1
Stephen King, creator of such
stories as Carrie and Pet Sematary,
stated that the Edgar Allan Poe
stories he read as a child gave him
the inspiration and instruction he
needed to become the writer that he
is. 2Poe, as does Stephen King, fills
the reader's imagination with the
images that he wishes the reader to
see, hear, and feel. 3His use of vivid,
concrete visual imagery to present
both static and dynamic settings and
to describe people is part of his
technique. 4Poe's short story "The
Tell-Tale Heart" is a story about a
young man who kills an old man
who cares for him, dismembers the
corpse, then goes mad when he
thinks he hears the old man's heart
beating beneath the floor boards
under his feet as he sits and
discusses the old man's absence
with the police. 5In "The Tell-Tale
Heart," a careful reader can observe
Poe's skillful manipulation of the
senses.
1
The sense of sight, the primary
sense, is particularly susceptible to
manipulation. 2In "The Tell-Tale
Heart," Poe uses the following
image to describe a static scene:
"His room was as black as pitch
with the thick darkness . . ." Poe
used the words "black," "pitch," and
"thick darkness" not only to show
the reader the condition of the old
man's room, but also to make the
reader feel the darkness." 3"Thick"
is a word that is not usually
associated with color (darkness), yet
in using it, Poe stimulates the
reader's sense of feeling as well as
his sense of sight.
The introductory
paragraphincludes a paraphrase of
something said by a famous person
in order to get the reader's attention.
The second sentence leads up to the
thesis statement which is the third
sentence. The thesis statement
(sentence 3) presents topic of the
paper to the reader and provides a
mini- outline. The topic is Poe's use
of visual imagery. The mini- outline
tells the reader that this paper will
present Poe's use of imagery in three
places in his writing: (1) description
of static setting; (2) description of
dynamic setting; and (3) description
of a person. The last sentence of the
paragraph uses the words
"manipulation" and "senses" as
transitional hooks.
In the first sentence of the second
paragraph (first paragraph of the
body) the words "sense" and
"manipulation" are used to hook
into the end of the introductory
paragraph. The first part of the
second sentence provides the topic
for this paragraph--imagery in a
static scene. Then a quotation from
"The Tell-Tale Heart" is presented
and briefly discussed. The last
sentence of this paragraph uses the
expressions "sense of feeling" and
"sense of sight" as hooks for leading
into the third paragraph.
1
Further on in the story, Poe uses a
couple of words that cross not only
the sense of sight but also the sense
of feeling to describe a dynamic
scene.2The youth in the story has
been standing in the open doorway
of the old man's room for a long
time, waiting for just the right
moment to reveal himself to the old
man in order to frighten him. 3Poe
writes: "So I opened it [the lantern
opening]--you cannot imagine how
stealthily, stealthily--until, at length,
a single dim ray, like the thread of
the spider, shot from out the crevice
and fell full upon the vulture
eye." 4By using the metaphor of the
thread of the spider (which we all
know is a creepy creature) and the
word "shot," Poe almost makes the
reader gasp, as surely did the old
man whose one blind eye the young
man describes as "the vulture eye."
1
The reader does not know much
about what the old man in this story
looks like except that he has one
blind eye. 2In the second paragraph
of "The Tell-Tale Heart," Poe
establishes the young man's
obsession with that blind eye when
he writes: "He had the eye of the
vulture--a pale blue eye, with a film
over it." 3This "vulture eye" is
evoked over and over again in the
story until the reader becomes as
obsessed with it as does the young
man. 4His use of the vivid, concrete
word "vulture" establishes a specific
image in the mind of the reader that
is inescapable.
1
"Thick darkness," "thread of the
spider," and "vulture eye" are three
images that Poe used in "The Tell-
The first sentence of the third
paragraph (second paragraph of
the body) uses the words "sense of
sight" and "sense of feeling" to hook
back into the previous paragraph.
Note that in the second paragraph
"feeling" came first, and in this
paragraph "sight" comes first. The
first sentence also includes the topic
for this paragraph--imagery in a
dynamic scene. Again, a quotation
is taken from the story, and it is
briefly discussed. The last sentence
uses the words "one blind eye"
which was in the quotation. This
expression provides the transitional
hook for the last paragraph in the
body of the paper.
In the first sentence of the fourth
paragraph (third paragraph in the
body), "one blind eye" is used that
hooks into the previous paragraph.
This first sentence also lets the
reader know that this paragraph will
deal with descriptions of people: ". .
. what the old man looks like . . .."
Once again Poe is quoted and
discussed. The last sentence uses the
word "image" which hooks into the
last paragraph. (It is less important
that this paragraph has a hook since
the last paragraph is going to
include a summary of the body of
the paper.)
The first sentence of the
concluding paragraph uses the
principal words from the quotations
Tale Heart" to stimulate a reader's
senses. 2Poe wanted the reader to
see and feel real life. 3He used
concrete imagery rather than vague
abstract words to describe settings
and people. 4If Edgar Allan Poe was
one of Stephen King's teachers, then
readers of King owe a debt of
gratitude to that nineteenth-century
creator of horror stories.
from each paragraph of the body of
the paper. This summarizes those
three paragraph. The second and
third sentences provide observations
which can also be considered a
summary, not only of the content of
the paper, but also offers personal
opinion which was logically drawn
as the result of this study. The last
sentence returns to the Edgar Allan
Poe-Stephen King relationship
which began this paper. This
sentence also provides a "wrap-up"
and gives the paper a sense of
finality.

Write a story based on this line : "By

evening, she was running a high fever ... "

Far up in the mountains of Canada, there is an old

abandoned log cabin. Once it was occupied by a
young couple who wanted to distance themselves
from the chaos of this modern world. Here they
were miles away from the nearest town. Bob, the
husband, made the occasional trip into town to
buy supplies whereas Jan, his wife, spent her free
time by the fire, sewing. Their life was
simply idyllic.

Then, one midwinter's day, Jan woke up from bed

with a strange ache in her bones. Putting it down
to overwork, Bob shooed her to bed and made
sure she rested. Though Jan was impatient to get
to her chores, Bob soothed her, "Relax, Sugar.
You're overdoing things. All these chores will be
here when you recover."

However, Jan seemed to be getting worse instead

of recovering. By evening, she was running a high
fever and in greater pain. In spite of his best
efforts, Bob could not manage to ease her
suffering. And then suddenly, she started to lapse
into unconsciousness.
It was then obvious that she was seriously ill.
What could Bob do? He had no experience in
treating the sick and Jan was getting worse by the
minute. He knew that there was an old doctor in
town but he lived three miles away, downhill. Pot-
bellied and obese, there was no way the doctor
could make it up to their cabin.

Something had to be done quickly! Bob racked

his brains but to no avail. The only thing left to
do was to go to the doctor. In Jan's condition, she
could never walk that far in the waist-deep snow.
Bob would have to carry her!

Bob searched his mind for a way to move poor,

sick Jan. Then, he remembered. He had once
made a sledge so that they could ride together
over the mountain. They never got around to
using it though, because the whole mountain was
thickly covered with rocks and trees. He had
never found a safe way down, not even once.

"Well," he thought, "looks like I'm going to have

to try it anyhow," as he dug out the sledge from
the storeroom. "Jan may die unless I get her to the
doctor, and life means nothing to me without her."
With this thought in mind, Bob gently tucked Jan
into the sledge, got in the front, and with a short
prayer for safety, pushed off.

How they got through that ride alive, Bob has

never figured out. As trees loomed up in front of
him and just as quickly whizzed by his side, close
enough to touch, he felt relieved that Jan was not
awake to experience the ride. It was all he could
do not to scream as collision seemed imminent,
time and again, with only inches to spare.

At last, bursting from the mountainside, the town

came into view. Barely slowing down, they sped
through the icy streets, only losing speed as they
neared the doctor's house. The
sledge, battered through the journey, collapsed in
the left ski as it came to a halt, spilling out its
occupants. Bob picked up his Jan and made his
 way into the doctor's house.

After what seemed to be a long winter, Jan

recovered fully from her illness but Bob never
recovered from his fright. They moved into the
little town so as to be near help in times of crisis,
and have lived there ever since.

idyllic simple and carefree

rack one's
strain to find a solution
brains

batter to damage as by heavy wear

High School English essays

Is air travel as safe as it should be ?

Statistically, air travel is reasonably safe when compared with road, rail and sea. Many countries
have a high death and injury rate on the roads; train, ferry and ocean-going ship disasters are
regular enough to be commonplace, taking a global view. yet air disasters are usually fatal to all
or most concerned and are therefore more widely reported. Consequently there is international
pressure to make air travel as safe as possible, and rightly so. Yet no form of travel can be made
totally safe. The causes of disaster, whether natural or man-made, can never be completely
eliminated.

Looking first at natural causes, at least three can be identified. Bad weather is one. This includes
storm, icing and air-pockets in the case of light aircraft; less so in the case of large jets with
sophisticated instrumentation. One cause in the case of jets can be large flocks of birds or
swarms of insects being sucked into the jet nacelles and thereby stopping the engines. This may
happen at low altitudes. Little can be done to prevent this. A third is the alleged danger in what is
known as the "Bermuda triangle" in which both ships and aircraft have been lost without trace. In
the case of aircraft the reason is though to be loss of horizon due to electrical disturbance.

Most dangers to aircraft however are man-made. The first and obvious danger is collision. In the
busiest airports, especially in the tourist season, aircraft may take off as often as every twenty
seconds. Much strain is imposed on aircraft dispatchers and traffic control generally. Clearance
for dispatch is by radar and computer. Personal fatigue or mechanical failure in a radar center
can be very dangerous. Aircraft often have to circle before being given landing permission, and
collision or perhaps a near miss can result from mistakes in assigning heights. Most, though not
all countries have strict regulations governing air traffic control. Any strike by operatives will
cause grounding -- bad enough, but preferable to taking risks.

