Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Black Death K
We will begin with a thesis claim: the semiotics of black social life are
incompatible with the social schemas of white civil society. The
ontological vertigo that constitutes black life in America renders it a
repository for the violent urges of modernity. Slave subjectivity is not
just a cornerstone of white life but an invitation to dance with the
annihilation of white society.
Wilderson 2007 [Frank B., The Prison Slave as Hegemonys Silent Scandal in Warfare
in the American Homeland ed. Joy James, p. 31-2]
Slavery is the great leveler of the black subjects positionality. The black American subject does not generate
historical categories of entitlement, sovereignty, and immigration for the record. We are "off the map" with respect to
the cartography that charts civil society's semiotics; we have a past but not a heritage. To the data-generating demands of the
Historical Axis, we present a virtual blank, much like that which the Khoisan presented to the Anthropological Axis. This
places us in a structurally impossible position, one that is outside the articulations
of hegemony. However, it also places hegemony in a structurally impossible position becauseand this is keyour presence
works back on the grammar of hegemony and threatens it with incoherence. If every subject even-the most massacred among
them, Indiansis required to have analogs within the nations structuring narrative, and the experience of one subject on whom the
nations order of wealth was built is without analog, then that subjects presence destabilizes all other analogs. Fanon writes,
"Decolonization, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a
program of complete
disorder."12 If we take him at his word, then we must accept that no other body functions in the Imaginary, the
Symbolic, or the Real so completely as a repository of complete disorder as the black body.
Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Real, for in its
magnetizing of bullets the black body functions as the map of gratuitous violence,
through which civil society is possible namely, those bodies for which violence is,
or can be, contingent. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the
Symbolic, for blackness in America generates no categories for the chromosome of
history and no data for the categories of immigration or sovereignty. It is an
experience without analoga past without a heritage. Blackness is the site of absolute
dereliction at the level of the Imaginary, for "whoever says 'rape' says Black" (Fanon),
whoever says "prison" says black (Sexton), and whoever says "aids" says blackthe
"Negro is a phobogenic object."13 Indeed, it means all those things: a phobogenic object, a past without a heritage,
the map of gratuitous violence, and a program of complete disorder. Whereas this realization is, and should be, cause for alarm, it
should not be cause for lament or, worse, disavowalnot at least, for a true revolutionary or for a truly revolutionary movement such
as prison abolition. If a social movement is to be neither social-democratic nor Marxist in terms of structure of political desire, then
it should grasp the invitation to assume the positionality of subjects of social death. If we are to be honest with ourselves, we
must admit that the "Negro" has been inviting whites, as well as civil society's junior partners, to
the dance of social death for hundreds of years, but few have wanted to learn the
steps. They have been, and e todayeven in the most antiracist movements, such as the
prison abolition movementinvested elsewhere. This is not to say that all oppositional political desire
today is pro-white, but it is usually antiblack, meaning that it will not dance with death. Black liberation, as a prospect, makes
radicalism more dangerous to the United States. This is not because it raises the specter of an alternative polity (such as socialism or
community control of existing resources), but because its condition of possibility and gesture of resistance function as a negative
dialectic: a politics of refusal and a refusal to affirm, a "program of complete disorder." One
must embrace its
disorder, its incoherence, and allow oneself to be elaborated by it if, indeed, ones
politics are to be underwritten by a desire to take down this country. If this is not
the desire that underwrites ones politics, then through what strategy of
legitimation is the word "prison" being linked to the word "abolition"? What are this
movements lines of political accountability? There is nothing foreign, frightening, or even unpracticed about the embrace of disorder
and incoherence. The desire to be embraced, and elaborated, by disorder and incoherence is not anathema in and of itself. No one,
for example, has ever been known to say, "Gee-whiz, if only my orgasms would end a little sooner, or maybe not come at all." Yet few
so-called radicals desire to be embraced, and elaborated, by the disorder and incoherence of blacknessand the state of political
movements in the United States today is marked by this very Negrophobogenisis: "Gee-whiz, if only black rage could be more
coherent, or maybe not come at all." Perhaps there is something more terrifying about the foy of black than there is in the joy of sex
(unless one is talking sex with a Negro). Perhaps coalitions today prefer to remain in-orgasmic in the face of civil societywith
hegemony as a handy prophylactic, just in case. If through this stasis or paralysis they try to do the work of prison abolition, the
work will fail, for it is always work from a position of coherence (i.e., the worker) on behalf of a position of incoherence of the black
subject, or prison slave. In this way, social formations on the left remain blind to the contradictions of coalitions between workers
and slaves. They remain coalitions operating within the logic of civil society and function less as revolutionary promises than as
crowding y out scenarios of black antagonisms, simply feeding our frustration. Whereas the positionality of the worker (whether a
factory worker demanding a monetary wage, an immigrant, or a white woman demanding a social wage) gestures toward the
reconfiguration of civil society, the
positionality of the black subject (whether a prison slave or a prison slave-
in-waiting) gestures toward the disconfiguration of civil society. From the coherence of civil society,
the black subject beckons with the incoherence of civil war, a war that reclaims
blackness not as a positive value but as a politically enabling site, to quote Fanon, of
"absolute dereliction." It is a "scandal" that rends civil society asunder. Civil war,
then, becomes the unthought, but never forgotten, understudy of hegemony. It is a
black specter waiting in the wings, an endless antagonism that cannot be satisfied
(via reform or reparation) but that must, nonetheless, be pursued to the death.
the world as we knew it ended centuries ago. Our world. with its Own languages,
customs and ways, ended And we are only now beginning to see with increasing
clarity that our task is to reclaim that world, struggle for It, and rebuild it in our
own image The "death culture" we live in has convinced many to be more
concerned with death than with life. more willing to demonstrate for "survival at
any cost" than to struggle for liberty and peace with dignity Nuclear disarmament
becomes a safe issue when it is not linked to the daily and historic issues of racism,
to the ways in which people of color continue to be murdered Acts of war, nuclear
holocausts, and genocide have already been declared on our jobs, our housing, our schools, our families, and
our lands. As women of color, we are warriors, not pacifists We must fight as a people on all fronts, or we will continue to die as a people. We have fought in people's wars in China, in Cuba. In Guinea-Bissau, and
in such struggles as the civil rights movement. The women's movement, and in countless daily encounters with landlords, welfare departments, and schools. These struggles are not abstractions, but The only
means by which we have gained the ability to eat and to provide for the future of our people
Kato DA
The notion that nuclear war causes extinction ignores the on-going
nuclear war conducting against indigenous nations delocalizes
catastrophe
Kato 93 [Masahide, Department of Political Science, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, Hawaii,
Alternatives 18, 339-360]
The complex problematics involved in nuclear
Nuclear criticism finds the likelihood of "extinction" as the most fundamental aspect of nuclear catastrophe.
catastrophe are thus reduced to the single possible instant of extinction. The task of nuclear critics is clearly
designated by Schell as coming to grips with the one and only final instant: "human extinctionwhose likelihood we are chiefly interested in finding out about"35 Deconstructionists, on the other hand, take a
wars, which have all been preceded by wars of more or less the same type in human
memory (and gunpowder did not mark a radical break in this respect), nuclear war has no precedent. It has never
occurred, itself; it is a non-event The explosion of American bombs in 1945 ended a "classical," conventional war; it did not set off a nuclear war. The terrifying reality of the nuclear conflict can only
be the signified referent, never the real referent (present or past) of a discourse or text. At least today apparendy.36 By representing the possible extinction as the single most important problematic of nuclear
violence, the "real" of nuclear catastrophe as a continuous and repetitive process. The
"real" of nuclear war is designated by nuclear critics as a "rehearsal" (Derrik De Kerkhove) or "preparation" (Firth) for what they reserve as the authentic catastrophe." The history of nuclear violence offers, at best,
a reality effect to the imagery of "extinction." Schell summarized the discursive position of nuclear critics very succincdy, by stating that nuclear catastrophe should not be conceptualized "in the context of direct
slaughter of hundreds of millions people by the local effects."38 Thus the elimination of the history of nuclear violence by nuclear critics stems from the process of discursive "derealization" of nuclear violence.
Their primary focus is not local catastrophe, but delocalized, unlocatable, "global"
catastrophe. The elevation of the discursive vantage point deployed in nuclear criticism through
which extinction is conceptualized parallels that of the point of the strategic gaze:
nuclear criticism raises the notion of nuclear catastrophe to the "absolute" point from which the fiction of extinction" is configured. Herein, the configuration of the globe and the conceptualization of "extinction"
reveal their interconnection via the "absolutization" of the strategic gaze. In the same way as the fiction of the totality of the earth is constructed, the fiction of extinction is derived from the figure perceived
the image of the globe, in the final instance, is nothing more than a
through the strategic gaze. In other words,
figure on which the notion of extinction is being constructed. Schell, for instance, repeatedly encountered difficulty in
locating the subject involved in the conceptualization of extinction, which in turn testifies to its figural origin: "who will
suffer this loss, which we somehow regard as supreme? We, the living, will not suffer it;
we will be dead. Nor will the unborn shed any tears over their lost chance to exist; to do so they would have to exist already."39 Robert Lifton attributed such difficulty in locating the subject
to the "numbing effect" of nuclear psychology. In other words, Lifton tied the difficulty involved here not to the question of subjectivity per se but to psychological defenses against the overwhelming possibility of
extinction. The hollowness of extinction can be unraveled better if we locate it in the mode of perception rather than in nebulous nuclear psychology: the hollowness of extinction is a result of "confusing figure
with the object"40 This phenomenon, called "the delirium of interpretation" by Virilio, is a mechanical process in which incorporeal existence is given a meaning via the figure.41 It is no doubt a manifestation of
technosubjectivity symptomatic of late capitalism. Hence, the obscurity of the subject in the configuration of extinction results from the dislocation of the subject by the technosubject functioning as a meaning-
generating machine. Technosubjectivity deployed in configuring "extinction" is the product of interfaces among the camera's eyes, photo (or video) image, the ultimate speed materialized by rockets and satellite
communications, and nuclear warheads. Carol Cohn persuasively analyzed one such aspect of the interface in shaping and structuring the discourse of defense intellectuals: in the discourse, of nuclear war,
national security, and nuclear criticism, it is the bomb that is the subject of discourse.42 The satellite communications, rockets, camera's eye, nuclear warheads, and other technostrategic gadgets, which are
rendered subject in the field of discourse and perception, are essentially a fixed capital. Therefore, although the problem of technosubjectivity seems to be a new phenomenon in the age of high technology, it
remains part of an ongoing process of subject-object inversion inherent in the very concept of capital. Having established the link between the disqualification (or derealization) of the history ("real") of nuclear
catastrophe on the one hand and the mode of Nuclear criticism offers preservation of self and matter as a solution to its own imaginary/ideological construct of extinction (as manifested in the buzzword "freeze").
Accordingly, preservation of self and matter as an alternative to the inertia of the "unthinkable" cannot be anything but an imaginary/ideological construct It is in this fantasy that one can find the ideological
Marxist, namely, E. E Thompson, to abandon "class" analysis, embracing humanity instead: "exterminism itself is not a 'class issue': it is a human issue."43 In this sense, nuclear criticism recreates
the Renaissance in the late capitalist era in its reinvention of humanity through
technosubjectivity. Robert Lifton defined the collectivity in danger by comparing the threat of extinction with the hostage-taking, which I turn entails a very revealing redefinition of
humanity: But unlike ordinary hostage taking, nuclear terror encompasses everyone. Precisely for that reason it throws us back on our collective humanity. In calling into question the idea of human future, it
Who are "we"? Sontag also encountered this obscure notion of humanity created by the photo images, and she deciphered it as "a quality things have in common when they are viewed as
photographs."45 Again we cannot escape from finding the figural origin (i.e., photo image of the globe) of the construction of "humanity." Herein the "interpretative delirium" proceeds with the disguise of
"universalism," establishing a total "deregulation" in exchanges among what are reconstructed as objects by way of figure. The regime of the "absolute" subject (i.e., technosubject) governs this deregulated image
universality.
