Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
1
Digital
cinema
and
its
so-called
video
films
have
not
only
allowed
audiovisual
production
to
become
an
accessible
business
and
communication
sector
for
a
growing
number
of
artists
and
reporters
in
the
continent,
but
have
also
contributed
to
the
proliferation
of
indigenous
stories
and,
thus,
of
representations
which
are
constantly
(re)defining
the
meaning
of
contemporary
African
identity.
Just
as
Gambian
scholar
of
African
literature
and
cinema
Dr.
Mbye
Cham
wrote,
cinema
by
Africans
has
grown
steadily
over
this
short
period
of
time
to
become
a
significant
part
of
worldwide
film
movement
aimed
at
constructing
and
promoting
an
alternative
popular
cinema,
one
that
is
more
in
harmony
with
the
realities,
the
experiences,
the
priorities
and
desires
of
the
society
which
it
addresses
(1996:1).
Likewise,
Harding
spoke
of
the
ways
in
which
African
and
British
media
produced
and
presented
visual
images
of
Africa
in
the
first
years
of
the
21st
century
writing,
the
video-movie
[in
Africa]
provides
a
completely
new
genre
which
is
entertaining
and
local
and
which
has
come
about
partly
through
the
availability
of
the
video
[digital]
camera
and
its
ease
of
use
compared
to
film
cameras
and
expensive
film
stock
(Harding,
2003:
82).
In
light
of
Ann
Overberghs
insightful
analysis
on
Kenyas
contemporary
diverse
audiovisual
panorama,
it
becomes
clear
that
this
countrys
heterogeneous
and
multicultural
society
is
today,
more
than
ever,
making
use
of
digital
technologies
to
redefine
itself
from
within.
The
proven
diversity
in
audiovisual
production
and
distribution
in
Kenya
demonstrates
that
there
is
a
growing
sector
that
is
opening
up
new
optimistic
visions
of
technology-based
economic
growth
and
social
development
and,
more
importantly,
generating
a
broader
spectrum
of
observable
local
narratives
that
elucidate
the
complexity
of
Kenyan
society.
This
diversity
promotes
the
existence
of
an
unprecedented
variety
of
local
voices,
which
are
to
be
acknowledged,
documented
and
taken
into
consideration
for
a
clearer
understanding
of
todays
Kenyan
cultural
identities.
Just
as
Overberghs
writing
on
Riverwood,
the
Jitu
Films,
the
urban
underground
cinema
of
Nairobi,
the
Cinemart
and
the
emerging
mobile-handhelds
distribution
models
sheds
light
upon
the
existing
diversity
in
audiovisual
production
and
distribution
formats
in
Kenya,
this
paper
will
explore
the
opportunities
that
digital
cinema
have
created
in
Kibera
and
Mathare,
Nairobis
largest
informal
settlements.
In
the
most
disadvantaged
areas
of
Kenyan
urban
spaces,
organizations
such
as
Hot
Sun
Foundation
or
Slum-TV
have
been
providing
training
to
the
youth
of
the
slum
in
digital
audiovisual
production
and
encouraging
these
young
filmmakers
to
produce
their
own
films
and
video-movies
about
the
reality
they
live.
This
growing
filmography
from
Nairobis
slums
have
inspired
the
creation
of
the
Slum
Film
Festival
(SFF;
www.slumfilmfestival.org),
an
innovative
film-related
cultural
event
that
emerged
in
2011
in
the
two
aforementioned
areas
of
the
Kenyan
capital.
I
posit
that
specific,
innovative
aspects
of
this
event
serve
to
showcase
the
impact
of
digital
technologies
and
digital
cinema
in
the
democratization
and
diversification
of
audiovisual
storytelling
in
Kenya.
In
this
paper
my
definition
of
cinema
is
an
inclusive
one,
comprising
new
technologies,
different
film
formats
and
the
many
screen
media
that
can
be
related
2
to
its
concept.
Likewise,
my
use
of
digital
cinema
is
also
intentionally
broad
and
refers
to
the
different
genres
and
formats
of
presenting
audiovisual
stories
by
making
use
of
computer-based
technologies
and/or
non-analogical
media.
I
will
start
this
paper
with
a
presentation
of
this
new
film
festival
in
Nairobi
and
the
factors
that
influenced
its
birth.
After
this
I
will
comment
on
some
of
the
main
festivals
features
and
on
some
of
main
aspects
that
made
it
possible.
My
analysis
will
also
explain
how
this
festival
reinforces
and
contributes
to
new
urban
identities
in
Nairobi,
particularly
those
of
the
growing
numbers
of
Nairobis
slum
dwellers.
Finally,
armed
with
a
nave
optimism,
I
will
conclude
with
some
general
observations
on
how
these
examples
of
slum
audiovisual
storytelling
are
a
precursor
to
a
prolific
future
for
Kenyan
digital
cinema.
Methodology
and
analytical
positioning
Before
I
introduce
my
methodology,
I
am
obliged
to
acknowledge
my
position
as
both
researcher
and
participant
in
the
case
study/event
that
I
present
here.
The
latter
might
raise
questions
of
positionality
and
objectivity
in
my
research
analysis,
but
I
am
convinced
that
my
double-relationship
with
the
case
of
study
has
given
me
unique
access
to
its
features,
a
clearer
understanding
of
its
social
potential
and
impact,
its
possibilities,
and,
above
all,
its
real
context
of
existence.
