Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
http://www.apd-somaliland.org
Acknowledgements
Editor: John Scully
Design and Layout: Cege Mwangi, Arcadia Associates
Photographs: Interpeace/Ryan Anson, Mukhtar Hersi/PDRC, Ulf Terlinden, Xaqsoor and APD
Front cover photo: An armed charcoal producer prepares to burn acacia trees felled in pastoral grazing lands, where acacia trees
provide browsing for camels and are an essential part of the ecosystem in this semi-arid environment
Back cover photo: 3 KW of electricity is produced in a gentle breeze by this windmill the brainchild of Eng Mohamed Nuh,
designed and made locally by Somaliland Free Energy
This report was produced by the Academy for Peace and Development and Interpeace and represents exclusively their own
views. These views have not been adopted or in any way approved by the contributing donors and should not be relied upon
as a statement of the contributing donors or their services. The contributing donors do not guarantee the accuracy of the data
included in this report, nor do they accept responsibility for any use made thereof.
Contents November 2006
Introduction ............ 6
Conclusions .......... 42
3
The Dialogue for Peace
How WSP International and its three partners are working to consolidate peace and
support better governance across the Somali region
Rebuilding a country after conict is about far more than repairing damaged buildings and re-establishing
public institutions. Fundamentally, it is about restoring the peoples trust and condence in governance
systems and the rule of law, rebuilding relationships at all levels, and providing the population with greater
hope for the future. These processes are all critical to the consolidation of peace and security in fragile
post-conict situations. When they are neglected, the threat of conict re-emerging is very real.
In this sense, state-building and peace-building are potentially contradictory processes the former
requiring the consolidation of governmental authority, the latter involving its moderation through
compromise and consensus. The challenge for both national and international peacemakers is to situate
reconciliation rmly within the context of state-building, while employing state-building as a platform for
the development of mutual trust and lasting reconciliation. In the Somali region, it goes without saying that
neither of these processes can be possible without the broad and inclusive engagement of the Somali
people.
WSP International recently renamed the International Peacebuilding Alliance (Interpeace) launched
its Somali Programme in the northeastern part of the Somali region known as Puntland in 1996. It
subsequently expanded its programme to Somaliland in 1999, and to south-central Somalia in 2000.
Working with highly respected local peace-building institutions established with the programmes
support the Puntland Development Research Centre (PDRC) in Garowe, the Academy for Peace and
Development (APD) in Hargeysa, and the Center for Research and Dialogue (CRD) in Mogadishu WSP
has employed a highly successful Participatory Action Research methodology to advance and support
interlinked processes of peace-building and state formation. WSPs experience in the Somali region over
the past decade indicates that the understanding and trust developed through the PAR methodology can
help to resolve conicts directly, while at the same time building consensual approaches to address the
social, economic and political issues necessary for a durable peace.
As well as groundbreaking research throughout the Somali region, the Dialogue for Peace programme
has provided unique opportunities for the three partners to engage with each other in collaborative
studies and shared projects. In 2004, the CRD and PDRC teams agreed to combine their efforts
in a jointly-managed peace-building programme. While managing its component of the Dialogue
independently, the APD has continued to collaborate with the other two institutions on key technical and
methodological issues. Over the past two years, the three partners have met regularly with WSPs Somali
programme team to plan and coordinate their respective activities, as well as with a Dialogue Support
Group comprising the programmes donors at the European Commission, DfID, USAID, Switzerland,
Sweden, Norway, Finland, Italy and Denmark.
The Dialogues consultative process has involved extensive consultations with all sectors of society, from
national-level political and business leaders to local elders and community leaders, youth and womens
groups, NGOs and civil society organisations. Its Participatory Action Research has provided for an
inclusive, consensus-oriented dialogue led by local actors and facilitated by Somali research teams based
at each of the partner institutions. The discussions have been documented in written and video form,
and every effort has been made to engage the local media and disseminate the ndings as broadly and
objectively as possible.
At the outset of the main consultative phase, Working Groups of primary stakeholders were established
to guide the work on each focus area and to develop plans of action. The groups activities included:
information gathering and analysis; the identication of key local, regional and national actors whose
views or engagement would be required; consultations through interviews, workshops, informal and
formal meetings at local, inter-regional or national levels; and the engagement of resource persons to
provide particular expertise on complex issues. Extensive consultations over a period of a year or more
were essential to ensure sustained public interest and to raise key issues to political decision-makers.
Each of the partners also organised regular forums for public discussion of topical issues of concern, as
well as engaging in informal liaison as a means of conict prevention.
This report forms part of a nal series of publications designed to formally package the ndings of
these consultations both as a record for those involved, and as a formal presentation of ndings and
recommendations to the national and regional authorities and their supporters. Together with a short
documentary lm on each of the focal areas, it is also hoped that these publications will provide a
practical platform for the sharing of lessons learned during each of these groundbreaking consultations.
In response to requests from different stakeholders, including members of the different governance
structures, the Dialogue for Peace also set out to take its research-for-action beyond the stage of
recommendations to include more material contributions to peace- and state-building. One example
was the reduction of tensions in Sool after a high-prole exchange of prisoners between Somaliland and
Puntland, following extensive behind-the-scenes mediation supported by the APD and PDRC. To ensure
that such practical hands-on support will continue into the next phase of the Dialogue, WSP has also
initiated a comprehensive programme of managerial training, technical capacity building and fundraising
support at each of its partner institutions. And of course, it is continuing to provide practical opportunities
for the three institutions to meet together and with other like-minded organisations in order to support
other initiatives to foster long-term peace for the Somali people.
Introduction 5
From Plunder to Prosperity
Resolving Resource-Based Conict in Somaliland
An APD/Interpeace Report of the Dialogue for Peace
Introduction
After decades of political upheaval in the Somali region, land tenure systems in Somaliland lie in grim
disarray. Years of civil war steadily eroded traditional systems of managing land and resources and
resolving conict, the Somaliland government has been unable to fully restore or replace these systems,
and poverty is extensive throughout. Together, these three factors have provided the conditions for a
scramble for dwindling natural resources that now poses a great threat to the people of Somaliland, to
her environment, to economic growth and to prospects for lasting peace.
Agriculture, both rain-fed and irrigated, for food crops and fodder, is slowly eating away grazing land.
The Diaspora and other returnees are bringing newly acquired enthusiasm for the business of sedentary
agriculture, while livestock herders turn to farming out of desperation. As agriculture expands its hold over
the countryside, pastoralists and farmers are increasingly coming into conict over scarce land and water.
The devastated rural economy, victim of war, drought and the livestock export ban, drives the rural poor
to any means necessary for survival. Forests, one of the few remaining resources in Somaliland left to
exploit, are now falling at ecologically suicidal rates at the hands of loggers and charcoal burners.
Somaliland takes great pride in its traditional modes of conict resolution based on the intervention of
elders respected for their wisdom and experience, but traditional systems are becoming increasingly
untenable in the face of the many conicts over natural resources and their varied and complex nature,
often beyond the scope of traditional intervention.
