Aeneas and Theseus in "Aeneid" 6

Author(s): John W. Zarker

Source: The Classical Journal, Vol. 62, No. 5 (Feb., 1967), pp. 220-226
Published by: Classical Association of the Middle West and South, Inc. (CAMWS)
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AENEAS AND THESEUS IN AENEID 6
IN THIS PAPER it is shown that Vergil in
Aeneid 6 comparesand contrasts Aeneas
with Theseus, the renowned Athenian hero
of an earlier generation.' At first the more
laudable aspects of Theseus are exhibited,
those worthy of admiration and emulation.
In Book 6, however, Vergil progressively
reveals the less attractive qualities of the
Athenian hero. In making Aeneas eschew
these later inclinations and actions of
Theseus, Vergil raises Latin epic to a higher
moral and spiritual plane and portrays
Aeneas as a more noble hero who has prof-
ited from the exempla temporis acti. One
might even suggest that in Vergil's poetic
but basically unsympathetic portrayal of
Theseus there is a tacita censura of the
morality and spiritual direction (i.e. pie-
tas) of the Greeks in general and of the
Athenians in particular. While Aeneas does
seem to assume the qualities of an Achilles
in the latter portion of the Aeneid,2 never-
theless the tragedy in Book 2 and the con-
comitant Greekbarbarismare not forgotten
by Vergil. The handling of Theseus in
Aeneid 6 may be Vergil's method of con-
demning that aspect of Greek character
which violates what is sacred as evidenced
in the destruction of Troy.
1 This paper was presented in different form at a meet-
ing of the Classical Association of New England March
20, 1964. The Vergil text used is R. Sabbadini's second
edition (Rome 1937). No attempt has been made here to
trace the varied sources and versions of the Theseus leg-
end; for complete data see H. Steuding, "Theseus,"
Roscher, Lexikon 5.678-760.
2 L. A. MacKay, "Achilles as model for Aeneas," TAPA
88 (1957) 11-19; W. S. Anderson, "Vergil's second Iliad,"
TAPA 88 (1957) 23-30.
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Book 5 relates the funeral games com-
memorating the first anniversary of the
death of Anchises. After the burning of the
ships, Aeneas is visited by the vision in
which Anchises appears and advises his son
to lead the chosen youth to Italy, and, hav-
ing received instructions from the casta
Sibylla, to visit him in the underworld to
learn about his whole race and what walls
are to be given.
Although Palinurus must be sacrificed to
Neptune for the safety of the voyage from
Sicily to Italy, pius Aeneas does at long
last arrive in Cumae at the beginning of
Aeneid 6.a While his men prepare for the
meal, Aeneas, having sent Achates ahead
to see the Sibyl, seeks both the awesome
cave of the Sibyl, where Delian Apollo in-
spires the priestess to reveal the future, and
also the Temple of Apollo.
R. D. Williams, commenting convinc-
ingly upon the picture on Dido's temple
(1.450-93), states (CQ 10 [1960] 146):
"The description of the pictures which fol-
lows is a remarkable example of Vergil's
ability to use a traditional device (cpKpatrL;)
in such a way as to strengthen and illumi-
nate the main themes of his poem." A
study of the doors of the Temple of Apollo
at Cumae tends to confirm the statement of
Williams in another context. Assuming that
3 My friend E. M. Bradley has a perceptive theory
about the Palinurus theme which encloses Book 5. In his
opinion, the episode is a prophetic foreshadowing of the
adventures of Aeneas, who, interested as he is in the wel-
fare of his men (as Palinurus states of himself in Book
6), attains his goal, Hesperia, but does not live to enjoy
it. See M. C. J. Putnam, The poetry of the Aeneid (Cam-
bridge, Mass. 1965) Ch. 2, esp. 92-9.
