Vous êtes sur la page 1sur 27

From Participant Observation to the Observation of Participation: The Emergence of Narrative

Ethnography
Author(s): Barbara Tedlock
Source: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 47, No. 1 (Spring, 1991), pp. 69-94
Published by: University of New Mexico
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3630581
Accessed: 10-08-2015 20:42 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

University of New Mexico is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Anthropological
Research.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
FROMPARTICIPANTOBSERVATIONTOTHE
OBSERVATIONOF PARTICIPATION:
THE
EMERGENCEOF NARRATIVE ETHNOGRAPHY1
BarbaraTedlock
ofAnthropology,
Department of NewYorkat Buffalo,
StateUniversity
NY14261
Buffalo,

Beginningin the 1970s therehas beena shiftin culturalanthropological methodology


fromparticiant observation towardtheobservation ofparticiation.Duringparticipant
observationethnographers attemptto be bothemotionally engagedparticipants and coolly
dispassionateobserversof thelivesof others.In theobservationofparticipation, ethnog-
raphersbothexperience and observetheirownand others'coparticipation withintheeth-
nographicencounter.
Theshiftfromtheonemethodology totheotherentailsa representational
transformationin which,insteadof a choicebetweenwritingan ethnographic memoir
centeringon theSelf or a standardmonograph centeringon theOther,boththeSelf and
Otherarepresentedtogether withina singlenarrative
ethnography,focusedon thecharacter
andprocessof theethnographic dialogue.

OF anthropologyis populatedby fourarchetypes:the


THE MYTHICHISTORY
amateurobserver,the armchair the professional
anthropologist, ethnographer,
and the "gonenative"fieldworker.Eighteenth-and earlynineteenth-century
amateuraccounts-writtenby explorers,travelers,medicaldoctors,colonial
officers,missionaries,andtheidlerich-providedthematerialsforthe armchair
ruminationsof late nineteenth-century It was not untilafter
anthropologists.
the FirstWorldWarthatacademically trainedethnographers, in anynumbers,
began undertaking intensive fieldwork and constructingethnographicinfor-
mation.2 It was in this shattered, nihilistic
world-which gave birthto the Jazz
Age with its bobbed hairand bathtub gin-that valuewas placed
intellectual
on travelingto distantplaces in orderto studyandreconstitutea humaneorder
out of devastationanddisorder.
In the Frenchtradition,the emphasiswas on team research,usinga doc-
umentaryapproach.3 The Britishandthe Americantraditionsemphasizedin-
dividualresearch,using an experientialapproachthat was labelledwith the
oxymoron"participant observation."4There is no doubtbut thatthis peculiar
methodologicalstance causes stress, for as BenjaminPaul (1953:441)has
noted, "Participation impliesemotionalinvolvement;observationrequiresde-
tachment.It is a strainto try to sympathizewithothersandat the sametime
striveforscientificobjectivity." Thissimultaneously empathetic,yet distancing,
methodology,whichis widelybelievedby ethnographers to producedatathat
somehowreflectthe native'sown pointof view, in time becamethe principal
mode of productionfor anthropologicalknowledge.5
Ever since Malinowski (1922[1961]:25) suggested that an ethnographer's
goal should be "to grasp the native's point of view, his relationto life, to realize

69

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
70 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

his visionof his world,"there has been an expectationthatparticipant obser-


vationwouldlead to "humanunderstanding" througha fieldworker's learning
to think,see, feel, andsometimeseven behaveas a native.Sincewe canonly
enter into anotherperson'sworldthroughcommunication, we dependupon
ethnographic dialogue to create a worldof shared andto reach
intersubjectivity
an understanding of the differencesbetweentwo worlds.6In orderto accom-
plishthisformof humanunderstanding, it is necessaryto undertakeanengaged
period of fieldwork. It is this experiencethat has become the professional
ethnographer's necessaryinitiation-variouslyreferredto as a pubertyrite,
ritualordeal,or ritedepassage.7
Ethnographers whohavelearnednot onlythe languagebutalsoappropriate
behavior(includingnonverbalcommunication codes) have been transformed,
sometimesquiteradically,by theirfieldworkexperience.In his ethnography,
PokerFaces, DavidHayano(1982:149)reveals thathe becameso immersed
in the subcultureof California pokerplayersthat "withinseveralyears I had
virtuallybecome one of the peopleI wantedto study!"LizaCrihfieldDalby
not only took on the socialrole of a geisha (a charmingerotic entertainer)
duringher fieldworkinJapan,but she also claimsto have becomeone in both
bodyandspirit.8Herassertionthatshe learnedto thinkandbehaveas a geisha
suggests the "gonenative"archetypeof the anthropological imagination. How-
ever, since she also publishedan ethnographic memoirabouther fieldwork
experience,Geisha(1983),she mightmoreaccuratelybe describedas having
"gone native"culturally,but not socially,or, better yet, as havingbecome
bicultural.In other words, while Dalbybecamea geisha in Japanto an im-
pressive degree, she didnot totallyabandonher ethnographic role andstatus
backin the UnitedStates.
The numberof fieldworkerswho have givenup anthropology altogetherin
orderto jointhe flowof lifeelsewhereis very small.Perhapsthe mostfamous
case of a "gonenative"fieldworker is thatof GermanscholarCurtUnkel,who
went to Brazilearlyin this centuryto studythe Indiansof the Amazonregion
andnever returned.Althoughhe was adoptedintoa tribalgroupandtook the
Guaraniname Nimuendajti, he maintained a house in the city of Beldm.He
also wrote a series of ethnographic manuscriptsandaskedthe Americanan-
thropologistRobertLowieforhelpbothin publishing his workandin obtaining
a researchgrantto continuehis fieldstudies.Anothercandidatefor the "gone
native"awardis FrankHamiltonCushing.Duringhis fouryears of fieldwork
at ZuniPueblo,he was initiatedas a warpriest,buthe nonethelesscontinued
to do fieldworkandpublisheda numberof ethnographic works-includingan
early narrative account of the fieldwork experience(Cushing1882-83). Even-
tually,he marrieda whitewomanandleft Zunito settle on the East Coast.A
thirdcandidateis VerrierElwin,an Englishmanwho went to India,married
intoa tribe,becameanIndiancitizen(evena close confidant of Mahatma Gandhi
andJawaharlal Nehru),andwas recognizedas a pioneerIndiananthropologist.
He publisheda series of extraordinarily detailedethnographies muchadmired
in bothIndiaandEngland.
For these individuals,fieldworkwas not a rite of passage, or route to an

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
EMERGENCE ETHNOGRAPHY
OF NARRATIVE 71

academicunioncard, but ratherthe lived-realityof the fieldexperiencewas


the center of their intellectualandemotionalmissionsas humanbeings.9 As
Elwinexpressedit, "Forme anthropology didnot mean'field-work': it meant
my whole life. My methodwas to settle downamongthe people, live with
them, sharetheirlifeas faras anoutsidercouldandgenerallydo severalbooks
together.... This meantthat I didnot dependmerelyon askingquestions,
but knowledgeof the peoplegraduallysankin untilit was partof me"(Elwin
1964:142).
What seems to lie behindthe belief that "goingnative"poses a serious
dangerto the fieldworker is the logicalconstruction
of the relationship between
objectivityand subjectivity,between scientistand native, between Self and
Other,as an unbridgeable opposition.The implication is thata subject'sway
of knowingis incompatible with the scientist'sway of knowingand that the
domainof objectivityis the sole propertyof the outsider.Severalfieldworkers
haverejectedthissharpanalytical betweenSelfandOther.Bennetta
distinction
Jules-Rosette,whojoinedanAfricanchurchinthe processof studyingit, wrote
that"throughcontinuedobservation,I beganto developa repertoireof knowl-
edge andexpectations,or a commonculture,thatwas sharedwithparticipants
and createdin interactionwith them"(Jules-Rosette1975:21).In his intro-
ductionto Jules-Rosette'sbook,VictorTurnerobservedthat"toeachlevel of
socialitycorrespondsits ownknowledge,andif one wishes to graspa group's
deepest knowledgeone mustcommunewithits members,speakits Essential
We-talk" (inJules-Rosette1975:8).Inphenomenological terminology, thiscom-
municativeinteraction,or "we-talk," belongsneither to the realm of objectivity
nor to that of subjectivity,but ratherto "humanintersubjectivity." It is this
realmthat distinguishesthe humansciences from the naturalsciences as a
fieldof investigation.10
There was a time whenassuminga participatory stance, suchas takingon
an apprenticeship role, was criticizeddue to the beliefthatit mightsomehow
interferewith the objectivityof the description(Coy 1989:108).The encul-
turationthat accompaniesany intensivefieldworkexperiencemightalso be
critiquedfor the same reason, but this has not alwaysbeen the case. Solon
Kimballportrayedhis own involvementin the Irishworldas so intensethat,
withoutanyformalinstructionin spectralsightings,he saw a well-knownlocal
apparition.Describinghis experience,he suggestedthat"thetime mayhave
arrivedwhen we are readyto undertakesystematicobservationsof the pro-
cesses of inductionand involvementin anotherculture"(Kimball1972:192).
The time has indeedcome. There are now severaldetailedethnographic re-
ports of intensiveenculturation, includingsuccessfulformalandinformalap-
prenticeships(Chernoff1980; Cooper1980;B. Tedlock1982;Johnson1984;
Coy 1989).
Nevertheless,the publicrevelationof participatory detailsof the fieldwork
experienceis stillconsideredembarrassingly unprofessional by some ethnog-
raphers.It is as thoughfieldworkwere supposedto give us two totallyinde-
pendentthings:reportablesignificantknowledgeandunreportable mysticism
and highadventure.If we were to be so foolishas to make the mistakeof