As
Overbergh
stated
in
her
study,
very
little
literature
exist
on
Kenyas
audiovisual
industries.
Even
less
writing
has
been
done
on
production
and
consumption
of
cultural
products
in
the
Kenyan
growing
informal
settlement.
For
this
reason,
this
paper
can
be
observed
as
an
initial
interdisciplinary
work
in
which
different
sources
of
information
and
human
experience
are
combined
to
throw
light
on
a
unique
and
emerging
audiovisual
production
and
cultural
practice
in
urban
Kenya.
At
the
same
time,
by
documenting
and
informing
on
a
specific
film
event,
this
paper
will
also
be
framed
in
the
recent
and
growing
field
of
film
festival
studies.
I
used
different
processes
to
obtain
mainly
qualitative
information
about
my
objects
of
analysis.
First,
my
research
on
related
theories
to
these
fields
of
study
allowed
me
to
ground
much
of
my
discussions,
especially
those
about
contemporary
Africa
(digital)
cinema
and
of
identity
formation
through
this
medium.
Second,
my
involvement,
attendance
and
active
participation
in
the
organization
of
the
first
SFF
edition
allowed
me
to
experience
and
contribute
to
the
creation
of
such
a
cultural
event.
As
mentioned
before,
my
double-position
as
a
participant
and
observant
in
this
festival
helped
me
to
obtain
a
clear
view
from
inside
and
to
easily
find
updated
data
about
the
upcoming
second
edition
of
this
event.
Third,
as
part
of
my
specific
fieldwork
for
obtaining
original,
first-hand
qualitative
material,
I
undertook
several
formal
and
informal
interviews
during
and
after
the
celebration
of
the
2011
SFF
edition.
These
interviews
were
mainly
with
participants
and
spectators
of
the
SFF
in
Kibera,
the
biggest
slum
in
Nairobi
and
one
of
the
locations
of
the
film
festival.
Written
notes
of
their
comments
and
3
audio-recorded
interviews
with
these
individuals
were
my
main
forms
of
collecting
data
for
my
study.
One
might
also
say
that
this
paper
is
based
on
the
data
and
the
insight
I
obtained
after
two
full
years
of
work
as
the
cultural
cooperation
assistant
of
AECID
(Spanish
Agency
for
International
Development
Cooperation)
in
Nairobi.
Charged
with
implementing
the
Culture
and
Development
Strategy
of
AECID
in
Kenya
(2007),
I
have
coordinated
different
initiatives
for
the
promotion
of
local
cultural
industries
as
part
of
my
professional
duties.
It
is
this
framework
of
academic
and
professional
experiences
that
has
permitted
me
to
engage
so
closely
with
the
SFF
and
motivated
me
to
study
it
in
greater
depth
with
this
research.
SLUMS
ON
THE
REELS
1
According
to
UN-Habitat
(the
United
Nations
agency
for
human
settlements),
almost
60%
of
Nairobi
population
lives
in
slums
(Bekker,
2012).
With
rapid
urbanization
in
Africa,
this
number
is
growing
every
year.
Despite
the
lack
of
formal
structures,
infrastructures
and
services,
slums
are
the
home
to
growing
numbers
of
Kenyans
and
other
neighboring
African
nationals,
in
which
much
more
can
be
seen
than
just
a
mass
of
undeveloped
mud
without
any
opportunities
of
employment,
social
protection,
adequate
housing,
or
any
form
of
public
services,
as
Adam
W.
Parson
concludes
in
his
book
Mega-slumming,
a
partial
description
of
Kibera,
Nairobis
biggest
shantytown
(2009:
7).
Slums
are
home
to
the
majority
of
the
youth
in
Kenyan
urban
areas,
and
it
is
in
this
environment
that
the
hopes
and
voices
of
new
generations
are
pressed
to
find
alternative
ways
of
expression
and
social
impact.
In
2007
Hot
Sun
Foundation
in
Kibera
and
in
2006
Slum-TV
in
Mathare,
the
two
biggest
slums
in
Nairobi,
started
using
media
and
audiovisual
production
to
develop
youth
talent
and
empower
the
most
disadvantaged
people
in
Nairobi
to
tell
their
stories
through
film.
Hot
Sun
Foundation
considers
that
training
[the
youth]
in
filmmaking
enhances
their
creative
potential,
thereby
creating
role
models
and
leaders
from
within
their
communities
(Hot
Sun,
2007).
Similarly,
Slum-TV
focuses
on
audiovisual
production
and
training
because
its
mandate
is
the
presentation
of
the
true
context
of
Mathare.
This
is
a
wide
spectrum
approach
-covering
the
good
and
not-
so-good
aspects
of
Mathare
(Slum
TV,
2006).
It
is
clear
that
for
these
two
organizations,
filmmaking
and
audiovisual
story-telling
are
a
creative
way
to
empower
the
youth
and
to
counteract
the
simplistic
and
misinformed
representation
about
slums
and
slum
dwellers
often
aired
by
mainstream
media.
From
these
film
schools
in
the
slums,
a
new
Nairobis
digital
film
production
has
emerged
in
the
last
years,
which
gave
birth
to
the
idea
of
promoting
a
specific
film
event
of
and
for
these
informal
human
settlements.
This
initiative
was
imagined
as
1
This
was
the
main
slogan
used
during
the
first
edition
of
the
Slum
Film
Festival.