Somaliland is still awash with small arms. Land disputes can quickly escalate into armed conict due to
the ubiquity of guns. Government police are overwhelmed challenged and insufciently funded to respond
to arising confrontations. Loyalty to clan before state is an impediment to the maintenance of law and
order.
These overwhelming problems in tackling natural resource-based conicts led to its identication by
stakeholders as a priority concern and prompted the Academy for Peace and Development (APD), in
partnership with Interpeace, to help Somaliland government institutions establish policies and laws to
tackle the underlying causes of these conicts, improve natural resource management systems and help
consolidate peace in the region.
From a strong foundation in participatory action research methodology, the process sought specically
to bring together public stakeholders to dissect, debate and discuss conicts over natural resources,
raise public awareness of and involvement in the issue, develop a concrete plan of action to address the
causes and nally begin to reverse the environmental and societal devastation.
At a National Project Group Meeting (NPGM) held in Hargeisa, Somaliland, in November 2004,
participants from a broad cross-section of society formed a Working Group (WG) composed of key
stakeholders decision makers, professionals, experts and civic leaders to delve into the major
underlying causes of resource conicts, and in particular those surrounding charcoal, in an attempt to
discover concrete solutions.
Before the civil war, authority over the use and ownership of natural resources rested rmly in the hands
of the omnipotent, if undemocratic and often unjust, central government. With the eventual collapse of
the Siad Barre regime in 1991 and the emergence of the government in Somaliland, the management
of natural resources has become increasingly challenging. While pastoralists expected to continue their
traditional way of life, a new set of emerging factors - increasing urbanisation, settlement, sedentarisation
and fencing - has diminished the land available for grazing and, with it, pastoralists hopes for the
traditional nomadic lifestyle.
The pastoral way of life, with its characteristic communal ownership of pastureland and water and
private ownership of herds under clan protection, simply cannot survive in a fenced-off, privately owned
countryside. If unchecked, the haphazard manner in which pastoralism is now being transformed will lead
to further conict, and the eventual destruction of pastoralist livelihoods.
According to the law, this should not be the case. Somaliland has state laws and policies intended to
govern the ownership and use of land and natural resources. The Ministry of Pastoral Development
and Environment has produced a Range Policy, an Environment Policy and a Law for the Protection of
Rangeland and Against Land Degradation. VetAid and PENHA (Pastoral Emergencies Network for the
Horn of Africa), two international NGOs operating in Somaliland, published a policy document covering
Land Resources Tenure and Agricultural Land Use. But these, and other policies and laws inherited from
previous regimes, seem to have only added to the confusion. The one thing that all actors can agree on is
that Somalilands land and natural resource policies and laws are not at all effective.
Even if clear policies were in place, however, the means for implementation are virtually absent.
Somalilands ofcial budget has very little scope for development programmes, with the bulk of
governments meagre revenue going to maintaining peace and security and nancing the basic
operations of the ministries. The private sector has tried to ll the gap, making signicant and essential
investments in education, health
care, communication and trade.
However, constructive private sector
investment has not been felt in the
environmental sector since it is
not a prot-making undertaking.
Government generally encourages
efforts to protect the environment,
but is challenged to coordinate them
for the sake of greater efciency or
to impose regulations or minimum
standards. Local governments
and communities are equally
challenged and unable to cope with
environmental problems.
Fenced enclosure of traditional pasturelands contributes to environmental degradation and
resource-based conict, Boroma district Xaqsoor
Key Issues 7
The same is true of aid agency projects. However well intentioned, these are often small-scale and
uncoordinated, and at times operate at cross-purposes. In one poignant example, the community bee-
keeping project initiated by one agency was inadvertently killed off by another agencys overzealous
distribution of pesticides in a neighbouring community.
Fencing Rangeland
The increasing prevalence of fenced enclosures in traditional pasturelands and the growth of sedentary
agriculture are two of the most important causes of natural resource-based conict in Somaliland. To
the west and southwest of Hargeisa, for example, pastoralists from Alleybadey District (called Meder
by locals) on the Ethiopian side of the border can no longer seek water and pasture for their livestock
in Gabiley, Arabsiyo and neighbouring vicinities in Somaliland because of the proliferation of fences and
farms in the area. Violent clashes here are common.
In the Sanag region, enclosures take the form of ceshimo, expanses of prime grazing area claimed
by individuals or families. Some ceshimo have their roots in colonial British Fodder Reserves; others
appeared after the illegal seizure of former Cooperative land, designated as such during Siad Barres
socialist era. Regardless of origin, however, claims of outsider trespassing on ceshimo have been a
source of much violent dispute and several deaths in Sanag. Reconciliation conferences held in Erigavo in
the early 1990s settled many of these disputes amicably, but certain clans in the area claims still linger on,
unresolved.
Charcoal is the primary source of fuel for Somalilands urban population. There are no ofcial gures
for the overall urban population as the last ofcial census conducted in Somaliland was in the 1970s.
However a survey in 2006 by UN-Habitat estimated the Hargeisa population at 400,000 (although
Habitat considers this gure may be low). Buraos urban population is estimated at between 150,000-
200,000. Other major urban centres are Borama, Berbera, Erigavo, Gabiley, and Odweine. Overall
Somalilands urban population is estimated at between 160,000-200,000 households.
The use of charcoal by households is more dependent on family size than on income brackets as
charcoal is not an excessively expensive commodity and most of population can afford charcoal.
The gures are obtained from Ministry staff at entry points into the city but are likely to be well below
the actual quantities for fear of sanctions from auditors. Nevertheless, based on these gures, charcoal
consumption by urban households in Hargeisa is more than a million bags of charcoal per year.
Taking the most conservative estimate of populations in the other major urban centres, this would
indicate that over 2 million bags of charcoal are consumed each year. In addition, wood logs are used
to fuel bread making ovens and other trees cut down for construction. This is equivalent to between 2
and 2.5 million trees destroyed each year. While some charcoal is obtained from across the border in
Ethiopia, the amounts may not be as great as is sometimes claimed due to the constraints of transport
costs and intermittent insecurity.
Overall, it seems that Somaliland is losing well over 2 million trees a year with little re-planting to ensure
sustainability of this essential resource.
Charcoal production in Somaliland has increased dramatically since the imposition of the ban on
the import of Somali livestock by Saudi Arabia in 1998 forced pastoralists to scramble for economic
alternatives. To make matters worse, rural communities that depended mainly on rewood in the past
are also switching to charcoal as a more compact, convenient and cleaner-burning fuel. With wood fuel,
the tree is used in its entirety, including bark and twigs, and thus is less wasteful. In contrast, charcoal
is derived only from the hard core trunk. At the same time, the expanding urban population has also
increased its consumption of charcoal1.
Forests near Goda, Cadaadley and Daar-budhuq have been destroyed en masse to supply charcoal to
towns such as Berbera, Burao and Hargeisa. The resultant conicts in these areas have caused many
deaths; one recent armed clash between two clans in the locality of Ali-Adan claimed at least four lives.