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
72 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

combiningthese elements, it wouldsomehowseriouslydiscreditour entire


endeavor.PaulRabinow(1977:10)nicelysummarized this contradiction: "As
graduate students we are told that equalsexperience';you are
'anthropology
not an anthropologist untilyou havethe experienceof doingit. But whenone
returnsfromthe fieldthe oppositeimmediatelyapplies:anthropology is not
the experienceswhichmadeyou an initiate,but only the objectivedatayou
have broughtback."
In the past, the most commonway out of this doublebindwas either to
publishthe fieldworkexperienceas a novel or else to suppressthe actual
events that took place duringthe research,togetherwith all referenceto
specificindividuals,including the ethnographerandthe ethnographic subjects.
When the novelisticpath was taken, some ethnographerswere carefulto
distancethemselvesfromthe work by usinga pseudonym.MargaretField
publishedher memoirof doingethnographyamongthe Ga of West Africa,
StormyDawn (1947),underthe nameMarkFreshfield.LauraBohannan nov-
elized her experiencesas a neophyteethnographer in WestAfricaunderthe
nameElenoreSmithBowen.HerbookReturntoLaughter(1954)was a highly
acclaimed,commercially successfulpublishingventure,withmorethan350,000
copies printedas of this writing.PhilipDruckerpublishedhis Mexicaneth-
nographicnovel, TropicalFrontier(1969),underthe namePaulRecord.This
use of pseudonymsenabledthese ethnographers to publishtheirfieldexpe-
riencesandkeep this activitytotallyseparate,even secret, fromtheirprofes-
sion.Thisdistancing moveindicates,I believe,thatindividualsfeltthatpublishing
a personalfieldworkaccountwouldsomehowdamagetheir reputationsor
credibilityas professionalethnographers."Later in life perhaps,as Laura
Bohannandid, they couldrevealtheirpseudonymsto the professionandtake
creditfor theirliteraryoutput.
The second andmore commonway of dealingwithfieldexperienceswas
simplynot to mentionthem,butinsteadto abstractthe meaningful datafrom
the objectsof studyand to removeall traces of the observer.The resultof
this strategyis that,as StephenTyler(1987:92)recentlynoted,"ethnography
is a genre thatdiscreditsor discouragesnarrative,subjectivity,confessional,
personalanecdote,or accountsof the ethnographers' or anyoneelse's expe-
rience."Thissuppressionof firsthandexperiencein ethnographic monographs
has been describedby GeorgeDevereux,in FromAnxietyto Methodin the
BehavioralSciences(1967:97),as a professional defensemechanismproducing
"scientific(?) 'results'whichsmellof the morgueandare almostirrelevantin
terms of livingreality."12
Becauseethnography is botha productanda process, ourlives as ethnog-
raphersare embeddedwithinfield experiencein such a way that all of our
interactions involve choices, and thus, "there is a moral dimension-made
explicit or not-in all anthropologicalwriting"(Herdt 1988:185). Whatwe see
or fail to see, reporting a particularmisunderstandingor embarrassment, or
ignoringit, all involve choices. We also make a choice when we edit ourselves
out of our finalwritten ethnographicproduct. This is so no matter how narrow

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
OFNARRATIVE
EMERGENCE ETHNOGRAPHY 73

the focus or scientificityof our researchdesign. That a personalaccountof


fieldworkis always an option, regardlessof our chosen topic or research
methodology,is demonstratedin DennisWerner's(1984) beautifullycrafted
Amazonian narrativeethnography. In this workhe combinesa livelypersonal
accountof his lifein the field,a richportraitof Mekranoticulture,anda precise
descriptionof the variousquantitative approacheshe usedduringhis research.
RogerSanjek(1990:254)classifiedWerner'stext as amongthe "mostethno-
graphically richof the personalaccounts... writtenby one whoadmits,'While
I was stillin graduateschool,a fellowstudentoncecomplained thatevery time
I openedmy mouthnumberscameout.'"GilbertHerdt(1988:186)pointsout
thatin ethnographies thatare totallyremovedfroma discussionof fieldwork,
"the author'sfield tacticsandexperiencecan remaininvisible,"leavingonly
"impersonalized-no--depersonalized accounts."
An early exceptionto the impersonalstyle in anthropological writingwas
Spider Woman: A StoryofNavajo Weavers and Chanters,publishedby Gladys
Reichardin 1934. In this engagingrenderingof her fieldworkexperience,
Reichardnarrates-in the firstperson,activevoice, presenttense-four sep-
aratefieldtripsto Arizona.Her re-creationof her experiencesandfeelingsis
full of precise descriptionsof the detailsof everydaylife, includingher own
unspokenthoughtsandreactionsto events she sharedwithher Navajofamily.
In a painfulvignette,we see her strugglingto remainwithinthe boundsof the
Navajoworldwhenher adoptivegrandmother undergoesa gruellingeight-day
traditionalcuringceremony,thoughshe has what Reichardbelieves to be
pneumonia."Mysympathyhas runthe gamutfromthe weakest sort of pity
to bitternessat notfindingthe doctor,"she writes,"fromgrimfatalismat being
compelledto fetch the Chanterto the most abjectfutilityat watchingMaria
Antoniashampooingher hairin that wind. It now flaresinto feverishanger
whichdies downin despairas I see her rest once moredisturbed,when she
is forcedby the tenets of the cureto sit upwhilethe Chanterblowsmedicine-
pine leaves floatingon water---onher side where the pain tormentsher"
(Reichard1934:252-53).The overallplotlineof this accountfollowsthatof a
novel of education;thus, in the last chapter,entitled"Degreein Weaving,"
Reichardportraysherselfas a studentwhoironically endsup teachingher own
instructorthe diamondtwilltechnique.
The Frenchethnographer MichelLeirispublished hisAfricandiary,L'Afrique
fant6me, in the same year Spider Woman appeared.In additionto documenting
the two-yearDakar-Djibouti expeditionto the Dogonof Sangaandthe Ethi-
opiansof Gondar,togetherwiththe activitiesof variousAfricansubjects,Leiris
revealedthe strainedrelationshipsbetween the Europeanmembersof the
researchteam and the unethicalmuseum-collecting proceduresof the expe-
dition.These revelationswere to be the causeof hiseventualpermanentbreak
with his colleague Marcel Griaule. He also disclosed the invasion of his own
dream life by images arising directly from his fieldwork:"Suddenly,the smell
of the herbs I've had scattered around my room enters my nostrils. Half
dreaming. I have the sensation of a kindof swirling(as if reddeningand turning

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
74 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

my headI were doingthe gourridancecharacteristic


of trance)andI let out
a scream.ThistimeI'mreallypossessed"(Leiris1934:358;Englishtranslation
by Clifford1986:44).13
Inhisintroduction to TheNuer(1940),the Britishanthropologist E.E. Evans-
Pritchard includeda seven-pagefirst-personconfessional accountof the terrible
livingconditionsandinformantdifficultieshe experiencedduringfieldworkin
the Sudan.In sharpcontrast,the remainderof the book,writtenin an omnis-
cient third-person authoritativevoice, describeshighlyabstract,nonempirical
entities, such as lineageand age-set systems, and the idealizedactionsof
commondenominator people:the Nuerdo this, the Nuerdo that. Duringthis
samedecade,OliverLaFarge,theAmericananthropologist andPulitzerPrize-
winningnovelist,publisheda complexnarrativeethnography, SantaEulalia:
TheReligionof a Cuchumatdn IndianTown(1947).In it, individuals are por-
trayedandactualevents are describedin detail.Liberallysprinkledwith en-
gagingfirst-personnarrativevignettes,the text climaxeswith a narrativeof
stolen idolsandthe placementof a deathcurse uponLa Fargeandhis party.
AlthoughEvans-Pritchard andLa Fargebothplacethemselveswithinthe eth-
nographic frame, their purposesand the resultingtexts couldnot be more
different.Evans-Pritchard's serves to distancehimfromthe Nuer,
self-portrait
giving the appearance objectivity; Farge'sself-portraitplaces him far
of La
enough within the Mayanworldto revealhis subjectivity.
LaFarge'shumanistic stancetowardthe portrayal of the fieldworkencounter
can also be foundin two of AliceMarriott'sbooks, The ValleyBelow (1949)
and GreenerFields (1952). In the firstof these ethnographic memoirs,which
centers on a sojournin northernNew Mexico,Marriott(1949:239)explains
her writingproblem:"I startedwith the idea of an orderlydescriptionof a
societythatwas blendedof threeelements:Indian,Spanish,andAnglo.I found
thatI couldn'tdescribethe societywithouttellinghowwe [herartistcompanion
Marthaandherself]cameto be partof it. I couldn'tanalyzethe peoplewithout
describingthem, andthe descriptiontook the formof tellingof the impactof
theircharacterson ours."In her secondmemoir,GreenerFields, the chapters
alternatebetween a highlyaccessibleaccountof the historyof anthropology
and anecdotalnarratives,rangingfromthe hilariousto the poignant,of her
manyyears of fieldworkandclose friendshipswith PlainsandSouthwestern
Indians.
In spite of its appeal,first-person,experientialwritingby ethnographers
dealingwith actualpeopleandevents was rareduringthe 1930s, 1940s, and
early 1950s. Indeed,the Arcticexplorer-ethnographer JeanMalauriedecided
thatthe onlywayto changethe situationwasto promotethisformof expression
activelyamonghis friendsandcolleagues(Balandier1987:1).In 1955 he ini-
tiated a documentaryliterary series, TerreHumaine, with the Paris publisher
Plon. The series was specificallydedicated to the publicationof well-written,
firsthand documentary testimony combining "scientific objectivity with a di-
alectic of personal relationships"(Malaurie1987:10). Over five millioncopies
of the fifty volumes publishedto date have been sold.

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
OFNARRATIVE
EMERGENCE ETHNOGRAPHY 75

To start the literaryseries, MalaurieencouragedClaudeL&vi-Strauss and


GeorgesBalandierto writeup theirfieldexperiences.TristesTropiques (Ikvi-
Strauss 1955, 1961) andAfriqueambigui(Balandier1957, 1966) resulted.
Togetherwithhis ownLes derniersroisde Thuld(Malaurie1956, 1982),these
were the firstfieldworkaccountshe published.Eachof the threevolumeswas
successful,reachinga wide, appreciativeaudience.By now, Malaurie'sbook
has been translatedinto sixteen languages.But the most renownedvolume,
and one that becamean immediatebest-sellerin France,was IAvi-Strauss's
TristesTropiques, withits oddjuxtaposition of a traveler'stale, personalfeel-
ings, ethnographic observation, and abstractmodels.Althoughpopulartoday,
it wasvirtuallyignoredwhenit wasfirsttranslatedintoEnglishin 1961.Perhaps
the English-speaking academicworldwas not yet comfortablewith a first-
person narrative account of fieldwork,or perhapswe were simplynot ready
for whatSusanSontag(1966)called"theanthropologist as hero."
At almostthe same time TristesTropiques cameout, GeorgesCondominas
(1957) publishedhis Vietnamesefield notebookswith Mercurede France,
underthe titleof Nousavonsmangelaforetdela Pierre-Genie G6o.Hiswriting
takes the formof a diary,listingandcommentingat lengthon the events he
witnessedin the villageof Sar LukfromNovember1948to December1949.
In his introduction he comments,"I shallno doubtbe reproachedfor alluding
to my own presenceat events I describe.But my purposeis not to paintan
exotic canvasor to constructsome sort of prehistoricethnography. Rather,it
is to renderrealityas it waslivedwhilebeingobserved"(Condominas 1977:xix).
Insteadof beingreproached,the bookwas rapidlytranslatedintoItalian,Ger-
man,andRussian.However,Condominas's attemptto get the booktranslated
andpublishedin Englishis a bizarretaleof international copyrightinfringement.
Afteryears of unsuccessfulpublication attempts,he ranacrossa 1962pirated
Englisheditionproducedby the United States Departmentof Commerce,
which,as he notes, "actedon politicalandmilitaryreasonsratherthanout of
anydeepscientificconcern,anddidso withoutconsultingeitherme, the author,
or the originalFrenchpublisher" (Condominas 1977:xi).This piratededition
of a fielddiarythatsympathetically the
portrayed indigenous peoplesof Vietnam
was availableneitherto the anthropological profession nor to the generalpublic
the
during period of the war in Vietnam.
Fromthe 1960s to the presentday, the relationship of fieldworkersto the
peoplethey study, to the authorities
political and other powerfulfiguresof the
host community, andto themselvesas observers,participants, andinterpreters
has been exploredin depth in a series of edited volumesand in individual
fieldworkaccounts.14Whenthe Society for AppliedAnthropology published
GeraldBerreman'sBehindManyMasks:Ethnography and ImpressionMan-
agementin a HimalayanVillage(1962),RobertSmithcommented,in his fore-
word,thatit was the "onlyattemptknownto me to presentwithinananalytical
framework the subtleties of what the author calls 'the human experience' of
field work"(in Berreman 1962:3). Using Erving Goffman's(1959) interactionist
approach to "impression management," which involves a description of the