AENEAS AND THESEUS IN AENEID 6 221

the doors are the usual double ones hinged this to escape without a definite artistic
at the sides and opening in the center, four purpose being present. At first glance
separate panels, two on each door, seem to Daedalus would seem to be the obvious
be described as follows (6.20-30)4: focal point for the references, since the
in foribus doors are described within a larger section
I [Attica, Marathon et Athenae] about him (14-33). Although the flight of
A letum Androgeo; Daedalus to Italy and his dedication of his
B tum pendere poenas alarum and his construction of
remigium
Cecropidae iussi (miserum!) septena the immense temple are outlined, he himself
quotannis
corpora natorum, stat ductis would appear to be involved in only the
sortibus urna. final two scenes.5 At the conclusion of the
II Contra elata mari respondet Cnosia
tellus:
passage Vergil states that opere in tanto
A hic crudelis amor tauri suppostaque
Icarus had no place. Although Daedalus
furto had tried twice to fashion his son's fall,
Pasiphai mixtumque genus the hand of the father fell twice (casus,
prolesque biformis cecidere).
Minotaurus inest, Veneris
monumenta nefandae;
Daedalus, however, has no apparent re-
B hic labor ille domus et inextricabilis lationship either to the rest of Book 6 or
error; to the Aeneid as a whole." A more fruitful
magnum reginae sed enim miseratus line of inquiry is that of Knight, who has
amorem
Daedalus ipse dolos tecti
investigated the significance of the laby-
rinth as a significant religious symbol in
ambagesque resolvit,
caeca regens filo vestigia. the Aeneid.7
Beneath the obvious and relatively un-
Relying on the evidence of the Latin text, rewarding figure of Daedalus and the at-
one can determine the panels by the words tractive and more
rewarding theory con-
in foribus, turnm, contra, hic, hic. cerning the labyrinth lies the more subtle
Who or what is the unifying factor in and relevant reference to Theseus. The
these four scenes? How do the pictures on
suggestion of Theseus' adventures on the
these panels relate to the rest of the Aeneid
temple doors foreshadowsand gives greater
and especially to Book 6 as the pictures on
significance to his later appearances.
Dido's temple relate to the poem as a whole Theseus did
capture and sacrifice the Bull
and particularly to Book 1? Vergil is a
conscious artist and it is hard to imagine vacca 5Daedalus is said to have devised what Ovid calls the
acerna (A.A. 1.325) which enabled Pasiphae to
that he would allow an opportunity like consummate her passion. Cf. Ecl. 6.45-60 for a descrip-
tion of the passion of Pasiphae incited by Neptune.
6 One might say that Daedalus did come to Italy as an
4Cf. E. Norden, P. Vergilius Maro Aeneis Buck VI exile. The loss of his son Icarus is tragic and might make
(Leipzig 1903) 121, who arranges the scenes in this way, Aeneas thankful for the continuing presence of Iulus. In
two on each door. In addition to discussing possible addition, the fact that the Temple of Apollo at Cumae
sources for such literary technique, Norden comments had been constructed and dedicated by the mythological
briefly on the likelihood that the doors are descriptions of artificer-engineer Daedalus adds antiquity and authority
reality or are really poetic fiction; Norden is attracted to to the temple, the priestess, and the prophecies. The in-
the latter possibility in spite of the evidence of Jahn. See clusion of Daedalus allows Vergil to weave one more epic
R. Heinze, Virgils episcke Tecknik2 (Leipzig 1908) 399- thread into the tapestry of the Aeneid. See Putnam (n.3)
400, for the importance of pictorial representation in the 211 n.8; see also Pbschl (n.4), who states (150): "The
Aeneid as related to the content of the poem. According heartbreaking love of Daedalus for Icarus reflects Aeneas'
to V. P6schl, Tke art of Vergil: image and symbol in tke longing to meet Anchises. Both are examples of the deep
Aeneid (Ann Arbor 1962) 150, "the 'obvious parallel' of pietas that binds together those who are separated. That
the connection with the pictures on Juno's Carthaginian pietas, in its several forms, is the concealed but central
temple in the first book [with the temple doors in Book motif of the sixth book."
