 1

u u 1
I
 .'r

AN OFFPRINT FROM

SPECULUM
A JOURNAL OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES
Vol, XXXII April.1957 No. 2

THE PROLOGUE TO FLETA AND THE SCHOOL OF

PETRUS DE VINEA

ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

THE MEDUEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA

CAMBRn)GE. MASSACHUSETTS

/ / i~ n c
/_/ _' U -/
 SPECULUM
A JOURNAL OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES
Vol. XXXII APRIL 1957 No. 2

THE PROLOGUE TO FLETA AND THE SCHOOL

OF PETRUS DE VINEA
Hy ERNST H. KANTOROWTCZ

Not the least among many

obvious advantages of a new edition of an old
the
text is that the unaccustomed setting, print, and size may render even a familiar
text imfamiliar and cause the reader's eye to rest on passages which formerly he
may have John Selden's seventeenth-century editions of that
failed to notice. In
summary of English or (better) Bractonian law which passes under the puzzling
name of Fleta the Prologue is somewhat lost. Printed in italics on a single sheet
following the title page, it is separated from the text proper by many pages of
Tituli capitulorum, and from some copies in our public libraries the lonely Pro-
logue sheet may have even vanished entirely.' In the handsome new edition of
Fleta prepared for the Selden Society by the distinguished Dioscuri of English
mediaeval studies, Mr Richardson and Professor Sayles, the author's I'rologue
cannot easily be missed.' In the margin of the English translation which runs
parallel with the Latin text, the editors have indicated the sources from which
Fleta drew, and, if we disregard an isolated Biblical reference to Ezekiel, it
turns out that all the marginal quotations refer to the Prologue of Glanville's
De legihus Aiigliae} The oi)ening words of Glanville and therefore of Fleta, it is

true, are ultimately a paraphrase of the Prologue to Justinian's Institutes adapted

to the roj'al dignity (replacing Imperatoriam maiestatem by the more modest
liegiam poiestatem) ; but since Fleta copied verbatim the text of Glanville, and
not that of the Roman textbook, the editors of Fleta were probably correct in
leaving the indirect borrowing from the Institutes unmentioned.

'
Commentarius lurit Anglicani (London, 1647; 2nd ed., 1685); cf. loannis Seldeni, Ad
Fleta, seu
Fletam Disseriatio, ed. David Ogg, Cambridge Studies in English Legal History (Cambridge, 1925).
'
Fleta, edited with a translation by H. G. Richardson and G. O. Sayles, Selden Society, lxxii
(London, 1955), Vol. ii. Vol. i, containing the introduction, has not yet been published. To assess the

date of Fleta is difficult. Richardson kindly informed me that the book must have been in the
Mr
making before the expulsion of the Jews (July-October 1290); that, however, the submission of
Scotland, referred to in 11, c. 13, suggests a date not earlier than 1292 or even 1296; consequently,
Fleta in its present form would get a date 1296-1300, but an origin many years previously. There is,
of course, no way to tell at what stage of the work the Prologue was written.

Glanvill, De Legibus et Consuetudinibw Regni Angliae, ed. George E. Woodbine, Yale Historical

Publjcatioiu: ManuscripU and Edited Texts, xm (New Haven, 1932).

231

n L n L
u J u u
 .i^lkm

232 The Prolofiiic fn Fleta

The Prologue to Fleta 233
Glanville addressed his Prologue to Henry II and praised this king in high- in similar terms. If the feelingstowards his king ran so extravagantly high on the
flown words. Fleta, writing in or shortly after used his model's dithyrambs I'-ZOO,
part of a man whom Edward I, as we are led to assume, put into jail, the expres-
to exalt King Edward I. And the same precious words were used a third
time, sion of those feelings might serve as a document humain characterizing
when the author of the liegiam Maiestatem, the Scottish version of (Jlanville, the gener-
ous and noble mind of both Fleta and the "English Justinian." Unfortunately,
addressed his sovereign lord, the king of Scots/ There seems to have been
in however, those intercalated pas.sages are no more Fleta's own invention than is
thirteenth-century Phigland a serious shortage of panegyric vocables.
John the main body of his Prologue, which was fathered by Glanville. They, too, are
Selden, no doubt, felt fully justified in drawing the treacherously obvious
con- borrowed, and the story of those borrowings is .so interesting that it seems worth
clusion; "therefore little can be deduced from such eulogies."* The present
paper the while to make the details of the case more generally known.
intends to demonstrate, on the contrary, that very much can be deduced from One which served Fleta for the embellishment of his Prologue was the
text
such eulogies.
great Eulogy for the Emperor Frederick II which, in the manuscripts, is usually
For no obvious reason, the editors of the new Fleta indicate only where ascribed to the imperial protlionotary and logothetes, Petrus de Vinea {Epis-
the
borrowings from Glanville begin, but not where they end. In fact, the iolae. III, 44), and recently has been ascribed, with some good reasons and
writer of some
Fleta has inserted into the Prologue of Glanville a long passage, bad, to Nicolaus de Rocca, Vinea's most gifted pupil.'" What Fleta took from
followed by a
minor one. His style undergoes a sudden change: the sentences roll the Eulogy becomes evident by reproducing Fleta's insertions in parallel with
forth in per-
fect rhythms, and at the end of a clause the cursus vclox
is hardly ever omitted.
the relevant passages of \inea, iii, 44, and underscoring the concordances,
Moreover, Glanville's eulogies of Henry II are not only augmented by whereas passages italicized or set in boldface type may be disregarded for the
new sets of
images, but soar to a most surprising and, if one may
say so, most un-English present moment."
pitch." Edward I, quite unexpectedly, appears like
another paradisian Adam, a
cosmic ruler, "whom the great Artificer's hand formed into The Eulogy, may
man."' He appears '" be called here for reasons of convenience, has been edited several
as this piece
as the messianic prince, announced by Isaiah, in times; see Petrus de Vineis. Epistolarium, in, 44, ed. Simon Schard (Basel, 1566). 467 ff., and, for a
whose days "spears are turned
mto reapmg-hooks and swords beaten into ploughshares," who slightly better edition. .\. IIuilhinl-Brcholles. Vie et correspondance de Pierre de la Vigne (Paris,
1865),
bin<ls the con-
425 No. 107. Neither of these editions is satisfactory. More recently Karl Pivec, "Der Diktator
f.,
trastmg elements, "so that crooked is turned into straight,
and rough are turned Nicolaus von Rocca: Zur Geschichte der Sprachschule von Capua," Innsbrucker BeitrUge zur Kul-
mto smooth paths, levelling the depths with the heights
and the heights with turwissenschaft, i (1953). 135-152. has made a new edition of the Eulogy, based upon Dietrich of
the depths by a marvellous art." Ad memoriam N'ieheim's Viridarium imperatorum et regum Romanorum (written in 1411). an author who in his turn
futurorum the famous deeds of
Edward should not only be written down "with the pen in reproduced it from a so-called Vinea collection; see also the new edition of the Viridarium by .\.
codes," but be "graven
on the rocks with the chisel." Rarely has a mediaeval Lhotsky and K. Pivec, in Man. Germ. Hist., Staat.ixchriften des spatercn Mittelalters, v:l (Stuttgart
English king been glorified
1956). 70 .Vlthough Pivec (on the basis of the Viridarium, but without considering the full text
f.

See Thomas Ttio.nson. Regiam Majestatem and GlanviU, transmission [below, n. 16|) was able to correct a few errors of Schard and Huillard-Brcholles. his
^
(London.
in : The Art. of, he Parliaments of Scotland
1844). r. 185 ff cf. H. G. Richardson. "Roman Law in the Regiam Majestatem," The Jurid- own rather high-handed emendations have brought new mistakes into the text; and while his attribu-
ical Review, lxvii (1P55), 155-187. who "
suggests a date "in the 1240's tion of that piece to Nicolaus de Rocca
appealing and prol)ably correct, his comparisons of style
is
Selden ^d Ftetam, X. ,. ed. Ogg, p. 183. Selden's phrasing
is not quite as epigran.n.atic as that of are not at all convincing. See, for the involved problem, the review by Rudolf M. Kloos, in Deutschei
Oggs Enghsh tn,nslat.on; cf. p. 182: "Adeoque laudes Archiv, XI (1955), 567 am greatly indebted to Dr Kloos
iUae . . . non ita in argun.entun, heic tra- f. I for a nunil)er of suggestions he made in
hendae. What Selden means to say .s that those connection with the present paper.
eulogies are of little value for an individual charac-
ter.zat.on of Edward I. since onginally they " The text of Fleta
wen. supposed to characterize Henry II. Kven that is that provided by Richardson-Sayles with one or two obvious emendations
is
""?'"" (e.g., above, n. 8). The text of the Eulogy follows,
on the whole, that of Huillard-Breholles, but con-
not T'
^'"^"''''
FdwaH
hdward rT
I thoughT'"n the author :'ll'" Sec
liy of Fleta. l.elow
'" ^'^'^ ^^'^
p 240
-'-'> written in praise of
siders al.so that of Pivec where readings are improved; the task of a new edition of that piece of rhetoric
The insertions (edRichardson-Sayles. remains with the Monumenta Germaniae Ilistorica. Fleta's quotations from the Eulogy are scattered
p. 1. line 13. to p. 2. line
U. and p. 2. lines 26-31) have
^-^'""-Y-ng. "Who wrote 'Fleta'.'." in his CoUected allover the inserted part of his Prologue; therefore the line numberings of Fleta's insertion are added
PalllTJ"'; f V
Paper, on Mediaeval Subjects (Oxford. 1946). TlTJ- p. 69, says that the Prologue "except for three sen- to the Eulogy in parentheses. In order to avoid repetition. I have integrated the parallels from two
""'""^ letters of Stephen of San Giorgio. Hence, simple underscoring means (in all four pieces) parallels with
Hv n 7' v''"T\
*'"'"^^ "'y "" "''
P"S^P'- (P- 3. lines 10-21). Ap-
cZ,
cr^ as nr V r
a, DenhobT,-Young,s
""'
W
'"*^"'^^"'y '" ''- fi-' -ti-. for a scholar
(see op. at., pp. 26 ff.. on "The
so familiar wi h the
Cursus in England") could not have
the Eulogy of Vinea (or Rocca); italics
Edward
means parallels with Stephen of San Giorgio 's Laudes
below, p. 240); finally, boldface implies parallels with Stephen's letter to the king of
I (see
for

'""'"'^ "'^'"""
S'Sfn, of R .
Tr 7 '"

"
'l!f
Consuetudinihu.. Angliae
^''"'Woodbine's opinion, expressed in his
(Xew Haven. 1915). ,. 17. and of Glan-
Castile (see below, n. 37). In the apparatus of all the texts the following sigia are used:
Bold brackets = Glanville.
!5feT
vine, p. 184
184. vP 7 see".below.
V. Prologus, f Appendix.
[ 1

RS = Richardson-Sayles (edition of Fleta).

' Richardson-Sayles, p. 2. lines 4 f.
St = Stephen of San Giorgio: Laudes for Edward I.

P ra in vias iconversa) StC = Stephen of San Giorgio: Letter to Castile.

sint planas." See below, no. 37, lines .
6 f.. and Isai. xl. 4. Vin = Pu/ojv edited by Huillard-Breholles.
Ibid., p. 1. lines 15 ff. Cf. Job, xix. 24.
P ^ Eidogy edited by Pivec.

U J U
 234 The Prologue to Fleta
The Prologue to Fleta 235
FLETA, Prol. VINEA. m. 44
tempore feliciter longiora prolonget, fomenta opificis formavit in hominem (38), ut tot rerum
[Quam eleganter aut quam strenue, quam cal-
malicie destruuntur, virt utum germina hinc inde habenas flecteret et cuncta sub iuris ordine
lide hostiumque obviando maliciis excellentissi-
tempore pululant, in spicis grana fructificant, et pacis limitaret. O utinam divina provisio . . . annos
mus rex noster Edwardus hostilitatis
orrea lucupletantur, ita quod lancee vertuntur augusti regnantis augeres
Grandis namque progressus materie .
I . .

armatam excercuerit niiliciam neinini venit in et ex . . .

* dubium, cum iam in omnem terram exierit laus tele diffuse contextu, que de preconio (9) summi
8* in falces, gladii conflantur in vomeres et quicquid
eius et in onincs fines magnalia eius] et intonuerunt Cesaris hostes cedentis orditur, ne quid ex con- quisquam effrenis audet et inmoderate presumit
longe laieque mirifice verba sua in terminos orbia tingentibus obmittatur, manus scribentis tre-
ambicio sue potentis auctoritatis censura casti-
lerre. Quis ergo posset amplo famine prepotens mescit (21) et stuf)et. Quis enim posset amplo gat.

eius ample precoma laudis exprimere cuius ah

[Leges autem Anglicanas. . . .
]
famine prepotens (8) taiiti principis insignia pro-
10 tempore nature cunabilis gesta conspicua memori- mere in cuius pectus confluunt quicquid virtutes Eugen MUller, Peter
5. in-eius] cf. Ps. 18, 5; cf. 8. posset] possit St, P; prepotens] St, P, pre-

commendenda perpetuis cuius etate von Prezza (Heidelberg, 1913), 140, No. 19. 7. potentis Vin. 15. terra-ethera] cf. infra, n. 36;
alibus sunt et habent . . . ? Non Plato, non TuUius (ii) . .
verba sua] nomen suum St. 8. posset) possit St, Ovidii iletam. \, 15, laudat P. 16. mundo] mun-
crescente cum tempore facta magnifica calamo sunt
P. 10. tempore] ipsis St. 12. calamo-codicibus, dus emend. P. 19. iusticie con.servator] om. RS,
exaranda codicibus, sed celte pocius sculpenda ad-futurorum] cf. StC. and also Job 19, 24. 14. St, P. 20. mundum-gubernat] cf. Boethius,
scilicibus ad memoriam futurorumf Quis unquam unquam posset] inquam possit St. 18. qui] et St. Consol., Ill, metr. 9; racione] relatione Vin. 27.
U posset explicare sermonibus graciarum uberes dotes Hunc siquidem terra, pontus adorant et ethera
23. Aquiia-varietate] cf. Ezech. 17, 3. 24. varie- multiplici] decora St, om. P. 36. vocabat] vo-
tate] decora add. St, multiplici add. Vin. 26. cavit emend. P; cf. Kloos, Deutsches Archiv, XI,
eius qui statura decorus placet aspectibus, speciosus satis applaudunt, utpote qui mundo verus im- proderet] perderet St. 27. incessanter] strenue 567. 39. insita-liquidisj cf. Boethius I.e., Klous,
forma pre filiis hominum desideralur a gentibus, add. St. 29. actibus] extiterit add. St. 29. o ani- I.e., 186f. 46. federe] guerrarum add. P. 51.
perator a divino provisus culmine pacis amicus,
qui trahit effluencia largitatis ut adamas, qui sic mosi] o quirites et milites St. 31. et festum] et hominem] homine isto P; rerum-flecteret] Ovidii
charitatis patronus, iuris conditor, iusticie con- diem festum St. 33 indefecte] indefesse St. 33. Metam., II, 169, laudat P, sed pauca habet ad
apparet in oculis omnium graciosus ut favorem
servator, potentie filius, mundum perpetua ra- iure suo] populo christiano St. 34. aditare] rem; cf. Boethius, Consol., Ill, metr. 2. 53.
*0 quasi possideat omnis carnis? Porro lingue de-
adiscere St. 44. prava-planas] prava in directa annos] animos emend. P; annos-augeres] tales
jiciunt, ora subcumbunt, labia tremefiunt, et cione gubernat (40). et vias aspera con vertuntur in planas StC; acclamationes saepissime inveniuntur; cf. Fleta,
facundia subticet Tulliana. Hie est enim de quo cf. Is. 40, 4. 44. et cum-persone] StC, cf. 2 50 (que-prolonget); StC, 27 (Augeat-vite vestre).
Chron. 19, 7. 50. que-prolonget] cf. Vin. 53. 51.
scriptum est 'Aquila grandis magnarum alarum,
fomenta] fermenta emend. RS. 55. gladii-vo-
longo membrorum ductu, plena plumis et varietate,' meres] cf. Is. 2, 4.
2S ethic est cuius emissadepharetranunquamrediit
^'^ "' de quo Ezechielis verba proclamant
'Aquila grandis magnarum alarum, longo ductu The no comment is needed. It is true, Fleta's pre-
parallels are so striking that
sagitta retrorsum, cuius gladius eductus ut pro-
deret non est reversus inanis, dum sic incessanter membrorum, plena plumis et varietate multiplici.' dilection for picking isolated half-sentences from the Eulogy and strewing them
dimicaret in hostes ut magnificus semper in bellicis Hie est (25) de quo loquitur leremias . , .
like orange-blossoms on the reader's path is slightly baffling. This oddity, how-
actibus triumphator. Surgite igitur, animosi et ever, may find an explanation later.
80 iuvenes bellicosi, exjAicate vexilla, clangite tubis,
More perplexing is the fact that Fleta knew the Eulogy at all. Admittedly,
et festum agile tanto regi, qui viriliter sumens ab
letters of Petrus de Vinea or his school were known in England long before and
adolescentia sua scutum et ad viriles annos usque
perpeniens indefecte pugnarit et strenue pro iure were used, for example, by the clerks of Henry III at the time when that king
suo. iSt quis ergo Martis aditare prelia concupiscit, embarked on his hapless Sicilian adventure.'' In that case, however, the originals
S3 fcstinus regem hunc adeat, qui docet manus inperi-
Talem namque totus orbis vocabat in dominum, were official writings issued by the imperial chancery; and, although we are not
ias ad prelium humeros pulcre parat ad sarcinas
at all sure how some of them happened to be known in England, those official
et
talein requirebat iusticie defensorcm, qui in
ponderum bellicorum. Hie revera etiam est quem potentia strenuus, in strenuttate preclarus, in letters could have been collected as models of style by the recipients." The
summi manus Artificis forraavit in hominem, clariiate benignus, ... in providentia foret hu-
Eulogy, however, was a piece of a very different character. It was a panegyric
qui, sub libra mansuetudinis et levamento nianus. In eo denique insita forma boni, tanquam
oration with which Frederick II actually may have been greeted on some occa-
clemencie cuncta deliberans, utpote pacis ami- livore carens, climata ligat (43) et elementa
sion, just as it was customary on festal days to honor the Byzantine emperors by
cus, caritatis patronus, iuris conditor, potencie coniungit, ut conveniant flammis frigora, iungan-
tur arida liquidis, planis associentur aspera, et a panegyric address." More likely, however, the Eulogy was not recited, but
filius, populum sibi subditum perpetua racione
gubernat, pacis ligans federibus universa, ut directis invia maritentur (44). Sub eius namque " See E. Kantorowici, "Petrus de Vinea in England," ilitteilungen dei Osterreichitchen IrutituU
prava, indirecta et aspera in vias sint planas, temporibus (50) destruuntur fomenta malicie,
fur Geschichtsforichung, Ll (1937), 43-88.
45 yma summis summaque ymis arte quadam virtus (52) securitatis inscritur: itaque gladii " "Transmission through the recipient" explains, for example, the fact that some twenty imperial
mirabili coequando. Et cum magnum ita iudicet conflantur in vomeres pacis federe (43) writings (including a letter of Walter of Ocra to Henry III) found their way into the chronicles of
(55),
sicutparvum, non est apud eum accepcio Roger of Wendover and Matthew Paris; cf. Otto Vehse, Die amtliche Propaganda in der Staatskunst
suffocante timorem . O miranda divina de-
muneris vel persone. Friedrichs II. (Munich, 1929). pp. 216-236; see p. 218, n. Ill, the list of letters used by Matthew
mentia . perituro mundo de tam mundo

. .
,

[Quam iuste racione promptissimus]. Sub Paris; cf. Kantorowicz, op. cit., pp. 75 f.
principe . . . providisti, qui ex omni parte btaius,
" Solemn addresses were due to the Byzantine emperors especially on the day of Epiphany (6
0 eius namque temporibus, que Dominus strenuus quem supremi manus
sibi in in toto . . . ,
January), but also on other occasions a performance, descending from Antiquity, which survived

' U
U J U U / L I I
 236 The Prologue to Fleta The Prologue to Fleta 237
was merely a written encomium. The recently discovered encomia of Abbot however, Fleta was in a far more curious position. He may have derived his
Nicholas of Bari, which in style and content are closely related to the Eulogy, knowledge of epistolary models both from the recipient and from the author
make it clear that this literary genre was cultivated in the surroundings of himself.
Frederick II.'* Panegyrics of that kind, however, whether actually recited or In the Necrology of Montecassino an entry is found on 23 October: "Obbiit
only written, could not nonnally be popularized by the recipient, who was the Alagister Stephanus de sancto Georgio .scriptor domini pape et consiliarius et
prince. They were, as in Antiquity, collected and released by the author himself,
secretarius regum anglie et sicilie.''^" The entry
Master Stephen of
is correct.
and therefore consigned to rhetorical or epistolary collections, to "letter books" San Giorgio, a fairly well known man, served many lords, and with many at
in the broadest sense of the word. Hence,
the private productions (private as
all the same time.^' Between 1281 and 1285, we meet him as chamberlain and chap-
opposed to pieces issued officially by the chancery) of Vinea and Rocca and others lain in the entourage of Cardinal Hugo of San Lorenzo in Lucina, an Englishman
have reached us in such collections, no matter whether these letter books were who, when still Master Hugo Atratus of Evesham, had served as a royal clerk
destined to sail under the name of \inea or another famous dictator, or were under Edward I." Edward I in 1283 appointed Stephen his proctor at the papal
nameless and represented indiscriminately letters by many authors.'* The possi-
court in Rome. At the Roman Curia Stephen had the office of a papal scriptor.
bility that the Eulogy for Frederick II could have been transmitted
separately, Finally, in those perilous years when the conflict between Naples and Aragon,
and not within the framework of some Epistolarium, therefore should probably
as a result of the Aragonese conquest of Sicily, became the major problem of
be ruled out.'^
European politics and diplomacy, Stephen took up service also with King Charles
To
cut a long argument short, we have to assume that the author of Fleta had
II of Naples, his native lord.^'
at his disposal some \'inea collection from which he culled his rhetorical flowers.
That Stephen San Giorgio was a South Italian cannot be doubted. His
of
This would not be impossible at all. The Vinea collections, as we know them,
brother Peter of San Giorgio, who received from Edward I the title of a "king's
were composed in the late thirteenth century
perhajjs in Paris, perhaps at the chaplain," was a monk in Montecassino. Thomas of San Giorgio, magister
Curia, perhaps independently at both places and Fleta wrote around 1290 or racionalis of King Charles II of Naples, may have belonged to the same family,
at any rate before 1300.' All that sounds rea.sonable enough. Why should Fleta although the name "de Sancto Georgio" was not too rare in Italy.^" Decisive
not have owned a copy of the famous Epistolarium'^ It would be one more
warn-
ing to the historian not to neglect the Sicilian material when working " Mauro
on English Inguanez, / Necrdogi Cassinesi (Rome, 1941). i. 23 October ("II necrologio del codice
problems of legal and intellectual hist ory in the thirteenth century.'" In Cassinese 47"), quoted by R. Weiss (see next note), p. 164. n. 43.
fact,
' See T. F. Tout, Chapters in the Administrative History of Mediaeval England (Manchester. 1920),
until the end
of the Byza.itine empire. Unfortunately, only
a few of the mediaeval speeches are II, 24, n. 1, who has summetl up a few dates from the Patent Rolls; the fullest biographical account has
accessible in modern editions; see, i>owever. W. Kegel,
Font,;s rerum B^zantmarum (St Petersburg, been given by Robert Weiss, "Cinque lettere inedite del Card. Benedetto Gaetani (Bonifacio VIII)."
1917). or Max Bachmann, Die Rede des Johannes Syropulos an dm
Kaiser Isaak II. Angelas (Diss. Rivista di Storia delta Chiesa in Italia, in (1949). 162 fT; see also G. L. Haskins and K. II. Kantoro-
Munich, 1935). A Corpus Panegyricorum Ryzantinorum is a long-felt
and urgent de.sideratum of every i wicz. ".\ Diplomatic Mission of Francis Accursius and his Oration before Pope Nicholas III," Englith
student engaged in Byzantine studies, since those encomia
are among our most valuable .sources for Historical Rerieir, lviii (1943), 424. n. 4.and the study by Taylor quoted lielow (n. 31). Service with
the history of political ideas and intellectual history
in general. It would not be too difficult to show more than one lord at the same time was nothing extraordinary; Galfridus .\nglicus. e.g., was
that the Byzantme pliraseology affected also the panegyrics of orators in the surroundings
of Frederick simultaneously clerk to the kings of Castile and England (cf. Denholm-Young, "The Cursus in Eng-
11. as. for example, the eulogies of .M.bot .Vicholas of Bari (see > ".'
next note). land." in Collected Papers, pp. 33 f.). and there are many other examples available.
>' R. M. Kloos. "Nikolaus von Bari, eine neue Quelle
zur Entwicklung der Kaiseridee unter Fried- " The Collegium capiiellanorum domini Ilugonis Cardinalis addresses Stephen repcate<lly as
'*^' ^''*'''' '^ ('^*-5-')> 166-190.
There are three panegyrics: one on the Constilu- concappellanus; .see N. MS. lat. 8567, f. 18, where (f. 20") the chaplains write to another
Paris. B.
;',c
tions of Melfi (Liher augustalL,), and one each
for Frederick II and Petrus de Vmea. For Petrus de chaplain "per Stephanum de Sancto Georgio, Camerariuin ipsius Cardinalis." For Hugo .\tratus of
Vmea. of course, there exists yet another encon.ium.
written by Nicolaus de Rocca; see Vinea. Ep., Evesham, cf. Calendar of Close Rolls, IS7S-79, p. 158. He became a cardinal in 1281 and died in 1285.
HI. 45, ed. Schard, 470; ed. Huillard-Brcholles,
op. cit., p. 289, No. i. Stephen was absent from England in the early 1280's (see below). May we assume that he accom-
"See the highly suggestive paper by Hans Martin
Schaller, "Zur Entstehung der soge.iannten panied the new cardinal to the Curia as a chaplain and chamberlain of the cardinal's household?
Briefsammlung des Petrus de Vinea," Deutsches
Archiv, xn (1956). 114-159. .\ccording to Schaller. " For Stephen's appointment as Edward's proctor, see Patent Rolls, 1S81-1S9S, p. 86, He l>ecame
the Eulogy (Vinea. ni, 44) is found in both the
large and small six-book collections (pp. HI. 129). in scriptor domini pape (according to Weiss. "Cinque lettere." p. 163, n. 37) between 1285 and 1287 at
the large five-book collection (p. 132). though
not in the shorter one (p. 134). and in some of the the latest; in 1288 (20 August), he is certainly mentioned in this capacity in papal letters; cf. Erne.st
collections not organized in books
(p. 141). Whether the author of the Eulogy was Petrus de Vinea IV
or Langlois. Les Registres de Nicolas (Paris. 1905), t, 34, Nos. 211 ,212. He could not have taken up
.Nicolaus de Rocca makes no difference
here nor. probably, with regard to the transmission of the service with Charles II prior to the latter's liberation from .\ragonese captivity by the treat}- of
text.
Campfranch, in October 1288 (see below, nn. 52 ff.); in 1289, he drafted Charles IPs proclamations
" This true also with regard fo the copy
is
transmitted through Dietrich of Xieheim (above, n. 10). announcing the king's coronation at the hands of the pope (Rieti, 26 May; below, n. 55). Benedetto
since Dietrich avowedly reproduced his text
from a Vinea collection. Gaetani. in letters to Edward I in June 1290, repeatedly styled Stephen "vestro et excellentis Principis
" See Schaller. op. cit., pp. 126 ff. 132 ff.
domini Cfaroli] Sicilie Regis illustris clerico" (Weiss, op. cit., pp. 159 f, Nos. n and in).
> In addition to the study mentioned above
(n. 12). see also a remark about Bracton and the " For Peter of San Giorgio, see Patent RMs, lS7e-lS81, p. 143 (27 May, 1276); on that occa.'iion
bicilian law books m
Harvard Theological Review, Xlvui (1953), 70, n. 16. Stephen is referred to aa "King's clerk." Cf. H. Finke, Acta Aragonensia (Berlin and Leipzig, 1908-

//
U J U U L / I
I
 The Prologue to Fleta 239
238 The Prologue to Fleta
in the "Household Ordinance of 1279" where he figures as a clerk of the Ward-
however, is the fact that the correspondence of Stephen has been handed down robe.'" The correctness of this information is confirmed not only by the fact that
to us in a Paris manuscript (Bibl. Nat. MS.
8567) which contains almost ex- lat.
Stephen wrote letters for the treasurer of the Wardrobe, Thomas Beke, but also
clusively material connected with South Italians. In addition to Stephen's letters
by a manuscript which he provided with the telling salutation:
letter in the Paris
we the correspondences of Nicolaus de Ilocca and Lconardus de Bene-
find in it
"Sociis suis clericis Guardarobe Regie, Stephanas salutem."'' Entrusted with
vento as well as the letter book of Bcrard of Naples.'*^ Berard of Naples, inci-
various missions, Stephen was obliged to travel, off and on, between Rome and
dentally, had an English prebend and was granted the title of "king's clerk" by the English court. In 1282 he was certainly at the papal Curia. For in that event-
Edward I, although this busy papal notary was permanently occupied at the when Peter
ful year, Aragon conquered Sicily and Edward I went to war to
of
papal court.^' That, to be sure, was nothing abnormal in the thirteenth century,
quell the rebellion in Wales, he wrote from Italy to the English chancellor,
when the English Church became a hunting ground of Italian eccelesiastics and Robert Burnell, to inquire about the king and queen and "tocius regni status,"
other beneficiaries who never so much as saw their prebends.
and also about the royal expedition against the Welsh "rebels and traitors,""
The same, however, was not true with Stephen of San Giorgio, who likewise On 11 December of that year. Prince Llywelyn met his death. On 22 January
was a royal clerk under Edward I. In the Patent Rolls his name first appears in
1283, only six weeks after that event, Stephen wrote, probably from Orvieto, an
1274, when he was granted a benefice at the church of Bureford, in the diocese
exuberant letter to his associates of the Wardrobe to felicitate them and their
of Hereford," to which were added subsequently other benefices in the dioceses
king on that magnificent victory." In the following year (1284) we find Stephen
of Lincoln and London.^* That Stephen was not only a titular clericus regis, but
himself in Wales, staying with Edward I at Aberconewey."
was active in the king's service, is evidenced by a number of letters of Edward I
Stephen of San Giorgio must have felt great admiration for Edward I. For
which, according to the entries, were written "per magistrum Stephanum de
he composed, either in connection with the Welsh war or on some other occasion,
sancto Georgio."" About the length of time he spent without interruption in
a panegyric about Edward, Laudes de domino Odduardo Rege Anglie, in which he
England nothing certain can be .said until Stephen's correspondence has been
exalted especially the military prowess of that king, praising him as a teacher of
thoroughly studied, sifted, and dated. His name, however, is twice mentioned
warfare to the chivalrous youth and a master in the trade of Mars. Since this
22), II, 642, for Thomas of San Giorgio. See also E. G. Leonard, Histoire de Jeanne I" (Monaco and eulogy, as yet unpubli.shed, will lead us straightway back to Fleta 's Prologue, it
Paris, 1932), ii, 398, for one Matteo di San Giorgio "du diocese du Mont-Cassin, notaire apostoliqu may be printed here in full length.''
et notaire de la Chambre" (for both references my thanks go to Professor Theodor E. Mommsen)-
It would be difficult to tell from which place Stephen originated; the relations to Montecassino would "' Tout, Chapters, ii, 160 Ind 163 ("sire Esteuene de sein Jorge").
perhaps suggest San Giorgio a Liri (southeast of Pontecorvo), near the frontier of the Kingdom of " See, for this letter (B.N. lat. 8567, fol. 3"), Kantorowicz. "A Norman Finale of the Exultet and the
Naples and the States of the Church; another San Giorgio was near Benevento, and a third one in Rite of Sarum." Harvard Theological Review, xxxiv (1941). 134; also Laudes Regiae, p. 30. The letter,
Calabria; see E. Sthamer, Die Bauten der Huhenstaufen in Unterilalien, Ergiinzungsband i: Die Ver- most has been edited and translated by A.
gratifyingl^-, J. Taylor. "The Death Llywelyn ap Gruf-
of
waltung der KasteUe (Leipzig, 1914), Index, s.t. Giorgio. At any rate, the South Italian family of that fydd," The Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies, xv (1953), 20 ff. There is another letter of Stephen
name has nothing to do with the English St George family, a relationship which Tout, Chapters, n. in B.N. lat. 8567. fol. 1', which is addressed "Sociis et amicis clericis Illustris Regis anglie." See above,
24, n. 1, took into consideration. Thomas Beke's letter "per Stephanum."
n. 26. for
A detailed analysis of B.N. lat. 8567 is not intended here. See, for the MS, the brief description " Taylor, op. cit., p. 207. n. 3; Stephen inquired about the "processus regalis expedicionis contra
by Huillard-Br^holles, Pierre de la Vigne, pp. 256 f; also a few remarks by L. Delisle. in Notices et rebelles et proditores Wallenses." On 27 September 1282 Stephen sent a report about Peter of .\ra-
Extraits, xxvii: 2 (1879), 100; and especially F. Kaltenbrunner, "Romische Studien III."
Mitteilungen gon's conquest of Sicily; see Lists and Indexes, xlix: Diplomatic Documents. No. 1587 (the document
des Instituts fur O.iierreichische Geschichtsforschung, vii (1886), 114 ff. I have
referred to the MS is unfortunately in very bad shape).
repeatedly; see, e.g., Laudes Regiae (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1946), p. 30, n. " Above,
55, and indirectly also n. 31.
in Eng. Hist. Rev., Lvin (1943), 424, n. 4; I still intend to edit the numerous letters of
this important '* Taylor, op. cit., 207, n. 3. quoting Exchequer Accounts, 351/12, m.5, mentions .54 paid to
MS so far as they refer to England. Stephen for his expenses when bringing, in October 1284, letters from the Curia to King Edward at
" See Patent RoUs, 1272-81, pp. 143, 336. His name appears quite often in Ancient Correspondence Aberconewey. See also Rymer, Foedera, i:2, 648, Edward's letters to various cardinalsand curials
(e.g., Vol., XIII,No. 182a; vol. xix. No. 19); also, in B.N. lat. 8567, fol. 13. there is a and 5 October 1284, from Moiitalto in Wales) in which he refers to the news and rumors "quos
letter "T. (4
Thesaurarius Anglie Magistro B[erardo] de Neapoli per Stephanum fde Sancto Georgio]."
The name idem clericus no.stcr [Stephanus de .sancto Georgio] ex parte vestra nobis viva voce retuHt."
of the treasurer of the Wardrobe was Thomas Beke (Tout. Chapters, ii. 160, also
p. 14). who held that B.N. Lat. 8567. fol. 14" {italics refer to P'leta's Prologue, underscoring to Vinea. Ill, 44). The date,
'""

office from 1274 to 1280. This is not, however, the place to sum up
Berard's relations with England. of course, is quite uncertain; but since Edward's military virtues are so strongly emphasized, we may
" Patent RoUs, 1272-81, p. 76.
want to think of the Welsh campaign. His other campaigns would be too late, since Stephen died in
" Ibid., pp. 209. 242.
1290.
" See. e.g.. B.N. lat. 8567. fols. 19-19'. and three more letters on fol. 22; these letters are addressed
to curials or to the pope; there is good reason to believe that Edward's letter of 1275. to Pope Gregory
X. in Parliamentary Writs, i. 381 f., was written also by Stephen; cf. E. H. Kantor'owicz, "Inaliena-
bility," Speculum, xxix (1954), 600, n. 59, See also above, n. 26, for the treasurer's
letter written by
Stephen.

n J
L I n
u I u
 240 The Prologue to Fleta The Prologue to Fleta 241
Laudes facte de domino Odduardo liege Anglic, per Stephanum de Sancto Georgia We have to return once more to the Eulogy Being a South for Frederick If.
(Paris, B. N. MS. lat. 8567, fols. 14^-150.
Italian trained to express himself in the style of the tuba Capuana
(circa 1283-1284) (Petrus de
Vmea) Stephen of San Giorgio must have known almost by heart the Eulogy,
Inter magnificos et praeclaros alumpnos, quos pregnantis nature peperit uterus et mamma
which served as a paragon of panegyrical plenty. It was at the tip of his pen
unum profecto scilicet excellentissimum principem rlominum Odduardum
lactavit, in
Anglie Regem Illustrem graciarum suarum dona et divinarum suarum dotes natura mater whenever he wished to praise a king or even the Rex regum, Christ." Hence, a
specialiori quadani opulentia dinoscitur adunasse, ut sicut suorum splendorum natalium few ([notations from the Eulogy for Frederick slipped into his Laudes
for Edward
altique sanguinis generositate prepollet, sic ex omni parte beatus et hinc inde dotatus in (lines 5, 6 f., 10
In other words, some of the sprinkled quotations from
f., 18 f.).
felicitate muneribus sceptro ac dyademate non indignus, pienus fastigiis potentiaque suf- the Eulogy which Fleta invested in his Prologue, were not taken directly
from
fultus, strenuitate preclarus, claritate sublimis, sublimitate flexibilis vivat et regnet Rex the original, hut came to him through the agency of Stephen's Laudes.
Fleta,
ipse cum Regibus gloriosus. Cuius nempe fama concelcbris tantam iam redolet suavitatem nevertheless, had more than aknowledge of the original; for where Ste-
slight
odoris, ut in omnem terrain exiverit sonus eius et intonuer'it longe laieque mirifice nomen
phen's oe^tvre steps out, the Frederician Eulogy steps in. After a longer quotation
10 suum in terminos orbis terre. Quia ergo po/atit am plo famine prepotens eius ample precoma
borrowed again from Glanville, Fleta unmistakably surrendered to the guidance
laudis exprimere cuius ab ipsis nature cunabulis gesta conspicua memorial ibus sunt (f. 15'')
of the Sicilian original (lines 37 ff., 49 ff.). That is to .say, Fleta had at
comendanda perpetuis et cuius etate crescente cum tempore facta magnifica calamo sunt ex- his dis-
aranda codicibus, sed celte potius sculpenda scilicibus ad memoriam futurorum? Quis, posal two encomia: the Eulogy and the Laudes.
inquam, possit explicare sermonibus graciarum uberes dotes eius, qui statura decorus placet These two sources, however, fail to fill another gap. Lines 46 ff., Fleta has a
1 aspectibus speciosus forma pre kominum desideratur a geniibus, qui trahit effluentia
fillis quotation only partly covercfl by II Chronicles, xix. 7: "non est enim apud
adamas, et sic
largitatis ut apparet in oculis omnium graciosus ut favorem quasi posideat
Dominiim Deiim personarum acceptio nee cupido munerum." Fleta says:
. . .
omnis carnis? Porro lingue succumbunt, labia tremefiunt et facundia subticet
dejiciunt, ora
TulhaTia. Hie est enim de quo scriptum est: 'Aquila grandis magnarum alarum, longo
"Et cum magnum ita iudicet sicut parvuni, non est apud eum accepcio muneris
vel persone." This "filler," however, was borrowed by Fleta from another en-
membrorum ductii, plena plumis et variefate decora.' Et hie est cuius emissa de pharetra nun-
quam rediit sagitta retrorsum, cuiusque gladius eductus ut pcrderet non est reversus inanis,
comium of Stei)hen of San Giorgio, from the praise for the king of Castile, prob-
0
dum sic incessanter strenue dimicaret in hostes ut magnijicus semper in bellicis actibus ably Sancho IV. Thi.s letter, hitherto unpublished, is edited in the footnote
extiterit triumphator. Surgite igitur, o quirites et milites et iuvenes bellicosi, explicate vexilla, below." It interestingly illustrates Stephen's method of transferring laudatory
clangife tubis et diem fesfum sumcns ab adolescentia sua scutum
agite tanto Regi, qui viriliter
et ad viriles annos usque perveniens, indefesse pugnavit et strenue pro populo christiano. Si See below, n. 37, the encomium to the king of Castile. In a Christmas sermon (B.N. lat 8567,
t5 quis ergo Martis adiscere prelia concupiscit, festinus hunc Regem adeat, qui docei manus fol. Stephen praises the Saviour "qucni terra, pontus, ethera colunt, adorant, predicant," which
17"),

imperitas ad prelium et humeros pulchre parat ad sarcinas ponderum bellicorum. should be compared with Eulogy, lines 15 f. Whatever the ultimate source of those words may
be,
Stephen borrowed them from the Eulogy. .\lso the answers of the coU.egium cappelianorum to this
In marg.] optima est. 1. preclaros-utcrus] cf. Viiiea, Ep., Ill, 45, cd. ScharH, 470: 'satis preclaro
alumiios longe lateque per orbem nature pregnantis peperit uterus.' 5. ex-beatus] cf. Vin, 49. 6. sermon (fol. 18) is full of echoes of the Eulogy, which in itself is a resonance of Boethiu.s, Consolatio,
potentia-oiaritatel cf. Vin, 37. 9. exiverit] ef. Ps. 18, .5; StC. 9. 12. calamo-futurorum) StC, M.
14. III, metr. 2 and 9; cf. KIoo.s, in Dtntsches Archir, xi (1954-55), 186 f., 568.
decorus-a.spectibus] cf. Gen., 49, 22; Nicolaus de Bari, ed. KIoos {.supra, n. 15), 174, nos. 81-82.
.speciosus-honiinum] ef. Ps. 44, 3; Nieolnu.s He Bari, 175, n. 87a. 18. Aquila etc.] cf. Esek.,
15. " Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS lat. 8567, fol. 15':
17, 3;
Vinca, Ep., Ill, 45, ed. Schard, 472. 21. dimicaret] dimicarit MS. 22. et milites] (Lodi, Whit-Thursday [ca 1288])
superscr. MS. 25
docet-preliuni] cf. Ps. 143, 1; Nicolaus de Bari, 174, n. 77.
IllustriRegi Castelle, Stephanus devotum terre osculum ante pedes.
Even without the help of italics to mark the agreements it would have been ob- Inter alios Reges et principes orbis terre, quos unitas fidei orthodosse connectit, quosque reddit

vious that Fleta, in the intercalated section of his Prologue, rej)ro<luced verbatim Celebris fame relatio gloriosos. Faina ve.stra. Rex Indite, dulci personans in auribus hominum
melodia
magnificentiam vestrani pullulat prerogantius excellere, ut de aliis quibus latera ve.stra sunt predita
the Laudes de domino Odduardo of Stephen of San Giorgio. Fleta actually pro-
taceatur, virtutis quadruplicis maie-state. V'olat siquidera ipsam nee subticet quod Prudentia, qua
ceeded quite skilfully. lie copied Glanville's Prologue until he arrived at the
presencia pulchre quis ordinal, futura previdet et prcterita recordatur; Fortitude, qua prava in directa
quotation of P.salm xviii, 5: "in omnem terram exierit laus eius" (line 5). This e t Tjas aspera convertuntur in plaaas; lustitia, qua re<iditur unicuique ius suum; ac Largitas,
qua
versicle, however, is quoted also in Stephen's Laudes (St.
9), a pleasant coinci- muiiifica dextcra beneficia conferuiitur, in vestri cordis annario vel archive sua tabernacula posuerunt.
dence which saved Fleta even the small trouble of inventing a suitable transi- Satis e.st enim mundo notoriuni, imnio iam in omnem terram sonus exivit, quod cuncta, que vos, prin-
tion : the Psalter enabled him to change horses midstream without danger or
in 10 ceps egregie, qui prudentia nostis per distinctionem temporum concordare scripturas, magnifice per-
effort and thence to ride at a lively egistis hurusque, decreta nunc agitis et agenda decernitis, .sale prudentie sunt condita et condita
gait with Stephen until, on line 37, he aban-
sapientia, ac pre sue dignitatis titulo calamo sunt scrihenda codicibus ad memoriam futurorvm. Id autem
doned that charger or the charger him. The textual changes Fleta saw fit to
universalis tenet opinio quod velut athleta fortissimus contra perfidiam agarenice feritatis pro fide
make were insignificant. Line 7 (St. 9), he changed "nomen suum" into "verba catholica ditnicantes et f>cT fortitudinis robur excitantes poteiicie vestre vires sarraccnorum duritiam
sua"; line 29 (St. 22), he eliminated the Roman Quirites and u
added to the more domuistis, et gladius vester qui vinci nusquam potuit, regna regnis adiciens potenter suMitas sibi
native yeomen a second epithet, "animosi"; and line 33 (St. faciat barbaras nationes. Nee
inquam, angulos mundi huius, magnifice domine, imnio est iam in
latet,
24), he replaced
"pro populo christiano" by "pro jure suo." .\11 other changes seem to be auribus hominum divulgatum, quod equa lance iustitie subditoruni vestrorum merita trutiiians
casual
regia manus vestra et reddens unicuique iura sua, regit in iustitia populo.s, gubernat in pace subiectos.
omissions or careless mistakes.
Et dum auctoritas vestra sacra ita magnum iudicat sicut parvum, non est apud eum accepcio

U J
 242 The Prologue to Fleta
The Prologue to Fleta 243
words from one king to another. The underscored words (line 6; cf. Is. 40, 4)

reveal, at the same time, that Fleta's lines 43 f. were not borrowed from the The problem can now be reduced to the simple question whether Fleta him-
Eulogy directly (line 43) but from Stephen's paraphrase. To be sure, Fleta may selfperhaps belonged to the Wardrobe. For if that were true, he would have
had
have used other letters of the South Italian dictator as well. It seems, however, access to Stephen's pronunciamentos through the Wardrobe archive
and could
that he had before his eyes the letter to Castile
which is all the more note- have known that encomiimi, .so to speak, as a recipient or on the recipients' end
worthy as this letter follows, in the Paris IMS. 8567, immediately after the of the line. On
the other hand, however, should Fleta have belonged to the Ward-
Laudes to Edward. Did there exist, as early as 1290, a "letter book" of Stephen robe, there would have existed also a possibility that he knew
the author and
of San Giorgio, arranged by the author himself.'' And could Fleta have owned drew his knowledge from the author directly.
such a book, or seen and used There are no answers to those questions. Be
it.'' , Who who wrote, Fleta? It has always been suspected that
was, or the mys-
that as it may, we know now that Fleta's Prologue is a queer cento made up of terious anonymous who claimed to have compo-sed his tractate in Fleta, in
Glanville's Prologue in praise of Henry II, of the Vinea-Rocca Eulogy for Freder- the prison in Fleet Street, was a man closely attached to the king's household.
ick II, of Stephen's Laudes for Edward I, and of the .same author's encomium for It would have been a convenient hvijothesis to assume that Fleta was identical
the king of Castile. Fleta seems to have been a collector of panegyrics. with John of Fleet, a Wardrobe clerk under Edward I, and that he wrote his
Naturally the question poses itself how it happened that Fleta had access to book in some manor called Fleet; but for various reasons this hypothesis does
the didamina of Stephen of San Giorgio. We recall that the South Italian master not work." Not so long ago, however, N. Denholm-Young tried to crack the
was a clerk of the Wardrobe and that one of his effusions the congratulations riddle of Fleta's identity, and it seems that in connection with the South Italian

on the defeat and death of Llywelyn

was addressed to his associates in the
Wardrobe. This letter, no doubt, was deposited in the archive of the Wardrobe,
the records of which, unfortunately, have not survived." In the same archive
the Laudes de domino Odduardo would have been kept. These Laudes were not
addressed to the king himself, but were an encomium about the king. Certainly
Stephen would have submitted a copy of that piece of rhetorical art to King
Edward as well. But if this laudation was shown or given to any group of cour-
Master Stephen the arguments of Denholm-Young can be broadened and
strengthened.
Very cautiously, though with very good, indeed excellent, reasons, Denholm-
Young identified Fleta with one Matthew de Scaccario or Matthew Cheker.""
Of Fleta's lack of originality the Prologue is a glaring example. A similar lack of
originality eventually could become the device for singling out Matthew Cheker
as the hypothetical composer of the anonymously transmitted tractate. Anonym-

tiers, as its purpose demanded, the author's colleagues in the Wardrobe would ity, of course, was considered good style among the jurists around 1300. Rof-

have been the first to receive it. fred of Benevento, whose works were known in England,^' suppressed his name
("I have not mentioned the name of the composer"); but then he referred to

20 muneris vel persone. Illud etiam non ignoratur, munifice dotnine, per cardines orbis terre quod largi- Karolus (de Tocco) of Benevento as his teacher and added that he, the pupil, was
flua manus vestra sic se petentibus aperit affluenter, ut quioquid a vobis iuste petitur vel honeste a native of the same town; and thereby he surrendered his secret. Andreas of
vel etiam flagitatur, ex dono non donnre.
sine quolibet iinproperio largiatur olaudi nescia et inscia

(15^) Quid plura. Nullus unquani a latere vestro vacuus, nuilus iuops, nullus gratia vestra non *
" Cf. Francis M.
Nichols, in his edition of Britton (Oxford, 1865), Introd., pp. xxv ff.; Tout,
preditus dicitur recessisse. Feliciter igitur ego reputans ex preniissis eos qui vestris gratis merentur
Chapters, ii, 34 fT.; Denholm-Young, "Who wrote 'Fleta'?" in: Collected Papers, p. 78; cf.
5 astare coiispectibus et ex liiis maiestatis vestre personam amabilem, bracliiis fidei, devotionis et pp. 69 f.,
where he mentions Fleet "as the name of manors elsewhere in England." For John of Fleet, see Tout,
amoris amplexans, qua dego, totum me servittis vestris offero, totum me vestre po-
in ea parvitate
Chapters, vi. Index, s.v. "Fleet." There are several men of that name, but none seems to have held
tentie pedibus recommendo. Augeat vobis dominus dies letos et protrahat feliciter teruiinura vite
office earlier than the 1290's.
vestre. .\Dien.
" Denholm-Young, op. cit., pp. 68-79, as well as his paper "Matthew Cheker," ibid., pp. 80-83
Datum Laudi die quinto a patre filioque procedens suos replevit apostolos charismatibus spiritus
(both papers were published in Eng. Hist. Rev., 1943 and 1944). H. G. Richardson, in his review
first
alinus.
of Denholra-Young's book in Law Quarterly Review, LXin (1947), 376 ff. (to which Mr Richanlson
2. in marg.) optima. archivo] superscr. MS. 0. exivit) vide St, 9. H. in marg.) nota. 16.
8. in himself kindly called my attention), expressed his willingness to admit that some Matthew closely
sulxlitas-nationes] cf. Missale Romanum, Orationes solemnea in Patrione Domini. 18. in marg.] nota. connected with the king's household may have been the author of Fleta, but he objects to the identifi-
22. flagitatur) flagitator MS. 27. .\ugeat-vestrej vide Vin, 51.
cation, current since Selden, of in Fleta with "in Fleet Prison." He suggests instead that the book was
Without a full investigation of Stephen's itinerary, it is not at present possible to date this laudatory given its name on the basis of a jeu de mots, "because in it the reader will 'fleetly' find his law. Fleta
letter beyond "Lodi, Whit-Thursday." In 1288, however, Stephen of San Giorgio was active in then signifies a handy compendium. ..." Richardson, however, does not any evidence to sup-
offer
arranging the settlement between Aragon and Charles II of Naples; Castile was lined up with France port this interpretation, which, though interesting, does not appear self-evident to me. Sir Maurice
against Aragon. It may have been at that time, or a year later, that he addre.ssed the king of Castile Powicke, The Thirteenth Century, lil6-lS07 (Oxford, 1953), 356, n. 2, mentions the "attractive identi-
who, in that case, would have been Sancho IV. Had this laudatory letter been addressed to .Mfonso X, fication" of Denholm-Young.
it would perhaps have been possible to say more than the generalities in which Stephen indulged. *' R. J. Whitwell, "The and Canonist and of a Common Lawyer, .\n. 1294,"
Libraries of a Civilian
" Tout, Chapters, i, 84; see also Kantorowicz, "Petrus de Vinea in England" (above, n. 12), p. 67, Law Quarterly Review, xxi (1905), 394, shows that Master Peter de Peckham had in his library a copy
n. 89. of Ranfredus Beneventanus, that is, Roffred Epiphanii of Benevento, who was appointed a law pro-
fessor at the University of Naples by Frederick II and died in 1243.

/ / L
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244 The Prologue to Fleta
The Prologue to Fleta 245
Isernia declared quite in general that "like honest not care for men who do did not count, and he was sent for two years and two
days to the Tower, where his
pomposity" some authors did not head their works epigrammatically by the comforts were considerably reduced.**
mention of their name.'- Why the author of Fleta played that game of anonymity Matthew's guilt or innocence are of
no interest here. What matters is that in
we do not know; but he revealed his name when he coj)ied IJracton just as, in his Fleet prison Matthew indeed could have written his
tractate, if he so desired. In
Prologue, he copied Glanville or Stephen of San Giorgio. Bracton explained that this respect, our most important piece of
evidence is a list, apparently drafted
a writ was invalidated if the name of the recipient was mi.sspelt and illustrated when he Fleet prison, of his belongings and chattels ("Bona et catalla
left
this own name: Henry of Brocheton or even Brachton, in-
item by misspelling his Mathei de E.scheker"). In this inventory we find among
stead of Bracton, would make a writ invalid. Fleta, unoriginal as he was, trans-
many other items an
mterestnig catalogue of books which he had in Fleet. In
addition to belietristic
ferred that explanation to his own name and pointed out that a writ was not books of Poytrie and Romauns, a Summa on alchemy, anc]
a primer, we find
valid if it said "Matthew, the son of William," instead of "Matthew, the .son of therein a Decretum Gratiani, a Digestum novum, the
Summae of Ilengham, the
Peter."The name of IMatthew, being not too freciuent in England, eventually peciae of Britton's legal tractate in twenty-six quires,
and other law books,
led Denhohn-Young to identify "Fleta" with Afatthew de Scaccario, otherwise statute books, and records."
Matthew Cheker.''' Perhaps we would have expected to find Glanville among Matthew's
books,
Matthew's biographical notes have been collected by Denholm- Young, and and we may be disappointed that the inventory does not mention in
so many
they may be summed up quickly so far as they are relevant to the present prob- words Epistolarium Petri de Vinea or a letter book of Matthew's friend,
Stephen
lem. From 1277 to 1283 Matthew Cheker belonged to the king's household, of San Giorgio. For it will not be too hazardous to assume
that "Fleta," Matthew
first as a yeoman (valeitus regis), later as a squire. He was employed in the Ward-
Cheker, was personally acquainted with the South Italian Master
Stephen.
robe and his name appears several times in connection with the Wardrobe From 1277 to 1279/1280 both men were members of the king's household and
treasurer and payments made to the soldiers. In the years of the Welsh rebellion
held appointments in the Wardrobe. They may have met also in Wales, in the
and thereafter we find him repeatedly in Wales or occupied with Welsh affairs. In years after the defeat of Llywelyn, when Stephen again was in the entourage of
1287 he served his king in some legal matters. Later, in connection with the Edward I. Matthew may have asked Stephen for a copy of the Laudes de Od-
judicial inquiry of 1289 and the fall of Adam of Stratton, whose attorney he be-
duardo Rege, may have
asked him for other laudations praising other princes,
came, Matthew was accused, rightly or wrongly, of having tampered with docu- and may have received from Stephen the Eulogy for Frederick II and the letter
ments, one of the chief crimes of Adam of Stratton himself. The result was that to the king of Castile. We cannot possibly tell how and when and where
tho.se
Matthew, in 1290, was sent for two years and two days to the Fleet prison.'" two men met, or what they were talking about; but the Prologue to Fleta indi-
If we think of mediaeval prisons as places of utter brutality and of conditions
cates that Matthew Cheker made
use of the writings of his Wardrobe associate,
which only our enlightened humanitarianism has gradually overcome and Stephen of San Giorgio, and there is no reason to assume that he did not get
changed for the better, we shall have to revise our oi>inion considerably with re- those panegyrics from the "horse's mouth."
gard to the Fleet. Gentleman prisoners who were willing to pay and live on their One more little item should be considered which may be meaningful or may
own, had their chambers furnished with their tapestries and books, and were al- just belong to the
"Department of Curious Coincidence." Among the chattels of
lowed to live in reasonable comfort. Matthew Cheker, it seems, passed his tenn ]\fatthew Cheker we find: "Item unum Kalendarium. Forma concordie et pacis
of arrest in particular ease. He could come and go more or less as he pleased, go
The whole story is told by two legal documents:
to Christmas parties and the
attend service in the church of the Cannelites
like, Select Cases in the Court of King's
Bench under
Edward I, ed. G. O. Sayles, Vol.Seiden Society, lvii (London, 1938). Introd., p. ctiv: and Select
ii,
or a court session in Westminster, until this gay atmosphere of a Fledermaus
Cases in the Exchequer of Pleas, edd. Hilary Jenkinson and Beryl E. R. Fonnoy,
Selden Society,
prison came to an abrupt end. In January 1292 he had to stand another trial on XLviii (London, 1932), pp. 141 ff.; see Denhohn-Young, op. cit.,
74 f. pp.
account of his extravaganzas, and was convicted; the time he had spent in Fleet Cf. Whitwell (above, n. 41), pp. 399 f., and his interpretation of the document, pp. 394 ff. Here
we find also the "pictured tapestry" (laminan depictum) mentioned.
" Giovanni Ferretti, "Roffredo Epifanio da Benevento," Studi Medinali,
Cf. m
(1908), 239, " Ibid., p. 400: "Item, x.xvj. pecie de Summa Britton." Denholm-Young, p. 75, inadvertently
n. 8: "Ut audivi a domino meo Ka. Beneventano, cuius ego discipulus sum, qui hoc opus condidi et
mentions Bracton instead of Britton. Pecie (petie) are the numbered quires of an official copy of
nomen non apposui conditoris et eiusdem sum patrie habitator." Ferretti (p. 238, n. 2) quotes also a
standard manuscript made by professional scribes under the supervision of a university (Paris,
.\ndreas of Isernia, In Uus Feudorum Commentaria, praeludia, n. 17 (Naples, 1571), fol. 2'*:
Bolog:ia, Oxford, and very few others): cf. Denholm-Young's review
{op. cit., pp. 177 ff.) of the au-
"... compilator et compositor huius operis, qui in palam conscripta deduxit: sed forte noluit no-
thoriUtive work on this subject by Jean Destrez, La Pecia dans les mss. unirersitaires
men suumepigrammate superscribi, sicut faciuiit viri honesti, non curantesdeponipis. du XIIP et
"Andreas, . . .
du XIV siicle (Paris, 1935); see also K. Christ, "Petia: Ein
Kapitel mittelalteriicher Buchgcschichte."
however, had mentioned his name in the preceding prooemium.
Zentralblatt fur Bibliotheksuvsen, lv (1938). 1-44; and, for
the importance of the petiae of the Uni-
** Denholm- Young, op. cit., pp. 72 ff.
versity of Paris for the redaction of the Petrus de Vinea letter books,
" see H. M. Schaller (above, n.
Ibid., pp. 80 f., for the early period and Matthew's connection with the Wardrobe.
16), pp. 123 ff.

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 The Prologue to Fleta 247
246 The Prologne to Fleta

During the following years Stephen of San Giorgio was occupied almost per-
inter Rcgem Karlium
Alfusum Regem Dragonie, et alia diversa Minuta eius-
ct
petually with Angevin-Aragonese affairs. In May 1289, at Rieti, the liberated
dem Mathei."** Kalendarium may be anything in the form of a list: a list of
Prince of Salerno was finally crowned King Charles II of Naples by the Orsini
records, for example, or of entries of any kind; Bracton's list of chapter headings,
Pope Nicholas IV; and it was Stephen who drafted the solemn proclamations by
his "table of contents," was called Kalendarium.*^ More important, however, is
which the king announced his coronation to his subjects and to foreign courts."
the fact that the person who drafted the list of Matthew's books "singled out for
When, in 1290, the theater of negotiations shifted to Provence, Stephen moved
special notice"*" the form of a peace treaty between King Charles II of Naples
too. He was working together with the two cardinals charged with achieving a
and King Alfonso III of Aragon. How did this instrument get into Matthew's
peace, one of them being Benedetto Gaetani, cardinal-deacon of San Nicola in
scholarly luggage?
Carcere Tulliano, later Pope Boniface VIII. In June of that year the cardinals
We
know, of course, how actively King Edward participated in the numerous
decided to send Master Stephen of San Giorgio to King Edward to report about
efforts to settle the differences between Aragon and Naples arising from the
!|
the miseries of the reformatio pacis.^^ In Paris, on his way to England, he met
Sicilian Vesj)ers (1282), from the capture of Naples' heir to the throne (Prince
Charles II, who likewise wrote to Edward to tell him that Master Stephen would
Charles of Salerno) by a Siculo-Aragonese admiral (1284), and from the death of
convey to him all the information obtainable about the treaties.*' Thus Stephen
Charles of Anjou (1285). Under the sponsorship and arbitratorship of Edward I
a number of treaties were concluded between the rival powers, only to be broken,
traveled once more to England
in his pouch the acts of the affair "Naples
versus Aragon." It was his last voyage to the British Isles; on 23 October 1290,
to result in a new impasse, or to be foiled, like the treaty of Tarascon (1291), by
Stephen of San Giorgio died.
the sudden death of the Aragonese signer." One treaty, however, that drafted
Was Matthew Chekcr involved in those diplomatic negotiations between
and signed at Campfranch (Campofranco) in October 1288, had at least one posi-
Naples and Aragon.' Certainly not. How, then, did he happen to have that
tive result: the liberation of the Prince of Salerno. It was a complicated treaty,
"forma concordie et pacis" in his scholarly apparatus, and how did he get it?
and its nmnerous clauses and provisos called for a great number of instruments.
Through Stephen of San Giorgio? We do not know. Nor do we know what may
One of those instruments, the one concerning the terms of liberation of the
have been bundled together with that treaty. The inventory of Matthew's
Prince of Salerno, bears the signature of a witness "Master we are interested in,
chattels only says laconically: "forma concordie et pacis . . . et alia diversa
Stephen of San Giorgio, Clerk of the Lord King of England."" In the same ca-
Minuta."
pacity Stephen put his signature also under the oath of King Alfonso III of
Aragon." In other words, Stephen belonged to the strong English delegation The Institute for Advanced Study
which Edward I had despatched to Campfranch, headed by the chancellor, Princeton, New Jersey
Bishop Robert of Bath and Wells, and including such indispensables as John de
Lacy and Peter of Chavent, then still steward of the king's household, and APPENDIX
others." About the Prologue to Fleta, Professor Woodbine (above, n. 6) has made certain
* VVhitwell, op. cit., p. 400.
statements which might be relevant to the present investigation, but need quali-
" It is, of course, impossible to tell, or even to guess, what kind of a kalendariumMatthew had / fication, since they are liable to be misunderstood. In his edition of Bracton's
among his belongings; it was, however, some isolated list, since it is not mentioned among his books De legibus (i, p. 17, n. 1), Woodbine remarked that there is "a simple explanation
but among all sorts of odds and ends. Perhaps it was the "Calendar" of the numerous instruments of of the fact that the prologue to Glanvill precedes the text of Fleta," because the
the .\njou-.\ragon treaty itself.
Glanville prologue is found "in some of the Bracton MSS." This opinion was re-
'" Denholm -Young, op. cit., p. 75.
" See, on those protracted negotiations, Ludwig KlUpfel, Die dussere Politik Alfonso.'! III. von Ara- peated once more when Woodbine (in his edition of Glanville [1932], p. 184)
gonlen {1285-1291), Abhandlungen zur Miltlcren und Neueren Geschichte, xxxv (Berlin and I.ipzig, commented on form of the same
Glanville's prologue: "Fleta has an extended
1911-1912). FUia, m, c. 6 (cf. Selden, Ad Fletam, x, 4, ed. Ogg, p. 188), mentions a "decree [concern- prologue, a fact which is rather good evidence that the writer of Fleta was using a
ing the inalienability of the res Coronae] made by all Christian kings at Montpellier in the fourth year manuscript of Bracton's treatise which also contained it [italics mine]. Two
of King Edward, son King Henry." This puzzling "decree" (though certainly wrongly dated and
of
probably misunderstood) should perhaps be viewed against the background of those negotiations be-
MSS. of Bracton which have it are still extant
Middle Temple MS. 6 Seat
tween Anjou and .\ragon, at which several kings were present while others were represented by their
A.E.15 and Trinity College, Cambridge, MS. 0.3.52. The most cursory reading
envoys. It is futile, however, to make any guesses without a very detailed investigation of the whole of the opening lines of Bracton will reveal that he had read, and was more or less
issue. using, the prologue of Glanvill."
" Rymer, Foedera, i:2, p. 691.
" Ibid., p. 693. " See B.X. lat. 8567, fols. ZO'-Sl "Rex fidelibus suis super coronatione sua, per Stephanum."
:

'^ Ibid., p. 694. Peter de Chavent swears for his king, Edward
concerning the hostages to be
I, " Cf. Robert Weiss, "Cinque lettere" (above, n. 20), 159 f., Nos. ii and in. See also T. S. R. Boase
handed over to the king of Aragon; see, for Chavent's stewardship, Tout, Chapters, vi, 41, also ii,
Boniface VIII (London, 1933), pp. 18 ff.
26, and, for his connections with "Fleta," li, 34 f. Denholm-Young, p. 78, thinks it "possible that " Rymer, Foedera. i:2, 738 (28 July 1290).
Matthew, at some time before 1287, was a member of Peter de Chavent'i household."

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 IdMk

248 The Prologue to Fleta

The Prologue to Fleta 249
These remarks contain two assertions and one hypothesis. To begin with
the In other words, any similarity between the Trinity Cambridge
last assertion, it is not at all clear what Woodbine means
when he refers to "the
MS and Glanville
evaporates after the fifth word (armis), and the few other
opening lines of Bracton." Does he refer to the genuine Bracton (I parallels are easily ex-
mean the plamed by the common source, the proem of the Institutes. Hence,
one he edited 1915-1942) or to the Bracton of the two MSS which he a more thor-
quoted in ough reading of the Trinity Cambridge MS of Bracton reveals that
the preceding sentence? He could not have meant the genuine Bracton the writer of
of his edi- the Pseudo-Bractonian prologue did not use Glanville for
tion because the most cursory reading of the opening lines of a motlel and that conse-
Bracton 's "Intro- quently this preface could not have been used by the writer of
duction" reveals instantly that they have no similarity whatever with Fleta.
Glanville's The situation different with regard to the Middle Temple MS.6 Seat A.E.15,
prologue, if we except the paraphrase of Justinian's proem to the
Institutes for
is

which Woodbine uses the siglum LT. This prologue, it is true, repeats
and there Bracton was guided by Azo and the text of the Institutes, and not ver-
by batim (apart from a small number of readings) the prologue of
Glanville. If, however, ^Voodbine referred only to the two I\ISS, Glanville and,
this would im- more specifically, the beta tradition of the Glanville text (cf.
ply that their prologues represented the genuine Bracton; in that case, Woodbine's edition!
however, p.l7). It does not, however, contain the South Italian additions
he certainly should have printed the texts of those prologues in his of the prologue

least in his apparatus. But the Bracton text Woodbine

edition or at to Fleta. We may wonder whether really "the presence of this [Glanville] pro-
edited and the peculiar
prologues of the two MSS are mutually exclusive, and an inspection
logue in some of the Bracton MSS.
it is found in others besides LT offers a
of the two simple explanation of the fact that the prologue to Glanvill
MSS will show that it would be more than hazardous to draw from those prefaces precedes the text of
Fleta," as Woodbine suggests (De legibus, i, p. 17, n.l).To begin
any conclusion about what the authentic Bracton "had with, there are
read, and was more or less no other Bracton MSS besides LT which have the Glanville prologue;
using." there are
Moreover, Professor Woodbine seems to maintain (in the first sentence
not even two, since the Trinity Cambridge MS
has to be eliminated completely.
quoted Hence, LT is unique; it is (to our
knowledge) a hapax gegrammenon, written in
above) that Fleta 's "extended form of the same [Glanville] prologue"
was bor- the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century. Nothing, of course,
is impossible.
rowed from one of the Bracton MSS "which also contained it." This,
however, The author of Fleta may have chanced upon the Middle Temple MS, provided
cannot possilily be the meaning of his assertion, because the extended
form of the that it was written before he wrote. If he saw it, he did not use it. For
prologue is not found in the two Bracton MSS quoted by him; it Fleta fol-
is found ex- lows throughout the alpha tradition of Glanville, whereas LT represents the
clusively in the prologue to Fleta, as the borrowings beta
from South Italian stylists tradition. Moreover, on one occasion the writer of LT skipped
would have suggested anyhow. three words
("tempore pacis ipse [pacis auctor et] amator"), whereas both Glanville
Finally, there remains the hypothesis. Professor (p. 23,
Woodbine assumes that the the line before the last) and Fleta (p. 2, line 13) have the three words
writer of Fleta "was using a manuscript of Bracton's treatise bracketed
which also contained in the parenthesis. That is to say, Fleta did not copy LT, and
[the Glanville prologue]" of another Bracton
it and that "two MSS. of Bracton which have it are
still extant." Unfortunately, the two MSS (I am greatly obliged
MS prefaced by the Glanville prologue we have no knowledge. We therefore
to the kindness have to abandon the hypothesis that Fleta borrowed his prologue from a Brac-
of A. Ilaleran, Esq., Librarian of Trinity College,
Cambridge, and II. A. C. ton MS.
Sturgess, Esq., Librarian and Keeper of the Records of
the Honourable Society
of the Middle Temple, for providing me with photostats
What the Middle Temple MS actually proves is a certain popularity of the
of the prologues) bear panegjTical Glanville prologue even at a time when Glanville's work was out of
out neither the assertions nor the hypothesis of Professor Woodbine.
date. The prologue of Glanville was used in the 1240's to preface the Scottish
Trinity College, Cambridge, MS 0.3.52, fol. 1-
contains a prologue which is Regiam Majestatem; it was used in the 1290's to preface Fleta, and probably
nothing but an abstract of Institutes, i, 1-2, and of Bracton's De legibus, i, 1-3
around 1300 to preface, in one case, also Bracton's De legibus. It would be legiti-
(fols.l-2a). It begins with thewords of the proem of the Institutes adjusted to
mate to ask whether perhaps the Glanville prologue survived independently as a
regal rank, but has nothing at all to do with Glanville,
as a comparison of the piece of panegyric rhetoric. Of this we have no evidence; but Fleta 's cento might
Incipits may show:
suggest an answer in the affirmative.

Trinity Cambridge MS Glanville

Regahm potextatem non solum amis, set Reg'mm potestatem non solum armis contra
Ugihus oportet es.se armatam, ut utrumque rebcllcs [et gentes] sihi regnoque insiir-
tempus bellormn et pads recte giibernetur gentes oportet esse decoratam, sed et legibus
non solum liostilibus preliis, sed per pruden- ad subditos et populos pacificos regendos
tiam Juris et legum calumpni autem [sic] decet esse ornatam, ut utraque tempora.,
iniquitatem expellat. pacis scilicet et belli, gloriosus rex noster
ita feliciter transeat ....

' / L I L
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 itato ^t\)oo\ of J^arbarb nibergttp

CambribBc 38, iWagK.

22 Scot. 56

Dear >'r. Kantorowicz:

It wasvery oleasant to heve your letter

I
hve knovm^ou long by reputation, of
course, thouph
unfortun=^tely v.-e never have met. Year?;
npo
student of -the other Kantorowicz'- Herrrann-I vas
-

Ireiburg- but that (l judge you will in

not object to
this) is another kettle of fish
entirelvl f do hooe
you will drop in on me v.hen you are
next in
Can-bridge and I shall do the same
mutatis mutandis.
Thank you very much for vour kind
invitation.
^ '^^^ have h-'d a (characteristic)
1.+ from. r"" f'^^'^'^^y
*
letter Ger.ld Eichardson. In connexion with the
edition of Brcton-olus-translation
that the Yale
University Press and the Helden Society
as a ;5oint enterprise, I have
are considering
had a number such from
nis '^en. I am, as you must be,
anxious to know what
suo.ort he hs for his interpretation
of the title
liltj^ but he never has oroduced any, nor does
.^ayles, wnom I saw last summ.er George
in Aberdeen, do more:
I suooose we must await the Introduction.
thouM.' that
seems vpry far off. -

'"^^^i-^i^t on the oass.ge in Fleta

iii ca ^riT"" difficulty that ouzzled-STTden
m;.e;;f' ^ /"n^*^ lP^-26).
roynl '"^- ^?*
T ^y.l oosseLsions,
.1.
on the alienation of
which the king m.ust recall
Provisionem regv,m Chri stianorum apud l!ontem
^IZfn"^
^esooionifim, anno regni re.P:is Idwardi filii
reels
''""^'? habitam.' Tsu.oose if .^ou had v^u
woul 'ihave out it in your
would
.'^oeculum article, thou.h
^ ^-""^ knowledge of Italian
a?JMr^^ v^^^^?,^^
J'ontpellier .eems a mistake and the year
n^l^k^ ""

^' "" ^ "^"' ="<^h Itnlian clerks

back of Lr"';
nf this reference? I would a.oreci^te any
thou-hts you r-av have on this.
I hope, now that we h^ve be^-un to exchn?e
letters, our corresoondence will
continue.

Sincerely yours,

n L
u J I u
^ [I HatD g>c!)ooI of J&arbarb Wnibersfftp

Cambrfbge 38, iHaKflt.

:1 July 56

Tear ^rofessor Kantorowicr:

I.'iller of the Iv'.ediaeval Acaderr.v oernutted

me to ke ind read --our delightfully interestinj
t-
pa:)er on the Fleta prologue, which, once I h-^d taken
it in hand, I found irr.nossible to out down. I'y copy
of Ienholn:-Young s little 11001-: is at ho:e and" my
'

English Historical Review still unpacked after its

trip from "ew Haven, but you seer.: certainly to have
made it more likely that "atthew Cheker was the
lon^-lost author v;e have all been seeking. Enrlish
legal historians will be most interested and
Eichardson, who thinks D-Y's suggestion v.-orthless,
chagrined. I note you will send a copy to George
Cayles for use in the introduction, but I ,-^ud -e
that work, to aT?ear in the 4th and last volurc of
Fleta, is at least F-10 years off I
F.icl'iardJon, =3 you "cnov;, and perhaps
3ayles, who refused to conjnit himself when I sax?
hir last su- ncr in Aberdeen, thinks the book is
called Fleet because by its means the reader can
fleetl" find hi- way through Inglish law; that it
does not take its nrme from. Flret "'rison and that
it is nuitc imoossible that the book v;as v>'ritten
there. It is his account that amears in the Gelden
"ociety's -trrnhlei (Aug. 1955} Publications, List
of J'embers, etc. at oo. 23-4.
Viit". kindest regards,

Sincerelv vourn,

rJ^wAa^r-u*

S. L. ihorne

/ / L
U J
 ^^ t-< (V
-tf-L-'

t
xy^^

The Grange,

GOUDKUaST

Keot.

28 August, 1956.

Dear Dr. Kantorowic*

You will already have from Saj^les on
hesird
the subject of the article you have submitted to the
editor of S pec\ilum , Sayles has passed your carbon copy
on to ne, and I liave read the article with the greatest
admiration and profit. I^'either Sayles nor I would ever
have tracked dc\m the sources of those passages in the
prologue of Fleta which are marked by so abrupt a
change of style. The puzzle was why there were no
traces of the same style elsewhere. You have solved
the problem admirably and put us very much in your debt.

But may I express dissent from yo\ir acceptance

of Denholm-Young*s suggested identification of the
author of Fleta with Matthew of the Exchequer? You
will not have seen my review of Denholm-Young*
Collected Papers in the Law Quarterly Review , where I
pointed out some reasons wh^'' the identification is not
acceptable. The mistake arises out of Selden's quite
unfounded identification of the Fleet of the treatise
with Fleet Prison, There is, in fact, nothing to
suggest such an identification. The only reason why
Fleet is mentioned is to give the author an opportunity
for a jeu de mots . The name of the place where the
treatise was written is apposite because the treatise
is a fleet' way of ascertaining what the law now is:
*

that is, Bractonian law as modified by Sdwardian

legislation.

As Guterbock pointed out long ago, the

reference to the Scottish chancellor as subordinate to
/the

Dr. E.H. Kantorowicz, ^ ,

The Institute for Advanced Study,
Princeton,
\ lie* Jersey, U.S.A.

n L I U
u J I u
 the English chancellor (see our edition, p. 125) must
refer to Edward's ^Jurisdiction over Scotland, He,
therefore, suggested that the treatise could not "be
earlier than 1292 (transl. Brinton Coxe, p. 71). But
the probahilities point to late 1296, when Walter of
Amersham was appointed chancellor of Scotland
(October of that year), I need not go into the details,
but I do not think that at any previous period the
chancellor of Scotland could be said to be subordinate
to the chancellor of England, On the other hand, the
Eissuraption made in several places in the treatise is
that the Jews are resident in England and have a
special status. The book was therefore in the making
before the Expulsion (decreed in July and completed in
October 1290), The most feasible hypothesis I can form
is that Fleta had its origin in a manuscript of Bracton
into which had been incorporated the amendments of the
law introduced by Edward I's legislation. There was
other matter, notably the treatise on estate management,
which fills Book II, chapters 71-S8, This bulky
manuscript was reduced to manageable dimensions by
rigorous cuttinj^down and scmxe re-arrangement of the
matter. LsLfge portions, however, still remain directly
copied from Bracton, with little reduction or alteration.
But the abbreviated work was never conqpleted and never
revised.

That the author was connected with the house-

hold is evident from his use of the rolls of the court
of the Yerge, The latest is that of 18 Edward I
(p. 113). This roll was used for Fleta either when the
author was ernployed in that court or alternatively
after the roll (and earlier rolls) had ceased to be
required for the current business of the court. Either
alternative excludes the (quite baseless) assun^ition
that the treatise was written by one of those convicted
at the 'Trial of the Judges'. But the wide
jurisdiction attributed (quite correctly) to the court
of the Verge is incompatible with the restrictions
imposed upon it by the Articuli super Cartas of March
1300 ( Statutes of the Realm . 1.156-141), No reference

/to

U Ji
I U
I

to thiB enactment appears in Pleta and

the inference
is either that the author died earlier or
that
laid his work aside. Por Fleta in its present he had
(unrevised) form, therefore, we get a date
out an origin many years previously. 1296-1300,

There are many problems connected with Pleta*

lor example, the relation of 'Walter of Henley' *
anS
Seneschau^ie to Book II, chapters 71-88. The
current
notioy^that Pleta is the -borrower seems untenable.
these and other matters will be discussed by
f^J
and ijyself in the introductory volume (still Sayles
some years
aneadj, when we hope to disperse a number
of mis-
conceptions. You will have cleared up one problem.
very much better than we could hope to do. ^'''^'^'

"^se a paper on the Regiam Ma.lestatem.

-v,^
WhichK K -J

has been waiting for you for some time. The
present opportunity is a suitable one for
sending it.
With kind regards.

Yours sincerely.

/ / C J n
U _' '- U
(5?3)
D
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iJr. K. M. Kloog
Mlincnen 1;^
Tiirkenatr. 29/III Miinchen, 8.
30. 56.

Sehr verehrter Herr Profesjor Kantorowicz!

Haben Sie besten Dank fur Ihren Brief vo:n 22. 7. nebst
Anlegen. Ihren i\ufsatz habe ich mit Genuxi ejeiesen. t.s iat
immer w/ieder erstaunlich, einen wie groiSen EinflaJ der

'Petrus de Vinea' auf alien Gebieten ausgeiib* hat!

Zu den rnoglichen ^ueilen des 'Fleta* eine Frage: Seite 28

erwahnen Sie als Moglichkeit ein Briefbuch des Stephan de
S. Jeorgio; vvarum insistipren oie nicht starker darauf?

Meiner /nsicht nach heben wir in der Periser Hs. 8567, die

ja au3 verschiedenen nicht zusammengehorigen Lagen besteht,

Fragmente des L^riefbuches des Stephan. Die Vermutung, daJ

'Fleta' aus dem Brief i.uch geschopft hat - and sich vieltRXK

leicht in den in seinem Biicherinventar erwahnten diverj^

minuta i^.bschriften dsrauskemacht hat - scheint mir doch

am nachsten zu liegen.

Im Kinzelnen hatte ich noch Folgendes zu bemerken:

Seite 6 Zeile 5, in Fletas Prolog in omnera terrain exierit

laus eius, konnen Sie aach auf Petrus de Prece, Miiller Nr.

19 3. 1A-0, Anfang des Briefes hinweisen.

\ S. 17* Stephens Lobrece auf Kg. Edward. Vv'ollten Sie die

u/ Perallelen dieses St^^ckes mit PdV. 111,45 nicht anmerken?
Vor alle'n der Anfang ist ja wortlich ubernoinmen.

Uberrascht war ich, in dem seiben Stiick Anklange en mei-

nen Nikolaas de Beri zu finden. 3. 17, Z. 18 qui stature

decorus placet aspectibus speciosus formajpre filiis homi-

num^ vgl. K^ikoleus v. Bari 3. 174, Absetz 14, Zeile 7 v.u.

und 5 V.U.; ferner ira seiben Absatz S. I75 oben Zeile 1-2.
Dann els drittes^ in Ihrem Aufdatz 3. 18 Z. 32-54 Ps. 143 1

' / L -' _/
U J L J
 wozu v.^i. Nikolsus V. Eari im selben /bsatz, 'S. 174, zu
Anm. 77. ^uch aie beiden ersteren 3tellen
sina Ja Eibel-
zitete, Pber de.i sie file arei bei Nikolfiuo von iisri und
bei Stephan vorkoraraen, bei Nikolaus d.-^zu noch in einem
einzigen Absatz, ist gewiJ nicht zufallig. Y)^^ Stephan
Nikolaus benutzt habe, scheint mir kauni wahrscheinlich,
es mu.i eine Kemeinsame .quelle fur beide geben
auiier der
Bibel. Aber welche?? Die letztere Bibelstelie
findet sich
iibrigens auch auf einer Fehne unbekannter Provenienz
(Ite-
lien-Spanien, 11.-12. Jh.?), s. Schramm, rierrschaftszei-
chen 2, S. 666f. und Abb.
Nun wieder zu S. 8, Zeiie 52-54, hier konnte doch auch

auf PdV. 111,44 hingev,iesen weraen, annos Au^usti regnan^

tis^augeres^, zumal Herr Pivec gerade diese Stelie so grau-

sam entsteilt hat!

Zum Apparat auf 3. 8 und Anmerkungen S. 37, Anm.11: soil

\y die 3igle PV oder VP hei^en"^

S. 45, Zeile 14, in der Lobrede f^uf den Kg. v. Kastilien,

die Stelie qui^^^udentia nostisjper dlstinctionem tempo-

ura_^concord^re_scri^ji^^ die Stelie kommt mir irgendwie

bekennt vor. Ich habe lange deriiber nachgedacht, woher mir

die Stelie ira Gedachtnis ist, konnte es aber nicht mehr

ausmachen. Ich glaube kaum, da.i sie mir aus der seinerzei-
tigen sehr fliichtigen Lekture der Kandschrift so gut im

Gediichtnis geblietien ist. Vielleicht f^illt Ihnen etwas ein?

S. 46, Datierung des Schreibens: In meiner Beschreibung

der Handschrift habe ich zu dem Stuck notiert 'Gegeben zu

Lodi an Pfingsten'. Da 3ie nichts devon erwahnen, bin ich

allerdings auch leicht geneigt zu glauben, da^i ich da etwas

mi.5verstanden oder verwechselt habe, well die Beschreibung

damals in Paris sehr schnell ging. Aber vielleicht pnifen

/
U J L/U L -/
I
 - Blatt 2 -

3ie zur .licherheit doch nochmal den Briefschluii nach.

Warura drucken Sie iibrigens den Brief nicht genz ab? Si-
cher ist er fur Ihren gei^enwartigen Zweck uninterea^ant,

aber nachdem 3ie schon ein so ^^roiSes Stiick des Briefes

ebdrucken, scheint mir doch die Frage, ob der /.bdruck des

Restes Ihren Aufsatz nicht vielleicht zu sehr belastet,

weniger Gewicht zu besitzen, als die Frage, ob Sie fair

gegeniiber einem kiinf tigen Editor der Ste jhan-Briefe han-

deln, wenn Sie den interessanten Anfang drucken und den

Rest verachtlich wegwerfen. /ber das ist neturlich Thre

Sache, und ich wei.i ja auch nicht mehr, wie lang noch der

Rest des Briefes ist und was darin steht.

Des waren also meine Beraerkungen.

Ihren Vosschlag, die Briefe aes Stephen de S. Georgio zu

edieren, greife ich sehr gerne auf. Allerdings wird das

nicht so schnell gehen; Sie schrieben des, bevor Sie mei-

nen letzten Brief gelesen hatten, in dem ich Ihnen meine

Zukunftseussichten und -absichten derlegte. Es erscheint

mir doch engebracht, auf Jeden Fall die Archivausbildung

mitzuraachen; 6enn wenn ich in den jetzt beginnenden Kurs

nicht eintrete, so kann es vier Jahre dauern, bis ein neu-

er beginnt, und ich werde schlieilich immer alter!

/'ber ich werde ja neben der ^^rchivausDildung wissenscheft-

lich weiterarbeiten konnen; es ist soweit ebgesprochen,

defi ich den Arbeitsauf trag des Petrus de Vinea helbtagig

beibehalten kenn. Das muB ich, abgesehen vom wissenschaft-

lichen Interesse, schon aus finanziellen uranden durch-

setzen, well ich im i^rchiv in den ersten Jehren nur 200

Mark bekomme. So also stehen die Dinge.

Der Stephen de S. Georgio und die anaern ' Anglo-Italiener'

wiirden mich eus dem selben Srunde interessieren, der mein

' / L -' C
U J L -/
Interes3e fur den Petrus de Prece bestiramt: die Verpflen-
zung italieniocher Stilistik, Pit&etsgedsnken und Kultur

nach dem ilorden, im einen Falle P.nglend, im andern uayern

und boh'nen. ^'!ich mit diesen Briefen naher zu beschafti-

gen, dpran hebe ich freilich nie gedacht, well ich einfach

von englischer Gejchicnte gar zu v/enig verstehe. Mit Th-

nen zussnimen, dsd konnte allerdings sehr anregend und in-

teresciant und zweifellos sehr ertragreich sein! L\x Ihnen

zu koaimen und nit Ihnen zusammen zu arbeiten, reizt mich

gar zu sehr, aber wenn ich ,jetzt dso Archiv aulgebe, was

wird dann nach einem Jehr?

Ich stelle mil? vor, daii es so gehen koitnnte: Im Laufe des

nachsten Jahreo konnte ich beginnen, die Texte herzustel-

len und die ('berlieferung klarzulegen, &iso die Vorarbei-

ten zu leisten. i^is dahin wird x sich zeigen, ob und wenn

ich vom /rchivdienst beurlaubt werden kann, wad nach /*b-

schluli der /usbildung, die ellerdingo drei Jahre dauert,

auf jeden Fall leichter ist. Solite denn eine Beuriaubung

zu viel ^chwierigkeit rnachen oder in zu weite Feme riicken,

so konnen wir unsere ^usamnienarbeit immer noch brieflich

durchzufiihren versuchen.

Was meinen 3ie zu raeinem Vorschlag, und iiberhaupt zu mei-

nen lierul'sfc absichten? Und vergessen Sie bitte nicht, noch

einmal auf meinen Brief, bzw. die '

Qrglossen'-Ldsung zu-

riickzukommen!

Zur Zeit sitze ich an dem Literaturbericht fiir die Tradi-

tio; es ist viei Stoff, aber sicher ist mir noch Menches

entgangen. 'lobald er fertig ist, schicke ich Ihnen einen

Durchschleg mit der herzlichen iiitte um '/dditamente'

Drmit wiinsche ich Ihnen noch nette Ferientege und griiiie

Sie herzlich Ihr

(Ic^h^^iu iU*--*

' ' L -' L

U J L /_/
 ,

The Grange,

GOUDHURST

Kent.

8ncl February, 1955,

Dear Mr. Kantorowicz,

It is a pleasure to hear from you again. There
is no mystery about the Year Books of iildward IV,v/hich have
been in print for nearly four centuries, though there is no
modern edition. I have looked up 21 Edward IV in Pynson's
edition of 1566, but I cannot find Coke's citation at
fo. 39b. I will turn up Calvin's Case and see if the
reference helps to trace the citation. You should, how-
ever, have no difficulty in getting sight of the Year Books
of uldward IV (at least in the Vulgate edition, but with the
same foliation), if not at Princeton, at Harvard or Yale.
There are, by the way, no Year Books at the P.H.O., though
the corresponding records on the plea rolls are there.
Identification is a difficult process, however, and there
is no reason why words used in^ discussion in court should
find a place in the record. ^oyt sent me his paper in
draft and I made one or two suggestions, I do not think
that his exhaustive investigation upsets my conclusions but
rather confirms them. I doubt whether there is now any-
thing of substance left to discover about the oath of 1308.
I still hope that documents will turn up that will throw
fresh lin:ht on the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. I have
myself missed little things, in print a long time, that
help to establish how flexible the oath was and that it was
uttered in the vernacular.

I am afraid the enclosed offprint is not very

intelligible without the article on which it is a
commentary. My reply should not have been necessary: one
can only wonder why editors accept some of the stuff they
print. However, I hope to send you shortly a more
important paper on the influence of Roman law in Scotland.

/I
Professor Ernst Kantorowicz,
The Institute for Advanced Study,
Princeton,
NEW JERSEY.

U J L
 I shall "be interested in anything that you have
written and look forward to reading in due course the off-
prints you are sending.

Yours sincerely,

n J
L J u
U L U
G 7Z.f.

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/ / L -' M
U -' -I _/
 Department of History,
King' s College,
Old Aberdeen.

2nd August, 1Q%.

My dear Kantorowicz,

Your paper arrived yesterday morning and I read it at once with great avidity and
pleasure. We had noticed that the author had ceased to reproduce Glanville and had
apparently gone off on his ov/n. But with a cento like his it v;as not likely that he would
burst into originality. If ever he had done so, how pleasant it would have been to be
able to point out that one who was quite intelligently interested in law and gave us our
first definition of parliament, should have praised Edward I, not for his statutes or his
parliaments, but for his exploits as a man of war. But all such attractive argument is
killed at once by your discovery of his reliance on Stephen de San Giorgio' s encomia,
based in part on Peter de Vinea. You must not blame us too severely for having missed
this equation: it is hard to pick up all the trails and, since Fleta depends so much on
Bracton, we are all the time involved in the probleiis arising from the texts, civilian
and canonistic, that underlie the early pages of Bract onjs^ treatise
. The arguments you
have put forward in substantiation of Denholra-Young' s attribution of Fleta to Matthew of
the Exchequer are fascinating and Richardson and I will have to consider them carefully.
On the face of things we have been most reluctant to found our approach to the authorship
of Fleta upon the statement by Selden that it had been composed in the Fleet prison.
It was a pure guess on his part and there is no other evidence for it and, as you know,
he was only responsible for the preface, for the text itself was the work of someone
devilling for the printer. Would it not be possible, as the Prologue itself suggests,
that the writer was doing his work at Fleet and that in the manner of the time, as a pun,
he would call it Fleta because it was intended to be a fleet, a rapid, method of finding
out the current law. Something after the fashion, shall we sa,7, of an American businessman
who produces a "Quickref" series of handbooks. However, all these problems are being lef^
until the introductory volume is published. 'When that will be, if ever, I do not know
because I can never hope to get a full six months' work without the need for interruption
to lecture and adm.inister.

Perhaps I should add a note about the way in which Fleta is to be published.
Richardson and I began to work upon the single MS. in 19''1 in the middle of the war,
simply because it was work that could be done in bits and nieces in that strenuous time
without demanding access to other MSS. for purposes of collation. The first two Books
of Fleta, now published, were in page proof by October 19'''^ and I fear they were left to
languish in that state because the war came to an end and we were able to get back to our
early loves. However, we purpose publishing Books 3 and k of Fleta in another volume and

n c J
u J J


Books 5 and 6 in a third volume and then

the introduction and the annotations and PA 11 AVION

the indexes and the whole paraphernalia AIR LETTER

in an introductory volume by itself. But I AEROGRAMME
am not too optimistic about reaching this
introductory volume for many years, if at
all, though I' think it might prove' of
interest in its description of the
influence of romanistic and canonistic law
and theory upon developir.ents in England. PrD.f.es.s.or....Kan.to.r.Qwic.7.,

I recall with great pleasure the three Ins.titut.e.,fbr...Ad.".anc.ed....Study.-,

days I spent at Princeton and the opportu-
:nity it gave me to meet your ovm good self, p..rinct.on^

This comes to you with my thanks and Me.w....J.er.s.ey..,

my warmest regards,
Yours very sincerely, R,3..A.
f
^(T^c^.
Second fold here

P.S. You migh1 Fiesta must have g

been v/ritten ^^f^^

t mrirti 1296. See his referenc Sender's name and addrew : PTOf e.S.S.Qr. ...Say.le.S
to Scotland. And writing as I am frcci
_

Aberdeen, I must suggest that on page 2 Department of History

"Scotch" should read "Scottish" or "Scots II.

there is a tendency here to regard "Scotc hV King's Gollege,

as a word to be confined to whisky and
sweets. The writer of the MS. of Fleta
habitually uses 'ezccerceo' for 'exerceo'. Old Aberdeen, Scotland.
(your p. D, 1.5) - a fairly common usage,
such as 'excercitus' for 'exercitus'. And AN AIR LETTER SHOULD NOT CONTAIN ANY
on your p. ^-.do we really know, as I have
said, that Edward I had out the author of ENCLOSURE IE IT DOES IT WILL BE SURCHARGED
;

Fleta in jail? OR SENT BY ORDINARY MAIL.

,V
y^^
aiq ms osao o i \\

U J J L
J.

THE INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY

PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

July 9, 19^6

SCHOOL OF HISTORICAL STUDIES

Dear Mr. Kichardson,

I was delighted to I'eceive from your friend Sayles

the first voltjne of the new baby v^.lch your haopy connubiwi has
produced: the text of I'leta . It is very har.dso^iely printed
and
the full value of this liition will become -nanifest once the
Index
and your IntroducUon will be at the disposal of the student.

While leafinc through the new volvme and trying to mar its
clean margins with pencil marks I came to read, apoarentlv for
the
firrt time, the Prologue. I asome that in the copy I used
in Berlin
when I first read -lota, the ?rolo?xie pa(?e of the
17th-century edition
(an isolated leaf following after the title page) must
have been mis-
sing, and that whenever I used Fleta in later years, I never
bothered
to look at that Prologue. At nny rate, had I read it before, I would
have noticed nuch earlier that Fleta - in the secUons he
inserts into
c.lanville's Prologue - used Petrus de Vinea'p eulofy for
Frederick II
^iLpistolae, III,Uii, ed. Siiaon Schard (F.asel l'^66), h67rf,
also HuiHard-
Breholles, Vie et corresponadnce de Pierre de la Vl^ne
(186<), K2t^f.
The larper part of the inncrtion, hcvrvor, is -r.'lc up >^-'' a
piece called
Laudes f acte de domino Odduardo i^ege Anglie, per Stephanum
de Sancto
Georgio, tliat is, by Stephen of S.Oiorglo, who was a WardroV^e
cleric
and in whom I have been intere?^ted for rn-<ny v.ars (cf KHR,
. LV 19li3 '
h2l4f, note). This a?ain sheds sane new lipht on the aathorship of
Fleta. I have written a little paper on the subject and
am going to
'nail tx5 you next weok a carbon copy ''another cony
p-olnc to Sayles)
of ttiat paper, which I may pive to Speculum , because
it might be
useful to you and Sayles in preparing yovr notes and ynvir
introduction.

In return, may I nsk you once i-.ore for a favor, '.oodbine, whose
edition of Bracton grows worse the more often one uses it and who
is
cuite unreliable, quotes Bmcton, vol. p. 17, TAbrary of the Kiddle
I,
Temple. yS 6 Seat A.F.lS' . and maintains that Fleta used the rsianville
Prologue in racton's version. In his Glanville, p.l81t (v. Prologus
:
).
he nakes a slr.ilar r^tatement and adds yet another ^racton KS: Trinity
Ganbridge. MS 0.3.^2 . I do not believe ^^oodbine, but I think I have
to investigate the Bracton matter. While it will be simple enough
to ret a photo from Trinity Ca-^brl-'nc, T am not nt all ^anillar with
the Middle Tanple Library. Moreover, in all probability you will have

/ / L _/ -/
U J J J
 - 2 -

a photo of this peculiar Prolorue to 'Yacton if it really is identical

./^th the Fleta i^rologue. .ay I therefore borrow from you the photo of
the I'iddle Tej^le InS containing Fracton's Prologue? Or, if you do not
have that ohoto, ^ay I ask you to provide a choto cf that rolcFUe for
'

me? The Prologue, orOy - hecause I an not interested in that KS for

any other reason. I would he very (rratefxjl to yc\x if you wovild be kind
er:ouE^n to help -ne. ^'oreover, I asstne that yo-j i-'CTild Icr.ow the oeople
at the Inner Temple Library and that I could secure the photo more
speedily thro\iph you than when writtnp as an igrtotus to the librarian
vhoi'i i do not know. Thank you very much in advance.

I hope vovir Enrlish suircner will be better than our American

suT.mer is, and you are havinp: a oleasant vacation.

Yours very sincerely

Fmst H. KantorowlcB

' J
U J J/U L I
 e lcT.ure

t.0 IHV

- it. ring it

wa mis sin*:
o v_
>-'* i>i>tr

^, ^>eca-use they
in. ^t ar- latere ted

5e I voulc hsre noticed ?' ysarr arc

i wr:
for not H*
'^'~pin>-

*ich n.eta

- TiUrialhyd t WT disposal
I

or ^5 J riOt know ki- ether

It Ir
"" copy

'-^*
. ;.! ' if sore
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net*? ^]*^ /^ol-I vitti yovr intro^ructory

a-Thov, I assume. E yo;; wofcld

n c jf c
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iJTi If .Id b bl
to oht- '^ ^
i fcve

eta. :;.
.. > '
J rjr"iil.r'

'
s letter of =t-phi which might be identical -^-ith on^
'
In the Paris
^* ^ to '^V ary'
- - . . ^. .
.:,. , ., ,^^, _. I, Ian
ares before I ret the photos - if ft s:"^.
'
.ytrrc
-ne, two or thr j^ld be : IT I cowld

aF: en.ic:",inir
irj it? aess. "the less 'l shall be goinp
'
fix- air
ZVr- t'
mu... yv\x am
. alone

!?(
liianlis.

-rer youpF

Rmst H. Kartor<T*rict

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Second fold here -

Sender's name and address 9.0. .*^^^...,

AN AIR LETTER SHOULD NOT CONTAIN ANY

ENCLOSURE IF IT DOES IT WILL BE SURCHARGEI
;

OR SENT BY ORDINARY MAIL.

> Ms^ inj u^o o^

/ /U
U J J U L -/
 '

17 Crescent Koad
".III'HL^DOIJ

19 Der"=nb--r IS'-o^-

Dear Professor Kantorowloz

It was a ^reat delight to receive your most kjnd letter

ct' l'^ ^'cve^1be^ and the accorrioanyl n^ offprints, and I take
this earl^ opportunity ai'ter tie end oi' term on fednesday
last tc send 770U ny grateful tlan'o. It '/as natural t) at
should turn to tie Fleta first, for the oelden Society's V
1
edition continues tc cause m.e ^,nre an^clety. The um.-ritten
volur^e I oTVT-ht to consider r-ost carefully the "^atters In
vrur article on Fleta. as ^'ell as the quest' on v,'^ic} >ie las
raiser* ahcut Fleta bock II of which a version in French
circulateri t nder the nane cf lalter of Henley/ Hlch-'^rdson (

regards Fleta as t> e autlor, not rerely the borrower of

this 'T'ateri al j
all these r-'atters we ou.:^ht to f^nd In th*^
^ ntroi^uctory volume of Fleta: but shall v/e?

There were many thr'ngs that d^l'ghted me in the itud^r

of ^^ysterles of otate especiaLiy on tJie Ghri stus-F' sous
.

phrase vrhlch is a strlkin;: example of ti^e vat^arles fl)f v/hat

you have called tho )ontif icallsr;
'
oj' our James J (\/ho was
'

brou:r} t ud as a theologian in any ca^e, and 'a/ouI'^ rel:'shed

/ the \\ eolo *<' of vour Deutsches Arr'hiv o?ioers. The wide use
of the Dhrase was quite new to me.

T have put together sc^e offorlnts ch J am seniln-^ ;}:.*

to you \)y surface mall \r\ the hope that on^^ or two ml -rht
interest ^'cu; the one that I would most have Hired to include
(the "Lancastrian Con 'tl tutlon jalas I cannot for J only .

lad four conies to tiegin with, being then very lunlor. It

would give me very great pleasure to see "The King's Two
Bodies" if you have a copy to spare, and to think that my
earlv effort hai caught your eye.

vlith the best compllm.ents of the season,

lours slncerelv.

^. ^Tn \jiUc^\^j^ \{

.r
r^'
-P'

/ D
U J J U / L
I
 PAR AVION

AIR LETTER
AEROGUAMME

P..U.sre..s3or trnat h.antorcv/1

A^^7I6
% fi'iAC,} U3u-kTifCTAflr7 Cfihrl'irAA c ^Jj

U J I
^49. "On Transformations of Apolline
Ethics " in CHARTTF^. o ^-

EK'3 cony, annotated.

"Arma et litter^e" (half pa^e

"3 Graces on Coins''
(slip)
"For a catalogue..."
(half page)
"Karl Borinski" (half
page)
"Arma et leges" (half page)
"Jean Seznec, La survivance .
"
. .
(half page)
"Mars et Ars" (half pa^.e
"Sx utroque Caesar"
(half page)
"Apollon mit Bogen u. Grazien" (half page)
Letter from Konrad Lhanenburg,
?h Dec 56
H. Letter from Panofsky, 17
Oct 55

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Aus CHARITES"
Studien zur Altertumswissensdiaft

Herausgegeben von Konrad Sdiauenburg. Athenaum-Verlag Bonn.

Dieser Sonderdrudc enthalt aus tethnisdien Griinden audi Bilder, die nidit zu dem
vorliegenden Beitrag gehoren.

ON TRANSFORMATIONS OF APOLLINE ETHICS

Plate XXXIV XXXVI

In a recent paper profound, solid, and unusually stimulating

Professor
Rudolf Pfeiffer has discussed The Image of the Delian Apollo and Apolline Ethics"').
The distinguished editor of the Oxford Callimachus has placed in the center of his
learned article a poem of Callimachus' Aitia which unfortunately has been preserved
only fragmentarily in the scraps of Oxyrhynchus papyri^). The poem presents itself as a
dialogue between an unknown person visiting the sacred island of Delos and the archaic
cult-statue of the Delian Apollo^). The visitor (perhaps a pilgrim or a merchant or an
,antiquarian'", or why not?
an ambassador) puts a number of questions squarely
to Apollo; and the god answers patiently. The first questions serve the purpose of
identification. Apollo assures the questioner that he is the Delian" and corroborates
his answer by a formula which only a god can use Yea, by myself"'). He further
vouches for the material, or at least the surface appearance, of his cult-statue Yea,
golden"
and, when asked Art thou actually unclad?" he truthfully answers:
[only] a belt covers me in the middle [i. e. around the waist]." Then the inter-
. . .

rogator comes forth with a more essential question: Why dost thou hold. O Cynthius,
the bow in thy left hand, but in thy right hand the comely Graces?" The answer
fragmentarily transmitted, though not beyond repair is; in order to punish
fools for their insolence [I have the bow; but] to the good people I stretch out [my
hand with the Graces. I carry the bow in the left hand, because I am] slower to chastise
mortals [; but carry in the right hand the Graces, as I am] always disposed to distribute
pleasant things." The god then added, in a not quite obvious connection, a word on
(jiETavoia, man's change of mind or repentance, saying: ... in order that it may be
possible to repent of something." Finally, Apollo dismisses the visitor with the words
ayaOov ^(xaikti, ..blessing to the king." Who that king was we do not know. Were the
questions to the Delian posed in the name, or on the part, of a king? Are the words
about repentance in any way connected with the king? We just do not know.

Taking the poem of Callimachus as his starting point, Pfeiffer was led to the dis-
cussion of two main topics, one archaeological, and the other ethical." On the basis

') Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute; XV, 1952, 20^2.
) Callimachus, Aetia, fr. 114, 127 f. Pfeiffer.
*) I follow Pfeiffer's translation, Delian Apollo", 26 f.

*) Pfeiffer very interestingly indicates the parallel in Hebr., 6, 13: (Jehovah) &.J.aatv xxCIxutoj. Cf. Ge
22, 16.

18 Charites 265

U J I J
of the descriptive sections of the poem, and
supported by a couple of Athenian coins, was not the intention of Pfeiffer to investigate the full history of Apolline ethics.
It
few ciuotatu.ns from tex s, Pleitier
an intaglio (pi. XXXIV, 1), a vase painting, and a He, therefore, had no reason to consider a passage in the 15th Oration of Themistius.
of the Delian Apollo: naked The passage, however, may serve here likewise (just as the poem of Callimadius served
succeeded in reconstructing convincingly the cult-image
later reproductions usually earned Pfeiffer) as the starting point for a rapid discussion of two subjects, one archaeological
except for the belt; in his right hand, the Graces (on
on a stand); and in his left, the weapon''). Moreover,
Pfeiffer succeeded shedding m and the other ethical.
visibly: willing to reward
Ught on the ethics whidi the god could claim to display In the 15th Oration, Themistius addresses himself to the Emperor Theodosius").
keeping the terrible bow in
rather than to punish, the Delian held out the Graces, The date is 381, three years after the terrific Roman defeat at Adrianople. Themistius
to a change of mind indeed
reserve, perhaps for those not willing to repent and come knew how appreciate the value of military prowess and its importance for an
to
an important message whidi shows among other things that certain fundamentals of emperor. He knew also, however
for this was taught in every school of rhetoric
Procee-
human nature sudi as repentance were not a monopoly of Christian ethics"). that prowess alone did not make a true emperor, and thus Themistius came to deal
ding from the safe basis of his text and of the new insights whidi
it offered, Pfeiffer

formula in with a topic frequently discussed in the schools: What is the most royal of all virtues?
was able to outline in rapid strokes the continuity of the Delian artistic The virtue he is aiming at, of course, is Justice, though he admits that military valour
mediaeval and Renaissance art. He showed that probably under the influence of
and skill are at times equally important; but the one does not exclude the other. In a la-
Macrobius^)
an Apollo carrying one hand the three Graces and, in the other, his
in
ter section of his address, Themistius refers to Homer who had praised Agamemnon for
bow reappears in a tenth-century manuscript as well as in a relief of Agostino di being xaT'a(x<p(o euSoxijioi;. ..glorious with regard to both": ^xaikz''jc, r'ayaOot;,
Duccio in the Malatesta Temple at Rimini (pi. XXXV, 2)'). Moreover, Pfeiffer could xpaxepo? T'a'.X(i.v]-r7i(;," a good king and a staunch warrior." '^). Homer, claims Themi-
trace the survival of Apolline ethics ..although with a big question-mark"
to Jona-
stius, could not easily have talked about both" cjualities, even if he linked them
than Swift, who, in one of his diapters on the Lilliputians, mentioned The image
of
together, were there not a difference between the art of kingship and the art of war-
Justice with a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed in her left however, and a similar jugate oneness of contrasts was,
fare. A similar
. . .
a|JL96Tpov,
to show she was more disposed to reward than to punish." Indeed, that
disposition of
after all, the distinguishing mark of Apollo.
Justice reflects the disposition of the Delian Apollo. Cautiously Pfeiffer advanced
the
suggestion that Swift perhaps "came across the passage in Macrobius about Apollo and As long as it is not the time tothe phalanx and the hordes of soldiers and
summon
adapted it to the image of Justice" "). While there is no reason for rejecting the hypo- hasten to help against the wicked Scythians; and while Terror and Fear are at
thesis that Swift read and made use of Macrobius, the chief problem should be sought rest for the moment, and it is not yet fitting to sing in honor of Ares, let the Muses

in a totally different sphere; how could it occur that Swift adapted Apolline" ethics
to .Justice" ? Or, how could it happen that Apollo was, as it were, transformed into
Justice?
About few remarks'") will be ventured
this transformation of Apolline ethics a
here only to remind Ernst Langlotz, the loyal friend and companion of many years in
Heidelberg and Frankfurt, of what he, who likes to roam through mediaeval art, would
know anyhow: that even in his own field the student of Classics may profit from the
knowledge of mediaeval drformations and /rflfisformations of antique subjects, and
that, vice versa, the mediaevalist would lose one half of his raison d'etre without the
permanent stimulus coming to him from his friends in Classics.
bring forth their chorus for the emperor, taking with them for their dance their
leader Apollo. That god in fact is both archer and leader of the Muses, and he
has a double equipment for both peace and war; and both are necessary for an
emperor. The emperor needs the missiles for his enemies, and for his subjects he
needs the lyre, with which he puts them in order and renders them harmonious
and makes them ready for the struggle . . .").
Thus, Apollo becomes the emperor's model. The passage, however, is interesting for
several reasons, even though it seems to contain nothing but commonplaces. Apollo as
archer and musagetes is as old as the couple of attributes, bow and lyre. Themistius
does not maintain that the god carries his SitiX?) cxeut) at the same time as does the
Delian Apollo, that is, the bow in one hand, and the lyre in the other. Nor is that distri-
bution of symbols claimed, for example, by Themistius' contemporary Servius when he
explains that the offended Apollo sends the pestilence, quod etiam Homerus ostendit,
.; contra, si citharam teneat, mitis est
.'*).
cum eum armatum inducit sagittis . . . .

What Servius suggests is almost the contrary: if the god is offended, he uses his arrows.
) Pfeiffer, Delian Apollo", pis. 4, a b, d e, and 7 a.
)

')
Ibid., 30
Macrobius,
ff.

Sat., I, 17. 1213; see below, n. 24.

') Themistius, Or. XV.
") Ibid., 187 c, 229 Dindorf.
184 ff., 227
-^
ff. Dindorf.
"/,->'/ ,
n^
tlpifjVTjv t xl
) Pfeiffer. pis. 7 b, 5 c. "i ...xal Y*P txEivo; 6 Oe6; To5o!j!6po; T Snot xal (loutrriYiTT,?, xal SiTtXfi aCiTW ^ oxtuT^, itp6;
tTTiTT,8Eioc;. Seitoii rip &aoi>.tu? T<bv &X<iv liiv 7Tp6 toCk; TtoXe^itouc, Tij;
) Ibid.. 29. TToXiiiouc, xil ctii^ATEpa flaaiXsi
TTXp-xnxt .'xoei ir'lio'X 7:p6!;
xtOiipi' Si np6; toOc UTrT;x6f)'JC, t, ipioaii a'Jro'J: xki a'jn-5uvo.jc i-tzyint-i.1 xjl
") The history of these transformations, no doubt, could have been broadened and deepened considerably. The English translation that of Professor Glanville Downey,
Tov dcYcivat ... Or. XV, 185 c, 228 Dindorf. is
The space allotted to contributors, however, permitted no more than a sweeping outline of the problem.
who is preparing lor Dumbarton Uaks the nui/ eaiiion (wilh translation) ot Thtmistms, 1 am Mry muih
Moreover, this essay, unfortunately, had to be written very hastily. This may excuse also the use of English version.
obliged to Professor Downey for allowing me to see his manuscript and reproduce his
the English language for which clerical help was available. My thanks go, as so often, to Professor and
Mrs. Erwin Panofsky. to whom I owe practically all the references to the Emblem lUxiks. and photographs ) Servius ad Verg. Aen., 3. 138. I. 368 Thilo Jean Seznec, The Survial nf Ihe Paean Go-is, Engl trsl.
of them, not to mention numerous suggestions, and to Professor Harold Cherniss, who patiently read the byBarbara F. Sessions (New York, 1953), 178, is liable to be misunderstood if be quotes Servius as the
manuscript. source of the Hbellut (tee below, n. 16).

266 18* 867

^ IWc fifftCC V^ 1^/U^jU.|3( ^Uvv. 0-f-Ru ^ Ctc C 7

)^

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 and if he
mild and gentle, he lays his weapon aside and plays on the lute. It is true,
is god was bearing both insignia at the same time, but he might have suggested it; for
Themistius is perhaps less explicit than Servius; after all, he wants to demonstrate the his friend Bersuire, who confesses that he owed his knowledge to Petrardi, describes,
oneness ot the arts of kingship and warriorship, and when he talks about the "double in his mythographic prologue to a Book of the Ovide moralise, the god as carrying in
equipment" needed by the god and by the emperor, he at least comes close to sugge- one hand" arrows, bow and quiver, and in the other", the lyre'"'). It is relevant only
sting that the god carried both arrows and lyre simultaneously. Nevertheless, he does peripherally that in his moral evaluation Bersuire comes to the result that every just
not say so, and we may wonder whether any ancient author maintained that Apollo man, especially a prelate, may be recognized in Apollo, because the just would imitate
carried the "double equipment" at the same time. At any rate, in classical art cer- the Sol lustitiae, using the lyre for the praise of Cod.whereas Justice has to be armed with
tainly in monumental art
there does not seem to exist a single representation bow and arrows; and it was in Bersuire's system only a logical and consistent thought,
showing the god with both the bow and the lyre, though there are innumerable repre- when he drew the conclusion quod Apollo est sol iustitie diristus qui semper fuit
. . .

sentations extant showing Apollo either as toxopJioros or as kitharistes. This is not iuvenis, who used the lyre to console others, and used the arrow of the Cross to pro-
surprising: the bow would have hampered the lute-playing god, and the lute his strate Lucifer-'). Luther, later on, argued vehemently against the corrupt monks who
shooting of arrows. turned Apollo into Christ" ^''). Bersuire, at any rate, said in so many words that the
It is, the more surprising that in the late Middle Ages we find Apollo
then, all
god carried both instruments in his hands; but it was only the author of the illustrated
suddenly represented with the weapon in his right hand and the lyre in his left"). Libellus de imaginibus of ca. 1400, who finally placed the bow in Apollo's right hand
These representations (pi. XXXIV, 3, XXXV, 1. 2) are all late, usually fifteenth century; and the lyre in his left. Accordingly, the Muses received their place to his left, whereas
and they could not very well have been earlier because the precise text describing the Python cringes to his right (pi. XXXIV, 3)-').
Apollo unambiguously in that attitude
In dextra vero manu habehat sagittas, arcum What happened was probably a fusion of the customary enumeration of insignia
et pharetram. In sinistra autem cytharam tenebat
was written only around 1400"). as offered by the mediaeval mythographers and of the passage in Macrobius: Apollinis
The mediaeval mythographers and authorities
Fulgentius, Isidore, Hrabanus, Remi- simulacra manu dextera Gratias gestant, arcum cum sagittis sinistra'-*). That is, while
gius of Auxerre, and the so-called Mythographus I and // do not seem to have that the idea of placing in Apollo's hands two different attributes was borrowed from
phrasing''). Also, the highly influential Mythographus III, often
identified with Alexan- Macrobius, the conventional attributes of bow and lyre were retained-"^). That such a
der Ncckham (d. 1217), follows almost verbatim his predecessors when
he enumerates fusion was possible is strikingly demonstrated by the relief in the Malatesta Temple
the insignia Apollinis testifying to the god's presence in heaven, (pi. XXXV, 2), where Apollo holds the bow in his left hand, but carries in his right
on earth, and in hell:
the lyre, to demonstrate the image of celestial harmony; the
gryphon, or the quadriga, hand the lute from the ned< of whidi the three Graces emerge together with the
to show him as a terrestrial deity; and the arrows, laurel""). Less convincing, perhaps, is the Apollo from the Paris Ediecs amoureux of
to indicate the infernal and damaging
god'*). Upon Mythographus III a great number
of sdiolars relied, including Petrardi. the fifteenth century, where the god with bow and lyre is seen enthroned while at his
In the Third Book of his Africa, Petrardi gives a thorough
description indeed an
'
right side three bellied Graces are dancing around a laurel tree (pi. XXXV, l)"').
Ecphrasis
of the images of ancient gods'"). Devoting to Apollo a
passage of 18 hexa-
However that may be, at the bottom of the late-niediacval representations of Apollo
meters, he mentions that the lyre, as seen in the god's image, there is still effective, for all the distortions and errors, the formula characteristic of the
seemed to bring music
to our ears, while quiver and bow, and his arrows
winged against monsters, reminded Delian God and the Apollinc ethics
whereby it appears as a matter of minor import-
him of the Python slain in the cave of Cirrha. Petrardi does not ance that the plate or stand carrying the three Graces has been replaced by the lyre
say explicitly that the
of the Musagetes.

) See, for Pelrus Berchorius (Pierre Bersuire), Licbeschiitz, 41 f, n. 60; his Commentary on Ovid was later
Erinted under the name ol Tlidiiuis Wallis^ I could avail myself ol a copy in the Princeton University
ibrarv: Thomas Walleys. Metamorphosh Ovidiana (Franvois Regnault, Paris, 1515/16); see fol. VI':
Istc (Apolloj igitur pingcbatur in torma iuvenis: nunc in puerili facie, nunc in senili: nunc in capite
of the highly complicated S^ythographical problems "^^ disentanglement diversimode apparens. Iste super caput portabat tripodium .tLiituni. In una vero manu portabat sagittas,
oj the lat^ MilSdle Agl''*""
') For Remigius of Auxerre's glosses on Martianus Capelhi arcum ct pharetram. In altera autem cytharam ." . .

see Liebeschiit? IS n <) ^ aa c u ") Ibid., fol. VI*B: Per istum Apollincm possumus quemlibet virum iustum et maxime prelatum
intelligere
'"" h-d '
FoV, he mythogr%5ers.'''seTlhe
G^T Ll^^'^iT' ''^ ^"''" '""','"
O. H. Bode, ScTiptores terum mythicarum latini tres (Celle
i'f"'
1834)
' ^ V ^>. st-t me eaiiion
edition"!
ot quia re\era imago Solis dicitur in (juantum solem iuslicie pro viribus imitalur Citharam divine . . .

laudis habere debet. Arcu. pharetra it samii;i iusticie debet esse armatus." Ibid., fol. VIPD: Vel die
quod apollo qui est sol iustitie chrislus qui semper fuit iuvenis Citharam habuit alios consolando:
. . .

arcum et sagittas alios arguendo: phitonem i. e. Luciferum, sagitta crucis prostravit ." . .

") Luther Enarralio in Gcne.iim. 30, 9; Werke, XLIII (Weimar, 1912) 668, quoted after Sezncc. 96, n. 56.
") Petrardi, Africa, III, 165-168, cd. N Fcsta (Florence, ") See, for the drawing, Liebesdiutz, Fulgentius, pi. XVII (Vat.Reg.Lat. 1290, fol. l'); Scznec, 177, fig. 68.
1926), 58:
Necnon et citharac species angusta canore ") Sat., I, 17, 13, with the moralising addition quod ad noxam sit pigrior et salutem manus promptior
Icta videbatur sonitum perducere ad aures; largiatur."
Et pharetra atquc arcus volucresque in terga sagittae ") The attributes, however, have changed hands, since the bow is in all the late mediaeval miniatures in
Cirreoquc ingens Phiton rcsupinus in antro. the right hand. Bersuire. in fact, mentions bow and arrows first (above, n. 20), which may have
Cf. Liebesdiutz, 41 f., and, especially, Panofsky, Hercules, prompted ttie author of the Libellus, by mentioning the right hand first, to equip this hand with the
11 ff., who, felicitously calls Petrirrh", bow, and the left with the lyre.
'" -tmary n,edia"lar'lescr?pUon'^^'"r1'm
very^grateTul'to f^^^Lf ^^^^U^ct"^'' f" ""Kr^
"
"*<=
''""'"" '" ""^ '''^' "^*' -ga here has the
')Sezncc, 133, fig. 47.
mea'ni?,g'of .monsters" as ^nALftvTm' '"''
"' ") Panofsky, Hercules, pi. VIII, fig. 15 (Paris, BN. MS fr. 143).

268 269

U J I J
 The Graces,of course, are not present in Thcmistius' oration
mtrodiices Apollo as the lyre-bearing god of the Muses
either, for the rhetor
and also as the itself, not wanting in sound logic, for the laws were often praised
is
especially by
this double function the god then became the emperor's
model (pi. XXXIV, 3) After all
bow-bearer. In
Thernistius' "Neo-Pythagorean" sources
as the means of harmonizing the state,
the emperor too needs the double equipment
for times of war and of peace "the attuning the subjects to the king, and producing the rj[j.6voia, the concord
of the
function of the
missiles for his enemies, and for his subjects
the lyre, with which he puts them in order citizens, without which every state is doomed'*). That this most noble
and renders them harmonious." To assimilate the
emperor to Apollo law was always present to Justinian's mind cannot be denied. In the Prologue of the
as vo?"IlX'.oc or
Sol mvwtus was, of course, the most common topic of imperial cults, arts, and rhetoric Institutes, however, the law has chiefly the retributive function to punish, ''to expel
though It may have been less common to equip him dialectically with the heteroge- the iniquities of slanderers"
even though the emperor's ideal of selfrepresentation
neous instruments. The Dclian model, however,
exercised its influence also on the was still to become through his legislation iuris religiosissimus. At any rate, bow and
imperial self-representation. Caligula, as Philo reports, lyre of Apollo corresponded with "arms and laws" of the emperor.
transformed himself on some
occasion into Apollo, ..the Graces in his right hand,
since it is fitting to hold out good
Justinian's Instituteswere meant to be a textbook for those to whom the unwieldy
th ngs willingly but keeping the bow and arrows in the left hand, since it is
volumes of the Pandects and the Code were not readily accessible. As a textbook,
. . . ,
fitting
to hold back retribution" =). Hence, owing
however, the Institutes were studied over the centuries by myriads of students and
to the Delian ethics, an emperor equipped
with both the distributive and retributive insignia of
Apollo was not something quite glossed by scores of jurists. When, at the turn from the eleventh to the twelfth century,
unheard of
even though, as in the case of Themistius, the lyre replaced
the Graces. there emerged a scientific jurisprudence bent upon Roman Law, the Prologue of
the
At this juncture,
however, another consideration becomes momentous. Institutes naturally was interpreted over and over again. It would not be
rewarding
The influ-
here to inspect the individual glosses written on that passage. About 1230, however,
ence, direct or indirect, of Themistius upon the
jurists of the age of Justinian is a fairlv
well established fact. For one thing, Themistius,
Oratio XIX, is clearly echoed by Justi- Accursius composed the Clos.sa ordinaria, the standard gloss of the Roman Corpus iuris
nian s^oveUa,lQ5 2, 4, the famous passage
about the emperor as the v^Lto? 4>yoc civilis, by which the work of the preceding generations of
glossators was summed up.
sent down by God rom heaven to earth-),
and Themistius' influence in general on Not infrequently the glossators discussed their texts in the form of question and answer,
Byzantine political theory has been noticed by a
great number of scholars'^") Themi- and the Accursian Gloss on the Prologue of the Institutes may have been accomodated
stius Oratio XV, we recall, was devoted
to the most royal of virtues: Justice. to a tradition of a respectable age, when its author commented on the
various Casus
It is not
the Emperor
of the Prologue in the form of a dialogue between a young man and
surprising, then, that the author of the Prologue
to Justinian's Institutes had in
his

L JnT' r
the famous sentences '^?l"'''*u f
philosophic Oration on Justice-), when he
of his philosophic Prologue, saying:
composed Justinian''). This is the gist of the dialogue on the first passage:

A young man, upon the Emperor Justinian with questions, said:

pressing in
"''^' ^' too: Thou art a
..Lord Emperor, I wonder very mud\, and all others wonder
'^"^"^^^^^ ^'*^ ^^'"^' but also armed
lM^7.'J:h.^^n'\7T
with "u',"^y
laws that It be able to govern rightly in either time, in war and in Dicest (29. 1, 1,
peace, and soldier and every emperor is a soldier, for according; to the
""'^
hv hp'paths
by the of f""''
r'""f
^' ''''''''
"Tr"
"* ""'y ^" h^ti' l^^'es, but also
law may expel the iniquities of slanderers,
and become the most
rubr.). the emperor calls the other soldiers fellow-soldiers'
,
(commilitones). Since

thou art a soldier, thou must attend to arms, and not to laws. And yet
thou actest
religious observer of law as well as the
one triumphant over conquered foes'T Thou hast given
to the contrary, for thine attention is directed only to laws.
Themistius' oration are few, but they compose ... the
Sn,?*f u"""" are quite significant^^). No less orders to compile the Code . . . and the Digest ... and to
significant,
and peace
however, are the transformations. The
-
remained unchanged; so did, substantiallv,
reference to "both times" wa - Institutes. .Wilt thou tell me therefore why thou dost all that, and why thou
.

that to "arm" The lie ." Thereupon

however, by which the state is rendered attendest to laws only, and not to arms, since thou art a soldier . .

harmonious and thereby attuned to the war and a

^^"^' ^'^ b^^" '^P'-^d by the "laws" with which un!' the emperor, indicating that there are two times, that is, a time of
time of peace, answered graciously and said: ,.My Son, this is how I answer
the majesty is armed That all
by
your question. It befits every emperor to be ready for those two times, that is.
for arms and for laws. And the reason is this: because if the emperor is
prepared
") Sec Piftrn dp Fraiuisci. Ar(rinci Imperii (Milan, 11)48) III- 2 "ns- nk
for those two times, he can govern rightly in either, that of war and that
Art,,, >;. . ..t/
of
Zur GesAich.e einer politischen Theorie", Anzeige, d.r '^*"''''
wVnJ;- AWetfe; LXXXni'"946 28o'
i Th^r''.""'"'"f'''
'" ^''"'''
^""""'T"- Festsdirift Karl Reinhardt, Munster-ColoRnc 1952 186 no. Ifi f peace. Namely, the time of war he will govern by means of arms and the use of
arms; and therewith he will become a conqueror and victor triumphant. The
n. 34). There are a few parallels, however, (see n.^'ssV whUruirs'u^^e^tX'l^^u?^r
") Inst., prooem.: ..Impcratoriam maiestatem non solum armis decoratam seH et>, IK
o^f ^^l^;:^ time of peace, however, he will govern by means of law and the use of law.
armatam. ut utrumque tempus et bellorum et pacis
existat non solum in hostilibus proeliis, sed
reX
potTEuCnari ,. nrT. ^ ""manus
n'
"P""*"' ^"''
v ctor
And thus he will punish the evil doings of the culprits; and by that he will
etiam per fesit mos trami e, c'Ll ?,^?/
expellens. et fiat tam iuris religiosissimus quam ^^'"'""''"""'" '".quitates
victis Utibuf trTumphator "
") Impcratoriam maiestatem StiTai yip &0LmXt(ji RoyauU Diotogine
twv SeXuv. ") See. for the Nco-Pyfhagoreans. Louis Dclatte, Les Traitis de la d'Ecphatxte, et
. . .
. .
po'''f' xiOipa;
Tf,: . .

Sthdnldas, Li^ge and Paris, 1942, 226 f., 270 f., not to mention a number of other recent studies.
ut utrumque tempus et bellorum StrrXr, ottlrw
t oxuil, jTp6<: eip^vriv
et pacis ... Te xil Tto?v4nou4 ") See. e. g., La glossa di Casamari alle Utituzioni di Giuslinlarto, ed. Alberto Alberti (Milan, 1937), p. 3,
. . .

and' Introd., p.xif., for the date, presumably 11th century.

270
27]

U J U
/ L
U
/ L I
 become a man most religious (religiosissimus) and most holy (sanctissimus) when From vantage-ground the Prologue of the Institutes appeared in a new per-
this
he punishes the evil doings; because it is a very religious work and very holy to spective, and the Renaissance emblem books
inseparable from the name of Alciati
punish evil doings or evil doers." '"). anyhow
gave the visual recording of a dianging mood. It is true, Justinian's formula
itself was used an emblem: LEGIBUS ET ARMIS shows a Prince standing on a
as
The journey
long from the ethics of the pagan god to the ethics of the Christian
is
cross-bearing globe with a sword in his right hand and in his left a lawbook covered
emperor. While there was little difference between Apollo holding out the Graces and also
with Hebrew script (pi. XXXVI, 2)^*^ Justinian's formula, almost verbatim, lay
Apollo reproducing with his lyre the harmony of the universe, and while the difference
behind the imprcsa allegedly used by the Emperor Frederick III: an iron-clad arm
sword over an open book with the motto IIIC REGIT, ILLE TUETUR
is still between the god with the lyre and the Prince who by means of the
tolerable
holtlinu a
law attunes the state to the harmony of the cosmos, the gap between the ideal of lawbook is not only
(pi. XXXVI, I)'"). That the open book likewise was meant to be the
Themistius and that of the Gloss is almost beyond measurement. Justice, the source of
self-evident, but is also confirmed by a later repetition in an English emblem
work:
concord and harmony amongst the citizens, and in Roman legal philosophy a distri- the motto
a sword protecting the slabs of the Ten Commandments (pi. XXXVI, 3), while
butive power (suum cuique tribuere), has been debased to the rank of a purely retri-
LEX REGIT ET ARMA TUENTUR is rendered by the doggerel:
butive fury. No longer is there the dialectical tension between lyre and bow, law and
The Law is given to direct;
sword. What remains is the grimace of something that once was noble; and what
The Sword, to punish and protect.*^)
looms is another variety of the doctrine of the Two Swords one sword for the Middle Ages, however, gave way to
Prince's enemies without, and the other for his enemies within so to say; a dioice The respectful veneration for Justinian in the
the enthusiastic cult and worship of Julius Caesar in the Renaissance
and therewith
between war and inquisition.
of Claude
the open book assumed a totally different meaning. In the emblem works
Paradin and Gabriel Svmeoni, of the mid-sixteenth century, an impresa is found having
the lapidary motto EX UTROQUE CAESAR (pi. XXXIV, 2). An emperor in
the attire of

a Roman general stands on a globe lading the cross; in his right hand
he holds the
The Renaissance had a different understanding of the historical as well as the
human and ethical backgrounds of Justinian's Prologue. Alciati's historical sdiool of naked sword; in his left hand he brandishes a book, upon which his eyes are fixed.
jurisprudence had its drawbacks, to be sure, because it stopped the almost naive and Arma ct Leges we should be inclined to interpret. We should be very wrong.
unprejudiced application of Roman Law to existing conditions and thereby dried out By this apophthegm EX UTROQUE CAESAR it is signified that by these two,
a still tridding antique current of life. It was Alciati's great adiievement, however,
to that is. Arms and Letters, Julius Caesar was made the lord of the whole
. . .

have recognized that Roman Law had to be understood not from mediaeval conditions world."*')
but from its own Roman surroundings and from classical sources at large. The jurists hear the faint edio of the Institutes, still see a figure whidi might illustrate
We still
influenced by the new historical jurisprudence
were not content with hunting up the gospel of the Renais-
Justinian's Prologue. But what the inscription blazons out is the
juridical parallels,but tried to understand the Justinian Law by exploring the intellec- Arts, as the doggerel
sance, the dialectical oneness of Sword and Letters, of Sword and
tual world from which it originated. They noticed, for example,
that the phrase utrum- interpretation of EX UTROQUE CAESAR has it:
que tempus, bellorum et pads, may have been stimulated by Aristotle's Politics,
where
it is said that the pio? mXinxoc, is divided into the activities of war and of'
A Princes most ennobling Parts,
peace;
they paralleled that statement with the dialectical definition Are Skill in Armes, and Love to Arts.")
according to which aU
life is divided into two parts, absence of leisure
and leisure, war and peace"); nor did Gone is the spectre of the Gloss visualizing the Prince equipped with two swords, that
they miss the fact that a majesty armis decorata, legibus armata
reflected the supreme of war and that of justice. Instead
slowly developing since the thirteenth century
model of all dialectically conceived rulership: Plato demanding in the Republic, through and ruling without challenge since the fifteenth
the Renaissance ideal of the Prince
the mouth of Socrates, that kings philosophize and philosophers rule
so that there may governing by sword and letters, or art, becomes the lodestar of humanistic dreams and
concur in one man both civil power and philosophy'*). princely ambitions, the Renaissance variety of Plato's philosopher-king. In fact, Raf-

') The passage is too long lo be reproduced here. It is found in every glossed edition of the Institute)-
used the ed.tion of the Corpus lurt, civlli,. Venice. 1584, vol. IV, col. 2. Actually,
the whole Pologue
*
(the Casus; is glossed in the form of a dialogue.

") See, e Franciscus Hofomanus (Hotman), In qualuor Ubros Instltutionum (Venice,

g.,
Symhol (BoUingen Series. LII), New York, 1955, 40 f.

1569) 3 f. He quotes
Aristotle, Poht I, 1254 b, 31 f and Vll, 1333 a. 30 if. For jurisprudence conquered bv humanism, sc' ") Wither, Collection of Emblems, Book I, 3, p. 3.
Uomcnico Maffoi, C/i inizi dell umaneximo fiiuridico (Milan, 1956). ) Claudii Paradini ... D. Gabrielis Symeonis Symbola Heroica (Antwerp, 1583), P- 284- The f'"'
et
Hotman justifies his allegation of the Platonic ideal, by saying: Iustinianus enim edition of Claude Paradin's work is Lvon, 1551, and of Gabriello
Symeoni s. Lyon, 1559^ The works
")
amore sapientiae, quae in decenti legum descriptione vel maxime cernitui, coniungit principatum cum were fused in the edition quoted above; but the design seems to be the invention of Svmeoni; see
Perspicuum
.
Svmeoni, Le Imprese Heroidxe et Morali (1574), p. 183 where he narrates 'li?.^""!'" ?(,/'?
EX UTROQUL VaTsTr
. .
est, leges, quae ad publicas actiones pertinent, veram
et summam philosophiam continere." Jurisprudence CAbSAH.
of course, was considered throughout the Middle Ages as a section invented by him. The explanation matches verbatim that of Paradin: . . .

Dominio
of moral philosophv. The Renaissance armi acquisto Giulio Cesare Imperio e
produced al.se tractates on the subject Arms and Laws"; see. e. g. Flavio Biondn's tractate volendo siKnificare, che per mezzo dclle letlcre e doll' 1 1

Ue militia et iurisprudentia, ed. B. Nogara, Scritti ineditl e rati di Biondo Flavio (Rome, 1927),Bor.uv
130 ff.
sive di tutta la terra."
") Wither, ColJection of Emblems, Book I, 32, p. 32.

272 273

lK.^f C^-^>. <'

n J
L u
u I
 UlROgUE CAESAR was
Et'u?ROOUE''?rFTAS^
'^" " *' ^^*'"'^' ^^"^^ ^^ows that
J
l""'^^'"
the essence, was^t"'^""
the personification of Virtus") The
i
sword. tX UTROQUE CAESAR, imphes that a dialectical tension has been
therefore,
Renaissance ideal becomes at least con^parable
again wfth Apol
llTeThics"

Delia" iooTlo ITf "7 * T^^nize how it could have happened that an archaic

seen: one hand holds a money bag, the other a sword.

Nee Prece nee
The inkpensable
Precio tribuatur siimma potestas.
C end"

lustitiae sanctus nam violator honos.