Another cause of trouble may be the age of the aircraft. Metal fatigue eventually sets in; cracks
appear, bits of the aircraft may fall off, even whole engines, or the passenger cabin may lose
compression. This means almost certain death to all passengers and crew, and there have been
cases where an aircraft has been lost because one of the doors was not properly secured. The
important of safety checks before take-off is obvious. So also is the importance of regular and
completely efficient servicing. Operatives' licenses can be withdrawn if government inspectors
find inefficiency in this area. Most modern aircraft can shut down engines which catch fire, deal
automatically with the fire, and proceed on three, or even two engines.

Cabin fires are equally dangerous. They may occur for any reason, but in many cases they result
from a crash landing causing the fuel to ignite. two things are important here. First, cabin exit
must be unimpeded. Some modern aircraft have built-in chutes for swift escape. Much of course
depends on cabin staff and their ability to prevent panic. Second, the seat upholstery must be
non-flam. Many people have died from the noxious smoke emanating from flammable
upholstery.

There is argument today about emergency drills. Normally a steward will explain life-jackets for
use should there be a sea landing, and just mention oxygen masks which are lowered to each
seat. Should all these by physically tried out by all passengers prior to take-off ? Such drills are
boring and time consuming, but the time may come when they are mandatory.

Some disasters are caused by pilot error. Recently a Shackleton in fog crashed into a hillside in
Britain, killing twenty-five young men. the plane has a good safety record. Again recently the
pilot of a plane with a faulty engine shut down the good engine due to the failure of his
instrumentation. the plane crashed, killing most occupants, and virtually destroying a small
village. Sometimes instrumentation can be affected by electronic interference due to
unauthorized equipment carried in the hold or hand luggage. This hazard can be eliminated.

Not much can be done about terrorism except through airfield security and electronic vetting of
all passengers and luggage. Unhappily not all airports are really efficient in this regard.
Efficiency would arrest the terrorist and the hijacker on the airport.

Finally, attempts by carriers to economize on pilot coverage and seating space must be prevented
by law. The two essentials are fresh and fully-trained pilots, and reasonable space for movement
in emergency.

The answer to the question is no. Much could still be done to avert future disasters.
'Unfinished' - Poem by Kevin Wang
Autoplay next video

Stick a photo on the wall

post a title on this paper
but this melody is not complete
just not complete without you

see the remake of memories

the rebuilding of this film
as dancing in the rain
is a bother is not to be with you

seemingly it is that just

that golden or should i rather say strikingly silver
to walk right beside the completion
the one, the perfect one to finish this

so many breaks
so many ruins
so help me salvage the pieces
as i cherish the memories to be with you

step after step

as the crash of thunder
worries me so
to feel the tremor of the feeling to be raised in high tremor
to understand the long lost feeling i had before
to believe once more
this might be the last
this might become the worst
but live terribly and wonderfully to the last

just bring the unfinished piece

i've been keeping here for so long
just...just
when you brought back
a tender feeling back into my eyes
the love i'd wish to finish just with you

Violin' - Poem by Kevin Wang

Autoplay next video

with clouds passing by for a gleam of sunshine

with makers of the forests
fairies, themselves dancing in the rain
as this special one strings into beautiful lines

living the music out to last

as the tornado comes to a stop
the chaotic everlasting war coming to sound off
the strings itself so magical so known to the world
that it brings peace to those to hears the beauty

the grace lightly upon the strings

the quickness to dance to the Celtics
the words upon light to see for the answer for this war
life beyond death is the music in the soul

living beyond
living here and there
turning music into kindred souls
as Death reaps only the misery away
cuz with the guardian still at root
the death will take part only at bay

drawing imaginary pictures in the sky

painting the openness of the meadow
and taking the chi to the love of the river flow
because as the bow strings to the music
it takes us far into the very needle in the haystack

drawing bits of water out of a deep hole

drawing hope from long ago
bringing peace into one once more
as we all paint a utopia with one of the special kinds
this instrument this resembled soul
is the one who fights yet draws to know
the riddle to solve
the question to know
as others tear the dreams away
we still have the violin by our side
and the bow still asks for more

Julius Caesar Summary and Analysis of Act 2

Act Two, Scene One
Brutus is in his garden and has decided that Caesar must be killed. His reasons for reaching this
conclusion are that Caesar is abusing his power and that has ascended far too quickly.Lucius,
Brutus' servant, brings him a letter (planted by Cassius) he has found in Brutus' private room.
The first line of the letter reads, "Brutus, thou sleep'st. Awake, and see thyself" (2.1.46). Brutus
interprets the letter as if it were a request from all of Rome to slay Caesar and restore the
republic.
Brutus then asks Lucius what day it is, and he informs his master that it is the ides of March, or
March 15th. A knock sounds on the door and Lucius leaves to answer it. Alone, Brutus states he
has not slept since Cassius first incited him against Caesar.

Cassius, Casca, Decius, Cinna, Metellus and Trebonius, all of them conspirators against
Caesar, have arrived at Brutus' home. Brutus invites them in and Cassius takes him aside. Soon
Brutus rejoins the group of men and shakes all their hands, agreeing to join them in their
murderous quest. The men then discuss whether they should invite Cicero, the great orator, to
join their plot, but Brutus convinces them against it. Cassius states Mark Antony should be
killed along with Caesar, but again Brutus is against the plan, fearing they will be perceived as
too bloody.
The group plans to commit Caesar's murder at the Senate at eight o'clock that morning (it is only
three in the morning at this point). However, they are worried that Caesar will not attend the
Senate because he has become increasingly superstitious over the past few months. Decius tells
the group that he knows how to flatter Caesar, and assures them he will convince Caesar to go to
the Senate. Cassius and his followers then depart, leaving Brutus alone.
Brutus' wife Portia arrives and tells him he has left her bed and given her unkind looks. She
begs him to tell her why he is so upset. He lies, telling her he is sick, to which she responds that
it appears to be a sickness of the mind, not of the body. A strong woman of brave lineage, she
again begs him to tell her what is wrong, asking him, "Think you I am no stronger than my sex, /
Being so fathered and so husbanded?" (2.1.295-6). She then stabs herself in the thigh as proof of
her courage. Brutus finally agrees to tell her what is concerning him, but sends her away before
he is able to explain, because there is another knock on the door.
Ligarius enters, pretending to be sick. He tells Brutus that he could be cured if only Brutus had a
noble undertaking in mind. Brutus tells him that he does, and Ligarius pledges to follow Brutus
on whatever task he leads him to.

Act Two, Scene Two

Caesar, still in his nightgown, is terrified by a dream his wifeCalpurnia has had in which she
cried out, "Help, ho! They murder Caesar!" He orders a servant to go to the priests and have
them sacrifice an animal in order to read the entrails for predictions of the future. Calpurnia
arrives and tells him that he dare not leave the house that day. Caesar acts brave and tells her that
he fears nothing, and that he will die when it is necessary for him to die. The servant returns and
tells him that the sacrificed animal did not have a heart, a very bad omen. Caesar insists on
misinterpreting the omens, but Calpurnia begs him to blame her for his absence from the Senate,
to which he finally agrees.
However, Decius soon arrives to fetch Caesar to the Senate House. Caesar tells him to inform the
Senate that he will not come this day. Decius claims that he will be mocked if he cannot provide
a good reason for Caesar's absence. Caesar then tells Decius about Calpurnia's dream, to which
Decius replies that the dream was misinterpreted. The fountains of blood pouring from Caesar's
body that Calpurnia saw reflected the new life Caesar is giving to Rome, not his death. Decius
overwhelms Caesar's resistance by asking him if the Senate should dissolve until a better time
when Calpurnia has more favorable dreams. Caesar tells Calpurnia that he was acting foolishly,
and agrees to go to the Senate. Cassius and the other conspirators then arrive to accompany him
to the Senate. Antony also appears and joins the group of men who then escort Caesar out of his
house.

Act Two, Scene Three

Artemidorus has written Caesar a letter in which he names all of the conspirators against
Caesar. He stands on a street near the Capitol and waits for Caesar to pass by on his way to the
Senate so that he can hand Caesar the note.

Act Two, Scene Four

Portia orders the servant Lucius to go to the Senate House. He asks her what he should do there,
but she is so distracted that she is unable to tell him the purpose. She remarks to the audience, "I
have a man's mind, but a woman's might. / How hard it is for women to keep counsel!" (2.4.7-8).
She is alluding to the fact that she knows what Brutus is planning to do to Caesar, and is
unwilling to keep it a secret. The soothsayer who previously warned Caesar sees her and speaks
with her, informing Portia that he will try to once again warn Caesar about his fate.
Analysis
Throughout the play, Brutus alone suffers from a lack of sleep. Brutus says that, "Since Cassius
first did whet me against Caesar / I have not slept" (2.1.61) He adds to this that his mind, "Like
to a little kingdom, suffers then / The nature of an insurrection" (2.1.68-9). His insomnia
represents an internal struggle over whether to betray his friend or act in what he believes to be
the best interests of Rome. His personal struggle is a microcosm for the civil war that eventually
occurs. In 4.3 Brutus again suffers from a bout of insomnia during which he encounters Caesar's
ghost.

Women are marginalized in Julius Caesar. Portia and Calpurnia are the women in the play, and
are confined to the domestic household. However, there are important differences between them.
Portia is the first of the two to appear, and she struggles to convince Brutus that she is worthy of
his confidence. She first kneels, begging him to share his secrets, and then stands up
dramatically, stating, "Think you I am no stronger than my sex, / Being so fathered and so
husbanded?" (2.1.295-6), and stabs herself in the thigh to prove her strength. Brutus capitulates
to Portia, acknowledging her strength. In contrast, Caesar ignores and spurns his wife Calpurnia's
warnings against attending Senate. At first, her dream of his death keeps him home, but Decius is
able to convince him tha this wife is silly in her concern. Clearly, Calpurnia is not as powerful a
woman as Portia. However, both women go to extreme actions to attempt to sway their
husbands.
Ironically, Calpurnia's dream of a Caesar statue bleeding from a hundred holes with which
Romans bath their hands, is an accurate prediction of Caesar's death, which occurs in the Act 3.
Decius first mocks the dream, saying, "Bring up the Senate till another time, / When Caesar's
wife shall meet with better dreams" 2.2.98-99). He then brilliantly creates an alternate
interpretation of the dream, saying, "Your statue spouting blood in many pipes, / In which so
many smiling Romans bathed, / Signifies that from you great Rome shall suck / Reviving blood"
(2.2.85-88).