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
76 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

performancesstaged for the observer(includingthe behaviorthatgoes into


producingthem, as well as the backstagesituationwhichconcealsthem),
Berremananalyzedthe specificpatternsof socialinteractionhe foundduring
his ethnographic fieldworkin a highlystratifiedNorthIndianvillage.Although
only one other ethnographer (so far as I know)has utilizedthe socialinter-
actionistmethodso explicitly(Gregor1977),Berreman'smonograph has been
cited as an inspirationalworkby a numberof ethnographers who have sub-
sequentlywrittenpersonalaccountsof theirfieldworkinteractionsandexpe-
riences.
Earlierintimateaccountsof fieldwork-suchas Reichard'sSpiderWoman
(1934),La Farge'sSantaEulalia(1947),andMarriott's Greener Fields(1952)-
had combinedethnographic information with accountsof the way this infor-
mationwas gathered.Duringthe 1960sand1970s, however,it becamemore
commonfor suchaccountsto be kept separatefromstandardethnographies.
This segmentation,as in the earliercase of ethnographic novels, reveals a
dualisticapproach:publicversus private,objectiveversus subjectiverealms
of experience."iColinTurnbull,for example,publishedan accessiblefirst-
personaccountof his fieldworkamongthe Congopygmies,TheForestPeople
(1961),andthenfiveyearslaterreleaseda coollydistanced,moreauthoritative
monograph on the sametopic,Wayward Servants:TheTwoWorlds oftheAfrican
Pygmies(1965).JohnBeattie reversedthis process, first publishingan "ob-
jective"ethnographic monographbased on his doctoralthesis, Bunyoro:An
AfricanKingdom(1960).Five yearslater,at the suggestionof his editors,he
wrote whathe saw as a "subjective" first-personaccount,Understanding an
AfricanKingdom:Bunyoro(1965).Althoughthe bookemphasizesovertmeth-
odologies-the use of assistants,informants,questionnaires, house-to-house
surveys, note taking,photography,keepinga diary,and writingup the re-
search-Beattie was nonethelessapologeticaboutbeing autobiographical or
subjective,remarking in hisprefaceon his "somewhatimmodestundertaking."
Followingthe publication of Understanding an AfricanKingdom,the Spin-
dlers encouragedethnographerswho had alreadypublishedmonographsfor
theirHolt,RinehartandWinstonCaseStudiesin Cultural Anthropology series
to writemethodologically orientednarrativeaccountsof theirfieldwork.Eleven
such essays, includingone of theirown, were incorporated in Being an An-
thropologist:Fieldwork in Eleven Cultures (1970).This volume includesthumb-
nailbiographical sketchesof the authors,statementsconcerningwhythey had
chosen anthropology as a career,and snapshotsshowingthem in the field.
These novel featuresadd a more personalflavorto whatare, for the most
part,ratherimpersonal methodological statements.The photographs primarily
serve to documentthepresenceof the ethnographer at the ethnographic scene,
but they also reveal that ethnographersenjoy representingthemselves as
fieldworkers.We see AlanBeals gettinghis haircut native-stylein Gopalpur,
India;RobertDentanburningthe furoffa monkeyin Malaysia; JohnHostetler
prayingover a meal in a Hutteriteapartmentand his colleague,Gertrude
Huntington,dressedas a Hutteritewomanpushinga Hutteritebabyin a pram;

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
OF NARRATIVE
EMERGENCE ETHNOGRAPHY 77

JohnHitchcockworkingup his notes in a headman'sgoat shed in Nepal;and


Louise Spindlersittingon a step with a Menominiwomanwho is takinga
Rorschachtest.
Unlikethese authors,Britishanthropologist Nigel Barleyreleasedhis eth-
nographicmonographand fieldworkaccountsimultaneously. The monograph
is a Ikvi-Straussian structuralist
study,SymbolicStructures: An Exploration of
the Cultureof theDowayos(1983b),and the fieldaccountis a funny,warts-
and-all,first-personnarrativeof hisAfricanfieldresearch,Adventures in a Mud
Hut:An InnocentAnthropologistAbroad (1983a).The remarkable differencein
tone, tenor, andmaterialpresentedin these two booksrevealsBarley'sdis-
comfortwith representinghimselfin an ethnographic account.In Adventures
in a MudHut, he comes off as a silly, sad, incompetent,andeven slapstick
characterwho marched,limped,andfinallywas carriedthroughhis initiatory
fieldresearch,andthe nativesalso come offas clowns.Foolisholdmen stare
at the photographsof lionsandleopardshe uses in orderto elicitinformation
on localfauna,turningthemin all directionsandsayingthingslike, "I do not
knowthis man"(Barley1983a:96).This soundslikeanAfricanvarianton that
old anthropological storyaboutPolynesianswhoweren'tableto interpretpho-
tographs at all. In general,whatpurportsto be a personalnarrativeends up
as a lampoonof the entireethnographic enterprise.
Discomfortwiththe act of self-representation, withina seriousethnography,
can also be detected in Paul Rabinow'sfirst-personmemoir,Reflectionson
Fieldworkin Morocco(1977), where he refers to his previousmonograph,
Symbolic Domination(1975),as a "moretraditionally anthropologicaltreatment
of the samedata"(Rabinow1977:7).Jean-Paul Dumont,likeRabinow,published
his standardethnographic monograph,UndertheRainbow(1976), beforehis
first-personfieldworkaccount,TheHeadmanand1 (1978),but he displaysa
ratherdifferentattitudetowardsincluding himselfin his ethnography. Forhim
the workof self-representation is neitherlaughablenor any less "traditional"
thanthe standardethnographic representation of the Other.In fact, as Peter
Riviere (1980) has pointedout, we learn rathermore aboutthe Panardin
Dumont'sfirst-personaccountthanwe do inhis monograph. Partof the reason
for this is that Dumontself-consciously centeredTheHeadmanandI around
the seriousquestionof whohe was forthe Panard,ratherthanwhothe Panard
were forhim,the latterbeingthe implicitquestionmostethnographies explore.
Withthischangein focuscomesthe subtleshiftof genrefromthe ethnographic
memoirtowardnarrativeethnography.
In the ethnographic memoir,an authortakes us backto a cornerof his or
her life in the fieldthatwas unusuallyvivid,fullof affect,or framedby unique
events. By narrowingthe lens, these authorsprovidea windowinto their
personallives in the field,a focuswhichwouldnot be possiblein a full-length
autobiography. The authorof a narrativeethnography also dealswithexperi-
ences, but along withthese come ethnographic data,epistemological reflections
on fieldworkparticipation, and culturalanalysis.The world, in a narrative
ethnography,is re-presentedas perceivedby a situatednarrator,who is also

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
78 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

presentas a characterinthe storythatrevealshisownpersonality. Thisenables


the readerto identifythe consciousnesswhichhas selected and shapedthe
experienceswithinthe text. In contrastto memoirs,narrativeethnographies
focusnot on the ethnographer herself,butratheron the characterandprocess
of the ethnographic dialogueor encounter.
Two key essays centeringon the exploration of the ethnographicencounter
were publishedby StanleyDiamondandKurtWolffin a volumeentitledRe-
flectionson Community Studieseditedby Vidich,Bensman,andStein (1964).
Diamond'sessay, "NigerianDiscovery:The Politicsof Field Work,"subtly
exploresthe complexpoliticaldimensionsinvolvedin crossingculturalbound-
aries. KurtWolff's"Surrenderand CommunityStudy:The Studyof Loma"
describeshow, duringhis fieldresearchin a northernNew Mexicovillage,he
openedhimselfto the risk of beinghurtby becomingso totallyinvolvedand
identifiedwiththe communitythateverythinghe saw or experiencedbecame
relevantto him."Itwas yearsbeforeI understoodwhathadhappenedto me:
I hadfallenthroughthe web of culturepatternsandassortedconceptual meshes
into the chaos of love;I was lookingeverywhere,famished,with a ruthless
glance"(Wolff1964:235).
It is preciselythe vulnerabilityrevealedby WolffthatKevinDwyer(1982:272-
74) sees as the centralanthropological project.No matterhow muchcare an
ethnographer devotes to his or her project,its success dependsuponmore
thanindividual effort.It is tied to outsidesocialforces includingan anthropo-
logicalcommunitythat accepts the projectas meaningfuland international
relationships thatmakethe fieldworkpossible.In Dwyer'sview, the issues of
the fieldworkendeavorare not so muchobjectivity,neutrality,anddistanceas
they are risk, the possibilityof failure,andthe hope of success.
Speakingpedagogically, firsthandaccountsare usefulin preparingethnog-
raphersfor fieldwork.Their value in detailingthe complexand ambiguous
realitiesinvolvedin the fieldworkexperiencewas formallyrecognizedby the
Universityof Amsterdamin the early 1960s, when the Instituteof Cultural
Anthropologyset up a series of formallecturesfor anthropologists recently
returnedfromthe field.An editedvolumeof these lectures,Anthropologists
in the Field, was compiledby Jongmansand Gutkind(1967), togetherwith
fourpreviouslypublishedessays andan annotatedbibliography on fieldmeth-
ods. Whilesome personalaspectsof fieldexperienceappearin severalof the
contributions, the mainthrustof the volumeis the descriptionandevaluation
of variousfieldtechniques-socialsurvey,quantification, restudy-ratherthan
an in-depthexplorationof the subjectiveelementsof fieldwork.
Beginningin the 1970s, there was a shiftin emphasisfromparticipant ob-
servationto the observationof participation. MartinYang(1972) wrote an
importantessay discussingthe role of both his graduateeducationandwhat
he calledhis "first-hand fieldwork" in the productionof his highlyacclaimed
ethnography,A ChineseVillage(1945). His field researchwas done in the
villagein whichhe grew up andliveduntilhe went awayto college.As he put
it, "Myfieldworkwas my own life andthe lives of others in whichI had an