""'^'^ *^'"Ss the unswerving attitude of
the pTfn'ce"'and'it1..Tnn'''T^^'''''. uT"^
apparently
'^iHoJ .1
pohtical emblem .

ofr ^
that pattern,
Jonathan Swift described. It may have
been a
however, that Swift had in mind or
made ud
p^" ^" ^- ^^^^ "^-^ ITltZ
TheShed
sneatned T:^lV^T:\!:'ri
in her left.
"'
^^ ^ and
To the rather shallow '^'t unrefined
dialectic of this rewirdin^
lacroDius to show that she is more disposed to reward than to punish "
But after

T^ie Institute for Advanced

Study
Princeton, NewJersey
Ernst H. Kantorowicz

Knl'aM Pf' """g- 'he brilliant interpretation by Panofskv

.'if "ercule, 37 ff. His identification
'he younger Scipio Africanus of the
(76 ff.) as w^ll as
the ^rJ,*;,*]
.h Chant.lly Graces" (142 if.) is now '"'"d<:Pendence of the Drcam" with
strongly uppom-d by ,h
the Apollme ethics. The
"^ '''""'''''"' Phi'oso^h'er-w^?rior"a7d younger Scipio
iTnked'LTfdr^aLs.' we now know why book and sword are
'Kl
"' ""'."'^ (S"'bourg and Cologne,
!eTc"'l''3''M*nn"'i''T"'N" d P^ecibus ordinclur\n is!o!'" ^Thit'-maxim,
^-^ ^<" ""^ -"""^
by
oy xne
the jurists,
jurists sie t
bee, P"'"v
e. g., Cynus of Pisto a, /"'" '^'Y'''-
however, was twisted
nee preco nee precibus hoc sibi on C 9 28 n 2 /i? .
(Frankfurt, 1578) fol 558": .,et
facere licef! also Cynus on isto casu
nee gratia nee pretio impartiretur " *^ D. 1, 14, n. 11, fol. 13V6: quod
honores ' princeps
A
274
I'h

i itatAkkf^^jM^^-
,^.JM^
'

mm nrm

n J
L u u
U u I
n L u u
u J I I
1 AFEL XXXIV TAFEL XXXV

. B(r^>i<i

/
i

^
^W-
TAFEl XXXV]

U J J
 Inhaltsverzeidinis von

CHARITES
Studien zur Altertumswissensdiaft

Bonn.
Herausgegeben von Konrad Sdiauenburg. Athenaum-Verlag

911
Kurt Blttel. Eino priihLstnrischp Vase aus Mvsien
1217
Samos
Armin von Gnrkan, Zum .\schenaltar von 1826
von Lindos
Herbert A Cahn, Die archaisdien Silberstatere 2732
Zun. neuen Munzportrat des TLSsaphemes.
Willy Schumhadwr. Satrapenhiklnisse. 3337
Apolion
Christian Karusos, Ein lakonl'idier 38-^t6
7um ApoUon Philesios das Kanadios
Erika Sivwn. Beobaditunijen 4758
Ham Zur Problfimatik des Bostnner Throns
Miihius. 5962
aus Launon
Walter-Hrrwia ^diudiliardt, Zur Athena-Gigantengruppe
d-Qljinpioniques et carruTe de
Pierre Amandr,,. A prop.* de Polyclete: Statues 6387
sculpteurs. 8894
Semni Paru.pyrid. Karusu. Ein
Carlo Anti.
phidi-isches^ Motiv.^^^^^.

Frammento di stele attica nel Museo

^^ ^^^^ ^^^^
95100
di Padova 101104
GerJiard Kleiner, Helios and Sol _
10.5109
JahrUunaensxChr
Ko/WWm,.c. AttisdieTontafeldesS. 110118
Karthauci
Ermi Kir^ten. Kothori in Sparta und 119126
Telestas.
German Hafner. Die Hydria des 127-135
Andreas Rumpi. Krater Lakonikos. 136139
John Davidson Beazleij, Marpessa. 140143
Gisela M. A. Riditer, A
Lekythos by the Bnpos Painter. .

144151
Eurvn.edonkampte
Ulridi Hausmann, Akropollssdierben und 152164
Frank Brommer. Attisdie Kinnnf. 105169
^ases in Sydne>.
A. D. Trendall, Three 170-174
Knnrad Sdiaurnhurr. Dionvsiaka 175181
Bendiard Sdiweitzer, Stiemiensdien.
.

182186
Rcm/wrc/ Herfoig, Etruskisdie
Rekrutenr'
und Sinn ..ronusdier
... _ .

Rehefkunst.
,
'

;
.

. 187-196
Karl Sd,efold. Von> Ursprunp . 197205
Arnold von Salis. Lutrophorie? . 206217
Hon* Herter, Soma l)ei Homer. 218222
Siris
Jean Berard. Les loniens a nr)<j
233
Leonidas
Hans Sdiaeier. Das Eidolon des . 234242
Anthom, E. Raubitsdick. Das
Datislied.
243248

.

einer Diditiorm.
Waltlwr Kranz, Aus der Gesdud.tt

.

hasu... 249264
Unte^ud.unuen .u Dad. und DecKe
,
cu-r
FrSnd, Wi/;.dn, Deid,mann, .
265274
On transformations oi ApoUme ethics
Ernst H. Kantorowicz.

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 ARCHAOLOGISCHES INSTITUT BONN 24.12. 195 6
DER UNIVERSITAT BONN Am Hofgarten 21
J

Sehr geehrter Herr -Professor,

ichbin gerade dabei, die l^iachweise fiir die Tafelhiri'^'eise

der Festschrift zusamrtienzuochreiben. Es soil dabbi jeweils
angegeben warden, wo sich das abgebildete otiick befindet
und je n-ach den umstanden noch eine kurze Beschreibung,'"'ie
etwa "Stater aus ^^yzikoSj-L-ondonjBritischeo Museum. Bei Sta-
tuen Oder V^-^sen werden auch die Inv.'-'r. genannt, Leider
bereiten mir Ihre Abbildungen Schwierigkeiten,allerdin^
nicht alle. Unkl:a.r ist mir vor allem,was zu Taf. 32 zu
schreiben ware. Konnten Sie so freundlich sein und mir
kurz mitteilen,wie Sie diese llinweise gern gejtalten moch_
ten? Ich weiB nichl,ob Sie noch die Tafeln haben una lege
daher T f. 5o und 32 bei. Die endgiiltige Bezifferung muBte
ubrigens geandert werden, da Herr J-rof. Langlotz noch einen
Beitrag aufnehm n wollte. Das i t ja aber im iioment nicht
wichtigjich lasse zur Vermeidung von Irrtumern die alten
;^Zahlen stehen.
Piir das i^eue Jahr mochte ich Ihner meine besten Wunsche,
auch im Karaen meiner ;,iuti-er und GroBmutter,ubersenden

-^hr
sehb ergejsener

/^^^vwX^

/ / C L U
U J U I
 THE INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY
PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

SCHOOL OF HISTORIUL STUDIES October I7, 1955

Professor Ernst Kantorowicz

The Institute for Advanced Study-

Dear Eka:

Many thanks for permitting us to read your article on Apolline ethics,

which senza complimenti fills both of us with admiration and, to be frank,
some envy. You were certainly much too generous in acknowledging vfhat little
help we could give you, and it is a sheer joy to see how tlriose little items
from the embleraatists assume new brilliance and color in the beam of your power-
ful flashlight.

Two very small and quibbling remarks: the Munich Remigius manuscript Clm.
IU27I, cited by you on p. 3, line 2, is generally supposed to be eleventh rather
than tenth century; and the gentleman wrongly credited with Berchorius' Meta-
morphosis Ovidi ana referred to in Note 20, though variously spelled as Walleys,
Walleis and Valeys, has, so far as I know, always an s at the end.

In order to confuse the issue a little, I should like to quote an explana-

tion of tJrie fact that the image of Apollo carried the Graces in its right hand,
upon which I chanced in GJjraldus, Syntagma 13 ( Opera omnia , Leiden, 1596, I,
col. UI8): "Hinc apud antiques Apollo fingebatur manu dextera Gratias gestare,
quod eae anni partes e sole proveniant. Macrobius putat, ideo Apollinem dextera
Gratias gestasse, sinistra arcura et sagittas, quod ad noxam sit pigrior Deus, et
promptior ad salutem." Unfortunately, G^raldus does not give any source for this
very Philistine explanation (which is, needless to say, based on the not uncom-
mon identification of the Graces with the Horae), and I do not think you ought
to bother. I only wanted to show off a little.

With all good wishes and congratulations,

Yours as ever,

Erwin Panofsky

EP:wfk
^)
P.S, See you on Friday. I took out the photostats which you marked as our
property and hope that this is what you intended me to do.

7 "'^^
'^

n L L c
u J u J
 I
i

^^^l-^K 4/(4
[-vl\S K.fc.uv;(JKO//|'Cl CdJlac^iiM S C

y{Dnl')r^f^} 't^^Klj\

/ / L L L
U J U U
50. The llng^s Two Bodies: A Study zn Mean>al PoUtical Theology: Princeton: i-rmccion
Pnnceton
-
Lnivcrsin- Press, 1957. 568
pp.

EK's copy, annotfitei, kert

separately.

A. Revievs o.-" KTB (envelope full)

'^. ''Ars Iraitfitrix naturae'' (slip)
C. "TB 305ff (slip)
D. "Ins + ruinentura vivum" (slip)

S. -llinp nox -arin,' old etc." (half pap-e)

F. "C-nus, on C. ii,6^,l^,n. 2"
(1^x6 ca-d)
G. 'C.VTTI,37(3tt),l^v ^^^^ ^^^^j
H. Review of B. de Jo.venal's Scve^eirnt^ (newspaper
clipping)
I. "1x20 Eds. I dies at Norfolk" (spiral notebook
pa.-e)
J. "Albericus de ^osate"' (half sheet, -ellow)
K. Letter from Albert Salomon, 6 Aug 62
L. Letter fron Ad Hoebel, 6 Jan
U9

U J U
 (v

334 Buchbesprediungen

die mannigfalticstcn Variationen auf wcisen, wiihrend die Urkunden Ludwigs d. Kin-
des, der nur detn Namen nadi die Herrsdiaft ausubte, sowohl einfacher wie cinheit-
lidicr ausgcfulirt sind.
Wic sdion die Formeln und Dictamina der Urkunden, fiirderen Beurteilung die
aufterordcntlidi intensive Kanzleiabhandlung Sdiiefifers unentbehrlidi ist, wesen:-
audi ihr politisdier und redididier
lidie historisdie Aufsdiliissc geben, so natiiriidi
Gehalt. Die wediselvolle, in Isoiierung und Sturz endende Gesdiidite Zwentibolds,
die unsdteinbare Stellung Ludwigs d. Kindes, das wadisende Obergewidit der Gro-
fien und der mehr durdi sic als durdi die sdiwadic Kbnigsgcwalt gewahrte Zusam-
menhalt des Reidies spiegeln sidi mil besonderer Deutlidikeit in den Inrerventionen
ab: bei Zwentiboid meist ein Intervenient, hodistens zwei, oft aucb keiner; ihr
Wedisel entspndit den audi in den erziihlenden Quellen verzeidineten politisdien
Wmkelziigen des Kbnigs; bei Ludwig d. Kind dagegen meist bedeutend mehr als
zwei Iniervenienten, oft zehn und mehr; DLK 20 fiihrt sogar 26 Intcrvenientea
auf, was zuvor nodi nie dagcwesen war. Die grofie Zahl der Ratgeber, die sich um
der jungen Konig sdiarter und die aus alien Teilen des Reidies kamcn, das starkere
Hervortreten des bairisdien Markgrafen Liutpold, der frankisdien Briider Konrad
und Gebhard, des Erzbisdiofs Hatto von Mainz und Salomes von Konstanz und
anderes mehr, was sidi an den Urkunden ablesen lafit: alles das weist auf die ent-
sdieidungssdiweren Vorgiinge an der Sdiwelle des sidi bildenden Deutsdien Reidies
hin, die die gegenwiirtige Forsdiung stark besdiaftigen. Die Edition und die Kanzlei-
abhandlung Sdiieflers werden ihr nidit nur eine sidierc urkundlidie Grundlage, son-
dem audi widitige neue Impulse geben.
Freiburg i. Br. Josef Fleckenstein

KANTOPOWICZ E. H., The King's Two A

History in Mediaeval Political
Bodies.
Theology. Princeton N. J., University Press, 1957. XVI, 568 S., 24 Tafeln.
Eine ungliidiliche Verkettung von aufieren Hindemissen hat die Wiirdigung die-
ses uberaus inieressanten Budies in unserer Zeitschrift iiber Gebiihr verzogert. Die
verspatett Anzeige kann dafiir freilidi schon die breite wissensdiaftlidie Resonanz
in dif Betraditung einbeziehen, denn an Beriditerstattung in den Fadizeitsdiriften
hat es nidit gefehlt. Priizis in der Inhaltsangabe, eniiiusiasiisch im Tenor ist die Be-
sprediung von Rudolf M. Kloos in der Hist. Zeit^rift 188 (1959) 358 ff.; in ganz
ahnlidier Art, aber dodi mit Vorbehalten zur papstlidien Ideologie", hat Walter
UUmann den Mitteil. des Instituts fiir osterreich. Gesdiiditsforsdiung 66
das Budi in

(1958) 364 ff gewiirdigt. Am anderen Endt der Wertungsskala steht die Rezension
von Ernst Rcibstein in der Zeitsdir. fiir Hechtsgeschichte, German. Abt. 76 (1959)
378 ff der - bei aller selbstverstiindlidien Anerkennung des intellektuellen Ni-
.,

veaus - die sehr pnnzipiellen Bedenken des niiditern-systematisdien Juristen gegen

Kantorowiczs Fragestellung und Kombinationen zur Sprache bringt, dabei freilidi
auf die eigentlidi historisdien Absdinitte nur summarisdi eingeht. Aus der knappen
Charakteristik und der hiiflidien Reserve von Edouard Perroy in der Revue hisrto-
rique 230 (1958) 158 ff. spricht erst redit die innere Fremdheu emer ganzlidi ande-
rejr^historisdien Sdiule", und von Pramissen dieser Art kann in der Tat bei der
Auseinandersetzung mit einem soldien Budie einfadi nidit abstrahien werden. Ein-
dringendes Verstandnis und kritisdic Vorbehalte finden sidi sorgfiiltig abgewogen
in den Besprediungen von Marcel Pacaut (Moyen Age 64 [1958] 622 ff.) und

Historisches Jahrbuch,
Bnd S.

U J U U
 Mittelalter
335

H. Review 75 [I960] 295 ff.). Mit besonderem Nadidrudc

S. Offler (English Hist.
aber vefweisen wir auf den ausfiihrlidien Bericht von Friedridi Kempf in der 5^.
Quartalsdirift 54 (1959; ersdiienen 1961) 203-33, der als kommcntierender Leit-
raden dienen kann und, ebenfalls ohnc mit der Anerkennunp zu sparen, an ent-
scheidenden Stellen audi die theologisdic Kritik zu Wortc kommcn lafit. Die ge-
lehrtc Fadiweit, an die allgemein das sdiwierigc Werk sidi wendet, hat also inzwi-
sdien langst davon Kenntnis genommen, so daC es sidi fiir den zu spat gekomme-
nen" Rezensenten eriibrigt, mit einer breiten Analyse in die Stapfcn seiner Vorgan-
ger zu treten; einc andeutende Skizzc mag in diesem Fallc geniigen.
Den ideengesdiiditlidien Spiirsinn des Autors reizte die bei den englisdien juristen
der Tudor- und Stuartzeit gelaufigc Theorie, dafi dem Kbnig ein zweiter, iiberzeit-
Korper" eigne, ein hody politic ncben dem body natural.
licher, ja iibernaturlicher
Es geht dem Verfasser darum, diesc Vorstellung, bei der er ganz konkretc theologi-
schc Lehren, namlidi das christologisdic Naturendogma, mitsdiwingen sieht, in ihrer
ganzen historisdien Tietendimension siditbar zu madien. Dazu holt er weit aus. Er
findet diesc .diristusbezogene" Interpretation des Konigs als
gemina persona deut-
lidiformuliert in der Spatphase des Investiturstreites beim sog. Anonymus von
York, nadidem schon die ottonisdie Zeit, weniger zur Reflexion geneigt, sic bildlidi
symbolisiert hatte. Nicht zum wenigsten die vom Investiturstreit ausgeloste Dia-
stase der Gewalten wies den Weg zu emer anderen Vorstellung, die K. als Laiv-
centered Kmgshtp kennzeidinet: aus einer Fiille von Texten - von Johann von Sa-
lisbury iiber Friedridi II. bis zu Aegidius Romanus - erweist er in vielfaltiger Sdiat-
tierung die Lehre von der Oberhohung des Konigs (der durdiaus zugleidi ein sterb-
lidier Mensch bleibt) zur lex animata und personifizierten Gereditigkeit. 1st hierbci
in handgreiflidter Weise die Gedankenwelt des Romisdien Redites wirksam, so sind
nadi des Autors Deuiung Tlieologie, Kanonistik und Sdiolastik die Bereidie, aus
denen sidi der - immer nodi und immer wieder vom Konig und im Kbnig reprii-
sentierte - Staat als siikularisiertes corpus mysttcum begrifFlidie Substanz, als patna
moralisdien Ansprudi geholt hat, aber neben dem kanonistisdien Prinzip von der
steten Fortdauer der Kirdie und historisdien Voraussetzungen wie dem Glauben an
den Besiand des Impenum Romanum und des populus Romanus bedurfte es der
Belebung des Zeitbegriffes durdi die Philosophic, um die rein organologisdie, d. h.
sowohl auf einc Vielzahl von Personen bezogene wie audi durdi ,Haupt und Glie-
der" bestimmtc Konzeption von einem Staatskorper audi in die zeitlidic Dimension
hinein zu erweitem, so dafi die Lehre von der umversitas quae non morttur mbglidi
wurde. Die Gewinnung dieses zeitlidien Prinzips bedeutet iiberhaupt im Zusammcn-
hang des Themas, das K. sidi gestellt hat, den entsdieidenden Durdibrudi, madite
sie dodi den Weg der in die Vorstellung von einer aussdilieGlidi durdi die zeit-
frei,

lidie Abfolgc bestimmten, in concreto aber nur durdi den jeweiligen Konig repra-
sentierten Einmann-Korpersdiaft (einer sole corporation) miinden konnte. Im kon-
tinuierlidien Herrsdiaftsredit der Dynastie, in der Fiktion von der Krone als iiber-
individueller Verkorperung aller Herrsdiaftsredite fand diesc Vorstellung ihre Aus-
drudisspradie, bis sie sidi, unter abermaligem Riidigriff auf kanonisdies und romi-
sdies Amtsredit, rundetc in der Lehre von der nidit untergehenden, sondern stets
weiterlebenden dignitas, als deren tnstrumentum der Kbnig verstanden wurde.
Der Reiditum des Budies an Stoff und an Belegen aus kanonistisdien, philoso-

U J U I
 33 Budibespredjungen

phisdi-theologisdien, staatstheoretisdien Autoren, die virtuose Vertrautheit des Ver-

fassers mit der vielfiiltigen und detaillierten Literatur, die feinsinnigen
Analysen,
die sdiarfsinnigen Kombinationen - das alles ist atemberaubend. Darstellung
und
Argumentation bewegen durchweg auf sehr versdilungenen Wegen, und es fehlt
sidi
nicht an weitausholenden Digressioncn, die fur die verschiedensten
Themenkreise
wertvolle Hinweise und Durdiblidie ergeben, so etwa fur die weitreidienden Konse-
quenzen, die sidi aus der kirdilidien Abwertung" der Konigsweihe ergaben
(S. 318ff.). oder fur das Weltbild Dantes und seine
Lehre vom irdisdien Paradies,
denen ein besonderer Exkurs gewidmet ist (S. 451 ff.)- Es bedarf keines Wortes,
dai5
eine Rczcnsion gar nidit den Versuch machen kann, von
diesem iiberquellenden
Reiditum eine audi nur halbwcgs adaquate Vorstellung zu vermitteln, aber
mit
jeder Analyse des Inhaltes - selbst wenn sie die Eindringlichkeit
des instruktiven
Aufsatzes von Kempf erreidit - ist zugleich die Gefahr verbunden,
dafi sie mit der
Nachzeidinung des Gedankenganges den Ansdiein einer inneren
Geschlossenheit
aufkommcn dem Buche dodi keineswegs eignet. Die Kritik hat nidit ver-
laCt, die
sdiweigen konnen, dafi der Zusammenhang der grofien Kapitel
in sidi und mitein-
ander oft redit lose ist: Ausgangsfrage und Sdilufiziel sdiwinden nidit selten weit
aus dem Blickfeld; die der Darstellung nadi dem Willen des Verfassers immanente
Teleologie ersdieint langst nidit uberall einleuditend, so wie
umgekehrt das Thema'
audi keineswegs in ersdiopfender Kontinuitat, sondcrn
ubcr ganze Stredten hin
eklektisdi-punktuell abgehandelt wird, denn diese Studien zur
Ausformung trans-
personaler Staatsvorstellungen' (als die man das Budi wohl
am besten diarakterisie-
ren konnte) liefien sidi gewifi nodi durdi mandierlei an Material
und Beobaditungen
bereidiern.
Die Reaktion des kritisdien Lesers wird daher, natiirlidi nidit ohne eine gewisse
subjektive Note (um nidit zu sagen; je nadi dem personlidien Temperament), nidit
selten sdiwankcnd blciben: gibt er sidi gem der
bewundernden Freude an der ge-
sdiliflFenen Diktion, an der Sadikenntnis und
dem Sdiarfsinn des geistvollen Autors
hin, so besdileidit ihn dodi audi mehr als einmal eine
bohrende Skepsis gegenuber
den kuhncn Kombinationen, ein leises Mifitrauen, ob das Prinzip
genetisdier Zu-
sammensdiau nidit dodi uberspannt werde, ja eine Ermiidung durdi gar
zu breite
und subtile Interpretationen, aber wie oft fiihlt er sidi dann wieder gefangen
durdi
iiberrasdiend sdilussigeDeutungen! Es ware bei dieser Fulle
von Stoff und Auslegung
gewifi verwunderlidi, wenn Spezialdisziplinen hier keine
Ansatzpunkte zur Einzel-
7. kritik fanden; so miissen wir neben den Vorbehalten, die
bei Reibstein, Pacaut und
Kempf anklingen, bercits auf die Einwande hinweisen, die Wilhelm
Messerer in
den Gottinger Nadiriditen 1959 S. 27 ff gegen die Interpretation
.
der Darstellung
Ottos II. im Aadiener (Reidienauer) Evangeliar von 975 (S. 61 ff.)
angemeldet hat,
und auf weitere Einzelkorrekturen muC man beim Fortgang der Forsdiung
wohi
Aber darauf kommt es furs erste weniger an. Wenn sdiliefilidi dodi ein
gefafit sein.
verborgenes Unbehagen bleibt, das sidi durdi alle Bewunderung
nidit ganz zura
Sdiweigen bringen wurzelt es letztlidi in der grundsatzlidien Frage, wie der
laCt, so
Historiker eine soldie - besonders in deutsdier Forsdiung und
Gesdiiditssdireibung
beheimatete - sidi autonom durdi die Jahrhunderte bewegende,
beinahe im luft-
leeren Raumsdiwebende ,Geistesgesdiidite werten soil, die nidit konsequent
auf
enge Fuhlung mit den Realitaten des gesdiiditlidien Lebens bedadit
bleibt. Zu ihrer

I n
U J I u
 Mittelalter
337

Legitimation mufi dodi wohl das stete Bewufitsein gehoren, dafi die Theorien-
und
Ideengeschidite nur ein abstrahierender Teilaspekt unseres
Gesdiiditsbildes sein
kann. Entgegen der Einschiitzung durdi R. M. Kloos vermogen
wir das Budi von K.
nidit primar als wirkliche Verfassungsgeschidite anzucrkennen,
es ist Theorien-
gesdiidite in einseitiger
Auspragung, als soldie aber sdiledithin brillant und uberaus
fruditbar. Insofern konnen wir Norman F. Cantor
durdiaus zustimmen, der das
Werk mit Fritz Kerns Gottesgnadentum auf eine Stufe stellt (American
Hist.'
Review 64 [1959] 82). Unabhangig von alien Einzelthemen und audi ohne in eine
Diskussion iiber den ini Untertitel formulierten Terminus
politisdie Theologie"
einzutreten, sehen wir das zentrale Anliegen und Verdienst des
ungewohnlidien Bu-
dies darin, daCunverwisdibare Pragung der abendliindisdien Staats- und
es die
Gesellsdiaftstheorien durdi halb oder ganz sakularisierte kirdilidi-theologisAe
Begriffe
und Vorstellungen Icbendig veransdiaulidit, als Gesamtphanomen sowohl
wie in
einer Fulle von Einzelziigen, aus denen sidi die weitere Forsdiung -
audi verfas-
sungsgesdiiditlidier Riditung - wesentlidie Belehrung und entsdieidende
AnstoBe
holen wird.
^^" Theodor Schieffer

Herbert Grundmannhat uber die beruhmte Portraitbuste Kaiser Fried-

ridis I. (Der Cappenberger Barbarossakopf und die
Anfange des Stiftes Cappen-
berg. Koln, Bohlau, 1959. 113 S., 6 Abb.) eine eingehende
Studie gesdirieben. Dafi
sie zu reidien und fundierten Ergebnissen kommt,
verdankt sie nidit neu entdediten
Quellen, sondern der Kombination gesdiiditlidier und
kunstgesdiiditlidier Befunde
und der sorgfaltigen Frageweise, die nidits beiseitesdiiebt, auf enilegene
Zeugnisse
ausgreift, an jeder Stelle die Literatur kontroUiert
und alle Aussagen
behutsam in
ihre historisdien Zusammenhange riidtt - methodisdi und
sadilidi das aufierste Ge-
genbild zu Friedridi Heers assoziativen Spekulationen uber
I denselben Gegenstand
(Die Tragodie des Heiligen Reidies, 1952, 96 f.).
Grundmann erklart zuerst, was sidi aus dcm Zustand des Denkmals sdiliefien
lafit und was die Insdiriften sagen wollen, dann erhellt er aus zeitgenossisdien Zeug-
nissen den gesdiiditlidien Hintergrund: wie das
Johanneskreuz erst in staufisdien,
dann m
cappenbergisdien Besitz kam, wie die Grafen Gottfried und Otto
sidi be-
kehrten und in ihrer Burg nadi den Gewohnheiten des
Pramonstratenserordens leb-
ten, wie Barbarossa seinen Taufpaten Otto mit einer
Biiste und einer Silbersdiale
besdienkte und wie Otto in die Sdiale die Taufszene gravieren
licfi und die Buste
zum Aufbewahrungsort fur das Johanneskreuz bestimmte. Er formulicrt sein Er-
gebnis, nadidem er die Ansiditen der Forsdiung (Philippi 1886, Kemmeridi 1910,
O. V. Falke und E. Meyer 1935, Th. Rensing 1954, E. G. Grimme) diskutiert
hat, in
der Form einer Frage: Was bleibt andres ubrig als anzunehmen, dal5 Kaiser
. . .

Friedridi I. tatsadilidi sein Kopfbildnis auf einer Silbersdiale, beides unbesdiriftet,

seinem Paten Otto sdienkte, ohne irgendeinen Verwenduneszwedc.
nur als sein
Bild?" (S. 43).
Das Problem der Portraitahnlidikeit kann nur durdi einen Vergleidi mit Rahe-
wins Persbnlidikeitsbesdireibung angesdinitten werden. Kraflvolle literarisdie wie
plastisdie Formtraditionen stellcn sidi einem sdiliissigen Ergebnis in
den Weg. Aber
es gelingt Grundmann, indem er minutios aufzeigt, was Rahewin
zur Formulierung
seines Bildes aus Apollinaris Sidonius, Einhard und Jordanes
iibernommen, was er

22 HIat. Jahrbach 80/1

n L
u J
rOmische
QUARTAL
fiir diristlidie
SCHRIFT
Altertumskunde und Kirdiengesdiidite

HERAUSGEGEBEN VON
Pralat Prof. Dr. August Schuchert Prof. Dr. Engelbert Kirsdibaum SJ.

Rektor des Deutschen Priesterkollegs Im Auftrage des Romischen Instituts

am Campo Santo in Rom der Gorres-Gesellsdiaft

IN VERBINDUNG MIT
Hermann Hoberg, Hans Ulrich Instinsky, Johannes Kollwitz, Theodor Schieffer,

Ludwig Voelkl, Ernst Walter Zeeden

BAND 54 HEFT 3/4

1959

^
HERDER
ROM FREIBURG WIEN
Postverlagsoit Freiburg im Breisgau

I L
 Untersuehiin^ren Uber das Einwirken der Theologie
auf die Staatsleliie des Mittelalteis

Beiidit iiber ein neues Bucli

VonFRIKDHIClI KEMPFS. J.

Uie englisdien Juristcn cler Tudorzeit haben das Problem: Amt

und Person des Konigs, auf seltsame Weise zu losen versudit.
Sie untetsfbieden zwiscben einem natiiilifben und einem politi-
scben Korper des Konips. d. h.. sie stellten, obne auf die Einheit
des personalen Seins zu verzicbten. der natiirlicb-nienschlicben,
dem Tod. der Krankbeit. dem Irrfum und den Leidenscbaften
ausgesetzten Existenz des Herrscbers die Eiktion eines anderen
korpeilifben Seins gegeniiber, ausgestattet mit I'nsterblicbkeit.
mil legaler Allgegenwart und mit einem sobben Vollbesitz der
Regierungsgewalt. dafi I nmiindigkeit oder Vergreisung oder die
Moglidikeit, unrecbt zu tun, aufier Betracht standen. Das Ku-
riose lag in der pbysioiogistben Betracbtungsweise. womit die
personlicben und die unpersonlicben Begriffe der Herrsdiaft
versiibnt werden sollten. Eorsdit man Wurzeln,
nadi ihren
so bietet sifb vor allem die mittelalterlidie Corpus- und Kor-
porationslebre an. Unter diesem Gesitbtspunkt ist die Zwei-
Korper-Lebre tatsacblicb von F. W. \biitland worden
erortert
(..Tbe Oown as Corporation", in: Selected Essays, Cambridge
1956). aber man darf fragen. ob spezifiscb juridisdie und konsti-
tutionelle Gedankengange zur voUen Erklarung ausreiciien. Wie
scbon Maitland bemerkt bat. erinnert die Eiktion der zwei in der
Person des Konigs geeinten Korper irgendwie an die tbeoln-
gisdie Lebre von der liypostatiscben Union der zwei Naturen
Christi. Eine Beziebung zur Tbeologie ware nidit unmoglidi.
Lebten docb die englisdien Kronjuristen von dem Gedankengut
des Spatmittelalters. und sidier ist die Staatslebre des Mittel-
alters mebr oder minder durdi die Tbeologie befruditet worden.

U J I J
204 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J. Einwirken der Theologie auf die Slaatslehre
des Mittelalters 205
Auf dieser neuen Fragestellung berulil dus jiingst ersdiie- diristologisd.en Zusammenhang unwesentlidi sein diirfte Ferner
nene bedeutende Werk von Ernst ..Kantorowicz, The drangt s.d. die Frage auf, ob der Anonymus
wirklid, die konig-
King's Two Bodies. A Study in Mediaeval Political lidie Gewalt mit der Gewalt Christi
so in eins gesetzt hat. dafi
Theology (Princeton University Press IQ^Tpp. XVI->6S). Der der Untersdued zwisdien (;ott und Mensdi
verwisdit worden
Titel will riditig verstanden sein. l\!s geht dein Verfasser nidii so ware, wie der Verfasser meint. In jedem Fall
bietet jedodi die
sehr um die Zwei-Kiirper-Lehre der iudorzeit als iim ihren gei- Zwei-Personen-Lehre eine interessante Parallele
zu der Zwei-
stigen Untergrund und um ihre Urspriinge im Mittelalter. Daher Korper-Lehre der Tudorjuristen. Trotz versdiiedener
Prii-ung ist
setzt sidi das Budi aus einer Fiille von tiefschiirfenden und in hier wie dort der Begriff eines gedoppelten
Konigs enthalten. Dafi
plastischer Spradie vorgelegten Kinzelstudien zusamnien. die die er vom Anonymus aus der Theologie
genommen ist der Ver- -
das Kdnigtum hetrefTendcn
theologisdi-politisdien. Ideen des
Mittelaltcrs insoweit behandeln. als sie dem Verfasser fiir die
fasser nimmt als Quelle spanisdie Konzilien
an
steht auRer,

Zweifel.
Zwei-Korper-Lehre widitig ersdieinen. Sie sind zwanglos unter Eipe Zweiteilung modite der Verfasser audi im Titelbild
des
groReren Gesiditspunkten zusammengefaRt: Vom diristozentri- Aadiener Evangeliars. einer Reidienauer Arbeit, entdecken. Von
sdien Konigtum der ottonisdi-friihsalisdien Zeit geht die Unter- der Mandorla umgeben. ragt dort Ottos 111. durch die Terra
ge-

sudiung zuni reditlich zentrierten (12. H. Jahrhundert) und dem stutzterThron in die himmlisdie Sphare hinein. In Brust- und
damit zusainmenliiingenden politisdi zentrierten Konigtum des Ilaupteshohe umringen den Kaiser die vier ein Band haltenden
spjiteren Mittelalters. wendet sidi dann dem Kontinuitiits- und Evangelisten: eine nimbusumstrahlte Gotteshand setzt ihm die
Perpetuitiitsdiarakter des neu erstandenen souveriinen Staates Krone auf. Das Band sieht der Verfasser als ein Tudi an: es soil
sowie dem mit Unsterblidikeit bekleideten Konigtum zu und den Himmel bedeuten. der die irdisdie von der himmlisdien
schliefit mit Dantes Idee eines mensddidi zentrierten Konigtunis. Sphare trennt. Da si(h Ottos Ilaupt und Sdinltern
sie sind bei
I. Konigtum greift der Verfasser
Fiir das christozentrisdie der Kaiserweihe gesalbt worden
oberhalb. der iibrige Teil des
nur zwei Zeugen heraus: den Normannisdien Anonymus der Korpers unterhalb des Bandes bePinden, gehiirt der Kaiser bei-
Wende vom 11. zum 12. Jahrhundert und eine ottonisdie Minia- den Sphiiren an. wiihrend die anderen abgebihleten Personen:
lur. Im Normannisdien Anonymus fesselt ihn vor allem die im zwei Ilerziige oder Kleinkonige und weiter unten vier Fiirsten.
Traktat D e c o n s e c r a t i o n e p o n t i f c u m e t r e g u m f o i-
i der irdis(hen Spliiire zugewiesen sind. Mit llilfe von anderen
mulierte Idee einer gem in a persona regis, bestehenil aus Quellon. vor allem dem Au^ustinustext In Ps. 91, 11 (PL 37. 1178),
einer persona ex n a t u r a d. h. dem i n d i v i d u u s homo,
,
modite der Verfasser zwei Naturen des Kaisers, eine mensdilidie
und einer persona ex gratia, die den Konig per eminen- und eine auf Gnade und Weihe griindende gottlidie Natur, an-
tiam d e if ca on s et vim sacra men ti iiber alle Men-
i t i i nehmen. Gegeniiber dieser zuniichst bestedienden Deutini'r hat
sdien hinaushebt. ihn vergiittlidit
und den Gottmensdien CMiristns W. Messerer boaditlidie Bedenken angemeldet (Xadir. d. Ak. d.
zu repriisentieren befiihigt. In der Ausdeutung des Anonymus Wiss. in Gottingen Phil. -Hist. Kl. 1919 Nr. 2). Ohne zu leugnen.
geht der Verfasser vielleidit zu weit, wenn er im Kcinig als dem dafi die Mandorla hier diristologisdien Bezug hat und Otto als
Abbild Christi audi eine Entspredmng mit Ghristi zwei Naturen vicarius Christi herausstellen will, weist Messerer auf an-
annimmt. Die diristologischen Gedankengiinge hier wird der dere Beispiele ottonischer Buchmalerei hin. die die Mandorla fiir
Verfasser wohl zustimmen
beziehen sidi blofi auf den Kcinig die (iottesmutter. fiir die Evamrclisten. ja sogar fiir zwei (nidit
als Amtstriiger und auf den Vergleidi mit den gleichfalls per- heilige)Musiker verwenden. Wesentlidier ist jedodi das Band:
sonae geminatae genannten bisduiflidien Amtstragern. also Messerer hiilt es fiir eine Sdiriftrolle. die die Evangelisten an das
auf die persona ex gratia, die hier auf Erden die gottlidie Herz des Kaisers halten. um der auf der linken Budiseite befind-
Gewalt wahrnimmt, wiihrend die persona ex natura fiir den lidien Dedikationssdirift zu entspredien: Hoc, auguste, li-

U J U
 206 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J. Einwirken der Theologie auf die
Staatslehre des Mittelalters
207
bro/tibi cor induut Deus, Otto. 1st diese Deutung lidi- aber die Idee des koniglidien
festhielt,
Priestertums in das Redit
tig, so wiirde es sidi nicht um
zwei Naturen des Kaisers, ja nicht kleidete und so ein neues Verlialtnis
zu Gereditigkeit und Ge-
eiiiinal um zwei Spharen handeln. denen der Kaiser angehorte, setz gewann.
sondern um eine rein menschlicbe Sphiire. worin freilicb der AlseineninteressantenVertreterdiesesUbergangssiehtder Ver-
Kaiser kraft seines hohen Amtes die iibrigen Sterblidien iiber- fasser Johann von Salisbury an. Eiir
Johann ist der Kdnig nidit blofi
ragte. imago Christi. sondern audi imago aeq u i t a t i s
(die alten
Ein interessanter Exkurs iiber den Nimbus, soweit er auf Ideen gew.nnen durd. eine leise Verschiebung
zum red.tlidien
Regenten-Abbildungen ersdieint. sddiefit das Kapitel ab. Nadi Aspekt hin einen neuen Inhalt) er ist
einerseits ;
legibus so-
dem Verfasser bedeutet er die Ewigkeit, und zwar nidit im Sinne lutus, anderseits leg is servus, der durdi Verhiingung der
der aeternitas Dei, sondern des den Engeln und Logoi eige- lodcsstrafe nidit sdiuldig wird, da er pe r s ona m publ cam i
nen aevum, daR es wiederum zu einer Doppelung kommt:
so gent. Der Gegensat/. persona publica -voluntas pri-
dem Sein des Mensdien in der Zeit ist eine Seinssphare im Aevum vata. der keineswegs die Untersdieidung persona publica
hinzugegeben. personaprivata meint, gibt dem Herrsdieramt eine dua-
II. Die grundlegende Wandlung der Welt, hervorgernfen listisdie Note: die persona publica des Fiirsten legibus
ist
durdi die gregorianisdie Reform, liefi im 12. I"?. Jahrliundert soluta (imago aequitatis) und zugleidi legibus alli-
langsam ein anderes, reditlidi ausgeriditetes Konigtum ersteheii. ga t a (s e rva ae cj u i t a t s). Der Fiirst bedeutet also
i
Johann f ii r
Es konnte an die im antiken ITerrsdierkult und in der Bibel griin- von Salisbury mehr als einen gewohnlichen Mensdien. Die Ge-
dende Idee vom Ilerrsdier als vicarius Dei ankniipfen. Dieser reditigkeit herrsdit in ihni und durdi ihn: er ist ihr
Instrument
bis in die Karolingerzeit gebraudite Titel wendete sidi im 9. Jahr- und zugleidi ihre Seele. die 1 e x a n m a t a. Die g e m n a per- i i

hundert infolge der Klerikalisierung des koniglidien Amtes und
unter dem Einflufi der Kronungsordines ins Christologisdie: der
vicarius Dei wurde zum vicarius Christi der
sdien und friihsalisdien Zeit. bis dann mit der Reform
des vicarius Christi von der kirddidien Hierardiie und end-
lidi vom Papsttum allein beansprudit wurde. Die Cegenhewc-
gung blieb nidit aus: auf Grand des romisdien Reditcs und an-
tiker Autoren stellten die Ziviljuristen den Kaiser
terris vicarius Dei dem Papste Christ us in terris
:
vicarius Christi, gegeniiber. So trat an die Stelle des diristo-
kratisdi ver.standenen Konigtums die Idee einer mehr theokra-
tisdi verstandenen Herrsdiaft; das friihere liturgisdie Konisrtum
sona regis wird durdi das Redit widergespiegelt; der t^ber-
gang von der liturgischen zur juridisdien Sphiire zeidinet sidi ab.
ottoni- Viel klarer erscheint die neue persona mixta des Herr-
die Wiirde sdiers im Liber Augustalis Friedridis II.. vor allem in Tit. I. "^l,
wo sowohl das kaiserliche Gesetzgebungsredit als Quelle der
Justitia wie die kaiserlidie Pflidit. das Gesetz zu sdiiitzen. her-
vorgehoben werden. Dort findet sidi audi der kiihne .\ussprudi
als Deus in vom Kaiser als pater et filius justitiae. et maior et
minor seipso. Er entspradi dem geistigen Klima politisdi-
religioser t!berheblidikeit. das die Bologneser Legisten im Wett-
eifer mit theologisdion Gedankengiingen entwi(^velt und der Ilof
Friedridis II. iibernommen hatte. wo man die Riditer und Juristen

iS
wurde zum Konigtum durdi gottlidies Redit, mehr dem Vater
im Ilimmel nadigebildet als dem Sohn auf dem Altar. Das hatte
zur Eolge. daR die Moglidikeiten. die die Christologie dem Aus-
bau einer gemina persona regis boten. nidit weiter ausge-
wertet wurden. Da sidi aber die Entwifklun? lana:sam voll/.oir.
gab es eine Periode des ttbergansrs. in der man noch eine konig-
lidie auf Christus gegriindete und dodi s(hon irgendwie siiku-
larisierte Mittlersdiaft und damit eine doppelte Natur des Kcinigs
gleichsam zu der Gereditigkeit erhob. wo man die
Priestern
Reditspflege religio iuris nannte. von der ecclesia im-
perial's sprach und dem Kaiser den Christus zukommenden
1 itel Sol Justitiae gab. Eine soldie Herrsdiertlieologie hin'r
nidit mehr vom diristozentrischen Konigtum. sondern vom romi-
sdien Redit ab. Die Doppelfunktion des Kaisers als eines Herrn
und Dieners der Gereditigkeit. gesteigert zu der Formulierung
pater et filius justitiae. leitete sidi. wie der Verfasser

U J
 FRIEDRICH KEMPF Einwirken der Theologie auf die Staatslehre
208 S. J. des Mittelalters 209

von zwei romiscJien Reditsquellen her, von der lex den Verfasser dazu, die Gedankenwelt Braetons,
zeigt, regia eines Zeitge-
und der lex d i g n a. nossen I^ riedr.dis
zu untersudien. Obwohl diesem
II.,
nuditernen
Fnglander die hohen Ideen Friedridis fernliegen,
Alldem lag eine eigene Justitia-Idee zugrunde. Sie King mit kennt er doch
der neuen Reditsentwicklung zusannnen, die zu einer wissen- das 1 roblem: Konig und Gesetz. In Fngland
herrsdite damals die
sdiaftlidien Jurisprudenz mit dem eigenen lendenz vor, den Konig sogar unter das positive
I'ornialobjekt einer Gesetz zu stel-
len, Bracton dagegen untersdieidet zwisdien
gleichsani zur Cotdieit erhobenen J ii s t i t i a mediatrix, Mitt- u be r
g naeu um 1 .

lerin zwisdien gottlidiem irdisdiem Redit, fiiiirte und so

iind
wo der Kiinig absolut ist. und der iurisdictio, uber
die der Kiinig
eine religio iuris ausbildete. Um dies zu zeigen, gelit der Ver- keine Gewalt hat. Indem er aber die iurisdictio
unlosbar
fasser der Vorstellung vom Cesetzgeber und Riditer als Priester mit der Krone und Konigswiirde verbindet. weist
er nadi Ansicht
der Gereditigkeit nadi (tlie dem justinianisdien Redit enlnom- des Verfassers dem Konig eine Stellung iiber dem
Gesetz zu. die
mene sdion im Prolog der Assisen Rogers II. zu greifen);
Idee ist
freilidieinen legalen. vom Gesetz garantierten Zustand bedeutet.
er spridit vom Professionsstolz der Juristen (sie braudien keine Das Prinzip 1 e x f a c i t regem hat also audi eine andere Seite.
Theologie mehr. da alles im Corpus Juris zu finden ist, sie nen- Zu der Streitfrage. ob Bracton den Satz omnia iura in scri-
nen nur Priester. sondern audi Crafen und Ritter.
sidi nidit nio regis inclusa bejaht. bemerkt der Verfasser, dafi zum
stel-
len also neben die militia c o e e s t s des Klerus und die mindesten das von Bracton vorgesehene consilium nicht ein-
1 i m i -

a a r ma a der Ritter eine militia
1 i t i t 1 i 1 1
wie die Stellung des Herrsdiers an der Spitze der priesterlidien
Geridits- und Reditshierardiie gefestigt und erhoht v^ird durdi
die Ubernahme des justinianisdien BegrifTs vom Kaiser als lex
animata und die aus der Nikomadiisdien Ftliik des Aristoteles
stammende Vorstellung vom vollkommenen Riditer als us turn
fadihin das koniglidie Redit mindere, da es der koniglidien Au-
e ra r i a) ; er zeigt,
torisation bediirfe. damit das Gesetz reditskriiftig werde. Die bei-
den Prinzipien vom konigmadienden Gesetz und vom gesetz-
machenden Kiinig bedingen sidi gegenseitig; insofern ist der
Konig Sohn und zugleidi Vater des Gesetzes. Bracton besdirankt
i
und erhoht die koniglidie Gewalt: der Konig ist vicar us i

a n m a t u m die dann auf den Konig. den c u s t o s u s

i ,
ange- i t i .
Dei. insoweit er gemiifi dem Gesetz handelt. Wie Christus sidi
wandt wird und ihn zur iustitia animata. viva Giusti- dem Kaisergesetz unterworfen hat. so kann audi ein Konig nur
zia erliebt: er spridit von der Mittlerstellung des Herrsdiers
als s e r V u s 1 e g i s do m i nu s 1 e g i s sein. In der .\usiilning der
zwisdien positivem Rcdit. an das der Fiirst nidit gebunden ist. Justiz vicarius Dei,
untersdieidet er sidi als Kliiger nidit vom
und dem audi ihn bindenden Naturretht und belegt mit alledem, letzten Untertan. Das Vikariat bezieht Bracton wohl auf Gott-
wie sehr Friedridis II. Formulierung pater et filius justi- Vater: denn das Vikariat Christi spridit er den vice regis
tiae im politisdien Denken der Zeit verankert war. Der Uber- handelnden Riditern zu.

gang vom rex gerens typum Christi zuni rex gerens AuHerdem Bracton der Konig im Fiskus eine Fin-
besitzt fiir
typum lustitiae. zum Priestertum nadi der Ordnun-z Ul- riditung, die ihn iiber das Personli(he und iiber die Zeit hinaus
pians wird damit ofTenbar. Zwar bleiben nodi die alten diristolo- in die Perpetuitiit der unpersonlidien offentlidi-reditlidien Sphiire
gisdien Vorstellungen erhalten. aber Friedridis Formel pater hebt. Denn das fiir die Krongiiter formulierte Prinzip nullum
et filius jnstitiae meint etwas
anderes. niimlidi die Per- <e ni p u s (p r a e s c r p t o n i s) c u r r i t contra regem wird
i i

sonifizierung einer gottlidi-mensdilidien Idee, die nidit in der audi von Bracton verteidigt. wiihrend er fiir andere. mit dem
Polaritat Natur Gnade
sondern in der von Naturredit
steht. Konigsamt nidit direkt verbundene Besitzungen des Herrsdiers
und positivem Redit. Natur und Mensdi. Ratio und Societas. also eine Praescriptio zuliilit. Fs liegt damit eine Sdieidung vor zwi-
in der Dualitat von Universalideen. sdien dem KiJnig als Feudalherrn (personlidie Giiter). der wie
Die Frage. ob der BegrifF des iiber und zugleidi unter dem jeder andere Besitzer der Zeit und der Praescriptio unterworfen
Gesetz stehenden Konigs damals ernst genommen wurde fiihrt ist. und dem Kiinig als Inhaber der Krongiiter (Fiskus). die nidit

14

I L
U J I U
r
210 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J. Einwirkcn dor Theologie auf die
Staalslehrc des Mittelalters
211
veriiufierlidi, nidit ersitzbar sind und den Konig in die Perpetui- man die Kirdie im AnsdiluH an Paulus co
p us C h r i s t nann-
r
tat heben. Von spateren Legisten wird dem 1 iskus sogar die te Im Jahrhundert kehrte sidi
12.
i

das Verhaltnis urn: corpus

ubiquitas zugeschrieben, also in einer Weise behandelt, die Christi Oder corpus verum. naturale bedeutet jetzt die
anaioge Vergleidie mit gottlidien Eigenschaften erlauben. Dazu hudiaristie, c o p u s C h r i s t i m y s t i c u m dagegen die Kirdie.
r
kam die sdion im justinianisdien Redit gesidierte lOOjiihrige AuHer der Lehre von der eudiaristisdien
Realprasenz. einer
Praescriptio-Vorsdirift fur Besitz der romisdien Kirdie und die F rudit des Streites mit Berengar von
Tours, hat hier vielleidit
ebenda zu findende dffentlidi-reditlidie Behandlung sowohl der die Absidit mitgespielt. durdi das Beiwort
..mvstisdi" die litur-
res sacrae wie der res communes vel publicae. Die gisdi-sakramentale Sphiire der Kirdie gegenuber
mit dem 12. Jahrhundert einsetzende Ausbildung des der sidi miiditig
Fiskus hatte entfaltenden Reditsgestalt der siditbaren Kirdie
in Frinnerung
zur Folge, dafi man die Unveraulierlidikeit der Kirdiengiiter und zu bringen. anderseits sollte unter Umstanden
die sie betreffenden Praescriptio-Bestimmungen auf diese Weise
von staatlidier die Kirdie den weltlidi-politisdien. urn ihre
Seite fur die Fiskalguter beansprudite. Das fuhrte
Sakralisierun- be-
zu einer Par- miihten Cebilden
man denke nur an Barbarossas Sakralisie-
allele zwisdien Christus (Kirdiengiiter) und Fiskus; sie iiuHerte rung des Imperiums
als ein unabhangiger heiliger Redits-
sidi z. B. in dem Reditssatz: quod non capit Christus, korper konfrontiert werden. Um die Wende zum 13.
cap it fiscus. Bracton Jahrhundert
steht mitten in dieser Entwicklimg: er gewinnt der neue Begriff langsam an Festigkeit. dodi wird
im-
untersdieidet die r e s s a c r a e (b o n aDe i) von den r e s q u a s i mer nodi das c o r p u s C h r s t m y s t c u m der Kirche in sei-
i i i
sacrae (bona fisci); beide sind bona nullius, niimlidi ner organisdien Verbindiing mit dem corpus personale
nidit Eigentum eines individuellen Mensdien.
sondern Cottes Christi der Eudiaristie gesehen. Dafi diese Verbinduni nidit
(der Kirdie) oder des Fiskus. Denkt man diese
Lehre weiter. so bestehenblieb, hatte seine besondere Ursadie. Bekanntlidi be-
fuhrt sie zur Annahme einer juridisdien fiktiven Person,
die den miihte sidi die damalige Zeit eifrig um den Ausbau einer Theorie
Wediselfiillen der Zeit entzogen ist. Jedenfalls zeigt Bractons der korporativen und organisdien Struktur menschlidier Gemein-
Lehre das klare Bestreben. die offentlidi-reditlidie Sphiire
des sdiaftsformen. wobei sie gerne auf das anthropomorphe. der
Staates neben jene der Kirdie zu stellen. Diesen
allgemeinen Zug Antike und Paulus gelaufige Bild des aus Haupt und Gliedern
der Zeit verfolgt der Verfasser im folgenden Kapitel
iiber das bestehenden Korpers zuriic-kgriff. Auf die Kirdie angewandt.
politisdi zentrierte Konigtum und den damit
zusammenhangen- lod^erte diese rein soziologisdie Betraditung zusehends die Ver-
den Begriff des Corpus mysticum.
bindiing mit der sakramental-eudiaristisdien Sphiire. Thomas von
J Der Austausdi zwisdien Regnum und Sacerdotium geht
III.
Aquin geht s(hon so well, dafi er ofters nidit mehr vom corpus
nadi dem Investiturstreit weiter, nur verlegt sidi
jetzt der Christi mysticum. sondern vom corpus ecclesiae
Sdiwerpunkt von den individuellen Wiirden auf kompakte Kom-
munitaten. die fur die Struktur und das Verstandnis
mysticum spridit und so die Kirdieeinen mystisdien
als
der beiden Korper eigenen Redits. eine mystisdie Korporation faRt. Von da
Gemeinschaften der Kirdie und des Staates legale und konstitu-
war es nur nodi ein kleiner Sdiritt. das corpus iuridicum
tionelle Probleme aufwerfen. Die Kirdie
ging voran; sie strebte ecclesiae
danadi, eine edite absolute und rationale
mit dem corpus mysticum ecclesiae zusam-
Monardiie auf mysti- menfallen zu lassen und dadurdi nadi des Verfassers Ansidit den
sdier Basis zu entwidveln. Der
rivalisierende Staat setzte das Be-
Begriff des corpus mysticum zu sakularisieren. Obwohl
muhen entgegen. eine quasi-Kirdie oder eine mystisdie Korpo-
ration auf rationaler Basis zu werden.
Thomas die Verbindung mit der sakramentalen Sphiire nidit auf-

Zunadist behandelt der Verfasser den Begriff der

gab. hat er dodi an einer Stelle erkliirt: Dicendum quod
Kirdie als caput et membra sunt quasi una persona mystic a.
corpus Christi mysticum. Erst im 9. Jahrhundert aufge-
Unter persona m y s c a versteht der Verfasser nidits anderes
t i
kommen, wird er vorerst fur die Eudiaristie gebraudit.
wiihrend als die juristisdie Abstraktion der persona ficta oder re-

U J
212 FRIEDRICHKEMPFS.J.
praesentata, womit die zeilgencissisdien Juristen die mensdi-
I'uhen Gemeinsdiaftsformeii. audi und gerade die Kiidie, erfas-
sen woUten. und meint daher, Ihoinas liabe durdi Ubernalinie
dieses juiistisdien BegrifTes den verliangnisvollen ProzeH vor-
aiigetrieben, der im Sinne Solims die Kirdie aus dem Kiirper
Christi in eine Kiirpersdiaft Christi verwandelt liabe.
Das Verhangnis dieser I3egeneration
sieht der Verfasser ans
helle Lidit treten in den publizistisdien Streitsdiriften des aus-
gehenden 13. und beginnenden 14. Jahrhunderts. Die Kirdie er-
sdieint da als ein irdisdies. mit jeder anderen irdisdien Gemein-
sdiaftsform vergleidibares Politicum: als regnum ecclesia-
sticum, principatus apostolicus. wo der Papst die
plenitude potestatis besitzt quasi rex in regno suo.
wo er die Stelle des primus movens et regens totani
politiam christi a nam einnimmt. er. das Haupt nidit nur
des corpus ecclesiae. sondern audi des corpus Christi
mysticum; denn: summus pontifex dici potest ec-
clesia (Aegidius Roinanus) ja sogar: corpus Christi
:
mysticum ibi est. ubi est caput, scl. papa (Alvarus
Pelagius). das nadi dem Verfasser bedeutet: nicht mehr wo
der
konsekrierte Leib des Herrn. sondern wo der Papst ist. ist die
Kirdie. Ockham nennt sogar die Kirdie einmal einfadihin
cor-
pus Dei. eine Auffassung. die Paulus de Castro (t 1-439) zu der
Formulierung fiihren konnte: (ecclesia) universitas re-
praesentans personam quae nunquam potest dici
vixisse. quia non est corporalis nee mortalis, ut
est Deus. So stehen sidi streng getrennt gegenuber einerseits
das c o r p u s m y s c u m e c cl e s a e das mehr und mehr sei-
t i i .
nes mystisdien Charakters entkleidet und zu einem
politisdien
Korper dieser Welt wird. anderseits der individuelle
Kiirper
Christi. den hier auf Erden die Eudiaristie in
sidi birgt und fur
den sifh ein eigener eudiaristisdier Kult entwirkelt.
Viellei(ht hatte der Verfasser gut getan. sidi
lediglidi an die
Lehre zu halten. die in erster Linie die Kanonisten
fiir die
Reditsstruktur der siditbaren Kirdie herausgearbeitet
haben:
denn hier lag der Beriihrungspunkt mit den
rivalisierenden
Kronjuristen. Im BegrifF des corpus Christi
mvsticum
interessierte die Kanonisten vor allem das
anthropomorphe Bild
des Korpers. Kam es ihnen dodi darauf an.
die siditbare Kirdie
U J
Einwirken der Tlieoiogie auf die Staatslehre des Mittelalters
213
als eine korpergleidie, aus Haupt und Gliedern bestehende Ge-
meinsdiaft zu erfassen. Unter dem Haupt verstanden sie in erster
Linie den Papst, well fur die Reditsgemeinsdiaft der siditbaren
Kir(he die Relation zwisdien Christus und den Gliiubigen eine
verborgene Wirklidikeit bedeutet. Das Beiwort mysticum be-
hielt zwar audi bei ihnen den iiblidien sakramental-gnadenhaften
Sinn, aber ihrer spezifisdi juridisdien Denkweise entsprach dodi
mehr der gleidifalls iiblidie Nebensinn. daii niimlich der Korper
der Kirdie nidit eine physisdi-wirklidie. sondern eine moralisdi-
geistige Kinheit sei. So gelangten sie zum Begriff der Kirche als
einer persona moralis. und dies war eine wertvolle Er-
kenntnis: denn die sozialen Gebilde besitzen auf Grund des per-
sonalen Charakters ihres Ursprungs tatsiidilidi ein moralisdies
personales Sein. Nur hiitten sie die korporative Personenhaftig-
keit der Kirdie nidit als Reditsfiktion (persona ficta). son-
dern als ontologische. im intentionalen Sein wurzelnde Wirklich-
keit ansehen soUen. So verhiingnisvoll sidi dies ausgewirkt ha-
ben mag. so ging es dodi blofi um einen Mangel an metaphysi-
sdiem. nidit an religiosem Denken. Eine Siikularisationsersdiei-
nung liige nur dann vor. wenn die Kanonisten ihren Teilaspekt.
niimlidi die Betraditung der siditbaren Kirdie als Reditsgemein-
sdiaft. verabsolutiert hatten. wenn sie das iibernatiirlidie Wesen
und Ziel der Kirdie. ihre Verbundenheit mit Christus und die
gnadenhafte Gemeinsdiaft der Glieder untereinander hatten
leugnen woUen. w^as ihnen sidier nidit in den Sinn kam. Nidit
hier lag das Verhangnis ihrer gedanklidien .\rbeit. sondern da-
rin. daR uni 1230 die hierokratisdie Lehrmeinung bei ihnen die
Oberhand gewann. auf die romisdie Kurie einwirkte und dafi
die nun unvermeidlichen Kampfe mit dem zur Souveranitat stre-
benden Staat den juristisdi-soziologisdien Aspekt der Kirdie
einseitig in den Vordergrund riickten.
Neben der kanonistisdien will die theologisdie Spekulation
beaditet sein. Ihrer grofien Leistung auf ekklesiologisdiem Ge-
biet diirfte der Verfasser nidit ganz geredit werden. Wenn es
audi wahr dafi die sdiolastisdie Theologie mit ihrer meta-
ist.
physisdi-statisdien Betraditungsweise die dynamisdi bestimmte
augustinisdie Lehre vom eudiaristisdien Herrenleib als der ver-
borgenen Wirklidikeit des ekklesiologisdien Leibes nidit mehr
redit zu fassen wufite. sondern die Eudiaristie durdi die Kate-
I u
 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J.
214
gorien von Ursadie unci Folge mit der Kirdie verband und nadi
ihrer Hodibliite nidit mehr die geistige Kraft besafi, die kirdien-
bildende Kraft der Eudiaristie geniigend zu berUds.sitbtigen, so
daH Kirdie und Kudiaristie seit dem 14. Jahrhundert auseinander-
Iraten, so sollten vvir dariiber nidit die tiefen Erkenntnisse ver-
gessen, die sie fiir das Verhiiltnis von Christus und Kirdie sowie
fiir die gnadenhafte Verbundenheit der Christen untereinander
gewonnen hat. Das gilt vor allem fiir Thomas von Aquin, und es
liegt wohl eine Fehldeutung vor. wenn der Verfasser in der an-
gezogenen Stelle, die Christus und die Cliiubigen zu einer Art
mystisdier Person zusammenfaRt. an eine Cbernahme der kano-
nistisdien persona-ficta-Lehre denkl. Vielmehr diirfte hier 1 homas
die augustinisdie Doktrin anzielen. die Christus und die Christen
als eine Person begreift. um Christus als das bh der Kirdie und
den Trager der sakramentalen und lehrenden Tiitigkeit der Kir-
die herauszustellen. (Vgl. M. Sdiniaus, Katholisdie Dogmatik IV'~*
293; 296; 298 306.) Und wenn Thomas vom corpus eccle-
siae mysticum spridit. so dodi nur. weil fiir ihn die sidilbare,
hierardiisdi aufgebaute und die gnadenhaft-sakramentale. diri-
stusverbundene Kirdie eine untrennbare Einheit bilden. Fiir
Sohm ist freilidi eine soldie Einheit ein Crenel, aber sein Apriori:
das Redit und somit die Rechtskirdie widerspriichen dem Wesen
der Kirdie. und seine darauf fufiende These vom groRen. im 12.
Jahrhundert vollzogenen Slindenfall der katholis(hen Kir-
bis 13.
die werden selbst von zahlreidien niditkatholisdien Forsdiern ab-
gelehnt.
Es war der kanonistisdie Begriff von der siditbaren Kirdie
als eines politisdien Korpers. an den der konkurrierende Staat
ankniipfte: er entwickelte. wie der Verfasser weiterliin ausfiihrt.
die Idee eines corpus reipublicae mysticum. Der Aus-
drudv findet sidi sdion bei Vincenz von Beauvais um die Mitte
des 13. Jahrhunderts. Oft heiRt es im Spatmittelalter einfadi cor-
pus mysticum. worunter
zuniidist die Totalitiit der diristli-
dien Gesellsdiaft in ihrer organischen Zusammensetzung zu ver-
stehen ist. Unter Einwirkung der juridisdien Lehre von der Kor-
poration als einer fiktiven Person bedeutet jedodi corpus my-
stic u m soviel wie corpus fictum. imaginatum. re-
praesentatum. Die Juristen wandten das Wort c o r p u s m y -
sticum auf jede Art von universitas an: auf Dorf. Stadt,
4i>
n L
u J
Einwirkcn tier Theologie auf die Staalslehre des Mittelalters
215
Provinz, Konigreidi, Welt. Eine weitere Moglidikeit bot der ari-
stotelisdie Begriff des corpus morale et politicum. der
dem corpus mysticum et spirituale der Kirdie gegen-
iibergestellt werden koiiiite. lieide BejAiilTe liellen sidi versolinen;
so ist z. B. von I'ontaines das corpus mysticum
fiir Ciottf ried
nitht mehr eine iibernatiirlidie, sondern gemiifi der Sozialnatur
des Mensdien eine natUrlidie Gegebenheit. Auf diesem Wege
w urden corpus mysticum und corpus morale et poli-
ticum auswediselbare Begriffe. Infolgedessen gewann um 1300
die im Altertum nidit unbekannte. aber im friiheren Mittelalter
nur fiir Bisdiof und Kirdie verwendete Metapher von der geist-
lidien Ehe des Herrsdiers mit seinem Reidi wieder Bedeutung.
Es ist ein matrimonium morale et politicum; ... sicut
ecclesia est in praelato et praelatus in ecclesia,
it a princeps in republica et respublica in principe,
sdireibt Lucas de Penna. um die Unveraufierlidikeit der Fiskal-
giiter (d o s) zu beweisen: denn wie die Kirdie, ist die respublica
ein corpus, und wie in der Ehe der Mann das Haupt des Wei-
bes. das Weib der Korper des Mannes ist, so der Herrsdier das
Haupt der respublica und die respublica sein Korper. Im
Frankreidi des Spiitmittelalters spielten beide Vergleidie. der des
corpus mysticum und der des matrimonium politi-
cum. eine nidit geringe Rolle. In England wurde hauptsiidilich
der Begriff des corpus mysticum gebraucht: er bedeutete
den durdi Konig. Rat und Parlament zusammengesetzten staat-
lidien Korper. 1401 verglidi sogar ein Spredier das corpus po-
liticum: Konig
geistlidie und weltlidie Lords Commons,
mit der Trinitiit und das Parlamentsverfahren mit der hi. Messe!
Als Ileinridi Vlll. die englisdie Kirdie nationalisierte. hielt ihm
Kardinal Pole vor. er behandle die Kirdie als corpus politi-
cum, und sie sei dodi das corpus Christ i.
einem Unterabsdinitt besdiiiftigt sidi der Verfasser mit
In
einem anderen Zentralbegriff und ubersdireibt ihn: p r o pa t r a
i
mori. Das Regnum als patria war im Friihmittelalter nodi
nidit Gegenstand politisdi-religiiJser Hingabe: pa t
r ia bedeutete
damals die engere Heimat oder das Paradies. Erst im 13.
Jahr-
Sinn von
hundert gewann langsam das ganze Konigreidi den
inFrankreifh
Vaterland. und zwar mit einer religiosen. vor allem
ergriff
anzutreffenden Fiirbung. Der Gedanke des Lebensopfers
T
1
216 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J.
die Massen mit den Kreuzziigen, wo Hoffnung mit-
freilidi die
sdiwang, daii der im Kampf fallende Kreuzfahrer als Martyrer
sofort ins Paradies gelange. Verbunden war damit das Motiv der
caritas, das moripro fratribus. Erst im 13. Jahrhundert
fand die Fugend der Caritas den Weg ins Politisdie, so etwa bei
Tolomeo di Lucca amor patriae in radice caritatis
:
fundatur. Seit Thomas von Aquin wurde das Patria-Problem
oft behandelt. Natiirlidi enthielt audi das romisdie Redit viele
patriotisdie. von den Juristen glossierte Stellen. Widitig ist dort
vor allem die Romidee. die von den Legisten bald auf die indivi-
duellen Monarchien iibertragen wurde. llumanistisdie Elemente.
wie heros. amor patriae, flossen erst ein. nadidem die Pa-
tria-Idee Gestalt gewonnen hatte. Das mori pro patria
einen lialb religiosen Sinn, einmal weil die kirddidie Miirtyrer-
idee einwirkte und dann weil iiberhaupt kirdilidie Formen dem
weltlidien politisdien Korper angeglidien wurden. Besonders ist
hier Frankreidi zu nennen; es hat die Krafte des religiosen Ge-
f iihls systematisdi f iir das corpus r e
pub1 icae
i
ysticu m
ausgebeutet.
Zum SchluR des Kapitels stellt der Verfasser die Frage. ob
und inwieweit der Begriff des duplex corpus Christi auf
dieZwei-Korper-Lehre derTudorzeit eingewirkt habe. und meint,
trotz zahlreichen Analogien sdieine der organisdie Begriff der
Gemeinsdiaft von selbst zur Theorie der Two Bodies gefiihrt zu
haben. Er halt es daher fiir ergiebiger. nadi der d s s i m i 1 i -
i Die Engellehre war den Juristen um so willkonimener. als die
tudo analogiae zu fragen. Die Zeitlosigkeit des corpus
mysticum Christi war durdi die dem gottmensdilidien
Haupt zukommende Ewigkeit gegeben. wogegen der Konig ein
sterblidier Mensdi war. Die ihm in der Tudorzeit zugesdiriebe-
nen Eigensdiaften der Unsterblidikeit. Unsiditbarkeit. Allgegen-
wart usw. muRten daher dem Konig aus einer anderen Quelle
zufliefien. Diese Quelle sieht der Verfasser in der
universitas
quae nunquam moritur.
Deswegen widmet er das folgende Kapitel dem Problem
IV.
der Kontinuitiit und der Korporationen. Das Problem
der Kon-
tinuitat durdi das Aufleben der aristotelischen Philosophie
ist
neu in FIuR geraten. Obwohl die philosophisdie Diskussion iiber
Zeit und Ewigkeit mit der konstitutionellen
und politisdien Kon-
tinuitatsfrage an sidi nidits zu tun hat. hilft sie dodi
dem Histo-
n J
L u n
u u u
Einwirkeii der Theologie auf die Staatslehre
des Mittelalters 217
riker die geistige Krise erkennen, in der die Menschen
von da-
mals ein ganz neues. mehr der Erde verhaftetes, bis in unsere
Tage reidiendes Verhaltnis zur Zeit gewonnen haben. Hatte die
augustinisdie Philosophie die Zeit wegen ihres
vergiinglidien
Charakters gegenuber der Ewigkeit abgewertet, so hielt sich
jetzt die aristotelisdi-sdiohistisdie Spekuhition an das
der Zeit
wesenhafte Element der Dauer. die in der fliefienden Bewegung
durdihiilt und daher als ewige Fortdauer gedadit werden kann,
natiirlidi nidit fiir das individuelle. dem Tod verfallene Lebe-
wesen. sondern fiir die Gattung. der das Individuum angehort
und der also die Moglidikeit offensteht. sidi in der Folge der
Generationen
zum mindesten der Mensdien
standig zu ver-
hatte vollkommnen. Mit dieser neuen Haltung zur Zeit diirfte es zu-
sammenhangen. daf? fortan der abendlandisdie Mensdi in stei-
gendem MaRe begehrte. in der \adiwelt durdi Ruhm und ewiges
Gediifhtnis fortzuleben: die mittelalterlidien Juristen bringen
hierfiir hodist interessante Aussagen. Aber die sdiolastisdie Phi-
m losophie bot nodi eine andere llandhabe. um die Ewigkeit in die
gesfhaffene Welt hineinzuziehen: Zwisdien die Gott allein zu-
kommende aeternitas und das dem Mensdien gemaRe tem-
pus stellten sie niimlidi die Existenzweise der Engel. den Zeit-
raum des aevum. wo das Sein nidit im Nadieinander. sondern
einmal und fiir inimer besessen wird und dodi als gesdiaffenes
Sein einen Anfang hat und an sidi audi ein Ende haben kann.
Sdiolastik fiir rein geistige Wesen die Vervielfaltigung aussdiloR
und daher jeden Engel als eine in sidi stehende Spezies betradi-
ieie. So fanden die Juristen in den ?]ngeln alles. was sie fiir ihre
personae fictae. fiir die kollektiven Abstrakta ihrer uni-
versitates brauthten: sie waren wie die Engel unsiditbar. un-
yeriinderlith und im Sinne des Aevum zeitlos ewig. ja sogar
unter bestimmter Hinsidit iiberall gegenwartig; sie waren cor-
pora intellect u alia, mystica. den Engeln vergleidibar.
Aus der spekulativen Sphare begibt sidi dann der Verfasser
in den Bereidi der Realitiiten. Er weist darauf hin. wie der Staat
das ihm von der Kirdie zugestandene Retht. in casu necessi-
tatis Steuern zu erheben. durdi das Motiv der perpetua ne-
cessitas mit endloser Dauer ausstattete: wie sdion im 15. Jahr-
hundert das Institut der Gesandten die Tendenz zeigt. zu einer
 218 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J.
standigen Einrichtung zu werden; und wie man in den aufkom-
menden, nadi Jahren gefUhrten staatlidien Verwaltung.sregistern
wiederum das Streben nadi Permanenz erblicken darf. Wichtiger
ist ihm jedo(^l die Lehre vom unsterblichen Imperium, die dem
Unsterblidikeitsglauben der Kirdie entgegengestellt und mit Ge-
dankengiingen teils theologisdien (4 Weltreidie usw.). teils ro-
misdi-reditli(1ienUrspiungs (von der lex regia zuin Prinzip:
populus Roman us non moritur) gestiitzt wind, um schlieH-
lich auf jedes Volk und auf jeden Staat Anwendung zu linden,
sei es durdi Ubertragung der Imperiumsidee, sei es mit Hilfe
aristotelisdier Prinzipien. Nodi umfassender wirkte sic^l der
Grundsatz aus: universitas non moritur. Lnsterblidi ist
die universitas, weil sie nidit eine pluralitas in unum
corpus collecta, sondern eine pluralitas in succes-
sione bedeutet und in ihrem abstrakten Sein der Zeit entriickt
ist. Damit stellte sidi jedodi die Frage. wer das TIaupt der uni-
versitas sein konne. An sidi bot die universitas den Aspekt
sowohl der gleidizeitig lebenden als auch der aufeinander folgen-
den Glieder. Von den beiden Moglidikeiten wurde der Gesidits-
punkt der sukzessiven Folge ergriffen und eine korporative Per-
son konstruiert. die alle gewesenen. gegenwartigen und kiinfti-
gen Glieder in sidi und durdi sidi repriisentierte. Man baute also
eine Korporation auf. deren Glieder in der Lange der sidi hin-
ziehenden Zeit aufgestellt waren. so daR der Schnittpunkt eines
gegebenen Jetzt anstelle der vielen Glieder eine einzige. sidi
standig fortsetzende Person aufwies. Diese kuriose Vorstellung
diirfte nadi Ansidit des Verfassers das sdiwierige Problem von
der Perpetuitat des dem politisdien Korper vorstehenden Haup-
tes begreifen helfen.
V. Damit geht die Darstellung zu dem widitigsten Kapitel
iiber: Rex nunquam moritur. Das Prinzip wurde aufge-
stellt. weil die unsterblidie Korporation fiir ihre Handlungs-
fiihigkeit eines Hauptes bedurfte. das den Tod des individuellen
Amtstriigers iiberdauerte. Um neben den sterblidien den unsterb-
lidien Konig stellen zu konnen. bediente man sidi dreier Fak-
toren: der dynastisdien Kontinuitat: 2. des korporativen Cha-
1.
rakters der Krone; "5. der unsterblidien kbniglidien Wiirde.
Die dynastisdie Kontinuitat beruhte auf dem Geburtsredit.
Die Bedeutung der Konigsweihe war langst zuriidcgetreten. Ihre
n J
L u
u u
Einwirkeu der Theologie auf die Staatslehre des Mittelalters
219
Entwertung King einerseits mit der
im 12. Jahrhundert ausge-
faheten bakramentstheologie zusammen,
die die Kiinigssalbung
nur nodi als Sakramentale gelten lieli. anderseits
mit juristisdien
Krvvagungen. iNidit allein die Legisten. audi
eine beachtlidie
Gruppe von Kanonisten waren uberzeugt, daR der
Kaiser oder
Konig sdion vor der Salbung die Regierungsredite
besitze und
ausuben durfe. Nodi widitiger als die juristisd.en
Theorien durfte
die Praxis gewesen sein. die Frankreidi 1270.
England 1272 ein-
indem der Thronfolger den Beginn seiner Regierung
fiihrten.
vom Todestag des Vaters und nidit mehr vom Tag der eigenen
Krbnung an datierte. Jetzt
gab es kein Interregnum mehr. weder
zwisdien dem Tod des alten und der Wahl des neuen Konigs nodi
zwisdien Amtsantritt und Weihetag. Das faktisdi anerkannte
Sukzessionsredit des Erstgeborenen sidierte die von Kirdie und
Volkswahl unabhangige dynastisdie Legitimitiit. Der Grundsatz
des romisdien Frbredits. wonadi Erblasser und Erbe gleidisam
eine Person bildeten. wurde auf diese Weise vom privaten ins
offentlidie Redit ubertragen. AuRerdem behielt der sdion im
Investiturstreit ausgesprochene Gedanke, die Erbfolge des Ko-
nigtums sei nur von Gott ableitbar. seine Geltung bei: qui de
celo venit. super omnes est. i.e. qui de imperiali
semine descendit. cunctis nobilior est (Nikolaus von
Bari). Die hier anklingende Idee von der Besonderheit des kai-
serlidien Blutes wurde am Hof Friedridis II. stark betont. aber
audi auf die anderen Ilerrsdierfamilien bezogen. Obwohl es sidi
sfhwer ausmadien laRt. inwieweit die Zeugungslehre des Aristo-
teles und anderer antiker Philosophen eingeflossen ist. haben
mystizistisdie und halbwissensdiaftlidie Gedankengiinge sidier
nidit ganz gefehlt: franzosisdie Autoren der Wende des 13. zum
14. Jahrhundert zeigen es. Die Erbfolge madite den papstlidien
Ansprudi auf das Vikariat wahrend der Reidisvakanzen illu-
sorisdi: do(h diirfte der Verfasser diesen Ansprudi etwas iiber-
spitzt darstellen.
Den zweiten Zugang
zur Unsterblidikeit des Konigs ersdilofi
die Fiktion der Krone. Wenn Baldus eine siditbare und unsidit-
bare. von Gott aufgesetzte Kaiserkrone untersdiied. so wurde
dies audi auf die Krone eines Erbkbnigtums angewandt. Konnte
dodi hier die juristisdie Spekulation einerseits die Dynastie als
eine corporatio per successionem auffassen, anderseits
220 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J.
mit Hilfe der romisdi-reditlidien Personifikation der Erbschaft
(hereditas personae vice fungitur) die immaterielle
unsiditbare Krone personifizieren. Nadi einer Untersudiung des
Spradigebraudis. niimlit^i ob und invvieweit in den Quellen die
unsiditbare Krone gemeint ist, kommt der Verfasser zu dem
Ergebnis: Im Gegensatz zu der reinen ..Physis" des Konigs und
seines Landes bezeidinete das Wort Krone, wenn es hinzugesetzt
wurde. die politisdie ..Metaphysis'" als die Teilhabe sowohl des
Konigs wie des Regnums oder des beide enthaltenden politisdien
Korpers an den Souveranitatsrediten. Der entsdieidende Faktor,
der die Krone iiber den individuellen Kiinig und das geographisdi
ausgebreiteie Regnum hob. war innewohnende Perpetuitat.
die ihr
Das Wort Krone, in Frankreidi um 1150 aufgekomnien und
mit stark patriotisdiem Akzent versehen, in England sdion HO 1 den. Man lieR nur eine d i s t i n e t o keine separatio zu. und
und 1133 auf Verwaltung und Redit bezogen. hatte zugleidi einen
fiskalisdien Sinn. Er ist vor allem seit Heinridi IT. von England
anzutreffen. Die sdion oben erwahnte Sdieidung zwisdien terra
regis und terra regni bradite es trotz alien Bemiihungen,
etwa Glanvills oder Bractons. nidit zur vollen Klarheit. Um 1200
wurde in England gefordert. die UnverauRerlidikeit der Kron-
giiter zum Gesetz zu madien. Jedenfalls ging sie als 4. Klausel
in den Kronungseid ein: ob sdion im Jahre 1216. bleibt umstrit-
ten. dodi hiilt es der Verfasser auf Crund der kirdilidien Ent-
widilung des Bisdiofseides. die er vom Investiturstreit an ver-
folgt. ftir wahrsdieinlidi. daR damals Heinridi 111. diirdi den
Kardinallegaten Guala veranlaRt wurde. die Unveriiufierlidikeit
zu besdiworen. daR aber der Zusatz nodi nidit offiziell in das
Eidesformular iiberging. Klar zutage tritt der EinfluR des kano-
nisdien Redites auf den die Klausel enthaltenden Kronungseid
Eduards I. und Eduards IT. Die Juristen des U. Jahrhunderts
haben seine Form allgemein iibernommen und die Parallele zum
Bisdiofseid beaditet.
Aber auch die anderen Glieder des englisdien Reidies
zuerst die Bisdiofe. dann die Feudalherren
verpfliditeten
sidi eidlich. nidits gegen die Krone zu unternehmen. Mit anderen
Worten: die ganze universitas des englisdien Reidies war
fiir die Redite der Krone verantwortlidi. Eduard I. konnte daher
1275 Gregor X. den Lehnszins verweigern. indem er einmal auf
seinen Kronungseid. die Rediie der Krone nidit zu sdimalern,
-i-r
/ U J
/
U J U L
Linwirken der Theologie auf die Staatslehre des Mittelalt ers
221
zum andernmal auf seine Abhiingigkeit vom Rat der Pralaten
und Magnateu in Sadien der Krone hinwies. Hier ist ein neuer
Sinn erkennbar, der in den folgenden Jahrhunderten noch sidit-
barer wird: die Krone ist nidit nur Kigentumerin des unver-
iiiillerlidien fiskalisdien Besitzes, sie verteidigt
audi die unver-
iiulierlidien Redite, die alle im Reidi angehen. Als der Inbegriff
aller souveriiiien Rechle des ganzen politisdien Korpers steht sie
iiber siimtlidieu Gliedern. den Konig eingesdilossen, obwohl sie
von den Gliedern nitht zu trennen ist. Keine Theorie, die die
Krone aus diesem organisdien Zusammenhang zu losen und als
isolierte GroRe hinzustellen England Aussidit
sudite. diirfte in
auf Erfolg gehabt haben. So ist der 1308 unternomniene VorstoR.
den Kcinig von der Krone zu trennen. gleidi zuriickgewiesen wor-
i .
jene geniigte voUauf. um gegen einen Kbnig wegen Verrats an
der Krone vorzugehen. Sie ermoglidite es ferner, die Sadien. die
zur Krone gehorten. von den Giitern zu sdieiden. die der Kbnig
wie jede andere Person besaR. und im Falle eines Thronstreites
durdi die Untersdieidung zwisdien einem rex de in re und ei-
nem usurpierenden rex de facto die Krone vor den Wedisel-
fallen des Kampfes und vor der Teilung unter die beiden Priiten-
denten zu bewahren. Das Verhiiltnis des Konigs zur Krone wurde
bisweilen mit dem des Vormundes zu seinem Mundel verglidien.
Der Vergleidi stammte aus dem romisdien Redit. wurde von den
niittelalterlidien Kanonisten auf das Verhaltnis des Bisdiofs zu
seiner Kirdie angewandt und sdilieRlidi mit dem komplexen
Frinzip der I'nveriiuRerlidikeit von Kronrediten und Krongiitern
auf die Krone iibertragen. Als ewiges Miindel gefaRt. erhielt die
Krone den Charakter einer Korporation. deren vormundlidie
Betreuung nidit dem Konig allein zustand. sondern dem aus
Kbnig und Magnaten zusammengesetzten Kbnigskbrper.
Die beiden bishcr besprodienen Faktoren: die dynastisdie
Idee, bestehend in der Kontinuitiit des natiirlidien. von Indivi-
duum zu Individuum sidi fortsetzenden Kbnigskbrpers, und die
mit der Krone gegebene ewige Dauer der Souveriinitiitsredite
des ganzen politisdien Korpers mit dem Kbnig als ITaupt.
dem dritten Prinzip: dignitas
sdieinen ziisanimenzufallen in
no n mor i t u r. D g n t a s und corona wollen iintersdiieden
i i
bezieht sidi hauptsadilidi auf die Souveriinitiit
sein. Die Krone
L
222 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J. Einwirken der Theologie auf die Staatslehre des Mittelalte rs
225

des ganzen Reidiskorpers: ihre Integritat geht alle an. Dagegen saisit le vif zu erhiirten; und Ludwig XIII. wird einmal als
meint dignitas die Einzigartigkeit des Konigsamtes, die vom Throuerbe le petit Phenix genannt.
Volk gegebene Souveranitiit. die der Konig zwar individuell Der Begriff einer d i gn i t a s , in der Spezies und Individuum
besitzt, aber nidit in privater. sondern offentlidi-reditlicJier Ei- zusammenfallen, liefi zwei versdiiedene Aspekte der Dignitat
genschaft, genau so wie das Konigsamt offentlidien Redites ist. ans Lidit treten und konnte zu einer doppelten Personalitat fiih-
Audi of f ici urn und dignitas sind nidit identisdi. Of f ici um ren. Nidit aus sidi. sondern kraft der dignitas quae nun-
habet dignitatem annexam, sagt Bartolus; dodi folgten quam moritur erhielten Papst und Bisdiof den korporativen
die Juristen mehr der kanonistischen Betraditungsweise und ga- Repriisentanzdiarakter. Um die Unsterblidikeit des HI. Stuhles
ben der dignitas den Vorzug vor dem o f f i c i um , so dafi aus als einer dignitas quae nunquam moritur besser her-
ihrer Spekulation die dignitas als korporative Entitat hervor- auszuarbeiten. griffen die Kanonisten bisweilen iiber die juristi-
ging. sdie Fiktion hinaus zu theologisdien Argumenten: Christus bete
Das kanonisohe Redit hatte Alexander Til. begonnen.
seit fiir den Bestand des Heiligen Stuhles, oder: Christus non
zwisdien Delegationen f a c t a e p e r s o n a e und f a c t a e d i - moritur. Fiir das Imperium versudite man dasselbe mit Hilfe
gn t a t zu untersdieiden: die letzteren gingen auf den Nadifol-
i i
der Lehre von den vier Weltreidien. aber nur nebenbei: das
ger iiber quia dignitas nunquani perit. individua
: llauptargument blieb: dignitas non moritur. Der Verfasser
vero quotidie pereunt. Und Bonifaz VIII. erkliirte Gna- sieht hier eine Siikularisation des Imperiums am Werke: Die
denerweise, die von seiten des Hl.Stuhles und nidit von seiten des Perpetuitiit wird nidit mehr von Gott abgeleitet, audi ni(ht mehr
regierenden Papstes gewahrt worden seien. bis auf ausdriickli- von der unsterblidien Justitia und vom Redit. sondern von der
dien Widerruf eines Nadifolgers fur stiindig geltend: nam fiktiven dignitas. gesdiad'en durdi das Denken des Mensdien
s e d es ipsa n o n mor u r. Fiir die Juristen ergab sidi so eine
i t und auf den Fiirsten iibertragen durdi die universitas quae
widitige Parallele zwisdien den Prinzipien dignitas non nunquam moritur. P iir den Fortgang der juristisdien Spe-
moritur und universitas non moritur. Wie oben aus- kulation. die natiirlidi audi fiir die Konige verwendet wurde,
gefiihrt, konstruierte man die universitas als eine c o r ist Baldus widitig. Er bestimmt die Verantwortlidikeit des Konigs
po -

ratio per successionem. eine aussddieRlidi von der Zeit nidit bloR durdi die unsterblidie dignitas. sondern audi durdi
bestimmte Korporation. Um dies fiir die kirddidie dignitas die glei(hfalls unsterbliche universitas. ersetzt also die nodi
herauszustellen. gebraudite Bernhard von Parma das Bild vom von seinem Zeitgenossen Johann von Paris angenommene .Xb-
Phonix. Dieses heidnisdi-diristlidie Symbol der Unsterblidikeit. hansrigkeit des Konigs von Gott und Volk durdi diese beiden
der perpetuitas und des aevum sowie der Auferstehung legalistisdien Begriffe : dignitas steht fiir Gott. universitas
des Herrn. war den nadifolgenden Juristen willkommen.
weil im fiir das Volk. Baldus untersdieidet ferner im Konig zwisdien
Phonix sui heres corporis et cineris factus (Am- einer persona personalis quae est anima in substan-
brosius). sibi proles, suus est pater et suus he- tia h o m n s und einer persona idealis quae est di-
i i ,

res (Lactantius)
die unsterblidie Spezies und das sterblidie gnitas. gelangt also durdi die Personifizierung der dignitas
Individuum zusammenfielen: avis, in qua totum zu zwei Personen. Deswegen kann er an einer anderen Stelle
genus
servatur in individuo (Baldus). Die Juristen zielten hier erkliiren. ein Konig. der im Namen der dignitas und respu-
auf die sd)on besprodiene romisdie Reditslehre. blica einen Vertrag absdiliefie. lebe in diesem Bezug audi nadi
daR Vater und
Sohn in der juristi.sdien Fiktion eine Per.son bilden.
Das von seinem Tode weiter nam loco dixarum person a rum rex
:

Baldus in anderem Zusammenhang zitierte Spridiwort fungi tur. Fiir England waren freilich die Lehren der italieni-
mor-
tuus aperit oculos vi vent is greift spater Andre Tira- sdien Kanonisten nidit mafigebend. da sie zuniidist einen korpo-
queau auf. um den Satz des franzosisdien Erbredits: le mort rativen Charakter der dignitas nidit anstrebten. Zwar traten

U
/ J
U J U J ' L
224 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J.
fiir die kirdilichen Dignitiiten in England ziemlidi friih korpo-
rative Vorstellungen auf. fiir die weltlidie Sphiire jedoch vollzog
sidi dies erst im 15. Jahrhundert. vor allem unter Eduard IV. bei
Celegenheit des Streites urn das Ilerzogtum Lancaster, der sidi
lange fortsetzte and fiir die 1561 ausgesprochene Theorie der
Two Bodies eine widitige Rolle spielte. Dabei stellte sich heraus,
dafi von den englisdien Juristen der kanonistisdie Begriff der
dignitas
durch den des politisdien Korpers ersetzt wurde.
Gedankenwelt der dignitas quae non moritur
In die
bettet nun der Verfasser die mit dem Tod des alien und dem An-
tritt des neuen Konigs verbundenen Gebriiudie und Zeidien ein.
Er bespridit: den bei der Leidienfeier des franzosischen Konigs
ublidien Ruf: Le roi est m o r t. Vive le roi!: Kbnigsmedail-
len aus England und Frankreich mit dem Phonix-Symbol oder
Darstellungen der unsterblidien Konigsjustiz: die in England
und vor allem in Frankreidi gebrauditen. mit dem Konigsornat
bekleideten Bildpuppen. die auf einem triumphierenden Flofi
den Trauerzug mil der Leidie begleiteten: die auf den (irab-
denkmiilern ersdieinende Doppelung des hinfiilligen und des mit
unsterblidier Dignitiit ausgestattelen Korpers. Den hier ausge-
sdiiittetenReichtum kann unser Beridit nidit auffangen. dodi sei
die Vorsidit geriihmt. die den Verfasser bei der Deutung leitet.
So betont er z. B.. dafi das Begriibniszeremoniell und die Grab-
denkmiiler zwar vom mensddidien Untergrund auch auf die
Zwei-Korper-Lehre der Tudorzeit neues Eidit werfen. an sidi
aber demspatirotisdien Lebensgefiihl entwadisen sind und zum
Teil mit der unersiittlidien Gier des Renaissancegeistes.
das In-
dividuum zu verewigen. zusammenhangen. Insofern aber als die
juristisdie Spekulation. die zur Zwei-Korper-Lehre
fiihrte. dem-
selben geisfigen Klima entstammt. tragen die Ausdrutksformen
in Kunst und Zeremoniell zu ihrem Verstiindnis
bei: Leben wird
transparent auf dem Hintergrund des Todes und
umgekehrt:
eine fiktive Unsterblidikeit wird transparent in
dien Mensdien und umgekehrt: und es tritt eine
einem sterbli-
Unsterblidikeit
zutage. die einer irdisdien politischen Institution
eignet, also sa-
kularisiert ist.
Eine groHe spekulative Sdiwierigkeit wartet freilidi
nodi
auf die Losung. Sie besteht in der eigenartigen Lehre
der Tudor-
Juristen. dafi der Konig die zwei Korper in einer
Person be-
I U
I
U J U U L
Einwirken der Theologie auf die Staatslehre
des Mittelalters 225
sitze (der Verfasser setzt dies
in Parallele zu der Formulierung
desKanonistenBalduslU.JahrhundertI: quod una persona
sustinet vieem duarum, unam vere, alteram ficte.
et quandoque utramque personam vere propter
c o n c u rs u m o f c o r u m) und dafi beide Korper in einer un-
f i i
trennbaren Einheit stunden: corpus corporatum
(d. h. der
aus Untertanen und Konig zusammengesetzte
politisdie Korper)
in corpore naturali et corpus naturale
in corpore
corporate (Francis Bacon). Das Prinzip vom Fursten in der
respublica und von der respublica im Fursten ist sdion
urn noo ausgesprodien worden und stammt aus
einer uralten,
von Cyprian bis zu den mittelalterlidien Kanonisten reidienden.
die Bisdiofe betreffenden Tradition, aber die Tudor-Juristen
be-
haupteten ja dariiber hinaus das Ineinander der beiden Korper
des Konigs in einer Person, vermafien sich also nadi Ansidit
des Verfassers, Untersdieidungen anzuwenden, die im Credo zu
finden und gewohnlich den diristologischen Definitionen vorbe-
halten waren. Um diesen Tbergriff verstiindlidi zu madien. ver-
weist der Verfasser auf Baldus. der zur Untersdieidung zwisdien
dignitas- maiestas und persona in maiestate bemerkt
hat Ibi attendimus dignitatem tamquam principa-
:
lem personam tamquam instrumentalem; unde
et
fundamentum actus est ipsa dignitas quae est per-
pe t ua.
Die hier anklingende aristotelische Instrumentalitas-Speku-
lation hat bekanntlidi Thomas von Aquin als einziger Theologe
seiner Zeit auf die Christologie angewandt. Er betraditete die
Mensdiheit Christi als Heilsorgan der Gottheit: hum an it as
instrumentum divinitatis, und untersdiied daher die
Gottheit als causa principalis von der Menschheit Christi
als der causa instrumentalis, die jedoch wegen der hypo-
statisdien Union der beiden Naturen in Christus ein instru-
mentum coniunctum, animatum ist und sidi von den
Sakramenten. den instrumenta separata, inanimata.
wesentlidi untersdieidet. Ahnlidi hat Thomas nadi Ansidit des
Verfassers im Bischof oder Priester ein instrumentum con-
iunctum des mystisthen Leibes Christi gesehen; der Bischof
habe daher in seiner Vikariatsstellung als instrumentum
animatum der Gottheit erscheinen konnen. wahrend das von
15
ssm
I
226 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J.
ihm g-espendete Sakrameni blofi ein instrumentum sepa-
ratum bedeutet habe. Diese ihomistisdie Lehre sieht der Ver-
fasser von Baldus iibernommen. nur habe Baldus die d i v i n i t a s
durch die gleidifalls unsterblidie d i p n t a s und den Bisdiof. das
i
instrumentum diyinitatis, durdi den Konig. das in-
strumentum animatum der fiktiven. d i g n i t a s genannten
Person, ersetzt. Das neue Prinzip laute also: humanitas in-
strumentum dignitatis: es erhebe den inkarnierten Kcinig
zum Instrument der dignitas oder des Konigs und stelle eine
sakularisierte hypostatische Union Ton zwei Personen der d -
: i
gnitas und des rex. heraus. Aus diesem geistigen. sdion im
14. Jabrhundert bereiteten Untergrund ging nadj dem Yerfasser
die Zwei-Korper-Lehre der Tudorzeit hervor. Der Untersdiied zu
den italienisdien Vorgangern bestand nur darin. daR die engli-
sdien Juristen die Beziehung zw-isdien dem individuellen Konig
und der unsterblidien dignitas durdi die Metapher der zvei
Korper ausdriickten. Ihre Lebre w-ar im Grunde eine konigbcie
Christologie.
Zu Eingang des Budies nennt der Verfasser eine Kr>-pto-
sie
Theologie: er moAte keine direkte Abhangigkeit von der Chri-
stologie. sondern eine bewufit-unbewufite Tbernahme von Be-
griffen annehmen. die. zu einer Theorie ausgeformt. ahnlidie
Fragen aufw^erfen mufiten Mne die diristologiscben Kampfe der
alten Kircie (S. 17 20). Diese Vorsidit ist in der Tat angebradit.
tTberw-iegen doA die Unahnlidikeiten in solAem Mafie die Ahn-
lidikeiten. dafi man kaum an eine Analogie zur diristologisdien
Spekulation denken darf. Die hypostatiscie Union bedeutet die
Vereinigung der gottlidien mit einer mensdilichen Natur in der
Person des Logos; die Tudor- Juristen nahmen dagegen zw^ei
Korper und Baldus zwei Personen an. Zwar sudit der Verfasser
die Analogie zu retten. indem er auf die beiden Korper Christi:
den individuellen im Fleisdie und den mystisA-kollektiven Kor-
per mit Christus als dem Haupt. hinweist und meint. beide stell-
ten eine einzige Person vor (S. 441). aber es ist nicht
einzusehen.
was die Einheit zwisdben dem Haupt und den Gliedern der Kir-
che in Form einer q u a s i -p e r s o n a mystica mit
der hvpo-
statisdien Union der beiden Naturen in Christus
zu tun haben
soil. Thomas
hat siA daher wohl gehiitet. aus der Vereinigung
der
Glieder der Kirdie mit dem Haupt zu folgern. der Bischof
werde
/ U L
U J U J
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Einwirken der Theolopie auf die Siaatslehre
des Mittclallers 017
M-ahrend der Sakramentenspendung zu
einem instrumentum
coniunctum divinitatis. er hat vielmehr - dies sei ge-
genuber dem Verfasser betont - nidn blol? die Sakramente. son-
dern audi die Priester im Gegensatz zur
mensdilidien Natur Chri-
sti als i n s t r u m e n t a s e
p a r a t a betraditet (vgl. Th. Tsdiipke
OP Die Mensdiheit als Heilsorgan der Gottheit. Freiburg
1940
S. 155f.). Wenn iiberhaupt. dann
diirfte es sidi bei den Juristen
um eine \erwendung urspriinglidi theologisdier Begriffe han-
deln. die in der juristisdien Spekulation
einen anderen Sinn er-
hielten. Besonders gut zeigt dies wohl der
Begriff der causa
instrumentalis und principalis. Eine edite causa
principalis kam fiir die Juristen sdion deswegen nidit in Be-
tradit. weil
keine physisdie Wirkursadie vorlag: war dodi fur sie
die dignitas eine reine Fiktion und keine Realitat
wie die von
den Theologen als causa principalis eingesetzte Gottheit.
Desgleidien beruhte die Verbindung der causa principalis
(deitasi mit der causa instrumentalis (humanitas
Christi) die Theologen auf einer Realitat. namlidi auf der
fiir
beide Naturen einenden gottlidien Hypostase wogegen die Per-
son des Konigs nur als H-\-postase einer individuellen sterblidien
Mensdiennatur Realitat besafi. also im Grunde iiber den Bereidi
des von den Tudor-Juristen angenommenen natiirlichen Konigs-
korpers nidit hinausreidite. Gewifi bleiben gewisse formal-logi-
sdie Entsprediungen: ob sie ausreidien. um von einer koniglidien
Christologie spredien zu diirfen. diirfte eine ofFene. dem subjek-
tiven Ermessen anheimzustellende Frage sein.
VI. Ist der Verfasser bisher der politisrhen Theologie des
Mittelalters gefolgt. wendet er sidi jetzt der politischen Anthro-
pologie. dem mensdilidi zentrierten Konigtum zu. Das Verdienst,
diese Wende vollzogen zu haben. modite er vor allem Dante zu-
erkennen. Von Dante handelt daher das ganze letzte Kapitel.
Nadi Ansidit des Verfassers lassen sidi die moralisdi-politisdien
Ansdiauungen des Diditers in dem Axiom zusammenfassen:
homo instrumentum humanitatis. Dafi Dante zwischen
Person und Amt untersdieidet. hat er mit vielen Zeitgenossen ge-
meinsam. ein neuer Ton klingt jedodi auf. wenn er in dem Amts-
trager nidit einfadihin den individuellen Beamten. sondern den
Mensdien sowohl als Individuum wie als Vertreter der Gattung
sieht. In seiner Monardhia treibt er den politisdien Dualismus
228 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J. Einwirken der Theologie auf die Staatslehrc des Mittelalters
229

zwisdien Kaisertum und Papsttum so weit voran. dafi das Im-
perium einen innerweltlidien. nidit allein vom Papst. sondern
audi von der Kirdie und virtuell von der diristlidien Religion
unabhiinpipen Bereidi bildet. zum Symbol das irdisdie Paradies
und zum Ziel die irdisdie Gliidvseiigkeit hat und daher gegren-
iiber der Kirdie. die das ew Leben belreut und zum himm-
igre
lisdien Paradies leitet, eine eigene Funktion ausiibt. obwohl das
irdisdie Paradies nur ein Propyliium zum himmlisdien ist. Die
beiden Grofien Papsttum und Kaisertum sind mefJbar einerseits
an ihrem direkten Ursprung: aus Gott. anderseits am Mensdi-
sein: den Mafistab fiir das Amt liefert die deitas. fiir die Amts-
triiper die humanitas oder der o p t i m u s homo. Im Bereidi
des reinen Mensdiseins reprasentiert den optimus homo
der Kaiser-Philosoph. im Bereidi des Christseins der Papst. Die
Mensdiheit ist also in zwei Sozialkorper gepliedert in das cor-
: einen Universalintellekt an. Im Gegensatz zu Averrocs stellt er
pusmoraleetpoliticum der universitas mit dem mensdi-
iidien Redit als Fundament und in das corpus mysticum
ecclesiae mit Christus als Fundament. Beide Korper stehen
nebeneinander und nidit wie bei Thomas von Aquin iibereinan-
der. Obwohl Dante die Bepriffe mensdilidi und diristlidi keines-
weps antithetisdi auffassen wollte. mufite dodi seine Lehre die
Einheit von Zeitlidiem und Geistlidiem stark ersdiiittern.
Die humana universitas und Nidit-
umfafit Christen
Christen. Nur einmal hat sie bisher das Ziel der vollkommenen
Monardiie erreidit. namlidi unter Aug-ustus. und dieselbe Zeit
hat in Yergjil den vollkommenen Fiihrer zur mensdilidien Gliidc-
selipkeit hervorpebradit. Die These extra ecclesiam non
est imperium ist also abpelehnt. Humanitas bedeutet qua-
litativ das edite mensdilidie V erhalten. quantitativ die humana
universitas. humana civilitas. d. h. die universale, durdi
natiirlidie. intellektuelle und erzieherisdie Ziele sowie durdi
weltbiirgerlidie Haltunp verbundene Gemeinsdiaft des corpus
mysticum A d a e. Es ist die Aufpabe des Kaisers, die Mensdi-
heit zum
irdisdien Paradies zuriickzufiihren. Dieses Ziel erreidit
der Mensdi durdi tugendhafte Belatigrunp. Dante iibernimmt die
Tugendlehre des hi. Thomas, peht aber iiber sie hinaus. indem
er die vier Kardinaltupenden dem vet us Adam des irdisdien
Paradieses und die drei theolopisdien Tugenden dem nevus
Adam des himmlisdien Paradieses zwar nidit ausdriicklidi. aber
implicite durdi das Sdiema der zv^^ei Paradiese zuweist: der
Mensdi kann das irdisdie Paradies mit eigenen Kraften. namlidi
durch die Kardinaltugenden. erreidien. Wenn er audi als Christ
der Kirdie und der theologisdien Tugenden bedarf. als Mensdi
bedarf er nidit der Kirdie: audi ohne sie gelangt er zur philoso-
phisdien Glijckseligkeit. zum Frieden. zur Gereditigkeit und
Freiheit. Die Madit des neuen freien Tntellektes hat Dante da-
durdi begrundet. dafi er den Intellekt von der friiher geltenden
Einheit mit der Seele loste. Wiihrend er das Heil der individuel-
len Seele vom Glauben an Christus abhangen lafit. ordnet er die
rein intellektuelle Vollendung und philosophisdie Selbsterlcisung
dem irdisdien Paradiese zu. Freilidi denkt er dabei an die intel-
lektuelle Gliickseligkeit der universitas humana. und nidit
wie die Averroisten seiner Zeit des Individuums. nimmt also
sidi aber den I niversalintellekt nidit als einen getrennten. durdi
den einzelnen Philosophen zu aktualisierenden Weltgeist vor.
sondern als eine alien Mensdien gegebene und daher von alien
zu aktualisierende Potenzialitat. Hier hangt er vielleidit mehr
von den juristisdien Korporationstheorien seiner Zeit ab als von
Averroes. auf den an sidi die Idee des Universalintellektes zu-
riickgeht. Wenn etwa Baldus zur universitas bemerkt: Est
quaedam persona universalis, quae unius per-
sonae intellectum habet. tamen ex multis corpo-
ribus constat, ut populus ... Et haec persona simi-
liter loco unius habetur et individuum corpus re-
put at ur. diirfte sich dies mit Dantes Ansdiauung ziemlidi ge-
nau dedcen. Der konzeptualistisdie KoUektivismus der italieni-
sdien Juristen wird ofters unriditig als Averroismus gebrand-
markt. Was Dante betrifft. so findet sidi zwar bei seinem Lehrer
Fra Remigio eine Tberbetonung des Kollektiven. aber Dante ist
von ihm nur insofern beeinflufit. als er dem Weltmonardien eine
Vollkommenheit zusdireibt. die mehr dem politisdien Korper der
universitas denn dem individuellen des Monardien entspridit.
Das Eigene von Dante besteht also darin. daR er die Idee
einer Wiederherstellung von Adams urstandlidier Natur re-huma-
nisiert und das Mensdilidie von dem diristlidien Gedanken-
komplex befreit. Folgen doch aus seiner dualistischen Philosophie
und der Lehre vom vollkommenen irdischen und vollkommenen

n L U L
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 Einwirken der Theologie auf die Staatslehre
230 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J. des Mittelalters 231
er stellt ein mensdilidies Individuum
himmlisdien Paradies eineSakularisierung der gelaufigen Adams- vor und zugleidi das ganze
Mensd.engesdiledit: die Gatiung; ist daher engelgleidi,
theologie und die Annahme einer rein mensdilidien Erneuerung. die ein-
zige edite Korporation auf der Welt.
die mit der diristlidien Knieuerung nidit mehr identisdi ist, ob- Weil Dante im irdisdien
Paradiese durdi die Bekleidung mit dem Adam
wohl die beiden Renovationen nidit in Widersprudi zueinander sub til is
gleidisam mit dem
korporativ-politisdien Mensdiheitskorper be-
gesetzt sind.
kleidet wird. erhiilt er Mitra und Krone, d.h.
Diese hauptsaddidi auf das 5. Budi der Monardxia gestiitzte die objektivierte
Deutung versudit dann der Verfasser audi in der Divina C omme-
dignitas des Mensdien. die nie stirbt: wird zum optimus
dia aufzuweisen. Inferno und Purgatorio sollen zeigen. wie der
homo, zum Inhaber der obersten Jurisdiktion, der als Instrument
Reprii.sentant der Mensdiheit. Dante, durdi Philosophie und welt-
dieser dignitas handelt homo instrumentum humani-
:

t a t i s. Obwohl diese juristisdien Theorien wohl nidit durdi Dan-

lidie Weisheit aus dem siindigen Zustand zur natura sincera
tes Sinn gingen. war er sidi dodi der zwei Korper des Mensdien
e buona des ersten Adam zuriidcgefuhrt wird. Da nur die Kir-
bewufit. denn Vergil sagt: Te sopra te corono mitrio,
die vermittels der Taufe dem Mensdien die kunftige Lnsterblidi- e
keit eroflnen kann. hat Dante audi die Folgen der Taufe irgend-
d.h. iiber didi .selbst, iiber den Adam mortalis. setze idi den
wie in sein irdisdies Paradies hineingenommen. aber die irdisdie Adam subtilis. Die Lehre der Tudorzeit wird nadi Ansidit
des Verfassers so vielleidit verstandlidier.
Vollkommenheit wird nidit durdi iibernatiirlidie und sakramen-
tale Akte verwirklidit. sondern durdi mensdilidie Vernunft und Das Weltbild Dantes wird wohl immer umstritten bleiben.
intellektuelle Tugenden. So kommt es zu einer Reinigung des Weil der Dichter trotz starker Abhangigkeit von der philo-
sidi

Mensdien von der Erbsiinde in einer niditsakramentalen. wenn
audi den kirdilidien Gnadenmitteln nadigeahmten Weise. Es
liegt in der Gewalt des Mensdien, zum Garten Eden zuriickzu-
kehren; das zeigt der Aufstieg im Purgatorio. an dessen Ende
der neue moralisdi-ethisdi wiedergeborene. adamgleidie Mensdi
steht: frei. aufredit und ganz. Am FuRe des Berges steht Cato
als Verkorperer der vier Kardinaltugenden. und Dantes Beglei-
ter. der Heide Vergil, ist das Zeidien dafiir. dafi die natura
buona e sincera allein durdi mensdilidie Weisheit und intel-
lektuelle Tugend erworben wird. Wenn Vergil dem Gelauterten
am Sdilufi Krone und Mitra zuerkennt, so meint er zwar das
Priesterkonigtum des Christen, aber dieser Akt vollzieht sidi
nidit auf dem Boden der gratia, sondern der natura er ist
sophisdi-theologisdien Synthese des Aquinaten audi anderen gei-
stigen Stromungen seiner Zeit geoffnet hat. ist er da und dort
wohl zu einer starkeren Sdieidung von Natur und t'bernatur,
Diesseits und Jenseits. Kaisertum und Papsttum gelangt als der
Doctor Angelicus: in der Bestimmung des Grades dieser Sdiei-
dung gehen jedodi die Ansichten auseinander. Der Verfasser ge-
hort zu jenen Interpreten. die Dantes eigentliche Leistung in der
Anbahnung eines rein irdisdien Humanismus sehen. und arbeitet
daher dieses Element energisdi heraus. Dagegen ware nidits
einzuwenden. Menu er die diristlidie Komponente. die wesentlidi
zu Dante gehort. nidit allzusehr in den Hintergrund dranste
und auRerdem den natiirlidien Bereidi des Dantesdien Weltbildes
nidit einseitig intellektualistisdi deutete.
:

para-sakramentale para-kirdilidie Taufe mit Cato als Paten und Gewifi hat der Diditer dem Mensdien die Fahigkeit zuge-
Vergil Taufenden. die Dante dem corpus mysticum
als sprodien. kraft der rediten intellektuellen Einsidit und des von
Adae. d. h. der humanitas und nidit dem corpus mvsti- ihr gelenkten Willens die vier Kardinaltugenden zu erringen

cum der Kirdie eingliedert. Freilidi fehlt im irdisdien Paradies und auszuiiben. aber er vertraut nidit der mensdilidien Kraft
allein. er weiR um die Notwendigkeit sowohl der zuvorkommen-
nidit das gottlidie Urbild mensdilidier Vollkommenheit: Chri-
den. den durdi die Erbsiinde verdunkelten Intellekt erleuditen-
stus: er ist jedodi als romischer Untertan Glied des corpus
Adae. den wie der wirkenden und vollendenden Gnade. deren Hilfe der
Adam nahm im irdisdien Paradies vor dem durdi die Siinde geschwachte Wille nicht entraten kann. Ohne
Siindenfall die
Stellung eines souveranen Herrsdiers der ganzen Mensdiheit ein; diese standig nadi oben ziehende Gnade ist die Divina Commedia

n J
L u
u u
 232 FRIEDRICH KEMPF S. J. Einwirken der Theologie auf die
Staatslehre des Mittelalters
233
nidit zu begreifen; selbst der Begleiter Vergil istim Grunde ein ihm das Verstandnis des Mysteriums
der Mensdiwerdung des Lo-
von oben Beauftragter und insofern ein Gesclienk der Gnade. gos und damit des eigentlidien
Sinnes von hum an it as ge-
Der pelagianische Gedanke, daH der Mensch lediglidi aus eigener sdienkt und zwar nidit durdi
eigene Geisteskraft, sondern in
Kraft zum Garten Eiden zuriic'kfinde. liegt Dante wohl feme. Und Form absoluter Gnade: Da war mein
Geist von einem Blitz ge-
der Lauterungsprozefi im Purgatorio vollzieht sidi nidit allein troften, in dem ihm seiner
Sehnsudit Stillung kam."
An dieser
auf dem Wege philosophisdi-intellektueller Erkenntnis: minde- die ganze Diditung
zusammenfassenden Aussage durfte jeder
stens ebenso withtig ist die sUhnende Tat. Erst Mit-leiden, stei- Versudi fraglidi werden, der Dantes
gert sie sidi im Eeuerbad zum physisdien Sdimerz und gipfelt im
Grundhaltung, soweit sie
die human it as betrifft, auf
eine rein irdisdie Humanitat, auf
Seelensdimerz herzzerreifiender Reue und Selbstanklage. Die eine nidit mehr diristlidie Erneuerung
ausgeriditet sehen modite.
kirdilidien Sakramente fehlen zwar, aber daraus lassen sidi kei-
Einerlei, ob man die Dante-Interpretation
ne SdilUsse im Sinne des Verfassers ziehen: sie fehlen. weil es des Verfassers an-
nehmen oder ablehnen will, sie stellt einen Zug
nadi diristlidier Lehre in der HoUe. im Fegfeuer und im Ilimmel heraus. der den
methodisdien Untersudiungsgang des ganzen
keine Sakramente melir gibt. Und dodi ist die Kirdie die dend bestimmt. Aus der Fiille der Ersdieinungen
Budies entsdiei-
Ilolle natiirli(b ausgenommen
iiherall da: sie umspannt alle
te der Verfasser das auswiihlen,
und Ideen muR-
Frliisten in der Commnnio sanctorum. was zu seinem Thema etwas bei-
Ihre helfende Hand zutragen verspradi. Diese notwendige
dem lauternden Diditer Isolierung bestimmter
reidit sie sidi Daher fehlt
in Beatrice.
Aspekte wird ihm vielleidit da und dort vonSpezialisten.
sie audi nidit im irdisdien Paradies. Denn das Imperium nllein vor allem
der Verfassungs- und Reditsgesdiidite. Kritik
reuht nidit aus. um die Einheit zwisthen Gott und Mensdi. die eintragen. Sie kann
dem Werk als soldiem wenig anhaben. Denn aufs Ganze gesehen,
in der Erbsiinde verlorenging, wiederherzuslellen. Dies diirfte
liegt hier eine bewundernswerte groHe
Leistung vor, die audi da
besonders deutlidi der in der Mitte des Edengartens stehende nodi befruditend wirkt. wo immer Widersprudi sidi
Baum zeigen. der Baum regen sollte.
der Erkenntnis, der zugleidi das Im-
perium bedeutet. Er ist diirr und griint erst auf. nadidem der
Cliristus versinnbildende (Jreif die Kreuzesdeidisel des Kirdien-
wagens an den Stamm gebunden hat. Soil dies nidit bedeuten.
dafi das Imperium erst durdi Christus und in Verbindung niit
seiner Kirdie zu seiner lebenspendenden Wirkung kommt? Ge-
wif? hat Dante dem Imperium eine eigenstiindige irdisdie .\uf-
gabe zugeteilt. vielleidit ist er darin sogar weiter
gegangen. als es
das diristlidi-katholisdie Verstiindnis erlaubt. vor allem in der
polemisdi belasteten ,.Monardiia'", aber er hat kaum leugnen wol-
len. da(? der Kaiser zur vollen Wahrung seiner Aufgabe des Lidi-
tes der Gnade bedarf und daR ihm dieses Lidit hier auf
Erden
durdi die Kirdie vermittelt wird. Und wenn er audi die gliiubi'ze
und ungliiubige Mensdiheit im Imperium zusanimenfiihren will,
so steht ihm das Imperium dodi sidier im Gesamtplan der
gott-
lidien Heilsokonomie. die die Mensdiheit ihrem letzten Ziel
zu-
fiihren soil. Was er im Grunde unter h u m a n t a s versteht. offen-
i

bart der Ausklang der Divina Coinmedia (lit 124

U1). Wie er
dort im zweiten gcittlidien Kreis das Mensdienbild sdiaut,
wird

1 f

' U/U
U J U U L
 SANCTA SANCTORUM
VonOTTONUSSBAUM

LJas Missale Romanum liifit den Priester, wenn er bei der Feier der
heiligen Messe nach dem Stufengebet zuni Altar emporsteigt, die
Oration spredien: Aufer a nobis, quaesumus, Domine, iniquitates
nostras: ut ad sancta sanctorum puris mereamur mentibus introire.
Die vorliegende Studie modite ein Dreifaches untcrsuchen: I. Was
ist unter sancta sanctorum zu verstehen? II.
Was besagt die-
ser Ausdruck in der genanntcn Oration?
III. Wie kara dieses Gebet
an seinen heutigen liturgisdien Ort?

Im Hebriiischen kann der Superlativ durdi Nebeneinanderstel-

lung des gleidien Substantivs im Singular und Plural ausgedriickt
werden, z. B. nnijfn vc" (Cant 1, 1) und (Ex 26, 55). Audi der
a'c'ii^n r:hp

griediischen Sprache ist dieser Superlativ nicht fremd: y.x/.x xaxdiv

(Soph., Oed. C 1258), appr,T' app/iTOJv (Soph.. Ocd. R 465), iT/y-x irjyy-ui-/
(Ael. Aristid. 46, 260 D). In die liturgisdie Spradie der Kirdie haben
ahnliche Formeln Eingang gefunden: rex regum, per saecula saecu-
lorum, virgo virginum, solemnitas solemnitatum *. Mit qodes haqodasim
bezeidinet die HI. Sdirift also etwas, das durdi besondere Heiligkeit
ausgezeidinet ist, das alles andere an Heiligkeit iiberragt: das Aller-
heiiigste.
Welche Sache erhiilt nun in der Heiligen Sdirift diesen Titel? Wie-
derholt wird mit qodes haqodasim der hintere Raum des Tempels be-
zeidinet, in dem die Bundeslade stand und den der Hohepriester nur
einmal im Jahre betreten diirfte: es ist das Haus des Allerheiligsten
(2 Chr 5, 8; 5, 10). In den Bauanweisungen fiir den Tempel wird diesem
Raum immer wieder dieser Name bcigelegt (Ex 26, 55 f.; Kg 6, 16; 1

7, 50; 8, 6; 2 Chr 4, 22; 5, 7, aufierdem Ez 41,4). In weiter gefafitem Sinne

dient qados haqodasim zur Benennung eines heiligen Ortes in 1 Chr 6,
54; 25, 15 und bei Ez 45, 12; 44, 15; 45, 5; 48, 12 sovvie Dan 9, 24. Aber
audi kultisdie Cerate gelten als hodiheilig: der Altar und sein Ceriit
(Ex 29, 57; 40, 10). der Raudieraltar (Ex 50, 10). die Schaubrote (Lev 24,
9), oder auch die Cesamtheit aller Cegenstande des Ileiligtums (Ex 50,

* Notker Balbulus beginnt die Sequenz vom Oktavtag von Ostern mit
den Worten: Haec est sancta solemnitas solemnitatum insignita triumpho
Christi (F. W
u 1 f Die Ostersequenzen des Notker Balbulus: Paschatis sol-
,

lemnia [1959] 139 f.).

n L u u
u J u I
 \KiMKlN 1

First the political theorists and then the

jurists appropriated the
elements which,
mutatis mutandis, provided the basis for
the perpetuity and transcendini? ditrnity of
royal office and institution
however mortal
and defectible its human agency. Well
micht Maitland remark that the Endish
jurists were compounding "a creed of
royalty which shall take no shame if set
beside the .\fhanasian
symbol." In the
twelfth century both canon law and civil
law made possible a shift of emphasis from
Ernest H. Kantorowicz, The Kinii's Tico
christolopical excmplarism to a new and
Bodit'i: A Study in Medieval Political
more secular duality of kin" and law and,
Theology. Pp. xiv. 567. Princeton: with the emerging distinction between pri-
Princeton University Press, 1957. $10.00.
vate and public law. the contrast between
In.spired by a conversation with the late the private and public personality of the
Max Radin and provoked by Maitland's royal ruler. The dualities of Bracton's
caustic study of the fiction of the kinc as
kins, above and below the law. the con-
corporation sole. Profe.ssor Kantorowicz stitutional development of the thirteenth
was led to a painstaking and richly reward- and fourteenth centuries, and the gradual
ing research into the originative elements evolution of the En'dish parliamentary in-
of the theory of the King's Two Bodies stitution conspired to the construction of
which underlay the convenient lecal device a corporative theory of the state whereby
which seventeenth century English jurists the kingbecame incorporated with his sub-
contrived for the interests of the Crown. jects and they with him. The sempiternity
The first clear elaboration of the King's of the King's body politic in Enchnd was
Two Bodies appeared in Edmund Plow- untouched by the decapitation of the natu-
den's Reports: ral body of Charles I vhereas in France

the dissolution was complete.

"For the King ha.-; in him two Bodies.
viz.. Body natural, and a Body politic.
a
The titles of the five middle chapters
outline this development: "Christ-Centered
His Body natural is subject to all
. . .

Infirmities that come by N'ature or .Acci-

Kingship." "Law-Centered Kineship." "Pol-
ity-Centered Kingship: Corpus Mysticum,"
dent. . But his Body politic is a Body
. .

that cannot be seen or handled, consisting

"On Continuity and Corporations," "The
of Policy and King \ever Dies," Even the poets gave
Government . . . and this
Body is utterly void of . . . natural defects
expression to this humanly created dualism.
and Imbecilities, which the Body natural Shake.speare's Richard II reproaches him-
is subject to. and for this Cau.se. what
self for turning traitor to his own immortal
the
King does in his Body politic, cannot be body and we are treated, in Dante,
politic,
to a fascinatin? study of his expansive
invalidated or frustrated by any Disability
in his natural Body."
concei)tion of IJumanitas in his man-cen-
tered kingship as the perpetual actualiza-
The historical antecedents of this juridical tion of all human and royal potencies.
distinction of the two bodies reach back Words cannot do justice to the vast cru-
into the political theologism of the early jition. schola rh precision. and masterful
medieval theories of kingship. From Chris- control ot the author in the use of original
tology come the duality of natures and sources
much of it not so easiT>~accessible
one divine person; from ecclesiology. the fcTmedicvalists and
of secondary litera-
doctrine of the corpus mysticum; from ture. This carefully and richly dociinien ted
sacramental theology, the objective validity by an excelle nt Bibliog-
graced b}-
of sacerdotal ordination and episcopal con- and ttiirty-two plates which "are
secration, derived from the medieval prac- pointedly illustrative of the arguments
tice of annointing kings and emperors. within the volume. There is jusy one

//r
7

n L u n
u J u I
204 The Annals of The

desideratum, reluctantly made. One had

almost wished that the author's concentra-
tion on symbolism had allowed for a more
evident appreciation of the jiractical utility
of the fictions which the Enjrlish jurists
contrived for the daily and urgent business
of securing private and public rights, privi-
leges, and prerogatives in public law.

Joseph F, Cost.wzo, S.J,

Professor of Political Philosophy and
Historical Jurisprudence
Fordham Universitv

n L u
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 EP5"

ARCH v:o t
Dispense l|| Lei ii'-i
iii-i
> 8
Notiiie
437

pp. :)I-.)8. -
Invcntano >iiiniari<) delle carte appartenute ai ronventi
sop-
prcssi (lelladiocesi li&solana, coiiservate ncU'Archivio di
Slato di Fircnze
(Cx>r|)razioni religiose soppresse dal Govcnio
Krancese, soppresse dal Go-
verno Italiano, Diplomati(o), preceduto da una l,reve
inlrodu/ione the i.e
traccia la storia arthivistica.

iMiquel Hattlori, I'uil segles de cultura cataUma a Euroba.

AsunfTs dispersos, con prciazioni, di Jordi R
u b i6 Barcellona. Editorial
,

Se lecta, 19o8. -
Idcalmente collegati tra loro come ricerche sui monienti
della stona letlerana c poliiita catalana, si
pubblicano quattordici saggi del
Battlon, Che illuslrano la (lim.sionc di quclla civilta
ncl Meditcrraneo c nel-
Kiiropa, dairxi al XI\ .sccolo. Gli argonienti
1
sono i seguenti: L'antito-
misme pmtoresc d'Aniau de Vilanova, La fortuna de Ramon
Hull a Italia
La Hengua catalana a la Govt d'Alexandre VI, Humanisme
i erasmisme a
liarcetona, Els mallorquins a Trento. Catalunya
entra en la Guerra dels
Trenta Ariys. C.ranan en t'amhient politico-cultural
de la Corona d'Arago
Lujs lidnl, catald extravagant, a America i a
Anglaterra, El cardena'l
Uespuig, Lis exiltats valencians (i gesuiti oriundi
dell'antico regno di Va-
le-ncia, espulsi da Carlo III nel
1767), I.'escola cerverina i la seva pojeccid
europea, Balmes i I'Europa del sen temps, Costa i
I.lobrera a Roma. Ruben
Darto a Catalunya i Mallorca.

Fa us to Nicolini, Scorrihande presepiali, Napoli,

Azienda di
Soggiorno e Tunsmo, 1957. in 8",
pp. 68. - Con ricchezza di <locumcntazione
e con stile efgantis.simo, I'A. studia
la tradizione napoletana del I'resepio
inquadrandola nclla storia sociale, artistica e
folrlori.stica cittadina: la ri-
''^^""'
P'" ''" P^^^^^P' ^'"^'"' attualmente con.
'*'''
"ZTJ^ in
^rvati f""v '-"r"".-""
Napoli tp.sodi gustosi tratti dalla storia cittadina
niostrano
limportanza del Presepio nella religiosity napoletana,
non disgiunta da
manifestazK.ni popolaresche e da epi.sodi di costume
che I'A. ricorda sulla
base di document! tratti dagli archivi di enti
leligiosi e<i economici parte-
nopei di cui e profondo cono.scitore.

Leo Santifaller, liemerkungemur Vrkunde Kaiser Fridrichs I

fur das Domhapitel von Cittd di Casletlo, von 116}
nov 6 (St 39SS a)
con una tavola in Archivalia et Hislorica, in
onore di A. Largiad^r, Zurich
Verlag Bcrichthaus, mn. - Magistralc commento
archivistico, paleografico
e diplomatico del diploma fredericiano che
conferma possedimeiui e diritti
al Capitolo di CitlA di Castello.

Enrst H Kantorowicz. The King's two bodies. Princeton

Umversuy Press 1957 in 8", pp. 568, con $2 illustrazioni. -
La finzione legale
d. studio da parte dei giunst. del pcriodo Tudor, che
lo sottoposero ad una
analis, de.tagliata^ Uno dei punti principali di questo lavoro ^ lesame del
1 opera <i F. W. The Crown a.s Corporation, che raostrava i pa-
Maitland,
radossi questa finzione. L'A. continua Tcsame del problema
di
posto alia
teoretica politica medioevale, e dimostra come
le moderne monarchie occi-
dentah sviluppatx>no una . teologia politica ., fondata
sul principio della
continuua dello .Stato (.11 Re non muore mai ..
.i due corpi del iRe .)
Questa icona permise ai legisti di confondere il
concetto per.sonale con
quelle impersonale del governo.

n L U D
U J L I
 .

REVIEWS 281

which offer, nuhlcss strength

aXffidccTL^htS ^ .MT^l
are mseparable from
parliamintary ^.Zl^^S- 'l^l'l^r''"'""-

finds vindictive P'^*^^'^."^ reviewer

humor in the summarv nf tJ.. r
"There is no God and KarrM^T his
appeals to Muslims it is not becaus^
Prophet "Tp' ""''^- "^

tween Islam and Communism, but

there s^a doctrinal
rather because We tern secula^^^^^
a^LTr
has undermined the traditional
Islamic way of life and on the nnlh^^
plane the Western powers have
alienated\he peopli of the M^^^^^^
East thus creating a political and
ideological v^acuuS wh ch
wilf be

^^' ^^^""^ '" *^^ ^'^^1^ East as well as

fU l^^A^"^^ in the eyes of
he Middle Easterners. It is from this point that
the appeal of the Soviet Union to
one should examine
the Arabs. Hence DrNabih
concludes a siniilar essay with the Paris
cogent statement that "The
ances most of the Muslim world /riev
have against the West the conchtbm
under which Mus ims live, and the
legitimate urge felt by them
break the spel of Western hegemonyf "o
tempt the faithful to make
eague even with the devil, especially
when\he devil has donnTd a
turban h^ partly concealed his hammer
and sickle under Trnewly
acquired burnous, so as to make it
look more like a crescent
crescent-and
finally has started to quote the and
"Qur'an" (p. 359)
_^_,.^,^___ Fauzi M. Najjar
POLITICAL THEOLOGY AND LEGAL FICTION*
'^.^^^'^ tliat Professor
Kantorowicz has at once isolated one
th.T?
the most remarkable theories of of
the English Renaissance and
same time has given us a very rich sense of at the
the long tradition and com
plex history of the idea of the King's
Two Bodie! which takS us T"
Maitland's phrase, "deep into the legal
and political thought of 'the
Midd e Ages '-to declare this is to give some
oWs imaginative leap beyond Maitland's
appreciation of Kantor-
cry^to-ironic commenta,;.
Ernest H. Kantorowicz: The King's Two Bodies- A V/^v ,V, J^ j- ,

n L u D
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\
282 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS
on "The Crown as Corporation" and at the same time
pay tribute to
to the truly extraordinary scholarship which grounds this essay so that
It is inmaediately one of the landmarks of the history of politics and
speculative theology (or, as the subtitle suggests, of that land-between
of political theology).
The title of this review is intended to serve as a shorthand for the
book under review and for some aspects of my comments on it. The
book itself is concerned with one leading theory, the fiction (as the
author writes in his preface) "of the King's Two Bodies, its trans-
formations, implications, and radiations." The two bodies the body
politic and the body natural
was of course a legal fiction, developed
by the English jurists of the Tudor period. The great historian Mait-
land found in Edmund Plowden's Reports, which though begun earlier
were collected and written under Queen Elizabeth, "the first clear
elaboration of that mystical talk with which the English crown jurists
enveloped and trimmed their definitions of kingship and royal capaci-
ties." The cause celebre concerned the Duchy of Lancaster, which
the
Lancastrian Kings had owned as private and not Crown property; it
was tried in the fourth year of Elizabeth's reign.
Plowden reports
that the crown lawyers all agreed "that by the Common Law no Act
which the King does as King, shall be defeated by his Nonage. For
the King has in him two Bodies, viz., a Body natural, and a Body
politic. His Body natural (if it be considered in itself) is a Body mor-
tal,subject to all Infirmities. But his Body politic is a Body that
. . .

cannot be seen or handled, consisting of Policy and Government, and

constituted for the Direction of the People, and the Management of
the pubUc weal, and this Body is utterly void of Infancy, and old Age,
and other natural Defects and Imbecilities, which the Body natural
is subject to, and for this Cause, what the King does in
his Body
politic,cannot be invalidated or frustrated by any Disability in his
natural Body."
There nothing like the English concept of the King's Two Bodies
is

on the Continent, Kantorowicz writes, and the idiom of this concept

cannot easily be dismissed from English political thought it explains :

the action of Parliament with Charles I in 1642, and Kantorowicz

uses the poet's vision of the twin nature of a king to illuminate
Shakespeare's Richard II (and the success of this enterprise leads one
to hope that the author will bring his unrivalled background to further
readings of Renaissance political literature) One can only suggest the
.

further course of this study of the King's Two Bodies by indicating

the path by which Kantorowicz traces the historical problems back to
the Middle Ages and, by placing the concept in its full context, dem-
onstrates the genesis of the concepts; the chapter-headings point the
way: Christ-Centered Kingship, Law-Centered Kingship, Polity-
Centered Kingship: Corpus Mysticum, On Continuity and Corpora-
tions, The King Never Dies, and Man-Centered Kingship: Dante.
In the Epilogue in summarizing, it is recognized that "isolated features
are recognizable in classical political philosophy and political theology

U J U
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 REVIEWS 283

which would suggest that the substance of the idea

of the King's Two
Bodies had been anticipated in pagan Antiquity.
Moreover, it sounds
plausibk enough that one or another of diose
antique theorems be-
came effective in the High Renaissance when, in addition
to the liter-
ary sources, the archaeological and numismastic
material also became
available again. There is no doubt that the
classical model occasionally
served to rationalize certain phenomena (as, for
example the display
ot effigies at royal funerals) which had
originated and developed from
totally different conditions and strata.
. [But] there is nevertheless
. .

one detail which would exclude a pagan origin of the

Tudor formula
from the outset; that is, the concept of the king having two
Bodies
Notwithstanding, therefore, some similarities with
disconnected pagan
concepts, the King's Two Bodies is an offshoot of
Christian theological
thought and consequently stands as a landmark of Christian
political
theology. The book is richly illustrated and magnificently docu-
mented; there is a "selected bibliography" of thirteen pages
and (be-
sides numerous cross-references) a
36-page index, which is a model of
fullness and accuracy. No scholar could ask for a more readable text
or a more clearly marked chart through "rarely
explored thickets," or
a better Vergil to guide him in his own scholarly pilgrimage.
The scholarship ismeticulous the range of erudition (the classics
are summoned, history, mediaeval law, Dante,
ecclesiastical studies,
theology and philosophy, numismatics and iconography),
the control
of secondary scholarship, and painstaking accuracy in
the most minute
detail: all this is indeed mcticulouis and gives fresh
testimony to that
passionate scholarship which has given his students so
lofty a standard
against which to measure their own work. And all is
subsumed into
an imaginative journey that is of a very high order of the mind.
In a
patient check of references I have found few errata in
this model of
scholarship (for example, on pp. 363 and 523, read
Original for Old)
and only one or two very minor lapses of control
for example, at
p. 138 n. 159, in discussing the term iuris religio, the author writes
' since religio was defined according to Cicero," and
cites H. Kan-
torowicz, Studies in the Glossators of the Roman Law;
but it is a
Master G. that H. Kantorowicz is here quoting and not
Cicero
(though an intermediate florilcgium that seems to be Master
G's
source at this point is following Cicero). Or, on
p. 469, in indicating
the materials and scholarship on allegories of the virtues
and vices,
S. C. Chew's Alexander Lectures in the University
of Toronto, The
Virtues Reconciled (Toronto, 1947) might well be added,
particularly
because of Chew's focus on the Tudor period and because
it is like
much of Kantorowicz's fruitful bringing together of iconography and
literary studies. But this is little chaff to add to the magnificently
harvested research of Kantorowicz, and one can best express,
simply,
awe at the emdition, pleasure in the lucid reasoning and splendid
ordonnance of the writing, and above all gratitude for the book
as
a whole.
There are three reflections I should like to offer after reading the
 284 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

Second, the author declares

that the study "will have
pose of calling attention to erved pui'
certain problems if the reader
more examples or places relevant to detects manv
the King's Two Bodies and
more mterrelations with other problems manv
than the author nt^aTed'
The problems of dualities present in
ecclesiastical officS^is one reci
nued by the author, and that must
soon be explored The Tntef'
"^r'^'^^^^l lawyer, with the tradition o
oiwh"
one which he Red Mas
the present writer has begun
to explore. One may supS>^
that a number of studies in
vernacular literatures will be
number of studies m geSeffi
sumulaed by this
vernacular literatures will be
book - especially in Middle Englifh
SSed and
political literature where the
again and again offei^ rich
of politics (and, one
rewards to thL student
may
suppose, of political theology.)
''""^y ^^' '""'^^ relevance as an
.fJr^^'
tand u' attempt to under-
by what means and methods, certain axioms
of a pohtica
^^^^" valid^ndl'thrS
"^ during
uein
leth 'Sit^^^'bri^l'J rT'r
century, began to be developed T
the later Middle Aee^ "
Certainly there is great relevance,
and even urgency in viewin/the
ZS"T
E
'

ofl^r"""/
point of
n""" ^^nP^^" ^ '^' sovereign site and its%er!
^'^''^' ^^'"^' ^"^ ^hers) exclusively from
The
view of presenting political creeds
such as they were ^nder
tood in their initial stage and at
for putung the early
a time when they served
modem commonwealths
la vehic
on^their own feet
- - .
R- J. SCHOECK.

DE TOCQUEVILLE*
^^''''''' ^^^^tation deals
with the period in Tocque-
vlles
viilP^'T-f ^r^
life that, except for
his youth, has been
h^ans and commentators. The usual
emphasis
least explored by
on Tocqueville's

ohc University of America ^

"^^'"'"S'""- '^e Gath-
Press. Pp. 201. $3.00.)

n J
L u L
u u I
 Sonderdruck aus

ALFRED GOTZE
Fruhneuliochdeutsches Lesebuch
4., von Hans Volz durchgesehene Aufl. 1958.
kart. 8.80

Die sorgfaltig getroffene Ausw.l.I de,

DM
VI und 172 Seiten,
eleprte 5(njeigen
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.on .
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212. JAHRGANG Nr. 1/2 1958

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Die europaiscbe Stadt und die Kultur Jan de Vries / Altnordisches etymologisches Worterbuch. Liefe-
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rung 1 3. Von Wolfgang Krause 49

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HEINRICH SCHMIDT Hermann Rinn (Herausgeber) /Augusta 955 1955. Forschungen zur
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VANDENHOECK & RUPRECHT IN GOTTINGEN UND ZtRICH

^anbenl)oed & Dluptec()t in dtfingett

'
U J U / L I

Gednickt mit Untorstfltning dM
VerantwortUch fUr die Redaktlon: Dr. O.
BundeBlnnenminlsteriums
Gesamtherstellung:
Patzig. Gottingen, CalsowstraCe
Hubert*
Ernst Hermann Kantorowicz, The Kings
Two Bo.lios. A Study in Me-
Press, Princeton, ^ew
diaeval Political Theology. Princeton University
Jersey 1957. XVI iind 568 S., 32 Abh.
Verfasser den Stein des
In einer launigen Einleitung schildert der
seine Verwinide-
AnstoBes zu seinem Werk, oder doch einen der vielen:
Umschreibung
rung liber die in den USA anzutreffende firmenrechtliche
Monchskongregation
kirchenrechtlicher Verbande. So heiBt z.B. eine
Inc ", anf deutsch also etwa AG" oder auch
GmbH'-. Der Erzbischof
figuneren, und zwar als
von San Franzisco kann als eine Gesellschaft
gleichzeitig nur aus
corporation sole , d.h. als eine Gesellschaft, die
eine nahehegende Pa-
einem Mitglied besteht. Der Verfasser weist auf
rallele auf die englische Konzeption
der Krone als einer Korporation
Charakter ursprunghch
bin und stellt die Frage nach dem korporativen
mittelalterlicher Herrschaftsbegriffe. Ausgehend
von der Konzeption
zur mittelalterlichen poli-
der King's Two Bodies will er einen Beitrag
des Werks sind im Begriff der
tischen Theologie geben. Die Grundthemen
die obengenannte Frage nach
King's Two Bodies beschlossen: einmal
der Korporation und zum andern die
Frage nach dualistischen Span-
nungen innerhalb der Einheit des Konigsbegriffes.
Konigs, dem naturhchen
Die Konzeption von den zwei Korpern des
unifying principle
und dem politischen, hat der Verfasser nur als
23a
(S IX) gewahlt; von ihm aus
untersucht er aus einer ungemem reichen
Co., OOttlngen
verwandten Vorstellungen,
Kenntnis des Mittelalters alle ahnlichen und
n L u o
u J I u
58 Wiebke Fesefeldt
Kantorou'icz, The King's Two Bodies 69
die sich in Theologie. Rechtsgeschichte.
Philosophie, Literatur- und
Kunstgescliichte finden: zentriert sind indessen alle diese
Rechtsfiktion wie die der King's Two
Bodies aufzuhellen. Die Antwort
Beispiele und hat der ^'erfasser selbst gegeben, indem er seinem Werk den Untertitel
Variationen auf den Staat hin. dessen Anfange im Mittelalter
das un- "A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology" gab und dazu erkliirte, es sei
ausgesproehene, sozusagen heimliche Thema des Werks sind.
"a contribution to the problem of what has been called 'The Myth of
. . .