This erasure of history is the logic that legitimizes nuclear atrocities
Kato 93 [Masahide, Department of Political Science, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, Hawaii,
Alternatives 18, 339-360]
Let us recall our earlier discussion about the critical historical conjuncture where the notion of "strategy" changed its nature and became deregulated/dispersed beyond the boundaries set by the interimperial
perceived and thus given due recognition by the First World community are the explosions at
Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which occurred at this conjuncture. Beyond this historical threshold, whose meaning is relevant only to the interimperial rivalry, the
nuclear catastrophe is confined to the realm of fantasy, for instance, apocalyptic imagery. And
yet how can one deny the crude fact that nuclear war has been taking place on this earth in the
name of "nuclear testing" since the first nuclear explosion at Alamogordo in 1945? As of 1991, 1,924 nuclear explosions
have occurred on earth.28 The major perpetrators of nuclear warfare are the United States (936 times), the former Soviet Union (715 times), France (192 times), the United Kingdom (44 times), and China (36
The primary targets of warfare ("test site" to use Nuke Speak terminology) have been invariably the sovereign nations of
times).29
Fourth World and Indigenous Peoples. Thus history has Shoshone Nation) (814 times), the Christmas Islands (24 times), Hawaii (Kalama Island, also known as Johnston Island) (12 times),
the Republic of Kazakhstan (467 times), and Uighur (Xinjian Province, China) (36 times).30 Moreover, although I focus primarily on "nuclear tests" in this article, if we are to expand the notion of nuclear warfare
to include any kind of violence accrued from the nuclear fuel cycle (particularly uranium mining and disposition of nuclear wastes), we must enlist Japan and the European nations as perpetrators and add the
Navaho, Havasupai and other Indigenous Nations to the list of targets. Viewed as a whole, nuclear war, albeit undeclared, has been waged against the Fourth World, and Indigenous Nations. The dismal
consequences of "intensive exploitation," "low intensity intervention," or the "nullification of the sovereignty" in the Third World produced by the First World have taken a form of nuclear extermination in the
Nations, the nuclear catastrophe has never been the "unthinkable" single catastrophe but the real
catastrophe of repetitive and ongoing nuclear explosions and exposure to radioactivity. Nevertheless, ongoing nuclear wars
ongoing processes
higher than the "real" of nuclear warfare in terms of discursive value. This ideological division/hierarchization is the very vehicle through which the history and the
B) It primes violence: the fear of death and need for control stifles
revolutionary movements. Using this space as a theatre of
violence that primes subjects for their own extinction produces
the revolutionary vitality that necessitates producing material
violent conflicts. Even if they win the individual action of voting
negative doesnt do anything your job as an educator should be
to produce the conditions for revolution.
C) Social Life: Cacho and Marriot say it is not about winning the
revolution, but deciding to revolt. If, at the end of this round,
you cant justify the presence of the USFG as an actor you should
gut check negative because it implicates all their pedagogy
arguments. Only an absolutely oppositional stance to white
supremacy can produce the conditions for a meaningful
orientation against anti-black violence.
The subjective features of living are all parasitic on black life. Even if
you like your family and friends, the world we live in is founded on
black death which makes their very presence an extension of the
annihilation of black life. That means risking that loss has to be a
prior ontological question because it structures our commitment to
fracturing the world as we know it.
AT: Perm
I will do the theory first:
A) Severance: the perm severs out of the death representations and
political methodology of the plan. That has to be a voter because
it makes the 2ac a moving target and makes garnering negative
offense structurally impossible.
The insight that the human mind is a function of imagination is the unifying thread of the mythopoetic
project in curriculum and pedagogy. It is clearly the underlying commitment of the authors in this collection ,
whose work is
filled with an uncommon hope in a time dominated by forces that would kill
imagination in favor of linear, controllable rationality. Of course imagination and the stories that it
generates is never killed as such, but it can be repressed and heavily disguised. Current western militarist culture
has sought to control human imagination through the ''spin making" of image
industries under control of state and large corporations and the unfettered appropriation of the
power of the imagination in advertising. Curriculum in cultural studies that attempts to unmask the iron fist in the velvet glove of
such advertising and media ''spin" has been a valuable contribution to a socially aware curriculum. It does the learners a service in
evoking critical attention and skepticism towards the truth claims of consumerist culture but of course the critical approach tends to
be focused on the important but not exclusive arena of logical rationality. Logical
rationality, this book has argued,
needs to be complemented and enriched by the creative dimensions of human
imagining with its links to the heart as well as the head and this has become more
and more necessary. A commonly held contemporary stance that curriculum must
be a process contained within mathematically measurable parameters is not
neutral. It is hegemonic. It is a corollary of the view that all persons are
commodities, that all human interactions are markets, and that all conflicts are
wars. It has two major toxic elements. Through its passion for control, this linear/rational orientation
towards education has the potential to crush the imagination of its teachers and
produce a culture that is literally mindless. Fundamentalist upheavals in the world's religions are the most
newsworthy reactions to this imperialist rationalism and, having gathered momentum for almost a century, these movements have
become a credible threat in their own right to the future of imagination, mind, and reason itself. Paradoxically, then, an unbalanced
and narrow rationality has spawned two dark enemies of reason: firstly, its own insistence that all knowledge is derived from science
and technology, and secondly, the fundamentalist response that all knowledge is contained in the literal interpretation of divinely
revealed texts.
Over Seas Violence turns your reformism arguments even if you win
some slight improvement domestically, foreign violence is still a
modern colonial killing field. U.S. narratives of progress only solidify
justification for violence abroad. Our inclusion here justifies
ignoring genocides in Rwanda and blowing up medical factories in
Iran. Coloniality is alive and well across the planet. Thats Martinot
AT: Soc. Death = Colonialism
The three pillars of antiblackness that wilderson uses to justify his
ontology claim are general dishonor, natal alienation, and gratuitous
violence. These three coalesce to form the black positionality. The
experience of the middle passage was so parasitic that it led to a shift
in what it meant to be human i.e. they entered the ships as Africans
and came off as Blacks which lead to a fundamental difference in their
being.
Hudson concludes neg there is no social life within the liberal world
order
Hudson 13 [Peter, Political Studies Department, University of the Witwatersrand,
Johannesburg , South Africa, has been on the editorial board of the Africa Perspective: The
South African Journal of Sociology and Theoria: A Journal of Political and Social Theory and
Transformation, and is a member of the Johannesburg Workshop in Theory and Criticism, The
state and the colonial unconscious, Social Dynamics: A journal of African studies, 2013, Taylor
and Francis]
Liberal democracy doesnt recognize black experience; it says, this isnt the
experience of colonialism the struggle is over: weve got a liberal constitutional democracy this kind
of expression (of colonialism) that is if liberal democracy even acknowledges its very existence), isnt really colonialism. Its an
ersatz colonialism, neutered by the very form of its expression i.e., via freedom of expression in a liberal democracy. Therefore it
should just be allowed to pass ignored. If
you take such objects out of the colonial frame
deprive them of their historic meaning then what are they? Individual dignity eroded?
Perhaps. But if you put them in their colonial name as you just have to), then it isnt a matter of individual dignity of any individual
the specifically black subject as object
or of the individual, but it is a matter now of colonialism itself, i.e.
in the gaze of the white (self-possessed) master. This is what liberalism, no matter how
democratic, cannot appreciate: it cannot grasp what is at stake in these stagings of the colonial unconscious,
because its very premises an individualist social ontology wont allow it to. Remember, for the
black, the effect of perceiving these objects is to be ontologically reduced, emptied
out, amputated (Fanon 1968). For the white, the effect is the opposite: to feel confirmed, at home, in what is, after all, the
white gaze on the black man. Destitution/plenitude, the elementary doublet of colonial experience and the colonial relation itself.
Even if we assume whites and blacks to be both unconsciously in thrall to the signifier white, the effect is quite different in the two
cases;for the black, the effect of non-existence is still impossible for him, not to
feel. What such objects show is precisely that colonials is still with us; it isnt just structural inertia combined with ANC
corruption and mismanagement that explains the ongoing racial distribution of life chances and assets in South Africa .
Colonial identifications are still with us, and working silently to maintain the
status quo. An object such as The Spear is both revelatory of this and, at the same time, reinforces these identities. It stands
out, however, because its as close to not being silent, to being not silent as the distinction between unconscious and conscious will
allow. Its as close to being transparent to consciousness as it is possible to be, without being transparent to consciousness. Perhaps
Conclusion Colonialism of a very special
this explains something of the excess passion is has produced in the public space.
type To the extent that post 1994, at last, structurally colonial white and black identities are prohibited
but not destroyed, the state is involved in a politics of the unconsciousness. 274 P.
Hudson Downloaded by [] at 10:53 22 July 2015 The colonial unconscious is part of the Colonialism of a Special Type (CST)
historically, the conceptual model of the ANC and the SACP, today the tri-partite alliance. This fantasy is itself still a fundamental
component of South African society which resists, in different ways, the NDR. As weve seen, its identificatory effects antagonise and
subvert the NDR (and this is not only from without, but also within the NDR itself). So this is a fight that includes blacks, because
whites and blacks are interpellated by the white master signifier; blacks too (to the extent
they havent separated themselves from their self-identification in the terms of the white imaginary) recognise themselves in such
presentations, because colonial logic entails that they see themselves through
white eyes. Perhaps they dont know it, but what they see (in this object) pulls them in and
(re)colonises them, ratcheting up their existing white identifications. The white
colonial unconscious is a site of political struggle because where a liberal democratic perspective implies tolerance and even silence,
it is fundamentally challenged by this unconscious
a national democratic state because
signifier (whiteness) has to do something. But what? Fight it on liberal democratic individualist grounds? Or as hate
speech? But it has already lost its specificity once named as hate speech rather than colonial speech. This said, neither should
the National Democratic state seek to become an apparatus by which the nervous systems of its inhabitants are regulated (Groys
2011, 17), thereby saturating all modalities of subjectivisation. The hypothesis of total power (Badiou 2001, 83) and telos of
absolute closure must be resisted. The National Democratic Revolution is unlikely to be able to avoid being eclipsed by liberal
democracy, thus bringing to a close a determinate sequence in the history of the South African state unless it succeeds in charting a
course against both the effect of amnesia of liberal individualisation (vis--vis colonialism), and the fantasy of national democratic
plenitude.
AT: Soc. Death = Despair
Resisting anti-Blackness is an active life affirming process accepting
and flipping pathology
Sexton 11 [Jared, PhD, Director, African American Studies Dept., UC Irvine, The Social Life
of Social Death: On Afro-Pessimism and Black Optimism, InTensions, Vol 5,
http://www.yorku.ca/intent/issue5/notefromtheeditor/notefromtheeditor.php]
[23] Elsewhere, in a discussion of Du Bois on the study of black folk, Gordon restates an existential phenomenological conception of the antiblack world developed across his
Blacks here suffer the phobogenic reality posed by the spirit of racial
first several books:
this is precisely what Gordon argues is the value and insight of Fanon: he
association to the level of identity. And yet,
white superiority and black inferiority, of white existence and black nonexistence, a world structured by a negative categorical imperativeabove all, dont
be black (Gordon 1997: 63)in this world, the zero degree of transformation is the turn toward
blackness, a turn toward the shame, as it were, that resides in the idea that I am
thought of as less than human (Nyongo 2002: 389).xiv In this we might create a
transvaluation of pathology itself, something like an embrace of pathology without
pathos.