61 is far more important than has been assumed. Aeneas 7See W. F. Jackson Knight, "Vergil and the maze," CR
finds his own story in both places; once, quite directly, 43 (1929) esp. 212-13; also Cumean gates (Oxford 1936)
then symbolically disguised in the mysterious sixth book. Ch.9; Roman Vergil (London 1944) 166. See also discus-
Both times Aeneas is depicted as engrossed in sorrowful sion and notes in B. Otis, Virgil: a study in civilised
memories and interrupted." I believe that Pischl over- poetry (Oxford 1963) 284-5. Putnam (n.3) 86 discusses
looks the importance of Theseus in giving an added di- 5.588-93; the labyrinthine nature of the ludi prepares the
mension of symbolic significance to Aeneas and the reader. reader for the scenes on the temple doors in Book 6.

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222
of Marathon which had caused the death
of Androgeus.8 Theseus was one of the
septena corpora (6.21-2) and he is likely
to have appeared in person on Scene 2.
Theseus is not personally involved in Scene
3; one version of the Theseus legend, how-
ever, identifies the Bull of Marathon with
the bull sent by Neptune to Minos and
Pasiphae. The animal had been brought
from Crete to the mainland by Heracles.9
Consequently the bull referred to in Scene
3 would be the one which had killed Andro-
geus and which had in turn been caught
and sacrificed by Theseus. But such evi-
dence is far too tenuous to constitute any
real relationship between Theseus and
Scene 3. It is possible that Theseus ap-
peared in Scene 4, where Daedalus showed
pity for the great love of Adriadne,
magnum reginae sed enim miseratus
amorem--for Theseus. Daedalus revealed
the secret of the labyrinth with the thread
which guided the blind steps, caeca regens
filo vestigia-of Theseus. As Conington
aptly notes'": "'Vestigia,' not his own
footsteps, but those of Theseus-another
instance of Virg.'s ambiguity. The expres-
sion is from Catullus 64 v.113, 'Errabunda
regens tenui vestigia filo,' where Theseus is
the subject of the sentence."
It must be observed that at this point no
more of the Ariadne-Theseustale is related
lest it suggest to Aeneas or to the reader
the kind reception of Aeneas by Dido (as
that of Theseus by Ariadne) and the sub-
sequent seduction and ungrateful abandon-
ment of both Dido and Ariadne. By Vergil's
silence and omission of the later portions
of the legend of Theseus, he seems at this
time to be showing only one side of his
character; he seems to be telling only part
of the story without allowing either Aeneas
or the reader to continue. The four panels
of the two doors suggest the adventures of
a mighty hero, an epic figure of the past,
Theseus. Aeneas and his companions are
8 Plutarch, Thes. 14.1.
9 Diodorus Siculus 4.59.6.
10 J. Conington, P. Vergilii Maronis opera rev. H. Net-
tleship (London 1884), on 6.30.
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JOHNW. ZARKER
absorbed in these scenes because of their
natural interest in another hero's trials and
successful accomplishments. On these
panels Vergil would seem to be presenting
to Aeneas and his companions in the per-
son of Theseus an example for admiration
and emulation.
Aeneas is so intrigued with the doors and
their tale that the Sibyl "accosts the hero
abruptly, even abusively""' and states:
"Non hoc ista sibi tempus spectacula
poscit" (6.37). MacKay summarizes the
epic references and identifications in the
Aeneid12:
In the first half of the Aeneid,the role of the
hero, the situations into which he is cast,
and the responsehe makes to these situations,
obviously reflect some of the predicaments
and responses of Odysseus; in the second half,
some of the predicamentsand responses of
Achilles; through the whole poem the heroic
memory of the ill-fated Hector broods over
his kinsman and successor.
Anderson (n.2, p.30) adds that it is Aeneas
"who has honor and victory on his side in
the combined roles of Achilles, Menelaus,
and Agamemnon." In the course of this
paper, it is suggested that Theseus is an-
other of the mythological heroes certain of
whose qualities, virtues, and deeds are as-
sumed by Aeneas.
Aeneas learns nothing new from the
prophecy of the Sibyl (6.103-5); but she
does state that since Hecate has placed her
in charge of the Avernian groves, she can
grant his request for guidance and instruc-
tion for going to the underworld. In his
request Aeneas keeps his strongest argu-
ment, his divine birth, until last (6.119-
23):
si potuit manis arcessereconiugis Orpheus
Threicia fretus cithara fidibusque canoris,
si fratrem Pollux alterna morte redemit
11 R. A.
Brooks, "Discolor aura: reflections on the
golden bough," AJP 74 (1953) 262.