Ein Cberblick iiber den Inhalt mag den Charakter des

Werks ver- the State"" (S. IX). Wenn er sich dennoch dagegen verwahrt, mehr als
anschaulichen. Der Verfasser erliiutert zunaohst an Hand
einer Rechts- nur ein Teilproblem untersucht zu haben, so ist das dieselbe Disziplin,
quelle der elisabethanischen Zeit die spezifisch englische
Fiktion. daB die den Verfasser in diesem Werk davor bewahrt hat, sich von seiner Be-
der Konig zwei Korper habe. einen natiirlichen (body
natural) und einen schiiftigung mit mittelalterlicher Theorie zu Theorien liber das Mittel-
politischen (body politic), der auch der mystische genannt
werdenkonne alter verleiten zu lassen. Das Werk ist eine Analyse mittelalterlicher Be-
Das erste Kapitel (The Problem Plowdens Reports) legt den
:
C^gen- griffe nicht mehr, aber auch nicht weniger. Mit ausfiihrlichem Apparat,
:

stand. der im folgenden von alien Seiten angegangen

werden soil, dar umfangreichem und .sehr zuverlassigem Index und reichem Bildmaterial
Ehe der Verfasser jedoch die freigelegten Strange aufgreift,
geht er auf ist es zudem cum grano salis eine Topik mittelalterlicher Staatsrechts-
em scheinbar nicht allzu naheliegendes Beispiel fur Differenzienmgeu
lehre. Die Rezension wird im folgenden versuchen, die wichtigsten Linien
nmerhalb des Konigsbildes ein: er zeigt an Shakespeare's
Richard II hcrauszuheben.
daB im Herrscher psychologisch dreierlei liegen kann Konig,
Gott unci
:
Politische Mystizismen, erstarrte und biiroki-atische Abstraktionen,
Narr. Damit ist gewissermaBen der Stil der nun
folgenden strengsach- finden seiten Gnade vor den Augen der Juristen. Das moderne Recht
hchen Kapitel angegeben: Xiichtern. aber in hellsichtiger
Einfiihlungs- sucht sie abzuschaffen und in die Rumpelkammer zu verweisen, aus der
gabe analysiert der Verfasser in dreigroBen Sektionen die Elemente. die der Historiker sie hervorholen mag, um ihren alten Glanz neu zu ent-
m der Theorie der King's Two Bodies zusammengeschmolzen sind. decken. Der Verfasser bekennt sich als Schuldner und Schiller eines der-
Der erste Block (Kapitel III Christ-centered Kingship)
:
und Kapitel jenigen CJelehrten, die mit ihrer Kritik gerade die Absurditat der Zwei-
I\ Law-centered Kingship) untersucht die Frage der dem
Konigtiun Korper-Lehre des Konigs angriffen und gleichzeitig erkannten, wie ehr-
:

immanenten Dualismen. Eine Grundspannung ist die der

christologischen wlirdig und inhaltsreich ihre Ursprlinge waren: Frederick William Mait-
Duahtat von menschlicher und gottlicher Natur, eine andere
diejenige land, einer der bedeutendsten englischen Rechtshistoriker des vorigen
die mit demRichterauftrag des Konigs gegeben ist. Kapitel I\'
hat Jahrhunderts. hat von dem ,,metaphysischen, man konnte auch sagen
wenig mit Xaturen- oder Korporationslehren zu
tun, aber es faBt das metaphysiologischen Unsinn dieser Konzeption gesprochen und doch
'

staatsrechtlich so wichtige 13. Jahrhundert untr

dem Gesichtspunkt betont, daB gerade Fiktionen dieser Art modernes und altes Recht an
der Spannung zwischen dem rechtsgebundenen
und dem rechtsgelosten ihren Bruchstellen in Einklang bringen.
Konigtum wie in einem Brennpunkt zusammen.
Die erste Ausarbeitung des Doppelcharakters der englischen Konige
Der zweite groBe Block (Kapitel V: Polity-centered
Kingship, Corpus findet sich in den ., Reports" von Edmund Plowden, einem Juristen aus
'

Mysticum) untersucht die Korporationslehre der

Kirche und ihre Sa- der Zeit der Konigin Elisabeth, die in kurzer Zusammenfassung Plai-
kularisierung.
doyers und Urteile des vorelisabethanischen Rechts enthalten. An einer
Der
dritte groBe Block (Kapitel VI: On Continuity and Corporations) cause celebre stellt der \'erfasser das Problem dar: Das Herzogtum Lan-
arbeitet mit systematischen Analysen
mittelalterlicher ,.Zeif -Begriffe caster hatte den Konigen aus dem Hause Lancaster als Privateigentura
die Entstehung juristischer Abstraktionen und Fiktionen
heraus durch und nicht als Kronbesitz gehort und war seitdem Gegenstand wieder-
die das friih- und hochmittelalterliche Denken
in S^-mbolen und AUe- holter Prozesse gewesen. Einer von diesen ging darum, daB Eduard VI.
gorien rationalisiert wurde.
einzelne Liindereien des Herzogtums vergeben hatte, als er noch minder-
Diese drei Untersuchungen sind der Kern des
Werkes: ihm schlieBeu jiihrig war. Der Streit um diese Vergebungen fiihrte im Laufe des Pro-
sich die materialen Auffiillungen an, die
aus den im 13. und 1 4. Jahr- zesses zu folgender Erkliirung der Kronjuristen in Serjeant's Inn^):
hundert erarbeiteten formalen Denkkategorien nun neben vielen kcin Akt, <len der Konig als Konig vollzicht,
dem Common Law
anderen Rechtskonzeptionen
auch die der King's Two Bodies ent-
dafl nac-h
wegen seiner Minderjiihrigkeit anfe<htbar ist. Denn der Konig hat zwei Korper in
Btehen lieBen. Inhaltlich sind diese Untersuchungen
zur ..dignitas", co- sieh. ntimlieh einen naturlichen iind oinen politisfhen. Sein natiirlieher Korper ist
rona-, dynastischen Kontinuitat usw. auch insofern ein sterblicher Korper, alien Schwachen, die von Natur oder durch Zufall kommen,
wichtig, als sie'un-
bekanntes Material bringen und bisher iibersehene Linien
freilegen. der Torheit der Kindheit und des Greisenalters wie auch ahnlichen Schaden unter-
Man mag sich fragen,
ob eine so umfangreiche Begriffsarbeit notwendig
E. Plowden. CommenUries or Reports, 212a, London 1816, hier zitiert und
war, urn erne zwar komplizierte. aber doch . )
verhaltnismaBig abgelegene nach Kantorowicz, S. 7.
iibersetzt

/
U J U U
/ L
I I
 6(1
Wiebkc Fe.Hiir.ldt
K artier <ru-ic:~. The Kin-g'/: Tv<o Bodi^e^ 61
wcrfeii die der. rmturlichen Korj.erii aiidom M<.iu,r.
zum,c,Kii kc,ni,ri M,ej-
.m pc.Iiti<:l.j Kc,ri.r ,m em
Kc.rj.or. der nK.hl Bichtbar cder raDonalisiert der Verfasaer die verschiedenen Scbla<>htrufe der englischen
hfl,,hT au. muatliohoT- Ch-diiurip uiid Reperur^r (polity
beriJirbar ist
a^d pc.viTmi.m, ) und' i,
Verfassung8gescbicht.e zweifeDos eine geistvolle Hilfswisaensoliaft
rri<,hi,ei zuT- L,tunp d.* \-c,lke. ui.d zm- Yerv,-alT,imp de. 6ffflnllic.hii Wohk und Aue der Spekulation und ihrer sakularisierten ju-
christologiscben
"". '^ ^:;" "'"' ^'^-^- (i^-neiiah.,,. uiid a^idereri naturli.hen
tT'ri TVr
hohadri und Noh^a<=hen. deiieii der nuturhahe
K6rjH,r uni.erwcrferi ,si ur.d deshalh
ristischen Xachfolge fiibrt die Unters\3chung des zweiten Kapitels
m (Sbakespeare's King Ricbard II.) scbeinbar heraus. Sein Gegenstand ist
.
kaiui dw.. wfl* der Komp Bemem pc.litiBc:her, Korpei rut, n.(:hi entkrkft.el odei
'"" '" ""''' ^""^^'^"^^^'^'t (disabilitj
' in einem ,
iiaTCirl.<hen
nicbt die doppelte juriBtische Kapazit.at des Konigs. sondem "the
K^'ior
bumanly aspect of royal gemination" (S. '24). Der Konig ist
tragic
Der politischeK6ri)er let alsc der bei weitem umfasaendere und z-vrilbngsgeboren. "subject to tbe breath of ever%- fool" und zugleich "a
hoher-
Ktehende. auch -woimerj ilxm peLeimriiBToUe KrafW irme die kind of God". Der Konig faBt in seinen Worten "thus play I in one
die Un-
Tollkommenlieiten der menecliliohen Natur rermindem Person many people" (V. V. 31) die drei Phanomene Konig. Xarr und
oder socar
* auf-
heoen*): (rott zusammen. die in ibm angelegt sind. Den l"'bergang vom koniglichen.
gottgleicben Status zur menBcblichen. ja irren Gegenposition vergleicbt
..Sern poHtiBoher Kc.rper. dei mn B^inem nat.ia-l,<,-hen Korpar verburiden
mnimi die Sobvu(=be Hemes naT.iirlx.bei,E6rjK,ns hin^-ep uiid Zieht deii naturbeber."
ig,
der Verfasser mit dem vom ontiscben Realismus zum bloBen logischen
Xorper. der der periixpere im,. ui.d alle seme Wirkunperu zu Bi(=b Nominabsmus. Das VnmraaU ..Konig" entleert sich seines Inhalts zu
p-c.Xisre isi,. cjma mapp dipmm) traiul
hmulw der er der
ad se minup dipnum." einem bloiien \om.en. Ahnbch Mrie bei dem christologiscben Vergleich
Der VerfaBsei ireist zu Recht daraiif Inn. daB gebt diese scbolastiscbe Unterscheidung auf eui wahres Substrat des
liinter der Bcheinbai- un-
logiHclien Lcgik. die diese Rec-htsfiktion
in der Praxis herrorbrac^ht* Problems zuriick und macht die Polantat zwischen den im Konig an-
ein anderee. mcht-juristiBc-bef Denken gelegten Potenzen Behr anschaubch.
Btebt : Die Terminoloeie der
oimsthcben Zwei-Natui^en-Lehre. Die
krv-pto-theologiBc-be Diktion der Nacb diesem Vorspiel setzt der Verfasser mit der Untersuchimg friih-
Tudor-JunBten. die herzuleiten isi au^ dem
tbeoiogiBcben Su>.Btrat und bocbmittelalter Duabsmen ein. Im III. und IV. Kapitel arbeitet er
mittelalterbcben Rec^htBdenkens. schuf nicbt
nur erne Tbeolc.gie Bondern an mebreren Tbemen. die Duabtat von Cbristus und Konig und
daruber iiinau. erne regeli-ecbl* CLiiBtolc.pie
de. KonigBln^griffeB In dem die andere Duabt.at von Cbristus und dem Konig ah- Vicarius Cbristi
Eine PerBon. z^ei Korper' kiinpt da. berauB.
atbanasianiBcbe .,Non duo tamen
Bed unus I nuB autem non oonrerBione dirinitatie
. . .
in camem Bed
Bei dem Anon^-mus von York, jetzt ..Normannischer Anonymus"".
sog.
aBBumj)ti(.rie bumanitatif in Deum
/ nacb. . .
fiwhi der Verfasser den spateren BegrifF der ..persona mixta" vorweg-
Die veii^rfubi-enden Parallelen des genomnBeBi. Er -Breist aebr zu Recht in diesem Zusammenhang auf das
VerfasBei'. zMiBcben komgiicner
und cbnstbcber Cbristologie Bcbeinen mu Anbegen bin. das dem mittelalterbcben Denken iiberbaupt eigen war:
zu ibecretiBcb. DaB etta die
luienontai deB natiu-bcben KorperB nicbt "tbe yoking of two seemingly heterogeneous spheres bad a peculiar
..ananiBcb- sei. Bondem mit
dem ..miner j-atre secundum bumanitatem". attrartion for an age fi&ger to rec-oncile the duabty of this world and the
deB c.nbodoxen Glaubene- ." (S. 43).
l^kenntniBBeB iiberemBtimme (S. 17). iBt other, of things temp)oral and eternal, secular and spiritual . .

z^ar eine fcrmale Pai-aUeie

aber docb ^obJ nicbt auB Griinden Nicbt eine pobtiscbe. Bondem eine gottbche zweite Natur schreibt der
dogmatiBcber KonBequenz. Bcndem
wegen deB emfaoben VerbaltniBBeB von Anonymus dem Konig zu und parallebeiert ihn mit Cbristus. Dieser ist
..natiii-beb- und ,.ubematurbcb '

DieBer HiiiTieiB mag In^reitB bier alB CbriBtuB und Konig von Natur. der Konig ist Konig und Cbristus aus
BeiBj.ieJ fur- manche cww riebtige'
aber doob vob] BjueleriBcb zu veit Gnade. Die tbeologisc-be Antitbese von Natur und Gnade und neben ihr
getnebene KatioaaJiBerung dee
WerkB Bi^ben, wenn aucb der LeBer nicbt die potentieDe Einbeit von leidem. die im ..officium"" des Konigs aktua-
obne Genuii die moJcben
KonBequenzen deB ..^-eBtonanlBmuB (S. 18) in lisiert wird. macht die Zwilbngsnatur des Konigs aus. der als ..Christo-
der koniglidiM
Cbnsto-
iogie EnglandB zui KeimtniB nimml. Ein tbeoiogiBcb mimetes" meriBcblicb und gottlich zugleich ist. Eine der vielen Para-
beBdb!ner \'er-
lasBungBbiBtoriker konnte m den Spuren von doxien des Anon^-mus. die der Verfasser bringt. sei herausgegrifFen und
Kantorowicz.^nn aucb Da der Anonymus dem Herrscher
boffentbcb nut deBBen L-onie. die
engbBcbe G^cbicbte aufpatnpaBBia- bier zur Erklarung wiedergegeben ;

niBtiBcbe, BabelbaniBcbe. donatiBtiBcbe. ebenso eine menBcbbcbe und euae gottbche Natur zuschreibt wie Cbristus,
monopbvsitiBcbe und Lk
Haresien zuruckfiibj^n (S. 18). Denn mit kann der eeltsame Chiasmus eintreten. daB z.B. Tiberius, qua Caesar,
Hilfe dieser Spidwim alsoqua f.' erte gottbche Natur. Jesus von
dem armen Menschen
Nazareth , , -er turmhoch und mit einem Heiligenscbein umgeben

thront. wabrend ebendereelbe TiberiuB wiederum als individueller, boser

Menscb weit unt<*r dem gottbcben Cbristus stebt. Das konigliche Cbristus-

n L I'll
u u u u
 (Jl'
IVtfiMla Fettefeldi Kantiirnunrt. Th< King'c Tvio Bodies 63

Tikariai trupi uormamuKdieii AnonvmuH die Dualitut Christi

hnni
in AufBohluBreioh isi em AbBohnilt iiber das quasi-priest^rliche Selbsl-
den KonigHbeprifl Innem. Dei TeriasHer peaell-
l,rauotu nur aul zahlreiolu- verfltandiii. der Bc)k)pTif!sei .luristen vmd die daraus ahpeleit<^t*!n
Jieispiele fur aiiuliciieb, weiii. aucl. wenipei bewuBtet^ Deukeii limzu- Bcbaftbobeii Ansj)rijebe.. Er fiilll -^'orlaufip eine Liicke der Literatur, m
weiHen. put arLeitet er (S. 5) lierauK. Terdient<^. Es
die in einer ausfiiyirlicberen Arbeit peschlosaen zu werden
.Seiii
daU diese OlirifltuH-DuaJitat
dw enie ontiHcl.-],lulK()],hiHch:, Htark liturpiHdi
ae^m,fr^:e uud nicht erne iflt dem Terfassei pelunpen. am Beisyuel Friedriohen. heranszustelkn,
l()giKcl.-junRtiHclu> war. nu-zii uiRtitutioueller
uud luuktionellei Schmduuc to -wbat extent tbe duabty of LawB, natural and human, was int<^r-
der zwei Kbrjier de. Kouxp. pefulin liat.
w- e. Bj.atei bei der Zwei- locked -with tlie idea oi an intermediate in matters of Law and with the
Korper-Lehn. der Tudorzeit der Fall war. Mil M'eW as in the pnncte" (S. 1S6). I>er
dem CliriHtuB-Torbild war duaUtiec inherent in Justice heraelf a.*^

du- .S])anuuup zwiHclieu Cloti uud Stiidien.

MeuKoli mi Kbuip, aber audi die TerfaBBer folpt nicht nur einem friiheren G^egenstand seiner
sondeni ei- betont einen wjchtipen Saohverhalt., wenn ei zum
esseutielle Eiulieit beider vorpepelieu. AbschhiB
Kacii dem fiir den
tlieoi(,piKob-j)hiloHpbiHeheu lieweinpaup pibt der
TerfasHer nooh einmal herauBbebt, "w-ie zentral die Person Friedrichsll.
Tberpanp vom alten. eachatcjlopisoben Idea] des ..rex Justus" zum saku-
euieii ikouoprajihiHcbeii Exkurs
zv dem Tlienia ,.unu ].orHouu duae
uaturae- au Hand der Muiiatur Ivaiser OttoH zwischen Gott-
II. im AacbeueT Evaupelien- lanBiert,en Kbiup ais ..lex ammata- -war; die Sjiarmung
bucb. Er arbeitel lierauK, dalJ die Mimatui
lichem und MeuBcbliciiem im Kbnip ist. wenn auch mehr
ikouoprapiuKcli daHHeliH- dar- psychologisch
Rtelb.. wah dej AnonymuH ui des Mitt^^lalters so greifbar
Worteu Hcliildert die pottiibuJicbe uiid
:
ale funktionell, bei keinem anderen Herrscher
meusciibolie J^^atui Kbiup^ u, euiem. Die auf der Miniarur Bieiitbai-e
det,
wie bei ihm..
iJaudercjle uber der Brum det; KbnipH trenne BvmbobHch konnte. sich selbst eine Mittelstellung
HimmeJ uud Erde- Wemi Fnedrich II. es sich leiBten
ontiHcb-tbeokratiflcher Art zwischen dem gbttlichen und dem
J)ie liatiouabsieruup der bc.elimittelalteriicb irdischen
verBtandenen ZwiJliugH-
uatui det. Ivbuip^ laiil sicb au zwej
Kecht zuzuBclireiben. bo muL'.te die MittelsteDung des Kbnips
uelKJueuuiuder bentelieudeu K<,u- unt.er
ze],tioueu ablesen. Mil iiirer UnterHuciiuup funktioneller um-
kc^mmi der YerfaBHer zu dem anderen politischen YerhaltniBaen rorsichtiger und
InmbBUiuB, der im Kbiup auf Gruud HeiiieB Juristen Henry
amHtuBvikanate bestebl Bcbrielien werden. Der A'erfaBBer hat an dem enpbschen
welcber Weiae die-
i"'.T*;,^""f^'*""'
^l^^'"*ip*' cier Kbiup ,.imap(. Der.
bzv ,.imapc. . de Bracton (peBt,orlin um lii68) berauBpearl:eit*^t. in
UiriRtJ
iimerhalb des KbnigBamtes. die Fnednc^b II. aktiv zur
i8t bepl mi Deukeu de..
) oiitoiopiHcbeu Esemj.larismuK bepriui- aellie Bpannunp
det; die audere, die den Kbnip mehr
aif. ,.vicariuB Dei. l)zv
Obristi' KonH(iidieruup semes Staates auBniitzte. m England konstitutionalisiert

den tlierganp Tom liturgiBcb rerstandenen zum juristisch

siebl. im nicderuei mfeni, alF sie den juriBtiHul, laBbaren BteUvertreter- wurde. um
bezup zwiHolien dem Kbnip uud lixierten Kbnipt.um zu ermbpbcben. Ee iHt bier mcht
der Ort. um Kan-
G.rti bervriiebi uud damn
htaatBreclitBlebre deK B}>ateren iMittelalterf-
die m Wiederpat*
iuueudeitei. Der VerlaHHer torowicz InterjH-etation von Bracton 's nel umetntt^ner
Ht^lll dieBen LnterHcliied zu zu brinpen (S.
Kecbl sebi lierauB: da. wiciitigBte BeiBi.iel des ..quod principi piaouit, iepis habet nporem ...
an dem er ibn exemplifiziert ist da. jiatCT et fUiue legis"
KaiHer Friednebn II. DesHen Biiku- 1471)"): es mut penupeu auzudeuten. daii dat^ ..rex
larisiene hpimuabtiii erkliirt er an
den dem ..Libei AupuBtaliB" *) ent- Bracton sebj })raktiBcb ,.rex mfra et Buj)ra legem' beiiit.
Das ..pla-
l>ei
u.mimeuen Formeln ,.re.x pater et fiiiu. justitiae" oonsilio. rege
,.rex maic.r et miuor
, cuif wird bei iiim pedeutet als: ..quod magnatum suorum
He ipH.. (h. J.Tfi.). Die .luBtitiu ttu'oul et tractatu
al. Mittleriu. ak quasipbttliobe auotoritatem j)raeBtant^ et babita Bujer hoc deliberatione
Maclit au. ibr leitet Friedricb II. Heu.e
: Tbet,.pie der Herrndiafl ab Eb recte fuent debnitum.'
iBt iuer mclit der Ort. die
zalilloHen TrHprimpe uud Variationen
dieter Die ZuBtande. die in England um die Mitte dee 13. JabrbundertB
BpezibKcb HtaatHtbeulp.Hcliei. Duul.tat LegabBierung der
zu erbrtern dem Kemier mittel- : bemtcbten. belien keine audere Mbgbcbkeit als die der
alt^^rbclier lveobt.BH,.ekulatU)uen map durcb die boben
dei Hu.wei. auf die iue, iK^baudeiten baronaien AnB})rucbe ubrig. wenn die Krone, vertretan
,,lex regia uud ,.iex dipua" peni.pen, d.e die Antmomie begeben woUte.
zwiHoben ..rex KronlKjamten. bicI) mcht des MitB})racberecdits ul:.erbaupt
tepibuB BolutuB- uiid ,.rex legibu. dem Symbol de
alligatuB" eutlialten^). Die PerHon des Konige trat konsequeuterw eise binter
'} tTl>ercie tT),.gunpderChr.8tu8ebe..ijil,ll,cbkeif
.r, d.e G..tt.;be..bildl.l.k.t
du. belmnntbci, Uegenstaiul re.oher Um aliw Wurdipuup der \ er
Lueratur mt. . Kant..r.-v u-.. N H8fi 1 Shr l,eruUoi.vori im . dal! der V*!rfa8er
dioiiBt,. vol. PVit/ )S< du- Brmaoii-FcrBchuiip docb auf die fclcht.uau^itn
l.u U um
auin.erksuui maciit und gle. auf
"'<
wiiiiw ulizu tii^oreiiHuiioii liittirpretat ic.ii
") Mit Honieni reichei, AnnierluuigBiippurui ubr dccij iir ^M-l ttdnouaL^rf
mi (l,eer 'Jil (i^^ V\ ,.rk. du- w<.hl di. viUo.<;hi twut- weuipw giiirt,:. -).
..eu,t,. U.U1 verJuI.lid.t.
Beliuncllun, .la.e. Tben.a.. Zu,
Boim.uih . .^ J^ dw
Zu
GgeiiBtBnd* dureb Obarlt*
Bru<!t()ti. 8tittilohrt \pl. die iiocli
Howard Me liwaii
unpedruckte _
lis

(Gdttuigoii IHO")

n L
u u u
 4 Wiebke Feaefeldt Kantorowirz. The King'n Two TiodieM 65

nut der KechtBwahrung betrautei.

Rechtsverbandes. luntei der
deM3..1ahrhundert. von Edward 1. pesclnckt penutzt. dan Komfrt,um
wieder erstarken lassen. In dieem
Zusamn.enlmng .st w.chtip die
c.bachtimg de. lerfassers, dalJ Bracton
die Kompe ..quas, vice Dei'"
die 1 ichter
quas. vice Jbbu ChriHti' amtieren
den JuBtitia-Kult Fnednch.Il. ernmert.
lufit : em Bezug der an
corona Entstehung eines gewandelten Zeitgefiihies bedurfte, um etwa die friih-
mittelalterlichen ad-hoe-Besteueningen zu grundsatzlicher, jahrlicher
Besteuerung umzuwandeln (S. 284ff.). Voraussetzung dafiir war ein
B^ KontinuitJitHbegriff. der die Antithesen augustmisoher Abwertung und
averroistiBcher f'^berbewert.ung der irdiachen Dinge zu einer Syn-
und
these bewuBten zeitlichen Denkens zuaammenfiihrte und der erst

gehen heiten emeH schwachen Konigtumn

m England aher .JdZZ die Grundiage fiir eine zugleioh individuelle wie iiberindividuelle

tumti
bei starke, Steliung den Beamten-
^ cam ten
Betrachtung der Konigsabfolge schuf. In engem Zusammenhang
hervorgmg (iS. ir)!ff.).
mit diesem juristiBch verwendbaren Kontinuitatsbegriff steht natur-
Stand bislier meln die Dualit.it des
geht der lerfasser im fiinften
Konigsamtes im Vordergrund m cemilB die Herausbildung juristiacher Fiktionen, von denen hier vor
Kapitel (I'olitycentered Kmgshn.) an aliem die der ..universitas" wichtig ist. Der Verfasaer weist auf die Pa-
Frage nach dem zweitei, Gnindprnizip die
der King's two Bo4b, nach der rallelen zwischen dem BcholaBtischen Individuationsprinzip der ..haec-
Kor,.oration. Lr begmnt (S. l4ff.)
bei der Konzeption de. corpu. ceitaB" und der fiktiven korporierten ..universitas" (..Bononitas".
Ecclesiae mysticum- und deutet,
an. daU gegen Ende des V,. ..Bolognitat') bin. die die jeweilige Aktualisierung der universitas'"
hunderts auch den staatlichen Gebilden Z.r- ,,

des Mitteialter. dieser Begriff ausniache.

"" ^^^-Wiaugig von. Staat xst al,er zmiadist Konsequenzen, die diese Fixierung der
riSTr'"""";
die Dua htat. die un> 12(.(. im
,.cor,.u.' -Begriff der Kirche
auftritt und
Von den vielen juriBtiBchen
Begriffe hatte. interessierl bier vor allem eine FestBtellung des Verfassers
der zufoJ^e da. .xorpu. Christi verum'
(der Hostie) vom ,.cor,>us Cbri ti (S. SIO): "Gorjiorate bodies were a plurality of persons collected in
. . .

one body not at the present moment (only) but ... in succession .". . .

^i^^' daB diesbeziigliclie Mit diesei Abstraktion war der letzte Schritt derFiktion getan die Reduk-
zjchen
t^sch"' J'lTT "^'^T^P^'"'
kirchlichem und j.olitiscliem
Bez.eiunigen ;

Bereicb durcliau. betanden und tion der Pluralitiit im Raum zur blolien Pluralitat in der Zeit man konnte :

sich einen Korjer vorstellen. der nicht auK A-ielen simultanen. sondem
^'^'' ^"'^'^'"
K rohT ais
ivirche V de. r'
k,,ri,orativen
^"^"Pre^l^en seien. Die Auffassung der
junstischen Kbn.er8 Christi neben
auB vielen Bukzessiven Gliedern besteht. der im jeweiligen Augenblick
den von
Formal bedeutet dieser Schritt
.con,us verum , die die altere cimstologisclie dem nur eine ..corjioration sole" ist.

Dualitat zum TeiJ m sioh der organiscb-niorj)hologiBcben zur juristiaoh-fiktiven Konzeption des
^"^^^*^^^^^- ^"^'^ Meinung des Verfassers Korpers: 'a mystical person by perpetual devolution whose mortal and
n einen) s'f7
Zen. SukulansationsprozeU
""'T'
"^^^^
zum ahnlicb verBtandenen ..conm. rei temjtorar^- incumbent was of relatively minor imjiortancie as compared
publicae mysticum'- (S. 2..7ff.), n> dem freilicb
unci
noci, mehr Sondemrome to tlie immortal body cor})orate by succession which he represented' (S.
I.mdeutungen euie neue. eigene Form
fanden. Organologische 313).
StaatBlehre. ronusche. Recht.
Christolog.e. Anstot^hsmus, A^verroxsmu
Bei den zentralen Themen des Werkp
christologiacher Dualismus,

Sn dt
derl,rem..r
de,
Wr
^"^"^J;""''^"^'"
^^"^" "-' -'^- ^-nge
"1^'^"^^" Arbeit heran. um die ..Individuation''
kuciihehen Zwe.-KorpeT-Lehre zur
kirchliche Zwei-Koqier-Lehre und juristiBch-fiktive Reduktion der orga-
nologischen ( 'or})us-Lehre
ist mit Absicht lange verweilt worden, ohne

Bodie. zu erk aren. Zahlreicbe

Tudor-Maxime der ,.Kmg.- Two daB doch die Fiille der Beispiele auch nur aimahemd hatte genannt
Exkur^e iiber verwandte Begrfffe uld werden konnen Mit den folgenden rechthchen Konzeptionen kann
kiirzei veriahren werden.
Da ist zunachst das praktische Problem der Kontinuitat des Hauptes
allein statt der Kontinuitat des gaiizen Korj>ers. die
Frage dee 'The

CWrrt!!!^sfT-, f^^f ^r
^''" ^"' ^^- ^^P^^^^ (^^" ('ontmuitv and King never dies" (Kapitel Vll). Der Verfasser legt die einzelnen Elemente
diewei Vorstellung dar: die Kontinuitat der Dynastie. der
fiktive BegriflF
arbeitet dei ^erfasser diejenigen Ziige lieraus.
die zu der Grundkon- ..Krone", die Kontinuitiit eines der ..corona" uahe verwandten Abstrak-
^^':,^\-:^'^^--Le'"-e lunzutret^n und in sie
um^r eingelien n ulit" tuniK. der ..dignitas" Eine gut gewiihlte, auch von Mittelalter bereits
.

en zi
tehei
8tel
"
zu ;asnei.^^r^'!'''"
Keclitsfiktion der ..King's
Two Bodies" en^ gesehene Parallele zum Konig, der immer m einer Person Species und
Zu i inen
gebort zunachst die Herauarbeitung
neuer Individuum ist, bringt der Verfasser mit euier Untersuchung iiber den
lie "'^^'^'r^""'^"""^"^^
Begriffe wie ,.aevum
^*^'- ^'^'f--' unterHudit
und ..aetermtas- und weit daiuui

z B:
lun. daU es der
Wundervogel Pboenix. fiir den dies auch gilt (8. 395) und weist darauf
lun. daB z.B. in Frankreich der Thronfolger gelegenthch
,,le petit Pheuix"

^
74li liott. Gl. Aiu lub. Nr. l/l!

n L
u u u c
 6G Wiebke Fese/eMt
Fesefeldt / Kantorovncz, The King's Two Bodies 67
genannt wurde. An der Maxime dignita8 non nioritur" zeigt
wiede,- d,e er dan,, Liebe wie geistige Distanz, doch spiirt der Leser auch die Leidenschaft,
Ausgangs-Spannung von Wurde und
Wr
ieweilicrpnT ^ die mit dem BegrifFe ,,poUti8che Theologie" das Feuer zweier dyna-
tr.ge,. (S. 401ff.). Interessant
J (S. 410f.) d,e C^LZt^ ^7'Z mischer Denkformen in eine Einheit zwingt.. DaB eine solche Dynamik
mort - v,ve le roi!" und waiter die
biJder. die den Knit umfaBt,
des verse uedenenKonigs
haft duahstische Sitte steht,
der mit den AbbiJdnngen
getrieben wu,-de und an defen
nicht nur den prunkvoJlen
auf dem W
Geschichte der koniglichen Toten

Ende d" wahf

den scheinbar theoretischen BegriflFen seiner Darstellung innewohnt,
weiB der Verfasser: "Admittedly, the author was not unaware of later
aberrations; in fact, he became the more conscious of certain ideological
Konjg Bischof usw., sondern auch Amtssta^us a : gossamers the more he expanded and deepened his knowledge of the
des loten ,n emem
den menschlich armseC'
DoppelgrabmaJ abzubilden. Die h,er
kLI early development ." Doch schrankt er selbst ein: "It would go much
. .

spurbaren Langen de. Werks 8,nd fm eheTn too far, however, to assume that the author felt tempted to investigate
nut dem Reiz des StoC gere^htfeAtt the emergence of some of the idols of modern political religions merely
on account of the horrifying experience of our own time in which whole
., fell prey to the weirdest dogmas
nations . .
." (S. IX). Faszination
. .

durch das Material gibt er als Anreiz fiir das Werk an, und es ist ihm
gelungen, diese Faszination dem Leser mitzuteilen. Stand dem Verfassdr
fiir sein erstes groCes Werk die Personlichkeit Kaiser Friedrichs II. zu

Gebote, so sind es hier reine Formeln, Fiktionen, DifFerenzierungen, an

SeT r.^dirT''-""^^ ""' ^^"^'^ ''^ e,gentUchen "^tLld
; die er seine reiche Erfahrung und seine Fahigkeit zur Abstraktion wendet.
Worts von E. R. Curtius vom
Man ist versucht, in Abwandlung eines
,,warmen Licht intellektueller Begrifflichkeit" zu sprechen, in das
Kantorowicz seine Formeln stellt, darin dem von ihm so gut gekannten
Mittelalter sehr nahe kommend. Wer das friihe Werk iiber Friedrich II.
kennt, wird, wie immer er dazu steht, sicherhch dessen voile und ge-
schliffene Diktion im Ohr behalten haben. Er findet sie hier im Englischen
wieder, noch geliiutert und vergeistigt zur begriffhchen Prazision und
Sachlichkeit, die eine strenge Schulung an mittelalterlichen Quellen
verleiht. Der stiirkste Eindruck jedoch, der dem Leser bleibt, ist Be-
wunderung fur die geistige Bewaltigung der ungeheuren Matrialmengen,
fur die jederzeit klare und uberzeugende Argumentation und Gliederung
und fiir die Cberlegenheit, mit welcher der Verfasser der Beziehung jedes
einzelnen Beispiels zum Ausgangspunkt ge,'echt wird. Es ware sehr zu
wiinschen, daB das Werk bald in deutscher Cbersetzung einem grolieren
wissenschafthchen Leserkreis zugiingUch gemacht wiirde.
Gottingen Wiebke Fesefeldt

bei Konstantms Auffass ng'der

111 ^^ 7oCs t ^'"T"^

'" '"'"'"'^ en8tad von

WeA'to*'',;^" TT^"" Kantorowioz'

U U U Zl
 REINHARD WITTRAM
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ruropas . Er ist ein bebutsamer Historiker. In Borgfaltig!;ten PinBehtrichen setzt cr eeine
. .

Nuanren, so wie man es beute nur nocb ganz Belten trilTt.'* Die Taf, Zurich

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In den Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen,

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n L i U I

U U U I
 KANTOROWICZ E.H.: THE KING'S TWO BODIES 107

bus scaturit gaudium. Monumenta vero nonnuUa huius paudii

A. describit, et praeci-
pue: Canticum fratris soils, psalmum qui legitur ad
matutinum In festo' paschatls
quern S. Franciscus composult pro suo officio passlonls,
ac tandem cap 23 Reeu-'
lae pnmae, quod inscribltur Oratlo, laus, Kratiarum actio .

Tamen inoptimo hoc opuscolo, cui introductionem G. Hfico, O.F.M.,

praemisit et in quo res bene prolatae abundant, non
raro notatur stu-
dium quoddam susceptae thesis ultra debitum, uti videtur,
probandae,
et quidem ordine non usque evidenti. Ita,
v.g., poterat A. abstinere a
sumendis suis argumentis ex singulis fere locis considerationum de
stigmatibus (57-61), quas in editionibus Floreti italici
ordinario legimus.
- S. Franciscus sacra stigmata accepit
non die (76), sed circa diem exal-
tationis S. Crucis. - Minime vero licet scribere
Speculum perfectionis
esse un ecrit franciscain des premieres annees
(95), cum constet
inter omnes illud perfectum fuisse vel exeunte
saec. XIII vel ineunte
XIV (cf. G. Abate, O.F.M.Conv., La nascita del Cantico di frate Sole >
nel palazzo vescovile di Assist, in MiscFranc.
56[1956]345s).
P. Marianus ab Alatri

KANTOROWICZ Ernst H., The King's Two Bodies.

A Study in Medi-
aeval Political Theology. Princeton, New Jersey,
Princeton University
Press, 1957. 24,5 cm., XVI-568 pp., 32 tab.

Hoc splendido volumine optimi nominis A. historiam tarn theologiae

politicae quam iuris canonici, artis, immo et dogmatum
egregie ditavit.
Pervestigationum abundantia
sane laborum plurium annorum fruc-
tus impedit quominus earum argumentum singillatim ac complete
describamus. Satis sit quod operis propositum et lineamenta
paucis
perstringamus.
Postquam A. in prooemio ortum praesentis libri (p.VII-XIII), et
in introductione inquisitiones auctorum anteriorum innuit (3-6), primo
capite ipsum problema examini subiciendum in claram
profert lucem
(7-23). Etenim in relationibus E. Plowden
(f 1584/5), tempore reginae
Elisabeth exaratis, primum theoria de regis duplici corpore concinnis
distinctisque verbis apparet. Sic fere ille ait: Rex siquidem
duplici
corpore instructus est, naturali necnon politico. Primum in se considera-
tum utique mortis infirmitatumque obnoxium est; secundum vero, quod
nee adspici nee contrectari valet et moderationi populi ac administratio-
ni salutis publicae destinatur, morbis ceterisque naturalibus
defectibus
caret (7). - Quae mira verborum complexio seu veritatis fictio
tunc mi-
nime penitus nova erat, quinimmo a sententiis iuridico-politicis media
aetate excultis repetitur. Quarum originem occultam ac e diversissimis
fontibus promanantem A. acerrima virium contentione detegere
et dis-
serere satagit.
Altero capite idea regis duplici ortu progeniti tragoedia Richard II
a W. Shakespeare (f 1616) composita illustratur (24-41). - Tertia adum-
bratione A. in remotiora redit tempora (42-86). Haec pars verbis
quae
sequuntur inscribitur: Christ-centered Kingship. Etenim in tractatu
Normannico, Eboracensi (York) dicto et a clerico ignoto ad annum 1100
conscripto, adseritur regem, etsi secus humanae naturae sit,
munere
et gratia unctionis christum Domini seu christomimeten fieri
ac per-
inde vicem Dei et Christi tenere. A. baud immerito statuit dogma
de
duplici natura Christi in unica Persona coniuncta influxum
in prae-
fatam cogitationem exercuisse. Idem pro pictura minore evangeliarii
Aquisgranensis (Aachen), anno circiter 973 confecta, ac Imperatorem

COLLi^CTAIncA hiA.^CiiCA.^A
29 (1959)

n L n c
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 108 RECENSIONES

Othonem II a Christo ad caelum usque erectum repraesentante, valet.

In quibus ac similibus documentis vis cultus liturgici in mentem homi-
num ilia aetate viventium persentitur.
In alio capite, Law-centered Kingship praenotato, A. transitum len-
tum ab expressione liturgica in spiritum, qui praecipuo in iure legi-
busque versabatur, enarrat (87-192). Hac periodo durante, quam A.
praevalenter theocentricam vocat, Joannes Saresberiensis (Salisbury)
(t 1180) regem simul legis nexibus absolutum, legis tamen servum
definit (95). Fridericus II dein in Libro augustali, an. 1231 proclamat
in una eademque persona Caesaris duplex concurrere elementum, ita
quidem, ut simul iustitiae patrem et filium, dominum et ministrum >
efformet (98s). In confundendis momentis religiosis et politicis illo tem-
pore eo usque progressi sunt, ut adseverarent legis peritos iustitiae sa-
cratissimum ministerium exercere, immo et regem velut legem animatam
iustitiae Pontificem maximum exsistere...
Sequente adumbratione, quae Polity-centered Kingship nomine in-
signitur, momentum unionis socialis in civitatibus inculcatur (193-272).
Postquam A., inquisitionibus H. De Lubac, S.J., fultus, evolutionem
doctrinae de Corpora mystico Christi delineavit, monstrat quomodo varii
scriptores inde a ViNCENTio A Beauvais, O.P. (f 1264), de regno tam-
quam de corpore rei publicae mystico loquantur. Conceptus ecclesio-
logiae ergo per modum analogiae civitatibus attribuuntur. Imagine ve-
nerabili, iunctionis videlicet Ecclesiae sponsae ad Christum Sponsum,
abutuntur, ut habitudinem principis ad regnum velut matrimonium mo-
rale et politicum celebrant. Ob huiusmodi mutatam rei publicae visionem
et exinde ad ipsam effervescentem affactionam immodaratus ille propriae
nationis amor posteriore aetate excrevit.

Sextum caput ideas circa perennitatem et indolem socialem repni propaga-

tas explicat (273-313). Adagium Ecclesia numquam moritur sic mutatur: Po-
pulus, imperium, res puhlica semper est , ac: Universitas non moritur*. - At,
sicut sequens pars: The King never dies inscripta erudit (314-450), immortalitas
ob domus regiae continuationem et ope distinctionis inter coronam visibilem et
invisibilem, ipsi dipnitati ac personae regis, scil. qua capiti corporis politici, adscri-
bitur.
Adumbratione oetava A. ad Dantis Alighieri theorias politicas advertit, quas
his verbis circumscribit: Man-centered Kingship (451-495). Quod ciusdem mens
prae primis in humanitate defixa quodque ipsi idea duplicis corporis familiaris
erat, A. e verbis Virgilii ad poetam direetis concludit: Te sopra te corono e mi-
trio . Quo ritu incoronationis homo mortalis Adae homine subtili Adae
superin-
duitur; poeta fit membrum corporis mystici, quod est ipsa humanitas.
In ultimo capite ad instar epilopi (496-506) demonstratur, quod cogitatio du-
plicis corporis qua talis christianismo debetur, etiamsi aetate, quam antiquam ap-
pellant, quaedam fere ubique vestipia eiusdem deteguntur. - In appendice 32 tabulis
nitidis plures imagines, quae voluminis argumentum opportune illustrant, exprimun-
tur. Postea elenchus amplus bibliographiae selectae offertur (517-530). Index simul
nominum et materiarum, magna diligentia elaboratus, adiungitur (531-567). Verum-
tamen, sicut ipse A. praevie monet, completus dici nequit. Dum v.g. scriptorum
antiquorum, quos ad instar fontium adhibuit, fere omnes locos adducit, commenta-
tores recentiores praetermittit.
Quod respectum franciscanum attinet, permulta non praebentur. Nomina
necnon opiniones sequentium ex O.Min. occurrunt: Gilberti di; Tournai. Ciilelmi
DE OCKHAM. J.D. SCOTI, Alvari Pelagh, necnon factionis Spiritualium. Pro primo
memorari potui Francisco Eli'as de Tejada, Las doctrinas politicas en la baja Edad
Media inglesa, Madrid 1946 (cf. liibliog.Frnnc. VIII, n.624''). Ibidem insuper quae-
dam innuuntur de Joanne Guallensi (de Wales, De Galles, de Waleys), O.Min.
(t 1285). Ipse scripsit siquidcm Communiloquium.
Summa Collationum ad omne genus
hominum, ed. v.g. Parisiis 1516. Cuius argumentum delibatur a A.G. Little. Stu-
dies in English Franciscan History, London 1917, 176-181.

n L L 1
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 LYNCH K.F. : THE SACRAMENT OF CONFIRMATION 109

Opus et mole et momento pariter Rrave propter argumenti abundantiam, iudi-

ciorum aequitatom, eruditionis amplitudincm vix indiget, ut viris peritis adhuc com-
mendetur. Verba fortiora non sunt, si adfirmamus, A. hoe studio aditum ad cam-
pum vastissimum aperuisse; ideoque investigatores futuri bene facient, si eius vias
sequentur. - Tali volumine coram actus, si quis minutorum censoris partem as.su-
meret, risum moveret. Istud tamen, quod quaestionom principalem spectat, adnota-
re liccat: Si A. et cum ipso H.A. Rommen in dicti libri recensione (Theol.Stud.
19[1958] 435-437) merito exigunt, ut ambitus religiosus a conceptibus politicis et
campus politicus ab ideis religiosis purgentur, distinctio adhibenda est. Limites
utriusque regionis utique ne misccantur, attamen diiudicatio theologica societatis
civilis actionisque politicae excludi non potest. Immo bene accidit, ut theologi recen-
tiores ad praefatum latus maiori semper cura attendant; speciminis causa videan-
tur: G. Thils, Tkeologie dcs realites terrestrex I-II, Bruges 1946, 1949 et V. ScHURR,
Theoloyie der Umivelt, in Thcoloyie in Geschichte u. Geyenwart, Miinchen 1957,
145-180 (of. CollSranc. 28[1958] 336s). P. Octavianus a Rieden

Lynch Kilian F., O.F.M., The Sacrament of Confirmation in the

Early-middle Scholastic Period. Volume I: Texts. (Franciscan Institute
Publications. Theology Series, 5). St. Bonaventure, N.Y., The Franciscan
Institute Louvain, Belgium, E. Nauwelaerts
- - Paderborn, Germany,
F. Schoningh. 1957. 23 cm., LXXV-256 pp.

Cum A. proxime editurus sit librum, quo sacramentum confirma-

tionis iuxta priores summae Scholasticae doctores mode historico-doc-
trinali illustrabit, optime fecit ut ei praemitteret alterum, quo docu-
menta quamplurima inedita ad componendam illius aetatis doctrinam ne-
cessaria continerentur. Opus ergo quod in praesentis annuntiamus, non
est nisi magna textuum collectio ad sacramentum confirmationis respi-
cientium, qui ita sunt dispositi ut primum exscribantur loci, quibus de
Sacramento confirmationis expresse agitur (p.1-174), deinde quibus per
transennam eius doctrina tangitur (175-198), postremum vero textus
nonnulli coniunguntur de charactere sacramental! in confirmatione dato
(199-221). Addenda quaedam haud parvi momenti in tribus appendicibus
ponuntur (223-251). His autem omnibus peritus A. praelocutus est ser-
monem, quo singulos textus commentatur quoad authentiam, traditionem
manuscriptam, tempus compositionis, ab invicem dependentiam aliasque
criticas rationes (XI-LXXV).

Non omnes textus ab A. editos eiusdem valoris atque momenti esse patet.
Optatissimae certe veniunt Guilelmi de Melitona, O.Min., Qunestiovrs de covfinna-
tione (101-135; nota etiam animadversiones historicas de vita Guilelmi p.XLIII-I>),
cxcerpta e Summa de sacramrntiK Alberti Magni (223-229), ex autographa BoNA-
VENTURae compilatione xuper IV Sent. (cod. Assisi, Bibl.Com. 186; 149-157. 249-251).
Gualteri Brugensis, O.Min. Comm. in IV Sent. (162-174), Philippo Cancellario
adscripta Quaestione de charactere (cod. Douai, Bihl.Munic. J,SJ,fII; 207-210), Altis-
SIODORENSIS Summa aurea (6-13). Distinctiones e Glossa HalensIS desumptae quo-
dammodo abundant, cum textum iam iam prae manibus habeamus (cf.
criticum
Coll.Franc. 27[1957] 430s). Nihilominus exscriptum locum redactionis cod.Pnris.
Nat.lat. 16i06 (3-6) non negligant lectores, saltern ex eo quod HUGO DE Saint-Cher.
O.P., banc ipsam redactionem Glossae generatim adhibere videtur. Observandum est
Quaestionem de charactere. quam A. nomine Alexandri Halensis inscriptam edidit
(201-207), tarn diversa doctrina ab aliis scriptis Halensis discrepare, ut minime
authentica haberi possit. Forsitan attribuenda est Stephano de Poliniaco (cf.
J. CiALOT, S.J., I.a nature du cnractere sacramentet, Gembloux 1957, 121-128). Collectio
insupcr continet textus HUGONis DE Saint-Cher (13-20), Guerrici de Saint-Quen-
TiN, O.P. (21-26), Heriberti de Auxerre (52-63), Richardi Fishacre, O.P. (63-73),
Rolandi de Cremona, O.P. (80-96), Joannis Pagus (96s), Joannis de Moussy (98-100)
et plurimos anonymos, qui momentum habent ad continuationem doctrinalem et
auctorum dependentiam illustrandam, inter quos praesertim notatur cod.Paris.Nat.
Uit. 1061,0. Fons enim esse videtur non .solum Summae Fratris Alexandri (Guilelmi
DE Melitona) et Comm. in Sent. Odonis Rigaud, O.Min., sed etiam Comm. in IV

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 SPEgiLUM 33 (
550 evzews
Revie

the plan to build the Sandjak railway. The

Au.Uo-IIungarian statesmen retained
that plan as well as that of further territorial
expansion in the Balkans
The articles in this issue of the Isloriski Sasopis deal
primarily with specific
questions m
national historiography. They cover a wide
range of subjects and no
reviewer can adequately assess the quality of each
of them. The reader however
will be impressed with the superior
scholarship that most of the articles reflect*
Yugoslav historical research seems vigorous and
does not appear stifled by doc-
tnnalism and dogmatism to the extent that
hi^toriographic work is handicapped
\i I
in the boviet Union and the countries - -
of its orbit. .-.:. ->- ., ,-~

Wayne S. Vucinich
SUnford University

rvi. S- 568; 84 plates. $10. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press,
1957
Kantorowicz has written agreat book. Its greatness/apparent
on'well-nich
every Paf, results from the author's erudition
and his artistry. Starting from
Maitland s little classic. "The Crown as a
Corporation." he e.xplains
Elizabethan concept of the King's Two Bodies,
the hL
the politic and the natural, came
mto being. Like Maitland
Donu.,day Booh ond Beyond, Xantorowicz
in
ha..
..voikrd back iroiu th.. known to tJi..
unknowi.. and he has found paraliels. rr-
semblances, and connections between the
varying concepts of English kingship
and Roman, ecclesiastical, and even Arabian
theories of governance. What lay.
beyond this curious legal fiction wa.s the Polit-.^!
Theology that c-ntroUrd .nr'
reflected so many
forms of mediaeval thought
"Political mysticism," including "the mystic "
fiction of the King's Two Bodies
Kantorowicz presents in "its native surrounding,., it,c
time and space." Tl- time
IS deep, from Greeks and Romans
to Tudors and Stuarts; and the
space is broad
rom perverse, not perfidious, Albion acros. Europe
if
to Hungary and Bvzan-
tium. The conclusion is that over a thousand years
of thinking by classical and
'

mediaeval jurists, theologues, poets, and

philo.sophers, and the theorie.s they
produced, made po.ssible the doctrine of Elizabethan
judges and
toro s o^vn erudition extends from Shakespeare through Dantepleaders Kan-
to Lactantius
and Ovid; from Plowden and Coke, through Bracton
(.50 pages) and the Norman
Anonymous of circa 1100. to Justinian and Augustus.
But he does not flaunt his
learning, and much of it. perhaps too
much, is modestly concealed in the foot-
notes a veritable compendium of mediaeval
secular and ecclesiastical thought
As Maitland had warned, the history of "twin-born
majesty" took Kantorowicz
deep mto the legal and political thoughts of
the Middle Ages;" but he has also
used his cosmopolitan knowledge of art. philosophy,
religion, numismatics, and
even finance to amplify the "complex hi.story"
of this legal fiction
The completeness of this book is matched byand its structure re-
its artistry,
sembles a Gobelin tapestry. Woven with strands of pagan and Christian theolo-y
of theories of king.ship based on Roman,
Canon, Continental, and English law" it
also contains threads of Greek, Muslim,
and Judaic religio-political ideas. Though
the texture is rich with quotations, the pattern is highly dramatic. The story in

U U U U
 Reviews nm
ciRhl chapters
concept of the Kind's
and an EniioL'ue has nint ~ "tu ..
problem" , i i
of ho^y and why the
,

Two tL>
plots.
Counterplot too ti?
'''"'/"' "'"'' minds and several sub- -
like Guido Ver " "^" "' ^^^"^^^ ^-^-^-^^-t theories.
W^^^^^^ "''Tn'
.ive pace to t^ ^'^ "^'^ ^^^^'"^^" ^^^
r t WHttn b U I """T"'* ^-"^
Latinityofstvle the orosek 1 1 .
^'^"'^ '"^""'''
"'"^'^*"^- "^^-^^'- -^
^^'^'^ ^" appropriate

^ 7^^'"^'"'
"^
suinznation Ike or dar tv n c
'' "'^ ^^*^^-"t re- '""''''
course to analogues
nirtTwthst?'" ""''''^^'^^^'^
often lacking inTstoHe
""! ',^^
of'deas
.'^^^-
"1'
> T'^'^^I

Controversies
7 ^ vividness so
over doctrinal differences
^^^^^
liven the ^fnt, en-
'""' ''' '"^' ^^"^ ^"^^ -^^-^^'
. ll^inlet\rred'iro d7r'r;efi^ T^

re^l- ^--^^--ation of ideas. Kantorowicz

:rtu?^HtlTs'"ft'r"'
idea upon anoSer ^.stead h
'"'
'^ ^^^"'^ ''" "'"-"-" "^ -
^ '"^T
^^^ -.-" ^'-'^orate design, one rich in .

(iconographicluustra on ; ! color
quotations) and composed
lansntutTt oLof Ih' Hnd c^ of resemblances.

cenera,izationri::::r;i:"ier
::;r, r::d f^-t'^'^- -^ ^'-o--
ideas, the intellectual ^HnJl I V
^'"^ '"^ "^o^^ic of '^

11.al l^^litica TheoTo.;^r^^^^

"'"' ""^ ^'^"^^^ ^"^ ^-^^
.T'"'''^
^'j^teenth-century jurists drew.
again when a cauL and X. ^^ Time and
Kantorowfc Vrnt^Ttt:^^^^^^^^^^ ^'"7 T"^'^
'^ ^^^'"^'^ ^^P^-^'

semblance. One ^^e^TX'T"^ '"

u'""
''"''^'"^ ^^'"^ ^^^^^

""'' '"^'"^ ''"^^^"^^

^ '"-
validity of ht JS^e- "tI T ^- "^ '" *^^

''^^^ ^^"^^^^^ ^
tLiosj -o7"f ^^^iaeval Political

^ l;-
'.

rafher tian bv
<^--e,uence formula. Kan-
toro.ie?Las prTvlJel al^
essttr:rtrbrk fs ^flzf,:^'rru ''!;' '- '^^^'^^ ^^^-'^ '"^--^ ^-
ship according to
Twt |.;L?o
rL.r "'"^ ^"'^ ^'^""^^ "^"-^ ^''^ t^^^ories of
-d
their iconographical
king-
expol
tion.
forth
ticians.
bv classica Tnd n
;::^^^^^^^

Tt sort of CWo^^^^^^^^^^
.

'"'t'
'
^""^ ^^"''
"' ''"^ *^P"^^^'^
Philosophers, doctrines set

^^ P^^^^ising poli-
tinuity. ^"^ ^^^"'^'' ^''^^ '*- '^^ oYcon-
illumtaTes th.Tr^^
^^'^^"^ ^'^''^'^-^ ^ '^-'
-y- '"^
terious word Z)i^ Kalt ^'T'

Here he shows ^wTh;Wn;^""%^'^''' 'T'"'^^ ' ^^P^^'^'^ ^^^ -

birth) enriched th7s "" "^"^^ (simultaneous
conLnt and\
death and re-
reference to tie tomb. nfT' ^ .'
f"^'
'^ ' ^ ^'-^l concreteness by

peror, created to guide Man to the "terrestrial paradise."

provided a

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 552 Reviews

philosophical explanation" for certain

features of the secularize.! kingship
tven a complete history of thought may still leave
topics for further study, and
one of these Kantorowicz points out in
his Epilogue. This is whether "the
con-
cept of the Kings Two Bodies [is] of
pagan or Christian origin." His own per-
suasive answer, roodeslly described as
"my brief n 'r^ " v-hich may "b^ i, stinv-
lant to others to pursue the problem
more successfully," is that one detail, "the
concept of the King having two Bodies," is
not found in pagan writings but "is
an offshoot of Christian theological thought."
Perhaps another profitable investi-
gation might be made of the English
term, Reahn or Kingdom. True, Kantoro-
wicz treats of England's Carpus Reijmblicae
Myslicum and its. relation to the
King but he uses the refined values of the
philosophers and the picturesque fig-
ures found in paHiamentary sermons
and speeches. Wliat remains to be told is
how the legal-rainded or hardheaded pragmatic
politicians and Caesarean prel-
ates defined the "Reahn" and what
nationalistic connotations they were adding
to the vvord. The marriage metaphor -
the Prince wedded to his mystic cora-
monweaUh - was "all but non-exister.'," in En-]. ..! f,, 923).
Peri-,ap. Wv, v/a'-
bccausc the Kingdom, a thing separate from
the Kingship, had too earthy p
nature. To declare, as a judge did in
1365, that "pariiament represents the body
of the whole reahn," begs the question
of just what men believed the Realm it-
self to be, for an agent not identical with a principal. An analysis of the
is
moan-
mg of the 'estates of the realm," especially mit
0/ pariiament, will establish, I am
conMcnl, the distinctions that Lancastrians, Yorkl.ts, and
Tudors drew between
pariiament, the estates of the reahn, and the
Reahn itself.
The "composite body" of pariiamentary estates and King, Kantorowicr
agrees, was sometimes comprehended in the Crown. However, by the
time of
Calvin's Case in 1608, at least one jurist argued that the Crown had also ab-
sorbed the Realm, too. and even the law. In
a.ldition, Kantorowicz's scintillating
story of the Dignity explains that it. too,
was fused and confused with the Crown
and "was at the bottom of the legal fiction of the
'King as Corporation.' " Just
as the rhoenix-hkc Dignity exists in both
future and past, so, too, does the
Crown hve in the twentieth and in the sixteenth centuries;
but unlike the Phoe-
nix, the Crown never died and so needed
no rebirth. Timeless but ever-changing
It continues on to absorb the
attributes of kingship and finally sovereigntv
itself'
VVhen this concept's constitutional role after 1608
has been studied 'its all-
absorbing nature become more apparent, even in Tudor times
will, I believe,
Remarks about the Crown in Tudor and Stuart statutes and in
polemics like
Bishop Ponet's diatribe in 1556 against Queen
Mary, point towards this con-
clusion The vicissitudes of the Tudor
dynasty, notably those resulting from
Henry VIH s heterogeneous progeny, and the crass
facts of even Elizabethan
political life required the transmutation of the
Crown into a concept with a
plenitude of potential authority. Had Kantorowicz
given fuller consideration to
political events, although they are by
no means excluded, he might have found
a more mimediate connection between the
practice of government and the theorv
of the King's Two Bodies. The chance
succession "into" the English Crown o'f
two Kings with Female Bodies Natural. Mary and
Elizabeth, was. perhaps, one

i n
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of the reasons why and prelates resorted to that vast fund of

jurists, politicians,
mediaeval Political Theology that Kantorowicz has so admirably recounted. He
has assembled, refined, and interpreted that same knowledge for present-day
mediaevalists, and few will care to write on any aspect of tlie Middle Ages with-
out having first read this major classic.
William Huse Dunham, Jr
Yale University

Charles Livingston, Sl.-ein-Whulmg ReeLi: Studies in Word History and Etynwlogy. (University
II.

of Micliifjan, Language and Literature, xxix.) Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press,
1957. Paper. Pp. viii, HQ; 9 plates, 8 figures. $0.

This study is an excellent example of Worier und Sacheti methodology where

1 the names for a concrete object, in a given area, are compiled and are confronted
with all that is known of tli object itself. In this instance Profe.s.sor Livingston
isconcerned with the skein-winding reel, its names, and terminology derived
therefrom in France, England, and America. After a spinner wound the thread
tight on the bobbin or spindle it was advisable to draw it off into skeins or loops
which could be dyed or treated in other ways. The simjjlest method for doing this
was to reel the thread lengthwise on short crosspieces fastened at the two ends of
a stick, but uiventive genius soon devised "a pair of blades or yarn windles"
I which could be turned with a handle and which operated more efficiently. This
new mechanical tool aroused such curiosity that people compared it with other
hand-turned machines including engines of torture, and the names for these
manual devices sprt id figuratively into many other semantic areas.
In 1873 Adolf Mussafia was the first to indicate how fruitful this terminology
has been in Italy. In a privately printed study (1905) Schuchardt extended the
investigation much further, and Gunnar Tilander and Antoine Thomas have
showTi how important this matter is for northern France.
In his second chapter (pp. 7 H) Professor Livingston reproduces plates and
sketches of the known types of skein winders. He continues (pp. 15 32) with a
demonstration that the words travail and trabalh are derived from Hrapacidum
and travouU and trabovlh (o) from Hrapuculum. The starred forms are descended
from V. Latin *trape from Latin trabs 'beam' or 'timber framework.' An interest-
ing semantic variant of travail 'skein-winder' is travail 'machine de marechal'
(p. 30), defined in Cotgrave as "the frame whereinto Farriers put unrulie horses
when they shooe, or dresse them." The reviewer washes to add an example' of this
last from tlie epic Elle de Saint-Gilles. The Saracen Jubien has a horse of which he
is mHnensely proud. He keeps it confined for safety in just such a machine, which

has huge stakes, three chains, four leg bands (padded on the inside), a trelle, and
gratings. The whole is reenforced with steel bars. In pp. 33-51 Professor Living-
ston discusses other varian Ls traovl from *traduculu, and traail from *traliaculum.
:

Surely traail, or trayle, is the trelle in the passage found in Elie de Saint-GiUes. It
is a sort of winch. Ajiglo-Norman trahun (p. 52) and Walloon stolon
(p. 53) are
additional forms used for the skein-winder.
In the .second part of this study (pp. 57-106) the author treats at length the
semantic developments associated with 'winch' and wnth machines of torture.

/ I L
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 Reviews 179
chancelleries roumaines; 3 c'est un temps caract^ristique
de la prose narrative rou-
maine. Rappelons une id6e f6conde de M. P. ^bischer qui,
^tudiant les chartes latinea
du moyen age italien, en retire des faits inorphologiques
con8id6r(5s comme le reflet de
la langue vulgaire". Transposons. Le d6veloppement
de I'imparfait slave k une dpoque
ou son recul est g6n6ral, sauf dans le pays dont la langue le
cultive, serait-il
un pur
hasard ? En d'autres mots, dans quelle mesure avons-nous
affaire a un noyau de pens6e
roumaine sous veste slave ? Et voil^ ouverte une nouvelle
perspective de recherche

r<5tude patiente de la langue des chancelleries slaves

des pays roumains en tant qu'6ma-
nation d'une r6alit6 linguistique populaire.
G. Mihftiht, Adjective de origine slavi in limba ronim& [Adjectifs
d'origine slave dans
la langue roumaine], p. 61-76. A retenir, pour une
dventuelle recherche sur le plan indo-
europ6en, la suggestion (p. 68, n. 50) au sujet de vessel 'joyeux'.
L'auteur renvoie au lett
vesels, h. I'lllyr, Veselia = Felicilas (Vasmer, op. cil., I,
191; H. Krahe, IF LVII 113 et
Sprache der Illyrier, I, 61) et n'exclut pas la possibilit6 d'une
6tymologie' autochtone"
qui evlt ravi B. P. Hasdeu. Le mot serait en bonne compagnie
dans la famille s6mantique
de bucurie.
\ M. Sala, Un fenomen fonetic
rom'inesc produs fiuh influenia graiurilor .nrbo-cwate
[Un
ph6nonl^ne phon6tique roumain produit sous I'influence' des
parlers serbo-croates]
p. 249-250. Ph6nomfene dialectal insignifiant & >
^ k Secaijeni, Timi^oara
:
(ALU [11]

Les trois volumes contiennent

en dehors d'un grand nombre d'articles litt^raires
et historiques que je passe sous silence
des chroniques, comptes rendus, notes qui
orientent bien sur V6ta.t des 6tudes slaves en Roumanie. Une
remarque finale s'impose
Afin que cette publication justifie pleinement son titre, il
faudrait que le nombre des
6tudes traitant de I'influence roumaine sur les peuples slaves soit plus
abondant, car
on ne se lassera pas de le r6p6ter
les courants culturels ne furent pas 4 sens
unique"
Les quelques 6tudes (plus exactement trois) qui ^clairent ce
c6t6 de la question font
figure de concessions, noy6es comme elles le sont dans la
masse des autres (48 articles
sans compter les recensions et les notes). Sinon, une conclusion
facheuse s'imposera
d'elle-meme. [E. Lozovan, Universite de Copenhague]

Kantorowicz, Ernst H. The King's Two A Study in Bodies. Medieval

Political Theology. Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1957 Pp xvi
568; 24 plates

This is in many
respects a remarkable book: particularly remarkable for
its
eminent author's vast learning and ability to collect and organize
around a
central theme material from theology, philosophy, law, literature, and iconog-
raphy (to mention only his major sources) from early Christian times
down to
the 17th century. Drawing upon many specialised studies
pertinent to his
subject, as well as upon original texts, Profe,s.sor Kantorowicz
has created a
fascinating synthesis that cannot fail to excite our admirationand throw new
light on a myth which is still valid in our own times. Though, with Dante,

^** p/uneis analogiques en -oba dans les chartes latinea d'ltalie, ALMA
TrTTT^',;Sol^*;H'J
Vlll (l!Mo), o-7o. ,

's
Le mot ne figure pas dans la liste de termes autochtones dress^e par M. L I
Ltmba traco-dacilor (Bucure^ti, 1959), p. 130. Russu
' Cf .
la th^se de M. E. Turdeanu : I.es Roumains ont favoris^ le ddveloppement des
lettres s aves dans leurs propres pnncipautds m^me h
I'^poque oi"! eux-memes ne s'en
servaient plus {Les Pnncipautcs roumaines et tes Slaves du Sud : rapports Utteraires el
rehgieui (Munchen Sudost Institut, 1959), p. 13).
:

Reprinted from Romance Philolooy, Vol. XV, No. 2. November 1961

University of California Press Berkeley 4
PrinUd in U.S.A.

n L
u u I c
 180 Romance Philology, Vol. XV, Xo. 2, Xovomber 19G1

the author might well have cautioned his readers in "piccioletta barca"
(likeyour reviewer) to beware of attempting the "pelago" he sails, he could
hardly claim that "L'acqua ch'io prendo gia mai non si corse". It is apparent
from his introductory discussion of Alaitland's contributions on the Tudor
period and from the abundant richness of his erudite footnotes that many
other scholars have sailed in some of these waters: but none, we are not if

mistaken, have gone so far or with such extensive equipment. The journey,
however, is a difficult one and by no means in a .straight line, not simply in
the sense that it begins with Plowden in lOth-century England and ends with
Dante in 14th-century Italy, but because Kantorowicz constantly changes
/
course or seems to double back as he pursues over Europe in different ages,
through Church, State, and the Law, the mainsprings and evolution of the
idea of the King's Two Bodies. In this broad and yet detailed excursus it is
extremely difficult to recognise the sort of continuity that enables the reader
in the end to be sure exactly where he has been: so that he may have the
impression of having taken an extraordinarily instructive cruise, rather than
of having progressed on a determined and determinable course from point to
point.

Let us test this impression by a rapid survey of the book. The "problem" with regard
to English juridical thought is set out in Chap, i, i.e., the fiction, first clearly apparent
in Plowden's reports, of the distinction between, and unity of, the King's Body natural
and his Body politic, between his mortal being and his immortal office as Head of the
cori)oration which he and hi.s subjects together compose. We need not be concerned with
the legal niceties this fiction provoked (e.g., the extreme case of Charles I), but we can-
not overlook the penetrating study in Chap, ii of Shakespeare's Richard II as a "tragedy
which centred, not only on the concept of a Christ-like martyr king, but also on that
most unpleasant idea of a violent separation of the King's Two Bodies". With these
premises, Kantorowicz takes us back to trace the idea of "Christ-centred kingship",
starting from the so-called Norman Anonymous of c. 1100 a.d., in whose treatise De
consecralione pontificum et regum there appears the transfer to kings of theological con-
cepts applied to the dual nature of Christ, with a resultant liturgical philosophy of
kingship. Kantorowicz finds this concept of kingship characteristic of the "uncompro-
misingly christocentric period of Western civilisation" of c. 900-1100, exem])lified
iconographioally by representations of the Emperor "in majesty" or endowed with the
halo. "The King a yemina persona, human by nature and divine by grace, this was the
high-media;val eciuivalent of the later vision of the King's Two Bodies, and also its fore-

shadowing".
The next phase is the development of "Law-centred kingship", i.e., of a politico-
juridical concept. The shift is barely accounted for, and glimpsed rather than explained
in symptoms like John of Salisbury's doctrine of rex imago aequitatis and the rising idea
of the Pope as vicarius Christi. The change, however, is unmistakably apparent in Fred-
erick II's Liber auguslalis, with its significant formula of the Emperor as paler et filius
iusliliae,which derived from Roman law and, whilst not removing the divine nature of
the King, placed the emphasis on the "rational" a.s against the mysterious concept of
his person predominant in earlier times. Almost contemporary with Frederick's idea of
himself as /ex atwa/o, Bracton in England was dealing with a similar problem of whether
the King was above or under the Law; and Kantorowicz deals at length with these two

I 1

n L I D
u u I J
 Reviews 181
figures, discussing andillustrating their different resolutions of
the apparently contra-
dictory nature of the sovereign at once outside
and yet limited by the Law. This leads
to a consHlerat.on of a particular point of law:
the inalienability of Crown lands, and the
dual nature of the King in his private capacity and
as the perennialyZ.se, against which
nullum tempus curril. In other words, by this stage,
"the media3val dichotomy of sacer-
dohuni and regnum was superseded by the new dichotomy
of the King and the Law"
The further development to "Polity-centred Kingship" took
place under the influence
of the corporational view of the Church as
a corpus mysticum. In the 12th century this
term came to signify no longer the 'consecrated host',
but the 'organised body of Chris-
tian society', and led to a view of Christ's two bodies
somewhat different from that of
his dual nature, human and divine: namely,
a distinction between his individual body
and a collective body, the Church, of which he is the Head.
Together with the idea of the
Pope vicarius ChnMi, this led to the emergence of the concept
of the ecclesia.stic corpus
mysticum, whose Head is the Pope, - in other words, to a concept more political
than
sacramental or liturgical, and one more readily transferable
to the secular field Here it
began to appear clearly in mid-13th century, and with growing
momentum made its way
int^o law and social philosophy, with a multiplication of
distinctions between the indi-
vidual and those universi tales to which he belonged,
and into the particular field of the
aw concerning the King and the corpus reipublicae mysticum. The
similarity and over-
lapping at this time between ecclesiastic and secular ideas
is very striking, including
e.g., the marriage metaphor used to express
in both spheres the relation between the
Head and the corpus.With this transference, the essential continuity of kingship
and of
the state as a corporation parallelling that of the Pope
and the Church was firmly estab-
lished, bringing with it much new consideration
of the individual's obligations to the
corpus of which he is part.
Such continuity, however, probably could not have been
so readily envisaged or
codified without fundamental revision of the question
of the "eternity'of the world"
In the 13th century, under the influence of Aristotle and
Averrhoes, the old Augustinian
dualism of Time and Eternity, of opposition between
a brief finite world and God's
infinity, gave place to a new quasi-infinite
continuity of the world. In this new climate
of thought, the traditional sempiternity of the
Church and of Rome passed to peoples
and states; for, though individuals pass away, "populus non
moritur". There thus grew
up the fiction of the immortality of "personified collectives and
corporate bodies that
preserved their identity despite changes". This solved the
problem of the continuity of
the body politic, but not entirely that of its Head,
which had yet to be absolved of
"defects" peculiar to it.self interregna and consecration.
:

This problem was closely bound up with the views of the

decretalists and the dualists
on the relationship between God, Pope, and Emperor. If the
latter derived his authority
directly from God, he entered into his rights upon election
and not on consecration and
:

this was the opinion that prevailed officially in

imperial legislation from 1338. Dynastic
continuity, immune to interregna and independent of
consecration, rescued the^King's
body natural from mortal accident, while the growing fiction of the
Crown as imperish-
able established a continuity of his body politic
(that which united him with the corpus
rapubhcae mysticum). With the "Crown a.s fiction" went also
obligationsas well as
rights, in particular the oath of inalienability
of the fisc, parallel to that taken by
ecclesiastics in the 13th century (and non-alienation becomes
a well-worn argument in
late medieval literature regarding, e.g., the Donation
of Constantine). Furthermore the
King came to be regarded as the guardian of the Crown, conceived
of as sempiternal'ly a
minor and, consequently, unaffected by Time. Finally, the Crown was
reinforced by the
idea of an immortal Dignilas, adapted from canonistic doctrine
concerning ecclesiastical
offices; and from this descended ultimately
the well-known formulation of the theory
that the King never dies: "The king is dead! Long five the king!"
Kantorowicz goes on

u u u
182 RoMA Nc K Philology, Vol. XV, No. 2, November 1961

to trace a ceremonial representation of the King's Two Bodies in

the use of effigies

in funeral rites and processions in France and England, and

associates this with the twin
sepulchral ornaments (the robed figure and the naked, emaciated corpse) found espe-
cially in 15th-century England.
With a brief Conclusion that stresses the particularly English juridical development
close. The
of the idea of the King's Two Bodies, the main part of the book comes to a
last chapter on "Man-centred kingship: Dante" is rather in the
nature of an appendix,
though an important appendix, as we shall presently see.

For tho part .so your reviewer hopes that he has done not too
far considered,

much injustice to some 450 pages of Kantorovvicz's text by attempting to

outhne its theme. The strength of the book rests in the abundance of diverse
material and its wide range both in time and space. Its weakness appears to
lie nature of the subject and in the methods of inquiry it imposes.
in the
Kantorowicz is throughout at grips with a complexity of similar and over-
lapping concepts deriving from theology, philosophy, and canon and civil law,
and manifesting themselves in subtly differing forms at different times and
places in P'.urope. It is in consequence a subject very difficult to get onto the
ground and to describe historically: the hnks of a chain of ideas appear to be
there, but somehow the chain as a connected secjuence fails to materialise.
The book proceeds rather by juxtaposition and .suggestion than by demonstra-
tion and deduction: the parts are there, but the relationship between them is
imprecise and chronologically as well as geographically not a little confusing.
This accounts for the almost complete absence iti our summary of reference
to cause and effect, to a tangible pattern of growth. The result has the fascina-
tion of a kaleidoscope, but perhaps also its limitation of possibly shifting to a
different pattern with a metaphorical shaking. It is only fair, however, to say
that the author is aware of such difficulties in his theme; and it must be
emphatically stated that he has provided Maitland's iiuiuiry into the English
monarchy with a most impressive and, in general, convincing background in
mediaeval thought. Maitland, however, had also mentioned poi^sible sources of
"twin-born majesty" in Anticiuity. This problem is briefly affronted l)y
Kantorowicz in his Epilogue perhaps too briefly, unless one regards the
descent of the Tudor formula as the exclusive concern of the book (at least
half, at a rough guess, deals with the European idea in general) for Kantoro- ;

wicz refers to various precedents in pagan Anti(iuity for the gemination of

the ruler later developed in Christian thought. But it would be churlish to
expect fuller treatment of such antecedents in a book centred on the mediaeval
period.
The chapter on Dante is naturally concerned with De Monarchia, and fo-
cusses attention primarily on the concept of humana civilitas, a mystical
corporation of all men, whether pagan or Christian, headed by the Emperor
who derives his authority direct from God and
not through the intermediary
of the Pope. With Gilson, Kantorowicz insists on Dante's "separatism", his
bold severance of Man's two ends, moral and spiritual, represented by the

U U
 :

Reviews
183

^^'^
Z^lT u ^''".^^'^^^^^
T^^'^'^^T'
""^ ^^
the near-Averrhoistic
'^' ^g"^y f quite distinct
idea of the collective human
fn^rf ^^' may
intellect that be actuated only by the united effort
of all men living in
'"^" ^^^'
vZT". 7.""
'''''''' '' ^'' ^^^^"^-t
t -^how how Dante
^"^ iiPortance of a purely human and
n rnf't
organisation w
exLstmg, as
'
it were, outside
and alongside the Church, and with a
intellectual

separate justification and goal of its

own. Kantorowicz takes issue with Gilson
on one point of interpretation,
which appears to us to have been
slightly
stretched by both scholars to accord
with their particular theses. This con-

Tril^r-'lf "T
Aristotle -all members ""T"'
'
""'"'' *'^ ^^^"'"^"t that, as -according
of a genus are reducible to
to
one, and therefore all
'" '^' '''P^ '' "t reducible to other than the
?oneTh^^,
Fope, 'T',""^ the
then all men, including f
Emperor, are reducible to the Pope
quam ad mensuram et regulam". Dante's counter "tam-
to this is to distinguish the
offices of Pope and Emperor from their human incumbents, and to state
Prout sunt homines, habent reduci
ad optimum hominem qui e.st mensura
ahorum et ydea. ut dicam, quisqui. ille sit, omnium
ad existentem maxime unumTngener
genera suo.
ut haberi potest ex ultimis ad uo
Nicomacum.

I
From this pas.sage Gilson,
with the distinctions of authority
of Convirno in
mind and identifying the optimus homo with
the Aristotelian sage, con-
structed three orders of equal rank
and summarised them in this way:

Deus

Optimus homo Imperator Papa

Kantorowicz corrects this diagram, quite rightly, with one of his own:

y^ Deus ^^^
Imperator
Papa

Optimus homo

He also tends to draw the idea of the Aristotelian sage

towards the Emperor
and to identify Imperator optimus homo, concluding:

t^herriw'nh'l ""^T"
"^ '^"^"^y Pf '"'"'"^ ^''^ ''''^"^
he Greek ph losopher-sage,
" ''~'- he
but of the Roman Emperor-philo.sopher,
figure, not of
ju.st as it pos ulated
postulated
the figure of the Roman pontiff with regard
to C/im<iam7as.

However true this may be on the general basis of De Monarchia,

it cannot

U U
 J 8 J, Romance Ph i l o l o g v, Vol. XV. No. 2, Xovmber 1961
surely l.e supported from the argument in in.l2. The Pope is as much optimum
harm as the Emperor in that context, and the emphasis there lies, not on the
quality or identity {quisqui^ ilk sit) of the optimus honu,, but on a philosophi-
cally argued distinction; and, once argued, the
optimum homo plavs no further
part at all in Dante's demonstration.
The most
original point of this chapter appears to us
to he in the author's
mt^rpretation of Vergil's famous hne in Purg. xxvii.142:

per ch'io te sovra te corono e mitrio.

Kantorowicz instances the use of 'crowii' and "mitre' in

baptismal ceremonies
and sees Dant^-'s journey up to the Earthly Paradi.se as a proce.ss of identifi-
cation ^^ith the original image of Man, ^^\xh Adam subtili^, culminating in
the \ergilian "coronation". He concludes:

Dante achieved humamia, in a para-sacramental and para-ccle*ias-

his 'baplisin- into
tical fashion,vnxh C.Hto acting as sponsor, and v^-ith the prophet
Vergil as his Baptist
a Baptist, though, who this time unlocked to man
not the heavens, but the paradise of
Man

an int^-Uectual bapti.'^m, therefore, admitting him to the corpus mysticum

Ada^ quod humarnta^. This explanation satisfactorily rids the
est
important
episode of the Papal and Imperial overtones commonly
a.scribed to it and
deserves most serious consideration by Dante scholars.
Other aspects of this chapter also recommend it to all those
interested in
Dante; and they vrill readily forgive the author the erroneous
statement that
Boniface VIII is shown in the chasm of the Simonists,
and may overtook the
footnote (14, p. 45.5) as.serting that Dante accepted
Frederick IPs definition
of nobilityin Mon.m.Z.\b (what of "antica ricchezza"?).
[C. Gr.\y.so.\, Oxford]

GR.4YSOX, Cecil, ed. Vincenzo Calmeta, Prose e ktt^e

edite e inedite (con due
appendici di altri iwditi). Collezione di opere inedite o
rare pubblicata
per cura della C'ommissione per i testi di lingua, \'ol.
CXXI. Bologna:
Casa Carducci, 1959. Pp. Ixxiii, 144

Nel ristretto manipolo di italianisti inglesi Cecil Grayson occupa ormai un

posto distmto. Ai suoi lavori sui te.sti antichi e .su L. B.
Alberti aggiunge ora si
una traduzione della \-it.a del Savonarola di R. Ridolfi e infine
questo volume
che ci permette di ricostruire una figura di scrittore conosciuta
finora quasi
soltanto di .seconda mano, attraverso te,tiraonianze
di contemporanei. In
parte quest a raccolta di scritti e anche una testimonianza
della eccezionale
vitalita e spirito di cooperazione di Cario
Dionisotti, un vero "maestro"
pervenuto dalla scuola del Giornak Storico all'Universit^ di
Londra, e capace
di mettere a profitto la sua esperienza italiana fra
i tesori del British'.Maseum.

Ai suoi avvicinano quelli del Grayson, e a lui si deve in particolare,

intere.s.<i si

per il presente volume, la scoperta dell 'import ante lettera a

Isabella di Man-

lUprinted from Romajsce Philologt, Vol. XV. No 2.

.November 1861
I'mverBty of Cidifomia Prw* Berkeley 4

fnnted tn ISA

I I L
U U I
 6^^^ :l^;&^ t'-J^ ^c.,,'?^!

BOOK REVIEW 879

of pen. There are occasional correspondences berween the contents of

this book and that of the third Gospel. The devotion of the author to
a tradition is unquestioned, but his refleaion on Roman Catholic scholar-
ship IS a disservice. Frhderick W. Danker

THE LETTER TO THE ROMANS. By William Barclay, ed Phila-

delphia: The Westminster Press, 1958. xxxi and 244 pages Cloth
$2.50.
The readability as well as scholarship evidenced in William Barclay's
contributions to the Daily Study Bible Series have been dominant factors
in the success of this publishing venture. This translation and brief
exposition of Romans displays a ripe perception of some of its leading
theme.s as well as abilit}' to express in simple terms the profound trutfis
of the epistle. In certain areas, however, Barclay would appear somewhat
vulnerable.The equation of the oracles of God with the Ten Com-
mandments p. 48 is philologically questionable. A concordance study
( )

would not seem to bear out the statement that Paul is apologetic for the
use of the slave-metaphor in 6:19, because he did not like to compare
the Christian life with any kind of slavery. In the same context Barclay
appears to deduce too much out of 6:17 regarding the extent of prebap-
tismal instruaion He finds also in Paul's discussion on election a some-
what despotic piCTure of God. FREDERICK W. DANKER

ZUM STREET UM DIE UEBERWISDUNG DES GESETZES. By Rudolf

Hermann. Weimar: Hermann Boehiaus Nacfafolger, 1958. 52 pages.
Paper. DM 3.50.

The author endeavors to point up Luther's chief concern in the

Antinomian Controversy with his friend Agricola. In this he succeeds
quite well. He shows that Luther realizes the need of the Law in order
to establish the need of Christ. Christ Himself expounds the Law in
preparing the way for the Gospel. At the same time Luther emphasizes
the sharp distinction between the Law and the Gospel. The author does
not, however, fully agree with Luther's concept of Chri.st's relation to
the Law. A number of questions are in order. Does the author regard
the justification of the sinner as a forensic act? Does he identify the
believer's righteousness with the uni(, mysttca? Is the sinner's righteous-
ness to be combined with the righteousness of Christ in the final ludg-
ment? If this is not what the author would say, one might desire greater

c^ittity in his final evaluation L W. SPITZ

THE KING'S TWO BODIES: A Study tn Medieval Political Theology.

By Ernst H. Kantorowicz Princeton, N. J.; Princeton University
Press, 1957. xvi and 568 pages Qoth. $10.00.

The fiction of the Kings two bodies, "its transformations, implica-

tions, and radiations,' is the problem of Kantorowicz s studv. Medieval
political history, medieval ideas, medieval law, and medieval theology are

n L
u u I u
'AM) BOOK REVIEW

drawn on for their thorough elucidation of an arresting development.

"The King never dies," the jurists said, because he possesses a body politic
and a natural body. The notion of Crown is interwoven in the strands
of political thought, as is the concept rex instrumentum dignitatis. Dante,
who wrote a treatise De motiarchui, is subjected to an analysis as a political
philosopher. These indications of the scope of the work, amply docu-
mented, will also point up its significance. The 32 illustrations, medal-
lions, and seals are, to a large extent, splendid reproductions and help to

visualize the discussion. Kantorowicz's study amply demonstrates that

"7he Kind's Two Bodies is an of?shoot of Christian theological thought

and consequently stands as a landmark of Christian political theology"

(p. 506). Carl S.Meyer

GESCHICHTE DER ALTCHRISTUCHEN LITERATUR BIS EUSEBIUS.

By Adolf Harnack. Second revised edition by Kun Aland. Leipzig;
J. C. Hinrichs Verlag fuer Deutscher Buchexpon und -import
G. m. b. H., 1958. Two volumes in four. Cloth. Price not given.

Adolf Harnack needs no introduaion to present-day theologians.

Most people still remember him as the popularizer of Ritschlian theology,
especially in his famous lectures Das Wesen des Christentums. However,
it was primarily as a student of patristics and of the early church that

Harnack made a lasting contribution to knowledge. Aaive in founding

the Berlin Corpus (still in progress) and cofounder of the magnificent

series Texte und Vntersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristltchen

Lfteratur, he had a deep respea for source documents that left its impress
on all his work.

It is this makes the reprint of his Geschichte

that a valuable contribu-

tion to current literature and not just antiquarian dust raising. Volume I is

a collection of all the information that a reader or editor of an early

author needs to begin his work; coUeaions of ancient testimonia, listing
of quotations in subsequent authors, descriptions of existing manuscripts
and suggested stemmata, long lists of tnctptt's and explicit's, and much
valuable bibliographical material. \('hile certain facets of this work are

dated (one will turn to Bauer's and Vattarso's listings of the tnitia and
Dekkers CLavts patrum Latinorum fSacris Erudiri III, 1951] for the
manuscript traditions of extant Latin fathers )
, there is no subsequent
work that will replace it as a whole.

Volume anempts to put the literature into chronological order ("the

II

proposed third volume was never published Once again it is the respea ;

for sources that gives the work its value. All the building blocks are
there for anyone to construa his own chronology (the early bishops' lists,

ancient notices, etc. ) , even if the current day is of a markedly different

theological climate than early twentieth-century Germany. Harnack him-

self was able to change his own mind on the basis of a restudy of these
data, e. g., on the date of Luke-Aas.

I I L LI
U U
 Ernst H, Kantorowicz ll,,- king's tw Iwdips. A studii (/( Mrdidrvri/ poU-
tiral llirologi/. Priiiceldn, 1957. 8". 568 j).
Itans toutos lus monarchies de I'ere
moderne. les juristcs o.ii l'U- obJitjes
de distin-uer les actes acconiplis par le roi comme
personne privee et
ceux
emanant de son autoritr pul)liqu<'. Les juristes anpJais
du am^-x viie siecle
unt donne de cette distiii.^tiou dassique une
curieuse formulation Le roi
disaient-ils, a deux corps un corps naturel et un corps j.olitique Le
:

pre-
mier est ephemere, faillible el mortel. Le second
est stable, infaillible
eternel. C est 1' estal et la dignite royale
{roffal estate mt digni,,^) la
.. poiice el le gouvernement du royaume la
corj.oration constituee par
1 union du prince et de ses sujets...
.es diverses definitions
...
sont propo-

V De on deduil de <-urieuses consequences

la derniere,
:

-
Le roi, parafOiewnt Tunion des sujets dans le corps
politique et a
Jul seul en .son c^s politique une corporation,
'<
une rcalite collective
dont ll est le support momentane. mais dont Tame
transmigre apres sa
mort dans le con^ de son succcsseur. Le r-.j ne
meurt pas. dit-on il se
uemet {deimse] all profit de son successeur.
- Les deux corps du a ce point solidaires que certaines quali-
roi .sont
tes de 1 un .suppleent aux carances de I'autre. Ainsi
les juristes anglais

^ cn:^

n L J 1

U U L U
 (iiMl'TKS HKMM S 5'J.i

estiinenl valables les ucles de disixisitiiMi d'un roi mineur sur son domaiiie
prive, parce que le corps politique du roi ne connait pas la minorite.
Avec un luimour asse/. inanabre, le parlcmenl anglais de lii2 s"i"sl
paye le luxe de condauiner a niorl le corps naturel du roi, au noin ct
coinme representant de son corps politique !

Telle est la curieuse theoric des juristcs des rois Tudor. Dans son
Richard 111, Shakespeare en a donne uiaintes formulations poetiques.
M. Kanlorowicz a etc d'emblee frapjie jiar Tanaloirie de cette decomposi-
tion de la ]iersonnalite du roi avec la Iheologie des deux natures du
Christ, et il a cherche des precedents a cette audacieuse transposition.
Au xi|i- siecle, un anonynie normand distingue la personne naturelle du
roi de la personnalite du Christ que la grace de .son sacre lui permet d'in-
carner In una quippe erat naturaliicr individuus homo, in altera per gra-
:

tiam Christus, id est Deus homo ... In officio, figura et imago Christi et
i)ete.s/... Cette distinction de la personnalite divine et do la personnalite
humaine du roi est illustree par I'iconograpliie des empereurs du haut
moyen age. 11 est evident que cette speculation, pour curieuse qu'elle
soit, n'a rien a voir avec les theories des juristes anglais du xvn<? siecle.
Frederic II nous en rapproche-t-il en projiosant, dans les constitutions
de Melfi une nouvelle decomposition de la jiersonnalite royale ? Createur
du droit, le prince trouve dans le Droit la justification et la raison d'etre
de son pouvoir. Le prince est done a la fois pere et his de la justice . En
comrnentant ce texle, un juriste evoque I'analogie de < Dieu, pere el Ills
a la fois . Mais I'audience ohtenue par de seniblables reveries ne semble
pas avoir ete tres grande. En revanche, M. Kantnr iwicz a tout a fait rai-
son de remarquer que I'idee d'un Etat existant uniquement pour lui nienie
et n'ayant d'autres hns que sa propre conservation est etrangere au
moyen age. Hecemment Alan Gewirth faisait de Marsile de Padoue I'ini-
tiateur de cette idee moderne. Peut-etre lui faisait-il beaucoup d'honneur.
En lous cas pour tous les autres publici-tes du moyen age, juristes ou
Iheologiens. le prince trouve la justification de .son pouvoir dans le fait
(ju'il le met au service de la justice. Justinien et Aristote s'accordent
a
designer le prince comme la lex animata {gerit typum justitiae] et leurs
commentateurs brodent sur ce theme. C'est de cette notion, sans aucune
dichutomie de la personne du prince, que se degage peu a pen I'idee d'une
distinction de I'oflice du prince et de sa per.simne. de la couronne et du roi.
Les textes de Bracton que cite \I. Kantorowicz .sont particulierement sug-
gestifs: ea quae sunt justitiae et pad annexae ad nullum pertinent nisi
tantumad coronam el dignitatem regiam... Le meme Bracton oppose le droit
feudal du roi a son droit fiscal Est eliam res quasi sacra res fiscalis. quae
:

dari potest nee vendi... a rege regnante... et quae faciunt ipsam coronam
et conimunem respieiunl utilitntem. sicut est paj- el justitia...

M. Kantorowicz cherche ensuite si la Iheorie qu'il etudie ne se rattache

pas directement a la fiction du rorpus mysticum. 11 resume les donnees
des etudes du P. de Lubac, de Holbock et Tierney sur la formation pro-
gressive du concept cristallise par les canonisleset theologiensdu xiii*- siecle
sur les deux corps du Christ, corps naturel ou (;orps mystique quod est
ecrlesia. II montre ensuite avec finesse que cette idee a etc divt>rsenient
utilisee par les juristes: les uns, comme Lucas de Penna. poussant au.ssi
loin que po.ssible I'analogie entre le corps mystique du prince (la comniu-
nautf dont il est la tete) et I'eglise corps mystique du Christ, appliquant

U U (_
594 (.OMI'li:s iiKNDl S

menif au prince iinHaphore du iiiariage mystique entre I'^veque et son

la
6glisf. iiivoquant ciinn (xiiir I'appliquer au prince le canon celebre de
st Cyprien Scire debeti (C. Nil qu. 1 c. 7) ubi episcopus, ibi ccclesia.
:
;

d'aulres I'ulilisanl uniquenient ])our donner un sens a la notion de per-

sonnalit6 morale do Vuniversitas qui cozninence a se degager. II reste
encore beaucoup a dire sur la porlee exacte que juristes et theologiens
donncnt a ce corjjs politique, soil pour y chercher un coiitrepoids du
pouvoir royal, soit le plus souvciit pour donner un caractere inviolable a
raction royale qui est I'expression de la vie collective. M. Kantorowicz
a citt- Pierre d'Ailly et Gersun. 11 aurait Irouve dans Torquemada uno dis-
cussion approfondie de leurs theses et aurait pu saisir une nouvelle inter-
r6action des conceptions politiques et ecclesiologiques.
Etudiant ensuite la notion de la continuitu et de la permanence du
corps politique , M. Kantorow ic/. glose avec bonheur sur un texte de

Baldus niontrant ()ue certaiiies c(ir])orations peuvent naitre d'une suc-

cession de j)ers(innes, comme d'autres naissent de leur concours quia pro
pluribus habetur, qui in pluriurn jus nurcedit, vel plures representut... 11 y
a la une replique curieuse a la tlieorie de la personnalite fictivedu groupe.
Le ])euple est a traiter comme un individu , mais a I'inverse le prince
on le titulaire d'un odice jiermaiieiit est a considerer " comme une collec-
tivite II ]iarticipf de la perennile de celle-ci. Nous ne suivrons jxiurtant
)'.

pas M. Kantomuiiv. lorsqu'il soiipeonne la une subtile influence de la

th6se averroisle dt; relernite du innnde. 11 n'y a pas besoin d'aller cher-
cher si loin pour expliquer un concept aussi naturel.
Mais c'est en definitive a la distinction du roi et de la couronne, de
r^veque et de son siege , du prelat et de la dignitas qu'il attache le plus
d'importance. Hex instruniriiliun dignitatis, dignitas non nioritur..., sur
I'origine et le developpemenf de ces adages forges [)arallelemi'nt par
canonistes et juristes, M. Kant rowicz ecrit cent cinquante pages nourries
de textes qui ne sont peut-etre pas definitives (1) niais sont en tons cas
eminemment eclairantes et suggestives. 11 a bien analyse les elements
disjoints de la notion d'tine couronne distincte de la personne du roi :

fisc, inalienabilite, bien public, assimilation de la couronne a un mineur

dont le roi est le tuteur. etc... II a montre que la couronne est plutot icor-
porisee " que personnalist-e. Kile incoi'pfire tons les droits souverains et.
de ce superieure a tons les nicmbres du royaume y lomfiris le
fail, est
roi, bien qu'elle soil inseparable de lui.
Cette analyse, plus sociologique ou juridique que tlieologique nous rup-
proche beaucoup [ilus des theories des juristes anglais que les analogies
christologiques el trinitaires que leurs exposes semblaient a jjremiere vue
directement evoquer.
M. Kantorowicz le reconnait. mais il abandoiine avec regret Tidee d'une
transi)osition des n'flexions theologiques dans la philosophic politique el
le droit public. C'est probablement ce qui nous vaul un chapitre sur la
th(''ologie do rhonime selon Dante, qui nous parait ;i la fois discutable el
assez etranger au sujet.
La presence un peu insolite de ce chapitre nous permet de inieux saisir
le faible et le tort du livre tout entier,

Nous ferioiis iiotamment des re.serves sur les pp. :il7-;j;i'). I.es ttieoiies sur
(1)
la valeur du saere ue nous paraissent pas avoir do lien ilirect nvee la (|uestion
qui nous uceupe.

' J
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 I MMPTKS liKMil S 595

Le faible. (
son aspect disjoint. II regroupe des etudes anterioures
"est
(resuniees ou eompletees suivant le cas), toutes interessantes et sugges-
tives. Les unes mettent en valeur les divers aspects que prend au nioyen
age riutiraction qu'exercent I'une sur I'autre les reflexions theologiques
et les theories juridico-poliliques. D'autres suiv nt la naissancc d'une
conception collective et socialo du pouvoii'. I'^nlre ces deux preoccupa-
tions essentielles et non concordantes. le probieine qui donne au livre son
titre : origine de la theorie anglaise des deux corps du roi s'insere un
>

peu artiliciellernent. In epilogue, dans lequel on recherche si la forniule a

des precedents dans Tantiqiiite paienne, est moins un epilogue qu'une
annexe.
Mais, ces reserves faites, disons que le fori du livre est de jiresenter a
I'historien des idees une sotnine de reflexions suggesHves sur les progres
de la pensee politique. Les points de vue divers adoptes sui cessivenienl
par I'auteur mettent en relief des aspects inhabituels de maintes forniules
classiques. Le lecteur en sort enrichi autant qu'intrigue par les nombreux
chemins ouverts qui I'invitent a pen^trer plus avant dans le fourre. Ajou-
tons que la bibliographic est riche et precise, et que les .viurces reper-
toriees dans le doniaine toiiITu de la litterature canonique et juridique
.sent extremement abondanles. I,es theoriciens du droit publii ou les
historiens de la philosophic politi(jue disrulcront souveni avec I'auteur
en le lisant, mais ils aimeroni tons avoir son livre a portee de la main.

< ''eorges de I , * i; ar i) r .

' J / L -'
U U L J
 Kanlorowicz, The King's two bodies. Princeton, NJ.
\llniversity Press, 1957. In-8, xvi et 568 p., 21 pi. h.-t.

Voici un livre (ie lout premier plan. Apres son Kaiser Friedrich II
et ses Laiides regiae, I'auteur consacre a I'essence de la royaute medic-
vale un ouvrage de porfec gencrale, dont la nouveautc et la richesse
d'investigation eclatent des la table des matieres. Royaute centree sur
le Christ; royaute centree sur la Loi ; royaute centree sur la Cite ;
probleraes de continuite et de corporations le roi
; nc meurt jamais ;

lUi,'*^ C Hi,i^^ix cc ^ nC:c^ -fA*^ iU*f^^t^

yC^V fii>'^, in- i f e

n L J u
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\
RKVUE DES LIVRES Mb
royaute cenlrie sur I'Homme. Kssayons <lc ri-duiri- ces litres en une seuie
fornuile. Nous dirons : dii nouvcl Adam au premier Adam ; dc la theolo-
gie politique dii xi" siede a Dante, par la philosophie et le droit. Ce
magnifique siijet est deroule a travers iin tcxtc dense et image, passant
de la description on de la suggestion a I'analyse dialectique rigoureuse
des concepts, et (pii s'appuie sur un ajjparat critique d'une riciiesse
exceptionnelle. Cluuiue fois qu'il est possible, le lecteur dispose d'une
illustration concrctisant ce (pi'il vicnt d'apprendre. A la fin du volume
un index methodique de plus de trente pages est a lui seul un precieux
instrument dc travail.
Ktude de theologie politique medievalc , nous dit le sous-tilrc.
Hntendons rccherches sur I'utilisation d'idees religieuses par le pou-
:

voir seculier qui cherche a se definir ; secularisation de ces idees par

I'Etat qui dans sa reconstruction se modele sur rKglise et sc donne en
outre une solide armature juridique et piiilosopliique sous Tinfluence de
la double renaissance des xii' et xiii" siccles. Etude generale par
conse-
|uent et couvrant I'Occident medieval, dans laquelle cependant la i)lace
essentielle est occupee par I'Angleterre oil, precisement, le concept des
deux corps du roi fut degage le plus tot et pousse le plus loin. Mais la
France n'est pas loin et on la decouvre souvent avec une evolution sem-
blable qui aboutit cependant a des resultats difTcrents. L'Empire de
Frederic II est present lui aussi, a la charniere de cette elude. Quelques
notations sur la Hongrie et sur Byzance. A I'arriere-plan, revolution de
I'Eglise et de la Papaute. Ces collectivites et ces Elats ne sont cependant
pas traites comme des abstractions pures une part importante est faite
;

aux hommes dont la pensee a animc ces sociefes, theologiens, pliiloso-

phes, juristes, poetes, souverains : entre tous, Bracton ct Balde, Thomas
d'Aquin et I'Ecole, Henri II et le dernier des empereurs Staufen, Dante
et Shakespeare. II y a la, en un mol, une exploration systematique
du
monde de la pensee medievale a son apogee, oil tout, certes, n'est pas
absolumcnt nouveau, mais qui jamais encore sur le plan politique n'avait
donne lieu a une synthese aussi brillante, a une construction aussi
grandiose.
Les deux corps du roi :c'est en Angleterre sous les Tudors que ce
concept a ete defini avec le plus de precision par la distinction que
Ton etablil entre le corps naturel du roi (ju'll possede en propre comme
n'importe quel homme, et <pii est sujet a la soufTrance et a la mort, et
son corps politi(pie, veritable corjjoralion dont les sujels sont les mem-
bres et lui, Ic roi, la tete a la difference du premier, il ne meurt point
;
:

apres la mort ou I'eloignement du roi, il est aussitot transfere a la per-

sonne de son 'successeur. C'est a I'exegese de ces definitions, recueillies
par M. KantorAwicz, apres Maitland. dans les Reports de Plowden,
consignes pentUnt le rcgne d'Elisabeth, qu'est consacre tout le premier
chapitre du livrc, tandis que le second suit les variations du theme a
travers le Richard II de Shakespeare, la tragcdie des deux corps du
roi (p. 26).
Apres cette introduction, nous voici entraines a la recherche de la
genese de cette image. L'esquisse la plus ancienne qu'on en per^oive se
trouvc dans les traites de I'Anonyme normand (ou Anonyme d'York,
vers 1100). Le roi y apparait conmie une persona (/emina, une personne
rledoublee I'une est naturelle, la sienne propre
: I'autre nail du sacre
;

dont la grace lui conferc un corps habitc par I'Esprit de Dicu. L'onction

' J C/ L
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 376 REVUE d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses

sacramentelle est ainsi iin instriinient dc deification ; par elle ie roi

icvicnt la figure et I'image dii Clirist (royaute christocentrique). La
Qiierelle dcs Investitures, revolution de la tlieologie sacramentaire, la
lente devaluation du sacre royal (qui sera exdu de la liste canonique
des sacreinents) expli(|uent que la royaute abandonna peu a peu le thfeme
de riinitation du Christ, pour devenir siniplenient theocratique, tandis
que raflerniissement des monarchies et la renaissance du Droit flrent
l)revaloir la pensee juridique sur la liturgie. Voici d'abord Frederic II
realisant un nouveau type de persona mixta, pere ct flls de la Justice
;

il la cree, mais 11 est soumis a la loi uaturelle et a la raison

; lex animata
in lerris, il est aussi pontife supreme de la Justice dans son royaurae
sicilien dont il fait une veritable eglise au service de cette nouvelle deite.
Vers le nieme moment, Bracton est plus concret que les juristes de la
cour de Palerme ; il nous nionlre le roi au-dessus et en-dessous de la
Loi. Autour de lui, on prend en outre de plus en plus conscience en
Angleterre de la difTerence qui existe entre Ic roi, haul seigneur feodal,
et le Roi, administrateur de la sphere du domaine public. Otte distinc-
tion iiboutit, sous la plume de Hraclon, a un nouveau dcdoublement du
roi : un roi qui est dans le temps, soumis a la loi de prescription, et un
roi qui gere les bona publica, assimiles au res sacrae dc I'Eglise (d'oii
leur designation de res quasi sacrae), detaches dc sa personne, inaliena-
bles et englobes dans le terme generique de fisc ; flsc immortel. dont le
roi est le vicaire, comme il le fut, autrefois, du
Christ.
Ces premieres images introduisent le lecteur dans le fond du sujet.
Mais la methode de I'auteur change. II ne sera desormais plus question
d'un traite ou de telle ou telle personnalite, mais d'une serie de concepts,
echelonnes du xiii" au w" siecles, d'oii se degagera progressivement
Timage finale des deux corps du roi.
Le moment essenticl de cette elaboration fut celui du tran.sfert a
I'Ktat de la notion de corpus mijsticum par laquelle se deflnissait I'EIglisc.
Au corpus Cliristi mysticum fait face desormais le corpus reipublicae
mysticnm (evoque i)our la premiere fois par Vincent de Beauvais dans
ces termes) : I'idee recouvre ainsi celle de corps moral et jjolitique,
delini par raristotelisnie, done un organisme de droit naturel, la cite.
Hn France on pense que le roi est I'epoux de cc corps, coninie le Christ
est celui de I'Eglise. En Angleterre la notion est beaucoup plus complexe.
puisqu'elle trouve son point de fixation sur le Parlemcnt, representanf
les Etats du royaume (jui, selon le chancelier John Mussel (1483), for-
ment corps avec le roi qui en est, lui, la tete. A cette donnee un peu
abstraite de corps du rovaume la notion de patrie donna tres tot un
contenu aflcctif. Des multiples composantes dc cette idee, M. Kantorowicz
apporte une analyse magistrate (p. 232-U()7), pour .se demander en.suite.
en revcnant au vif du sujet, dans quellcs conditions le transfer! dc I'idee
de corpus mi/slicum a I'Elat a pu fairc naiire celle du dedoublenicnt du
corps du roi. En effet, le Christ, chef du corps mystique de I'Eglise, est
eternel et son eternitc garantit celle de son corps. Le roi par contre. chef
du corps politique, est mortel pour rcpresenter un etre invisible et
:

immortel, il lui fallait acquerir une manicre d'immortalife.

Le probleme fut resolu par I'intervention dc deux nouvelles idecs.
D'une part celle iVAevum ou de perennite, categoric se situant entre le
temps et reternitc, mise au point par la philosophie scolastique qui par
Aristote avait redecouvert la doctrine de la continuite increee et infinie

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I

REVUE UES LIVRES Ml

du monde : notion iWiemim rcndil toutc son importance au principe

la
de la continuity de I'Etat et de scs institutions. Parallclenient Ics juristes
ddflnirent les corporations comnie une pluralite de pcrsonnes unies en
un soul corps, non seulenient dans le present, mais dans la succession
des generations a travers le temps :elles sont done perpetuellcs (Uni-
Dersitiis non inoritiir) et leur perpetuite garantit celle <le leur chef.
On arrive ainsi a I'ailage celebre le roi ne meurt jamais aucjuel
est consacre I'avant-dernier ciiapitre, le plus long de tons (p. 317-450).
M. Kantorowicz etudie tour a tour les did'erents elements de cette per-
pefuitd". Et d'abord la continuile dynastique assurant la duree du corps
naturel du roi. En second lieu la signification (|ue prend la Couronne.
Elle n'est plus seulement le si(jniim gloriae dont parlent les rituels du
sacre. mais elle devient le symbole des droits et domaines inalienables
<iu royaume dont le roi est le detenteur teni])orairc. En Angleterre sur-
tout la notion <le couronne ne cesse de s'enrichir depuis le xiii' si^cle :

bien que diflicile a deflnir. elle apparait comnie une realite vivante, une
personnification distincte du roi mais superieure a lui ; les juristes des
Tudors rassimilcront au corps politi(|uc du royaume. Ces deux principes:
succession des individus assurant la permanence du corps naturel du
roi, perpetuite du corps collectif symbolise par la Couronne se fondi-
rent enfin dans une troisicme notion sans laquelle toutc cette speculation
sur les deux corps eut ete incomprehensible, ("'est la notion de (lii/nitas,
elaboree d'abord elle aussi par les clercs, puis transferee a la sphere
politique, oil elle finit par designer la fonction royale, la souverainete
exercee par le roi au nom du peuple et qui adhere au roi seul. Comme
la corporation, la (liqniUis ne nieurt pas ;elle represente en outre un
type tout particulier de corporation, la corporation singuliere (corpora-
tion alone), caracterisee par un individu qui est a la fois genre et esp^ce
et qui troiive son symbole dans le mythe du phenix. Tel I'oiseau myste-
rieux, le detenteur de la regia dignitas unit en lui le genre (c'est-a-dire
le corps politique) et I'individu (le corps naturel). Le roi a done bien
deux corps, mais ils sont fondus en une personne influence de la theo-
:

logie christologi([ue, influence aussi de la doctrine de I'episcopal monar-

(hi(iue fonde sur le principe de la fusion de I'eveque en son eglise. Le
roi n'cst-il pas au xvr siecle evecpie supreme de son royaume ?
Tout semble dit a present. Et pourtant subsiste une derniere
question. Quelle est la mission la plus generale du souverain dont
I'essence vient d'etre deflnie '? M. Kantorowicz dcmande la reponse a
Dante et scrutc le He Monarchin ([ui assigne a la communaute humaine
une fin morale et eliuque dislincte de ses tins religieuses. La mission de
I'empereur sera de conduire I'hunianite (Hiinuinitus, concept parallele
a celui iVEcclesia, mysticnm corpus Adae) au stade de perfection qui
etait celui du premier homnie avanf la chute originelle, en d'autres ter-
mcs de faire renaitrc rhomnie a son etat d'innocence premiere, privi-
lege de VAdam siihlilis (pii dans le i)aradis tirrestre, vestibule de I'aiitre.
etait inmiorlel, a peine difl'erent des anges, couronne de gloire et
d'honneur. Le chant XXXVII du Piirgaloire montre les dilTerents degres
de I'initiation a ce paradis ferrestrc et s'aciieve par le couronnement du
poele : recevant les insignes imperiaux du diademe el de la mitre, ii
voitson corps mortel recevant les attributs de I'imniortalite, comme si
VAdam morlalis qu'il est recouvrait les privileges de VAdam subtilis.
Nous avons essayc de donner de ce livre magistral une analyse aussi

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37 REVUE d'histoire ET DE philosophie religieuses

precise que possible, en nous ellor^-ant en parficuiier de suivre

les
enciiainements de la pcnsee de son auteur. Mais a vouloir degager sur-
tout les grandes lignes on a du passer sous silence des pages
d'un interet
tout aussi considerable, decrivant les signes exlerieurs
d'une doctrine
en elaboration evangeliaires d'Aix ct de Mont-Cassin, cri bien connu
:
:

Le Roi est niort, vive le Roi rites etonnants des obseques des rois
;

de France au xvi" siecle ; art funeraire de la fin du Moyen Age ct

de la
Renaissance qui represente deux gisants superposes, I'un cadaverique,
I'autre pare des insignes de foncfion. Par la, I'ouvrage de
M. Kanlorowicz.'
qui se meut dans les plus liaules spheres de la pensee medievale.
est
aussi tres concrel. Sans doule I'eut-il etc plus encore s'il
avail voulu
rechercher dans quelle inesure les idecs dont il a fait etat ont eu
de la
resonance dans les dilFerents milieux des pays qu'il etudiait. Point
n'est
question, en signalant celte lacune, d'cn fain- le nioindre grief
a I'auteur.
Son propos n'etait pas d'aborder le monde des repercussions d'une
notion coniplexe, niais bien de decrire la genese d'une idee
qui nialgre
que](|ues signes avant-coureurs pendant I'Antiquite (examines
en conclu-
sion) appartient en propre au Moyen Age. II
y est parvenu avec une
admirable maitrise. Son livre s'inscrit parmi les anivres les plus
atla-
ohantes de la Geistesgeschirhte.

n. Folz.

ll.-A. 01)erinan, Archbishop Thomas liradwardiin', a Lourletnih

Ccnliiri] Aiujnslinian. Utrecht, Kciniiik & Zoott/f958 In-^"
216 p. ^-^
Voici un nouveau livre sur Rradwardine, juste apres celui de G. Lefl'
(Brndwardine and the PeUuihms ; le coni])fe rendu en a ete fait dans
cette revue 1957-1, p. 306-367). Mais I'un nc double pas Tautre
:
outre
;

les diHerences d'intcrpretation, la facop de prendre la

doctrine n'est
pas la meme ici que cliez G.L. Celui-ci cxposait les points fondamentaux
de la theologie de B. Dieu, la creation, I'liomine, la grace, la liberte...
:
;

dans I'etude de H.-A. O., tout s'oriente vers la tlicorie de la justitication',

presentee comme le pivot de tout le De caimt Dei . et a laquelle
est
suhordonne tout le reste de la doctrine (p. 179) c'est a preparer le
;

chapitre qui en traile (ch. VII liistiflnitio sola gratia) cpie sont consa-
:

cres les precedents (III le Dieu souverain

: IV ; Vouloir libre et
:

neccssitc ; V Predestination et prescience

:
;VI Peclie et grace ; les
:

ch. I, II et Vlll sont liistoricjues). On y lit que, en opposition

avec les
opinions pelagiennes , B. s'attaque a tout ce qui lui parait
impli-
quer une priorite de Taction humaine sur Taction divine (meritiim de
congnio), ge certaine valeur de la nature (vertus philosopliiques).
Le
merite {meritiim de condiqno) n'est pas la cause, niais le signe
{causa
rognoscendi) de la grace (p. 156) flnalement
; sequiintur enim opera
:

jiistificatiim. non praecedinil in.stificaninm, sed sola

fide sine operibiis
prttecedentibiis fit homo Justus (p. 158) quant au sacrenient de Peni-
^nce, aucune de ses phases ;

contrition du coeur, confession de la

/be
bouche, absolution, satisfaction,
ne suppose une causalite humaine :

La grace infuse eteinf Ic peche sans mediation (p. 167) de sortc

;

/ U
U U L U / L -/
 ^^'^ ^'"'^''
^"'' J^"'''"' A Studv in
PofitiS ThJo r'"' 1957, Princeton University Press/
Mediaeval
24 Tf ^^'ff^y'^''""^ XVI u. 56 S
TheorieTon den"f " K-'"'"^" '" '"'-''"hanischen Zeit entwickelten die
'^^ ^'"'^^ naturliAen, der Krankheit.
Tod und alien rehK"!?"" ."f"'^^'

senil isr ^.. '

i l ^ .
* sdiwach, niemals minderjiihriu oder

"''"' ^'*^""^^" P''''^'^- Denkens und etr-

Ir
lichersi kX"
Spekulat.on zu e.ncr "fi^"^
solchen Theorie hinfuhren
konnten Der soeenlnn-,
Yorker Anonymus (un. MOO)
zeigt uns an, deutlichsten das
Bild derChTtu;-

die Doppelnatur Christ tf^n '^ ^"^'^''^"nR d" Konigs an

M ^T
cntstandTnen Aaeh n
druck gefundcn D e
Evan eliar"r
Chri'us b'o
T
'" "".''' ^"^ ''^ ^-^i*-"
"^^T"S'="'^'^" kunstlerisdien Aus-
T
wurde L
Laufe des 12 h s Jon ^''"t '""'*^'-i^
Auffassung des K6nigtun,s
^'^^'^"''^*-'"-tisd,en Auffassung eines
Recht-bezogenen
KoniLms .1 f"
Auffassung^a^t r^sX Rechr ^'."f,
,d." "-P'^-'l- dieser neuen
voile Gewalt uber rug Td die lex H'^''"'? t ^'''
?'''' '"^ ''^^ """*-
leitete Friedrid,
Si"" n '

T iT"'
'^',' '''" '" ^""^ ^^"d. Hieraus
''"^

lusticia
'^'' ''%^'''''' '' ^''"^ '-"^'- b. Die
aber it die Miti? i""*'
NoA enger wu de 5er He
'""*'; ^""*'^" ""'^ mensAliehem Recht.
;i
'

^" "^'^"^*li*er Natur und

/ gottlicher Gnade das irannun f M /
Chr.stus-bezogenen Konigtums,
';^','"'

war das des ReAt be^oTen " so

K ""^""^
mcnschliAen. ReA ^" ^""*^- ""^
Der daue-d .f" u'^\'"'"

England pragte lohn Fortetc,,. ^^ K u ^^^^ ""'^"' '" P"^'''^^- F"^

''^

poHucum'^.'l der
wie der Konig des 13
kS
eh. twohT "^er
Ihs Ube/unT
Definition </o.,.,
b"'' w,e unter
dem
.,,,/, ,,
Staatskorper, so
X*-

die Ausbildung der

Theorie von des K
" " T"' ^"''"'^^" '^^"^- P^
^^."'R' Korpern mufite aber nodi
cin Faktor hinzutreten
ohne den / f-*^"
>
O

w
Q

M L _' O
 /ojiciicn Koiiigtunis dcr oitonisdicii uiul truhsalisdicn
Zcit, Der Konig ,

vor allcm Christominictcs, Rcprasc-ntant Christi auf lirdcn,

desscn Sein t-r
per gratiam ubernimmt. Der Kiinin stcllt also
cine gemma persona dar irdisdi
durdi scMic Natur, gottlidi durdi die Gnade.
Diesc Anslcidiung dcs Konigs an
die Doppelnatur Chnsti hat in einer
Miniatur des um 973 auf der Reidienau
cntstandenen Aadiener Evangeliars cinen uberzeugendcn
kunstlerisdien Aus-
drudc gefunden. Die Christus-bezogene liturgisdie
Auffassung des Konigiums
wurde im Laufc des 12. Jh.s von der thcokratisdi-juristisdicn
Auffassung eincs
Redit-bczogcncn Konigtums abgclost. Eine der Hauptquellen
diescr neuen
Auffassung war das romisdic Rccht, speziell die lex regia,
die dem Herrsdier
voile Gewalt iibertrug, und die lex digna,
die ihn an das Gcsctz band. Hieraus
Icitete Friedridi II. seine Doppelstellung als pater ct filius iusticiae ab. Die
lusticia aber ist die Mittlcrin
zwisdien gottlii+iem und mensdilidicm Rcdit.
Nodi cnger wurde der Herrsdier mit der lusticia verbunden,
indeni man ihn
als animata begriff. War die Polaritat von niensdilidier Natur
luiticia
und
gottlidicr Gnade das Spannungsfcld des Christus-bezogenen
Konigtums, .so
war das des Rcdit-bezogenen Konigtums die Polaritat von
gottlidicm und
mensdilidiem Redit. Der dauernd sidi vollziehende Austausdi
zwisdien dor
kirdilidien und der weltlidien Sphare bradite im 14./15.
Jh. die Angleidiung
des Staates an die Kirdie auih in korporativcr Hinsidit,
indem er analog zii
dieser als ein corpus mysticum aufgcfa(?t wurde. Damit
trat audi ein ncucs
Hcrrsdierbild in Ersdieinung, das Staat-bezogcne Konigtum. Der
ursprunglich
liturgisdie Begriff descorpus ccclcsiae mysticum wurde auf den Staat uber-
tragcn, der Konig wurde das Haupt des mystisdien corpus rei puhlicac.
Fur
England pragte John Fortescue die beruhmte Definition dominium
politicum, d. h. der Konig steht sowohl ubcr wie unter dem
regale et x^
Staatskorper, so
wie der Konig des 13. Jh.s iiber und untcr dem Gesetz
gestanden hatte. FiJr
<lie Ausbildung der Theorie von dcs
Konigs zwei Korpern mufitc aber nodi
ein Faktor hinzutrcten, ohne den der Konig den character
angelicus nidit er-
langen konnte: die Kontinuitat. Diese fand sidi in der universitas,
quae non
moritur, in der Perpctuitat des Volkes und des Vateriandes;
an ihr muRtc u
nidit der einzclne Herrsdier teilhaben, wohl aber die Dynastie,
die Krone, die <
kiiniglidieWurde. Die Juristen batten den Begriff der universitas entwickelt,
deren Hauptkcnnzeichen die Unsterblichkeit, die Dauer in der Zeit und
die
Identitat im Wcdiscl warcn. Erst die Anwendung dieses KwVer.?/7as-Begriffcs
madite den nur organisdi aufgefafiten Staatskorper sempitcrn. Durdi die Fik-
tion einer gewisscrmalJen nicht horizontal, sondern vertikal gedachtcn
Korpo-
ration, die nur in Hinblick auf die Zeit, per succcssionem, kollektiv
war, in
cincm gcgebencn Zeitpunki aber nur au!> einem Glied bestand, war auch das
schwierige Problem eines dem unstcrblidien Staatskorper ad.iquaten unsterb-
lidien Hauptcs zu losen. Die Vorstellung des unstcrblidien Konigs cntwirkcltc
<
sidi an drci Faktoren, der Kontinuitat der Dynastie, dem korporativen Cha-
rakter der Krone und der Unsterblichkeit der Wiirde. Die Kontinuitat der
Dynastic wurde durdi die Ansdiauung befordert, die dem Konig als electus
I bereits voileGewalt zuspradi. Hand in Hand damit ging die Heiligung der
Dynastie, der Konig erhielt seine gottliche Sendung und Weihe allein sdion
dutch das koniglidie Blut, so vor allem bckanntlich von Friedrich II. ausge-
sprochen. Damit war die dynastisdie Kontinuitat, wenigstens theoretisdi, her-
o
U3
gestellt; dieDynastie war einer universitas per succcssionem vcrgleichbar. Die
Krone gewann im 13. Jh. korporative Aspekte, in ihr wurden alle souveranen
Rcdite begriffen, die von alien Staatstragern, dem Konig als Haupt und den
Magnaten als Gliedern, zu sdiiitzen waren. Im ganzen habcn wir eine Fiille
teils sidi iibersdineidcnder, teils sidi widersprediender Aufierungen iiber den

staatsreditlichen Charakter der Krone; sovicl ist jedenfalls klar, daf? man die
Krone als Verkorperung der Souveranitatsredite des Staatskorpers vom Konig
unterschied und dafi sic oft als Korporation aufgefafit wurde. Die Kontinuitat
des natiirlichen Korpers des Konigs in der Dynastie und die Kontinuitat der
souveranen Redite des Staates in der Krone fielen mit dem dritten Begriff
zusammen, dem der dignitas. Die in praxi natiirlidi schon langcr gciibte Unter-
scheidung von Amt und Person wurde durdi die Dekretale Quoniam abbas
Alexanders III. rcditlidi fixiert und von den Dekretalisten weiter ausgebaut.
Schon Damasus erklarte um 1215, dafi die dignitas numquam peril; analog
zum romisdien Erbredit stelite man die Quasi-Identitat von Amtsvorganger
und Amtsnachfolger fest. Hieraus entwickelte man die bereits erwahnte Kor-
poration per successinnem, die jewcils nur in einem Amtstrager aktualisiert ist.
Dieser fiir die Korporationslehren ungehcuer wichtige Satz von der dignitas
quae non moritur wirkte vor allem in Frankreich und Eng-
sidi staatsreditlidi
land aus. Von ihm stammt die beruhmte Maxime Le roi nc meurt jamais, von
ihm stammen letztlich auch bestimmte Brauche im Beisetzungszeremoniell der
franzosischen Konige, die das Weiterleben der dignitas sinnfallig darstellten.
So schwierig die exakte juristische Unterscheidung von Amt und Person gewe-
sen war, kaum minder sdiwierig war es zu erklaren, in weldier Art die zwei
Korper in der einen Person des Konigs zusammenfallen. Bacon pragte dafiir
die Definition corpus corporatum in corpore naturali, et corpus naturale in
corpore corporato. Baldus madite eine AnIeihe bei thomistisdier Terminologie,
indem er die dignitas als principalis, den Konig als instrumcntalis bezeichnete,
womit der Konig als instrumcntum dignitatis definiert ist, so wie Thomas
Christus als instrumcntum deitatis interpretiert hatte. Die verfassungsrechtlidie
Stellung des englischen Konigs war im Gegensatz zu kontinentalen Verhalt-
nissen durch das kraftig ausgebildete Parlament bestimmt, das stets ein sehr
konkretes, nidit leidit abstrahierbares corpus politicum darstellte. Andererseits
unterschied man offcnbar nicht klar genug zwisdien was
Krone und dignitas,
cine gewisse Vermengung der organisdien und der sukzessionellen Korpora-
tionslehre zur Folge hatte. ..Des Konigs zwei Korper" ist zwar eine speziflsch
englisdie Pragung; Vorgesdiichte, Parallelen und Hintergriinde diescr Theorie
aber fiihren uns tief in das juristische und politische Denken des Mittelalters.
Die Fiille des Stoffes, der Gedanken und Anregungen, die der Vf. in seinen
Untersudiungen ausbreitet, konnte hier nur angedeutet werden. Das Buch wird
kiinftig zu den grundlegenden Werken der Verfassungsgesdiichte gehoren.
R. M. K.

