(Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research 16) Joseph Zajda (Auth.) - Globalisation and National Identity in History Textbooks - The Russian Federation-Springer Netherlands (2017)

Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research 16
Joseph Zajda
Globalisation and
National Identity in
History Textbooks
The Russian Federation
Globalisation, Comparative Education
and Policy Research
Volume 16
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Joseph Zajda, Faculty of Education and Arts, School of Education, Australian
Catholic University, Melbourne, Australia
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JosephZajda
Globalisation and National

Identity in History Textbooks
The Russian Federation
JosephZajda
Faculty of Education and Arts, School
of Education
Australian Catholic University
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research

ISBN 978-94-024-0971-0ISBN 978-94-024-0972-7(eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0972-7
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To Rea, Nikolai, Imogen, Sophie, Belinda,
Paulina and Dorothy
Foreword
There is no doubt that Russia is experiencing an identity crisis and certain nostalgia
for the past. This nostalgia for historical greatness is documented by Russias recent
geopolitical shifts in asserting and reclaiming its status and position as a global
superpower. Prior to the collapse of the USSR, the world was very aware of its
colossal nuclear capacity, which, during the 1960s, at the height of nuclear weap-
onry race, surpassed the USA.Russia is still the worlds nuclear superpower, and
periodically President Putin reminds the world of it.
The book discusses trends in dominant discourses of identity politics and nation-
building in history education and school history textbooks in the Russian Federation
(RF). It offers one of the most profound examples of the rewriting of history, follow-
ing the geopolitical change. Various book chapters examine debates pertaining to
national identity, patriotism and the nation-building process. The book discusses the
way this new sense of consciousness of patriotism and nationalism is documented
in prescribed Russian history textbooks and in the Russian media debate of history
textbooks. It also explores to synergies, tensions and problematic relationship
between the state, globalisation and the construction of cultural identity. By focus-
ing on ideology, identity politics and nation-building narratives, the book examines
Russian history teachers responses to the content of history textbooks and teachers
selection and views concerning the key moments in modern Russian history.
Specifically, the monograph analyses historical narratives depicting key events
between 1812 and 1945, and the 20132014 Russian history teachers survey and
interview responses, across Russia (from Moscow to Khabarovsk), concerning the
politicisation of history textbooks. Most of the respondents surveyed agreed that
there was a direct association between history curriculum, the prescribed Russian
history textbooks based on the National History Standards and national identity.
More importantly, they agreed that the key role of history education in schools was
one of cultivating a distinctly Russian national identity.
Melbourne, VIC, Australia JosephZajda
vii
Preface
Globalisation and National Identity in History Textbooks: The Russian Federation

offers one of the most profound examples of the rewriting of history, following the
geopolitical and cultural change in Russia. The social and political transformation
began as glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) under Gorbachev. It
resulted in the unprecedented break-up of the USSR and the collapse of commu-
nism in Russia, the formation of the New Independent States of the former republics
of the USSR in 1992 and the end to the Cold War era in Europe. All these events
needed to be recorded and their respective histories needed to be reinterpreted in
line with these new reforms in Russias new history school curriculum.
Russia today is undergoing vast economic, geopolitical, ideological and social
transformation. This task is all the more onerous in Russia, where periods of democ-
racy have been rare, but historians have an enormous wealth of heritage from which
to choose those events that seem most appropriate as models for the current genera-
tion of students. Difficult choices had to be made. The simple rejection of
communist-enforced hegemony in 1992 was not sufficient, since aspects of Russian
imperial and colonial history, for example, were closely linked to autocratic rule and
conflict with neighbours. Thus, previously taught historical narratives were incom-
patible with the new socio-political objectives of the Russian Federation.
Many efforts were made in Russia in recent years to ensure that Russian history
textbooks for secondary schools are written in an objective manner and present
events from more than one point of view. In this regard, in Russia, a great deal has
taken place to eliminate national biases on both sides (the Russian versus ethnic
minorities), and attempts have been made to apply the same principles to the study
of national (ethnic) minorities.
The role of the interpretation of history in shaping the generations image of their
neighbours is seen as crucial to the future of peace and stability in the region. The
enormity of the task facing educators and planners in Russia was exemplified by the
fact that, in 1992, it found herself surrounded by a set of new neighbours, com-
prised of former Soviet territories, who were now located in foreign territories
former Soviet Republics. With the fall of the USSR, Russia went through the trauma
of the loss of 14 Soviet Republics and still had to face complications with the
ix
x Preface
remaining hundred or so ethnic minorities in 83 autonomous regions, with increased