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
OF NARRATIVE
EMERGENCE ETHNOGRAPHY 79

active part"(Yang1972:63).This type of ethnographic experiencehas been


calledboth"ethno-sociology" and"auto-ethnography" (see Hayano1979).Yang
was by no meansthe firstindigenousanthropologist to publishan ethnography
abouthis owngroup-JomoKenyatta(1938),Fei HsiaoTung(1939),andChie
Nakane(1970), amongothers, had alreadydone so-but he was unique,at
thattime, in writinga self-reflexiveessay aboutthe experienceof doingso.16
Duringthe 1980smorefirst-personexperiential fieldwork accounts,including
auto-ethnographies, appearedthanduringthe previoustwo decades.7"These
volumesclearlyrevealthe continuedmovementfromparticipant observation
to the observationof participation. Whatwas onlya tricklein the 1930s grew
intoa streamof confessionalaccountsby the 1960sandbecamea swollenriver
of self-revelatorycelebrationby the 1980s. The explorationof the processof
producingethnographic information andpublishing ethnographic accountshad
turnedtowardthepolitical,philosophical, andpoeticimplications of suchwork.18
A criticalliteraturesimultaneously sprangup. The processof self-examination
led to the examination of otherethnographers' selves, andthe eye shiftedfrom
the ethnosin ethnographyto the graphia-the processof writing.'9
A numberof fieldworkersare currentlyat workon book-lengthnarrative
ethnographies,combining ethnographic information witha dialecticof personal
involvement.Meanwhile,editedvolumesfocusedon specificaspects of field-
workcontinueto appear.Fieldworkeridentityis the focalpointof Fieldwork:
TheHumanExperience(Lawless,Sutlive,andZamora1983). The impactof
an ethnographer's sex andgenderidentityon fieldworkandthe effectof field-
workon an ethnographer's view of genderself-identityare the centraltopics
inSelf, Sex, and Genderin Cross-Cultural Fieldwork(Whitehead andConaway
1986). In Arab Womenin theField: StudyingYourOwnSociety(Altorkiand
El-Solh 1988), the roles of gender and indigenousstatus in the fieldwork
experiencesof Arabwomenethnographers are explored.Most recently,the
mishaps,pratfalls,andlessons learnedwhiledoingfieldworkare the maintopic
in TheHumbledAnthropologist: TalesfromthePacific(De Vita1990).
Whatexplainsthe shiftin ethnography towardrepresentingourselvesin the
act of engagingwith and writingaboutour selves in interactionwith other
selves? In part,the changereflectstoday'sgeneralintellectualclimateof epis-
temologicaldoubt.Anotherfactorin the developmentof reflexivityandalter-
native styles of ethnographic representationhas been the notablegrowthin
the prestigeof anthropology as a disciplineandin the size of the audiencefor
the anthropological perspective.Interestbeganto increaseduringthe 1960s
andacceleratedthroughout the 1980s.Not onlyhavewe capturedthe attention
of the generalpublic,thanksin partto MargaretMeadandpublictelevision
programssuchas "Nova"and"Smithsonian World," butwe havealso become
the darlingof boththe humanities andthe socialsciences.As ourcurrentpublic
guru, CliffordGeertz (1985), has recentlypointedout, our prestigein fields
such as history,philosophy,literarycriticism,theory,law, politicalscience,
sociology,psychology,andeconomicshas never been higher.
In an enlargedmarketplacefor anthropological ideas, ethnographers have

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
80 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH
been pursuedby publishersfor interestingideas abouthumankind andfasci-
natingstories. Some publishershave even been willingto read dissertations
and mentorthe rewritingprocess. WhenBarbaraMyerhoffturnedher dis-
sertationintothe bookPeyoteHunt (1974),her editorinsistedthatshe insert
herselfandher observationsinto the manuscript.Rewritethe text top down
was the suggestion;use an active personalvoice. Quite pleased with the
results,Myerhoffnotes that"IfoundI hadwrittena bookI trustedmore,that
was clearerandmorereliable"(MyerhoffandRuby1982:33).
Therehavealsobeennotablechangesinthe population of individuals
electing
to become ethnographers-interms of gender (morewomen),class (more
from middle-and lower-classbackgrounds),and ethnicity(more third-and
fourth-worldscholars).These transformations have spurreda new critical
awarenessand a radicaldemocratization of knowledgeresultingin the sug-
gestion that the class, race, culture,andgenderbeliefsandbehaviorsof the
inquirerbe placedwithinthe samehistoricalmoment,or criticalplane,as the
subjectsof inquiry(Harding1987:9;Rose 1990:10).Anotherkey alterationin
anthropologyhas been an emphasison researchas a fundamentally action-
orientedendeavor.SherryOrtner,inherreviewessay "TheoryinAnthropology
since the Sixties,"notes thatthere has been a growinginterestin suchinter-
relatedterms as practice,praxis,action,interaction,activity,performance,
andexperience,togetherwithagent,actor,person,self, individual, and/orthe
subjectof the action(Ortner1984:144).
Majortransformations in anthropology havealso comeaboutbecauseof the
emergenceof a highlyarticulatepopulation of "native"ethnographers fromthe
thirdandfourthworlds,includingvariousbicultural inside/outsiders.Whileit
is undoubtedly true that insidersmay have easier access to certaintypes of
information, especiallyinthe areaofdailyroutines(Jones1970;Ohnuki-Tierney
1984), nativeanthropology can also be distinguishedfromindigenousanthro-
pologyin that nativeethnographers are those who have theiroriginsin non-
Europeanor non-Westernculturesandwho sharea historyof colonialism,or
an economicrelationship baseduponsubordination (McClaurin-Allen 1989:18-
24). Just as beingbornfemaledoes not automatically resultin "feminist"con-
sciousness, being born an ethnic minoritydoes not automatically result in
"native"consciousness.Nativeethnographers have critiquedthe discipline-
for example,the strangepreoccupation withissues suchas caste in SouthAsia
(Daniel1984;Appadurai 1986)-and haveworkedto bridgethe gulfbetween
Self andOtherby revealingbothpartiesas vulnerableexperiencingsubjects,
workingto coproduceknowledge.They have arguedthat the observerand
the observedare not entirelyseparatecategories.To them, theoryis not a
transparent,culture-freezone, not a duty-freeintellectualmarketplacehov-
eringbetween cultures,lackingall connectionto embodiedlivedexperience.
They believe that both knowledgeandexperience fromoutside fieldworkshould
be brought into our narratives and that we should demonstrate how ideas
matter to us, bridgingthe gap between our narrow academic world and our

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
EMERGENCE
OFNARRATIVE
ETHNOGRAPHY 81
wide culturalexperiences.These strategies shouldhelp us simultaneously
deepenandinvigorateour writingandour selves.20
As Vietnameseauthorand cinematographer TrinhMinh-ha(1989:76)has
written,"Inwritingcloseto the otherof the other,I canonlychooseto maintain
a self-reflexivelycriticalrelationshiptowardthe material,a relationshipthat
definesboth the subjectwrittenandthe writingsubject,undoingthe I while
asking'whatdo I wantwantingto knowyouor me?'" Or,as Jean-PaulDumont
(1978:200)said at the close of his narrativeethnography,"Whowas I for
them?"
Themovementfromethnographic memoirto narrativeethnography hasgone
unanalyzedwithinthe rapidlygrowingmeta-anthropological literature.This
omissionhas occurred,I think,becauseso muchemphasishas been placedon
rhetoricalstrategies,whilesubstantially less attentionhas been given to the
wideningof the audienceforethnography. If today'sethnographers are writing
not only for variousacademicaudiences(areaspecialists,membersof other
disciplines,andstudents)butalso for the educatedpublic,including members
of theirhost communities,then they are no longerin a positionto writeas if
they themselveswere the onlyactivepartiesin cross-cultural exchanges.Not
only did Edward Said's (1978) discussionof Orientalismreveal this formof
exoticportraiture to be unacceptably but
neocolonialist, a localaudience would
also knowit to be a blatantfalsehood.
Just as writingfor and aboutthe feministmovementby feministscholars
has provideda dynamicpublicspherewithinwhichideas can be discussedin
botha politicallyandpersonallyengagingmanner,so writingfor andaboutthe
ethnographic communityin whichone has livedandworkedat lengthshould
produceengagedwritingcenteringon the ongoingdialectical political-personal
relationshipbetweenSelfandOther.The likelihood thatanethnographer might
unselfconsciously take center stage when representingthe fieldworkexperi-
ence is, I think, in direct proportionto the spatial,temporal,and cultural
distanceof this individual fromthe host communityat the time of such rep-
resentation.The fartheraway,longerago, andmoreculturally Otherthe field
experiencewas, the moreprobablethatthe authorialfigurewillbe dominant,
while membersof the host communitywill shrinkinto the background.The
self-consciousshift away from writinga memoirof the field experience,in
whichthe authoris the onlydevelopedcharacter,towardswritinga narrative
ethnography,in whichthe authorpurposelybecomesa secondarycharacter,
alleviatesthis problemof foregrounding andbackgrounding.
This sea changein ethnographic representationof boththe Self andOther
withina single text has been lumpedtogetherwith other writingstrategies
andlabeledas partof a mythic"experimental momentin the humansciences"
(MarcusandFischer1986:165).However,as RenatoRosaldo(1989:231)has
indicated,such an analysisembodiesa facileapplicationof ThomasKuhn's
notion of experimentalismas occurringonly duringscientific paradigmshifts.
Rather than describing the ongoing refigurationof social thought and practice

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
82 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

as partof an experimentalmoment(i.e., fad, or flashin the pan),it oughtto


be recognizedforwhatit is, a changein ethnographic epistemologyembodying
key ethicaland analyticalissues that has alreadyproduceda majorbody of
work.The creationandsubsequentcelebrationof a fictive"experimental mo-
ment"has producedan easy target for unsympathetic critics, who gleefully
dismissthe serious attemptto representboth Self and Otherwithina field
accountas nothingbut an apoliticalsolipsisticexercisein exploringthe Other
merely to findthe Self (Polierand Roseberry1989). It is to be hopedthat
critiquesof this sort, whichreducea long-termdialecticalnegotiationbetween
the Self andOtherto nothingbut a dualisticcaricatureof suchan encounter,
willnotdelaythefurtherdevelopment ofa productivedialoguebetweenpersons
of differingculturalbackgrounds andpoliticalsituations.Ethnographers may
be able to overcomethis problemif they followthe lead of feministcritical
theory,which,whenit denies the splitbetweenepistemologyandpolitics,is
simultaneously reflexiveandpolitical.
Howeverthe disciplinemay develophistorically,there currentlyexists a
new breedof ethnographer whois passionatelyinterestedin the coproduction
of ethnographic knowledge,createdandrepresentedin the onlywayit canbe,
withinan interactiveSelf/Otherdialogue.These new ethnographers-manyof
whomare themselvessubalternbecauseof theirclass, gender,or ethnicity-
cannotbe neatlytuckedawayor pigeonholedwithinany of the fourhistorical
archetypesI enumeratedat the outset of this essay: the amateurobserver,
the armchairanthropologist, the professionalethnographer, or the "gonena-
tive"fieldworker.Ratherthey, or we, combineelementsfromallfourof these
categories.Thus, for example,we embracethe designation"amateur," since
it derivesfromthe Latinamatus,the past participleof amare,"to love,"and
we are passionatelyengagedwith our endeavor.We accept the "armchair"
designationbecausewe havea seriousconcernwithbothreadingandcritiquing
the work of other ethnographersin order to try to changepast colonialist
practices.We insistthatwe are "professional," becauseof the seriousnessof
our field preparation and engagement,and also because of our attentionto
issues of representation in ourownwork.Finally,to the extentthatfieldwork
is not simplya unioncardbutthe centerof ourintellectual andemotionallives,
we are, if not "goingnative,"at least becomingbicultural.