The Sool plateau to the southeast of El-afwein is also rife with conict over charcoal, which is produced
locally but bound for lucrative sale in Las Anod, Garowe, Bosaso, and for export to the Gulf States. The
Governor of Sanag has said that his police units are unable to intervene effectively in these conicts
because of the charcoal traders superior repower.
The export trade has added another dramatic dimension to the problem, increasing both local prot
margins and production demands to such an extent that traders employ armed militia for protection. Their
operations thrive in the disputed territories between Somaliland and Puntland and in the border areas
between Ethiopia and Somaliland where government authorities are weakest.
Key Issues 9
In the neighbouring Somali Region of Ethiopia, competition for access to the trade is pitting formerly
peaceful communities against one another. Bloody encounters are reported regularly in the media.
Despite charcoals increasing popularity, rewood is still used extensively in rural areas for cooking and
lighting. In urban areas rewood is used for communal bread-making ovens because of Somalilands high
electricity costs (approx. $1.00 per KWH). One oven in the medium-size Hargeisa district of Jigjiga yar, for
example, consumes 200 to 300 logs of 1.5-2m in length every ten days. With four or ve ovens in each of
Hargeisas ve districts, the citys ovens collectively consume close to 18,750 logs per month on average,
or 225,000 logs annually, with each log representing one live tree destroyed. Charcoal is not the only
culprit of deforestation and environmental devastation.
World War II, there were several dry season water points available to herders: Hargeysa, Odweyne, El
Hume, Adaadley, Burao, Eeg, Harada, Ainabo, and Las Anod were among the most popular. Clashes
over access to these points were not uncommon, particularly during the dry season.
A 1995 UNICEF survey of water points in Somaliland recorded a total of 5,513 berkas and 4,969 ballis in
the regions of Togdheer and Hargeisa. The balli water lasts 3-6 months, the berkas about 3 months, as
ballis are often larger and wells built around the periphery prolong the retention of stored water. Berkas
typically hold between 2,000-4,000 litres consumed by the people and animal stock of the owners
homestead. Berkas are made of cement and bricks, minimising seepage into the ground. Extra water
beyond the needs of the family is sold. The survey also lists 209 bore wells, though only 58 (27.7%) were
functioning at the time.
There are also numerous dug wells along dry riverbeds (or togs) throughout the territory, which rely on
rainwater to recharge, as well as perennial springs found mainly along the slopes of the Golis watershed.
From 1980-1986, prior to the civil war, a World Bank-funded agricultural project built both communally
run ballis and private berkas in areas south of Hargeisa, though recent updates on the project are not
available. Since the UNICEF survey in 1995, NGOs, UN agencies and to a lesser extent the government,
have constructed many bore wells, dams and berkas in an uncoordinated, somewhat haphazard manner.
Key Issues 11
Varied Conicts
Conicts over Somalilands scare natural resources vary in socio-economic implication and human
impact depending on the resource at stake. Gemstones, marine resources and gums are conned to
certain regions and competition over these resources therefore lack the pervasive impact on the lives of
Somalilands pastoral population compared with the effect of charcoal burning or, to a lesser extent, the
fencing of land for pasture or agriculture. Even limited access to water, though crucial, has less impact
on pastoral livelihoods than erosion of grazing lands. Each conict is complex and unique and has to be
contextualised within its specic geographical, social and political situation.
Regional: In Hargeisa Region the main problem is the process of sedentarisation, while in Togdheer it is
overgrazing, villagisation (the formation of a village in the heart of livestock pastureland) and overabundant
water cisterns. In Sanag Region, it is the ceshimo (enclosures not necessarily cordoned off by fences).
In Awdal Region, the main source of conicts is mining rights for gemstones and other minerals; in Sahil
Region the foreign shing onslaught in and around Somalilands territorial waters is the pre-eminent threat.
These diverse, interconnected issues are all important factors in the consolidation of peace and security
in Somaliland.
Rural vs. Urban: If rural conicts are fought mainly for control of natural resources, urban struggles are
most often over real estate. The city of Hargeisa has seen violent struggles over government buildings
and property. In Burao, the airport recently became the centre of a struggle between same-clan afliates.
The Borama and Erigavo grazing reserves, Seraha, are now in the process of being grabbed by real
estate dealers.
Previously, most of these properties were either nationalised by the state or conscated by the Central
Bank for default loans. Others were seized by the former Siad Barre government and often nationalised
for a specic purpose, such as building a factory or establishing an agricultural cooperative. In the
aftermath of the fall of the Siad Barre regime and subsequent breakdown of authority, such properties
become the focus of erce contests. Properties auctioned by the bank often became sources of conict
between the old and new owners.
Currently, there are still squatters occupying government buildings, reecting the reluctance of authorities
to assert themselves forcefully. Fortune-seeking brokers and certain ofcials grab plots of land on the
periphery of old colonial bungalows with impunity. Plots owned by senior gures in the Siad Barre regime
became the prize in a long contest of loud claims and counter-claims to ownership made both in court
and on property sites. Conicting ownership certicates can be issued by different government bodies,
such as the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Public Works or the municipal government, or can
simply be forged outright by one of the above. Whether the overall atmosphere is one of disrespect or
disregard for government authority has not been put to the test.
These are examples of some of the conict ash points in the country. In all cases the police, local
administrations and the general public are important stakeholders and must be involved in nding
solutions. In Somaliland, where the rule of law is still evolving and societal fragmentation and
displacement from years of civil strife has yet to heal completely, conicts over natural resources
will continue to lie at the heart of any constructive discussion on the consolidation of peace and
establishment of effective governance.
The meagre police salaries are a major challenge in the reform of an effective police service, and the
police do perform admirably in many cases. Overall, however, Somalilands police and government
authorities have been ineffective in resolving disputes over natural resources. Despite the erosion of
traditional systems, most disputes are still settled by clan elders. Their role is one of the main strengths in
the maintenance of peace and security in Somaliland, but is at times reactive rather than proactive.
Key Issues 13
Critical Needs
During the course of this research work, many participants in the workshops and meetings emphasised
the importance of regulating resource use to forestall the collapse of the rural economy. The issues are
many and complex, but the most drastic and most far-reaching is the decimation of forest cover for fuel.
The charcoal production problem is central to preventing the occurrence and recurrence of resource-
based conicts.
No serious interventions on the land issue have been undertaken, though a UNDP-supported project for
Cadastral Surveys implemented by the well-known author and expert on Somali affairs, John Drysdale,
has eased tensions signicantly in and around Gabiley District. The Somaliland Cadastral Surveys covered
over 8,000 rain-fed and irrigated farms, producing maps, certicates of registration, title deeds and
boundary markings. The project issued titles and computerised photo ID cards to farm owners. The maps
are posted at relevant government ofces, such as the Ministries of Agriculture and Planning. Drysdales
in-depth knowledge of the people of the area was crucial to the success of the programme and its impact
on peace.
As the local climate changes and annual rainfall levels decrease and become more sporadic, the
movement of livestock beyond traditional boundary lines is increasingly provoking hostility from host
communities, even though many know that todays wealthy host can easily become tomorrows destitute
guest, or remember kind gestures offered when their own community faced drought or famine in the
past. But others use the inux of herders into their territory to settle disputes, demand outstanding blood
money or settle old vendettas by killing the closest kin of the alleged perpetrator of an earlier murder a
common practice in the eastern regions of Sool, Sanag and Togdheer.