/ / L jf / (

U U J U
 Freitag, 27. Februar 1959 Blatt 8
Zu einem
soziologischen Lesebuch
Der Stuttgarter Verlatj K. F. Koehler brin^
seit einigcr Zeit in loserFolge sorgfaltig betrente
geistesgesehichtliehe Werke zu wohlfcilcn Preisen
heraiis, die sieh allmahlich zu einer kleinon Biblio-
thpk der politisehon Allgemeinbildung im weitcsten
Sina zusammenftigen. Neben vorziiglieh kommen-
ticrten Textbiinden zur politii5chen Ideengeschichte
enthalt sie eine eigentliche Staats- und Biirger-
kunde, aber aufh sonst sclnver zngangliche philo-
sophische und historisehe Zcugnisse vvie die kost-
Memoiron des Hitters von Lang oder Georg
lif'hen
Simmels Essaj'sammhing Briicke und Tor nnd
Jacob Burokhardts nistorisphc Fragmente, die
als charakteristisehe Spiegclungen der jiingeren
Geistesgcsehichte zur Vcrticfung und Aktnalisie-
rung unseres durch krisenhafte Entwicklungen ge-
scharltea ZeitbewuBtseins beitragen kiinnea.
Vor kurzem ist die Rcihe nun durch einen Band
crgiinzt wordcn, der der Geschichte jener Wissen-
schaft gewidmet ist, die ein Ergebnis eben dieses
differenzierten modernen Selbstverstiindnisses ver-
korpert und das gesteigert* epochale Problem-
hewulJtscin unserer Zeit zuglcich zu ihrem zentra-
len Forschungsgcgrnstand gcmacht hat: der Sozio-
logie. Havs Kaumann ist es gelungen, eine Ariswahl
vou repriisentativen Texten zusammenzustellen, die
nicht allein die anfiinglich recht miihsanie Konsti-
tuierung der Wissenschaft vom sozialen Vcrhalten
naehzeichnet, sondern gleiehzeitig auch ihre innere
Problematik aufscheinen und auBerdem die rasch
fortschreitcnde Verfcinerung der Fragestellungen
sichfliar werden liiBt. Der Band hcbt an mit einer
wenig bokannten Vorarbeit ^[ontesquieus zu seinem
De I'csprit des lois. wodurch Naumann gemaB
srinem saehkundigen Vonvort andeuten will, daB
die Anfange der Soziologie als Wissenschaft mog-
lichenveise in der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts zu
suchen seien und daB sich die Auffassung vertre-
ten lieBe, von diesem Zeitpunkt an batten sich
Planner gefnnden, die die Dimension des Sozialen
nicht nur gesehon, sondern zu erschlieBen versucht,
das heiBt iiber die methodisch-technischen Mittel
erfolgreich nachgedacht haben.
Die Hiiufung der Kon.junktive in diesem Satz
ist charakteristisch. Der Uebergang von der bloBen
soziologischen Perspektivc zum konkreten Ansatz
eigenstiindiger systematischer Wissenschai'tlichkcit
liiBt sich tatsjichlich nicht leicht exakt daticren.
Das hangt damit zusammen. daB die Dimension
des Sozialen* in jeder staatsphilosophischen und
anthropologisehen Problemstellung notwendig mit-
enthalten scin muB und auch von jeher in die den-
kerischen Bemiihuiigen dieser Richtung miteinbczo-
9}ciic;]iird)crocilunf\
GESCHICHTE UND SOZIOLOGIE
trotene Marx-Vorlaufer Louis-Auguste Blanqui
oder der bewegliche Sorel, forderten zwar manche
fundamentale Einsicht in das Wesen sozialen Ver-
haltens zutage, waren aber als politische Haudegen
und professionelle Volksredner auch nicht gerade
dazu angetan, dem Ansehen der jnngen Wissen-
schi.-.i- So vermochte
aut'zuhelfen. die reine Sozio-
logie ersl gegcn Ende des letzten Jahrhunderts das
Odium der allzn engcn Verschwisterung mit der
kampferischen Tagespublizistik abzuschiitteln und
akademisch hofiahig zu werden. Auch nachher
noeh kamen indessen wesentliche Impulse von aus-
gesprochenen AuBenseitern her. Der beriihmteste
unter ihnen heiBt W. I. Lenin, der mit seiner
Theorie der revolutioniiren ^Lnderheitspartei nicht
nur eine alte Gesellschatt aus den Angeln zu heben,
sondern eine neue aus dem Boden zu stampfen ver-
mochte. Es mag auf den ersten Blick bcf'remden,
daC Naumann auch ihn zu Wort kommen liiBt.
Polilik und Theologie im
Zu einem Buck
Hg. Mehr als drelBig Jahrc sind vergangen,
seit der Tcxtband des Werks iiber Friedrich IL,
den Staufenkaiser, crschien, durch das sich Ernst
Kantorowicz nicht nur, wie man so sagt, einen
Namen gemacht, sondem fast allzu entschieden
eingereiht hat in einen iiochgesinnten Kreis von
Betraditrrn deutscher Vergangenheit. Wer iiber
die feierliche Jugend, die da gepflegt ward, nicht
mehr Bcscheid weiB, den iibcrrascht die Berech-
nung, daB das Buch von einem DreiBig.jiihrigen
kon/.ipicrt war; beim Lescn iiiittc er sich den Ver-
fasser ehcr als erlauchte Lehrergestalt gedacht.
Von einem durchaus veriinderten Stil ist
kiirzlich erschienene Studie bestinimt: Thp King's
Two Bodies A Mediaeval Political
Stiidij in
Theolog!i.* Kantorowicz, seit vielen Jahren an
Universitiiten der Vereinigten Staaten tatig,
schreibt heute englisch
ein leicht zu lesendes,
umgangsprachlich - anspruchslo.ses Englisch, ge-
eignet, Sachen zu neimen, zu unterscheiden, Zu-
samniengchiiriges zu hitndeln; von mystischen Din-
gen ist die Rede, in giiiizlich unmystischem Ton.
Von Theorien der englischen Renaissance geht
Kantorowicz aus, um ein zentrales Problem des
Mittelalters zu fassen: die Vorstellung vom doppel-
ten Wesen des Kiinigs
des Konigs, der als
Mensch jung und alt, gesund und krank, Tiiuschun-
gen untenvorien und sterblich ist, aber als KUnig
alterslos, imnier im Recht, von irdischem Zerfail
nicht angefochten.
Es ist ein juristisches, ein politischcs, ein theo-
logischcs Problem. In Prozessen gegen die Krone
n L J
u u J
Fprnau<:rjnhe Nr. 57
Wenn Lenin auch kein eigentlicher Fachsoziologe durchhrochen sieht: sterblich, fehlbar, empfiingt
war, so gehort aber sein theoretisches Schaff en doch der Xachknmme Adams Insignien geistlicher
die
ohne jedcn Zweifel in diesen Zusammenhang. Mehr und weltlicher llcrrschaft, wird sein eigener Prie-
noch, er selbst und sein Erfolg stellen Phiinomene ster und Dein geist ist fest und heil und
Kiinig.
(lar, die wohl nur mit soziologischen Kategorien frei trone. / Nun ware fehl zu folgon andrem
von
pinigermaBen hinliinglich zu erkliiren sind und sinne! / Hier krcin ich dich mit mitra und mit
dcren Dcutung mitten ins Zcntrum nicht nur der krone!*
so hieB es in der Uebersetzung Stefan
sozialen, sondern der soziologischen Problematik Georges.
fiihrt.
Dem Leser diese Problematik naher zu bringen
war eines der Anliegen des Herausgebers. Man
Karl XII. von Schweden
darf ihm attestieren, daB er die Aufgabe mit gro- Zum Werk von Otto Haintz
Bem Geschick bewaltigt hat. Wo es irgend anging,
H. Konig Karl ist der Held des modernen
C.
suchte er das Typische eines Autors oder einer
Schweden, wie Napoleon ein Held des mcfdernen
Forschungsrichtung durch wenig bekannte und in
Frankreich Voltaire hat eine beriihmte Ge-
ist.
sich gcschlossene Texte zur Darstellung zu bringen.
schichte iiber ihn geschrieben, und Friedrich der
So ist der Band zu einer wahren kleinen Fund-
GroBe hat seine Schlachtcn bis auf Polt^wa bewun-
grube geworden. ^-^^^^^ ^^.^^
dert. Historisch gesehen, war Karl die zentrale Figur
des Nordischen Krieges, mit dem der spanische
Erbfolgekricg in innerem Zusammenhang stand;
Mittelalter in diesen Kriegen entstand das moderne Europa.
Karl errang mit seinen Schweden einen welt-
von Ernst Kantorowicz historisch iiherra-schendcn Sieg bei Narwa iiber die
Russen, und dann hat er jahrelang Europa in
Atem gehalten durch ebenso abenteuerliche wio
I
Mittelalter erschien. Der sprechendste Text, den
Kantorowicz heranzieht, der Traktat des Anonj'- geniale Feldziige in Osteuropa. Im Juni 1709 ende-
mus von York (um 1100), stellt in einer Inter-
ten sie iiberraschend durch eine Kiederlage. die
pretation der beriihmten Matthiius-Stelle 22, 21 dem Schweden bei Poltawa von dem Zaren Peter
lehrreich die Beziehung her: Christus sagte: ,,So beigebracht wurde.
gebet dem Kaiser, was des Kaisers ist", und nicht Otto Haintz ist Schiller Delbriicks, der die klas-
,,So gebet dem Tiberius, was des Tiberius ist." Die
sischen Schlachten der Weltgcschichte rckon-
Person ist unwert. aber die Herrschergewalt ist
struiert hat. Sein Buch iiber Karl ist mit dem
Undgerecht war, daB sich die menschliche
gerecht.
ersten Teil 19.36 schon einmal erschienen. Da in-
Schwiiche der giittlichen Gewalt untenvarf. Denn
zwischen die Schlacht bei Poltawa, mit der jener
Christus war damals, als Mensch, .schwach; aber
Band schloB, anders beurteilt wird, hat er ihn um-
giittlich war die Gewalt des Kaisers.
geschrieben und durch wesentliches Material aus
die und uberaus konsequent gedacht,
Da-s ist kiihn den Quellen bercichert.* Es handelt sich um ein
zwischen den zwei Naturen
es wertet die Parallele StandardAverk modcrner Forschung, und Haintz
Christi und den heiden Personen des Monarchen ist dafiir in Schweden seit langem bekannt und
/w dessen Gunsten aus, verschriinkt die cine geehrt worden. Seine Darstellung souveran, sie
ist
Doppclerscheinung in die andere. Wenn spiiter, in hreitet Detail aus, behiilt aber die Faden in
einer Schriftdes Eneas Silvius Piccolomini, die der Hand.
viel
Es ist ein aus den .sclnvedischen, deut-
Lehre vom mystischen Leib der Kirchc mit Chri- schen und teilweise russischen Quellen gearheitetes
stus als Haupt ausdriicklich ihr Gegenstiick er-
Werk und hat keineswegs pragmatische Zwecke,
liiilt in jener vom mystischen Leib des Staates mit
sondern dicnt der Wissenschaft von jenem Kiinig,
dem Herrscher als Ilaupt, so liegt darin nicht nur
der eigentlich der letzte Held im mythischen Sinne
lnunanistische V'erweltlichung des Kirchenhildes,
war.
sondern auch der sakrale Zng, den sich das Kiinig-
tum bis wcit in die Neuzeit hinein erhalten .soUtc Das Ungliick Karls wird hier nicht, nach he-
nur daB er sich nun weniger in unbezweifel- qnemem Schema, in dem Gemeinplatz gesehen,
barer Gerechtigkcit der herrscherlichen Autoritiit Karl habe sich iihernommen, indeim er mit den
auspriigte als in der GewiBheit ihrer Dauer, der Krjjften eines mittleren Weltmaoht
Stajites erne
Unsterhlichkeit des Konigs, die am Ende mehr angriff. (Schweden war damals GroBmacht und
versinnbildlicht als lebendig empfunden wurde in RuBland eine unbekannte GriiBe.) Karls Heer war
der Kontinuitiit der Dynastie. das beste der Welt; er war gewohnt, gegen zwei-
tind dreifache Uebermacht zu siegen, und als Feld-
Das mehr als fiinlhundert Seiten umfassende.
herr war er ein Genie. Haintz folgt der These des

.1 Vonvort amlputcn will, daQ
incin saflikundigpn
die Anfange dcr Sozinlogip als Wissenschaft mnp-
lichonvcise in der MittP dos 18. Jahrhundcrts zu
siichpn seien und daS sich die Aid fassunfr vertro-
ton HpOp, von diesptn Zpitpniikt an Irnttpn sich
Planner gpfundpn, die die Dimension dps Sozialen
nieht nur gpselien, sondern zu prschlieBen vcrssucht,
das heiBt iiiier die niPthodiseh-teohnisehpn Mittpl
erfolgreich nachgedacht haben*.
Die Hiiufimgr der Konjiinktivp
dipsem Satz in
ist Dpr Uebpigrang von der hloBen
charakteristiseh.
soziolop:ist'hon Perspektivo ziun konkreten Ansatz
eifrenstiindiger systematischer Wissenschat'tlichkeit
liiBt sieh tatsachiich nicht leicht exakt datieren.
Das hansrt damit ziisnmnipn, daB die Diniension
des Sozialen* in jpdpr staatsphilosophisclien und
anfhropolopiselipn Problpnistellunsr notwpndig; mit-
pnthaitpn spin miifl und aiich von jolipr in die dcn-
kerischen Bemiiiinngen diespr Richtiinsf mitpinbczo-
ppn wovden ist Din Sosriolopip pntwickeltp si'h al<o
aus einem Teilasppkt anderer Wissensc-haften, und
zwar nnter Voraussetzuiigpu, die ihrer mpthodi-
sehpn Iviiuterung im akadpinischen Sinn keineswegs
zntrjiglieh waren. Sie suchte sich im Gelolge iind
unter dem p]indruck der starken sozialen Spannun-
gen im ausgeliendpn 18. und heginnendcn 19. Jahr-
hundert zu etnl)lipren. Politisehc Rovolutionen und
wirtscliaftlielie Umwalznngpn hattPn dip alten Ord-
nnngpn zum Einsturz gol)raclit odcr doch fragwiir-
dig werden lassen. In dieser Situation des Um-
bruchs und Aufbruchs begannpu die vprschicdenpn
gesellschaftlichen Gruppen sieh in gesteigertem
MaB ihrer .selbst bewuSt zu wprden. Erst durch
diespn PiozpB der Dynamisiening hobcn sieh die
sozialen Strukturen so dentlii-h ab, daB sie zur
systematisehen Analyse und Klassifikation heraus-
fi - Jerten. Die Gespllsc-haftswi.ssensehaft wuchs also
au- der politisch-sozialen Unruhe und dem akuten
K bewuBtsein der Zeit heraus und wurde daher
vielenorts zum vorneherein nicht nur als theore-
tisclie Gesellsohaftsdiagnostik, sondern als prak-
tisclic Gesellsehaftsplnnuiig konzipiert.
Die Vermengnng dieser beiden Ebenen, die eine
methodologische Kristallisation auBerordentlich er-
schwprte und verzogerte, laBt sich im vorliegenden
r id an einer ganzen Reihe von Autoren aufzei-
gpn. Soziologpn der ersten Periode wie Saint-
Simon oder Comte benutzten objektiv gesicherte
Erkenntnisse der gesellsehnltlichen Struktur als
Bausteme programmatiseher Gesellschaftstheorien
mit deutlieh utopischem Einschlag. Rcvolutioniire
Publizisten anderseits, wie der in der Auswahl ver-
Histoire de la Suisse
haj. Xachdem sie wiihrend langerer Zeit ver-
griffen war, i.st die einbiindige, gerafTte Darstel-
lung der Schweizer Gcschichte von Willinm Martin
in vierter Auflage neu edicrt worden.* Die.se sehr
erfreuliche Xpiiaiisgabo wurde durch die Unter-
stiifzung der Stiftung Pro Helvetia* mijglich.
William Martin (18881934), AuslandkoiTespon-
dent und spater auBenpolitischer Redaktor des
.Iournal de Geneve* bis zu .seiner Benifung auf
den Lehrstuhl fiir Geschichtc an der ETH im
Jahre 193.3, beabsichtigte, mit seiner Histoire de
la Suisse* cine Darstellung zu geben, die wissen-
schaftliche Fundiertheit mit leiehter Lesbarkeit
verbindet. Es ging ihm dabei nicht nur um die
Auswahl der eharnkteristischen Momente in der
Ge.schichte unscres Landes, sondern auch um die
Fixierung der groBen Zu.sammenhiinge und deren
Verst.indnis. Les faits n'iinportent a I'histoire
que s'ils sont une cau.se on une con.sequence*,
schrieb er im Vonvort. L'histoire est une chaine.
Les faits isoles ne comptent pas. So verfaBte er,
inspiriert durch Gonzagtie de Reynolds histori-
sches Werk. .seine bis heute wertvoll gebliehene
Schweizer Geschichte,
die er im Untertitel als
Essai
sur la Formation d'une Confederation
William Martin: Histoire dp la Suisse. Essai sur
* Kommunismus
la Formation d'uno Confederation d'Etats. Quatrieme
(Edition conforme k la prtVodentP, suivir d'uii appcn-
dice inedit La Suisse dc 1928 a 1958 par Pieire
Beguin. Librairie Payot, Lausanne.
Von ('ini'iii (liircliaiis veriiiiiliTien
kiirzlich ersehieneno Studic bestinimt: The Kino'n
Tmn Undies A Study
Mediaeval Political in
Theolno!/^.' Kantorowiez, seit vielen Jahren an
Univcrsifiiten der Vereiniglen Staaten tatig,
schreiht heute englisch
zu lesendes,
ein
umgangspraclilich - aii.-iiruflisloses Englisch, gc-
eignet, Saciien zu nennen, zu unter<'liciden, Zu-
sammengchiiriges zu biindplii; von niystischen Din-
gen ist die Hede, in giinzlich iinniystisdiem Ton.
Von Theorien der englischen Renaissance geht
Kantorowiez aus, um ein zentraie;5 Problem des
Mittelalters zu fassen: die Vorstellung vom doppel-
ten Wesen des Kiinigs
des Kiinigs, der ah
Mensfh jung und alt, gesund und krank, Tiiuschun-
gen unferwort'en und sterblich ist, aber ah Ko>ii0
alferslos, inirner im Recht, von irdisdieni Zerfall
nicht anget'ochten.
Es
ein juristisches, ein politischcs, ein theo-
ist
logisches Problem. In Proze.ssen gegen die Krone
tiiucht es auf: lai eine ScLenkung des vci
storbenen Kiinigs giiltig, obwohl er sie maclite,
ehe er miindig war, und obwohl sie Land betraf,
das er nicht als Ki'mig, sondern als Privatmann
erworiien hatte? Allerdings; dcnn das Konigtum
kennt keine Uniniindigkeit, des Kiinigs natiiilichc
Person besteht neben seiner politischen Person
nicht unabhiingig fort; Kilnig geworden, handelt
der Mensch als Kiinig; die Krone* handelt, oder,
weitcrentwickelt, jenes, worin natiirliehe und poli-
tische Person iibereinkommen, die Diguitas, die
unvcrgiingliche Herrscherwiirde.
Die Eiktion der Krone, der Begritf der iiher-
persiinliclirn Herrscherwiirde, Vorstellungen von
Staat und Vaterland als gehpiligtpn Wpsenheiten:
.sie zielen alle auf die giittliche Herkunft der
Autoritat. Das bcdeutet
daB dem Monarchen
nicht,
Allgewalt zugeschrieben wird. Der llerrscher kann
als das lebendige Rrcht verstanden sein, das den
doppeltpu menschlich-giittlichcn Aspekt mit alien
Ideen teilt, und wird daher auf wechselnde, aber
jpwpils sehr genaue Weise iiber und unter das Ge-
setz gcstellt. Oder er kann
Shnlich mysti- in
sches Verhaltnis zum Staat gebracht sein wie der
Priester zur Kirche; das erhebt nicht so sehr ihn
als die politische Genieinschaft in einen heiligen
Stand. Die Rechtfertigung des Parlanients wur-
zelt hier.
Menschlich von Xatur und giittlich durch die
Gnade: das ist vom Herrscher gesagt; es spiegelt
aber das Doppelbild, in welchem Christus dem
* Princeton University Press, Princeten
d'Etats* in ihrem Hauptwesenszug
sierte.
Fiir die nun vorliegende Neuedition verfaBte
Pierre Beguin,
Chefredaktor der Gazefte do
Lausanne* und Verfasser des Bitches Le Balcon
sur I'Europe; Petite llistoire de la Suisse pendant
la Guerre 1939
1945*, einen Aniiang: l^ Suisse
de 1928 a 19.58, des.en Inhalt hier angedeutet sei.
Beguin wei.st auf die gewaltige Zunahme der
schweizerischen Beviilkerung wiihrend der letzten
30 Jahre um fa.st eine Million hin. Trotz der Wirt-
schaftskrise der beginnenden dreiBiger Jahre. die
bis 1939 nachwirkte, setzte, insbesondere nach
194.5, ein starker wirt.schaftlicher Aufschwning ein.
Die politischen Auswirkungen der Krise sind
einer Jlodifizierung dcr Auffassung des Staates
zu sehen. der in das gefahrdete Wirtschaftsleben
eingritf; Beguin bezeichnet diese ZeitUeber-
gang vom liberalisme mancliesterien* zu einem
liberalisnie nettement influence par les concep-
tions communautaires*. Ungeachtet der okonomi-
schen Veriinderungen und der daraus sich ergeben-
den Evolution der Ideen blieb die Stabilitiit in der
Politik gewnhrt; in groBen Ziigen geht der Alitor
den Griinden fiir die Festigkeit der bestehenden
politischen Ordnung nach, welehe auch durch die
extremistischen Bewegungen des Facisnius und des
nicht erschiittert
Diese politische Stabilitiit ist um so bemerkens-
werter. als das Land in den letzten dreiBig Jahren
betriichtlidie demographische, soziale und indu-
strielle Verandenmgen erfahren hat
' J D /
U U J L
Stil ist die I)a.s 1st kiihn und iiberau.s konsef|(i.
es wertet die Parailelezwischen den zwei N'aturen
f'hri.stiund den beiden Persnnen des Monarchen
zu dessen Ounsten aus, verschriinkt die eine
Doppelerscheinung in die andere. Wenn spiiter, in
Icioht einer Schrift des Eneas Siivius Piecolomini, die
Lehre vom myslischen Leib der Kirche mit Chri-
stus als llanpt ausdriicklich ihr Gegen.stiick er-
hiilt in jener vom mystischen I>eib des Staates
mit
dem Herrscher als Ilaupt, so liegt darin nicht nur
humanisti.sehe Verweltlichung des Kirchenbildes,
sondern auch der sakralc Zug, den sich da.s Konig-
tum bis weit in die Xeuzeit hinein erhalten sollte
nur daB er sich nun weniger in unbezweifel-
barer Gerechtigkeit der herrscherlichen Autoritat
auspriigfp als in der GewiBlieit ihrer Dauer, der
Unsterblichkeit des Kiinigs,
vcrsinnbildlicht als lebendig empfunden wurde in
der Kontinuitiit der Dynastie.
Das mehr als fiinfhundort
.1.1 Mnterinlund Gcdanken iiherroiche Werk ist
mit diesen Andputmigen niclit angpmessen ins
Licht geriickt. Noch weniger die Frage, die Kan-
torowiez von vielen Orten angeht und dem Lcser
in einigen Hinweisen hochst eindringlich werden
liiBt; die Frage niimlich, die Richard II. in Shake-
speares Drama stellt:
. nicht Flcisch und Blut
. liiihnt
.
Mit p:hrbezeugung werft die Achtung ab,;
Gobrauchp, Sitt' und auRcrlirhcn Dienst.
thr irrtet cuch die ganzo Zcit in mir:
Wie ihr, Icb' ich vnn Brot, ich fiililc Mangel,
Ich fchmeckp Kummer und bcdarf der Frcunde.
So untorunrfen nun
Wie kfinnt ihr .=agpn, da(3 ich Kcinig bin?
Die Frage ist entschieden, sowie sie gestellt
werden kann. Wo in der gnadenhaften Einheit des
Kfinigtums ein RiB sidi aultut, wo der Zweifcl
eindringen kann zwisclirn Mensch und Sendung,
da ist es auch erlaubt, sich abzuwenden: der Herr-
scher, der die Schwiiche seiner Person entdeckt,
biiBt .sein Recht auf die Gefolgschaft
ein im Rahmen des Mittelalters ein pathologischer
Fall; doch es ist zugleich ein historiseher Vor-
gang. In der Zauberflote kann es heiBen:
i.st ein Prinz. Er
als das: er ist ein
ist mehr
Mensch. DaBSchriftsteller unserer Tage er-
ein
klfirt hat, es sei hohe Zeit, den Satz einmal wie-
der umzukehren, kann da nichts ungeschehen
machen. Heute ist es schon eine groBe l.,ei.stung,
analysierend den Vorstellungskreis zu durchschrei-
ten, den Kantorowiez mit Dantes Vision eines
doppclten Men.schentums zugleich geschlos.sen und
charakteri- Der trotz sprachlichen und konfessionellen Ver-
.schiedenheiten vorherrschende Wille zur nationalen
Einheit bildet eine der wertvollsten Konstanten
un.serer Geschichte; er steht auch
unserer Neutralitiit: La neutralite reste le eiment
de la dnrce et de la permanence de I'Etat federal.*
Bei all den genannten Verschiebungen in unserer
Bevolkeriingsstruktiir blieb das Schweizervolk sei-
nen Institutionen treu; Beguin spricht geradezu
von einer Angst, die bestehenden Zustande anzu-
ta.stcn. und nennt als Bei.spiele dafiir die Jura-
f rage, die Jesuitenf rage und die Frage des Frauen-
stimmrechts. Die schweizeri.sche Politik ist prag-
mati-sch bestimmt und zeichnet sieh durch Ueher-
legung und MaB aus. Setzte sich der Bundesstaat
in
von 1848 die Festigung der Demokratie und der
Freiheit als erstes Ziel. so hat sich dieses im Laufe
der Jahrzehnte zusehends auf die .soziale Sichening
als
hin versehoben: Les problemes de liberte une fois
resolus, ... les problemes de securite sociale ont
etc eon.stamment au premier plan de Tactualite.*
Die.se Tendenz verstiirkte sich. wie der Verfas.ser
durch Beisi)iele belegt. in den letzten dreiBig Jah-
ren betr.ichtlich. In priignanter Darstellung faBt
Beguin die Ereignis,se wiihrend des Zweiten Welt-
krieges zusammen und eharakterisiert
nahmen. zur Bewaltigung dieser sehwierigen
die
Periode getroffen wurden. In einem letzten Ah-
werden konnte. schnitt seiner vorziiglichen Uebersicht. durch die
Martins Histoire de la Suisse* a jour gebracht
wird. verfolgt Pierre Beguin die Evolution der
.schweizerischen Xeutralitiit, ihre
Erprobung wiih
rend des Zweiten Weltkrieges und ihre Xeuinter-
L
KCMlirieben iind durch wesenthches Malcnal au.^
m ^...i.niii, den Qiiellen bereichert.* Es handelt sich um ein
Standardwerk moderner Forschung, und Ilaintz
ist dafiir in Schweden seit langem
bekannt und
gpphrt worden. Seine Darstellung ist souveran, sie
breitet viel Detail aus, behalt aber die Faden in
der Hand. Es ist ein aus den schwedischen, deut-
schen und teilwei.se ru.ssi.schpn Quellen gearbeitetes
Werk und hat keineswegs pragmatische Zwee.ke,
.sondern dient der Wi.ssenschaft von jenem Kijnig,
der cigentlich der letzte Held im mythLschen Sinne
war.
Das IJngluck Karls wird hier nicht, nach be-
quemem Schema, in dem Gemeinplatz ge.sehen,
Karl habe sich iibernommen, indem er mit den
Kriitten eines mittleren Staates eine Weltmacht
die am Ende mehr angritr. (Schweden war damals GroBmacht
und
RiiBland eine unhekannte GroBe.) Karls Heer war
das beste der Welt; er war gewohnt, gegen
zwei-
und dreifache Uehermacht zu siegen, und als Feld-
Seiten umfassende,
herr war er ein Genie. Haintz folgt der
The.se des
schwedischen (iencrals Petri, der gpzeigt hat.
daB
das scliwedische Generalstabswerk nicht
das Reci't
habe. Poltawa eine Fehlleistung zu
nennen. Karl
wolltc nicht die kleine Feste Poltawa
mit 4000
Mann nehmen, sondern belagerte Poltawa, um lie
gesamte nissische Macht auf sich zu ziehen und ihr
eine Ent.scheidiingsschlacht zu liefem. Das
gelang
viillig, bis in die Details der
taktisehen Einsiitze.
Er verlor die Schlacht aus Griinden, die nicht in
und an ihm lagen: er selbst wurde kurz vorher
schwer verwundet, die Riissen hatten in der letzten
Xacht zufallig Schanzen gebaut, die er nicht ken-
nen konnte, und auBer ihm selbst kannte nur tin
General den Plan der Schlacht. Trotzdem war die
Katastrophe kein Ziifall. Sie war letztlieh be-
griindot in einem Mangel an diplomatisch-politi-
schcr Vorbereitung, dem Fehlen von starken
Bun-
desgenossen.
Die beiden andern Biinde des Haintzschen
Werkes sind nicht minder fesselnd, aber sie han-
ein. Das ist deln nicht mehr in welthistorischem Aspekt:
Karl
war eine fast abenteuerliche Randfigur geworden,
und die Schweden mcigen mit sich selber aus-
Er
machen, ob, wie und warum Karl und sein Volk
njcht mehr zueinander fanden. Das Problem, das
Karl bei Poltawa zu erledigen gedachte, hieB
ja
nicht Ausliischung RiiBlands. sondern
dort ein der
.schwedischen Welt genehmes Regime zu errichten
und dadurch in Polen und Sachsen Riihe zu haben.
Otto Haintz: Kiinig Karl XII. von Schwede n.
^^- 13, Verlag Walter de Gruyter, Bprlin 1958
pretation in Jlax Petitpierres Foi-mel
Xeutralite
et Solidarite*.
am Ursprung
Kleine Chronik
Die Kirihe .Si. Jo.i in Klatten. i,r. Seit
langem
ist der Zustand der reichgegliederten kirchlichen
Baugnippe von St. Jost zu Blatten bei Malters
be.sorgni.serregend. Die nur wenige Kilometer von
Luzern entfernte, einst vielbesiuhte Walllahrts-
kirche an der nach dem Entlebiuh und nach Beni
liihipudpn StraBe, die sich wiihrend langer Zeit
der besonderen Snnpathie des Luzerner Patriziates
erfrpiife, ist vom Zerfall bedrolit.
und ihre kiinst-
len.sche Aus.schiniickiing liiBt den ur.spriinglichen
Glanz kaum mehr erkennen. Die Vrremigung fur
Joat-Knche Blatten hat den Boden fiir eine
die St.
wirk.snme Rettungsaktinn vorbereitet. fiir die sich
jetzt ein aus vielen angesehenen Persiinlichkeiten
gebildetes Ehren- und Patronat.skomifee einsetzt.
Anton Achemiann (Luzern).
des.sen Initiative .seit
Jahren werbekriiftig spiirbar wurde, prasidiert den
AusschuB und die Baukoinmission. in welcher
Kunsthi.storiker und kantonale Beamte mitarbeiten.
Trotz den in Aus.sicht
stehenden Beiiragen der
Gemeinde Malters, des Kantons Luzern und der
Eidgenos.senschaft wird intensive Finanzbeihilfe
von privater Seife niitig sein. wenn da.s umfa.ssende
die MaB- Renovationswerk gelingen soil. Zum Gliick ist die
im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert zu ihrer schmuck-
reichen Gestaltung gelangte Kirchenanlage. die in
den Kunstdenkmalern des Kantons Luzern* ein-
gehend gewiirdigt wird, vor entstellenden Verande-
rungen verschont geblieben. Ihre wiirdigp Instand-
stellung wird nunmehr als dringliche Aufgabe der
'uzernischen Denkmalpflegfe empfunden und wirk-
samgefordert

SEPARATING THE
Ernst H. Kantorowicz : The King's Two Bodies. A Study in Medieval
Princeton University Press.
This large volume of 568 pages has
its origin in a conversation between
the author and the late Professor
Max Radin, a conversation which
turned to Maitland's famous studies
of the Crown as a " Corporation
sole," " to the curious legal fiction
of the King's Two Bodies as deve-
loped in HIi/.abethan England, to
Shakespeare's Richard II. and to
certain medieval antecedents of the
'
abstract king The conversation
led to an essay, and the essay to
the present book
Thenecessity of distinguishing
between a ruler as a human person
and the office which he holds is one
which very varied circumstances have
forced upon men of all ages. Some-
times it is bound up with the desire
that the ruler and his family should
hold property which is separable
from the property attached to the
crown, sometimes it arises from the
need to punish or prevent the mis-
deeds of an individual without bring-
ing down
the superstructure of
society. The
distinction is not a
difficultone to make and is found
at an early date in medieval society.
It would hardly be correct to say
that Dr. KantoVowicz traces the
development of the idea, though his
book does in the main proceed
chronologically. Rather he has given
us a series of studies of variations
upon the central theme. We
see it
developed in terms of theology, law.
metaphysics, political theory. To
read this book is to have fascinating
experiences in unusual realms of
thought. Most readers will emerge
enriched in knowledge, but they may
well wonder whether their journey
has led them to any gt>al. The con-
clusion of the book appears to be,
if the Epilogue is any guide, that
the concept of the King's Two
Bodies is "an ofTshoot of Christian
theological thought, and consequently
stands as a landmark of C hrisliah
political theology," but it may be
questioned whether all the labour of
the 500-odd pages was necessary
to reach this conclusion, and
whether much that is contained in
THE TIMES LITERARY SUPPLEMENT FRIDAY NOVEMBER
MAN AND THE OFFICE
London Oxford University Press. 4.
:
them is very directly related to it.
One cannot avoid the feeling that this
book was probably much more read-
able and intelligible when it was
an essay than it is in its somewhat
inflated form. Christology, the prob-
lem of time, ecclesiology, theories
of taxation, patriotism, the develop-
ment of coronation and their
riles
significance, the funeral customs of
the later Middle Ages all pass before
us in an impressive but somewhat
bewildering procession. One
the book down with something of
the feeling one has after reading Pro-
fessor Toynbee: admiration at the
author's encyclopedic knowledge
and a vague sense of disquiet about
a good many of the details.
An example of the kind of dis-
cussion that raises doubts is to be
found in the section called Di^^nitas
lion inoritur. Here much is made of
the medieval custom at the
late
funerals not only of kings but also
of prelates and great secular lords
of carrying on the coffin an effigy
which represented the deceased in his
state of earthly majesty. This custom
is held to be connected with, and pos
sibly the origin of, those tombs which
have a double representation of the
deceased, one in life and the other
in the dissolution of death. On all
this the author comments:
The decrepit and decaying
natural in the tomb, now separated from
the awe-inspiring body politic above it,
appears like an illustration of the doc-
trine expounded over and over again
by mediaeval jurists: Teneiii dignitatem
est corruptilvlis, DIGNITAS
semper est, iion moritur.
Professor Kantorowicz seems to
establish that the use of a funerary
effigy was adopted France under
in
English influence at the time of the
deaths of Henry V and C harles VI.
He also traces in considerable detail
the gruesome and typically French
developments of the practice in the
succeeding 200 years, and this
development certainly seems to
support the thesis quoted above. But
right to assume that the sym-
is it
bolism of a developed practice
13 1959 665
Political Theology. 568pp.
France was also the symbolism of a
more moderate funerary usage in
England ? A detail gives point to the
doubt. Much made
of the monu-
is
ment of Archbishop Chichele in
Canterbury Cathedral, and the author
writes;
Hence, the sepulchral monument of
Archbishop Chichele. showing the effigy
on the lop of the tomb and the corpse
within the tomb, was the naturalistic
reproduction of reality, rendering simply
what was seen at the funerary proces-
puts sion: ihe effigy in regalia on top of
the coffin which contained the almost
naked corpse.
But have we any reason to think that
the corpse was " almost naked " ?
It is true that the custom of burying
the body in full pontificals seems
to have ceased for a period, but if
the burial of William Lyndwood, a
contemporary of Chichele's. is any
guide, the corpsewas certainly not
naked. was in fact very well
It
swathed and embalmed, and survived
incorrupt until it was discovered in
St. Stephen's Chapel after the fire
which destroyed the Houses of Parlia-
ment in the nineteenth century. More-
over, there was placed in the coffin a
pastoral staff, the most essential
symbol of episcopal dignity. Inci-
dentally. Lyndwood is incorrectly
described elsewhere in the book as
Bishop of Hereford. He was, at the
body end of his life. Bishop of St. David's.
It seems much more probable that the
symbolism of these monuments was
simply sic transit fjloria niundi.
This small illustration shows tht
tainen great problem which faces all who
try to elucidate symbolism, whether
in art, literature or ceremonial. How
can we be sure that the subtleties
which we discern were intended by
those who constructed and used it ?
Professor Kantorowicz's book is
typical of a certain kind of modern
historical work, usually proceeding
from Germanic sources. Undoubtedly
we have much to learn from it, and it
makes fascinating if somewhat diffi-
cult reading, but most historians are
likely to approach it with a good deal
in of caution.
U U J Zl
r

HOOK HKVIKW.S
II3i)

<paUons IS the little spaee devoted to this the.ne, .o.npanson w.th the eon-
in
t.m.al attack on state action: also th,- iutle histnri.al reference
to medieval
Eui;ope ni comparison with reference to classi.-al
an.i,,uitv nnd the then-recent
centimes . the West- the "mercantilistic" epoch.
It i^iiuteworthv, too,
that
the whole discussion of relision is incorporated
in thaK.f education/ln politi.s
Smith IS .hown to favor "republicanism,"
constitutional government on'
i.e.,
tlie pattern of Britain at the time- or even moK' that of "Holland "
as havimr
more freedom of trade. There should he a hei^ditary e.xecutive
I rage.
and'limitcd J-
In a book with this title, by a polit/f^al
scientist and pre.sumabiv
intend.-d
primarily f.,r that profession, the eci>domist
does not expect a clo,.e analvsis of
Smith s economic .system or critio^ of his pol.,-y
of market freedom. Smith did
not use the term ^laiss^r-fmre/^nd h.
recognized many gnn.nds and occa-
MoiLs for governmental a.-th.u/i the
economic fic.kl. He made .scathing remarks
about commercial .societ.y/^howing that he had no
idealistic illusions about
1
An econonust^ review/marp^ remark that it is over-generalization
to saN that smith hdj- that "the
distribution of value in a
commercial . . .

society IS determinedly the bargaininir "

power of the parti.-s ,p 7oi The . .
.

following statemen/ inferring the

view\hat .ages, profit and rent aiv'
conventional can be defended, but
n.ented in .Snu>K. Not.
. . ^
V'.v "theories" can al,s be don,-
howevr, the principln,
now re.-ognized as .self-evident
that market competition divides a joint
produc^Niimong compicMuentarv agents
producmg^on the ba.sis of the contributions of sninJl
increments of ea(-h to the
total result. It took the "best minds"
in political ecoLny itself a
good centurv
to begj;. to grasp this prin.-iple- and
a furth.-r generatii^v-.r two to
incorporat'e
111 my> an intelligible economic
Smith an.l i. cl.^,.al" followers had
sy.stem. 1

nu^ explanation of distribution as the j,ri.i>

g of productiV-<'rvices .s,.h
ardmcss ,n seemg the obvious is rather the mo.st
important l.-sso^Ho be learn.-d
Irom tfie .study ol the hist.nv of economic
thought.
,, ,. .
Tii.wK 11 Kxh.iii

Th: King, Two Bodies: A Study in Mcliaral rlitir,d

Th nh,;,, Hy Fkvst H
Kantohowicz. (Princeton: Princeton Inivcisitv
l>ress l!:,7 1> xvi
x\i, -..It'
.}t)/.
1 p.
SI 0.00.)

Profe.s.sor K .ntorowi,.z has writt.-n

a great book, perhap.^ the mo.^t
important
w...k n. the history of medieval
of the past several generations.
political thought, su.elv the ,st specta.Milar m
Here, in superbly designed chapters ba.sed
upon'
the best .srhoarship every field even m
remotely con.erned with the Middle
Ages. the development of the theory and
IS
symbolism of the .-arlv national
states from the eleventh to the
.sixteenth centuries. Some-, prejudi.-e.l
against
he heoretica approa.-h, may .-onsider
his treatment f.o c.,nceptualize,l
I
h.nk not, for he i.s constantly in touch
with the events of his period and aware
too ot all methodological proprieties.
The (-arly .hapters establish the pr..blenisand the plan
of the study. Kantoro-

n U
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 1140 THE AMERICAN POLrTlCAL SCIENCE REVIEW

wicz Starts with tlic Tudor mystic fin ion of the "Kind's Two Bodies," dis-

cusses this difficult distinction between the royal l)ody-natural and IxKly-
its me-
poHtic and the latter's special eternal status, and sets out to discover
transfer of theo-
dieval antecedents. Then, illustrating a principal theme, the
logical and and symlxils to the secular power, he sketches
ecclesiastical qualities
Society to the
the movement of the t.erm 'corpus mydicum" from Christian
Church to the State. Brilliant in this opening section, and indicative too of
his range, is the interpretation of Shakespeare's RtrhanI 11 against the concept
of a "royal Christ olog>-."
The argument of developed in several long and complicated
the book i<

chapters, in which we first return to the eleventh century. At that time

Kantor-
owicz finds the king's duphcation of persons not founded on Law or in a
consti-

tution, but rather on Oace, in Theology. By the thirteenth

century, however,
"Christo-
a "theocratic-juristical" idea of government has replaced the earher
studies. The
logical-liturgical" one, laigely as the result of the revived legal
legists cited the Bible through the Corpus liiris. called
themselves "priests of
the law of justice," and in very many ways contributed to the
"new holiness
oLstate." Finally iiT this chapter, "Law-Centered Kingship,"
Kantorowicz dis-
tiu,
cusses the concept of the fisc both in the continental jurists of the
Roman and
the to the eternity
Canon laws and in Bracton, showing the relationship (.f fisc

of the stat,e and to the prcx-ess of its hallowing.

state, giving
He next ela1:)orates on the corporational aspects of the medie\ al
a more detailed analysis of ''carpus miisHcum"
to show how the term came

ultimately to designate the Church as a "body pohtic" and how this

theological

concept was arrogated by secular powers. Then, after a discussion of the

rela-
of the new
tionship of State to Law, Kantorowicz turns to the glorification
I'atherland." He
states in terms of such notions as -Patria" and "Die for the
very
l>egins the next chapter, "On Continuity and Corporations," with a
stimulating account of the philosophical concept of time, "ocruTn." revived
m
abstractions
the thirteenth century, and draws its implications for the political
the three
then l)eing made immortal l)y the jurists. This done, he discusses
dies": the ever-
factors that combined to create the fiction "The King never
the immor-
lastingness of the dynasty, the corporate quality of the cn.wn, and
is very fine and ex-
tality of the royal "dignitas." The treatment of digniias
imprecision.
emplifies his success in finally clarifying terms long used with
symbolic
Dignitas creates a new series of problems and relationships: the
phoenix and the state, the "equiparation" of God and dignitas, the significance
monarchy, and others. In his concluding
of the royal effigy for the eternal
chapters, Kantorowicz brings together with particular reference to Eng-
it all
function of
land, whose special development he ascril)es to the existence and
Pariiament; he presents a masterly interpretation of Dante's social and
politi-

cal ideas: and he tentatively rejects the possibihty that

the "King's Two

Bodies" had its origin in ancient as opposed t) medieval thought.

Peter N. Kiesenberg.
Swarthmori (.'uLUgc.

U U J J
 Tlir TIMFS IITFRARY SUPPIIMIlsr FRIDAY NOVIMBIR \^ 1959 665

SEPARATING THE MAN AND THE OEEICE

Frnst H. Kantorowicz : The K ing s Two Bodies. A Study In Medieval Political Theology, 568pp.
Princeton University Press. L ondon : Oxford University Pre.ss. 4.

This large volume of 5t>S pages has them very directly related to it
is France was also the symbolism of a
its origin in a conversation between

the author and the laic Professor

Max Radin, a conversation which
turned to Maitland's famous studies
of the Crown as a " Corporation
sole," " to the curious legal fiction
of the King's Two Bodies as deve-
loped in Elizabethan England, to
Shakespeare's Richard II. and to
certain medieval antecedents of the
One cannot avoid the feeling that this more moderate fune-ary usage in
bot>k was probably much more read-
able and intelligible when it was
Ijighind A detail gives point to the.'
Lord
doubt. Much is mad* of the monu-
an essay than it is in its somewhat ment of Archbishop C hichcle in
inflated form. Christology, the prob- C anterbiiry ( athedral, and the author
lem of time, ecclesiology, theories writes:
of taxation, patriotism, the develop-

significance, the funeral customs of

Hence, the sepulchral monument of
ment of coronation rites and their Archbishop Chichele. shawmg the efligy
_

on the [op of the tomb aiul the corr>sc

'
^eaverbrook' s
'
the later .Middle .\ges all pass before 'within the tomb, w.is ihe n.iiur.ilistic
'
abstract king "'. The conversation lepmdiiclion of reality, rciuiering (.imply
us in an impressive but somewhat
led to an essay, and the cs.say to what- was seen at the funerary proces-
bewildering procession. One puts ision:
the present book. the effigy in rctalia on top of
the book down with something of 'he toflin which contained the almost
Thenecessity of distinguishing
between a ruler as a human person
and the office which he holds is one
the feeling one has after reading Pro-
fessor Toynbee: admiration at the
author's encyclopedic
Make- corpse. 1

But have we any reason to think that

which very varied circumstances have
forced upon men of all ages. Some-
times it is bound up with the desire
that the ruler and his familv should
hold property which is separable
from the property attached lo the
crown, sometimes it arises from the
need to punish or prevent the mis-
deeds of an individual without bring-
ing down the
superstructure of
society. The
distinction is not a
difficult to make and is found
one
at an early date in medieval society.
It would hardly be correct to say
that Dr.
Kantorowicz traces the
development of the idea, though his
book does in the main proceed
chronologically. Rather he has given
us a series of studies of variations
upon the central theme. We see it
developed in terms of theology, law.
metaphysics, political theory. To
read this book is to have fascinating
experiences in unusual realms of
thought. Most readers will emerge
enriched in knowledge, but they may
well wonder whether their journey
has led them to anv goal. The con-
clusion of the book appears to be,
if the Epilogue is any guide, that
the concept of the Kings Two
knowledge the corpse was " almost naked "
and a vague sense of disquiet about It is true that the custom of burying
a good many of the details.
the body in full pontificals seems
.\n example of kind of dis-the
cussion that raises doubts is to be
found in the section called Di,i;nitas
non moritur. Here much is made of
the late medieval custom at the
funerals not only of kings but also
of prelates and great secular lords
of carrying on the coffin an effigy
which represented the deceased in his
state of earthly majesty. This custom
is held to be connected with, and pos
sibly the origin of, those tombs which
have a double representation of the
deceased, one in life and the other
in the dissolution of death. On all
this the author comments:
The decrepit and decaying body
natural in the to.Tib, now separated from
the awe-inspiring body politic above it,
appears like an illustration of the doc-
trine expounded over and over again
by mediaeval
est corruptihilis,
\einper en. non moritur.
jurists: Tenens dignitatem
DIGSITAS
Professor Kantorowicz seems to
establish that the use of a funerary
effigy was adopted in France under
English influence at the time of the
deaths of Henry V and Charles VI.
'.'
new book
to have ceased for a period, but if
the burial of William Lyndwood, a
,r/!P
contemporary of Chichele's. is any
guide, the corpse was certainly not
naked. It was in fact very well
swathed and embalmed, and survived
incorrupt until it was discovered in
St. Stephen's Chapel after the fire
which destroyed the Houses of Parlia-
ment in the nineteenth century. More-
over, there was placed in the coffin a
pastoral staff, the most essential
symbol of episcopal dignity. Inci-
dentally. Lyndwood is incorrectly
described elsewhere in the book as
Bishop of Hereford. He was, at the
end of his life. Bishop of St. David's.
Itseems much more probable that the
symbolism of these monuments was
simply sic transit gloria mundi.
tamen
This small illustration shows thf
great problem which faces all who
try to elucidate symbolism, whether
lt$ title:
in art, literature or ceremonial. How
can we be sure that the subtleties
which we discern were intended by
those who constructed and used it ?
book is

FRIENDS
Professor Kantorowicz's
Bodies is "an offshoot of Christian He also traces in considerable detail typical of a certain kind of modern
theological thought, and consequently the gruesome and typically French historical work, usually proceeding
stands as a landmark of Christian developments of the practice in the from Germanic sources. Undoubtedly
politicaltheology." but may be succeeding
it 200 years, and this we have much to learn from it, and it
questioned whether all the labour of development certainly seems to makes fascinating if somewhat diffi-
the 500-odd pages was necessary support the thesis quoted above. But cult reading, but most historians are
to reach this conclusion, and right to assume that the sym-
is it likely to approach it with a good deal
whether much that is contained in bolism of a developed practice in of caution.

/ / L _/ L
U U J U
 December 18, 1959

The Editor,
The Times Literary Supplement .
London, England.

Dear Sir:

I think that the review (13 Nov.) of Ernst Kantorowice, i

The King's
Two Bodies, demands some qualification. (Unfortunately circumstances prevented
my seeing it until now; hence the delay.) In the first place,
the reviewer
remarks that Kantorowicz's distinction between the
public boc^ or office of the
king and his private person 'is not a difficult one to
make and is found at an
early date in medieval society.' In a sense this is
true. And yet it is
always difficilt to understand a clear separation of
office and private per-
sonality, just as public and private law in the State
are never adequately
defined. Today, for example, a President of the United
States is capable of
assuming that his right of office includes the right of
his family to free
transportation at the public expense for the private pleasures
of relaxation.
There is nothing wrong in this, perhaps, because the
public interest may depend
on the private health and happiness of the President's
wife and children, as
well as the personal health of the chief executive himself.
To what degree
however, should public and private be separated in
the magistracy? I have no
answer. The point is that the author of the review
in question probably has
no clear answer either. And if he should study the
numerous discussions of
public and private law, and of the office of the prince
in relation to public
law and the State, in the legists of the twelfth and
thirteenth centuiy, he e s
would find that there are very serious difficulties. ""
Kantorowice tn 4is
ijr?)ortant book has contributed far more than
an elaboration on the simple and the
obvious. He has, with rich learning and creative
imagination, show^what is
generally not recognised, that men in the Middle Ages
were capable Jf thinking
in sophisticated terms about problems of public law
and the State. This is above
all important because modem historians and political
'scientists' still normally
assume that medieval men were too childlike to understand
these matters.

One more remark. The reviewer speaks of 'a certain

kind of historical
work usually proceeding from Germanic sources.* Surely
he cannot mean that
the book is based on sources left by the Germanic peoples,
whether Anglo-Saxon
or Teutonic. Presumably he is reflecting an old tradition
in English-speaking
countries that political^theology, or any profoundly
inystlcal stuff about
kingship, must originate in ponderous German thinking.
If so, I wonder why the
terminology, the Ideas and the ideals of monarchy, along
with symbols and rites,
descended chiefly from the '^^cient#Mediterranean world in
Greco-Roman-Chrlstian
sources, enjoyed a medieval revival, and came down to
the mode age tn Byzantine,
Burgundian, French, and even English as well as Oermar
ritual and ideas about
the crown. Given the development of the crown in
England, it is hard to under-
stand how the English reverence for it is less theological,
less nystlcal, than
in 'Germanic sources.' Political theology is always
irysterlous and at the same
time practical even in the king- less United States.

(Gaines Post)

n L D
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 Decwaber 9, 1959

The Editor,
The Tines Literary Supjilement
Printing House Jounre
London, E.G. 4

Dear oir.

Your British academic readers, I understand, ]-;ave wayc of indinr

out
occasin^.pUy the projr mune of one of your reviewers, but ke
Ai.ierican*: can at
-r. untu the person/tlity of riny of them by dm.:in^- inferences fron;
'

gd hoc
'le my drop. This c-n l^e :^unxaiv^;, however, nd I =,ould like to ;l,,y
thXr game with the review of Kantorowic:., The Kin.rs
Two Bodies, l.v.t ^-vf;--,i .^r l;.t.h.

"Oae puts the Look

1) -
foc-liiic after .

reading Prof. .sorToynbee." 01 . .^ . ....,;_. ,

;;ot read -,.. x..ntoro^icr ,

and Toynbee, else he could not make such an inept coraiiiriuon;

or, he is so little
in schools of hi.;tor>' that he does not recofiiiae the
difference l)Otween
ophy of hii.tory ana tie ^ tory of ideas.
'

"The guresome snd typically- French develojoents of the pr-'.ctice

2)
^ c^^j^^Q
..-^^-.
[of t :e
_.j^ ^j,g^ ^, . . -
"gruesome" about the Prenc>
-, it must be thut :... .,-^; ... ., thi ""ctive to r
othervrise myateriouo phrase, "typically French." oo, we
^t the re.. .Cf
that ci-JesoDeneas is t picnlly French.

"Professor Kantorowicz's book i^ typical of a certain kind of

3) -aodem
historical work, usually proceeding from Germanic sourcea."
Not havin^ been sup oiled

is Bad '' ^^' "^ "" '^ ^'- "^- '"'^^' ^ ^^^^ *^^* ^ *^'^- i*

^^^"^ ^'
"e iiocem [in
.
,^\by "^f*
,
intended those who _,
"
syniboli::ni] v;ere
.
reviewer i^resumes t- ^ ^
^.
-
...,^
.

holism is intentlomil. Here I sroat chide him,

for ur^eni ibly an artist if
^rly in unthinkii^ tairaaa.he does by his preconceived
assertions.' Indeed ' haa
.- reviewer reveiled :;L.ell witJiout
intent, I .m auxt?as Prancophobic
i-upnoo.ic. .

Oeraanophobic dilettante of Mstory?

Yours truly.

Ralph E. Gieaey

/ U
U U J U
/ L -'
 ZEITSCHRIFT
DER SAVIGNY-STIFTUNG
FOR

RECHTSGESCHICHTE
H ER A U SG EG BEN VON
M. KASER, W. KUNKEL, K. S. BADER, H. THIEME
H. E. PEINE, J. MECKEL, H. NOTTARP

SECHSUNDSIEBZIGSTER BAND
LXXXIX. BAND DER ZEITSCHRIFT FOR RKCHTSGESCHICHTl:

GERMANISTISCHE ABTEILUNG

WEIMAR 1959
VERLAG HERMANN BOHLAUS NACHFOLGER

Somlcrdruck / In( Binhhandd ciiizeln iilclit kduflicli

n L D u
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 Literatur. 377

Cproccres, optimates, mcliorcs natu) und betoiit, daB dicsc die Hocre gebildet

batten, mit denen die merowingischcn Konij^e ihrc Eroberunfrskriege gcfiihrt

hiitten. Es ist jedoch ganz und gar nicht crsichtlich, inwiefern dieses For-

schungsergebnis bestimmt sein soil durch die angebliche besonderc Vertraut-

heit Eichhorns mit dem Staatsrecht des 1806 untergegangenen Heiligen
Romischen Reichs Deutscher Nation. Die Verfassung der germanischen Zeit
wird von Eichhorn ganz und gar nach den Berichten des Tacitus dargestellt.
]m iibrigen hat sich Eichhorn durchaus auf den Boden der Lehre Mosers
von den gemeinen Landeigentumern als dem wahren Bestandteil der
Nation" gestcllt und die weitgehende Selbstverwaltung der Gemeinfreien
noch fur die Zeit Karls des GroBen bejaht (vgl. dazu K. Jclusic, Die
historische Methode K. F. Eichhorns, 1936, S. 87f., 113, 130ff.). So diirfte
die neue Lehre" in einem viel schroffercn Gegensatz zu Eichhorn stehen
deutsche Rechtsgeschichte des 19. Jh.s.
als die klassische

So groB auch der Gegensatz der neuen" zur herrschcnden, klassischen

Lehre erscheinen mag, gegen die sie sich richtet, scheidet sie von dieser in der

von Theodor Mayer und von Dannenbauer behandelten verfassungs-

geschichtlichen Grundfrage doch nur eine diinne, leicht zu durchstoBende
Wand. Es brauchte nur erkannt zu werden, daB Leudcs, auch wenn
die

sie als Gefolgsleut* des Konigs eine besondere Stellung haben und diese als
Konigsfreie" zum Teil bis ins spatere Mittelalter bewahrt haben, als f reie
Leute den Dienst des Konigs getreten sind.
in Die Ansicht der neuen I^hre,
daB sich die koniglichen Heermannen aus Unfreien rekrutierten, ist so un-
wahrscheinlich, daB sie eines strikten Beweises bediirfte, urn festzustehen.
Ein solcher Beweis scheint mir nicht crbracht worden zu sein. Ebensowenig
scheint mir dargetan zu sein, daB die Stammesgenossen, fiir welche die Volks-
rechte gelten und mit denen sich die Capitularien befassen,
die freien Leute,

entweder dem Adcl angehorten oder die volksrechtlich unfreien Leudes

gewesen waren. Geringe Uberzeugungskraft hat die Erklarung Theodor
Mayers, daB die militarische Disziplinargewalt, welche in der bekannten
Erzahlung (Gregor Tur. Hist. Franc. 11 27) uber die Beuteteilung im Heere
Chlodwigs in Erschoinung tritt, nur gegeniiber einem Krieger unfreier Her-
kunft habe bestehen konnen. Noch viel geringere Cberzeugungskraft hat
die Ansicht das Edictum Chilperici (568584), das
Dannenbauers, daB
im Cap. 3 als Neuorung gegeniiber der Lex Salica die Erbberechtigung der
Tochter (wenn Sohne fehlen) und der Schwestern (wenn Bruder fehlen) an
Grund und Boden (auBer der trra salica) einfiihrte und unter dieser Vor-

aussetzung den Ileimfall an die Siedlungsgemeinschaft (Gemeinschaft der

vicini) ausschloB, fiir die unfreien Konigsleute erlassen worden sei (S. 69).
DaB ausgerechnet das vom und Militarkolonisten
Kiinig seinen Kriegsleuten
ijberlassene, mit der militiirischen Dienstpflicht belastete Land zuerst der
weiblichen Erbfolge sollte zugiinglich gemacht worden sein, widerspricht
den sichersten Erkenntnissen der Rechtsgeschichte auf dem Gebiete der
Grundeigentums- und Erbrechtsordnung.
Wiirden die Vertreter der ,, neuen Lehre" zur Erkenntnis gelangen, daB

n L u n
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 378 Literatur. Literatur. 379

die Leudes oder Konigsfreien, die fiir sie die Geraeinfreien" gewesen sind, werfen und diesen Begriff, wenn miiglich, in den ihm zukommenden Rahmen
wirklich Gemeinfreie gewesen sind, fiele die Scheidewand gegenuber der des mittelalterlichen politischenDenkens einzufiigen (p. IX X, 56).
klassischen Lehre weg. Die Leudes oder Konigsfreien wiiren dann ein Teil, Ist die ,, politische Theologie", wie Kantorowicz sie versteht und als ideen-
wohl ein sehr wesentlicher Teil der Gemeinfreien. Sie wiirden, auf Konigs- geschichtliche Kategorie einfiihren mcichte, dieser adaquate Rahmen? Wir
land angesiedelt, ihre Freiheit, wenn auch in einer bestimmten Beschrankung, wollen uns dabei nicht auf den Ausdruck versteifen, der, wie schon gesagt,
bewahrt haben und im spateren Mittelalter das Hauptkontingent der freien nicht sachgerecht ist
Kantorowicz selbst gibt zu, daC er nicht unbeein-
Bauern ausgemacht haben. Wenn die neue Lehre" zu dieser Wendung fluBt war von der Erscheinung moderner ,,politischer Religionen" und
worauf zu hoffen guterGrund besteht, wiirde sie sich zwar
gefiihrt wiirde, von der ,, horrifying experience of our own time in which whole nations,
nicht an einem neuen Bau versuchen, dafur aber wertvolle Beitriige leisten the largest and the smallest, prey to the weirdest dogmas and in which
fell

zum Ausbau, vielleicht sogar zuni teilweisen Umbau des Gebaudes, welches { I \ political theologisms became genuine obsessions defying in many cases

im 19. Jh. aufgefiihrt worden ist. the rudiments of human and political reason" (p. VIII), und gerade aus solchen
Reminiszenzen ergibt sich nach unserer Meinung, wie miUverstandlich und
Bern. Peter Liver.
irrefiihrend es ist, nun auch dem abendlandischen Mittelalter eine politische
Theologie" zuzuschreiben, wo allenfalls eine ,,theologisierende Politik" nach-
zuweisen ist. Wie dem auch sei, Kantorowicz ist iiberzeugt, daC alle christo-
Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies. A Study in
V
yy
Mediaeval Political Theology. Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton
logischen Probleme der alten Kirche im England des sechzehnten Jahrhun-
derts noch einmal belebt und aktualisiert worden sind, indem die Juristen
University Press 1957. 8. XVI, 568 S. den Versuch unternahmen, die Lehre von den zwei Leibern des Konigs
Die gut dokumentierte brillante Darstellung verdient das Interesse und wirksam und genau zu definieren" (p. 17). Sedes materiae ist ein Rechtsfall,
den Dank des Rechtshistorikers, auch wenn sich ihm bei der Lektiire iramer der in den ersten Regierungsjahren der Konigin Elisabeth akut wurde und
starker die Frage aufdrangt, ob das Thema, das der Titel nennt und das der iiber den Edmund Plowden in seinen Commentaries or Reports und,
Autor in der Einleitung niiher umschreibt, richtig gestellt und ergiebig gestiitzt auf ihn, Ed ward Coke (Rep. VII, 10) berichtet. In diesem Rechts-
genug ist, um Behandlung zu rechtfertigen. In Wirk-
eine so umfangreiche fall, der als Calvin's Case bekannt geworden ist, hatten die in Serjeant's Inn
lichkeit ist beides nicht der Fall; aber Kantorowicz bietet sein ganzes Wissen versammelten Kronjuristen dariiber zu befinden, ob Regierungsakte aus
und seine ganze Phantasie und Kombinationsgabe auf, urn gegen diese Wirk- der Zeit der Minderjiihrigkeit von Elisabeths Vorganger, Edwards VI.
lichkeit anzukampfen, wobei er zunachst gegen die Autoritat eines F. W. dieser wurde zwar nur sechzehn Jahre alt, war aber schon in seinem fiinf-
Maitland ankiimpft, der das Thema schon um Jahrhundertwende mit
die zehnten Lebensjahr fiir worden
volljiihrig erklart
rechtswirksam seien,
,

iiberlegener Ironie erortert hat. Maitland sah in der Theorie von den beiden
Leibern des Konigs ,,eine dogmatische Formulierung, die sich neben deni
athanasianischen Symbolum sehen lassen kann" und die zu ihrer Zeit den
Zweck erfiillte, ,,modernes und altes Recht miteinander in Einklang zu brin-
gen", d. h. neben der alten personalen der neueren, mehr unpersonlichen
Auffassung der Staatsgewalt Geltung zu verschaffen. Aus den theologischen
Ankliingen, die Maitland halb scherzhaft festgestellt hat, will Kantorowicz
nunniehr eine ganz neue Perspektive der mittelalterlichen Ideengeschichte
entnchmen, ja die Elemente eines bis dahin unbekannt gebliebenen Wissens-
gebietes ableiten. Diese Perspektive, dieses Wissensgebiet nennt er
einem Ausdruck, dem man keinen Erfolg wiinschen miichte, weil er nicht
sachgcrecht ist politische Theologie. Es stellt sich bald heraus, daU der
Titel des Buches, um den Inhalt genau wiederzugeben, ctwa lauten miiUte:
PoUtical Theology. A Study about the Fiction of the King's Two
and other Mediaeval Theorems. Abor auch dann muC man den Autor bcim
Wort nehmen, wenn er sagt, als AuUenseiter der Rechtsgeschiehte, der die
Probleme mehr aufzeigen als liisen konne, habe er nur die Absicht, den all-
gemeinen historischen Hintergrund zu ,,The King's Two Bodies" zu ent-
eine Frage, die sich dadurch komplizierte, daC sie das Herzogtum Lancaster
betraf, welches die Konige aus diesem Hause als eine Art FideikommiC
konstituiert hatten. Die Kronjuristen entschieden
that by the Common Law no Act which the King does as King, shall
be defeated by his Nonage. For the King has in him two Bodies, viz. a Body
natural, and a Body politic. His Body natural (if it be considered in himself)
is a Body mortal, subject to all Infirmities that come by Nature and .\cci-
dent, to the Imbecility of Infancy or old Age, and to the like Defects that
happen to the natural Bodies of other People. But his Body politic is a
Body that cannot be seen or handled, consisting of Policy and (jovernment,
and constituted for the Direction of the People, and the Management of
mit
the public weal, and this Body is utterly void of Infancy, and old Age,
and other natural Defects and Imbecilities, which the Body natural is
subject to, and for this Cause, what the King does in his Body politic, cannot
be invalidated or frustrated by any Disability in his natural Bodv ...
So that the Body natural, by this conjunction of the Body politic to it,
Bodies
(which Body politic contains the Office, Government and Majestv royal)
is magnified, and by the said Consolidation hath in it the Body politic".
Es ist doch wohl nur eine geistreiche Spielerei, die mit der Wirklichkeit
des juristischen und politischen Denkens des damaligen England nichts

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 380 Literatur.
Llteratur. 381

2u tun hat, wcnn Kantorowicz der vorsthenden Definition cine Ortho-

in beiden Nuancen schillern laBt: The King's Body politic ist Einzelperson
doxie" im Sinne der Lehrcntscheidungen der alten Kirche beschcinigt. Er
in der christologischenund ist Personengesamtheit in der ekklesiologischen
denkt ernsthaft und immer wieder an die Lehrc von den zwei Naturen in
Perspektive! (vgl. p. 20 und p. 218, wo besonders deutlich wird, daB die
Christus, wie sie 431 in Ephesus gegenuber den Nestorianern und
451 in ekklesiologischen Vorstellungen, mit denen Kantorowicz die englische Formel
Chalcedon gegenuber den Monophysiten definiert worden ist (Denzinger
glaubtinterpretieren zu konnen, Sondergut der kontinentalen Juristen sind).
Nr. Ilia und Nr. 148), unterlaBt es aber merkwurdigerweise, die Doku-
Man kann dazu nur sagen: Selbst wenn es Texte geben sollte, die eine solche
mente, die fiir seine These grundlegend sind, im Wortlaut anzufijhrcn;
Auslegung zulassen, so ware die Auslegung nicht weniger schief, kunstlich,
orwiihnt wird lediglich das Chalcedonense mit seiner Formel
unvermischt, an den Haaren herbeigezogen, und es muBte eine Auslegung geben, die
unverandert, ungeteilt, ungetrennt". Dafiir aber schwelgt er in theologie-
geschichtlichen Begriffen, urn die Hiiresien zu kennzeichnen,
das Dogma der Tudor-Kronjuristen nicht weniger wirksam abgewehrt
die durch iM natiirlicher ist und niiher liegt.
Das Buch, das Kantorowicz dem Rechtshistoriker vorlegt, ist provo-
cative" in dem guten, positiven Sinn, den das Wort im Englischen hat;
worden seien durch dasjenige der Vater von Ephesus und Chalcedon:
als
es erinnert ihn zeitgemaB daran, daB auch Wahrheiten, die aus guten
Arianismus, Nestorianismus, Patripassianismus bzw. Sabellianismus, Dona- Griinden
fiir unumstoBlich gehalten werden, je und je der Verteidigung bedurfen,
tismus, Monophysitismus, Monotheletismus. Er hatte die Forschungen
wenn sie ihren Rang behaupten sollen. Der
Jurist, der sich mit dem Geist
Adolf Harnacks erwahnen und zur Erliiuterung heranziehen raiissen,
und den Entwicklungsphasen des Common Law beschaftigt, wird aufgerufen,
auf dessen Spuren er sich offenbar bewegt, und auch auf neuere Werke,
seine Erkenntnisse fiir eine richtige, d. h. zwanglose und ungekiinstelte
etwa auf das in der Perspektive der konsequenten Eschatologie" geschrie-
Interpretation des Begriffs The King's Body politic zu aktivieren; die in
bene Buch von Martin Werner (Die Entstehung des christlichen Dogmas, den zeitgenossischen Quellen gebrauchte Erlauterung der two Bodies" als
Bern 1941) hinweisen sollen, wenn er von seinen theologisch und speziell two distinct Capacities" (vgl. Kantorowicz p. 12i.) laasen keinen Zweifel
dogmcngeschichtlich nicht geschulten Lesern ein verstehendes Mitgehen
daruber, daB Maitland auf dem richtigen Wege war, wenn
er unter The
rrwartete. Aber das sind formale Mangel, die nur deshalb angemerkt
zu King's Body ganz nuchtern eine Metapher fur das unpersonliche,
politic
werden verdienen, weil sie auf ihre Art bekunden, wie wenig die materialen
institutionelle Wesen der im jeweiligen Konig verkorperten
Argumente, die Staatsgewalt
das Bestehen einer mittelalterlichen und in die Neuzeit
fiir
verstanden hat. Man konnte hinzufiigen, daB diese Eigenschaft der Staats-
hereinragenden politischen Theologie" angefuhrt werden, einer Nach-
gewalt in den Monarchien des IG. Jh.s uberaus problematisch war, obwohl
priifung standhalten; es ist eine groBe Schwache des Buches, daC es in
dieser sie unter dem Gesichtspunkt der praktischen Fragen, die heute
Hinsicht nur postuliert und suggeriert, wie wenn das, was hier unbewiesen zum Begriff
der Staatensukzession gehoren, eine groBe Bedeutung hatte: noch Bodin
vorausgesetzt wird, zu den Selbstverstandlichkeiten der geistesgeschicht-
wollte alle, namentlich auoh die volkerrechtlichen Vertrage, die ein Herrscher
liehen Allgemeinbiidung gehorte. Kantorowicz selbst macht
gelegentlich abschloB, auf dessen Lebens- bzw. Regicrungszeit beschrankt wissen.wahrend
Vorbehalte, die unsere Kritik nur bestatigen: Bei alledem soil nicht voraus-
andere Theoretiker, namentlich Grotius, muhsam die Idee der Kontinuitat
;:psetzt werden, dali die Juristen bewuBt Anleihen aus
den Akten der der Staatsgewalt aus aristotelischen, riimischen und naturrechtlichen Ele-
altchristlichenKonzilien machten, wohl aber, dali die Fiktion von den
menten konstruierten (vgl. Grotius J. B. P. II, 14, 1, n. 2: distinguenduni
zwei Leibern des Konigs Interpretationen und Definitionen hervorrief,
die censemus inter actus Regis qui regii sunt, et actus eiusdem privates) und
zwangsliiufig denjenigen der Lehre von den zwei Naturen des Gottmenschen
die Praxis durch Einschaltung des priisumtiven Thronfolgers, der
ahnelten. Jeder, der mit der christologischen Auseinandersetzung Krone'-
der ersten Oder der Landstande sich im gleichen Sinn ihre besonderen Kautelen schuf.
christlichen Jahrhunderte vertraut ist, wird betroffen sein von der
Gleich- Die Unterscheidung zwischen privatem und offentlichem Recht, die sich
artigkeit des Redens und Denkens einerseits in den Inns of Court und anderer-
hier Bahn brach, hat das Common Law auf seine Weise in der besagten
seits auf den altchristlichen Konzilien, auch von der Gewissenhaftigkeit,
Theorie vollzogen: es erkannte wenigstens fur den Konig den doppelten
mit der die englischen Juristen, mehr unbewuBt als bewuBt, die
gangigen Status an, den es im romischen Recht den Menschen uberhaupt dekre-
fiir
theologischen Definitionen auf die Dcfinierung des Wesens des Konigtums
tiert sah: Ulpian based the distinction (between private and pubHc law)
anwandtn" (p. 18f.). Dazu kommt ein weiteres: Dem christologischen
upon the double status of the human being as an individual and as a member
Zweinaturenschema wird in Kantorowicz' Darstellung, wie wenn auch das
of organized society which is endowed with sovereign power, upon the
selbstverstandlich ware, weithin die ekklesiologische Idee des corpus mysticurn
antithesis of individual and common interest", sagt ein amerikanischer Rechts-
substituiert; die Konfusion, die an Stelle einer ideengeschichtlichen
Begriffs- historiker vom Standpunkt des Common Law sehr treffeud (Paul M.Craig.
klarung einsetzt und immer mehr um sich greift, wird zum
methodischen Structural differences between Common and
Law, Seminar VII, 194!),
Civil
Prinzip erhoben, indem Kantorowicz die Formel The King's
Two Bodies p. 63). Und so verstanden hat die romische Systematik ihre Entsprechung

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 382 Literatur. Literatur. 383

bercits in dpm moralischcn Diialismiis, (icn Aristotclps zwisdion

Monsch ference, any body politic of the secular world" (p. 206). Der Ausdruck
uiul Hiirger feststfllt: ein Staat
kann nicht aus lautor guten Menschen bc- corpus mysticum diente den Juristen nicht selten zur Bezeichnung ihrer
stehen, aber alle mussen die Tugend des guten
Biirgers haben (Pol. 111,3, fiktiven Personen; er war anwendbar auf die unirersilas jeder GroBe und
1277a). DaB dor Status des Menschen den Vorrang vor
dem des Burgers Rangstufe innerhalb der Hierarchic korporativer Gemeinschaften, deren
hat, ist dann zum Fanal des neuzeitlichen, nicht
mehr an Aristoteles, sondern die mittelalterliche Welt in einer Mischung augustinischer und aristotelischer
an deT Stoa orientierten politischen Denkens geworden
und hat schon in Begriffe fiinf unterschied:Haus, Nachbarschaft, Stadt, Reich und Erd-
der Kolonialzeit Amerikas dort seinen beredten
Ausdruck gefunden: Even kreis (p. 209). Kantorowicz stiitzt sich dabei auf die grundlegenden Unter-
when the subordinate right of legislature is forfeited, and so declared, this suchungen von Gierke (Deutsches Genossenschaftsrecht Bd. 3), Fritz
cannot affect the natural persons either of those who
are invested with it, Kern (Humana Civilitas, 1913) und Henri de Lubac (Corpus mysticum
or the inhabitants, so far as to deprive
them of the rights of subjects and i "1949), aber seine Darstellung ist gleichwohl nicht ganz beruhigend, denn
men." (James Otis, The Rights of the British Colonies,
1764). Wenn wir es fehlt ihm notwendige Vertrautheit mit dem Aristotelismus
sichtlich die
aber beim Konig von England und in der Tudor-Epoche
bleiben, so finden und vor allem auch mit dem kanonischen Recht, die seine Neigung, iiberall
wir, daU gelegentlich sogar mehrere Bodies
politic des Konigs anerkannt mystische Beziehungen und theologische Hintergrunde zu suchen, ziigeln
wurden, z. B. wenn in einer Parlamentsakte festgestellt wurde, daU der konnte. Kaum hat er den body politic vom sakramentalen Begriff des
Kcinig, wenn er zugleich Konig von Frankreich ist, doch nur
in seiner Eigen- corpus mysticum gelost, so wieder eine starke Tendenz des politi-
stellt er
schaft als Konig von England iiber letzteres
herrscht, ein Fall, in welchem, schen Denkens der Hochgotik toward mysticizing the body politic of
wiederum in der anschaulichen, alien Abstraktionen miCtrauenden the realm" fest (p. 227). Ein Lichtblick in dieser Wirrnis soil nicht uner-
Spracho
des Common Law, ein offentlichrcchtlicher
Gedanke, diesmal die Eigen- wahnt bleiben: in einem besonderen Fall erkennt auch Kantorowicz an:
staatlichkeitEnglands im Verhaltnis zu anderen Besitzungen der Krone, ,,The body politic, mystic, or public of England was defined not by the
ausgedriickt wurde. Das alles hat mit Theologie King or head alone, but by the King together with council and parliament".
direkt oder indirekt sehr
wenig zu tun. Dadurch kommt zwar, well die alte Verwechslung fortwirkt, ein neuer, miB-
Anders verhiilt es sich mit jenem body
den Kantorowicz, wie schon
politic, verstandlicher Begriff composite body" ins Spiel, aber die SchluBfolgerung
gesagt, irrtijmlich mit der Lehre
vom doppelten Status des Konigs in Ver- ist darum ideengeschichtlich und politisch nicht weniger bemerkenswert Die :

bindung bringt. Es ist der dem Common Law geliiufige ,zusammengesetzte' Souveranitat scheint untrennbar verbunden zu sein
Ausdruck fiir Gemein-
wesen im Sinne von Korperschaft und hat eine mit jener .organischen Einheit' des Staates, deren Erhaltung es verhindert
weltgeschichtliche Bedeutung
erlangt durch den Mayflower Contract von
1620: We ... doe by these hat, daB England den auf dem Kontinent sich entwickelnden .abstrakten
presents solemnly and mutually in the presence of Staatsbegriffen* verfallen ist" (p. 225). Und in anderem Zusammenhang:
God, and one of another,
covenant and combine our selves togeather into a ,,Das erstaunlich lange Weiterlcben der mittelalterlichen organischen Re-
civill body politick,
for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends afo- gierungsauffassung in England beruhte auf dem Bestehen der Vertretungs-
resaid ...". Da Kantorowicz keine eigentlich rechtshistorischen Unter- ktirperschaft des Parlaments, in welcher das corpus morale et politicum
suchungen anstellt was nicht ausschlieUt, daB er solchen die Wege weisen des Reiches wirklich lebte und sichtbar wurde" (p. 382). Deutet man die
will darf man ihm keine kritische Analyse und Ableitung des be-
bei Vorstellungen, auf die hier verwiesen wird, richtig, d. h. hiilt man ent-
riihmten Begriffs erwarten es werden nur Probleme
; aufgezeigt und auch dort, gegen Kantorowicz daB es
fest, um The King's Body
sich hier nicht
wo sie als solche nicht erkannt werden, in anregender sondern um the body politic
Weise zur Diskussion politic, of England, also nicht um den Konig
gestellt (namentlich pp. 193-232). Wir wollen nur
das Wichtigste erwiihnen: in seiner institutionellen Eigenschaft, sondern um das rechtliche Abbild
Kantorowicz sieht den body politic auf dem Hintergrund des Reiches handelt, zu dem eben auch der Konig gehort, so wird an diesem
der mittelalter-
lichcn Idee des corpus mysticum, dessen Beispiel besonders deutlich, inwiefern
siikularisierte Form das corpus Englands politisches Denken seit dem
politicum des Aristotelismus das die Juristen mit der universitas gleich-
sei, 13. und 14. Jh. einen Vorsprung gegenuber dem Kontinent hatte, den dieser
setzten.The notion of corpus mysHcum, designating originally the sacra- erst im Reform ationszeitalter durch die konstruktive Anstrengung der
ment of the Altar served after the twelfth century to describe naturrechtlichen Staatslehre einzuholen suchte, und weiter, inwiefern diese
the body
corpus iuridicum of the Church
politic, or
Whereas the corpus verum,
. . . naturrechtliche Staatslehre im England des 17. Jh.s ein so gunstiges Klima
through the agency of the dogma of transubstantiation finden konnte, daB sie in zwei Revolutionen den Kampf gegen den Absolutis-
and the institution
of the feast ofCorpus Christi developed a life and an mysticism of its own, mus siegreich bestanden hat und seitdem trotz aller Vorbehalte, die die
the corpus myslicum proper came to be less and
less mystical as time passed juristische Ideengeschichte erheben muB als ein typisch englisches Ge-
on, and came to mean simply the Church as wachs
a body politic or, by trans- erscheint.

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 384 Literatur.

Wir miisscn uns darauf beschriinkcn, andore Abschnitte des Buches,

cinifre
(ieren Zusammenhang mit dem Hauptthcma meist noch loser und proble-
matischer ist, als wertvolle Monograpliion einem aufmerksamen, kritischen
Studium zu rnipfehleti: Shakespearcs Kunig Richard II.; \'on der Liturgie
zur Kcehtswissenschaft; Kaiser Friedricli II.; Bracton; Pro Patria mori
(eine Idcengeschlchte des Vaterlandsbegriffs) Das Problem der Kontinui-
;

tiit (unter zaiilreichen Aspekten behandelt); Die Krone als Fiktion;

Dantes Sozialphilosophie. Besonders iiiiZusainmenhalt mit den in dieser '^
Zeitschrift (Bd. 75 G. A. 1958 407ff., 411ff.) besprochenen beiden Publi-
kationen (F. W. Maitland, Selected Historical Essays, und: Das Kci-
nigtum. Seine geistigen und rechtiichen Grundlagen) wird das hier aus-
gebreitete guellenmaterial nutzliclie Dienste leisten. Alls Themen,
die
Kantorowicz seinem Buche behandelt, sind gut gewiihlt und anregend
in
dargestellt, but"
wir gebrauchen die Worte, die er einem Fachgenossen
entgegenhalt
,, without exhausting in any respect a
most promising sub-
ject, which still demands a thorough and systematic investigation''.
Freiburg i. Br. Ernst Reibstein.

Aldo Checchini, Scritti giuridici e storico-giuridici. Pubblicati

a cura dolla Facolta di Giurisprudenza deH'Universita di Padova.
Vol. I: Problemi di metodologia e di teoria generale del diritto
Storia delle fonti Storia del diritto pubblico. Vol. II: Storia
del processo Storia del diritto privato. Vol. Ill: Diritto
ecclesiastico. Padova, Cedam Casa Editrice Dott. Antonio
Milani, 1958. Gr. 8. IV + 379,
361, 233 pp. II +
Der schtinen Sitte, verdiente Gelehrte, die an einem Wendepunkt ihrer
akademischen Laufbahn angelangt sind, durch Veranstaltung einer Samm-
lung ihrer kleineren Schriften zu ehren, verdankt die italienische rechts-
historische Wissenschaft schon die erlcichterte Zugiinglichmachung der
Scritti vari di Storia del Diritto Italiano aus der Feder von Pier S il verio
Leicht'), mit deren V'eroffentlichung 1943 zur Feier der vierzigsten Wieder-
kehr des Tages begonnen worden ist, an dem der kurzlich heimgegangene
Meister") seine erste Vorlesung gehalten hatte. Er hatte sich an der Uni-

1) P. S. Leicht, Scritti vari di Storia del Diritto italiano, vol. I II '

1, II, 2. Milano, Giuffre, 1943, 1948, 1949.
Vgl. iiber Pier Silverio Leicht
j
)
rufen von Hermann Lange, ZRG
Februar 1956) auBer den Nach-
(f 3.
LXXIII, Germ. Abt. 1966, S. 558561
^
\
von G. G. Mor, Kivista
und von H. F.
di Storia del Diritto italiano
Schmid, Almanach der Osterreichischen
XXIX, 1956, p. 524
Akademie der \
Wissenschaften, 106. Jg., Wien 1957, S. 376388, jetzt namentlich die von
der Accademia di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti di Udine, der Deputazione Friulana
di Storia Patria und der Societa Filologica Friulana veroffentlichte
Com-
memorazione di Pier Silverio Leicht, Udine, Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1958,
mit der Wiirdigung von Leichts wissenschaftlichem Lebenswerk durch
Guide Astuti (p. 1535) und der von C. G. Mor zusammengestellten
Bibliographie seiner Schriften (p. 3757).

,1

^ .

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 H^^-Wwiti,^ .2^<.cVouJJ-V
w^iu ^^^^
358 Buchbesprechungen

Ausgabe des eppichs in deutscher Sprache

1 Roeingh ist nicht einmal
der Lrwahnung wert! -
vorliegt, die jedcm zumal be. dem erstaun-
hch geriiigen Preis warmstens empfohlen
werden kann.
"''"""^*"'"
mchard Drogereit

The King's Two Bodies. A Study Mediaeval Political Theology By

in
ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ. Princeton. University
^ Press 19.7
^^^
X\T, 568 S. 24 Taf. 10 %.
Die Fiktion von den zwei Korpern des
Konigs ist nach Formulie-
rung und Inhalt eine spezifisch englische Pragung
der elisabethanischen
Zeit; sie besagt. daO der Konig
einen naturlichen Korper besitzt der
alien Gebrechen des naturlichen
Lebens unterworfen ist und einen
ubernaturlichen, der weder krank noch schwach.
niemals minder-
jahrig Oder senil ist, der niemals stirbt
und der den Engeln und himmli-
schen Geistern vergleichbar ist. Der Vf.
zeichnet den allgemeinen
historischen Hintergrund dieser merkwurdigen
Fiktion und zeigt
welche rechtsphilosophischen Gedankengange und verfassungs-
rechthchen Spekulationen zu ihr hinfiihren
konnten. Dabeikann er die
Untersuchung nicht auf die FormuUerung von
den zwei Korpern be-
schranken, die. wie sich zeigt. erst zu einem
ganz bestimmten Zeit-
punkt mogl.ch wird, sondern muB alle Erscheinungen
untersuchen in
denen eine Doppelstellung des Konigs zum
Ausdruck kommt.
Wohl nicht von ungefahr ist der Yorker Anonymus (urn
iioo) der
erste Autor. der uns ausfuhrliche
Darlegungen uber die gemma persona
des Konigs bietet. Erst der Investiturstreit
hatte ja eine klare Unter-
scheidung der spiritualia und temporalia
des Bischofs gebracht und
dessen doppelten Status anerkannt. Ahnlich
erkannte man auch dem
Konig stets einen Status non ommno laicus zu. Der
Yorker Anonymus
nun zeichnet uns am deutlichsten das Bild
des Christus-bezogenen
Konigtums der ottonischen und fruhsalischen Zeit;
der Konig wird
als gemina persona der Doppelnatur
Christi angeglichen. indem er
mcht nur Reprasentant Christi auf Erden.
sondernvollkommener
Chnstomimetes wird. Dies ist also nicht die
Unterscheidung von An.t
und Person vielmehr ist die gemina persona
; ontologisch und liturgisch
da Christi gottliche Xatur kein Amt, sondern
sein Wesen ist. Der Konig
ist irdischnatura, gottlich per gratiam').
Eine kiinstlerische Epitome des Christus-bezogenen
Konigs bietet
die Darstellung Ottos II. im Evangeliar zu Aachen, Hier ist der Herr-
scher ganz analog den Christusdarstellungen
als erectus in caelum
dargestellt, seme FuBe ruhen auf der Erde,
sein Haupt aber ragt in den
') Vgl. auch E. 11. Kantorowicz,
Dnis per naturam. dens per gratiam \ Note
on Mediaeval Political Theology. The Harvard
Theological Review 45 (19.,)

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i Mittelaltey 359

Himmel, indem seine Mandorla die des Himmels iiberschneidet; der

irdischeu iind der himmlischen Sphiire zugleich teilhaftiR, nimmt er
vollkommen die Stelle Christi ein.
Im Laufe des Jahrhunderts wiirde die Chnstus-bezogene
12.
liturgische Auffassung des Konigtums von der theokratisch-juristi-
schen Auffassung eines Recht-bezogenen Konigtums abgelost; der
Konig wird nach Johann von Salisbury imago aequitatis. Dtis nimische
Kecht ubertnig dcni Herrscher in der lex regia die voile Ciewalt, band
ihn aber in der lex digna an das Gesetz. Hieraus leitete Friedrich II.,
dessen kaiserliche Herrschaftstheologie von kirchlichem Denken
durchsetzt, von kanonistischer Diktion bestimmt und mit einer quasi-
christologischen Sprache vermischt war, seine Doppelstellung als
pater Bedeutung und Tragweite dieses Anspruches
el filius iiisticiae ab.
erhellen aus einer Untersuchung des Begriffes der iuslicia im juristi-
schen Denken des Hochmittelalters. Ihm war die oft personifizierte
iuslicia die Mittlerin zwischen gottlichem und menschlichem Recht.
Die Iuslicia und der cultus iusliciae wurden in eine religiose Sphare
erhoben, in der sich die Juristen als Priester fiihlten; es wurde iiblich,
vom sacerdos temporalis, qui est index, und vom sacerdos spiritualis, qui
est presbyter, zu sprechen. In diesem Zusammenhang errangen ja die
Juristen im 13. Jahrhundert tatsachlich einen hoheren sozialen Rang
und wurden den Rittern gleichgestellt. Als oberstem Richter kam diese
Entwicklung naturlich dem Herrscher zugute. Hinzu kamen aber noch
andere Einflusse, so die Bezeichnung des Herrschers als lex animata,
die Justinian in Nov. 105,2,4 eingefiihrt hatte, und das aristotelische
dixawv gfi<f>vxov. So naherte man sich von verschiedenen Seiten her
der Auffassung des Herrschers als Mittler zwischen gottlichem oder
Naturrecht und positivem menschlichem Recht. Diese seine Stellung
erhielt in der halbreligiosen Sphare der Juristen einen besonderen
Nimbus, der die Vergleichung des irdischen mit dem himmlischen
Richter mit sich brachte. Das Spannungsfeld des Recht-bezogenen
Konigtums war jetzt nicht mehr die Polaritat von menschlicher Natur
und gottlicher (inade, sondern tlie von gottlichem und menschlichem
Recht.
Das vorstehend besprochene Kapitel iiber ,, Law-centered
Kingship" zeigt in besonderem MaBe die behutsame Methode des
Autors, der immer wieder vor vorschnellen Schliissen warnt und das
scheinbar auf der Hand Liegende von immer neuen Seiten her be-
leuchtet. Abgesehen von dem Reiz der neuen Durchblicke, die dabei
eroffnet werden, ist dies doch die einzige Methode, der Vielschichtig-
keit und Komplexitat geistesgeschichtlicher Vorgange beizukommen.
Im 14, und 15. Jahrhundert trittein neues Herrscherbild in Erschei-
niing, das Staat-bezogene Konigtum. Sir John Fortescue pragte fiir

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 360 Buchbesprechungen

das stark konstitutionell bestimmte englischc Konigtum die

Definition
dominium regale et politicum. Was er damit meint, zeigt seine Quelle,
des Tolomaeus von Lucca Fortsetzung von Thomas' von
Aquino
De regimine principum: der Konig steht sowohl uber wie unter detn
Staatskorper, so wie der Konig des 13. Jahrhunderts uber
und unter
dem Gesetz gestanden hatte. Die Entwicklung war hier von dem
Prototyp korporativer Konzepte, dem corpus mysticum
spirituellen
der Kirche ausgegangen. Im gleichen MaBe, wie dieses seines
liturgi-
schen Charakters entkleidet und dem juristischen Begriff der
persona
ficta angenahert wurde, hatten die Juristen die
Moglichkeit, ihre
corpora ficta als corpora
mystica zu definieren, ebenso das corpus
politicum et morale im aristotelischen Sinn. So wurde der Konig
das
Haupt des mystischen corpus reipiiblicae. Mit dieser neuen Auffassung
vom Staat kam ein neuer Begriff ins Leben der Staat als patria. als
:

Objekt politischer Devotion und halbreligioser Emotion. Was der

Autor zu diesem Thema zu sagen hat, mag hier ubergangen werden,
sei aber jedem nicht nur dem Historiker
-
zu nachdenklicher
Lektiire empfohlen'). Die P'rage,ob die bisher behandelten Aspekte
der Doppelstellung des Konigs, auch die in mancherlei Parallelen auf
den Konig ubertragene Vorstellung vom duplex corpus Christi. per se
zu der Theoric von des Konigs zwei Korpern fiihren konnten, muB,
so
sehr eine positive Antv/ort nahezuliegen scheint, verneint werden.
Noch immer stchen wir bei einer organologischen Staatsauffassung, der
ein wesentliches Moment namlich die Zeit. Es ist das besondere
fehlt,
Verdienst des Autors, auf die uns so selbstverstandlich erscheinende
Bedeutung des Eaktors Zeit noch einmal eindringlich hingewiesen zu
haben. Gegenuber der abwertenden augustinischen Auffassung brachte
das 13. Jahrhundert aus verschiedenen Ursachen eine neue, positivere
Bewertung der Zeit. Speziell interessiert hier die schon in der Scho-
lastik durchgefuhrte und von Thomas von Aquino ausgebaute Defini-
tion des aevum, das den Geistern und Engeln zugeteilt wurde, deren
jeder zugleich Individuum und Spezies darstellte. Die Juristen ander-
seits hatten den Begriff der universitas entwickelt, der ihnen ermog-
lichte, die Ansammlung einer Mehrzahl von Personen in einem
Korper
wie eine Person zu behandeln, deren Hauptkennzeichen die Un-
sterblichkeit, die Dauer in der Zeit, die Identitat im Wechsel waren.
Erst die Anwendung dieses MwtVersi/as-Begriffes, dessen Ahnlich-
keit mit dem Status der Engel noch weitere Folgen haben
sollte,
auf den Staat bedeutete den entscheidenden Schritt von der or-
ganologischen zur korporativen Staatsauffassung, machte den Staat
sempitern.
') auch E. H. Kantorowicz, Pro patria mori in Mediaeval Political
Vgl.
Thought. American Historical Review 56 (1951) 472^492.

n u
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 Mittelalter 361

Ebenso schwierig war nun das Problem eines

dcm unsterblichen
btaatskorper adaquaten unsterblichen Hauptes.
Theoretisch bedurfte
as nur eines, wenn auch gewagten,
logischen Schlusses vom Wesen der
umversitas her: wenn fur diese die Unsterblichkeit, die
Dauer in der
Zeit, die Identitat im Wcchsel e.ssenticller waren, als die in einem ge-
gebenen Zeitpunkt konstituierenden Glieder, so
lag die Fiktion einer
gewissermaBen nicht horizontal, sondern vertikal
gedachten Korpo-
ration nahe, die nur im Hinblick auf die
Zeit, per successionem koUektiv
war, jeweils aber nur aus einem died
bestand; das logische Ziel war
die sole corporation, die Ein-Mann-Korperschaft.
In praxi freilich ent-
wickelte sich die Vorstellung des unsterblichen
Konigs an drei Sub-
straten: der Kontinuitat der Dynastie,
dem korporativen Charakter
der Krone und der Unsterblichkeit der
dignitas.
Die Kontinuitat der Dynastie wurde theoretisch stark befordert
durch die seit dem Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts
sowohl von kirchlicher
w.e von staatsrechtlicher Seite her
betriebene Abwertung der Konigs-
kronung. Dafur gewann die Anschauung
Raum, die dem Konig als
electus bereits voile Gewalt zusprach.
Han<l in Hand dam.t ging die
Heihgung der Dynastie, der Konig erhielt seine
gottliche Sendung und
Weihe allein schon durch das konigliche Blut, wie
es vor allem bekannt-
hch von Friednch II. ausgesprochen wurde.
Konkret setzten sich diese
Anschauungen fast gleichzeitig in Frankreich und
England durch als
Phihpp III. 1270 und Heinrich III. 1272 sofort
nach dem Tod ihrer
Vater die voile Regierungsgewalt ubernahmen.
Damit war die dyna-
stische Kontmuitat, wenigstens der Idee
nach, hergestellt, die Dynastie
war emer universitas per successionem vergleichbar.
Nicht so eindeutig verliefen die Bemiihungen,
den Charakter der
Krone zu definieren. Die Krone, in
abstraktem Sinn gebraucht gewann
jedenfalls im 13. Jahrhundert korporative Aspekte.
\^'ahrscheinllch
schon 1 216 wurde dem englischen Kronungseid
nach kirchlichem Vor-
b.Id eine Klausel hinzugefiigt, die
Erhaltung der unverauBerlichen
die
Rechte der Krone forderte'). In der zweiten
Halfte des Jahrhunderts
ist ihr korporativer Charakter in
England noch deutlicher: in ihr war-
den alle souveranen Rechte begriffen, die von
alien Staatstragern dem
Konig als Haupt und den Magnaten als Gliedern.
zu schiitzen waren
Der Begriff der Krone steht also dem Begriff
des mvstischen Staats-
korpers sehr nahe. Vom romischen Erbrecht
her gelangte man schlieB-
hch zu dem Grundsatz, die Krone als Minderjahrige
zu behandeln da
sie ebensowenig wie diese ihre
Angclegenheiten selbst regeln konnte
bie erlangte damit, wie ubrigens alle
universitates die Privilegien einer
.

)Vgl. auch E. H. Kantorowicz,

Inahenability. A Note on Canonical
Practice and the English Coronation
Oath .n the Thirteenth Century
Speculum 29 ^'
(1954) 48 502.
Historisdic Zeiudirift 188 Uand
^4

n L u u
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 362 Buchbesprechungen

Minderjahngen: keine Praskription konnte gegen sie

geltend gemacht
wenien, keine Eigentumsentfremdung war zulassig
usw. Im ganzen
haben wir eine Fulle toils sich iibcrschneideiider, teils
sich widerspre-
chender AuBerungen uber den staatsrechtlichen
Charakter der Krone
Soviel wird jedenfalls deutlich,daC man die Krone als Verkcirperung
der Souveriinitatsrechte vom Konig unterschied,
aber nicht abtrennto.
und dat) die Krone zwar saltan personifiziert, oft aber
als Korporation
aufgefaOt wurde.
Die wichtigste staatsrechtliche Maxime schlieBlich
war die von
der dignitas. quae non moritur. Die in praxi
naturlich schon liinger
geubte Unterscheidung von Amt und Person wurde
durch die Dekretale
Quoniam abbas Alexanders III. (c. 14 X 1,29) rechtlich
fixiert und von
den Dekretalisten waiter ausgebaut. Schon Damasus
stellte in seiner
Glosse (urn 12 15) fast, daB numquam peril; analog zum
die dignitas
romischen Erbrecht stellte man eine Quasi-Identitat
von Amtsvor-
ganger und Amtsnachfolger her. Von hier war es
nur ein klainer Schritt
zu der erwiihnten universitas per successionem.
die jaweils nur in eniem
Amtstrager aktualisiert ist. Barnhard von Parma zog
dafiir als Ver-
gleich den Phonix heran, der der Lagende nach
nur in jaweils einem
Exemplar lebt und daher im Einzelwesen zugleich
die gesamte Spezies
reprasentiert, sterblich als Einzelwasen, unsterblich
als Spezias, jeder
emzelne identisch mit alien vor und nach ihm und Erbe
seiner selbst').
Diaser fur die Korporationslehren so wichtige
Satz von der dignitas.
quae, non moritur, wirkta sich staatsrechtlich
vor allem in Frankreich
und England aus. Von ihm stammt die beriihmte Maxime
Le rot ne
meurt jamais, von ihr stamman letztlich auch
bestimmta Brauche im
Baisetzungszeramoniell der franzosischen und englischen
Konige, die
das Weiterleben der dignitas sinnfallig darstellten.
Auf diese hochst
mtaressanten Kapitel kann hier nur hingawiesan warden.
SchlieBlich blieb noch zu erklaren, auf welche
Art und Weise im
Konig dar reale menschliche
Korper und der fiktive unsterbliche Korper
der dignitas zusammenwohnen. Baldus machta
eine Anleihe bei thomi-
stischar Terminologie, indem er die dignitas
den Konig
als principalis,
als instrumentalis
bezaichnete, womit der Konig als instrumentum
dignitatis definiert ist. so wie Thomas
Christus als instrumentum
deitatis interpretiert hatte. Die klassische
Definition fand Bacon:
corpus corporatum in corpore naturali. et corpus
naturale m corpore
corporato. Schon Matthaus de Eucas de Penna und Andreas
Afffictis,
von Isernia hatten gesagt: dar Fiirst 1st im Staat und der
Staat ist im
Fursten, womit sie eine Maxime des Decretum
Gratiani umpragten
^) auch E. H. Kantorowicz, Zu den Rechtsgrundlagen
Vgl.
der Kaisersage.
DA. 13 (1957) 115150, und R.M.KIoos, Ein Brief des
Petrus de Prece zum
Tode Friedrichs II., ebd. 151 170.

n L u u
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 Mittelalter 363

(c. 7, C. VII, q. i) : der Kirche und die Kirche ist im

der Bischof ist in
Bischof, deren Vorgeschichte schlieUlich zu Joh. 14, 10 fiihrt: ich bin
im Vater und der Vater ist in mir. Die Interrelation von Kirchlichem
und Wehlichem in der politischen Theologie wird auch in dieser
christologischen Unterstromung iiber deren Charaktcr man sich
durchaus klar war
wieder sichtbar.

Bei alledem diirfen freilich die realen politischen Gegebenheiten

nicht auCer acht gelassen werden. ,,Des Konigs zwei Korper" war eine
spezifisch englische Maxinie. Das kraftig ausgebildete Parlament stellte
stets ein konkretes corpus politicum dar, das nicht so leicht abstrahiert
werden konnte. Anderseits unterschied man offenbar nicht geniigend
zwischen Krone und dignitas, was eine gewisse Vermengung organischcr
undsukzessionellerKorporationsvorstellungenzurFolgehatte.InFrank-
reich war man beiderabsolutistischen Regierungsform ehergeneigt, die
Unterschiedc zwischen Person und Oberpersonlichem zu verwischen; in
Ungarn war das Gcwicht der gefiihlsmaBigen Werte, die sich mit der
heiligen Stephanskrone verbanden, zu groB, als daB dem Konig selbst
ein eigener zweiter Korper hatte zuwachsen konnen, und in Deutschland,
das seit der Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts iiberhaupt eigene Wege ging,
verschluckte der Begriff des absoluten Staates die Sphare der dignitas.
Deis letzte Kapitel, Mensch-bezogenes Konigtum, ist ein meister-
licher Danteexkurs. Im dritten Buch der Monarchie fiihrt Dante be-
kanntlich seine These aus, daB das Kaisertum unmittelbar von Gott
sei soweit in Einklang mit der dualistischen Gruppe der Kanonisten.
Er geht aber weit iiber deren Auffassungen hinaus, indem er dem Men-
schen auf Erden ein eigenes Ziel setzt, namlich das irdische Paradies.
Die Menschen zu diesem Ziel hinzufiihren ist die Aufgabe des Kaiser-
tums. In einer kiihnen und anregenden Interpretation zeigt der Autor,
wie Dante in der gottlichen Komodie durch Holle und Fegfeuer den
Weg zu diesem Ziel gefiihrt und schlieBlich von Vergil mit der Krone
der Neugetauften gekront wird. Dantes Konzept entsprechend muB ja
der Mensch auf nichtkirchlichem Weg den Effekt der Taufe erreichen.
Und nun wird er gekront iiber sich selbst: Te sopra te corono e mitrio.
Die dualistische Spannung, die in all jenen Auffassimgen liegt, die zu
der These von des Konigs zwei Korpern fiihrten, sieht Dante im Men-
schen und im Menschlichen selbst, wenn er die Herrschaft des Mensch-
lichen tiber den Menschen fordert. Die Stelhmg des Herrschers aber
wird im Vergleich mit dem Papst deutlich: auf gleicher Ebene stehend
sind beide hinsichtlich ihrer Amter auf Gott bezogen, hinsichtlich ihres
Menschseins auf den besten Menschen').
*) Vgl. auch E. H. Kantorowicz, Dante's ,,Two Suns". Semitic and Oriental
Studies, University of California Publications in Semitic Philology 11 (1951)
217 231.

24*

/ / L C
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 364 Buchbesprechungen

Xur die Lcitlimen dieses bewundernswcrten Buches konnten hier

verfolgt werden, vieUeicht in strafferer Form, als es den Intentionen
des Autors entspncht. Dies aber erschien notwendig,
urn dem Leser
einen Begriflf von den Zusammenhangen im Feld
der politischen
Theologie zu geben. das hierzulande etwas vemachlassigt
erscheint.
Die Lektiire selbst bereitet, das muB gegeniiber dem
trockenen Referat
betont werden, einen ausgesprochenen intellektuellen
GenuC; glan-
zende Essays bei souveraner Beherrschung des Stofles,
kiihne Inter-
pretationen bei strenger geistiger Disziplin, dialektisches
Frage- und
Antwortspiel, wenn es gilt, eine bestimmte AuBerung oder
Erschemung
einzukreisen, schlieBlich eine FiiUe
von fruchtbaren Gedanken und
Anregungen. Das Buch w-ird kiinftig zu den grundlegenden
Werken
der Verfassungsgeschichte gehoren und wir mochten
nur wiinschen,
daB der Autor die Zeit finden moge, die vielen in den
Anmerkungen
gegebenen Arbeitsversprechen einzulosen.

Das mittelaJterliche Dorf als Friedens- und Rechtsbereich. Von KARL

SIEGFRIED BADER. (Studien zur Rechtsgeschichte des mittel-
alterlichen Dorfes. I. Teil ) Weimar, Hermann Bohlaus Nachf
1957. 2S4 S. S Bildtafeln. 24, DM.
Auf rund ein Vierteljahrhundert zuriickreichende Arbeiten
zur
Agrargeschichte und landlichen Rechts- und Verfassungsgeschichte
aufbauend, legt der Vf. den ersten Band seiner Studien zur
dorfischen
Rechtsgeschichte vor, nachdem er bereits im Jahre
1937 eine kleine
Studie liber Entstehung und Bedeutung der
oberdeutschen Dorf-
gememde" (Zts. f. WUrttembg. Landesgesch. I, 1937) geschrieben
hat.
Dieser erste Band soil das dingUch-raumliche Substrat"
(das Dorf!)
fiir die Rechtsverbande Dorfgenossensch aft und Dorfgemeinde!) be-
(

handeln diese sollen dem zweiten Teil vorbehalten bleiben.

;

Schon in der Einleitung" wird eindeutig der Standort

des Vf.s
bestimmt aus kleinen Verbanden und Siedlungsgruppen von
:
Familien
und Nachbam entwickelt sich ein groBerer
genossenschafthcher
^erband; die Markgenossenschaff als freibauerUchen
GroBverband
der akesten Zeit gibt es nicht, Pnvateigentum bestand
von vomherem.
erst spater wurde aus
der Gemeinnutzung bestimmter Griinde
Gemeineigentum. Grundherrschaft und Gnossenschaft stehen
von
Anfang an nebeneinander doch tritt die Grundherrschaft
;
m der Frage
der Ausbildung dorfhcher Rechtsformen weit
zuriick. Aber in der
Auseinandersetzung mit ihr wu-d aus der Dorfgenossenschaft
die
Dorfgemeinde. Das Dorf im engeren Sinn, das durch
Siedlungs-
konzentration aus Hofen und Hofgruppen entsteht,
laBt sich als
eigenstandiger Rechts- und Friedensbezirk erweisen,
mit einer be-

n U
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4

REVIEWS

Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies. A Study m Mediaeval Political Theo-
logy. Prmreton University Press. 1957. Pp. xvi + 568, 32 figs. $10.00.
In any political system it is intolerable that there be an instant without rule.
Although an individual king may die. kmgship never dies in the transition from
one monarch lo another. Furthermore, withm an\' one realm, the apphcation
of law demands that kingship be treated as omnipresent and infallible.
In the
legal fiction which supports rule, the king is never under age. is never
incompe-
tent, never dies, is ubiquitous, and is incapable of error. Yet the visible king
may be seen by his subjects as ridiculousl> frail and foohsh. European legalists
thus found it necessary to lay down the dictum that a king had two bodies,
the natural body, which was subject to the same weaknesses, and death as the
bodies of ordinary subjects, and the political body, which was in\isible,
im-
palpable, mature, healthy, immortal, and infallible. The rule of law was felt
10 be insecure without this contradiction of beings, however incongruous it
might seem on the surface.
The dogma of the kmg's two beings has been studied by such British legalists
as Plowden (16tb century). Blackstone (18th). and F. W. Maitland
(20th). The
particular merit of the present volume lies m its search for the European origins
of this legal fiction of the Middle Ages. The author. Polish by birth, German
m university trauung, and a Professor of Mediaeval History in the United
shows most impressive mdustn, and erudition. If the reader's appetite
States,

becomes jaded before the feast of learmng is completed, the fauh must he with
the reader. Or are the dishes just a too elaboraiel\ prepared, and does the
little

chef hover just a little loo attentively over the table to make sure that we
appreciate the piquancy of his sauces? After the first two hundred pages have
estabhshed the theme, the remainder may serve as an excellent reference book,
rather than a fluent development of the argument.
As early as A.D. 1 100 Europe was constructing this dogma for pohtical hfe.
both from Christian theology and from the remnants of Roman pohtical
theory. The king was a twmned person, "bv nature, an mdividuaJ
man", and
"b\ grace, a Chnstus. thai is. a god-man". The argument that the kmg had
divme nature within hun led inevitably to conflia, for it made him a more

' C D/ L
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 REVIEWS 395

perfected impersonator of Christ than was bishop or pope. When the pope
declared himself to be "vicar of Christ", the emperor was defined as '"vicar of
God." B\ the thirteenth century the state shifted its search for sanction from
the Christocentric pattern and began to draw upon Roman law, in which
justice was divme and the perfect judge was '"animate justice." Thus the king
was both the incarnation of deified justice and the priest of justice.
In another centur\ it was the church which was borrowing from the state,
placing the personal body of Christ beside the mystical
body of the church, as
married but one flesh. Yet the state continued to seize concepts from the
church, as when the French king married his realm, or when English political
philosophy recognized a Trinity of King, the Lords spiritual and temporal, and
the Commons. Under this competitive theology of church and state, it was an
easy step for Henry VIII to make himself head of the church as well as head
of the state.
This background to the definitions by English
will suffice for the historical

legalists. There are also illuminating comments on the development of patriot-

ism under this new civil theology, a discussion of the problem of continuous
time when the king died yet did not die, and a treatment of the relationship of
the king and the crown.
The reviewer would like to concentrate on a suggestion tossed off in the
Epilogue. After submitting that '"the dichotomous concept of kingship might
have had roots in classical Antiquit\ ", the author rules out "such extreme cases
as might be detected in the monarchies of the ancientNear East", and devotes
a footnote to the Egyptian ka (p. 497). He is right in making a disjunction

between the mediaeval European and the ancient Near Eastern scenes. Broad
similarities ma\ appear when one analyses the most persuasive philosophies of

a state, since religious devotion is inevitably invoked on behalf of a nation.

But the dichotom\ of the natural and the political body, of the mortal and the
immortal, of the mundane and the mystical is European problem, from the
a
times of the Greeks, or more particularly from the Romans. The ancient
Orientals no such compulsion to formulate the relationship between two
felt

bodies, because for them there was but one body. The activities of the gods
gave them their myths on the origins and maintenance of rule. If a king who
was also a god died and yet rule went on, this followed the pattern laid down
by the gods, who had procreated both old and new kings for continuous rule.
In Egypt, myth stated that the god Osiris had been killed and yet remained a
ruler in another realm, while his faithful son. the god Horus. maintained rule
in this world. Succession of one ruler by another was not unbroken continuity,
but was a renewal of good, the immediate new creation of order, that order
which had been at the first Creation.^ Man faithfully served the gods, including
the god-king, and did not have to reconcile that which was already umtary
from Creation, the kmgship.
' H. Frankfort. Kingship and the Gods (University of Chicago Press, 1948), 101 ff.

n L C D
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396 REVIEWS

When scenes of the birth of an Egyptian pharaoh show him born as twins,
himself and his ka, the superficial analogy to the two bodies of the European
king is very striking. But the ka was not his political or immortal or mystical
body, as over against his natural body. The ka of each individual king was
born with him, and when he died he went to join his ka in the realm of the dead.
Thus the ka was no perpetual and continuous Presence, which was the same
being for Ramses 1, II, and III. Rather it was an indix-idual's vital force, a
guiding and protecting genius. The hieroglyph for the ka illustrates this agency
with two arms stretched out to direct or to shelter. This other body of the
ancient Egyptian was not restricted to political or religious concerns (except
insofar as all phases of Egyptian life were religious), but had its beneficent
interest in all aspects of an individual's life."

Nor was the ka restricted to kings. Common mortals had their ka's, which
guided their religious, political, social, and economic behavior. The author
has been misled by his reading into seeing a significant difference between the
costumes of two tomb statues, as showing the official and the natural. The
number two is here an architectural accident : the structure of a tomb provides
balance if statues are placed on each side of an architectural setting, and a
change of wardrobe is only a mark of dignity. Further, the word ka was also
used in the plural, in most of the same senses as in the singular : those various
forces which might guide, promote, and protect an individual. The king, like
other gods, had a plurality of ka"s, sometimes as many as fourteen.
Perhaps, then, the analogy from the ancient Orient is still valuable, in
contrast rather than congruity, as a warning rather than an illuminant. Before
the Greeks performed the Promethean miracle of rescuing man from the
immediate and insistent grip of the gods, problems of the dichotomy of the
human and the divine, or of the temporal and the eternal, were not of trouble-
some dimensions. remained for nascent European nationalism to work out
It

a political theology which would satisfy the needs of the rule of law. replacing
the rule of the gods.

JOHN A. WILSON
Oriental Institute
University of Chicago
Luxor, Egypt

I I L C U
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 REVIEWS
he saw in Carolingian wriiings,;tfe'expression.s of a church protected
by the
secular power' he would h^v felt that the English Church differed from
the
Carolingian, for he was^jifJt ignorant of the reign of Edgar.
'

University of Lp!<DON, "^

R. R. Darlington
BiRKBECK Coj/CEGE

The King's Two Bodies: a Study in Mediaeval Political Theology By Ernst

. H.
Kantorowicz. Pp. xvi + 568 +32 Illustrations. Princeton: University Press;
London: Oxford University Press, 1957. 80s.
It IS commonplace, and like most commonplaces not strictly
true, that the
distinction between the king's private person and public office
was slow in
developing. It can no longer be maintained, as Hume maintained, that the
distinction was first invented in the Civil War and expressed in the Parliamen-
tary Declaration of 1642 which declared that 'the King is the
Fountain of
Justice. But the Acts of Justice are not exercised in his own person
. . .
but . . .

by his Courts and his Ministers who must do their duty therein though the
King in his own Person should forbid them'. Yet it must be conceded that this
declaration puts the matter in very modern language; and if we would trace
the origins of the doctrine we must expect to find it sometimes clothed in
the
strangest garments. One of the strangest is the Tudor legal fiction that the king
has two bodies, a body natural which suffers the ordinary accidents of human
nature, and a body politic which is undying and in a certain sense divine. It
seems that this fiction was especially valuable in solving some of the legal
puzzles connected with the integration of the Duchy of Lancaster with the
Crown, but it gave rise to all sorts of fantastic imaginings which were congenial
to Tudor notions of kingship.
This is the starting point of Professor Kantorowicz's book. It all began, he
tells us, in a stimulating conversation with the late Professor of Law at Berkeley,
Max Radin; it grew into an essay, and finally, after being frustrated in this
form, it developed into the long, very learned and rather difficult volume which
has now appeared. The thread which holds it all together is the consideration
of the various forms in which the notion of the ruler's dual nature has presented
Itself acrossthe centuries from the decline of the Roman Empire to the seven-
teenth century. The author calls it a single strand in the complicated problem
of the 'M>-th of the State' certainly the coat must indeed be many-coloured if
:

it is made up of strands as variegated as this one turns out to be.

In many ways it is a pity that the author found his starting point where he
did, for though the Tudor discussions on the king's two bodies no doubt gave
sufficient matter for a stimulating conversation and for the paper which grew
out of it, they have very litUe to do with the main development of this book.
The Tudor lawyers were merely expressing in rather fantastic language a
distinction of a practical kind which could equally well have been expressed
without all this flowery symbolism. After all, king Aethelwulf in
847 had
grasped the point they were struggling to express when he (as 'body politic')
booked land to himself (as 'body natural', to use Professor Kantorowicz's
terminology) 'that I may enjoy it and leave it after my death to whomsoever I
please'. This early example of the distinction between the king's private and
public capacities is not quoted in this book, but some others are. Feudal
tenures did more than anything to blur the distinction; but even feudalism

105

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JOURNAL OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

could not obliterate it, so an exaggeration to say of 'the idiom of the King's
it is

Two Bodies', as Professor Kantorowicz does, that

'Without those clarifying, sometimes confusing [more confusing than

if

clarifying, we may think], distinctions between the king's sempiternity and

the king's temporariness, between the immaterial and immortal body politic
and his material and mortal body natural, it would have been next to
impossible for Parliament to resort to a similar fiction and summon, in the
name and by the authority of Charles I, King body politic, the armies which
were to fight the same Charles I, king body natural' (12-13).

The main faultwith such a statement is that it puts the symbol before the
reality, and seems to assume that without the symbol men will be incapable of
grasping the reality they wish to express. But men are never so absorbed in the
shadow-world of symbols that they cannot express without them whatever is
necessary to their practical ambitions. Where need arises they will throw away
the shadows without compunction
Professor Kantorowicz's book is full of the
tokens of this ability, and indeed the declaration of 1642, which has already
been quoted, is an illustration of the same fact, for it says nothing at all about
the myth of the King's Two Bodies, but only about the distinction between the
king's person and the royal authority
thus making the point without the aid
of any mythology.
The real interest of Professor Kantorowicz's book lies not in the background
of the curious myth with which he begins, but in amassing an unusual collection
of illustrations of political attitudes from various periods of the Middle Ages.
These attitudes reflect the pre-occupations of the three main periods of the
Middle Ages, which in the context of this book may be briefly characterised as
the liturgical (eighth to eleventh centuries), the legal (twelfth and thirteenth
centuries) and the political or corporative (thirteenth to sixteenth centuries)
To the first of these periods three studies are devoted. The first of these is
on the Anonymous of York (or of Normandy, as G. H. Williams has plausibly
argued) of c. 100, whose works Heinrich Boehmer was chiefly responsible for
1

bringing to the notice of scholars. The second study, and perhaps the most
remarkable in the whole book, is on the representation of Otto II in majesty in
a Gospel book of c. 975 now at Aachen. On this subject we are given an inter-
pretation which is entirely admirable both for its learning and penetration. The
essentially Byzantine conception of the dual nature of the emperor, belonging
at once to the supernatural and natural orders, is superbly represented by the
artist, and fully justifies the learning which is here lavished on its elucidation.
By contrast, the study which follows on 'the halo of perpetuity' is something of
an anti-climax.
The next section is concerned with the period of what Professor Kantoro-
wicz 'law-centred kingship'. The duality in the king's position has now
calls
shifted from the natural/super-natural antithesis to the consideration of the
king as at once the fount of law and the servant of law. This antimony was
expressed in the Middle Ages in some notable phrases: Frederick II called the
emperor 'pater et filius institiae' and Bracton has some grand phrases to express
the contrast between the king as the source of law on the one hand and the
creature of law on the other. On these Professor Kantorowicz has some very
good things to say, even if at times he seems to read into them more than they
will support. Naturally anything that concerns Frederick II has a special uiterest
106

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 REVIEWS
or him and he makes a great deal of the phrase 'pater et filius justitiae' from
Frederick's Liber augus talis. This is a good phrase, but it scarcely deserves all
:he praise it here receives. It is not more than the happy expression of a
commonplace idea, and even when the background has been filled in we are
scarcely persuaded that

'Frederick II's definition of the emperor's place in the system of mediaeval

Law as "father and son of Justice" appears as a highly finished and mature
formula; and if one keeps it in mind, as one should, it may turn out to be
extremely useful and helpful for the understanding of some further "contra-
dictions of our own making" in the political doctrines of other lawyers of that
period, and above all of Bracton'.

The final sections of the book arc by far the most

and perhaps in
difficult
the long run the most suggestive. I say 'in the long run' because the immediate
impression is one of considerable confusion. The general theme is here the
study of the emergent state as a corporate being, and this theme ties together a
number of studies on the conception of patria, the immortality of the royal
dignity, the philosophy of Dante's Monorchia, and other subjects which take
one very far from the original theme. Yet it is impossible to read these pages
without admiration for the immense learning displayed in them, the wealth of
quotations from little known
I could better sa\', for myself, entirely unknown
sources, and the constant zeal for penetrating beneath the surface of the
conventional statements of medieval political thought. Professor Kantorowicz
approaches the political problems of the later Middle Ages in a way entirely
different from the ordinary writer on political theory. He does not start from
the problems which modern thinkers find most intelligible and illustrate them
from the better-known writers such as Marsilius and Ockham. He starts from
phrases and images which have caught his imagination and he pursues them
into every comer and period of the Middle Ages to force them to give up their
secrets. If the reader is often left mystified and breathless, he must suspect that
it is largely his own fault, and that his stamina is not equal to the strain put

upon it. Yet, with the best will in the world, he cannot believe that the fault is
entirely his. A single have to suffice to justify this qualification.
illustration will
Nearly twenty years ago Professor Kantorowicz gave a delightful talk on
the theme of patriotism in the Middle Ages, which he later published. He
ranged from the patriotic eloquence of cardinal Mercier in 1914 to the classical
conception of death 'pro patria', to the medieval meanings of patria as the
heavenly kingdom, the native town or village, the fatherland, the realm, the
state; and this led him to consider the Church as the corpus Christi and (by a later
refinement) as the corpus mysticum Christi, and the state (by similar development
of thought) as itself a corpus mysticum representing in medieval terms the corpus
morale et politicum of Aristotle. The paper was a great tour deforce. It brought
together much information from many quarters into an exciting whole. The
greater part of its substance is reproduced in this book. From being a stimulating
talk it has become part of an argument, with new illustrations and a new point
of view. But where (the reader cannot help asking) does it get to ? It remains
valuable for its quotations and its suggestive illustrations; but it seems somehow
less lively, less relevant than before, and the attempt to bring it into relation
with the king's two bodies is, for me at least, singularly bewildering.
To travel through the Middle Ages with Professor Kantorowicz in search
107

n u
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 JOURNAL OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
of the king's two bodies is like walking in a strange country by night alon
unknown ways: the illumination is fitful, though sometimes spectacular, th
shape of the country is only dimly discernible, but the experience is one whici
remains more vividly impressed on the memory than many a daylight journc-
on the beaten track.
Balliol College, r. w. Southern
Oxford

Calvin: Commentaries. Newly translated and by Joseph Haroutunian ii

edited!
collaboration with Louise Pettibone Smith. (The Library of Christiai
Classics, xxiii). Pp. 414. London: S.C.M, Press, 1958. 35s.
John Calvin: On the Christian Faith: selections from the Institutes, Commentaries, am
Tracts. Edited, with an Litroduction, by John T. McNeill. (The Librar\
of Liberal Arts, 93). Pp. xxxiv +219. New York: Liberal Arts Press,
1958
95 cents.
De meme un volume de la Library of Christian Classics
qu'ils avaient reserve
aux oposcules de Calvin, les editeurs de cette interessante collection de textes
traduits en anglais en ont consacre un aux Commentaires du reformateur.
Le
professeur J. Haroutunian qui a ete charge de ce travail se trouvait en
presence
d'une tache extremement difficile. Les commentaires et les sermons de Calvin
occupent, a eux seuls, trente-trois volumes du Corpus Reformatorum, et
il ne
pouvait, dans ces conditions, etre question que d'un choix tres restreint.
Afin
de donner un apergu aussi complet que possible de I'cEuvre exegetique de
Calvin, M. Haroutunian a opte pour une formule consistant a ne retenir
des
divers commentaires que de extraits tres brefs et ne depassant
guere trois ou
quatre pages dans quelques cas privilegi^s. Le plus souvent, il ne s'agit
que de
courts fragments. L'editeur a regroupe ses extraits suivant un
ordre syst6-
matique qui s'inspire du plan de {'Institution chretienne. La clarte de I'ensemble
y trouve son compte. Mais on pent se demander, si le lecteur retrouve, dans cet
agencement, I'unite interne qui caracterise les ecrits exegetiques du reforma-
teur. Pour sauvegarder I'originalite de ces derniers,
il aurait 6te preferable,
croyons-nous, de choisir des extraits plus longs et moins nombreux et de les
disposer suivant I'ordre chronologique de leur parution.
La traduction, faite
sur le texte latin original, est redigee en un anglais
certainement plus agreable
et plus elegant que n'etait celui
de la 'Calvin Translation Society'. Est-elle
toujours aussi precise? II est permis d'en douter.
Les sondages auxquels nous
avons procede nous ont fait rencontrer trop d'a pen pres et meme
de simples
paraphrases, pour ne pas laisser quelque inquietude a ce sujet. Sans
doute, le
sens general de la phrase est-il respecte, mais
combien de nuances dont on ne
retrouve plus fa trace ! II arrive meme que des phrases entieres aient ete omises,
sans que le lecteur en On
soit averti. aurait pu eviter ces inconvenients, sans
tomber necessairement dans un langage archaique ou pedant. Une intro-
duction generale nous presente Calvin comme exegete.
II y a la de bonnes
pages sur la methode de Calvin et sur certains aspects de sa doctrine (inspira-
tion des ecrits bibliques, p.ex). L'auteur
insiste longuement sur la place que
prend, dans la theologie calvinienne, la notion
des souffranccs des elus et de
leurs luttes contre le mal. Sans vouloir
diminuer le role qu'elles jouent effectiNe-
ment dans la pensee du reformateur, il faudrait eviter d'en exagerer I'importance
et de dpnner a la pensee calvinienne
un schematisme auquel elle nous sembie
fort etMngere. Mais cc ne sont la
que reserves secondaires. L'ouvrage dc M.
108

n L c o
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 .,, Oxford University Press
It)

Amen House, V/arwick Square, London, EC4

Tlw fol/owiiiii (ipimircil in 77//-; M A \ CHESTER (,[ A R 1)1 AS

of. Tuesday .19th .Au-.ua.t...l.9.5.a,

Books of I be Diiy

THE LION AND THE UNICORN papal ists. Dante's

The King's Two Bodies: a Study in hc<rror of the
Medieval Political Theology. By Ernst
By j;. i\ Jacob dualism of Empire and Papacy was
II. Kamorowicz. Princeton University indeed no Gelasian dualism. All this
Press. Oxford Univtr.sitv Press. Pd. sempiternal essence of his rulership is considered under the heading of
xvi Ii(i8. 80.,. somewhere in an undying idea of man-centred royalty " and if the ;

Political Tliought in Medieval Times. Justice." The monarch had " changc<l. relevance of some of it is not
By John B. Morrall. Hutchinson. Pu so to speak, from avicarius Christi inimed.ately apparent, one can only be
156. 18.S.
to a vicarius lustitiae." Justice now grateful for the rtminder that in 1311-
When Sir Francis Baeon, criticising became the eternal, undying essence 1312 Dante, so far from being out of
the manifesto of the Ordainers in of the ruler. Bracton has it difTerently. date, anticipated, in his argument that
If the king is vicar of God, he is also political beatitude was rwssible in this
1308, declared that the King's person
vicarius Fisci if he was a temporal
; l;fe, the alarming secularism of
and the Crown were " inseparable king, he was, in jregard to res sacrae Marsilius of Padua.
though distinct," he laid down, to all or public, unaffected by time, ami in Quite different is Dr Morrall's book :

intents and purposes, the basic theme
of " The King's Two Bodies." Reflect-
ing upon the way in which personal
and institutional elements have been
combined in the Crown the subject of
a famous essay by Maitland^Professor
his perpetual aspect " he outlasted and one that fortifies its briefer pages by
defeated all other beings." And in the steady exposition covering leading
thirteenth century people were just topics the
beginning to recognise this.
problem of authority
Nothing raised in the twelfth century, the effect
in the book is better said than the produced by the ideas and methods of
verdict upon the age of Bracton " It Roman Law when introduced fully into
:

Kantorowicz has gone back to theolo- was then that the community of the moiiieval Europe, the beginnings of
"

gians like the royalist Anonymous of realm 'became conscious of the autonomous .secular sovereignty.
York and to the early civilians and difference between the king as a These are skilfully treated as and
canonists (it is interesting to find how personal liege lord and the king as the when they appear in the medieval
often Baldus appears) to see how the supra-individual administrator of a time-sequence. All this goes very
dualism arose. And what
bock he a public .sphere which included the fisc satisfactorily till Dr Morrall reaches
has written A multitude of seeming
! that never died
'
and was perpetual "the two hundred years between
'

by-paths, theological and legal, all because no time ran against it." It Marsilius and Martin Luther," an
leading somehow to the central track was characteristic of English thought epoch of which he writes " There is :

of a regality that speaks and acts in to conceive of the royal office largely no lac^ of evidence, but the problem
the name oif the community, a corpus in financial and administrative terms. ishow to interpret it." But this is what
not subject to the vicissitudes of time, Hardly in tt^rms of philosophy or the historians, with all thei^ limitations,
yet even to-day personal enough to humanities: and Professor Kantorowicz exist to do. Dr Morrall calls the period
give public authority a measure of can turn b.y way of contrast to consider " The Age of Ambiguity," and the age
dignity and comeliness. the poet who entertained a different that saw the great extension of the lay
"The idea of the king's two natures, doctrme of kingship, attributing to the spirit, the Conciliar challenge to the
personal and fictional, may well have human community a moral and ethical Curia, the reply of the Church to
had a theological origin he was a goal independent of the Church but
; Lol lardy, the development of the
gemina persona because he was imago co-ordinated with it. The impcrium Devotio modern a receives only a
Christi, "even with regard to the two of Dante pursued for the university of few pages (albeit of excellent judg-
natures." But this in time was super- men the intellectual ideal of humana ment) from a scholar who has spent
.seded by the legal concept enunciated civilitas. a goal of terrestrial happiness, much of his time in understanding the
by Frederick II. who " sought the realisable in the here and now. to the political writings of Gerson.

n u
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 /.rchiv fur kath. Kirchenrscht Band 12c I

E. H. Kantorowici, The King's two bodies.

293

nana des Papstes uber die Konige und Kaiser im Falle des
Mangels
der Gerechtigkeit, 7) auf der absoluten
Inkompetenz jeder temporel-
len Gewalt, einsdiliefilich der des Kaisers,
in kirchlichen Anqeleaen-
heiten. ^

Freiburg i. B.
N. Hilling

42. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's two bodies.

A Study in Me-
diaeval Political Theologic. (XIII u. 508)
Princeton, Princeton
University Press 1957. Dol. 10, .

Die Idee von den zwei Personen eines Wurdentragers

hat ihren
sichtbaren Ausdrudc in den Kanzleigebrauchen
der Romischen Kurie
gefunden, indem der Papst das Placet unter den
Supplikem mit seinem
Taufnamen unterzeichnet, wahrend die dariiber
ausgelertigte Urkun-
de auf den Papstnamen lautet. Die oben genannte
Studie von Ernst
H. Kantorowicz beschaftigt sich mit den
zwei Personen des Konigs
Diese Frage wurde in England wahrend des
Elisabethanischen Zeit-
alters vielfach erortert und spielt in dem
Shakespearschen Drama
Richard II. eine groI3e Rolle. Unser Verfasser
hat nun die Entste-
hungsgeschichte dieser Theorie naher verfolgt
und dadurch einen
wichtigen Beitrag zur Geschichte der
Politischen Theologie des Mit-
telalters geliefert, der in weiteren
Kreisen Beachtung verdient Eine
ausfuhrhche Darstellung von der doppelten Person
des Konigs findet
sich bereits bei dem Normannischen
Anonymus, der zwischen Natur
und Gnade untersdieidet und auf Grund der
ersten den Koniq als
Menschen und auf Grund der anderen als Christus,
d. i. Gott-Mensch
bezeichnet. Diese Hypothese war jedoch
keine Erfindung des Anony-
mus, sondern entsprach der allgemeinen
theologischen Auffassunq
die von der Christologie, nach der in
einer Person zwei Naturen ver-
einigt sind, hergeleitet ist. Hierdurch
wurde der Konig aus der Reihe
der gewohnlichen Menschen herausgehoben
und in eine hohere
^''^ ^^*^ ^^^ ^"'g^' ^o s*^ibt der Anonymus,
?
die f/r'""^*-
Madit Gottes; Gottes nicht zwar von Natur,
sondern durch Gna-
ist

de. Deshalb ist der Konig Gott und

Christus, aber durch Gnade und
was er tut, tut er nicht als Mensch schlechthin,
sondern als durch
Gnade gewordener Gott und Christus. Von den
Zivilisten hat be-
sonders Baldus die Wiirde des Fursten
betont, indem er schreibt-
Pnnceps enim legitime electus est in terris
Deus, et maxime papa.'
VgL Franz Gillmann, Dominus Deus noster
papa? in: Archiv fiir
kathohsches Kirchenrecht 95, 269 Anm.
7. Wahrend das erste
Hauptstudc des Buches das Konigtum unter
dem Gesichtspunkte der
Christologie betrachtete, stellt das zweite
das Gesetz in den Mittel-
punkt. Im Anschlusse an den Liber
Augustalis Friedrichs II. und die
Sdirift vonHenry of Bracton, De legibus et
sonsuetudinibus
Anghae werden die Stichworter Rex est pater
et filius iustitiae und
Kex infra et supra legem naher erortert und
durch das Sdirifttum
eingehend erlautert. Das folgende Hauptstudc
geht von den Korpo-
ratronsbegnffen des Corpus Ecclesiae
mysticum und des Corpus
Reipubhcae mysticum aus und verbreitet sich
im Anschlusse an das
Corpus Ecclesiae mysticum uber das Thema
Pro patria mori und den

\\

U U U U
 294 Rezensionen und Referate

religiosenund legalen Begriff des Vaterlandes, iiber die patriotische

Propaganda und das Verhaltnis von Konig und Vaterland. In dem
tolgenden Kapitel ist von der Kontlnuitat der Korporationen die
Rede und von der Fiktion, daB das Imperium immer besteht und die
Universitas nicht stirbt. Der folgende Abschnitt hat die Uberschrift
der Konig stirbt niemals und erortert die Kontinuitat der Dynastie,
das Symbol der Krone und den Satz, daB die Wiirde nicht stirbt. Das
letzte Hauptstiidc ist den Schriften von Dante gewidmet, der die
niJchterne und realistische Auffassung von dem Menschentum des
Konigs (optimus homo) vertritt.
Allen diesen Fragen ist Ernst H. Kantorowicz mit groBter Grund-
lichkeit nachgegangen, so daB seine Publikalion ein Muster histori-
scher, politischer und literaturgesdiichtlicher Forschung darstellt. Aut
nahere Einzelheiten kann bei dem Reiditum des Stoffes und der Viel-
gestaltigkeit der behandelten Probleme an dieser Stelle nicht nahei
eingegangen werden. Fur das Verhaltnis von Kirche und Staat nach
mittelalterlichei Auffassung sind die Abschnitte uber die beiden
mystischen Korper der Kirche und des Staates von besonderer Widi-
tigkeit. Zu erwahnen ist noch, daB dem darstellenden Teile ein An-
hang mit zahlreichen Abbildungen hinzugefugt ist, die den Text illu-
strieren. Er umfaBt nicht weniger als 24 Seiten. Das Verzeidinis der
Bibliographie besteht aus 4 Seiten. Das sachlidie und personliche In-
haltsverzeichnis ist mit groBter Akribie angefertigt und erleiditert
den Gebrauch des wertvollen Buches, dem moglichst viele Benutzer
zu wunsdien sind. Es ware zu begriiBen, wenn auch die kirchlidien
Wiirdentrager, insbesondere der Papst und die Priester, die in der
obigen Schrift nur nebenbei beriicksichtigt werden, inbezug auf ihre
doppelte Personlichkeit naher untersucht wurden.
Freiburg i. B. n. Hilling

43. Francisco de Vitoria, Die Grundsdtze des Staats- und Volker-

rechts. Eine Auswah]. Herausgegeben von Antonio Truyol Sena.
2. Auflage (105) Zurich, Thomas-Verlag o. J. (1957) M. 7,40.
Aus AnlaB des vierhundertsten Anniversars des Todestages von
Francisco de Vitoria, der 1546 alsi Inhaber des Primarlehrstuhles in
der Theologischen Fakultat zu Salamanca starb, wurde das Anden-
ken an diesen Klassiker der Rechtsphilosophie von neuem wadige-
rufen und durch besondere Gedachtnisteiern in Salamanca, Buenos
Aires und Oxford ausgezeichnet. Als Begrunder der internationalen
Rechtswissenschaft durch seine relectiones de Indis hat der spanische
Dominikaner die meiste Beaditung und Anerkennung gefunden. Ds-
neben sind aber auch diei relectiones de potestate civili fiir das in-
nerstaatliche Gebiet von groBer Bedeutung. Fiir das Kirdienrecht hat
er die beiden relectiones de potestate Ecclesiae und die relectio de
potestate Papae et concilii beigesteuert, die gleichfalls von dem
Scharfsinn und der zeitnahen Auffassung des Autors Zeugnis able-
gen. In der Einleitung hat der Herausgeber, Professor der Rechts-
philosophie an der Universitat Murcia, darauf hingewiesen, daB die
Schriften de Vitorias fiir die Gegenwart einen hohen aktuellen Wert

n L L
u u u
 694 ROBERT TREDWELL AND STAFF
THE REVIPW OF. MrrAPffY5^*
observe man s universal ac borrowinj^ concepts from one dis-
tivity of
cipline to deal with chanf^ing situations in another.
W. F. T.

Kantorwicz, E. II. The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political

Theology. Princeton: Princeton University Press 1957. xvi, 568 pp.
,

$10.00 As fascinating as its title, this "study in medieval political
theology" explores the origins and significance of the concept (found
fully developed in Plowden's Reports) thaJ^ltf King "has in him two
Bodies, body natural, and a Body pcWScR^BWiay QkuMET>iM*W^'SIC!)
viz., a
it be considered in itself) is a Body mortal, subject to all Infirmities U^.^.^^>'
that come by Nature or Accident... But his Body politic is a Body that
cannot be seen or handled, consisting of Policy and Government..." In
Professor Kantorwicz 's sure hands the fiction of the king's two bodies
becomes a focal point for a wide-ranging study of medieval theology
and political thought, and the center of a microcosm in which we can

/ J
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 BOOK REVIEWS 435

should be" (p. 625). One may ask, how does one "without faith" "profess
the same faith of the Church"?
There is a necessary bond between accuracy and even excellence of
language and the science of theology. As that science begins
again to show
signs of vigorous growth in the English language, we
must not be unmind-
ful of the example set by Cardinal Newman, who used language as an instru-
ment of precision and beauty in the service of Christ.

University of Notre Dame John Quinlan

The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology,

By Ernst H. Kantorowicz. Princeton, N. Princeton University Press
J.:
1957. Pp. xiv + 568. $10.00.
Some thirty-five
years ago Carl Schmitt published under the title,
Polilische Theologie, a series of essays contending that
most concepts in
modern political theory were secularized theological concepts. In 1935 Erik
Peterson in an essay, "Monotheismus als politisches Problem," wrote that
by the Trinitarian dogmas not only monotheism as a political problem was
abolished and the Christian faith freed from enchainment
with the Im-
perium Romanum but also any form of political theology, i.e., "to
use the
Christian Kerygma for the justification of a political situation"
(p. 99). And
Friedrich Heer in his controversial but thought-provoking Aufstieg
Europas
(1949), though he speaks of "political religiosity," comes to the same con-
clusion: "There are no more Sacra Imperia"
(p. 660). Nevertheless, the
historian is still justified in using the term, as long as he means by it the
fact that, especially in the era of faith
and deep into the era of the Reforma-
tionwith the exception of the more pagan wing of the Renaissance
we
often find a "confusion" (in an ambiguous sense) of political
theory and
theologoumena, a mutual borrowing of theories and concepts, of
symbols
and images, more by political theorists than by theologians, to
develop
their theses, to understand perhaps better the "mystery of the state's
soul"; and we find that especially in the political and juridical Tendenz-
Literatur of these eras. In a formidable volume replete with
profound scholar-
ship and admirable control of the original sources and the
widespread sec-
ondary literature (with thirty-two plates of excellent illustrations)
Prof.
Kantorowicz, known especially for his masterful though somewhat contro-
versial biography of Emperor Frederick II, gives us an extremely valuable
and carefully documented study of such borrowings from theology
and
appropriations by political theorists and jurists during the Middle
Ages up
to the first decades of the seventeenth century.

n U
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 436 THEOLOGICAL STUDIP:S

The study starts with a law case in Plowden's Reports

where for reasons
of a juridical distinction the doctrine of the
king's two bodies is elaborated:
"The King has in him two bodies, the body natural and the
body politic."
The latter as "corporation sole" cannot be seen or handled; thus in "twin-
born majesty" (Maitland) the personal and the impersonal
concepts of gov-
ernment were united: "The King as body natural and mortal
is subject to
all infirmities that happen to the natural
Bodies of other People." But his
body politic is "a Body that cannot be seen or handled, consisting of Policy
and Government and constituted for the Direction of the People and the
Management of the public weal; and this Body is utterly void of Infancy
and old Age and other natural Defects and Imbecilities"
(p. 7). This idea
has naturally a long and involved tradition and
many ramifications in
juridical and political theory of the Middle Ages
which this learned volume
elaborates. Though the theory is markedlycommon law origin,
of English
itsproblem, ultimately the juridical or moral personality
of the state and
other constituted social bodies and their perpetuality,
the distinction be-
tween person and office, and their symbolic representation in theory and the
arts, is universal. The Roman juristsand the medieval canonists as well as
the theologians in ecclesiology knew and worked on it; e.g., the doctrine of
the Church as corpus mysticum could be, and was,
appropriated by the
jurists for a theory of the corpus politicum mysticum;
the twin bodies of the
king could be interpreted mutalis mutandis in terms of
Christology; the
theology of the sacrament of ordination and the consecration
of bishops,
considering the sacramental character of the anointing and
consecrating the
emperor or king, the objective validity of the sacrament despite
all sins
and infirmities of the minister as an individual, the distinction
in canon law
between the immortal dignitas and the mortal dignitary, all these
could be
transferred to political problems. From the theological dictum, Sedes {quia
Christus) non moritur, follows Imperium semper est or Dignitas non moritur,
symbolized in the
King's twin bodies, the one mortal and the other immortal.'
In five richly documented chapters, "Christ-centered Kingship,"
"Law-
centered Kingship," "Polity-centered Kingship: Corpus
mysticum;' "On
Continuity and Corporations: The King Never Dies,"
"Man-centered
Kingship: Dante," the author follows the very complex
history of these
secularizations and appropriations of originally theological concepts by
the jurists of the kings of the rising sovereign states. The
Norman Anony-
mous serves as a pattern for the first kind of kingship; here the king is
an
individual man by nature, by grace he
"Christus: hujus Christi, id est Dei
is

et hominis, imago et figura" just like the episcopus; he is a "gemina persona"

(pp. 49 fT.); the borrowings of symbols, images, and concepts stem in these
early times from the liturgical sacramental sphere
(cf. some interesting

'
U U U U/ L L I
 BOOK REVIEWS 437

further evidence in Heer's book, ch. I, The next period may be

pp. 103 ff.).

called "theo-centric juridical." John of Salisbury calls the King "Imago et

servus aequitatis, persona publica legibus solutus et alligatus"; this became
in Frederick II's Liber Augustalis "Pater et filius justitiae," "Mediator," of
course with a polemic pointed sense against the plenihido polestalis
of the
Papa-Caesar. Now the jurists "merito sacerdotes vocantur" say that
theEmperor owes his dignitas not to Christ but to "the Law," i.e., the
Roman Law, the ratio scripla in which "all is contained." A new pattern of
persona mixta emerged from Law with justitia as the model deity and
itself
the prince as both her incarnation and her pontijex maximus
(p. 143). Then
in this age of jurisprudence the sovereign state with its
independent, proper
and
lelos origin, becomes independent of the
Church, hallowed by "the"
Law and its sempitcrnity; what it still needed was the concept
of corpora-
tion. This it received through the term corpus mysticum
borrowed from
ecclesiology but placed on a rational basis. (Kantorowicz follows here Henri
de Lubac, Cinpus mysticum, 2nd ed., Paris, 1949.) After the corpus mysticum
concept had been extended from the sacramental to the "juridical corpora-
tional" field, it could now be appropriated for the state per atmlogiam.
Fortescue talks without hesitation of the "mystical body of the Realm."
Henry VIH would by confusion fuse the two corpora mystica. In a similar
way the ecclesiological principle Ecclesia nunquam moritur becomes Im-
perium, Respublica, finally Universitas non moritur; from this follows in
an
involved and complex history the adage "The king never dies," i.e., the
king as head of the mystical body of the realm, the king as head of the
corporation distinguished from the king as a natural body.
In two chapters the author shows that Dante as well as Shakespeare was
familiar with the theory of the King's two bodies. The latter, e.g., lets
Richard II in that outspoken political play say that he has become "a
traitor to his own immortal body politic" (p. 38); and Dante enlarges this
image so loaded with meanings in letting himself be "crowned and mitred"
by Vergil; now every man has dignitas quae non moritur; humanitas as
Adae mobilis corpus mysticum and the redeemed individual man is restored
to original innocence, as a body natural; man as actual idea and individual
man as potentiality is the philosophical prototype of the king's two bodies.
After reading this profound book with its wealth of ideas and interpreta-
tions of historical facts, one might be inclined more than
before towards
Erik Peterson's thesis and towards a development that led to the
depolitiza-
tion of Church and theology and to the detheologization
of state and poli-
tics; their fusion leads too often to confusion.