NOTES

1. I beganto formulate
theperspective presented hereduringmyNational Endow-
mentfortheHumanities Fellowshipat the Institute
forAdvanced Studyin Princeton,
NewJersey(1986-1987). Sectionsof thisessayweregivenorallybeforethe anthro-
oftheUniversity
pologyfaculties ofMichigan atAnnArbor (1989),McMaster University
in Hamilton,Ontario(1989),andthe University of Wisconsin
at Madison (1990).To
the audiencemembers,andmostespecially mygeneroushostsandprimary interlo-
Geertz,SherryOrtner,
cutors--Clifford BruceMannheim, RuthBehar,EllenBadone,
andKirinNarayan--I extendmysincerethanksformanyperceptive com-
questions,
ments,andsuggestions.

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
OFNARRATIVE
EMERGENCE ETHNOGRAPHY 83

2. Even thoughBronislawMalinowski took on the archetypalrole of "theEthnog-


rapher" inthe openingchapterof hisArgonautsof theWestern Pacific(1922)andclaimed
to have inventedthe methodof fieldwork,there are othercandidatesfor this honor,
includingMorgan,Cushing,Haddon,Seligman,Boas, Rivers,andRadcliffe-Brown. As
RaymondFirth(1985) has pointedout, Malinowski's innovationlay in elevatingthe
fieldworkmethodinto a theory. For a brief historyof fieldwork,see RosalieWax
(1971:21-41). GeorgeStockingopenedhis "Historyof Anthropology" series with a
collectionof superbarticlesentitledObservers Observed: EssaysonEthnographic Field-
work(1983b).
3. The Frenchfieldworktraditionwas initiatedduringthe 1920sby MarcelMauss
andMauriceDelafosse,who, togetherwithIAvy-Bruhl andRiver,foundedthe Institut
d'Ethnologie,where manyAfricanistcolonialofficersstudiedethnographic methods.
MarcelMauss,althoughhe neverundertookfieldwork,taughtan annualcourse,"Eth-
nographiedescriptive," andan important fieldworktext, Manueld'ethnographie (1947),
was developedfromhis notes. Maussrecommended thatthe "professional ethnogra-
pher"adoptthe "intensivemethod,"by whichhe did not meanlong-termindividual
experientialresearch,butrathermultifaceted documentary teamresearch,resultingin
hundredsof soundrecordings,textualaccounts,andmajorcollectionsof artandartifacts
(Clifford1983).
4. AlthoughI havegroupedthe BritishandAmerican traditionstogetherhere, there
are substantial differencesbetweenandwithinthem.Britishanthropologists specialized
inrelativelyisolated"primitive" peoplesandfocusedon socialanthropology, emphasizing
socialstructures.Americananthropologists studiedless isolatedpeasantgroups,were
more inclusive,andfocusedon cultureandpsychology(Kirsch1982:103).
5. For furtherdiscussionof the emergenceof fieldwork,togetherwithholism,rel-
ativism,andthe comparative approach as keymethodological valuesinthe UnitedStates
and Britain,see DavidMandelbaum (1982:36) and George Stocking(1982:411-12,
1983a:74).
6. For moreon the importance of communicative interactionthroughlanguage,es-
peciallydialogue,see JohannesFabian(1971)andDennisTedlock(1979, 1987).
7. That the participant-observation formof the fieldworkritualis still considered
for
necessary membership in the ethnographic tribeis revealedin a recentreviewof
JamesClifford'sThePredicament of Culture(1988), in whichPhilipBock (1990:109-
10) invitesClifford"toundergothe ritualordealof fieldwork(notjust as an observer
in a Mashpee,Massachusettscourtroom)" in orderto become"oneof us."
8. One reviewerof Dalby'sbook took exceptionto the author'sclaimof having
becomea geisha(Cornell1986)andquestionedher overallreliability as a witness.The
objectionwas not to the fieldworker's attemptto becomea geisha,butratherto her
assertionthatshe was successful.Thiseffortat discrediting a fieldworker who claims
to have undergonea successfulintercultural apprenticeship demonstratesthe persis-
tence of the Westernintellectual construction of SelfandOtheras two entirelyincom-
mensurablecategories.
9. Moreinformation about canbe foundin his obituaryin theAmerican
Nimuendajti
Anthropologist (Baldus1946)andLowie's(1959:119-26)discussionof his long-distance
relationship withhim.Assessmentsof FrankHamiltonCushing'sfabledinductioninto
Zuniculturecanbe foundinJesse Green's(1979)introduction to his editedvolumeof
Cushingessays and in SylviaGronewold's(1972:33-50)essay "DidFrankHamilton
CushingGo Native?"For moreon VerrierElwin'slife, see his autobiography (1964);
a perceptivediscussionandevaluationof his ethnographic workcanbe foundin Misra
(1973).

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
84 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

10. An excellentintroduction to the discussionof the differencesbetweenthe "nat-


ural"andthe "human" sciencescan be foundin Polkinghorne (1983, 1988). Phenom-
enologyis developedat lengthbySchutz(1967,1973),Ricoeur(1974),Gadamer (1975),
andLuckmann (1978).Forapplications of interpretationtheoryin the humansciences,
see Geertz(1973),as well as RabinowandSullivan(1979).
11. Buelow(1973)foundthat most anthropologists who have writtenfictionhave
used pseudonyms.NancySchmidt(1981:12)later notedthat "fieldwork experiences
were not an acceptabletopicfor anthropologists to writeabout,so Bohannanused a
pseudonymfor her novel."She also reportedthat few anthropologists to date have
openlyacknowledged their literarypseudonyms.As she put it, "ethnographic fiction
has been hidden,or perhapsmoreaccuratelysweptunderthe rug, by anthropologists
who felt that it was inappropriate for consideration as ethnography," and"editorsof
anthropological journalshave... refusedto considerit forreview"(Schmidt1984:11,
12).
12. Devereux(1967:41-42)hasarguedthatthistypeof anxiety-reducing devicecan
easilybe transformed intocountertransference reactions,leadingto "actingout"mas-
queradingas science. He also notedthat "theelimination of the individualfrometh-
nologicalfieldreportswas formerlya routineprocedure.Lintononce quotedto me the
followingremarkof a colleague:'Mymonograph aboutthe X-tribeis almostfinished.
AllI haveto do now is cut out the life'(i.e., allreferencesto realpeopleandevents)"
(Devereux1967:89).
13. Leiris'swork,as Clifford(1986)andBeaujour(1987)havepointedout, should
be read as both an encouragement anda cautionaryexamplefor the projectof eth-
nographicrepresentation. Leirisfaced"epistemological aporiasin his effortto combine
sympatheticobservationof the Other,the unavoidability of literaryself-inscription,
and
the imperativeof culturalcritique" (Beaujour1987:479).
14. Duringthe late 1950s, a series of methodological articles,centeringon field
was
techniques, published in the American journalHuman Organization, thencollected
and edited by Adamsand Preiss in the bookHumanOrganization Research(1960).
The mainaim of these essays was to demystifythe process of fieldwork.Another
influential
editedvolume,publishedin the sameyear,wasJosephCasagrande's In the
Companyof Man (1960), consistingof essay portraits,togetherwith snapshots,of
twentykey ethnographic informants. At the endof the decade,RobertLowiepublished
an intellectualhistoryof his professional life, Ethnologist:A PersonalRecord(1959),in
whichhe ratherdispassionately describedhis field experiences.The ego-centered
adjustmentof the ethnographer to fieldwork,including the alterationof self-imageand
socialprojection of self, wasexploredinStressandResponseinFieldwork(1969),edited
by FrancesHenryand SatishSaberwal.In 1970 three editedvolumesof fieldwork
accountsappeared:GeorgeSpindler'sBeing an Anthropologist: Fieldworkin Eleven
Cultures,MorrisFreilich's Marginal Natives:Anthropologists at Work,andPeggyGolde's
Womenin theField:Anthropological Experiences. Individual first-personfieldworkac-
countsfromthistwenty-yearperiodincludeTurnbull (1961),Berreman(1962),Beattie
(1965),Fernea(1965,1975),Maybury-Lewis (1965),Read(1965),Powdermaker (1966),
Gould(1969),Briggs(1970),Gearing(1970),Middleton (1970),Rosenfeld(1971),Wax
(1971),Greenway(1972),Chagnon(1974),Myerhoff(1974,1979),Selby(1974),Alland
(1975),Elmendorf (1976),Schieffelin (1976),Condominas (1977),Favret-Saada (1977),
Rabinow(1977), Riesman(1977), Dumont(1978),Mitchell(1978), Belmonte(1979),
andKeil(1979).
15. Perhapsthe most strikingexampleof this radicalsplitis foundin Malinowski's