It
condenses
the
philosophy of this cultural event in which cinema is both from and for the slums.
4
a
way
to
both
spread
and
promote
these
indigenous
cultural
products
created
from
within,
but
also
to
acknowledge
and
publicly
identify
the
young,
upcoming
talents
of
the
ghettos.
Attempting
to
bring
African
films
closer
to
their
primary
audience2,
I
was
also
considering
the
idea
of
organizing
free
public
African
cinema
screenings
in
some
of
Nairobis
slums
as
part
of
the
cultural
cooperation
activities
of
the
Embassy
of
Spain
in
Kenya.
My
intent
was
to
offer
new
cultural
experiences
to
the
most
disadvantaged
urban
communities
in
Nairobi,
but
also
to
get
Kenyan
audiences
to
consume
some
of
the
most
internationally
acknowledged
African
audiovisual
products.
However,
the
more
I
researched
the
possibility
of
organizing
free
public
African
film
screenings
in
the
informal
settlements,
the
more
I
realized
that
besides
offering
visual
entertainment,
internationally
acclaimed
productions
from
South
Africa,
Senegal
or
Ghana,
to
name
just
a
few
examples,
would
not
generate
any
major
effects
in
the
local
audience.
However,
after
several
constructive
conversations
with
Mr.
Sam
Hopkins
(co-funder
of
SlumTV),
Ms.
Mercy
Murugi
(director
of
the
Kibera
Film
School
and
executive
director
of
Hot
Sun
Foundation),
Mr.
Kenneth
Wendo
(Slum
TV
programme
coordinator)
and
Mr.
Josphat
Keya
(Hot
Sun
Foundation
project
coordinator),
I
supported
the
idea
of
fostering
cultural
activities
with
which
slum
dwellers
could
easily
identify
and
from
which
they
could
also
get
inspired.
This
project
was
further
developed
by
the
implication
and
dedication
of
the
members
of
Hot
Sun
Foundation
and
SlumTV
from
March
2011
until
the
beginning
of
its
pilot
edition
later
in
August3.
As
stated
in
the
press
conference
launch
in
Nairobi4
in
August
2011
and
in
all
the
public
information
material
of
the
first
edition:
The
SFF
is
a
pilot
film
event
that
will
focus
on
movies
made
by
and
about
the
slums.
This
first
edition
will
pay
special
attention
to
the
images
of
slums
around
Nairobi,
with
the
vision
of
expansion
to
include
films
from
other
slums
around
the
world
in
future
celebrations.
[]
This
event
does
not
want
to
legitimize
the
existence
of
these
informal
human
settlements,
but
to
raise
more
public
attention
while
changing
peoples
perspectives
towards
these
spaces
and
the
people
who
live
in
them.
(SFF,
2011a)
2
As
Mozambican
filmmaker
and
Dokanema
Maputo
documentary
film
festival
director
said
once
at
Tarifa
African
Film
Festival:
The
biggest
paradox
of
African
cinema
is
that
of
not
being
able
to
be
confronted
with
its
own
organic
audience
with
the
African
spectators
(Pimenta,
2009).
3
The
first
edition
of
the
SFF
was
officially
founded
and
organized
by
Slum
TV
(www.slum-tv.org),
Hot
Sun
Foundation
and
its
joint
organizations
Kibera
Film
School
and
Kibera
TV
(www.hotsunfoundation.org),
and
the
Embassy
of
Spain
in
Kenya/AECID
(Spanish
Agency
of
International
Development
Cooperation).
It
also
counted
with
the
collaboration
of
Film
Aid,
the
Mathare
Spacial
Training
Centre
and
the
Nairobi
Art
Centre
(SFF,
2011a).
It
was
run
on
a
very
small
budget
of
approximately
600.000
Kenyan
Shilling
(equivalent
to
circa
5,500
Euros).
Half
of
this
budget
was
donated
by
the
AECID
cultural
funds
of
the
Embassy
of
Spain,
while
the
other
half
was
given
in
kind
by
the
aforementioned
implementing
and
collaborating
organizations.
4
The
first
SFF
press
conference
was
celebrated
at
the
premises
of
the
Embassy
of
Spain
in
Nairobi
on
Thursday
4th
August
2011.
In
this
media
event
the
following
representative
spoke
on
behalf
of
the
involved
supporting
institutions
and
organizations:
Mr.
Javier
Herrera,
Ambassador
of
Spain
to
Kenya;
Ms.
Mercy
Murugi,
Executive
Director
of
Hotsun
Foundation;
Mr.
Kenneth
Wendo,
Programme
Coordinator
of
SlumTV;
and
Ms.
Alex
Percival,
Director
of
The
Nairobi
Art
Centre.
5
The
first
SFF
took
place
from
8th
to
21st
August
2011
at
the
Kamakunji
and
Mabatini
community
open-grounds,
the
two
main
open-air
public
spaces
in
the
shantytowns
of
Kibera
and
Mathare
respectively.
In
two
weeks
full
of
activities,
the
event
attracted
more
than
3,000
people
to
the
programmed
screenings
and
parallel
events
in
each
slum5.
As
stated
in
the
mission
of
SFF,
the
cinematic
programme
of
the
event
in
2011
was
to
consist
of
films
of
different
genres,
made
by
slum
filmmakers
which
gave
a
realistic
representation
of
the
reality
of
a
slum.