local autonomy and governance, but revived national consciousness and the sense
of a past, which was different to that of pre-1992 Russia.
The new generation of the Russian history curriculum and approved Russian his-
tory textbooks promote a new sense of patriotism and nationalism, reflecting what
Putin calls the national ideology. This monograph discusses the way this new
sense of consciousness of patriotism and nationalism is portrayed in prescribed
Russian history school textbooks and documented in the Russian media debate of
Russian history textbooks. Specifically, the monograph analyses historical narra-
tives depicting key events between 1812 and 1945. Data for the monograph come
from a recent Russian history teachers survey and interviews, across Russia (from
Moscow to Khabarovsk), concerning the politicisation of history textbooks. The
monograph concludes by examining current developments in the nation-building
process in the Russian Federation within a broader view of global culture.
Melbourne, VIC, Australia JosephZajda

Acknowledgements
I am indebted to the three anonymous referees, who read the manuscript, and who
made many valuable suggestions. Their constructive comments have enriched the
manuscript.
I also want to thank the following colleagues for their insightful comments and
suggestions:
Deborah Henderson, Queensland University of Technology
Tatiana Koval, Institute for Strategy of Education Development of the Russian
Academy of Education, Moscow
Susan Majhanovich, Western University, Canada
John Whitehouse, University of Melbourne
Vince Wright, Australian Catholic University
xi
Contents
1 The Construction ofCultural Identity andNation-Building:

Introduction................................................................................................ 1
Research Visits toSchools inMoscow........................................................ 2
Political andSocial Transformations........................................................... 3
Identity Politics andNation-Building inSchool History Textbooks........... 7
The Impact ofGlobalisation onEducation inRussia.................................. 8
Identity Politics andtheRole oftheInterpretation ofHistory..................... 9
Global Aspiration andEmpire-Building...................................................... 10
Globalisation andNational Identity inHistory Textbooks.......................... 10
2 Origins oftheRussian State: Russias Historical
Cultural Identity andtheHoly Rus.......................................................... 13
Russias Historical Cultural Identity............................................................ 13
Searching forRussias Historical Cultural Identity................................ 14
President Vladimir Putins Attendance attheCelebrations
toMark the700th Anniversary oftheBirth St Sergius ofRadonezh..... 15
The Foundation Narrative oftheAncient Rus asaUnified State................ 18
The Rus asUnified State......................................................................... 18
The Sources ofNational Identity............................................................ 18
The Founding oftheSingle State Rus..................................................... 19
3 School History Textbooks, Memory andIdeology
intheRussian Federation During the1990s............................................ 21
Russian History Textbooks: Emerging Consciousness
ofPatriotism andNationalism..................................................................... 21
The Role ofIdeology inRussian Education................................................ 22
Historical Narratives Depicting Great Leaders andKey Events.................. 24
Hegemony andSocial Reproduction............................................................ 25
Social Memory andRussias Transformation.............................................. 26
The Fall ofState Socialism intheUSSR................................................ 26
The Role ofMemory inNational andEthnic Narratives........................ 27
xiii
xiv Contents
The Process ofErasureThe Airbrushing Technique......................... 28

The Forgetting Process............................................................................ 28
Social Identity Transformation................................................................ 29
The Crisis ofMetanarratives andMemory Work inHistory....................... 30
Lost Generation.................................................................................... 31
New Memories: She Hates Stalin!.......................................................... 32
The Whites andtheReds: They Defended theCountry.......................... 33
Soviet Military Dissidents DuringWorld War II:
TheCase ofGeneral Andrei Vlasov........................................................ 33
New Memories inCultural andPolitical Contexts...................................... 34
4 Russian History Education intheRussian Media.................................. 37
The Changing Geo-Political Culture intheRussian Federation.................. 37
Understanding Russia inHistory............................................................ 37
The Recent Annexation ofCrimea: March 2014.................................... 39
Crimea Annexation Celebrated attheRed Square Marches,
1 May, 2014............................................................................................. 40
Crimea Included inthe2014 Grade 9 Russian History Textbook........... 41
The Media onTeaching Russian History andPrescribed
History Textbooks: Print, TV andRadio, andtheInternet.......................... 41
The Media andtheState.......................................................................... 41
Teaching Russian History andPrescribed History Textbooks................ 42
The Declaration of2012 astheYear ofHistory...................................... 43
Radio Ekho: TheTeaching History Debate............................................. 43
Radio Rossiia: Single Russian History Textbooks: ForandAgainst...... 44
TV: Russian History Textbooks Debate.................................................. 45
The Politicizing ofRussian History Textbooks: Russian
Textbooks Attempt toRewrite History....................................................... 45
Fillipovs Teachers Manual: AModern History ofRussia:
19452006............................................................................................... 46
The Politicizing ofRussia andHistory Textbooks:
Western Views......................................................................................... 46
Falsification ofRussian History Debate............................................... 49
Media Debate ontheSingle History Textbook....................................... 51
Putin ontheContent ofRussian History Textbooks............................... 52
Putin ontheSingle Russian History Textbook........................................ 54
Conclusion................................................................................................... 57
5 Historical Narratives andtheConstruction ofIdentity
inRussian History Textbooks................................................................... 59
The Political andCultural Context ofHistory Education
intheRussian Federation............................................................................. 59
Current Debates inHistory Education andHistory Textbooks............... 59
The Most Controversial Topics/Events intheHistory ofRussia............ 60
The Construction ofNational Identity inRussian
History Textbooks........................................................................................ 61
Russian History Textbooks andConstruction ofNational Identity............. 62
Three Generations ofHistory Textbooks (19922014)........................... 62
Contents xv
Combating theFalsification ofHistory................................................... 62