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
OF NARRATIVE
EMERGENCE ETHNOGRAPHY 85

writing,with his variousethnographic monographs(1922, 1935) on one side andhis


controversial,posthumously publisheddiary(1967)on the other.
16. In ordinary"reflectiveness," one is consciousof oneself as an Other,but in
"reflexivity,"one is conscious of beingself-consciousof oneself as an Other.For a
thoroughdiscussionof the differencebetweenthese twoconcepts,see Babcock(1980).
B6teilleand Madanpublisheda collectionof reflexivefieldaccounts,Encounterand
Experience: PersonalAccountsof Fieldwork,in 1975. The authorsconsistedof Indian
anthropologists who hadworkedin India,Indianswhohadresearchedothercultures,
andnon-Indians who haddoneintensivefieldworkin India.Fouryears later,Srinivas,
Shah,andRamaswamy publishedTheFieldworker andtheField(1979),a set of eighteen
new essays by Indiansocialanthropologists andsociologists.
17. First-personexperientialfieldworkaccountspublishedsince 1980whichI have
thus far been able to locate are those of Chernoff(1980), Fei (1981), Obeyesekere
(1981),Cesara(1982),Dwyer(1982),Shore(1982),Barley(1983a,1986),Bell(1983),
Dalby(1983), Messenger(1983), Reina(1984),Werner(1984),Moeran(1985),Dow
(1986), Friedrich(1986), Kugelmass(1986), Read(1986),Rose (1987, 1989), Stoller
and Olkes (1987), Taussig(1987), Turner(1987), Allen(1988), Kendall(1988), Ri-
dington(1988, 1990), Vander(1988), Van Maanen(1988), Bode (1989), Campbell
(1989), Danforth(1989), Dominguez(1989), Dorst (1989), Harrison(1989), Moffatt
(1989), Narayan(1989),Price(1989),Ward(1989),Anderson(1990),Hayano(1990),
Kondo(1990), Lavie(1990), andB. Tedlock(1991).My sincereapologiesto anyone
whose volumeI havefailedto note.
18. For a discussionof some of the political,philosophical,
andpoeticimplications
of producing ethnographicaccounts,see DellHymes(1969),TalalAsad(1973),Stanley
Diamond(1974),AkbarAhmed(1976),JeanneFavret-Saada (1977,1980),EdwardSaid
(1978), KevinDwyer(1982),GeraldD. Berreman(1982),E.A. Hoebel,RichardCur-
rier, and SusanKaiser(1982),JohannesFabian(1983), DennisTedlock(1979, 1983,
1987, 1990),CliffordandMarcus(1986),Clifford(1988),TrinhT. Minh-ha(1989),and
SmadarLavie(1990).
19. See Webster(1982, 1983), MarcusandCushman(1982), CliffordandMarcus
(1986),Becker(1986),Brodkey(1987),Tyler(1987),Geertz(1988),andVanMaanen
(1988).
20. I am indebtedhere to the thoughtfulanalysisand criticalthinkingof Delmos
Jones(1970),SimeonChilungu (1976),HusseinFahim(1977,1987),E. ValentineDaniel
(1984), ArjunAppadurai (1986, 1988), DorinneKondo(1986, 1990), RenatoRosaldo
(1984, 1989), FranqoiseLionnet(1989), IrmaMcClaurin-Allen (1989),JohnStewart
(1989),TrinhMinh-ha(1989),andKirinNarayan(1990).

REFERENCESCITED

Adams,R.N., andJ.J.Preiss,eds., 1960,HumanOrganization Research.Homewood,


I.: Dorsey Press.
Ahmed,A.S., 1976, Millennium andCharismaamongPathens:A CriticalEssay in
SocialAnthropology. London:RoutledgeandKeganPaul.
Alland,A., Jr., 1975,Whenthe SpiderDanced:NotesfromanAfricanVillage.Garden
City,N.Y.: Doubleday.Reprinted1990, ProspectHeights,Ill.:Waveland Press.
Allen, C.J., 1988, The Hold Life Has: Coca and CulturalIdentityin an Andean
Community. Washington, D.C.: SmithsonianInstitutionPress.

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
86 RESEARCH
OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL
Altorki,S., andC.F. El-Solh,eds., 1988,ArabWomenin the Field:StudyingYour
OwnSociety.Syracuse,N.Y.:SyracuseUniversityPress.
Anderson,B.G., 1990, First Fieldwork:The Misadventures of an Anthropologist.
ProspectHeights,Ill.:Waveland Press.
Appadurai, A., 1986, Theoryin Anthropology: CenterandPeriphery.Comparative
Studiesin SocietyandHistory28:356-61.
Appadurai, A., 1988,PuttingHierarchy in Its Place.CulturalAnthropology 3:36-49.
Asad, T., ed., 1973, Anthropology andthe ColonialEncounter.AtlanticHighlands,
N.J.: Humanities Press.
Babcock,B., 1980,Reflexivity: DefinitionsandDiscriminations. Semiotica30(1-2):1-
14.
Balandier,G., 1957,Afriqueambiqu6.Paris:Plon(TerreHumaine).
Balandier,G., 1966,Ambiguous Africa:Culturesin Collision(trans.by H. Weaver).
New York:Pantheon.
Balandier, G., 1987,"TerreHumaine" as a LiteraryMovement.Anthropology Today
3(1):1-2.
Baldus,H., 1946, CurtNimuendaju, 1883-1945.AmericanAnthropologist 43:239-
43.
Barley,N., 1983a,Adventuresin a MudHut:An InnocentAnthropologist Abroad.
New York:Vanguard Press.
Barley,N., 1983b,SymbolicStructures:An Exploration of the Cultureof the Do-
wayos. Cambridge,Eng.: Cambridge UniversityPress.
Barley,N., 1986,Ceremony: AnAnthropologist's Misadventures intheAfricanBush.
New York:HenryHolt.
Beattie, J., 1960, Bunyoro:An AfricanKingdom.New York:Holt, Rinehartand
Winston.
Beattie,J., 1965, Understanding an AfricanKingdom:Bunyoro.New York:Holt,
RinehartandWinston.
Beaujour,M., 1987, MichelLeiris:Ethnography or Self-Portrayal?
CulturalAnthro-
pology 2:470-80.
Becker,H., 1986,Writing forSocialScientists.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress.
Bell, D., 1983, Daughtersof the Dreaming.Melbourne: McPheeGribble.
Belmonte,T., 1979, The BrokenFountain.New York:Columbia UniversityPress.
Berreman,G.D., 1962, BehindManyMasks:Ethnography and ImpressionMan-
agementina Himalayan Village.SocietyforAppliedAnthropology, Monograph 4. Ithaca,
N.Y.: CornellUniversity.
Berreman,G.D., 1982,ThePoliticsofTruth:EssaysinCritical Anthropology.Atlantic
Highlands,N.J.: Humanities Press.
B6teille, A., and T.N. Madan,eds., 1975, Encounterand Experience:Personal
Accountsof Fieldwork.Honolulu: UniversityPress of Hawaii.
Bock, P.K., 1990, Reviewof ThePredicament of Culture.New MexicoHistorical
Review65:109-10.
Bode, B., 1989,No Bellsto Toll:DestructionandCreationin the Andes.New York:
Scribner'sSons.
Bowen, E.S. [pseud.of L. Bohannan],1954, Returnto Laughter.New York:Dou-
bleday.
Briggs,J., 1970, Never in Anger.Cambridge, Mass.: HarvardUniversityPress.
Brodkey,L., 1987,AcademicWritingas SocialPractice.Philadelphia: TempleUni-
versityPress.

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
OFNARRATIVE
EMERGENCE ETHNOGRAPHY 87
Buelow,G.D., 1973, The Ethnographic Novel in Africa.Ph.D. diss., Universityof
Oregon,Eugene.
Campbell,A.T., 1989, To Squarewith Genesis:CausalStatementsand Shamanic
Ideas in Wayipi.IowaCity:Universityof IowaPress.
Casagrande, J.B., ed., 1960, In the Companyof Man:TwentyPortraitsof Anthro-
pologicalInformants. New York:HarperandRow.
Cesara,M. [pseud.of K. Poewe], 1982,Reflectionsof a WomanAnthropologist: No
HidingPlace. London:AcademicPress.
Chagnon,N.A., 1974, Studyingthe Yanomam6. New York:Holt,RinehartandWin-
ston.
Chernoff,J.M., 1980,AfricanRhythmandAfricanSensibility.Chicago:Universityof
ChicagoPress.
Chilungu,S.W., 1976, Issues in the Ethicsof ResearchMethod:An Interpretation
of the Anglo-American Perspective.CurrentAnthropology 17:457-81.
Clifford,J., 1983, PowerandDialoguein Ethnography: MarcelGriaule'sInitiation.
Pp. 121-56 in ObserversObserved(ed. by G.W.Stocking).Madison:Universityof
WisconsinPress.
Clifford,J., 1986, New Translations of MichaelLeiris.Sulfur15:4-125.
Clifford,J., 1988, The Predicamentof Culture.Cambridge,Mass.: HarvardUni-
versityPress.
J., andG.E. Marcus,eds., 1986,WritingCulture:The PoeticsandPolitics
Clifford,
of Ethnography. Berkeley:Universityof California Press.
Condominas, G., 1957, Nous avonsmangela foret de la Pierre-GenieG6o. Paris:
Mercurede France.
Condominas,1977, We HaveEatenthe Forest:The Storyof a Montagnard Village
in the CentralHighlands of Vietnam.New York:HillandWang.
Cooper,E., 1980, The Woodcarvers of HongKong:CraftProductionin the World
CapitalistPeriphery.CambridgeStudiesin SocialAnthropology no. 29. New York:
Cambridge UniversityPress.
Cornell,L.L., 1986, Reviewof Geisha.American Anthropologist88:484-86.
Coy, M.W., ed., 1989, Apprenticeship: FromTheoryto MethodandBackAgain.
Albany:State Universityof New YorkPress.
Cushing,F.H., 1882-83, MyAdventuresin Zuiii.CenturyIllustrated MonthlyMag-
azine25:191-207,500-511; 26:28-47.
Dalby,L.C., 1983, Geisha.Berkeley:Universityof California Press.
Danforth,L., 1989, Firewalking andReligiousHealing:The Anastenaria of Greece
andthe AmericanFirewalking Movement.Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress.
Daniel,E.V., 1984,FluidSigns:Beinga Personthe TamilWay.Berkeley:University
of California Press.
Devereux,G., 1967,FromAnxietyto MethodintheBehavioral Sciences.TheHague:
Mouton.
De Vita, P.R., ed., 1990, The HumbledAnthropologist: Tales from the Pacific.
Belmont,Calif.:Wadsworth Publishers.
Diamond,S., 1964, NigerianDiscovery:The Politicsof FieldWork.Pp. 119-54 in
Reflectionson Community Studies(ed. by A.J. Vidich,J. Bensman,andM.R. Stein).
New York:JohnWileyandSons.
Diamond,S., 1974,InSearchof the Primitive: A Critiqueof Civilization.New Bruns-
wick, N.J.: Transaction Books.
Dominguez,V.R., 1989, Peopleas Subject,Peopleas Object:SelfhoodandPeople-

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
88 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

hoodin Contemporary Israel.Madison:Universityof WisconsinPress.