12L. A. MacKay (op. cit. n.2) 11; in another percep-
tive article, "Three levels of meaning in Aeneid VI,"
TAPA 86 (1955) 189, MacKay, commenting on the com-
plex interweaving of the three themes, cites moral devel-
opment as his second theme. It is precisely this theme
which I believe Vergil is stressing by revealing progres-
sively the moral inadequacy of the heroic code of Theseus.
AENEAS AND THESEUS IN AENEID 6 223
itque reditque viam totiens. quid Thesea,
magnum
quid memoremAlciden? et mi genus ab Iove
summo .13
Here, as on the doors of the temple, there
is only favorable mention of Theseus; only
part of the story is told, with no comment
about motive. Just as Orpheus, Pollux,
Theseus, and Heracles had gone, so Aeneas
wishes to go to the underworld. Although
the motives of both Orpheusand Pollux are
cited, both motives being honorable and
praiseworthy,there is silence about Theseus
and his savior Heracles.14
Aeneas, in stressing his divine origin,
apparently the necessary requisite for en-
tering the underworld, wishes to rival the
deeds of other divinely born heroes, Or-
pheus, Pollux, Theseus, and Heracles. Just
as on the panels of the temple door there
was no hint of Theseus abandoning
Ariadne, here there is no indication of
Theseus' motive for entrance to Hades'
kingdom. At this point the concern is only
with the heroes' successful entrance into
Hades, a heroic action which Aeneas, also
a son of a goddess, wishes to duplicate.
Charon is not at all overjoyed to have
transported Heracles, Theseus, and Piri-
thous, although they too were born of gods
and invincible in strength (6.392-7):
nec vero Alciden me sum laetatus euntem Having given the negative response to
accepisselacu, nec Thesea Pirithoumque Charon, the Sibyl states who Aeneas is and
dis quamquam geniti atque invicti viribus in what way he differs from the others
essent. (6.403):
13There is a grammatical question concerning which
noun is modified by magnum. Logically it is closest to and
would thus be taken with Thesea. Yet it has also been
taken with Alciden. It appears to me that magnum might
be one of those intentionally ambiguous words shedding
its meaning on both possible nouns; which of the two it
actually modifies becomes clear with the progressive de-
lineation of the character of Theseus in Book 6. Norden
(n.4) and Conington (n.10) on 6.122 cite as parallels Aen.
5.414 magnum Alciden and 8.103 Amphitryoniadae magno.
14Although Vergil seems to be very carefully silent here
about the motives of Theseus for going to Hades, Servius
(ed. G. Thilo and H. Hagen, Vol.2, Leipzig 1884) feels
obliged to speak (ad 6.122): "Durum exemplum unde nec
inmoratus est in eo. dicit autem inferos debere patere
pietati, qui patuerunt infanda cupienti: nam hic ad
rapiendam Proserpinam ierat cum Pirithoo et illic retentus
luit poenas." Here I feel that Servius is drawing con-
clusions not implicit in Aeneas' words; Aeneas is saying
only that he too is the son of a divinity and hence should
be able to visit Hades. See also Otis (n.7) 286 n.2 con-
cerning "quid memorem Alciden?"
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Tartareum ille manu custodem in vincla
petivit
ipsius a solio regis traxitque trementem;
hi dominam Ditis thalamo deducereadorti.