A
total
of
50
films
meeting
these
criteria
were
selected
and
projected
onto
large
screens
in
these
venues,
demonstrating
the
current
consistency
and
variety
of
this
incipient
slum
filmography.
In
addition
to
the
film
program,
a
series
of
complementary
parallel
activities
were
organized
throughout
the
festival
days
to
make
this
first
festival
in
the
slums
a
stage
for
other
local
artists
to
share
their
talent,
messages,
and
artistic
style
with
their
community.
In
both
slums,
a
morning
filmmaking
workshop
was
offered
to
a
group
of
12
young
students
from
these
shantytowns.
Celebrated
at
the
premises
of
Hot
Sun
Foundation
in
Kibera
and
the
Special
Training
Centre
in
Mathare,
this
educational
activity
gave
these
youth
the
opportunity
to
learn
how
to
visually
tell
a
story
using
digital
technologies
(digital
cameras
of
different
kinds).
Employing
the
theme
My
World
and
Who
I
am,
this
introductory
workshop
allowed
these
groups
of
SFF
participants
to
produce
their
own
short
films
for
the
first
time,
fulfilling
one
of
the
primary
aims
of
the
festival:
promoting
interest
in
filmmaking
within
the
youth
in
the
slums,
enabling
them
to
use
it
as
a
tool
of
development
and
self-
representation
for
the
people
in
the
slums
and
creating
access
to
the
media
as
skills
for
the
same
(SFF,
2011b).
Other
initiatives
such
as
a
free
art
workshop6
and
stage
performances
by
local
artists7
were
scheduled
in
the
morning
and
early
afternoon
hours
before
the
daily
evening
film
screenings.
In
all
of
these
complementary
cultural
activities,
the
local
participating
artists
offered
all
the
performances
and
shows
without
requesting
artist
fees
or
allowances.
While
some
would
say
that
this
is
an
inappropriate
practice
in
an
environment
that
attempts
to
create
a
viable
and
sustainable
creative
industry
in
the
slums,
it
can
also
be
viewed
as
a
genuine
engagement
of
the
community
in
a
new
cultural
initiative
that,
for
the
first
time,
was
owned
by
the
slums
and
for
the
slums.
5
This
figure
is
a
realistic
and
prudent
estimation
of
the
general
audience
that
attended
some
of
the
daily
SFF
public
activities
in
each
slum.
The
final
number
has
been
calculated
by
multiplying
an
average
daily
audience
of
500
people
in
each
of
the
6
days
of
public
open-air
screenings.
6
The
2011
SFF
Art
Workshop
was
offered
by
the
Nairobi
Art
Centre
(a
private
school
in
Nairobi)
and
taught
the
initial
steps
of
hand-drawing
and
painting
to
young
students
from
Kibera
and
Mathare
on
the
9th
and
18th
of
August
2011.
7
More
than
30
groups
of
local
artists
performed
on
the
SFF
stage
from
2
to
6pm
every
day
of
the
festival
before
the
evening
film
screenings.
Some
these
performances
and
shows
during
the
2011
SFF
programme
were:
Mc
Jahill
Open-Mic
sessions,
the
Pillars
of
Kibera
acrobats,
Mathares
Tremaz
drama,
the
dances
of
Kibera
Hamlets
or
Nairobi
Ngoma,
or
the
concerts
of
Kuruka
Maisha,
B52
Music,
John
and
the
Band,
and
Lady
P.
6
After
sundown
in
Nairobi
when
the
slum
community
open-grounds
became
dark
enough
to
start
projecting
films,
the
SFF
commenced
the
magical
experience
of
showing
a
movie
on
the
big
inflatable
screen.
Large
groups
of
children
sat
on
the
floor
in
the
first
lines,
close
to
the
screen,
while
hundreds
of
people
of
different
ages
stood
standing,
even
from
a
distance,
to
watch
the
movies.
Although
this
was
not
the
first
time
that
people
in
the
slum
saw
a
movie
on
the
big
screen,
it
was
one
of
the
first
times
that
they
saw
their
own
narratives
on
the
big
screen.
The
film
selection
of
the
first
SFF
showed
50
different
movies
made
in
Nairobis
slums
or
by
slum
filmmakers.
The
genres
of
these
indigenous
audiovisual
projects
and
products
were
diverse
ranging
from
professionally
produced
feature-length
films,
to
short
personal
testimonials
made
by
the
filmmaking
workshop
students.
Despite
this
diversity,
about
90%
of
the
film
programme
was
formed
by
short
films,
mainly
related
to
the
Kibera
Film
School
students
work,
Slum-TV
collaborative
projects
or
other
audiovisual
productions
made
by
independent
young
filmmakers
who
received
funding
from
non-for-profit,
cultural
or
aid
organizations
working
in
these
slums8.
The
first
edition
of
the
SFF
also
screened
three
recent,
internationally
awarded
Kenyan
films
shot
in
Kibera 9 .
Every
screening
also
included
a
few
explanatory
words
from
the
filmmakers
or
local
participants
in
these
productions.
The
upcoming
SFF
edition,
now
under
preparation,
will
also
showcase
East
African
slum-related
productions
from
slums
of
the
countries
of
the
East
African
Community
-
Uganda,
Rwanda,
Tanzania
and
Burundi.