AT: Util
FIRST vote neg under a utilitarian calculus utilitarianism means
you maximize happiness, not lives saved the amount of suffering in
the world of the aff is exponentially greater than the world of a
nuclear war because black suffering is ontological while the suffering
caused by nukes is experiential, thats Wilderson
aHerrenvolk utilitarianism, where nonwhites count distributively for less than one
and are deemed to suffer less acutely than whites.10 The actual details of the basic values of the particular normative theory (property rights, personhood and respect, welfare)
are not important, since all theories can be appropriately adjusted internally to bring about the desired outcome: what is crucial is the theorist's adherence to the Racial
Contract. / Being its primary victims, nonwhites have, of course, always been aware of this peculiar schism running through the white psyche. Many years ago, in his classic
novel Invisible Man, Ralph Ellison had his nameless black narrator point out that whites must have a peculiar reciprocal "construction of [their] inner eyes" which renders black
Americans invisible, since they "refuse to see me." The Racial Contract includes an epistcmological contract, an epistemology of ignorance. "Recognition is a form of agreement,"
and by the terms of the Racial Contract, whites have agreed not to recognize blacks as equal persons. Thus the white pedestrian who bumps into the black narrator at the start is
a representative figure, somebody "lost in a dream world." "But didn't he control that dream worldwhich, alas, is only too real!and didn't he rule me out of it? And if he had
yelled for a policeman, wouldn't I have been taken for the offending one? Yes, yes, yes!"11 Similarly, James Baldwin argues that white supremacy "forced [white] Americans into
rationalizations so fantastic that they approached the pathological," generating a tortured ignorance so structured that one cannot raise certain issues with whites "because even
if I should speak, no one would believe me," and paradoxically, "they would not believe me precisely because they would know that what I said was true."12 / Evasion and self-
deception th us become the epistemic norm. Describing America's "national web of self-deceptions" on race, Richard Drinnon cites as an explanation Montesquieu's wry
observation about African enslavement: "It is impossible for us to suppose these creatures to be men, because, allowing them to be men, a suspicion would follow that we
ourselves are not Christians." The founding ideology of the white settler state required the conceptual erasure of those societies that had been there before: "For [a writer of the
time) to have consistently regarded Indians as persons with a psychology of their own would have upended his world. It would have meant recognizing that 'the state of nature'
really had full-fledged people in it and that both it and the cherished 'civil society' had started out as lethal figments of the European imagination."13 An Australian historian
comments likewise on the existence of "something like a cult of forgetfulness practised on a national scale" with respect to Aborigines." Lewis Got don, working in the existential
phenomenological tradition, draws on Sartrean notions to argue that in a world structured around race, bad faith necessarily becomes pervasive: "In bad faith, I flee a
displeasing truth for a pleasing falsehood. I must convince myself that a falsehood is in fact true. . . . Under the model of bad faith, the stubborn racist has made a choice not to
admit certain uncomfortable truths about his group and chooses not to challenge certain comfortable falsehoods about other people. . . . Since he has made this choice, he will
resist whatever threatens it. .. . The more the racist plays the game of evasion, the more estranged he will make himself from his 'inferiors' and the more he will sink into the
world that is required to maintain this evasion."15 In the ideal polity one seeks to know oneself and to know the world; here such knowledge may be dangerous. /
the Racial Contract also explains the actual astonishing historical record
Correspondingly,
of European atrocity against nonwhites, which quantitatively and qualitatively, in numbers and horrific detail, cumulatively
dwarfs all other kinds of ethnically/racially motivated massacres put together: la leyenda negrathe
black legendof Spanish colonialism, defamatory only in its invidious singling out of the Spanish, since it would later be emulated by Spain's envious competitors, the Dutch,
French, and English, seeking to create legends of their own; the killing through mass murder and disease of 95
percent of the indigenous population of the Americas, with recent revisionist scholarship, as mentioned, having dramatically increased the
estimates of the preconquest population, so that at roughly 100 million victimsthis would
easily rank as the single greatest act of genocide in human history;16 the infamous slogans, now somewhat embarrassing to a generation living under a different phase of the
Contract"Kill the nits, and you'll have no lice!" as American cavalryman John House advised when he shot a Sauk infant at the Wisconsin Rad Axe massacre,17 and "The only
have claimed thirty to sixty million lives in Africa, the Middle Passage, and the "seasoning" process, even before the degradation and
destruction of slave life in the Americas;18 the casual acceptance as no crime, just the necessary clearing of the territory of pestilential "varmints" and "critters," of the random
killing of stray Indians in America or Aborigines in Australia or Bushmen in South Africa; the massively punitive European colonial retaliations after native uprisings; the death
toll from the direct and indirect consequences of the forced labor of the colonial economics, such as the millions (original estimates as high as ten million) who died in the
Belgian Congo as a result of Leopold II's quest for rubber, though strangely it is to Congolese rather than European savagery that a "heart of darkness" is attributed;19 the
appropriation of the nonwhite body, not merely metaphorically (as the black body can be said to have been consumed on the slave plantations to produce European capital), but
made into bridle reins (for example by U.S. President Andrew Jackson),20
Tasmanians were killed and used as dog meat,21 and in World War II Jewish hair
was made into cushions, and (not as well known) Japanese bones were made by some
Americans into letter openers. As war trophies, Indian scalps, Vietnamese ears, and Japanese ears, gold teeth, and skulls were all collected
(Life magazine carried a photograph of a Japanese skull being used as a hood ornament on a U.S. military vehicle, and some soldiers sent skulls home as presents for their
girlfriends).22 To these we can add the fact that because of the penal reforms advocated by Cesare Beccaria and others, torture was more or less eliminated in Europe by the end
of the eighteenth century, while it continued to be routinely practiced in the colonies and on the slave plantationswhippings, castrations, dismemberments, roastings over slow
fires, being smeared with sugar, buried up to the neck, and then left for the insects to devour, being filled with gunpowder and then blown up, and so on;23 the fact that in
America the medieval tradition of the auto-da-fe, the public burning, survived well into the twentieth century, with thousands of spectators sometimes gathering for the festive
occasion of the southern barbecue, bringing children, picnic baskets, etc., and subsequently fighting over the remains to see who could get the toes or the knucklebones before
adjourning to a celebratory dance in the evening;24 the fact that the rules of war at least theoretically regulating intra-European combat were abandoned or suspended for non-
Europeans, so that by papal edict the use of the crossbow was initially forbidden against Christians but permitted against Islam, the dumdum (hollow-point) bullet was originally
prohibited within Europe but used in the colonial wars,25 the machine gun was brought to perfection in the late nineteenth century in subjugating Africans armed usually only
warriors were killed at the cost of forty-eight British soldiers, a long-distance massacre in which no
Sudanese "got closer than three hundred yards from the British positions,"26 the atomic bomb was used not once but twice
against the civilian population of a yellow people at a time when military necessity could only questionably be cited
(causing Justice Radhabinod Pal, in his dissenting opinion in the Tokyo War Crimes Trials, to argue that Allied leaders should have been put on trial with the Japanese).27 We
can mention the six million Jews killed in the camps and ghettos of Europe and the millions of members of other "inferior" races (Romani, Slavs) killed there and by the
Einsatzgruppen on the Eastern Front by the Nazi rewriting of the Racial Contract to make them too nonwhites,28 the pattern of unpunished rape, torture, and massacre in the
twentieth-century colonial/neocolonial and in part racial wars of Algeria (during the course of which about one million Algerians, or one-tenth of the country's population,
perished) and Vietnam, illustrated by the fact that Lieutenant William Calley was the only American convicted of war crimes in Vietnam and, for his role in directing the mass
murder of five hundred women, children, and old men (or, more cautiously and qualifiedly, "Oriental human beings," as the deposition put it), was sentenced to life at hard labor
but had his sentence quickly commuted by presidential intervention to "house arrest" at his Fort Renning bachelor apartment, where he remained for three years before being
freed on parole, then and now doubtless a bit puzzled by the fuss, since, as he told the military psychiatrists examining him, "he did not feel as if he were killing humans but
(social contract) norm of the infinite value of all human lift thus has to be rewritten to relied the
actual (Racial Contract) norm of the far greater value of white life, and the corresponding crystallization of feelings of vastly differential outrage over white and nonwhite death,
white and nonwhite suffering. If looking back (or sometimes just looking across), one wants to ask "But how could they?" the answer is that it is easy once a certain social
ontology has been created. Bewilderment and puzzlement show that one is taking for granted the morality of the literal social contract as a norm; once one begins from the
Racial Contract, the mystery evaporates. The Racial Contract thus makes White moral psychology transparent; one is not continually being "surprised" when one examines the
historical record, because this is the psychology the contract prescribes. (The theory of the Racial Contract is not cynical, because cynicism really implies theoretical breakdown,
a despairing throwing up of the hands and a renunciation of the project of understanding the world and human evil for a mystified yearning for a prelapsarian man. The "Racial
Contract" is simply realistwilling to look at the facts without flinching, to explain that if you start with this, then you will end up with that.)
But in decision theory there are two different, more pressing reasons for dismissing sufficiently
improbable possibilities. One is that there are just too many of them. To be asked to
reckon with such remote possibilities is to baffle our thought by sending it on a chase
after endless alternatives. Another reason lies in our need and desire to avoid stultifying
action. Its simply human nature to dismiss sufficiently remote eventualities in ones personal
calculations. The Vacationers Dilemma of Figure 1 illustrates this. Only by dismissing certain sufficiently remote catastrophic
The framing for their answers should be as follows: they dont know
what happens after you die, but Wilderson explicitly indicts the use of
western objectivity to persecute alternative spiritual and social
approaches to phenomenon like death. That means any of their
arguments about how transcendence isnt real are lodged in a racist
western episteme that proves the necessity of purging white
supremacy from the planet.
Even if they win this it is not offense if fear is inevitable that just
means we have a better internal link to the Ligotti evidence which
means the desire to preserve the ego will result in endless conflict and
lashout against the other. That makes endless amounts of suffering
inevitable and magnifies the necessity for extinction.
AT: Choice
The choice DA is over when you concede that life is a conscience trick
suicide is not an option for most people because of social stigma and
neurological hardwiring that makes the gesture nearly impossible.
Doing what is best for people might not be doing what they
immediately want because we have been psychologically conditioned
to lie to ourselves in order to be protected by the horrors of our own
innately painful experience. We have 2 disads to your interpretation
of death:
A) The living dead: giving people a choice doesnt make any sense
in a world where those who suffer most dont have one. People
dying in sweat shops and getting tortured in Gitmo dont have
the option to kill themselves that is something that has to be
managed externally.
B) Echoes of pain: individual suicides make everyone who knew the
person upset which causes even more pain for the family and
friends of that person. Only killing everyone and stopping the
capacity for suffering can create an emotionally painless death.
Infanticide not only defeats the slaveholder, who views motherhood as the reproduction of capital; it also thwarts history.
Forcibly releasing her child from the struggles of existence, the slave mother ensures that they will never
accrue historical weight, instead remaining innocent of experience, memory, and trauma. The poet-as-slave mother idealizes
infant purity in an effort to withstand the traffic of worldly context. Death extricates the innocent from an
institutional circulation that leaves the flesh scarred and the spirit marrd. Rescued from physical
existence before the disorderly accumulation of slave experience sets in, the subject of this poetic address achieves emancipation through a severe final
estrangement. Emancipation
occurs when there is no subject left to emancipate. Within the lines of this poem
and within the limits of ideology, freedom
is readily realized because the infants life itself lacks realization.
A morbid politics holds out the promise of returning the subject to an absolute existence; in
psychoanalytic terms, death defines an inorganic state impervious to change where satisfaction is permanent. Freuds idea of the death instinct as the
most universal endeavor of all living substance can be honed to provide insight into the political desire that freights the drive death within
emancipatory rhetoric.24 Whereas Freud offers thanatos as a transcendent key to human behavior, an
understanding of death
as inescapably historical and discursive impedes the naturalization of liberty as a
matter of instinct or choice. Death, as an abstract final category, attracts citizens because it abnegates the
constant struggle to secure freedom as well as the enduring anxiety that this
freedom will vanish. This oscillation expresses fort /da: the dismaying recognition that the source of pleasure is gone (fort ) alternates
with the satisfaction that the source of pleasure is here (da). In death, no need exists to play this fort /da game because
the inorganic state ensures that no source of pleasure will ever disappear , as pleasure itself has been removed beyond
a dynamic world of change and fluctuation. Thanatos so infuses the citizens desire because death makes freedom irrelevant by locating the subject in a
realm beyond striving or contention. Death offers noncontingent political satisfaction by promising
that the subject will not have to enter a material world that historicizes, modifies,
and makes liberty conditional. Death exempts the slave mothers child from the institutional fort /da game he [or she] is
destined to lose; his original freedom suffers no abridgment from the daily demands of masters and overseers. Death secures
absolute repose, ensuring that neither law nor custom will impinge on innate
rights.25 The slave childs freedom never becomes semantic; it never accrues texture or weight, and instead remains
as pure as the sublime heights of Emersons verse. For the slave child, freedom is
uncompromised, but it is necessarily also without substance, purely a question of syntax.