Here Charon answers the plea of Aeneas to
the Sibyl "et mi genus ab love summo"
(6.123). Charonstates clearly and without
any possibility of doubt the reasons for
their entrances into Orcus: Heracles to re-
move Cerberus,the latter two to take away
Proserpina, the wife of Dis. For the first
time Pirithous is mentioned with Theseus
and their foul motive is fully revealed. It
calls to mind the agreement of Theseus and
Pirithous to aid each other in seizing girls
of their choice. Theseus had taken Helen,
daughter of Leda and Zeus. Helen, ten
years old at the time, was subsequently
rescued by her brothers, Castor and Pollux,
while Theseus was sojourning in Hades. It
was in fulfillment of his pledge to aid
Pirithous that Theseus had accompanied
him to Hades.15
The Sibyl states unequivocally that
Aeneas has no such evil intentions as did
Theseus, Pirithous, and Heracles (6.399-
402):
Nullae hic insidiae tales (absiste moverei),
nec vim tela ferunt; licet ingens ianitor antro
aeternumlatrans exsanguisterreat umbras,
casta licet patrui servet Proserpinalimen.
Troius Aeneas, pietate insignis et armis.'6
The character of Aeneas is further defined.
Although both Theseus and Aeneas are of
divine birth (6.393-4 and 6.123) and both
are mighty in arms (6.393-4 and 6.403),
the Sibyl emphasizes Aeneas' pietas. If
15Plutarch, Thes. 31.4, offers an alternative explanation
based upon a confusion of names: actually Theseus went
to Epirus with Pirithous to seek the daughter of Aidoneus,
king of the Molossi. "This man called his wife Pherse-
phone, his daughter Cora, and his dog Cerberus." For the
usual legend see Diodorus 4.63.4-5. See the memorable
speech of Zeus to Hera (Iliad 14.317-18) for direct evi-
dence about the divine birth of Pirithous.
16Conington (n.10) on 6.403 cites 1.545, nec pietate
fuit, nec bello maior et armis, and 1.10, insignem pietate
virum; see also 9.294 and 10.824.
224 JOHNW. ZARKER

Aeneas is not going to the underworld for golden bough. The Sibyl did, after all,
evil purposes as did Heracles, Theseus, and state (6.140-41):
Pirithous, Charon might ask, why is he sed non ante datur telluris operta subire,
going? auricomosquam qui decerpseritarborefetus.
ad genitoremimas Erebi descenditad umbras This author is convinced
(6.404).
by the reasoning
of Conington (n.10, on 6.409):
Then comes the Sibyl's argumentum ulti- It is scarcelylikely that Herculesor Theseus
mum in case the precedingstatements either was represented as having come with the
passed over the head of Charon or were bough, as Charonseemsto say that they pre-
disbelieved (6.405-7): vailed by other means, and that the conse-
quences were accordingly disastrous.
si te nulla movet tantae pietatis imago,
at ramum hunc (aperit ramum qui veste Conington's view is supported by the fact
latebat) adgnoscas. that Charon is visibly disturbed when he
The appearance of the bough recalls the sees Aeneas coming with drawn sword (6.
Sibyl's instructions to Aeneas about enter- 387-9). Later Charon's response upon see-
ing the underworldand securing the branch ing the golden bough is immediate and re-
veals that it had not been seen for some
(6.129-31, 146-8):
time (6.407-10). The instantaneous loss of
Pauci, quos aequos amavit
anger at the sight of the long unseen bough
Iuppiter aut ardens evexit ad aethera virtus, would seem to indicate that the previously
dis geniti potuere.'
named heroes did not have the bough. In
namque ipse volens facilisquesequetur,
si te fata vocant; aliter non viribus ullis addition the Sibyl refers to the use of force
vincere nec duro poteris convellereferro. by Heracles, Pirithous, and Theseus; this
Both concepts of divine birth and great may mean merely the use of force to attain
their ends, not necessarily in gaining ad-
strength are stated explicitly.18 The Sibyl mission to the underworld (nec vim tela
and Charon have now both intimated that
for truly great heroes physical strength and ferunt 6.400). Servius does elucidate and
states that Heracles in his visit terrified
divine birth are not sufficient qualities.
