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Word Processing
Main Questions
Word Processing
Main Questions
Word Processing
Main Questions
Word Processing
Main Questions
Word Processing
Mental Representation: Approaches
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Mental Representation: Approaches
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Lexical semantics
I Based on introspection
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Lexical semantics
I Based on introspection
I Mental lexicon has entries for words
I Grammatical category (noun, verb, adjective, adverb etc)
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Lexical semantics
I Based on introspection
I Mental lexicon has entries for words
I Grammatical category (noun, verb, adjective, adverb etc)
I Information about word combination (adjective+noun;
adverb+verb)
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Lexical semantics of cat
Figure:
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Problems with lexical semantics
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Problems with lexical semantics
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Problems with lexical semantics
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Problems with lexical semantics
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Semantic network
Figure:
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Semantic network
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Semantic network
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Semantic network
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Semantic network
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Semantic network
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Lexical Naming Task
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Lexical Naming Task
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Lexical Naming Task
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Lexical Decision Task
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Lexical Decision Task
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Lexical Decision Task
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Lexical decision figures are courtesy: Sidharth Ranjan
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Lexical Decision Experiments: Key findings
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Lexical Decision Experiments: Key findings
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Lexical Decision Experiments: Key findings
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Lexical Decision Experiments: Key findings
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Lexical Decision Experiments: Key findings
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Priming
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Priming
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Varieties of Priming
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Varieties of Priming
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Varieties of Priming
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Varieties of Priming
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Varieties of Priming
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Varieties of Priming
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Masked Priming
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Masked Priming
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Example
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Example
Figure:
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Activation
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Activation
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Activation
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Activation
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Collins and Quillians (1969) Hierarchical model of
semantic memory
Figure:
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Spread of Activation
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Spread of Activation
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Spread of Activation
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Spread of Activation
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Spread of Activation
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Figure:
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Do canaries have skin?
Figure:
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Experiment
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Results
Figure:
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Properties of Activation
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Properties of Activation
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Properties of Activation
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Properties of Activation
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Properties of Activation
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Properties of Activation
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Activation and familiarity
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Activation and familiarity
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Activation and familiarity
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Activation is spontaneous
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Activation is spontaneous
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Activation is spontaneous
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Activation is spontaneous
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Activation is spontaneous
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Activation diminishes
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Activation diminishes
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Activation diminishes
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Activation diminishes
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Associative Activation
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Associative Activation
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Associative Activation
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Associative Activation
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Associative Activation
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Co-occurence
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Co-occurence
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Co-occurence
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Co-occurence
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Figure: Cello player
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Can use this to quantify concept similarity and predict
confusability!
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Can use this to quantify concept similarity and predict
confusability!
Can handle cases like synonyms, but not so good with homonyms:
Word Processing
Can use this to quantify concept similarity and predict
confusability!
Can handle cases like synonyms, but not so good with homonyms:
I river co-occurs with bank a lot
Word Processing
Can use this to quantify concept similarity and predict
confusability!
Can handle cases like synonyms, but not so good with homonyms:
I river co-occurs with bank a lot
I investment co-occurs with bank a lot
Word Processing
Can use this to quantify concept similarity and predict
confusability!