AT: Death = Evil
Saying death is evil deprives live of valuedeath is key to value
construction and all meaning. This is a new link
Callicott 89 (J. Baird, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Wisconsin Stevens
Point, In Defense of Land Ethics, 1989)
The "shift of values" which results from our "reappraising things unnatural,
tame, and confined in terms of things natural, wild, and free" is especially
dramatic when we reflect upon the definitions of good and evil espoused by Bentham and Mill and
uncritically accepted by their contemporary followers. Pain and pleasure seem to have nothing at all to do
with good and evil if our appraisal is taken from the vantage point of ecological
biology. Pain in particular is primarily information. In animals, it informs the central nervous
system of stress, irritation, or trauma in outlying regions of the organism. A certain level of pain under optimal organic circumstances is indeed desirable as an indicator of
exertion--of the degree of exertion needed to maintain fitness, to stay in shape, and of a level of exertion beyond which it would be dangerous to go. An arctic wolf in
pursuit of a caribou may experience pain in her feet or chest because of the rigors of the chase. There is nothing bad or wrong in that. Or, consider a case of injury. Suppose
that a person in the course of a wilderness excursion sprains an ankle. Pain informs him or her of the injury and by its intensity the amount-of further stress the ankle may
endure in the course of getting to safety. Would it be better if pain were not experienced upon injury or, taking advantage of recent technology, anaesthetized? Pleasure
appears to be, for the most part (unfortunately it is not always so) a reward accompanying those activities which contribute to organic maintenance, such as the pleasures
associated with eating, drinking, grooming, and so on, or those which contribute to social solidarity like the pleasures of dancing, conversation, teasing, and so forth, or
the happier the freer it is from pain and that the happiest life conceivable is one
in which there is continuous pleasure uninterrupted by pain is biologically
preposterous. A living mammal which experienced no pain would be one which
had a lethal dysfunction of the nervous system. The idea that pain is evil and
ought to be minimized or eliminated is as primitive a notion as that of a tyrant
who puts to death messengers bearing bad news on the supposition that thus his
well-being and security is improved. More seriously still, the value commitments of the humane movement seem at bottom to
betray a world-denying or rather a life-loathing philosophy. The natural world as actually constituted is one in which one being lives at the expense of others,as Each
organism, in Darwin's metaphor, struggles to maintain it own organic integrity. The more complex animals seem to experience (judging from our own case, and reasoning
from analogy) appropriate and adaptive psychological accompaniments to organic existence. There is a palpable passion for self-preservation. There are desire, pleasure in
To
the satisfaction of desires, acute agony attending injury, frustration, and chronic dread of death. But these experiences are the psychological substance of living.
live is to be anxious about life, to feel pain and pleasure in a fitting mixture, and
sooner or later to die. That is the way the system works. If nature as a whole is
good, then pain and death are also good. Environmental ethics in general require people to play fair in the natural system.
The neo-Benthamites have in a sense taken the uncourageous approach. People have attempted to exempt themselves from the life/de~ath reciprocities of natural
processes and from ecological limitations in the name of a prophylactic ethic of maximizing rewards (l~leasure) and minimizing unwelcome information (pain). To be fair,
the humane moralists seem to suggest that we should attempt to project the same values into the nonhuman animal world and to widen the charmed circle--no matter that
it would be biologically unrealistic to do so or biologically ruinous if, per impossible, such an environmental ethic were implemented.
( ) White Panic their impact only makes sense from the perspective
of whiteness since nuclear war is being waged now on all non-whites,
thats Omolade and Kato. For all non-whites, nuclear apocalypse has
already happened and continues to happen African countries and
indigenous peoples are having their communities ripped to shreds by
nuclear testing in the Fourth World, Hiroshima and Nagasaki still
haunt over Asia in the form of the US nuclear umbrella. Their speech
act is one that will accept and validate nuclear war only when it poses
a threat to white civils society and are otherwise apathetic to the
global racial genocide that happens with nuclear weapons on the
periphery of society.
injustice, and violence. It is to accept the persistence of the dark history in which we still largely live. it is to agree that the outsider will always be a
possible victim (and which man is not himself an outsider relative to someone else?. Racism illustrates, in sum, the inevitable negativity of the condition of the dominated that is,
it illuminates in a certain sense the entire human condition. The anti-racist struggle, difficult though it is, and always in question, is nevertheless one of the prologues to the
ultimate passage from animosity to humanity. In that sense, we cannot fail to rise to the racist challenge. However, it remains true that ones moral conduit only emerges from a
choice: one has to want it. It is a choice among other choices, and always debatable in its foundations and its consequences. Let us say, broadly speaking, that the choice to
conduct oneself morally is the condition for the establishment of a human order, for which racism is the very negation. This is almost a redundancy. One cannot found a moral
order, let alone a legislative order, on racism, because racism signifies the exclusion of the other, and his or her subjection to violence and domination. From an ethical point of
view, if one can deploy a little religious language, racism is the truly capital sin. It is not an accident that almost all of humanitys spiritual traditions counsels respect for the
weak, for orphans, widows, or strangers. It is not just a question of theoretical morality and
disinterested commandments. Such unanimity in the safeguarding of the other suggests the real utility of such sentiments. All things
considered, we have an interest in banishing injustice, because injustice engenders violence and death . Of course, this is debatable.
There are those who think that if one is strong enough, the assault on and oppression of others is permissible. Bur no one is ever sure of remaining the strongest. One day,
perhaps, the roles will be reversed. All unjust society contains within itself the seeds of its own
death. It is probably smarter to treat others with respect so that they treat you with respect. Recall. says the Bible, that you were once a stranger in Egypt, which
means both that you ought to respect the stranger because you were a stranger yourself and that you risk becoming one again someday. It is an ethical and a practical appeal
, the
indeed, it is a contract, however implicit it might be. In short, the refusal of racism is the condition for all theoretical and practical morality because, in the end
ethical choice commands the political choice, a just society must be a society
accepted by all. If this contractual principle is not accepted, then only conflict, violence, and destruction will be our lot. If it is accepted, we can hope someday to
live in peace. True, it is a wager, but the stakes are irresistible.
AT: Confronting our Privilege
This is factually incorrect there was no mention of privilege in the
1ac, and talking about it post-hoc reflects a white move to innocence
that is woefully inauthentic and reflects a violent for of cooption that
makes revolutionary politics impossible.
( ) Genocidal Erasure: the left has turned its back on the indigenous
and abandoned them to a permanent state of exemption whereby
rape, murder, military occupation, and nuclear warfare are all not
only common, but acceptable practices on tribal lands. That
permanent state of suffering is not only normal but constitutive of
indigenous life in the west.
spending has coincided with an increase in terrorism, Brandon J. Snider concludes, "With every dollar, the U.S ., which accounts for 47 percent of the spending,
manufactures new terrorists, which will, in turn, lead to demands for increased defense
spending.39 This positive correlation between military spending, war, and terrorism is not fortuitous. In his classic book on war and militarism, The Military-Industrial Complex, the late Sidney
Lens explained this relationship in these words, "The mere availability of planes and weapons is a temptation to
use them. It may be a temptation which is acceded to in a minority of instances, but its enough to make the preparation for
war an independent factor in creating it. . .Being prepared thus becomes a pressure, a
temptation, for being at war. The merry-go-round never stops."40 This is an essential dynamic of militarism. As discussed in the second chapter of this study, under precapitalist
formations, all the military establishment needed to justify and maintain its apparatus and privileges was the specter of war or the environment of fearnot necessarily the actual, shooting war. Under capitalism,
where production of military hardware is subject to market imperatives, actual wars are needed in order to generate
"sufficient demand for war-dependent industries and their profitability requirements. Perhaps more than anything else, it is this combination of private ownership of the means
of warfare and market imperatives of profitability that drives the war today. It is also this business imperative of war that, more
than any other factor, underlies the U.S. militarists' constant search for enemies,
or new "threats to our national security"communism, rogue states, axis of evil, global terrorism, militant Islam, et cetera. Furthermore, it is this market-driven force behind the war that
underlies, at least partly, the Bush administration's fuzzy and shifting "reasons" for invading Iraq, and the consequent death, destruction, and turbulence in today's world. Despite its apparent complexity, reducing
nations
international acts of terrorism and fostering global peace and stability would not be very difficult in the absence of this perverse dynamics of the business of war. As Brandon J. Snider points out,
like Britain and the U.S. don't really have to do anything to fight terrorism; they only have to
stop doing things that provoke terrorist responses: keep out of the affairs of other nations." 41
( ) Microfascism: the process of allowing the U.S. to superimpose the
image of an always-coming but never arriving nuclear holocaust
naturalizes a model of democratic citizenship founded on forfeiting
individual agency to militaristic elites with launch codes. That makes
neoliberal domination of the planet and the slow eradication of lifes
fundamental value a necessity of preserving the American nuclear
umbrella.
posture in the face of rising costs, not disarmament. Neither should we delude ourselves that anti-war is anti-
militarism. As we shall see, the very opposite is true . In the aftermath of September 11, 2001, it is generally thought that a paradigm shift in the nature of militarism has occurred, and as
the violence in the Middle East continues with no sign of abatement in sight (the running-sore that is the Israel/Palestine conflict, the smouldering fires of Iraq and Afghanistan and the gathering storm in Iran all forebode ill for a peaceful future) any doubt that a
new era of 'hot' war has been ushered in tends to vanish. What is less certain, however, at least from a philosophical perspective, is the conceptual nature of the change. Those who demur that the present era is substantially different enough to warrant the label 'new'
do so on the grounds that what we are seeing today is merely the continuation of an older struggle, or struggles, as it might be better to say given the tangled mess of multiple rivalries and resentments on both sides. Obviously, many of the struggles fuelling the
present war are legacies of the Second World War, the Yalta summit in particular (many of course predate that by hundreds of years).4 On this score, I am persuaded by Immanuel Wallerstein's thesis that the first and second world wars should be treated as a single
thirty year struggle for global hegemony between Germany and the USA, but it seems to me the militarism we are faced with today is different to the one spawned in 1945 in the aftermath of victory; the militarism of today
no longer thinks in terms of winning and losing - it has another agenda.5 So even if the origins of the present crisis are to be found in the wash-up of WWII, as
Wallerstein and many others have rightly argued, the nature of the response to this crisis is not similarly located there. Historians generally agree that the Vietnam War put paid to that 'victorious' mode of militarism the US knew following WWII when it was briefly
the lone nuclear power.6 Following its demoralising defeat at the hands of a comparatively puny third world country, however, even the idea that it was a superpower was questioned. Amongst the decisionmakers in Washington there took hold a moribund and risk-
averse mentality that came to be called the 'Vietnam Syndrome'. This syndrome allegedly explains the US's failure to act on a number of occasions when it might have been prudent - or, as perhaps would have been the case in Cambodia, humanitarian to do so -
culminating in the embarrassing mishandling of the Teheran Embassy siege in the last days of Jimmy Carter's administration. It also explains the tactics used on those occasions when the US has acted, as in Clinton's decision to initially restrict the engagement in the
Balkans to airpower alone and use aerial bombardment where deft geopolitical negotiation was needed. On this occasion, as has now become routine, an alleged ethical imperative combined powerfully with a rhetoric of 'surgical strikes' and 'smart bombs' to stall
protest and garner support from even those who ought to have known better.7 Taken at face value, this would seem to confirm the existence of the 'Vietnam Syndrome', but when in political analysis is it sensible to accept something at face value? I would argue the
'Vietnam Syndrome' is a convenient cover story not a genuine explanation of US foreign policy. What makes anyone think, for instance, that a peaceful settlement to the Israel/Palestine conflict (as much a potential Vietnam as Iraq ) is on the US agenda? Countless
commentators have pointed out that the US backing of Israel can but inflame the Middle East situation as though this was news to the ones responsible, or, more to the point, as though winning or losing, peace or war, are the only options open to US foreign policy.