Deeper Issues
A closer look into all aspects of conict over natural resources reveals some fundamental issues requiring
further analysis and action:
1. The land tenure situation in Somaliland calls for thorough and rigorous understanding before
formulating realistic laws and policies that can address all aspects of land ownership and access
in practical ways. Pastoralists and their herds need free mobility and access to water, pasture, and
saltlicks (or salty grass). Constraints on any of these, as happens whenever settlements expand,
threaten the viability of pastoralist livelihoods. Parliaments recent promulgation of Law No. 17 on
urban land appropriation adds further confusion to the problems facing the pastoral community.
Although most towns in Somaliland, such as Hargeisa and Burao, started as water points for
animals from the upper plateau and the Haud, such points are now inaccessible with physical
impediments of roads and buildings getting in the way. It seems that pastoralists and herds have
simply been pushed aside without any alternatives been sought or put in place.
2. A variety of rangeland trees produce valuable gums and resins, such as Acacia Senegal (gum
arabic) and related species (Acacia cadaad, jaleefan and qansax), but the pastoral community
has not been made aware of their commercial potential. Other resin-producing trees, such as the
commiphoras, cover large areas of Sool, the Haud and the coast. Frankincense is harvested in
Sanag, myrrh in the Haud and Sool. With greater awareness, living trees could become a valuable
and renewable source of income.
3. The issue of charcoal production has become so pervasive and complex that regional dialogue
Key Issues 15
Key Stakeholders and Counterparts
The Somaliland constitution sets out a political framework for multiparty democracy, a bicameral
parliament and an independent judiciary. Government ministries are charged with formulating policy;
institutions such as those represented in the natural resource-based conict Working Group can offer
valuable support in addressing gaps and shortcomings.
Government
Though they have indistinct and overlapping mandates, the Ministries of Pastoral Development and
Environment, Agriculture, Livestock, and Water and Mineral Resources, as well as the newly formed
National Emergency and Research Agency for Disaster (NERAD) are the primary authorities responsible
for environmental issues and natural resources in general. The Ministry of Interior is the key institution on
all matters related to security and conict. APD enjoys solid working relationships with these institutions.
Without any major policies in place or a strong drive to take effective measures, past conferences remain
the main reference for conict resolutions. The Reconciliation Conference held in Borama, Awdal Region,
in 1993, concluded with an agreement that permanent properties were to be returned to their rightful
owners. Parties generally complied, except for a few cases where original ownership was in dispute.
However since then, land ownership issues continue to present increasingly complex challenges.
Parliament
Somalilands most recent parliamentary elections were held in September 2005. The previous parliament
had managed to pass a score or so of laws over a ten-year period, including a number relating to
the environment. When the new House convened, however, it faced a backlog of draft legislation as
well as other immediate political challenges to address. The existing legislation on land issues and the
environment is essential for the consolidation of peace, but to settle disputes in court, in practice, typically
the laws of the previous regime have been applied, at times substituting or complementing newly passed
laws.
The laws promulgated during the colonial era addressed some fundamental land tenure issues, such
as demarcating pastoral and agricultural lands and prohibiting the felling of live trees, safeguarded
haphazardly by traditional norms and inter- and intra-clan leadership. The construction of berkas was not
permitted on prime grazing lands. Subsequent post-independence governments introduced laws such
as the Flora and Fauna Act (71), the Land Law (75) and the Rangeland Development Law (79), whose
application reected the regimes brand of unjust authoritarianism. The Conservation and Protection Act
(98) and the Agricultural Land Property Law (99) enacted by Parliament overlap on key provisions, and
because of the increasing complexity of land tenure issues, have since become obsolete.
Livestock population statistics extrapolated from a 1975 government census are disputed (APD, 2004)
but most agree that overall numbers have declined in recent years, even as the human population has
increased in the aftermath of the war (UNDP Human Index Report, 2002).
Once focused solely on subsistence, the commercialisation of the livestock trade brought the pastoral
economy rmly into the marketplace (Pat Johnson 1999, Cindy Hollman, 2002). It also brought problems.
The desire to raise and sell as many animals as possible encouraged rampant berka construction
throughout the Haud, stretching the regions already limited carrying capacity. Increased numbers of
sheep and goats (shoats) in particular have had a devastating effect on the environment; their stiff hoofs
wreak havoc on the topsoil around water points if the land is not allowed sufcient time to recover
through rotational grazing. The average annual export of a million shoats from Somaliland (50% originating
from within the territory) once relieved some of this pressure. The ban on the import of Somali livestock
by Saudi Arabia in 1998 reduced this safety valve, aggravating both the environmental crisis and rising
tensions between communities.
Making a living from livestock is becoming more difcult and less sustainable with every passing year.
Young men and women from over-stretched pastoralist communities migrate chiey to Somalilands four
main cities of Hargeisa, Burao, Borama and Erigavo in search of work, but with few marketable skills
many end up as burners, porters or guards in the charcoal trade.
Cast of Characters
The main players in the charcoal trade are the wealthy businessmen who organize and nance mass
production and own the trucks, the coolies who work the pits, the porters and drivers who transport the
charcoal, and the retailers who sell it. The larger traders who dominate the industry are often members
of cooperatives, such as Nooleys and Cadceed in Hargeisa, which set prices and prevent outright
competition among members. At the other end of the chain, the owners of retail charcoal stalls in urban
centres are mainly women from the ranks of the urban poor. They ultimately decide the retail price per
bag, but all claim that the business is not as lucrative as it seems. Candle-Light has also observed
many women engaged in small-scale production near homesteads between Goda and Burao2. They
constitute a small minority of poor pastoralists forced to supplement their meagre incomes with charcoal.
In between, there are the many labourers and part-time village charcoal producers, often pastoralists who
have lost their animals to drought or their livelihood to the livestock ban. The pastoralist generally has
few good options beyond raising livestock. Once the animals have been sold off, often at too low prices,
2
Impact of charcoal, CLHE et al., p. 20
Key Stakeholders 17
A fully grown acacia tree being burnt
to make charcoal
Charcoal Production 19
the household budget reduced to a bare
minimum, the children sent to live with
better-off relatives and cash collected
from family in cities and, for the lucky
few, relatives abroad3, charcoal is the
last resort. The livelihoods of 60-65% of
Somalilands population are threatened by
the imminent collapse of the pastoral way
of life: those who have turned to charcoal
for survival is of particular interest here.
The Media
Somalilands main radio station is a
A truck bringing charcoal for sale for domestic use in Hargeisa urban households
government-run medium wave outlet need cheap and viable alternatives
with limited transmission capacity, its
signal barely audible in the further reaches of the state. The FM version of the same station is popular in
Hargeisa, where reception is good. Another radio station, Horyaal, broadcasts through the Internet from
Belgium via Norway.