Brutus, contrary to the way he tries to present himself, is a vain man, easily manipulated by
Cassius. Cassius first compares Brutus to Caesar by comparing their names, and subsequently
tells Brutus he represents the best qualities of Caesar without the flaws. Next, Cassius drafts
letters to Brutus which he has Cinna deliver by tossing them through the window or leaving them
where Brutus will find them. Brutus' fatal flaw is revealed when he interprets the first letter he
receives according to his personal bias. Thus, like Malvolio in Twelfth Night, Brutus
misconstrues the letter's meaning to fulfill his desire for power.

A letter from Brutus to his wife Portia

Edit 0 2

Date: 1705421 J.D.

Dear Porcia,
Tis Brutus writing to thee on this dawn. I hope it be going well for thee in thine ancestors
lands. I be proud of you, as a woman, to sail away to faraway lands. Thou art strong as thine
ol Brutus. I miss thee. Ever since thou depart, mine mind been in constant war. I might sound
crazy, but me being in power coul better Rome, coult not? I mean, the Triumvirate used to
limit the power of all three individuals who ran the republic. But ever since Crassus death,
Caesar has wanted to take control of our beloved republic. A demon! Julius Caesar be. The
disgraceful , two-faced jackanapes. He hadth taken advantage of Pompeis death and the fear of
the people to gain nearly unlimited power.
I blame Caesar not, but the crowd. Rome, where art thou? Gravitas hadth left our souls!
Wherefore doth this God place his filthy sandal on the head of the crowd and our glorious
forum?! Two midnights ago were I hearing the crowds voices. They cried: Brutus! Where be
our glorious Brutus?! Save us he must! Had Sol aroused from his sleep, had I awaked to find
writings in different hands in at my window! They held civilian voices calling me to oppose
Caesar and rob Rome off his filthy hands. Im aware, this man doth thrust Rome onto the floor.
Julius Caesar, leave thou must! A Rome with a dictator be no Rome at all! Caesar must fall at
the hands of I, Marcus Junius Brutus. Oh, what shame. Cassius hadth me seduced. Tis noble
not to oppose my father; tis noble not to oppose my friend.
Still I know not had Cassius told the truth. He spoketh as mine mirror. Almost he had seduced
me to challenge Caesar, but mine troubled mind still doubts. But after I waketh that other day,
had mine mind be cured. Tis never been dis clear. The crowd of Rome looketh up to me,
Porcia! Tis mine duty to recover Rome!
But Porcia, doubt still prevails. Could Cassius be lying? Wise it be to remove Caesar? What
would mine Rome think shall we remove Caesar? Mine mind be at eternal war Porcia. Tis
possible I shall become Romes new God. Tis possible I become Brutus Caesar. I be sure tis
couldnt happen, but us can never be sure, Porcia.
Arrive safe and soon, mine Mistress,

Marcus Junius Brutus

P.S. I love thee

Cicero: Letters to and from Cassius

Although these letters are full of interest, as primary evidence for the character
and motives of C.Cassius, the leader of the conspiracy against Julius Caesar, they can
be hard to find, because they have been preserved in various different places in the
large collection of Cicero's letters. Therefore they have been brought together here,
together with a section from Cicero's "Second Philippic", which refers to a previous
attempt by Cassius to kill Caesar, and a few excerpts from Cicero's letters to Atticus.

The translations of letters to Atticus are based on the version by E.O.Winstedt; the
other letters are based on the version by W.G.Williams. See key to translations for an
explanation of the format.

Contents (according to traditional numbering):-

Cic:Att_ 7.21 , 7.23 , 7.24 , 15.11 ; :Fam_ 11.1 , 11.2 , 11.3 , 12.1 , 12.2 , 12.3 , 1
2.4 , 12.5 , 12.6 , 12.7 , 12.8 , 12.9 , 12.10 , 12.11 , 12.12 , 12.13 , 15.14, 15.15 , 15.16
, 15.17 , 15.18 , 15.19 ; :Phil_ 2'25-32

Cassius' political and military career began in 53 B.C., when he served

as quaestor under M.Crassus, who was leading an army against the Parthians. After
Crassus' defeat and death at Carrhae, Cassius led the remnants of the Roman army
back to Syria, and in 51 B.C. he succeeded in defeating a Parthian invasion of Syria.

Cicero was 20 years older than Cassius, and by the time this correspondence
starts, he was already a prominent statesman. Rather reluctantly, he had gone out to
be governor of the neighbouring province of Cilicia.

[15.14] Cicero to Caius Cassius, proquaestor of Syria

[Cilicia, late October, 51 B.C.]

L By your recommendation you present M. Fadius to me as a friend; well, I gain

nothing by that. As a matter of fact he has been for many years entirely at my
disposal, and I have liked him for his extreme kindness and the respect he shows me.
But for all that the discovery that you are extraordinarily fond of him has made me
much more of a friend to him. And so, although your letter has had its effect, yet what
recommends him a great deal more is that I have come fully to see and understand his
kindly feelings for yourself.

2 But in the matter of Fadius I will do what you ask with hearty goodwill; as for
yourself, I only wish for many reasons that you had been able to meet me, in the first
place so that I might see you after so long an interval - you whom I have for long past
valued so highly; secondly, that I might congratulate you in person as I have done by
letter; furthermore, that we might share our views about whatever matters we wished,
you about your affairs, I about mine; and lastly, that our friendship which has been
fostered on either side by the most notable good services, but has had its continuity
broken by long periods of separation, might be more effectually strengthened.

3 Since that has not come to pass, we will avail ourselves of the boon of letters, and
so secure almost the same objects in our separation as if we were together. That one
pre-eminent satisfaction, doubtless, which consists in seeing you, cannot be enjoyed
by letter; the other, which consists in congratulating you, is less satisfying, it is true,
than if I were to do so with my eyes upon your face; still I have done so before, and I
do so now, and congratulate you not only on the magnificence of your achievements,
but also on their timeliness, since on your departure from your province you were
honourably accompanied by its praise, which was as unqualified as its gratitude.
 4 There is a third point - to carry out by correspondence the consultations we
should have held on our respective affairs if we had met. For every other reason also I
am emphatically of opinion that you should hasten to Rome. For the situation I left
behind me was one of complete calm as regards yourself, and thanks to your recent
victory (and a glorious one it was), I can see that your arrival will be a memorable
event. But supposing your relatives have any burdens to bear, if they are only such as
you can shoulder, hurry home; it will be the most splendid and glorious thing you can
do. But if those burdens are too heavy for you, pause to think, lest your arrival may
happen at a most unfavourable moment. On this point the whole decision lies with
you, for you alone know what your shoulders can bear. If you have the strength, it is a
praiseworthy and popular thing to do; if you absolutely lack that strength, you will
find it easier to stand people's gossip if you stay away.

5 Now as to myself, I make the same request of you in this letter as I did in a
previous one - that you should strain every nerve to prevent any prolongation of my
term of office as governor of the province - a term which both the Senate and the
people decreed should be for one year only. I urge this upon you so strongly that I feel
all my prospects depend upon it. You have our friend Paullus on your side, a warm
friend of mine, and there is Curio, and Furnius too. I pray you to make every effort
just as though all I have were staked upon it.

6 My last point bears upon what I have already put before you; it is the
strengthening of our friendship, as to which there is no need of further words. You,
when a boy, sought me out, while I felt that you would always be a source of
distinction to me. You were also a protection to me in the days of my deepest gloom.
There came too, after your departure, my friendship with your relative Brutus, and it
was of the closest. It is therefore in the ability and energy of you two that I have a rich
prospect of delight and distinction. I ask you in all earnestness to confirm that
impression by your devotion to me, and to send me a letter not only immediately, but,
on your arrival at Rome, as often as possible.

In 49 B.C. Cassius, as tribune of the plebs, supported Pompeius against Caesar. The
following extracts from letters to Atticus show Cicero and Cassius awaiting the
outcome of Caesar's invasion of Italy.

[7.21] Cicero to Atticus, greeting.

[Cales, February 8th, 49 B.C.]

L . . . As for Pompeius, what an inconceivable plight he is in, and how utterly he

has broken down! He has neither spirit nor plan, nor forces, nor energy. I say nothing
of his most disgraceful flight from the city, his timorous speeches in the towns, his
ignorance not only of the strength of his opponent but of his own forces : but what of
this? 2 On the 7th of February C. Cassius the tribune came to Capua, and brought an
order to the consuls to come to Rome, carry off the money from the reserve treasury
and leave at once. On quitting the city they are to return - but they have no escort;
then there is the getting out of the city - who is going to give them leave
? Lentulus replied that Pompeius must first come to Picenum. No one except myself
knows it; but Dolabella has written to me that that district is totally lost. I have no
doubt but that Caesar is on the point of entering Apulia and that Pompeius is on board
ship . . .

[7.23] Cicero to Atticus, greeting.

[Formiae, February 10th, 49 B.C.]

L On the evening of the 9th of February, I got a letter from Philotimus, declaring
that Domitius has a reliable force, the cohorts from Picenum under the command of
Lentulus and Thermus have joined his army, Caesar can be cut off and fears the
contingency, and the hopes of loyalists at Rome have been restored, and those of the
other party dashed. I am afraid this may be a dream ; but still the news revived
M'.Lepidus, L.Torquatus and C.Cassius the tribune of the plebs - for they are with me,
that is at Formiae. I fear the truer version may be that we are now all practically
prisoners, that Pompeius is leaving Italy, pursued it is said by Caesar. What a bitter
thought! Caesar pursue Pompeius! What, to slay him? Woe is me! And we do not all
throw our bodies in the way! You too are sorry about it. But what can we do? We are
beaten, ruined and utterly captive . . .