Isn't the answer staring us right in the face: perpetual unrest is the solution that present action is achieving. The 'Vietnam Syndrome' is an optical illusion, a wish-fulfilment on the part of those who would like to see an end to US imperialism.8 In philosophical terms,
the 'Vietnam Syndrome' was the negative needed by militarism to resurrect itself. What the
military realised in Vietnam is that the US public will not tolerate a high casualty rate amongst its own troops unless there is a pressing need. While saving freedom might be construed as a pressing need, stopping communism in a country most people hadn't heard
of before the war started couldn't. Lacking ideological support, the US military publicly adopted a zero-casualty approach to its 'elective wars' (to continue with the surgical trope) and banked on technology to achieve it. The anti-war sentiment ignited by the Vietnam
extent that war put its people in harm's way, but had no strong opinion on the
matter when it was merely a question of unloading deadly ordinance from a high
altitude on faceless peoples far from the homeland. Whatever the eventual cost, and the figures for military expenditure are always astronomical (consider the 2004 budget of $400 billion a year to wage
war in Iraq), technology was to become the solution to what is essentially an ideological problem, the US population isn't willing to commit its body to the US's military causes.9 After Vietnam, no administration of the future could afford to be soft on military
spending (if they lost spending $30 billion a year, they could hardly afford to spend less in the future is the presiding logic).10 The spin-doctoring that has gone into talking up the capabilities of the new class of so-called 'smart' weapons is worthy of Madison
Avenue.11 Its effect has been to persuade the American people that technology has made them invulnerable. Thus war has entered the age of intelligent machines and unintelligent government.12 In any case, the present conflict proves beyond any shadow of a doubt
that the US will not hesitate to embroil itself in a potentially Vietnam-like conflict if the conditions are ripe. I have read reports that US soldiers based in Iraq are writing 'Is this Vietnam yet?' on their helmets, sadly they're not asking the right question. Given the
admission that the insurgency problem may never be resolved it plainly is another Vietnam. If this isn't the view of the Hawks in Washington who orchestrated the war, and I don't believe for a second that it is, then it begs the question: what makes the present
conflict not another Vietnam in the eyes of its architects? What are the conditions under which the US will engage in a potentially protracted foreign war? To answer this we have to ask what were the lessons of Vietnam? Behind the smokescreen of the 'Vietnam
suggests the US military has gone Hollywood, then war has gone Wall St. 15 Profit is put before everything.16 But we still haven't articulated what turned out to be the greatest change to militarism. This occurred in the
late stages of the Vietnam War, past the point when anyone - not even the President of the United States - could say there was any worthwhile military reason to continue the fight, apart from the need to defend the credibility of the fighting forces. The last years of
the war saw the first outing of what has now become standard procedure, the use of airpower as a substitute for diplomacy. At the time it was narrated as being a necessary complement to diplomacy to insure proper attention at the bargaining table, but its effect was
to make the North Vietnamese dig their heels in harder. And yet the US persisted in spite of its obvious failure as a tactic, convinced no doubt that there had to be a limit to the willingness of the people of North Vietnam to endure the terrible toll of death its B52s
were able to lay upon them. Ho Chi Minh's bravado claim that Vietnam had struggled against China for a thousand years before winning its freedom, and had carried the fight to the French for one hundred and fifty years, and therefore felt unthreatened by the US
who had only been on their soil a mere fifteen years plainly fell on deaf ears in Washington. The cost in lives of this tactic has never been officially toted up, but doubtless it was not inconsiderable. It is generally assessed as a military and diplomatic failure, but this is
where I think history is being a little hasty. The determination that it was the credibility of the fighting forces that was at stake in the final years of the war is no doubt correct, but as with all political manoeuvres it shouldn't be taken at face value. For Wallers tein, the
Vietnam War represented a rejection by the Third World of the ' Yalta accord', the less than gentlemanly agreement between the two superpowers, the USA and the USSR, to divide the planet into spheres of interest (the USA grabbing two-thirds and the USSR a
third). He treats America's willingness to invest all its military strength into the struggle and more or less bankrupt itself in the process as testament to the felt geopolitical significance of the conflict. And yet, as he puts it, they were still defeated. While I accept the
first part of his thesis, I disagree with his conclusion because I think the very premise on which it rests lost its validity in the course of the war. A pragmatically conceived intervention designed to stop the spread of revolutionary communism became the US military's
own equivalent of a 'cultural revolution' as it underwent a profound rethinking of its mode of acting in the world.17 I do not mean to claim as military revisionists have done that Vietnam was actually a victory for the USA (the right wing rhetoric on this, so resonant
of the early days of the Nazi party, is that the government and the people back home betrayed the soldiers on the front line and didn't allow them to win).18 With Baudrillard, I want to argue that there occurred a paradigm shift during the course of that protracted
and bitter struggle which resulted in the concepts of victory and defeat losing their meaning. Why did this American defeat (the largest reversal in the history of the USA ) have no internal repercussions in America? If it had really signified the failure of the planetary
strategy of the United States, it would necessarily have completely disrupted its internal balance and the American political system. Nothing of the sort occurred. Something else, then, took place.19 Baudrillard's answer to this question is that war ceased to
terrifying or deadly for its lack of reality. The consequences of this metaphysical adjustment are shocking and go a long way towards explaining the rise of terrorism in recent
it is not only the superpowers like the US that have relinquished the
years. As Andrew Bacevich writes,
concept of victory. It is as though war itself has jettisoned it as so much extra baggage. The typical armed conflict today no longer pits
like against like - field army v. field army or battle fleet v. battle fleet - and there usually is no longer even the theoretical prospect of a decisive outcome. In asymmetric conflicts, combatants employ violence indirectly. The aim is not to defeat but to intimidate and
terrorise, with women a favoured target and sexual assault often the weapon of choice.20 The B52 pilot unloading bombs on an unseen enemy below knows just as well as the suicide bomber in Iraq that his actions will not lead directly to a decisive change, that in a
sense the gesture is futile; but, he also knows, as does the suicide bomber, that his actions will help create an atmosphere of fear that, it is hoped, will one day lead to change. Deprived of teleology, war thrives in an eternal present. Terror is not merely the weapon of
the weak, it is the new condition of war, and no power can claim exception status. For Clausewitz and his spiritual tutor Machiavelli the only rational reason to wage war is to win where winning means achieving a predetermined and clearly prescribed goal. Britain's
colonial wars are an obvious case in point. The self-serving claim that Britain acquired its empire in a fit of absence owes its sense to the fact that it never set out to gain its eventually quite considerable empire (it was at least geographically true, albeit not historically
true, that the sun never set on the British Empire, encompassing as it did territories in virtually every region of the world) all at once as Hitler and Hirohito were later to do, but built it one territory at a time over a two century-long period. Through a sequence of
limited wars it was able to deploy its limited means to obtain colossal riches. The first world war essentially started out in the same way. Germany's goal was to secure a European empire before it was too late, but the machine-gun put paid to that ambition and
instead of a quick war returning a specific prize there irrupted a global conflagration that was to consume the wealth and youth of Europe. As Wallerstein argues, the true victor of the first world war wasn't Britain or France, but American industry, and by extension
the true loser wasn't Germany and its allies but Europe itself. Eric Hobsbawm has defined the twentieth century as the age wh en wars of limited means and limited aims gave way to wars of limited means and unlimited aims.21 The twenty-first century appears to be
it is in realising the State's aims, the less controllable by the State it becomes. As the State's aims
grow on the back of the success of its war machine, so the restrictions on the war machine's object shrink until - scorpion like - it effectively subsumes the State, making it just one of its many moving parts. In Vietnam, the State was blamed for the failure of the war
machine precisely because it attempted to set limits on its object. Its inability to adequately impose these limits not only cost it the war, but in effect its sovereignty too. Since then the State has been a
puppet of a war machine global in scope and ambition. This is the status of militarism today and no-one has described its characteristics more
chillingly than Deleuze and Guattari: This worldwide war machine, which in a way 'reissues' from the States, displays two successive figures: first, that of fascism, which makes war an unlimited movement with no other aim than itself; but fascism is only a rough
sketch, and the second, postfascist, figure is that of a war machine that takes peace as its object directly, as the peace of Terror or Survival. The war machine reforms a smooth space that now claims to control, to surround the entire earth. Total war is surpassed,
toward a form of peace more terrifying still.23 It is undoubtedly Chalmers Johnson who has done the most to bring to our attention the specific make-up of what Deleuze and Guattari call here the worldwide war machine.24 His description of a global 'empire of
bases' is consistent with Deleuze and Guattari's uptake of Paul Virilio's concept of the 'fleet in being'. This is the paradoxical transformation of the striated space of organisation into a new kind of 'reimparted' smooth space which outflanks all gridding and invents a
neonomadism in the service of a war machine still more disturbing than the States.25 Bases do not by themselves secure territory, but as is the case with a battle fleet their mobility and their firepower mean they can exert an uncontestable claim over territory that
amounts to control. This smooth space surrounding the earth is, to put it back into Baudrillard's terms, the space of simulation. The empire of bases is a virtual construct
with real capability . Fittingly enough, it was Jean Baudrillard who first detected that a structural change in post-WWII militarism had taken place. In Simulacra and Simulation he argues that the Vietnam War was a
demonstration of a new kind of will to war, one that no longer thought in terms of winning or losing, but defined itself instead in terms of perseverance.26 It demonstrated to the US's enemies, clients and allies alike its willingness to continue the fight even wh en
defeat was certain, or had in a sense already been acknowledged (the US strategy of 'Vietnamising' the war which commenced shortly after the Tet offensive in 1968, and become official policy under Nixon, was patently an admission that the war couldn't be won - in
the short term it was Johnson's way of putting off admitting defeat until after the election so as to give Hubert Humphrey so me chance of victory; in the longer term it was a way of buying time for a diplomatic solution).27 It was a demonstration of the US's reach, of
its ability to inflict destruction even when its troops were withdrawing and peace talks (however futile) were under way. It also demonstrated to the American people that the fight could be continued
as the troops were withdrawn, a factor that as I've already pointed out would become decisive in re-
shaping militarism as an incorporeal system. It was also a demonstration to the American domestic population that the country's leaders were willing to continue to
The view, that Nixon wanted to end the war sooner but was unable
sacrifice lives to prove this point.28 contrary to do
would mean
so because domestic politics didn't allow it, in no way contradicts this thesis. If anything it confirms it because if true it , as Deleuze and Guattari have said of fascism, at a certain point, under a certain set of conditions, the
spectacle is the final form of war, the form war takes when it takes peace as its
object. Hence the military's facilitation of the media (this backfired to a large degree in Vietnam, but the lessons learned then are put to good use today). Ultimately, though, as Baudrillard rightly argues, the media and official news services are only
there to maintain the illusion of an actuality, of the reality of the stakes, of the objectivity of the facts.31 Chomsky's analyses of current trends in US imperialism confirm this thesis. As he argues, 'preventive' wars are only fought against the ba sically defenceless.32
Chomsky adds two further conditions that chime with what we have already adduced: there must be something in it for the aggressor, i.e., a fungible return not an intangible moral reward, and the opponent must be susceptible to a portr ayal of them as 'evil', allowing
the victory to be claimed in the name of a higher moral purpose and the actual venal purpose to be obscured.33 At first glance, waging war to prevent war appears to be as farcical as fucking for virginity, but that is only if we assume that the aim of the war is to
prevent one potential aggressor from striking first. Or, rather, given that it is alleged that the putative enemy, Al Qaeda and its supposed supporters, took first blood (the Rambo reference is of course deliberate), we are asked to believe the current war is being fought
to prevent a second, more damaging strike. The obsessive and suitably grave references to Weapons of Mass Destruction by the various mouthpieces of the Bush regime (Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, Rice, but also Blair and Howard) is plainly calculated to compel us to
accept that any such second strike will be of biblical, or worse, Hollywood proportions. As one joke put it, the Americans could be certain that Iraq had at least some Weapons of Mass Destruction because they had the receipts to prove it. The grain of truth in this joke
reveals the true purpose of the war - it was a demonstration to all of America's clients that it wouldn't tolerate 'price-gouging'. Obviously I am speaking metaphorically here, but the fact is that Iraq is a client of the US, it purchases arms and consumer goods and sells
oil at a carefully controlled price. Why this arrangement suddenly became so unsatisfactory is subject to a great deal of speculation which centre on two basic theories: (1) when Iraq switched from the dollar to the euro it posed an intolerable threat to the stability of
the US currency; (2) the US is positioning itself to monopolise oil ahead of growing Chinese demand. Either way, if one wants a metaphor to descri be US imperialism it wouldn't it wouldn't be MacDonald's, a comparatively benign operator, but the predatory retail
giant Wal-Mart.34 In other words, today's wars are fought to demonstrate will. The age of gunboat diplomacy has given way to the age of gunboat commerce.35 When war changed its object it was able to change its aim too and it is this more than anything that has
- the US isn't
saved 'real' war from itself. Baudrillard's later work on the spectacle of war misses this point: through becoming spectacles the fact that real wars (i.e., territorial wars) are no longer possible has not diminished their utility
strong enough to take and hold Iraq, but it can use its force to demonstrate to other small nations that it can inflict massive
damage and lasting pain on anyone who would dare defy it. Baudrillard's lament that the real Gulf War never took place can only be
understood from this viewpoint - although he doesn't put it in these words, his insight is essentially that war in its Idealised form is much more terrifying than peace. Again, although Baudrillard himself doesn't put it this way, the conclusion one might draw from the
This shift is
paradigm shift in war's rationalisation enumerated above - from pragmatic object (defeating North Vietnam) to symbolic object (defending the credibility of the fight forces) -is that war has become 'postmodern'.36
what enables the US to ideologically justify war in the absence of a proper object
and indeed in the absence of a known enemy. The Bush regime's 'War on Terror' is the apotheosis of this change: the symbolic (terror) has been made to appear
instrumental (terrorism), or more precisely the symbolic is now able to generate the instrumental according to its own needs.