The Single Russian History Textbook..................................................... 63
Filippovs Teachers Manuals................................................................. 63
Teaching Patriotism inHistory Classes inSecondary Schools............... 64
Russian History Curriculum inSecondary Schools..................................... 64
School Structure intheRF...................................................................... 64
Core Secondary School History Textbooks............................................ 65
Analyzing Historical Narratives inHistory Textbooks................................ 67
The Political andCultural Dimensions ofHistorical Narratives............. 67
Historical Narratives, National Identity andPatriotism
inRussian History Textbooks...................................................................... 68
Heroic Events inDefence ofRussia andHeroization
oftheRussian Nation: Hero Leaders........................................................... 69
Hero Leaders........................................................................................... 69
Feats ofHeroism..................................................................................... 70
Heroic Deeds........................................................................................... 71
The Great National Significance ofthe1917 October Revolution:
Leadership............................................................................................... 71
Heroic Events inDefence ofRussia: National Identity andPatriotism
inHistorical Narratives Depicting theWar.................................................. 73
The Great War oftheFatherland: 19411945......................................... 73
The Values ofNational Identity, Patriotism, andtheLove
oftheFatherland..................................................................................... 74
The Price ofVictories.............................................................................. 75
Churchill onRussias Participation inWorld War II............................... 76
Russian History Textbooks onWorld War II inthe
Soviet Union (19411945)...................................................................... 77
The Hero Myth-Making During theGreat Patriotic War........................ 78
The Meta-Narrative ofTheGreat War oftheFatherland
(19411945)............................................................................................ 79
Creating New Representations inRussian History Textbooks.................... 81
Conclusion................................................................................................... 83
6 Teachers Attitudes Towards History School Textbooks........................ 85
Introduction.................................................................................................. 85
Background.................................................................................................. 86
Globalisation andthePolitics ofEducation Reforms.................................. 87
Effects ofGlobalisation onEducation andSociety Globally.................. 88
Globalisation andReforms ofSchool History Textbooks....................... 88
New Historical Consciousness intheRF..................................................... 89
A Brief History ofEducation Reforms intheRussian Federation:
TheContext.................................................................................................. 91
National Curriculum, Standards andState Examinations
inHistory Education............................................................................... 92
The Role oftheState inAccrediting History Textbooks............................. 93
xvi Contents
Research Design........................................................................................... 93
Participants.............................................................................................. 94
Demographics......................................................................................... 94
Data Analysis............................................................................................... 95
Quantitative Analysis.............................................................................. 95
Results.......................................................................................................... 96
Group Association................................................................................... 96
Locality Association................................................................................ 96
Gender Association................................................................................. 96
Years Teaching Association..................................................................... 96
Classroom Teaching Level Association.................................................. 97
Discussion: Russian Teachers Responses onHistory Textbooks............... 98
Group...................................................................................................... 99
Location (City/Region)........................................................................... 101
Evaluation.................................................................................................... 102
Conclusion................................................................................................... 103
7 Ideology, National Identity andPatriotism inPrescribed
History Textbooks: Secondary Teachers Responses.............................. 105
Background.................................................................................................. 105
The Politics ofRussian History Textbooks.................................................. 106
National Curriculum, Standards andState Examinations
inHistory Education............................................................................... 106
National History Curriculum, History Textbooks, andtheHistory
Examinations........................................................................................... 107
Russian History Textbooks...................................................................... 107
Putin andtheRole ofNationalism inHistory Textbooks........................ 108
Questionnaire Used intheInterviews ofSecondary History
Teachers inMoscow..................................................................................... 108
Analysis........................................................................................................ 109
Controversial Aspects ofHistory............................................................ 109
Discussion.................................................................................................... 115
Conclusion................................................................................................... 116
8 The Nation-Building Process inHistory Textbooks:
Challenges inHistorical Knowledge andUnderstanding....................... 117
The Nation-Building Process inRussian History Textbooks....................... 117
Russian History Textbooks: Challenges inHistorical Knowledge
andUnderstanding....................................................................................... 119
The Politics ofCreating Russian National Identity..................................... 120
Evaluating Russian History Textbooks........................................................ 121
References......................................................................................................... 125
Index.................................................................................................................. 133
Contributor
Joseph Zajda (Australian Catholic University, Melbourne) is associate professor