[7.24] Cicero to Atticus, greeting.

[Formiae, February 11th, 49 B.C.]

L Philotimus' letter gave little pleasure to me, but much to the others who are here.
Well, on the very next day, a letter of Cassius from his friend Lucretius at Capua
announced that Nigidius, an emissary of Domitius, had reached Capua, bringing news
that Vibullius with a few soldiers was hurrying away from Picenum to Pompeius'
camp, that Caesar was pursuing rapidly and that Domitius had less than 6000 men.
The letter stated that the consuls had left Capua. I am sure Pompeius must be fleeing:
I only hope he may escape. I accept your advice and have no intention of flight
myself.
During the course of the civil war between Caesar and Pompeius, Cassius acted as
commander of part of Pompeius' fleet. But after Pompeius was defeated
at Pharsalus in August 48 B.C., both Cicero and Cassius decided that it was futile to
continue fighting against Caesar.

[15.15] M.Cicero to C.Cassius

[Brundisium, latter half of August, 47 B.C.]

L Although both of us in our hope of peace and loathing for civil bloodshed
wished to have nothing to do with obstinate persistance in war, still, since I seem to
have taken the lead in that policy, I am perhaps more bound to justify it to you, than to
expect such justification from you. And yet, as I frequently remind myself, my
observations to you and yours to me in our friendly talks led us both to this conclusion
- we thought it right and proper that, if not the whole quarrel, at any rate our judgment
of it, should be determined by the issue of a single battle. And not a soul has ever
rightly found fault with this opinion of ours, except those who think it better that the
commonwealth should be utterly destroyed than survive in an impaired and enfeebled
condition. I, on the contrary, pictured to myself no hope of course in its destruction,
much in any remnants that were left.

2 But the events which followed were such that it is more of a surprise that they
could have happened at all, than that we should not have seen them coming and have
failed, being but human, to foretell them. For my part I confess that what I expected
was this - I thought that after the great battle, fraught as it were with the issues of fate,
had been fought, the victors would desire measures to be taken in the interests of the
community, and the vanquished in their own; but I held that both the former and the
latter depended upon the speed with which the victor acted. Had he shown that
speed, Africa would have experienced the same leniency as was witnessed by Asia,
yes, and by Achaea too, with you yourself, as I take it, being their ambassador and
intercessor. But those days of vital importance, especially in civil wars, having been
wasted, the year that intervened tempted some to hope for victory, others to think
lightly of defeat itself. And the blame for all these evils is on the shoulders of fortune.
For who would imagine that the war would be protracted or cause so long a delay as
that caused by the Alexandrian war, or that this Pharnaces, whoever he may be, would
intimidate Asia?

3 You and I, however, though our policy was identical, have found a difference in
our fortunes; for while you took a line which enabled you to share his counsels, and so
be able to foresee (and that is a potent alleviation of anxiety) what was going to
happen, I hastened to meet Caesar in Italy (for that is what I supposed) and "to spur
the willing horse," as the adage has it, when, after sparing so many of our most
distinguished men, he was actually returning to the ways of peace. But on the
contrary, I have been kept utterly apart from him. I spend my life, moreover, amid the
groans of Italy, and the piteous lamentations of the city; and we might perhaps have
done something to alleviate them, I in my way, you in yours, everybody in his own, if
only the man in authority had been there.

4 I should like you, therefore, consistently with your unfailing kindness to me, to
write and tell me what your impressions and your feelings are, what you think we
should wait for, and what you think we should do. I shall greatly value a letter from
you; and how I wish I had followed the advice contained in that first letter you sent
me from Luceria! I should then have retained my position without any unpleasantness
at all. Farewell.

Late in 46 B.C. Caesar went off to Spain, where he fought the last campaign of the
civil war, against the sons of Pompeius.

[15.18] M.Cicero to C.Cassius

[Rome, December 46 B.C.]

L My letter would have been longer had not I been asked for it at the very moment
when a post to you was starting; longer too, had it contained some amount of
persiflage; as for speaking seriously, we can hardly do so without risk. "Well then,"
you say, "we can have a laugh." No, I positively assure you, not very easily. And yet,
that is the one and only thing we have to distract us from our troubles. "How about
our philosophy then?" you will say. Well, yours is one of pleasure, but mine troubles
me, because I am ashamed of being a slave. So I pretend to busy myself with other
things, to prevent Plato's emphatic reproach from ringing in my ears.

2 There is nothing certain so far about Spain, indeed no news at all. Your absence
troubles me for my own sake, but I am very glad of it for yours. But there goes your
importunate letter-carrier. Fare you well then, and continue to love me as you have
from a boy.

[15.17] M.Cicero to C.Cassius

[Rome, early in January, 45 B.C.]
 L The letter-carriers you employ are behaving preposterously - not that they are
lacking in civility to me, but, all the same, when they leave me they demand a letter
from me, but when they come to me they bring no letter with them. And even so they
would cause me less inconvenience if they would only allow me some reasonable
time for writing; but they come ready dressed for travelling, and tell me that their
mates are waiting for them at the gate. You will therefore forgive me; this is now the
second short note you will have, but you may live in hopes of full amends. And yet
why am I excusing myself to you, when your men come to me empty-handed, and
return to you with letters ?

2 Here (I'll send you something of a letter after all) we have on our hands the death
of P. Sulla senior; some say it was brigands, others indigestion. The people don't care
a straw, since there is no doubt as to his cremation. You, with your usual philosophy,
will bear this with resignation. And yet we have lost a figure-head in the city. People
think that Caesar will be annoyed because he is afraid of a slump in his sales. Mindius
Marcellus and Attius the perfumer are highly delighted at having lost a rival bidder.

3 There is no news about Spain, but it is very eagerly awaited. There are rather
depressing rumours, but they are unauthenticated. Our friend Pansa set out in military
uniform on December the 30th, so that even the man in the street might grasp the fact
which you had lately begun to question - that "the good must be chosen for its own
sake." For because he relieved many of their afflictions, and because he proved his
humanity amid all these disasters, he was escorted on his way by a marvellous display
of kindly feeling on the part of honest men. 4 As to your having stayed
at Brundisium until now, I strongly approve of it and am glad of it; and upon my
word, I think you will act wisely if you "shun vain pursuits." Certainly to me who love
you, it will be a pleasure, and for the future when you send home a bundle of letters,
remember me, and I'll bless you. For my own part I shall never allow anybody, if I
know it, to go to you without a letter from me.

Cassius had recently become a follower of the Epicurean school of philosophy.

[15.16] Cicero to Cassius

[Rome, January, 45 B.C.]

L I expect you must be just a little ashamed of yourself now that this is the third
letter that has caught you before you have sent me a single leaf or even a line. But I
am not pressing you, for I shall look forward to, or rather insist upon, a longer letter.
As for myself, if I always had somebody to trust with them, I should send you as
many as three an hour. For it somehow happens, that whenever I write anything to
you, you seem to be at my very elbow; and that, not by way of visions of images, as
your new friends term them, who believe that even mental visions are conjured up by
what Catius calls spectres (for let me remind you that Catius the Insubrian,
anEpicurean, who died lately, gives the name of spectres to what the
famous Gargettian [Epicurus], and long before that Democritus, called images).

2 But, even supposing that the eye can be struck by these spectres because they run
up against it quite of their own accord, how the mind can be so struck is more than I
can see. It will be your duty to explain to me, when you arrive here safe and sound,
whether the spectre of you is at my command to come up as soon as the whim has
taken me to think about you - and not only about you, who always occupy my inmost
heart, but suppose I begin thinking about the Isle of Britain, will the image of that
wing its way to my consciousness?

3 But of this later on. I am only sounding you now to see in what spirit you take it.
For if you are angry and annoyed, I shall have more to say, and shall insist upon your
being reinstated in that school of philosophy, out of which you have been ousted "by
violence and an armed force." In this formula the words "within this year" are not
usually added; so even if it is now two or three years since, bewitched by the
blandishments of Pleasure, you sent a notice of divorce to Virtue, I am free to act as I
like. And yet to whom am I talking? To you, the most gallant gentleman in the world,
who, ever since you set foot in the forum, have done nothing but what bears every
mark of the most impressive distinction. Why, in that very school you have selected I
apprehend there is more vitality than I should have supposed, if only because it has
your approval. "How did the whole subject occur to you ?" you will say. Because I
had nothing else to write. About politics I can write nothing, for I do not care to write
what I feel.

[15.19] Cassius to Cicero

[Brundisium, latter half of January, 45 B.C.]

L I hope that you are well. I assure you that on this tour of mine there is nothing
that gives me more pleasure to do than to write to you; for I seem to be talking and
joking with you face to face. And yet that does not come to pass because of
those spectres; and, by way of retaliation for that, in my next letter I shall let loose
upon you such a rabble of Stoic boors that you will proclaim Catius a true-born
Athenian.

2 I am glad that our friend Pansa was sped on his way by universal goodwill when
he left the city in military uniform, and that not only on my own account, but also,
most assuredly, on that of all our friends. For I hope that men generally will come to
understand how much all the world hates cruelty, and how much it loves integrity and
clemency, and that the blessings most eagerly sought and coveted by the bad
ultimately find their way to the good. For it is hard to convince men that "the good is
to be chosen for its own sake"; but that pleasure and tranquillity of mind is acquired
by virtue, justice, and the good is both true and demonstrable. Why, Epicurus himself,
from whom all the Catiuses and Amafiniuses in the world, incompetent translators of
terms as they are, derive their origin, lays it down that "to live a life of pleasure is
impossible without living a life of virtue and justice".