2NC Environment Impact
The 1acs aversion to catastrophe propagates a regime of resilient
living that promises extended survival in exchange for the eradication
of difference turns case and makes environmental destruction
inevitable.
Evans and Reid 14, Brad *Senior Lecturer in International Studies at the University of
Bristol, ** and Julian Reid, Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Social Science,
University of Lapland, The Art of Living Dangerously, 161-5
[p. 161] Fundamental to the writing of apocalypse was this consciousness, this confidence, this absolute certitude of possession of the power to be able to confront the disaster.
Today, in the context of the widespread and deep-seated belief in the inescapably catastrophic nature of the world, both economically and ecologically understood, such a
consciousness and confidence in the abilities to confront it is liable to be diagnosed as a form of, what we moderns call, madness. But perhaps that is the point. The apparent
extremity of not just belief, but confidence and even certainty in the possibility of apocalyptic division between [p. 162] worlds and between times, of present and future, is a sign
of how detached we have become from this particular mode of truth-telling. We cannot agree with Benjamin Noys, for this reason, when he argues that the main problem facing
the Left today is the excess of its apocalyptic tone.30 In effect the opposite is the case. For the question is not about some messianic totalitarianism; it is how to save and
reconstitute the power of a more confident vision in the context of our widespread political submission to the ecologization of the political on which neoliberalism thrives and the
discourse of catastrophe has grown.31 The world we live in is a world of radical contingency, in which the future is uncertain and impossible to calculate. Nevertheless, as human
climate science
beings we are capable of investing our futures with profound beliefs and senses of certainty as to what may and can happen. Indeed what does
express other than a longing for a sense of certainty; claims to truth which can be said to be beyond doubt? The scientific imaginary
out of which the belief in the incontestable nature of climate change emerged, the necessity and reality of its occurrence, the impossibility of arguing with or over its reality, is an
expression of that longing. Such a longing is for a realm of certainty beyond the radical contingency of the world ; a radical
contingency that many branches of science itself now understand as the real. Climate science is constituted by a subject who is dependent for its reproduction on the belief in the
existence of, as well as our abilities to see and speak of, such a world beyond the real. In other words, it is structured by the very same ontology of time that structures Christian
Science and literature. And when we look at debates within climate science, and claims to knowledge as to the coming of the Sixth Extinction, we are looking at a world
populated by prophets that operate within regimes of truth deeply similar to those occupied by the prophets of Christianity. Climate science is a religion. [p. 163] Our
intention here is not to contest the truth claims of climate science and the ideologues of climate change
on the basis of their non-approximation to reality. It is to point at the conditions of
possibility for such claims; conditions of possibility that are structurally similar to
those that underpin prophesy in its Christian form. Further, our intent is to point out that a political discourse which posits the possibility of
welcoming the coming of another world and another life beyond that which is diagnosed as at risk of extinction in climate science, the world and life of catastrophe as we
experience it today, may have no less truth to it. Climate scientists say that there is no way of escape from the dreadful and fearful realities of climate change; while economists
say that there is no alternative to the further extension of the market in mitigation of the catastrophic effects of climate change. The Left meanwhile castigates humanity for not
having recognized and respected the parametric conditions on which our existence depends. All such claims reproduce a prophetic mode of truth-telling tied into a
parrhesiastic mode of truthtelling which predicts a future which is awful and diagnoses the faults and crimes of human beings on account of which they must change their ways
articulate the necessity and reality of climate change, while being able to welcome
this inevitable event as the process of passage to a new world and new life beyond that which we have known
up until now. It is to welcome the departure of that which has conditioned our experience as a form of species life to date. Who ultimately knows what the future for life is
beyond the Holocene? Not one of us. The Anthropocene is only just beginning. What we can know is that life will take different forms. There will be, as there is always assumed
to be in irreducible thought, a division between present and future, and within that a division between life forms. Not between the saved and the damned, but between the life
forms that will die off with the end of the Holocene and [p. 164] those that will emerge with whatever comes into existence after that time. Consider, for example, the
phenomenon of the Grolar bear; the cross between a Polar and Grizzly bear born of the sexual encounter consequent upon the catastrophe effects of climate change,
turn the wondrous phenomenon of the emergence of new forms of life, consequent upon these
dramatic changes in a milieu, into a problematic of insecurity and threat? A team of ecologists led by Brendan Kelly of the National Marine Mammal Laboratory,
in Alaska, argues that with this phenomenon of the cross-breed, so endangered, native species such as the Polar Bear, from which the Grolar Bear is emerging, will soon
disappear. Furthermore the speeding up of evolutionary pressures, the forcing of animals into rapid adaptive modes, may not produce biologically favorable outcomes. Quoting
Kelly, from an interview with Live Science: This change is happening so rapidly that it doesnt bode well for adaptive responses.32 This cult of mourning for the coming death of
existing species life, consequent upon the movement of the earth, and fear for the nature of the new forms of life to come, expresses perfectly the ways in which the ancient fear
Pure and
for the coming catastrophe is now coupled with a modern biopoliticized fear of the transformative effects of lifes movement upon existing species.
submit to a combination of the very same modes of veridiction that functioned in the
Middle Ages to subject human beings to absurd ideas such as the Kingdom of the Last Day and the Final Judgment. The modernity of prophesy and
parrhesia concerned with global ecological catastrophe owes to the different ways in which they pose the problem of finitude. While in the Middle Ages the legitimacy of
theocratic rule depended on an offer of security to humans from the costs of their finitude through the promise of eternal life, peace and security in Heaven, today the offer is one
of successful adaptation to the costs of our having failed to understand the full nature of the problem of finitude, in mitigation of the reality that as humans we have only just
The promise held
come to understand that we have no preordained right to the earth, no providential history, or guarantee of security and development.
out to us should we be willing to submit to this new problematization of the truth of finitude, and accept the need to adapt, is not one of eternal
life, nor even necessarily better life, but simply a little more life for our species and those that we exist
interdependently with. This is why, rather than submitting to the blackmail of the coming catastrophe, we argue for the need to develop an alternative and more poetic
vocabulary by which to articulate a politics of the welcome in order for us to confront the reality of what Paul Virilio names rightly the finitude of (human) progress.33 Why is it
the debasements of
we fear that which is fundamental to the course of the world as well as of ourselves? And what is to fear of an end? Fighting
human potentiality, and moving beyond the impasses which political Lefts and
Rights have reached today, requires the development of a new regime of truth
(discursively, sensually, aesthetically and atmospherically) through which to articulate the possibility of the
coming catastrophe while being able to welcome this event as the [p. 166] process of
passage to a new world and life beyond that which we have known up until now. A
regime of truth that does not demand of us that we learn to fear more the course of
the world and its transformative effects, with a view to being able to sustain ourselves for longer in the forms and ways that we have
come to know and depend on, but which instils in us the confidence and courage to encounter and desire of it the very transformations it renders possible of ourselves.
AT: Indigenous Reforms
That doesnt matter because your reform evidence is not specific to
nuclear testing the use of urban ghettos and tribal lands as
unapproved testing and dumping grounds for both private companies
and the military proves the indigenous are still subject to a nuclear
holocaust on the fringes of society.
We will impact turn those reforms they maintain the cruel binary
between inside and outside white supremacy that sanitizes violence
and makes genocide inevitable.
Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 13 University of South Africa Archie Mafeje Research Institute head
and professor [Sabelo J., D.Phil in African Historical Studies from University of Zimbabwe,
Perhaps Decoloniality is the Answer? Critical Reflections on Development from a Decolonial
Epistemic Perspective, Africanus, 43(2), 2013, accessed 8-30-15]
The articles constituting this volume of Africanus are diverse but they all emphasize the need for decoloniality as another perspective from which development could be
interrogated and understood as discourse. What the majority of authors argue for is decolonization of the discourse of development through indigenization of the concept. An
un-decolonized discourse of development presents Africans as objects rather than subjects of development. African people feature in development discourse as a problem to be
solved. A humanitarian perspective has always permeated development discourse in the process hiding the structural causes of lack of development in Africa. A decolonial
perspective is grounded in world-systems approach. It maintains that the modern world system that emerged in 1492 has remained racially hierarchized, Euro-American-
centric, sexist, hetero-normative, Christiancentric, Western-centric, capitalist and colonial in orientation (Grosfoguel 2007). Africa and other parts of the Global South have
remained peripheral and subaltern. This is why decolonial thinkers understand development as involving the decolonization of the modern world system. Decoloniality cascades
from the context in which the humanity of black people is doubted and their subjectivity is articulated in terms of lacks and deficits (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2013a; Ndlovu-Gatsheni
2013b). Lacking development is constitutive of a Western articulation of African subjectivity. This point is well articulated by Ramon Grosfoguel, a leading Latin American
thinker and theorist who understood the articulation on subjectivity of non-Western people as unfolding in this way: We went from the sixteenth century characterization of
people without writing to the eighteenth and nineteenth century characterization of people without history, to the twentieth century characterization of people without
development and more recently, to the early twenty first century of people without democracy (Grosfoguel 2007: 214). During the same period, those in the Zone of Being
were systematically gaining more and more fruits of modernity from sixteenth century rights of people, to eighteenth century rights of man, and to the late twentieth century
human rights (Grosfoguel 2007: 214). Decoloniality is against all vestiges of colonialism and realities of coloniality. It is a redemptive epistemology which inaugurates and
legitimates the telling the story of the modern world from the experiences of colonial difference. Decoloniality materialized at the very moment in which imperialism and
colonialism arrived in Africa. Decoloniality struggles to bring into intervening existence an-other interpretation that bring forward, on the one hand, a silenced view of the event
and, on the other, shows the limits of imperial ideology disguised as the true (total) interpretation of the events in the making of the modern world (Mignolo 1995: 33).