Can handle cases like synonyms, but not so good with homonyms:
I river co-occurs with bank a lot
I investment co-occurs with bank a lot
I river and investment must be similar! (nope)
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Evidence for Associative Activation
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Evidence for Associative Activation
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Evidence for Associative Activation
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Evidence for Associative Activation
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ERP results
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Summary of results
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Summary of results
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Symbol Grounding Problem
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Chinese Room Argument
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Chinese Room Argument
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Chinese Room Argument
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Chinese Room Argument
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Chinese Room Argument
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Figure:
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Embodied Semantics
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Embodied Semantics
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Embodied Semantics
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Embodied Semantics
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Embodied Semantics
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Grasp type during visual object recognition
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Grasp type during visual object recognition
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Grasp type during visual object recognition
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Figure:
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Figure:
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Grounding Language in Action
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Grounding Language in Action
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Grounding Language in Action
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Grounding Language in Action
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Grounding Language in Action
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Grounding Language in Action
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Figure:
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Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (TMS) experiment
Pulvermuller et al 2005
I Powerful magnetic stimulation is generated close to scalp
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Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (TMS) experiment
Pulvermuller et al 2005
I Powerful magnetic stimulation is generated close to scalp
I TMS stimulation to hand/foot areas of motor cortex
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Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (TMS) experiment
Pulvermuller et al 2005
I Powerful magnetic stimulation is generated close to scalp
I TMS stimulation to hand/foot areas of motor cortex
I Lexical decision task on arm-words and leg-words
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Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (TMS) experiment
Pulvermuller et al 2005
I Powerful magnetic stimulation is generated close to scalp
I TMS stimulation to hand/foot areas of motor cortex
I Lexical decision task on arm-words and leg-words
I Left hemisphere TMS at hand(foot) facilitates hand/foot
words
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Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (TMS) experiment
Pulvermuller et al 2005
I Powerful magnetic stimulation is generated close to scalp
I TMS stimulation to hand/foot areas of motor cortex
I Lexical decision task on arm-words and leg-words
I Left hemisphere TMS at hand(foot) facilitates hand/foot
words
I Left hemisphere stimulation affected decision times
Word Processing
Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (TMS) experiment
Pulvermuller et al 2005
I Powerful magnetic stimulation is generated close to scalp
I TMS stimulation to hand/foot areas of motor cortex
I Lexical decision task on arm-words and leg-words
I Left hemisphere TMS at hand(foot) facilitates hand/foot
words
I Left hemisphere stimulation affected decision times
I Right hemisphere stimulation did not affect decision times
that much
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Figure:
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Figure:
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Mirror Neurons
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Mirror Neurons
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Mirror Neurons
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Criticism of Embodied Semantics
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Criticism of Embodied Semantics
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Criticism of Embodied Semantics
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Criticism of Embodied Semantics
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Criticism of Embodied Semantics
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Lexical Access
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Lexical Access
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Lexical Access
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Lexical Access
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Lexical Access
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Importance of Context
Word Processing
Figure: Spectrograms for heed, head, had, and whod
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Time Course of Lexical Access
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Time Course of Lexical Access
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Gating task (Grosjean 1980):
I task: listening to parts of words and completing them
I stimuli: fragments of spoken words with/without context
I measure: length of fragment at which word can be identified
I results: subjects can identify words in 200ms w/ context,
300ms isolated
Shows context helps within 200ms.
Recgnition point: trespass, orange
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Word-monitoring task (Marslen-Wilson & Tyler 1980):
I stimuli: target word +
The church was broken into last night.
Some thieves stole most of the lead off the roof
I measure: reaction time to detect: identical word lead and
lead rhyme (form) bread and lead
category (sem) metal and lead
I results: Identical (273ms); Rhyme (419ms); Category
(428ms)
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Models of Lexical Access
1. First generation
-Logogen model (Morton 1969)
-Frequency Ordered Bin Search or FOBS (Taft & Forster
1975)
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Models of Lexical Access
1. First generation
-Logogen model (Morton 1969)
-Frequency Ordered Bin Search or FOBS (Taft & Forster
1975)
2. Second generation
-Trace model (McClelland & Elman 1986)
-Cohort model (Marslen-Wilson 1987)
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Models of Lexical Access
1. First generation
-Logogen model (Morton 1969)
-Frequency Ordered Bin Search or FOBS (Taft & Forster
1975)
2. Second generation
-Trace model (McClelland & Elman 1986)
-Cohort model (Marslen-Wilson 1987)
3. Third generation
-Distributed cohort model (Gaskell & Marslen-Wilson 2002)
-Distributed feature model (Elman 2004)
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Why are we studying this?
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Why are we studying this?
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Why are we studying this?