Newspapers are numerous, though they tend to share similar layouts and format: headline news items
packed onto the front page, a few articles from the readership in the body of the paper, ending with
a sports page. A few offer Internet-based content. Critics point to low quality reporting, pervasive
sensationalism and a lack of journalistic ethics. Defenders herald the papers as the vanguard of
Somalilands budding democratic aspirations.
The government-owned paper, Mandeeq, is relatively less popular. The majority of the rest are editorially
anti-establishment, though this is driven more by sales strategy than rm principle, with a penchant for
sensationalist, often unsubstantiated stories. Most papers sell less than 2,000 copies per edition; none is
published daily. The TV stations are located in Hargeisa and broadcast to Hargeisa alone.
Despite these limitations, Somalilands media can be a powerful tool in reaching the public. Two APD-
produced documentaries on natural resource-based conict (a third is now in the works) have aired
repeatedly on local TV. The visual impact of charcoals extensive environmental toll and evidence of the
sheer enormity of the trade struck a chord among many audiences, including the government. These and
other broadcasts on the subject led to the formation of a National Task Force of Ministers, nominated by
the President, to look into the problem and potential solutions.
Workshops are a powerful tool to encourage broad-based, solution-oriented dialogue. The citizens of
Somaliland typically welcome the opportunity to engage government ofcials and other decision makers
to share their opinions on important matters. Women and minorities, particularly, welcome the open
space for active participation.
To encourage maximum government interest and participation, the natural resource-based conict
workshops organised by APD almost always begin with opening statements from a senior Somaliland
gure, such as a Minister or provincial governor. The Vice President inaugurated an exhibition of
alternative fuels held in Hargeisa in March 2006; the Minister of Pastoral Development, Mr. Fuad Aden
Adde, and the Minister of Water and Mineral Resources, Mr. Qasim Sh. Yusuf, each opened workshops.
The Minister of Interior, Mr. Ismail O. Aden, authorised a number of eld trips and mandated full regional
authority cooperation with research teams.
APD has held nine natural resource-based conict workshops, one each in Erigavo and Burao, ve in
Hargeisa and two in Borama.
Candle Light Director Ahmed Ibrahim presented his organisations efforts to curb the effects of years
of environmental neglect and abuse, focusing on an energy-saving charcoal stove that increases fuel
efciency by 20%. Participants noted that Candle Lights programme to disseminate the technology by
training local manufacturers needs to be expanded, and suggested a sturdier design and cheaper selling
price.
Dr. Ahmed M. Behi, former Minister of Water and Mineral Resources, presented the opportunities and
challenges presented by Somalilands promising coal deposits. The extent and quality of the reserves are
still unknown but signicant. Laws pertaining to resource ownership and land tenure are required before
signicant venture capital can be mobilised to exploit them, and a cost-benet analysis will be necessary
to understand the dynamics and impact of full-edged exploration and exploitation, and minimise possible
negative environmental and social effects of large-scale mining operations.
An uneasy regional peace was consolidated through a series of locally initiated peace conferences
in the early 1990s, but hostilities still simmer and occasionally come to a boil over access to natural
resources and ownership of land and pasture. In spite of the efforts of both the elders and government
institutions to thwart conict, the region remains a potential hotbed of hostility, inuenced in part by events
in neighbouring Puntland and South Somalia. Clans are divided along allegiances to Somaliland and
Somalia, and conicts by and large reect these divisions.
Eastern Sanag, an area with limited infrastructure and economic development inhabited mainly by the
Warsangeli, lies beyond government control but under strong inuence from competing state authorities
in Puntland and Somaliland and divergent clan loyalties. The old Somali currency is still in circulation,
indicative of the regions economic isolation from the rest of Somaliland. With its large expanse of grazing
land, Sanag had been the largest livestock producer in the territory. The trade has suffered under the
export ban and prolonged drought in the late 1990s, though this years unusually heavy rains and
subsequent abundant pasture have helped dwindling stocks to recuperate.
The Police Commandant reported that most conicts in the region occur over pasture reserves. One
recent example occurred in the area between God-Anod and Eel Afweyn, when enclosure owners moved
their animals into grazing areas controlled by pastoral communities opposed to enclosures. Three people
died in the violence, necessitating the engagement of clan sultans and police to avoid further bloodshed.
The workshop held an unusual public discussion of the enclosure problem at the main mosque in
Erigavo, with local imams taking part. The religious discussion contributed positively to the overall debate
A panel of three elders and former grazing cooperative members led participants through evaluations
of colonial era British Fodder Reserves, precursor of all such enclosures, and the now defunct socialist
era cooperatives, current ownership of which is the subject of much argument and occasional violent
struggle.
Mr. Awl Ali Mohamed: The reserves were established at Hargeisa, Burao, Borama, Sheikh and Erigavo
to the north of the town. These formed excellent environmental havens, protecting the ora and fauna.
The trees grew and the grass ourished. It became a good site for all to enjoy. The poor got their rewood
from the reserve. The wild animals found sanctuary in the tall grass and treesthe reserve guards were
paid and worked well
Mr. Ali Buraale: The reserves inspired many to establish their own. The British were however strict in
their rules; only farms at certain locations were given licenses. The rst farms appeared at Mirishi, Sanag
Region, where sorghum was planted. The farms multiplied until the British decided to restrict areas where
farming could be done. The road from Erigavo to Boran and the west bound road to Eil-Afweyn served as
the divide between agricultural and grazing areas. Similar demarcations were formed at Kalabaydh, west
of Hargeisa, and in the Haud, at Tuuyo plains.
Workshop participants agreed that while the reserves had many benets: conserving natural vegetation
and wildlife, helping the children of pastoral families to go to school, serving as beautiful public sites
for relaxation and rest, protecting nearby cities from cold wind currents (in Erigavo) and dust storms
(in Burao) and increasing the economic interdependence of pastoral communities and urban dwellers,
they also had their disadvantages. Situated too close to growing urban centres, the reserves attract
trespassers looking to poach fodder or trees; many of the current conicts have their roots in competition
over plots of land carved out of the reserves.
Grazing Cooperatives
During the 1970s, the Siad Barre government allowed the formation of pastoralist cooperatives in Sanag
Region. The best grazing areas were earmarked for the coops at 16 locations on the outskirts of Erigavo
District. A coop consisted of 45 households, each contributing 10 shoats and one cow; the total 450
shoats and 45 cows formed the core of the coops property. Those who could not afford the contribution
sold their livestock allocation to richer members of the coop, and so many of the coops ended up being
dominated by wealthy members. Participants at the workshop heatedly debated coop formation, the
dynamics of coop development and the consequences after the collapse of the regime.
A police ofcer from Erigavo countered: there has been severe anguish over ownership of such land in
the aftermath of the fall of Siad Barre. The police are ooded with conict situations involving claims and
counterclaims over land in such coop locations.
The Agriculture Ministrys regional representative emphasised that these were coops for the rich where
the poor had no role; the majority were urban elites and rich merchants with no pastoral background.
They took away the best grazing land for private use and production was minimal. This instigated the
land-grab fever in which everybody claimed personal plots at the expense of the pastoral population.