Georgetown University Heinbich a. Rommen

' / L L C
U U U J
 30
E. H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies. A Study inMediaeval
Political Theology, Princeton 1957, Princeton University
Press, XVI u. 568 S.,
24 Tf.
Die englischen Juristcn der elisabethanischen Zeit entwickelten
die
Theorie von den zwei Korpcrn des Konigs, eines naturlidien,
der Krankheit,
Tod und Gebrcchen des natiirlidien Lebens unterworfen ist, und eines
alien
ubernaturlichen, der weder krank nodi sdiwac+i, niemals minderjahrig oder
senil ist, der niemals stirbt und der den Engeln vergleidibar
ist. Die vorlie-
gende Studic zcichnct den allgemeincn historischen Hintergrund dieser
merk-
wurdigen, stcts in einer lialbreligioscn Sprache vorgetragenen verfassungsredit-
lichen Theorie und zeigt, welche Riditungen politischen Dcnkens
und redit-
lidierSpekulation zu einer solchcn Theorie hinfuhren konnten. Der sogcnannte
Yorker Anonymus (um 1100) zeigt uns am deutiichsten das Bild des Christus-
bezogcnen Konigtums der ottonisdien und friihsalischen Zeit. Der Konig ist
vor allem Christomimetes, Reprascntant Christ! auf Erdcn, dessen
Sein er
per gratiam iibernimmt. Der Konig stellt also eine gcmina persona dar,
irdisdi
durdi seine Natur, gottlidi durch die Gnade. Diese Angleidiung des Kcinigs an
die Doppelnatur Christ! hat in einer Miniatur des um 973 auf der
Reichenau
entstandcnen Aachencr Evangeliars eincii iiberzeugenden kiinstlerischcn Aus-
drud gefunden. Die Christus-bezogene liturgisdie Auffassung des Konigtums
wurde im Laufe des 12. Jh.s von der theokratisdi-juristischen Auffassung eines
Recht-bezogenen Kiinigtunis abgelost. Line der Hauptquellen dieser neuen
Auffassung war das romische Redit, speziell die lex regia, die dem Herrsdier
voile Gewalt iibcrtrug, und die lex digna, die ihn an das Gesetz band. Hieraus
leitete Friedrich II. seine Doppelstcllung als pater et filius iustkiae ab. Die
lusticia aber ist die Mittlerin zwischen gottlichem und menschlichcm Redit.
Nodi engcr wurde der Herrscher mit der lusticia verbunden, indem man ihn
als lusticia ammata begriff. War die PoJaritat von menschlicher Natur und

gottlidicr Gnade das Spannungsfeld des Christus-bezogenen Konigtums, so

war das des Recht-bezogenen Konigtums die Polaritat von gottlidiem und
menschlichem Redit. Der dauernd sich vollziehende Austausdi zwischen der
kirchlit+ien und der wcltlidien Sphare brachte im
14./15. Jh. die Angleichung
des Staates an die Kirche audi in korporativer Hinsicht, indem er analog zu
dieser als ein corpus mysticum aufgefalk wurde. Damit trat audi ein neues
Herrschcrbild Ersdieinung, das Staat-bezogene Konigtum. Der urspriinglich
in
liturgisdie Begriff des corpus ecclcsiae mysticum wurde auf den Staat iiber-
tragen, der Konig wurde das Haupt des mystisdien corpus rei publicae. Fur
England pragte John Fortescue die beriihmte Definition dominium regale ct
politicum, d. h. der Konig steht sowohl iiber wie unter dcni Staatskorper, so
wie der Konig des 13. Jh.s liber und unter dem Gesetz gestanden hatte. Fijr
die Ausbildung der Theorie von des Konigs zwei Korpern mufite aber nodi
ein Faktor hinzutreten, ohne den der Konig den character angeltcus nidit er-
langen konnte: die Kontinuitat. Diese fand sidi in der universitas, quae non
moritur, in der Perpetuitat des Volkes und des Vaterlandes; an ihr mufite
nidit der einzelne Herrscher teilhaben, wohl aber die Dynastie, die Krone, die
koniglic+ie Wiirdc. Die Juristen hatten den Begriff der universitas cntwickelt,
dercn Hauptkennzeidicn die Unsterblichkeit, die Daucr in der Zeit und die
Identitat im Wechsel waren. Erst die Anwendung dieses iffrs/fas-Begriffes
madite den nur organisch aufgefafken Staatskorper sempitern. Durdi die Fik-
tion einer gewissermafien nidit horizontal, sondern vertikal gcdaditcn Korpo-
ratiori, die nur in Hinbiick auf die Zeit, per succcssionem, koUektiv war, in

einem gegebenen Zeitpunkt aber nur aus einem Glied bcstand, war audi das
sdiwierige Problem eines dem unsterbiichcn Staatskorper adaquaten unsterb-
lidien Hauptes zu losen. Die Vorstellung des unsterblidien Konigs entwickelte

sidi an drei Faktoren, der Kontinuitat der Dynastie,- dem korporativen Cha-

n L L L
u u u u
 u.igcii, ilcr KoiiiH wiircic-
l.uipt ilcs mystisdicii corpus rci piibticac. Fu
cl.is I

liigland pragii- John lortcscuc die beriilinitc Definition dominium regale ct

politiciim, d. Ii. dtr KiJnig stcht sowohl iibcr wie untcr dc-m
Staatskorpcr, so
wic dcr Kiinig des 13. Jli.s iibcr und untcr dt-m Gcsctz gestandcn hatte.
Fur
die Ausbildiing der Thcorie von des KoniRS zwci Korpern mufite
aber noch
ein Faktor hinzutreten, olinc den der KiiniR den character arigeltcus nicht cr-
langen konnte: die Kontinuitat. Dicse fand sich in der universitas, f/uac non
moritur, in der Perpetuitat des Volkcs und des Vaterlandes; an ihr mulke
nicht der einzeine Herrscher teilhaben, wohl aber die Dynastic, die Krone,
die
koniglic-he Wiirde. Die Juristen batten den lkY,riff der universitas entwiielt,
dercn Hauptkennzeidien die UiisterbHthkeit, die Dauer in der Zeit und die
Identitiit Wedisel warcn. Erst die Anwendung dieses Mniversitas-Vic%r'\{{cs
ini

machte den nur organisdi aufgefaBten Staatskorpcr sempitern. Durdi die Fik-
tion einer gtwisserniafk-n nidit horizontal, sondern vcrtlkal gcdaditcn Korpo-
ration, die nur in Hinblick auf die Zeit, per successioiicm, kollektiv war,
in
einem gegebeneii Zeitpunkt aber nur aus einem Glicd bcstand, war audi das
schwierij^e Problem eines dem unsterblichcn Staatskorpcr adaquaten unsterb-
lidien Hauptes zu losen. Die Vorstellung des unstcrblidien Konigs entwickeltc

sichan drei Faktoren, der Kontinuitat der Dynastie, dein korporativen Cha-
rakici clci Krone und Jer IJr.stcrllidikc't der Wiirdi-, Die KontinuitHt Her
Dynastic wurde durch die Anst+iauung befiirdcrt, die dem Konig als eicctus
bercits voile Ccvvalt zusprach. Hand Hand damit
ging die Hciligung der
in
Dynastic, der Konig crhiclt seine gottliche Sendung und Weihe allcin sdion
durch das konigllc^ie Blut, so vor allem bckanntlidi von Friedridi II. ausge-
sprochen. Damit war die dynastischc Kontinuitiit, wenigstens theorctisch, her-
gestellt; die Dynastic war einer universitas per successionem vergicichbar. Die
Krone gewann im 13. jh. wurden alle souvcriinen
korporativc Aspekte, in ihr
Rcchte begriffen, die von alien Staatstragern, dem Konig als Haupt und den
Magnaten als Gliedern, zu sc+iiitzen waren. Im ganzen habcn wir cine Fiille
toils sidi iibcrschncidender, tcils sich widcrsprechender Aulk-rungcn iibcr den
Charakter der Krone; sovicl ist jedenfalls klar, dal? man die
staatsrechtlichen
Krone Verkorpcrung der Souvcranitatsrechte des Staatskorpers vom Kcinig
als

unterschied und dafi sic oft als Korporation aufgefaRt wurde. Die Kontinuitat
des naturlichcn Kiirpers des Konigs in der Dynastie und die Kontinuitat der
souver'incn Rechte des Staatcs in der Krone fielcn mit dem dritten Begriff
zusanimen, dem der dignitas. Die in praxi naturlich schon linger geiibtc Unter-
schcidung von Amt und Person wurde durch die Dekrctale Quoniam abbas
Alexanders III. rechtlich fixiert und von den Dckretalisten weiter ausgcbaut.
Schon Damasus erklarte uni 1215, dal5 die dignitas nur>iquam perit; analog
zum romischen Frbrecht stellte man die Quasi-Idcntitlit von Amtsvorganger
und Amtsnachfolger fest. Hieraus cntwickelte man die bercits erwahntc Kor-
poration per successionem, die jeweils nur in einem Annstrager aktualisicrt ist.
Dieser fiir die Korporationslchrcn ungcheuer wichtige Satz von der dignitas
quae non moritur wirkte sich staatsrechtlich vor allem in Frankreich und Eng-
land aus. Von ihm stammt die beriihmte Maxime Le rot ne meurt jamais, von
ihm stamnicn letztlich audi bestimmtc Brauche im Beisetzungszeremoniell der
franzosischen Konige, die das Weiterlcbcn der dignitas sinnfallig darstellten.
So schwierig die exakte juristisdic Untersdieidung von Amt und Person gewe-
sen war, kaum minder sdiwicrig war es zu erklaren, in welcher Art die zwei
Korper in der einen Person des Konigs zusammenfallen. Bacon pragte dafiir
die Definition corpus corporatum in corpore naturali, et corpus naturale in
corpore corporaio. Baldus machte eine Anieihe bei thomistischcr Tcrminologie,
indem cr die dignitas als principalis, den Kcinig als instrumentalis bczeidinetc,
womit der Kiinig als instrumcntum dignitatis definiert ist, so wie Thomas
Christus als instrumentum deitatis interpreticrt hattc. Die verfassungsreditliche
Stellung des englischen Konigs war im- Gegensatz zu kontinentalen Verhiilt-
nissen durch das kraftig ausgcbildete Parlamcnt bestimmt, das stets ein sehr
konkretes, nicht Icicht abstrahierbarcs corpus politicum darstcllte. Andererseits
unterschied man offenbar genug zwischen Krone und dignitas, was
nicht klar
eine gewisse Vermcngung der organischen und der sukzcssionellen Korpora-
tionslchre zur Folgc hatte. Des Konigs zwei Korper" ist zwar eine spezifisch
englische Pragung; Vorgesdiidite, Parallelen und Hintcrgriinde dieser Theorie
aber fiihren uns tief in das juristisdic und poiitisdic Dcnken des Mittelalters.
Die Fiille des Stoffes, der Gedanken und Anregungen, die der Vf. in seinen
Untersuchungen ausbrcitet, konnte hicr nur angedeutct werden. Das Budi wird
kiinftig zu den grundlegendcn Wcrken der Verfassungsgesdiichte gehoren.
R. M. K.

E. H. Kantorowicz, On Transformations of Apollinc Ethics, Chari-

tes.Studien zur Altertumswisscnsdiaft. Fcstst4irift Ernst Langlotz, Bonn 1957,
Athenaum-Verlag, S. 265274, Tafcl 3436.
Antike Darstellungen zeigen

n u
L L
u u
 Freitag, 27. Februar 1959 Blatt 8
Zu einem
soziologischen Lesebuch
Der Stuttgarter Verlag K. F. Koehler hrinpt
seit einigor Zeit in losei* Folge
sorgfiiltipr betrpute
geistesgesehichtliehe Werke zu
wohlfeilen Prcison
heraus, dio sich allmahlieh zu einer klcinen Biblio-
thek der politiselipn Allgpiiioinbildung im weitcsten
Sinn znsammcnfiigcn. Nehen vorziigiieh kommon-
ticrtpn Textbiinden zur politischen Ideengesehichte
pntlijilt eine eigpntliolie Staats- iind Biirgp.r-
sie
kundp, aber auoh sonst schwer zngangliche philo-
sophische und historische Zeugnisse wie die kiist-
liohen Memoiren des Ritters von Lang odcr Georg
Simmels Essaysammlung Briieke und Tor und
Jacob Bnrckhardts Historis;ehe Fragniente*, die
als charakteristische Spipgelungcn der jiingeren
Geistesgeschichte zur Vertipfung und Aktnalisie-
ning unscrps durch krispnhafte Entwicklungen ge-
sehiirften ZcitbewuBtseins beitragen kcinnen.
Vor kurzera ist die Reihe nun durch einen Band
ergiinztworden, der dpr Geschichte jener Wissen-
sehait gewidmet ist, die ein Ergebnis eben dieses
differenzierten moderncn Selbstverstandnissps ver-
ktirpert und das gesteigerte epochale Problem-
bewuBtsein unserer Zeit zugleicli zu ihrem zentra-
Icn Forsehungsgegenstand gemacht hat: der Sozio-
logie. Hans Naumann ist cs gelungen, eine Auswahl
von repriisentativpn Texten znsammenzustellen, die
nicht allein die anfiinglieh recht miihsarne Konsti-
tuiprung der Wisspnsohaft vom sozialpn Vprhalten
naehzeielinpt, sondprn gleichzoitig aueh ihre inncro
Problematik aufseheinen und auBerdem die raseh
fortsehreitende Verfeinerung der Fragestellungen
sichtbar werden laBt. Der Band hebt an mit einer
wenig bekannten Vorarbeit Montesquieus zu seinem
Dc I'esprit dps lois, wodureh Naumann gpmiiB
seinpm saehkundigpn Vorwort andeuten will, daB
die Anlangc der Soziologie als Wissensehaft miig-
lichenveise in der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts zu
suchen seien und daB sich die Auffassung vertre-
tpn lieBe, von diesem Zeitpunkt an hatten sich
Miinner gpfunden, die die Dimension des Sozialen
nicht nur gpsehpn, sondprn zu erschlieBen versucht,
das heiBt iibcr die methodisch-tpchnischen Mittel
erfolgreich nachgedaeht haben.
Die Hiinfung der Konjunktive in diesem Satz
ist charaktcristisch. Der Uebergang von der bloBen
soziologischen Perspektive zum konkreten Ansatz
eigenstandiger systematischer Wissenschaftlichkeit
iJiBt sich tatsachlich nicht leicht exakt datiercn.
Das hiingt damit zusammen, daB die DimPnsion
des Sozialen in jedcr staatsphilosophischen und
anthropologischcn Problpmstpjlung notwendig mit-
enthalten sein muB und auch von jeher in die den-
kenschrn Bpniiihungen dicser Richtung miteinbezo-
31cjic3iirrf)crocilmin
GESCHICHTE UND SOZIOLOGIE
trctene Marx-Vorlaufer Louis-August Blanqui
odcr dpr bewegliche Sorel, iordcrten zwar manche
fundamentale Einsicht in das Wosen sozialen Ver-
haltens zutage, waren aber als politisehe Ilaudegcn
und professionelle Volksrcdner aueh nicht gerade
dazu angetan, dem Ansphen der jungen Wisscn-
schu^L aufzuhelfen. So vcrmochte die reine Sozio-
logie erst gegen Endc des Iptztpn Jahrhundprts das
Odium der allzu engen VerschwistPruiig mit dpr
kampferischen Tagpspublizistik abzusehiitteln und
akadpmisch hoffiihig zu werden. Auch naehher
noch kamon indessen wesentliche Impulse von aus-
gesprochenen AuBcnseitern her. Der beriihrntcste
unter ihnen heiBt W. I. Lenin, der mit spinpr
Theorie der revolutionarpn Mindprlipitspartei nicht
nur eine alte Gescllschatt aus den Aiigein zu heben,
sondprn pine neue aus dem Boden zu stampt'en ver-
mochte. Es mag auf den ersten Blick befremden,
dn." Naumann auch ihn zu ^Yort kominen laBt.
Politik und Theoloi^ie
Zu einem Buck
Hg. ^lehr alsdreiBig Jahre sind vergangpn,
seit der Tcxtband dps Werks ubpr Fripdrich IL,
dpn Staufpnkaispr, erschipn, durch da.s sich Ernst
Kantorowicz nicht nur, wie man so sagt, einpn
Nanipu gemacht, sondcrn fast allzu entschieden
eingoreiht hat in pinen hochgpsinnten Kreis von
Bptrachtcrn deutscher Vergangenheit. Wer uber
die feiprliche Jugend, die da gepflpgt ward, nicht
mphr Bpschpid wpiB, den iiberrascht die Berech-
nung, daB das Bnch von einem DreiBigjiihrigen
konzipiprt war; bpim Lpspn hiitte er sich den Xer-
fasser eher als prlanchte Lchrcrgpstalt gedacht.
Von einem durchaus veriindertpn Stil ist
kiirzlich erschienene Studie hestimmt: r/ifi King's
Tuo Bodies A Study in Mediaeval Political
Theolog)/.* Kantorowicz, seit vielen Jahren an
Universitiiten der Vereinigten StaatPn tiitig,
schrcibt heiitc englisch ein Ipicht zu lesendes,
umgangsprachlich - anspruchsloses Englisch, ge-
eigiiet, Saciipu zu ncnncn, zu imterscheiden, Zu-
samnipngphiirigps zu biindpltr, von mystischen Din-
gen ist die Rede, in giinzlich unmystisehem Ton.
Von Theorien der englischen Renaissance geht
Kantorowicz aus, tim ein zentrales Problem des
Mittelaltprs zu fasspn: die Vorstpllung vom dopppj-
ten Wpsen des Kiinigs des Kiinigs, dpr als
Mensch jung und alt, gpsund und krank, Tixuschun-
gpn untprwortpn und stprblich ist, abpr als Koiiig
altprslos, immer im Rccht, von irdischem Zerfall
nicht angefochten.
Es ist ein juristisches, pin politisches, ein theo-
logisches Problem. Tn Prozessen gegpn die Krone
/ U
U U U U
/ L
Venn Lenin auch kein eigentlieher Fachsoziologe
\v;ir, so gchiirt aber spin theoretisches Schaffen doch
ohne jpdcn Zweifpl in dipspn Zusamnipnhang. Mphr
noch, er selbst und sein Erfolg stellen Phijnomene
dar, dio wohl nur mit soziologischen Kategorien
cmigprmaBpn hinlanglich zu erklaren sind und
dprcn Deutung mittpn ins Zpntrum nicht nur dpr
sozialen, sondprn der soziologischen Problematik
fiihrt.
Dem Lpser diese Problematik naher zu bringen
var pines der Anliegen des Herausgpbers. Man
darf ihm attestieren. daB er die Aufgabe mit gro-
Bpm Gcschick bpwiiltigt hat. Wo
es irgend anging,
suclite er das Tynischc eines Autors oder einer
Forsohungsrichtung durch wenig bckannte und in
sich gpschlossene Texte zur Darstellung zu bringen.
So ist der Band zu einer wahren kleinen Fund-
grube geworden.
Richard Reich
im Mittelalter
von Ernst Kantorowicz
Der sprechendste Text, den
"Mittelalter erschien.
Kantorowicz heranzieht, der Traktat des Anony-
nuis von York (um 1100). stellt in einer Inter-
Matthiius-Stelle 22, 21
pretation der bcriihmten
ichrreich die Beziehung her: Christus sagte: ,.So
gchct dem Kaiser, was des Kaisers ist", und nicht:
dem was des Tiberius
..So gebet Tiberius,
Person unwert, aber die Herrschergewalt ist
ist
gprecht. Und gerecht war, daB sich die menschliche
Schwiiche der gottlichen Gewalt unterwarf. Dpnn
Christus war damals, als Mensch, schwach; aber
gottlich war die Gewalt des Kaisers. >*
die Das kiihn und iiberaus konsequent gpdacht,
ist
es wertet die Parallcle zwischen den zwei Naturen
Christi und den bciden Personen des Monarchen
zu dessen Gunsten aus, verschriinkt die eine
Doppplersclieinung in die andere. Wrnn spiiter, in
einer Schrift des Enpas Silvius Piccolomini, die
Lehre vom mystischen Lcib der Kirche mit Chri-
stus als Haupt ausdriicklich ihr Gcgenstiick er-
halt in jener vom mystischen Leib des Staates mit
dem Hprrschcr als Haupt, so licgt darin nicht nur
humanistisehc Verweltlichung des Kirchenbildes,
sondcrn audi der sakralc Zug. den sick das Kcinig-
tum bis weit in die Neuzpit hinein erhalten sollte
nur daB er sich nun wpnigpr in unhezweifpi-
barpr Gprechtigkeit der hcrrscherlichen Autoritiit
auspriigte als in der GewiBheit ihrer Dauor, der
Unsterblichkcit des Konigs. die am Ende mehr
versinnbildlicht als lebendig empfunden wurde in
der Kontinuitfit der Dynastie.
Seiten umfassende,
Das mehr als fiinfhundert
L
Fernauxgnbe Nr. 57
durchbrochen sieht: sterblich, fehlhar, empfiingt
der Xachkomme Adams Insignion geistlicher
die
und wcltlicher Hprrschalt, wird sein eigener Prie-
.sterund Konig. Dein geist ist fest und heil und
frei von Irone. / Nun wiire fehl zu folgpn andrem
sinne! / Hier kron ieh dich mit mitra und mit
krone ! so hieB es in der Uebersetzung Stefan
Georges.
Karl XII. von Schweden
Zum Werk von Otto Haintz
H. Kfinig Karl ist der Held des modemen
C.
Schweden, wie Napoleon ein Held des moderncn
Frankreich Voltaire hat eine beriihmte Ge-
ist.
schichtp iiber ihn geschriphpu, und Friedrich der
GroBe hat .spine Schlachten bis anf Poltawa bewun-
dert. Historisch gesehen, war Karl die zentrale Figur
des Nordischen Krieges, mit dem der spanische
Erbfolgekrieg in inncrem Zusammenhang stand;
in diesen Kriegen cntstand das moderne Europa.
Karl errang mit seinen Schweden einen welt-
historisch iiberraschenden Sieg bei Narwa iiber die
Rnsscn, und dann hat er jahrelang Europa m
Atem gehalten durch ebenso abenteuerliche wie
geniale Feldziige in Osteuropa. Im Juni 1709 ende-
ten sie iiberraschend durch eine Niederlage, die
dem Schweden Poltawa von dem Zaren Peter
bei
beigebracht wurde.
Otto Haints ist Schiiler Dclbriick.s, der die klas-
Die
ist."
sischen Schlachten der Weltgeschichte rekon-
struiert hat. Sein Buch Uber Karl ist mit dem
ersten Teil 1936 schon einmal ersehienen. Da in-
zwischcn die Schlacht bei Poltawa, mit der jener
Band schloB, anders beurteilt wird, hat er ihn um-
geschrieben und durch wescntliches Material aus
den Qucllen bereichert.* Es handclt sich ura ein
Standardwerk moderner Forschung, und Haintz
ist dafiir in Schweden seit langem bekannt und
geehrt worden. Seine Daretellung ist souveran, sie
breitet vipl Detail aus, behiilt aber die Faden in
dpr Hand. Es ist ein aus den schwedischen, deut-
schen und tcilweise russi.schen Quellen gearbeitetes
Work und hat keineswegs pragmatischc Zwecke,
sondern dicnt der Wissensehaft von jenera Konig,
der eigpntlich der lefzte Held im mythischen Sinne
wa r.
Das Ungliick Karls wird hier nicht, nach be-
quemem Schema, in dem Gemeinplatz gesehen,
Karl habe sich iibernommen, indem er mit den
Kraften eines mittleren Staates eine Weltmaclit
angritf. (Schweden war damals GroBniacht und
RuBland eine unbekanntc GroBe.) Karls Heer war
das heste dpr Welt; er war gewohnt, gpgpn zwpi-
und drpifache Uebermacht zu siegcn, und als Feld-

'"I'iM 1,.- n.i>, U...1U1C11 Auiijiwiiin
, f;cm;ili
sachkuinliprn Vonvort andputen will, flaQ
s(>]iioni
die Anfangc dcr Soziologie als Wissenschaft miig-
lichorwoise in dor I^Iittp dps 18. jHlirhundprts zu
suchon spipn und dali sich die Aul t'assung: vertre-
tpn lipfip, von dipspm Zpitpunkt an hiittpn sich
Miinnor gofnndcn, die die Dimension des Soziaion
nicht mil- ppsphcn, somlern zn erschlipfipn versiicht,
das hoifit iiber die mpthodisfh-tefhnischen Mittel
eri'olKreieh nachgedacht haben.
Die Hanfung: der Konjiinktive in diospm Satz
ist charaktoristiseh. Der Uebergang von der
soziolo-jisclipn Persppktive ziim konkretcn Ansatz
eigfenstiindiprcr s.ystematisehor Wissenschaltlichkeit
laBt sicli tatsachlich nicht leirht exakt datiercn.
Das hangt dainit znsanimrn, dafl die Dimcnsion
des Soziale.n in jedcr stantsphilosophisphon und
anthropoloffisclion Pi-ohlemsfpllung- notwcndip mit-
enthalten sein miilJ iind auch von jchcr in die dcn-
kerischen Bemiihnngon dicser Riohtnng mit-oinbczo-
ijen wordcn Die So/.iolojdo eutv\i('kelte sich al*o
i.>t.
aus einein Teilaspekt andcior Wissenschaften, und
zwar \mter Voraussetznngon, die ihrer mpthodi-
sehen Liinternnc im akademisehpn Sinn keineswegs
zutriiglieh warcn. Sio suchte sich im Gel'olgc und
unter dem Eindruck der starkon sozialen Spannun-
gen im auspehenden 18. und begiiinendpn 19. Jahr-
hundert zu etablicren. Politisclip Rpvohitionpii und
wirtschaftlichp Umwiilznngpn hatten die alten Ord-
nungpn znm Einsturz gehraoht odpr doch Iragwiir-
dig werdcn lasspn. In dipspr Situation des Uni-
bruchs und Aufbruchs bpgannen die verschiedpnpn
gespjlschaftliehpn Gruppen sich in gesteigprtPm
MaB ihipr splbst bpwuBt zu wprdpn. Erst durch
diesen ProzeB der Dynamisicrung hoben sich die
sozialen Strukturpn so dputlich ah, daB sie zur
sy.stematisehen Analysp und Klassifikation hpraus-
fc.derten. Die Gp.spllsohaftswisspnsehaft wuehs also
au; dpr politisch-sozialen Unruhe und dem akutcn
K bewuBtspin dpr Zpit heraus und wurdp dahpr
vielenorts znm vorneherein nicht nur als theore-
tische Gcsellsehaftsdiagnostik, sondern als prak-
tisehe Gpsellschaftsplanuiig konzipiert.
Dip Vprmpngung diespr hpidcn Ebpnen, die cine
methodologische Kiistallisation auBerordentlich er-
schwprte und vprzilgertp, laBt sich im vorlicgenden
F id an einer ganzen Rpihe von Autorcn aufzei-
gen. Sozinlogen der prsten Ppriodc wie Saint-
Simon oder Conite benutzten objpktiv gpsichprte
Erkenntnisse der gesellschal'tlichpn Struktur als
Baustcine progrnmmatischer Gpspllsrhattsthporien
mit deuflirh utopischem Einschlag. Rpvolutioniiro
PuhlizistPn anderseits, wip der in der Auswahl ver-
Histoire le la Suisse
hnj. Xachdem sie wiihi-end langerer Zeit ver-
gritTpn war, ist die einbiindige, gerafftc Dar.stel-
lung der Schweizer Gpsdiichtc von William Martin
in vierter Auflagc neu ediert wordpn.* Dipse sehr
erfreuliclip Xcuatisgabe wurde durch die Unter-
stiit/ung der Sliftung Pro IIplvptia moglieh.
AVilliam Martin (18881934), Auslandkorrespon-
dent und spiiter auBenpolitischer Redaktor des
Journal de Genpve bis zu seiner Renifung auf
den Lphrstuhl fiir Gpschichtp an dpr ETII im
Jahrp ]9.'?3, bpabsichtigtp, mit spiner Histoire de
la Sui.e eine Darstpllung zu gpbpn, die wis.sen-
schaltliche Fundiertheit mit leichter Lesbarkeit
verbindet. Es ging ihm dabei nicht nur um
Auswahl der charakteristischen Momente in
Geschichte unseres Landes, .sondern auch um die
Fi.xierung der groBcn Zusammpnhiinge und derpn
Verstiindnis. Les faits n'importent a I'histoire
que s'ils sont une cau.se on tine conspquence,
schrieh pr im VorAvort. L'his(oire pst unp chainp.
Lps faits i.soles ne eomptent pas. So verfaBte er,
inspiriert durch Gonzague de Re.ynolds histori-
sches Werk,
seine bis heute wertvoll gebliebenp
Schwpizer Geschichte, die er im Untertitel
Essai sur la P^ormation d'une Confederation
William Martin: Histoire de la Suisse. Essai sur
* Knmmunismus
la Formation d"unp Confederation d"Ktat?. Quatricme
Mition ponformp a la prcci^dcntp, .uivie d'un apprn-
dice inedit La Suis.'e de 1928 a 1958 par Pierre
Beguin. Librairie Payot, Lausanne.
V'on
ciiu'in duniiaii-. vpriinilcrlcn
kiirzlich ersohienpne Stuili(! bpstinnnt:
Two Bodies Mediaeval PnlilicaL
..4 Stiidij in
Tlieolopii.* lyantorowicz, seit vielen Jahren an
Universitiiten der Vereinigten Htanten tatig,
sdireibt bputp piiglisch
zu Ipsendes,
ein
uingangsprachlifh ansi)i'ucbslosps - Engliseh, ge-
pignet, Saclien zu ncnupn. z\i untersclipiden, Zu-
samnipngpliiirigps zu biindphi; von mystischeu Din-
gen ist dip Kpde, in giin/lich unmy.>tischrni Ton.
Von Thporipn der Pnglisclipn Rpnaissance gpht
blofipn Kantorowicz aus, urn pin zentrales Problem dps
Mittplalters zu fa.ssen: die Vorstellung vom dopppl-
tpn We.spn dps Kfinigs
drs Kiinigs, dpr als
Mensch jung und alt, gpsund und krank, Tiiuschun-
gpn untprworl'pn und stprblich ist, abpr als Koiiig
altprslos, immpr im Rpcht, von irdischem Zerfall
nicht anget'ochlcn.
Es ein juristisclips, ein poiitischps, cin theo-
ist
logischps Prol)lem. In Prozessen gpgen die Krone
taucht es aui': 1st eine bchenkung des ver-'
storbencn Konigs giiltig, obwohl pr sie machte,
phe pr miindig war, und obwohl sie Land bptraf,
das er nicht als Kiinig, sondern als Privatmann
pnvorbpn hattp? Allrrdings; dcnn das Kiinigtum
kcnnt kcinp Unmiindigkcit, dps Konigs natiirliche
Person bpstcht npbpn sninpr politisclicn Person
nicht unahhiingig fort; Konig gcwordcn, handclt
dpr Mensch als Krlnig; die Kronp handelt, odpr,
weitprentvviekplt, jpnps, worin natiirlichp und poli-
tische Pprson iihprpinkommpn, die Dignitas, die
unvergiingliche Ilerrschcrwiirdp.
Dip Fiktion der Kroiie, dpr Begritf der
pcrsonliclien llerrschrrwiirdp, Vorstplhmgpn von
Staat und Vaterland als geheiligten Wpspnhpiten:
sie ziplpn alle auf die giittliche
Autoritiit. Das bcdentet
daB dem Jlonarchcn
nicht,
Allgpwnlt zugpschricbpn wird. Dpr llprrschcr kann
als das Ipbpiidigp Rpcht verstanden spin, das den
dopppltpn mpnschlich-gottlichen As])pkt mit alien
Idcen tpilt, und wird dnhcr auf wpchsplnde, aber
jpwpils srhr gpnanc Weisp iibcr uiid untpr das Gc-
sptz gpstcllt. Oder pr kann mysti- in
.schesVerhiiltnis zum Staat gebracht sein wie der
Pripstpr zur Kirchc; das erhebt nicht .so sehr ihn
als die politische Gemeinschaft in cinpn hpiligen
Stand. Die Rechtfertigung dps Parlanipnts wur-
zelt hipr.
Mrnschlich von Natur und giittlich durch die
Gnadp: das ist vom Ilerrscher gpsagt ps spipgelt
abpr das Doppplbild, in wplchpm Christus dem
Princeton University Press, Princeton
d'Etats in ihrpm Hauptwcsenszug
sierte.
Fiir die nun vorliegende Xeuedition verfaBte
Pierre Beguin,
Ghefredaktor der Gazette de
Lausanne und Verfasser des Buches Ije Balcon
sur I'Europe; Petite llistoire de la Suis.se pendant
la Guerrp 1939
1945, pinpn Anhang: La Sui.s.se
de 1928 a 19.'58, (lessen Inhalt hier angedputpt spi.
Beguin wpist auf die gewaltige Zunahme der
sehweizeri.sehen Bevillkerung wiihrend der letzten
.30 Jahre um fast eine trillion bin. Trotz dpr Wirt-
scliaftskrise der bpginnpndpn dreiBiger Jahre, die
bis 19.39 nachwiikte, .setztp, insbpsondprp nach
1945, pin starkpr wirtschaftlichcr Aufschwung pin.
Die politisdipn Auswirkungen der Kri.se sind in
die einer Modifizierung der Auffas.snng des Staates
der zu sehen, der in das gefahrdete Wirtschaftsleben
eingriff; Beguin hezeichnet diese Zeit als Ueber-
gang vom libpralisme manchpstpripn zu einem
lib(>ralisme nettement influence par les poncep-
tions pommunautaires*. Ungpachtpt der okonomi-
.schen Verjindeningen und der daraus sich ergeben-
den Evolution der Ideen blieb die Stabilitat in der
Politik gewahrt; in groBen Ziigen geht der Autor
den Griinden fiir die Festigkeit der bestchenden
als politisehpn Ordnung nach, wplchp auch durch
e.xtremistisehen Bewegungen des Facismus und
nicht erschiittert
Diese politische Stabilitiit ist um so bcmprkens-
wertcr, als das Land in den letztpn dreiBig Jahren
bctriichtliche demogrnphische, soziale und indu-
strielle Veranderungea erfahren hat
U U U
Stil ist dip Dhs i-t kiihn und iiberaus
<i:Tlie King's cs wertet die Parallele zwLschenden zwei Naturen
Christi und den beiden Personen des Monarchen
zu des.sen Gunsten aus, verschriinkt die einc
Doppelerscheinung in die aiidpre. Wcnn spiiter, in
Ipicht einer Schrift des Enpas Silvius Piccolomini, die
Lehre vom mystis<-hpn l>pib der Kirclip mit Chri-
stus als llaupt ausdriicklich ihr Ctcgenstiick er-
hJilt in jenpr vom mystischen Leib des Staates mit
dem ilerrscher als Haupt, so liegt darin nicht nur
humanistische Verweltlichimg des Kirchenbildes,
sondern auch der sakralc Zug, den sich das Kiinig-
tum bis weit in die Neuzeit hinein erhaltcn sollte
nur daB er sich nun weniger in unbezweifel-
barer Gerechtigkeit der hen-scherlichen Autoritiit
auspriigte als in der GewiBhpit ihrer Daupr, der
Ensterblichkeit des Konigs, die am Ende mehr
versinnbildlicht lehendig pmpfunden wurde in
als
der Kontinuitiit der Dynastie.
Das mehr als fiinfhundert Seiten umfassende,
an Jlntenal und Gedanken iiberreiche Werk ist
mit diesen Andeutungpn nicht angcmessen ins
Licht geriickt. Noch weniger die Frage, die Kan-
torowicz von vielen Orten angeht und dem Lpspr
in pinigcn Ilinweispn hrichst pindringlich wprden
liiBt; die Frage niimlieh, die Richard II. in Shake-
speares Drama stellt:
hcihnt nicht Flcisch nnd Blut
. .
.
Mit Ehrbezpiigiing wcrft dip Achtung ab, ;
Gcbrauchc, Sitt' und iiuBcrlirhcn Dicnst.
Ihr irrtct cuch die ganze Zcit in mir:
Wie ihr, Icb' ifh von Brot, \oh fiihlp Mangel,
Ich .chnicckc Kunimcr und hcdarf der Frrunde.
iibpr-
So untPrworfcn nun
Wie kbnut ihr sagen,
Ilerkunl't der Die Frage ist entschieden, sowie sie gestellt
werden kann. Wo in der gnadenhaften Einhpit dps
Konigtums
ein RiB sich
eindringen kann zwischcn Mpnsch imd Spndung,
da ist PS auch priaubt, sich abzuwcndpn: dpr llprr-
schcr, der die Schwiichp spinpr Pprson entdeckt,
biiBt sein Recht auf dip Gpfolgschaft ein. Das ist
pin 'ihnlich im Rahmen des Mittelalters ein pathologischer
Fall; doch es ist zugleich ein historischer Vor-
gang. In der Zauberflote kann es heiBen: Er
ist ein Prinz. Er ist
Mensch.* DaB ein Schriftstpller unserpr
kliirt hohe L?it, den Satz einmal wie-
hat, es sei
der umzukehren, kann da nichts ungp>chehen
; machen. Ilcute ist es schon pine groBe Leistung,
analysiprpnd den V'orstellungskreis zu durchschrci-
ten, den Kantorowicz mit Dantes Vision eines
doppcltcn Menschenturas zugleich geschlossen und
charakteri- Der trotz sprachlichen
.schiedenheiten vorherrschende Wille zur nationalen
Einheit bildet einc der wertvollsten Konstanten
unserer Ge.schichte; er steht auch
un.-<erer Xeutralitiit: La neutralite
de la dureo et de la permanence de
I'Etat federal.
Bei all den genannten Verschicbtingen in unserer
Bevolkcrungsstiiikfur blieb das Sehwpizprvolk spi-
npn Institutionpn trpu; Bpguin spricht gpradpzu
von einer Angst, die bestehpndpn Zustande anzu-
tasten, nnd nennt als Beispiele dafiir die Jura-
fragp, die Jesuitenfrage und die Frage des Frauen-
stimmrephts. Die schweizerische Politik i.st prag-
niatisch bestimmt und zeichnet sich durch Ueber-
legung und ^laB aus. Setzte sich der Bundpsstaat
von 1848 dip Fpstigung dpr Dpniokratie und der
Freiheit als erstes Ziel. so hat sich diesps im Laufp
der Jahrzphntp zusplipnds auf dip sozialp Sichpning
hin vpr.schoben: Lps prohlemes de liberte une fois
resolus, les problemps de sppuritp sociale ont
. . . Jahrpu wprbpkraftir spiirbar wurde, prasidiert den
ete constamment au premier plan de ractualitc.*
Diese Tendenz verstiirkte sich, wie der Verfasser
durch Beispiplp bplpgt,
den letzten dreiBig Jah-
ren betriichtlich.
In prjignantcr Darstellung faBt
Beguin die Ereignisse wiihrend des Zweiten Welt-
kripgps zu.sammen und charakteri.siert die MaB-
die nahnien, die zur Bewiiltigung dieser schwierigen
des Periode getroffen wurden. In einem letzten .\h-
wprden konnte. schnitt seiner vorziiglichen Uebersicht, durch die
Martins IIistoire de la Suisse* a jour gebracht
wird. verfolgt Pierre Beguin die Evolution der
schweizerischen Xeutralitiit, ihrc Erprobung wiih-
rend des Zweiten Weltkri<^es und ihre Neuinter-
I
gesclirieben und durch wesenthches Material aus
kon.ser|ucat gcdacht, dpn QupHpu bpreichert.* Es handclt sich um ein
Standardwerk moderner
ist dafiir in Schweden
Forsehiing,
seit
und Ilaintz
langem bekannt und
geehrt worden. Seine Dai-stellung ist souveran, sie
breitet viel Detail aus, behiilt aber die Faden
der Hand. P^s ist ein aus den schwedisehen, deut-
in
.schen und teilweise ru.s.sisehen Qiiellen gearbeitetes
Werk und hat keineswegs pragmati.^clie Zwecke,
sondern dient der Wissenschaft von jenem KiJnig,
dpr cigentlich der letzte Held im mythischen Sinne
wa r.
Das Ungluck Karls wird hier nicht, nach be-
quemem Schema, in dem Gemeinplatz geseheu,
Karl habe sich iibernommen, indeim er mit dpn
Kraftpn eines mittlercn Staatps pine Weltmacht
angriff. (Schweden war damals GroBmacht
und
RuBland eine unbekannte GroBe.) Karls Heer war
das lipste der Welt; er war gewohnt, gegen zwpi-
und dreifachn llebermacht zn siegcn, und als Feld-
herr war er ein Genie. TTaintr folgt der These
des
.schwedisehen Generals Petri, der gpzeigt hat, daB
das .schwedische Genpralstabswprk nicht das Rpci>t
habe, Poltawa pine Fehllpisfiing zu nennpn. K'trl
wollte nicht die kleine Feste Poltawa mit 4000
Mann nchmen, sondern belagerte Poltawa, um lie
gesamto russischc Macht auf sich zu ziehen und ihr
eine Entscheidungsschlacht zu liefprn. Das gelang
voilig, bis in die Details der (akti.schcn Einsiitze!
Er verier die Schlacht aus Griinden, die nicht in
und an ihm lagpn: pr splbst wirde kurz vorher
schwer vcrwiindpf, die Russpn hattpn in der letzten
Xacht zulallig Schanzen gebaut, die er nicht ken-
nen konnte, und auBer ihm selbst kannte nur ein
daB ieh Kcinig bin?
General den Plan der Schlacht. Trotzdem war die
Katastrophe kein Zufall. Sie war letztlich be-
griindpt in pinpm .Mangpl an diplomatisch-polifi-
aulfut, wo der Zweifel schpr Vorbprpitiing, dem Fphlpn von starken Bim-
dpsgpiiossen.
Die beiden andern
Biinde des Haintzschen
Werkes sind nicht minder fesselnd, aber sie han-
deln nicht mehr in welthistorischcm Asppkt: Karl
war pine fast abentpuprliche Randfignr gewordon,
und die Schweden miigen mit sich sclber aiis-
machen, ob, wie und waruin Karl und sein Volk
mehr als das: er ist ein nicht mphr zueinander fanden. Das Problem, das
Tage er-
Karl Poltawa zu erledigen gedachte, hieB ja
hoi
nicht Ausloschung RuBlands, sondern dort ein der
.schwedisehen Welt gpuphmes Rpgime zu errirhtcn
und dadurch in Polen und Sachspn Ruhe zu ha hen.
Otto Haintz: Konig Karl .\II. von S.'hwpden,
Bd. 13, Verlag VV'alter de Gruytcr, Berbn 1958.
und konfessionellen Ver- pretation m IMax Petifpierres Formel X'eutralite
et Solidarite'i'.
am Ursprung
re.ste ciment
Kleine Chronik
le
Die kirrhc .Si. Joct zu Blallen. r. Seit
langem
istder Zustand der reichgegliederten kirchlichen
Baiigruppe von St. Jo.>t zu Blatlen bei .Makers
be.soigni.serregend. Die nur wenige Kilometer von
Luzern entfernte. ein.st vielbesuchte Wallfahrt.s-
kirche an der nach dem Entlpbiich und nach Bern
liihrpndpn SfraBc. dip siph wiihrpnd langpr Zpit
der bpsondprpn .Sympathie des I.,uzerner Pafriziates
erfreute, ist vom Zerfall bcdroht, und ihre kiinst-
lerischc Ausschmiickung liiBt den ur.*pninglichen
Glanz kaiim mehr erkennpn. Die Vrrciniginip fur
die St.Jofit-K)rclie Bhiltcn hat dpn Boden fiir eine
wirksamc Rcttii))g>^aktinn vorbereifet, fiir die sich
.ielztein aus vielpn angpsphpnen Pprsonlichkciten
gebildetes Ehren- und Pat ronatskonntee einsetzt.
.\nton .Acliermann (Liizprn), dps.sen Initmtivp .seit
AiisschuB und die Baukomini.ssion. in welcher
Kunsthistoriker nnd kantnnale Beamte mitarbeiten.
Trotz dpn in Aussicht stchpndpn Bpitriigpn dpr
in
Gempinde Malter.s, des Kantons Luzern und der
Eidgenos.spnsphaft wird intpnsivp I'inanzbpihilfe
von privater Spite niitig sein, wenn das umfas.srnde
Renovationswerk gelingpn soil. Zum Gliick ist die
im 17. und 18. JahrhundPrt zu ihrer schmuck-
rpichpii^ Gpstaltiing gplangtp Kirchenanlage, die in
den Knnstdenkm;ilern des Kantons Luzern ein-
gebend gewiirdigt wird, vor entstellenden Veriinde-
rungen verschont gcblieben. Ihre wiirdige Instand-
stellung wird nunmehr als dringliche Aufgabe der
luzernischen Denkmalpflege cmpfnnden nnd wirk-
sam gelordert.
 Ursprui^- und Wesen des Staate^

X, Die hohe Forsdiung

breiteren

ist sie nodi dkr
Sdiicht der
Gebildeten so zi-
ganglidi, ist sie fiir sie nodi so offen.
dafi diese Sdiidit der Gebildeten bereit
ware, sie mit teilnehmender Freude am
Forsdiungsvorgang selbst und sodann an
seinen Ertragen auf- und anzunehmen?
Anstofi zu dieser Frage gibt das grofi-
artige Werk von Ernst H. Kantorowicz:
.The King's Two Bodies. A study in
mediaeval political theologv." (Princeton
University Press 1957. 567 S. 32 Abb.
auf Tafeln. $ 10,). Es wird hier
dijrfte diese Vorhersage ohne Risiko
moglidi sein durdi weitere Jahrzehnte
die Forsdiung befruditen, ahnlidi der
bahnbrediendcn Monographic des Autors
iiber Kaiser Friedridi II. (1928-30).
Aber werden die Gebildeten, die nidit
gerade zur Zunft der Historiker gehoren,
erwas .davon haben'l? Dab madit es
die Bedeutung dieses Werkes aus, dafi
es ganz abgesehen von dem astheti-
sdien GenuB, den sein Aufbau und seine
Methode bieten mit Frage-
seiner
stellung ins Zentrum politisdier Sorgen
und Note unserer Tage trifft: Sdieinbar
geht's nur um die politisdie Geistesge-
sdijdite des mittelalterlidien Jahrtausends
zwisdien der Spatantike und der Zeii
Shakespeares, des naheren um die lang-
same Evolution der Lehre von den ,Zwei
Korpern des Konigs", d. h. um die immer
klarere Untersdieidung zwisdien des Ko-
nigs leiblidi-personaler Existenz und
seinem ,mystisdien Leibe". Es geht um
das Erfassen und untersdieidendc Her-
ausentwidteln von Begriffen wie .Die
Krone" und deren ,nidit sterbende
Wiirde"; es geht um das Konigtum als
Amt, dem als soldiem Dauer iiber die
fliiditige Zeit eines Lebens hinaus gege-
ben ist. Summa: Es geht um nidit weni-
ger als um die aus diristlidiem Denken
erwadisene Ausbildung des Begriffes der
Staatlidikeit, einer iiberindividuell in-

n L I n
U u I u
 stitucioneller HerrsdiafMordnunp und dein Augenbiids fiir den aussdiiiefiiidiea
Hirer trapcnden Dauerhaftigkeii
Dienst am Vateriand freicestelh, da
Was erwa audi an deni geistesgesdiidii- Wilhclm n. nadi Holland pepanpen war.
lidieti Problem der Lmstehunp des ..Per- Und wie war es dann am 20. Juli
son' -Bepriffes in den Jahrhunderten
des
]{*4'>'' (Vielieidit audi eroffnet sidi
holien Mitteialtcrs sidi erweisen lafci, iiier dies sej nur ais Fragf angedeu-
v-ird hier erneut bestanpt: Die bis heute
durdihakenden, unsere Staats- und Ge-
selisdiaftsstruktur durdiw.irkenden Grund-
einsiditen sej es von deni Person- (und
damn freiheits-) Charakter des Men-
sdien, sej es von der ..Korperhafnpkeit"
des Staates, entstammen keiner perinpe-
ren Wurzel ais den dinstiidien Grund-
dopmen samt den diest auslependen Spe-
kulationen uber Christus selbst: Got: und
Mensdien und dit Kirdit ais Semen
..mvstisdien Leib". Ter iiber diest Zu-
sanimeniianpe Klarheit gewmnen will,
vird hinkiinftig das Werk von Kantoro-
wicz so bald nidii aus der Hand lepen
diirfen Wir greifen hier nur eines
der Beispieic fiir diesen fundamemalen btrtot' Brtth:
Zusammenhanp faeraus
..Patna" ais Vaterland
mebr &b ini
iieimatiidien, im herrsdiaftliti-poiinsdien
Sinnt bepepnet uns erst wieder im Hocb-
mirteialter
sozial- und verfassunps-
pesdiidirlidi seitdem die personajen Herr- WISSiltfSOHAFT
saiatts.urukturen zu sdi-wmden bepinnen,
um institutionelien den Wep freizupeben
Aber lunter diesem poiitisdien Bepnff Phllonophit nnd NtnrwiMmehef
ir de:
der Patna sted.i die pama" des Ciin- !Viiwieninini

sten, das ..himmlisdit Vateriand". Aus fconstonnr SuniciouisM-

der diesem zupeordiieten cantas (^Tod Theatet Recif und Sdiantpieie;
fiir dit Briider", in der Kreuzesnadi-
foipe) erv-adist
stisdi
tas",
lent
siikuiarisien:{'


die sidi auf einc naturaiis patna"
(Baidus) nditet. Paraliel iiierzu wandeli
bald humani-
^publica can- ro
sidi das Konzep: von ^Rom" ais der
umfassender Patna" (sovohl der Ciin- Dit Werkc Die filtimieu
sten wif der Erneuerer des romisdien
Keid.-Redits-Denkens zum Gedanken
der nationaien Komps-Patna :
das ir-
disdi-poiitisdit , Vaterland" wird zu
emeni ..corpus niysticum", auf das sidi
edites Marri-rertum beziefaen kann. An
Stellt Cliristi ersdieint der Fiirst ais
Haupi seines, eines weltlid)-politisdien
n7vstisdicn Leibes", des vaterlandisdien
Staates Kantorowicz vervi'eis! selbs:
auf die ietzter Ausvirkunpen dieses pe-
sdiiditlidien VC'eges: auf die zwej Grund-
ansdiauunpen, die sidi in der FonneJ
Pur Kiinip und Vateriand" uberdediLten
die feudal-personale Treat zun. Monar-
dien und die nationalt Treue zum Staate
Nodi 3918 fuhken sid) die Offiziere
des preujBisdi-deutsdien Heeres erst mit

U b
 KANTOROWICZ E.H.: THE KING'S TWO BODIES 107

hUK scaturit );audium. WrinumMitii viiro luinnulla huiuf: (ruudii A. dcHcrihit. rt praoci-
pu:': CuntiKUni fratris solis, psiilmum qui lepitur atl mututinum in festo panchatis,
queni K. FKANClsniiB coniposuil pre. sun officio pussioiiisi, ai tuntium cap "K Eopu-
lai primal;, quod luscrihitur t Clrutio, laus, prutiurun; aRtin s.

Tanien optimo hoi ojjuhcoIo. cui introductionem G. H6G0, O.F.M.,

in
jjraemisit et in quo rep bene prolatae abundant, non raro notatur stu-
diuni quoddan: susceptae tiiesit- ultra debitum, uti videtur. probandae.,
ei quideni ordint non usque evidenti. Ita. \.g., poteral A. abstinerc a

KuniendiK Huiy arfrumentiK ex singulis fere locis considerationum de

stipmatihuK f57-61j, quaF in editionibus Floreti italici ordinario leg'imus.
- S. FliLANGiHOUS sacra atiprniata accepit non die (76>, sed circa diem exai-

tationiK S. Crucis. - Minime vero licet scritere Speculum perjt'.ctiomB

esse un ecrit franciscain des premieres annees (95), cum constet
inter omnes illud perfectum fuisse vel exeunte saec. XIII vel ineunte
XIV ^cf. G. Abate. O.F.M.Conv.. La uaacita del Cantico di frate SoU
nel palazzo veacmilli di As.s-m, in MiHcFranr. 56[195G1345).
P. MaRIANI'S ab Alatei

Kantorowicz Ernst H.. Thi King'n Two Bodies. A Study iv Medi-

aeval Political Theology. Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University
PresK. 1957. 24,5 cm.. XVl-568 pp.. 32 tab.

Hoc splendido volumine optimi nominis A. historiam tarn theolopiae

politicae quam iuris canonici. artis. immo et dcjgmatum eg-reg-ie ditavit.
PervestipatumuHi ubundantia
sane lahorumj piurium annorum fruc-
tus impedit quominuK earum argumentum singiliatim ac complete
describamuB. Satis sit quod operis propositum et lineamenta paucis
perstrinpamuK.
Postquam A. prooemio ortum praesentis libri (p.VII-XIII). et
in
in introductione inquisitiones auctorum anteriorum innuit (S-6), primo
cai)ite ipsuni problema examini subiciendum in claram profert lucem
('7-2i!). Etenim iii relation] t)ut- E. Plowdek (tl584'5j. tempore reginae

Elisabeth exaratis. primum theoria de regis duplici corpore concinnie

distiuctisque verbit^ apparet. Sic fere ille ait Rex siquidem duplici
:

corpore inatructus est. natural] necnon politico. Primum in se considera-

tum utique mortis infirmitatumque obnoxium est: secundum vero. quod
nee adspici nee contrectari valet et moderation] jiopuli ac administratio-
n] salutis publicae destinatur. morbis ceterisque naturalibus defectibus
caret (7). - Quae mira verborum complexio seu veritatis fictio tune mi-
nime penitus nova erat. quinimmo a sententiis iuridico-poiiticis media
aetate excultis repetitur. Quarum oripinem occultam ac e diversissimiB
fontit)Uf- promanantem A. acerrima virium contentione detegere et dis-
serere satagit.
Altero capite idea regis duplici ortu progeniti tragoedia Richard II
a W. Shakespeare (+ 1616 composita illustratur (24-41 - Tertia adum-
1 j.

bratione A. n remotiora redit tempora (42-86j. Haec pars verbis quae

sequuntur inscribitur: Christ-centered Kingshvp. Etenim in tractatu
Normannico. Eboracensi (York) dicto et a clerico ignoio ad annum 1100
cDnscnjiiii. adseritur regem, etsi secus humanae naturae sit. munere
et gratia unctionis christum Domini seu christovumeten fieri ac per-
inde vu;eni Dei et Christ] tenere. A. haud immerito statuit dogma de
duplicj natura Christi in unica Persona coniuncta influxum in prae-
fatani cogitationem exercuisse. Idem pro picture minore evangeliarii
Aquisgranensit (Aachen), anno circiter 978 confecta, ac Imperatorem

l!,Ai>A
COILIC^ANE^
rc^
29

n L
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108 RECENSIONES

Othonem Chriatn ad caelum usque erectum repraeaentante, valet.

II a
Ill quibus ac similibus docunientis vis cultuF liturgici in mentem homi-

num ilia aetate viventium persentitur.

In alio capite. Law-centered Kingship praenotatn. A. transitum len-
tum ah expressione liturgica in spiritum, qui prae.cipud in iure legi-
busque versabatur, enarrat (87-192). Hac periodo durante, quam A.
praevalenter theucentricam vocat. Joannes Saresberiensis (Salisbury)
(+1180) repem aimul lepis nexibut; absolutum, iepis tamen servum
definit (95). Fridericus II dein in Libra auguntaU. an. 1231 proclamat
in una eadenique i)ersona Caesaris duplex concurrere elementum, ita
quidem. ul simul iustitiae patrem et filium, dominum et ministrum
eflformet r98K). In confundendis momentis relipriosiK et politicis illo tem-
port eii usque profrressi sunt, ut adseverarent legis peritoF iustitiae sa-
cratiasimuni ministerium exercere, immo el regem velut legem animatam
iustitiae Pontificeni maximum exsistere...
Sequente adumt)ratione, quae Polity-centered Kingiihip nomine in-
sipnitur, momentum unionis socialis in civitatibus inculcatur (193-272).
Poatquam A., inquisitionibus H. De Lubac. S.J.. fultus. evolutionem
doctrinae de Corpore myatico Christi delineavit, monstrat quomodo varii
acriptores inde a ViNCENTio a Beauvais, O.P. (t 1264), de regno tam-
quani de corjjore rei publicae mystico loquantur. Conceptus ecclesio-
lopiae ergo per moduni anaiogiae civitatibuH attribuuntur. Imagine ve-
nerabili. iunctionis videlicet Ecclesiae sponsae ad Christum Sponsum,
abutuntur. ut habitudinem principis ad regnum velut matrimonium mo-
rale et politicum celebrent. Ob huiusmodi mutatani rei publicae visionem
et exinde ad ipsam effervescentem affectionem immoderatuB ille propriae
nationit; amor poster lore aetate excrevit.

yextuni caput idea.s circa perennitateni et indolem socialeni refrni prupaKu-

tas explicat (273-,^13). Adafrium Ecciesia numquani moritur >,sic mutatur; Po-
pulus. imperium, re.'; puhlica semper est*, ac: Tlniversita.e non moritur . - At.
sicut sequen.s pars: The Kinti neve7- dicn inscripta erudit f314-450), imniortulitas
oil domu.s regiat' continuatioiieni et ope distinctioni.'; inter coronam visihileni et
invisibilem. ipsi dipnitati ar personac repis. scil. qua capiti con>oris politici. adscri-
bitur.
Adumbrations octava A. ad Dantis Alighieri theoriap politicas advertil quas
hi.s verbis circumscribit : Mav-centered KinpHhip (451-495). Quod eiusdeni menB
prae primis in humanitatc defixa quudquc ipsi idea duplicis corporis familiuriB
erat, A. e verbi.*; Virgilii ad piietam directi.v concludit: Te sopra tv corono c mi-
trio . Quo ritu incoroiiationi.s homo mortali.'. Adas hominc subtili Adas superiii-
duitur; poeta fit membruni corporij- mystici, quod est ipsu hunianitab.
In ultimo capitf ad instar epilofti (4f>-50fp) denionstratur, quod copitatio du-
plicis corpori.'i qua taIi.'^ christianismo dei)etUT. etiamsi aetatt. quani antiquani ap-
pellant, quaedani fere ubiquc vestipia eiusdeni detepuntur. - In appendict- 32 tabulis
nitidis plure.<i imapineis. quae volumini.'- arpumentum opportune illustrant. exprimun-
tur. Postea elenchuK amplus bibliopraphiac selectac offertur (517-o30i Index simul
nominum etraateriarum. mapna dilipentia elaboratus. adiunpitur (B31-B67). Veruni-
tanieii. sicutipse A. praevie nioiiet. compietus dici nequit. Duni v.r. scriptorum
antiquorum, quos ad instar fontium adhibuit. fere omnes locos adducit. commentu-
tore.'^ recentiores praetermittit.

Quod respectuni franciscanuni attinet. permultu nor praelientur. Nomina

necnon opiniones sequentium ex O.Min. occurrunt: Gilberti m: Tournai (Ii'ILELMI
Dt OcKHAM. J.D. ScoTi. Alvari PELAun. necnon factionis Spiriiualium. Pro primo
meniorari potui Francisco Elias dk Tejada. Lots ductrintus poUticati ev Ui haja Edad
Medui miilena. Madrid l!l4f) (cf. liihliou-Franc. VIII. n.624''j. Ibidem insuper quae-
dani innuuntur de Joanne Guallensi (de Wales. De Galles. de Waleys), O.Min.
(t 1285). Ipse scripsit siquidem Communiluquium. Summa Collalwnuni
ud onmi genus
hominum. ed. v.g. Parisiis 161(3. Cuius arpumentum delibatur a A.G. Little. iStu-
dies iv English Franeigcav History. London 1917. 176-181.

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 LYNOH K.F. : THE SACRAMENT OF CONFIRMATION 109

Opus et mole et mompntd paritpr (jravc propter arprumcnti uliundantiam, iudi-

ciorum aequitateni, eruditionis amplitudinem vix inditrpt, ut viris ppritis adhuc eoni-
mendptur. Vprha fortiora nori sunt, si adfirmamus, A. hoc studio aditum ad cam-
puni vastissimum aperuissp; idpoqup investigatoreK futuri henp facipnt, si eius vias
sequentur. - Tali voluminp coram actus, si quis minutoruni cpnsoris partem assu-
meret, risuni movpret. Istud tampn, quod quapstionem principaU-ni spectat, adnota-
rc liceat: Si A. et cum ipso H.A. Rommen in dicti liliri recensionp (Thrnl.Stud.
1911958] 435-437) merito exig-unt, ut ambitus relipiosus a concpptiiius politicis et
campus politicus ati ideis purppntur, distincticj adhilienda est. Limites
relipiosis
utriusqup regionis utiqup no misceantur, attamen diiudicatio thpolopica .societatis
civilis actionisque politicap excludi noii potest. Immo iienp accidit. ut theologi recpn-
tiores ad praefatum latus maiori spmper cura attpndant; sppcimini.s causa videan-
tur: G. Thils, Theolopir den realites tcrrrstren I-II, Bruges 1946. 1949
pt V. SCHURB.
Theoloyn der Vmwell, in Theologu in Gi-Krhwhl, u. Gegenwnrt. Munchen 1957
145-180 (cf. CoUJ^anc. 28[1968] 336s). p. Octavunus a Rieden

Lynch Kilian F., O.F.M.. The Sacrament of Confirmation in the

Early-middle Sckolastir Period. Volume I: Texts. (Franciscan Institute
Publications. Theologj- Series. 5). St. Bonaventure, N.Y., The Franciscan
Institute - Louvain, Belgium. E. Nauwelaerts - Paderborn, Germany,
F. Schoningh, 1957. 23 cm., LXXV-256 pp.

Cum A. proxime editurus librum. quo sacramentum confirma-

sit
tionis iuxta priore.s summae Scholasticae doctores modo historico-doc-
trinali illustrabit, optime fecit ut ei praemitteret alterum, quo docu-
menta quamplurima inedita ad componendam illius aetati.'; doctrinam ne-
cessaria continerentur. Opus ergo quod in praesentis annuntiamus, non
est nisi magna textuum ad sacramentum confirmationis respi-
collectio
cientium. qui ita sunt dispositi ut primum exscribantur loci, quibus de
Sacramento confirmationis expresse agitur (p.1-174). deindc quibus per
transennam eius doctrina tangitur (175-198). postremum vero textus
nonnulli coniunguntur de charactere sacramentali in confirmatione dato
(199-221). Addenda quaedam baud parvi momenti in tribus appendicibus
ponuntur (22S-251). His autem omnibus peritus A. praelocutus est ser-
monem. quo singulos textus commentatur quoad authentiam. traditionem
manuscriptam. tempus compositionis, ab invicem dependentiam aliasque
criticas rationes (XI-LXXV).

Non omnes textus ab eiusdem valoris atquc moment! esse patet.

A. editos
Optatissimae certe veniunt Guilelmi de Melitona. O.Min., Quaestiovey dr confimw-
tinni (101-135; nota etiam animadversiones historicas de vita Guilelmi pJCLIII-L),
excerpta e Sumnui dr sacramrntm Alberti Magni (223-229), ex autoprapha BoNA-
VENTURAE compilationp super /V Sent. {cud. Assisi, Bihl.Com. ISO; 149-157. 249-251).
GuALTERi Brugensis. O.Min. Comm. in IV Sent. (162-174). Philippo Cancellario
adscripta Quaeatiniu dr charactere (rod. Douai, Bibl.Munic. UShIU; 207-210). Altis-
siODORENSls Summa aurea (6-13). Distinctiones e Glossa Halensis desumptap quo-
dammodo abundant, cum textum criticum iani iam prae manibus habeamus (cf.
Colt.Franc. 27(1957] 430s). Nihilominus exscriptum locum redactionis c<id.Paris.
Nat.lat. 16i06 (3-6) non neglijrant lectores, saltem ex eo quod Hugo de Saint-Cher.
O.P., hanc ipsam redactioneni Gloasae (tenpratim adhibere videtur. Observandum est
Quaestionem de charactere. quam A. nomine Alexandri Halensis inscriptam edidit
(201-207). tarn diversa doctrina ab aliis scriptis Halensis discrepare. ut minime
authentica haberi possit. Forsitan attribuenda est Stephano de Polinmco (cf.
J. Galot. SJ., La nature du cnructere sacramentet. Gembloux 1957. 121-128). Collectio
insuper continet textus HtJGONis de Saint-Gher (13-20). GUERRici de Saint-Quen-
TIN. O.P. (21-20). HERIBERTI de AUXERRE (52-63). RICHARDI FlSHACRE. O.P. (63-73).
RoLANDi de Cremona. O.P. (80-96). Joannis Pagus (96s), Joannis de Modssy (98-100)
et plurinios anonymos. qui momentum habent ad continuationem doctrinalem et
auctorum dependentiam illustrandam, inter quos praesertini notatur cudJ'uris.Sat
lat. 1061,0. Fons enim esse videtur non solum Summae Fratrm Alexandn (GUILELMI
DE Melitona) et Comm. in Sent. Odonis Ricaud, O.Min., sed etiam Comm. in IV

n L u
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 Ernst H. Kantorowicz The kind's ln'o hodics. .1 sludii in Mediaeval fjidi-
tical tliri)lf;ii. I'riii((>t(in, 1957. K". 508 ]<.

Dans toulcs les monarchies de I'ere modenie. les juristes (ml etc obliges
dc distiii^'uof les acles accoiiiplis pai' le roi coninie personne privee el ceux
cnianaiit dc son autoritc publiquc. Les juristes anglais du xvi'^-xvii'' siecle
ont donnc dc cette distinction classique une curieuse formulation. Le roi,
disaienl-ils. a deux corps \in corps naturel el un corps politique. Le pre-
:

mier est e})hcmerc. faillible et morlel. Le second est stable, infaillihie,

eternel. C'est 1' estat el la dignile royale iroi/ul pMatc and digniti/], la
>

<ipolice el le gouvernement du royanme la corporation <onstilnee par

lunion du prin(;e el de ses sujels... ces diverses definitions sont jiropfi-
)>.

sees.
De la derniere. on deduit de curieuses consequences :

Le roi. parachevant runion des siijels dans le corps jKililique, el a

lui seul " en son corjis jiolitique une corporation, une realite collective,

dont i! est le sufijiort momentane. mais dont I'ame transmigre apres sa

mort dans le corps de son successeur. Le roi ne menrt pas. dit-on il se
demet (demisp) au profit de son successeur.

Les deux cor])S du roi sont a ce point solidaires que certaines qiiali-

^ les de I'un snpf)leent aux carances de I'autre. Ainsi les juristes anglais

U U
 (.(IMPTKS HKMH S b9A

estiment valables les actes de disposili.Mi (I'lin roi niineur sur son domaine
priv(3, parce que le corps politique du roi ne coniuiit pas la niinorite.
Avec iin humour assez macabre, le parlemenl anglais de 1642 s>st
-

paye le luxe do condamner a mort, le corps naturel du roi. an nom et

comme representant de son corps politique !

Telle est la curieuse thoorie des juristes des rois Tudor. Bans sou
Richard 111. Shakespeare en a donne maintes formulations poetiques.
M. Kantorowicz a etc d'enibleo I'rappe par I'analogie de cette decomposi-
tion de la ])ersonnalitt' du roi avec la theologie des deux natures du
Christ, el il
audacieuse transjtosition.
a cherche des precedents a cette
Au xif siecle. un aiionyme normaiid distingue la personne naturelle du
roi de la per.sonnalite du Christ que la grace de son sacre lui permet d'in-
carner In una quippe erat naturalUer iitdwiduus homo, in altera per gra-
:

tiarii ChrLslus, id est Deus homo ... In officio, figiira et imago Christi et

7)rte.s7... Cette distinction de la jiersonnalite divine et de la personnalite

humaine du roi est illuslree par riconogra[)liie des empereurs du haul
moyen age. II est evident que cette speculation, pour curieuse qu'elle
soit, n'a rien a voir avec les theories des juristes anglais du xvii^ siecle.

Frederic II nous en rapproche-t-il en proposant, dans les constitutions
de Melfi une nouvelle decomposition de la personnalite royale Createur
'!

du droit, le prince Irouve dans le Droit la justification et la raison d'etre

de son pouvoir. Le prince est done a la fois pere et fds de la justice . En
conimenlant ce texte. un juriste evoque Tanalogie de Dieu, pere et fils
.'

a la fois . Mais Taudienc-e iditenue par de semlilables reveries ne semble

pas avoir ete tres grande. En revanche, M. Kantor.iwicz a tout a fait rai-
son de remarquer que Tidee d'un Etat exislant uniquement pour lui memo
et n'ayant d'autres fins que sa propre conservation est etrangere au
moyen age. Hecemment .\lan Gewirth faisait de Marsile de Padoue I'ini-
tiateur de cette idee moderne. Peut-elre lui faisait-il beaucoup d'honneur.
En tous cas pour tous les aulres publici-tes du moyen age, juristes ou
ttieologiens, le prince trouve la justification de son |)ouvoir dans le fait
qu'il le met au service de la justice. Justinien et Aristote s'accordent a
designer le prince comme la le.r. animnta (geril typum juntitiae) et leurs
commentaleurs brodent .sur ce theme. C'est de cetle notion, sans aucune
dichotomie de la personne du prince, que se degage peu a peul'ideed'une
distincti(m de Toffice du prince et de sa personne, de la couronne et du roi.
Les textes de Bracton que cite M. Kantorowicz sont particulierement sug-
gestifs ea quae sunt justiliae et pad nnnexae ad nullum pertinent nisi
:

tantumad coronam et dignitatem regiam... Le meme Bracton oppose le droit

feodal du roi a son droit fiscal Est etiam res quasi sacra res fiscalis, quae
:

dari potest nee vendi... a rege regnante... et quae faciunt ipsam coronam
et eommunemrespiciunt utilitatem. sicut est pa.r et justitia...
M. Kantorowicz cherche ensuite si la theorie qu'il etudie ne se rattache
pas directement a la fiction du corpus mysticum. 11 resume les donnees
des etudes du P. de Lubac, de Holbock et Tierney sur la formatitui pro-
gressive du concept cristaUise par les canonisteset theologiensdu x in'- siecle
sur les deux corps du Christ, corps naturel ou <;orps mystique quod est
ecclesia. 11 montre ensuite avec finesse que cette idee a ete diversement
utili-see par les juristes les uns, comme Lucas de Penna. pous.sant aussi
:

loin que i)ossible I'analogie entre le corps mystique du prince (la comniu-
naute dont il est la tetel et I'eglise corps mystique du Christ, ajipliquant

U U I u
 sg'i lO.Ml'IKS ItlCMUS

ineint;au juiik e la i.uHaphore dti inariape mysUque entre

l'6vt'qiie el son
eghse, invoquant enfin pour I'aj.pliquer au prince
le canon ct-lebre de
St Cypnen Scire debes (C. \U
qu. 1
ubi cpiscopus, ibi ecdesia.
c. 7) :

d autros 1 utilisant uniqueniont pour

donner un sens a la notion de per-
sonnaiite morale do Vur,iversita>i qui commence
a se dogager II reste
encore beaucoup a dire sur la portee exacte
que juristes et theologiens
donnent a ce corps politique, soit pour y chercher un
contrepoids du
pouvoir royal, soit le plus souvenl pour donner un
caractere inviolable a
1 action royale qui est I'expression do la vie
collective. M. Kantorowicz
a cite Pierre d'Ailly et Gerson. 11 aurail Irouve
dans Turqueinada une dis-
cussion approfondi.. de leurs theses et aurait
j.u saisir une nouvelle inter-
reaction des conceptions politiqiies et ecclesiologiques.
Etudiant ensuite la notion de la continuite et de
la permanence du
corps politique M. Kantorowicz glose avec bonlieur sur
...
un texte de
Baldus montrant (pie certaines cor].orations peuvent
naitre d'une sue
cession de personnes, comme d'autres naissent
de leur concurs quia pro
plunbus habetur, qui in plurium jus surcedil. vel plures
representat II v
a la une replique .urieuse a la theorie de la personnalite
fictivedugroupe
Le peuple est a traiter comme un individu , mais a
I'inverse le prince
ou le litulaire d'lin ollice
permanent est a consideror . comme une collec-
tivite participe de la perennite de celle-ci. Nous ne
11
,
.
suivrons p.nirtant
pas M. Kantorowicz, lorsqu'il soup(,'oiine la une snbtile
influenre de la
th^se averroiste de I'eternite du monde. II n'y a pas
besoin (Faller cher-
cher si loin pour expliquer un (imcept aussi naturel.
Mais c'est en driinitive a la distinction du roi el de
la coiironne de
I'eveque et de son siege du j.relat et de la dignitas qu'il attache le plus
. ..,

d'lmportance. Rex instrumenlun, dignitatis, dignitas nn

woritur sur
Torigine et le developpemenl de ces adages forges
paralli'lemcMt' par
canonistcs et juristes, M. Kant rowicz ecril cent
.inquante pages nourries
de textes qui ne sont peut-etre pas definitives
(1) mais s..nt en tons ca*;
emmeinment eclairantes et suggestives. 11 a bien analvse les
el.'inent'i
disjoints de la notion d'une couronne distincte
de la p'ersonne du roi'
fisc, malienabilitc. bien public, assimilation
de la couronne a un mineur
dont le roi est le
tuteur. etc... II a montre que la couronne est
plulot .cor-
porisee que personnalisee. Elle incorpore tous les
droits .souverains et
de ce fait, est superieure a tuis les membres du n.vaume
v comnris I."
roi, bien qu'elle soil inseparable de lui.
Cette analyse, sociologique (,u juridique que theologique
|diis
nous rap-
proche beaucoup plus des theories des juristes anglais
que les analogies
chrisl(dogiques et trinitaires que leurs exposes semblaient
a premit-re vur
directement evoquer.
M. Kantorowicz le reconnait. mais il abandonne avec regret
Tidce d'un.-
transposition des reflexions theologiques dans la
philosophic politique et
le droit public. C'est probablement ce qui nous vaut un chapilre sur la
thi^ologie de I'homme se'on Dante, qui nous paratt a la fois
discutable et
assez t^tranger au sujet.
La presence un peu insolite de ce chapitre nous perniet de mieux saisir
le faible et le fort du livre tout entier.

(I)Nous fiTi.Mis notanmient des reserves sur Irs pp. Ml-yx,, i,es
theories sur
la yaleur du sa.rc xw nous paraissent pas avoir de lien direel
avec la <i"s'><iii
(luestlon
((ui nous oecupe.

n L
u u
 i:<)Mf'r H !; Mil
595

tives. Les unes me? elt en valeur

df
'' ^"^-
s ^/s'''; "r'""'''''^^

^^^ns ant.Mu.te
annexe
1 ,.-.,.,.. ,..st mo.ns un vpiloKue qu'une

r.eorges <le I,u;ari)e.

U U I U
THE KING'S TWO BODIES: A STUDY IN MEDIAEVAL POLITICAL
THEOLOGY. By Ernst H. Kantorowicz. (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton Uni-

versity Press. 1957. Pp. xvi, 568. $10.00.)

The idea of the king's two bodies, the body natural and the body politic,

founded on the distinction between the mortal and personal king and the per-
petual and corporate crown, has long been of special interest to students of Eng-
lish constitutional history, in which this idea came to play an increasingly

important part from the thirteenth to the middle of the seventeenth century.
Professor Kantorowicz has concluded that the idea of the king's two bodies as
presented by the Tudor and Stuart lawyers was based on the fusion and con-
fusion of various strands of medieval thought. In this book he attempts to unravel
the various strands for us, while modestly admitting that the present studies
"do not pretend to fill the gap" in our knowledge of the precise development of
the idea in its special English context, "especially with regard to the crucial

U U I I
 1

82 Reviews of Books
liftecntli century." The result will prove somewhat disappointing to the English
constitutional historian because, in the first place, the relevance of substantial
portions of the book, such as the discussions of the theories of Frederick II and
Dante, to the growth of the idea in England until it comes to full expression in
Plowden's Reports, is at best rather far-fetched. On the other hand, I strongly
suspect that there is relevant material in the English plea rolls and year-books of
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries which the author has overlooked. Kantor-
owicz's method of inquiry into the origins of an idea important in English
constitutional development seems a little dubious. What is needed is more inten-
sive study of the arguments presented during the various struggles between the
king on the one hand and the barons and parliament on the other over the con-
trol of the royal government and administration, and far less of such material as
Shakespeare's Richard II, to which a whole chapter is superfluously devoted.
Granted that the idea of the king's two bodies has roots ultimately in ecclesiastical
and even in theological principles, it was closely related in England to practical
legal and political considerations, arising out of the realities of power conflicts and
administrative direction.
If Kantorowicz's book is thus a disappointment from this rather specialized
point of view, it is anything but that on more general grounds. The author has
made the most important contribution to the history of medieval kingship since
Fritz Kern's Gottesgnadentum und Widerstandsrecht, published almost half a
century ago. Indeed, this book is the long-awaited complement to Kern's work;
it takes up the history of medieval kingship at the beginning of the twcliLh cen-
tury, where Kern's study ended, and carries it through to the sixteenth. At last
we have a comprehensive history of the theory of medieval kingship in the very
complex and swifdy changing period of the high and late Middle Ages. Of course,
Kantorowicz's work is not entirely original; one of its virtues is the author's
exhaustive knowledge of the recent literature of the subject. But he has carefully
studied the imf>ortant sources for himself, making use of iconographic as well as
textual evidence, and has elucidated them with characteristic brilliance, erudition,

and ingenuity. He has attempted to bring together many different strains of

medieval thought, secular as well as religious, legal as well as theological, and to
work out their relationship. In this enormously difficult task he has succeeded. No
historian of the Middle Ages, or of political thought in general, can afford not
to give this book the most careful study.
The author shows how and why the early medieval duality of king by nature
and king by grace was replaced during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries by
the duality of the king below and above the law and a little later by the king as
part of and also separate from the body politic of the realm. The origins and
implications of the theory of the crown as a corporation, of the inalienability of
the crown and the royal fisc, of the emotional concept of patria, and of the theory
of the dignitas of the crown are all carefully investigated. All the leading political

n u
L u 1
u u u
 Bader: Das mittelalterliche Dorf 83
theorists of the high and late Middle Ages, as well as many minor writers, and
including a host of canon and civil lawyers known only to specialists in the field,
are subjected to the author's rigorous inquiry. Long notes on special problems and
an unusually full index make this book a veritable encyclopedia on medieval
kingship.

Princeton University Norman F. Cantor

n L o
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 Ka.Oc' ^N^-^ I|i1
No. 3] REVIEWS 453

TZ/f King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political

Theology. By Ernst H. Kantorowicz. Princeton, Princeton
University Press, 1957.-xvi, 568 pp. $10.00.
The theme of this richly erudite book is a search for the an-
tecedents of the English doctrine of " the king's two bodies ",
which had its classic formulation in decisions of Elizabethan and
Jacobean courts and a classic commentary in Maitland's essay,
" The Crown Corporation". In the person of the king, ac-
as
cording to this doctrine, two bodies were indivisibly conjoined:
his " body natural ", subject to all human frailties; and his im-
mortal and defeasible " body politic ", containing " the office,
government, and majesty royal ", a " mystic body " in which
he and his subjects were " incorporated together as head and
members ". The " more ample and large " body politic purged
royal actions of defects introduced by the natural body. " The
king never dies ", for the body politic gave royal actions perma-
nent validity and, at the death of the king's natural body, joined
that of his successor. The king enjoyed the peculiar legal status
of corporation sole.
Professor Kantorowicz shows that each element in these Eng-
lish formulas derived from concepts cooperatively worked out
by continental civilists and canonists from a variety of materials.
For example, " The king never dies " was an epigrammatic sum-
mation of a long process of thought, in which the notion of
dynastic succession (supported by Aristotelian biology) was fused
with the principle of the immortality of corporations (which
owed something to the perpetuity of the populus Romanus and
something to the Aristotelian view of time as sempiternal) to
develop the implications of a papal decretal abstracting an ab-
bot's " dignity which does not die " from an abbot who died all
this issuing (with some help from the phoenix-myth) in a legal
construct of deathless " dignities " as " corporations by succes-
sion ". And so with other elements. What was uniquely Eng-
lish was the final formulation in terms of " two bodies "rather
than the legists' " two persons " or the German personified state
and the incorporation of the king himself as corporation sole.
The former seems the result of an English survival, due perhaps
to the persistence of Parliament in the body politic, of organo-
logical language displaced elsewhere by other terms; the latter,
of an English blurring of the Crown incorporating the realm
with the king's corporate " dignity ".
A significant part of the study is its tracing of the sources of
the technical language used to assert and make effective the
impersonality or continuity of institutions. The threads some-

U U U L
 454 POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY [Vol.. LXXIII

times lead back to Roman law, mythology, Aristotle often to

theology, whose definitions of the undefinable were available at
the dawn of medieval legal consciousness. Thus the doctrine
of the "two natures " of Christ,
Mediator between God and man,
was early transmuted to define the position of emperor or king,
" man by nature, Christ by grace ", and, as " vicar of
Christ ",
both priest and king; again transmuted by thirteenth-century
civilists to describe the emperor as " priest of the law ", the " ani-
mate law " who " mediated " between natural and positive law;
again transmuted in the dualities of Bracton's king, above and
below the law. The theological imagery did not merely halo
kingship; by providing ways of stating its supra-personal aspects,
it served paradoxically to further a secular construction of au-

thority. Similarly, phrase " mystic body ", originally ap-

the
plied to the eucharistic symbols, became applicable to the church
after the twelfth-century insistence on transubstantiation and, as
" polity-centered " thought succeeded
theocentric, quickly served
church, empire and other groups as the imagery through which
their corporational character was legally developed. To any-
one interested in the way in which borrowings from other realms
of discourse become instruments
(or determinants?) of political
analysis-one thinks of " contract ", " general will ", " organic ",
" pressure-group ", " model "-Professor Kantorowicz'
study of
medieval political semantics may be more suggestive than he,
perhaps, would wish.
The book is written with lucidity and urbanity and packed
with valuable bibliographies. It is, admittedly, incomplete on
the successive English reflections of continental concepts, which
await further research. But my only serious question is about
the interpretation of Bracton's thought as focused in the dialec-
tic notion of a king who derived a general legislative
authority
from the lex regia as " the
law that makes the king " and whose
Christlike self-submission to " the Law " was reciprocal with a
Christlike authority over it. Professor Kantorowicz does not
examine the specific roles of Bracton's king in relation to differ-
ent kinds of law; his exegesis seems to involve undue emphasis
on the qtiod principi placuit sentence as the key to Bractonian
kingship and a questionable claim that phrases in the surround-
ing discussion of the king as judge refer to legislation. However,
the interpretation of Bracton is not an essential point.
The extraordinary richness of the book may submerge the
author's warning that it does not explore all the medieval origins
of " the Myth of the State " but " a single strand of a very
com-
plicated structure." Other formulas in which men said other

/ U D
U U U J
/ L
 No. 3] REVIEWS 455

things about authority are, properly, omitted or treated only

peripherally. Moreover, following the intricate history of meta-
phors and maxims, one may which Profes-
lose sight of a fact of
sor Kantorowicz is well aware: that what was going on was, at
bottom, no mere interplay of words but the intensely practical
effort of lawyers to construct a viable legal system for concrete
legal problems. Practical issues and consequences are only
lightly suggested here; but an examination of all the multiple
dimensions of the ideas that produced " the king's two bodies "
would require, perhaps, a two-bodied Professor Kantorowicz and,
certainly, a multi-bodied reader.
EwART Lewis
Oberi.in College

King and Commons, 1660-1 S'i 2. By Bettv' Kemp. London,

Macmillan & Co Ltd, New York, St Martin's Press, 1957.-vii,
168 pp. 54.50.

This is by a Fellow of St. Hugh's College, Oxford, of

a study,
the constitutional balance between King, Lords and Commons
which was the essence of British government in the eighteenth
century. The
usual treatment of this period stresses the conflict
which arose between King and Parliament. It is the aim of the
author to show that, in spite of these, there existed a basic bal-
ance respected by both and that this was so conventional by the
time Montesquieu visited England in 1729 that the Esprit des
his added nothing to it. However, Montesquieu's idea that the
English Constitution supported his belief that civil liberty was
best preserved in a state where there is a balance between legis-
lative, executive and judicial power was a misinterpretation of
the real balance of the Constitution. .Although there is a short
chapter discussing the development of this balance, and a final
chapter dealing with the rise of the cabinet, the main purpose of
the book is to show how the balance between King and Com-
mons worked This was made possible
in the eighteenth century.
by the English racial habit of allowing laws to be interpreted by
conventional practice and conventional practice to pass into
law.
There are two such incidences which occupy the main at-
tention of the author: the Septennial Act of 1716 and the use
of royal placemen. The first established a stable government
by giving Commons a regular and reasonably long life of its own;
thus reducing its dependency on the King, for by interpretation
it came to mean that seven years should be the normal life
of
Commons. The use of placemen provided the King with a

/ U
U U U U / L
I
 306 THOUGHT

POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY ^
The King's Two Bodies. A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology. By

m Ernest H. Kantorowi(/.
Pp. xvi, 568. $10.00.
Princeton: Princeton University Pres.s, 1957.

This is a book of major importance for medievalists. It presents a fasci-

nating array of theological, iconographical and, above all, juristic materials
concerning medieval ideas of kingship and combines them into a new
and
most interesting synthesis. The starting point is a constitutional fiction
much
used by Tudor lawyers and perhaps best summed up in the words
of Justice
Southcote, "The King has two Capacities, for he has two Bodies, the
one
xvhereof is a Body natural and in this he is subject to Passions and Death
. . .

as other Men are; the other is a Body and the Members thereof arc
politic,
his Subjects . . . and he is incorporated with them and this Body is not
. . .

subject to Passions as the other nor to Death, for as to Body

is, this the King
never dies. ." The distinction does not quite correspond to the
. .
common
medieval distinction between person and office for, even in his body
natural,
the king was held to be "not void of prerogative." It was
in fact a peculiarly
English formulation and was to have significant repercussions in
seventeenth-
century English constitutional history. Professor Kantorowicz has
set him-
self to explore all the dualities, the antinomies and tensions in earlier medieval
ideas of kingship thai contributed to its emergence.
The idea of a king compounded of "two bodies in one person"" inevitably
calls to mind the Christological definitions of the theologians. Maitland
long ago pointed out that the English jurists were indeed creating "a creed
of royalty which shall take no shame if set beside the Athanasian symbol,"
and in the present book his hint is taken up with great zest and ingenuitv.
There was no real temptation, we are told, toward a juristic "Arianism" or
"Sabellianism," but the Tudor lawyers did understandably incline to "Mono-
thelitism"" and the judges were at times even "Monophysite" in their
deci-
sions (though there was some danger of a royal "Nestorianism" too). All
this seems at first a mere jeii d'esprit, but it does serve to bridge
the gap
between the world of the Tudor lawyers and that of the early medieval
"political theologians" who quite consciously and deliberately used concepts
of Christological theology to define the nature of kingship.

The historical exposition opens with a consideration of the .N'orman

Anonymous (c. 1100) as a leading exponent of the conception of "Christ-
centered kingship." In his day the main dichotomy was between the king
as a natural person and the king as an "image of Christ," a status conferred
by divine grace in his sacramental anointing. With the renaissance of legal
studies in the twelfth century we move into a period of "law-centered king-
ship." The underlying tensions then expressed themselves in definitions of
the king's relation to the law. He was held to be "above and below the law,"

n L U L
U U U J
 )OK REVIEvVS 307
Ik. Ill " falli.r
and son of juslic,.," his authority at oia:c a product of law and
Its Sonne; and these i.roblems arose in Roman and canon law
as well as in
iIr familiar texts of Hracton. Finally, in the late thirteenth
and fourteenth
tri ituries, the emphasis changed again. Constitutional theorists became more
an. 1 more preoccupied with the political structure of the community
as a whole
and with ihe participation of its members in the exercise of
royal power.
The author calls this phase "polity-centered kingship," and, in discussing
it, he emphasizes the formative influence of the
theological doctrine of the
M)'stical Body on the development of a
corporative theory of the state. As
forjthe uniqueness of the English formula,
this arose from the interplay of
a common fund of medieval ideas with certain
institutional peculiarities of
the English state. When the idea of
polity-centered kingship, of a "Mystical
Body of the state," had permeated the jargon of the
lawyers everywhere, the
strength of parliamentary institutions in
England made it seem there r^uch
more a concrete description of an existing state of afl'airs, and much less a
mystical abstraction, than in other countries.
Although the author considers the nature of the
EngUsh parliament im-
portant to his theme, he has not allowed himself
to be drawn into the morass
of speculation concerning its origins and early
functions. Such a topic could
hardly have been considered in this already
densely packed volume, but it is
an important and relevant one. A synthesis of
materials on the scale achieved
here, having the parliament rather than
the king as its focal point, might
provide a useful corrective both to the almost
mathematical formalism of
some English constitutional historians and to the
eccentricities of some Con-
tinental corporatists.

The argument throughout book

the too close-lexlured
is and too richly
allusive to be adequately summarized. The conceptual framework is itself
an important contribution to our understanding of medieval political thought,
for the categories "Christ-centered," "law-centered,"
"polity-centered" could
be applied fruitfully in other fields besides those explored
here. reconsid- A
eration of the medieval doctrines of papal headship
in the Church in terms
of them would be most rewarding. Within this
framework the author's imagi-
nation plays vividly around a host of interrelated topics.
We
are given, in
passing, an analysis of the political theology implicit
in Shakespeare's
Rich-
ard II and in the iconography of the Gospel Book of
Aachen (c. 973), ob-
servations on English coronation oaths and French
funeral customs, some
reflections on Averroistic theories of time this
problem of time, of the per-
sistence of institutions amid the transience of human lives, seems to
be the
one that has fascinated the author most of all; and, finally,
there is a discus-
sion of the conception of Ilumanitas in Dante's
political thought thrown in
for good measure. The whole argument of the book
serves to drive home two
lessons which have been suggested recently by a number
of specialist studies,
but which have not hitherto been adequately assimilated
in any major syn-
thesis. One is that the doctrines of Roman and canon law
contributed at

n L O L
u u u u
 308 THOUGh
It-ast as much lo llic ideas of medieval coiistitutioiialisiii as tu those of HeiiAis-
sance absolutism. The other is that the constitutional doctrines of the h igh
Middle Ages can hardly be investigated realistically unless the interp lay
between theories of ecclesiastical polity and theories of civil polity is c on-
stantly taken into account.
Altogether this is a brilliant and stimulating work. We may add that
book is produced and that the thirty plates which are included
excellently
are not mere decorations but form an intrinsic part of the argument.

Catholic University of America. Brian Tierne

Burke and the Nature of Politics. The Age of the American Revolution.
By Carl B. Cone. Lexington, Ky.: The University of Kentucky Press, isfs?
Pp.415. $9.00.
As the first of a two-volume biography of Edmund Burke, all things con-
sidered this is the best descriptive account of the life and times of the great-
est Whig statesman. In factual information and method, Professor Cone's
thorough and objective study supersedes by far the inadequate biography by
James Prior, which was standard for the nineteenth century, and the descrip-
tive biographies of Bertram Newman (1927), Robert H. Murray
(1931), and
Sir Philip Magnus (1939). Professor Cone is fullyaware of the analytical
studies of Burke's career and political philosophy by John Morley, John
MacCunn, Alfred Cobban, and a host of other writers. But as his biography
is far more an account of historical events than
an analysis of Burke's political
thought, he has subordinated philosophical insight to historical
knowledge.
To this end he has made excellent use of all the scholarship on Burke since
the appearance of Samuels' The Early
Life, Correspondence and Writings of
Burke (1923), and particularly of the specialized studies by Ross
J. S. Hoff-
man, Dixon Wecter, Donald Bryant, Thomas Copeland and H.V.S.
Somerset.
He has drawn much new material directly from the unpublished manuscripts
relating to Burke in the Watson-Wcntworth-Fitzwilliam
archives in Yorkshire
and Northamptonshire, which have been available to scholars since
1949. In
addition, he has thoroughly mastered the essential historical
facts of eighteenth
century life and politics the problems of Ireland, America,
India, the French
Revolution, and domestic and constitutional conflicts so that
he has placed
Burke's life and political career in its significant background.
What diligence,
learning and scholarly accuracy can do to present the cardinal
facts of Burke's
political life. Professor Cone has done better than any
other scholar.
Probably the chief value of Burke and the Nature
of Politics lies in the
meticulously detailed account of the essentials events in
Burke's private and
public life. The external succession of events ispresented empirically, and
the chief principle of arrangement is chronological. Almost never is there an
attempt to get [)sychological or philosophical insight
into Burke's cliaracter
or beliefs, by dramatizing empirical data or by handling
his thought themati-
cally. Yet Professor Cone's superb skill in the
controlled use of detailed facts

n L u
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 ^ ^(LL^toatuJic
?
/
^if^
/f

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

M. A. FITZSIMONS . . . .
Editor
FRANK O'MALLEV and JOHN J. KENNEDY Associate Editors
THOMAS T. McAVOy
Managing Editor

Rev ICWS

Stephen DKertesz.
V Najjar
John A
R ^. Schoeck,
B. Szczesniak.
Milorad M. Drachkovitch. Fauzi
J. A. Lukacs. Leon

A. ter Haar. Werner T. Angress.

M.
Bernard. James E. O'Neill
James P. Scanlan. John Fizer."
Marshall Smeiser.

Reprinted from

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS'

Vol. 22. No. 2, pp. 269-304. April, I960
University of Notre Dame Press

Notre Dame, Indiana

U U U U
 Revi ews

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS*
One
of the most disturbing phenomena of our
age is the discrenan-
cy between unity and interdependence of
the world on the material
level and its division on the political.
This ominous situation was to
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between the respective
developments of the physical and social sciences. Homo
politicus today
acts under rapidly changing world conditions
according to the con-
cepts and rules of past centuries. The
contradiction between the al-
leged sovereignty of states and the shrinking
world made imperative
the creation of international agencies and the
consequent transfer of
some governmental functions to these agencies.
International organi-
zations of a technical nature were established
in the nineteenth cen-
tury because the national regulation of such
functions as river and
railroad transportation, the movement of mail,
and telegraphic trans-
missions was no longer satisfactory. The First
World War however
made it clear that the transfer of technical functions from
the national'
to the international sphere is only a
convenience for the national states
facilitate the solution of conflicts. Since the
.urul
tablished T^
by the Hague Peace Conferences for the
system es-
pacific settJement
of international disputes also failed, and
the traditional means of di-
plomacy proved ineffective, during both world wars it was recognized

* ' ^' '" ^'^"'""^ f^"'"- (New York: Manhattan PublishlnR

Company,^".n^/i^'l"*
r>
1958. Pp. xi. 372. $3.00.)
Jorge Castaneda: Mexico and the United Nations.
2.
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.^';'"^" Harper and David Sissons: Australia and the United Nations
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1959. Pp xiii 423 $3 00)
5. hP'^n and the United Nations. (New York: Manhattan Publishing
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6. William A^Scott and Stephen B. Whithey:
The United States and the
Umted Nations: The Public View. 1945-1955. (New York:
Manhattan Pub-
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lishing
Robert M.MacIvcr: The Nations and the United
w ^:
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Nations. (New York:
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" ,^a"" Bo"'-q"in:
)
L'Etat Souverain et L' Organisation Internationale,
/M Manhattan Publishing Company, 1959. Pp. viii 247
a V
Yves
Collart: Z).Wmm^n<; A Study Guide
$3 00)
Pi, , of the United
and Bibliography on the
Efforts Nations, published under the auspices of the
World Fed-
eration of United Nations Associations.
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* p. X, I [[). $.oU)
^'\^^' P^b'i'hed under the auspices of the
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1 .it fi^"'"* ^J Sous-Diveloppis. (Brus-

} t^, m9."p^;^529":"$9.3rr' '- ^^'"'''"' mtemationales and Martinu.

269

/ U
U U U O / L I
 270 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS
that the establishment of a universal
international organization was
required for the peaceful solution of
conflicts. Although the crea^S
of the League of Nations and of
the
objectives, the national states have
UN
were aiming at far-reaching
remained the cornerstones of our
international system. Because of the
basic contradiction between the
desire for a world organization
capable of settling disputes, of guar-
anteemg security, a^d of implementing
peaceful change oA the one
hand, and the harsh realities of the existing
state system on the other,
he League of Nations failed and the
tions in the political sphere.
UNexperienced many ' frustra-

Although the development of international

organizations and their
role m international aff-airs fall
short of fulfilling the requirements of
achievements of these organizations are truly
rZ.T'ur"'^u''^ f^"
remarkable. Therefore a survey of national reactions to their
activi-
ties was both justified and needed. The Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace responded to this
need in 1952 by initiating a
series of Nationa Studies on
International Organizations particularly
on the United Nations. Within the framework
of this project some
two dozen studies have been published,
several of which have been
reviewed in the Review of Politics, XX(1958), 249-258. Most of
these studies describe the UN
from the point of view of particular
countries and include a general appraisal
tivities such as the nature, processes,
of some aspects of UN ac-
and principles of the world or-
ganization, questions of jurisdiction,
collective security, self-defense
and regional organizations. '

Besides having the general sponsorship

of the Carnegie Endow-
ment, these studies have been prepared under
the auspices of national
scholarly bodies, such as the Japanese
Association for International
Law, ElColegio de Mexico, the Uruguayan Institute
of International
l-aw, L Institut Royal des Relations
Internationales in Belgium the
Australian Institute of International Affairs,
and the Survey Rest^ch
Center of the University of Michigan. The
participation in research
of the sponsoring institutions varies
greatly in degree. Some volumes
are written by individual authors, others
are the result of collective
research, and some studies reflect mainly
the oflicial position of a eov-
emment.

1. A
galaxy of outstanding scholars, diplomats,
and statesmen co
operated in the writing of the Belgian volume,
which probably repr^
sents the best pattern for this kind of
study. An introduction surveys
Belgium position in international relations before
s
1945 Part I dis
cusses the opinion of Belgian scholars and
the Belgian Goxemment
concerning the Dumbarton Oaks proposal and the
Belgian attitude at
the San Francisco conference. Belgium then
advocated greater power
for the General Assembly and took a stand for
compulsory- jurisdiction
ot the International Court of Justice over
leeal disputes.' Part II de-
scribes the evolution of views in the Belgian
Parliament toward the
UN, the mechanism established in the foreign ministry
to deal with
international organizations, the composition of
delegations to the UN

u u I u
 REVIEWS 281

tS^Co:!^^ ''- '"-^ ""^^ -^ ^-nnined force re-

Bernard Lewis of the University
of London, in a provocative
article
qualities^con^^ LTo ^
He concludes
ne conTr^Jhat^f
that a c'"'"" -T"-/^'^
community brought up on uninterrupted autor
' ^ "^"^'^"^'^ "^'" "^ be shocked bv a re^S^^
which"!
which offers ""'1;r"
ruthless strength and efficiency in the ser%ice of a ca7s^
an>.vay m appearanc^in place of the ineptitude,
corruption at^
cynicism which m
their mind, one mav even sav
in their f
experience
are mseparable from parliamentan- ''P"'^""'
government" (p 3 j 9
" ^ historical facts. Lewis charges that Islam
is
IS a"he7w'l"?''"''
rather less anti-Commumst than Christianity. Greek Orthodoxy
in Russia proved to be less of a
bulwark against Commun^Sn than
Islam or any other religion for
that matter^ The present reviewer
finds vmdictive humor m
the summary of the Communist
cre^d as
There xs no God and Karl Marx is his
Prophet." If Comm^nis^
appeals to Mushms it is not because
nveen Islam and Communism, but rather
there is a doctrinal
because Western secularism
bS aS
has undermined the traditional Islamic
way of life and. on the politick
plane the \Nestern powers have alienated
the peoples of the ddfe M
fl^d h r "^
^^^
^ P"^"u"' ^"^ ideological vacuum which will be
' immediate political and emotional needs
of the Arabs
^^' ^^'''''^ '" '^^ ^^'dd'^ East as well as in the eyes
,K
the Tf !,],^
Middle""'J
Easterners. It is from this point that
of
one should
e.xaSine
the appeal of the Soviet Union to the
Arabs. Hence Dr. Xabih Paris
concludes a similar essay with the cogent
statement that "The -riev-
ances most of the Muslim world have against
the West, the conditions
under which Mushms live,, and the legitimate
urge felt by them to
break the spell of \N estem hegemony,
tempt the faithful to make
eague even with the devil, especially when
the devil has donned a
turban, has partly concealed his hammer
and sickle under his newly
acquired burnous, so as to make it look
more like a crescent-and
hnally has started to quote the "Quran"
(p. 359)
. _ .
Fauzi M. Najjar
POLITICAL THEOLOGY AND LEGAL FICTION*
Todeclare that Professor Kantorowicz has at
once isolated one of
the most remarkable theories of the English
Renaissance and at the
same time has given us a ven- rich sense of the long
tradition and com-
plex history of the idea of the Kings Two
Bodies which takes us in
&^^' /^P "^^ ^^^ ^^^' ^"d PoJ'tical thought of the
xJ^jJf"*'
Middle Ages
to c^eclare this is to give some appreciation
of Kantor-
owicz^s imaginative leap beyond Maitland's
cr>pto-ironic commentary

"; ^^'
^'"S'^ Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval
PnJ,if?Tl ^^-
^*"J"?^'^^^
(P""^<'"- P"nceton University Press, 1957. Pp. xvi, 568.
JlOOO

/
U U U I L
I
 282 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS
on The CroM-n as Corporation" and at the same time to pay tribute
to the truly extraordman- scholarship which grounds this essay so
that
n IS mmiedmel> one of the landmarks of the history of politics and
specu ative theolog>- (or, as the subtitle suggests, of that land-between
oi political theology).

The title of this k intended to ser\e as a shorthand for the

rev-ievx'
book under review and for some aspects of mv
comments on it. The
book Itself is concerned with one leading theor%-.
the fiction (as the
author wntes in his preface! '"of the King's Two
Bodies, its trans-
lormauons. imphcations, and radiations." The
t^^'o bodies
the body
politic and the body natural
was of course a legal fiction, developed
by the English jurists of the Tudor period.
The 'great historian Mait-
land found m
Edmund Plowden's Reports, which though begun earlier
were collecaed and vritten under Queen Elizabeth.
'"the first clear
elaboration of that mystical talk with which the
English crown jurists
enveloped and tnmmed their definitions of kingship'and
royal capaci-
ties. The cause celebrc concerned the Duchy of Lancaster which
the
Lancastnan Kings had owned as private and not Crown
property- it
was tried m
the fourth year of Elizabetili-s reign. Plowden
reports
that the crovv-n lawyers all agreed -t^iai by
the Common Law no Act
vvhich the Kmg does as King, shall be defeated
by his Nonage For
the King has m him two Bodies, viz., a Body
natural, and a Body
poliuc. His Body natural (if it be considered in
itself is a Bodv mor-
tal, subject to all Infirmities. ... But
his Bodv politic is a Body that
cannot be seen or handled, consisting of Policy and
Go\emment and
constituted for the Direction of the People, and
the Jvlanagement of
the public weal, and this Body is utteriy void of
Infancy and old Age
and other natural Defects and Imbecilities, which the
Body natural
IS subject to, and for this Cause,
what the King does in his Body
pohuc, cannot be invalidated or frustrated by any Disability
in his
natural Body."
There is nothing like the English concept of the King's Two
Bodies
on the Continent. Kantorowicz writes, and the idiom of this
concrot
cannot easily be dismissed from English political thought:
it explains
the action of Parliament with Charles I in 1642, and
Kantorowicz
uses the poet's vision of the twin nature of a king to
illuminate
Shakespeare's Richard II (and the success of this enterprise
lead'^ one
to hope that the author will bring his unrivalled background
to further
readmgs of Renaissance political literature j One can only suggest
.
the
further course of this study of the King's Two Bodies
h\ indicating
the path by which Kantorowicz traces the historical
problems back to
the Middle Ages and, by placing the concept in its full
context dem-
onstrates the genesis of the concepts; the chapter-headings
point the
way: Christ-Centered Kingship, Law-Centered Kingship
Polity-
Centered Kmgship: Corpus Mvsticum. On
Continuity and Corpora-
tions, The King Never Dies, and Man-Centered Kingship: Dante
In the Epilogue in summarizing, it is recognized that "isolated
features
are recognizable in classical political philosophy and political
theology

n L U J
U U L I
 REVIEWS 283

which would suggest that the substance of

the idea of the King's Two
Hod.es had been anticipated in pagan
Antiquity. Moreover, it sounds
plausibk. enough that one or anotlier
of those antique theorem.s be-
came effective m the High Renaissance wiien. in
addition to the hter-
arv sources, die archaeological and
numismastic materia! also became
available again. There is no doubt tfiat
the classical model occasionally
served to rationatzr certain phenomena
(as. for example the display
'''''''^ funerals- which had originated and dex^eioped from
^^^'TJ'
totalh- different conditions and strata
[But] there is nevertheless
onr detail which would exclude a pagan
origin of the Tudor formula
from tlie outset; that is, the concept of the
king ha^'ing two Bodies.
Notwithstanding, tlierefore, some similarities
with disconnected pagan
concepts, the KtnrS Two Bodies is an
offshoot of ChrLstian theological
bought and consequenth- stands as a landmark
of Christian political
theologx'. The book is richh illustrated and magnificently
docu-
mented: there is a "selected bibliography'- of
thirteen pages and (be-
sides numeroas cross-references
a .S6-page index, which is a model of
fullness and accuracy. No scholar could ask for a more readable text
or a more clearK- marked chart through
"rarely explored thickets," or
a better Vergil to guide him in his own schoiarh- pilgrimage.
The scholarship is meticulous
are summoned hlstor^, mediaeval
the range of erudition 'the classics
lavv. Dante, ecclesiastical studies
theolog> and
phiiosophx-, numismatics and iconography),
the control
ol secondary scholarship, and painstaking accuracy
in the most minute
detail: all this is indeed mcticulosus
and gives fresh testimony to that
passionate scholarship which has given his
students so loft^ a standard
against which to measure tlieir own work.
And all is subsumed into
an imaginative joume>- that is of a very high
order of the mind In a
patient check of references I have found feu
errata in this model of
scholarship (for example, on
pp. 363 and 523. read Oriamal for Old)
and only one or two ven minor
UB n
lapses of control
for example at
p. 159, in discussing the term iuris reliaio, the author
writes
since reh!;io was defined according to
torowicz Studies in the Glossators
Cicero," and cites Kan- H
of the Roma?! Lair; but it is a
Master G. that H. Kantorowicz is here quoting
and not Cicero
(though an intermediate florilegium that seems
to be Master G"s
source at this pomt ls following Cicero) Or, on p. 469, in indicating
.

the materials and scholarship on allegories

of the virtues and vices
S). U. Chews Alexander
Lectures in the University of Toronto The
^foncilcd (Toronto, 1947) might well be added, particularly
l^^'"''
t>ecause of Chews focus on the Tudor period
and because it is like
mucli of Kantorowicz s fruitful bringing together
of iconography and
literary studies. But this is little chaff to add to the magnificently
harvested research of Kantorowicz, and one can
best express simply
awe at the erudition, pleasure in the lucid reasoning
and splendid
ordonnance of the writing, and above all gratitude
for the book as
a whole.
There are three reflections I should like to offer after
reading the

U U I J
 284 THE REVIEW OF POLITICS
book (and studying and learning from it), reflections which may
it
suggest not only the uses of the book hut
some further measure of its
achievement. First, tlie political theology of the
later Middle Ages
and Renaissance is indeed a very complicated texture,
and we have
here a model of loving care in isolating a
single strand of that com-
plexity and of precision in studying the one
leading idea of the King's
1 wo
Bodies. The author apologizes for intruding
into the enclosure
ot the sister-disciplme of mediaeval Law
tliough not a professional
jurist, he is no sciolist and has moved
witli great competence
perhaps the lesson is double: that such studies as this
yet
are possible only
when one has prepared himself to risk tlie hazards of such
an enter-
prise, but they are necessary because there
were iew compartmentalized
specialties tominds like Dante, and professional Tudor lawyers
like
Plowden were deeply read in philosophy, theology- and
classical litera-
ture (as I have tried to emphasize in a number
of scattered articles)
hecond, the author declares that die study '-will have served its pur-
pose of calling attention to certain problems if the reader detects many
more examples or places relevant to the King's Two Bodies
and many
more interrelations with other problems than the author
intimated."
1 fieproblems of dualities present in ecclesiastical offices
is one recog-
nized by the author, and that must soon be
explored. The inter-
relation of mediaeval lawyers with the
tradition of the Red Mass is
one which the present writer has begun to explore.
One mav suppose
that a number of studies in vernacular literatures
will be generated and
number of studies in vernacular literatures will be generated
and
sumulated by this book
especially in Middle English, where the
political literature again and again offers
rich rewards to the student
ol politics (and, one may suppose, of
political theology).
Finally, this study hasmuch relevance as an attempt to under-
stand by what means and methods, certain axioms
of a political
theology which mutatis mutandis was to remain
valid until the twen-
tieth century, began to be developed
during the later Middle Ages "
Certainly there is great relevance, and even urgency,
in viewing the
investigation of "certain cyphers of the sovereign
state and its per-
petuity Crown, Dignity. Patria, and others exclusively from
(
j the
point of view of presenting political creeds such
as they were under-
stood in their initial stage and at a time when they
served as a vehicle
for putting the early modem commonwealths
on their own feet."

^
R. J. SCHOECK.

DE TOCQUEVILLE*
Sister Mary
Lawlor's dissertation deals with the period in Tocque-
ville's life that, except for his youth,
has been least explored by
historia ns and commentators. The usual emphasis on Tocqueville's
Sister Mary Lawlor, S.N.D. Alexis de Tocqueville m the Chamber
:
of
Deputies: His Views on Foreign and Colonial Policy.
(Washington: The Cath-
olic University of America Press. Pp. 201. $3.00.)

/
U U U/U L I I
 LY C H N O S
lardomshistoriska
samfundetsArsbok
ANNUAL OF THE SWEDISH ANNUAIRE DE LA SOCI^T^ SVt-

HISTORY OF SCIENCE SOCIETY DOISE d'hISTOIRE DES SCIENCES

JAHRBUCH DER 8CHWEDISCHEN GESELLSCHAFT

FUR GESCHICHTE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN

/7^'7

EX TRAIT REPRINT SONDERABDRUCK

n U
L U L
U J I
3o8 RECENSIONER

fiir att han borjade nied Trojas han ilaterade till 1184/3 ^- Kr. (Nunicra anses
tall, soni
detta ofta fiir en historisk hiindelse och dateras pa arkeolosiska grander till onikr.
1245 f. Kr.) Den jildre mytiska tiden kastade han bort. Mellanrumniet niellan Trojas
fall och olynipiadriikningens biirjan utfyllde Eratosthenes nied lijiilp av listan
pa de
spartanska kungarna, son) ansags tillforlitlig. iM-an olyni|)ia(lrakningens borjan iir
bans kronologi fortriifflig. Diirefter tillades den ronierska historiens kronologi. iiven
den mytiska i anslutning till den grekiska. Mycket sanire stod det till nied den
orientaliska kronologien.
Den forsta saninianstiiUningen av den judiska och den grekiska kronologien koin
under den hellenistiska tiden pa grund av nagra judiska forfattares onskan att visa,
att den judiska visheten, soni representerades av Moses, var mycket iildre an den
grekiska. For de kristna var Gamla Testanientet en belig skrift och de overtogo
diirfiir denna synpunkt. Den beronide kyrkofadern Clemens Alexandrinus samlade

osovrat material. Den jamforande kronologien bragtes system av den skarpsinnige

i

S, Julius Africanus. \'iktigt iir, att han satte Kristi ffklelse som epok, (Till utgangs-
punkt fiir var tiderjlkning gjordes detta ar forst av Dionysius Exiguus fiirra i

hiilften av 500-talet. en tid som faller utanfor fiirf:s framstallning.

Den som slutligen utformade verket var kyrkofadern Eusebios, som fiirf. iignar
slutkapitlet. Bortsett fran talrika citat bans grekiska verk forlorat. Det omfattade
iir

tva delar: en materialsamling med komnientar och en del synkronistiska tabeller till
ar 326 e. Kr. En armenisk oversiittning finnes och en bearbetning pa latin av kvrko-
fadern Hippolytos. som blott omfattar den andra delen. Eusebios bygger pa iildre
arbeten. Den synkronistiska tabellen bar viinstra kanten Abrahams ar och olyni-
i

piaderna. till boger listorna iJver den assyriska. hebreiska, grekiska, ronierska, egyp-
tiska bistorien, Diirtill fogas notiser av skiftande art.
Professor Lintons bok iir inte liittliist men nyttig, 1 bland kastar han Ijus over de
ideer, som ledde antikens historiker. Martin Pn Xils^on

Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The king's tivo A

study in mediaeval
bodies.
political theology. Princeton. X. J.: Princeton University Press 1957. xvi
568 s., 3J fig. Pris 10 doll. inb.

Ernst H. Kantorowicz' stora undersokning av niedeltida spekulation kring kungens

gestalt och kungamaktens natur iir ett imponerande och verkligt betydande arbete.
Forf. utgar fran den juridiska fiktionen om kungens tva kroppar*. bans natur-
liga kropp och bans >politiska. som utnyttjades av Tudortitlens kronjurister och
som iiven
med en ny tendens
kommer till uttryck det engelska parlamentets i

deklaration i maj 1642, dar kungens auktoritet forklaras utovas i och genom parla-
mentet. oberoende av kungen i bans egen person*. Fran denna utgangspunkt uiuler-
siiker Kantorowicz fi)rutsiittningarna for uppfattningen av kungens dubbla karaktiir
av diidlig individuell niiinniska och inkarnation av nagot evigt och iiverindividuellt.
en uppfattning som visar sig sta forbindelse med ett stort komplex av teologiska.
i

juridiska och filosofiska fiirestiillniiigar.

Det kan tyckas vara en uppgift av ganska speciellt slag som forf. bar stiillt sig.
men sa som bans undersokning iir genomfbrd, cippnar den vidstrackta perspektiv at
olika hall medeltidens ideviirld. Kantorowicz' bok iir pa ett hiigt plan bildande och
i

/
U U U/L
U L I
 RECENSIONER 309
intellektuellt stiniulerande, sanitidigt soiii
den utniiirks av fasthct greppet om nuite- i

nalet och stnngens analyscn. Den studie som forf. agnar niotivet kungens
i
tva
kroppar Shakespeares Richard II och de viktiga svnpunkter han ger
,
pa kejsariden
och forestallnmge.i oni det jordiska paradiset hos
Dante, liksom den uppmiirksanihet
han skanker ikonogiafiskt material, bidrar till att
vitlga hokens intresse utiiver de
pohtisk-idehistoriska fackgriinserna.
1
Shakespeares RichardII finns en tendens till syniholisk
identifikation av kungen
och Kristus, sarskdt niiirkbar i avsiittningsscenen
Westminster Hall (IV, i). Den
i

iil)ptattnmg av harskaren som en avbild av Kristus

som avspeglas har. h5r enligt
Kantorowicz speciellt hemma 900- och looo-talens politiska
i
forestallningsviirld Ftt
mtressant vittnesbord oni <lenna uppfattning finner
iori. en miniatyr
i en evangelie- i

l.ok fran Aachen: h;ir avbildas kejsar

Otto II Kristi gestalt; han framstalls som
i

mansklig av naturen och gudomlig av nad.

Samtidigt som f5rf. betonar det
knstocentnska draget denna forestallning om en evig,
i
gudomlig sida hos harskaren
aniyder han cmellertid ocksa en f5rbindelse med
den senantika konstens framstiillning
av overmdivKluella uleer av typen Aegyptus eller
lustitia, vilkas tidl5sa karaktar
olla utmarks med en gloria.
Formeln rex imago C'hristi* viker sa smaningom for
formeln rex miago Dei
.Aven om det mte existerade nagon klar motsattning
mellan CAm/Mj-metaforen och
W<7i/^-metaforen under vad Kantorowicz kallar
the christocentric age of the
Ottomans and early Salians, blir skillna<Ien mellan de bada uttryckssjitten senare
betydelsefull kungadomet. tidigare betraktat som
: ett slags sakral institution me.l
Ivnstussom centrum, borjar viisentligen ses som ett organ for
den gudomliga viljan
lattad som lag och riitt. Samtidigt som denna
fiirandring star samband med den i

kyrkhga hierarkms ansprak pa att ensam representera

Kristus pa jorden, iir den
beroende av uleer hiirstammandc fran den romerska
ratten. F5restallningen om
fursten som en medlare mellan manskligt och
gudomligt kan sagas fa en riittsfilosofisk
omtolknmg: fran <len synpunkten belyser Kantorowicz
den till synes dunkla tanken
att harskaren samtidigt ar obunden
och bunden av lagarna, t. ex. uttryckt formeln om i

kejsaren som pater et films lustitiac (kejsar Fredrik

II :s sicilianska konstitutioner
Liber augustahs). Sadana formler avser cmellertid inte
har.skarens tvafaldiga natur i

ontologisk mening utan bans dubbla f5rhallande till lagen

Thomas av Aquino defi-
;

merar detta forhallande sa. att fursten star 5ver den positiva,
manskliga ratten men iir
imderkastad den naturliga lagen. I den dualistiska svnen
pa ratten och upi)fatt- i

inngen av hiirskaren som en medlare mellan naturlig

och positiv lag f5renades ju-
nster och teologer. Samma synsiltt priiglar enligt
Kantorowicz bl. a. allegorin i

Ambrogio Lorcnzettis ber6mda fresk Buon governo radhuset i Siena: Den goda
i

styrelsen i kejsarlik gestalt framstalls kompositionen som en motsvarighet till

i
den
persomfierade lustitia funktion av medlare mellan den naturliga lagens
i
(pa fresken
Sapiciitia) och den positiva rattens sfiir (pa fresken
Concordia).
Riltten kunde ocksa ses manifesterad staten som rJittslig institution. Medeltida
i

jurister. bland dem engelsmannen Rracton som

Kantorowicz agnar sarskild upp-
niarksamhet. betraktar den statliga egendomen. jiscus.
som ofBrgiinglig och jam-
staller den fran denna synpunkt med Gud eller
Kristus. I Bractons England iakttar
forf. hkasa en tendens att uppfatta
kungen som evig och 5verindividuell bans i

egenskap av forctriidare for ratten betydelsen statlig rattsordning.

i

n L u
u u I
 310 RECENSIONER

amsdes mcd att state,, het,-akta<i son,

en oforgangli^ rattslij, institution
uppfattas son, en s.alvstan.i,,. ,notsva,i,.l,et burja.le
till kyrkan,
utvecklades synen pa stiten
son, en korporat,on, en
statsk,-opp., jan,f5,-lig n,ed
av rorI" kyrkan i e^enskap
v>ysucnm ChnsH det o,-ganiserade kollektivet
av alia kristna; or^an.sirke
ner ,s eg ungefar san.tidigt , v^
kyrkosynen och den politiska
i

n.edelt,<Ien. Kantor.nv.c. ger ytterst

spekulaio^n under
intressanta synpunkter pa
forestiilln ngen n
staten son, en kropp eller organisn,.
vars huvud kungen tanktes
vara Ha," vi .
de tasa,n,anhang hur kristna och profant-politiska
motiv smalter san,n.an n,e del
.dens fosterlandsbegrepp oci, patriotisn,.
Hjaitarna Rolandssangen dor s.innkkt i

o,- .len kr.stna fron. for lansherren

och for fosterlan.iet. /. dice /",;">,
Unstna dygden carUas fick sa sn,aningo,
aven en tydligare poIitisk "b^rd
"
--. Mnac .Mt do f6r fosterlandet och att ,16 for kung och
i,

io.n,ler so.n hanUade sin vasentliga niening

fos ran v.r
ur forestallningen on, staten "om
- ^^ ^^
en
"'"* ^^^"'"' -' '- ^""-" '-^ '--'
;:rs iMdi"^ -"
Men endast i den man den statliga organisn,en betraktades
so,,, standigt fortle-
van< le, var den fullt ja.nforlig ,ed Kristi eviga corpus mvstinnn. Forestldlnh
on, de stathga ,nst,tut,onernas gen
.ododlighet. uppfattas av Kantorovvicz
son, be" ,,gl
av adnnn.strafva och politiska krav.
"""'^
san,ti,ligt son, den pa ett n,era
'''''
hypotetiskt
-t bakgrunden av skolast,kens
Sn
^ tidsspekulation. Trach
ti . e.
t.onellt :""f
tanktes ^'f riket. likson,
ron,erska
<let
kyrkan. fortieva till dJ-n vttersta
son, .ns .tut,on och korporation. dagen
Denna syn kun<Ie li.tt ges en vidare tilla,iipning
korporat.on, unrrsUas. var varje rike Son,
eller folk ,od5dligt>, oberoen.le
av forgfnglig-
^<"'K"g
heten bos de ,ndivider av vilka det
utgjordes.
Aven kungen, statskroppens huvu<l, skanktes
fran analoga svnpunkter odrilighet>
Son, ,nedle,Ti av s,n dynasti var
h-irskaren delaktig en overindividuell tillvaro Det
i

dynast.ska ta,,kandct. uppfattningen att

den individuelle regenten var ett slags in-
karna ,o,, av den standigt regerande
dynastin, tog sig bl. a. uttrvck att tronfoljaren i

borjade betraktas son, harskare

och ,ed foretra.larens do,l', n,edan sjalva
i

n.ngen forlorade s,n konstitutiva betydelse. kro

En annan viktig Overindividuell fiktion
var kronan* so,,, san,tidigt avsag
riket och fursten deras .tidlosa> existens. An,-
i

le svard.gheten. ,/,<;m/a. gav

hirskaren en tredje forn, av 5verin<lividuell
ododlig-
"^f"""/""'
skankte. askadliggjordes syn,boliskt
'/'.'V"'V..
Kel F,"nit
fagel W
Fen,x. l.kson,1 ""f
den n,yt,ska fageln var t. ex. f5reteelsen .abbot av Winchester,
av
clkr >kung av Frankr,ke. samtidigt
en dSdlig Individ och ett odixliigt .slakte
Hos Dante ,nner Kantorowicz en kej.sarbild
so.n t.irkroppsligar n,anniskoslaktets
ulkomn.ng eller n,anniskans ide forf.
har givit sitt Dante^kap^tel rubrike,r
cen ere. k,ng.s^p
;

" Man
,otsvarighet till tidigare kapitel son,
,

rubricerats Ch fs"-
"* ^^^''''^^-^^"'--' ^'"^-^'-P*
-'' .Polity-centere.l kingship,. Dan es
keSrkLnrn^"' '"""'"" "'"' ^"'^ "I'l'f^^""'"*^'
r
roende av^ aven o,i, ,te n,otsatta.
'tt de n,anskliga varde ,a ar obe-
de andliga; han skiljer sig hSr fran
Thomas 'v
s1e";nli.t
""^'"".' "'^^'"''^'
n T ''' ^^^'^^-^ ' -n.lafallet P--'-^ '- r ann
ighetcn t.lbaka d,t. motsats
t,ll n,anga av sina
I
samtida. som ans4g att inget sant
aide kunde ex,stera utantor
kyrkan. betraktar Dante den hedniske
kejsar Augu"
tus r.ke som fullkomhgt;
dar levde Virgilius. Dantes vagvisare
till det jonliska para-

n L u u
u u u I
 RECENSIONER

Uni; ^zr:::^-:-' '' -''''- ^^'^^- ^- - ''^ -^-^'i^-en ..dare

mdcltula la an on, kungens tva kroppar.

Han menar att man visserliL^., k.n

Kantorouicz- bok har rangen av ett standardverk inon, nu'.leltidsforsknineen

Sin

Lars GiistafssoH.

sememe, Mainz, Bd 7.) Wiesbaden: Pranz Steiner \erlag

1955. vni + ^5, s
Ordericus Vitalis. ,uk i <let normanniska klostret Saint Evroul i landskanet

.eke tdlfalle att fora sitt

arbete till slut. Kravet pa en nv uppl^a kvl sta dltsa"

^'"''^ ^'^^'^ ^"^t pavisa vilken

gr stor ch genon,-
gripanle
panle b"tvdelse
betydelse Or "'^^''f
Onlencus verk ager for be,16n,andet
av det begvnnande tolvte
arhundra.lcts satt att uppfatta tidens
stora politiska och kyrkl.ga
proE
'-"^" ^-^^-'-'^ so. d^inerade
tiaens ;;;tttr
tid el: nientalitet var son, han''-''r^'-
Det"'''"'-^'"f
Det papekar en monastisk form av relieiositet son,
gav hela tulen fran omkring
1050 och ett
vasen<let spelade en dominerande
arhundrade framat dess K prtr Le
su; pragel pa hela tillvaron.
roll tidens andliga
i
liv och s.tf,. i Z f

(III. I). >>raknade det

>De maktigaste ^.^: Ik^::.::!^ Z^O^Z^
som en vanheder cm de inte pa sina jordagods hade kle ker
o h munkar son, de lamnade
underhall f5r att de skuHe kunna tjana Gud Av t ds

" ^"' ''i'd-ns-entra.

Ik' on
(lukt.onen
, ;t rlftf
star pfta f'r"\?
,
'
rV'''"
d.rekt san,band med klostren och deras ledare viiki e^ rni
och konstpro-
fran,tradde som uppdragsgivare vare sig det gallde handskriftsmaLri'
eller kyrko-

/
U U U U / L
I I
 nxM ^' Uv^'sUoui
t,
17G (:oMPTi;s HKN'ors

Ernst Kantorowicz. The King's 7 wo Bodies. A Study

in Mediaeval Political Theology. Princeton, N..]., l^rinceton
University Press, 1957. In-8, xvi-ofiX p., 32 tig. h. t. $ lU.
In., Laiides Regiae. A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and
Mediaeval Ruler Worship. With a Study of the Music of the
Laudes and Musical Transcriptions by Manfred F. Bukofzer.
Berkeley et Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1946
;

2^ tirage, 1958. In-8, xxi-292 p., 15 pi. h. t. $ 6,50.

Voici deux ouvrages de Ires liaute erudilioii, qui out cliacuu rap-
port k la royaute, mais sous un angle tres diffdreut. Lc premier
est ne d'une discussion de I'A. avec Max Radiu, i)rofesseur de
droit
a Berkeley. It Iraite de la distinction enlre la personue priv6e
du
roi et sa personnalite politique, distinction tr6s ancienne, mais que
les juristes du temps des Tudor, surtout sous la reine ftlisabeth pe,
dlaborerent en formules compliquees et qui sentent la mythologie.
Le roi possede deux corps, un corps naturel et un corps politique.
Son corps naturel... est un corps mortel, sujet a toutes les infirniites
qui viennent de la nature ou par accident, k la faiblesse de I'enfance
et de la vieilles.se, et aux ddfauts semblables qui atteignent les corps
naturels des autres luimains. Mais son corps politique est un corps
qui ne pent etre ni vu, ni touche il consiste en politique et gouverne-
;

inent, est constitue pour la du peuple et ladniinislration de

direction
la chose publique ce ; corps echappe entierement a I'enfance et a la
vieillesse, et aux autres deficiences et infirmites naturelles auxquelles
le corps naturel est soumis et pour cette raison, ce que le roi fait
;

par son corps politique ne pent etre invalide ni frustre de son effet
par aucune deficience de son corps naturel (Plowden, cite p. 7 sv.).
t;es deux corps sont unis dans meme
personne, mais ne se con-
la
fondent pas la distinction demeure, bien que le plus digne attire
;

a soi le moins digne le corps politique etant associe au corps naturel,

;

celui-ci participe a la nature et aux effets du premier. ^ Ces distinc-

tions, pas toujours d'une clart^ lumineuse, furent elaborees k I'occa-
sion du duche de Lancastre. que le roi possedait en tant que due et
lion en tant que roi certaines dispositions prises par le jeune roi
;

Edouard VI furent ainsi justifiees parce que corps politique du

le
roi n'apas de minoritt^ (non-age) . Cette union, sans confusion, des
deux corps du roi. porte I'A. k la comparer avec I'union des deux
natures en J^sus-Christ, et h rappeler les explications du symbole
de S. Athanase. C'est peut-etre 1^ en effet quon trouve le plus de
similitude a la doctrine qu'elabor^rent les juristes du temps des
Tudor. Mais ce n'est qu'un rapprochement defend de sug- : I'A. se
g^rer un emprunt conscient des Idgistes du xvi* s. aux canons et
aux dogmes des premiers siecles de I'Kglise. Ces theories du temps
d'lilisabeth !'<' sont discutces dans le premier chapitre sous Charles ;

^'^ ajoule-t-on. on insistera davantage sur la distinction, et les

Pariementaires pr6tendront d6fendre le Roi contre le roi le roi ;

I I I I I
I u u
 K. KANTOKOWICZ : THE KINCi's TWO BODIES 1,AL DES liEGIAK 177

sera ineme mis mort pour saiivcr la royaute. Eii Angletene, la

a
soiivcraiiiete > ne residait pas dans le roi seul ou le
park'inenl seul,
mais dans le roi et le parlement en IG 42, le parlement agit en ;

vertu de I'aulorilc royale, bien que Ic roi. personne privee, s'y oj)pose...
L'enquele minutieuse du Dr K. recherche dans tons les domaines
et dans lous les temps, des antecedents ou des paralleles ^ ces theo-
ries tudoriennes car ce qui (5tail nouveau a la fin du xvi'' s., c'etait
;

{'expression plutol que la chose. La litteralure a son mot a dire :

le Richard II de Shakespeare est 6tudi6 au debut de I'enquete

(c. II).
et les theories de Uante sur la monarchie humaine viennent
la clore
(c. VIII). Entre 'les deux, nous avons d'abord un exameii de la
royaute comparee au Christ. L'Anonyme d' York (fin xi s.), qui
resume les idees politiques des x^ et xi'' s.. celles de la periode
ottonienne et salienne, et de I'Angleterre anglo-saxonne insiste sur
le caractere sacerdotal de la royaute. Sa theorie de la personne
niixte a pen de rapport avec celle des deux corps mais davantage, ;

sa theorie du roi-image du Christ. Et ceci est admirablement mis

en relief par I'A.. dans un commentaire du frontispice de rEvangeliaire
d'Aix-la-Chapelle (c. 97;j), qui represente I'empereur Otton II siegeanl
en majeste avec, autourdelui,iesattributsqui generalement encadrent
les representations du Christ en majeste. L'idee de perpetuite est
signifiee d6s I'antiquite par le halo qui ornait les representations de
I'empereur ou du roi, et qui fut adopte par I'Eglise dans les represen-
tations des saints; il soulignc la double pcrsonnalite du roi dans la
pens^e du haut moyen age, humaine par nature, divine par gr^ce.
Cette periode est ditc liturgique. ou theologique. parce qu'elle s'ex-
prime le plus souvcnt en termes empruntes ti la liturgie ce que celle- ;

ci dit du Christ est transpose au roi, son repr^sentant, son image ,

son vicaire .

Aux xii^ et xni^ s.. a la suite de la lutte du sacerdoce et de lem-

pire, lesconcepts changent, et ce sont les legistes qu'il faut interroger.
Le chap. IV. aprfes avoir montrd la transition de la liturgie ii la science
juridique. etudie spdcialement I'apport de Frederic II. legiferant,
dans son Liber Augustalis, comme empereur pour son royaume de
Sicile (1231) on se souvient que r.\. a aussi ecrit un ouvrage sur
Frederic II. Une phrase de lempereur-roi est particuUerement
grosse de signification, et se trouve longuement discutee le c^sar doit :

etre a la fois pater et filius justitiae . II est lex animata , < legibus
solutus, et legibus alligatus mediatrix
. justitia
tout cela est :

comments avec recours aux paraphrases des juristes surtout

civlls
et ^ des ceuvres d'art, telles que la fresque d'A. Lorenzetli
k Sienne, ou, dans I'fivangeiiaire du Mont-Cassin (1022-23), la minia-
ture de Henri II rendant la justice. Dans une antre section, c'est le
temoignage de Hracton (|ui est presente. avec c()m|)araisons sugges-
tives avec les commentaires des juristes italicns et d'autres. Pour
Bracton. le roi est infra et supra legem major et minor seipso ; >
;

il est le vicaire de Dieu, comme I'eveque lest du Christ. Bracton

va plus loin Rex imago Dei, judex Chrisli. Puis on passe k I'ex-
:

12

I I I J
U I U L
 178 COMPTES KENDUS

pression Christus Fiscus

au < nullum tempus currit contra regom
..,
->

et toutc la question de la
prescription au quod non capit Christus
;

rapit fiscus . La justice, avec Frt^ddric II, le fisc, avec

Bracton'
deux concepts qui supposent la permanence,
apportent au roi dans
lere du droit. I'element de perp^uit^
que la periode liturgique lui
avait reconnue sous d'autres symboles.
Et I'enquete continue avec des abstractions
comme le corps mys-
tique de I'Eglise, et son pendant laique,
le corps mystique de
la
chose publique. dont le souverain est
dit I'epoux. comme le Christ
est de 1 Eghse le pro patria mori , la
:
propagande patriotique
le rex et patria (ch. V)
puis le thfeme de la continuite,
;
et des
corporations acvum
: perpetua necessitas
->,
fictio figura
veri- ;

tatis , imperium semper est

, universitas non moritur
(ch VI)

le thfcme du roi qui ne meurt

pas, de la couronne dans ses
diverses'
acceptions et associations d'id.5es dignitas non moritur* avec
:

I image du ph^nix dont la mort et la resurrection sont simultan6es

en Prance, , le roi est mort... vive le roi I , ; les effigies du roi em-
ployees ses funt^railles. en France,
^ d'apres un prdc6dent anglais
(Edouard II); et I'usage, en France comme
en Angleterre de la
double representation du d<5funt, dans ses
atours, sur son tombeau
et en-dessous, comme un cadavre
ddcharne.
Suivre I'A. dans le detail de son
argumentation, dont nous avons
simplement indique quelques sommets.
aurait demandi^ un tr^s
long compte rendu. Sa dialectique est
bonne, et convaincante meme
SI parfois le lecteur
dprouve quelque peine k suivre. Nul
ne con-
testera la valeur de cet ouvrage, meme
s'il trouve ici ou 1^ que
d'autres
filons auraient pu etre exploit^s le
sujet est en effet d'une tr^s grande
:

richesse. L'A. dtait admirablement

qualifit^ pour le trailer sa tr^s

vaste erudition paralt k chaque page,

dans des notes explicatives
ou documentaires sur le moindre detail,
donnant souvent au pro-
fane un excellent point de depart pour
des recherches speciales
et si
1 on ne pent dire que la bibliographic est
exhaustive (on note' I'ab-
sence de certains ouvrages franfais et
meme anglais), elle est trfes
abondante, rdveiant souvent des etudes trop
peu connues, dispersees
dans des periodiques americains ou de
langue allemande Cette
science n'encombre d'ailleurs nullement
le developpement de la pensee
Les memes eiogcs sont dus au second
ouvrage, concernant les ac-
clamations liturgiques adressdes k I'origine
au souverain et par la
suite, au pape et aux eveques
lors de Icur couronnement ou
de leur
sacre I'analyse, Texposc. la demonstration
;
se presentent avec la
meme minutie et la meme richesse d'information
et de references
bibhographiques et bien que I'A. ne considdre son
;
travail que comme
* une etude, ou plutdt une serie d'etudes
sur un sujet qui Tinteres-
sait , on est bien tente de dire
qu'il a fait ceuvre exhaustive et
de-
finitive.
IIplace I'origine de ces laudes regiae dans
Tfiglise de la Gaule
franque, avec des influences anglo-irlandaises
et romaines
elle
remonterait au vine s., mais il est impossible de dire si ces laudes

I n ~i
u I u J
.1. GONI-GAZTAMHIDK : IIISTORIA DK LA BIM. A UK LA CRUZADA 179

furenl chantees pour le couronnement dc Pepin k- Bref. Cos li-

tanies , (lominc'es par le Chrisius vincit et entrecoupees d'aeclama-
tions, ne ressemblent pas aux litanies de penitence c'est un chant ;

triomphal, ou I'A. reconnait une survivance du ciilte des empereurs.

Meme, il reconnait dans des variations en apparence insignifiantes,
du viii au xme s., des changements dans les concepts theocratiques
du gouvernement seculier et spirituel. 11 etudie aussi les diverses
occasions ou ces laudes etaient chantees, aux couronnements ou en
d'autres circonstances solennelles elles etaient parlois chantees au
;

fours de la messe, apres la collecte. Elles etaient employees aussi

pour le pape et pour des tiveques. En
France, elles ont survecu
jusqu'ii la Revolution, et meme, comme
Rouen, jusqu'^ nos jours.
i'l

On ne les trouve pas seulement en France et en Italic I'A. en releve :

une tradition autrefois originale en Dalmatie et en V6netie el les ;

royaumes normands y ont pris gout Sicile, Normandie, et Angle-:

lerre, oil les laudes apparaissent dfes le couronnement de Guillaume

le Conquerant et continuerent longtemps on les chanta aussi en de
;

nombreuses circonstances en dehors des couronnements, comme le

montrent certains comptes des rois. Dans les temps modernes, la
coutume en bien des endroits
revit ; a Rome, elle serait reparuc
a
roccasion du couronnement de S. Pie X. L'A. indique le r61e qu'a pu
jouer dans ce renouveau la publication de textes dans la Paliof/niphie
musicale de Dom Mocquereau A. Gastoud, k qui Ton doit une etude
;

sur les laudes, aurait dte tres Uaiti de s'entcndre appcler Dom Gas-
toue (p. 18a et table, mais non dans I'appendice musical du profes-
seur Bukofzer).
Dans sa structure, ce livre ressemble The King's Two
beaucoup a
Bodies de part et d'autre on s'en va a la recherche d'idees et de leur
:

evolution. II y a certainement beaucoup k apprendre dans ces deux

ouvrages sur bien des points concernant la royaute.
Dom Hubert Daii'min.