To
broaden
the
representational
space
of
the
SFF,
the
organization
has
opened
a
call
for
entries
within
the
following
official
competitive
categories:
Short
film
drama
(duration:
maximum
20
minutes);
Short
film
documentary
(20
minutes);
PSA
-
Public
Service
Announcement
(maximum
1
min);
Music
Video
(maximum
5
min);
and
Community
News
-
reporting
or
feature
(maximum
10
min).
Other
slum-related
film
genres
outside
these
features
will
be
also
considered,
but
for
the
non-competitive
film
categories.
The
festival
specificity:
audiovisual
trends
and
human
impact
The
SFF
represents
an
innovative
cultural
initiative
through
which
traditionally
disenfranchised
urban
communities
are
given
a
platform
to
be
heard
by
a
wider
audience,
represent
their
viewpoints,
and
command
a
more
positive
attention
of
the
media.
In
light
of
the
SFF
movie
categories,
the
film
festival
is
a
groundbreaking
event
in
the
world
of
film
because
its
cinematic
programme
represents
the
audiovisual
trends
of
a
specific
contemporary
African
cultural
urban
environment
and
its
emergent
film
industry.
The
short
formats
of
these
competitive
film
categories
8
Some
of
these
organizations
are
the
Mwelu
Foundation
(www.mwelu.org),
FilmAid,
and
USAid,
among
others.
9
These
internationally
recognized
Kenyan
films
were
the
feature-length
social
tragedy
Togetherness
Supreme
(made
by
Nathan
Collett),
the
urban
legend
fictional
movie
Soul
Boy
(by
Hawa
Essuman)
and
the
docu-fiction
social
drama
Ndoto
Za
Elibidi
(made
by
Nick
Reding
and
Kamau
Wa
Ndungu).
7
define
the
predominant
production
and
consumption
of
audiovisual
texts
in
Kenyan
slums,
which
generally
lack
a
solid
indigenous
cinema
and
an
audiovisual
exhibition
infrastructure.
In
all
of
the
long
interviews
that
were
carried
out
while
researching
film
culture
in
the
slums,
the
young
interviewees
consistently
stated
that
the
main
commercial
venues
in
which
cinema
is
consumed
in
the
slums
are
the
video-halls
-
exhibition
rooms
where
different
kind
of
films
are
commercially
shown
on
TV
screens
to
medium
to
small
audiences
(Aka,
2012;
Omondi,
2012;
Onyango,
2012).
The
dominant
method
of
cinema
consumption
in
Nairobis
slums,
however,
occurs
in
private
spaces,
since
most
residences
in
the
slum
have
a
television
equipped
with
a
DVD-player.
This,
of
course,
creates
an
environment
in
which
cinema
is
not
a
social
experience,
but
a
private
activity
mainly
related
to
the
consumption
of
pirated
foreign
movies
that
slum
dwellers
can
find
at
affordable
prices
in
the
local
markets.
The
SFF
challenges
these
conventional
methods
of
cinema
consumption
by
the
sheer
force
of
its
format
open,
social
screenings,
in
which
the
audience
shares
a
common
cinematic
experience
-
an
experience,
no
less,
showcasing
the
recent
slum
film
production
to
its
own
community
on
a
regularly
scheduled
basis
for
the
first
time.
An
anonymous
23
years-old
Kiberian
gave
the
format
a
generally
positive
review
saying
that
he
liked
the
way
they
screen
films
during
the
SFF
(SFF,
2011c).
However,
Ronald
Omondi,
a
23
year-old
Kiberian
who
participated
in
the
events
film
workshop,
offered
a
stronger
opinion
on
the
SFFs
contribution
to
the
community
stating
that
the
SFF
is
like
a
platform
for
every
youth,
since
young
people
get
to
discover
what
is
happening
in
filmmaking
in
the
slums
(Omondi,
2012).
Omondi
further
added
that,
it
is
important
that
the
SFF
showcases
films
about
and
made
in
the
slums
because,
contrarily
to
those
films
that
we
can
see
in
the
video-halls,
these
films
are
made
by
people
who
have
not
achieved
their
dreams
yet.
The
SFF
gives
the
people
who
have
not
reached
that
level
of
recognition
a
place
and
a
chance
to
express
themselves
and
their
talent
(2012).
Because
of
all
this,
it
can
be
observed
that
this
film
event
does
not
only
create
a
structure
for
a
new
and
diverse
filmography
from
the
most
populated
and
yet
underserved
urban
areas
of
Nairobi,
but
it
also
generates
a
new
cultural
experience
for
slum
dwellers
to
define
their
own
identity.
The
SFF
seems
clearly
to
be
one
of
the
first
platforms
for
(digital)
cinema
from
and
for
the
informal
human
settlements.
When
I
asked
the
community
journalist
and
member
of
Kibera-TV
Roy
Paul
Onyango
Okello
about
the
relevance
of
strengthening
[through
the
SFF]
the
feelings
of
belonging
of
Kiberians
to
Kibera,
he
felt
that
it
was
an
important
goal
because
the
SFF
is
installing
confidence
in
people
in
the
slums.
It
shows
people
something
like
that
common
saying
shared
by
many
slum
artists:
Its
only
our
roofs
that
are
rusted,
but
not
our
brains
(Onyango,
2012).
Chris
Olwenyi
Aka,
a
24-year-old
community-radio
presenter
from
Kibera,
shared
the
sentiment:
People
normally
think
that,
by
coming
to
the
slums,
they
will
only
meet
criminals
and
they
will
find
themselves
in
danger.