Awl, a 100-year old Erigavo elder, added with obvious bitterness, The rst reserves appeared at
Madareh in 1921 and from then on continued to expand. It is driven by greed, by possessiveness,
by wanton disregard for the interests of others. It should be stopped, by force.
On the second day the focus turned to ceshims - the fodder enclosures of Sanag. Hassan Ibrahim, a
prominent district council member, facilitated a discussion of the linguistic origins of the term ceshimo,
with most agreeing that the term has negative implications, conjuring ideas of war, possessiveness and
greed. Older participants traced its origins to the eastern part of the region, where the ceshimo began.
The ceshimo problem continues to expand towards the west and may soon engulf the whole region,
depriving the pastoral community of land to graze their animals and ushering in disaster for the practice of
pastoralism in the region.
Cooperative members in attendance were rst asked a series of questions about their coops:
membership, areas of operation, difculties or obstacles presented by government or the public, industry
income and prospects.
Mr. Hussein Naaleeye of the Cadceed Cooperative began by defending charcoal producers from
frequent media attacks. We have been unfairly characterised as demons that do not care for
the land. We are as patriotic as anyone else. The government has failed us by not providing the
necessary safeguards. We are hostages to prevailing circumstances. The land is taken up by
nomads and we have to pay for it.
He noted that his coop had started with 55 active members but that numbers had since declined
dramatically. With the Saudi Arabian livestock export ban, he said, pastoralists seeking alternative sources
of income were increasingly grabbing land and renting it out to charcoal producers. Mature standing trees
are counted and multiplied by a certain basic price, negotiable at every juncture to determine the access
Pastoral communities are also beginning to restrict access along clan lines. Charcoal producers must
either to be of the same clan or use somebody of the same lineage as a proxy to neutralise any hostilities
that may emerge. Pastoralist settlers, the producers say, are often well-armed and not afraid to ght.
The coops major complaint against the government revolves around lax enforcement of the laws and
the protocols governing cooperative operations. Private charcoal producers operating outside the
coop system are numerous and, according to Nooleys member Hassan Aideed, have undermined the
cooperatives economic viability. The Ministry of PD&E admits that they have no control over private
producers, and cannot accurately calculate the quantity of charcoal they bring into Hargeisa. Some 50
charcoal trucks stream into Hargeisa every day, of which an estimated 10-20% are carrying privately
produced charcoal.
Cooperatives must abide by government regulations in accordance with the Range Act and the Land
Tenure Law, which is yet to be ratied by parliament. The cooperatives claim to enforce these laws among
their members, including limits on harvesting and the use of proper equipment, and complain that private
producers operate with no such restrictions.
In recent times the cooperatives have lost their sense of unity. Each member fends for himself and those
that remain in the business, according to Hassan Aideed, have survived by allowing members to act
individually.
resin
s drum
Oven
mound
Many vehicles ferrying the charcoal self-incinerate when embers remaining from the mound catch re
as the vehicle begins to move and wind ignites the ame. Abdirazak Harayub, a Nooleys member, says
that his coop has lost two trucks to this problem over the past six months. A further nine trucks were
either seized or burned by Ethiopian security forces for illegal entry into their country and engaging in the
contraband trade of charcoal in the past year. The Cadceed coop lost two vehicles this way.
Costs of Production
Labour costs at site 1,400,000 sh sld
With such narrow margins one wonders how the business survives at all, though truck owners do save
some of the 800,000 sh sld vehicle hire cost.
The meeting began with a lm depicting the main issues surrounding natural resources based conicts,
followed by a discussion of possible actions to address them. Xaqsoor made a presentation describing its
campaign to stop all charcoal burning activities in the Haud area of Odweyne District and remove illegal
enclosures from grazing areas, prompting a call for an assessment tour of their work in these areas.
The second session began with a short lm depicting the dramatic ecological devastation of the Haud
that had been observed on the tour. The lms striking imagery reinforced the need for immediate action,
and inspired WG participants continued involvement by showing members in action in the eld.
The Group resolved to plan and conduct a public awareness campaign on charcoal through local media
outlets, with parallel education and training programmes. All WG representatives also agreed to present
their respective projects at the next group meeting in order to address any gaps or duplication in their
work.
Field Trips
Field trips allow for a more in-depth understanding of the issues, as well as providing opportunities to lm
and conduct interviews with key local players. Teams conducted intensive fact-nding trips to Odweine,
Borama and Erigavo Districts over the course of the research.
Odweine
This tour visited Sabawanag, Balli-Ahmed, Haro-Sheikh, Cabdi Dheere, Xaydaanle, Gudubi, and on a
return trip met residents of the villages of Qolqol and Abdi Farah. Throughout, APDs Audio-Visual Unit
lmed charcoal burning operations and the devastated surrounding countryside. Several coops operating
in Odweine produce signicant quantities of charcoal for Togheer and Hargeisa Regions, though much is
also ferried to the ports of Bosasso and Borama for export to the Gulf States.
Though the visit took place at a time when pastoral communities generally face extreme difculties in
nding pasture and water, rains in late November had left people and animals in relative good health, with
adequate (though fast receding) pasture and water supplies and a general climate of peace. Animals were
watering at Hara Sheekh and Abdi Farah, and pastoral populations from other areas had moved in to
share what was left of dwindling pasture on the Tuuyo Plains. The situation could seriously change if the
Gu rains in March/April fail.
Xaqsoor/DRC projects to address charcoal burning and illegal enclosures were inspirational. Villagers
expressed their satisfaction with the campaign to jail charcoal burners who cut down living trees, and with
a peaceful, voluntary programme to remove enclosures. The headman of Abdi Dheere reported that he
had set re to his own fence so that others would follow suit. All other village headmen and elders had
persuaded owners to willingly dismantle their enclosures, providing an excellent example of involving local
communities in practical solutions. APD pledged to support the follow-up campaign.
source of conict.
Interviews
During the course of the project, researchers interviewed a wide range of people charcoal producers,
traders, transporters, retailers, pastoralists, concerned citizens, scholars, police ofcers, judges and
senior government ofcials. The Ministry of Pastoral Development and Environment was particularly
helpful.
A series of interviews with women about their own use of charcoal as consumers revealed that most
Somaliland households use inefcient, imsy local stoves made from tin cans. Meerschaum stoves
imported from Eel-buur, Somalia, are more popular and efcient but too small for cooking; they are used
mainly to rekindle the next days hearth. A larger version of this stove could prove to be a good alternative
to the tin stoves, combining efciency, acceptability and durability.
Consultants
Consultants hired by the project were mainly government ofcers with specic expertise. The Ministry
of Pastoral Development and Environment offered useful information on Somalilands fauna and ora.
Ministry of Water and Mineral Resources ofcers provided crucial input on mineralogy. Eng. Ahmed Behi,
a former Minister of W&MR, was extremely helpful in describing the potential and problems of exploiting
Somalilands coal reserves.