/ n u
u I u i
 VERLAG BOHLAU WEIMAR
ubersendet Ihnen Besprechungsbeleg aus
reLlsc!-.es raita -JahrDuch Band 28

Kantorow.cz eine S.udie zur n, e

i 1 1 1 a e r-
lirh 1 1

^Tess 19.,. XVr u

567 Se.ten). K. geht von der Ahhandlung
des
bedeutenden enghschen Rechtshistorikers
F. W. Maitland uber
Crown as Corporation" au. und The
v.rfolgt das gesdudulicbe
blem von des Konigs zwei "Pro-
Korpern durd. das Mittelalter (The
Pro hlen... Chr.st - centere.l
Kingship; Law - centered Kingship:
Pol.ty - centered Kingship: corpns mysticum;
On continuity and
corporat.ons: The King never
.lies: Man - centered Kingship:
Dante. Den. Dante-Ahsdmitt (Seite
151-495) konunt natiirlich
besondere Bedentung .... ,Iie
Erkenntnis des poiitisd.en Denkers
Uante ,st ja sehr sdawierig und
besd.riinkt sidi selbstverstan.llid,
n.dit auf dieMonardua. Man wird am besten das
kritisdie Werk
von
;-",?''; ^''' Convivio alia C o n. .n e d a - i.n i

Druck hefindhd. - abwarten. Es fall,

auf.
,lali K. die zuni Teil
sehr
ein.lr.ngenden italienisdien
Kommentare der Gegenwart zur Div
Lorn. n,d.t herangezogen hat.
Seine Deutung derWorte: Te sopra
te
Corono e m t r o (Purg. XXVII 1-12) ist die
i i
folgende (S. 494)-
.When Vergil invested Dante with the insignia
of crown and mitre
that ceremony meant the
coronation of the ,.Adam subtilis"
over
the A(|am mortalis". Dante
crowned and mitred over Dante him-
self Vgl.dagegen die gegensatjiidien Ausfiihrungen
von M Po
.

rena. Kommentar. Purg.: und andere. Na tali no

Sapegno
Kommentar a. a. O.: Weder
ist Virgil in der Lage,
.,. . .
einem an"
.leren e.ne geistliche Autoritat
zu iii.ertragen. die iiber die ihm
ge-
steekten Grenzen hinausgeht.
nod, ist Dante selbst reif, sie zu emp-
fangen.- Die geistlidie Fiihrcrin
zum himmlisd.en Paradies ist dodi
Beatrice. Der berUhmte Vers will le.ligli,!, im
bildiid.en Sinne sa-
gen daB er, Virgil, Dante je^t
voile Autoritat uber sidi. materiell
und ge.st.g. ,n den Grenzen gibt.
innerhalb derer er bis je^t jene
Autoritiit ausgeiiht hat.

/ n c
u I u J
 Bibliografia distoria deljiritto medievale
e moderno 335

poche pagiuc declicatc ilall'autore cedenti medievali, le sue component!,

ai canonisti costituiscano una sintesi le sue infinite iniplicazioni
costitui-
efficace del loro pensiero. Assai chiara
.scono I'oggetto deirindagine del Kan-
per esempio, e la critica del collega-
torowicz. Such as it now stands,
mento, gia asserito dal Laehr (ma
negate dal Martini e da altri), fra
avverte I'autore (p. vni ix)
this study may be taken among
Constitutuni Constantini e Trans-

other things as an attempt to under-
latio Imperii (cfr. le p. i88
ss.). stand and, if possible, demonstrate
Meno convincente, almeno se rife- how, by what means and methods,
rite ai
canonisti,
soli giudizio
il certainaxioms of a political theology
espresso, nell'ultimo {)eriodo di
p. iq8, which mutatis mutandis was to remain
sui decretisti e decretalisti posteriori
valid until the twentieth century,
a quelli esaminati. Si puo ammettere,
began to be developed during the
che essi ripetano spesso le for-
infatti,
later Middle Ages... This .study deals
mulazioni dei loro predecessori e che,
with certain cyphers of the sovereign
come dice il Goez: Neue tledanken
state and its perpetuity (Crown,
sind nicht sehr zahlrcich , Ma I'os-
Dignity, Patria, and others) exclusi-
servazione non puo forse cstendersi
vely from the point of \iew of pre-
in buona parte anche
agli storiografi senting political creeds such a.s they
e agli scrittori politici? E si farebbe
were understood in their initial stage
bene a non studiarli per questa ra-
and at a time when they .served as a
gione? Almeno per quanto riguarda \eliiclc for putting the early modern
storiografi e scrittori politici, il li- commonwealths on their own feet
bro del Goez e fortunatanicnte la pro- .

limiti di questa rassegna non

I
va piii evidente del contrario. In
consentono, purtroppo, di dar conto,
realty, per quanto frequenti possano
sia pure per sommi capi, del conte-
essere ripetizioni e le formulazioni
le
nuto di un'indaginc, gi^ per il suo
tralatizie, nessun settore del pensiero,
oggetto, tanto importante. L'opera,
giuridico o politico o storiografico del resto. per la sua stessa orditura,
che mantiene immobile pur
sia, si
non soffre una descrizione sommaria.
mutando tempi e circostanze storiche.
La trattazione ha una struttura, per
cosi dire, rapsodica: grandi temi della
i

Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's speculazione politica, giuridica e re-

Two Bodies. A study in mediaeval ligio.sa medievale tornano costante-
political theology,
Princeton, N.J., mente nel lungo discorso del Kanto-
Princeton University Press, rowicz, il piu delle volte in tutta la
1957,
pp. XVI + 56S. loro complessit^. Nessun riassunto
potrebbe dare un'immagine soddisfa-
I giuristi inglesi dell'etk elisabet- cente della ricchezza e della molte-
tiana elaborarono compiutamente il pliciti dei motivi dei quali I'intera
concetto della doppia natura del re opera e intessuta. Si puo .soltanto ri-
( King's Two Bodies ). II re si cordare che il Kantorowicz divide
legge in alcuni cases di quell'et^ la sua trattazione in nove parti:
I.
ha due capacita, in quanto ha due The problem: Plowden's Reports;
corpi: I'uno, il corpo fisico o natu- II. Shakespeare: King Richard II;
rale, simile a quello di tutti gli altri III. Christ-centered kingship
uomini e pertanto soggetto alle pas- (1. The
Norman Anonymous; 2. The frontis-
sioni e mortale; I'altro, il corp<j
po- piece of the Aachen Gospels; 3. The
litico, non soggetto alle passioni
e alia halo of perpetuity); \X Law-center- .

morte, e quindi trasferibile. in caso

ed kingship (i. From liturgy to
di morte del corpo fisico o naturale, legal science;
Frederick the
2. Se-
ad altro corpo naturale. La fornia- cond; Bracton); V. Polity-centered
3.
zione di questo concetto, suoi ante-
i
kingship: Corpus mysticum (i. Cor-

I I I L
I U U
 336 Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e
pus ecclesiae mysticum; 2. Corpus
reipublicae mysticum; 3. Pro patria
mori); VI. On continuity and corpora-
tions (i. Continuity; 2. Fictio figura
veritatis); VII. The King never dies (i.
Dynastic continuity; 2. The crown as
fiction; 3. Dignitas non moritur); VIII.
Man-centered kingship: Dante; IX.
Epilogue. I'na prefazione, un'introdu-
zione, una .serie di interessanti illustra-
zioni, una bibhografia e un prezioso
indice anaUtico completano il libro.
L'opera h diretta a/ lettori ecce-
zionalmente preparati. La comples-
sit^ della problematica e I'imponenza
dell'apparato erudito ricliiedono una
estrema, costante attenzione. Sa-
rebbe stato forse desiderabile un ap-
parato erudito meno compatto (ma
vedi I'avvertenza dell'autore a sguardo
p. x-xi). Per quanto riguarda la
storia del diritto. il libro riveste ec-
cezionale importanza, massime per
lo storico del diritto pubblico e della
persona giuridica. La ricostruzione del
Kantorowicz, infatti, e fondata in
gran parte sul pensiero dei giuristi me-
dievali.Concetti ed istituti giuridici
dei piu complessi sono esaminati o
ricorrono pres.soche in ogni pagina.
i Da questo punto di vista la fatica del-
l'autore e stata
ammirevole. La
bonta dei risultati rende irrilevanti le
imprecisioni che talvolta si notano
e che, come lo stesso autore avverte
(p. IX), sono in gran parte dovute alia
mancanza di un suo specifico training
nel campo della storia giuridica. In
III. - STORIA DEL DIRITTO PRIVATO
L. GOLDSCHMIDT. Univetsalgeschichte
des Handelsrechts [ = Handbuch
des Handelsrechts, 3 ediz., I,
p. I, I], ristampa, Aalen, Scientia
Antiquariat, 1957, pp. xviii -f- 468.
Ristampa della celebre storia del
dirittocommerciale del Goldschmidt.
II contenuto del volume ^ stroppo
noto perche debba farsene un sia
pure fugacissimo ricordo. Pubblicato
/ u
moderno
conclusione si deve dire che il Kanto-
rowicz ci ha dato un'opera di alto
pensiero e immensa erudizione. Nel
campo della storia delle idee e del
pensiero politico-giuridico non sono
certamente molte le ricerche alle quali
si puo ricono.scere pari profonditi
e
originality di impostazione.
PiETRo Vaccari, Slafo e dassi nei
paesi enropei. Saggi storici, Milano,
(iiuffre, 1957, pp. 87.
Nel volume, presentato dalla Scuo-
laSuperiore di Scienze Storiche L.A.
Muratori di \'erona, della quale il
Vaccari e Rettore. si trovano rac-
colti i seguenti cinque saggi: i. Uno
alle origini del
feudo e delle
classi i. La concezione dello
feudali;
Stato corporativo medioevale e la
posizione particolare dello Stato cit-
tadino italiano; 3. L'autoritk sovrana
contro il potere della classe nobiliare
nell'Alto Medioevo; 4. La crisi delle
classi nobiliari nei paesi europei du-
rante il XIV .secolo; 5. I lavoratori
della terra nell'Occidente e neirOrien-
te dell'Europa nell'et^ moderna. I
saggi. redatti
ad eccezione dei
primi due in
anni recenti, si
prestavano assai bene, per il loro
oggetto e la loro ispirazione uni-
taria. ad essere riuniti in volume.
per vero, costituisce un'altra
II libro,
testimonianza dell'infaticabile ope-
rositk deH'illustre studioso di Pavia.
nel 1 questo del Goldschmidt
89 1,
resta il libro dal quale si deve ancora
partire per una visione dinsieme della
storia del diritto
commerciale. An-
che per impulse e merito del commer-
cialista tedesco, I 'ultimo settantennio
ha visto tutta una fioritura di studi
in questo camjxi. Le ricerche partico-
lari non sono mancate. Anche ne-
gli ultimi anni, in Italia e fuori. vari
istituti sono stati illustrati in contri-
 r

APPUNTI BIiaOGRAFICI DI STORIA

DEL DIRITTO MEDIEVALE E MODERNO
a cura di

DOMENICO MAFFEI

Estratto da B. I. D. R. Vittorio Scialoja

Serie III - Vol. 11

Volume LXIII della Collezionc

BSBS
AG
MILANO
DOTT. A. G1UFFR - EDITORE
i960

U I U U
 f

p- -/^ ' ^h^^i*^ -^ Ci Ou^ <z,

APPUNTI BlftJOGRAFICI DI STORIA

DEL DIRITTO MEDIEVALE E MODERNO
a cura di

DOMENICO MAFFEI

Estrutto da B. I. D. R. Vittorio Scialoja

Scrie III - Vol. II

Volume LXIII (iclla CoUezione

MVLTA
PAVCIS

AG
MILANO
DOTT. A. G1UFFR EDITORE
i960

/ n o
u I u I
 APPLNTI BIBLIOGRAFICI
DI STORIA DEL DIRITTO MEDIEVALE E MODERNO *

A cura di DOMENICO MAFFEI

I - STORIA DELLE FONTI E DEL PEXSIERO GIURIDICO

Emil FRiEDBERG.Dif Canones- Samm- dalleprime edizioni, opera del Fried-

1
lungen rwischen Gratian und berg si mantiene ancora valida. L'ur-
Bernhard voti Pavia, ristampa, genza di una revisione critica. in
Graz, Akademische Druck- u. particolare per quanto riguarda I'edi-
\'erlagi,anstalt, 1958, pp. viii -r zione del Corpus iitris canonici, e
208; stata av\ertita da piii parti, ma in-
tanto (e forse ancora per lungo tempo)
Quirujue compilationes antiquae nee non
si dovrk far ricorso al Friedberg
CollecHo canonum lipstensis, a cu-
come ad un insostituibile strumento
ra di Emil Friedberg, nstampa,
di lavoro.
Graz, Akademische Druck- u. Ver-
lagsanstalt, 1956, pp. xxxvi 224;
F. L. Ganshof, Recherches sur les
Corpus iuris canonici, a cura di Emil Capitulaires, Paris, Sirey, 1958,
Friedberg, ristampa, Graz. Aka-
PP 130.
demische Druck- u. Verlagsan-
stalt, 1959. Pars prior (Decreium Una prima edizione in lingua olan-
Ma^istri Gratiani), col. civ -f- dese dell 'opera che si segnala ap-
J470; Pars secunda {Decretalium parv-e nel 1955. La presente tradu-
ColUctiones), col. lxxii -1- 1344. zione in lingua francese h stata cu-
rata dallo stesso Ganshof, che ha
* r
lare,
Si avverte
anche in
la necessiti di
questa sede,
segna-
queste
colto I'occasione per rivedere ed in-
tegrare in piii punti il testo originale.
tre nstampe per la loro importanza. Pubblicato gii nella Revue historique
Si tratta di Ubn,
ovvio, che come dt droit franfais et eiranger del 1957,
devono avere una posizione di primo il testo francese e ora molto oppor-
piano non giii nella sola biblioteca tunamente presentato in volume.
del canonista, ma in quella dello Quail limiti ha posto il Ganshof
storico del diritto in generale. A alia sua ricerca? Si tratta egli af-
distanza di circa un ottantennio ferma (p. 2) di un lavoro di storia

I present! ApputUt sono intesi a dar iiotizia ai romaiiisti

delle pubblicazioni di storia
del dintto medievak moderno, e segnatamente di stona
del diritto comune romano-ca-
nonjcc. A causa del Joro carattere schiettameutc mformativo,
non sara trascurata neppure
la meniione deUe nstampe dei classici o di opere
ampiaraente note. Questa prima puritata
e dedicata, e<:cezion fatta per alcuni casi, alle pubblicazioni
apparse fra il 1957 e il 1059 La
inaggior parte deUe opere pubblicate nel
1959 sara, tuttavia, segnalata nella prossima puntata.

I I I
I u
 324 Btbliografia di storia del diritto mcdievalc c moderno Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno 325

estema Le sujet traits

del diritto: tecnico-giuridico (il Ganshof applica I'ongme del comune medievale da Questiones de tuns subtilitatibus Te- .

relive de I'histoire extemt' du droit, la terminologia modema distinguendo, un punto di vista strettamente giu- sto, mtroduzione ed apparato cntico,
non de son histoire interne. Nous n'^- in seno ai capitolari, quelli aventi ndico. II secondo capitolo c dedi- a cura di G. Zanetti (Biblioteca
tudions nj le contenu, ni les caract6ri- contenuto legislativo dai regolamenti cato all'elaborazione, compiuta dalla di Studi Superiori, vol. xvi: Te-
stiques, ni les tendances de la legisla- e dagli atti amministrativi); I'Xl glossa, dei concetti di jus commune sti medievah, Sez. giuridica), Fi-
tion ou de la r6glementation carolin- sulla durata della loro \-aliditk; il e jus generale : capitolo centrale renze. La Nuova Itaha editrice,
gienne II pent etre utile d'ajouter que XII sulle modality della loro appli- dell'mtera trattazione, in esso l'au- 1958, pp LXXX -t- 136.
nous ne faisons pas non plus une 6tude cazione; il XIII sulla loro mcidenza tore ha agio di fare considerazioni
d'histoire politique... . L'autore si e (m particolare nel caso dei capitula assai interessantiproblemi di
sui Le Questiones de juris subtilita-
mantenuto fedele a queste premesse. legibus addenda} sulle varie leggi fondo del diritto comune. II capitolo tibus, opera fra le piii notevoli della
1 primi due capitoli possono consi- nazionali; il XI\' sul loro estinguersi terzo tratta degli statu ti come espres- letteratura giuridica medievale, me-
derarsi introduttivi e sono rispetti- come forma di legislazione. La trat- sione di jus proprium ed illustra ritarono nel 1894 un edizione critica
vamente dedicati ad alcune oppor- tazione e chiusa da alcune conclu- soprattutto 1 tentativi fatti dai giu- del Fitting, fondata sui due mss.
tune precisazioni terminologiche e al sioni assai penetranti. Una tavola nsti medievali per I'inquadramento allora conosciuti, luno di Troyes
ricordo delle edizioni principali dei del capitolari e document! a questi sistematico del dintto statutario. Nel e laltro di Leiden. Lo scritto, tanto
ca})itolari e della bibliografia piii assimilabili, un ottimo indice alfa- capitolo quarto e tratteggiata la per sua importanza quanto per le
la
importante. II III capitolo contiene betico generale, infine un mdice posizione del dintto canonico entro ipotesi che sulla sua patemiti e
un tentativo di classificazione dei delle materie completano opportu- il sistema del diritto comune e nei datazione furono avanzate dai Fit-
capitolari sostanzialmente fondato sui namente lojjera. In conclusione, si suoi rapporti con gh statuti. 1 ca- ting, attiro subito I'lnteresse di non
criteri comunemente adottati: assai deve dire che le ncerche del Ganshof pitoli quinto e sesto sono intesi a pochi stonci del dintto e dette vita a
interessantj si palesano le osserva- accrescono note\'olmente la nostra ricostruire dottrine, \-arie e tal-
le notevoli polemiche. Successivamente,
zioni del Ganshof su quelli che egli conoscenza della legislazione dei ca- ^olta contrastanti, formulate rispet- nel 1938, il Kantorowicz illustrava
chiama < documents assimilables aux pitolari Da esse bisogneri neces- tivamente dai glossator! e dalla giu- un nuovo ms. delle Questiones, e
capitulaires >., spesso confusi nelle sariamente muovere per ulterior! ap- risprudenza posteriore, relative aUa piii precisamente il famoso e importan-
edizioni con propria-
1 capitolari profondimenti. Queste mdagini co- legittimita della legislazione statu- tissimo Royal 11 B. xiv del Bntish
mente detti. In questo stesso cap. stituiscono da un lato lo stimolo tana. Nel capitolo settimo e deli- Museum che le contiene insieme a nu-
Ill, nella sez. IV, e parola dei capi- piii efEicace per la desiderata nuo\'a neato il concetto di statutum merose oltre opere dell eta dei Glos-
tolari destinati al Regnum Lango- edizione critica (p. 9), dall'altro (facciamo nlevare incidentalmente satori. A dajci un testo fondato su
bardorum, poi Regnum Italiae: l'au- rendono ancora piii auspicabile una una imprecisione della nota 9 di tutti i mss. conosciuti, vale a dire
tore jier un pnmo orientamento ricostruzione di quella che il Ganshof p. 112, ove si legge di Bartolo ci- sui due gia utilizzati dai Fitting e
sul tema del Capitulare Jtalicum chiama storia < interna dei capi- tato da Vi\iano Tosco). II capitolo su quello londmese nnvenuto dai
rinviaad alcuni nostri storici, ma tolari. ottavo, infine, sintitola Una postil- Kantorowcz, provvede ora la Za-
sembra non aver tenuto presente la metodologica
: ha carattere con- netti con I'edizione che qui si segnala,
la recente e piii ampia trattazione clusivo e contiene una serie di sugge- L'lniziativa va accolta con soddisfa-
fattane dall'Astuti, Lezioni dt sto- Ugo GuALAZZiNi, Considerazioni in rimenti ed insegnamenti metodolo- zione. L edizione del Fitting anda\-a
na tema di legislazione siatutana me-
Le fonti. Eta
del diritto italiano. gici, dettati dalla nota esperienza facendosi rara ed inoltre poteva con-
dievale. 2* ediz. riveduta e am-
romano-barbarica, Padova, 1953, p. del Gualazzim come storico della siderarsi superata dalla scoperta del
pliata, Miiano, Giuffre,
1 19 ss., 129 ss. Seguono alcuni ca-
pp. 124.
1958, legislazione statutaria. Sono m par- ms. di Londra, che, pur se non mi-
pitoli estremamente interessanti: il tic(jlareda tener present! le critiche gliore degli altn due, consente tutta-
l\ sul processo di formazione dei Indubbiamente alle ncostruzioni del dintto statuta- via qualche integrazione. Una edi-
\'
utile a quanti
capitolari, il sulla fonte della loro rio fondate sul metodo mtegrativo: zione fatta sulla scorta di questo j)er-
s'lnteressano di storia del diritto
autorit^, \'ale a dire il bannum reale, ncostruzioni che, come giustamente mette ora agU studiosi di conoscere
comune, il volume del Gualazzim
e sul significato del consensus men- osserva l'autore, non poggiano su I'opera nella forma meno incomplete
ha presto meritato una seconda edi-
zionato in alcuni di essi; il VI sul said! fondamenti scientific). stato
zione. Pur setrama dellojiera 6
la alio attuale delle scoperte
loro testo; il \U
sulla loro pubbli- rimasta sostanzialmente immutata, In conclusione, questa nuova edi- {Introduzione, p. xxxvm), tenuto
e,
cazione; I'VIIl sulla loro conser- zione del libro del Gualazzim
il testo si presenta ora accresciuto si ri\-ela conto deirimjx>rtanza delle Que-
vazione (tenuto conto che non ci e riveduto in pivi punti. Non e certo veramente opportuna. La legisla- stiones, non si puo non esserne lieti.
e pervenuto nessun originale) e sulle necessario ricordare dettagliatamente zione statutaria e vista in chiave pro- Alia edizione critica, 1 cui criteri non
collezioni che ne furono fatte; il IX il contenuto di un libro gia noto. blematica e non gi^ meramente eru- possono essere dicussi m questa sede,
sul loro contenuto in rapporto alle Bastard accennare che la tratta- dita. L'impostazione sembra feconda la Zanetti premette un'ampia intro-
materie regolate; il ancora sul X zione e di\isa m otto capiloh. Nel d) nsultati in questo imporlantissi- duzione, dedicata soprattutto all'esa-
loro contenuto, considerato tutta- primo, che ha natura introduttiva, mo settore della nostra storia giuri- me e alia descnzione dei tre mss.,
via da un punto di \-ista strettamente si leggono alcune osser\azioni sul- dica. ed utilissim! prospetti delle vananti

ri'iKTlfcliM. \

U I
 3^6 Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno
Bihliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno 327
testuali e delle vtirianti delle rubri- zione una
attesissima seconda edi-
che. timo servigio a tutti gli studiosi, Antonio I)omingues de Sousa Co-
zione. Scoperte di nuovi manoscritti,
Hiano o no essi specialisti di storia sta, I'm mestre portuguSs em Bo-
nuove edizioni critiche, studi sui
del diritto canonico. lonha no seculo XIII, Jodo de
Bernardi Papiensis Faventini Episco- singoli canonisti, altre opere gene-
Deus. Vida e ohras, Braga, Edi-
pi Summa Decretaliiim, a cura di rali e particolan .son venutc aggiun-
torial Franciscana, 1057, pp.
Ernst Adolf Theodok Laspey- gendosi, numerose, dagli anni lon- Emil Seckel, Dtstinctiones glossato-
tani delle prime edizioni dei libri XIX -f 214.
RES, ristampa, Graz, Akademische rum. Studien zur Distinktwnen -
Druck- II. \erlagsanstalt, 1956,
dello Schulte e del Maassen; e tut- Literatur der romanistischen Glos-
PP LXII + 368; tavia
dicevo
questi restano an- satorenschule verhunden mit Mil-
.
canonista portoghese Giovanni
11

de Deo fu scrittore fecondissimo, pur

Friedrich Maassen, Geschichte der
Quellen unci der Literatur des ca-
nontschen Rechts tni Abendlande,
1. Die Rechtssammhmgen bis zur
Mitte des g. J ahrhunderts ristam-
pa, Graz, Akademische Druck-
u. Verlagsanstalt, 1956, pp.
982;
JoHANN Friedrich
Die Geschichte der
Literatur des canonischen
Rechts
von Gratian his aiif die Gegenwart,
nstampa in 2 tomi, Graz, Akade-
mische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt,
cora mezzi indispensabili di ncerca.
Si ponga mente soprattutto alio
Schulte. Come, non ostante il tanto
che e stato fatto posteriormente.
I'opera del Savigny e ancora fonda-
,
mentale per la storia della scienza
giuridica civilistica medievale, cosi
lxx -f per la storia della scienza canonistica
il libro dello Schulte puo dirsi, in
von molte parti, insostituito. Non si di-
Schulte,
mentichi poi che lo Schulte dk un
Quellen und
quadro assai dettagliato della scienza
canonistica da Graziano a gran parte
del secolo XIX, cioe sm quasi
ai
giorni nostri. In
assenza di opere
teilungen unedierter Texte, ristam-
se non molto originale. La storiografia
pa, Graz, Akademische Druck-
anteriore non aveva mancato di occu-
u. Verlagsanstalt, 1956.
parsene. Alcune pagine sulla sua vita
e sulle sue opere si leggono anche
Ristampa del classico studio del
nelle grandi storie del Savigny e
Seckel suUe Distinctiones dei glossa-
dello Schulte; in tempi recenti scritti
tori, gia apparso nel 1911, in * Fest-
suoi o a lui attribuiti hanno attirato
schrift fiir F. von Martitz , pp. 277-
I'attenzione, fra gli altri, del Kantoro-
436. L'importanza del lavoro e dei
wicz e del Rossi. Si sentn-a tuttavia
testi inediti pubblicati giustifica am-
la mancanza di uno studio comples-
piamente questa ristampa in forma
sivo, insieme biografico e relative alle
di volume autonomo. ora da augu-
ojjere. La lacuna e stata colmata in
rarsi che siano
presto resi ugual-
mente accessibili altri studi e testi fon-
modo encomiabile da padre An-
tonio D. de Sousa Costa, che in que-
damentali -per lo storico della glossa.
sto volume presenta risultati di
i

1956. vol. I (Von Gratian bis anf altrettanto vaste, questa sola carat-
ricerche assai scrupolose e approfon-
Papst Gregor IX.). pp. viii + 265; teristica sarebbe gi^ sufficiente a
Gioele Solari, dite, condotte su un numero impres-
mettere in evidenza lutilita. Si ag- Filosofia del diritto
\o\. II (Von Papst Gregor IX
privato. I. Indtindualismo e di- sionante di manoscritti. 11 libro, che
bis zum Concil von Trient). giunga a cio che alio Schulte si puo
pp. ritto private (Universita di Tori- qui si puo soltanto segnalare rapidis-
xviii + 582; Vol. Ill (Von der
far con grande profitto an-
ricorso
no, Miscellanea dell'Istituto Giuri- simamente, h articolato in due ca-
Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts bis che per quel che riguarda la storia
dico, \'l), lorino, G Giappichelli, pitoli, preceduti da una prefazione,
zur Gegenwart), parte della scienza giuridica civilistica.
Bio-
i*, pp.
XVI + 783; parte 21-31, pp. 413 grafie e illustrazioni di scritti di
I95<'. PP XXVI ^ 343.
da un elenco delle abbreviazioni da ,

giu- una copiosissima bibliografia, da una

risti non propriamente canonisti
Tre ristampe che vanno ricordate si Oiiesta fondamentale opera del introduzione, e seguiti, fra laltro,
susseguono, assai numerose, in tutta
per la loro eccezionale compianto maestro dello Studio to- da conclusioni, da una preziosa ap-
miportanza. lopera. Le ragioni, in particolare
Per non parlare delledizione Laspey- rinese, pubblicata una prima volta nel pendice contenente alcuni documenti
}>er quanto riguarda I'eti medievale, relativi al canonista e da utilissimi
res della Summa di 1911, poi ancora nel 1939, era gia
Bernardo da sono intuitive, e non t caso di sot-
Pavia, che riveste interesse piii par- da temjH) esaurita. La presente ri- indici del nomi e generale.
tolinearle in questa sede. In
conclu- stampa. curata dall'Istituto giuridico II primo capitolo ha natura bio-
ticolure, non sar4 qui inopjxjrtuno sione, queste opere del
sottohneare che
Maassen e deiri.'ni\'ersita di Torino, giunge per- grafica. La nascita, gli studi, I'mse-
Maassen
grandi opere del
le dello Schulte
ancor piii quesf ul- tanto assai opjiortuna. Non e qui il gnamento, le dignity ecclesiastiche,
e dello Schulte costituiscono tima
non dovrebbero mancare 111
caso di segnalare il contenuto di un gli ultimi anni della vita del cano-
ancora. soprattutto per alcuni periodi,
nessuna biblioteca slorico-giuridica.
gli strumenti fondamentali per ogni libro tanto conosciuto. \ogliamo sol- nista jwrtoghese sono ricostruiti in
L Akademische Druck- u. \'erlagsan- modo
ncerca nel campo della storia delle tanto far rilevare che, a distanza di assai convmcente. L'autore,
font! e
della scienza giuridica cano-
stalt Graz
di
casa editrice alia cinquanfanni dalla i edizione, lope- fra I'altro, determina con maggior
quale si deve la ristampa di
nistica. Certo, non poche sezioni altre ra mantiene intatta la sua eccezionale precisione che nel passato I'anno
del- opere di estremo interesse per
I'uno e dell'altro libro mostrano lo imfKirtanza per la storia del diritto della nascita (circa 11 89- 11 91) e
1 storico del diritto (ncordiamo,
segni del tempo II lo volume dellu ad moderno. Chi voglia intendere grandi 1 la data della morte (15 marzo 1267).
Schulte, ad esempio,
esempio, H Denifle, Die Ent- motivi della speculazione filosofica dei Nel secondo capitolo, indubbiamente
puo considerarsi stehung der Umversitdten des
ormai sufjerato: per Mit- giusnaturalisti e del mo\-imento che impegnativo, si trovano in-
ii periodo m esso telalters bis 1400., Graz
1956, e O. condusse, segnataniente nel secolo
il piii

trattato bisogna, mfatti, far capo \ece esaminate le opere di Giovanni

al VON Gierke, Das deutsche Genos-
grande Repertortiim del Kuttner, del XNTII, alia codihcazione del diritto de Deo e quelle a lui attribuite. Una
quale sappiamo che e in prepara-
senschaftsrechl, 4 volumi, Graz
1954) jirivato, dovrk ancora far capo in- minuziosa ncerca, condotta sui ma-
ha reso, con queste edizioni. un ot- iianzitutto a questo libro del Solan. noscritti. permette all'autore di ri-

I L
 328 Bibliografia di sioria del diritto medicvalc c moderno
Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno 329
tenere sicuramente autentiche 22 nerate conoscenza che si ha di questo sue vicende in Germania. 1 grandi Fkanz Wieacker, Grander und Be-
opere, di afifermare la dubbia pa- libro ci dispensa dal .segnalarne il
problemi e principali teiidenze della
le wahrer. Rechtslehrer der neueren
ternity di 3 opere, di considerare cer- contenuto nei dettagli. Bisognera scienza giuridica tedesca ed europea deutschen
tamente spurie altre 7 opere gia tuttavia mettere in luce, soprat- Privatrechtsgeschichte
dalla seconda meta del Seicento sino Gottingen, Vandenhoeck & Ru-
attribuite al canonista portoghese. tutto per lettori di questo
i Bullet- alle dell'Ottocento sono mi-
soglie precht, 1959, 238.
Complemento dell'interessante la- tino , la grande importanza che ri-
pp.
nutamente esaminati e fatti oggetto
voro di padre Sousa possono consi- veste anche come storia della storio- In questo elegante, interessante vo-
di una ricostruzione storica in gran
derarsi altri due suoi scritti: Doutrina grafia del diritto romano. Nella pri- lume il Wieacker ha voluto raccogliere
parte ancora valida. Anche in questo
penitencial do canonista Joao de Deus, ma parte, dovuta interamente alio volume non poche
una serie di contributi alia storia della
Braga, 1956, e Aniniadversiones cri- Stintzing, fra i quindici capitoli che presentano
.sono le pagine che
scienza giuridica tedesca, apparsi
ticae in vitam et opera canonistae la compongono, palesano jiarti- si
interesse
della storiografia del diritto
romano.
per lo storico
ad eccezione di uno nell'ultimo
loannis de Deo ( Antonianum , 33, colarmente important! per lo storico ventennio. L'iniziativa dell'msigne
L'apparato erudito h imponente (con-
1958, fasc. Anche
questi studi
1-2). della storiografia del diritto romano storico e giurista tedesco e delle piu
ta ben 326 pagine) ed e presentato
si raccomandano per il rigore dell'in- quelli dedicati all'Umanesimo giu- opportune. Si tratta di scritti pub-
indipendentemente dal testo.
formazione e la serieta del metodo. ridico. Se nel cap. i si illustrano blicati in occasioni e riviste diverse, e
11 primo volume della terza parte
le vicende della scienza giuridica in qualche caso non facilmente ac-
con le annesse Noten fu pubblicato
tedesca sino alia fine del secolo XV nel 1898. Nel 1910 vedeva la luce
cessibili, che, sempre
conservando
Roderick von Stintzing - Ernst e nel cap. 2 si tratta in generale della una autonoma si mostrano
validita,
I'ultimo volume di questa parte e
Landsberg, Geschichte der deut- recezione, i capitoli 3, 4, 5 e 6 sono tuttavia sottilmente concatenati e ben
dellintera opera. II volume costi-
schen Rechtswissenschaft, ristampa, mvece particolarmente intesi a stu- integrano in piu punti la sua fonda-
tuisce certamente la storia piu com-
Aalen, Scientia Antiquariat, 1957, diare riflessi del movimento uma-
i
mentale Privatrechtsgeschichte der Xeu-
pleta della scienza giuridica tedesca
zeit.
3 parti 4 volumi rispettiva-
in nistico nel campo del diritto, attra- neirottocento. Ove si tenga pre-
mente di pp. xii -)- 780 e xiv + verso I'esame dei rapporti tra Uma- 11 libro e di\iso in tre sezioni,
sente che quel secolo rappresento
290; XII -f 552 e VIII + 326; XVI -!- nesinio e Riforma, e tra mos gallicus delle quali leprime due hanno impor-
I'epoca d'oro del pensiero giuridico
1008; VIII -f 414. e mos italicits, e I'illustrazione
tanza preminente. Nella prima, in-
del- e storico-giuridico tedesco e che titolata Lehrjahre
I'attivit^ Zasio e degli editori
dello des deutschen
questo esercito poi nell'intero mondo
Non si pu6 non
essere grati alia di fonti nel Cinquecento. Non meno
civile una grandissima influenza, I'lm-
Juristen , I'autore riunisce tre scritti,
casa editrice Scientia Antiquariat di interessanti per la storia dell'lma- fra quali vanno particolarmente se-
i

j>ortanza della Landsberg

Aalen di aver pensato a ristampare
questo classico della storiografia giu-
ridica mondiale. La grande storia
dello Stintzing e del Landsberg era
ormai divenuta una rarita biblio-
grafica. La necessita
stampa era avvertita non soltanto
dagh storici del diritto, ma anche
dagli storici della cultura, del pen-
siero politico e della filosofia. Pub-
fatica del
nesimo giuridico sono anche niolti gnalati la prolusione del 1943 dal
apparira piu che evidente. II volume
paragrafi dei capitoli seguenti, nei titolo <i Das romische Recht und das
presenta un interesse senza pari
quali,pur trattandosi prevalentemente deutsche Rechtsbewusstsein , sintesi
anche per lo storico della storio-
della scienza
ampia e penetrante della problema-
giuridica tedesca nel grafia del diritto romano e del diritto
tica relativa ai rappnarti tra diritto ro-
secolo X\'l e nella prima meta del medievale. Personalita e tendenze del-
di una ri- X\'n, si trovano studiate opere di mano e storia giuridica tedesca, e il
la grande scuola romanistica tedesca
giuristi (anche non tedeschi) ed ap-
lungo .saggio Humanismus und Re-
dell'Ottocento sono fatte oggetto di zeption. Eine Studie zu Johann Apels
profonditi problemi della massima una esposizione che, pur fondata su Dtalogus de studio ittris recte tnstituen-
importanza per la storia giuridica una analisi minuta, jierviene sempre do importante non solo per I'acuta
europea di quell'etk. Tanto, del re- 1),

blicata per la prima volta tra il 1880

e il 1910, I'opera si e mantenuta va-
lida ingrandissima parte. Per al-
cuni f>eriodi e per alcuni giuristi non
vi sono scritti piu recenti che pos-
sano sostituirla. Come storia gene-
rale ed insieme assai dettagliata essa
rappresenta ancora un fondamentale
strumento di ricerca.
Le vicende dell'opera .sono note.
Iniziata dallo Stintzing, alia morte di
questo fu proseguita dal Landsberg.
Tra la pubblicazione della prima parte
(1880) e quella dell'ultima (1910)
passarono ben trent'anni.
sto, si puo rilevare anche per la se-
conda parte dell'opera, dovuta an-
ch'essa alio Stintzing, ma edita po-
stuma nel 1884 dal Landsberg.
La terza parte di questa monu-
mentale storia e invece frutto delle
ricerche di Ernst Landsberg, al quale
spetto il compito di continuare YoyxiTd,
con criteri non dissimili da quelli pre-
cedentemente adottati, dopo la morte
dello Stintzing. II
questa terza parte puo considerarsi
una grande storia generale della
scuola del diritto naturale in Europa,
La ge- pur se con riguardo particolare alle
alia sintesi piii efficace.
Storica e vista in tutte le sue piii sot-
tili ramificazioni. Nessuno dei grandi
romanisti e dimenticato. Un complesso
impressionante di note, raccolte in
un tomo indipendente da quello del
testo, contiene preziosi ragguagli bio-
grafici e bibliografici su numerosi.ssi-
mi giuristi e storici del
l'Ottocento tedesco.
In conclusione, un'opera che, pur
primo volume di senza aggiornamenti, mantiene un po-
sto segnalato in ogni biblioteca giu-
ridica, storica e di cultura generale,
e della cui ristampa, come dicevo,
si deve davvero esser grati
La Scuola illustrazione dello .scritto deirAf)el ma
anche per
le numerose osservazioni di
carattere generale sull'l'manesimogiu-
ridico particolarmente tedesco. Nella
stessa linea dello studio suH'Apel ap-
pare anche I'ultimo di questa prima
sezione, intitolato Ratschlage fiir
das Studium der Rechte aus dem
diritto del- Wittenberger Humanistenkreise .
Aus den Zeiten der Fiille e
il titolo della seconda sezione del
volume. Qui i'autore ha raccolto
scritti, in massima parte molto re-
centi, su alcuni dei piii grandi giu-
risti dell'epoca d'oro della scienza
all'editore. giuridica tedesca: Savigny, Bachofcn,

I J
U I I J
 330 Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale
e moderno 331
Windscheid e Jhcring sono al ceiitro Non si pu6 non aessere grati canonistiche ineditc
I
di importanza Robert \V. e Alexander
di pagine lucidissime. AU'interpreta-
zione di due grandi personality scien-
Wieacker di aver reso facilmente ac- essenziale, dall'altro aggiungo // pensiero politico
J. Carlyle,
medievale, a
cessibili qiiesti suoi scritti. La loro da una maggior considerazione degli cura di L. Firpo, traduz.
tifiche h infine dedicata anche I'ultima lettura e altamente istruttiva tanto ital. di
scritti dei civilisti. Certo, I'autore
sezione intitolata Epitaphien , in
S. Cotta, vol. Bari, I.aterza,
I,
per il romanista quanto, soprattutto, non proponeva lo studio di questi
si
quanto vi si leggono i necrologi di '956, pp. XVI 681; vol. II, Bari,
per storico della scienza giuridica
lo ultimi. Viene tuttavia fatto di chie-
-f-

Laterza,
Gerhard von Beseler e di Andreas
Bertalan Schsvarz.
mediex'alo e moderna, non soltanto dersi
e non con riferimento alia
1959, pp. 684.
tedesca. sola fatica del Buisson, ma in via di L'importanza dell'opera
osservazione generate se sia pos- telli Carlyle per
studioso della lo
dei fra-

sibile scindere tanto nettamente, nella

ir.
UDWiG BuissoN, Potestas und Ca-
ritas. Die
pdpstliche Gewalt im
Spdtmittelalter (Forschungen zur
kirchlichen Kechtsgeschichte und
zum Kirchenrecht, herausgegeben
von H. E. Peine, J. Heckel und
H. Nottarp, 2. Band). Koln Graz,
Bohlau Verlag, 1958, pp. xi
Non si puo
dire che lo studio del
concetto, del contenuto, dei limiti
della potestas pa pale nel basso medioe-
vo sia state trascurato dalla storiogra-
tia recente e nieno recente. 11 tema e
stato anzi sottoposto a un riesame
insistente e continue particolarmente
in questi ultimi anni. 11 volume del
Buisson ne e un notevole esempio.
Ci troviamo di fronte ad una vasta
sintesi della storiografia anteriore
storia del diritto pubblico e
ricostruzione del pen-
delle concezioni e de- siero politico non ha certo
- STORIA DEL DIRITTO PI;BBLIC0 gli istituti giuridici medievali,
bisogno di
le essere sottolineata.
Frutto di mezzo
elaborazioni e risultati della scienza
i
.secolo lavoro I'opera e unanime-
di
studia la plenitudo potestatis in rap- canonistica da quelli della scienza
mente considerata un classico della
porto al giuramento, il 6" k speci- civilistica. II mondo medievale non letteratura storiografica mondiale. Le
ficamente inteso a chiarire il signi- conobbe, al certo,
fratture siffatte: ricerchc che hanno preso le mosse
ficato e contenuto del giuramento gli scambi fra dottrine canonistiche
il e da questo grande libro sono ormai
prestato all'atto dell'incoronazione, dottrine civilistiche furono continui.
innumerevoli. Ancora a distanza di
il7 capitolo, infine, fa luce sul con- Cio rilevato, non si pu6 non dare atto
tanti anni dalla pubblicazione del
cetto di chose publique . II volume h al Buisson di aver conseguito ri-
('
1 volume (1903) come dell'ultimo
-i-
448. chiuso da una copiosa bibliografia,
sultati veramente notevoli. II volume
(1936). la fatica dei Carlvle,
pur mo-
da un elenco delle abbreviazioni e appare assai curato anche nei par-
strando talvolta
.segni" del tempo,i
da un minuto indice dei nomi, dei ticolari. Fra le osservazioni di minor
resta un punto di partenza obbligato
luoghi e cose notevoli.
delle rilievo che possono farsi a questo pro-
per storico del pensiero politico-
lo
I limiti della presente rassegna non posito, mi sia consentito di far no-
giuridico medievale. La problematica
consentono di fare una descrizione tare che sarebbe stato opjxirtuno,
trattata, l'impostazione, la forma
nell'indice dei nomi, dire Petrus de let-
dettagliata e un esame approfondito teraria felice fanno si che I'opera
Bellapertica invece che Petrus de pre-
della fatica del Buisson. Sembra, senti, inoltre,
Bellapartica , un grande interesse an-
tuttavia, a chi scrive che I'autore sia come si legge nel che per il lettore non specialista.
riuscito a disegnare un quadro a.ssai passo del Bohic riprodotto a p.
294 Di qui I'opportunit^ della presente
nota 64.
ricco, anche se non completo, della edizione italiana condotta conviene
ed
complessa problematica propria del
tema. II Buisson ha lavorato sostan-
dire subito con
criteri di seriet^ i

Francesco C.\l.\sso, /
glossatori e propn dell'editore Laterza. Curato
insieme ad una rielaborazione di- zialmente sui soli canonisti, da (ira-
la teoria della sovranita. Studio di da Luigi Firpo (al quale dobbiamo la
retta delle fonti relative all'argo- ziano a Felino Sandeo. Delle innu-
diritto comune pubblico, 3" ediz., prefazione e la bibliografia) e tradotto
mento. L'impostazione e I'articola- merevoli opere della scienza cano-
Milano, Giuffr^, 1957, da Sergio Cotta, affidato cioe a mani
zione del volume appaiono onginali. "^xii -|- PP
Precede una vasta introduzione che
nistica di questo lungo periodo (sec.
I 224. assai competenti, il Iibro dei Carlyle
XII-X^') egli ha utilizzato, eccezion mantiene immutato tutto il suo
da un lato illustra termini generali in-
i fatta per alcuni casi (ad esempio, Xon 6 certo necessario ricordare teresse anche in veste italiana.
della problematica e I'oggetto della Uguccio e Giovanni Teutonico), quelle ai lettori di questa rivista I'impor-
ricerca,
Dei sei volumi di cui I'edizione ori-
dall'altro precisa su quali che noi conserviamo anche a stampa. tanza e il contenuto del libro del Ca- guiale dell'opera si compone sono gi^
fonti questa e stata condotta. Se- Sono moltissinie, e, se fatte oggetto lasso.Questa 3* edizione si presenta apparsi in traduzione integrale i
guono sette capitoli,
quali il nei di ricerca diligente, possono anche sostanzialmente immutata nel testo, primi quattro. Di questi primi due
concetto della potestas papale trovasi condurre a risultati piuttosto sicuri; pur se con qualche lieve modifica di
i

ricostruito nelle sue implicazioni im-

mediate, soprattutto in rapporto ad
altri concetti e a particolari istituti
giuridici. II capitolo i" e dedicate
ixW'exetnplttm
caritatis,
trattano della plenitudo polestatis in
rapporto rispettivamente alia iiisti-
tia e alio scandaluni, il 40 definisce
la posizione del papa eretico, il 5"
formano il i" volume della traduzione;
ma un piii vasto esame degli scritti carattere formale. Nuova, opportuna
gli ultimi il 2". Xell'edizione ita-
canonistici inediti, in particolare ed estremamente interessante e la
dei liana, peraltro, si e preferito parlare
primi decretisti, avrebbe forse contri- di
Presentazione: vera biografia, jier cosl sezioni anziche di volumi. Cosi il
buito a far nntracciare con maggior dire, delle vicende del libro. Delineata
I
" volume consta
di due sezioni, il
il 2 e il 3 precisione le origini di alcune teoriche in chiave di sereno colloquio con
il cui contenuto ricordiamo brevemente
assai importanti. Per vero, I'elTicacia compianto Mtxrhi Onory. la Pre-
al lettore. La i" sezione. intitolata
della ricostruzione del Buisson sa- sentasione costituiri dora
in poi Le dottrine politiche dai giuristi ro-
rebbe stata forse accresciuta. da un un'indisjiensabile premessa per com- mani del secondo secolo agli scrittori
lato dalla utilizzazione di alcune opera prendere appieno lo spirito dell'opera. politici del nono secolo , si divide
in

' u
 332 Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno
Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno 333
quattro parti, delle quali la prima e intercsse per lo storico del diritto
introduttiva (due capitoli sul pcnsiero comune. Se, tuttavia, la sintesi dei divisa, trattano rispettivaniente dei Maitland e del de Pange riproducono
politico di Cicerone e di Seneca), Carlyle e ancora utilizzabile nelle rapporti tra potere spirituale e po- solouna parte del vol. III. Conti-
la seconda e dedicata ad alcuni aspetti sue linee generali, per il resto essa tere temporale dal 900 al 1076, nuando con gli esempi, non si ca-
del pensiero giuridico romano (con- va sottoposta ad un'attenta revi- della lotta per le investiture, del con- pisce perche la Bibliotheca iundica
cetto di diritto naturalc e di jus civile, sione. Leggendo questa sezione, pub- flitto politico tra Papato e Impero, an- Medii Aevi sia citata sotto il nu. 179
schiavitii e proprieta, fonti della blicata come 2" volume nel 1909, cora delle relazioni tra Papato e (p. 664) e non sotto il nu. 182 (p. 666).
autoriti jwlitica, esame delle conce- ci si rende conto di quanti passi siano Impero dal 1122 al 1177. In questa se- Ancora sotto il nu. 182, a p. 666,
zioni politiche espresse nelle Istitu- stati fatti nell'esplorazione delle fonti zione, ancor piii che in altre parti del- andavano maggiormente precisati I'og-
zioni giustinianee), la terza studia le I'opera, l'esposizione delle teorie po- getto e i limiti dell'edizione (parziale)
giuridiche dell'eta dei glossatori e di
dottrine politiche del Nuovo Testa- litiche e accompagnata da un co- delle Dissensiones dominorxim cur-
quanta parte della loro opera sia
mento Padri della Chiesa (di-
e dei stante ricliiamo ai fatti storici concreti. rata dal Rossello rispetto a quella
stata resa accessibile nell'ultimo cin-
ritto naturale, uguaglianza e schia- quantennio. Ci6 vale tanto per i Questo, per sommi capi, il conte- del Haenel. Sempre nella Biblio-
vitii, propriety, autoritS, del sovrano, glossatori civilisti quanto per i cano- nuto dei primi due volumi della tra- grafia del vol. I, .sotto il nu. 192
autoriti e giustizia, rapporti tra chie- nisti. Bisogneri fare attenzione so-
duzione italiana della classica opera (p. 671), Accorso fiorentino e chia-
sa e stato), la quarta infine illustra prattutto alle attribuzioni degli scritti
dei Carlyle. La
pubblicazione del mato Francesco Accursio. Si e cosi
le principal! concezioni politiche cor- utilizzati dai Carlyle attribuzioni terzo tomo, che conterrk il volume V
e parte del volume \'I dcU'edizione
ripetuto un errore gik messo in ri-
renti intorno al IX secolo, in rap- operate dalla storiografia giuridica lievo dal Savigny: Accorso e confuso
porto soprattutto al problema della del secolo scorso e in piii di un caso
inglese, si annuncia imminente. L'ulti- con suo figlio Francesco. Sarebbe stata
schiavitii, alle fonti
autoritk della negate dalla critica di questo secolo-;
mo tomo conterrk anche, rifusi, gli inoltre preferibile una minor reci-
regia e alia posizione del re di fronte indici analitici dei singoli volumi del- cisione sulle date di nascita e di morte
e di canonisti e civilisti bisognerk
alia legge, alle relazioni tra chiesa e studiare il non poco che, proprio in l'edizione originale. L'opera sark cosl del grande glossatore. Nella Bi-
stato. La 2 sezione di questo vo- relazionc ai problemi trattati in que- completata da uno strumcnto che bliografia del vol. II, infine, sa-
lume I", intitolata Le dottrine sta sezione, e stato portato alia luce ne agevoler^ enormemente la consul- rebbe forse opportuno detta-
stato
politiche dei giuristi e dei canonisti dalla storiografia giuridica piii re-
tazione. Ma intanto questa edizione gliare maggiormente le notizie re-
romani dal decimo al tredicesimo se- ccnte. italiana si presenta, rispetto all'edi- lative ai Libri feudorum (nu. 291,
colo si divide invece in due parti, zione originale, opportunamente ar- pp. 654-655). Minuzie, com'6 ovvio,
i>,
II volume tlella traduzione ita-
2"
rispettivaniente dedicate all'illustra- liana comprende, come ho gi^ accen-
ricchita da bibliografie che in quella che segnalo soltanto perche se ne
zione delle concezioni politiche dei nato, volumi 3" e 4" dell'edizione ori-
mancano quasi del tutto. Non si tenga conto in una eventuale 2 edi-
glossatori civilisti edei glossatori cano-
i

ginale, ed 6 conseguentemente diviso

puo non essere grati al Firpo per zione. II compito ripeto era dei
nisti. L'una e I'altra parte presentano,
aver voluto a.ssolvere un compito tanto pill difficili e le imprecisioni segna-
in dut sezioni, la 3* c la 4 dell'in-
com'e noto, piii grande gravoso. Basterk ricordare che I'ap- late non intaccano minimamente
il interes.se tera opera. Oggetto della tratta- i

per lo storico del diritto comune.
Nclla parte prima (nel cui titolo sa-
rebbe stato preferibile parlare di
glossatori civilisti invece che di
romani ) si ricostruiscono,
giuristi
attraverso un diligente spoglio di
quel che conserviamo a stampa de-
gli scritti di Irnerio,
zione della sezione 3* sono ancora le pendice bibliografica del tomo !<> pregi dell'eccezionale bibliografia del
dottrine politiche dal decimo al tre- comprende le pagine 567-678; quella Firpo.
dicesimo secolo. Xella prima parte del tomo 2 le pagine 609-681. Circa
si studia I'influenza del feudalesimo
duecento pagine, dunque, di sola bi-
bliografia; e in questa si trova ordi-
Werner Goez, Translatio Imperii.
sul pensiero politico. L'esposizione si
nata la sterminata produzione sto- Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des
articola in cinque capitoli intitolati:
riografica, anche recentissima, re- Geschichtsdenhem und der politi-
la fedelti personale, giustizia e di-
lativa a tutti schen Theorien im Mittelalter und
Rogerio, Pia- ritto, la fonte della legge, I'osservanza problemi trattati dai
i

Carlyle. Alcune omissioni ed impre- in der friihen Neuzeit, Tiibingen,

centino, Azzone ed altri glossatori, i della legge, il feudalesimo e la na-
concetti di aequitas, di ins, del diritto cisioni erano inevitabili. Per fare qual- J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1958.
zione. Nella seconda parte si trovano
che esempio, nella Bibliografia pp. VII -I- 400.
naturale, la dottrina della .schiavitii, invece illustrate dottrine dei se-
Ic
della propriety, della consuetudine, coli XI e XII quali furono formu-
del vol. I, a p. 647, le indicazioni re- Negli ultimi decenni il tema della
la problematica relativa alle lative alia famosa opera del Ctierke
fonti late dagli scrittori piii specificamente Translatio Imperii ha attirato non

dell'autorita politica e quella sono poco precise: Die publicisti.schen poche volte I'attcnzione degli storici.
rela- politici c non giuristi. La .sezione 4*,
tiva ai rapporti tra potere ecclesia- infine, tutta dedicata al problema
e
Lehren des Mittelalters e infatti il II nostro Martini, il Kocken, il
Post,
stico e potere secolare. Argomenti titolo del solo 11 del vol. Ill di il Guldenfels, assai di
del rapporti tra Papato e Impero dal recente il van
analoghi formano I'oggetto della parte decimo Das deutsche Geriossensrhaftsrecht, e den Baar, ne hanno fatto oggetto
al dodicesimo secolo. E, come
2, intesa invece a delineare le dot- non gik il titolo dell'intero volume di trattazioni approfondite.
si ricorderk, una sezione delle piii Nessuno
trine politiche dei glossatori canonisti importanti, anche perch6 tocca ( Die Staats-und Korporationslehre di essi tuttavia si e spinto
il pe- oltre il
fino alia metk del secolo decimoterzo. riodo cruciale della' lotta per
des Altertums und des Mittelalters medioevo. Quasi tutte
le in- le ricerche pre-
Sono paginc, come dicevo, di estremo vestiture. Le quattro parti
und ihre Aufnahme in Deutschland ); cedenti si arre.stano,
in cui 6 infatti, all'eti
conseguentemente le traduzioni del di Innocenzo III, o, come quella del

I L
I J
 334 Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno
Bibliografia di sloria del diritto medievale e moderno 335
Guklcnfels, si chiudono con Bonifacio dell'etk ottoniana e sveva (cap. V- poche pagine
dedicate dall'autore cedenti medieval!, le sue componenti,
^'I11. 11 Goez, invece, studia il pro- VI), le origini della teoria nel pensiero
ai canonisti costituiscano una sintesi
blema dalle sue origini sino al suo curialista (cap. \T1), le sue implica- le sue infinite implicazioni costitiii-
efficace del loro pensiero. Assai chiara
esaurirsi. 11 volume che segnaliamo zioni politiche da Innocenzo III alia
scono I'oggetto dell'indagine ilel Kan-
ha, dunque, il notevole merito di meti del XIV secolo (cap. VllI) e
per esempio, e la critica del collega-
torowicz. Such as it now stands,
essere la prima trattazione comples- i suoi riflessi nel pensiero canonistico
mento, gii asserito dal Laehr (ma
negato dal Martini e da altri), fra
avverte l'autore (p. vni ix)
siva della storia del concetto di (cap. IX), this study may be taken among
le fonti storiografiche e Constitutum Constantini e Trans-
Translatio Imperii e delle sue im- gli scrittori politici del tardo medioevo other things as an attempt to under-
latio Imperii (cfr. le p. 188 ss.).
plicazioni politiche. La
prende stand and, if possible, demonstrate
ricerca (cap. X-Xl) e dell'etk umanistica Meno convincente, almeno se rife-
le mosse dai testi biblici e si chiude (cap. Xll), le fonti storiografiche della
how, by what means and methods,
rito ai soli canonisti,
giudizio
con I'eta moderna. Con riguardo allc il certain axioms of a political theology
Riforma (cap. XIII), gli attacchi espresso, neH'ultimo periodo di p. iy8,
fonti da esaminare e utilizzare, I'au- del pensiero
which mutatis mutandis was to remain
protestante alia teoria sui decretisti e decretalisti posteriori
tore, invece, si e imposto esplici- valid until the twentieth century,
curialista Translatio
della (cap. a quelli esaminati. Si puo ammettere,
tamente un limite: le vicende del XIV) e la difesa fattane dal pensiero began to be developed during the
che essi ripetano .spes.so le for-
infatti,
later Middle Ages... This study deals
concetto di Translatio sono, in-
cattolico (cap. XV), la fine del con- mulazioni dei loro predecessori e che,
fatti, ricostruite soprattutto nel pen- cetto presso cattolici (cap. XVI-
with certain cyphers of the sovereign
i
come dice il Goez: Neue Gedankeii state and
siero storiografico e negli scrittori XVII) e presso i protestanti (cap. its perpetuity (Crown,
sind nicht sehr zahlreich . Ma I'os-
Per quanto riguarda i giu- Dignity, Patria, and others) exclusi-
politici. XVI 1 1). Senibra avere una propria servazione non puo forse estendersi
risti, che ci interessano piu diretta- vely from the point of view of pre-
autonomia I'ultimo capitolo ( Trans- in buona parte anche agli storiografi
mente, si deve dire cfie Tattenzione senting political creeds such as they
latio Imperii unci die Auslegung des
loro rivolta e stata
e agli .scrittori politici? si farebbe E were understood in their initial stage
assai scarsa. Buches Daniel ), che e seguito da bene a non studiarli per questa ra-
Anche quando il Goez se n'e preoc- quattro excursus dedicati rispetti-
and at a time when they served as a
gione? Almeno per quanto riguarda
cupato, ha generalmente \ehicle for putting the early modern
utilizzato vamente all'idea di Translatio re- storiografi e scrittori politici,
fonti gi& messe in evidenza nelle ligionis , alle traduzioni nelle lingue
il li- commonwealths on their own feet .
bro del Goez e fortunatamente la pro-
precedenti indagini. Malgrado que- nazionali della formula latina Trans- I limiti
di questa rassegna non
va pill evidente del contrario. In
sta lacuna, il libro conserva un grande latio Imperii , alia Translatio in consentono, purtroppo, di dar conto,
realty, per quanto frequenti possano
interesse per lo storico del diritto: sia pure per .sommi capi, del conte-
rapporto alia sovraniti popolare, al es.sere le rijK-tizioni e le formulazioni
il concetto di Translatio Imperii concetto nel pensiero del Ranke. nuto di un'indagine, gik per il suo
tralatizie, nessun settore del pensiero,
ha avuto una parte troppo impor- oggetto, tanto importante. L'opera,
Ho gia fatto presente che il pen- giuridico o politico o storiografico
tante nella storia dei rapporti tra del resto, per la sua stessa orditura,
siero giuridico resta sostanzialniente che mantiene immobile pur
sia, si
Papato e Impero perche il giurista estraneo alia
non una descrizione sommaria.
soffre
trattazione del Goez. mutando tempi e circostanze storiche.
possa disinteressarsi delle sue vicende L'autore vi si riferisce solo nella mi-
La trattazione ha una struttura, per
nella letteratura storiografica e po- cosi dire, rapsodica: grand! temi della
sura strettamente necessaria per una i

litica. Se mai, e ora da augurarsi che, Ernst H. Kantokowicz, The King's speculazione ix)litica, guiridica e re-
migliore intelligenza dell'esposizione
partendo dal volume del Goez, uno complessiva. Un esempio di utiliz- Two Bodies. A study in mediaeval ligiosa medievale tornano costante-
storico del diritto intraprenda una zazione di fonti giuridiche h rappre- political theology,
Princeton, N.J., mente nel lungo discorso del Kanto-
analoga ricostruzione complessiva del- sentato dal breve excursus (p. 386 ss.) Princeton University Press, rowicz, il piti delle volte in tutta la
1957,
le vicende del concetto nel pensiero sulla Translatio Imperii in rap- pp. XVI 568. + loro complessitk. Nessun riassunto
giuridico. porto alia sovranitk popolare: un potrebbe dare un'immagine soddisfa-
I giuristi inglesi dell'eta elisabet- cente della ricchezza e della niolte-
II libro dello storico tedesco e tema centrale della speculazione giu- tiana elaborarono compiutamente il pliciti dei motivi dei quali I'intera
diviso in diciannove capitoli, segui- ridico-politica e della storia costitu- concetto della doppia natura del re opera e intessuta. Si puo soltanto ri-
ti da quattro interessanti excursus. zionale. Ma anche in questo caso il
Poiche non e possibile in questa sede Goez
( King's Two Bodies ). 11 re si cordare che il Kantorowicz divide
fame una minuta descrizione, mi in
utilizza fonti
evidenza gii da altri (Mommsen,
giuridiche messe legge in alcuni cases di queU'et^ la sua trattazione in nove parti:
I.
ha due capacita, in quanto ha due The problem: Plowden's Reports;
limitero a segnalarne genericamente il Kocken, Gierke ecc). Ci6 pu6 es- corpi: I'uno,
il corpo fisico o natu-
contenuto e a sottolineare le pagine sere rilevato,
II. Shakespeare: King Richard II;
in generale, anche per rale, simile a quello di tutti gli altri
piu importanti per lo storico del di- III. Christ-centered kingship (1. The
il capitolo
dedicato alia teoria cu- uomini e pertanto .soggetto alle pas-
ritto. Goez esamina
11 testi biblici i
rialista della Translatio nel pen-
Norman Anonymous; 2. The frontis-
sioni e mortale; I'altro, il corpo po-
(cap. 1), le fonti romane (cap. II), siero canonistico (pp. 188-198). Qui
piece of the Aachen Crospels; 3. The
litico, non soggetto alle passioni
le fonti deH'alto medioevo barbarico e alia halo of perpetuity); IV. Law-center-
l'autore ha dovuto, di necessitii, morte, e quindi trasferibile, in caso ed
(cap. Ill), il problema della Tran- ripercorrere vie gi^ battute da altri kingship (i. From liturgy
to
di morte del corpo fisico o naturale,
slatio in rapporto all'incoronazione legal science; 2.Frederick the Se-
con grande competenza. Mi sembra, ad altro corpo naturale. La forma-
di Carlo Magno (cap. IV), le fonti per6, che, pur con questo
cond; 3. Bracton); \'. Polity-centered
limite, le zione di questo concetto, suoi ante- i
kingship: Corpus mysticum (i. Cor-

I L
U I I U
 336 Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno
Btbliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno ^^j
pus mysticum; 2. Corpus
ecclesiae conclusione si deve dire che il Kanto-
reipublicae mysticum; 3, Pro patria rowicz ci ha dato un'opera di alto buti del piu alto valore (si pensi, ad studioso scomparso riusciva, nei tardi
mori); \'I. On continuity and corpora- pensiero e immensa erudizione. Nel esempio, alle ricerche del Cassandro). anni della sua vita, a racchiudere ed
tions (i. Continuity; 2. Fictio figura campo della storia delle idee e del Si attende ancora, tuttavia, un nuo- illustrare in questo volume di non
The King never dies (i.
veritatis); \'II. pensiero politico-giuridico non sono vo Goldscimiidt : un libro che, ri- grande mole una folia di problemi e
Dynastic continuity; 2. The crown as certamente molte ricerche alle quali
le goroso e precLso nei particolari, sia di notizie suUe classi lavoratrici me-
fiction; 3. Dignitas non moritur); N'lll. si puo riconoscere pari profonditi e anche opera di sintesi e appresti dieval!. La fatica non e stata vana:
Man-centered kingship: Dante; IX. originality di iinpostazione. una visione d'insieme della storia del chi voglia informarsi rapidamente
Epilogue, Una prefazione, un'introdu- diritto commerciale europeo. sulla condizione sociale e sullo status
zione, una serie di interessanti illustra- La storia del (Joldschmidt merito, giuridico delle varie categoric di
zioni, una bibhografia e un prezioso PiETRO Vaccari, Stato e classi nei come si sa, una traduzione italiana a lavoratori nel nostro diritto inter-
indice analitico completano il libro. paesi europei. Saggi storici, Milano, cura di V. Pouchain e A. Scialoja, medio dovra far capo ancora e anzi-
L'opera e diretta a/ lettori ecce- Giuffrfe, 1957, pp. 87. pubblicata nel 1913. La segnalazione tutto al libro del Leicht.
zionalmente preparati. La comples- di questa ristampa dell'originale te-
sit^ della problematica e I'imponenza Nel volume, presentato dalla Scuo- desco potrebbe, pertanto, apparire
deU'apparato erudito ricliiedono una la Superiore di Scicnze Storiche u L.A. superflua. La traduzione italiana, fra DoMENico Maffei, Caso /ortuito e
estrema, costante attenzione. Sa- Muratori di Verona, della quale il I'altro, pur essendosi fatta abbastanza responsabilita contrattuak nell'eta
rebbe stato forse desiderabile un ap- Vaccari e Rettore, si trovano rac- rara, non e pero introvabile. tut- dei Glossaton. Saggi. (University
parato erudito meno compatto (ma colti seguenti cinque saggi: i. Uno
i
tavia convincimento di chi scrive che, degli Studi di Macerata. Pubbli-
vedi I'avvertenza dell'autore a sguardo alle origini del feudo e delle allorquando si utilizzano opere stra- cazioni dell'Istituto di Esercita-
p. x-xi). Per quanto riguarda la classi feudali; 2. La concezione dello niere tradotte, sia preferibile rife- zioni Giuridiche, vol. 6), Milano,
storia del diritto, il libro riveste ec- Stato corporativo medioevale e la rirsi anche al testo originale. Con cio Giuffre, 1957, PP- 164.
cezionale importanza, massime per posizione particolare dello Stato cit- non si vuole diminuire il valore e I'uti-
Scrivo neU'Avvertenza: I cinque
lo storico del diritto pubblico e della tadino italiano; 3. L'autoriti sovrana lita delle traduzioni: si vuol soltanto
saggi raccolti nel presente volume sono
persona giuridica. La ricostruzione del contro il potere della classe nobiliare sottolineare da un lato I'esigenza di
frutto di una indagine diretta a rico-
Kantorowicz, infatti, e fondata in nell'Alto Medioevo; 4. La crisi delle un controllo della traduzione stessa,
struire concetto che i Glossator! eb-
il
gran parte sul pensiero dei giuristi me- classi nobiliari nei paesi europei du- dall'altro I'opportuniti che il lettore
bero del caso fortuito in rapporto alia
dievali. Concetti ed istituti giuridici rante XIV sccolo; straniero possa agevolmentc rintrac-
il 5. I lavoratori responsabilitk contrattuale e a dar
dei piu complessi sono esaminati o della terra nell'Occidente e nell'Orien- ciare il pas.so citato nel testo originale.
ragione di taluni aspetti della loro
ricorrono pressoche in ogni pagina. te dell'Europa nell'et^ moderna. I problematica in questa materia... Va
Da questo punto di vista la fatica del- saggi, redatti ad eccezione dei P.S. Leicht, Operai, artigiani, agri- da se che non ho cercato di colmare
l'autore 6 stata ammirevole. La primi due in
anni recenti, si coltori in Italia dal secolo 17 al
le lacune delle fonti con integra-
bonta dei risultati rende irrilevanti le prestavano assai bene, per il loro
imprecisioni che talvolta si notano
XVI, con una presentazione di zioni tratte dal pensiero e dalla prassi
oggetto e la loro ispirazione uni- giuridica posteriore ne, tanto meno, di
S.E. Mons. Celso Costantini, ri-
e che, come lo stesso autore avverte taria, ad essere riuniti in volume. stampa, Milano, Giuffre, 1959, avvalermi, nell'interpretare i risul-
(p. IX), sono in gran parte dovute alia per vero, costituisce un'altra
II libro,
pp. VIII 221. tati ai quali pervennero i Glos.satori,
mancanza di un suo specifico training testimonianza dell'infaticabile ope-
-f-

delle conclusion! della moderna dot-

nel campo della storia giuridica. In
III. - STORIA DEL DIRITTO PRIVATO
L. GoLDSCHMiDT, Universalgeschichte
des Handelsrechts [ = Handbuch
des Handelsrechts, 3" ediz., I,
p. I, i], ristampa, Aalen, Scientia
Antiquariat, 1957, pp. xviii + 468.
Ristampa della celebre storia del
dirittocommerciale del Goldschmidt.
II contenuto del volume e stroppo
noto perche debba farsene un sia
pure fugacissimo ricordo. Pubblicato
rositk dell'illustre studioso di Pavia. Una opportuna ristampa che atte- trina romanistica, che pure ho tenuto
sta la vitality di questa nota storia del present!,ma che avrebbero potuto,
diritto del lavoro nel Medioevo. Si incautamente adoperate, deviare dal-
ricorderi che la trattazione e divisa I'esattavalutazione del pensiero di quel
in sei grandi parti: i. Uno sguardo al- lontani nostri giuristi . I cinque saggi
nel questo del Goldschmidt I'ultima et^ romana; 2. Artieri e agri- s'intitolano:
1891, 1. Concetto del caso for-
resta il libro dal quale si deve ancora coltori nellet^ longobarda; 3. l.'etk tuito; 2. rischio e pericolo nel com-
II
partire per una visione d'insieme della franca e feudale; 4. L'et^ comunale; 5. modato, nel deposito, nel pegno e nel
storia del diritto commerciale. An- Movimenti del pojx)lo minuto cittadi- mandato; 3. Perdita fortuita dei
che per impulso e mcrito del commer- no nei secoli XIV-X\': 6. Condizioni frutti e remissione del fitto nella lo-
cialista tedesco, I'ultimo settantennio delle classi agricole lavoratrici nel cazione dei fondi rustic!; Le ecce-
4.
ha visto tutta una fioritura di studi Rinascimento. I movimenti rivolu- zion! ai principi; 5. La prova del
in questo campo. Le ricerche partico- zionari della prima met^ del sec. XVI. caso fortuito. Seguono un indice di
lari non sono mancate. Anche ne- La crisi del Cinquecento. tutte le fonti citate e un indice-som-
gli ultimi anni, in Italia e fuori, vari Valendosi della sua vastissima co- mario.
istituti sono stati illustrati in contri-
noscenza della storia del diritto pub- Per una approfondita valutazione
blico e private) medievale, I'insigne critica di questa mia ricerca si vedano

22. - H. I. I). R. - Vol. IILXIII.

 ^

338 Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno Btblio grafia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno
339

le recensioni di G. I. Luzzatto, in sono questi principali fra molti ar-

i i
II pill delle volte,per lumi sui singoli .sottolinearne adeguatamente 'origi-
IVRA, IX (1958), pp. 169-174; gomenti illustrati nella prima parte. La istituti, bisogna far capo ad indagini
I

nality come creazione tipica del no-

e di H. Lange, in Tijdschrift voor seconda parte, intitolata invece II assai invecchiate. stro diritto medievale. II rilievo, ptral-
Rechtsgeschiedenis , XXVII (1959), diritto nelle fonti ileH'et^ moderna , Un primo merito della fatica del tro, appare superato da quanto si legge
PP- 350-356. e piu specificamente dedicata alia Rossi h costituito, dunque, proprio dal nelle pagine successive e piu preci-
storia del diritto privato, visto nella suo oggetto, dall'aver voluto e saputo samente da quanto I'autore .scrive,
PiETRO Vaccari, Introduzione legislazione, nelle consuetudini, nella ricostruire la storia di un istituto del
storica prima a proposito delle ragioni pra-
al vigente diritto privato italiano, dottrina giurisprudenza, a
e nella diritto processuale romano-canonico: tiche che motivarono I'introduzione
Milano, Giuffre, 1957, 208.
partire soprattutto dal secolo XVI. un istituto, conviene aggiungere, dei dell'istituto
PP- nella vita proce.ssuale
Cos! il 1" capitolo tratta del regime pill significativi del nostro diritto me- dei secoli dodicesimo e tredicesimo
La nota
Introduzione del Vac-
giuridico delle persone e della fami- dievale. L'opportuna scelta del tema

cari e ripresentata, in questa ristampa, (p. ove sono ri pre.se in parte

31 ss.,
glia, il 2 e dedicato al diritto delle e stata poi seguita da una ricerca at- osservazioni dellEngclmann ), jxji con
sostanzialmente immutata nel testo successioni, il 3" ai diritti reali, il tentissima condotta sulle fonti do- riguardo agli apporti della Scolasti-
(pur se con qualche modificazione ed 4" al diritto delle obbligazioni. Gli cumentarie, statutarie e dottrinali ca e in generale della cultura medie-
integrazione bibliografica), ma in as- istituti eproblemi esaminati o an-
i dei secoli XII e XIII. Ae e ri.sultato vale alia formazione del concetto di
sai migliore veste tipografica. Si che appena accennati sono innume- un libro ricco di sfumature, preciso consilittm sapientis (p. 48 .ss.).
ricorderi che ii libro fu pubblicato revoli. II compito era assai difficile. nei privo di incaute ge-
particolari, Chiusa la trattazione relativa alle
nel 1949, e che fu accolto con niolto Come
favore. A meno di dieci anni dalla
si sa, la storia del diritto ita- neralizzazioni, nel quale sono dise- origini dell'istituto, il Rossi nel
prima edizione conserva tutta la sua
liano nell'etk
negletta. Chi
moderna 6
disegnarne le
voglia
stata assai gnate le origini e le prime, ma decisive,
vicende del consilium sapientis iudi-
cap. II passa a
.segnalart una serie

utility.
di documenti del sec. XII che testi-
grandi linee, non pu6 giovarsi che di ciale .
moniano I'esistenza di una cla.sse di
La trattazione articola in tre
si poche ricerche particolari. fc perci6 I lunga e coniplessa
frutti della sapientes e ci illuminano sui limiti
grandi parti, divise a lore volta in non ultimo merito del N'accari aver indagine del Rossi hanno trovato as- della collaborazionc da e.ssi prestata
capitoli.La prima parte s'intitola voluto darci un quadro d'insiemc della setto in
La formazione del diritto italiano
<i
disciplina giuridica dei principali isti-
sei capitoli,
da un
seguiti al giudice. A
questo propostito I'au-
esemplare indice alfabetico e da un tore formula alcune interessanti consi-
e pu6 considerarsi una sintesi degli tuti privatistici nei secoli a noi piu dettagliato indice-sommario. Nel cap. derazioni sulle differenze tra la situa-
aspetti pill significativi della nostra vicini e pur tuttavia meno indagati I I'autore esamina il problema delle
zione presentataci dai documenti del
storia giuridica medievale. Diritto ro- dalla storiografia giuridica. La me- origini dell'istituto. Come e noto, se XII secolo e quella invece nfiessa nei
mano e diritto germanico nel Medioevo desinia osservazione devc farsi a pro- parte della precedente storiografia
italiano,
documenti del secolo XIII (pp. 73-4).
formazione del diritto
la posito dell'ultinia parte del volume siera schierata per I'origine germanica
statutario e la decadenza del diritto
Nei documenti del XII secolo la col-
intitolata La giurisprudenza delle del consilium sapientis iudiciale (vedi
longobardo nell'ltalia settentrionale, laborazionc dei sapientes h attestata,
corti . I)i questo significativo fi- segnatamente Chiovenda e
Picker, infatti, in modo soltanto generico,
il diritto romano come sistema di di- lone della nostra storia giuridica non Kantorowicz), altri invece ne avevano con la formula habito consilw sapien-
ritto pratico, I'ltalia meridionale nella si sa molto. P. altro merito del \'ac-
sottolineato la derivazione romana. tum; in quelli del secolo successivo,
storia giuridica medievale, I'apogeo del cari I'averne .sottolineata I'inipor- Che le origini del consilium debbano invece, presenza del consilium
la
diritto romano-comunee
formazione la tanza per la formazione del nostro essere individuate in consuetudini, sapientis prende corpo ed e.sce dal-
del diritto romano-canonico, la scuola diritto ed aver dato una prima mes.se concetti ed istituti propri del sistema I'anonimo: il nonie di coloro che pre-
giuridica italiana nell'et^ umanistica: tli indicazioni essenziali. giuridico romano (p. 31) e tesi ora stano il consiglio viene specifica-
sostenuta molto vivacemente anche mente rammentato ed il tenore del
dal Rossi, in parte con argomenti pro- consiglio stesso comincia a stendersi
pri, in parte utilizzando le prove che
IV. - STORIA DEL PROCESSO nel corso del documento. Si profila cioe
a tal fine erano state portate dalla una nuova situazione (p. 74). I^a-
storiografia anteriore e in particolare rimenti interessantisono le osser-
(ii'iDo Rossi, Consilium sapientis abbia studiato di frequente gli istituti dal Checchini. La dimostrazione della vazioni, contenute in questo stesso
iudiciale. Studi e ricerche per la del processo romano-canonico. Questo derivazione romana dell'istituto 6 capitolo, relative consilium nelle
al
storia del processo romano-canonico, importantissimo settore della nostra molto ben condotta e non un solo forme del colloquium (p. 78 ss.) e
I (Secoli XII-XIII) jSeminario storia giuridica da qualche tempo argomento e stato trascurato dall'au- come atto processuale nella lette-
Giuridico dell'Universitk di Bo- sembra attirare a.ssai poco tore per rendere la sua tesi piu con-
I'atten- ratura notarile della prima met^ del
logna, XVIII], Milano, Giuffre, zione degli storici del diritto medie- vincente. Se mai la vivacitk dell'ar- secolo tredicesimo (p. 81 ss.).
'9.58, pp. 337. vale. Le numerose e spesso pregevoli gomentazione ha portato il Rossi, da II cap. Ill e inte.so a ricostruire e
ricerche opndotte dalla storiografia un lato ad accentuare, in modo forse ad esporre i fondamenti concet-
Non si puo certo afiermare che la anteriore, .soprattutto italiana e te- eccessivo, le origini romane dell'isti- tuali dell'istituto. Impresa certo
storiografia giuridica degli ultimi anni desca, solo di rado sono state riprese. tuto, dall'altro, mi sembra, a non non facile, poiche, come nota lo

'
I
u
u
 340 Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno
Bibliografia d i storia del diritto medievale e moderno 341
stesso autore (p. 103), il consilium menti condotti con I'intervento del
grande scrupolo e buon metodo, Rossi ha invece
utilizzato, come il
sapientis, per esser nato ed esscrsi sapiens (difformita della sentenza dal utilizzando soprattutto le fonti iJlite,
sviluppato nella pratica, e istituto consilium; accoglimento del consi-
buon metodo vuole. quasi esclusi-
ma non trascurando qualche fonte vamente giuristi del periodo consi-
i
che soffre con difficoltk una sistema- lium contra ius ecc). Sussidiaria, ri- inedita. Documenti non sono
e statuti derate, citando solo di rado quelli
zione teorica unitaria, mentre piii spetto a quella diretta del giudice, era citati alia rinfusa, come purtroppo posteriori. Questa esigenza h rive-
agevolmente si acconcia ad essere la responsabilit^ del sapiens, giacch6,
accade spesso di vedere, ma rispet- lata anche dall'opportuna segnala-
studiato attraverso le varietk della come nota raut(jre (p. 257), respon- tando la crenologia. Lo stesso puo ziene della data di morte (e di altra
casistica . Le difficolta di una rico- sabile in modo diretto era, comunque, rilevarsi per la dottrina: in questo data indicativa) di ciascun giurista
struzione unitaria sono state, tutta- il giudice che aveva pronunciato la libro non si trovano affastellati ricordato (faccio rilevare incidental-
via.superate in modo soddisfacente dal sentenza fondata sul consilium ini- in nota Irnerio e il Menochio, il mente che la data di morte di Joannes
Rossi. La problematica, tutta assai quum; e quindi contro di lui si ri- Piacentino e Giason del Maine, come de Deo va corretta in 1267, 15 marzo:
(lelicata, relativa alia natura del volgevano di norma I'accusa nel parimenti ci e occorso spesso di no- cfr. A.D. de Sousa Costa, Urn
consilium e assai ben luineggiata. Si procediniento di sindacato e gli altri me-
tare anche in scritti recenti, che perci6 stre portuguSs em Bolonha no
vedano soprattutto le piigine sui rap-
porti tra sentenza e consilium, e
rimedi previsti dallo statute. Se poi stesso
conviene aggiungere XIII, Joao de Deus, Braga 1957,
seculo

il giudice... uscixa indenne da tali potranno essere utilizzabili come

p. 40-41). 6 da augurarsi, dunque,
ancora quelle sulla obbligatoriet^ del procedimenti, proprio a causa della trattati di diritto comune (ma che I'opera trovi presto il sue compi-
consilium considerata dal punto di emergente rcsponsabilita del sapiens, perche, allora, non servirsi di quelli mento nelle ricerche sui secoli se-
vista rispettivamente del diritto co- la parte danneggiata poteva agire antichi, assai migliori?), ma non come guenti, che l'autore annuncia
mune e del diritto statutario. contro questi davanti al magistrate opere storiograficamente valide.
in
II questo prime volume.
Nel cap. 1\' e
disegnato invece un ordinario . In ogni case, secondo
profilo dell'istituto quale si atteggio un'osservazione gik dell'Engehnann, il
nella dottrina e nella legislazione sta- giudice, conclusosi giudizie di sin-
il

tutaria del secolo XIIL 11 Rossi esa- dacato, poteva esperire un'azione di V. - RACCOLTE DI SCRITTI
mina tutta una seric di problenii par- regresso nei cenfronti del sapiens.
ticolari, ricostruendo le soluzioni che Chiudc il volume il capitole VI Aldo Checchim, Scritti giuridici e di natura metodologica, dei quali gio-
di essi furono date dagli statuti e dalla dal titole * II consilium sapientis cenie
storico-ginridici, pubblicati a cura verk ripctere i titoli: i. Sui rapporti
dottrina. Cosi, per non fare che degli tramite fra la claborazione dottrinale
della Facolti di Giurisprudenza fra storia giuridica e dogmatica giu-
esempi, la problematica e la regola- e la prassi del fore e come fattore di
deU'Universit^ di Padova, Padova, ridica; 2. 11 diritto e lo state; 3. Vec-
mentazione pratica deH'animissibilita positive influenze sull'amministrazio- CEDAM, 1958, 3 volumi di com- chi e nuevi metodi della storiografia
del consilium (a richiesta del giudice o ne della giustizia . Indaginc, per
a richiesta delle parti); dell'obbligo vero molto quanto, com'e
difficile, in
plessive pp. xvi 996. + giuridica; 4. 11 metodo di esposizione
della storia giuridica italiana; 5. Sto-
fatto al giudice di richiedere, in ta- note, consilia e mancano di moti-
i
Pur se numerosi scritti non so- ria dellagiurisprudenza e interpre-
luni casi, consilium; della scelta del
il vazione ovvere sono insufficicnte- no stati inclusi nella
presente rac- tazione della legge; 6. Studi sterico-
sapiens e requisiti di questo; della mente motivati. 11 Rossi, tuttavia, colta, questa tuttavia centiene critici sulla
possibilitci di ricusarlo; del giuramento Interpretatio al Cedice
<-
attraverso I'esanie di un netevole nu- gran parte dell'epera dell'illustre au-
del sapiens; della forma e del contc- Teedosiano; 7. Un giudice del secolo
niero di consilia, cosi di diritto so- tore. Si deve pertanto essere grati
nuto del consilium; della obbligatorie- decimeterze: Albertane da Brescia;
stanziale comenatura processuale,
di alia FacoltA giuridica dell'Ateneo
th. del consilium e question! relative
8. I fondi militari remano-bizantini
e riuscito a pervenire alia conclusione < . * padovano d'aver volute curare la censiderati in relazione con Tariman-
(le differenze tra diritto comune e le- che consilia iudicialia, nonostante
<i
i
pubblicazione di questi tre volumi, nia;
gislazione statutaria, a proposito del- 9. Interpretazione storica di
la scarsitk di segni rivelateri, costi- rendendo cosi facilmente accessibili Marsilie; 10. L'unit^ fondamentale
I'obbligatorieti, sono ancora dise- tuirono indubbiamente, nel secolo una serie di studi ermai spesso intro- della storia del diritto italiane; 11.
gnate dal Rossi in modo chiaro ed della Glossa, un sicuro tramite fra vabili.
Premesse steriche all'unit^ politica
efficace). Strettamente conncssi con le claborazione dottrinale ed il fore, Icentributi del Checchini alia europea.
i problenii trattati nel cap. IV si un positive fattore nella erogazione storia del diritto italiane e al diritto II secondo volume si compene
rivelano quelli esaminati nel cap. V, della giustizia (p. 294). ecclesiastico sono troppo noti perch6 invece di otto scritti, fra i quali lo
che, com'e indicate dal titolo, ha per Questo per sommi capi il conte- sia necessario fame dettagliata men-
studiose di storia del precesso tro-
oggetto la responsabiliti del giudice e nuto deH'opera del Rossi. Dope quanto zione in questa sede. Ricordereme vcrk cinque important! studi del
del sapiens. L'autore, dopo aver pre- si e detto non eccorre certe insistere che nel volume prime sono stati Checchini sui consiliarii , sui boni
niesso alcune osservazioni di carattere ancora sui suei pregi. Si tratta di riuniti i molti .saggi dellautore in
homines , suU'ordinamente proces-
generale sulla respon.sabilita civile e un contribute alia nostra conoscenza tema di metedelegia e di teeria gene- suale romano, sull'origine delle istitu-
penale del giudice, precede ad un'il- del diritto processuale medievale, del rale del diritto, di storia delle fonti zioni processuali della Sardegna me-
lustrazione tlettagliata di quella stessa quale bisognerk d'ora in avanti tener e di storia del diritto pubblico. Sono dievale e ancora suU'ordinamente pro-
rcsponsabilita nel ca.so dei procedi- conto. La ricerca c stata con undici
fatta scritti, per la maggior parte cessuale romano nellalto medieevo.

/ o
 342 Bibliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno
Bihliografia di storia del diritto medievale e moderno
343
Gli altri tre saggi sono dedicati alia Onory. \iora ha disegnato
II un
storia del diritto private ed in par- commosso Bussi la liberty nel
pensiero del giu- contributi, della Cam, del Vanecek
profile deiruemo e delle e
ticolarc alia divisio inter liberos rista tedesce Henning. Chiude que- del Matuszewski, trattano di
scienziato. Ventisci fra celleghi, amici aspetti
nei piii antichi documenti medioevali e discepoli hanno offerto una serie
ste interessante volume un lunge particolari della storia rispettiva-
italiani, trasferimento della pro-
al di studi di grande interesse per gli
studio di Giuseppe Forchielli sul- mente del diritto inglese. del diritto
priety e costituzione della servitii sterici
ramministraziene dei vescevadi va- ceco e del diritto polacce. Gli
del diritto. scritti
nel diritto romano postclassico, in- cant! nel diritto bizantino sine ad relativi alia storia giuridica di
Lo scritto del V'iora e inimedia- paesi
fine alle origini e storia del contratto Andronico (13 12). extraeurepei sono invece di Yvonne
tamente .seguite dai contributi di
di assicurazione. due maestri della storia del diritto Bengert Note sur re.sclavage en
(<,

L'ultimo volume, il terzo, im- canonico: il prime, di Gabriel Le Etudes d'histoire dii droit prive oj-
droit khmer ancien ) e di Fr6d6ric
portante soprattutto per I'ecclesia- Hras, e intitolate Le droit classique fertes a Pierre
Petot, Paris, Li- Joiion des Longrais ( Un ceutumier
sticista, interessa tuttavia anche lo de I'Eglise centre la puissance ar- * il
brairie G6n^rale de Droit et Juri- maritime japonais ni6di6val ). mentre
storico del diritto. Vi si leggono sei bitraire ; il secende, di Stephan sprudence, 1959, pp. XVI + 632. Yvan Debbasch ha illustrate una
scritti di diritto ecclesiastico, nei Kuttner, The collection of .\lanus: pagina di storia del diritto celoniale
quali sono prevalentemente trattati Un'impenente raccelta di studi francese Les associations serviles k
a concordance of its two recensions . (
problemi di teoria generale relativi storice-giuridici dedicata ad un mae-
Hanno poi centribuito al volume quasi la Martinique au XIX' .si6cle).
alia disciplina. La lunga e complessa
,v *,
stro della disciplina. I contributi 11 numero rilevante di contributi.
piii
Introduzione dommatica al diritto
tutti gli storici
Leicht ha studiato I'omaggie feu-
del diritto italiano: per I'esattezza, cmquantatre sono, infine, e relative
come ho gii
ecclesiastico
italiano e seguita da
il

dale in Italia, il Pivane I'erigine del

con poche eccezioni, tutti di storia del
diritto privato. Si tratta, nella mag-
detto ad istituti. moment! ed aspet-
cinque saggi sull'ordinaniento ca- ti della storia giuridica francese: cosi
contratto di precaria, il Trifone il gioranza dei casi, di ricerche parti-
nonico nel diritto italiano, suUa quelli dell'Aubenas, del Beyer,
privilegium primipilare il Vac- del
Santa Sede, la Chiesa e I'ordinamento
>,
colari cendette con riferimento a
cari r accomendacio
Brejon de Lavergn^e, di Georges
e la se- tempi e territori ben delimitati, ed
canonico nel diritto internazionale Chevrier, del Didier. del Duby, del
cietas negli atti dei notai liguri del interessanti
pubblico e privato, ancora sui rap- principalniente la storia Filhol. del Garaud, del Gut, di Georges
secole XIII, il Viscenti i de civitate >, giuridica
porti tra ordinamento canonico e francese. Qualche scritto Hubrecht. dell'Imbert, del Lemari-
il Barni I'arimannia di Recce, il de riguarda la storia del
diritto internazionale privato, su Stato diritto di altri gnier, del Lepointe, del L<5\y, di
\ergottini la comitatinanza nello paesi europei, e anche di paesi extraeu-
e Chiesa dallo Statuto albertino alia
stato della
Jehan de Malafosse, del Perrin, del
Chiesa, il Marengiu la ropei. Non pochi
Costituzione repubblicana, sul matri- saggi. infine, in- Portemer, del
conceziene della sovraniti di Rug- Provost, del Sicard,
teressano la storia giuridica eurepea
monioconcordatarionelsistema legisla- gero II, il Mor
del Tessier, Timbal. del Tisset]
del
ladivisione in paragrafi in generale.
tive e nella pratica giurisprudenziale. del \'andenbossche. del Viala. del
delle leggi del Uigesto, il Nasalli Fra
La ricchezza dei tre volumi non e questi ultimi bisogneri ri- Villers e di Jean Yver. In parte inte-
Rocca ingressazioni nella Emilia
le cerdare, eltre gli scritti del Le Bras
certo rivelata da questa segnala- ressanti la
storia giuridica francese.
occidentale, il Rasi le formalita nella ( Naissance et creissance du droit
zione tanto inadeguata. I contributi in parte quella belga, seno. infine]
celebraziene del matrimonio e il priv6 de I'Eglise ) e del Feenstra
dell'insigne docente dell'Ateneo pa- gli scritti di Roger \'an Caenegem
Concilie di Trente, il Rota rinflus.so ( Theories sur la responsabilit6 ci-
dovano interessano non soltanto lo (Les appels flamands au parlement
civilistico nella
conceziene delle state vile en cas d'hemicide et en cas de
storico del diritto italiano, ma anche de Paris au meyen age ) e di John
di Giovanni di Salisbury, la Zanetti lesion
Tecclesiasticista e il romanista. In cerporelle avant Grotius ), Gilissen Le
privilege du cadet eu
(
il carattere canonico AeWaequitas soprattutto quelli del
questa sede bisogneri sottolineare Boy^, del droit de mainet6 dans les coutumes
nella letteratura civilistica preir- Dauvillier,
soprattutto I'importanza delle non di Marcel David, del de la Belgique et du Nerd de
neriana, I'Astuti la
poche pagine romanistiche del Chec- il principle Pro- I.
Dument, del Ganshof, del Garrisson, France ).
messe de vente vaut vente , il Bo- del Gaudemet, del Grand, del Kalifa,
chini: I'averle riunite gioverk molto
gnetti il peso della tradizione longo-
Un
volume, insomma, che apperta
soprattutto alio storico del processo del L^vy-Bruhl, deH'Ourliac, del un contribute sestanziale alia nostra
barda e della politica bizantina nelle Pallasse. del Richardet, del Reussier,
romano. conescenza della storia del diritto
origini del ducato
Speleto, il Ca-
di del Sanchez- Albernoz, di G. Sautel e privato e che onora assai degnamente
vallari una coniuratio Veronese M. Beulet-Sautel. del Vaccari. Tre Pierre Petot.
Scritti in memoria di Sergio Mochi del X secolo, I'Era la personality dei
Onory, Milano, Fondazione Sergio primi dieci inquisitori del S. Ufficio
Mochi Onory per la storia del di- in Sardegna, il Masi alcuni usi di
ritto italiano, 1958 (Biblioteca guerra nell'et^ comunale, il Calasso
della Rivista di storia del diritto il concetto di causa
legis nel diritto
italiano, vol. XXI), pp. 488. comune, il Gualazzini alcuni aspetti
della politica frumentaria dei co-
IIvolume onora degnamente la muni medievali, il Giardina il capi-
memoria del compianto Sergio Mochi tolo 184 dell'Editto di Rotari, il

I J I I

U I L U
 I Mate , par H. K, ,,ks, ,I,u,s .l^.((.s/,,a,
\ ni, 19:)8, L'07-280.

'"/'''" '^"""" ^'"''''" """"""

.U.r/nvLT I ./i"'?
/"' " '-''- -- " Arch,.o
kua. st,o ,n ulra.uqu,.
,,arten, u.ais non d 1> ....cl.s. j.otostal.. . A. ,1. V.

"''' '''"':/:'"'''^*- '^ S<-"'y i" Mediaeval Political

^^?I K^^xf " Tl.,.l.v, ,.ar Ernst

"" '^' "^"'^ '^'" -'^-- '^ '- >- J-x persones
du'''r:,r;!;.;so;":':', I>--
I'i'-n
""* ^^ P'Tso.me morale. Toulelois, si ello rend asse.
le ens eo.f '''"V-"'"'"

...ode' ofU.inkinl ,'

7n,"r 'r'""''
^^ ^'"''''^ "" ^^ '
"^^'-. '-'^ ^'o * corporational

oonnaissaieiK sif, '

''"'l'"''.'"".' P'^rsonne morale, que les juristes remains
une seulo
The I"

'
"^"r' I>ersonnes physiques, coneues fictiveinent comma
'i-^'i
'^'"*''' ^"^nd Body serait une corporation sole , une corpora-
const'ilM.-.P \
""'" /'".^"""" "''>'-- (p. 271). Javoue ,n'il .n'est
'"i-iede d 'a'^ : ""h 5 ;

.^""^J-^'"" d.^^ ..on.broux texte

"i--6".e uS, '
; lonxaincu il fiire un
que lA. apporle es.-il
parafrraplie de (M-orporational */yTO/)ofn/'
:
;

JUSTIFICATIF
^ Et. August

2t._) HLLLiCns AUGVSIJXII,^ POUR

/,fe^.

in England 401-409. Je serais assez porte a expliquer la

. p. eho.e, en
comme ailleurs, par-une iAfU- Ae personnifieation <le l.-r dignite, de la \ntrleterre
fonction L
mot anglais Body ne fait pas de didiculte, malgre limage qu'il "

suggere en premier
heu il sigmfie beaucoup de choses le cor[,s liumaw, un
: :
grcMipement de personnei
ma.g aussi et ceuramment, un individu, une personne. Et si je nc
mahuse les texteV''
laling que I'A, cite et qui oomportent Pexpression pars corporis
no,tri ~
'

princinis
(par ex. p. 417, n. 342), ne sont pas d'auteurs anglais ils sappli.p.ent au :
''

conseil
du roi qui. bien qu .dent.fie au roi, supj.ose une pluralite de pcrsonnes '

tout comme
aotuellement, lA. le sait bien, Couronne . .le ninsisle
pas davantan'e sur ce pro
bleme qui., mise a part nu grande incompetence dans la matiere,
est pa'r trop eloLui.
de I'objet de ce Bulletin. Le sous-titre du vol. Recherche do
iheolo-ie .olitinue
m6d.evale , et lArudition bien connue de lA. font prCvoir '
quel.pus recours inAi
tatles k saint Augustin ils no peuvent etre quVn marge
du sujel.
;
Je ne signal - "
pas les textes augustiniens ou psoudo-augusliniens (|uil
arrive a lA de citer d'apre b
~'
tJratien ,1 a le rare merite de los i.lomifier dans
:
Tujuvre meme dAugusUn. Signalons
en vrac :
la distinction dans une
personne entre sa qualito dhomme et .a memo
'
fonction. Aug. Ep. 185, 5 (p. 57) revolution de lidoe au^^usMnienne du rcj.
II) ;

!^"' ">">"" des textes aug. Enarr. in ps. 146. 17 / //,. e.: tract. 50
l"*'^ 'P- = ,' :

(p. 75 76) sur la formation du droit de IKglise a posseder

linsertion d'un ae^um ;

entre 1 opposition augustinienne A'aetertnl.is-lempu.i

(p. 275-280) Interessante a
beaucoup de points de vue est ^plication ,,e PA.
donne dune nuniature fron- 1

t.spice de 1 tvangeliaire dAix-la-Chapelle.

exocutee vers 973 dans Pabbaye de
Reichenau. L empereur Otton II y est represente
"

en Christomimotes (y v7ir un
Christ en majeste semble dilRcil., p. 65, n.
49). et chose. curieuse, n voile (voile du
tabernacle), porte par les symboles des 4
evangolistes, soparo la t^le du corps
LA pense que le miniaturiste sest inspire d'Aug.
Knarr. in ps. 90 el 91, oil Au^
parlant du Chrislus lotus, dit que le Chef
(In^pcrator) est bien au ciel mais qu'il
mihte sur terre dans ses n.oml.res
(p. 61-78). Chez Aug., ren.arquons-lo, il v a plus
que deux natures en une personne la doctrine
du Corps mystique. Kn'somnu; : -

de ce volume extrdmenientj-iche en donnees

sur lo sujel traito, il nest h retenir
pour augustiaisant que Pinteressant
I
eomnventaire sur fci nunialure de PKvange-
haire d'Aix-la-Chapelle.
\ d V

U I
I J
L
V TiTE Kixc's Two BoniKs: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology. By
Erne-it II. Kantorowiez. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957. Pp.
xvi, 5C8. $10. Doins I)ack to the middle apies the antluir analyzes the
f-<.

conse(iuenees of the tlieory that king.s had a hddy politic as well as a body
natural.

U I L L
Jr.o^NAL OF THE
HiSTOftY OF IDEAS

I L J
 Review s ^~q

kanoelleries roumainos; 3" c'est untemps ciiracteristique de k prose narrative rorfT^

nmrs^Ilappelons une id6e fdconde de M. P. .?-:i)i.schcr qui, 6tudiant les
chartes liKmes
du moy^age itaiien, en retire des faits mori)liologiqucs con.sider<5s
comme lereHet de
la langueNmlgaire". Transposons. Le d6veloppement de I'imparfait
slave k;^e 6poque
ou son recuXest g6n6ral, sauf dans le pays dont la langue le cultive,
sifall,-il un pur
hasard ? En dSj^itres mots, dans quelle mesure avons-nous alTai
re :\ u^lioyau de pens^e
roumaine sous vdHe slave ? Et voili ouverte une nouvelle persp<<Hive
de recherche

r6tude patiente de l>l<uigue des chancelleries slaves des pays prfinnains

en tant qu'6ma-
nation d'une r6alit(5 lingHistique populaire.
G. Mihailft, Adjective de>Hhine slavA in limba romin^Adjectifs
d'origine slave dans
la langue roumaine], p. 61-76.X(etenir, pour une 6y^Uic]\(^
recherche sur le plan indo-
curop6en, la suggestion (p. G8, n. S?>^u sujet denf^el 'joyeux'.
L'auteur renvoie au lett
vesels, h I'illyr. Veselia = Felicitaa (VWer, o^<,, I,
191; H. Krahe, IF, LVII, 113 et
Sprache der Illyrier, I, 61) et n'exclut pa!^ possibility d'une
<5tvmologie autochtone"
qui eiit ravi B. P. Hasdeu. Le mot serait ^Bbme compagnie dans
la famille s(5mantique
de bucune. N. /
M. Sala, Un fenomen fonetic
romfnesc produn subsij>fluenta graiurilor sirbo-croale [Un
ph6nomone phon6tique roumam<produit sous I'infhWe'des parlors
serbo-croates)
p. 249-250, Phenomene dialectal insignifiant & > g SeNj^eni, Timisoara (ALR
/ li
:
fill
N.S., P. 29). %.
Les trois volumes cojvtfennent -
en dehors d'un grand nomh^Kd'articles littcraires
et historiques que je4)asse sous silence
des chronitiues, compte>S;endus, notes qui
orientent bien suryBtat des etudes slaves en Roumanie. Une
remarqueShiale s'impose.
Afin que cette txHilication pleinement son titre, il faudrait que l^ombre des
justifie
6tudes traitapf de I'influenee roumaine sur les peuples slaves soit
plus abonSot, car
on ne se l^era pas de le r(5p6ter
les courants culturels ne furent pas a sens
uWque".
Les queues 6tudes (plus exactement trois) qui 6clairent ce c6te de
la questiokfont
figure^le concessions, noy6es comme elles le sont dans la masse
des autres (48 arti^s,
saji/ compter les recensions et les notes). Sinon, une conclusion
facheuse s'imposert'
relle-mdme. [E. Lozovan, UniversM de Copenhague]

Kantorowicz, Ernst H. The King's Two Bodies. A Study in Medieval

Political Theology. Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1957 Pp xvi
568; 24 plates

This is in many
respects a romarkablo hook: particularly remarkable for its
eminent author's vast learning and ability to collect and organize around
a
central theme material from theology, philosophy, law, literature, and iconog-
raphy (to mention only his major sources) from early Christian times down
to
the 17th century. Drawing upon many specialised studies
pertinent to his
subject, as well as upon original texts. Professor Kantorowicz
has created a
fascinating synthesis that cannot to excite our admiration
fail and throw new
light on a myth which is still valid in our own times. Though, with Dante,

analogiques en -ora dans les chartes latiuiuhet'ftritte,XUilA,

VIII (itmr^Mil^!!^'""^'*
" Le mot ne figurepiirirmT?r1a4i*tejle^ autocht'on^s dress^e par M. I. I. Russu
Limba trnco-dacilor (Bucure.sti, 1959)7p7~Wtr.^,_^
" Cf la the.se de M. E. TurdeiUHi Les Rouimims7m4^.ia.iwis6 le d<5veloppenienl des
. :

lettres slaves dans Icuth -proijres priiu-ipaut(^s meme i\

I'epoqueTrt-miijnemes ne s'en
servaient plu-(f>c,s I'rinci panics roiiinaines et les Slaves du Sud
rapportsltl :

HfiUgtcrrr [.Miinchen : Siidost Institut, 1959), p. 13)

Reprinted from Romance Philoloqy, Vol. XV, No. 2, November 1961

University of California Press
Berkeley 4
Printed in U.S.A.

I J u
I L I
 180 RoM A N c ?: Vu I Lo L o <i Y, Vol. XV, No. 2, November 1901

the author might well have cautioned hi.s rcadens in "piceioletta barca"
(likeyour reviewer) to beware of attempting the "pelago" he sails, he could
hardly claim that "L'acciua ch'io prendo gi^ mai non si corse". It is apparent
from his introductory discussion of Maitland's contributions on the Tudor
period and from the abundant richness of his erudite footnotes tliat many
other scholars have sailed in some of these waters: but none, if we are not
mistaken, have gone so far or with such extensive ecjuipment. The journey,
however, is a difficult one and by no means in a straight line, not simply in
the sense that it begins with Plowden in 16th-century England and ends with
Dante in 14th-century Italy, but because
Kantorowicz constantly changes
course or seems to double back as he pursues over Europe in different ages,
through Church, State, and the Law, the mainsprings and evolution of the
idea of the King's Two Bodies. In this broad and yet detailed excursus it is
extremely difficult to recognise the sort of continuity that enables the reader
in the end to be sure exactly where he has been: so that he may have the
impression of having taken an extraordinarily instructive cruise, rather than
of having progressed on a determined and determinable course from point to
point.

Let us test this impression by a rapid survey of the book. The "problem" with regard
to English juridical thought is set out in Chap, i, i.e., the fiction, first clearly apparent
in Plowden's reports, of the distinction between, and unity of, the King's Body natural
and his Body between his mortal being and his immortal office as Head of the
politic,
corporation which he and his subjects together compose. We need not be concerned with
the legal niceties this fiction provoked (e.g., the extreme ca.se of Charles I), but we can-
not overlook the penetrating study in Chap, ii of Shakespeare's Richard II as a "tragedy
which centred, not only on the concept of a Christ-like martyr king, but also on that
most unpleasant idea of a violent separation of the King's Two Bodies". With these
premises, Kantorowicz takes us back to trace the idea of "Christ-centred kingship",
starting from the so-called Norman Anonymous of c. 1100 a.d., in whose treatise De
cunsecralione ponlificum et regum there appears the transfer to kings of theological con-
cepts applied to the dual nature of Christ, with a resultant liturgical philosophy of
kingship. Kantorowicz finds this concept of kingship characteristic of the "uncompro-
misingly christocentric period of Western civilisation" of e. 900-1100, exemplified
iconographically by representations of the Emperor "in majesty" or endowed with the
halo. "The King a gcmina persona, human by nature and divine by grace, this was the
high medix'val e(iuivalcnt of the later vision of the King's Two Bodies, and also its fore-
shadowing".
The next phase is the development of "Law-centred kingship", i.e., of a politico-
juridical concept. The shift is barely accounted for, and glimpsed rather than explained
in symptoms like John of Salisbury's doctrine of rex imago aequitatis and the rising idea
of the Pope as vicariun Christ i. The change, however, is unmistakably apparent in Fred-
erick Il's Uber augustalis, with its significant formula of the Emperor as pater et
filius
iustitiae, which derived from Roman law and, whilst not removing the divine nature of
the King, placed the emphasis on the "rational" as against the mysterious concept of
his person predominant in earlier times, .\lmost contemporary with Frederick's idea
of
himncUsiti lex anintnta, Bracton in England was dealing with a similar problem of whether
the King was above or under the Law; and Kantorowicz deals at length with these two

I L J
 Reviews 181

figures, discussingand illustrating their different resolutions of the apparently contra-

dictory nature of the sovereign at once outside and yet limited by
the Law. This leads
to a consideration of a particular point of law: the inalienability
of Crown lands, and the
dual nature of the King in his private capacity and as the perennial
fisc, against which
nullum lempus currit. In other words, by this stage, "the mediajval dichotomy
of sacer-
dotiiim and regnum was superseded by the new dichotomy of the
King and the Law".
The further development to "Polity-centred Kingship" took place under the influence
of the corporational view of the Church a.s a corpus mysticum. In the
12th century this
term came to signify no longer the 'consecrated host', but the 'organised body of Chris-
tian society', and led to a view of Christ's two bodies somewhat
different from that of
his dual nature, human and divine: namely, a distinction between his
individual body
and a collective body, the Church, of which he is the Head. Together with the idea of the
Vopcvicarius Chrisii, this led to the emergence of the concept of the ecclesiastic corpus
mysticum, whose Head is the Pope, in other words, to a concept more political than
sacramental or liturgical, and one more readily transferable to the secular field. Here it
began to appear clearly in niid-13th century, and with growing momentum made its way
into law and social philosophy, with a multiplication of distinctions between the indi-
vidual and those universitates to which he belonged, and into the particular field of
the
law concerning the King and the corpus reipublicae mysticum. The similarity and over-
lapping at this time between ecclesiastic and secular ideas is very striking, including,
e.g., the marriage metaphor used to express in both spheres the relation
between the
Head and the corpus. With this transference, the essential continuity of kingship and of
the state as a corporation parallelling that of the Pope and the Church was firmly estab-
lished, bringing with it much new consideration of the individual's obligations
to the
corpus of which he is part.
Such continuity, however, probably could not have been so readily envisaged or
codified without fundamental revision of the question of the "eternity of the world".
In the 13th century, under the influence of Aristotle and Averrhoes, the old Augustinian
dualism of Time and Eternity, of opposition between a brief finite world and God's
infinity, gave place to a new quasi-infinite continuity of the world. In this new
climate
of thought, the traditional sempiternity of the Church and of Rome passed to peoples
and states; for, though individuals pass away, "populus non moritur". There thus grew
up the immortality of "personified collectives and corporate bodies. ..that...
fiction of the
preserved their identity despite changes". This solved the problem of the continuity of
the body politic, but not entirely that of its Head, which had yet to be absolved of
"defects" peculiar to itself: interregna and consecration.
This problem was closely bound up with the views of the decretalists and the dualists
on the relationship between God, Pope, and Emperor. If the latter derived his authority
directly from God, he entered into his rights upon election and not on consecration: and
this was the opinion that prevailed oflicially in imperial legislation from 1338. Dynastic
continuity, immune to interregna and independent of consecration, rescued the King's
body natural from mortal accident, while the growing fiction of the Crown as imperish-
able established a continuity of his body politic (that which united him with the corpus
reipublicae mysticum). With the "Crown as fiction" went also obligations as well as
rights, in particular the oath of inalienability of the fi.sc, parallel to that taken
by
ecclesiastics in the 13th century (and non-alienation becomes a well-worn argument in
late mediaeval literature regarding, e.g., the
Donation of Constantine). Furthermore, the
King came to be regarded as the guardian of the Crown, conceived of as sempiternally a
I minor and, con.sequently, unaffected by Time. Finally, the Crown was reinforced by the
idea of an immortal Dignitas, adapted from canonistic doctrine concerning ecclesiastical
offices; and from this de.scended ultimately the well-known formulation of
the theory
that the King never dies: "The king is dead! Long live the king!" Kantorowicz goes on

/ L U
182 Romance Philology, Vol. XV, No. 2, November 1961

to trace a ceremonial represent a! ion of the King's Two Bodies in the use of effigies
in funeral rites and processions in France and England, and associates this with the twin
sepulchral ornaments (the robed figure and the naked, emaciated corpse) found espe-
cially in 15th-centur>' England.
With a brief Conclusion that stresses the particularly English juridical development
of the idea of the Kings Two Bodies, the main part of the book comes to a close. The
lastchapter on "Man-centred kingship: Dante" is rather in the nature of an appendix,
though an important appendix, as we shall presently see.

For the part so your re^^ewer hopes that he has done not too
far con.idered,
much injustice to some 450 pages of Kantorowicz's text by attempting to
outline its theme. The strength of the book rests in the abundance of diverse
material and its wide range both in time and space. Its weakness appears to
lie in the nature of the subject and in the methods of inquiry it imposes.

Kantorowicz is throughout at grips with a complexity of similar and over-

lapping conc^-pts deri\ing from theology-, philosophy, and canon and civil law,
and manifesting themselves in subtly differing forms at different times and
places in Europe. It is in consequence a subject very difficult to get onto the
ground and to describe hi.storically: the links of a chain of ideas appear to be
there, but somehow the chain as a connected sequence fails to materialise.
The book proceeds rather by jiL\tapo.?ition and .suggestion than by demonstra-
tion and deduction: the parts are there, but the relationship between them is
imprecise and chronologically as well as geographically not a little confu.sing.
This accounts for the almo.?t complete absence in our summary of reference
to cause and effect, to a tangible pattern of growth. The result has the fa.scina-
tion of a kaleidoscope, but perhaps also its limitation of possibly shifting to a
different pattern with a metaphorical shaking. It is only fair, however, to say
that the author is aware of such difficulties in his theme; and it must be
emphatically he has provided Maitland's inquir>- into the English
.stated that
monarchy with a most impres.sive and, in general, convincing background in
mediaeval thought. Maitland, however, had also mentioned possible sources of
"twin-Vom majesty" in Antiquity. This problem is briefly affronted by
Kantorowicz in his Epilogue perhaps too briefly, unless one regards the
descent of the Tudor formula as the exclasive concern of the book (at lea-st
half, at a rough guess, deals with the European idea in general) for Kantoro- ;

wicz refers to various precedents in pagan Antiquity for the gemination of

the ruler later developed in Christian thought. But it would be churlish to
exj)ect fuller treatment of such antecedents in a Ixxjk centred on the mediseval
period.
The chapter on Dante is De Monarchia, and fo-
naturally concerned with
casses attention primarily on the concept of humana cinlitas, a mystical
corporation of all men, whether pagan or Chri.stian, headed by the Emperor
who derives his authority direct from God and not through the intermediary
of the Pope. With Gilson, Kantorowicz insi.i^ts on Dante's ".separatism", his
bold severance of Man's two ends, moral and spiritual, represented by the

U I L
 Reviews ]f!S

earthJy and heaA-enly paradises, and governed by the agency of quiLe distincl
authorities. He also stresses the near-Averrhoistie idea of the eolleotix'-e human
intellect that may l)e aetuat.ed only by men li\-ing in
liie unit.ed effort of all
peaee under one rule. The object of his argument is t.o sho^r how Danl
visuahsed the nature and importance of a purely human and int.eDectual
organisation existing, as it were, outside and alongside i-he Churc;h, and ^i^ith a
separate justifi(!ation and goal of its own. Kant,orowioz takes issue with Gilson
on one point of interpretation, which apptiars t.o us t.o have bieen shghtly
stretched by both scholars to accord with their particular theses. This con-
cerns M(m.m..l2, where Dant,e meets the argument that., as according to
Arist.otie aU memliers of a genus are reducible to one, and therefore all
men are reducible to one, and as the Pope is not reducible 1,o other than the
Pope, then all men, including the Emperor, are reducible t.o the Pope, "tam-
quam ad mensuram e1 regulam". Dante's counter t.o this is t.o distinguish the
officies of Pope and Emperor from their human incumbents,
and to st,ate

Prout BUiit homiues, habenl reduoi ad optimum hominem qui est mensura omnium
aliorum el ydea, ul dicani, quisquis ille sir, ad exim.eiil.eni maxime unum in peneref^uo:
ui iialeri potest ex ultimit; ad Nipomacum.

From this passage Gilson, with the distinctions of authority of Ccmnno in

mind, and identifying the optimui; homo -with the Arist.ot*lian sage, con-
structed three orders of equal rank and summarised them in this way:

Dens

Optimus homo Imperator Papa

Kant.orowicz corrects this diagram, quite rightly, wji^n one of his own:

^jc, -> Deus ^ ^

Ixnper&tor Papa

optimus homo

He also tends t.o draw the idea of the Arist,otlian sage t.owards the Emperor
and to identify Jmperaior o-ptim;u^ homo, concluding:

Dante's whole scheme of duality postulated with regard to humamiac the figure, not of
the Greek philosopher-sage, bul of the Romau Emperor philosopher, just w it postulated
the figure of the R.omaii pontiff with regard t.o ChriKHamtax

However true this may be on the general basis of D< Mcmarchia, it cannot

/ J u
U I L U
184 Romance Ph i l o lo c; y, Vol. XV, No. 2, November 1961

surely bo supportpd from the argumenl in in. 12. The Vnyn} is as mwh nptimun
homo as the EnifM^roi' in thai contoxt,, and the ('niphasis xhv.rc lies, iiol on l,hr

quality or identity [quisquis illc sit) of the nptimufi homo, but on a philosophi-
cally argued distinntion; and, onoc arpued, the nptimuft hnmn plays no further
pari al all in Dante's demonstration.
The most original point of this chaptei apptsars to us to lie in the author's
interpretation of Vergil's famous line in I^urg. xxvii.142:

per ch'io te Hovra tv corono e mitrio.

Kantorowicz instances the use of 'crowT:i' and 'mitre" in baptismal c(!remonies

and sees Dante's journey up to the Earthly Paradise as a process of identifi-
cation with the original image of Man, with Adam suhtilin, culminating in
the Vergiliaii 'coronution''. He concludes:

Dantf uchinved "iiaptism" into humanitati in u puru-HucramentaJ and paru-eccleaias-

hit.

ticul faahioii, with Cato actinp as sponKor, and with the prophet Vergil as hin Baptist,
u Bapti.st, tliougli, wild thi^ tinif unlocked th man nni ttic heavenK, hut the paradise of
Man

an hitellectuul baptism, therefore, admitting him to the r.orput< miisticum

Ada( quod est hunianitan. This explanation satisfactorily rids the important
episode of the I^apal and Imperial overtones commonly ascrilied to it and
deserves most serious consideration by Dante scholars.
Othei' aspects ol this ciiapter alsorettommend it to all those interested in
Dante; and they will readily forgive the author the erroneous statement that
Boniface VIII is shown in the chasm of the Simouists, and may overlook the
footnote (14, p. 455) asserting thai Dante aticepted Frederick IPs definition
ofnobilityiniUm.iii.3.15(what of "anticu ri(;chezzu"?J. (C. Gkayhon, Oxfitrd]

lAYKON. CiEciL, E]. Vincciizo Calmeta. frrwf c Idtm ediU c inediU i^^imfiUc
did di altri incditi). CoUezione di opere inedite o nipe^ufibhcata
mi dellu C-'onamissione per i testi di hngua,Julr'C^XXl. Bologna:
Casa CaHlncci, 1955). Pp. Ixxiii, 144

Nel ristretto manij^oiudi italianisti inglesi Cecil (jruyson ocrcupa ormai un

posto distinto. Aj suoi luvo?hsm lesti-miticiii e su L. B. All)erti si aggiunge ora
una traduzione della "\'ita del SaJKijiarola di Pt. Ridolfi e inline ciuesi.o volume
che permette di ricostruipe una ft^Hm di scrittore conosciuta finora quasi
ci

soltanto di secondu mano, attraverso te!?tHuonianze di (iontemporanei. In

parte questa ra('(;olte di scritti e anclie una it'st^Mminianzu dellu etrcezionale
vitalita e spiritp di coojM-razione di Carlo DionisOT*i^n vero 'maeHtro"
pervenuto duliu scuola del Giimialt Siorico aH'Universita ahi,ondru, e capace
di mettere u proftttu la sua esperieuza italiana fra i tesori del BmisliMuseum.
Ai sj^' interessi si avvicinano (juelli del Grayson, e a lui si deve in parttsplare,
OCT 11 presente volume, la H<;operta dell'importante lettera a Isaltella di

heprintl from Houanci Viiiloj,oo\. Vol XV, Nu 2 November IttOl

liniverit.v of Califormii Praw Berkeley 4

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U I J U
 A 'K (.
Man's Government of Man~the What, the Why, the
SOVEREIGNTy: An InquirythtInto
PoliticalGood. By Bertrand dc Jou-
vcnel. Translated from the French
by J. F. Huntington. 320 pp: Chi-
cago: University of Chicago Press.
By D. W. BROGAN
ANDmoral
here we come to the
^ of this book. It
is a trite one: political science
is a moral science * For pur-
poses of clarity I should, then,
say that political science is a
natural science dealing with
moral agents." Thus Bertrand
de Jouvenel, the French political
philosopher, describes the field
of study and exposition to
which he has made this re-
markable contribution. This de-
scription is sufficient proof of
his indifference or active hos-
tility to a prevailing wind of
PuinMng
o 12.
doctrine which insists that
nothing that cannot be meas-
ured can be studied and that
the g^reatest crime an academi-
cian can commit, the greatest
affront to the spirit of the age,
is to indulge in value judg-
ments.
For M. de Jouvenel, such
naive examples of "scientism"
are both a symptom and a cause
of the present parlous state of
political studies and of politics
in our Western world. He is
concerned not with the problem
of the source of authority (al-
though that interests him), but
with the terms ano conditions
on which that authority is used
and the means and ends of that
use. He is concerned with "the
political good," not with the
politically popular, easy or ef-
6t> Jam Wttrnm Collecttim of Mr mid Mrt
"
"L'Empire
U I
fective. A political course of ac-
tion may be all these things and
yet be bad.
It is not that M. de Jouvenel
is indifferent to some of the
techniques and discoveries of
what are called (not by him)
"the behavioral sciences." He
can use a mathematical meta-
phor with effect (remembering
that it is a metaphor), and he
neatly distinguishes the popular
and the scientific idea of the
representative man. He thinks
that the political habits of what
we call primitive societies, like
the Baganda, cast light on the
emotional character of power
even in more technically ad-
vanced societies. He rightly re-
calls to our minds the learned
and fruitful speculations of the
French scholar G. Dum6zil on
H. Baorowttz Cottrtrtti Uttte 8(iKf<o, Ltd
J
the origins of Roman political
practice, tbe difference between
"rex" and ''dux" wWch is part
of UTe^foiindatlons of our poli-
tics. He tells us that he admires
the dictum of Mr. Truman that
the President of the United
States "can't pass the buck to
anybody." But he knows that
there are societies where the
nominal head of the state can
and does pass the buck.
"In the island of Tonga, for
instance, a monarch called the
Tuitonga was revered. On his
appearance all prostrated them-
selves and kissed his feet.
he took part in a gathering,
which he did not do very often,
no one dared sit beside him. If
he spoke, all listened attentively
and, when he had finished, cried
out as one man; 'How true!'
For all that, he did not rule.
His life was lived apart, in
meditation, prayer and ritual."
Such were the mikados before
Meiji, the Kings in late Mero-
vingian France. TTiere have
been Shog\ms and Mayors of
the Pfdace in many societies.
There may be such today.
lyl^ DE JOL^ENEL is
mainly concerned with political
mechanics and political fictions.
He is concerned to define and
describe the role of the
sovereign, the limitations of his
power and, more important, the
conditions of the rightful ex-
ercise of his accepted power.
In pre-revolutionary EJurope, in
the contemned ages of divine
right, a king was above the law
in the sense that he could not
be kept from breaking it, but
he wis below the law in that
he had a duty of obedience to
GSod and to the fundamental
laws of the realm. In the west
(Russia was another thing) a
king had no right divine to
govern wrong de^ite Pope's
sneer. He had only the right
to govern justly.
Mr. Brogan is Professor of
Political Science at Cambridge
University.
.^
How
With the coming of "democ-
racy''the sovereign powers of
the king were transferred to
"the people," but not the limi-
tation of their use under divine
order and under the threat of
divine punishment. (Lincoln, it
may be suggested, held views
on divine judgment that ap-
proximated, in very different
conditions, those of Jacques
Bossuet. A
people could sin and
be rightly punished, like a
wicked king.) A nauve and con-
sciously atheistic utilitarianism
made what the majority wanted
If the test of truth and justice.
The father of this doctrine was
Rousseau but M. de Jouvenel,
a most learned and acute stu-
dent of "Le Contrat Social," is
careful to clear Rousseau of
the responsibility of the follies
of his bastards. But be the pa-
ternity what we like to think
it, today what "Lola wants,
Lola gets" is a vulgar and dtui-
gerous and popular political
doctrine.
With it is 8issociated a vague,
inconsistent and unattainable
idea of "justice" that is a crude
form of egalitarianism, and per-
haps the most striking section
not
of a most striking book is the
demonstration that "it is im-
possible to establish a just so-
cial order." At the moment it
is perhaps more valuable, in
the American context (which
is one of grave danger), to
show, as M. de Jouvenel does,
that the common good is not
an aggregate of competing in-
terests but something different
and above them. To destroy any
version of "wihat is good for
(General Motors is good for the
United States" is, today, to de-
serve well of the republic. But
every page of this brilliant and
successful effort in political
restoration is loaded with ore.
The text has been most suc-
cessfully translated, although it
may be suggested that "tail-
lable" inadequately rendered
is
as "accountable" and that the
English for "Perouse" is "Per-
ugia."
f r I .

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 MEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA
HASKINS MEDAL
Ernst H. Kantorowicz. "The King's Two Bod-
ies: A Study in Mediaeval Theology." Prince-
ton

JANUARY 18, 1960 ^ UMi ^ki^ ? U/'c^kA'

/

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f\

NEW SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL RESEARCH

GRADUATE FACULTY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE
66 West Twelfth Street, New York II, New York ORegon 5-2700

Aucuit 8,1962
465 Weotend Avenue, New '
ork 24,N.Y.

Liefer Herr i^iintorowloz :

loh *r311 wirklich nlcbt Tiedanken.Ich aochte

BBi.ch

Sle nur wisaen Iaa8en,daa8 lolf) air nlcht veraacen konnte.melne teoarite
Arbeit liegen zu laisen und- zWel iVochen relnston Glucki alt Ihrem |^ und-
Icgenden Such verlw' ji'cij?^^. Icfi 'flaulie In der Tat.dasa es In dar Antlke
nlohtg d'^rilelshen ^ali. (Die Anaerkunj zu 2hrr.lKirj Ist kostllah^Fur dag
v-f^rstandnls der christllohen und imchchrlitlichen tVelt Itt die L^hre der
zwei Korper gnmlefcnd. Venn Sle die polltlache und sozlale ^eachlchte vnd
deren Antafonslaen und /v evolut' onen analyal2r3n J'CKiKen 2ic Inaer zu dleser
Schluaseltheorie.Ich kenne die Zelt natiirllch sehr v*enif,a^er Ich hae
Eraaoug grundllch 3tw.^icrt und firde r.och hler die Theoric rein und ra-
dlkal In seiner Thbologle und radikalen Sozlalkritik der auf ateifenden
aodernen iHfelt; ^Inea seiner letzten Bucher:D Bello Turoi antlcipiert
von ailner xlttelalterlichen Tbeorle der Carltag ,dle die Herrscher den
Arxen Pohulden.das Snde dleaer chrlatliehen Welt durcb die unbeUlje
"elrat von flnanziellen Interesaen iilt den polltlacben Ambltlonen dea
souveranen Staatea.iDle froaeen ^esulten dea XVI ten Jahrhunderta ha^en
die acderne katastrophe wchl erkannt..loh flnde eg so faeclnlerend wle
i,le die Aontnultat dleaer /-elt dare tell on. Ich
flnde die Daratellun aten-
beraultend da ea doch oft unver standi Ich Igt.daea die
antaconlatlachen
f^rafte io^. kelne Dlgrutlon errelchten.Ich ha^e nle
elre efrlediende
Darstellunj jefunde, .daas die Ecclegia nloht von den Bettelordcn je-
r-rcnfit wurde.Kraaaua'^ex ^egeneandi Igt doch nooh aehr zaha.Da
Ich dooh
In elnem *'old zuhause 1iin,wo eg kelne jroase und aouverane
Qelehrten fltet,
80 erlauTien Sle air %\x aafen,wle wunderschon^ eg war eln crundlefendeg
Such echter *elehrgaiBkeit zu atudleren salt Aagclnatlon und Ju^l.daga eg
80 etwag cllit.Und dazu die llterarlache Elesanz.alt Rlchar<I_J zu be-
Clnnen und mlt Dante zu Bchlleaaen^daa Igt ercrelfend In aller ^^elehrt-
helt.Und nun lafaen Sle mloh doch von ^erzen fur dies kogtitare
^eechenk
danken,ea wlrd wohl eln Tell Ihrea LeVeng darln gtecken.Daa
ilapUel uer
^'rledrlob II left das nahe.
Ihr alter
m^.!^ J*
Alliert Saloaon

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u University of Utah
Department of Anthropology
SALT LAKE CITY 1

January 6, 1P4P,

Mr. Ernest Xantorowicz,

Tlniversiby of CaHfornia,
Berkeley, California.

Dear Mr. Kantorowicz

It is with extreme regret that T must inform

you that
Professor Douglas Maggs, i^o with me had assumed the
responsibility
of editorship of the Max Padin essays, and I have
arrived at the
painful decision that the project in honor of Max Radin
will have
to Le abandoned. As editors we have found ours-^lves
in a most
uncomfortable position for some months. More than thirty
eminent
scholars had contributed essays, all of high quality and
many of them
of outstanding excellence, sufficient ^or a volume of
nearly a thousand
pages. A committee of friends of Professor Kadin in
California under-
took the burden of raising funds and making the business
arrangements
for the publication of the volume. Although the
committee succeeded
in raising a very considerable sum of money, it
regretably falls far
short of the amount required to publish the kind of book
that was
projected. Printing costs have so sky-rocketed that it now
seems
hopeless to undertake the publication of a ncholarly
collection of
essays of the sort we have gathered together.

As an editor who has imposed upon your good faith, T am

covered with considerable embarrassment. Tj^vorth^less
, there seems
to be no other alternative than to confess our failure
and to extend
to all our contributors our most humble apologies
^or the delay in
publication caused by your sending your manuscript to us and
our
holding it for mere than a year. We erred in trustinr
the represen-
tations made to us and in optimistically postponing
abandonment of
the project in the hope that our financial problem wriOd
be success-
fully solved.

The problem now is, how do you want us to handle your

paper'
At your direction, T shall return it directly to you, or, if
you prefer *
in order to save time I shall send it directly to the
editor of any
publication that you may name. Inasmuch as I modified the footnote
citations in order to make them conform to the uniform standard
which
we adopted for editorial purposes, it is likely that you will want
me
to return the manuscript directly to you.

T a-vmit your instructions, and I shall act immediately upon

receiving them.

Sincfterely,

E. Adams on HoebelJ

EAH/ino
Ay 7?U ^1(17
PAAr.l \jf-p:)^A ^ 0^ oyj\Cl Ld}Q<^^(0^\

/ // M
52. "The Archer in the Ruthwell Cross," Art Bulletin, XLII (1960), 57-59.

^'s copy, one note at end.

A. Letter from ^heodor Klauser,

PJ Apr 60
B. Latter from Meyer -.hapiro, 6
Apr 60

/ U L
REPRINT FROM

THE ART BULLETIN

A QUARTERLY
PUBLISHED BY THE COLLEGE ART ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA

MARCH 1960
VOLUME XLII
NUMBER ONE

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21. FfjsrtJeri ende Evangelien, Haarlem, 14K6
(From Sthrt-tlen, Dut:h and Flemish Woodcuts)

22. Hisrorit van Jason,

Haarlem, 1485
*From Schretlen, Dutch and Flemish \\ oodcuts)

Zj. Hi.rjrtir. tj;. 7 .".it/:, Hii.ii.iltm, 141,5 ^ixoii, tnhreucn, Duuti ui.u i Umah H

24. Boeck d4S Guldens Throens, Haarlem, 148*

(Courteiij- of the Pierpont Moriran Librarj,*

U I
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 1 . Rutbwell Cross, fippermom Sertion
(Drawinp b^ Mis? A. C Esmeijer)

/>c<yua nan tarn etfibi yii--prtnnper.-PV ^inTun: fitawnT^i5'.3pdInr? opiKa

-

.-V--. --^"^

r*r.
>^
-*N rr /

:^' ?i
-^ X Ai

a. Ishmael lutth Hagar atiiJ His Egyptum Wije. Brit. Mus. Cotton Ms Claudius
B. IV, fol. 36' ( pluiti) C^mrtesy of thr British Musrutn)
 NOTES
THE ARCHER IN THE Christ shown as he treads lion and adder under his
feet.' Saxl's reference to that Psalm easily explained
RUTHWELL CROSS h\ the fact that Christ is
is

represented in the central

ERNST H. KANTOROWIC7, on adder and lion, which,
section of the Cross standing
however, do not represent the conquered fiend hut the
Twd higlily suggrestivc studies were- dt-voted some desert animals adoring the Lord. Schapiro referred to
time acri) Ruthwcll Cross, a monument of prol>-
to the the figure of the archer in a footnote only. He believed
ably the seventh or eij;hth ccnturv, near the Enghsh- that the archer and the bird did not have a "definite
SiTottisli bonier, which combines classical elements witii religious sense," and explained the scene as "one of the
otlicrs of Anglian or Celtic origin. One study was oldest mediaeval examples of secular imagery at a
written h\ the late Professor Saxl,^ and the other one by terminal point of a religious mfiniiment.'"* He thus
Professor Meyer Schapiro." They were publishe.d al- seemed to think of a hunting scene of a more or less or-
most simultaneously, in Spring 1945, although owing namental character, disconnected from the great theme
t(i the contingencies of wartime communications it so of desert life which otherwise he found sf> strongly
iiappened tiiat the autiiors were hareh informed of empha.si7.ed in the carvings of the Cross.
each other's doings.^ Whereas Professor Saxl stressed It is surprising that apparently neither Saxl nor Scha-
the Mediterranean origin of the iconographir items and pir(j li.'ive recalled not even in order to refute it one
of some stylistic elements of the representations sculp- Biblical model seems to fit so weE into the com-
that
tured in tlic Cross and its shaft, Professor Schapiro po.sition of the Ruthwcll Cross and almost thrusts itself
broadh discusseil the religious meaning of the reliefs. iinon the reader, especialh the reader of Schapiro's il-

Tile latter"^ interpretation of the Cross, which iie came luminating di.scus.sion. Genesis 21:12-21, narrates the
to regard as a landmark of Insular asceticism reflecting cruel ston of Abraham's treatment of Hagar, the bond-
ideals of the Egyptian desert fathers, appears particu- woman from Egypt, and her son Ishmael. At the im-
larh persuasive. In fact, most of the subjects repre- perious bidding of Sarah, who had watched Ishmael
sented in the Cross fall in with the idea of the solitary playing with her son Isaac (according to legendary'
life of the hermits in tht deserts of Egypt or Syria: the tradition, Ishmael had jokingh' aimed his bow at
Lord's 7 emptation and his adoration by the beasts of Isaac)," Aiiraham was forced to remove Hagar from
the desert, St. John the Baptist, the hermits Paul and his hou.se. He gave her a loaf of bread and a skin filled
Anthony, St. Man- Magdalen, who was believed to be with water and sent her away together with Ishmael,
a recluse, the Flight into Egypt those are the out- the son whom she had born unto him. Hagar wandered
Standing themes alluding to the life in the desert. into the wilderness of Beersheba, in the Negeb, where
There is, however, one figure to which neither Sax] the water was soon consumed. She cast the starving
nor Schapiro paid mucii attention that i&, tlie kneelinL' ; child under a shrub, and sat henself down "a good way
archer (Fig. i ) in tiie upper part of the Cross. In the off, as it were a bowshot," to avoid being bound to wit-
caption (jf figure i (no. 9) of his article, Schapiro in- ness the death of her child. God, however, seeinr her
troduced iiim as "Archer Aiming at Bird,'' referring distress, opened her eyes, whereupon siie noticed a well
thereby to the bird, apparenth an eagle, carved in the of water. She filled the empt^ skin and gave the lad to
uppermost stone of the Cross. " Whether tin archer drink. "And God was with tiie lad ; and he jrrew and
realh '"aims" at the bird, may i)e open to doubts; but dwelt in the wilderness, and iiecamc an archer (moratm
as a working; hvpothesis we may accept the suggestion. est in solitudmr jactusque est iuvenis Sagittarius) ; and
The symbolism of the eagle in Ciiristian an and lore iie dwelt in the wilderness of Paran [in the Sinai
o])ens tile field wideh to speculation.' Saxl iield that I'eninsula], and his mother took him a wife of the
"tlie eagle at the summit must undoubtedly be inter- land of Eg^^pt."
preted as :i symbol of the Ascension,"* but he did not If really, as Schapiro pointed out so convincingly, the
combine tlit arciier with the bird. Instead, tiie archer carvings m the Ruthwell Cross were centered on themes
reminded him of Psalm 90:6, "the arrow that fiieth by of the Egyptian desen and of the ascetic life in the
day," and of two archers in the representation of Psalm wilderness in general, it would not appear too far-
90 in the Utrecht Psalter who point their weapons at fetched to identify the archer with Ishmael. The rah-

i. I . Saxl, "Tht Ruthwell Cross," Journal of ttu Warburg 5. Sec T. Schneider, art. "Adler," Reallexii-on jier Anttkt
and CourtauLi Institutes, vi, 194J, pp. 1-19. uiiii Ckrsttentum, l, cols. 9 iff.
2. Meyer Schapiru, "Tht- Relipous Meaninp of the Ruth- C. F. Saxl, of.cit., p. 6.
well Cross," ART BULLETIN, X.XV1, 1944, pp. 232-245. Utrecht Psalter,
7. fol. S3^y cd. E. DfV\ald, Princeton,
3. M. Schapiro, p. 233 n. 4, sugg-ests, however, that at leat 1932, pL LXXXIV.
he wa.'i informed about Saxl's forthconiinp article. 8. M.
Schapiro, of.cit., p. 238 n. 5-.
4. Schapiro (^platt facinp p. 232 calls attention to the fact
) 9. B. Beer, Leheti Ahraiiam's nach Aufjassung der juducftev
that tile upper pan of tlit- Cross iias been reversed. Both archer Sage, Leipzig, 1859, p. 49; see also Louis Ginzlwrg, The
and bird an better recognizable in Sa.xl'.s study, pi. 4, b and d. Legetids oi tiK Jevis, Philadelphia, 194", I, pp. z63{. (a work
For tht drawing oi that section of the Cross (Fig. 1 am i ) to which Professor Kurt Weitznianii kindly culled my atten-
greatly obliged to Miss Anna C. Esnieijer, in Princeton. tion).