The
SFF
will
change
their
perspectives
and
it
will
also
give
feedback
to
the
people
of
the
slums
(Aka,
2012).
These
observations
evince
the
extreme
though
tacit
tension
between
the
external
and
8
internal
perceptions
of
slums
and
slum
dwellers,
caused
by
the
misinformed
representations
of
slums
by
mainstream
media
and
NGO-related
reporting.
Informal
settlements
(or
more
colloquially,
slums)
lacking
clean
water,
electricity,
sanitation
and
other
basic
services
and
infrastructure,
regrettably
adhere
to
the
descriptions
of
the
UN-Habitat
report:
Since
it
first
appeared
in
the
1820s,
the
word
slum
has
been
used
to
identify
the
poorest
quality
housing,
and
the
most
unsanitary
conditions;
a
refuge
for
marginal
activities
including
crime,
vice
and
drug
abuse;
a
likely
source
for
many
epidemics
that
ravaged
urban
areas;
a
place
apart
from
all
that
was
decent
and
wholesome.
Today,
the
catchall
term
slum
is
loose
and
deprecatory.
It
has
many
connotations
and
meanings
and
is
seldom
used
by
the
more
sensitive,
politically
correct,
and
academically
rigorous.
But
in
developing
countries,
the
word
lacks
the
pejorative
and
divisive
original
connotation,
and
simply
refers
to
lower
quality
or
informal
housing.
The
term
slum
is
used
in
the
Report
to
describe
a
wide
range
of
low-income
settlements
and
poor
human
living
conditions.
A
simple
definition
of
a
slum
would
be
a
heavily
populated
urban
area
characterised
by
substandard
housing
and
squalor.
(UN-Habitat,
2007)
However,
even
today
and
even
from
within
Nairobis
urban
life
(as
I
stated
above,
a
city
with
unfortunately
growing
slums),
slum
dwellers
are
still
often
perceived
as
holders
of
those
negative
and
pejorative
qualities
related
to
this
concept.
Commenting
on
the
influence
of
the
urban
slum
environment
in
the
lives
of
its
inhabitants,
Chris
Olwenyi
Aka
believes
that
this
term
can
be
interpreted
very
differently,
especially
when
repossessed
by
its
own
community:
For
me,
in
an
art
way,
the
word
SLUM
means
Simple
Living
and
Uplifting
Mind,
while
GHETTO,
as
we
also
call
these
areas,
means
Getting
High
Education
To
Teach
Others
or
getting
life-skills
to
teach
others.
[]Even
if
you
are
from
a
slum
and
you
come
from
the
poorest
environment,
you
always
have
something
positive
to
show
out.
[]
In
some
ways,
this
event
[the
SFF]
affects
the
way
people
feel
that
they
belong
to
this
slum.
It
has
an
impact,
since
slums
have
always
been
portrayed
in
a
bad
way,
but
when
you
emphasize
on
the
positive,
it
can
also
build
up
people
(Aka,
2012)
Akas
comments
reflect
the
impact
that
such
a
cultural
event
can
have
in
the
daily
lives
of
the
most
disadvantaged
urban
areas,
its
own
primary
and
organic
audience.
By
showing
different
audiovisual
local
stories
to
its
own
community,
the
SFF
can
reinforce
social
integration
and
identification
within
slum
communities,
resulting
in
the
construction
of
more
solid
urban
cultural
identities.
To
better
understand
the
relations
between
cinema
and
identity
formation,
a
look
at
Stuart
Halls
theories
and
the
way
cultural
identities
are
formed
can
be
9
clarifying.
Though
a
theoretical
presentation
might
seem
a
digression,
it
will
be
useful
in
clarifying
our
papers
conclusions.
INTERMISSION:
A
look
into
identity
and
cinematic
representation
While
the
term
identity
theoretically
refers
to
who
a
person
is,
or
the
qualities
of
a
person
or
group
which
make
them
different
from
others
(Cambridge
Dictionary,
2009),
Stuart
Hall
argues
that
the
production
or
creation
process
of
cultural
identities
can
only
be
understood
as
the
result
of
a
process
of
representation.
In
other
words,
according
to
Hall,
any
definition
about
the
concept
of
identity
can
only
appear
in
the
individual
or
social
act
of
construction
of
meanings,
which
is
constantly
in
evolution
and
therefore
never
absolutely
complete.
In
this
production
of
meanings,
furthermore,
filmmaking
and
cinema
play,
like
other
major
mass
cultural
forms,
a
central
role.
Following
Halls
theories,
instead
of
thinking
of
identity
as
an
already
accomplished
historical
fact,
which
the
new
cinematic
discourses
then
represent,
identity
should
be
observed,
instead,
as
production,
which
is
never
complete,
always
in
process,
and
always
constituted
within,
not
outside,
representation.
(Hall,
1996:
210)
From
this
important
premise
for
any
analysis
dealing
with
identity
in
cinematic
representations,
the
Jamaican
sociologist
and
cultural
theorist
continues
explaining
that
cultural
identity
can
mainly
be
conceived
under
two
different
perspectives
or
ways
of
thinking.
The
first
position
observes
identity
in
relation
to
the
idea
of
one,
shared
culture,
a
sort
of
collective
one
true
self,
[]
which
people
with
a
shared
history
and
ancestry
hold
in
common
(Hall,
1996:
211).