3 Consequently Pansa, who follows pleasure, keeps his hold on virtue, and those
also whom you call pleasure-lovers are lovers of what is good and lovers of justice,
and cultivate and keep all the virtues. And so Sulla, whose judgment we ought to
accept, when he saw that the philosophers were at sixes and sevens, did not
investigate the nature of the good, but bought up all the goods there were; and I
frankly confess that I bore his death without flinching. Caesar, however, will not let us
feel his loss too long; for he has a lot of condemned men to restore to us in his stead,
nor will he himself feel the lack of someone to bid at his auctions when once he has
cast his eye on Sulla junior.

4 And now to return to politics; please write back and tell me what is being done in
the two Spains. I am terribly full of anxiety, and I would sooner have the old and
lenient master [Caesar], than make trial of a new and cruel one. You know what an
idiot Gnaeus is; you know how he deems cruelty a virtue; you know how he thinks
that we have always scoffed at him. I fear that in his boorish way he will be inclined
to reply by wiping our turned-up noses with the sword. Write back as you love me,
and tell me what is doing. Ah! how I should like to know whether you read all this
with an anxious mind or a mind at ease! For I should know at the same time what it is
my duty to do. Not to be too long-winded, I bid you farewell. Continue to love me as
you do. If Caesar has conquered, expect me to return quickly.

On March 15th 44 B.C., Caesar was killed in the senate-house by a group of senators,
led by Brutus and Cassius. The next letter, written by one of the conspirators,
describes the situation in Rome a few days later (the exact date is disputed).

[11.1] D.Brutus to M.Brutus and C.Cassius

[Rome, (?) March 22nd, 44 B.C.]

L Let me tell you how we are situated; Hirtius was at my house yesterday evening;
he explained what Antonius' intentions were - utterly base, you may be sure, and
untrustworthy; for he said that he could not possibly give me my province, and also
that it was not safe for any of us to be in Rome, so excited were the feelings of the
soldiers and the people. You observe, am sure, that both those statements are false,
and that the truth is to be found in what Hirtius pointed out - Antonius is afraid that, if
our claims should have met with even moderate support, no part would be left for him
to play on the political stage.

2 Being in these straits, I decided to demand for myself and our other friends an
honorary ambassadorship, so as to discover some decent pretext for leaving Rome.
This Hirtius has promised to obtain for me, and yet I have no confidence that he will
so do, so insolent are these men, and so set on persecuting us. And even if they grant
our request, it will not, I fancy, prevent us being declared public enemies or banned as
outlaws in the near future.

3 "What then," you say, "have you to suggest?" Well, we must bow to fortune; I
think we must get out of Italy and migrate to Rhodes, or somewhere or other; if there
is a change for the better, we shall return to Rome; if there is no great change, we shall
live on in exile; if it comes to the worst, we shall have recourse to the last means of
defending ourselves.

4 It will perhaps occur to someone among you at this point to ask why we should
wait for that last stage rather than make some strong effort at once? Because we have
no centre to rally around, except indeed Sextus Pompeius and Caecilius Bassus, who,
it seems to me, are likely to be more firmly established when they have this news
about Caesar. It will be time enough for us to join them when we have found out what
their strength really is. On behalf of you and Cassius, I will make any engagement you
wish me to make; in fact Hirtius insists upon my doing so.

5I must ask you both to reply to my letter as soon as possible - because I have no
doubt that Hirtius will inform me about these matters before the fourth hour - and let
me know in your reply at what place we can meet, where you would like me to come.

6 Since my last conversation with Hirtius I have determined to ask for permission,
while we are at Rome, to have a bodyguard at the public expense; but I do not expect
they will grant us that privilege, because we shall raise a storm of unpopularity against
them. Still I thought I should not refrain from demanding anything that I consider to
be reasonable.

[12.1] Cicero to Cassius

[Pompeii, May 3rd, 44 B.C.]
 L Believe me, Cassius, I never come to an end of thinking about you and our
friend Brutus, in other words, about the whole Republic, every hope of which lies in
you two, and in D.Brutus. I am myself more hopeful about it, now that it has been so
brilliantly administered by my dear Dolabella.

For that mischief in the city was spreading, and daily gaining such strength, that
for my own part I began to despair of the city and of public order in it. But sedition
has been so well suppressed that it seems to me we are likely to be safe for all time, at
any rate from that most degrading danger. Important things, and there are many of
them, remain to be done, but they all rest with you three. However, let me discuss
them in due order. As things have gone so far, it would seem that we have been
delivered, not from a tyranny, but from a tyrant. For though we have slain the tyrant,
we still watch that tyrant's every nod. And not only that, but measures which he
himself would not carry through were he alive, we approve, because we suppose that
he contemplated them. And indeed I see no end to that sort of thing; decrees are
posted up, exemptions are granted, huge sums of money are squandered, exiles are
recalled, sham decrees of the Senate are registered; so that it is only that hatred we
had of an abominable character and our resentment at being slaves that we have got
rid of, while the constitution lies prostrate amid all this confusion into which he
plunged it.

2 It is for you three to clear away all these difficulties, and not to imagine that you
have already satisfied the claims the Republic has upon you. It is true that you have
given her more than I ever thought of even praying for, but she is not content, and
looks for great things at your hands, to match the greatness of your hearts and
services. So far she has avenged her injuries by the death through your agency of a
despot; nothing could be more splendid. But what glories that she once enjoyed has
she recovered? Is it that she obeys him dead, whom she could not brook alive? Is it
that we uphold the mere handwriting of one whose laws we ought to have torn down
from the walls? But such, it may be argued, were the terms of the decree. Yes, we
certainly passed that decree as a concession to prevailing circumstances, which in
politics are paramount; but certain persons are abusing our forbearance without
restraint and without gratitude. But more of this and of much else, when we meet
soon. Meanwhile convince yourself of this, that both in the interests of the Republic
which has ever been most precious to me, and in the interests of our mutual affection,
I have nothing more at heart than your position in the State. Do your best to keep well.

[11.2] Brutus and Cassius, praetors, to M. Antonius [Mark Antony], consul

[Lanuvium, end of May, 44 B.C.]
 L Had we not been convinced of your sincerity and goodwill towards us, we
should not have composed this letter to you; and we are assured, such being your habit
of mind, that you will put the best possible construction upon it. We are told by letter
that a large number of veterans have already assembled at Rome, and that as
the Kalends of June approach, the number will be much larger. Were we to entertain
any doubt or apprehension as regards yourself, we should be untrue to ourselves. But
seeing that we have put ourselves at your disposal, and in deference to your advice
have dismissed our personal friends from the provincial towns, and have done so not
only by edict but by letter as well, we surely deserve that you should admit us into
your counsels, especially in a matter which affects ourselves.

2 And for that reason we beg of you to inform us of your attitude of mind towards
us, whether you think we shall be safe amid so great a throng of veteran soldiers, who,
we are told, are even thinking of replacing the altar, a thing we believe that hardly
anybody can desire or approve, who desires our own safety and honour.

That we have from the beginning fixed our eyes on peace, and have sought nothing
other than the liberty of the community, is made clear by what has happened. Nobody
can play us false but yourself, and that is obviously foreign to your high character and
integrity; but nobody else has the means of deceiving us; for it is you, and you alone,
that we have trusted and shall continue to trust.

3 Our friends are terribly alarmed about us; and although they are fully assured of
your good faith, still they are obsessed by the reflection that a mass of veterans can be
more easily driven in any direction by anybody else than held in check by you. We
ask you to reply to us on all points. For the allegation that such an order was issued to
veterans because it was your intention to bring forward the question of their interests
in the month of June is as frivolous as it is futile. Whom do you suppose to be likely
to obstruct your intention, seeing that, as far as we are concerned, it is definitely
decided that we shall take no action? Nobody has a right to impute to us an undue
love of life, when nothing can befall us that will not be accompanied by universal ruin
and chaos.

In view of the concerns of Brutus and Cassius, Antonius offered to appoint them to be
corn commissioners, so that they could safely leave Rome. The following letter to
Atticus vividly describes the meeting to discuss this offer.

[15.11] Cicero to Atticus, greeting.

[ (?) Antium, June 7th, 44 B.C.]
 L I reached Antium before midday. Brutus was very glad to see me. Then in the
presence of Servilia [mother of Brutus], Tertulla [wife of Cassius], Porcia [wife of
Brutus] and a lot of others, he asked me for my opinion. Favonius was present too. I
had made up my mind on the journey, and advised him to accept the control of the
corn supply from Asia. There was nothing else for us to do now except to keep him
out of danger: by so doing we should have some safeguard for the republic too. When
I was in the midst of my speech, in came Cassius. I said the same over again.
Whereupon Cassius, with flashing eyes and fairly breathing war, declared he would
not go to Sicily. "Am I to take an insult like a favour?" "What will you do then?" I
asked ; and he said he would go to Achaea. "What of you, Brutus?" I said. "To
Rome," he answered, "if you think I ought." "I don't think so at all, for you won't be
safe." "Well, if it were possible to be there in safety, would you approve ?" "Yes, I
would rather you did not go to a province either now or after your praetorship; but I
don't advise you to trust yourself in Rome." I gave him the reasons that will occur to
you, why it would not be safe.

2 Then they kept on bewailing the chances that had been let slip, especially
Cassius, and they complained bitterly of Decimus [Brutus]. I said they ought not to
harp on the past, but I agreed with them. I went on to explain what ought to have been
done, saying nothing new, but what everybody is saying daily, and not touching on
the point as to whether anyone else ought to have been attacked. When I said that they
should have called the Senate, they should have roused the people to action with
greater vigour, and they should have taken over the whole conduct of affairs, your
friend Servilia exclaimed: "Well, I never heard the like!" After that, I kept quiet. But I
think Cassius will go (for Servilia promises she will see that that appointment to the
corn-supply shall be withdrawn from the senatorial decree): and our friend soon gave
up his silly talk of wanting to go to Rome. So he has made up his mind that the games
may be held in his absence under his name. I fancy, however, he wants to set out for
Asia from Antium.