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 58 THE ART BULLETIN
binic tradition lias it that Ishmael became the teacher The however, of Ishmael the
iconographic pattern,
and master of all archers, and in another tradition it is archer shooting at a bird is not without a parallel, though
said that "he aimed at birds.'"" It is true, of course, it is rare. It is actually found in Insular art. British
that he was not an anchorite, althoutrh according to one Museum, Cotton Ms Claudius B.TV, an Aelfric Hepta-
tradition he became a penitent during the lifetime of teuch from St. Augustine's in Cantcrbiirj', of the second
Abraham." Moreover, the fact that "God was with quarter of the eleventh century, displays in a drawing
him" and protected him in the desert has to he taken (fol.36') a handsome, rather princely-looking youth,
into account, and John Chrysostom makes this feature Ishmael, who points his arrow at a bird perched on top
the focal point of his cxejjesis of Genesis 21, explaining of an extravagantly stylized tree and big enough to be
that there was even greater security for a man dwelling identified with an eagle (Fig. 2)." His mother Hagar,
in the desert, provided that God was his friend, than seated to the left side of the tree, makes a gesture that
for one living in the cities; Chrysostom returned to this suggests that she wishes to stop the youthful archer from
subject once more, thus interpreting Ishmael chiefly as shooting the bird, whereas the young Egyptian woman,
a pious man living in the desert.'" For all that, however, Ishmacl's wife, seems to soothe the anxiety of her
Ishmael as an archer represented another type of desert- mother-in-law. The representation of Ishmael the arch-
dweller than the hermits, one who through the descend- er, though suggested by the Bible, does not belong to a
ants born to him by his Egyptian wife became the epo- fixed cycle of pictures; but it is found occasionally, for
nvmic forebear of the Ishmaelites or A garem, the Arab example in a Rembrandt etching, where the lad is
tribes" that according to the legend turned against shown as an archer even in his father's house, at the
Israel''' and eventually, b\- accepting the faith of Ma- time when Abraham was host to his three angelic
homet, also turned against the Christian religion. This, Again, the legendary tradition mentions that
visitors.^*

then, was the fulfillment of the divine promise (Genesis Ishmael was present on that occasion."'
16:13) that went to Ishmael even before he was born, The stor}' of Ishmael is referred to once more in
saying: "He shall he a wild man. His hand will be the Bible: by St. Paul, in his Epistle to the Galatians
against all men, and
men's hands against him." And
all 4:22-31. The ston- is garbled, because the Apostle,
this is also the reason why, according to the legend, the introducing Ishmael as the son secundum camcm as
angels protested against showing the well tt) Hacar: distinguished from Isaac, Abraham's son secundum
"Why sliould Ishmael have water, since his descendants fromissioncm or se.cmtdum spiritum tries to demonstrate
will destroy the Israelites by thirst.'"^'' that it is always the son according to the flesh who will
It would be difficult to tell whether or not the persecute the son according to the spirit and to promise,
shooting at the eagle of the Ascension (if we accept and "even so it is now."^" Therefore he claims that
Saxl's interpretation of the bird) should be considered Isiimael -persecuted Isaac, a statement refuted by St.
significant of the hostility of the Ishmaelites against Jerome,-' whose words later were taken over verbatim
Israel and against the new chosen people of Christ. We by the Glossa orditiaria on the Bible. "- The Apostle may
should not forget that the eagle mav symbolize, on the have followed a Haggadah or Targum tradition when
basis of Psalm 102:5, and of Isaiah 40:31, the com- he maintained that Ishmael persecuted Isaac," just as
munit\- of the chosen with God.^" Also, must remain
it Jerome followed legendary tradition when he broadly
undecided wiiether the arciier in the Ruthwell Cross discussed the issue of inheritance which allegedly sepa-
is really aiming at the bird (as suggested by Schapiro) rated Ishmael from Isaac." Thereafter, however,
or shooting in vain (comparable to the archers in the Jerome fell in with St. Paul's arguments and held that
Utrecht Psalter), or not shooting at the bird at all. those living carnalh- will always persecute with Ishmael

B. Beer, of.cit., p. 169 n. 515.

10. / tarcofagi cristtani antichi, Rome, 1929-1936,
II, pi. 146, fig.

11. Max Seligsohn, art. "Ishmael," T/ie Jewis/i Encyclo- 2 i other examples and for the literature on the subject,
see, for
pedia, VI, cols. 647f. Schneider, '-Adler," KAC, i, col. 92). But even should that
12. John Chrysostom, In caf. xxi Genes., Homilta XLVl, wreath-holding eagle be more than a decorative element, it is
c. 2, Pair, gr., liv, col. 425; cf. c. 4, cols. 427f. iconographically too different from the eagle in the Ruthwell
13. Genesis 25:12-18. Cross to have any relevance here.
14. B. Beer, of.cit., p. 171 ; Selipsohn, in Jeviish Encyclof., Bartsch 29, Etching of 1656, to which Professor
18. Erwin
VI, col. 647. Panofsky obligingly called my attention.
15. B. Beer, of.cit., p. 51 ; Selig-sohn, loc.cit. C. B. Beer, of.cit., p. 39 n. 414.
19.
16. T. Schneider, "Adler," RAC, 1, col. 92. 20. For a hodiernal application of the Pauline version, see
17. Francis Wormald, Englis/i Draiuings of the Tenth and Erik Peterson, "Die Kirciie aus Juden und Hciden," in his
Eleventh Centuries, London, 1952, 19a and p. 67 (N.28
pi. I
;
Tfieologische Traklate, Munich, 1951, pp. 2416.
cf. pp. 39f., for the hypothesis that "the oripinal lyinp behind 21. Hieronymus, In Epist. ad Galat., c. iv, 29-31, ?atr. lat.,
thf Aelfric Heptateuch must havf been an important earlv XXVI, col. 419AB: "Non puto invenire nos {non in text is
Christian MS," thoufjh the artist would probably have followed wrong] posse ubi Isniael persecutus fuerit Isaac."
"a good tenth centur\ copy." 1 am ohlig-ed to Dr. Rosalie B. 22. Patr. lat., CXiv, col. 582B.
Green for calling my attention to this drawinfr- 23. B. Beer, of.cit., p. 49. Set, however, also Genesis 16:12:
The eagle, it found quite often in the reliefs of
is true, is "manus eius contra oiiiiies."
ancient Christian sarcophagi, holding in its Ijeak the wreath 24. Hieronymus, loc.cit. For tlie expulsion of Ishmael as an
surrounding tin Christograin above the triumplial Cross; best act of disinheritance, see B. Beer, of.cit., p. 49, also p. 6 1

visible in a sarcophagus at Aries and Avignon (J. Wilpcrt,

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 NOTES 59

the Isaacs, that is, those baptized and rising again with THE ARTISTIC EVOLUTION
Christ and setting their affection on things above, not
OF DAVID'S OATH
on things on earth (Col. 3:2),^'' or, as Augustine said,
always persecute the sursum J erusaLem.'^'^ F. HAMILTON HAZLEHITRST
Whether it could be argued that the archer in the
Ruth well Cross carvings is aiming at, and therewith Of all tlic paintings executed b)' Jacques-Louis David,
persecuting, a sursum Jerusalem or one of its equiva- probably the best known is the Oath of the Horatii (Fig.

lents, will remain a matter of interpretative speculation. i). During its day it created a tremendous stir among
Less speculative is perhaps another hit of evidence, that both amateur art lovers and critics. While there have
of the Lectionaries, whicii seems to connect the Ishmael been papers written on the origins of the theme of the

Story with the season of Lent. The First Sunday of Oath of the Horatii and the handling of the composi-
Roman usage, the Gospel tion, the evolution of the painting from its genesis to its
Lent has, according to oldest
of Matthew (4:1-11) describing the Temptation of completion has not as yet been thoroughly investigated.
Christ in the wilderness."' Since in that passage (verse The rational, creative, and thinking processes of this
6) Satan refers to Psalm 90:11, we find that the
famous Neoclassic French painter arc significant. In
Gradual, and the Tractus thereafter, are covered by the present paper we shall attempt to study the reasons
Psalm 90: "Thou shalt tread upon the lion and the for the successive changes David made in the prelimi-

adder."^* The Genesis passage about Ishmael (21:12- nary sketches of the work.

21) is, of course absent from the Roman system of It is which was later re-
ironic that the painting,

pericopes, because the Old Testament, if we except
Psalter and Prophets, is read only on few occasions. In
the Mozarabic Liher Com?nicus, however, the Genesis
passage is read on the Thursday of the First Week of
Lent, whereas the prophecy about Ishmael (Genesis
16:12) belongs to the Lesson of the preceding da)^
Wednesday after the First Sunday of Lent.^"
the Ishmael stort- nevertheless in the Epistle on the
garded by many as an ode to and justification of re-
bellion, was in fact commissioned by Louis XVI himself,
who, as we are told, greatly admired the finished work.
Indeed, since Louis XVI's commission was granted in
1 783, we may say that the Oath was painted on the eve
of the French Revolution. David probably did numer-
Rome ous preliminary sketches for the picture while in Paris;
has
but the actual painting was executed in Rome in 1784,

Fourth Sunday of Lent, the passage (Galatians 4:22- and it was exhibited at the Parisian salon the following
year.
31) that in the Liher Commicus is read on the Nativity
of St. John the Baptist, a day likewise connected with It is most likely that the initial impetus behind the
the idea of the wilderness.^" While all that may be
painting was a play by Corneille.^ The stor^', however,
inconclusive, the pericopes show none the less that Ish-
derived ultimately from Roman histori.^ In order to
mael has some right to be present in a climate in determine which tribe was
have dominion over the
to
which
^^ other, the three brothers Horatii were chosen by the
the ideas of asceticism and desert life prevail.
I believe, therefore, that we may safely work with a
Romans combat representatives of
to battle in single
the rival Albans. Unfortunately, the Albans selected
hypothesis holding forth that the archer in the Ruthwell
the Curiatii, three brothers who had close family ties
Cross refers to Ishmael in the wilderness. This, at an}'
with the Horatii.^ The Horatii carried off the victory
rate, seems a more satisfactory solution than the assump-
but not without the death of two of them. The remain-
tion according to which a purely decorative configura-
tion,having no religious meaning at all, was displayed
ing triumphant brother returned to Rome where he was
rebuked by his sister, Camilla, for killing her betrothed.
by archer and eagle in the summit of the RuthweD
Forthwith, to the consternation of the people, he drew
Cross.
his sword and slew her. While his daughter-in-law,
INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY Sabina, wife of the young Horatius and sister of the
PRINCETON, N.J. fallen Curiatii, grieved, the aged Horatius, in a declam-

25.Hieronynius, of.cit., col. 420A: "Hodie quoque hi Atilano Gonzales y Ruiz-Zorilla (Monumenta Hispaniae sacra,
qui . vivunt carnaliter persequuntur eos qui ex aqua et
. . Ser. Liturpica, 11), Madrid, 1950, I, pp. i02f. and 96f.
spiritu nati sunt et cum Christo resurgentes ea quaerunt quae 30. Liher Commicus, n, pp. 4.47f.
sursum sunt, non dcorsum. Faciant quod volunt: cum Ismacle 31. See above, nn. 1 i and 12, for the concept of Ishmael as
persequantur Isaac. ." . . a penitent.
26. Aug-ustinus, Efistolae ad Galatas exfoshio, 40, Pair,
lat., XXXV, cols. 2i33f. 1. The drama, first presented in 1639, was entitled Les
27. T. Klauser, Das romisc/ie Capitulare Evangeliorum Horaces.
(Liturgiefreschichtlichf Quellen und Forschuiigen, 2S), Miin- 2. Theprobable iconog-raphic sources for David's painting
ster, 1935, I, pp. 19 [no. 56], 65 [no. 64], 107 [no. 60], have been ably worked out by Edgar Wind in an article
146 [no. 73], 175 [no. 64]. entitled, "The Sources of David's Horaces" {Journal of the
28. For tht; Tractus, which is characteristic of the mass in Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 1940-1941, iv, 124-
pp.
Lent, see J. A. Jungmann, Missarum Sollemnia, 2nd ed., 13S).
Vienna, i949> '< PP- 53 if- The inner connection of the Tempta- 3. Horatius, the eldest of the three brothers, was married
tion with Psalm 90 has l)een pointed out by F. Saxl, of.cit., to Sabina, the sister of the Curiatii; Camilla, the only daughter
p. 2, and by M. Schapiro, of.cit., p. 233. of the aged Horatius, was betrothed to Curiatius, the eldest
29. Liber Commicus, ed. Fray Justo Perez dc Urbel and of the three Alban brothers.

U I J
 60 THE ART BULLETIN
atory speech, defended his son's actions. 'J'he moral of the short tunic who
rushes up the steps with his right
the play was, then, that duty and tiie defense of one's foot alread)' at the level of the two Horatii. This man
country were of greater importance than personal ties strongly recalls the running figure in the right fore-
of familial affection. groimd of Poussin's picture. The position of the feet,
David saw aperformance of Corncille's drama given legs, torso, and right arm is identical; even the fall of
in Paris at the end of i 782 by some of the finest actors the drapery folds over the upper leg is treated in a
of the day. He was apparently much moved by the play, comparable manner.
and when Louis XVI commissioned a painting, this David, seemingly very concerned that this royal com-
was the subject that the artist submitted for approval.* mission should be an outstanding success, wished advice
The painter's first interpretation of the story (Fig. and so explained his project to a number of his friends."
2)"'' shows the old father standing on a platform, with Some believed that there was not enough action in this
one arm dramatically outstretched, gesturing to the particular scene as rendered in the drawing, and sug-
crowd, and the other embracing the shoulders of his gested he paint the actual battle between the
that
stalwart son. At the foot of tlie steps lies the body of Horatii and the Curiatii. It appears that David found
the newly slain Camilla; Sabina, her head in her hands, these ideas not at all to his liking, for
bloodshed as such
grieves beside her. Other figures appear to be charging is ultimately not a part of the final composition.
Perhaps
up the steps, ready to attack the cruel son of the old he felt that such an interpretation would place too great
Horatius. The scene is one of action and melodrama. an emphasis on the momentary both in actual physical
In its basic disposition it suggests a certain afliliation to attitudes and the over-all content. Instead,
in David
Domenichino's Martyrdom of St. Andrew (Fig. 3).* chose a moment from the Horatii story that would most
In both cases, the central figures are placed in the right readily lend itself to the idea of classical serenity and a
foreground, a temple wall is seen in the middle ground dauntless moral fortitude; this solution enhanced the
with figures standing and seated within the portico, and sense of permanent values which is indeed the essential
in the far distance columned classical facade. It is
is a content of the painting.
known that David greatly admired the works of Do- Thus, the second sketch for the Oath to be con-
menichino and made sketches after his paintings during sidered (Fig. 5)"
reveals an entirely different episode
his first sojourn in Italy between I 775-1780. It would of the heroic story, for it portrays the actual oath-taking
be strange indeed he had not sketched this well-
if of the three brothers Horatii, one of whom is being
known picture while there. presented with the implements of battle by his father.
However, another artist and another painting ob- It is uncertain whether this drawing was done in Paris
viously figured far more prominently in the or after David's return to Rome in the latter part of
evolution
of the Oath of the Horatii. In his biography
of the 1784. I think it is more likely that this second sketch
artist,Jules David, the painter's grandson, specifically was executed in Rome, for it definitely bears the
designates Poussin's Rape of the Sahine Women as marked influence
the of another painting by Nicolas
painting that influenced the Oath (Fig. 4).' Poussin, The Death
David of Germanicus, formerly in the
himself is quoted as having said, "Si c'est a
Corneille Palazzo Barberini in Rome and now in the Minne-
que je dois mon sujet, c'est a Poussin que je dois
mon apolis Institute of Arts (Fig. 6). It seems only logical
tableau."" Yet, David's first sketch of the Oath that David should return
seems at this time for another look
quite unrelated to the composition of the
Sabincs. The at the great Poussin in Rome, although he could have
fine classical balance of Poussin's painting made
is entirely sketches of this particular work on his first trip
lacking. The similarities lie rather in the
common feel- to Italy. In any event, this painting appears to be of
ing of animation. It may be said that the idea considerable importance in the evolution of the Oath.
of placing
two important figures on a platform, one of re- whom First of all, the story of the death of Germanicus
mains relatively calm amidst a scene of general frenzy, and the specific scene chosen by Poussin is not far
IS not unlike Poussin
; also, the geometric, architectural removed from certain aspects of the Horatii theme.
arrangement of the background is similar. Only one The subject for Poussin's Death of Germanicus is
specific detail links Poussin's Sabmes unquestionably with derived from Tacitus." We see in the picture the
this earl)- sketch of the Oath, that being the figure in Roman general reclining on his death bed, surrounded

4. The proposed painting was described in a letter from n-

p. 45 19-
Anpiviller to David approving the artist's proposed subject Le feintre Louis David, souvenirs
7. Jules David, et docu-
(Archives Nationales 0I1932). "Horace, vainqueur des trois ments 1880.
inedils, Paris,
Curiaces, condamne a niort pour le nieurtre de Camille, sa Poussin's Rafe oj the Sahine Women was at the time in the
soeur, defend u par son pcre au moment ou les licteurs Royal Collection at the Palais Royal in Paris which was open
I'en-
trainent au supplice et absous par le peuple louche de ce to the public.
spectacle et du grand service qu'il vient de rendre a sa patrie." 8. This quotation is found in Alexandre Peron, Examen
This letter was cited by Alexandre Peron, Examen du tableau du tableau des Horaces, Paris, 1839, p. 31.
des Horaces, Paris, 1839. Among those called
9. in concerning the
for consultation
5. Louvre, no. 3196. There arc numerous extant preliminary proper subject matter of the painting were Trudaine, Wailly,
drawings for the Oat/i. Only those considered vital in the the architect, Le Brun, the art dealer, and Moitte, the sculptor.
evolution of the picture will be singled out. See Louis Hautecoeur, Louis David, Paris, 1954, p. 71.
6. This similarity of disposition has been pointed out by 10. This drawing is in the fecole des Beaux-Arts, Paris.
K. Holma, David, son e<vo/ution et son style, Paris, 1940, 11. Tacitus Annales 11. 72.

U I J L
 NOTES 61

by his faithful soldiers and his wife, Agrippina, and Germanicus was instrumental in determining both the
their children who mourn beside him. With his last mood and the essential design of the Oath of the
words the dying Gcrmanicus accuses Tiberius of Horatii, we should look at the sketcli in relation to the
poisoning him. In response to this revelation, one of finished rendering of the Oath (Fig. l)." The major
the warriors who stands in the center of the composi- difference which immediately strikes the eye is the
tion raises his right arm and swears to avenge his absence of a classical unity in the sketch and the final
general's death. The theme of vengeance because of change of emphasis in the picture itself.
moral duty seen in the Poussin and the idea of the In the drawing, the group of mourning women is
three Horatii taking the oath to save the state are not somewhat pushed to the foreground, thereby giving
dissimilar. as much prominence to these figures as to the Horatii
As soon as David had decided to interpret the drama themselves. In the painting, the disconsolate group has
in the physically less rigorous aspect of the oath-taking, been slightly moved back toward the middle ground
he turned to another aspect of Poussin that contained so that the more important figures of the actual oath
many of the elements appropriate for his desired scene. taking are given proper emphasis. The young Horatii
A close examination of the David sketch and the of the sketch do not emerge as a powerful, consolidated
Death of Gcrmanicus reveals a number of partially group. There is a feeling of uncertainty in their rather
concealed, cleverly assimilated ideas. First, in Poussin's haphazard arrangement; and their relationship with
painting there is the general grouping of the soldiers the mourning figures on the right appears timid and
to the left and the grieving women to the right which not well integrated. How different is the final arrange-
finds a parallel in the David drawing. David's group ment of the youthful Horatii, for in their stalwart and
of young warriors is nothing more nor less than a dynamic stance there is a fine sense of the unity of
modification of the soldiers in the Death of Grrmanicus. purpose and the ideals that will carry them to triumph
In his stance, the David warrior of the first row is in the field. The women in this picture form a clearly
close indeed to the helmeted and cloaked figure seen subordinate group. Perhaps the weakest of all of David's
in the Death. The figure of the spear-bearing soldier figures in this second sketch is the aged Horatius,
in the second plane of the David sketch is merely a inasmuch as his pose is without vigor. David must have
modification of the Roman warrior at the extreme left been cognizant of this weakness, for the figure of tlie
in the Death of G ermanicus }^ David, at this stage, elder Horatius becomes one of the strongest charac-
must have still felt that the elder Horatius would be terizations in the final painting. There, the long toga
most appropriately drawn in a long Roman toga and is abandoned, to be replaced by the simple tunic. The
so he retained this type of dress which is basically simi- solid stance of this figure from the waist down follows
lar to that found in the portrayal of the old man in explicitly that of the powerful young Horatius of
his first sketch of the Oath. The group of mourning David's first sketch for the Oath.
women in David's drawing shows a freer interpreta- Certainly the most marked difference between the
tion of the Poussin figures, but that they ultimately second sketch and the finished painting lies in the
derive from those in Poussin's Germanicus is certain. essential unity achieved in the latter, a unity which is

There is a corresponding pyramidal Al-

grouping. largely absent in the preliminary drawing. The back-
though, in contrast to Poussin, David places a kneeling ground arcade seems to add focus to the three different
figure in the lap of the seated Sabina, Sabina herself is parts of the painting, the young Horatii, their father,
simply a combination of two figures in Poussin's paint- and the group of their mourning women. ^* The paint-
ing the seated woman and the woman holding the ing further divides itself into two groups, that of the
child who stands immediately behind her. In the latter actual oath swearing, male figures
revealing in the
figure, the position of the head and the contour of the the sense of physical might and moral strength, and
shoulder and arm quite definitely find their counter- that of the women and children who display in their
parts in the Sabina of the sketch. A third figure appears forlorn attitudes a sense of feminine weakness and
in this David drawing, although it seems that the painter desolation. The Horatii of the painting are strongly
was less certain of the efficacy of this figure which marked in terms of composition by the sharp diagonal
leans over to embrace the two mourning women. The of the spear held by the younger Horatius at the left;
initial idea for this spectrelike image could have been there is a second emphatic diagonal formed by the
derived from the woman lifting the child in the Death stance of these figures, extending through their legs,
scene, but this analogy should not be pushed too far. bodies, and heads. This is countered by the attitude of
It is important, however, in view of the development the father which creates a diagonal going up in the
of the Oath, to note, at least, the shadowy presence opposite direction; these diagonals combined stress a
of this figure. V-shape in the composition of the painting. The apex
Once we can accept the idea that the Death of of the whole design is slightly off center and can be

12. David has only roughly drawn in the prominent cloak 39) reproduces a photograph of one of these extant
(op.cit., p.
thrown over the shoulder of the warrior in the Poussin arcades which is almost identical.

paintinp. For further discussion of the architectural background, see

13. The painting is in the Louvre, No. 189. Rene Crozef, "David et I'architecture neo-classique," Gazette
14. David doubtless saw similar arcades in Italy. Holma des Beaux-Arts, April 1955, pp. 211-220.
 62 THE ART BULLETIN
seen to focus on the cluster of swords, now held high much like that of the Oath, that is, it is seen in the
by the aged Horatius as he invokes the aid of the gods middle ground a little to the left of center in the
for their divine assistance.'* In David's painting, the canvas in the area between the charging horseman and
women to the right appear as a secondary appendage, the seized and elevated Sabine woman.
but they are linked to the Horatii figures in terms of It interesting to note that in the first
is borrowing
the over-all composition, for the left foot of the elder from Poussin's Rafe of the Sabine Women, David
Horatius visually leads directly to the seated female was satisfied with capturing the older artist's sense of
figure. A distinct diagonal is thus created which be- drama, the tenseness and movement of figures. When
comes one side of a clearly marked triangle formed David again turns to Poussin's Sabines it is apparently
by the two figures of Camilla and Sabina. for reasons of classical composition in terms of harmony
But again, David has not achieved this compositional and balance. This was a vital step, for as we have
unity without the shadow of Poussin falling heavily already seen, it was sorely needed in David's second
upon him. To ascertain this, we must refer again to sketch in order to pull his composition together into
Poussin's Rafe of the Sabines. To the left of this a meaningful whole.
painting are two figures of lictors standing immediately There are a number of missing pieces to the puzzle
below the platform. Each stands with one arm ex- of the Oath's evolution. Of course, many of the modifi-
tended directly outward. The one nearest the picture cations must be credited to David's own
of design
plane turns his back to the viewer, and his legs are inventiveness. But at least one other painting by
placed solidly apart; his fellow Roman faces him, his Nicolas Poussin, the Testament of Eudaynidas (Fig.
right foot pointing into the foreground. In the stance
7)," must be cited in connection with the origins of
of these two figures there is a distinct affinity with David's great painting. It cannot be said with cer-
those of the young Horatii of David's painting.'" The tainty that David ever saw painting, but
this it was
artist has merely made slight modifications; he has known through engravings during the lifetime of the
added, of course, the third brother and has made the artist. If we compare Poussin's work with one
of the
group more solidly compact than that in Poussin's last preliminary drawings before the actual execution
painting. The conception of the elderly father as a of the Oath of the Horatii (Fig. 8),'* which we shall
figure of great physical strength and of obvious plebeian refer to as the Lille drawing, I think we shall have
simplicity is probably also derived from the Sahmes. to accept the suggestion that this death scene too is
The heavy muscular bearded man seen fleeing in the involved in David's masterpiece.
right forejrround of Poussin's painting,whose pose The mourning figure who rests her head in the lap
was used eariier in David's first drawing for the Oath, of the old woman is surely the most Davidian of all
is now plainly similar in type
(although dissimilar in Poussin's figures thus far cited. In mood and
its posture
pose) to that of the old Horatius of David's finished It is not far removed from the Lille drawing, and
painting. indeed, is quite close to the central seated figure in the
In terms of composition perhaps we may draw one finalcomposition. If this were the only analogy between
further analogy between these two works. As in the the two works, then the comparison might be
termed
Oath of the Horatii, we find a diagonal starting at the coincidental, but there are several other features that
top of Poussin's extreme left in the
picture at the would appear to make the comparison justifiable. On
cornice of the building and descending to approximately the wall in thebackground of the Death of Eudamidas
the middle of the painting; this diagonal is countered hangs a spear, a shield, and several daggers. Also to
by one ascending up to the right, the whole forming a be noted in Poussin's picture is the round table with
V-design similar to David's composition. And to the panther-headed supports. Both of these elements are
right, outside of this triangular device, is an important to be found in the Lille sketch, modified to be
sure, but
but secondary episode in the drama, a soldier leaning nevertheless, essentially the same.'" In the Lille draw-
over to seize a young girl from the hands of an old ing, the old woman who supported the girl
in the
woman. The actual apex of Poussin's painting is very Poussin painting is seen doubled up in grief over the

15. This unity of focus was lacking in the sketch derived by another hand; and hence, it was probably added at a later
from Poussin's Germanicus where only one of the sons appears date. Even if the 1782 date on the sketch is accepted as David's,
to receive the swords.
the year in all probability refers to the time of David's
decision
16. The similarity of one of Poussin's lictors with the to portray a scene inspired by the story of the
Horatii. The
stance of the young Horatius was pointed out by \. Peron, artist's signature is almost always either David
fecit or David
Examen du tableau des Horaces, Paris, 1839,
P- 3. /acie^a/. Occasionally he uses invenit but usually in
conjunction
\ 7. The original, formerly in the Moltke Collection, is with or faciebat to indicate that the drawing or painting
fecit
now in the Statens Museum for Kunst in Copenhagen. There was conceived and executed at the same time.
are several copies and numerous engravings of the work. See
19. The
shield is of a different shape in the Lille sketch,
E. Magne, Nicolas Poussin, fremier feititre du roi, Brussels but one of the young Horatii holds a round shield. In the
final
and Paris, 1914, pp. 219-220. version of the Oath, the round shield finds its way to
the
18. located in the Palais des Beaux-Arts, Lille.
It is
back wall.
This drawing bears the inscription, L. David, inv. iyS2. Themotif of the small vase on the table seen in the Death
Since the drawing was done in Rome, its actual execution
of Eudamidas may have been transformed in the Lille drawing
doubtless dates from 1784. A
close examination of the inscrip- into the large crater placed on a pedestal behind the mourning
tion shows the actual date below the signature to be distinctly women.

U I
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J U I
 NOTES 63

table. The borrowings from tlie Death of Eudamidas of David lies in these very purifications, especially since
were in all likelihood transmitted by way of an engrav- the moral content is so inextricably tied up in them.
ing. This would account for the reverse positions of David, when he declared, "Si c'est a Corneille que
the grief-stricken young woman and that of the spear, je dois mon sujet, c'est a Poussin que je dois mon
shield, and daggers in the final painting of the Oath tableau," was being astonishingly forthright in paying
as well as in the Lille drawing. One otlicr element the fiddler his due. This payment should be recognized
that is similar in terms of general composition is the today.
analogous division of the pictures two
in a to one ratio;
in the case of the Death Eudamidas, this division
UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA
of
isemphasized by the architectural background.^"
Another comparison could and should be made in
regard to one more detail of the final painting of the A MINOR POET MEETS HIRAM POWERS
Oath. Tlie old woman bowed over the table in the
Lille sketch is replaced in the painting by an adoring
EVERARD M. UPJOHN
mother protectively embracing her children. The con- Perhaps no American sculptor of his generation won
tour formed by her shoulder and head is exactly the such applause as Hiram Powers. Tuckerman's enthu-
same as that of the old woman in the Lille drawing. siasm, to be sure, is so characteristic of that generous
The idea of incorporating children in the Oath appar- if none too critical annalist as to weigh only lightly
ently came late in the evolution of the picture. It seems in the scales.^ To his plaudits we may add those of
David returned, in this regard, to
quite possible that
Hawthorne,^ of C. Edwards Lester,^ himself a minor
Poussin's Death of Gcrmanicus where children are
sculptor, and of Henry W. Bellows.'* Lester indeed
very much in We
have already seen that the
evidence.
tells us that Old World recognized Powers as
tiie
idea of an embracing figure, though abandoned in the
worthy of standing beside Michelangelo and Thor-
Lille drawing, had already been in David's mind in
valdsen," and that Thorvaldsen, who visited Powers'
the earlier preliminary sketch in which a barely defined
studio in Florence, said "The entrance of Powers upon
figure embraces the mourning Camilla and Sabina.
In the Gcrmanicus painting the standing woman at
the field constituted an era in art."" To be sure, not

the right supporting the child, who has been previously

every one shared these views. The Cosmopolitan Art
Journal in i860 found little to praise in the Greek
mentioned in respect to the second sketch of David,
Slave,'' but in this was out of tune with its day. Jarves
is very close in type, feeling, and actual contour to the
also failed to share the entiiusiasm of his contempo-
mother in the Oath, especially if we reverse the figure.
In this analysis of the Oath of the Horatii, it must raries,* but these dissenters were exceptions to the rule.

be stressed that though David borrowed heavily from Elizabeth Clementine Kinney, a minor American

different sources, he ultimately produced a work that poet, was not an exception. Tliis puritanical hypo-
appears fresh and new in conception. From the be- chondriac and blue stocking came to the Casa del Bello
ginning, David was constantly trying to purify in in Florence in 1863, after spending four years at Turin

terms of figure types, composition, and content. He
eliminates extraneous details whenever possible. This
is most obvious when we compare the late Lille draw-
ing with the final work. The distracting male figure
behind the group of mourning women as well as the
large vase at the extreme right are omitted. The stair-
where her husband had been sent as American minister.
On October i, 1854, she opened her Journal." Therein
she bemoaned from time to time her maladies and other
personal misfortunes, recorded some of her poems, and
described her friends. The Powers lived across the
street (entry of Dec. 23, 1854) and for several years

case and the figure seated at the top are left out, to be the families saw each other frequently. Mrs. Kinney
replaced by a simple antecliamber only barely percepti- read Powers her poem, the Beggar-boy; his approval
ble in the dense shadows. All of the changes then made so delighted her that she wrote enthusiastically ". . . he
by David from the beginning are along lines of simplifi- is a true, as he is man, & never flatters [Nov. 30,
a great
cation and clarity of expression. In tlie final analjsis, 1854]." Mrs. Kinney had reservations about the
the froideur, which characterizes this highly Neoclassic morality of court life in Turin, but while avoiding
painting, is carried to far greater extremes than in high society in Florence she found her associations
any of the paintings of Nicolas Poussin. The greatness there with the Powers, Robert and Elizabeth Barrett

20.This division of the picture surface is one used by many 4. Henry W. Bellows, "Seven Sittings with Powers, the
artists, but it is employed frequently by Poussin whence it Sculptor," Afflcton's Journal, June 12-Sept. 11, 1869.
probably found its way to David's painting. 5. Lester, op.cit., p. 2.
6. Lester, op.cit., p. 8.
1. Henry T. Tuckcrnian, Book of the Artists, New York, 7. Albert T. Gardner, "Hiram Powers and William
1867. Rimmer," Magazine of Art, February, 1943, pp. 43-47.
Nathaniel Hawthorne,
2. T/ie French and Italian Note- 8. James Jackson Jarves, The Art Idea, New York, 1877.
books, Boston, 1858. 9. Elizabeth Clementine Kinney, Journal, Oct. 1854 to
3. C. Edwards Lester, The Artist, the Merchant, and the Jan. 1866; this unpublished manuscript is in the Columbia
Statesman of the Age of the Medici and of Our O'wn Time, University Library.
New York, 1845.

U I J J
 64 THE ART BULLETIN
Browning, tlic Trollopes, and two brotliers of Alfred How, then, did this man impress Mrs. Kinney?
Tennyson very much more to her taste. Lester has left us his observations of Powers ten years
Were bestowed on the sculptor by these
tlie laurels earlier, and not long after Powers' arrival in Florence.
writers prompted by the attempted idealism of the
Bellows' description comes fifteen years later, near the
Greek Slave, the Fisher Boy, or the California^ They
end of Powers' life. Hawthorne and Jarves saw Powers
are generally mentioned with approval, sometimes with
in the 1850's but neither has given us quite the same
enthusiasm. And yet it is hard
that such to believe
intimate and informal picture as Mrs. Kinney. Here
pedestrian stereotypes alone can account for the fame
are but random jottings. There is no attempt to sketch
of this Vermont Yankee. Or was it the striking realism
Powers' life, or to present his theories of sculpture in
of such portrait busts as that of Andrew Jackson? It
any comprehensive fashion, and yet her observations
might be so, and yet neither Lester, nor Bellows, nor
Mrs. Kinney devote much space to them as objects.
serve to confirm, and in some respects to amplify, the

Perhaps Powers' remarks on his purposes in sculpture,

more complete accounts mentioned above.
his theories,
Proximity fostered the intimacy between the Kinneys
fascinated Here we may
these authors.
approach tlie answer. His comments were uttered in and the Powers. Powers saw his neighbors daily, and
conversation, helped them with advice when they were sick. Likewise
face to face with those who later re-
corded them. Under these circumstances, the romantic the families shared their social life.

struggles of his early and his later financial suc-

life, "We are highly favored in having MrPowers for
cess, lent splendor to his accomplishment in stone, and a neighbor: he lives right opposite, & may be seen more
authority to liis words. Perhaps it was more Powers, than once every day crossing the street in his sculptor
the man, tlian Powers, the artist, who was the real blouse & cap to make us a call in some respite moment
attraction. [Dec. 23, 1854].
Born in Woodstock, Vermont, in 1805, Powers "Mr Powers comes in to see my husband several
moved to Cincinnati in 18 19, where, among other times a day: he has made
himself so useful too, in
things, he worked in a clock and organ factory, made every case of indisposition in the family since we came
his first bust in wax, and devised for the Western
here, that we
him Dr. Powers [Dec. 28, 1854]
call !

Museum'" a remarkable animated model of Dante's "Last evening went to Mrs Powers' reception for
Inferno." These activities brought him to the attention the first time this winter; yet she has them every
of Nicholas Longworth, who, in 1835 sent him to
Thursday . . . [Feb. 16, 1855].
Washington,'- where Powers busied himself modeling
"MrPowers, for instance, passes some part of almost
J. Q. Adams, Calhoun, Marshall,
busts of Jackson,
every evening with us, & I never feel the time lost
Van Buren, and other political leaders.'' The brother
which is spent with him. Mr Browning, the poet, is
of Senator William Campbell Preston of South Caro-
lina helped him to go to Florence" in
often with us; also Mr Jarves, the author, & others as
1837, where
his plaster busts could be converted into marble. There
gifted & intelligent [March 26, 1855].
he stayed
"Went last evening to Mrs Powers' reception, &
until his death in 1873, leaving the environs
heard some good singing by an American lady who is
of Florence only twice in that time for week-long
soon to make her debut as frima donna at one of these
visits to Rome.'^ All this is well known.
theatres [April 9, 1855]."
Moreover, Powers' success commanded at least the
financial respect deserved. When It was Powers, the man, who fascinated Mrs.
it he came to Flor-
ence he brought with him thirteen busts to put into Kinney.
marble at $300 each." As the years passed and his "How beautiful it is to see one who stands at the
reputation grew he was able to increase his fees, and very head of American Art who has indeed won a
did so in order to discourage further commissions for name in all lands prouder than that of any living sculp-
portraits." The Greek Slave was bought by Mr. Grant tor so simple, so childlike in his ways! ... I have never
for $3,700." He also made six replicas of that statue met a great man who spoke so little of himself: he
which sold at an average price of $4,000." His ideal seems scarcely to think of himself, or of acquisition in
bust of Proserpina was bought by Mr. Cary of Phila- any way. Labors to perfect every thing he does, for
delphia for $500,^ as was the bust of John Marshall Art's sake
when by slighting the minutiae, as other
for the same amount by the Federal Government in
1840.^' The Government
sculptors do in their works & striving only for the
commissioned him in
also grand effect, he might make double the money, & lose
1855 to do full length statues of Franklin and Jeffer- no general fame. Hardly ever does he speak of his own
son at $10,000 apiece; these were installed in the works; yet he is not by any means indifferent to praise,
Capitol in 1863." or blame from true sources. Never does he step in, even

10. Edward H. Dwir^ht, "Art in Early Cincinnati," Cincin- 18. Ibid.

nati ArtMuseum Bulletin, Auf^ust 1953. 19. Gardner, of.cit.
11. Bellows, of.cit., 26 June 1869.
20. Lester, loc.cit.
12. IhiJ. 13. IbiJ. Ibid.
14..
21. Glenn Brown, History of the United States Capitol,
15. Bellows, of.cit., 12 June 1869. Washington, 1900, p. 184..
16. Bellows, of.cit., 11 Sept. 1869. 22. Brown, of.cit., p. 183.
17. Lester, of.cit., p. 16.

U I J U
 NOTES 65

for a moment, without suggesting something to my the acknowledged head of our respectable body of
mind by his conversation, wliicli not being great, in artists. The statue may, on this account, be received

the usual sense, is always to the point, always profita- less entluisiastically tlian were his Eve, & Greek Slave;

ble, always suggestive. He too, is a self-educated man: but all true critics will, I am sure, feel it to be superior

lias devoured science and mechanics; for which his to cither, with sublime face 'commercing with the
its

native taste is so strong that it is the fashion with some skies,' & seeming to be lighted thence with divine
to deny him the higher sense of the ideal. I have seen beauty [Dec. 23, 1854].
him now every day for over a year; have been an "We should regret leaving Florence as much on
earnest listener to his conversation, a profound student account of parting with our sculptor friend, as for
of his mind: I believe him to possess the imaginative anything else. We went over with him to see his statue

faculty, the creative power in a high degree. This Pcnsierosa, now completed, in a favorable light which
purpose of showing
conviction founded quite as much on his conversation,
is he had arranged from above for tlic

as on the works he has already produced. His mind is it, looking its best, to us. And grand indeed it looked.

not only analytical, but metapliorical his analogies Tho' the undraped original, standing beside it, was
are always striking, his expressions figurative, foettc: more beautiful. Drapery cannot improve such a perfect

indeed he shows a vivid imagination, a comprehensive work as this, & I am pleased that Mr Powers means

scope. ... He has made enemies strong ones; but to put it marble undraped, as the leading figure
also in

these have always proved to be bad men. He is severe of a group which he contemplates executing soon. The

on every species of wickedness; has no tolerance for style of drapery necessary for illustrating Milton's lines,

immorality in any shape, & never hesitates to show his was not favorable for the best ideal effect. However
the face of the statue so sublime tliat one forgets
indignation for a rogue, be he in high, or low life . . .
is

every thing before [April 12, 1855].

I never saw him the least lifted up by any honors he else it

received, tho' his studio is frequented by all great men Powers has been made very happy by a bill just
"Mr
of the world who come to Florence even by princes passed in both houses at Washington, to give him an
and sovereigns of the most imperial rank; nor did I order for America, for the Capitol. Twenty-
his statue,

ever see him disdain the humblest person who sought five thousand dollars have been appropriated for his

to know him, if that person he believed virtuous [Dec. work, & he will realize something handsome by it,
as the statue is already modelled & will only have to be
23, i854l."
Both Lester and Bellows devote much attention to put in marble by his workmen. I rejoice truly that the

Powers' desire for absolute fidelity of detail in his Government has at last done justice to our sculptor.*

portrait busts. Save for the brief phrase in the passage The statue is beautiful & appropriate both in design &

just quoted, Mrs. Kinney almost ignores this side of execution.

"* President Pierce never permitted this act of justice
bis output, but has a good deal to say about his ideal
works. to our sculptor to be carried out [March 26, 18155]."
"I believe him capable of doing anything that any In the realm of theory, Mrs. Kinney offers this
other artist, ancient, or modern, has done, or will do. entry.

He has never made a group: some say he never wilU "Last evening speaking of the beauty of antique
in

because he never can. Perhaps he never will do it; vases, he observed that the oval or generic form was

tho' T hope he may, to satisfy these sceptics; or, rather the embn'o of all grace in men, animals and tilings

(for they are not deserving of it) to enrich the world the ege of beauty itself comprising the first idea of

of art; but I venture to declare that he who can all curving lines.

symmetrical, makes four ovals: the

The human form he added, when
first, is the face;
make such single figures as his, can weave them to-

gether in lines of beauty can express in marble a the second, the chest & viscera, the third,
from the knees to the ankles.
from thence
harmoni- to the knees; the fourth
unity of idea in multiplicity of form, no less
ously, than he has made the several parts of the single In most vegetables & flowers the same is observable;
figure blend in sweet accord to express one thought the seed being generally oval the fruit often so, &
of beauty. The statue illustrating Milton's // Prnsteroso the bud always. was of course struck with the idea,
I

(which by the bye is misspelt 'Penseroso' in the title never so presented to my mind before at nncc mathe-
of the poem, there being no such word in modern matical & poetical, & such is the mind of Hiram Powers

Italian) on which Mr Powers has been engaged for [Feb. 4, 18551."

the past year is the most successful expression of intel- Powers was not the only sculptor whom the Kinneys
lectual beauty that was ever produced in marble; for knew.
the ancients to give their ideal woman a soul, as "Mr. Hart, our sculptor, passed some hours with us
fail

well as a body typifying all physical beauty: hence the (he) is fullnew & wonderful invention; an
of his
Venus de Medici disappointed me being, as it is, instrument for measuring the human form so accu-
only the most perfect expression of female grace ever rately that, with its aid, an artisan can make a bust or

given to immortality; lacking, as it does, that soul- statue nearly as well as an artist, & that, from three or
beaming face which is the first & last requisite of the four sittings of the subject. It will certainly be valuable
perfect woman. . . . There seems to be a jealousy as a time & labor saver; but Mr
Powers disapproves
springing up against Mr. P. I suppose because he is of it as making art too mechanical. Mr Hart is a man
 66 THE ART BULLETIN
of inventive mind, of genius too, I believe, aside from family, Mr. Hume, & ourselves i.e. my husband &
his meciianical genius. He has made some of the finest [Nov. 10, 1855]."-*
I
busts I ever saw, & tho' he persists in giving all the Mrs. Kinney later regained her skepticism. On No-
merit of tlicm to Jiis instrument, none but an artist
vember 29, she notes: "I have closely observed, &
could liavc made such busts even with that. I prayed
believe that what he desires (not what we desire,
unless
him to begin his statue of Henry Clay, which he was It happens to jump with his wish) always comes
to
sent abroad some four years by the ladies of since, pass." Robert Browning consistently scoffed
at the
Virginia, to make; or at least
to try his instrument on wliole business.
some statue: he replied that he was waiting to find a
Powers did not. However, his acceptance of these
perfect model, when he would reproduce human form
manifestations of spirits from another world would
exactly from nature by Jiis instrument, & make such a
seem to have had little, if any, effect on his sculpture.
statue as never was made before. His invention is his
He went on working in Florence as he had be-
rigiit
pet; on this he seems determined to base Ins fame:
fore. Mrs. Kinney's final reference to Powers fittingly
indeed he shows no ambition to be known, save as its
closes her random remarks.
in venter, & expects to get a patent for it FFeb. 8.
"^'^ "All our acquaintances have left Florence for the
1855].
But to return Powers. Mrs. Kinney notes (Dec.
to
summer, save Mr Powers & family, who seems as un-
wilhng to move, as my husband For twenty years
23> J ^54) that he was a Swedenborgian, and therefore is.

predisposed to believe in communications from the spirit Mr P. has labored at his art in the same place, &, I
world. During November 1855, Mr. Home, a medium believe, without having made any excursions out of
from Boston, appeared the city. His wife, a staid, quiet person,
in Florence. He had already has borne him
gained notoriety London eight children here, & remained always
in (entry of May 1855)
2, at lier domestic
and now held a number of
seances in Florence. Mrs. post, nursing & bringing them all up herself, & scarcely
Kinney was frankly skeptical beforehand, but since leaving her own nursery & fireside for even a day.
neither she nor any one else in Florence could account But, she is careworn, &
looks prematurely old, thro'
for the phenomena on rational grounds, she was nearly this constant round of duties unvaried
by any chano-e.
converted. He needs airing, more morally & artistically, than
too,
"I have had further opportunities of investigating physically. I could not but think while
at Rome how
Mr Hume's mysterious doings, & again seat myself to much good would do him toit visit that old Metropolis
make memoranda of whathave experienced, for fu-
I of Art [Aug. 17, 1856].""
ture reference. We had a seance the other evening at
the house of Mr Powers: no one present save th e COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

This passage refers to the Kentucky sculptor, Joel T.

23. m her Journal. In May 1858, the Kinnevs Florence and
left
Hart, 1 8 10-1877, whose statue of Henry Clay in Richmond went to Bagni di Lucca, and then to Leghorn. They returned
was finished in i 859. to Horence in November 1858, staying first in' the
Mrs. Kinney
24-
Casa
in passage refers to the tiiediuni as
this Francois, and then in the Villa Giglioni, Bello
Mr. Huine, thoujjii Sguardo, near
in a number of other passages the name Florence (28 .April 1859). The few remaining entries were
is spelled correctly as Home. written in Germany (1864-1865), France (1865), and finallv
25. After this date, Mrs. Kinney made only sporadic entries Morristown, New Jersey (1866).

/
I
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FRANZ JOSEPH DOLGER-l NSTITUT BONN, den 27. 4. I960
UNIV.-HAUPTGEBAUDE, AM HOF 1

ZUR ERFORSCHUNG DER SPATANTIKE

TELEFON: 31941/431
Direktor: Professor Dr.Th.Klauser

Herrn Professor Dr. Ernst H, Kantorowicz

The Institute for Advanced Study
Princeton, New Jersey (USA)

Lieber Herr Kantorowicz,

vielen herzlichen Dank fur Ihr Separatum mit der so hiibschen Beobach-
tung, dass der Bogenschiitze am Kreuz von Ruthwell sehr wohl in die
Reihe der Hinweise auf die vita eremitica gehoren konnte, Eine letzte
Unsicherheit bleibt, wie Sie ja selbst gesehen haben, insofern, als
der Bogenschiitze of f ensichtlich mehr im Blick nach oben denn im Blick
nach unten gedeutet werden muss. Nach DACL 4,2,1911 waren oben links
ein Fisch, oben rechts ein Schwan und an der Spitze ein Mann mit einem
Vogel dargestellt. Ich kann nicht feststellen, ob diese Beschreibung
zuverlassig ist. Wenn ja, dann wiirden wohl alle drei Bilder symbolisch
verstanden werden miissen. Aber in welchem Sinne? Spielt hier vielleicht
eine Vorstellung der spaten Monchsmystik herein: der Monch( Ismael) mit
dem Pfeil der Meditation nach gottlichen Zielen schiessend? Haben Sie
jedenfalls herzlichen Dank fur dieses neue Specimen Ihrer gelehrten
Meditation.

Jahrbuc h 2 haben Sie hoffentlich inzwischen erhalten. Was sagen Sie

dazu? In den nachsten V/ochen kommt ein Bericht liber die ersten 20 Jahre
des Reallexikons.

Herzlichst griissend Ihr

U I
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 279 West 4th Street
New York 14
April 6,1960

Dear Dr, Kantorovricz,

I'm verye touched by your note on the lluthwell
archer - a subject that brings back to memory some of the ploasantest
days I have ever spent on a problem of mediaeval art. It would be es-
pecially af^!;reeable to me to accept your decipherment of this fipure,
since it would confirm in a way my view of the cross as a whole. But
the reason that led me originally to doubt the religious sense of this
figure - and I believe it has a sense, though a "secular" one, and is ^' ("^^
not purely "ornamental" - is still compelling : the archer occurs else-
where in Hiberno-Saxon sculpture and in contexts that make a relipious
interpretation, such as yours, doubtful to me. Would you, by the way,
explain the falconer on the Bewcastle cross as part of the iconographic
scheme ?
I would be more inclined to consider your interpret-
ation, in spite of this difficulty, if you could cite some Anglo-Saxon
texts ( in Latin or the vernacular ) which speak of Ishmael, in the sense
you give him, as so many texts speak of the known ascetic themes and
figures on the Ruthwell Cross.
Since you comment on the circumstances of the
publication of Saxl's and my own article, perhaps I should tell you more
about themo As a matter of fact, he knew the main substance of my article
in 1943 through a letter I had written him. I had made a draft in 1942,
which I read to Kitzin,"er that year or early in 1943. Saxl wrote to me
t at that time, asking if I could supply him with some unpublished examples
of Christ treading on the beasts, as in rs,91, a theme he was studying
in connection with the example on the Ruthwell Cross, In his catalogue
of English Art and the Mediterranean, published shortly before, you will
see that he still held to the old view of the subject on the Cross. I
did send him some photos, but I also wrote him atk length then to say that
I did not accept that interpretation of Christ and the beasts and proposed
the one in my article. Some months later Saxl cabled me, asking me to
permit him to quote my letter zszBBxaxtxEiK which he said coincided with
his own results, ii In the course of his study of the Cross he had come
upon the same evidence. In his article the letter is quoted in part and
without the date - an inadvertence for which Saxl apologized and which he
offered to correct in a reprinting of his article ( which never appeared).

Ican't at this moment send you a list of the

other examples of the archer in insular sculpture. I write from memory
of the studies I made almost twenty years ago. But it I will look through
my old notes and write you again on this matter, if yoiire interested.
If the figure shoulil indeed turn out to be Ishmael and if the conception
depends on the Jewish ^;idrashic tradition, it would be particularly striking
in the light of another"nebraisra"in insular art, the theme of the angel
brin'ring the ram to the Sacrifice of Isaac, which I -have traced to Jewish
sources via Alcuin ( Ars Islamica, 1943) in an artic le I wrote for the
70th birthday of my old friend, Louis Ginzberg.
With warm regards,
^7 Cordially,

U I U U
^JSSIS,

f\y ixic Fm/icV 'ypM^lrrrr7f*j?r7 r^5(j^ rf-^'r7)/^

-///g

of
c/c^k ><s.
w?
'r^'-

I L
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U I U L
 AN OFFPRINT FROM

Dumbarton Oaks Papers

NUMBER FOURTEEN

ON THE GOLDEN MARRIAGE BELT

AND THE MARRIAGE RINGS OF THE
DUMBARTON OAKS COLLECTION
Ernst H. Kantorowicz

THE DUMBARTON OAKS RESEARCH LIBRARY AND COLLECTION

I U J
 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BY THE
TRUSTEES FOR HARVARD UNIVERSITY
THE DUMBARTON OAKS RESEARCH LIBRARY AND COLLECTION
WASHINGTON, D. C.

Distributed by

J. J. Augustin, Publisher

Locust Valley, New York

I
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 42-6499
Printed in Germany at J. J. Augustin, Gluckstadt

I
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 ON THE GOLDEN MARRIAGE BELT
AND THE MARRIAGE RINGS OF THE
DUMBARTON OAKS COLLECTION
Ernst H. Kantorowicz

I U J
 THERE Symposium
at this
are several ohjets d'art in the
held in honor of
Dumbarton Oaks
founders on the occasion of their
its
Collection which

fiftieth wedding anniversary should not pass unnoticed, and the dis-
cussion of which fittingly opens this year's series of papers the golden marriage:

belt from Syria (figs. la-b) and a number of Byzantine marriage rings (figs.
27a-b, 29a-b). The iconographic questions connected with these objects, and
ultimately with the far broader problem of interrelations between Roman coins
and Christian rites, are not entirely unknown, since they have been studied at
This article is identical with a paper read at the Sym-
broad outline. ^ There remain, however, some details which are interesting
least in

posium on "The Dumbarton Oaks Collection: Studies in

enough to justify a new assessment of the material and which may lend depth
to the over-all historical perspective.
Byzantine Art," held at Dumbarton Oaks in May 1958. The
paper, in its turn, was based on a section of the lecture on

"Roman Coins and Christian Rites," given at Dumbarton

Golden belts composed and forming a piece of
of coins or coin-like medallions
jewelry which, according to Roman law, might even be an object of usufruct,
Oaks as far back as April 1951.
were not unusual in early Byzantine times.^' There is, for example, a very similar
belt, equal in length to the one at Dumbarton Oaks
(74 cm.), in the De Clercq
Collection, in Paris (fig. 2).^ A third one is in the Metropolitan Museum; it was
found in Kyrenia, on Cyprus, where it was unearthed together with a now fa-
mous set of silver dishes and other valuables (fig. 3).^ The Kyrenia girdle is
remarkable for its monetary value. It is composed of solid gold medallions and
coins and weighs almost a pound; that is, as Mr. Philip Grierson has pointed
out, almost three-months' salary of a provincial governor, which amounted to
four pounds of gold annually during the reign of Justinian. The other two
girdles are much lighter, since their central medallions and the adjoining meda-
lets are relatively thin pieces of gold pressed from molds and therefore hollow
on the reverse side. If, as Mr. Marvin Ross has suggested, the design of the cen-
tral medallion actually goes back to genuine gold medallions distributed by the
emperor, the implication would be that the older pattern of imperial gifts, which
followed the consular type that is, displaying the emperor on his chariot in
the consular procession had been replaced, in the late sixth or seventh century,

1 The material
has, quite recently, been assembled in a convenient and efficient way by W. VVein-
stock, "Pronuba," 7?, XXIIIri (1957), 750-756; see also Arnold Ehrhardt, "Nuptiae," RE.'SXW.z
(1937), 1478-1489, and the articles by Belling and Kotting mentioned infra, notes 8 and 10.
^ Dig., 7,1,28: Nomismatum aureorum vel argenteontm veterum, quibus pro gemmis uti solent, usus

fructus legari potest. Odofredus on this law (Lyon, 1552), fol. 250^, gl. numismatum: Poteris uti [numis-
matibus] in gemmis et portare ad pectus vel decorare teipsum, shows that the intention of the legislator
was perfectly clear to the jurists in the thirteenth century.
^See Philip Grierson, "The Kyrenia Girdle of Byzantine Medallions and Solidi," Numismatic
Chronicle, ser. VI, vol. XV {1955), 55-70, who (pp. 57, 59) briefly discusses also the other girdles.
See Marvin C. Ross, "A Byzantine Gold Medallion at Dumbarton Oaks," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 11

I (1957). 247-261, esp. 258.

1
* A. de Ridder, Collection De Clercq: Les bijoux pierres gravies, VTI: i (Paris, 191 1), 208, no.
et les
212. Cf. Grierson, op. cit., 59, note 12; Ross, op.cit., 258, note 74, and fig. 12.
' This is the girdle studied, and carefully analysed, by Grierson, op. cit. (with pis. vi-viii) ; see pp.
55 f. for the history of the find at Kyrenia, Cyprus; also Ross, op. cit., 247 f., and figs. 4-5.
Grierson, op. cit., 69, note 49.

I L L
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 4 ERNST KAXTOROWICZ iMARRIAGE BELT AND RINGS AT DUMBARTON OAKS 5
by a religious motif: the display, twice repeated, of a Christian marriage
couple. We recognize the dextrarum iunctio of Antoninus
scene." Pius and the elder
Faustina where the inscription says simply
CONCORDIAE (fig. 12) or, as in the
the iconography of this central scene to which attention shall be called
It is
case of Caracalla and Plautilla, CONCORDIAE AETERNAE (fig.
here a catena iconographica of which some links are well known whereas others 13). 12 The idea,
however, hardly differs when the inscription refers to the PROPAGO
have passed unnoticed. IMPERI
(fig- which was expected to issue from the concord of Caracalla and his
14)
empress. 13 "Concord," however, though forming sometimes, together
The ancient Roman marriage rites were taken over by the Christian Church with
Fides and Pudicitia, the cortege of Juno pronuba}* was not the
with very few changes.^ The auspices of the augurs, of course, were abolished, original
meaning of the ceremony. Originally the Roman bridegroom did not clasp hands
and the sacrificium nuptiale, the nuptial sacrifice of wine or incense, was eventu-
with his bride, but in memory, as it were, of the "Rape of the Sabine Women"
ally "converted" and became a nuptial mass. But the legal and ceremonial
took the bride by the wrist to indicate that she was given in his possession
aspects, namely the reading of the marriage consent from the tabulae
and power and was obliged to obey and serve him.^^ Concordia, to be sure, was
nuptiales and its signing, the handing over of the dowry, the dextrarum iunctio
a ver>' ancient Roman goddess; but only gradually did she grow into
or clasping of the right hands, and the cooperation of the deity confirming the role of
a marriage deity, apparently at a time when the notion of concord had
the legal action and protecting the marriage, dca pronuba or deus protiubusSLU been
assimilated to and influenced by the Stoic idea of //owowom implying not
of these underwent few changes, or changes only with regard to the tutelary only
the concord of those concerned, but also the "harmony of the universe,"
deity. an
idea which, along with Stoic philosophy, had been spreading in the
In pre-imperial and early imperial times, the goddess uniting and protecting Roman
Empire. 16 It was, if we may say so, this "spatial" cosmos harmony of which
the young couple was Juno, who was invoked because hers was the care of the
eventually the bridal couple too was supposed to be an exponent. The "Rape
vincia iugalia, the "fetters of marriage."^ In that capacity, Juno pronuba was
of the Sabine Women" had been philosophized and philanthropized;
shown standing between the young couple with her hands on the shoulders of it had
been replaced, under the influence of Greek philosophy, by a completely differ-
groom and bride who were performing the dextrarum iunctio; at least the
ent state of mind and of mood.
archeologists would usually call this deity a Juno pronuba when she appears
In the course of this development, imperial coins commemorating, or referring
as she does quite frequently on sarcophagi, for instance on the sarcophagus
to, the marriage of an imperial couple began to display Concordia
of the Uffizi (fig. 4)}^ or on that of the Belvedere (fig. 5) where we also notice herself acting
the altar for the sacrificium nuptiale}'^
as pronuba. As a Concordia felix she solemnizes the marriage of Caracalla and
Plautilla (fig. 15)17 or puts her hands on the shoulders of Marcus
Aurelius and
Whether the goddess on the sarcophagi really was meant to be Juno, is, how-
the younger Faustina as they clasp hands while receiving the Vota publica
ever, by no means certain; for the contemporary imperial issues of wedding
occasioned by their marriage (fig. 16), is a scene in which she also unites Corn-
coins reflect with few exceptions the idea of Concordia, the concord of the bridal
modus and Crispina (fig. 17). i^ Concordia establishes, as it were, both the unison
Ross, op. cit., 258, 261.
'
of the august couple and its unisonance with the eternal harmony of the universe.
See, in addition to Weinstock and Ehrhardt [supra,
note i), the studies by August Rossbach, Rd- The main was similar when two emperors were shown clasping
idea, of course,
mische Hochzeiis- und Ehedenkmdler (Leipzig, 1871), and Inez Scott Rvberg, Rites
of the State Religion hands to demonstrate their Concordia (fig. i8),2o and the Concordia Augustorum
Roman Art (Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, XXII 'Rome, 1955"), i63ff.
For the
Christian aspects of the problem, see Otto Pelka, AltchristUche Ehedenkmdler
(Strasbourg, 1901)-
need not always have evoked such heart-warmingly acid feelings as apparently
Ludwg Eisenhofer, Handbuch der kathoUschen Liturgik, II fFreiburg, 1933), 4o8fi.; Korbinian Ritzer
Eheschhessung: Formen, Riten und religtoses Brauchtum der Eheschhessung ni den " Harold Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum (London,
1923-50), IV,
chnstUchen Kirchen
des ersten Jahrtausends (Wiirzburg Diss., 1940), the most thorough and pi. VII, fig. 13, and Paul L. Strack, Untersuchungen zur romischen Reichsprdgung
erudite study on the develop- des zweiten Jahrhun-
ment of the Christian marriage rite, unfortunately published derts (Stuttgart, 1931-37), HI, pi. vi, fig. 422 for the Concordia aeterna coin (fig.
m
tj-pescript only (Munich 1951) I am ;
13), see Mattingly, V,
grateful to Dom Leo Eizenhofer, Abtei Xeuburg near Heidelberg, for calling pi. xxxviii, fig. I, and Mattingly, Roman Coins (London,
1927), pi. xxxv, fig. 13.
my attention' to this work
and lendmg me his copy. See further G. Delling, art. "Eheschliessung,- Reallexikon '^ Mattingly, V, pi. xxxviii,
fig. 2.
fur Antike und
Christentum, IV (1959), 719-731. " Martianus Capella, De
nuptiis, II, 147, ed. A. Dick, 63: deorum Pronuba [luno] nuntiatur, ante
* See, for the problem, Weinstock, art.
"Pronuba," cols. 750-752. quam Concordia, Fides Piidicitiaque praecurrunt. Cf. Weinstock, art. "Pronuba," col. 752.
"
Rvberg, Rites, pi. lviii, fig. 91. G. Rodenwaldt, Vber den Stxlwandel tn der
antoninischen Kunst
'* Pelka, AltchristUche Ehedenkmdler,
99.
(Abhandlungen d. preuss. Akad. d. Wissenschaften, Jahrg. "Cf. Eiliv Skard, "Zwei religios-politische Begriffe: Euergetes-Concordia," Norske Videnskaps-
-^o.
1935, [Berlin,
3 1935]), 13 ff., while ad-
mitting that archaeologists usually call the deity Juno pro7iuba, decides Akademi Oslo: Avhandlinger (1931), 67-105; cf. \V. Nestle, in Klio, XXI
i
(1927), 3531., on Homonoia
nevertheless in favor of Con-
cordia- see also his study "Zur Kunstgeschichte der Jahre 220 bis in Greek authors; W.
\V. Tarn, Alexander the Great, II (Cambridge, 1950), append.
25, pp. 399 ff.; also
270,- Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archa- Zwicker, art. "Homonoia," i?, VIII: 2 (1913). 2265!!.; see, for possible Greek influence, Weinstock
ologischen Instituis, LI (1936), logi., where he discusses the sarcophagus
in the Thermae Museum and
styles the pronuba correctly Concordia. The material has been ably art. "Pronuba," 752, 38 ff.; also Tarn, op. cit., II, 4151.; Skard, 74 ff., 105.
collected by B. Kotting art
1' Mattingly, V, pi. xxxiii, fig. 16.
"Dextrarum iunctio," Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum, III
(1957J, 881-888. "
" Ryberg, Rites, pi. lix, fig. 93. Photo: Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Rome No 36 540
Mattingly, IV, pi. xiii, fig. 4; Strack, Untersuchungen, III, 109, with pi. v, fig. 159, and pi. xvi,
I am much obliged to Mrs. Ryberg for lending fig- 957-
me this photograph, and to Professor Reinhard Herbig'
Director of the German Archaeological Institute in Rome, for providing " F. Gnecchi, / Medaglioni Romani, II (Milan, 191 2), pi. xci,
me with a copy of it " Mattingly, IV,
figs. 8, 9.
pi. liii, fig. 13.

i U
 ERNST KANTOROWICZ
was true in the case of the tetrarchs in their porphyry
Vatican (fig. 6).^^
While Concordia prevailed as marriage goddess, her place could yet be
a private spheres.^* From early times onward Concordia was connected with the
taken by another patron deity as well. The Emperor Aurelian made the cult of
Sol invictus an official cult of the state. Fittingly, we find the Sun god, the new
dominus imperii, who by his rise conquers the demons of darkness and brings
peace and security to man, as the pronubus, the unifier and solemnizer of the
marriage of Aurelian and Severina (fig. iq).^^ It is not surprising, of course, that
in a gold-glass picture Cupid is found acting as an Amor pronubus, his hands
resting on the heads of the couple (fig. 8);^ after all, his
mentioned occasionally as a pronuba.^ It may strike us, however, as more
curious to find, in the time of late paganism, a gold glass displaying a Hercules
pronubus: ORFITVS ET CONSTANTIA IN NOMINE HERCVLIS reads the inscription
(fig. 9).^^ Hercules, to be sure, offers the golden fruits which he recovered from
the garden of the Hesperides and which formed a very ancient nuptial symbol.
Pomegranates, however, since they contained many seeds in one skin, were
also a symbol of Concordia who is quite often shov^n with a pomegranate
lying on a patera.^^ The presence
Hercules is not justified by the three
of
fruits alone. He has a connection v^ith Concordia as well. In front of the Roman
aedes Concordiac Augtisiae, the temple of Concord on the Capitoline Hill,
2"
rededicated in a.d. 13, there was a statue of Hercules crov^-ning himself.
Moreover, in the political theor\^ of the late empire, Hercules, the eponymous
god of the Herculean d\Tiasty of the tetrarchs, was above all the heroic savior
in the service of man, who had liberated the world from all sorts of monsters,
and who therefore appeared as the great pacator mundi. the Elp-nvoiroios and
EipTivo9uAa^, pacifier and concord-bringer of the world. ^^ And in this capacity,
too, Hercules pronubus may well have taken the place of Concordia pronuba.
The more numerous the substitutes of Concord became, the greater, of
course, became the discord within the Roman world and the graver the political
situation. According to Hellenistic political theories it M-as the chief task of the
prince to establish M'ithin his empire the Homonoia of his subjects and to attune
MARRTAGEBELTANDRINGSATDUMBARTONOAKS 7
monuments in the harmony of the universe. The emperor was honored as the pacator mundi and
appeared as the living Concord of the human race with regard to both public and
imperial cult, especially with that of the empresses. The Empress Livia was
identified with Concordia-Homonoia and became the patroness of
marriages in
Egypt where the nuptial rites were celebrated hri 'louXias lE^aorfis, that is,
probably in front of her statue.^" And at the very end of the Roman Empire, in
321 or 324, a double-solidus was issued at Trier showing Constantine's Empress.
Fausta. as a Concordia between Crispus and Constantine II, the FELIX
mother Venus was PROGENIES CONSTANTINI AVG., as the inscription says (fig. 2o).3i The appear-
ance of the emperor himself in the role of a Concordia pronuba is a feature of
a very late period only. Perhaps we should recall the fact that in the late
Empire contracts including marriage contracts were frequently signed be-
fore the emperor's image; also, that the solemn oath, if such was taken,
was
dehvered by the genius, the tyche, "of our unconquered lord and august em-
peror. "32 That is to say, the emperor in his capacity of guardian of contracts and
solemn oaths could be recognized even in the legal sphere as an incarnation of
Concordia. Represented in this role we find Theodosius II, in a solidus of
437,
a specimen of which has recently been acquired by the Dumbarton Oaks
Collection (figs. 21, 22). The haloed emperor gives his blessings to the
marriage
of Valentinian III and Licinia Eudoxia, while the legend surrounding the im-
perial pronubus and the likewise haloed couple reads: FELICITER NVBTIIS.^
We know from the evidence of the pap\Ti that in the later years of Theodo-
sius II the official oath formula was christianized. The imperial tyche was still
invoked, a custom that lingered on until the seventh century. But this invoca-
tion was preceded thenceforth by the invocation of Christ or the Holy Trinity.**
At the next issue of wedding solidi, in 450, we find that Juno and Concordia,
Sol invictus and Cupid, Hercules and emperor have ceded their place to Christus
" W. W.
Tarn, Alexander, II. 4096.; of. E. R. Goodenough, "The Political Philosophv of Hellen-
istic Kingship," Yale Classical Studies, I (1928), 595. and passim, for the "P>nhagorean' tractates
(which speak of 'Harmoma rather than Homonoia); also Louis Delatte, Les Trattes de la Royauie
'

them to a harmony M'hich, in the sublunary sphere, was supposed to reflect the d'Ecphante, Diotocenc ei Sthenidas (Liege and Pans, 1942), Index, s. v. ippovkt, who dates these trea-
tises rather late (first or second centur>- a.d.). For the emperor as pacator, see Leo Berlmger, Beilrdge
"' Richard Delbruck, Aniike Porph yrwerkc (Berlin, K132), pi. xxx\ .fig. i (Diocletian and Maxmiiaii). zur moffiziellen Titulatur der romischen Kaiser (Breslau Diss., 1935), 54 ff-, >6f. A. Alfoldi, in Romische
;

22 M. Bernhart, Handhuch zur MUnzkunde der rinwschen

Katserzeit (Halle, IH26), pi. m, iig. 3; also Mitteilungen. L (1935), 99 and pL vii.
Mattinply and E. A. Sydenham, The Romati Imperial Cotnapc, \ 2 (Jgs"), pi. vii, fig. 109; of. Mcm- "" Ulrich Wilcken. 'Ehepatrone im romischen Kaiserhaus," Zeitschrift der Saiigny-Stiftung fur
:

naicf romamcs tmperiaks Collection de M. Paul Vautier ct Maxime ColHgnon (Lucerne, Rechtsgeschichte roman. Abt., XXIX (igoui, 5045.
,
:
1922), pi. lii,
fig. 1 61 7, and p. 8c). "1 R. Delbruck. Spdtantike Kaiserportraiis
iBerlm, 1933), 78 and pi. v, fig. 4.
=""
Kafiaele Garrucci, T'ein ornah di figure m ore (Rome, 1858), pi. xxviii, fig. 6.
=* See E. Seidl, Der
Eid trn romisch-dgyptiscken Provimialrecht (Mimchener Beitrage zur Papynis-
2* Weinstock, art. "Pronuba,"
755; Carl Koch, art. "Venus," RE, VIIIA, 878; see Kottrng, art. forschung, XXIN' [Munich, 1935]), Sfi-. for the forms of oaths, and 121, for marriage contracts; of.
"Eheschhessung," {supra, note 10), 884, for Venus pnmuba in Nero's Domw.v aurea. A. Stemwenter, art. "lusiurandum," RE, X:i (1918), 1260, line 12, for sponsalia strengthened by an
** Garrucci, Vetrt, pi. xxxv, fig.
1. CI. H. Vopel, Die altchrtsthchen Goldpldser (Preiburg, oath, and (Ime 22) lor contracts with oath. For legal actions contracted in front of an imperial image,
1899), 29.
" Occasionally a fruit is seen on the patera:
e. g. Bernhart, Handlmch zur Munzkunde, pl.LX, see Wilcken. loc. cii. [supra, note 30); Alfoldi, m
Romische Mitteilungen. XLIX (1934), 7of.; Helmut
fig. 3: also Mattingly, III, pi. xlvi, fig. 14. CI. Cesare Ripa, Iconologia
(Padua, aOii), mfi., and Dora Kruse. Studien zur offinellen Geltung des Kaiserbildes (Paderbom, 1934), 79f. Erik Peterson, // Ltbro
;

and Erwm Panofskj-, "Iconography of the Galerie rran9ois 1 at Fontainebleau,"i Gazette des degli Angeli (Rome, 1946), 58. note 111. See tnfra, p. 15.
beaux-
arts, ser. Xl, vol. LII (1958), 127, note 31, with figs. 16-17. H. Dressel. m Zetischnft ficr Numismatik, XXI (1898), 247!., pL vii, fig. 15. The Dumbarton
""

2^ C. C. Vermeule, "Heracles Crovramg

Himself. Kew Greek Statuarv J-v'pes and their Place in Oaks specimen was acquired in April, 1958 it is reproduced here (fig. 22).
;

Hellenistic and Roman Art," Journal of Hellenic Studtcs. LXXVIl " Seidl, Eid, 8fi., for the Christian oaths beginning under Theodosius II (cf. I2f.) see p. 11 for the
(1957), 284f., pi. i, figs. 4-6. CI. ;

Ryberg, Rites, 86f. and pi. xxvi, fig. 39b, for a supplicatio to Concord in front of'her cult invocation of the imperial tyche under Herachus. Augustme, Ep. XXIII, 5 (CSEL., XLIV,69, lines
image.
"Wilhelm Derichs, HeraklesTorbild des Herrschers tti der Antike (Cologne Diss. TiTJeBcnptl loso) i8fl.), saj's f .1

-.hat the oath of groom and bnde was to be taken pUrumque per Christum
-^ K J. ^;j ;. Delling, "L (>M^a, note 8). 729.
;

39,75, 107, i2of. cf. ._"

U I U
 6 ERNST KANTOROWICZ MARRIAGE BELT AND RINGS AT DUMBARTON OAKS 9
pronuhus (fig. 23 a) .^ The bridal couple, the Empress Pulcheria and her Emperor-
Consort Marcian, the first at whose coronation the patriarch extended the
Sevenanus of Gabala wrote m a sermon, which strangely enough is al.so trans-
^ mitted under the
'J'
name of Petrus Chrysologus, Bishop of Ravenna between
blessings of the Church, are haloed and diademed like their predecessors, and
430 and 450
the central figure appears in quasi-imperial attire. Only the crossed halo of the
pronuhus indicates the change and allows us to understand that in the Christian "When the images of two persons, kings or brothers, are painted, we often
empire Christ was the new pacator mundi. By coincidence, in a verse inscription notice that the painter, so as to emphasize the unanimity
of the couple,
of ca. A.D. 450 at the Church of S. Croce in Ravenna, Christ is praised as cuncti places at the back of them a Concordia in female garb. With her
arms she
Concordia mundi, "the Concord of the whole world. "'^ embraces both to indicate that the two persons, whose bodies are separated,
True, the solidus of 450 is not the first representation of Christ in the role of concur in mind and will. So does now the Peace of the Lord stand in the
Concordia pronuha. In the sarcophagus reliefs of the fourth century Christ is center to teach us how separate bodies may become one in spirit.**"
sometimes shown in the place formerly taken by Juno pronuha, and the icono-
graphic continuity here is no less striking than it was in the case of the coin We could hardly have asked for a more accurate description of the change
images. Although the sarcophagus of the Villa Albani (fig. 7) is badly mutilated, which, by a.d. 400, had taken place: the substitution of Concordia
by the
enough is left to recognize not only Christ in the place of the Roman goddess, "Peace of the Lord." Paulinus, Bishop of Nola, however, who died in
431, was
but also the altar for the sacrificium nuptiale (see fig. 5) which now has been even more specific when, in the Epithdamium for his son Julian, he applied the
turned into a lectern carrying a Gospel Book.^'' That the pronuhus should be technical term pronuhus to Christ
acting at the same time as stephanophoros. holding the bridal crowns over the
Tali lege suis nubentihus adsiai lesus
heads of the couple, is a feature not customary in earlier Roman wedding icono-
Pronubus, ei vini nectar e mutat aquam.
graphy. It reminds us, however, how
were the ranting invectives of
ineffective
Tertullian against the crovraing of bride and groom^** a custom even now ob-
(By those of his who
marr\- in this [Christian] law Jesus stands
served in the Eastern Churches and how easily the bridal wreaths of flowers
as pronuhus, and he changes water into the nectar of wine.)*i
assumed an almost transcendental connotation anticipating the eternal crown
. \
of life, provided that the marriage was contracted tantum in Domino, "only in
The allusion to the marriage of Cana gives additional weight to the pronubus
the Lord" (I Cor. 7:39).^^
attribute of Christ, an idea apparently quite familiar in the fifth centur\'. The
The continuity by transference disclosed by the monuments is strikingly con- popular art of decorating gold-glasses helped to spread even more widely that
firmed by the texts of the first half of the fifth century. Around a.d^ 400, idea (fig. io)*2 which in later times was projected back into the m\i:hical past

Paulmus of Nola, Carmev XXV, the deity uniting the hands of Adam and Eve (fig. 34) .*3
lo, ed. Hartel,
238 Absit ab his thaiamis
:
luno, Cupido, Venus
. . .

norntna luxunac For the medallion, see Dressel, op. cii., 248L, pi. vii, fig. 16. This
is vet another item
In the legal sphere, the emperor as a guardian of marriage contracts was like-
illustrating the process by which the imperial dlgnit^- of the Eastern
Empire became ecclesiastici.sed wise replaced by Christ and his vicars for the tabulae nuptialcs were signed not
;
particularly noticeable around 450; see, e.g.. Peter Charanis, "Coronation
and its Constitutional
bignificance in the Later Roman Empire." Byzanitori, X\-
(10,40-41), 53 f. A later solidus of the same
infrequently before the bishop.** Henceforth the imperial pronubus vanishes
type has been recently acquired by the Dumbarton Oaks Collection
(3^.47 see fig. 23b). It refers to the
;

marriage of Ariastasius I and Ariadne (May 20. 491) and still displays, probabh-
for the last time, the *" The passage from Sevenanus
legend FELICITER N^'BTIIS. The imperial couple is without halo, Gabala was published by Carl WeT-mann, 'Omonoia, Hermes.
of '

whereas the crossed halo of Christ XXIX (1894), 626f. It IS identical with one in a Christmas sermon attnisuted to Petrus Chr\-sologus.
as pronubus is very clearly recognizable. See G. Zacos and A. ;

Veglerv, "An Unknown Solidus of Sermo CXLIX. in Patr. lat.. LII, 598D-399A. While it is not at all clear how it happened that' sermons
Anastasios 1. Numismatic Circular, LXVII (September
'

1959), 134 f- an article to which Professor of Sevenanus were ascribed to Petrus Chr\'sologus, the fact itself is generally recognized see Albert
Philip Gnerson kmdh- called my attention. ;

Agnellus, Liber pontificalis Siegmund, Die Vberlieferung der griechischen ckrtsthchen Liieraiur in der laleinischen Kirche bis zum
ecclestae Ravennatis, ed. Holder-Egger,
tores rerun, Langobardicarum (1878), 306, lines i8f.;
m
Mon Germ Hist ScrH> zwolften Jakrkundert (Municb-Pasing, 1949), 130; E. Dekkers and A. Gaar, Clans Patrum Laimorum
ed. A. Testi Rasponi, in the new edition of Mura-
toTiReruniltaltcarum scriptores, 11:3 (Bologna. 1924), 122: Christe, Patrts (Sacris erudin, III: Steenbrugge, 1951), 227. The concord-bringmg "Peace of the Lord" was repre-
mund, This was the first line of the verse mscription on the fa9ade of
verbum, cuncti concordta sented m the contemporan,- mosaic of the arch of S. Maria Maggiore ica. 432-440) by an angel acting
Santa Croce in Ravenna a as pronubus and uniting Joseph and the prophetess Anna ithat is, the New and Old' Testaments); cf.
church built by Galla Placidia. See Andre Grabar, Martyrium, I
(Pans, 1946),
t n. note 2 throuch
224, u^i Grabar, L'empereur, 216 f.. and pi. xxxiv.
whom my attention was drawn to this inscription. '
.

^'
J. Wilpert, / sarcofagt cristiani antichi. I (Rome, 1932), pi. lxxiv, fig
*' Paulinus of Kola, Carmen XXV,
151 f., ed. Hartel (CSEL.. XXX
[1894]), 243. Cf. F. J. Dolger,
3 Antike und Christentum, VI (1950), 1, note i "Eine Arbeit fiir sich konnte im Anschluss an Paulinus
" Tertullian. Pf coroa, 13,4; Karl Bans, Der Kranz Antikc m und Christentum (Theophaneia
:

:.Bonn, 1940]), chap. \

11 von Nola. lesus pronubus betitelt werden." Unfortunately Dolger did not wxite that study.
. .

pp. 936.,Eisenhofer. Uturgik, II, 412; also Hans ]ulius Wolfi.

cf.
and Lnwritten Marriages
,

w Written " Garrucci, 1 vetri, pi. xxix, fig. 3.

Hellenistic and Postclassical Roman Law (Haverford.
1939) 84! Ritzer *= Bible morahsee illustree, ed. Comte A. Delaborde
(Pans, 1911), I, pL vi (Oxford, Bodleian MS
Eheschhessung,!, 41 f., stresses (p. 46) the Armenian influence; see
Kottinp (supra, note' 10), 880 for' 270b, fol. 61-).
the wreath at the dextrarum lunctio. "

** Eisenhofer, Liturgik, II, 409!., 416!. cf. Pelka, Altchristhche Ehedenkmaler, 92 Ritzer, Eheschlies-
the edition u^^T
<iJ\u^'^^^!'^''
bee ^^r T"""'
'3-5) to this passage: habes apostolum mdomino nubere lubentem. sung,
;

35, 4of. Augustine, Sermo CCCXXXIJ, 4, Patr. lat., XXX\TII, 14O3, mentions expressts
I,
;

by Aemilius Kroymann, m Corpus Chrisiianorum, Ser. lat., U (Tumhout, 1954), 1061, verbis the signing of the tabulae by the bishop Verum est istis iabuHs subscripstt episcopus. The sacer-
: ;

dotal benediction of matrimony is mentioned quite often. Paulinus of Nola, Carmen XXV, 11 : Sancta

I L
/ U
 10 ERNST KANTOROWICZ MARRIAGE BELT AND RINGS AT DUMBARTON OAKS U
from iconography, though a certain lingering is still noticeable in the silver dish is to say, Homonoia-Concord no longer ruled, or even existed, in her own right
from Cyprus where a chlamydatm, King Saul, marries off his daughter Michal to as an independent goddess or virtue, who had her own aedes and altar, nor
young David (fig. ii).^^ However, the figure of the bishop or priest solemnizing could the couple by its purely human and moral qualities represent her divine
matrimony was too prominent in daily life to be neglected in art. It was a scene essence. Concordia was now a gift of God she proceeded from God and had be-
;

depicted in numerous representations of the Sposalizio until, in the High Re- come subservient to God. What Saint Augustine said about Virtus in general,
naissance, it reappeared in medallic art.*^ Only one medallic design from among that "Virtue not a goddess but a gift of God, and that she is to be obtained
is
very many will be mentioned here the Cardinal de Bouillon solemnizing the :
from Him by whom alone she can be given," or that "not truth, but vanity,
marriage of the Dauphin Louis, son of Louis XIV, to Marie Anne of Bavaria makes the Virtues goddesses; for they are gifts of the true God, and not them-
(fig. 24). 47 xhe VICTORIA ET PACE AUSPICIBUS shows that this event
inscription selves goddesses," all of that was applied to Concordia as well: EK GEOY
had primarily political aspects, though it was not so exclusively political as a OMONOIA. 5"
medallion of 1570, executed by Giovan Antonio de'Rossi, on which the bride
The change upon the bridal couple. No longer were groom and
reflected also
is the Signoria of Venice, the groom is the Kingdom of Spain, and
the Con- bride embraced by the natural harmony of the universe in which they partici-
cordia pronuha is Pope Pius V extending his blessings to a military alliance
pated and of which they became a likeness through their Homonoia. Their hands
against the Turks (fig. 25). 4**
are now joined together by a sacrament, by a spiritual principle bestowing upon
them Concord as a special gift like Grace and Health. Although the marriage
For all the available evidence, however, it can still be asked whether in fact rings (figs. 27a-b) continued to display occasionally the word Homonoia,^^ and
Concordia pronuba was simply replaced, in the fourth and fifth centuries, by although both Eastern and Western marriage rites still mentioned the concord
Christus pronubus, and whether this change implies merely an iconographic
by which bride and groom were to be united, ^2 something essential had changed
problem or affected the meaning of the ceremony as well. The answer to these the couple no longer appeared as the manifest likeness, the visible mimesis of the
questions is given by the golden marriage belt of the Dumbarton Oaks Collec-
purely natural order of the world. And yet, the idea of mimesis was not lost,
tion (figs. la-b). The central medallions display Christ as the unifier
and nor was it absent from the Christian ritual. In the Epistle to the Ephesians
solemnizer who places his hands over those of the couple clasping hands. Of (5:25), St. Paul enlarged upon the image of the marriage of Christ to the
chief importance is the inscription: EK eEOY OMONOIA,
"Concord deriving Church, and the chapter from Ephesians appears in almost all the later Christian
from God," with the words XAPIC and YflEIA written in the exergue.'*^
That services of the "Solemnization of Matrimony"; it is used as the Lesson and

Augustine. De civ. Dei, IV, 20, ed. Dombart, I, 169: [Virtus].

*"
dea non est, sed donum Dei est.
. .
sacerdohs venerando ptpiora pacta/ iunguntw: also line 231: Imbue,
Christe, novos de sancto antistite Ipsa ab illo impetretur, a quo solo dart potest. Also IN', 21, Dombart, I, 170: Has dcas non Veritas, sed
^'^^'^'^l^'^i^stical benediction was mentioned already by
T/i^rV] John Chrvsostom, Iv Genesit,, Homilia vanitas facit; haec entm veri Dei munera sunt, non ipsae sunt deae. Cf. Thendor Ernst Mommsen, "Pet-
^"' ^*'" -^^^ '^^ iiitzcT, 1, 41, note 301), who preaches
JJ parties and adds
' ^
***^''
against pagan excesses at rarch and the Stor^ of the Choice of Hercules," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XVI
weddmp 5eov OTravn-a TaOra doTEAauvEiv Kai lepras koAsiv koI 61' euvcov KaieOXoviuv ttiv (1935). 178-182.
: . . .

ouovoiav ToO ouuoiKEcriou ovcrcpiyyEiv ....

" Fig. 27a; Dumbarton OaksCollection, no. 53.12.4 (sixth centurj-) cf. Handbook, p. 76, no. 169.
Nicosia (Cyprus), Mu.seum. Pliotograph: Dumbarton Oaks. The
;

dish has often been reproduced Mrs. Enrico de'lsegri has called myattention to the fact that the design of this ring (the bust of Christ
^"""'^ ^'"''' ^>'^''' 1 (P^". 1925), 313. fig. 15m; Leclercq, art. 'Chvpre '' over the Cross with two figures, right and left) corresponds exactly to that of the ampullae (bust of
n^J^T^^\^^
^\^'''
l''""^^'
' ^^- -'^'^ <'''^*^ literature); also art. "David." DACL., IV: i, 2qc,/3oo fig"
nfAv '-f
That the design followed the imperial prototj'pe cannot be doubted; ,(,30 Christ over the Cross with the two thieves, right and left) of the sixth century' .see Grabar. Les ampoules
;

see Andre Grabar LemPerem de Terre Satnte (Paris, 1958), pis. xii, xiii, xiv, xvi, xvni, xxvi, xxvni, etc. See, on related rings,
dans / aW /)y^aM/^ (Paris, 1936), 217, note 4. ' '

Paolo Orsi. "Giojelli bizantini della Sicilia." Melanges offerts a M. Gustave Schlumberger (Paris, 1924),
!'^\^' ""T ^^"^-.^"'^^^ ""'^ Renaissance (Zurich. 1947), 571. The material has not vet
been col- 395. 65 Carlo Cecchelli, "L'anello bizantino del Museo di Palermo," Orientalia Christiana Periodica,
fig-
,
lected, though a beginnmg has been made; see Paul Schmid, "Die deutsche Hochzeitsmedaillc"
;

XIII (1947). 40-57 (with full bibliography). I-'ig. 27b: Dumbarton Oaks Collection, no. 59.60; a new
Deusches Jahrhuch fur ^umlsmatlk. 1U-J\ (IQ40-41), 9-52, pis. i-vi.
The fact that a Juno pronuba acquisition of the Collection. See also Dalton, Catalogue (infra, note 62), 9, No. 48, and, for the
made her appearance m
a pantomime performed in Bologna at the wedding
of Annibale Bentivoclio ampulla pattern. No. 50.
and Lucrezia d Lste, merely reflects the general climate of the
Renaissance cf. Jakob Burckhardt D,e ^- See the Preface "Qui foedera nuptiarum blando
concordiae iugo nexuisti" of the Nuptial
hultm der Renaissance, ed. Werner Kaegi (Gesamtausgabe, N" [Berlin and
;
. . .

Mass in the Saaanientaritini Gelasianuni, LII, ed. H. A. Wilson (Oxford, 1894). 265, which is found also
transl. by S. G. C. Middlemore (\ienna, n. d.). 214.
Leipzig 1930!) 298 Emrl
^ ^ ^'' ^ ^ ' ^' in the Gregorianum (Pair, lat., LXXNTIl, 261), and can lie traced to the Pontificale Romanum saecuh
""
^'' Pr'ncipaux evenements du regne de Loms
le Grand XII ed. Michel Andrieu, Le pontifical Romain au moyen-dge (Studi e Testi, LXXXVI r\atican City,
lxZl?''''%'^'''TT M^'n'*"'^'
(Academie Royale des Medailles ^^.''^f^''
et des Inscriptions [Pans. 1702]), fig. on
.

p 180 1938]), I, 261, 9. whereas it no longer has a place in the present Mtssale Romanum. See further, for
!(
Georg Habich. Die Medaillen der italiemschen Renaissance (Stuttgart
^ ^ and Berlm, n. d.) pi. lxxix, the Mozarabic rite, the Liber Ordinum, ed. Marius Ferotin, M onumenta Ecclesiae Liturgica, X (Paris,
1904), 437: Da eis. Domine, unam pudicitiam unamque concordiam, and 438: .in timore tuo animorum
" Dumbarton Oaks Collection, no. 37-33; cf. The Dumbarton Oaks
. .

Collection: Handbook (Washine- concordiam. The Byzantine Euchologion refers in the various nuptial orders (the Akolouthiai for Spon-
ton, 195.5), p. 80. no 190 and figure on p. 95: also Berta Segall, "The Dumbarton Oaks Collection " salia. Crowning, and Second Marriage^ time and again to Homonoia see EOxoXdyiov to Msya fKome,
American Journal o Archaeology. ^l.X (,941), 13!.. and
;

figs. 5-7. For the device, see Constantme 1^73). i^'3 (twice: iv b\iovoiq. Kai ^^0191 ttIotei), 164 (kv eipi^vT) Koi 6uovola), 160 (Aos onlrrols. 6u6woiav
. .

imperial uedding
yuxwv Kol ctcou6twv). Also 172, 176, 179. The prayer pp. i63f. Kupie 6 etos f)ucov 6 ttiv tl, i6vwv. ktX.)
(

Es, 6 Seos 6 ayios. 60s avrro.s 6p6voiav with similar

wishes to follow for the emmre can be traced back to the Barberini graec. 336 of the eighth (or ninth) century, and may be considerably
(PaaiAEjov) and the marriage (yduos). Further, the acclamations
ivupipEuftTis iK Eou TT, n-op9up(;t.
for the Augusta (Xogt 'i, II s"-. o^ S
y;. iu
older; see Ritzer, Eheschliessung, 68 f., and, for the date of the codex, Dom Anselm Stnttmatter, "Missa
Graecorum," Traditio, 1 (1943), 81, note 4.

fe

I
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 12 ERNST KANTOROWICZ MARRIAGE BELT AND RINGS AT DUMBARTON OAKS 13
pervades the prayers. ^^ included in the Book of Common Prayer where,
j^ is still cates that the medallion celebrates the perpetuity of the
dynasty exactly as it
in the introductory prayer, the estate of matrimony is praised as "an honorable does on the Roman coin from which the inscription, to the
letter was taken
God, signifying unto us the mystical union that is betwixt
estate, instituted of (fig- i4)-"
Christ and the Church." And once more, towards the end, there is an invocation However that may be, the loving understanding, the
Homonoia-Concovd be-
of God "who hast consecrated the state of Matrimony
an excellent to such tween Christ and his Church, the latter represented by the Virgin Mary,
served
mystery, that in it is signified and represented the spiritual marriage and unity as the transcendental model of bridal couples marrying in
the Christian faith.
betwixt Christ and his Church. "^^ This model must have been far older than our relatively late liturgical
texts
The marriage of Christ to the Church in mediaeval art often identified with would suggest. For one thing, in the Epithalamium of Paulinus of Nola for his
the Coronation of the Virgin was occasionally represented in later miniatures son mention is made not only of lesus pronuhus, but also of the grande
sacra-
(fig- 35) where the chalice or, more generally, the Sacrament of the Altar figured mentum, quo nubit ecclesia Christo, "the great sacrament by which the Church
as the unifier. ^^ Similarly, at the mystical marriage between the bishop and his gave herself into marriage to Christ."6i Moreover, on the octagonal or quatrefoil
local church, the Holy Spirit might act as pronuhus, with the altar table placed bezel of a wedding ring in the British Museum, of the sixth or seventh
century
between the couple and with Christ giving his daughter away (fig. 36), ^^ a (fig. 28), 62 the hoop of which is likewise octagonal,
we recognize the celestial
meaning supported by the miniature in an English Psalter of ca. 1310 where couple of Christ and Mary, King and Queen of Heaven, as they dispense
their
Saul is seen giving away his daughter Michal to David (fig. ^y).^'' Unfortunately, blessings to the slightly smaller bridal couple the motto being again
Homonoia.
the late-mediaeval secular equivalent the king's marriage to his realm, symbol- This design appears also on another similar, if more elegant and slightly
ized by the ring ceremony of the Coronation Orders^S does not seem to have later ring of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (figs. 29a-b), which is likewise
found any representation at all; the nearest would be a medallion of 1603, octagonal. 63 Once more the inscription reads Homonoia and refers
to both
showing Henry IV as Mars and Maria de'Medici as Pallas joining hands while couples: to Christ and Mary as the model, and to the smaller human couple
as
the Dauphin Louis XIII places his foot on a dolphin. We recognize an eagle the antitype and mimesis of the exemplary concord of King and Queen
of
descending from heaven and carrying a crown in its beak, apparently the "im- Heaven.
mortal Crown" symbolizing the continuity of kingship and representing, in A few words may be devoted to the strange octagonal shape of the bezel and
this case, the unifier (fig. 26). ^9 For, the inscription PROPAGO IMPERI indi- the hoop. The octagon is the customary shape of early Christian baptisteries,**
" Ephesians 5:22-33, the Epistle of the Byzantine marriage rite (Euchologion [editio Romana,
i.s
and one might be all the more inclined to seek a connection with baptism,
1873], i7of.), and it may have served that purpose at all times. In the West, the tradition is more com- since the marriage of Christ to the Church was generally, especially in
plicated. Paulinus of Nola, Carmen XXV, i6-ji. (infra, note 61), shows that the Syria]
passage from Ephe-
sians was at least present in his mind when writing the Epithalamium for his understood to follow after, or take place at, the Baptism of Christ in the Jordan
son and it serves again in
;
:

the modern Missale Romanum composed under Pius V, in 1 570. In the Middle Ages, the Church was cleansed on Epiphany and the marriage followed after that
however, apparently
under the influence of the Romano-Germanic pontifical of the tenth century, the lesson I
6:15-20, was commonly used (cf. Ritzer, II, 15), thus replacing with a stalwart exhortation
Corinthians nuptial h^ihHodie caelesti sponso iuncta est Ecclesia announces the famous
against
fornication the subtle ontological commemoration of the divine model. Some
manuscripts, however antiphon on Epiphany.*^ Another consideration, however, has its merits too,
indicate that the Lesson from Ephesians was current as well cf. Andrieu, Le
; Pontifical Romam, I, 260,'
note 4. This is not surprising becau.se the Benediction Deus qui potestate virtutis
tuae alludes to the
passage from Ephesians (see infra, note 54), and that Benediction, which is still celebrate the acceptance of the augustus title on the part of Octavian Alfoldi, in Rom.
found in the present Mitt., L (1935),
Missale Romanum, can be traced back to the Roman Pontifical of the twelfth pl- 13, fig- 5. and p. 87. The French medallist could hardly have known
;

century (Andrieu, op. the corresponding ico'nographic

ciL, I, 261, lines 2^&.) and further to the Gregorianum of Pope
Hadrian I cf. H. A. Wilson The Gre-
; t>-pe of the Dove descending with a crown in its bill at the Baptism of Christ in the Jordan of which
gorian Sacramentary under Charles the Great (Henry Bradshaw Societv, XLIX one of the finest specimens is found in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection; cf. Handbook,
[London 1915]) 221 p. 80, no. 189
6. See also infra, note 65, for that Lesson on the day of Epiphany, that is, the day of the (illus. on p. 91).
' ma^iaee^
of Christ to the Church. See supra, note
13; for the Crown "which never dies ("la couronne et la justice ne meurent
"

" The Book of Common Prayer follows verbatim the text of the Benediction Deus qui potestate jamais"), see Kantorowicz, op. cit., 417, note 343, and pp. 3363.
virtutis tuae (supra, note 53) :
Deus qui
tarn excellenti mysterio coniugalem copulam
consecrasti ut Christi *' Paulinus of Nola, Carmen XXV,
167 f., ed. Hartel, 243; see supra, note 53.
ei Ecclesiae sacramentum praesignares in foedere nuptiarum.
The benediction, of course, is found also in =' O. M. Dalton,
Catalogue of the Finger Rings: Early Christian, Byzantine, Teutonic, Mediaeval and
the rite of Sarum which became more or less authoritative for the English Later (London, 1912), 8f., No. 45.
Church in the thirteenth
centurj'; cf. W^ilham Maskell, Monumenta Ritualia Ecclesiae Anglicanae, = Dumbarton Oaks Collection, no.
I (Oxford 1882) 70 and 72 47.15; see Handbook, p. 81 f., and figure 195 on p. 94, where,
^ Bible moralisee, I, pi. 6 (Oxford, Bodl. MS
270b, fol. 6r).
'

however, the bezel is not shown.

" Bible moralisee. III, pi. 479 (London, Brit. Mus. MS
Harley 1526-27, fol. Br). J. Dolger, Anttke und Christentum, IV (1934), i53ff-. and V (1935), 293f.; cf. K. Schneider,
* F.
" Munich, Cod. gall. 16, fol. 35V, a miniature to which Professor Erwin Panofsky art. "Achteck" and "Achtzahl," Reallextkon fiir Antike und Christentum,
obligingly called
my attention and of which he also lent me a photograph. Although the MS is said to be French (eall * Odo Casel, "Die Taufe als Brautbad
I (1950), 72ff., 793.
der Kirche," Jahrbuch fiir Liturgieivissenschaft, V (1925),
It is m fact an English Psalter of ca. 1310 and comes, as Professor
Panofsky pointed out to me from 144-147 Hieronymus Frank, 'Hodie caelesti sponso iuncta est Ecclesia Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte und
:

the same workshop as the famous Tickhill Psalter in the Morgan Library.
:

Idee des Epiphaniefestes," Vom christlichen Mysterium: Gesammelte Arbeiten ztim Geddchtnis
See, for the king's marriage to his realm, E. H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two lan Odo
Bodies (Princeton CaselO.S.B., edd. Anton Mayer, Johannes Quasten, Burkhard Neunheuser (Diisseldorf,
1951), 192-226,
1957). 2i2fi., and, for the (French) ring formula, 221 f., note 85. is the most profound discussion of this subject; see
p. 199, note 31, for the evidence of the Gallican
''^ G.V.liiW,
The Drey fuss Collection: Renaissance Medals'(0^iord, ig^i) pi cxix Epistle Book of Schlettstadt (seventh or eighth century), which has the Lesson from Ephes.
fig s'i6 For 5:20-33,
the eagle with crown on Roman coins, see, e. g., the aureus issued on Epiphany (see supra, note 53).
S.C. (by decree of the Senate) to

'
I
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U U I
 14 ERNST KANTOROWICZ MARRIAGE BELT AND RINGS AT DUMBARTON OAKS 15
and may
even appear preferable. Andre Grabar has convincingly proved that
Aurelius and his Empress, the younger Faustina.^i Similar
the Church of the Holy Saviour in Antioch, which Constantine the Great dedi- decrees, we may recall,
are known from Egypt.'^ Most explicit, however,
cated in 327, was originally devoted to Honionoia-Concordia, a title referring to is an earlier inscription from
Ostia.That city consecrated an altar for the imperial couple
a more specialized capacity or hypostasis of the incarnate Word. That is to Antoninus Pius
and the elder Faustina to the end that
say, just as Constantine dedicated churches in Constantinople to the Saviour in
his special capacities of Divine Wisdom {Sophia), of Divine Power {Dynamis),
ob insignem eorum concordiam ior the outstanding concord of emper-
and Divine Peace {Eirene),^'^ so did he dedicate a church to the Saviour as
or and empress the maidens that marry
Divine Concord {Homonoia) in the Oriental capital, Antioch a tropaion after at Ostia, and their grooms
are held to offer on that altar on the day of their
his victory over Licinius by which the Orient and its capital, Antioch, were wedding."
again united to the Roman Empire where Homonoia now prevailed. The Church
That this decree was carried through verbatim -probably
of the Divine Concord, however, was an octagon to oKTdycovov Kupiaxov, as not only in Ostia
and the provinces, but also in Rome^^-is suggested by a
Theophanes called xi.^ Apparently, the word Homonoia released almost auto- series of superb
sestertu of Antoninus Pius which actually reveal
matically, for the Byzantine mind, the vision of the octagon at Antioch, just as the whole procedure (figs.
for us the word Hagia Sophia immediately conjures the vision of the dome of
3ia-c).'5 We recognize the colossal statues of Emperor and Empress facing each
other, also the altar, and, before the dextrarmn itmctio of bride and groom.
it,
the most venerable church of Constantinople. Perhaps the octagonal Homonoia
The two smaller human figures are framed and overshadowed by the
rings may even serve to strengthen Grabar's ingenious identification. huge
statues (the pedestals are plainly visible, even on a
In its Christian garb, as displayed by the rings, the idea of Homonoia, or later replica [fig.
Emperor and Empress who clasp hands exactly as does the newly ^sW^ of
Harmony, gained a new depth and an unexpected perspective. This
spatial wedded pair at
their feet. Moreover, the Emperor carries in his left
then, this doubling of the couples the celestial couple being a model of the hand the statue of Concordia
whose name we also read in the inscription and who creates, as
terrestrial should, we may assume, be considered as a genuine contribution it were, the
harmony of all three spheres: the human, the imperial, and the
of the ideas developed by the Christian Church. Or does this doubling, universal.
too, have Concordia pronuha is effective by her own cosmic power of
its pagan antecedents ? It is true that the myths of rendering harmony;
Amor and Psyche, of Mars but she wields her power also through the mediatorship of
and Venus, may have served occasionally as mythical paradigms, comparable the prototypes, the
Divi. The Divi, as demanded by Hellenistic political philosophy," are' the
perhaps to the marriage of Adam and Eve as a cipher of Christian mythology.***
mimetai of the heavenly order, whereas man becomes
the mimetes of the ruler.
But those myths were hardly more than allegorical parallels lacking the moral
The coin discloses strikingly the unison, harmony, and
equality of rhythm of
obligation to imitate a model, and they definitely lacked the spatial
reality macrocosmos and microcosmos.
and perspective which the marriage between the Mediator and the Mediatrix,
All of this opens up some wider perspectives both
Christ and the Church, conveyed to the idea of Homonoia and thereby backward and forward.
wedding ceremony itself. This would likewise be true when a coin displayed
to the We may think of Theocritus' Panegyric for King Ptolemy II and his Oueen
Arsinoe whose "holy wedlock" of brother and sister appeared
the imperial couple, Hadrian and Sabina, joining hands with a divine to the poe't as a
couple, mimesis of that of the rulers of Olympus, Zeus and Hera'^-a
Osiris and Isis (fig. 30) ;7 for the scene, referring to metaphor which
an adventus reception, has no has its antecedents far back in the ancient Near East where
model character whatsoever. Hence, we may dismiss off-hand the mythical the royal marriage
"models," but cannot dismiss with equal nonchalance some other '' Alfoldi, in: Rom. XLIX (1934), Oi, note 3, and L (1935), 96; Strack, Uniersmhungen, III,
Mitt.,
imperial
antecedents. P- interpreting
*'1""*!",S ''"'^ Cassius Dio, 71,31,1); Weinstock, art. 'Pronuba,"
?f L. Wilcken, "Ehepatrone 753.
'
im romischen Kaiserhaus" (siipra, note 30).
In A.D. 176, the Roman Senate passed a decree ordering " C^l-, XIV, Suppl. 5326: Imp. Caesari T. Aelio Hadnano Antonino Aug. Pio P.P et
that bride and divae Fau-
groom should offer on their wedding day a sacrifice on an altar placed in sttnae ob insignem eorum concordiam Utique mara virgines quae in Colonia Ostiensi nubent item mariti
front earum supphcent. Strack, lac. cit.
of the colossal silver statues, in the temple of
Venus and Roma, of Marcus ' Strack,
111,96.
"Strack III, pi. X, fig 826; Alfoldi, Rom. Mitt., L
(1935), pL xn, fig. 15; Bernhart, pi. lx, fig. 10.
*'A. Grabar, Martyrium, I, 222 ff. ' ^^''^'''^'^^^^^ "f., has misunderstood the meaning of these coins because
See Jean Paul Richter, Qt4ellen der hyzantinischen f^
thought Ifll Tu

that the smaller figures were Marcus Aurelius and the

he
Kunstf^eschichte (Vienna, 1897) 4 S 2 for the younger Faustina but so have others-
;

ct. Mrack, III, 96, note 291 Alfoldi, op. cit., 96, note i.
three churches in Constantinople; cf. 13,
37. The oratory called Honwnoia in the capital was not dedi-
;

' G. F Hill, Catalogue

cated to Christ as Concord, but commemorated the concord of the Greek Coins of Lycia, Pamphilia, and Pisidia (London,
of a Council- ibid 144 8 1897) i88f
nos. 75-76 pi. XXXII, fig. 2: Gordian and Antioch {Colonia
^ Theophanes CA.oo^r/>Am, I, ed. C. de Boor (Leipzig, 1883-85), 28,' quotkl hx 4 Caesarea Antiochia), standing confronteii
Grabar who also on pedestals; the Emperor holding in his left a statue (of the genius
discusses (223f.) the political situation. of the citv or oi Concordia ') grasps
See Rossbach, Rdmische
with his right the right hand of Antioch; between them an altar.
Hochzeits- und Ehedenkmdler, 172, for a sarcophagus Cf. Strack, III, 96, note 291 who
at Pisa where Amor and Psyche are represented as well
m the Campo Santo called attention to this coin.
as bride and groom. See supra, note
hg. 34, for Adam and Kve. 'tJ- and
43 '
" "Theocritus, XVII, 128-134. Cf. Fritz Taeger, Charisma: Studien cur Geschichte des antiken Herr-
' Strack, Untersuchungen, scherkultes (Stuttgart 1957), 37^; see also G. W. Elderk.n, "The Marriage of Zeus and Hera and its
II, pi. xiii, fig. 743; cf. pi. vi, fig. also
314, p. 164. Symbol, American Journal of Archaeology, XLI (1937), 4^4-435-

I 1

U I I u
 16 ERNST KANTOROWICZ
was generally visualized as an antitype of the Upbs yApos of the divine powers.'*^
Or we may turn our attention towards later times and mention the imperial
couple of Septimius Severus and Julia Domna, or Gallienus and Salonina, who
were represented on their Concordia coins as Sun and Moon (figs. 32a, b),'^ the
Emperor radiate and the Empress on the crescent, and recall the marriage of
the Sol lustitiae to the Woman Having the Moon under her Feet (Rev. 12: i),
that is, according to customary exegesis, the Church.^
And we may add, for what it is worth, that in the Byzantine and Russian
Euchologia the rituals of crowning the bride and groom commemorate in the
Dismissal not only Christ and Mary, but also Saint Constantine the Great and
Saint Helen, the Emperor's mother.*^! In this concentricity of human, saintly,
and divine couples there is, it is true, some resemblance with the former con-
centricity of human, imperial, and divine spheres. But the Christian imperial
saints no longer were exponents or models of that natural order and concord of
the world which the sestertius of Antoninus Pius and Faustina suggested.
Constantine and Helen have become exponents and symbols of that spiritual
world order which the inscription of the Dumbarton Oaks golden wedding belt
proclaims: EK 0EOY OMONOIA.

The Institute for Advanced Study

Princeton, N.J.

'" See, Ivan Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Near East
e. g.,
(Uppsala 1943)
< Mi
Index, s. V. iEp6s 76^05; E. Norden, Die Gebmt des Kindes
(Leipzig and Berlin, 1024)
ty. i^iSff
J Alfoldi
..^iju.ui,
in /fow. Mi., L (1935), 124. . -'

" Mattingly, V, pi. xxxvii, 8 and p. 233, also pi. xxxvii, ii; Alfoldi, Numismatic
Chronicle, ser
5, vol. IX (1929), pi. XVIII, I. Cf. Alfoldi, Rom. Mitt., L 13-14
"o (1935), pi. xii
See, e. g. the Glossa ordinaria, Patr.
lal., CXIV, 732; or Alexander Minorita,
Expositio in Apo-
calypsim, ed. A 01s Wachtel (Monum. Germ. Hist.,
Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters 1
M^^^' ^^'^^' "^1! 1"^'^' ^P^^'- 5--3f- i-^ order to explain the marriage of the Woman
H.vinrt'h'
Having the Moon under her Feet with Christ Sol iustitiae.
" Euchologion (ed. Rome, 1873), 174, also 180.
I L
 Pari.s, I)c ("ltiT(i ("olli'Ctioii. (iulck'u Maniayf l->rlt (stc noW t)

I,

."). Roinr. Ix'IntcUtc .Mumuui. ^arcopluiKu^ (sec

notes II, :{7)

:l New York, Metropolitan Musoum. (loldcn Belt from Kyrcnia, Cyprus (sec note 5)

ti. Rome. N'atiean. Porplury Statue. 7. Rome, \illa Altiani. Sarcophagus Fragment
Diocletian and Maxiniian (see note il) (see note :{7)

U I
I
I
J
J
 *-* *-f ^.tri ^ 1

l;j
n
^>. (idld ('il;is>: Amor iiromihus !'. ( lokl ( ilass : Hercules pronuhu^ in. ("lold Class: Christ us proiuihus
(see note i't) (see note I'J)

*'4Hk**
"
V: ,.?

Hi

V V

V icii

IS lit 20

12. (omorcUac: .\nt..nuui> I'n.s and Faustina (see note \-l). 1:1 Voncordmc uctcnuic: Caracalla and
Plautilla (see note j-ii. jj. Prop^fio imperi: Caracalla
and Plautilla (see notes 1:), CO). 1.5 Concordia
fdix: Caracalla and I'iautilla (see note 17). 1(1. Vota publica: Marcus Aureluis and Faustina II (see
note IS). 17. Vota pttbliai: Commodns and Crispina (see note lit). ]s. Concordia Aii^astonun (see
note -20). lit. Concordia Aurelianns and Soverina with Sol invictus pronubus (see
:
note -I'l 20. Felix
Progenies Constantiui Aiii;.: Crispus and Constantine II with Fausta as
Concordia see note :{1). All of
the above figures are enlarged.
11. Nicosia, Museum. Silver Uisli with Marriage of David and Michal (see note 4."))
I i

U I
1 u
 ''"'^''
' b. Hoop
2'.ta, 1). Dumbarton Oak- Collection. Wedding ring (see note f;3)

21 23a 23b

31a 31b 31c

24 25 21
If

3U 32a 33

27a 27b 2s

21. l-cliiiltr Xithliis: Tlicodosius II witli \:ilcntinian III and Lit iiiia luidoxia (sec notr :i:i). 22. I)uml)art()n
Oaks Collection. I'clicitcr Xiihtiis: Tlicodcisiu^ II with \'alcntinian III and I.iriiiia luuloxia (sfc note :{I5).

2.5a. 1-tiicitcy Siihtiis: ("hri.stiis Martian and Pnklu'iia

proiuibus with la (sec note :{.")). 2:51). Duniiiarton
Oaks Collection. I'clicitcr Xiibtiis: Christus
IS pronubus with Anastasius and .\riadnc (.^cc note 3")). I

21. Mcdallic Dcsifjn Cardinal dc Bouillon Blessing Marriage of Dauphin and Marie Anne oi Bavaria (see note 47).
:

2"). Medal by (i. A, de'Rossi: Pope Pius \' with \'enice and Spain (see note 4S) 2C> Paris, Dreyfuss 32b
Collection. Medallion: Henry I\' and Maria de'Medici with Dauphin (see note .")!)
L'i 27a. b. Dmubarton
Oaks Collection. Wedding Kings (see note ")!) 2s. British Museum. Wedding Ring: Christ and St. Mary 3(1. Adventus: Hadrian and Sabina with Osiris and Isis (see note 7(1). 31a, b, c. Concordia: Bride and (irooni
with Couple (see note (12) All of the al)o\i- figures are enlaigi'd. Sacrificing in Front of Statues of Antoninus Pius and Faustina I (sec note 75). 32a. Concordia Augg.: Gallicnus
and Salonina (see note 79). 32b. Concordicic actcrnac: Septimius Sc\erus radiate, Julia Domna on Crescent
(see note 71t). 33. Colonia Caesarea Aniiochia: Statues of Gordian and .\ntioch (see note 7t)). All of the abo\-e
figures are enlarged.

U I
 U. MariiaL;o ol Adam ami \i\v (>vv notr l-\ ;i."). Marriam' ol Christ and Churcli (see note .">.'))

Bible nioialis( r

irmfKttnndiiitmuimcu

octittis filin Uti iguft tnB

I ->^,

;}(). Bibk' nioralisc't': Christ Marryin;,' a Church to 17. Munidi. Cod. ^-all. Moiiac. l(i, fol, :{;V : Saul
a I')ish()p (see note .")(l) Marrviii,^ Midial to David (see note oT)

I U
1/ A CONCORDIA SALUSCKRVIANIAK-
DIE EINTRACHT 1ST DAS HEIL
I DEUTSCHLANDS
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.rede M,.er. .lie si.l, um .lie Ki,r.,l,. ,er il.rrn Kin.lern
l.e,i,l:
 1 Dukat 20 mm 3,5 g DM 30.
2 '/a IJukalen 26 mm ,8 g DM 70.

5 Dukaten 35 mm 17,5 g DM 130.

10 Dukaten 44 mm 35 g DM 260.
20 Dukaten 50 mm 70 g DM 520.
30 Dukaten 50 mm 105 g DM 780.

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Abbildungen auf Kunxidrmk, cegen KinHcnilunK von

zaiilreiche l)>I 1.- in Kriefmarkan vom
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Bulletin de I'institut historique beige de Rome

XXXI (1958)

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/ U L
'54. ''Kingship under the Impact of Scientific
Jurisprudence," in Twelfth-Century
Europe and the Foundations of Modem Society, ed.
M. Clagett, G. Post, and R. Reynolds
(Madison, Wisconsin, 1961), 89-111.

"IK' 3 coDv, amounted.

A. Le+:ter frora ^onoskv, 2[l May 61

B. Letter from -->ich Genzmer,
7 Nov 61

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 Fc- "^^ fl'POrt
- . AKO THE

m5r H. Kantorowicz

Kingship under the Impact

of Scientific Jurisprudence

Participants* of a S>-mposium which was arranged to demonstrate from

various points of view the characteristic features of "Twelfth-Century
Europe," be inclined, despite the additional heading "and the
will

Foundations of Modern Society," to fall under the spell of Charles

Homer Haskins' great vision and ingenious thesis of "The Renaissance
of the Twelfth Century." .\lthough the subject I have prof)osed to
discuss tonight would seem to confirm rather than refute Haskins' thesis
it is my intention to deal with "Renaissance" features or analyze
not at all

twelfth-century kingship sub specie iurisprudentiae renatae.^ It is my intention

to stick more closely to "the Foundations of Modern Society" and point
out certain effects which a disciplined scientific jurisprudence reborn
or not seems to have had upon the idea of medieval kingship.
What unquestionably distinguished, in the public sphere, the twelfth
century- from the preceding centuries was the sheer existence of a learned
jurisprudence. Law, of course, there always existed. e\'en in the darkest
==

of the so-called Dark Ages. It wiD be quite sufficient here to recall the
impressive sets of Dooms of the Anglo-Saxon kings, the Lombard edicts,
the \'isigothic law collections, or the Capitularia of the Carolingians in
order to understand that the earlier Middle Ages were anything but
lawless. These leges barbarorum, however, were characterized by the fact
that according to their claims and their apphcability they all were pro-
vincial and not universal ; second, that they were the work not of pro-
fessional jurists, but of jurisprudential laymen even though many a

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 90 KINGSHIP AND SCIENTIFIC JURISPRUDENCE

feather may have been borrowed from scientific, that Roman

is, law;
finally, that those laws, which represented the customs of a tribe or J
region, were administered by jurisprudential
laymen (kings, counts,
clerics, noblemen, or missi of any kind)
and not by learned and scienti-
fically trained judges. A similar situation prevailed within the realm
of
ecclesiastical lau True enough, the canons of the councils, decrees
.
of
popes, and certain laws of the Christian emperors apart from Scripture
and patristic traditionformed a priori a body of
ecclesiastical law which,
however, was as yet unsifted and unorganized. A
period of regional-
provincial collections of canonical material
(.African, Hispanic, Galilean,
Italian) was followed by a period of private
collections of a more universal
character, of which a respectable number
was produced between the
Carohngian age and that of Gregory MI. Thereafter,
however, the
forces released by the Church Reform and
the Struggle over Investitures
broadened the universalistic outlooks. .After the efforts
of Burchard of
Worms and Ivo of Chartres, a compendious and organized
body of
canon law was privately composed, around
1140, by the Bolognese
monk Gratian, the Decretum GratianiJ Nor can we doubt
that it was by
the power of the same forces that the body
of Roman law was reactivated
which, in its turn, was not without influence
on the work of Gratian."
Hence, a universal ecclesiastical law and a
universal secular law made
their appearance, within a generation
or two, in the early twelfth century.
The intricate problem of the survival of Roman law during the
Middle Ages and the process of its so-called revival shall concern us
here as httle as the question who first made Bologna the home of legal
studies, Pepo or Irnerius.5 It is quite sufficient for our present purpose
to knov^ that in the pamphlet literature of the Struggle over Investitures
Roman law was not infrequenth , if only sporadically and unsvsiematical-
ly, apphed to bolster the imperial position
as well as to undermine it;^
further, that around iioo, or a httle
later, Irnerius taught Roman law
at Bologna; finally, that around 140 Gratian composed in Bologna his
1

Decretum. At any rate, two independent, though eventually interdepend-

ent, sets of law, both universal according to claims and
apphcabHity
came into existence in the twelfth century.
The scientific interpretation
of these sets of law became a "must"
owing to the
numerous contradic-
tions and other difficulties, and it gave birth to
a methodical studv of
sources and parallels, and therewith
to a legal science which, in the
course of tmie, mothered our modem historico-philological method.
That IS to say, once the two bodies of law, Roman and canon, were

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ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ 91

placed before the scholar, there resulted also the challenge to understand,
interpret, and apply the law scientifically comparable to the effects
issuing from Holy Scripture and leading to numerous expositions on the
books of the Bible or, as happened later, to the effects of the corpus
Aristotelicum and its commentation in the age of scholasticism. Canonistic

studies (hitherto a branch of theology) and secular jurisprudence (hither-

to a branch of rhetoric) became each a science in its own right. Legal
science acquired the rank of "moral philosophy"; it became autonomous
and soon rose to be a challenge to theology.'
Moreover, through the concentration of the new legal studies in the
city ofBologna and their combination with the study of the notariate
and with the ars dictandi, a broad layer of legally trained men and minds
began to spread, especially in Italy where the jurists became the foremost
representatives of the Italian inteUigentsia, a legal profession the like
of which did not exist in the earlier Middle Ages. This change did not
escape contemporary observers who in prose and in jingling verses began
to complain that the study of the two lucrative arts jurisprudence and
medicine tended to eclipse the study of literature, and of letters in

general, as well as of theology. These complaints were repeated over and

over again, from the time of Stephen Langton who was not the first to
do Dante who was not the last.*
so, to

Another consequence of the new study of law was perhaps more

decisive. In former days, law was a matter dealt with by kings, grandees,

and wise old men by witan of every pattern and it was administered by
noblemen, clerics, and others enjoying the king's confidence. Beginning
with the twelfth century, however, law became a matter to be treated
with scientific accuracy, and justice was administered (the later, the
more exclusively) by judges trained in the laws and in legal thinking.
This evolution resulted in a remarkable change of the earlier medieval
social stratification. As the number of Doctors of Law increased (wTote,
around 1180, Ralph Niger), the jurists in their pride demanded to be
called not doctors or masters, but domini, lords ;
' that is, they assumed
a title normally reserved to noblemen and prelates who represented the
two ruling classes during the earlier Middle Ages. From the twelfth
century onward, the two knighthoods of former days (the militia armata
of chivalry and the militia inermis or celestis of the clergy) were comple-
mented or supplemented by a third knighthood of jurists, the militia
legum or knighthood of law, and soon of letters at large {militia litterata or
doctoralis) '
" Roman law stipulated that a filius familias could dispose

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freely of his peculium castrense, that is, of everything he had earned as a

soldier {miles) or as a public official, as a lawyer, or otherwise in the
service of the Prince. The medieval jurists interpreted the word miles,
"soldier," in the medieval sense of "knight"; and since Roman law
"equiparated" the lawyer and the miles or knight, the glossators began to
claim knighthood for the jurist." This claim was put up, at the latest,
by the great Placentinus who died in 1192; it was repeated by Azo and
the Glossa ordinaria on Roman law composed by Accursius around 1230,
and by many others as well. And thus it happened that by the second
half of the thirteenth century the doctor's hat was generally recognized
as an equivalent of the cingulum militare of knighthood. '^ By applying the
terminology of Roman law to the conditions of the high Middle Ages
(in fact,by misinterpreting Justinian's laws) the jurists further arrived
at the theory that every Doctor of Laws who had taught at a university
for twenty years had the rank of a count. "3 However that may be, the

tombs of the great jurists in Bologna display, without an exception, the

title Dominus, Lord, before the name of the deceased.
The social rise of legal intelligentsia certainly reflected the general

importance of the learned jurists and their authority to which eventually

all princes, secular and spiritual, paid their respects. Justinian had
styled Ulpian his friend (amicus) and father {parens) just as he styled the
jurists Theophilus and Dorotheus his predecessors (antecessores) and gave
them the title ot viri illustres.'* It was natural for the medieval jurists to
make the most of Justinian's words. Azo, for example, said quite bluntly
that legal science "effects that the professors of law rule solemnly over
the orbis terrartim and sit in the imperial court judging in a lordly fashion
tribes and nations, plaintiffs and defendants." >5 Bracton repeated, and
enlarged on, Azo's words, changing, however, "emperor" and "imperial"
into "king" and "royal." '^ And Cynus of Pistoia exclaimed: "Thou
seest,oh student, how much the [legal] science effects which makes the
jurisprudent a father and friend of the Prince." " Indeed, the twelfth,
thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries were the golden age of the juris-
prudents. As the jurists became the chief advisers and councillors of
princes, the princes became more and more dependent on them. As
early as 1115 we find Irnerius in the entourage of Emperor Henry V
where he also served as a judge. ' Further, no medievalist will have
missed the stories about Barbarossa conversing with, and seeking the
counsel of, the learned Four Doctors of Bologna. Moreover, the profes-
sional jurist became the professional administrator of justice, the pro-

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ 93
'

Gone were the times when the customs and laws of a

fessional judge.

country were remembered by the wise old men only and when some sort
of natural reason, combined with a man's social standing, made a person
fit to sit in court as a judge. What counted in the age of the new juris-
prudence was that the judge arrived at his sentence in a scientific,
rational fashion, which among other things excluded ordeals by fire or
water, and that he judged according to his lawbooks or was able as in

England to expound the common law scientifically as a professional.
By gradually monopolizing the administration of justice, the legal pro-
fession, however, began to encroach upon the position of the king himself
in his capacity of judge. The medieval king could, and would, sit in
court he so pleased and could himself adjudicate the cases before him.
if

This custom died slowly. Frederick II still sat in court; so did Henry III
of England as well as Edward I and Edward 1 1." Later something
changed. It is true, the king was the fountain of justice; he was supposed
to interpret thelaw in case of obscurity; the courts were still the "king's
courts" and the king was still considered the judge ordinary of his realm
whereas the judges, who derived their power from him, acted only as
delegate judges. For all that, the custom arose that the king should not
passjudgment himself: Rex aid Imperator non cognoscunt in causis eorum,
"king and emperor do not pronounce judicially in their causes," says
Andreas of Isernia quite explicitly. ^o Cynus uses approximately the
same words ("Imperator causas suas non ipse cognoscit: sed iudices
alios facit"), but adds: "Licet quando velit, et ipse possit in re sua
index esse."^' Indeed, it was common opinion that in cases pertaining
to the fisc the prince could be index in causa propria, and, as Bracton shows,
also in cases of high treason" opinions well prepared by Pope Innocent
IV discussing the limitations of a bishop's competency to pass judgment
himself." Normally, however, the king was supposed to judge exclusively
through his judges who were juristic professionals and who, in lieu of the
king, were expected to have all the pertinent laws present to their mind,
in scrinio pectoris.^*

Ever since the end of the thirteenth century, the jurists also gave a
reason for that custom. The South-Italian Andreas of Isernia, writing
around 1300, was hardly the first to make the blunt statement that the
king has to rely upon his jurisprudents because raro princeps iurista invenitur,
"rarely will a prince be found who is a jurist."" In similar terms, Sir
John Fortescue explained that it was unfit for a king "to investigate
precise points of the law . . . but these should be left to your judges

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94 KINGSHIP AND SCIENTIFIC JURISPRUDENCE

and advocates . . . and others skilled in the law. In fact, you will render
judgment better through others than by yourself, for none of the
kings of England is seen to give judgment by his own lips, yet all the
judgments of the realm are his. ." And Fortescue added that the
. .

legal experience necessary for judges is scarcely attainable in twenty

years of study. ^^ It was this doctrine which finally brought about one
of the fiercest clashes between Sir Edward Coke and King James I.

At a Star Chamber session, the king, taking his seat on the normally
empty throne, declared he would ever protect the common law. "No,"
interjected Sir Edward Coke, "the common law protects the king."
The angry king, shaking his fist at Coke, later argued that "he thought
the law was founded upon reason, and that he and others had reason as
well as the judges." To that Coke replied calmly that indeed the king
had excellent by nature, "but his Majesty was not learned in the
gifts

laws of his realm of England, and causes which concern the life, or
inheritance, or goods, or fortunes of his subjects, are not to be decided by
natural reason, but by the artificial reason and judgment of law, which . . .

requires long study and experience before that a man can attain to the
cognizance of it."^^
Raro princeps iurisla invenitur: modern idea of a king who no longer
the
is supposed to take causes out of his courts and give judgment upon them
himself, originated from the stratum of scientific jurisprudence which
emerged in the twelfth century. The new jurisprudence which so often
has been claimed (and rightly so) as supporting royal absolutism, in this
case put some restrictions on royal arbitrariness by depriving the king
from functioning actively on the bench as supreme judge. Roman law,
however, had the effect of bridling the king in other respects as well.
During the great strife between Pope Gregory VII and Emperor
Henry IV both curialists and imperialists began to make use of the lex
regia or lex de imperio for the purpose of arguing whether or not an emperor
could be deposed. The law, transmitted by the Digest, the Code, and the
Institutes of Justinian, advanced the doctrine that the imperium, originally
vested in the populus Romanus and its maiestas, had been conferred by the
Roman people upon the Roman emperor. This act, in itself, was double-
edged, as it touched upon two principles diametrically opposed to each
other. It could imply (and this was the opinion of the imperial party)
that the Romans, once and had renounced the supreme power,
for all,

which irrevocably they bestowed upon the Prince, or rather upon the
Prince's office. On the other hand, the same law allowed the curialists

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ 9>
to defend the opposite thesis: that the Prince, individually,
had been
appointed by the Roman people as the administrator of the empire, and
that this appointment was not at all irrevocable. Manegold of Lauten-
bach {ca. 1085) even went so far as to say that a prince who failed as a
governor could be chased away just as a farmer could chase away an
unfaithful swineherd. ^8 The prince thus became an employee of the
sovereign people, since the supreme power was supposed to rest always
and imprescriptibly with the sovereign people of Rome.
We notice that herewith the principle of popular sovereignty was
foreshadowed during the Struggle over Investitures, and may add that
it permeated the ideologies of the twelfth century.
For one thing, the
City-Romans in the days of Arnold of Brescia defended this idea when
Barbarossa prepared to come for his coronation to Rome, and the
Roman leaders claimed that the citizens of the Eternal City alone were
entitled to dispose of the imperial diadem an argument to which Bar-
barossa answered that he held his imperium from God alone and from
God directly.29 The history of Rome in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries actually centered upon the theory of Roman popular sover-
eignty until finally, in 1328, an emperor, Louis of Bavaria, actually
received the diadem at the hands of the senators and people of Rome,
not in St. Peter's, but on the Capitoline Hill.'" It is true, of course, that
the civilians during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and beyond
were inclined uphold the origin of the imperial power directly from
to
God ;
but they also left no doubt that indeed the ancient Roman populus
acted within its right when
claimed to be the ultimate source of the
it

imperial power, whereas opinion was divided with regard to the claims
of the medieval City-Romans or, for that matter, with regard to any
medieval populus. It was finally as a result of the intransigence of the
hierocratic theory, according to which the emperor depended not on
God directly but on the pope, that the Roman lawyers, and some moder-
ate canonists as well, recognized the popular origin of the imperial power,
and used the idea of popular sovereignty as a means to freeze out the
papal claims. Hence the jurists, while always ready to back the direct,
divine origin of imperial power, tried to combine the imperial claims
to direct divine descent with those to popular origin. The Glossa ordinaria
of Accursius therefore neatly combined "God" and the "people" as the
two sources of imperial authority and thereby came close to the, so to
say, final formulation of John of Paris around 1 300 : populo faciente et

Deo inspiranteJ^

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96 KINGSHIP AND SCIENTIFIC JURISPRUDENCE

To the debate on the lex regia the twelfth-century jurists contributed

after their fashion by glossing on that law: Irnerius and Roger, Pillius,

Placentinus,and Azo as well as canonists such as Rufinus, Bazianus, and

the authors of anonymous works. ^^ The arguments of the lex regia in
favor of the popular origin of imperial power were used against papal
claims by Frederick and against papal as well as imperial claims by
II,

the Senator Brancaleone and by Cola di Rienzo, and culminated of

course in the doctrine of Marsilio of Padua. ^^
On the other hand, the context in which the lex regia was quoted in the
Digest and the Institutes seemed to support the budding royal absolutism,
for it was quoted in order to substantiate the sentence which for centuries
remained the pith of absolutist desires: Quod principi placuit, legis habet

vigorem. "What has pleased the Prince, has the force of law," for the Prince
legally owned the power to legislate after the people had conferred the
imperium upon him. Roman law, however, also provided the means to

check unscrupulousness on the part of the prince. As opposed to the

absolutists, the constitutionalists referred to a law in the Code, the Digna
vox, in which the legislator frankly declared himself bound to the law
"It is a word worthy of the majesty of the ruler that the prince professes
himself bound to the law: so much does our authority depend upon the
authority of the law."^'* Therewith the gates were flung open to the
problem of whether the prince be "above the law" or "under the law."
It shall not be denied that the problem itself existed before, but it

became articulate with the reactivation and the exegesis of Roman law,
and gained additional importance by the question whether and to what
extent the ruler was bound to local customs. ^^ The jurists, of course, were
fully aware of the glaring contradiction presented by Roman law itself,

of the antinomy between the maxims princeps legibus solutus and princeps
legibus alligatus, and they tried to discuss away the discrepancy by

stressing that the prince, though not fettered by the law, should volun-
tarily bind himself to the law, especially to the laws he himself may have
issued. On the basis of this antinomy John of Salisbury felt prompted to

interpret the prince as being at once and a servus

an imago aequitatis

aequitatis, just as Frederick II claimed to be at once "Father and son,

lord and servant of Justice. "^^ It was perhaps Thomas Aquinas who, in
his orderly fashion, overcame the apparent legal impasse when he ex-
plained that indeed the prince was legibus solutus with regard to the vis

coactiva, power of man-made positive law which received

the coercive
its power from the prince anyhow; on the other hand, Aquinas held that

U I
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the Prince was bound to the vis directiva, the directive power of natural
law to
which he should submit voluntarily and for that purpose Aqui-
nas, too, quoted the Digna vox.^'' This cleverly phrased opinion, by which
Aquinas combined most of the earlier arguments, offered not only for
the moment an acceptable way out of the dilemma : it was acceptable
to both adversaries and defenders of the more absolutist concepts of
kingship, and therefore it was still quoted by Bossuet while Louix XIV
himself acknowledged its essence. ^^
We recognize that Roman law had its say in eminently political and
ethical matters, sponsoring, as it did, both popular sovereignty and royal
absolutism, both a kingship above the law and one bound to the law,
and that thereby, to say the least, it kept the discussion moving. To some
extent we probably should connect (as A.-J. Carlyle did) the conflict
among the jurists about the lex regia with the conflict between the new
lawbooks and the customs, or the customary law, of the land.^' There is,
however, an ethical substratum in this dispute as well as in the Digna
vox itself: "It is worthy of the majesty of the ruler that the prince professes
himself bound to the law."
Political ethics, to be sure, were influenced by Roman law in very
many For one thing, there developed, beginning in the twelfth
respects.
century, a growing awareness of the transpersonal, or "public," character
of the commonwealth, the res publico. On the basis of Roman law John
of Salisbury styled the prince a persona publico, a. potestas publico ;* and it

did not take long before one began to learn that also the fisc (whose
characteristics were broadly discussed
Tenth Book of Justinian's
in the
Code) was a pubHc institution which "never died" and therefore survived
the individual prince. This was true also of the "Crown" in the abstract
and in a suprapersonal sense of the word which began to be used in
France and in England as early as the twelfth century: Suger of St.
Denis and Henry I of England (under whom the office of "coroner,"
charged with maintaining judicial and fiscal rights of the crown, came
into being) may stand here as the landmarks. Shghtly more emotional
was the notion of potrio applied to the kingdom in twelfth-century
France {Song of Roland) as
literature, in well as in England (GeofTrey of
Monmouth) Moreover, a few years ago Gaines Post showed how much
.

the two laws, Roman and canon, contributed to giving currency to the
idea oi patria which likewise implied a transpersonal concept of public
perpetuity: to fight for the potria, to die for the patria, even to kill without
qualms one's father or brother for the sake of the patria, to procreate

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children for ihepatria, or to pay special taxes pro necessitate or pro defensione
patriae. All those were ideals (no matter whether we like them or not)

which were disseminated by the two laws and the new jurisprudence.*'
Those political or public ethics inevitably influenced also the image
of the ruler. The prooemium of Justinian's Institutes opens with a philoso-
phical remark of general importance: "The imperial majesty must
needs be not only decorated with arms, but also armed with laws that
it be able to govern rightly in either time, in war and in peace." This

opening of the authoritative juristic textbook not only suggested a fare-

well to the purely military ideal of a kingship relying upon the sword,
but also contained a challenge for a king to act as a legislator. The
dialectics, however, of the formula armis decorata legibus armata conjured
an image of majesty rooted in far deeper layers, and the humanistically
well versed jurists of the Renaissance recognized that Justinian's formula
was a transformation of Greek ideals and that it reflected that optimum
of rulership expounded in Plato's Republic: kings who philosophize and
philosophers who rule as kings. Emblematic drawings rendering the
gist of Justinian's formula were not rare in the Renaissance. They showed

a king brandishing a sword in one hand and a book in the other, until
finally an impresa of the sixteenth century, bearing the motto Ex utroque

Caesar (an allusion to Justinian's utrumque tempus), changed the meaning

of the book in the prince's left hand, which now no longer was supposed
to represent "Laws" specifically, but "Letters," because "by these two,
that Arms and Letters, Julius Caesar
is. was made the lord of the
. . .

whole world." Or else, the book stood for "Arts" in general, as explained
by the accompanying verse: "A Prince's most ennobling parts/Are skill

in Armes, and love oi Arts."*^

That kind of dialectical tension was, so to speak, daily bread in the
twelfth century, in which not only the ideals of "knight" and "cleric"

merged, as, for example, in the orders of knighthood as well as in courtly

poetry, '^ but in which also the rex literatus appeared as another ideal.