Decoloniality is both an epistemic and a political project seeking liberation and freedom for those people who experienced colonialism and who are today subsisting and living
under the boulder of global coloniality. Development is linked to liberation and freedom from domination and exploitation. This is why decoloniality is distinguished from the
imperial version of history through its push for shifting of a geography of reason from the West as the epistemic locale from which the world is described, conceptualized and
ranked to the ex-colonised epistemic sites as legitimate points of departure in describing the construction of the modern world order (Mignolo 1995: 35). Decoloniality identifies
coloniality as a key hindrance to development in Africa. Nelson Maldonado-Torres, a leading philosopher in decolonial thought, grapples with the meaning of coloniality and this
economic relation in which the sovereignty of a nation or a people rests on the power of another nation, which makes such a nation an empire. Coloniality,
be
decolonization did not succeed to decolonize the modern world order that was formed since 1492. This is why Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni argued that: What Africans must
vigilant against is the trap of ending up normalizing and universalizing coloniality as a natural state
of the world. It must be unmasked, resisted and destroyed because it produced a
world order that can only be sustained through a combination of violence, deceit,
hypocrisy and lies (Ndlovu- Gatsheni 2013b: 10). It is a question that Ramon Grosfoguel gave a more comprehensive response: One of the
most powerful myths of the twentieth century was the notion that the elimination
of colonial administrations amounted to the decolonization of the world. This led to
the myth of a postcolonial world. The heterogeneous and multiple global
structures put in place over a period of 450 years did not evaporate with the juridical-
political decolonization of the periphery over the past 50 years. We continue to live under the same
colonial power matrix. With juridical-political decolonization we moved from a
period of global colonialism to the current period of global coloniality. Although colonial administrations have been almost entirely
eradicated and the majority of the periphery is politically organized into independent states, non-European people are still living under crude European/Euro- American
exploitation and domination. The old colonial hierarchies of European versus non-Europeans remain in place and are entangled with the international division of labour and
a complex matrix of knowledge, power, and being. Decoloniality consistently reminds decolonial thinkers of the unfinished and incomplete twentieth century dream of
decolonization (Grosfoguel 2007: 221). Decoloniality announces the the decolonial turn as a long existing turn standing in opposition to the colonizing turn underpinning
Western thought (Maldonado-Torres 2011: 1). Decoloniality announces the broad decolonial turn that involves the task of the very decolonization of knowledge, power and
being, including institutions such as the university (Maldonado-Torres 2011: 1). Maldonado-Torres elaborated on the essence of decolonial turn: The decolonial turn (different
from the linguistic or the pragmatic turns) refers to the decisive recognition and propagation of decolonization as an ethical, political, and epistemic project in the twentieth
century. The project reflects changes in historical consciousness, agency, and knowledge, and it also involves a method or series of methods that facilitate the task of
decolonization at the material and epistemic levels (Maldonado-Torres 2006: 114). For Maldonado, By decoloniality it is meant here the dismantling of relations of power and
conceptions of knowledge that foment the reproduction of racial, gender, and geo-political hierarchies that came into being or found new and more powerful forms of expression
in the modern/colonial world (Maldonado-Torres 2006: 117). Like all critical social theories of society, the decolonial epistemic perspective aims to critique and possibly
overcome the epistemological injustices put in place by imperial global designs, and questions and challenges the longstanding claims of Euro-American epistemology to be
universal, neutral, objective, disembodied, as well as being the only mode of knowing. It is an-other thought that seeks to inaugurate an-other logic, an-other language, and
an-other thinking that has the potential to liberate ex-colonised peoples minds from Euro-American hegemony (Mignolo 2005: 56). Decoloniality helps in unveiling epistemic
silences, conspiracies, and epistemic violence hidden within Euro-American epistemology and affirms the epistemic rights of the African people that enable them to transcend
global imperial designs. Decoloniality is re-emerging during the current age of epistemic break. The term epistemic break is drawn from the French theorist Michel Foucault.
It refers to a historical rupture which occurs when one epistemic system breaks down and another begins to take its place (Mills 1997: 145). It is a very relevant concept that
captures the epistemic crisis haunting the modern world order today and encapsulates the enormity of the crisis of Euro-American epistemologies unleashed on the world by
modernity. This epistemic rupture is well captured by Immanuel Wallerstein who argued that: It is quite normal for scholars and scientists to rethink issues. When important
new evidence undermines old theories and predictions do not hold, we are pressed to rethink our premises. In that sense, much of nineteenth-century social science, in the form
of specific hypotheses, is constantly being rethought. But, in addition to rethinking, which is normal, I believe we need to unthink nineteenth-century social science, because
many of its presumptionswhich, in my view, are misleading and constrictive still have far too strong a hold on our mentalities. These presumptions, once considered
liberating of the spirit, serve today as the central intellectual barrier to useful analysis of the social world (Wallerstein 1991: 1). The key point is that Euro-American
epistemologies predicated on fundamentalist rationalism are in a deep crisis. In his recent book titled The end of conceit: western rationality after postcolonialism, Patrick
Chabal admitted that whenever Europeans try to make sense of the current problems facing Europe it becomes clear that the instruments we use are no longer fit for the job.
The instruments that is, the social sciences we employ to explain what is happening domestically and overseas are both historically and conceptually out of date (Chabal
2012: viii). The whole world is at an epistemological crossroads characterised by the end of Euro-American conceit that created some form of epistemological certainty. As
argued by Chabal (2012: 3), Western societies are no longer sure of how to see themselves. This uncertainty opens the way for projection of decoloniality as the first humanistic-
oriented philosophy of liberation gesturing towards another world that is pluriversal, another logic that is freed from racism and the birth of a new humanism. This volume of
Africanus is inspired by this new utopic-decolonial momentum gesturing towards deeper structural decolonization and pluriversalism freed from racial hierarchization of human
beings. The first article is by the language specialist Finex Ndhlovu and is focused on the important question of African regional integration and pan-African unity. He deploys
decoloniality to argue the crossborder languages that have been promoted as vehicles for African economic and political integration are actually carrying dominant ideologies of
Westphalian statism and the Berlin consensus that are not easily amenable to regional integration. He challenges the conventional view of the African Academy of Languages
(Acalan) of projecting vehicular cross-border languages as a means by which such problems as disunity could be resolved. Ndhlovu argues that One of the biggest challenges
that come with these developments is that of cultivating intercultural communication, cross-linguistic understanding and social cohesion among the hitherto linguistically and
culturally multiverse peoples of the African continent. He goes further to note that vehicular cross-border languages (those languages that are common to two or more states
and domains straddling various usages) suffer from the same limitations as those currently besetting national languages because they are conceived as isomorphic, monolithic
and countable entities that do not accommodate other language forms and their cross-border status is defined in terms of existing nation-state boundaries that they purport to
transcend. Ndhlovus intervention begins to reveal coloniality hidden in some of the celebrated mechanism chosen as levers for achieving regional integration and pan-African
unity. This critical thinking is very important as it enable Africans to avoid another false start that is not informed by genuine decoloniality. What epistemologies and
knowledges underpin mainstream development discourse? This question is directly addressed by Seth Opong from Ghana who argues for indigenizing knowledges as the first
step towards attainment of endogenous development. He defines endogenous knowledge as knowledge about the people, by the people and for the people. This definition is
important as it distinguishes those knowledges imposed on Africa from outside those knowledges generated by Africans. Opongs contribution proposes that the African scholar
should adopt a problem-oriented approach in conducting research as opposed to the current method-oriented approach that prevent the African from examining pertinent
African problems. Opong correctly notes that contextually relevant knowledge is the basis for national development. His article is therefore a most relevant intervention on the
level of epistemology, pedagogy and methodology as they impinge on the question of development in Africa. Morgan Ndlovus article on the pertinent theme of production and
consumption of cultural villages in South Africa addresses the question of coloniality that is hidden within the tourism industry. He begins with questioning whether those who
fought against colonialism really understood the complexity of the structure of power they were fighting against and the character of the modern world system that enabled
colonialism. This becomes a pertinent question when one considers that today decolonization exists as myth and an illusion. The reality is that of coloniality on a global scale.
His core argument is the concept of cultural villages in South Africa cannot be understood outside the broader global experiences of museumification of identity and
culturalization of politics. Morgan Ndlovus article takes us to the tourist industry as a component of development in Africa and consistently reveals how staging culture is shot
through by coloniality, which makes it impossible for Africans to reap any tangible developmental dividends. This is why he concludes that The manner in which the
establishment of cultural village is produced and consumed in South Africa microcosmically represents the general picture of how cultural identity and the political economy are
hierarchical ordered in the non-existent post-apartheid dispensation. Sarah Chiumbus contribution targets the media as another domain of coloniality that needs
decolonization. When decolonial thinkers use the term decolonization they do not confine it to decolonial issues of juridical-political independence. They extend it to issues of
power, knowledge and being. This is why Chiumbus specific focus is no media reform in southern Africa that continues to generate animated debates between agents of neo-
become the stuff of endless repetitions and dramatizations on radio, television, and Internet. 3
neighbors; they also
Such continual reminders of death and destruction affect us all. What is the role of the analyst treating
patients who live with an ever-threatening sense of the pure war lying just below the surface
of our cultural veneer? At the end of the First World War, the first "total war," Walter Benjamin observed that "nothing [after the war] remained unchanged but the clouds, and beneath these clouds, in a field of
force of destructive torrents and explosions, was the tiny, fragile human body"(84). Julia Kristeva makes a similar note about our contemporary situation, "The recourse to atomic weapons seems to prove that
horror...can rage absolutely" (232). And, as if he too were acknowledging this same fragility and uncontainability, the French politician Georges Clemenceau commented in the context of World War I that "war is
too serious to be confined to the military (qtd. in Virilio and Lotringer 15). Virilio and Lotringer gave the name "pure war" to the psychological condition that results when people know that they live in a world
(that is, for example, the existence of nuclear armaments) that imposes the dread characteristic of a pure war
psychology but the belief systems that this capacity sets up. Psychological survival requires that a way be found (at least
unconsciously) to escape inevitable destructionit requires a way outbut this enforces an irresolvable paradox, because the definition of pure war culture is that there is no escape. Once people believe in the
external possibilityat least those people whose defenses cannot handle the weight of the dread that pure war imposes pure war becomes an internal
condition, a perpetual state of preparation for absolute destruction and for personal, social, and
cultural death. The tragedy at the World Trade Center in New York City has given us a bitter but important opportunity to study the effects of / the pure war condition on individuals. It allows us to look
at how this all-encompassing state appears in psychoanalytic treatment and to observe its influence through the analysis of transference/countertransference dynamics. The pure war condition has been brought
grimly to consciousness. In this paper, I will explore how it manifests itself in society, in character, and most specifically in the psychoanalytic treatment of one patient whose dynamics highlight significant aspects
of the pure war state. How does treatment happen when, at some level, we perceive ourselves as already dead? Whatever our individual differences, our visions of the psychoanalytic endeavor arise out of the social
defense of the culture within which we live and work (I have referred to this as "community character," cf. Borg 350). And whatever our individual differences, in a pure war situation the primary task is simply to
sustain the dream of psychic survival. The case of Joyce, who saw the first explosion at the World Trade Center as she rode down Fifth Avenue in a bus after her session with me, exemplifies this task. [End Page
57] The Pure Warrior The philosophy (or practice) of "pure warriors," that is, of people who are preoccupied with the pure war condition of their society, is based on the perpetual failure within them of the
dissociation and repression that allow others to function in a situation that is otherwise completely overwhelming. Joyce was one of those who lived on the border of life and death; she could not escape awareness
of that dread dichotomy that most of us are at great pains to dissociate. She manifested the state of perpetual preparation that is the hallmark of pure war culture and of the insufficiently defended pure warrior,
and also a constant awareness of the nearness of death in all its various forms. She understood quite well, for instance, that when people are institutionalized (as she had been on numerous occasions), "society is
defining them as socially dead, [and that at that point] the essential task to be carried out is to help inmates to make their transition from social death to physical death" (Miller and Gwynne 74). Against this
backdrop, Joyce sought psychoanalysis as a "new world," the place where she would break free from the deathly institutionalized aspects of her self, and begin her life anew. Her search for a "new world" included
the possibility of a world that was not a / pure war worlda prelapsarian Eden. Virilio and Lotringer state that "war exists in its preparation" (53). And Sun Tsu, who wrote over 2400 years ago and yet is often
considered the originator of modern warfare, said in The Art of War, "Preparation everywhere means lack everywhere" (44). This means that when the members of a culture must be on guard on all fronts, the
Pure war obliterates the distinction between soldier and citizen. We have all been
drafted. According to Virilio and Lotringer, "All of us are already civilian soldiers, without knowing
it...War happens everywhere, but we no longer have the means of recognizing it" (42).
some of us do, though, / and Joyce was one of those. And even the rest of us occasionally catch a glimpse of the pure war condition in the dark light of such acute traumatic events as aircraft hijackings, race riots,
"ethnic cleansings," the World Trade Center Disaster, and suicide bombings. As precise psychoanalytic / interpretations illuminate well-entrenched personal psychological defenses, so acute traumas and disasters
EDUCATION FOR IMPROVEMENT, OR KICKING THE DOG Too many lost names too many rules to the game Better find a focus or youre out of
the picture.48 The idea that the fundamental issue of the just civil state is to find the right balance between preserving individual freedom and
constraining individual threat has served as a tacit foundation within which belief and debate about educational philosophy, policy, and practice
develop. This statement is not intended to suggest that there is some direct and specific historical connection that can be unequivocally demonstrated
to exist between foundational political theory and mainstream educational theories and practices. However, I want to propose that there is a
compatibility between them that has important consequences for a new critique of organized formal education. In the remainder of this paper, my aim
is to argue that the tenor of the theories that I have summarized is endemic in the ordinary ways that we think about and engage in organized
education. How is the idea of the basic human being that is posed as the fundamental social, political, and pedagogic problem for modern civilization,
The
this human being that must be managed in order to keep it from harming itself and others, played out in educational presuppositions?
tacit, unchallenged belief is that through education, the human being must be
made into something better than it was or would be absent a formal education.