3 To cut the matter short, I got nothing that satisfied me out of that journey except
the satisfaction to my conscience. It would have been wrong to allow him to leave
Italy before I had met him. Save for fulfilling the duty I owed to our affection, I could
not help asking myself: "What reason have you for your journey here, seer?" In fact I
found a ship breaking up, or rather already in wreckage. No plan, no reason, no
system. So, although I had no doubt even before, now I have still less - that I must fly
away from here as fast as possible, "Where I may hear no more report of Pelops'
sons." . . .

In July, Brutus and Cassius put out a public statement, requesting that they should be
excused from their duties as praetors, which would require them to return to Rome.
This request was rejected by Antonius.

[11.3] Brutus and Cassius, praetors, to M. Antonius, consul

[Naples, August 4th, 44 B.C.]

L We trust that you are well. We have perused your letter, which closely I follows
the lines of your public proclamation, being insulting, intimidating, and by no means a
proper letter for you to have addressed to us.

On our part, Sir, by no single injurious act have we provoked you, and we never
believed that it would cause you surprise if we praetors, or indeed any men holding
our position, should have appealed in a public manifesto for some concession from the
consul. But if you resent our having ventured so far, permit us at least to regret that so
small a favour is being refused by you to a Brutus and a Cassius.

2You deny that you made any complaint as to the raising of troops, the
requisitioning of sums of money, the tampering with the legions, and the sending of
despatches across the sea. We indeed credit you with having made that denial in all
good faith; at the same time, however, we refuse to acknowledge the truth of a single
word of those allegations, and it surprises us that, though you kept silent about all this,
you were so little able to control your anger as to reproach us with the death of
Caesar.

3 This much, however, we would have you consider yourself - how far it is to be
tolerated that praetors should not be allowed in the interests of harmony and liberty to
waive by public announcement some of their own rights, without being threatened
with armed violence by the consul. Your reliance on such methods has no terrors for
us; for neither is it seemly or suitable for us, on our side, to bow our spirit before any
peril, nor is it for Antonius to claim lordship over those to whose efforts he owes his
freedom. As for ourselves, were we urged by other considerations to wish to fan the
flame of civil war, your letter would have no effect whatever; for the man who
threatens has no authority among free men. But you are perfectly well aware that we
are not to be driven either this way or that, and it is quite likely that the motive of your
menacing behaviour is to give our prudence the appearance of panic.

4 Our opinions are these: we are anxious that you should hold a high and
honourable position in any constitution that is free, and we challenge you to no kind
of hostility; but, for all that, we attach less value to your friendship than to our own
liberty.
 Consider again and again what you are undertaking, and what strength you have
for it; and be sure you remember, not how long was Caesar's life, but how short was
his reign. We pray to heaven that your counsels may be favourable to the welfare of
the State and of yourself; failing that, our prayer is that they may be as little harmful
to yourself as is consistent with the welfare and honour of the Republic. Aug. 4th.

On September 2nd, Cicero spoke in the senate for the first time since the death of
Caesar. This speech, later called the "First Philippic", was critical of Antonius'
policies, and although it was deliberately moderate in tone, it showed that Cicero was
prepared to voice opposition to Antonius in public.

[12.2] Cicero to Cassius

[Rome, (?) September 25th, 44 B.C.]

L I am extremely delighted with your approval of my opinion and speech; were I

able to make such speeches more often, it would be no trouble at all to recover our
freedom and constitutional rights. But that crazy and desperate fellow [Antonius], far
more of a scoundrel too than he of whom you said "the prince of scoundrels has been
slain", is bent on starting a massacre, and accuses me of having instigated the
assassination of Caesar, simply and solely with the object of inciting the veterans
against me - a danger that has no terrors for me, provided only it adds to my
reputation by giving it a share in the glory of your achievement.

Neither Piso, therefore, who was the first to assail him without finding anybody to
back him up, nor I, who did the same a month afterwards, nor P.Servilius, who
immediately followed us, are allowed to enter the Senate with safety. For the
swordsman is bent on bloodshed, and imagined that he would make a beginning of it
with me on the 19th of September, on which day he had turned up ready primed, after
studying his speech for several days at the villa of Metellus. But, I ask you, what sort
of study was possible amid scenes of debauchery and drunkenness? So, as I wrote to
you before, the universal impression was that (as is his habit), he spewed rather than
spoke his speech.

2 As to your writing therefore that you are sure some good can be done by my
influence and eloquence, well, considering how great are our troubles, some good has
been done. It has been brought home to the people of Rome that there are three ex-
consuls, who, because they have been patriotic towards the Republic, and have spoken
freely, cannot enter the Senate with safety. Nor is there any reason for your expecting
anything beyond this, since your relative [Paulus] is delighted with his new marriage-
connection, so he no longer takes any very keen interest in the games, and is bursting
with jealousy at the boundless applause given to your brother [Lucius]. A second
relative of yours [Marcellus] also has found soothing balm in Caesar's fresh
memoranda. All this, however, one can put up with; what is not endurable is that a
man [Philippus] can be found to think that his son will be consul in the year that
belongs to you and Brutus, and for that reason makes a parade of being our brigand's
very humble servant.

3 As for my dear friend L.Cotta, yielding to a sort of irresistible despair (his own
expression) he attends the Senate less regularly; L.Caesar, most admirable and gallant
of citizens, is prevented by ill-health; Servius Sulpicius, a man of the greatest
influence and soundest sentiments, is away from Rome. As for the rest, with the
exception of the consuls-designate, you must pardon me if I refuse to reckon them as
consulars.

There you have the leaders of public policy; it would be an insignificant number,
even if all were going well; what do you think of it in these days of despair ? That is
why our every hope lies in you; and if your only object in keeping away is to be in a
safe place, there is no hope even in you. If, however, you are planning some scheme
worthy of your glory, I should like to see it carried through while I am yet alive. But if
that is not to be, none the less will the Republic speedily come to her own again
through your agency. For myself, I never fail, and I never shall fail, to protect those
dear to you; and whether they appeal to me for advice or whether they don't, I can in
either case guarantee my love and loyalty to yourself. Farewell.

Antonius modified his offer to Brutus and Cassius, by appointing them to govern
insignificant provinces abroad. In September, Cassius left Italy, ostensibly to go to his
province of Cyrene, but in reality he intended to proceed to Syria, where he knew that
he could count on strong support.

[12.3] Cicero to Cassius

[Rome, early in October, 44 B.C.]

L Your friend [Antonius] gives more rein to his insanity every day; to begin with,
he has had the statue, which he set up on the rostra, inscribed with the words "To the
Father, for his glorious services," so that you are condemned not only as assassins, but
now as parricides also. But why do I say "you are so condemned"? "We are
condemned" is the better phrase; for that lunatic declares that I was the ringleader in
that splendid achievement of yours. Would to heaven I had been! He would not now
be troubling us. But for all that you are responsible; and now that it is past and done
with, I only wish I knew what advice to give you. But I cannot even think what I
myself ought to do. For what can be done against force without force?

2 Now the whole trend of these men's policy is to avenge the death of Caesar.
Consequently on the 2nd of October, Antonius was brought forward at a public
meeting by Cannutius, and though it is true he left the platform in sore disgrace, yet he
referred to the saviours of the country in terms that should have been applied to
traitors. As to myself indeed he had no hesitation in declaring that all you had done
and Cannutius was doing was the result of my advice. Of the rest of their conduct you
may judge from the fact that they have robbed your legate of his travelling allowance.
What explanation do you suppose they offer when they do this? Why, if you please,
that the money is being conveyed to an enemy of the State! What a pitiful state of
affairs! We, who could not brook the master, are the slaves of a fellow-slave. And yet,
though my wishes are stronger than my hopes, even now there is a residue of hope to
be found in your valour. But our forces, where are they? As to what remains, I prefer
that you should consult your own heart, rather than listen to any words of mine.

In October, Cicero wrote the "Second Philippic". This was never delivered as a
speech, but contains Cicero's most outspoken denunciation of the character and
policies of Antonius. In the following passage, Cicero defends himself against the
charge of inciting the conspiracy against Caesar. (Translated by C.D.Yonge)

L [2.25] . . . But these are all old stories now. This charge, however, is quite a
modern one, that Caesar was slain by my contrivance. I am afraid, O Senators, lest I
should appear to you to have brought up a sham accuser against myself (which is a
most disgraceful thing to do); a man not only to distinguish me by the praises which
are my due, but to load me also with those which do not belong to me. For who ever
heard my name mentioned as an accomplice in that most glorious action? and whose
name has been concealed who was in the number of that gallant band? Concealed, do
I say? On the contrary, their names immediately became familiar to everybody! I
should sooner say that some men had boasted in order to appear to have been part of
that conspiracy, though they had in reality known nothing of it, than that any one who
had been an accomplice in the deed could possibly have wished to conceal their part
in it. [2.26] Moreover, how likely it is, that among such a number of men, some
obscure, some young men who had not the wit to conceal any one, my name could
possibly have escaped notice?

Indeed, if leaders were wanted for the purpose of delivering the country, what need
was there of my instigating the Brutuses, one of whom [Decimus] saw every day in
his house the image of Lucius Brutus, and the other [Marcus] saw also the image
of Ahala? Were these the men to seek counsel from the ancestors of others rather than
from their own? and from elsewhere rather than at home? What? Caius Cassius, a man
of that family which could not endure, I will not say the domination, but even the
power of any individual,- he, I suppose, was in need of me to instigate him? a man
who even without the assistance of these other most illustrious men, would have
accomplished this same deed in Cilicia, at the mouth of the river Cydnus, if Caesar
had brought his ships to that bank of the river which he had intended, and not to the
opposite one. [2.27] Was Cnaeus Domitius spurred on to seek to recover his dignity,
not by the death of his father [L.Domitius], a most illustrious man, nor by the death of
his uncle, nor by the deprivation of his own dignity, but by my advice and authority?
Did I persuade Caius Trebonius? a man whom I should not have ventured even to
advise. On which account the republic owes him even a larger debt of gratitude,
because he preferred the liberty of the Roman people to the friendship of one man,
and because he preferred overthrowing arbitrary power to sharing it. Was I the
instigator whom Lucius Tillius Cimber followed? a man whom I admired for having
performed that action, rather than ever expected that he would perform it; and I
admired him on this account, that he was unmindful of the personal kindnesses which
he had received, but mindful of his country. What shall I say of the two Serviliuses?
Shall I call them Cascas, or Ahalas? and do you think that those men were instigated
by my authority rather than by their affection for the republic? It would take a long
time to go through all the rest; and it is a glorious thing for the republic that they were
so numerous, and a most honourable thing also for themselves.