Charon (on 392):
Further, the Sibyl in speaking to Charon
has denied that Aeneas' motives are evil lectum est in Orpheoquod, quando Hercules
ad inferos descendit, Charon territus eum
as were those of his predecessors; he is not statim suscepit: ob quam rem anno integro
trying to remove Proserpina from the un- in compedibusfuit.
derworld; in fact, he will take her the As a result of such
information as is avail-
golden bough as a gift (6.142-3, the Sibyl
to Aeneas): able, I must conclude that although there
would appear to be a tradition which Vergil
hoc sibi pulchrasuum ferri Proserpinamunus is
instituit ... following about the necessity of having
It is only natural to wonder whether or not a golden bough for admission to Hades, the
descent and Theseus
Heracles, Pirithous, and Theseus had a must by Heracles, Pirithous,
have been sine ramo et cum vi.19
17Servius on 6.129 is of interest: "tria genera hominum
dicit ad superos posse remeare: quos diligit Iuppiter, hoc 19 That the golden bough is Vergil's own invention, as
est hos quos in ortu benignus siderum aspectus inradiat Cornutus states in Macrobius 5.19.2, appears unlikely.
...; quos prudentia sublevat, nam hoc est 'quod ardens Norden (n.4) believes that perhaps the golden bough was
evexit ad aethera virtus': item religiosos, quos a diis a feature of a certain Nekyia. I have not entered into
genitos dicit; consequens enim est ut deorum suboles the controversy about cunctantem (ramum) in 6.211 for
religionibus vacet." Servius explains line 403 by referring a number of reasons: I do not believe it is apposite here;
to 129-30. further, I do not believe that I can personally add to
18The metrical position of viribus in the fifth foot of what has been said about the magical qualities of the
6.394, referring to Heracles, Theseus, and Pirithous, and branch; finally, J. H. D'Arms in CI 59 (1964) 265-8 seems
also in 6.147, referring to Aeneas' or other heroes' taking to me to have written a sensitive and enlightening article
of the bough, is merely coincidence, since Vergil uses which offers an acceptable solution to the problem. See
viribus usually in that place. See M. N. Wetmore, Index also Otis (n.7) 288-9, and his note on 220 concerning
verborum Vergilianus (New Haven 1911) s.v. the OeZogdvp.

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 AENEAS AND THESEUS IN AENEID 6 225

As Aeneas and the Sibyl are making dom called Phlegyanthis. Ixion, son of
their way toward Elysium and Anchises, Phlegyas, was also king of the Lapiths or
they pass Tartarus on their left (6.557-8): Phlegyae and the father of Pirithous.21
hinc exaudirigemitus et saeva sonare Hence it appears probable, especially from
verbera, tum stridor ferri tractaequecatenae. the Theseus theme in Book 6, that it must
be Theseus who is addressing all the
The Sibyl explains that this is Tartarus,
under one name, i.e.
where the mythological sinners are judged Phlegyae collectively
the Lapiths, Ixion, and Pirithous. Such an
and where they pay the penalty (6.601):
interpretation would allow a careful round-
quid memoremLapithas, Ixiona, ing off of one section of the description in
Pirithoumque.? Tartarus, beginning and ending the section
Then follows a descriptive series of un- with referenceto the same persons but hav-
named but identifiable sufferers with their ing the center portion containing examples
correspondingpunishments: Tantalus (602- of punishments of famous sinners.
7); invisi fratres [e.g. Atreus and Thyestes, What does most wretched Theseus ad-
Eteocles and Polyneices] (608-13), a gen- monish and give witness to in a loud voice?
eral statement (614-16), Sisyphus [saxum Discite iustitiam moniti et non temneredivos
ingens volvunt alii] (616), Ixion [radiisque (6.620).
rotarum districti pendent] (616-17).