There are all kinds of versions of this subject and of what it should become: potential
achiever, qualified professional, good citizen, leader, independent actor, critical
thinker, change agent, knowledgeable person. In all cases, the subject before
education is viewed to be, like the subject before civilization, something in need of
being made competentand safein the mind of the educator. From this vantage point, the
pedagogic relationship between teacher and student, between competent adult and incompetent child ~or adult!, contains within it a possibility that it
seeks to overcome, namely, a rejection of the socialization program of the former by the latter. There is an implicit conflict between individuals as soon
It must
as the student walks into the school or college classroom door from outside the civility that the teacher would have that student become.
be resolved, or contained in some way; and this is done immediately by rendering
the student a rule follower a follower of the social order, both in and out of the classroom. Or the student must be rendered a
challenger of the social order, in favor of an order that overcomes oppressionto become a competent comrade. The individual must be taught how to
be an individual in accordance with this balance. Being an individual means being freeit means being self-determined, it means competing, and it
means obeying the law. This is the case, even if the teaching is done with kindness and sensitivity. The responsibility for dealing with suffering and
limitation lies almost solely with this individual, not the state. In fact, if suffering is viewed at all, it tends to be viewed as something that is good for
the individual to endure or to fight in order to overcome it. Limitation is not acknowledged, unless the individual is deemed disadvantaged in some
way, and the remedy tends to be to provide the person with an opportunity to become competent. Is it any wonder that parents of children with
disabilities, aided by many educators, often must fight for educational and other services? This situation simply reflects that the basic logic of
organized formal education and, more generally, the state, is not predicated upon a recognition that the human being is susceptible to suffering or that
the states reason for being should be to care for people. If caring for its inhabitants were the basic purpose of the civil state, then there would be no
need to fight for this recognition. Is it any wonder that the education of the ordinary child is mainly training for a far-off, abstract future that is destined
We talk about equipping children
to be better than life at present? Why must school be about overcoming anything?
and adults to solve problems. Yet, problems do not fall from the sky; they do not exist as
such until a human being gives them a name. In contrast, the concept of contention suggests that the practical role of reason should be used to
understand the human being as subject to suffering and to act accordingly as moral agents. That is very different from an educational philosophy,
policy, and practice that views reason as an instrument by which to overcome obstacles and to conform to the social order. It may be argued that
modern education is about reason, about how to think and live reasonably and, therefore, how to live well and to care for oneself and for others. Yet it
is commonly expressed that we live in a complex world and that children and adults must learn how to learn, in order to succeed in a world of
rapid change. The question that needs to be asked is: Why should a person have to? In effect, education expects the human being to have an
unlimited ability to think and act with reason sufficient to cope with increasingly complex situations that require individual intellect to adequately
recognize, evaluate, and prioritize alternative courses of action, consider their consequences, and make good decisions. For the most part, the
increasing complexity of civil society and the multiplicity of factors that intellect is expected to deal with in different situations are not questioned in
education. Is this what education is rightly about? Education is as much about the use of intelligence to avoid suffering and feelings of limitation and
about fending off feelings of fear as it is about learning. It is about acting upon other people and upon the civil order to deal with perceived threats.
One must be an active learner or else. Why? The individual must be acted upon
and rendered into an entity that engages reality in the ways that are deemed just
by many educators, lawmakers, and others with a stake in the perpetuation of the
given social order. Thus, the individual is exhorted to do your best, make an effort, earn a grade, be motivated, work hard,
overcome obstacles, achieve. Why should education be about any of these things? Unfortunately, the culture of scholarship is thoroughly
consistent with these precepts. When we question them, we challenge the ends that they serve but not the ideas themselves. We believe that education
is rightly about improvement. This philosophy of improvement is not necessarily consistent with enhancement of living. It often has the opposite
effect. How is this result justified? Certainly, it can feel good to accomplish something or to overcome obstacles. Does that mean that adversity should
be a positive value of the civil state? The modern idea, beginning with Descartes and established through Lockean empiricism ~and made pedagogic
by Rousseaus Emile!, that anyone can be rational leads quickly to the idea that everyone is responsible for being wholly rational, as that word is
perpetuation of the given social order in education as
understood according to the social order. The
elsewhere is about gaining advantage and retaining power. It is about cultural
politics and about marginalization of various groups and about class and about socializing
children to believe in capitalism as if it is a natural law. Yet under the analysis that I have made here, these major problems are symptoms of something
more basic. The more basic problem that I have emphasized here is inextricable from the problem of the just civil state. It is about the intense
pressures on people to think and act in ways that serve broader interests that are not at all concerned with their well-being in a variety of contexts
including psychological, social, economic, political, and cultural. It is no answer to ground pedagogy in the notion of building community. The idea
that something must be built implies that something must be made better in order for it to be tolerated. Moreover, community carries with it the
prerequisite that one be made competent to be a member again, the presumption that something must be done to the person to make it better in
some way. I do not mean to say that educators have bad intent. I do mean that this ethos of betterment through
competency will inevitably fail to fulfill the dreams of reformers and revolutionaries. It does not consider the human being as
an entity to care for but rather as something to be equipped with skills and knowledge in order to improve itself. This failure is not only
because there are millions of children and adults that live in poverty in the
wealthiest countries in human history. It is because the state of mind that can
tolerate such suffering is the same state that advances and maintains the ethos of
civility as betterment, rather than civility as caring for people because they are subject to suffering. The alternative that I have only
introduced in a very abbreviated way under the rubric that I called contention is intended to be pragmatic in the ways that Foucault and Richard
Rorty are pragmatic in their respective approaches to the subject of the state.49 It is intended to address an unacceptable state of contemporary
Western civilization, namely, its repetitive and even escalating incidence of disregard for suffering and harm in many forms, despite intellectual, social,
medical, legal, educational, scientific, and technological progress. We have had two hundred years of modern educational principles, and two
hundred years of profound suffering along with them. The problem of the individual calls for a new formulation and for a proper responseone that
cares for the individual rather than makes it competent. The modern project of betterment through competency and opportunity must be challenged
and replaced by an emotionally intelligent ethos that expressly and fundamentally acknowledges suffering and limitation in philosophy, policy, and
practice.
AT: Bryant
They do not meet Bryants test for a worthwhile strategy the 1ac is
nothing but: step 1 vote aff, step two question mark, step 3 solves
extinction.
Reciprocity- The fact that the aff can perm and advocate multiple
perms means that the neg can run multiple conditional counterplans
Neg flex The aff has intrinsic advantages in terms of framing the
debate, giving both the first and last speeches, and win/loss
percentages prove. The neg needs a variety of approaches to answer
the aff.
Reject the Arg not the team make them prove abuse in round.
AT: Empiricism
The 1acs allegiance to empiricism is aligned with the interests of the
far right and serves to fundamentally suture the innate chaos of being
turns the aff.
Schroeder 8 (Jeanne, Prof of Law @ Cardozo Law School, The Four Lacanian
Discourses: Or Turning Law Inside-Out, Birkbeck Law Press, page 53-55) We dont endorse
gendered language.
S2 now occupies the position formally held by S1, a occupies the position formally held by S2, etc. Consequently, the agent of this
discourse is S2he who has knowledge.2 In this context, knowledge is not merely implicit (i.e. savoir faire), but is expressly claimed
(expertise). The
university's discourse is meritocracyrule by experts who (are
supposed to) deserve their position by virtue of their superior knowledge 3 like the
Scarecrow who becomes Steward of Oz because of his superior brain after the Wizard, outed as a barred subject, returns to Omaha.4
The university's discourse is spoken not only by professors in universities but by
all who claim expertise necessary to set policy. It is spoken by the governor, not when she acts as an
"official" recognizing positive law, but when she seeks to justify her rule. A judicial opinion that explains the judge's verdict also falls
within the realm of university's discourse. Why does the master's discourse generate the university's? Because of the impetus that
drives Lon Fuller to insist on law's moral content, Ronald Dworkin to demand that law be interpreted so that it best "fits,"5 and
judges to write elaborate opinions. That is, the fact that positive law's status as law is logically contentless makes it unsatisfactory
even from the internal viewpoint. Every law has content as an empirical matter. The legislators enacting positive law presumably
have some purpose in mind. Even the official who believes that he should obey law just because it is law nevertheless also wants to
be a moral agent who does the right thinghe wants to obey the law because it is just. Being excluded from the law, "morality" (i.e.
purpose, content) serves as its desire. The subject desires to be moral rather than merely legal. The agent of the university's
discourse addresses the a6that which stands in for what is lacking in the master's discourse produced by exclusion.7 In the context
of law, the little a is the specific purpose, substantive, or moralistic content of positive law that Lon Fuller invokes, but H.L.A. Hart
refuses to recognize in their Harvard debate. It is social policy. If
the master's discourse merely identifies
the primary rules that must be obeyed, the university's discourse justifies the
primary rules with respect to its substantive content. The truth, hidden in the lower left, is S1, the
master signifier8power. The discourse that claims to explain and rationalize the
aims of society always ends up justifying existing ordereither the status quo, or a
substitute one.9 Rather than seeking morality per se the university's discourse imposes social policies (moralisms) as its little
a. In Fink's words, the university "has always served the master, has always placed itself in the service of rationalizing and propping
up the master's discourse, as has the worst kind of science."10 Consequently, the university's discourse is a discourse of power.
Lacan suggests a historical relationship between the master's and university's discourses, the latter being a "sort of legitimation or
rationalization of the master's will."11 The
university makes a master's claims to brute power
more palatable through veiling. Lacan suggests that the university's discourse has largely superseded the master's
as the dominant discourse of modernity. As the persistence of positivism shows, however, Lacan is partly wrong. The university does
not supersede the master, but rules as Steward, preserving the master's place.12 The product in the lower right position in the
quadripode is the alienated barred subject herself.13 The university's discourse that scientizes and explains the subject's desire has
no room for the individual subject and her suffering.14 The expert seeks to maximize the desideratum of society generally, and
subjects all subjects to this goal. By making society's object cause of desire into a subject of study, this discourse splits the individual
subject from her subjective desire. This is the violence of this discourse of power.15 Of course, in actual universities the most obvious
subject identified by Lacan as split and alienated from himself is the student himself. 16 Lacan calls this the university's discourse
not because it should be spoken in the university, but because it is too often spoken there. Lacan believes that when one speaks the
university's discourse one is indifferent to whether the speaker or the person addressed actually achieves a true understanding.17
Professors (perhaps unconsciously) frequently care more about their prestige in academia and in society; students are merely a
means to that end. Consequently, students become alienated from the enterprise, parroting
what their teachers say rather than seeking to create their own knowledge. Of course, I write this not as a outsider, but as a
participant in this system. Lacan
universalizes this analysis, arguing that the university's
discourse (rule by experts) dominates modern society policy. Experts do not address the
subjects subjected to law directly to ask what their subjective desires are. The expert's concern is "objective" he addresses the
collective goals ("little a") of society as a whole. In the name of a free society, policy science fundamentally mistrusts the
individualistic freedom of its members who might interfere with its grand plans. In the preceding chapter I damn the master's
discourse of Hartian positivism with the faint praise that it is a necessary but inadequate aspect of a legal system. It necessarily leads
to the university's discourse that addresses itself precisely to the substantive content that positive law refuses to acknowledge.
Although I acknowledge that the university's discourse is also a necessary aspect of any legal system, this chapter is a polemic
proclaiming it not merely inadequate but hegemonic. As the second power discourse the university's discourse
despises individual freedom as much as the master's discourse. It is more subtle and potentially more dangerous. If the master
merely asserts that he must be obeyed, the university insists that it deserves to be obeyed. This means that despite the fact that the
university addresses itself to the law's substantive content, and occasionally critiques the content of specific laws, it is not in a
position to critique the power of law per se. Rather, its function
is to provide justifications and
rationalizations for the status quo and, by suggesting incremental improvements,
to assure that the status quo is more effective in imposing its power over others.
AT: Fairness
Fairness skew is structurally inevitable and self-correcting through
community norms.