Solar Energy
Local businesses and NGOs mounted four impressive displays
showcasing a range of solar technologies: reectors, PV cells
and mobile telephone chargers. A womens organisation,
SAWDA, served hearty traditional Somaliland cuisine prepared
with solar cookers designed by ADRA and built by local
Saa Shop demonstrates a variety of uses for solar energy
carpenters from local materials. panels, watched by a member of a visiting delegation from
South Africa
Wind Energy
A locally assembled tri-vane wind generator displayed by Somaliland Free Energy was the star of the
exhibition. The brainchild of Eng. Mohamed Nuh, a Glasgow-trained professional and Diaspora returnee,
the 8-metre windmill moves magnicently under a gentle breeze, generating an impressive 3 KW. Except for
the electronic controls and magnets at its core, the machine is made of local materials, making it relatively
affordable (USD 400-1,000) and easy to maintain.
Films
The APD Audio Visual Unit screened three environmental documentaries on charcoal burning, natural
resource-based conicts and the livestock economy to enthusiastic audiences in the CSC hall.
What do we need to do? he asked. I see that our trees are on the point of extermination and
would surely be wiped out. The National Strategic Plan Workshop sought to answer his question. He
concluded with the Somali proverb, War lahelyaaba talo lahel, literally, to know the problem is half the
solution.
1. Introduction
- Charcoal is Somalilands principal source of fuel energy
- Acacias are the most popular charcoal trees, and are disappearing quickly as a result
- Recent rapid urban population growth has increased demand for charcoal
- Low rainfall and decreasing livestock numbers are attributable to the above
2. Production estimates
1.5 bag of charcoal used per household per month for estimated 70,000 households in Hargeisa
70,000 x 1.5 bags = 105,000 bags per month
105,000 sacks x 18,000 sh sld per sack = 1,890,000,000 sh sld per month (US $300,000)
3. Interventions required
- Seek alternatives to wood fuel energy
- Fight poverty through a sustainable poverty reduction strategy/accelerate economic growth
- Adopt a multidisciplinary approach to solving multidimensional forestry sector problems
- Develop programmes and projects for the optimum utilisation of forest products
- Emulate existing successful programmes in the region
- Develop forest research data
5. Alternative Energy Options NGOs ADO (and also Candlelight) present energy
efcient stoves at the Alternative Energy Exhibition in
Hydrocarbon-based: Kerosene; Liqueed Petroleum Gas (LPG); Hergeysa, March 2006
Processed Coal
Biomass-based: Biogas; Cow dung; Compacted leaves & organic matter
Electrical: Access to Ethiopian Grid Line via Tog-wajaale; Steam generators; Wind generators; Tidal wave
power
Solar: Solar cookers; Solar panels
Recommendations included:
Supply side:
- Improve kiln efciency (immediate)
- Conne production to selected spots in districts (immediate)
- Invite community collaboration and participation
- Control/manage production areas (immediate)
- Raise community awareness (immediate)
- Assess charcoal production (urgent)
- Reforest depleted sites
- Make maximum use of each tree harvested, including stumps
Demand Side:
- Improve efciency and affordability of energy saving stoves
- Conduct public awareness campaign through the media
- Waste charcoal dust to be compacted with sawdust
- Challenge and change household cooking practices
- Business outlets: number and owners
- Enforce export ban
- Encourage regional & district self-sufciency
WG 3: SOLAR ENERGY Household uses (heating, cooking, and lighting) and agricultural uses
(irrigation/pumping)
Strengths Weaknesses Opportunities Threats
a. An abundant resource a. Few trained, skilled a. Economic No threats
b. Solar panels can technicians development
be locally assembled, b. Equipment is fragile b. Immediately
creating jobs c. Limited consumer accessible
c. Increases in demand awareness/ condence c. 25% of urban people
will eventually reduce in technology could afford solar
costs e. No policies governing technology
d. Environmentally- use
friendly
Recommendations:
Increase the number of trained technicians to install and maintain
Conduct a consumer awareness raising campaign
Offer subsidies, tax incentives and credits to importers, assemblers and consumers
5) Conduct safety training March 2006- March Local NGOs (e.g. Nagaad) Training materials,
programmes at household 2007 facilitators, funds
and community levels
The rst order of business after the workshop will be to redraft and circulate the proposal before holding a
meeting with the Environmental Task Force to brainstorm implementation strategies. Sub-committees will
then be established to formulate policies for exempting tax on kerosene and developing a comprehensive
national energy policy.
At a March 2006 meeting of the Presidential Task Force attended by the Minister of Pastoral Development
and Environment, Minister of Livestock, NERAD chairman, the seven members of the Parliamentary
Committee for Environment and Natural Resources and NGO representatives, participants adopted
workshop recommendations as the foundation of a strategic plan for nding alternatives to wood and
charcoal. The meeting also resolved to hold an exhibition of practical alternatives, to be coordinated
by APD, and mandated APD to draft policy outlines for the Ministers to esh out, adopt and eventually
forward to Parliament to be made into law.
Further Hurdles
The Ministry of Pastoral Development and Environment, the government agency responsible for
charcoal, is conned in its current role to regulating production through a loose cooperative of traders.
The Environment Conservation and Protection Act (No. 04/98), entitles the Ministry to issue licences to
producers, but this mandate has been abused and too many licenses have been issued. There are no
land tenure laws in place and no forest guards to protect dwindling forest cover. The Ministry has only
110 staff at its disposal; the best-qualied people tend to seek lucrative jobs with international NGOs.
The coops do not share capital investment in equipment and hence share no common liabilities. The
Ministry of Pastoral Development and Environment charges a token amount on in-coming charcoal trafc
at city control posts, but even this small amount does not show up in government accounts; the current
Local and International Environmental NGOs guard against the intervention of outsiders into their areas
of operation. PENHA, for example, was initially apprehensive about APDs involvement in resource-based
conicts, though the situation was resolved amicably as it became clear that APDs goal was to work with
all stakeholders equally.
LPG (Liqueed Petroleum Gas): LPG used to be imported from Djibouti but because of heavy tariffs
and high transport costs it now comes from the United Arab Emirates. Quantities remain very low but
are growing steadily. Yusuf Oomaar, a prominent businessman involved in the trade, notes that many
business outlets, mainly restaurants, use LPG for its cleanliness and efciency. High costs are the main
stumbling block to widespread adoption.
An average household in Hargeisa uses one milk tin of charcoal per day, amounting to a cost of less than US $10 a month
6
At an exchange rate of Somaliland shilling to US dollar of 6,300:1
Activities and Workshops 39
LPG Costs
Container size Deposit Re-ll Approx. duration of usage per family of 5
100 litres $55 $75 45 days
50 litres $30 $40 30 days
25 litres $20 $21 20 days
Charcoal: By comparison, a household of ve uses an average of one milk-tin of charcoal per day,
costing 2,000-2,500 shsld, or 60,000-75,000 shsld per month ($9.53). This is $4.76 cheaper than retail
kerosene and $1.59 less than bulk kerosene. Again, bulk charcoal is cheaper: the same family requires
two to three bags per month, costing 30,000-45,000 shsld. Charcoal is available everywhere, and stoves
made by local blacksmiths are cheap - at 4,000 shsld - and also widely available, but need to be replaced
every two months. And apart from charcoals environmental disadvantages, there are potential health
hazards for consumers: carbon monoxide inhalation due to incomplete combustion when the fuel is
burned indoors can cause death.