[2.28] But recollect, I pray you, how that clever man [Antonius] convicted me of
being an accomplice in the business. When Caesar was slain, says he,
MarcusBrutus immediately lifted up on high his bloody dagger, and called
on Cicero by name; and congratulated him on liberty being recovered. Why on me
above all men? Because I knew of it beforehand? Consider rather whether this was not
his reason for calling on me, that, when he had performed an action very like those
which I myself had done, he called me above all men to witness that he had been an
imitator of my exploits. [2.29] But you, O stupidest of all men, do you not perceive,
that if it is a crime to have wished that Caesar should be slain - which you accuse me
of having wished - it is a crime also to have rejoiced at his death? For what is the
difference between a man who has advised an action, and one who has approved of it?
or what does it signify whether I wished it to be done, or rejoice that it has been done?
Is there any one then, except you yourself and these men who wished him to become a
king, who was unwilling that that deed should be done, or who disapproved of it after
it was done? All men, therefore, are guilty as far as this goes. In truth, all good men,
as far as it depended on them, bore a part in the slaying of Caesar. Some did not know
how to contrive it, some had not courage for it, some had no opportunity,- every one
had the inclination.
 [2.30] However, remark the stupidity of this fellow,- I should rather say, of this
brute beast. For thus he spoke:- "Marcus Brutus, whom I name to do him honour,
holding aloft his bloody dagger, called upon Cicero, from which it must be understood
that he was privy to the action." Am I then called wicked by you because you suspect
that I suspected something; and is he who openly displayed his dripping dagger;
named by you so that you may do him honour? Be it so. Let this stupidity exist in
your language: how much greater is it in your actions and opinions? Arrange matters
in this way at last, O consul; pronounce the cause of the Brutuses, of Caius Cassius, of
Cnaeus Domitius, of Caius Trebonius and the rest to be whatever you please to call it:
sleep off that intoxication of yours, sleep it off and take breath. Must one apply a torch
to you to waken you while you are sleeping over such an important affair? Will you
never understand that you have to decide whether those men who performed that
action are homicides or assertors of freedom?

[2.31] For just consider a little; and for a moment think of the business like a sober
man. I who, as I myself confess, am an intimate friend of those men, and, as you
accuse me, an accomplice of theirs, deny that there is any medium between these
alternatives. I confess that they, if they be not deliverers of the Roman people and
saviours of the republic, are worse than assassins, worse than homicides, worse even
than parricides: since it is a more atrocious thing to murder the father of one's country,
than one's own father. You wise and considerate man, what do you say to this? If they
are parricides, why are they always named by you, both in this assembly and before
the Roman people, with a view to do them honour? Why has Marcus Brutus been, on
your motion, excused from obedience to the laws, and allowed to be absent from the
city more than ten days? Why were the games of Apollo celebrated with incredible
honour to Marcus Brutus? why were provinces given to Brutus and Cassius? why
were quaestors assigned to them? why was the number of their legates augmented?
And all these measures were owing to you. They are not homicides then. It follows
that in your opinion they are deliverers of their country, since there can be no other
alternative. [2.32] What is the matter? Am I embarrassing you? For perhaps are you
are incapable of understanding the dilemma that faces you. Still this is the sum total of
my conclusion; that since they are acquitted by you of wickedness, they are at the
same time pronounced most worthy of the very most honourable rewards . . .

In 43 B.C. Antonius was no longer consul, but he still had a strong army, with which
he besieged Decimus Brutus at Mutina until April, when he was forced to abandon the
siege.

[12.4] Cicero to Cassius

[Rome, February 2nd (?), 43 B.C.]
 L I should like you to have invited me to your banquet on the Ides of March; there
would have been no leavings. Now it is just your leavings that are worrying me, me
indeed more than anybody else; it is true that we have admirable consuls, but the
consulars are beneath contempt; we have a courageous Senate too, but it is those of
the lowest rank who are most so. Nothing, however, could be braver or better than the
people, and indeed the whole of Italy; nothing, on the other hand, more disgraceful,
nothing more scandalous, than the conduct of Philippus and Piso as our emissaries.
They were sent to deliver to Antonius certain definite instructions in accordance with
the vote of the Senate, and when he failed to comply with any single one of them, they
had the impudence to bring back certain insufferable demands from him to us. The
result is that people are thronging round me, and for the first time, by supporting a
really sound measure, I find myself a popular hero.

2 But as for you, what you are doing, what you intend to do, or indeed where you
are, I have no idea. The story goes that you are in Syria, but there is nobody to vouch
for it. As to Brutus, because he is nearer, the reports about him appear to be more
trustworthy. Dolabella is soundly trounced by men with some command of sarcasm
for being in such a hurry to take your place, though you had hardly been a month in
Syria; so that it was obvious to all that he had no right to be admitted into the
province. Both you and Brutus are the subject of the highest praise, for having (as is
believed) exceeded all expectations in getting together an army. I should write at
greater length if I knew the circumstances of the case. As it is, what I write is only
based on general opinion and hearsay. I am greedily awaiting a letter from you.

[12.5] Cicero to Cassius

[Rome, early February, 43 B.C.]

L I suppose it is the wintry weather that has so far prevented us from having any
certain information about you - what you are doing, and most important of all, where
you are. What everybody is saying however, I suppose because they wish it, is that
you are in Syria, and in command of forces. This is all the more readily believed
because it seems so likely to be true. Our friend M.Brutus indeed has won
extraordinary distinction; his achievements have been so substantial and so
unexpected that, welcome as they are in themselves, their brilliance has been
enhanced by their rapidity. Now if you also hold in your hand all we believe you do,
the props that support the Republic are strong; since from the nearest point of Greece
right up to Egypt we shall find security in governments and armies commanded by
citizens of the highest loyalty.
 2 And yet, if I am not mistaken, the present position is such that the ultimate issue
of the whole war depends apparently upon D.Brutus; if once he succeeds, as we hope
he will, in breaking out of Mutina, it looks as if there would be nothing left of the war.
In any case the forces investing him must by this time be inconsiderable, because the
garrison with which Antonius holds Bononia is a strong one. Again our friend Hirtius
is at Claterna, and Caesar at Forum Cornelium, each of them with an army that can be
trusted, while, at Rome, Pansa has collected strong forces by means of an Italian levy.
So far winter has made active operations impossible. Hirtius, as he frequently hints to
me in his letters, seems unlikely to do anything without careful consideration. With
the exception of Bononia, Regium Lepidi, and Parma, we can count upon the whole
of Gaul as being enthusiastically loyal to the Republic. Your clients beyond the Padus
too we find surprisingly in sympathy with our cause. The Senate is thoroughly
staunch, except, of course, the consulars, of whom L.Caesar alone is as staunch as he
is straight.

3 We have lost a powerful safeguard by the death of Servius Sulpicius. All the
others lack either spirit or sound principle; not a few of them are jealous of the honour
paid to those whom they see winning the approval of the state. On the other hand the
unanimity of the people of Rome and of all Italy is something wonderful. This is
practically all that I think you ought to know. And now my prayer is that the sunlight
of your valour may shine forth from wherever you are in the East.

[12.6] Cicero to Cassius

[Rome, late in March or early in April, 43 B.C.]

L What the state of affairs was when I sent you this letter, you can find out from
C. Tidius Strabo, a man of merit, and excellently well disposed to the Republic - I
need not add most eager to join you, seeing that he has left his home and all that he
possesses, to come to you rather than to anybody. So I do not so much as recommend
him to you. His having made his way to you himself is recommendation enough.

2 I would have you consider and assure yourself that if anything untoward happens,
which I should deplore, the only refuge left for honest citizens is with you andBrutus.
As I write these words, matters have come to the final crisis; for Brutus is now barely
able to hold his own at Mutina. If he has come safe through it, we have triumphed; if
otherwise (heaven avert the omen!) there is but one direction in which we can all rush,
and that is to you. See to it, therefore, that you have all the courage and all the
resources needed to win back the Republic in its entirety. Farewell.
[12.7] Cicero to Cassius
[Rome, March 7th, 43 B.C.]

L With what enthusiasm I defended your political position, both in the Senate and
before the people, I prefer that you should learn from your friends rather than from
myself. And that proposal of mine in the Senate would easily have carried the day but
for the violent opposition of Pansa. Having made the proposal, I was brought before a
public meeting by the tribune of the plebs, M. Servilius. I said all I could about you in
a ringing voice that filled the forum, and the shouting and applause of the people was
- well, I never saw anything like it! I hope you will forgive my having acted against
the wishes of your mother-in-law [Servilia]. The lady is nervous, and was afraid of
Pansa 's taking umbrage at it. Indeed Pansa stated in the public meeting that your
mother also and brother [Lucius] had objected to my making that proposal. But all
that left me unmoved; I had better things to think about. I was advocating the public
cause, which I have always advocated, and your political position and prestige as well.