The
second
way
of
conceiving
cultural
identity
is,
according
to
Hall,
that
which
involves
the
ideas
of
differences
and
discontinuities,
a
perspective
which
brings
special
attention
to
the
interrelated
notions
of
history,
transformation,
narratives,
construction
and
positioning.
In
this
second
assumption
therefore,
cultural
identity
is
not
considered
as
a
universally
defined
element
existing
a
priori,
but
it
is
a
transforming
position
that
acquires
its
own
(personal)
meanings
in
relation
to
the
discourses
of
history
and
culture,
both
individually
and
collectively
perceived:
This
second
position
recognizes
that,
as
well
as
the
many
points
of
similarity,
there
are
also
critical
points
of
deep
and
significant
difference
which
constitute
what
we
really
are:
or
rather
since
history
has
intervened
what
we
have
become.
Cultural
identity,
in
this
second
sense,
[...]
is
not
something
which
already
exists,
transcending
place,
time,
history,
and
culture.
Cultural
identities
come
from
somewhere,
have
histories.
But,
like
everything
which
is
historical,
they
undergo
constant
transformation.
Far
from
being
eternally
fixed
in
some
essentialized
past,
they
are
subject
to
continuous
play
of
history,
culture,
and
power.
Far
from
being
grounded
in
a
mere
recovery
of
the
past,
which
is
waiting
to
be
found,
and
which,
when
found,
will
secure
our
sense
of
ourselves
into
eternity,
identities
are
the
10
names
we
give
to
the
different
ways
we
are
positioned
by,
and
position
ourselves
within,
the
narratives
of
the
past.
[...]
In
this
perspective,
cultural
identity
is
not
a
fixed
essence
at
all,
lying
unchanged
outside
history
and
culture.
It
is
not
some
universal
and
transcendental
spirit
inside
us
on
which
history
has
made
no
fundamental
mark.
It
is
not
once-and-for-all.
[...]
It
is
always
constructed
through
memory,
fantasy,
narrative,
and
myth.
(Hall,
1996:
212-213)
ACTION:
(film)making
Nairobis
slum
identity
Halls
framework
for
the
construction
of
cultural
identities
is
a
particularly
apt
lens
through
which
we
can
view
the
relationship
between
the
SFF
and
an
evolving
slum
cultural
identity.
The
messages
of
the
programmed
films,
when
viewed
by
the
communities
in
which
they
were
filmed,
reinforce
an
individual
and
collective
memory,
fantasy,
narrative
and
myth.
This
creation
of
a
new
urban
identity
through
each
one
of
these
factors
(memory,
fantasy,
narrative,
and
myth)
is
best
illustrated
by
looking
at
some
of
the
selected
films
in
the
first
SFF.
One
Goal,
One
Hope
is
a
touching
documentary
by
Jeff
Mohammed,
that
shows
the
inspiring
life
story
of
a
man
from
Mathare
who
lost
a
leg
to
polio
yet
continues
to
pursue
his
dream
of
playing
football.
In
showcasing
the
life
condition
of
many
residents
of
the
slum,
this
film
demonstrates
the
use
of
audiovisual
storytelling
in
creating
memory
and
social
consciousness
about
the
realities
of
the
slums
and
their
individuals.
The
docu-fictional
short
Poa
Rowe,
also
made
by
J.
Mohammed,
tells
the
imaginary
story
of
an
anthropomorphized
river
in
Mathare
who
speaks
to
a
young
child
concerned
by
the
environmental
degradation
of
his
neighborhood.
Shot
in
Kiswahili
and
local
Sheng
slang 10 ,
this
movie
can
be
interpreted
as
a
representation
of
fantasies
that
are
also
participating
in
the
construction
of
a
specific
slum
identity.
Sita
Kimya,
a
participatory
community
video-film
shot
in
Kibera,
follows
the
lives
of
perpetrators
and
victims
of
sexual
and
gender-based
violence.
While
fulfilling
purposes
of
social
sensitization,
this
movie
can
be
seen
as
a
form
of
documenting
a
specific
slum
narrative
or
social
(hi)story.
Last
Moment,
a
fictional
short
made
by
Victor
Oluoch
from
Kibera,
tells
the
tormented
love
story
of
Suzan,
a
Kiberian
who
discovers
the
dirty
games
played
by
her
secret
admirer,
which
affects
her
first
love
relationship
at
her
18th
birthday
celebration.
Similarly,
the
courageous
short
film
Silent
Battle,
directed
by
Josphat
Keya,
talks
about
the
struggles
of
16-year
old
Vinnie
who
tries
to
find
help
in
knowing
more
about
his
homosexuality.
While
focusing
on
individual
stories
and
10
Sheng
is
a
Swahili-based
patois
or
slang-based
language,
originating
in
Nairobis
slum
and
suburban
areas,
and
influenced
by
the
many
tribal
languages
spoken
there.
Primarily
a
language
of
urban
youths,
the
word
is
coined
from
the
two
words
-
(S)wahili
and
(Eng)lish.
11
human
sentiments,
these
productions
try
to
challenge
social
preconceptions
and
deconstruct
myths
of
these
slum
communities.
Finally,
based
on
the
true
events
and
the
ethnic
conflict
of
2007
Kenyan
Post-
election
violence,
the
feature
length
docu-drama
Togetherness
Supreme,
directed
by
Nathan
Collett
and
produced
by
members
of
the
Kibera
Film
School,
engages
with
an
important
part
of
recent
Kenyan
history
from
the
perspective
of
slum
dwellers.