This line sums up the whole reason for the
At length appears the final reference to
Theseus theme. At last we see the lesson
Theseus (6.617-19):
to be learned from the fate of the epic hero
sedet aeternumquesedebit whose progressive delineation has
Theseus,
infelix Theseus; Phlegyasquemiserrimus been
omnis my concern. Theseus warns all the
admonet et magna testatur voce per umbras. Phlegyae (Phlegyas, Ixion, Pirithous, and
the Lapiths) that, warned by his example,
Theseus (according to the Sibyl and Ver-
they should learn justice, i.e. proper con-
gil) is seated in Tartarus and will be duct toward their fellow men, and
seated there eternally. Now he is infelix. respect
for the gods.22 What is Aeneas to learn
Before we go on, the question arises, who
from the fate of Theseus? In what respect
or what is or are Phlegyas? Servius (on
will Aeneas prove superior to this epic hero
618) comments that Phlegyas may be
either nominative singular, i.e. the king, of another age? In pietas. Gradually be-
father of Ixion and Coronis, or it may be ginning with the doors of the temple of the
accusative plural referring (according to Sibyl, next the words of Aeneas himself to
Euphorion) to the impious islanders who the Sibyl, then Charon's speech to him, and
were destroyed by Neptune. Conington (n. finally in Theseus' own words to Aeneas
10, on 6.620) cites Pindar, Pythian 2.39ff., and to the reader, Vergil in Book 6 has re-
where Ixion gives a similar warning from vealed the true character of the Greek epic
his wheel. I suggest that taking the word hero and the inevitable outcome of a life
as accusative plural object of admonet and
modified by omnis could make the warning SSee Tiirk, "Phlegyas" in Roscher, Lexikon 32. 2378-
more specific and refer to the persons 83 and P. Weizsicker, "Ixion" ibid. 2.766-72. is
22J. Henry, Aeneidea (Dublin 1889) 3.358-62, par-
named in 601. Phlegyas was king of the ticularly enlightening on the sense of non temnere divos;
I can not however, with his contention that Phlegyas
Lapiths and ruled in Orchomenos a king- speaks theagree, warning and that it would be "ridiculous, not
merely by putting into his mouth an admonition which
20 There is a textual problem between lines 601 and 602 could be of no use to anyone, but by making him repeat
which is reflected in the manuscripts in 602. It does it in the self-same terms to all eternity" (364). Vergil
seem definite that the subjects of the verbs in 602 and states quite clearly that the warning is given per umbras.
the following lines are not the persons mentioned in 601. D. Kuijper, "Phlegyas admonitor," Mn. ser. 4, 16 (1963)
See H. M5rland, "Zu Aeneis VI 601ff," Symb. Osl. (1964) 162-70, comments on the significance of contemnere and
5-12, for a discussion of the etymology of the names in admonere but does not consider even remotely the possi-
this passage. bility that Phlegyas may not be the admonitor.

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226
based upon such actions.23 Vergil seems to
be saying that the epic hero Theseus is no
longer suitable in the world of Augustan
Rome. Frances Norwood has summed up
admirably this theme and its larger impli-
cations in Book 624:
Here [in Tartarus] monsters and furies in-
flict real suffering upon the spirits of the
dead, here earthly deeds are not simply a
23 Otis
(n.7) 297-8 makes the same point: "But they
[Tartarus and Elysium proper] both illustrate one impor-
tant point that Virgil is plainly concerned to make: the
rule of justice by which all human life is bound-the sure
allotment of punishment and rewards. Aeneas had just
seen the futility of a false attachment to the past: he
now sees the stern morality that judges the past, the in-
exorable law to which the dead are held accountable."
MacKay (n.12) 184 states: "In this respect [i.e. direct
personal relevance to the character of Aeneas] the pri-
mary importance of the journey is that it represents a
spiritual purification and illumination that fit him for his
mighty task."
24 F. Norwood, "The tripartite eschatology of Aeneid 6,"
CP 49 (1954) 19-20. P6schl (n.4) as quoted in my n.6
makes pietas the prime motif of Book 6.
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painful memory but a cause of actual tor-
ment inflicted externally after a judgment,
here Theseus and Pirithous are not the clever
rascals of Charon's speech but sinners against
the gods . . . For the moral lesson is clear:
Tartarus is not a prison for legendary crimi-
nals only but for all sinners against pietas. ..
It was the chief virtue of his hero, who in
the Tartarus scene is present less as a person
than as a personification, a living symbol of
that pietas upon which is based the moral
law governing of the universe.
The basic flaw in character that renders
Theseus an unfit subject for the real ad-
miration and emulation of Aeneas is his
lack of pietas, the possession of which is
that very basic element of Aeneas' charac-
ter which separates his personality and re-
sultant action from that of Theseus.
JOHN W. ZARKER
Vanderbilt University