Dorst,J.D., 1989,TheWrittenSuburb: AnAmerican Site,AnEthnographic Dilemma.
Philadelphia:Universityof Pennsylvania Press.
Dow,J., 1986,The Shaman's Touch:OtomiIndianSymbolicHealing.SaltLakeCity:
Universityof UtahPress.
Dumont,J-P., 1976,Underthe Rainbow: NatureandSupernature amongthe Panare
Indians.Austin:Universityof TexasPress.
Dumont,J-P., 1978, The HeadmanandI: Ambiguity andAmbivalence in the Field-
workingExperience. Austin: Universityof Texas Press.
Dwyer,K., 1982, MoroccanDialogues:Anthropology in Question.Baltimore: Johns
HopkinsUniversityPress. Reprinted1987, ProspectHeights,Ill.:Waveland Press.
Elmendorf,M.L., 1976, NineMayanWomen.New York:Schenkman.
Elwin,V., 1964, The TribalWorldof VerrierElwin.Bombay:OxfordUniversity
Press.
Evans-Pritchard, E.E., 1940, The Nuer:A Descriptionof the Modesof Livelihood
andPoliticalInstitutionsof a NiloticPeople.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.
Fabian,J., 1971, Language,History,andAnthropology. Philosophyof the Social
Sciences1:19-47.
Fabian,J., 1983, Time andthe Other:HowAnthropology MakesIts Object.New
York:Columbia UniversityPress.
Fahim,H., 1977, Foreignand IndigenousAnthropology: The Perspectivesof an
EgyptianAnthropologist. HumanOrganization 36(1):80-86.
Fahim,H., 1987, IndigenousAnthropology in Non-WesternCountries.Durham,
N.C.: CarolinaAcademicPress.
Favret-Saada, J., 1977, Les mots, la mort,les sorts. Paris:Gallimard.
Favret-Saada, J., 1980,DeadlyWords:Witchcraft inthe Bocage(trans.byC. Cullen).
Cambridge,Eng.: Cambridge UniversityPress.
Fei HsiaoTung, 1939, PeasantLife in China.London:KeganPaul, Trenchand
Trubner.
Fei HsiaoTung,1981,Towarda People'sAnthropology. Beijing:New WorldPress.
Fernea,E.W., 1965,Guestsof the Sheik:AnEthnography of anIraqiVillage.Garden
City,N.Y.: Doubleday.
Fernea,E.W.,1975,AStreetinMarrakech. GardenCity,N.Y.:Doubleday. Reprinted
1988, ProspectHeights,Ill.:Waveland Press.
Firth,R., 1985,Degreesof Intelligibility.
InReasonandMorality(ed. byJ. Overing).
Associationof SocialAnthropologists Monograph no. 24. London:Tavistock.
Freilich,M., ed., 1970, MarginalNatives:Anthropologists at Work.New York:
HarperandRow.
Freshfield,M. [pseud.of M. Field],1947, StormyDawn.London:Faber.
Friedrich,P., 1986, The Princesof Naranja: An Essay in Anthrohistorical Method.
Austin:Universityof Texas Press.
Gadamer,H-G., 1975, TruthandMethod.New York:Seabury.
Gearing,F.O., 1970, The Face of the Fox. Chicago:Aldine.
Geertz, C., 1973, The Interpretation of Cultures.New York:BasicBooks.
Geertz, C., 1985, Waddling In. TimesLiterarySupplement, June7:623-24.
Geertz,C., 1988,WorksandLives:The Anthropologist as Author.Stanford,Calif.:
StanfordUniversityPress.
Goffman,E., 1959,ThePresentation of Selfin EverydayLife.NewYork:Doubleday.
Golde,P., ed., 1970, Womenin the Field:Anthropological Experiences.Chicago:
Aldine.

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
OFNARRATIVE
EMERGENCE ETHNOGRAPHY 89

Gould,R.A., 1969, Yiwara:Foragersof the Australian Desert. New York:Charles


Scribner'sSons.
Green,J., 1979, Zufii:SelectedWritingsof FrankHamiltonCushing.Lincoln:Uni-
versityof NebraskaPress.
Greenway,J., 1972, Downamongthe WildMen:The NarrativeJournalof Fifteen
YearsPursuingthe OldStoneAge Aboriginesof Australia's WesternDesert. Boston:
Little,BrownandCompany.
Gregor,T., 1977, Mehinaku.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress.
Gronewold,S., 1972,DidFrankHamilton CushingGoNative?Pp. 33-50 inCrossing
CulturalBoundaries(ed. by S.T. KimballandJ.B. Watson).SanFrancisco:Chandler.
Harding,S., 1987,FeminismandMethodology: SocialScienceIssues. Bloomington:
IndianaUniversityPress.
Harrison,R., 1989, Signs, Songs, andMemoryin the Andes:Translating Quechua
LanguageandCulture.Austin:Universityof TexasPress.
Hayano,D.M., 1979,Auto-Ethnography: Paradigms,Problems,andProspects.Hu-
manOrganization 38:113-20.
Hayano,D.M., 1982, PokerFaces. Berkeley:Universityof California Press.
Hayano,D.M., 1990,Roadthroughthe RainForest:LivingAnthropology inHighland
PapuaNew Guinea.ProspectHeights,Ill.:Waveland.
Henry,F., andS. Saberwal,eds., 1969, Stress andResponsein Fieldwork.New
York:Holt, RinehartandWinston.
Herdt,G.H., 1988,The Ethnographer's Choices.Pp. 159-92 in ChoiceandMorality
in Anthropological Perspective(ed. by G.N. AppellandT.N. Madan).Albany:State
Universityof New YorkPress.
Hoebel,E.A., R. Currier,andS. Kaiser,eds., 1982, Crisisin Anthropology: View
fromSpringHill,1980. New York:Garland.
Hymes,D., ed., 1969, Reinventing Anthropology. New York:VintageBooks.
Johnson,N.B., 1984, Sex, Color,andRites of Passagein Ethnographic Research.
HumanOrganization 43(2):108-20.
Jones, D.J., 1970,Towardsa NativeAnthropology. HumanOrganization 29(4):251-
59.
Jongmans,D.G., and P.C.W.Gutkind,eds., 1967, Anthropologists in the Field.
Assen, Neth.: VanGorcum.
Jules-Rosette,B., 1975, AfricanApostles:RitualandConversionin the Churchof
JohnMaranke.Ithaca,N.Y.:CornellUniversityPress.
Keil, C., 1979, Tiv Song: The Sociologyof Art in a ClasslessSociety. Chicago:
Universityof ChicagoPress.
Kendall,L., 1988, The LifeandHardTimesof a KoreanShaman:OfTalesandthe
Tellingof Tales. Honolulu:Universityof HawaiiPress.
Kenyatta,J., 1938, FacingMountKenya:The TribalLifeof the Gikuyu.London:
SeckerandWarburg.
Kimball,S.T., 1972, Learninga New Culture.Pp. 182-92 in CrossingCultural
Boundaries:The Anthropological Experience(ed. by S.T. KimballandJ.B. Watson).
San Francisco:Chandler.
Kirsch,A.T., 1982,Anthropology: Past, Present,Future--Toward anAnthropology
of Anthropology. Pp. 91-108 in CrisisinAnthropology (ed. by E.A. Hoebel,R. Currier,
andS. Kaiser).New York:Garland.
Kondo,D.K., 1986, DissolutionandReconstitution of Self:Implications
forAnthro-
pologicalEpistemology.Cultural Anthropology 1:74-88.
Kondo,D.K., 1990, CraftingSelves: Power,Gender,andDiscoursesof Identityin

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
90 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

a JapaneseWorkplace. Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress.


Kugelmass,J., 1986,The Miracleof IntervaleAvenue:The Storyof a JewishCon-
gregationin the SouthBronx.New York:SchockenBooks.
La Farge, 0., 1947, SantaEulalia:The Religionof a CuchumatinIndianTown.
Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress.
Lavie,S., 1990,ThePoeticsofMilitary Occupation.Berkeley:Universityof California
Press.
Lawless,R., V.H.Sutlive,Jr., andM.D. Zamora,eds., 1983,Fieldwork: TheHuman
Experience.New York:GordonandBreach.
Leiris,M., 1934, L'Afrique fant6me.Paris:Plon(TerreHumaine).
LUvi-Strauss, C., 1955, TristesTropiques.Paris:Plon(TerreHumaine).
LUvi-Strauss, C., 1961,TristesTropiques(trans.byJ. Russell).NewYork:Criterion
Books.
Lionnet,F., 1989,Autobiographical Voices:Race, Gender,Self-Portraiture.Ithaca,
N.Y.: CornellUniversityPress.
Lowie, R.H., 1959, RobertH. Lowie, Ethnologist:A PersonalRecord.Berkeley:
Universityof California Press.
Luckmann, T., ed., 1978, Phenomenology andSociology:SelectedReadings.New
York:PenguinBooks.
McClaurin-Allen, I., 1989, Theorizing"Native"Anthropology: Who,What,Whyand
How. Unpub.ms. in author'spossession.
Malaurie,J., 1956, Les derniersrois de Thule.Paris:Plon(TerreHumaine).
Malaurie, J., 1982,The LastKingsof Thule:Withthe PolarEskimos,As TheyFace
TheirDestiny(trans.by A. Foulke).New York:E.P. Dutton.
Malaurie,J., 1987, InterviewwithJeanMalaurie.Anthropology Today3(1):9-11.
Malinowski,B., 1922, Argonautsof the WesternPacific.New York:E.P. Dutton.
Reprinted1961, ProspectHeights,Ill.:Waveland Press.
Malinowski,B., 1935, CoralGardensandTheirMagic.2 vols. Bloomington: Uni-
versityof IndianaPress.
Malinowski, B., 1967,A Diaryin the StrictSense of the Term.New York:Harcourt,
BraceandWorld.
Mandelbaum, D., 1982, Some SharedIdeas. Pp. 35-50 in Crisisin Anthropology
(ed. by E.A. Hoebel,R. Currier,andS. Kaiser).New York:Garland.
Marcus,G.E., andD. Cushman,1982, Ethnographies as Texts. AnnualReviewof
Anthropology 11:25-69.
Marcus,G.E., and M.M.J.Fischer,1986, Anthropology as CulturalCritique:An
Experimental Momentin the HumanSciences.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress.
Marriott,A., 1949, The ValleyBelow.Norman:Universityof Oklahoma Press.
Marriott,A., 1952, GreenerFields:Experiencesamongthe AmericanIndians.Gar-
den City,N.Y.:Doubleday.
Maybury-Lewis, D., 1965, The Savageandthe Innocent.Boston:Beacon.
Messenger,J.C., 1983, An Anthropologist at Play:Balladmongeringin Irelandand
Its Consequencesfor Research.Lanham,Md.: UniversityPress of America.
Middleton,J., 1970,The Studyof the Lugbora:Expectation andParadoxinAnthro-
pologicalResearch.New York:Holt, RinehartandWinston.
Misra,B., 1973, VerrierElwin:A PioneerIndianAnthropologist. New York:Asia
Publishing House.
Mitchell,W.E., 1978, The BambooFire:An Anthropologist in New Guinea.New
York:W.W.Norton.Reprinted1987,ProspectHeights,Ill.:Waveland Press.