While
exploring
the
difficulties
of
Kamau
and
Otieno,
two
Kiberian
friends
affected
by
the
tragic
historical
events,
this
movie
represents
a
specific
slum
narrative
with
which
a
crucial
episode
of
slum
history
is
re-thought
and
shaped
into
slum
identities.
While
the
previous
examples
clearly
demonstrate
the
role
of
memory,
fantasy,
narrative,
and
myth
in
identity
construction,
this
novel
slum
filmography
can
also
be
observed
as
the
one
of
the
first
phases
of
a
prolific
slum
audiovisual
culture
that
speaks
of
what
the
slums
might
have
become
(Hall,
1996)
and
how
people
in
the
slum
are
engaging
with
this
process
of
cultural
identity
construction.
The
novelty
of
the
SFF
lies
in
the
fact
that
the
myriad
stories
contained
in
these
films
negate
the
monolithic
and
simplistic
perception
of
the
slum
by
those
who
are
not
familiar
with
these
human
settlements.
By
contrast,
these
representations
are
more
realistic
and
constructive
in
shaping
the
cultural
identity
of
these
often-forgotten
urban
spaces.
And
by
challenging
these
perceptions
and
making
the
realistic
representations
more
visible
both
internally
and
externally,
the
SFF
will
make
this
identity
construction
process
more
prolific,
elaborate
and
solid.
FINALE:
Towards
conclusions
With
no
doubt,
the
key
factor
in
innovating
and
diversifying
the
field
of
audiovisual
storytelling
in
Kenya
has
been
the
advent
of
digital
technologies.
In
no
other
sector
of
Kenyan
society
is
this
more
evident
than
in
the
most
disenfranchised
areas
of
Nairobi,
the
slums.
The
SFF
has
become
one
of
the
most
significant
examples
of
how
slum
artists
have
started
to
redefine
their
own
representations
and
identities
through
this
medium.
And
in
this
self-creation
of
identity,
the
slums
are
offered
a
fresh
and
cohesive
point
of
view
of
their
own
realities
one
of
hope
and
positive
reflections
through
which
inspiration,
integration
and
identification
generate
self-
confidence
in
oneself
and
ones
community.
Nevertheless,
it
is
important
to
highlight
that
film
is
but
one
of
the
many
cultural
products
that
create
slum
identity.
According
to
all
the
interviewees,
the
most
influential
indigenous
cultural
form
at
present
is
music,
with
local
hip-hop
concerts
being
among
the
most
demanded
and
consumed
cultural
products
in
the
slum.
Outstanding
as
an
unprecedented
local
initiative,
the
SFF
is
in
its
nascent
stages
and
it
is
hence
unclear
how
slum
digital
cinema
will
continue
to
evolve
and
how
this
will
affect
the
diverse
Kenyan
audiovisual
panorama.
What
is
clear,
however,
is
that
the
SFF
has
emerged
and,
with
it,
a
slum
filmography
has
actively
started
to
shape
new
urban
cultural
identities
in
Nairobi.
Observing
this
promising
beginning,
the
slum
digital
cinema
contains
great
potential
to
become
a
dominant
audiovisual
production
with
its
own
specific
formats
and
genres
which
will
12
certainly
develop
in
harmony
with
the
technological
innovations
and
the
diversification
of
audiovisual
storytelling
described
by
Ann
Overbergh
in
her
paper.
Finally,
it
is
important
to
clarify
that
the
SFF
has
been
possible
thanks
to
the
existence
of
cultural
organizations
such
as
Hot
Sun
Foundation
and
Slum-TV
in
which
a
slum
filmography
has
been
able
to
materialize.
The
existence
of
such
cultural
industrys
promoters
in
Kibera
and
Mathare
is
what
makes
these
slums
among
the
best-served
informal
settlements
in
Kenya.
That
these
cultural
organizations
are
only
in
the
aforementioned
slums
makes
slum
filmmaking
a
unique
experience
that
unfortunately
is
not
generalizable
to
slums
with
a
more
resource-poor
arts
scene.
In
the
case
of
the
latter,
the
slum
cinema
and
the
SFF
ought
to
become
an
inspiration
for
these
other
slums
and,
as
the
festivals
mission
suggests,
also
for
all
those
other
East
African,
African
or
world
informal
settlements
in
which
similar
realities
exist.
The
audiovisual
digital
production
from
the
slums
of
Nairobi
is
diverse
and
heterogeneous,
with
many
different
stories
that
explore
and
engage
with
what
being
a
slum
dweller
in
a
contemporary
global
city
like
todays
Nairobi
means.
With
its
own
evolution,
its
aims
and
its
features,
its
plans
and
ideals,
its
memories,
fantasies,
narratives
and
myths,
in
only
one
year
and
a
half
the
SFF
has
become
a
groundbreaking
cultural
platform
for
the
voices
of
the
globally
urban
oppressed.
Only
time
will
say
how
this
event
will
evolve
and
how
it
will
affect
human
development
and
digital
cinema
in
the
slums
in
the
future,
but
the
SFF
will
definitely
stand
as
a
milestone
for
the
recognition
of
Nairobis
most
disadvantaged
urban
communities
and
their
invisible
cultural
identities.
13
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15