In a way, John of Salisbury anticipated the Renaissance motto when he

declared (and he was not the first to do so) that an illiterate king was
nothing but an asinus coronatus.** John of Salisbury does not refer to the

Prologue of the Institutes, though he quotes it in another connection.

But Glanville, the great English jurisprudent under King Henry II,
opened the prologue to his De legibus with the very words of the Institutes,
changing only Justinian's imperialem maiestatem into the more modest and
appropriate regiam potestatem. His paraphrase then wandered to the

U I I J
 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ 99

Scottish lawbook commonly called the Regiam maiestatem ; it served the

writer of Fleta to formulate his prologue, and it is found also in a
spurious proem to Bracton's De legibus, whereas the genuine Bracton
drew directly from the Institutes or from Azo's Summa Institutionum.*^

If we add the late medieval tractates on the subject of "Knighthood and

Jurisprudence," De militia et iurisprudentia, we not only recognize the
influence of the prologue to the Institutes, but also begin to see more
clearly the bearings of the "legal knighthood," the militia legum, to which,
as early as the twelfth century, the jurists aspired.**
Scientific jurisprudence gradually began to change the vocabulary
of statecraft, and the new vocabulary began to influence statecraft itself

If those concerned continuously read and heard and had discussions

about whether the people or the prince should be recognized as the true
founder of law; or about the fact that the prince is not only decorated
with arms, but also armed with laws; that the prince is legibus alligatus,

though in some respects he be legibus solutus, and that what pleases

him has the strength of law, then indeed it should not be surprising to
find that the prince accepted and grew into the new role of legislator.

Indeed, the law-making king began to eclipse the law-preserving king of

earlier centuries, and the rex legislator superseded the more religiously
tinted rex The image of Justinian and Tribonian began to obscure
iustus.

that of Melchizedek, whose name was translated rex iustitiae.*^ That is

to say, under the impact of jurisprudence and juristic rationalism the

ideal of liturgical kingship began to disintegrate. Its roots had been

undercut anyhow by the papacy of the Church Reform. Now it fell to

Justinian's lawbooks and their vocabulary to replace and, in a secular

sense, restore some of the religious values of kingship, which had deter-
mined, as an effluence of the ruler's liturgical consecration (then still

considered a sacrament), the image of kingship in the centuries preceding

the Struggle over Investitures.
At the height of that struggle, around i too, the so-called Norman (or

York) Anonymous defended more vigorously than any other author the
idea of Christ-centered, liturgical kingship, and therewith that of the
priestly character of the king who was "not quite a layman," nay, was
(as a result of his anointment) a rex et sacerdos. Forty years later, in King
Roger IPs prologue to his Assizes (i 140), the shift from liturgy to law
becomes manifest in a peculiar way. The position of "king and priest"
was claimed, after a fashion, also by Roger 1 1 but he regained his ;

quasi-priestly character not through the Church (this was impossible

/ O U
 ;

lOO KINGSHIP AND SCIENTIFIC JURISPRUDENCE

after the Gregorian Age), but through the high pretensions of Roman
legal philosophy, extracted from the prologue to the Digest, where the
jurisprudents were compared to priests. The ancient liturgical language
still reverberated in King Roger's prologue, but its spirit was that of
Justinian. Like Justinian, the Sicihan king called his lawbook an oblation
to God, an offering of mercy and justice, and then continued: "By this
oblation the royal office assumes for itself a certain privilege of priesthood
wherefore some wise man and jurisprudent [in the Digest] called the
law-interpreters Priests of Justice. "^ That is to say, the point of reference
of this new ideal of priest-kingship was no longer the Anointed of God of
the Books of Kings and the Psalter, but the legislator and jurisprudent as
depicted in the lawbooks of Justinian.
The metaphorical quasi-priesthood of the jurisprudents, and thereby
of the king who was the index iudicum of his kingdom, was frequently
discussed and interpreted by the glossators. In a twelfth-century collec-
tion of legal word definitions, the author, drawing from the Institutes,
expounded under the heading De sacris et sacratis the new (or, in fact,
very old) dualism: "There is one thing holy which is human, such as the
laws; and there is another thing holy which is divine, such as things
pertaining to the Church. And among the priests, some are divine priests,
such as presbyters; others are human priests, such as magistrates, who
are called priest because they dispense things holy, that is laws."*' That
doctrine of bipartition was carried on in the law schools. The Glossa
ordinaria refers to it, and Baldus, in the fourteenth century, still defended
the thesis that legutn professores dicuntur sacerdotes, for (says he) there is a
sacerdotium spirituale as well as a sacerdotium temporale just as Bracton
;
distinguished between res sacrae pertaining to God and res quasi sacrae

pertaining to the fisc.so This general mood of the glossators was curiously
epitomized by Gulielmus Durandus, the great jurist and liturgical expert
at the end of the thirteenth century, who referred to the glossators when
he declared, not at all disapprovingly, "that the emperor ranked as a
presbyter according to the passage [in the Digest] where it is said 'Deserv- :

edly we [the jurisprudents] are called priests.'" It is remarkable that

here a positive effort was made to derive the prince's nonlaical character
not from anointment with the holy balm and his consecration, but
his

from Ulpian's solemn comparison of judges with priests. '

In this connection we may recall also that it was in the days of Bar-
barossa only, and not before, that the medieval empire began to be
styled "the holy empire," sacrum imperium and every medieval historian

/ U L
 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ lOI

should feel uneasy when in his textbook he constantly reads that Char-
lemagne, in 800, was crowned emperor of the "Holy Roman Empire,"
a statement teeming with mistakes and misconceptions and as anachro-
nistic as talking about the guns of Alexander or the paratroopers of
Caesar. Sacer, in the language of Roman law, meant no more than
"imperial," though in medieval Latin it may have had more Christian-
ecclesiastical connotations. It was, at any rate, from Roman law that
Barbarossa borrowed the epithet sacrum for his imperium, and it would
spoil the specific flavor of both the time of Charlemagne and the age
of Barbarossa with its new jurisprudence by using uncritically the
epithet "sacred" for the events of 800. And one more little warning
should be sounded. We arc far too often inclined to talk about "secular-
ization" of ecclesiastical thought and institutions in connection with the

modern state. Secularization certainly there was when, for example,

the marriage of Christ to the universal Church, or the marriage of the
bishop to his local church, was by analogy transferred to the political
sphere: the jurists pointed out that the king was wedded to his realm
as a "mystical groom." 52 But we find little of that "secularization" in
the twelfth century. What happened then was not a secularization of the
spiritual, but rather a spiritualization and sanctification of the secular.
Sacrum imperium was not a borrowing from the vocabulary of the Church;
it was a para-ecclesiastical designation in its own right, though when
reintroduced it replaced the old antithesis of sacerdotium and regnum by the
more coordinating and complementary designations of sancta ecclesia and
sacrum imperium, holy Church and sacred empire. In other words, the
sacred character of the empire, and of the emperor himself, no longer
drew its strength from the idea of the christus domini, from the altar, or
from the Church, but it was a secular sacredness sui iuris and sui generis
apart from the Church, a concept which eventually found its most
eloquent interpreter in Dante and his vision of two Paradises, one
and the other ecclesiastical-celestial.
imperial-terrestrial
It would be wrong to assume that the dualism of sacredness and

holiness was produced by Roman law alone. From Justinian there

derived the vocabulary, the technical term sacrum imperium ; Roman law,

however, represented but one current within a very complex evolution,

as may be grasped from many examples. The Christ-centered kingship
of the earlier Middle Ages found one expression in the ruler's title of
honor, vicarius C.hristi. In the thirteenth century, however, this title

became rarer, and without disappearing completely it was replaced

U I
U U
L I
 102 KINGSHIP AND SCIENTIFIC JURISPRUDENCE
by that ofvicarius Dei, "Vicar of God."
What change implied was
this
again a loosening of the ties with which the medieval
prince was linked
to the altar, to the sacrificial God-man
who was not only the eternal King
but also the eternal Priest. What had happened
is again a rather complex
evolution of which no more than two strands
shall be mentioned here.
On the one hand, the dogmatic-theological development
of the twelfth
century towards defining the real presence
of Christ in the Sacrament
produced a new accentuation of the very ancient
idea of the presence
of Christ in the person of the vicariously
mass-celebrating priest. The
Decretum Gratiani quoted a number of places
in which bishops and priests
were styled vicarii Christi; but by the end of the
twelfth century vicarius
Christi became next to exclusively the title of honor of the supreme
hierarch, the Roman pontiff." On the other hand, the hierocratic ter-
minology found an unexpected ally in Roman law. For, the civilians,
relying upon the vocabulary of Justinian's lawbooks and
(,n Roman
authors such as Seneca and Vegetius, began
to style the emperor deus
tn terris, deus terrems, or deus praesens, taking it forgranted on the basis of
their sources, that the prince was above all "vicar of God" and not
"vicar of Christ." In the designation vicarius Christi for the emperor
fact,
would not have been within the range of legal
language at all. Thus it
happened that the Christocentric ideal of rulership dissolved also under
the influence of Roman law, and gave way
to a more theocentric concept.
Henceforth, a papal Christus in terris (to use an
expression of Arnald of
Villanova) found a counterpart in an imperial
deus in terris.^*
Another bifocality may be discerned with regard to the univcrsalism
of theRoman Empire and the territorial monarchies, and herein again
Roman law plays an important role. It was in the twelfth century
only
that Roman law, by which (as was commonly
imagined) in ancient times
the \Nhole orbis terrarum had been governed,
became the new Kaiserrecht,
the vahd law of the medieval lords of the
sacrum imperium. The universalis-
tic character of Roman law was
taken for granted even before its reac-
tivation in the twelfth century: around
1050, the hope was voiced by
Anselm the Peripatetic that the ancient universalism was to be restored
not armis, but legibus: "Legibus antiquis totus
rcparabitur orbis" "By
the ancient laws, the whole world shall
be repaired." ss It was a hope
still shared by Dante, among
many others.
Moreover, independently of Roman law, the universality
of the Roman
Empire appeared throughout the Middle Ages as an
established fact,
since St. Jerome, and his identification of
Daniel's Fourth World Monar-

I u
 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ I03
chy with the empire of the
Romans, held the sway. In the
twelfth eentury
the un,versahst,c tendeneies
inherent in both Roman
law and Roman
Empire were hnked to the
Hohenstaufen emperors, and these
pnnces were backed not only by medTval
dreams and myths, but als'by
reahty of law nself. That th
union was consummated
by the time of Bar
barossa. at the atest. The
landmarks are the Diet of
Roncaglia of t ,58
the assertion of the Four
Doctors that the medieval
emperor wa the
d^mnus mund^, and the decision
of Barbarossa to incorporate
h:s own aws the one of
Authentica HabUa or PrMe.ium scholasHcum granting
to udents un.versal safety, in
Justinian's Code, an act
emphasizing tha!
"^' '"^" ^-^^^^^^^ ^^^^^ -^^-^
erpetrr;;
emperors.s6 7 he un.versahty""t'^t ^'-n
of the empire, however,
was not only one
of space, but also one of
time. Daniel's Fourth
Empire (that is in l"!

37 ";"'"^''"' ^""^"
T'"
''^ ""'
'^"P''"^^ ^^' ' ^-^
"-'' ^he end of /he
""^^' ''^' '-^'^' by jurisprudence
smce
sTnc IIT Tf\
the lawbooks of Justmian
stated over and over again
that "the
empre .forever," MpeHum semper
est. And whereas
Jerome's mythica
empuernuy referred to the Roman Empire alone, the statement'of h
lawbooks Impenurn semper est had implications in the sense that
every
n...r./a., large or small,
was juristically "forever." In
other words the
ust.c (though not the
mythical) sempiternity of the
empire wa
ransferable to, and easily
adopted by, the territorial
monarlesr^n
the esch'?'r"T'"
-/
eschato ogical-mythical background
^-'^ re,ni,
even though they were lacking
of the eternal Roman Empire
Subsequently the claims to universalism
on the part of the Hohenstaufen
emperors and their successors were
challenged by the lords of the
terri-
torial monarchies; and
the best challenge was to
claim the same, or at
least similar prerogatives
for the territorial states.
This, then, was the
climate mwhich, from the twelfth century
onward, som'e
poll ical
fundaml^l
dogmas began to develop in the individual
monarchies, cul-
minat,ng finally m the famous sentence Re.
superiorem non reco.nosLns est

-ithin his realm " As a result

of this maxim, some special
imperial
prerogatives, as for example,
the right of appointing
notaries public or
''"'""' """ P^"^' " ^ ^he kings deeming
^h msT'""' '"tT"'"
themselves emperorlike within their realms 57
& S
In addition to these fairiy
well defined imperial
prerogative rights,
however, there was passed on
to the kings also the
whole compound
of legal philosophy contained
in the imperial Roman
law. For example

U I I
u
u
 104 KINGSHIP AND SCIENTIFIC JURISPRUDENCE
the Lex Mia concerning the crime of lese majesty
maiestatis
was now
appropriated by the kings although in the
Digest and the Corf, it referred
only to the emperor and to the maiestas
of the Roman people ss Further
the statement of St. Jerome, embedded
in canon law and saying'
Exercitus facit imperatorem, "The army creates the emperor," was trans-
ferred to the king: exercitus facit regemJ"
Also, the famous maxim, derived
from the Code and declaring that "the
emperor has all the laws in the
shrine of his breast," was transferred
not only to the pope, the verus
tmperator, but also to the King of
France; for, a French jurist (probably
Thomas of Pouilly, ca. 1296-97), says in so many words that "of the
King of France it may be said, as it is said of the emperor, that all the
laws, especially those pertaining to
this kingdom, are shut in his breast." *
That, furthermore, the Roman emperor
was terra marique dominus, "lord
over land and sea" and over the elements
as well, was a notion going
back to antiquity. It ^vas applied not
at all rarely to Frederick II. Then,
m a lawsuit concerning the association
{pariage) of Philip IV of France
and a French bishop, one of the royal
legists, Guillaume de Plaisian,
pointed out that the French king, since
he was "emperor in his realm,"
had command over land and sea,
whereupon the bishop mockingly
answered: "Whether the king be emperor
in his realm, and whether he
command over land and sea and the elements, and
whether the elements
would obey if the king gave orders to them,
is irrelevant to the points
at stake."*' How deeply engrained
the belief in the king's power of
commanding the elements actually was, even as
late as the seventeenth
century, may be gathered from the
Diary of Samuel Pepvs who, seeing
in the summer of ,662 King
Charles II riding in his barge in a downpour
of rain, made the telling entry: "But
methought it lessened my esteem
of a king, that he should not be able
to command the rain."^ Finally
there should at least be mentioned
a philosophical concept transmitted
from Greek philosophy through the
agency of Roman law, which was
reapplied to the Hohenstaufen emperor
and transferred to the pope in
the twelfth century, until in the
thirteenth it was passed on to the terri-
torial kings: the idea of the
prince as the lex animata, the "living"
or
^'animate law." The usefulness of this
concept for the theory of absolutism
IS almost self-evident,
especially when, under the influence
of Aristotle
the lex animata was turned into
a iustitia animata. For not only was
the
king said to be present in all his
law courts, in which finally he was
present also vicariously through his
image, his state portrait, or his coat
of arms, but there was also a good
reason for asserting that the king's

/ u o
 .

ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ 105

M-ill, iheorc tically, had the force of law : being himself the animate law,
the king could do no ^^Tong, since "whate\-er he did would be ipso facto
just/'^s

To be sure, it is a long and verv- involved and comphcated way that

leads from the twelfth century to the absolutist theories of sovereignty.
Xor can this rapid sur\-ey claim to have done more than barelv touch
upon a few problems. For all their brevity and skimpincss, however, the
present remarks may suffice to demonstrate that in a discussion of
' < Twelfth-Ontur\- Europe and the Foundations of Modern Society"
the impact of jurisprudence on government cannot easily be neglected.

NOTES
Surgen- prevented the present author from being a full-time participant of
the S>-mposium on "Twelfth-Centurv- Europe and ihe Foundations of Modem
Socier\-." He was. however, able to prepare this paper which his friend.
Professor Gaines Post, was kind enough to deliver for him and even to

defend in the discussion an act of making a colleague's cause his ov*ii for
which the author remains a grateful debtor.

Charles Homer Haskins himself has sur% eyed brilliantly "The Re\-ival of
Jurisprudence" in Chapter \'II of his Retudisance of the Twelfth CerUur}
'Cambridge. 1939). pp. 192223.
The truly important achirv-emenl of the K>-caIled "rebirth of Roman law"
was the evolution of a scientific jiarisprudence and a jurisprudential method;
this point has been stressed repeatedlv. r
'
" .
e.g.. bv Wolde-
mar Engelmann. Die Wiedfrgebwi der A ,
durch die uissen-
ichaftliche Lekre (Leipzig. 1 938 '

.\ succinctand admirably organized sur\e> of sources and hisior\- of canon

law to roughly 1300 has been offered by .\Iphons M. Stickler. HvluHa Juris
Canomri Latini. I : Historia Fontium ("Turin, 1950) ; a brief general sur\ey,
including canon law in England, was given b\' the Lord Bishop of Exeter,
R. C. Mortimer, Western Canon Law ('Berkele>- and Los .\ngeles. 1953).
For some aspecB of the interrelations betiAeen the Struggle over In\cstiturcs
and the reactivation of Roman law, see Karl Jordan, "E>cr Kaisergedanke in
Ravenna zur Zcit Heinrichs IV.," Deutsches Archil. II (19381. 85-125. For
Gratian and Roman law. see the report of Stephan Kuttner, ".NevN- Studies
on the Roman Law in Gratian's Decretum." The Serrdnar, XI (^1953 12-50. .

For the few documents referring to Pepo. see Hermann Kantorovvicz and
Beryl Smalley, ".\n English Theologian's \'iew of Roman Law: Pepo,
Imerius. Ralph Niger." Mediaei-al and Renaissance Studies. I 1^41-4^ .

237-52-
For example, Petrus Crassus (cf. Jordan. "KaisergedauK': rxjisv-red. and
Manegold (see below, note 28) undermined the imperial jaosition by means
of Roman law.

U
// II II
u u u u
 I06 KlNGSHIl" AND SCIENTIFIC JU HISPKUDENCI
7 Hermanii Kantorowic?.. Studies in the Glossators of the Roman Law fCambridtfr,.
19381, pp. jiyf., n. 4. Haskins, Renaissance, p. 199, asoribcf. the separation of
civil lav from rhetoric to Imerius. and (p. 215I of canon lav from theolo^-
to Gratian. To Hostieiisis. Sumnui aurea. pronem., nos. c^io !'\ enicf.. i;)86),

col. 6. carioij jurisprude^ncf wa.: a third scietitie apart from theology and
civil lav, a tertium genus, ex ingenm quasi permixtuni. a scientiii perrmxta. because
h embraces both the spiritual and tlit temporal. For the method, see Erich
Genzmer. "Die jiLstinianisclK Kodifikation und die Glos.saioreri," Atti del
Congressi) Intenuizioruili di Dtrittn Romatw : Bologna. I (Pavia. 1 934) , gSoff.
ft The jinple : "Dal Gallicnav opes et sanctio I astiniana. /Ex alii.s paleas. ex
Lsti.s collipe prana." quoted h\ Stephen Lanpton as well as b\ the Glo.isa

ordinaria. on Conn, ornnsm. v. 'ditissimi.' is sure to be much older; cf. H. Kan-

torowicz. 'All Enplish Theolopiari's \'iev" (above, note 5,;. p. 246. n. 2;
see also Haskins. Studie.^ in Mediaeval Culture (Oxford. 19291. p. 47. for the
rivalry and theok)p\ and p.
between lav\ . 25. for the "lucrative branches of
knowledge." See Dante. Paradisn. IX. i.^gfT.. and Michele Maccarone.
"Teolopia e diritto canonico nella Motuxrchia. III. 3." RivvTlc di Storia delia

Chiesa iti Italia. \' (

1951 -. 23f.

y Raljjh Niger. Moralia regttm. c. XIX. ed. H. Kantorowicz. 'Wn English

" '^.^i. ftMT. Theologian's \'iew." p. 250. lines 3iff. "Procedentc vero tempore, aurto
S", :

numero legis peritorun: inpinguatu.'- esi dilectu-S. et recalcitrax-ii in tantum

in legu> doctores appellarentuj domuii. indigne ferentes appcliari dociores
vel magistri." Cf. p. 247, n. 2. Later the titledonuma was an established fact.
Sec. e.g.. Lucas de Pemia. Lectura sufier tribw Liirns Cudicis, on Cod. 2.
. . 1

15 fLyon. 15441, fol. 231'^'*: "[doctores legum] qui etiam sunt ab omnibus
honorandi nee debent ab aliis quantumcumque maximis in eorum iitteris
appellari fratreh. sed domini. contrarium facientes punicndi stmt." Lucas de
I'eima actualh relers to lniiot;eiii I\ . Ap/iaratu.\. on X. 2. if,, n. 5 iLvon.
1578), fol. aoo. who mentioned the sententia dominorum.
10 H. Fitting. Das Castrensr fiectdium in setnffi geschtchtlicken Entuncklung und
lieuttgen genieinrechtliciien Geltwii; Halle. 1871 . pp. 53 iff., has summed up the
essential material. For militia doctmalis. see Baldus. on Cod. 7, 38, 1, n. I

(\'enice. 15861. fol. 28.

11 The relevant places are Cod. 2, 4 and 14: see also 2, 6, 7 [nobiiissimos).
7,

These laws refer to advocaii only, but the medieval jurists expanded the ref-
erence to junsperiu in general. See aisc> Instii.. prooem. I'belov* . note 42 .

and Cod., prooem. Summa rei puiiltcai. prol.

12 Fitting. Castrensr ftecultimi. p. 543. n. 1. for Piacentinus miliiui lite^aionc
miltlantes : .\zti. Summa Inttitutumuni. on prooem.. n. 2 ,'Lyon, 1530 . fol. 20fc.

distinguished three niiiitiae: "Est ergo militia alia armata. alia inennis. alia
literata.'' .'Uread)' Guide Faba. Summa dictamims. 1. n. 28. ed. A. Gaudenzi.
in frupugnatore. Ill (ibyo;. 309. addicsses a niagister as Ittteratoru miluiae
cingtUo ret&mito. This may be a figurative expression: however, the later
fonnularies contain a form for the promotion to the docturutt. sa\-ing:
" celebn mihtia et militan cmgulo [u] decoramus leque t.:onsc>riio,
.

ordini et nunaero milicie legum doctorum et professorum aggregamus" : cf.

n u n
u u u
 ERNST H. K.ANTOROWICZ 107
H. Kaiser. ColUctarius perpetmrum Jormamm
Johanm.^ dr Geylnhusen flnnsbrurk
jpoo). form 49: sec. in general. Fitting.
CaUreme peculwm. pp. ^yff
13 Cod. 12, 15.
14 (^- 37(38), 4- "Serunduni resporwum Domitii Ulpiani.
.
. .iuris ronsulti
amici mei." Cod. 4. 65. 4. ' acl iJomitium Ulpianum . . ,
pranfcctum praetorio
et parentem meum ..." Inst., proneni.. 3 :
'
. . . Thmphilc. m Dorothro vim
iliaunbas antecessoribus |nostn.s]." That
the word nostn. wa,s asualix omh-
trA has b,-e .stressed b> Fran<;oi.s
Hotman ;'Hotomanu,s. /,.. gmtuor lihros
Institutionum land ed.: Venice.
.369]. p. r,: on 7^/., prooem.. 3. v. '-^nteres-
soribus nostns"). who likr all thr giossators and commentators pointed out
tlia. latlier" and '-predecessoi" referred to th,- jurtsprudenLs to wi.om
Jastiniaii allocated him.sell.
15 Axu.Sumnm Imtttuttonum. proloeu.
Quasim>d,< geniti fLyon. 15301, fol. aSyv
ed. V\. Maitland. SeUct Passages
I-.
from tk Works of Brae tor, arul A-,> 'Selden
Society, \'II1: London. 1835,,
P- 3: "|scientia iun.s] veiut almihca domma-
trixnobihta: addiscente. et ut vera per omnia iatear.
iun.s professores.
per orben. terrarum iecit soiemniter
pnncipari ei .seder,- 11, imperiali aula
tnbus et nationes. actorcs et reas ordiiu
dommabili ludicante!..- Thai tht
Bolofniesf Master iJonconiijapno served a.s a ghost writer
ol .^zo's prologue
is oi httl, OT no importanct
m thi.s connection: ci, Hermann Kantorow.cz
uiossators of ttu liorruai Law. p.
227. n. 3a.
16 Bracton. Ih Ugibm. fol. ib. ed. Woodbine,
II. 20: ed. Maitiand. p.
7 ,w,th
hi.. note.s on
p. ,5
'
q^g nobilitat addiscentcs
: . .

et tacit eo.s principari

m
. . .

regno Azo i

sed, ipsias regLs quas: throno

: ^
orbem terrarum] et scdcrt m aula regia 1 .-^zo : tmt^uUn et in
l>ei. tribu.. e. natione.. actores et
res ordmt
dommabiliiudicantes .- lor Bracton'. additiom, set Lrnst
H. Kantoro-
wicz. The Kmg's Two Bodies (Princeton,
1957), p. ,60: hi> change. ,rto
/ 1 terrarmi: regtuwi: imperiali: regia an
suggestive with regard to tht broader
subject of re.x est tmperatw m
regru. sw, ise, tWov^^. Thai th<
juuge. 'a. judgt "
i-s 'sittmp m
thr seat oi th< King (concerning hi.s justice,.- was an axiom
defended ardenth b^ Si, Ldward Coke, m the cast of Flovd and Barker
TwelJUi Part of the heporti. p. s:,.
Cvnu.v ofPwtoia. l Codtcem. on C.
4. {,5. 4, n. 2 (Frankfurt, 1578). fol 276^-
^otaiiuuni quod Impcrator vocat Ulpianum
parentem suum. su rcst>ertu
scentiae et aetati. jcf. Gios.a ordxnarw on
C. 4. i.-,. 4]. vocat eum anucum
infradr contra, sti. 1. secunclum [= C. t,
37^38^ 4]. Nam su legitur m
Uiromcis. .Alexander Imperator praecipuum
habuit amicum Ulpianum et
Paulum etiam, et vidci, studiose, tjuantum potest
scientia: quii. Icpum laci,
peritum patreni praecipuum Lprnicipum'J.
facit etiam anucum. secundum
Augustmun, est anini, custos et secundum leronvmum '
est alter ego The
passage from C.ynus was occasionalh quoted
m later times; :e e.g., Johannes
Oinotomus. h, quattuoi Jnsiituiumun. libros. on Inst., prooem.. 3, n. i

( cuniqw iuc. '\ eiiictj. it4;j,. p. 4.

Haskiiii. Henaisswtce. p. 199; Jordan, "Kaisergedaiike," p. ia6

9 For Hederici. II a.s judge, see FedoT Schneider.
"Toscanische Stud.en -
Uuelln, WW f-orsctwtigeti au ttalunucmi Arcmveti
mm BwiwItieKcn. XII (
19091

n o n J
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 io8 KINGSHIP AND SCIENTIFIC
JURISPRUDENCE
'l^^^mo imperatore ibidem presentiaht.r
ox.st.nte "
fults Srkf Cf

'" =-'> -^dern Umes), and

although the emp^r ocr T"^*'^^"

don!' ';ti ^nV''2o"r(r'-

'"^'^^" "^"'^''^'' ^-^ ^^^^ ^^^-^ ^-
^^'"'"" ' ^'^' '^"""^ ^- for a few later cases
S R Ph -'

null. re,un. .^.e '"^ ^^^ ^^

20
rd.ciuL' priern"
Andreas of Isemia. In usu..
vt l"' "'''''P^'^

feudorum commentaria, on F.^

IT .- /n. ''"
feudi", n. 84 (Naples, '' ^ "^
,57:) fol. 28 i^io'
21 Cvnus
e.ynus. on S"^"^
Cod. 7. 37, 3, n. i, fol. 445 vo
22

Aiti. ar concern/d or Y"h"'' "f'' " '^"'"^ ''"^" ^^^ -"-

treason or lese
acimg
.,e., .ud.^d
judge, but "debent pares
a.s
associari
J,' t ^ aXl''
JZ7
with^^rr"^ ^' -
ustu^anos sues s.ne paribus
aclTr sit'-udex > ^ "" ^" "'P^"" ^"^^

23
?=^;5;; S.^ '^^"^ ^'^'^'"''"^
'^-^ - ^- 3- 40. 23, n. 3
24 Cynus. on CW. 6, 2^, 10 n i fol of,-.."N- . l

""P^^^*"'"" '^^-verunt :ura.

hodu ^lr.rant et r,u..rme
s "L'elil Ibe '

Andreas oi Isernia, on Feud. 1 '^

^' n ifi
^^
^'n,.'
success, ten.'),
"Potest Hir-; ^, ^
'
^ fol. zV-

nienns
pJenus
^' ^^*^- " 24] ideo dicitur PhilosoDfaiae
""opnf "
raro enim mvenitur
princeps
M'"'i-cps lurista
lurista. " Or .a v ^
fol ovo. " ^f ^ T
U.. tbtd., praeludia. n.
2^,

26
27

n u D 1
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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ I09
pp. 304f., 622; Roland G. Usher, "James I and Sir Edward Coke " En,Hsh
^
Htstoncal Rsvmv. XVIII
.903), 664^, esp. GGyfr
(

28 Eugenio Dupr^ Theseider, L'Idea

M.lan ,94.), pp.
imperiale di Roma nella tradUione
ff., ,ff,,, , ^^^,^, ^^^^ .^^
-
del medioe.o
^^^^^^^^^^
^^'^ '^*- ^^^-' - fo^ a d-ussion of the
kT
Kern 7';r"'"^,
GotUsgna^ntum und mderstandnechl tm friiheren Mittelalter
/.. re.ia. Fritz

(Leipzig

^federVolkssouveramtattmmtMalterlichen Rom (Leipzig, igjo)

for the older literature,
esp nn .^ftff

see Kantorowicz, Kaisl kiel'J,

IT^Zifl:
ST
..off
H in""v'
Frttz Schulz
'^^'^' PP- '^^' ^ -^-^ ^^- shouldt addfd
'Bracton on Kingsh.p." English
Historical k.lj'
J^>i ('945), .53ff.; Walter Ullmann, The Medieval Idea
of Law as ^/'^^/^rf
Represented
by Lucas de Penna (London,
. 946) , pp. 48ff
29 Dupre Theseider. Vldea imperiale, pp.
153-60
30 In general, see Paul Schmitthenner,
Die Anspruche des Adels und Volks der
StadRom auf Vergebung der Kaiserkrone
wdhrend des Interregnums (H^storische
?,^' ^"""'. '9^3'' ^*^^ D"P^<-^ Theseider, L'Idea imper^ale, pp.
"'
,,'ff
237ff., for the coronation of
Louis of Bavaria
31
32 SLTt^ ". ""^.7''. ^"^ ^"''^^ ^^""'^^*"'
See Dupre Theseider. '957). PP. 296ff.
Vldea tmperiale, pp. 257ff. and. for the canonists
""' ^"''""""" *" '"'^"'^ "' (Miscellanea H.sto:
nae V^f "r
Pontihc.ae,' XIX;
Hae pTntf Rome, 1954), P- 214, n. 52.
33 See, for Frederick II,
Brancaleone, and Rienzo, Dupr6
impenale, pp. ,733-., .yyff.,
go^ff.
"^ Theseider, "^Vldea
"""
34 Cod. I, 14, 4.

35 R--
p!:i'lP'.'^f,^^^^''^.'^ ! ':"^^-^ bV >aw, see Dig. ,. 3, 3._4o.
36 Policraticus,IV, 2, ed. Webb, I,
238, lines ijf Liber augustali^, I,
HuiUard-Breholles. Historia diplom^a )' v'
3,,'ed. ;

Friderict'seZdi (ParTsTsVaff ' S^n.^iv,

I
33:alsoDupreTheseider,/,7rf.,m/Wa/..
p ,79
37 Aqumas Surnma theologua l-U.e. qu.
XCVI, a. 5, ad 3; cf R. W. and
^^'^'--^ ^''^''-/ 7-A.o:. in the West (London,
fQ28) V ';
f '{"'"^-^.f
r/ilimKl^'K'-
Thomas
J'^"":^^"^ ^"b-^-
(Bibhotheque thomiste, XXX; Paris,
'^-'' ^"-^-^ dans r,^,re ^ de Saint
.95.) pp 8of '

38 Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies,

p. ,36, n.
,54
39 A.-J. Carlyle "The Theory of the Source of Political Authority
in the

40 f^fraticuslV, 2; Gaines Post. "The Theory of Pubhc Law and the State
in the Thirteenth Century,
" Seminar, VI ,
948) 42-59 ( ,

41
^"^'^ ''""'
^<"'-- PP- '73fl-.. for the fisc, and
,"/rT,""'r.^^'
232ff., for patrta; Games Post, "Two Notes on
pp
Nationalism in the M.ddk
Ages: Pugna pro patria,"
1. Traditio, IX (1953) 281 ff
42
P^^^""-' ""^ ^'"^' Constitution Summa
rwli?r""F
rerpubUcae. '''T
For ^L''"'""''^'
the problem, see Ernst H. Kantorow.cz, "On Transform^

//U
U U U u I I
I
 110 KINGSHIP AND SCIENTIFIC JURISPRUDENCE
tions of Apolline Ethics," Charlies: Studien zur Altertumswissenschaft, cd.
Konrad Schauenburg (Bonn, 1957), pp. 265-74.
43 This is more or less the theme of the valuable study of Reto R. Bezzola,
Les origines formation de la litteralure courtoise en Occident (500-1200)
et la
(Biblioth^que de rficole des Hautes fitudes, fasc. 286; Paris,
1944).
44 Policraticus, IV, 6, ed. Webb, I, 254, line 25.
45 See, on these prologues, Kantorowicz, "The Prologue to Fleta and the
School of Petrus de Vinea," Speculum, XXXII
(1957), 231-49, and, for the
earlier times, P. E. Schramm, Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio (Leipzig and
Berlin, 1929), I, 282f.
46 See, e.g., Flavio Biondo, Borsus, site de militia et iurisprudentia, ed. B. Nogara,
Scritti inediti e rari di Biondo Flavio (Rome, 1927), pp. i3ofr. See also above,
note 10.

47 See Andreas of Isernia, In usus feudorum, praeludia, n.

25, fol. 'i,'"^'^, on the
legislating prince: "Item, impcrator non facit leges, sed iurisperiti
approbati
per eum, ut Tribunianus et alii " For, the prince est raro iurista.
48 F. Brandileonc, // diritto Romano nelle leggi JVormanne e Sveve del
regno di Sicilia
(Turin, 1884), p. 94. See, for the whole problem, Kantorowicz, The
King's
Two Bodies, pp. 1 1 7-23.
49 Petri Exceptionum appendices, 95, ed. H. Fitting, Juristisch Schriften des
I,

fruheren MitUlalters (Halle, 1876), p. 164.

50 Bracton, fol. 14, ed. Woodbine, II, 57f.
51 Durandus. Rationale divinorum officiorum, II, 6 (Lyons, 1565),
8, fol. 55:
"Quidam etiam dicunt ut not. IF. de rerum divis. 1. sancta [Dig. i, 8, 9:
the prince dedicates sacra loca] quod fit presbyter, iuxta illud :
'Cuius merito
quis nos saccrdotes appcllat' [Dig. i, i, i]."
52 See, on the marriage of the prince to his realm, Kantorowicz, The King's
Two Bodies, pp. 212-23, and, for Reipublicae mysticus coniunx, Ren6 Choppin,
De domanio Franciae. Ill, tit. 5, n. 6 (Paris, 1605), p. 449.
53 See, for those changes, Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies, pp. 89-93.
54 Ibid., p. 92, nos. i6f
55 See F. Diimmler, "Gedichte aus dem XL Jahrhundert," .Yeues Archiv, I
(1876), 177, line 25. For the problem, see P. E. Schramm, Kaiser, Rom und
Renovatio, I, 2790"., and the recent study by Hermann Krause, Kaiserrecht
und Rezeption (Abh. d. Heidelberger Akad., 1952, N. i; Heidelberg,
1952).
56 The Fourth (Roman) Empire was eventually fused with a Fifth Empire,
that of Christ; cf. Aquinas [Tolomeo of Lucca], De regimine principum,
III, i2f., ed.Joseph Mathis (2nd ed.; Turin and Rome, 1948), pp. 53!?.;
also C. N. S. Woolf, Bartolus of Sassoferrato (Cambridge,
1913), pp. 3i8fr.
For the Authentica Habita, see Cod. 4, 13.5 post Monumenta Germaniae Historica,;

Constitutiones. I, 249, no. 176.

57 For the Rex imperator theory, see Post, in IX
Traditio, (1953), 296fr., with a
critical discussion of some recent studies on the subject (Calasso, Ercole,
Mochi Onory); for the imperial prerogatives, sec W. Ullmann, "The
Development of the Medieval Idea of Sovereignty," English Historical Review
LXIV(i949), Iff.

n u 1 1 i~
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 1

ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ III

58 Dig^ 48, 4; Cod. 98. For example, Andreas of
Isernia, / ususfeudorum, on
Feud I,
5 n ,3 savo-ggro, applies ^he lex
fol.
Julia maiestatis perpetually to
the king of Sicily, and so do the
other Neapolitan jurists.
59 Decretum c 24, D^gg: .^..a7.
imperatorem facial. ]ohn of Paris,
Z). /,o/tote
r.^. etpapah c. XV, ed. Dom
Jean Leclercq, Jean de Paris (Paris, ,042)
p. 222 line 8, still makes a distinction: nam
populus facit regem et e^itrls
tmperatoren,. Jean de Terre Rouge, Tractatus de iure futuri successoris
legitimi
I, art. I, conclusio 24, in Francois Hotman, Consilia (Arras, 1586), Appendix'
p. 34: exercttuspopulifacit regem sive imperatorem. Cf.
E. E. Stengel Den Kaiser
machl das Heer (Weimar,
.9,0), also in Hislorische Aufsdtze Lrl Zeumer
gewidmet (19 10), pp. 262-75.
60 Fritz Kern, Acta Imperii Angliae
Franciae ab a. 1S67 ad a.
et
1313 (Tubingen
.9.1), No. 271, p. 200, lines i2fr.: "et de eo
(rege Franciae) potest dici,'
sicut de imperatore dicitur,
videlicet quod omnia iura, precipue
competentia
regno suo, in ems pectore sunt inclusa."
The whole legal opinion discusses
imperial rights appropriated by the
French
king
61 For the rule over land and sea as
a rhetorical commonplace applied
to
^7'^'--'7-a Marique," Journal of Roman
XXXlf ;;"
^/^^., XXXI
S:!"' t
(,942), 53-64, and, for its application to the dea Roma,
C. M. Bowra, Melmno's Hymn to Rome," ibid., XLVII (,957), 2, For
trederick II, see Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite, Er^dr^^un.sband,
pp. 204f. For Phihp IV, or rather his crown jurist Guillaume de Plaisian
and the Bishop of Gevaudan, see Memoire
relatif au Pareage de 1.07
ed'
A. Maisonobe in Bulletin de la sociite
d' agriculture, Industrie, sciences
et arts du
DepartementdelaLozere (Mendo,
,896), pp. 52,, 532; Plaisian asserted
dominus Rex sit imperator in regno suo et "quod
imperare possit terre et mari "
to which the bishop replied:
"Porro utrum dominus Rex sit imperator
in
regno suo et utrum possit imperare
terre et mari et dementis et, si obtem-
perarent ipsa elementa, si eisdem
imperaret, . . . nichil ad propositum nee
contra Episcopum facit."
62 See Samuel Pepys' entry on July
19, 1662.
63 For the animata theory, see Kantorowicz,
/.^
The King's Two Bodies,
.27fr.; Krause A-,W../i/ (above, pp
note 55), pp. 37ff.; and, for the age
absolu ism, William Farr Church, of
Constitutional Thought in SixUenth-Century
France (Cambridge, 194,),
p. 25,, also pp. 47 (n. 10),
58, 70, 97, and^^;;

/U L
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 THE INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY
PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

SCHOOL OF HISTORICAL STUDIES May 2k, 19 6l

Professor Ernst Kantorowicz

The Institute for Advanced Study
Princeton, New Jersey

Dear Eka:

Today I am coming to you In sackcloth and ashes: In my excite-

ment about your marvelous article on Kingship and Jurisprudence
and
my enthusiasm about your reference to Clno da Plstola, I confused
the latter 's tomb with another one so that my beautiful theory
falls
to the ground. As It turns out ^ Clno 's tomb does not show hlra
enthroned but Is adorned with a perfectly normal lecture scene as
found on so many tombs In Bologna, etc.; In fact the lecture scene
Is rather archaic and modest In that It shows the great
man
relegated to the left-hand margin of the composition and reduced
to profile Instead of placing him In the center and showing
him
In front view. So, please, don't bother to look up an
Illustration
and forgive me for my falling memory. Only a few years ago
I should
not have made a mistake like this.'

With all good wishes, and hoping to see you soon.

Contritely yours,

Erwln Panofsky

EP:rs
End.

'^r^' ). ^

n u n
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 )

Prof. Dr. Erich 6enzmer

Miinchen 13
Fried richstraOe 4,ptr.

den 7. i^ovember 1961

Herrn Professor
Dr. Ernst d, Kantorowicz
The Institute for
Advanced Study
Princeton
Uevf Jersey
U.S.A.

Sehr vt-rehrter, lieber -lerr xvollege,

Sie haben mir eininal '?:escnrieben, die Jurisprudenz sei
Ihnen nicht an der Vi/iege gesungen worden. Aber jetzt muS
ich an dieser i^ehauptung zweifeln und wenigstens annehmen,
daS Sie sich noch als Erwachsener in eine Juristische
'^iege gelegt haben. Sie sind in den Gunabula Jurisprudentiae
zu dause, das zeigen die drei Sonderdrucke, fur die ich
Ihnen vielmals danke, und besonders der Sonderdruck von
"Kingship under the Impact of Scientific Jurisprudence".
Qbrif-iens scheint noch niemand gemerkt zu haben, daS der
quellenmafiige ""rsprung des Dominus - Titels fur die Kechts-
j|
lehrer eine in Justinians Digesten (D. 33. 2. 22. pr .

' iiberlieferte i3riefanrede eines jungen Juristen an seinen

_ Lehrer, den Spatklas iker Julius Paulus ist. Der gute
l^Wesennius Apollinaris hat sich schwerlicn traumen lassen,
was er damit in spateren Jaarhunderten anrichten wurde.
Ihr schoner und zwei anschein/end entlegene Gebiete ver-
bindender i^eitrag zur J^'estscnrift fur r^rwin -^anofsky erinnert
mich daran, dai3 ranofsky nicht nur an der oriiversitat
^lamburg gewirkt hat (leider ehe ich nach ^iamburg kam),
und dort nocn viele seiner witzigen Ausspriiche kolportiert
werden, sondern daB er auch ein Mitschuler (in einer
Parallelklasse ) von mir auf dem Joachimsthaler G^ymnasium
gewesen ist.
Als eine sehr bescheidene Segengabe lege ich meine r.in-
leitung zum "i\Ieuen Savigny" (IRMAE) bei.
Mit herzlichsten jrtiSen bin ich
Ihr sehr ergebener

/ n o
/ /_/
u u u u
 I '

/i,f ix>G M/50 tyl/iSf !/3^rOWfr7 ^nllrr-J^Qi/j 1^^/

V/;'6'

n u n o
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*55. "The Sovereignty of the Artist: A Note on Legal Maxims and Renaissance Theo-
ries of Art," in De Artibus Opuscula XL: Essays in Honor ofErwin Panofsky, ed. Millard

Meiss (New York, 1961), 267-279.

EK's copy, annotated.

A. Letter fron Guinea Post, ?.0 Nov 5B

B. Idem, not long after- '^rds.

C. "Ablericus de Rosate" (half page, rellovO

D. Letter froia ^^tejlnan Kuttner, ?.?. Nov 5^ ^*i th a

page of no^es attached.

E. ''Magno su ingenio" (page)

F. ''Angelo de Tib'^ldis" (page, ^ellov)

G. ''Arnold Hause^" (3x5 card)

H. "'Harry Volfson*' (slip)

I, Letter from Gafnes ^ost, 28 June 61

J, Letter from ^tephan Kuttner, 1 Aug 61

K. Letter from Konrad Hoffman, 11 May 63

/u
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Iu
 Reprinted from

DE ARTIBUS OPUSCULA XL

ESSAYS IN HONOR OF
ERWIN PANOFSKY

Edited by MILLARD MEISS

New York University Press i^6i

'flU

~^^^^

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 The Sovereignty of the Artist f

A Note on Legal Maxims and Renaissance Theories of Art

ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

That the writings of medieval jurists glossators and commentators of Roman and canon
law might have been in any respect relevant to the development of Renaissance theories of
art has rarely been taken into consideration. There is, however, an almost a priori reflection
which would render such a hypothesis less improbable than might appear at first sight : the
fact that in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the intelligentsia was represented, at least

in Italy, largely by learned jurisprudents, and that therefore poets and humanists occa-
sionally even an artist, Alberti not infrequently started their careers by studying law.
Moreover, the general humanistic climate of Italy was certainly prepared by the jurists of the
thirteenth century who, after all, trained their wits and demonstrated them by commenting
upon a classical text the Roman body of civil law which in its entirety had been handed
down from antiquity and was, as Petrarch understandingly put it, an autoritas Romane anti-

quitatis plena} Finally, those scholars, many of whom were poets themselves, were also the
men who first applied other classical authors to practical life and read the texts not only as

belles lettres for edification but also as sources for the purpose of extracting from them such
principles as might prove useful for expounding the law.^ At any rate, an antiquity which was
systematically applied to daily life and even enforced by the authority of the law made its

first appearance within the circles of jurisprudents.

For valuable information in matters of medieval law I am Medieval Idea of Law as Represented by Lucas de Penna, London,
greatly indebted to the kindness of Professors Stephan Kuttner i946,p.33,n.2o, and Maffei, op.cit.,pp.<)^R. He had some vener-
and Gaines Post, while for various suggestions in other fields ation also for Cynus of Pistoia (Savigny.vi.p.S^), and the jurist

my thanks go to Dr. Robert L. Benson, to Professor and Mrs. Guglielmo da Pastrcngo was his close friend.

Enrico de'Negri, and to Professor Erwin Panofsky. * Albericus de Rosate (d.1354). In Digestum novum, prooem.,
n.2o,\'enice,i585,f.5r, saysunambiguously: Allegat etiam haec
' Petrarch, "Epistola ad postcros," in Francesco Petrarca, scienlia poetas. See also on Dig.,i,%,(>,^,f.(yi, where Albericus

Prose, ed. G. Martellotti, P.G.Ricci, et al., Milan and Naples, defends (against Accursius and the Glossa ordinaria on the Ro-
"legum autori-
i95 5,p.lo, states that he was far from disliking man Corpus) the thesis that when the law is deficient and a
tas, que absque dubio magna est et romane antiquitatis plena, might clarify the cause, "authoritates poeta-
f>oetic allegation

qua delector." Cf. Domenico Maffci, Gli im~i deWumanesimo rum et philosophorum possint in causis allegari." He
. . .

giuridko, Milan, I956,p. 56, who in his first chapter, pp.3 5-78, himself aually alleged Dante quite frequently, both the De
ably discusses the invectives against the jurists on the part of Monorchia and the Divina Commedia; cf. Bruno Nardi {Sel
the humanists. Petrarch himself studied law apparently under mondo Rome,i944,pp. 163-1 73 [reprinted from Studi
di Dante,

the guidance of Oldradus de Ponte and Joannes Andreac

( ?) danteschi, xxvi,i942]), who has colleaed some of these ref-

see, for the letters to Joannes Andreae, I-^pistnlae de rebus fa- erences to Dante as a legal authority. Lucas de Penna, In Tres
miliaribus, v.y-g, and perhaps also the very Pctrarchcsqucly IJbros, prooem., Lyon, i544,fol.iva, makes a similar statement
unpleasant ones, iv, 15-16, ed. Giuseppe Fracassetti, Florence, concerning the legal references to poets, and adds: "Ego in

I, i859,pp. 273-282,237-247; according to Savigny, Geschichte non credunt sine leaione

illorum sententiam facillime cedo qui
des romiscben Rechts im Mittelalter, Heidelberg,: 8 34,vi,p. 112, auctorum posse hominem fieri literatum." As Albericus cited
the last two were not addressed to Joannes Andreae at
letters Dante, so would Lucas de Penna cite Petrarch; see on Cod.,
all. Petrarch was also in correspondence with Lucas de Penna, io,i8,i,f.26va, for an allegation of Famil.,y.n,i, and L'llmann,
a highly educated South-Italian jurist; cf. W. L'llmann, I'be Imcos de Penna, p. 5 3, n. 20, for other references.

267

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F1

268 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE ARTIST 269

It is not intended here to discuss the easily demonstrable influence which individual laws around 1250. There were, however, other literary channels accessible to the Middle Ages
of the Roman Corpus exercised on the artistic development of Italian cities. It is, for example,
through which knowledge of these doctrines could have been transmitted in|a more indirect
noteworthy that the laws on city planning issued by the Emperor Zeno in 474, and confirmed fashion.8 One of those channels, which was quite independent of the normal literary cur-
by Justinian in 531, found their way into the statute books of almost all Italian communes as
rents, was Roman law. While harking back to early Roman jurists of the first and second
early as the second half of the thirteenth century and occasionally, for instance in Pisa, even
centuries, Justinian's Institutes and Digest reproduced, and medieval jurists therefore began to
by the middle of the twelfth (1164).' Or we may recall that the laws concerning statues,
interpret, the essence of the Aristotelian maxim." To be sure, in the legal jargon the famous
images, and the decoration of public squares, which are found in considerable number in the
principle did not refer to visual arts or artistic vocation at all, but referred to art only in a
law books of Justinian, had some effect insofar as they promoted the concept of a profane very special sense, far removed from painting and sculpture. It was quoted for a rather pro-
art, which was ars pnblica, in juxtaposition with a sacred art, which was ars ecclesiastica.*
saic and sober purpose, that is, to clarify a certain point of the law of adoption. "It is
the
Nor should we forget that the idea of an equilibrium of arma et leges, to which Justinian opinion that a younger person cannot adopt an older one; for adoption imitates nature, and
referred in the proems to the Institutes and the Codex, was transformed by Renaissance artists
would be monstrous
it if the son were older than the father."i That is to say. Jurisprudence,
into the related ideal of arma et litterae and was reflected by emblematic art as well as by commonly defined as an art {ius est ars boni et aequi),^^ "imitated nature" just as every other
literary disputes, e.g., between Militia et Jurisprudentia or Ars et Afars.^ What shall be ven- art was supposed to do, and imitated it, in the case of adoption, by means of an artistic
tured here is merely to demonstrate that certain current views of later theoreticians were fiction:though blood relationship did not necessarily exist, an older person was yet entitled
foreshadowed by the writings of the jurists, and that there existed, to say the least, some strong to recognize a younger one legally as his son, and a younger one, an older one as his father.
analogies between the poetico-artistic theories of the Renaissance on the one hand and the "Therefore," writes Baldus enlarging on Bartolus, "fiction imitates nature, and for that reason
professional doctrines of medieval jurists on the other. can take place only where truth
fiction may have its place." ^^ Baldus derived his thesis from
There was, in the first place, a whole cluster of interrelated problems which vexed the Roman law exclusively. But an author of the Trecento, such as Baldus was, could hardly
Renaissance artists and poets and to which their attention was drawn over and over again. avoid drifting into the sphere of Aristotelian influence as well, nor would he have tried to
Was art supposed to imitate nature, or should it surpass nature and proceed beyond imitation avoid it; and thus it happened that Baldus opined on another occasion, though still in con-
to new invention? Was there fiction involved, and how did fiction refer to truth? What was
nection with the law of adoption, that "art imitates nature so far as it can," and then added:
the relationship between art and inspiration, ars and ingeniumz. problem nonexistent so long "Notice that fiction imitates the idea of nature and its style {naturae rationem atque stjlum)."^^
as an art was The answers, of course, were never uniform, and they were contra-
a craft?
Fiction, in that whole context, had not the slightest derogatory meaning. It was as little
dictory even within the work of the same author.^ Those various opinions shall not occupy derogatory as Petrarch's definition of the "office of the poet," which was said to "disclose
us here; also, the struggle about the supremacy of poetry over painting or vice versa, and of and glorify the truth of things woven, as it were, into a decorous cloud of fiction." 1* Fiction
painting over sculpture or vice versa, may be left aside at this time.' On the other hand, the was rather something artfully "created" by the art of the jurist; it was an achievement to his
group of notions such as ars, imitatio, natura, inventio, fictio, Veritas and divine inspiration is credit because fiction made manifest certain legal consequences, which had been hidden before
important because it is associated with problems which can be traced back without dif- or which by nature did not exist. For by fiction the jurist could create (so to say, from nothing)
ficulty to the medieval jurisprudents. Physics, ii,2,i94a2i,of course decisive, and in the Poetics
is locum on the same law, Venice, 1 5 67,f. 1 39.
Veritas." Bartolus,
"Art imitates Nature," was, of course, an Aristotelian maxim. It became generally known it is the general problem of mimesis and poiesis which is relevant. " Baldus, on /J'/g.,i,7,i6,f.38v: "Ars naturam imitatur in-
The however, though translated in the thirteenth cen-
Poetics, quantum potest," with the additio: "Nota quod Actio naturae
after the Physics had been translated some time before 1200, and the likewise relevant Poetics,
tury by Hermann the German, became really effective in the rationem atque stylum imitatur."
high Renaissance only; see Lee, o/i.7.,p.20i,n.23. Horace and ' The definition is that of the Privilegium which Petrarch re-
Macrobius were influential; cf. Ernst Robert Curtius, Huropai- ceived at his Capitoline coronation (1341). For the corrected
' fro(/.,8,:o,i2-i3. On these and other related laws, cf. ics," Cbarites: Studien r^ur Altertumsnissenschaft, ed. Konrad
Moritz Voigt, "Die romischen Baugesctzc," Sit^. Ber. Sdiht.
sche IJteratur und lateiniscbes Mitlelalter, Berne,i948,pp.442ff. for text, see Konrad Burdach, X^om Mitlelalter y4r Reformation, 11,
Schauenburg,Bonn,i957,pp.265-274. Jacobus a Bruck (sccibid.,
Macrobius, and pp.524f. for the long history of Dante's di na- part i: Rien^o und die geistige W'andlung seiner Zeit, BerUn,i9i3-
Gesellschaft der Wisstnscbaften ;; LeifK^ig, Lv,i90},pp.i75-i98, p.274,n.45), author of Umbkmata politica, Strasbourg and Co-
tura buona scimia; see also H.VC'. Janson, Apes and Ape Lore in i928,p.509,n.2: "Ignorant autem poctae ofticium ... in hoc
esp.igoff. ;for the revival and reinforcement of those laws, logne, 161 8, published also a mirror of princes bearing the em-
the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, London,i952,pp.287ff. esse: veritatem rei,sub amoenis coloribus absconditam et de-
see Wolfgang Braunfels, Mittelalterlkhe Stadlhaukimst in der blematic m\cArset Mars, Strasbourg,i6i6; cf Borinski, op.cit.,
Toskana,
* The relevant law is Dig.,i,j,i6.; but more explicit is Inst., cora velut figmentorum umbra contectam, altisonis celebratam
Berlin,i953,pp.88,ii i(Pisa),i 14. See also Hcinrich i,p.i9i, and his study "Ein Brandenburgischer Regentenspiegcl
1,11,4 (sec next note). carminibus et dulcis eloquii suavitate respergat." In his Ora-
Felix Schmid, "Das Wcitcrlcben und die >Xiederbclcbung an- und das Fiirstenideal vor dcm
grosscn Kriege," Studien r^ur "///., 1, 11,14: "Minorem natu non posse maiorem adoptare tion, which he delivered on the Capitol, Petrarch repeated al-
tiker Institutionen im mittelalterlichen Stadtcwesen,"^a/;V; vergleicbenden Literaturgesrbicbte, v,i905,pp.i96-225,
323-329. Sec placet: adoptio enim naturam imitatur et pro monstro est, ut most these very words (sub velamine figmentorum) and gave as
Storia del Diritto, i,i957,pp.85-i35. also Heinrich Fichtenau, Arenga, Graz and Cologne, i957,p.i99
* E.H. Kantorowicz, "Glosses on the State Portrait," Paper
maior sit Alius quam pater." his source Macrobius (sub poetici nube figmenti); cf. E.H. Wil-
(cf pp.26ff.), for the change from leges et arma to arma et litterae. ^^ Dig., 1, 1,1, a passage naturally discussed hundreds of times. kins, "The Coronation of Petrarch,".S/vew/x/w, xvin,i943,p.i75;
(not yet published) read at the Annual Meeting of the College Cf. Rensselaer W. Lee, "Ut pictura poesis: The Humanistic A late jurist, Joannes Oinotomus, on ///., 1,1 1,4, Venice,i643, see also his Studies in the Life and Works of Petrarch, Cambridge,
Art Association, Pittsburgh, Pa., January 26,1956. Cf. Karl Theory of Painting," Art Bulletin, xxii,i94o,pp.i97-269,esp. "Adoptio cnim ceu ars imitatur na- Mass. 195 5,pp.3o6f., for an English translation of the not
Borinski, Die Antike in Poetik und Kmsttheorie, Leipzig,i9i4,i, p.45, says expressis verbis: ,

204f., for the inconsistencies within the theories.

turam." easily accessible text. That the Privilegium was inspired by Pe-
p.84,n.i, and p. 269 for other instances of legal influence. ' Sec below, notes 63^, and, in general, E. Garin, La disputa " Baldus, on/^/g.,i7,2,3,n.2, Venice, 1 5 86,f.i 20v "Fictio ergo trarch can no longer be doubted; see below, n.6o.
E.H. Kantorowicz, "On Transformations of
:

ApoUine Eth- delle arti nel Quattrocento, Florence, 1948. imitatur naturam. Ergo Actio habct locum, ubi potest habere

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 270 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE ARTIST 271
a legal person, ^ persona fictaz corporation, for example and endow it with a truth and a commonly idealized as the "animate law," by his act of re-creating nature (so to say) within
life of its own ; or he could interpret an existing body, such as the corpus mysticum of the his limited orbit, showed some resemblance with the Divine Creator when creating the
Church, in the sense of a fictitious person, and gain a heuristic element by means of which he totality of nature. He was therefore, as the jurists and political theoreticians asserted time and
might arrive at new insights into administration, property rights, and other conditions. In time again, sicut deus in terris.^^
that sense fiction was a He as little as poetry was a lie, the latter a current assumption deriving known that according to the artistic theories of the high Renaissance the
It IS well
from classical antiquity against which Petrarch struggled with all his authority.'* Therefore ingentum^nm or poet was not uncommonly recognized as a simile of the creating God,
Aquinas could say that fiction, far from being a lie, might on the contrary be zfigura veritatis, since the artist himself was considered a "creator." Ernst Robert Curtius, who devoted the
because, ran his argument, otherwise all that had been said by wise and holy men or even by last paragraph of his learned book on medieval European literature to this problem, came to
the Lord Himself would be held to be mendacious. 1 On the other hand, the imitation of the conclusion that the concept of the poeta creator did not antedate the eighteenth century,
nature was thought to be praiseworthy in itself. Consequently, a jurist of the early fourteenth when it began to make its appearance sporadically, and he quoted as an example Goethe's
century, Oldradus de Ponte, came to defend alchemy because he concluded: "Since art reflections at Strasbourg in 1775. This however, a date which
is, is far too late. Cristoforo
do not seem to commit a sin.""
imitates nature, alchemists Landini in the fifteenth century styled the poet, Dante, at least Tiprocreator like to God.^^ The
A more serious aspect and a deeper layer of the problem was struck by Cynus of Pistoia, creator metaphor was even more common with artists. Professor Panofsky called attention to
Dante's friend and himself a poet. For Cynus insisted that, in general, "civil [i.e., legal] acts statements of Diirer which he carefully analyzed and in which Diirer explained that the
have to imitate nature," just as he held that "law {jus) imitates nature." i**
We arrive therewith artist, whom he likened to God, had the power to "create," that is, create "in his heart"
at a very broad problem : that of the legislator as an artist, because he was one who ^.v officio something that had never been in anyone's mind before.^* This is certainly diametrically
imitated nature. The major premise, of course, must be sought in the assumption, shared by opposed to "imitation," because Diirer's dictum expresses the consciousness of a non-
everyone in the Middle Ages, that there existed an independent Law of Nature. On that imitating, therefore original or creative, power in the heart of the artist. Panofsky, of course,
basis, a political author such as Aegidius Romanus could build up, in his De regimim prin- was well aware of the fact that in the later Cinquecento the creator metaphor was quite often
cipiim, almost a theory of royal imitation of nature, a subject touched upon already by Thomas applied to and
artists, that the preceding generations had come very close to similar concepts."
Aquinas.is To him the act of legislating appeared as an art imitating nature because it imitated They should, however, not be confused with the etymon poesis, poeta, deriving from Greek
the law of nature. The art of the legislator, however, though determined by the general noielvand only by mistake occasionally translated with "create." This was not the meaning
natural law, has to "adinvent" the particulare of the positive law ("lus positivum ... est per the medieval authorities gave to poeta and poesis, and it may suffice here to refer to Dante,
industriam hominum adinventum"),^" that is, the particular application of the general law of who in a famous passage of De vulgari eloquentia interpreted poesis as fictio rhetorica musicaque
nature to a limited space and a limited time, yet in such a fashion that the particulare composita, thereby vaguely following
still Huguccio of Pisa's Magnae derivationes. This, and not
reflected the generale of the law of nature. In other words, the legislator does both more and "creator," was also the meaning which Petrarch and Boccaccio as well attributed to poeta, and
less than "imitating nature" because he "adinvents." Nevertheless, the general rule of ars E. R. Curtius had good reasons for reminding his readers that "the poet a creator" was in
imitatrix naturae remains valid also for Aegidius Romanus, because the legislator's work fact the application, not of a classical, but of a Jewish-Christian metaphor.^^
should reflect in its proportions the totality of nature.^i It was plausible that the legislator. This is indisputably correct; but when one tries to find when and where this theological

metaphor was originally applied, by whom and to whom, one will have to inquire in the
" The whole second section of his Oration
is devoted to sunt praesupponunt quae sunt naturae." On the work of
artis
the subject of truth in poetry; see Wilkins, Studies, pp.joGf. Aegidius, see the brief and clear analysis by VCilhelm Berges,
first place into the works of the early Decretalists around and after 1200. There indeed the
For the classical conception of the mendacious character of Die Fiirstenspiegel des hohen und spdten Mittelalters, Stuttgart, metaphor appears characteristically in connection with the then relatively new papal title of
poetry, see Borinski, Poetik imd Kunsttheorie, also i938,pp.2ii-228; also
i.pp.iff. ;
p. 32 for Aquinas, De regimine principum,
E.R.Curtius, liuropdische Literatur, pp.21 i,n.i,222f.,40i. i,c.i2 ("Ea quae sunt secundum artem, imitantur
^' Summa theologica, ni,q.5 5,art.4,ad i, quoting Augustine, secundum naturam").
ca, quae sunt " There is hardly one civilian who would fail to interpret Renaissance, A Symposium, February S-jo,jfj2, New York,i9j3,
the position of the princeps in similar terms Kantorowicz, cf. p.90.
Dt qtmestionibus Evangelistarum, ii,c.5i (Migne, Patrol.lat., "> Loc.cit.; see also above, n.19,
where the sentence preceding
;

xxxv,col.i362).
The King's Two Bodies, Princeton, :957,p.92,n. 16, for the sources; " Panofsky, "Artist, Scientist, Genius," p.90, mentions,
the one quoted stresses once more the "adinvention" (f.3o6v):
"Oldradus de Ponte, Consilia, Lxxiv.n. i, Venice, I57i,f29r;
cf. Otto von Gierke, Das deutsche Cenossenschaftsrecht, ^ct- c.g.,theAnnotatorto Leonardo da Vinci of ca.1550, who makes
"[ius positivum] quia semper quae sunt per artem hominum
cf xciv,n.8,f.}6rb: "Sic in natura videmus, quani ars imitatur, lin,i88i,iii,pp.562f ,nos.ii9-i22;alsoFichtenau,^rfng<j(above, creatore synonymous with Leonardo's signore e Die; cf. Zilsel
adinventa, fundantur in his quae tradita sunt a natura."
ut insti. de adopt. minorcm."
n.5),p.i5o,n.8. Porphyry, I'ita Plotini, c.5,mentions a (lost) {op.cit.,}p.zii), who mentions the interesting passage from
" /W.,iii,2,cap.8,f 278r: "Si rex vult scire desiderata
. . .

"Cynus, on Cod'.,7,37,3,n.5,Frankfurt,i578,f.446ra: "Civiles

. . .
by Origen having the title
tractate : "The King the Paramount Francesco de Hollanda, V'ier Gesprdche iiher die Maierei gejiihrt
quod sit cius officium, diligenter considerare debet in naturali-
Creator" {on ftovoi noitjTtji 6 fiaatkev;). ~ Rom i;)S (Quellenschriften fiir Kunstgeschichte, new se-
actus naturam habcant imitari." Also, on Coi/., 2,5,io,n. 5, f.jir: bus rebus. Nam natura tota administratur per ipsum
si Deum, " Curtius, Liuropdische Literatur, pp.4o:fT. For Cristoforo ries,ix), Vienna, i899,p. 116 (= f 144V).
"lus naturam imitatur," a passage repeated verbatim by Angelus qui est princeps summus et rex regum,
quo rectissime regitura
de Ubaldis, on Z)/g., 1,7, 16, Venice, i58o,fi7v. Landini, cf. Edgar Zilsel, Die Entslebung des Genitbegriffes, Tii- See Alfredo Schiaftini, " 'Poesis' e 'Poeta' in Dante,"
uni versa tota natura: quare a regimine quod videmus in natu-
"Aegidius Romanus, De regimine principum, iii,2,cap.24, bingen,i926,p.28:,n.i5i. Studia philologica et litteraria in bonorem L. Spit~er, ed. A.G.
ralibus, derivari debet regimen, quod trahendum est in arte
de " Erwin Panofsky, Albrecht Diirer, 3rd ed., Princeton, 1948, Hatcher and K.L.Selig, Bem,i958,pp.379-389, esp.381 (for
Romc,i5 56,f 307: "lus enim positivum per artem et industriam regimine regum; est enim ars imitalrix naturae."
hominum adinventum praesupponit ius naturale, sicut ea quae i,pp.279ff. ; see also his "Artist, Scientist, Genius: Notes on Petrarch and Boccaccio), 3 84 (Huguccio of Pisa); see also Cur-
the Kcml%&aiio:.-V>iinmcTmig," Metropolitan Museum of Art: The tius, o/>.rt/.,p.i54.

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272 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE ARTIST 273
Vkarius Christi or Vicarius Dei, which began to spread during the twelfth century though it makes something that is, not be; and makes something that is not, come into being." Hos-
had been used sporadically before.^' Through the agency of certain decretals of Pope Inno- tiensis thus added to the glosses of his predecessors also the opposite and perhaps more con-
cent III, who availed himself very frequently of that title, it penetrated into canon law and vincing papal capability of bringing something existing to nought (de aliqno facit nihil), which
was consequently interpreted and glossed on by canon lawyers. Around 1220 the canonist he explained by quoting the prerogative oi mutare etiam naturam rei?^ Non ens fore, on the
Tancred glossed on the words dei vicem of an Innocentian decretal of 1198, incorporated in other hand, he explained in the traditional way: id est, de nihilo aliqiiid facit, a doctrine which
one of the early collections of papal decretals, the so-called Compilutio III, and wrote: he cited once more in his Lectura?'^ At the end of the century Gulielmus Durandus (d. 1296)
quoted the doctrine in his Speculum iiiris, repeating also the tenet concerning the papal
In that respect [regarding the lands of the churches] he [the popej acts as the vice-gerent of God, capability of "changing the nature of things. "^^
because he is seated in the place of Jesus Christ, who is true God and true man .... Also, he makes
So far these extraordinary prerogatives have been attributed to the pope alone. In the
something out of nothing like God. . . . Also, in those affairs he acts in the place of God because he has the
plenitude of power in matters pertaining to the Church .... Also, because he can give dispensation
course of time, however, they ceased to represent a papal monopoly. A French jurist of the
above and against the law .... Also, because from justice he can make injustice by correcting and fifteenth century, Guido Papa (d. 1487), transferred the doctrine de nihilo aliqiiid facit to
changing the law .... Nor is there any person who could say to him Why dost thou act as thou :
the secular power, to the emperor, and thereby implicitly to kings who were "emperors within
dost? 28 their realms" and could claim the plenitiido potestatis with regard to their regna?^ It should not
remain unmentioned, however, that by an audacious somersault the doctrine was applied
This remarkable theory concerning the pope, who de nichilo facit aliqiiid nt Dens, passed
also to the person from whom, no less audaciously, it had been derived to Christ. Conrad of
from Tancred to Bernard Botone of Parma and his Glossa ordimria on the Liher Extra (ca-.
Halberstadt, a chronographer of the middle of the fourteenth century, discussed certain
1044), that on the great collection of papal decrees composed by Raymund of Penafort
is,
f w* " effects proceeding "a Christo pontifice summo tiprimopapa . . . per quem de plenitiidine potestatis
and published by Pope Gregory ix in 1234. Following Tancred, the glossator said de nulla
omniz facta sunt ex nichilo."^^ By thus transferring papal authority, and canonistic maxims
potest aliqiudfacere, repeating also most of the other arguments but ; at the same time he added defining Tpvp'a\ plenitiido potestatis, to Christ, the "first pope,"^* everything seems to fall again
a few items serving to illustrate the papal plenitude of power: the pope's initiative is derived into its proper place, virtute iuris canonici. Christ, who had been royal or imperial during the
from divine judgment, and he can change the nature of things ("dicitur habere coeleste arbi-
earUer Middle Ages, was papalized also iconographically in the late medieval centuries,
trium...et ideo etiam naturam rerum immutat").^' Shortly thereafter, Hostiensis cited the
^i-
when in their turn the secular powers appropriated to themselves numerous papal preroga-
doctrine of Tancred and the Glossa ordinaria in his Sunima aurea (ca. 1250-125 3). While refer-
tives.
ring to Raymund of Pefiafort, who in his Sn/tima de casihns (ca. 1 227-1 234) had jotted down The question might be raised whether the canon lawyers depended upon some extra-legal
thirty-four cases of prerogative rights reserved to the pope exclusively, pouring them for sources. The answer would be that this is unlikely. Peter the Lombard, it is true, advanced
mnemotechnic reasons into verse, Hostiensis increased their number to sixty, and produced the hypothesis that just as man could forgive sins, so man could also be said to create; but he
among his addimenta the line "Ens non esse facit, non ens fore ...."*' That is, "He [the popeJ
made it perfectly clear that the forgiving of sins was a human ministry, that in fact the Lord
" For
the history of this title, sec the careful monograph by iniusticiam corrigendo ius et mutando, ut in constit. domini operated cum servo et in servo, and that man could make something from an existing matter
Michele Maccarronc, Vicarius Christi: Storia dei titolo papale, Innocentii in. "ut debitus" [Comp.IV, 2,12,3 2,28,59], e' =X
Rome,i952,esp.pp.io9iT. for Innocent in. c. "non debet" [Comp.IV, 4,3,3 =X
4,14,8]. Nee est qui dicat only, but could not create ex nihilo. And Aquinas bluntly denied that the creations of nature
" The ei, cur ita facis [De penitencia (C.33,q.3),D.3, c.21 post].
gloss of Tancred on Compilatio ///,i,5,; (= X 1,7,3), and art were really creative acts, holding with St. xVugustine that none but God was a creator,
mentioned by Walter Ullmann, Medieval Papalism, London,
In Tierney's transcription from the Cambridge MS the words
I949.p.52.n.:, was rendered more completely by Gaines Post
ut I^eus the second clause are missing, whereas they are
in
because even new forms introduced by nature and art were potentially "concreated" with the
in his review of Ullmann's book in Speculum, xxvi.igj i,p.25o,
and by Maccarrone, op.cit. ,p.\zo, while the full text has been
found in the Bamberg MS as well as in Cod.Vat.lat.1377, which materia-" All this shows merely that the question of artistic "creation" was alive, but that
Maccarrone, op.cit.,p.izo, has reproduced (the text, unfortu-
published by Brian Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory,
nately, is marred by many errors), omitting, however, the
the answers to it were in the negative. The problem of the sources of the jurists finds a much
Cambridge, 195 5, p.88,n.i, from the Cambridge, Gonvillc and
next to the last clause.
simpler and more straightforward solution. For the source of the Decretalists was clearly the
Caius College ms 17. It deviates only insignificantly, except " Clos. ord. on X 1,7,3, v. "veri Dei vicem." The Gloss on
for one point, from the text in the Bamberg MS Can. 19, f. 124V,
the Liher I-xtra (abbreviated: X) is quoted here according to Decretum Gratiani, that is, a passage from St. Ambrose's De mysteriis, in which Ambrose
of which Professor Post kindly placed a copy at my disposal
the edition of Turin, 1588. The phrase dicitur habere coeleste

In hoc gerit vicem dei, quia sedit in loco iesu christi, qui est arbitrium is a quotation from Cod.,i,\,\,\: "... motus nostri,
verus deus et verus homo, ut in constit. irmocentii "firmiter quem ex caelesti arbitrio sumpserimus." " ("etiam naturam rerum immu- K. Wenck, "Die Chronographie Konrads von Halber-
See n.29 for the Glos. ord.
credimus" [Cow^ft. /i., 1,1,1, =X i,i,i]. Item de nichilo facit ^ Hostiensis (Henricus de Segusio), Summa aurea, on X 1,30 perhaps Tancred (n.28): "de stadt und verwandte Quellen," Forschungen ~ur deutschen Gt-
'
tat"). For mutare naturam rei see
aliquid ut deus, arg.iii.q.vi. "hec quippe" [C.;,q.6,c.io], et C. {de officio legati, "Quid pertinet"), Venice, i586,col.
519, quotes iusticia potest facere iniusticiam corrigendo ius et mutando." schicbte, xx,i88o,p.298, ad annum 1353; cf. Ingeborg Schnack,
de rei ux.act.i. unica in prin.
[CW.,5,i3,i-ia]. Item, in hoc Raymundus. The passage referred to is, as Professor Stephan
gerit vicem dei quia plenitudincm potestatis habet in rebus
" Hostiensis, Lectura, on X 1,7,3, ^- "'f* primo"a reference Richard von Cluny, Berlin,i92i,p.i6i.
Kuttner kindly informed me, Raymundus, Summa de casibus, " For
ecclcsiasticis, ut.ii.q.vi "decreto" [C.2,q.6,c.i gratefully received from Professor Kuttner. the important problem of Cbristus primus papa, see
de usu
i], infra,
3,27 {de differentiis officiorum, 2), which, however, does not " Schnack who assumes, probably correctly,
pallii. c.ii. [X 1,8,2]. Item, quia potest dispensare super ius et Durandus, Speculum iuris, Lib.i, pt.i {De legato, ^"t^unc"), {op. cit., pp. \'fi&.),
contain the phrase ex nihilo aliciuid facit or its equivalent. Sec,
contra ius, ut infra, de concess. pre[bende et ecclesie] non n. 42, Venice, 1 602, 1, p. 50. that this designation does not antedate the twelfth centur>'.
for Hostiensis, also Ullmann, Medieval J^apalism,pp.^i{. "
vacantis. c.i. (X },8,i]. Item, quia de iusticia potest facere " Guido Papa, Consilia, Lxv,n.9,Lyons,i544,f.86. Petrus Lombardus, Sentential, iv,5,3, also 11,1,3 ('^liKne,

XX I

^.(KS/C^CCX ^^rtj(Cn.a^'' CtSO^cU'^

~Wr^i<>^
^^,^';:?i,^.Tua^i-

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 274 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE ARTIST 275
discussed the Lord's Words of Institution which effected the consecration of the elements or,
in the language of the twelfth
had never been made hence a creatio ex nihilo.*^ The Glossa ordinaria on the Liher Extra
and later centuries, eifected the transubstantiation. "The words
seemed to presuppose that the meaning would be self-explanatory, and offered no further
of Christ, who could make something out of nothing, can they not change things that are
commentary; but a marginal gloss was later added by the Roman correctors of the Decretales,
into something that they were not before? For it is no less [an achievement] to give to things
in which they complained that vix aliquid explicat {glossa] propriis verbis, and therefore pointed
new natures than to change them.''^" We have to recall that the Decretalists were glossing on
out :
"To make something out of nothing is to found new law {est ius novum condere)" that is,
the words veri Dei vicem. Therefore what was valid for Christ was claimed to be valid also for
to legislate." Hostiensis gave no further explanation either, but repeated from the ordinary
the vicarius Christi. The logic was straightforward and massive, and the frequent allegation
Gloss the words saying that the pope could also change the nature of things, a sentence to
of the Ambrosian passage by later commentators shows how remote legal thinking was from
which the marginal gloss remarked that it referred to positive law only, since the pope could
unwarranted diffidence.
not override divine or natural law." This, in his turn, Durandus illustrated by referring also,
What was the meaning of that surprising claim de nihilo jacit [papa] aliquid sicut Deus}
though only indirectly, to the Dictatus papae of Gregory vii "He can make an illegitimate
Tancred, the canonist who to our knowledge coined the phrase, gave a brief explanation. The
:

source of the claim

legitimate, and can make a monk a canon, et huiiismodi."*^ Guido Papa finally explained: "He
is the vicariatus Dei or Christi by which the pope has the plenitndo potes-
[the emperor] can [legally] vivify a dead person and give dispensation beyond the law."^
tatis.^ What pope could do by his plenitude of power, which Tancred still restricted cor-
the
In other words, the papal-imperial, and probably also royal, power of "making something
rectly to the government of the Church, was to give dispensation above and against the law,
out of nothing" was restricted to certain technicalities of the law as well as to legislation at
provided that his action did not violate faith and divine or natural law (for example, he could
large.
not dissolve a consummated marriage),'"' and he could create new law, thereby making in-
While this simple and prosaic explanation of a seemingly bewildering claim may be
justice what had hitherto been justice. The allegations of Tancred to the Decretum Gratiani
disappointing at first sight and appear to lead us nowhere, the concept at issue is yet inter-
and Justinian's Code, repeated by all his successors, indicated what de nihilo facere meant in the
esting enough. The ideal legislator as visualized by the jurists not only became an imitator of
language of the jurists. A number of Breton bishops had been deposed (for good canonical
nature by applying the law of nature to the particular circumstances of his realm, but he was
reasons) by the Bishop of Dol-de-Bretagne who, however, was not the competent judge
also the only person who could make new laws according to the necessities of a changing time
(in this case, the Archbishop of Tours). Moreover, the deposed
bishops had been replaced by
and thereby "make something out of nothing." This, of course, was an anxiously guarded
other bishops, whose election was invalid since their predecessors, not having
been deposed prerogative of the sovereign. In the Dictatus papae Pope Gregory vii monopolized for the
by the competent judge, de iure still held their offices. The pope ordered a new trial before
the Roman pontiff exclusively the right pro temporis necessitate novas leges condere," whereas the
Archbishop of Tours, but without either reinstating the deposed bishops or demoting
the most efficient pupil of the popes, the Emperor Frederick 11, proclaimed in his Liber augustalis
newly elected ones ex nihilo (out of a procedurally invalid removal from office)
:
>/ aliquid (he that was a principal duty of the
it dignitas imperialis excellentiae to produce new laws as time and
recognized an invalid election). "A judgment which was none, he [the pope] makes to be
circumstances demanded ("iuxta novorum temporum qualitatem de nostro gremio nova iura
one," says the ordinary Gloss." Similar is the content of the allegation to the Code: for the
producimus").^ Moreover, the legislator, when handling his art, the ars aequi et boni, was
purpose of reclaiming a dowry, a lawsuit of stipulation was granted, even though
a stipulation

Pair. Z-3/.,cxcn,coIs.852,65i). Thomas Aquinas, Summa theo-

" Co(/.,5,i3,i-ia. The principle involved is discussed by gister Gregors yit., ed. Erich Caspar, Berlin,i920,p.203(/J'^.,ii,
ciliar Theory, pp.i4iff,, came into general usage in the
it
works Andreas of Isemia, In
logica, i,q.xlv,art.8,i, and conclusio. Sec R.H. Sainton, "Man, of the Decretists around 1200 only; a similar date is suggested
ustis feudorum, on Feud.11,^0 ("De capitulis 55a). The problem concerning the change of the nature of a
God, and the Church in the Age of the Renaissance," Metro- by Friedrich Kempf, S.J., Papsttum und Kaisertum hei Innocen^
Corradi"), n.29,Naples,i57i,fol.202va, but without mentioning monk was discussed quite frequently. Tancred (see Tiemey, op.
politan Museum of Art: The Renaissance, A
Symposium, New York, III., Romc,i954,pp.296fT.; and G.B.Ladner, "The
Concepts of
the maxim de nihilo etc. Sec above, n.38. cit., p.90,n. 5) denies that the papal plenitude potestatis may allow a

195 3>PP-5 3.62a, where attention is called to these passages, from

*' The marginal gloss added to gl. "veri Dei vicem" on X i, monk to own property, "sed de monacho potest facere non
'Ecclesia' and 'Christianitas' and their Relation to the Idea of
whose interpretation, however, I deviate. 7,3, stresses throughout the legislating capacity: "nam de ni- monachum." Innocent iv, however, claimed that poverty and
'Plcnitudo potestatis' from Gregory vii to Boniface viii,"
in
De conseiratione, D.2, c.69: "Sermo igitur Christi, qui po- hilo aliquid facere est ius novum condere; et de iniusticia celibacy ot the monk were
matters of positive law only and
Sacerdo^io e Regno da Gregorio rii a Bonifacio
riii, Rome,i954,
tuit ex nichilo facere quod non erat, non potest ea, quae sunt, in id iusticiam above, n.31: de iusticia iniusticiam] intellige
[sic; cf. therefore the pope had dispensatory authority; he states quite
pp.6}ff., demonstrates convincingly how the concept of ple-
mutare, quod non erant? Non enim minus est dare, quam mu- per constitutioncm iuris; et immutare substantiam rerum ac- cynically: ".\lonachus autcm nihil est quam solitarius tristis
nitudo potestatis was developed, not before the
twelfth century,
tare, novas naturas rebus.'" The passage was referred to by Ber- from that of full Icgatine powers. See also Alfred Hof, cipi debet in his que sunt iuris positivi." The liturgical connec- [C.i6,q.i,c.8] ... ex hoc patct quod papa potest dispensare
"Pleni-
nard of Parma in Clos. ord. on X 1,7,5, and by others. Tliere is tion (indicated in n.38) has been ignored. cum monacho quod habet proprium vel coniugem."
tudo potestatis und Imitalio imperii zur Zcit Innocenz' iii," Zs.
no doubt that the legal arguments and the combination of " Hostiensis, loc.cit. (above, n.30): "de aliquo facit nihil, " Guido Papa, loc.cit. (above, n. 54) "dicitur [imperator] quoad
f.Kircii.Gescb., lxvi, 1954-55, pp.}9-7i. :

"making something out of nothing" and "changing the na- "Tiemey, mutando ctiam naturam rei." temporalia deus in terris. Potest enim de nihilo aliquid facere et
o/).r/7.,p.89,n.5, also brings out in full relief the " Durandus,
ture of things" were inspired by that passage. Vice versa, the
hypertrophies and exaggerations of Innocent iv's hierocratic
/or.aV. (above, n.33): "De aliquo facit nihil mu- mortuum viviticare et super ius dispensare. ..."
Glos. ord. on the Decretum (by Joannes Teutonicus, ca.1215), tando etiam rei naturam .... Immutat ergo substantialem rei *'Dictatus pape, 7 (above,n.45). Cf. Cod., 1,14,12,5: "leges
views on this point.
Dt naturam, puta faciendo de illegitimo legitimum: ut extra, ."
D.2,c.69, v. "minus," promptly brings the allegation
cons.,
The allegation
condere soli imperatori concessum est. . .
is (:.3,q.6,c.io; the analogy is slightly cla-
to Cod., 5,15,1-ia (below, n.42), the paramount evidence for qui fill vencrabilcm [X 4,17,13], et de monacho
sint leg. per *"Liber augustalis, 1,38, Constitutionum Regni Siciliarum libri 111,
rified (asProfessor Kuttner pointed out to me) by the Casus
in
de nihilo facere aliquid ever since Tancred.
the Glos. ord. to the Decretum, which in its turn
canonicum: ut 74.dis.quorundam [D.74,c.6]. Et de monacho Naples, 1775, p.85. To this passage the later commentator Mat-
leads Bernard
" The papal plenitudn potestatis as a hierocratic password is of Parma, Glos.ord. on X non monachum et de capaci non capacem et huiusmodi . . . . De thaeus de Afflictis, In utriusque Siciliae . . . Constitutiones, N'enice,
1,7,3, v. "veri Dei vicem," to explain:
likewise of a relatively recent date; according to Tiemey, Con- nihilo aliquid facit. ..." Cf. Dictatus pape, 7: "Quod illi soli I562,i,f.i55rb, remarks: "Non autcm
ex hoc dicitur quod ius
"et scntentiam que nulla est, facit aliquam."
licet . . . de canonica abbatiam facere et e contra . . .
." Das Re- est variabile : sic etiam Deus mutavit multa ex temporum dis-

/u
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 276 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE ARTIST 277
able to produce something new because he was divinely inspired ^.v officio. This clue was
poet appeared to Dante potentially on one level, since only "the highest political and the
borrowed from Roman law in which Justinian claimed to take his motive power ex caelesti
highest intellectual principates" could be decorated at all with the
arhitrio}^ Divine inspiration, of course, was appropriated to himself by Frederick 11 in his
laurel.^s The coronation of
Petrarch in 1341 made this equiparation manifest. Wrapped in
Liber aiigustalis, in which he repeatedly cited the words of Justinian,> and the royal purple of King
as a matter of rou-
Robert of Naples, which had been given him for that purpose (regia vestis circumfHsa me
to
tine it was attributed to kings and sovereigns who
had become emperor-like within their
tegebat\^^ Petrarch received the crown of laurel on the Roman Capitol and thereby demon-
territories." Above all, however, the divine inspiration in accordance with the law of Jus-
strated to the world of learning and
tinianwas arrogated to himself by the pope,*^ the vems iniperator, who was the vice-gerent not what extent indeed king and poet
art universally to
ruoy^di pari passu. Moreover, in the diploma or Privilegium
only of Christ the High Priest, but also of Christ the King; and it was in the papal vicariate which the Roman senator handed
of over to Petrarch at the coronation ceremony and which was, to say
the royal Christ that an early canonist, Silvester Hispanus, found the reason the least, inspired by
why attributes
Petrarch himself,**
and privileges of the emperor could be passed freely to the pope.s" This transfer of claims we find the notion officium poefae, a notion repeated several times by
Petrarch and defined as the disclosure of truth woven into a decorous cloud of fiction.*^
from one dignitary to another seems to have been also an important ingredient of that mysteri- Here
then poetical art itself was presented as an "office," the
ous power immutandi ream naturam-.iottht Glossa ordinaria to the Decretals defined this officium poetae. Finally, there occurs,
power thrice repeated in the Privilegium and eight times repeated in Petrarch's
I

as the ability "of applying the substance of one thing to another thing Oratio, the com-
{substantialia mius rei
bination of "Caesars and poets," to which Petrarch in other
applicando alii)."^*' writings referred at least six
times, expressing the idea that the glory of Caesars and
In fact, that procedure of transferring something from one orbit to another formed, we of poets justified the award of the
wreath of laurel because the eternal verdure was earned tam quam
may say, the essence of the art of the jurists, who themselves called this bello itigenio, "by both war
technique aeqiii- and ingenium."2 Clearly expressed on that occasion also was the related idea that
paratio, the action
of placing on equal terms two or more subjects which at first appeared to immortality
was won both by great exploits and the poet's song.s^ It was quite obviously at this point,
have nothing to do with each other. For example, the Church, a city, and or
a maniac were
even with Dante's equiparation of Caesars and poets, that the ideal of arma et litterae
technically on equal terms as "minors" because none of them could handle his, or its, own began
to supersede that of arma et leges, familiar to Justinian and current in
and therefore all
affairs, three were in need of a guardian." That method of "equiparation," the circles of jurists.**
With Petrarch's Capitoline crowning ceremony the equiparation of prince and poet
however, which was not restricted to jurisprudence, can help us to understand in what ceased to be a mere metaphor: its quasi reality had been demonstrated ad oculos, if in a slightly
respects the theories of the jurists might appear to have
been relevant to the later artistic
theatrical and stage-like fashion. Nor did the equiparation stop at this point. On the basis of
theories. The legislator takes his impulses from divine inspiration,
and he creates certain judg- fame, or its fickleness, already Dante had treated painters and poets on equal terms.5 And
ments and technicalities out of nothing, but he does that ex
all officio, just as he imitates nature
Hkewise by virtue of
Petrarch, in good classical fashion, styled Homer a \)'X\mcv, primo pittor delle memorie antiche.^^
his office, and not as an individual poetic or artistic genius. The equi- It was finally Horace's Ars poetica which extended the new and quasi-sovereign status of the
paration, however, of poet and emperor or king -that is, of the poet and the highest office
poet to the painter; for the Horatian metaphor ut pictura poesis, or rather its inversion
representing sovereignty -began as early as Dante. When Dante ///
sadly praised Apollo's laurel,
of which in
poesis pictura, became the passkey which eventually opened the latches to the doors of every
his days
"so rarely frond was gathered for the triumph of either a Caesar
or a art first to that of the painter, then to the arts
poet {per trionfare Cesare poetd)r he actually "equiparated" of the sculptor and the architect as well. They
Caesar and poet by means of a
all became liberal artists, divinely inspired like the poet, while their crafts appeared no less
tertiim, the crown of laurel,s transforming a fine
of Statius: "The twin laurels of poet and
"philosophical" or even "prophetical" than poetry itself." It was a cascading of capacities,
warrior flourish in rivalry."" j^ other words, by means
of the "Peneian frond" Caesar and
beginning from the abilities and prerogatives conceded ex officio to the incumbent of the sover-
eign office of legislator, spritual or secular, to the individual and purely human and
positione," with allegation of X
4.14,8: "quoniam ipse Deus " Glos. ord. on X "veri Dei vicem": "unde dicitur
1,7,5, v.
abilities
ex his, quae in veteri testamento statuerat, nonnulia mutavit prerogatives which the poet, and eventually the artist at large, enjoyed ex ingenio.
in habere caeleste arbitrium." See above, n.29.
novo," a canon of Innocent iii, issued at the Lateran Council of " Maccarrone, X'icarius Christi, p. 119.
1215 (c.50). " Burdach, \'om MiUtlalter ^ur Rtformation, ii,pt.i,p.505. one being always eclipsed by
" Glos. ord. on X 1,7,3: "ct ideo etiam naturam rerum im- that of the later onean early
"
See above, n.29. For the illumination and divine inspira-
mutat, substantialia unius
" VCilkins, "Coronation of Petrarch," p. 182. parallelism of miniaturist, painter, and poet to which Professor
rei applicando alii, argumen. C. " Cf Burdach, o/).<-/'/.,pp.5o8f.;
tion of the ruler see the remarks of Fichtenau, Arenga, Wilkins, op.dt.,p.\iy. Panofsky called my
p. 77, communia dc leg. 1.2 {Cod., 6,43,2]." attention.
n.70. The inspiration attributed to the prince
by the Civilians " Burdach, op.cif., p. ^og,n.2; see above, n.14. Fama,
" ^'k- .4.6, 2 2, 2: "Quod edictum etiam ad furiosos et in-
Trionfo della 111,15 ; Borinski, Poetik und Kunsttbeorie,
is similar to, but not quite identical with, the earlier "VCilkins, o/)./. ,pp. 76, 1 79 see p. 187 for the Oratin and I, p. 184.
medieval fantes et civitates pcrtinerc Labeo 1 ;

illumination by the Holy Spirit; see Kantorowicz,

ait." The Church eventually the Privilegium, which both use the phrase tam
The King's was treated as a miversitas or a civitas; see hello quam in- "Borinski, o/>.f/V.,i,pp.i85ff.; Rensselaer W. Lee, "Ut pic-
Tr>o Bodies, pp.ii4ff, Kantorowicz, The genio; also pp.
King's Tao Bodies, pp.374f. 1 76, 1 86. and n.14, reproducing the famous pas-
tura poesis," pp.i99fF.
' Lii>er atigustalis, ' Burdach, op.dt.,p.^o%.
1,6 and 22,pp.i7,54. " Parad., i,28fl. sage from Cennini, who coupled painting and poetry on
" See, e.g., Matthacus de Afflictis (above,n.48), on ** Sec above, n.5. grounds of imaginative freedom. Sec also Lorenzo \'alla, who
i,6,n.6, f. " StAtius, AM/Ieid, i,i5f.: ". cuigeminae florent vatumque
49V "quod:
rex huius rcgni [Siciliae] habet arbitrium puniendi
ducumque / Certatim laurus."
. .
" Purg., xi,79tT. : and Franco Bo-
the miniaturists Oderisi in Elegantiae, Basel,! 571, praefatio,p.ii, called the fine arts illae
Cf. E.H. Wilkins, "Coronation
delicta a summo Deo omnipotenti, subaudi mcdiante eius of Petrarch," pp.i6iff.,i76. lognese, the painters Cimabue and Giotto, and the poets Guit- artes, quae proxime ad liberales acceduni, a passage which Professor
vicario." tone d'Arezzo and Guido Cavalcanti represent three pairs of Panofsky kindly called to my memory.
artists symbolizing the vanity of fame, the fame of the earlier

n u
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 278 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ
THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE ARTIST 279
If the general line drawn here and leading from the legislator and his plenitudo potestatis to
the poet and further to the
the Holy See {Sancta sedes iudicat omnia) and forming later on a prerogative of the incumbent
artist, be recognized as valid
might be yet another item at all, there
of the sovereign office at large, has reverted again to
worth mentioning. The many-sidedness or all-sidedness of the artist as uomo universale,
so
its original meaning: the spiritual man
characteristic of the Renaissance, will correctly be traced back to Vitruvius,
in general, the true pneumatikos, who was filled with the Spirit, could be judged by none
who demanded
that the architect be literate, able to draw, educated
because he was sovereign as a vessel of the Spirit. The Spirit {pneuma\ it is true, was secu-
in geometry^ optics, arithmetic, that he
know history, philosophy, music, and that he have some knowledge of medicine, jurispru- larized when the ingenium claimed to be above and beyond judgment; but the inspiration from
dence, and astrology. on high was there none the less. Again, we notice that a legal prerogative due to the sovereign
The same list, replacing only jurisprudence by perspective {pro-
^-.v officio has been passed on to the true Renaissance sovereigns, the artists and poets, who
spectiva), was considered essential by Ghiberti for the painter and the sculptor: "Conviene
che 'Ho scultore etiamdio ruled ^.v ingeniop And we may remember how, in the fifth circle of Dante's Purgatory, a pope
pictore sia amaestrato in tutte queste arti liberali.""" But quite
el

mdependently of Vitruvius, the jurists demanded the same kind of universalism (Hadrian v) and king (Hugh Capet) had to continue their penitence among the weeping
a
for their
trade: "Legal science," souls, whereas the soul of a poet, Statius, was released and set free while the
wrote Albericus de Rosate in the fourteenth century, "is
earth trembled.'*
commendable
because it is more universal than other sciences; for
No one aware of the late medieval development of political theories will be surprised to
other branches of knowledge deal with
find an analogical development within the of The supreme human
something particular; that one, however, deals with almost all field artistic theories.
sciences and especially with the
liberal ones." And he enumerates authority no longer was vested in the officer alone, be he emperor, king, or pope. It was
grammar, dialectic, logic, rhetoric, arithmetic, geometry,
mathematics, music, astrology, moral philosophy, medicine, vested in man as well or, as Dante would have said with Aristotle, in the optimus homo adorned
and literature, showing in each
case why this or that art was relevant to "with mitre and with crown.""5 To be Man, in the emphatic sense of the word, had come to
jurisprudence."" We notice that the ideal of mastering
a universal complex of disciplines was be an officium, not only for the Neo-Platonists or for Campanella,' but already for Dante.
something belonging to the encyclopedic ideal of the
thirteenth century which, by transference, was And through the agency of Petrarch the ojficium poetae had become a well articulated notion.
then applied also to the artists-thus interi-
orizing, as it were, the universalism of the Ever>^ ojficium, however, in order to assert itself, demanded or was in need of some kind of
two universal powers. Or when Petrarch, in con-
nection with the poetical examination preceding quasi-theological justification and exaltation. This arrogation oi 'n plenitudo potestatis was true
his coronation, wrote about "rex Siculus
quem e cunctis mortalibus, equiore animo, ingenii iudicem of the offices of the spiritual and secular powers, and it became true for the offices of poet
pati possum," did he not imply
that, with the exception of his royal and, by transference, of painter and artist at large. It may therefore not have been amiss to
friend ("ilium summum et regem et philosophum Rober-
tum"), no mortal could judge Petrarch's ingemim?'^ raise the question here to what extent and in what respects the artistic theology of the Renais-
And should we not think of that maxim
encompassing the ver>' essence of sovereignty, that privilege sance followed certain trails first marked out by the political theology of medieval jurists.
claimed by the pope, and soon
also by the royal power, who insisted that
the sovereign could judge all, but be
judged by
none?'2 Qante had certainly usurped the sovereign
power of judging all men, just THE INSTITUTE FOR ADVANCED STUDY
as Petrarch
could not suffer to be judged by any mortal
save his royal friend. Here the Pauline device
(i Cor. 2, 15), "Spiritualis autem iudicat omnia
i et ipse a nemine iudicatur," monopolized by

" Zilscl,
Gemebegriff, pp.26off., sounds a vcr>' necessan-
2; ///.,!, I, t], non ergo incongrue assimilatur scripturae di-
warning against overestimating the ideal of the uomo
universale vinae. Ex etiam commendabilis est hacc Icgalis
his
in the Renaissance; sec also Sainton scientia
(above, n.57), p. 5 5. The quia universalior est aliis scientiis.
of X'itruvius, Aliae enim scientiae de
ideal De architectura, 1,1, however, had a lasting ahquo particular! tractant; haec autem quasi
influence on Renaissance de omnibus scien-
theories of art. tiis et maxime libcralibus tractat." He then demonstrates
Ghiberti, / Commentarii, ed. Julius von Schlosser, Berlin,
why
all the disciplines are needed for,
I9i2,i,p.4; cf.pp.12f.; Ghiberti himself and how thev come into the
(i,p.i6 = I,c.i8) says compass of, jurisprudence,
about Lysippus: "Questo Lisyppo fu doctissimo which thus emerges'as a secularized
in tutta I'arte theology.
et universale." And the same
polymathv was expected in the " Hp.famiL, iv,4, ed. Fracassetti.
sixteenth century by Francesco de i,p.2n, and "Fpistola ad
HolJanda, Vier Gesprdche, posteros," in Pro,e,<,A. Martellotti.
p.Lx.xx: the painter p.,4; cf. \X ilkins, "Coro-
is required to know the Latin authors, the- nation of Petrarch," pp.i8of
Greek ones at least in translation, natural philosophy, " should be mentioned, however, that in a letter to Bar-
It see also his study "Tema e iconogriiiji del Purgatorio," Romanic
theology " Forthe weird history of that axiomatic
(including knowledge of the Bible and notion, see Alben batus of Sulmona (,l:p. variae, xxii, ed. Fracassetti, Florence, Retiea; XLix,i958,pp.97f.
hagiography), historj-, Michael Koenigcr, "Prima sedes a nemine
poetics, music, cosmography, astronomy,
mathematics, physiog-
iudicatur," Beitrage
Zur Ceschtckte des christlichen Allertums mdder
III, 1865, pp.553ff.,csp.359) Petrarch scornfully refused to be " De Monorchia, 111,12; Purg, xxvii,i42; Kantorowicz, King's
nomies, and anatomv. by-antinischen Litera- called metaphorically kingof poets: "Ingenue quidcm regis fuv Bodies, pp.456ff.,46o,495.
tur: Festgahe far Albert hhrbard,
'"Albericus de Rosate, Bonn and Leipzig,, 922 pp 275- poctarum appullationcm rcspuo. L'bi enim rcgnum hoc excr- '
Cf Lilo libel. Die italieniscbe Kultur und dtr Geist dtr Tra-
In Dig. novum, prooem.,nos.i6ff.,
300; for Boniface vm, who quoted the maxim in
fols.2v-3r, begins by "equiparating" his bull Unam ccam quaeso? Quos mihi statuis regni fines?... Lbi scdere, Freiburg, 1 948, pp. i74tf.
jurisprudence with theol- sanctam (cf Lxtravagantes commun.,
godie, T. Campanella, Del sensn delle
ogy: "Nee dicat quis me hanc legalem scicntiam 1,8,1), see Burdach op cit quove ire iubes, ut sim vatum rex, nisi forte in solitudinem
ultra debitum cose e della magia, m,c.25, ed. Antonio Bruers, Bari,i925,p.i25,
pp.5 38ff; and for the transfer of the maxim to the
subhmare, eam acquiparando sacrae scripturae royal' power' meam transalpinam, atque ad fontem Sorgiae me restringis ?" calls man luogotenente della prima causa, that is, a vicar of God,
luris pru- see my article ".Mysteries of State." Hanard
dentia est divinarum et humanarum rcrum
notitia [D;]?.,
Theological RevieJ '* Purg. xix-xxi. Professor Enrico de'N'egri kindly called my though not by virtue of a high office.
1,1, 10, XLviii,i95 5,pp.75f.
attention to these interrelations between pope, king, and poet

\p Cl C n ! ttt

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A THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN
MADISON 6

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INSTITUTE OF RESEARCH AND STUDY
IN MEDIEVAL CANON LAW
620 MICHIGAN AVENUE, N. E.
WASHINGTON 17, D. C.

November 22 , 1958
Professor Ernst H. Kantorowicz
22 Alexander Street
Princeton, New Jersey

Dear Eka:

Please forgive me for dictating a letter rather than

postponing a reply to your four weeks old letter any longer.
It was encouraging to have your friendly comment on my New York
paper; only one who has worked as you have with the medieval texts
knows what it means to plan (and, still more, to make) an edition
which steers clear of the reconstruction of a conjectural
"original" and at the same time provides an insight into the
genesis of the text as read by the glossators. I have dis-
cussed this problem with many persons (including Sam Thorne),
and some intelligent remarks on this score were made already
at the Bologna congress in 1952 (cf. Studia Gratiana V 113),
but it remains a tough problem.

I am attaching a page of notes on 'de nichilo facit aliquid.*

It is not much but may be of some use all the same. All in
all, I have the impression that one ought to take the rhetorical
flourish of the phrase with a grain of salt:'^ the words veri
dei vicem are very tempting in this respect, but it comes down
to some very uncreative practical things if one considers the
,

practical meaning indicated in the references. (Incidentally, on

the analogy to Creation in the works of the artist Dorothy Sayers,

hi
has a lot of intelligent things to say in her The Mind of the
Maker.

Some day soon I hope we can have another talk on Institute

matters. As you know we still have got nowhere with my attempts
to build up capital, and I am worried about the future.

I have about two pages to review The King's T.vo Bodies for
the Catholic Historical Review, This I find rather frustrating,
as it will cut out all discussion of detail. Probably I have
to remain very general and then send you all the unused notes I
made while reading and rereading (and admirjng) the book.

Eva was very much touched by your good letter on her father's
death. She'll write you herself.
As ever

jfe/sX-vx

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INSTITUTE OF RESEARCH AND STUDY

IN MEDIEVAL CANON LAW
620 MICHIGAN AVENUE, N. E.
WASHINGTON 17, D. C.

1 August 1961

Lieber EKa

bei meiner Rtlckkehr aus Europa (wortlber gleich mehr) fand ich
Ihren Brief und Ihren Aufaatz aus der Panofsky-festachrif bevor ;
t
ich heute abend zu Eva und den Kindern nach Canada gehe will ich ,

Ihnen nur rasch ftlr be ides danken. Ihre freundlichen Worte ttber
meinen Harmony-vortrag waren sehr wohltuend; als ich ihn vor bald
ftinf Jahren schrieb gab ich mir grosse Mfihe mich so auszudrtlcken
, ,

dass ich einem allgemein interesdierten Publikum etwas zu sagen

hatte und dabei auch vor jemand "vom Fach" bestehen kBnnte. So bin
ich froh, dass es Ihnen gef alien hat.

In Ihrem Aufsatz sehe ich mit Vergntlgen eini.^es aus unserer

alten Korrespondenz fiber 'aliquid ex nihilo'; mit Ihrer Selbst-
kritik haben Sie aber Unrecht. Llir jedenfalls hat das Ganze (und
nicht nur der juristische Teil) sehr gut gefallen. Die spezifisch
kanonistischen Beobachtungen interessieren mich nattlrlich ganz
besonders, schon wegen der Bertlhrungspunkte mit den Problemen der
Dispensation (ftlr meinen bi^amus-auf satz von dem ich gerade die ,

Dmbruchkorrektur gelesen habe )

Zwei Kleinigkeiten: (l) Bernard von Parma, Glos. ord ist in .

der ersten Rezension vor 1242, in der letzten nach 1263 (vor 4266)
zu datieren, cf. Kuttner & Smalley EHR 60 (194 5) 97ff. (2) Es ,

lohnte sich, dem 'cur ita facis?' bei Tancred etc. einmal nachzu-
etc V^^'
\ gehen. Die zitierte Stelle De pen D.3 Ex persona Cin der heutigen . j^

Zahlung: C.22D gibt zwar den Gedanken, aber nicht die Pormulierung;
von wem die stammt weiss ich nicht aber jedenfalls sagt schon
, ,

Petrus Cantor: 'non enim mihi licet dicere domino papae Cur ita :
facis? Sacrilegium est enimcpera eius redarguere ( Verbum abbr .

. . .
C.44, PL 205.139 D) und damit wSren wir wieder bei dem Problem
vom dispu ta re de factis regum (Two Bodies 158 n.209) angelangt,
fiber das ich Ihnen einmal etwas zu schreiben versprach.

Bei meiner rOmischen Reise ist allerlei herausgekommen vor ,

allem die Sicherung der Monument a iur. can Protektorat und Verlag . ;

(nebst dem grttsjten Teil der Druckkosten) tlberniimmt der Vatikan;

die ganze wis^enschaftliche Verantwortung bleibt beim Institut so ,

dass niemand (insbesondre nicht Catholic University)- uns wird her-

einreden kttnnen. Ich bin sehr stolz auf meine Erfolge as Diplomat.
Und ^L^wei Manuskripte (Pransen, Garcia) werden diesen Winter fertig.
Mit Bob Benson kOnnten es drei sein...

Gestern trank ich bei Susanne guten (von mir aus Paris mitge-
brachten) Cognac aus der schOnen von Ihnen geschenkten Karaf f e ,

Alles Gute
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*56. "Gods in Unifonn," Proceedingi of the American Philosophical Society, CV (1961),
368-393.

EK's copy, annotated.

A. Letter from Er^-'in Rosenthal, 3 Mar 62

B. "Temple iu Kalabiha [?]" (photo)
C. 1? pRges of notes from some vork (half pfipe, rink)

D. Letter from Konrad ^icffmann, 30 Mnr 62

E. Letter from Leonardo Olschki, 29 Oct 61

F. Letter from Milton Anastos, 13 Nov 61

G. Letter from Percy Ernst .Schramm, 30 Oct 61

H. Letter from Arthur D. Nock, 16 Oct 61
I. Letter from Theodor Klnuser, 2 Nov 61

J. Letter, from fteve^ Shapiro, 23 Dec 61

K. Letter in Lb tin from Adolf Katzenellenbogen, 5 Oct 61

L. Letter from Lynn vhite, 3 Nov 61

M. "Fibeln" (s-piml notebook pa^e)

N. "Hatra" (half page)

0. "Christus als nicnt Kbnig" (slip)

"Alexdander as Hunting Rider" (photo from "'altera
Art Gsllery)

Q. "^rods "n Uniform" (half pare)

H. "p.lQl, fig. 132" (hnlf pare)

S. "Gods in Uniform" (half pac:e)

T. "Bvz. Zs. 53 (I960) 218" (3x5 card)

U. Letter from Frank Gilliam, 1 Nov 61

'U J
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 )

'56. "Gods in Uniform," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, CV (1961),

368-393.

EK's copy, annotnted.

A. Letter from Er^in Rosenthal, 3 Mar 62

B. "Temple iu Kalabiha [?]" (photo)
C. 1? pages of notes from some work (lialf pnge, pink)

D. Letter from Konrad iicffmann, 30 Mar 6P.

E. Letter from L-onardo Olschki, ?9 Oct 61

F. Letter from Milton Anastos, 13 Nov 61

G. Letter from Percy Ernst .Schramm, 30 Oct 61

H. Letter frora Arthur D. Nock, 16 Oct 61

I. Letter from Theodor Klnuser, P. Nov 61

J. Letter from Heye^ Shapiro, ?3 ^c 61

K. Letter in Latin from Adolf Katzenellenbogen, 5 Oct 61

L. Letter from Lynn vhite, 3 Nov 61

M. "Fibeln" (spiml notebook page)

N. "Hatra"' (half page)

0. "Christua ala nicht Konig"' (slip)

^, "Alexdander aa Hunting Rider" (photo from '^niters
Art Gallery)

Q. "'Tods in Uniform" (half pa,'e

R. "n.l91, fig. 132" (half page)

S. "Gods in Uniform" (half pae)

T. "Rvz. Zs. 53 (1960) 218" (3x5 card)

U. Letter from l^ank Gilliam, 1 Nov 61

<

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 ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ

LANCASTER PRESS, INC., LANCASTER, PA. Reprinted from Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 105, No. 4, August, 1961

n o U u 1

u u I
 PROCEEDINGS
of the

American Philosophical Society

Contents of Volume 105, Number 4

In Need of a Consensus. {Penrose Memorial Lecture)

J. William Fulbright 349

The Kingdom of Corsica and the Science of History. Robert R. Palmer 354

The Geneva Folio Reprinting of the Encyclopcdie. George B. Watts 361

Gods in Uniform. Ernst H. Kantorowicz 368

Somatology of the Ayom Pygmies of New Guinea. Martin Gusinde 394

The Controversy over the Site of Heat Production in the Body.

Everett Mendelsohn 412

Systematic and Ecological Relations of Peromyscus areas and P. maniculatus.

Walter Sheppe, Jr. 421

Shoran A Precision Five Hundred Mile Yardstick.

Stuart William Seeley 447

A Flower Where the Roads Divide. Caryl P. Haskins 452

Price for complete number one dollar

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY

Independencb Squabs
Philadelphia 6, Pa.

n o u
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 ,

GODS IN UNIFORM
ERNST H. KANTOROWICZ *

Professor, School ol Historical Studies, Institute for Achaiired Studies

(Read November 10, 1V60)

A I'RKi.iMiNARv ri'inark will I)e needed on what the iieavenly Twins Castor and I'ollu.x. in military
<
/
is meant by the term "uniform" in the following,' attire. They are clad in a Roman "body" or
pajjes. "mu.scled" cuirass to which there are attached,
A person carrying arms is not necessarily a uni- at lower end, a row of metal lappets, the
the
formed person. Gods as well as goddesses are ptcrygcs. with long leather tabs dangling dow^n
fre(|uently armed. Athene is practically alvvavs kilt-like and with similar leather flajjs jjrotecting
helmeted and carries a lance. But she is dressed the .shoulders (fig. 2). The twin gods obviously
in a peplos or himation, and not in a uniform. sported the uniform of Roman legionaries or
Arcs would, c.v officio, l>e represented in arms, Roman officers.- This is an unusual feature. In
carrying a spear and a shield and wearing a hel- classical times the Diosctiri were usually, though
met, lint his costume is that of heroic or divine not always, naked e.\cei)t for their conical felt

ntiditv, or of nudity loosely dra])ed (fig. \a )

ca])s and their short cloaks or capes fluttering in
that is, a costume not practical for human war- the wind, as seen on the reverse side of so many
fare. It is, however, a different matter when the coins of the Roman Re])ublic.'' They were always
same god api)ears in a cuirass worn over a tunic
(fig. 1/'). For in this case he has donned an
armor similar to. or even identical with, the stand-
ard army ctiirass which the mercenaries in the
Hellenistic monarchies received from the royal
ar.senals, or which the Roman legionaries ])ur-
chased from the .surjjlus depot of their outfit. The
uniformlike attire might even he accentuated by
the addition of certain badges or in.signia of rank
an ot^cer's sash, a tor(iue, or a fibuhi.'

A .sestertius, issited during the reign of Hadrian

hv the mint of Ale.xandria, shows the Dioscuri.

The author wishes to express his gratitude Pro-

to
fessors .Andreas .^Ifoldi, Sirarpie Der Nersessian, Otto
Neugebauer, Henri Seyrig, James F. Gilliam, and to the
Rev. P. Paul Grosjean, S. J., for valuable information
and various courtesies; to Professor Ilior Sevcenko. Dr.
George Stamires, and Professor Kurt Weitzmann for
their eflforts to obtain photographs; and to the German
.\rc> (mint nt .\li\andria).
Archaeological Institute, in Rome, the American \umis- Fiu. 1(1-/'.

matic Society, in New York, the Dumbarton Oaks

Research Library and Collection, and the Musee du 2 Dattari, Sumi Augg. Alexandrini. pi. XII, fig. 1681;
Louvre for their readiness to provide photographs. P(K)le. Reginald Stuart, Catalogue of the coins of Alex-
'
I'or armed goddesses, see Le Lasseur, Denyse. Lrs andria and the Xomes. 84 and pi. \'. fig. 708, London,
decsses anmu-s dans I'art classique grcc ef leurs orifiincs 1892; Chapouthier, Fernand, Les Dioscures au serx'ice
orientates. Paris. 1919. The two coins of .\res. nude d'line deesse. 6,^ and pi. XL tig. 54, Paris, 1935.

and cuirassed, are both from the mint of .Mexandria and

''
It is true that heavily armed Dioscuri are found,
both issued under Antoninus Pius; see Dattari, G., Xumi though rarely, in some ancient vase paintings of the sixth

Augg. Alexandrini Monele imperiali greche. pi. IX, nos. century B.C.; see, e.g.. Chapouthier, op. cit.. 199, fig. 2i;
2464 and 2460, Cairo, 190L See below, nos. 51 f., for the but the meaning is held to be agonistic, and not military
rise of uniformed soldiery. (ibid., 202 a.).

PROCEEDINGS OK THE AMERKA.S PH ILOSOIMIR AL SOI lETV, VOL. 105, NO. 4, ACGCST, 1961
Reprint Printed in U.S.A.

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 '

369 KRNS'I- II. KANTOROWICZ PRoc. ami;r. riiii,. soc.

vol.. lOS, NO. 4, |i)(,||
CODS IN INjFOKM 370

the FayyCim, now in Paris (tig. ()). where the

figure on the right represents that god.' A
warning, however, shoidd he .sounded. The Hel- V-l
lenistic cuirass was still (piite common in Roman
times and is found with earlier Roman armor
statues as Therefore, a Hellenistic tvi)e
well."
of cuirass all hy itself cannot he used without
(jualification as an evidence proving the pre-Ro-
man (late of a monument.
However that may he, Egy])tian gods in uni-
Fk;. 2. Fk;. 3. Fu;. 4.
form are luimerous. Horns, the son of
and Isis
Osiris, is very often represented not simply armed,
Dioscuri (iiiiiit of Alixaiulria).
hut in military garh. A hntnze statuette of the
second century .\.i)., now in the Louvre (fig. 7),
conct'ivod (it as adulescents or c|)liel)<.'s. and they t)f Michael Rostovtzeff, the first Egyptian grjd shows the god with the s])arrow hawk's head as
were tlie patrons oi' the Roman voiith of ecjnestrian who (as he ])uts it) "was enlisted in the regular a Roman officer, despite some non-Roman fea-
nol)ility who
prided tliemseives on guing lu l>attle army" was Heron, an equestrian god of foreign tures.'" His cuirass is scaled he wears around ;

with arms hut without an armor.'' There are. it origin, hut Egyi)tianized in Ptolemaic times. He
is true. Ale.xandrian coins, of the same Hadrianic a])])ears indeed in Hellenistic rather than in Ro-
l)eriod. on which the Dio.scuri ap|)ear acconhnj^ man military dress a cuirass made of jjlates or
:

to the classical tradition: nude, facing eacli other, scales and decorated with the gorgoneion (fig.
rv.
armed with their lonj,' lances, and holdinj.; their 5).' This Hellenistic armor is still worn hy
hor.ses hy the I)ridle (i\\i. 3). But the fact re- Heron in Roman times as .seen in a ])ainting from
mains that a considerahle numl)er of issues of
the Alexandrian mint de])ict the Twins in mili-
tary dress (fig. 4), and it may he mentioned that
>naiilmiin''
with almost negligihle exceptions all our evidence
for the Dioscuri in uniform derives from Egvjtt
and not earlier than the second centurv of our era.
This is not simply a matter of chance. It is a
well-known fact that the Egvi)tians. es])ecially in
Roman times, had a j)redilection for re])resentin,i;
their own Graeco-Egyptian gods in military guise,
a custom which almost certainly goes hack to the
Hellenistic-Ptolemaic era.*"' Tf we accept the view

* Alfoldi. Aiulreas. Drr Iriihriiiiii.uhr Rcitcradcl niid

seine Ehrcmthzciihoi. 46 ff., 49. Baden-Baden, 19,S2:
Helbig, W'., Die Castores als Sclnitzpiitter dcr roini^clieii
F.quitatus, Hermes 40: 101 ff., lOO.i. .-\ similar relaticm-
bid. 7. I.ouvn-. bronze statuette: Horus.
sliip may have e-xL-ited between the Dioscuri and the
I-'k;. 6. Paris, panel from the I'ayynni Heron (right).
Greek epiiebes whose badge, the f>ctiisos. a broad-rimmed
:

his waist the ofiicer's .s.nsh with fringed or tas-

flat bat, was worn sometimes by the tw in (jods cj. ;

" Cumont, dieu suppt)se syrien, asstxrie a Heron

Un seled ends, tied in a simple sli])-kn()t, and not
Chapoutbier, /. cit.. Mi, fig. 7. I*".,

en figypte, .^lelinu/es syriens offerts a .Monsieur Rene yet in the fashion characteristic of later statues
"'See Dattari. op. cU.. pi. XII, fig. 248.S (for the
Dioscuri nude), and pi.
in the I\', fig. 286,? (for XX Dus.unid 1 pi. I, facing p. 2, Paris, 19.W.
: of em])erors and which displayed the so-
officers
another specimen of the uniformed gods). See also C /.
'' N'ermeule HI. Cornelius C. Hellenistic ;ind
called Hercules-knot with the ends tucked away."
Roman cuirassed statues, Berytus 13: and 40, 19.i9, .^ who
Chapoutbier, op. cil., 48 ff., fig. 26, for the wall painting Although his headgear, the white crown of Lower
from Theadeli)hia cf. Breccia, Kvaristo, Tcadclfia c il iyyy,.' (p. 18) styles the statue of M. Holconius Rufus of the
Egyj)t and the pendants of cloth, is Egy])tian he
;

icmpio di Piirfcros (Monuments de I'figypte greco- Augustan period (pi, I\', fig. 13) the first complete

romaine, I), 124 ff. and pi. I. XI, fig. 1, Bergamo, 1926. statue that may be called Roman without being based is. nevertheless, decorated with the Graeco-Ro-
I lu-aiUlphia, tciiipU uf I'mtirc I llToll.
Non-Kgyptian is a relief from Telmcssos (Pisidia), now on Hellenistic tradition. In the classicistic atmosphere man crown of laurel and his head is surrounded
;

in \'ienn;i, where the Twin-gcnls are seen on horseback tured in military attire in pre-Roman times, Rostovtzeff, of the second century after Christ, the Hellenistic armor hv sun-ravs suggesting the fusion of Horus and
in the uniform of legionaries .see Chapoutbier, 23 ff. and Michael, Kleinasiatische und syri.sche Gotter im ri'miischen was occasionally revived; see. e.g.. X'ermeule. op. cit.,
;
the sun god. Another hawk-headed Horus in
1.1. I, fig. 2. .Agypten, .letiyptus 13: .SIO f., 1933, refutes this opinion 5. 57, 60. 61 (nos. 225-249).
^
Whereas Paribeni, R., Divinita stranierc in abito by calling attention to the Hellenistic uniforms of gods
'" Chapot. X'ictor, 1,'Horus garde-froiitiere du Nome " For the sash tied in aHercules-knot, see Delbriick,
militare romano, Bulletin de la .Soeiete (ireheolof/iqiie in Palmyra and Dura. Setbroithe, Melaniies Maspero Memoires dc I'in- ( . . . Richard. Die Consulardiptychen, 41. Berlin und Leipzig,
d'Ale.xandric 13: 177 ff., 1910, and others rendered the Rostovtzeff, op. cit.. 510 f. Breccia, Teadelfia, 110 ff., stitute francaise d'archeologie orientale du Caire 67 (2) : 1929; Keyssner, Karl, art." N<k1us," A7- 17 (1 ) 807 f., :

communis opinio according to which no gods were pic- and pis. LVII, LVIII. 225 ff., pis. I-n, 1935-1937. 1936, on the nodus llereulancus.

n u u JJ
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 vol., 1()5, NO. 4, I'Jfill GOn.S IN UNIFORM 372
371 IMNSV II. KANTOROWiCZ l>kO( . AMKK. I'llll.. SOC,

from the Delta, now in the Louvre ( lig. 13).-"

inally a s])ear. luiless itwas meant to be a gesture
cuirass
It disi)lays a ])erson in military attire:
of im])eratorial greeting. At any rate, the mili-
with and leather tabs, the sash with its
ptfr\'(/cs,
tary dress is very accurately that of a Roman characteristic knotting, and shoulder tal)s. The
officer: the niu.scled cuirass, the ptcryycs with rays of the sun god surroimd the head. The
the leather tabs, and the sash around the waist.'''
])er.son re])resented is .\le.\ander or rather Ale.\-
Other Egyptian gods display a similar attitude. ander-lielios, that is, .Alexander as a god. It is
Of those therianthropic deities the god Apis, with true, the statuette is of Roman times but it may
his head of a steer, is among the best known.
be a rejjiica of an earlier work of art of that tyjje.
He appears likewise in full luiiform; his right
The perhaps be comj)ared with
attitude should
hand is ()])en and raised in a gesture known from that of a Ptolemaic bronze statuette showing
Roman em])erors when addressing their legions,
.Alexander in the aegis of Zeus, norm;illy an at-
and the editor of this little bronze statuette, Haron tribute of Zeus' daughter Athene, but here given
von Hissing, gave it the title of Apis hupcnitor in to Alexander the god who was venerated in Alex-
the attitude of the allociitio (fig. 11 )."' We can- andria (fig. 14).-' Tt has been assumed that

Fk;. 10. .Me.xandria, former Coll. Sinadino, bronze:

Fui. 8. Cairo, Coll. I'oiuiikt, ti-rracotta : Hurus. Horus.

military attire i.s in the British Museum. The not whether the dog-headed .\nubis of the
tell

ty])e is (juite fre(|uent.'- The same type, for National Museum in .Athens had the same atti-
e.\ani|)le. been worked into a terracotta bust
lias tude, since the right band is broken away from
where the decorated cuirass may su^^'est officer's this bronze statuette; but he, too, a])|)ears in
rank fijj. S|.''' How common it was to re])re,sent
( uniform with two rows of la])|)ets covering the
also the youthful Horus, in his hypostasis as tiuiic of which the lower edge becomes visible.'"
Har])ocrates. in military dress may be J,^-lthered Another .ATUibis. in the Museo Nazionale in
from a figurine in the collection of .Arthur D. Rome, wearing a decorated armor, suggests that
Nock. The terracotta of Horus jnitting his hand the god held in bis right hand a s])ear or a staff
to his mouth is doubtless mass fa1)rication ; but scepter (fig. 12).'^ Vet another god. ])erhaps
even so it dis]ilays essentially, if in shorthand, ()u])waut-.Makedon. also therianthro])ic, is re])re-
tile customary features: the armor with the leather sented in uniform and shown with his right arm
tabs, the sash, and a baldric running from the rai.sed.'*
left shoulder to the right hip (fig. Q).'^ The general ap])earance of all tbo.se Egyptian Fig. 11. Former Coll. BissiiiR, bronze statuette: .\\n>.
One more .statuette of Horus. in the Collection gods is closely related to a sm.all bronze statuette
-" Schreiber,
Theodor, .S'ludien iiher das Hildiiis Alex-
Sinadino in Alexandria, (fig. 10), should be
17: 184, 1919-1920. The by Alfred
interesting article anders des Grossen .Abhandlungen d. Siichsischen Ge-
(

mentioned here on account of the posture; the

Hermann, Der Antike
letzte Apisstier, Jalirhuchund fiir sellsch. d. Wisscnsch. 21, .?), 72 i.. 140, and pi. \'II, fig.
right arm, so often broken away, is raised and Von Bissing, Eine .\pisfigur (above
Christcntum 3: .^4-.s(). 1960, reached me only after 1 bad P., Leipzig, 190.?.
one finger lifted. This hand, |)erha])s. held orig- returned the proofs; see, however, esp. 40 f, for the .\pis n. 16), 296, has connected the A\ns-.ldlocutio statuette
in military attire, and n. 5i, for a cfirrection of von with the .Alexander in the Louvre, but did not follow-
2 See Cliapot, np. cit., \>\. II, left fiRure, for a Horu.s Fh.. Cambridge, Bissing. up his observation. owe the (iiraudon photo to the
0. Coll. .-X. I). Nock, terracotta: 1

in Museum. Clermoiit-Claniieau. Ch., Horus

the British
Harpocrates.
''
Von Bissing. .'Jnyptische Kiilthilder der Plolomaier- kindness of Professor Sirarpie Der Xersessian, in
et Saint Georges, Kniir arclicoliHiiquc 33 24, 1877, :
und Romerzcit (Der alte Orient 34. 1-2), 17 flf., fig. 16(i, Dumbarton Oaks. For .Alexander as a Moon-god, with
mentions two other statuettes of Horus in military dress * Von
Bissing, Die Nekropole von Koni-esch-Schuk.^fa, Leipzig, 1936. a crescent and three stars, see Cuniont, Reiherehes siir
in the Briti.sh Museum ; r/. Chapot, op. cit.. 228. Expedition Ernst Sicglin 1 149, fig. 9.\ Leipzig, 1908.
: I'C/. Paribeni (above, n. 6), pi. VI-VII. My thanks ie symholisnie funeraire des Ni>mains, pi. W'l, fig. 1,
''
Perdrizet, Lcs Icrrcs cuites (frecqucs d'Enyptc
P., "Von Bissing, Eine Apisfigur in der Haltung dcr go to the German Archaeological Institute, in Rome, for and 'p. 208, Paris, 1942.
dc la Collection Fouqiict 2: pi. 1,1, Nancy, Paris, and Adiocutio, Oriental
Studies dedicated to Paul llaupl, providing me with a photo of this statuette ( Photo No. -' Perdrizet, Paul, Un type inedit de la plastique
Strasbourg, 1921. ed. Cyrus .Vdler and .Aaron Ember, 29.=i-299, Baltimore 60.1199). grecque : Alexandre a 21
I'egide, 59-.Monuments I'iot :

'* I am very much obliged to Professor Arthur I). and Leipzig, 1926. The same, or a siniil.ir figure, is dis- Sec pp. 70 f. for the hypothesis
"Von Bissing, in Expedition Ernst Sieglin 1: 14,^ 72. pis. IV-\'. 1913.
Nock for calling my attention to, and providing me with cussed by Breccia, E., Osiris-.Xpis in abito militare fig. 89, from the Collection Sinadino, in .Alexandria. linking this statuette to Lysippus' sculpture iif .Alexander.
a photo of, his interesting terracotta. romano, Bulletin dc la societc archeoloyique d' Alexandrie

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373 KRNSr II. KANrOROWICZ I'KOC . AMKK. I'HIl,. SOC.

vol.. lO.'i, No. 4, l')(>\\ (iODS IN INIFORM 374

the ;ittitiule of Ale.vander in the aegis may lio

saiue god who in a necrojxile at Alexandria is
hack tn a statue hy Lysippus wliicli, if this l)e
shown as anguii)edc, cuirassed and decorated with
true, would have iuthienced also the statuettes
thv paliidaiiioilimi (fig. 16 I.-' .Such snake-legged
of so many of the theriaiithropic s.;ods ])reviously
deities are not rare on amulets either, where we
discussed. Prohahly tlie llorus in Louvre
tlie
find, example, a lion-headed god in military
for
(fig. 7) had also the right liand raised and tlius
dress (fig. 17)."' In l'"gypt, however, also a
would resemhle, witli his crown of sun rays, the
(ireek goddess, such as Nemesis or the Roiuan
.Alexander statuette (fig. l.i) in more tlian one
(Ira Roimi (tig. IS), was occasionally re])resented
detail. it would, indeed, he very tem|)ting to
as a military ])erson,-'' a])])arently for no other
draw the straight-forward conclusion that Alex- reason than to accommodate to a taste which
ander was the first "god in uniform" and that he,
certainl}- h;id gained its full strength iti Roman
general and god at the srune time as de])icted also times.
This does not imply that the custom of ])ic-
turing the gods in officers' unifonu fleveloped
under the Roman doiuination onlv. < hi the

Fid. 1,V Louvre, hroii/c ^tatluttc : .McxaTuier

I PliDto (iiraii(li)n ).

Fi( 15. Magi'-alamulet: .-\nubis (Metropolitan

in decadrachiue of the mint of Bahvlon
a -'-
Museum. .\ew York). Eidarged. (

started the Egyptian- Alexandrian tradition of

.\nuhis ? Jour, li'arhurii and Courtauld Institutes 22:
representing not only the native gods in militarv .36/ IT., and pi. 38, a. 1959.
attire hut also the Graeco-Roman gods who in -* \'on Bissing, .hiyftisehe Kulthilder, fig.Ex- 14(/.-

classical times were preferahly represented in the pedition Ernst .Sienlin 1 : 142. The present reproduction
l"i(,. 14. Cairo. Coll. hOuciuet. bronze: .Mexaiider was made drawing from the portfolio I.es
after a line
nude or loo.sely draped. Rut it does not seem
with .\egis. bas-reliefs de Kom-el-Cliou<iafa, ed. F. W. von Bissing
likely that this simjile and ])lausihle hvpothesis
and Gilleron, pi. XIII. Munich, 1901, by courtesy of the
can he ])roved. Nevertheless, the similarity of Dumbarton Oaks Library.
gesture and attitude displayed hv the statuettes however, we have to take into account some radi- -" Pxinner, 9<)-101
Cani|)bell. .l/iii/uii/ amulets, pi. \', ;

of Florus, A])is, and Anuhis, and hv that of Alex- ations of the canonical Doryphoros ])ose. pi. \I1I, 172. Cf. Xilsson, .Martin P., The anguii)ede
It should he added, if only in ])arcnthesis, that of the magical amulets. Hari-ard Theoloqical Kei'iexs.' 44:
ander may suggest that they all followed some
61 1951.
common model which may have heen as famous in Egypt also other deities were represented in ff.,
-" Perdrizet, P., Nemesis, Bulletin de Correspondanec
as Lysipjnis" statue f)f Alexander; more likely. militarv garh, and that representations following
Hellenique 36: 2M ff., fig. I. 1912. For the Dea Roma
that jtattern are found even in .so small works of on .Mexandrian coins, see Dattari, Sumi .lutig. Ale.r..
-'-
Profcs.sor R. Ri'llinpt-r iibliKiiisly called my
.Mfri'd
One amulet shows without douht
art as anuilets. pi. XXI, No. 4994; also Poole, Coins of Ale.xandria. pi.
attention to tlii.s decadraclini wlncli shows .\lc.\ander
Anuhis in the dress of a .soldier (fig. 15 i,-'' the XXIII, fig. 240. Seyrig. in Syria 13: 26.1 1932, considers
wearing the euirass and holding in his rigiit, extended,
"the case [of the .Mexandrian Roma] exceptional." See,
hand the tliunderholt his head-dress is Persian. Cf.
;

-^ Bonner, Campbell, Stmiies in mai/icol amulets, in general, \'ermeule, 7'/ic i/oddess Koma in ancient art,
Hill, (ieorge h'rancis. Catnlof/iic of lite (ireek coins of
chiefly (iraeeo-fuiyttiaii. jil. 11, tig, .W, and !>. 2.^9. Ann Cambridge, Mass., 1959, who, however, does not discuss
Fk;. 12. RoiiK', .\lu.sf(] .Xazidiialt, hrniizc statuette: Anibia, Mesopotamia, and Persia, 191, No. 61, and pi.
.\rbor, 1950. .-\nother amulet shows not .\nubis but the .Mexandrian coin nor the Roma type represented
.\mihis. XXII, fig. 18, London, 1922.
Scth, likewise in armor; if. (Irirtiths, J. (iwyn, .Seth or by it.

J- L i'i'^ "^ fj , [\Z. i*<co o<.w*-. .<Jc^ -Kml CeU.^ ti. oU;(*-cttjL- ^"^

HI

/ U
U U U L
J
/
I
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375 I-:RNS'|- II, KANIOKOWICZ ll'KOC. AMI K. I'llll.. SOC. VOL. 105,NO. I'^ill C.()[)S IN INIFOKM 376

I'll.. 17. Magical amulet: lion-headed god ( L'liiv. of

Michigan). (Enlarged.)

Fn Palmyra, relief: lielio> Tluo-, .Megisto.s.

])attern decorating,' the lower edj,'e of the cuirass

I'K.. IS. 1 )ea konia (mint of .Mexandria )

an Oriental tendency to a certain enrichment

of the costume.-^ Danjjlinjj down from the armor
center a bearded deity, identiiied as H.'l, wearinjj The
are two rows of frinji;ed leather t1a])S. tijjht
a L'ahitlios on his liead and a diadem with fringed under the of a tunic
trousers are visible edf(e
ends. The armor is made of small rectanj,'ular
which has Ion;,' sleeves, a tunica inanicata. The
scales: the shoidder straps are fastened with I"i(.. 22. Kome, Capitol, aedieula .\glihol uitli
officer's belt is likewise frin{,H-d. The i^dd wears :

riiifis. Where we normally wduld fmd the Malakhel.

a paludiuiicntiiui which is held by a ])la(iue or
f^lcr\'(/cs we see rows of pearls and a meander

fibula on. or just l>elow. the right shoulder. The
usuallv of twisted gold) is worn by the gods to
same (though without the Parthian
uniform
the right and left: the one to the right is Jarhibol.
trousers but enriched by a torcjue. a necklace
the sun-god of Palmyra: to the left is .Aglibol. the