Unit purchase per day/total per month 3,000/90,000 shsld 2,000/60,000 shsld
Bulk purchase per month 70,000 shsld 45,000 shsld
Cleanliness
Thermal output
Efciency
Due to explosion
Nearly 90% of Somalilands urban households use charcoal for their main energy needs, and they will
continue to do so until the cost of other fuels can be lowered through tax breaks and other subsidies,
distribution networks can spread to compete with charcoals convenience, and public awareness rises.
Doing away with the trade entirely is not feasible, but alternative fuels can reduce the demand, and the
environmental damage.
Tariffs on Fuel
Total LPG imports in 2003 of 22,359 litres attracted levies at ports of entry amounting to 8,411,342 shsld
(@$1,300), at a rate of $0.30 per cubic metre. Including other charges - surtax, stamp duty, income tax,
harbour tax, etc. - total taxes amount to 25%. Total kerosene imports for 2003 of 2,500 cubic metres
yielded tax revenue of 15,128,383 shsld (approx. $US 2,400), or $140 per cubic metre. When other
charges are added the total tax is 12%. LPG and kerosene stoves are taxed according to size and make,
but cumulative taxes and fees amount to 25% for both.
The tax on charcoal is negligible - 200 shsld for a bag of charcoal or 40,000 for a truckload of 200 bags.
Because the charcoal trade generates revenue that largely remains within Somaliland, provides cheap fuel
Community Involvement
In view of the conicting sets of laws governing land use, a stronger involvement of the central
government and the local communities is likely to improve the situation. Working group sessions
recommended the formation of locally initiated associations at district or village levels to help regulate
access to grazing areas and forests, establish community controlled reserves and initiate reforestation
projects. The government can assist by establishing national parks and game reserves to serve as
sanctuaries for vegetation and wildlife now being decimated through poaching and the expansion of
human settlements. Government could also assist by establishing a national forest research centre
to organise and gather comprehensive, in-depth data on the state of the countrys forests and in
consequence chart out remedial solutions for any problems that appear.
Health Effects
A study by researchers at Harvard and the University of California Berkeley found that promoting cleaner,
more efcient technologies for producing charcoal in Africa can save millions of lives and have signicant
climate and development benets7. The study estimated that 470 million tonnes of wood are consumed
each year in sub-Sahara African homes, more per capita than any other region in the world. It furthermore
states that 1.6 million people, primarily women and children, die prematurely each year worldwide:
Smoke from wood re used for cooking will cause an estimated 10 million premature deaths among
women and children by 2030 in Africa, and will release 7 billion of tonnes of carbon into the atmosphere
by 2050. If rapid urbanisation continues - and all signs indicate that it will - then the trend is going to
be toward greater charcoal use in Africa because it is the most affordable source of household energy.
The report recommends the adoption of more efcient charcoal production technologies and sustainable
wood harvesting.
Conclusions 41
Conclusions
The Presidential Task Force recently reported that Somalilands forest cover has reduced from 24 million
trees in 1960 to only 8 million trees today, due largely to the growth of settlements, decreasing rainfall and
the absence of regulatory policies.
As Somalilands demand for charcoal grows, priority will need to be assigned to the management and
sustainable use of forest resources that provide basic needs for fuel and fodder and contribute valuable
environmental services in the form of soil protection, biological diversity and carbon sequestration.
The main challenge will be to strike a balance between measures aimed at forest preservation,
conservation through improved management, conversion to other land uses (e.g., agriculture) and
reforestation. Government must limit its role to those activities that cannot or will not be carried out
by others, and form partnerships wherever possible with important stakeholders such as businesses,
pastoralist communities, tuulo elders and other traditional leaders to nd lasting, concrete solutions to
the devastating problems caused by charcoal.
Acronyms Used
APD Academy for Peace and Development
CLHE Candle Light for Health and Education
PENHA Pastoral Emergencies Network for the Horn of Africa
FOPAG Forum for Peace and Governance
IES Institute for Earth Sciences
FE Free Energy
HAVAYOCO Hargeisa Voluntary and Youth Cultural Organizsation
SOYRA Somaliland Youth Rehabilitation Organisation
FAO/FSAU Food and Agriculture Organisation
NAGAAD/TISQAAD Womens Umbrella Organisation
WG Working Group
MM&WR Ministry of Mineral and Water Resources
MPD&E Ministry of Pastoral Development and Environment
NERAD National Emergency and Research Agency for Disaster
LNGO Local Non-Governmental Organisation
INGO International Non-Governmental Organisation
LPG Liquied Petroleum Gas
Sanag Region
7. Ismail Haji Nur, Mayor of Erigavo
8. Mohamed Ahmed Abdalla, Regional Police Commissioner
9. Hassan Ibrahim Ahmed, Councillor, Prominent Elder
10. Saiid Elmi Hoorri, Prominent Elder
11. Ahmed Iidle Suleiman, Appeals Court Judge
Awdal Region
12. Mohamed Ibrahim Handulle, Prominent Elder
13. Suleiman Ali Kahie, Chief Aqil
14. Hassan Ahmed Egeh, Qolujeed Chairman
Sahil Region
15. Sahra Ali Farah, Women Org.
16. Farhan M. Haibe, Gavo
Annexes 43
Hargeisa Region
17. Mohamed Ismail Bullale, Ministry of Livestock
18. Abdikadir Sh., Ministry of Minerals & Water Resources
19. Hussein Saleeban Farah, Cadceed Coop. Chairman
20. Yusuf Jama Guleid, Nooleys Chairman
Annex 4: Bibliography
Academy for Peace and Development/ WSP International, Rebuilding Somaliland: Chapter 3 The
Livestock Economy Sector, 2003
Baillis, Robert et al, Journal of Sciences. Mortality and Greenhouse Gas Impacts of Biomass and
Petroleum Energy Futures in Africa, April 2005
Bertolli, L., UNDP 2001
Candle Light, Ahmed Ibrahim, Ed. Impact of Charcoal Production on Environment. 2005
Cliffe, L. and R. Lukhman (2000). What Happens to the State in Conict The Journal for Disaster
Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 24, Number 4, 2000
European Commission. Towards Sustainable Water Resources Management: A Strategic Approach.
September 1998
FAO/ FSAU. Post-Deyr Analysis Report, 2005
FEWS NET. Greater Horn of Africa (GHA) Food Security Bulletin. Sept. 2005
FSAU Technical Series Report No. IV. 7
FSAU-FAO Assessment Report, 2004
Holleman, Cindy F., FEWS NET. The Socio-Political Implications of the Livestock Ban in Somaliland, 2002
Hunt, John. A.. A General Survey: Somaliland Protectorate, 1944-50
Inter-Africa Group, Conict over Imagined Resources, 1998
IUCN-EU. Renewable Natural Resources and Production Systems: Issues and Priorities. Somali Natural
Resources Programme. Nairobi, 1997
Annexes 45
Interpeace Regional Ofce for Eastern and Central Africa
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