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Bottom-up Processing
Figure:
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Bottom-up vs Interactive models
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Bottom-up vs Interactive models
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Bottom-up vs Interactive models
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Logogen Model (Morton 1969)
Figure:
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Logogens
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Logogens
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Logogens
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Logogens
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I Neuron-like units activate words given evidence
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I Neuron-like units activate words given evidence
I Explains frequency effect: lower threshold with each exposure
Word Processing
I Neuron-like units activate words given evidence
I Explains frequency effect: lower threshold with each exposure
I Word activation depends on audio, visual, context
Word Processing
I Neuron-like units activate words given evidence
I Explains frequency effect: lower threshold with each exposure
I Word activation depends on audio, visual, context
I Easier to threshold second time (correctly predicts repetition
priming)
Word Processing
I Neuron-like units activate words given evidence
I Explains frequency effect: lower threshold with each exposure
I Word activation depends on audio, visual, context
I Easier to threshold second time (correctly predicts repetition
priming)
I Bottom-up activation only
Word Processing
I Neuron-like units activate words given evidence
I Explains frequency effect: lower threshold with each exposure
I Word activation depends on audio, visual, context
I Easier to threshold second time (correctly predicts repetition
priming)
I Bottom-up activation only
I No interaction between logogens
Word Processing
I Neuron-like units activate words given evidence
I Explains frequency effect: lower threshold with each exposure
I Word activation depends on audio, visual, context
I Easier to threshold second time (correctly predicts repetition
priming)
I Bottom-up activation only
I No interaction between logogens
I Predictions about word frequency, word association priming
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Figure:
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Activation Threshold
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Activation Threshold
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Frequency and Reaction Times (Foss 1969)
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Frequency and Reaction Times (Foss 1969)
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Figure:
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Key Assumptions
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Frequency Ordered Bin Search or FOBS (Taft & Forster
1975)
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Frequency Ordered Bin Search or FOBS (Taft & Forster
1975)
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Frequency Ordered Bin Search or FOBS (Taft & Forster
1975)
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Frequency Ordered Bin Search or FOBS (Taft & Forster
1975)
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Figure:
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Figure:
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Prediction: Morphological Decomposition
Unlucky=un + luck+ y
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Prediction: Morphological Decomposition
Unlucky=un + luck+ y
I Which of the following will take more time to process?
I speaker or sister?
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Prediction: Morphological Decomposition
Unlucky=un + luck+ y
I Which of the following will take more time to process?
I speaker or sister?
I sister takes more time
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Prediction: Morphological Decomposition
Unlucky=un + luck+ y
I Which of the following will take more time to process?
I speaker or sister?
I sister takes more time
I sist is searched first, then sister
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Prediction: Morphological Decomposition
Unlucky=un + luck+ y
I Which of the following will take more time to process?
I speaker or sister?
I sister takes more time
I sist is searched first, then sister
I Pseudo-affixed words have longer recognition time
Word Processing
Prediction: Morphological Decomposition
Unlucky=un + luck+ y
I Which of the following will take more time to process?
I speaker or sister?
I sister takes more time
I sist is searched first, then sister
I Pseudo-affixed words have longer recognition time
Word Processing
Morphology and Priming
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Morphology and Priming
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Morphology and Priming
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Morphology and Priming
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Morphology and Priming
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Top-down vs. Bottom-up Processing
Figure:Word Processing
Phoneme Restoration Effect (Warren 1971)
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Phoneme Restoration Effect (Warren 1971)
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Phoneme Restoration Effect (Warren 1971)
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2nd Generation Model: TRACE Architecture
http://maglab.psy.uconn.edu/jtrace/
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TRACE Features
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TRACE: Written Word Processing
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Properties
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Properties
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Properties
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Word Superiority
Figure:
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Figure:
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TRACE vs. Actual human data
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COHORT Model
Participants hear: [s ..]
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Recognition Point
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Recognition Point
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Recognition Point
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Recognition Point
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Recognition Point
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Initial phoneme (about 150 ms) used to activate consistent words
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Initial phoneme (about 150 ms) used to activate consistent words
I Activated words form a cohort
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Initial phoneme (about 150 ms) used to activate consistent words
I Activated words form a cohort
I Proposes that access is strictly bottom-up
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Initial phoneme (about 150 ms) used to activate consistent words
I Activated words form a cohort
I Proposes that access is strictly bottom-up
I Top-down factors influence selection from within the cohort
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Initial phoneme (about 150 ms) used to activate consistent words
I Activated words form a cohort
I Proposes that access is strictly bottom-up
I Top-down factors influence selection from within the cohort
I Context cannot activate a word that is inconsistent with
sensory input
Word Processing
Initial phoneme (about 150 ms) used to activate consistent words
I Activated words form a cohort
I Proposes that access is strictly bottom-up
I Top-down factors influence selection from within the cohort
I Context cannot activate a word that is inconsistent with
sensory input
I As more input comes in, members of the cohort are narrowed
down
Word Processing
Initial phoneme (about 150 ms) used to activate consistent words
I Activated words form a cohort
I Proposes that access is strictly bottom-up
I Top-down factors influence selection from within the cohort
I Context cannot activate a word that is inconsistent with
sensory input
I As more input comes in, members of the cohort are narrowed
down
That are no longer consistent are eliminated, until only one word is
left (the Uniqueness Point) this word is recognized.