2 But as to the matter that I discussed at considerable length in the Senate, and as to
what I said at the public meeting, I should be glad if you would redeem the pledge I
gave. I promised and almost positively asserted that you had not waited for nor would
wait for any decrees of ours, but would yourself defend the constitution in your own
good way; and although we have not yet heard anything as to your present position, or
the forces at your disposal, for all that I take my stand on the fact that all the forces
and troops in your part of the world are yours, and that it is through you I am assured
that the province of Asia has already been won back for the Republic. Do your utmost
to surpass yourself in enhancing your own glory. Farewell.

[12.11] C.Cassius, proconsul, to M.Cicero

[Camp at Tarichea, March 7th, 43 B.C.]

L If you are well, that is good; I and my army are well. You must know that I have
started for Syria to join the generals L.Murcus and Q.Crispus. When those gallant
officers and admirable citizens heard what was going on in Rome, they handed their
armies over to me, and are themselves administering the affairs of the State side by
side with me, and with the utmost resolution. I beg to inform you also that the legion
which Q.Caecilius Bassus had, has come over to me, and I beg to inform you that the
four legions A.Allienus brought out of Egypt have been handed over by him to me.
 2 For the present I do not suppose that you need any encouragement from me to
defend us while we are away, and the Republic too, as far as in you lies. I should like
you to be assured that neither you and your family, nor the Senate are without strong
safeguards, so that you may defend the Republic in the best of hopes and with the
highest spirit. What business remains will be transacted with you by L.Carteius, an
intimate friend of mine. Farewell. Dated the 7th of March, from camp at Tarichea.

[12.12] Cassius, proconsul, to M.Cicero

[Camp in Syria, May 7th, 43 B.C.]

L If you are well, that is good; I and my army are well. I have read your letter, in
which I recognise afresh your wonderful affection for me. For it seemed that you not
only back me up - that you have always done, both for my sake, and the sake of the
Republic - but also that you have shouldered a burden of anxiety, and feel seriously
perturbed about me. And therefore, because in the first place I thought you were under
the impression that, after the crushing of the constitution, I could never keep quiet,
and secondly, because I thought you were anxious, both about my safety, and the
ultimate issue of affairs, since you would naturally suspect me of taking drastic
measures; for both these reasons then, as soon as I took over the legions A.Allienus
had brought away from Egypt, I wrote to you, and sent quite a number of letter-
carriers to Rome. I also wrote a despatch to the Senate, forbidding it to be delivered
until it had been read out to you - if it happens that my people have been good enough
to regard my wishes. But if no letter has reached you, I have no doubt that Dolabella,
who, since his abominable murder of Trebonius, has overrun theAsian provinces, has
arrested my letter-carriers and intercepted my despatch.

2 I hold all the troops that were in Syria. There has been some slight delay in the
fulfilment of my promises to my men. Now at last my hands are free. I beg of you to
regard my claim to honour as committed to your care, if you realise that there is no
danger, no toil, I have refused to face for my country, if it was at your instance and
with your encouragement that I took up arms against the most presumptuous brigands,
if I have not only raised whole armies to defend the cause of the State and its liberty,
but have even snatched it from the hands of the most bloodthirsty tyrants; for had
Dolabella anticipated me in getting hold of them, his army, not only by its actual
arrival, but by the mere hope and expectation of it, would have strengthened the hands
of Antonius.

3 For these reasons I beg you to look after my men, if you are aware of their
amazing services to the Republic, and so to manage matters that not one of them may
regret having set the call of the Republic above the love of loot and rapine. Attend too,
as far as you possibly can, to the claims of the commanders, Murcus andCrispus. As
for Bassus, the poor fool would not hand his legion over to me. And had not his men
broken his orders and sent me a deputation, he would have kept the gates
of Apameia shut until I had stormed it. These requests I make of you not only in the
name of the Republic, which has always been most precious to you, but also in that of
our friendship, which I am sure counts for very much with you.

4 Take my word for it, these troops under my command are at the disposal of the
Senate and all loyal citizens, and most of all at yours; for being constantly told of your
sympathies makes them astonishingly fond of you, and you are their favourite; and if
once they grasp the fact that you have their interests at heart, they will feel that there
is nothing they do not owe you.

5 Since writing this letter I have been told that Dolabella and his forces have
arrived in Cilicia. Cilicia will be my objective. I shall do my utmost to let you have
early news of what I have been able to do. And may I express a hope that our luck
may be in proportion to our public deserts? Mind you keep your health and your
affection for me. In camp, May 7th.

The following excerpt from a letter sent by a Roman commander with a similar name -
C.Cassius Parmensis - shows that as he expected, Cassius was soon fighting against
Dolabella. Dolabella was eventually defeated and committed suicide.

[12.13] C.Cassius, quaestor, to M.Cicero

[Cyprus, June 13th, 43 B.C.]

L . . . 4 Just as the people of Tarsus, our treacherous allies, did, so now the
inhabitants of Laodiceia, who are even more foolish, have gone out of their way to
send for Dolabella; and he, by recruiting a rabble of Greek soldiers out of both those
states, has worked up the semblance of an army. He has pitched camp in front of the
town of Laodiceia; he has pulled down part of the wall, and has linked his camp with
the town. Our friend Cassius with ten legions, twenty auxiliary cohorts, and a cavalry
force of 4000, has pitched camp twenty miles away at Paltus, and anticipates a
bloodless victory, seeing that with Dolabella the price of wheat is already
threetetradrachms [for a medimnus]. Unless he contrives to bring in supplies in the
ships of the Laodiceians, he is doomed to die of hunger very soon; and to prevent
Dolabella from importing will be an easy task for Cassius's fleet, quite a large one,
under the command of Sextilius Rufus, and the three fleets Turullius, Patiscus, and
myself have respectively brought here. I want you to have high hopes, and to rest
assured that the difficulties of the State can speedily be solved on our side, as you
have solved them at home. Farewell.
Dated June 13th. Crommyacris, in Cyprus.

Antonius received a great boost to his forces at the end of May, when he was joined by
M.Lepidus, the governor of Narbonese Gaul.

[12.8] Cicero to Cassius

[Rome, shortly after June 8th, 43 B.C.]

L The scandalous conduct of your relative Lepidus and his amazing fickleness and
inconstancy I imagine you have already learnt from the daily gazette which I am
assured is being sent to you. So now, when the war, as we imagined, had been
finished, we are waging a resuscitated war, and we have no other hope than in
D. Brutusand Plancus; indeed, if you want the exact truth, than in you and my friend
M. Brutus, not only to serve as our immediate refuge, should anything untoward occur
(which I should deplore), but also to set on a firm basis a freedom that will last for
ever.

2 We are having satisfactory news here about Dolabella, but we have nobody
definitely to vouch for it. As for you, I would have you know that you are a great man
here, not only in men's present estimation, but also in their anticipations of your
future. With this before your eyes, see to it that your aims are of the highest. There is
no success so great that the people of Rome do not deem you capable of achieving,
yes, and of maintaining.

[12.9] Cicero to Cassius

[Rome, middle of June, 43 B.C.]

L The shortness of your letters makes me too write shorter ones; and, to tell you
the truth, I have no clear conception as to what I am to write. Our affairs, as I am well
aware, are duly reported to you in the daily gazette, while we know nothing of yours.
Just as though Asia were under a blockade, nothing reaches us except rumours about
the crushing of Dolabella, which are certainly quite consistent, but lack authority.

2 We imagined that the war was finished, but all of a sudden we have been thrown
into an agony of anxiety by your friend Lepidus. You must, therefore, convince
yourself that the best hope of the Republic lies in you and your forces. Our armies of
course we can trust; but though everything should go on happily (and I hope
everything will), even so it is of great importance that you should come here. There
are but faint hopes of a free constitution (I shrink from saying there are none), but
whatever they are, they are bound, as by betrothal, to the year of your consulship.

[12.10] Cicero to Cassius

[Rome, early in July, 43 B.C.]

L On the 30th of June your relative, and my once friend, Lepidus, was declared a
public enemy by an unanimous vote of the Senate, as were also all the others who
joined him in deserting the Republic; the latter, however, have been given the
opportunity of returning to their senses before the 1st of September. The Senate is full
of courage, but it is mainly based on the expectation of your support. As I write these
words, thanks to the villainy and shiftiness of Lepidus, the war is really serious. The
daily news about Dolabella is all we could desire; but it is still without a definite
source, unconfirmed, and voiced only by rumour.

2 But, notwithstanding all that, your despatch, sent from your camp on the 7th of
May, had the effect upon the State of making everybody believe that he had already
been crushed, and that you were coming to Italy with your army; so that, if all were
accomplished to our satisfaction, we should have your counsel and influence, but if, as
so often happens in war, some slip should by any chance occur, we should have your
army, to fall back upon. And, speaking of the army, I shall make all honourable
provision for it within my power, but it will be time enough for that when we begin to
get some idea of the amount of help it will give to the Republic, or how much it has
already given. For so far we hear of nothing but attempts - noble and splendid enough
I grant you - but what we are waiting for is achievement; and that I am confident has
either come to pass in good measure already, or will in the near future.

3 Nothing can be more noble than your courage and greatness of spirit. So
naturally we hope to see you in Italy as soon as possible. If we have both of you, we
shall think we have the Republic here too. We would have won a glorious victory, if
Antonius, stripped and unarmed and a fugitive as he was, had not been given refuge
by Lepidus. It follows that never was Antonius so detested by the State as Lepidus
now is. For the former applied the torch of war to universal public disorder, the latter
to peace and victory. To oppose him we have the consuls-designate, and we have
strong hopes of them, it is true; but there is the anxiety of doubt, owing to the
uncertainty of issues on the field of battle.

4Be absolutely assured, therefore, that all depends upon you and your friend
Brutus, that you are both expected - Brutus indeed at any moment. But if our enemies
are defeated (and I hope so) before you arrive, even so your influence will help the
Republic to lift up her head, and be established on some tolerably firm basis. For the
ills to be remedied are very many, even though it may appear that the Republic has
been safely delivered from the villainy of its enemies.

Five months after this letter was written, Cicero was killed by the soldiers of
Antonius. Cassius died the next year, in the first battle of Philippi.