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
EMERGENCE
OFNARRATIVE
ETHNOGRAPHY 91

Moeran,B., 1985, OkuboDiary:Portraitof a JapaneseValley.Stanford,Calif.:


StanfordUniversityPress.
Moffatt,M., 1989, Comingof Age in New Jersey: CollegeandAmericanCulture.
New Brunswick,N.J.: RutgersUniversityPress.
Myerhoff,B.G., 1974, Peyote Hunt:The SacredJourneyof the HuicholIndians.
Ithaca,N.Y.: CornellUniversityPress.
Myerhoff,B.G., 1979, NumberOurDays. New York:SimonandSchuster.
Myerhoff,B., andJ. Ruby,1982, Introduction. Pp. 1-35 in A Crackin the Mirror:
ReflexivePerspectivesin Anthropology (ed. by J. Ruby).Philadelphia:Universityof
Pennsylvania Press.
Nakane,C., 1970,JapaneseSociety.Berkeley:Universityof California Press.
Narayan, K., 1989, Saints
Storytellers, and Scoundrels: Folk Narrativein Hindu
ReligiousTeaching.Philadelphia: Universityof Pennsylvania Press.
Narayan,K., 1990, FromSelf-Torturing Bodiesto the Guruof GoodTimes:Rep-
resentingAmericanRepresentationsof HinduAscetics, 1833-1990. Unpub.ms. in
author'spossession.
Obeyesekere,G., 1981,Medusa'sHair:AnEssayonPersonalSymbolsandReligious
Experience.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress.
Ohnuki-Tierney, E., 1984,NativeAnthropologists.AmericanEthnologist3:584-86.
Ortner,S.B., 1984, Theoryin Anthropology sincethe Sixties.Societyfor Compar-
ative Studyof SocietyandHistory26:126-66.
Paul, B.D., 1953, InterviewTechniquesand Field Relationships.Pp. 430-51 in
Anthropology Today(ed. by A.L. Kroeber).Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress.
Polier,N., andW. Roseberry,1989, TristesTropes:PostmodernAnthropologists
Encounterthe OtherandDiscoverThemselves.EconomyandSociety18(2):245-64.
Polkinghorne, D.E., 1983,Methodology forthe HumanSciences:Systemsof Inquiry.
Albany:State Universityof New YorkPress.
Polkinghorne,D.E., 1988, NarrativeKnowingand the HumanSciences. Albany:
State Universityof New YorkPress.
Powdermaker, H., 1966, StrangerandFriend:The Wayof anAnthropologist. New
York:W.W.Norton.
Price,D., 1989, Beforethe Bulldozer:The Nambiquara Indiansandthe WorldBank.
CabinJohn,Md.: Seven LocksPress.
Rabinow,P., 1975, SymbolicDomination: CulturalFormand HistoricalChangein
Morocco.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress.
Rabinow,P., 1977, Reflectionson Fieldworkin Morocco.Berkeley:Universityof
California Press.
Rabinow,P., andW.M.Sullivan,eds., 1979, InterpretiveSocialScience.Berkeley:
Universityof California Press.
Read,K.E., 1965, The HighValley.New York:CharlesScribner'sSons.
Read, K.E., 1986, Returnto the HighValley.Berkeley:Universityof California
Press.
Record,P. [pseud.of P. Drucker],1969, TropicalFrontier.New York:Knopf.
Reichard,G.A., 1934, SpiderWoman:A Story of NavajoWeaversand Chanters.
New York:Macmillan.
Reina,R.E., 1984, Shadows:A MayanWayof Knowing.New York:New Horizon
Press.
Essays in Hermeneutics.Evans-
Ricoeur,P., 1974, The Conflictof Interpretations:
ton, Ill.: NorthwesternUniversityPress.

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
92 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH
Ridington,R., 1988,Trailto Heaven:KnowledgeandNarrativein a NorthernNative
Community. Vancouver,B.C.: DouglasandMcIntyre.
Ridington,R., 1990, LittleBit KnowSomething:Storiesin a Languageof Anthro-
pology.IowaCity:Universityof IowaPress.
Riesman,P., 1977, Freedomin FulaniSocialLife. Chicago:Universityof Chicago
Press.
Rivibre,P., 1980, Reviewof TheHeadmanandI: Ambiguity andAmbivalence in the
Fieldworking Experience.AmericanEthnologist7:213.
Rosaldo,R.I., 1984, Griefanda Headhunter's Rage:Onthe CulturalForceof Emo-
tions. Pp. 178-95 in Text, Play,andStory:The Construction andReconstruction of
Self andSociety(ed. by E.M. Bruner).Washington, D.C.: AmericanEthnological So-
ciety.
Rosaldo,R.I., 1989, CultureandTruth:The Remakingof SocialAnalysis.Boston:
Beacon.
Rose, D., 1987,BlackAmerican StreetLife.Philadelphia: Universityof Pennsylvania
Press.
Rose, D., 1989, Patternsof AmericanCulture:Ethnography and Estrangement.
Philadelphia:Universityof Pennsylvania Press.
Rose, D., 1990, Livingthe Ethnographic Life. Qualitative
ResearchMethods,vol.
23 (ed. byJ. VanMaanen).NewburyPark,Calif.:Sage.
Rosenfeld,G., 1971,"ShutThoseThickLips!"AStudyof SlumSchoolFailure.New
York:Holt, RinehartandWinston.
Said,E., 1978, Orientalism. New York:Pantheon.
Sanjek,R., 1990, The Secret Life of Fieldnotes.Pp. 187-270 in Fieldnotes:The
Makingsof Anthropology (ed. by R. Sanjek).Ithaca,N.Y.:CornellUniversityPress.
Schieffelin,E.L., 1976, The Sorrowof the Lonelyandthe Burningof the Dancers.
New York:St. Martin's.
Schmidt,N.J., 1981, The Natureof Ethnographic Fiction:A FurtherInquiry.An-
thropologyandHumanism Quarterly6(1):8-18.
Schmidt,N.J., 1984, Ethnographic Fiction:Anthropology's HiddenLiteraryStyle.
Anthropology andHumanism Quarterly9(4):11-14.
Schutz,A., 1967, The Phenomenology of the SocialWorld(trans.by G. Walshand
F. Lehnert).Evanston,Ill.:NorthwesternUniversityPress.
Schutz,A., 1973, CollectedPapers (ed. by M. Natanson).3 vols. The Hague:
MartinusNijhoff.
Selby,H.A., 1974, ZapotecDeviance:The Convergenceof FolkandModernSoci-
ology.Austin:Universityof TexasPress.
Shore,B., 1982,Sala'ilua:ASamoanMystery.NewYork:Columbia UniversityPress.
Sontag,S., 1966, The Anthropologist as Hero. Pp. 69-81 in AgainstInterpretation
(ed. by S. Sontag).New York:Farrar,StraussandGiroux.
Spindler,G.D., ed., 1970, BeinganAnthropologist: Fieldworkin ElevenCultures.
New York:Holt,RinehartandWinston.
Srinivas,M.N., A.M. Shah,andE.A. Ramaswamy, 1979,The Fieldworker andthe
Field.Delhi:OxfordUniversityPress.
Stewart,J.O., 1989,Drinkers,Drummers,andDecentFolk:Ethnographic Narratives
of VillageTrinidad. Albany:State Universityof New YorkPress.
Stocking,G.W.,Jr., 1982,Anthropology in Crisis?A Viewfrombetweenthe Gen-
erations.Pp. 407-19 in Crisisin Anthropology (ed. by E.A. Hoebel,R. Currier,and
S. Kaiser).New York:Garland.

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
EMERGENCE
OFNARRATIVE
ETHNOGRAPHY 93

Stocking,G.W.,Jr., 1983a, The Ethnographer's Magic:Fieldworkin BritishAn-


thropologyfromTylorto Malinowski. Pp. 70-120 in ObserversandObserved:Essays
on Ethnographic Fieldwork(ed. by G.W.Stocking,Jr.). Madison:Universityof Wis-
consinPress.
Stocking,G.W.,Jr., 1983b,ObserversObserved:EssaysonEthnographic Fieldwork.
Historyof Anthropology, vol. 1. Madison:Universityof WisconsinPress.
Stoller,P., andC. Olkes, 1987, In Sorcery'sShadow:A Memoirof Apprenticeship
amongthe Songhayof Niger.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress.
Taussig,M., 1987, Shamanism,Colonialism, andthe WildMan:A Studyin Terror
andHealing.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress.
Tedlock,B., 1982, Timeandthe Highland Maya.Albuquerque: Universityof New
MexicoPress.
Tedlock,B., 1991,The Beautifulandthe Dangerous:Writingin the Marginsof Zuni
Lives. New York:Viking.
Tedlock,D., 1979, The AnalogicalTraditionand the Emergenceof a Dialogical
Anthropology. Journalof AnthropologicalResearch35:387-400.
Tedlock,D., 1983,The SpokenWordandthe Workof Interpretation. Philadelphia:
Universityof PennsylvaniaPress.
Tedlock,D., 1987, QuestionsConcerningDialogicalAnthropology. Journalof An-
thropologicalResearch43:325-44.
Tedlock,D., 1990,Daysfroma DreamAlmanac.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress.
TrinhT. Minh-ha,1989, Woman,Native, Other:WritingPostcoloniality and Fem-
inism.Bloomington: IndianaUniversityPress.
Turnbull,C., 1961,The ForestPeople:A Studyof the Pygmiesof the Congo.New
York:SimonandSchuster.
Turnbull,C., 1965, WaywardServants:The Two Worldsof the AfricanPygmies.
GardenCity,N.Y.:NaturalHistoryPress.
Turner,E., 1987,The Spiritandthe Drum:A Memoirof Africa.Tucson:University
of ArizonaPress.
Tyler,S.A., 1987,The Unspeakable: Discourse,Dialogue,andRhetoricin the Post-
modemWorld.Madison:Universityof WisconsinPress.
Vander,J., 1988, Songprints:The MusicalExperienceof Five ShoshoneWomen.
Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress.
VanMaanen,J., 1988, Tales of the Field:On WritingEthnography. Chicago:Uni-
versityof ChicagoPress.
Vidich,A.J., J. Bensman,andM.R. Stein, eds., 1964, Reflectionson Community
Studies.New York:JohnWileyandSons.
Ward,M.C., 1989, Nest in the Wind:Adventuresin Anthropology on a Tropical
Island.ProspectHeights,Ill.:Waveland Press.
Wax,R.H., 1971, DoingFieldWork:Warnings andAdvice.Chicago:Universityof
Chicago Press.
Webster,S., 1982, Dialogueand Fictionin Ethnography. DialecticalAnthropology
7:91-114.
Webster,S., 1983,Ethnography Dialectical
as Storytelling. Anthropology 8:185-206.
Werner,D., 1984,AmazonJourney:AnAnthropologist's YearamongBrazil'sMek-
ranotiIndians.New York:SimonandSchuster.
Whitehead,T.L., andM.E. Conaway,eds., 1986, Self, Sex, andGenderin Cross-
CulturalFieldwork.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress.
Wolff,K.H., 1964, SurrenderandCommunity Study:The Studyof Loma.Pp. 233-

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
94 OFANTHROPOLOGICAL
JOURNAL RESEARCH

63 in Reflectionson Community
Studies(ed. by A.J. Vidich,J. Bensman,andM.R.
Stein).New York:JohnWileyandSons.
Yang,M.M.C., 1945,A ChineseVillage.New York:Columbia UniversityPress.
Yang,M.M.C., 1972, HowA ChineseVillageWasWritten.Pp. 63-73 in Crossing
CulturalBoundaries:The Anthropological
Experience(ed. by S.T. KimballandJ.B.
Watson).SanFrancisco:Chandler.

This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Mon, 10 Aug 2015 20:42:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Vous aimerez peut-être aussi