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Evidence supporting COHORT
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Evidence supporting COHORT
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Evidence supporting COHORT
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Evidence supporting COHORT
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Evidence supporting COHORT
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Further Evidence supporting COHORT
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Further Evidence supporting COHORT
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Further Evidence supporting COHORT
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Further Evidence supporting COHORT
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Further Evidence supporting COHORT
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Further Evidence supporting COHORT
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Further Evidence supporting COHORT
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Problems with COHORT
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Problems with COHORT
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Problems with COHORT
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Problems with COHORT
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COHORT vs. TRACE
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COHORT vs. TRACE
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COHORT vs. TRACE
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Third Generation: Distributed Feature Model
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Properties of SRN
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Properties of SRN
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Properties of SRN
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Properties of SRN
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Properties of SRN
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Properties of SRN
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SRN Clusters
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SRN Semantic Space
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Lexical Ambiguity
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Lexical Ambiguity
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Lexical Ambiguity
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The panda walks into the bar.
I It eats shoots and leaves.
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The panda walks into the bar.
I It eats shoots and leaves.
I It eats, shoots and leaves.
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Context and ambiguity
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Context and ambiguity
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Exclusive vs. Exhaustive Access
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Exclusive vs. Exhaustive Access
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Evidence for Exhaustive Access
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Evidence for Exhaustive Access
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Evidence for Exhaustive Access
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Stimulus Offset Asynchrony (SOA)
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Stimulus Offset Asynchrony (SOA)
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Stimulus Offset Asynchrony (SOA)
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Types of Lexical Ambiguity
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Types of Lexical Ambiguity
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Context and Ambiguity (Rayner & Pollatsek 1989)
Neutral context
I Balanced: bugs
I Both meanings activated! (longer fixation duration compared
to unambiguous words like animals)
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Context and Ambiguity (Rayner & Pollatsek 1989)
Neutral context
I Balanced: bugs
I Both meanings activated! (longer fixation duration compared
to unambiguous words like animals)
I Biased: tin
I Biased words read as quickly as unambiguous words like gold
I They activate only one meaning!
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Context and Ambiguity (Rayner & Pollatsek 1989)
Neutral context
I Balanced: bugs
I Both meanings activated! (longer fixation duration compared
to unambiguous words like animals)
I Biased: tin
I Biased words read as quickly as unambiguous words like gold
I They activate only one meaning!
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Context and Ambiguity
Biased context
I Balanced: What crawled out from the sink was a bunch of
bugs
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Context and Ambiguity
Biased context
I Balanced: What crawled out from the sink was a bunch of
bugs
FASTER
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Context and Ambiguity
Biased context
I Balanced: What crawled out from the sink was a bunch of
bugs
FASTER
I Biased1: The miners went under the mountain to look for tin
Word Processing
Context and Ambiguity
Biased context
I Balanced: What crawled out from the sink was a bunch of
bugs
FASTER
I Biased1: The miners went under the mountain to look for tin
FASTER
Word Processing
Context and Ambiguity
Biased context
I Balanced: What crawled out from the sink was a bunch of
bugs
FASTER
I Biased1: The miners went under the mountain to look for tin
FASTER
I Biased2: The miners went to the store and saw that they had
beans in a tin
Word Processing
Context and Ambiguity
Biased context
I Balanced: What crawled out from the sink was a bunch of
bugs
FASTER
I Biased1: The miners went under the mountain to look for tin
FASTER
I Biased2: The miners went to the store and saw that they had
beans in a tin
SLOWER!
Word Processing
Context and Ambiguity
Biased context
I Balanced: What crawled out from the sink was a bunch of
bugs
FASTER
I Biased1: The miners went under the mountain to look for tin
FASTER
I Biased2: The miners went to the store and saw that they had
beans in a tin
SLOWER!
Results replicated using a neuroimaging experiment (Mason &
Just)
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Reordered Access Theory (Duffy et al., 1989)
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Reordered Access Theory (Duffy et al., 1989)
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Summary: Context and Ambiguity
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Summary
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Summary
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Summary
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Summary
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Summary
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Summary
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