in the Faculty of Education and Arts at the Australian Catholic University (Melbourne
Campus). He specialises in globalisation and education policy reforms, social jus-
tice, history education and values education. He has written and edited 31 books and
over 200 book chapters and articles in the areas of globalisation and education pol-
icy, higher education and curriculum reforms. He is also the editor of the twenty-
four-volume book series Globalisation and Comparative Education (Springer, 2009
& 2018). Recent publications include Zajda, J. (2015) (Ed.). Second International
Handbook of Globalisation, Education and Policy Research. Dordrecht: Springer;
Zajda, J. (2015) (Ed.). Nation-building and history education in a global culture.
Dordrecht: Springer; Zajda, J. (2015). Globalisation and its impact on education
and policy. In J. Zajda (Ed.), Second International Handbook of Globalisation,
Education and Policy Research. Dordrecht: Springer; Zajda, J. (2015). Nation-
Building and History Education in a Global Culture. In Zajda, J. (2015) (Ed.),
Nation-building and history education in a global culture. Dordrecht: Springer;
Zajda, J. (2014). The Russian Revolution. In G.Ritzer & J.M. Ryan (Eds.), The
Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Globalization Online; Zajda, J. (2014). Values
Education. In D.Phillips (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Educational Theory and Philosophy.
Thousand Oaks: Sage; Zajda, J. (2014). Globalisation and Neo-liberalism as
Educational Policy in Australia. In H. Yolcu & D. Turner (Eds.), Neoliberal
Education Reforms: A Global Analysis. New York: Taylor & Francis/Routledge;
Zajda, J. (2014). The politics of Russian history education in the Russian media.
Educational Practice and Theory, 36(2), 5377; and Zajda, J. (2013). Russian
History Textbooks: An analysis of historical narratives depicting key events.
Curriculum and Teaching, 28(2), 73100.
He edits World Studies in Education, Curriculum and Teaching and Education
and Society for James Nicholas Publishers. His works are found in 413 publications
in 4 languages and 9,450 library holdings globally. He was awarded an ARC
Discovery Grant ($315,000) Globalising studies of the politics of history education:
a comparative analysis of history national curriculum implementation in Russia
and Australia (with A.Taylor, Monash University, 20112013).
xvii
xviii Contributor
He was elected as fellow of the Australian College of Educators (June 2013).

He completed the UNESCO report (with Prof. Dervin, University of Helsinki)
Governance in education: Diversity and effectiveness. BRICS countries. Paris:
UNESCO (2016).
E-mail: joseph.zajda@acu.edu.au
Chapter 1
The Construction ofCultural Identity
andNation-Building: Introduction
My interest in Russian history textbooks was influenced by my early memories as a

pupil in the USSR.History and history textbooks were a contentious and fraught issue
even then. On the first of September, the traditional opening day of the school year, we
regularly found sections of our history textbooks hastily blacked out. I remember that
oneyear some names in a paragraph describing the current political leadership were
blotted out in heavy black ink. It had been so hastily done that we could still decipher
the names of once-prominent and politically favoured individuals in the Politbureau
who had been summarily erased from history and of course, our textbooks.
My first book Education in the USSR, published by Pergamon Press, Oxford
(1980) and reprinted by Elsevier in 2014, set out to produce a broad-ranging and
up-to-date introduction to the then current Soviet educational theory and its practice
in schools. I focused on the role of Soviet ideology in school education and particu-
larly on the all-important moral education and political socialization process in
schools. I also examined the social and political context in which some of the educa-
tion policy reforms were taking place at the time. The school curriculum was
considered in terms of the very specific and unique Soviet view of the process of
upbringing, or vospitaniie, and paid particular attention to the formal system of val-
ues education and education for labour, patriotism and defence. Since research visits
to the Soviet Union were rarely permitted I based my research on printed resources
available: official Soviet documents published. I also drew on much valuable mate-
rial from the widely-read mass circulation Soviet educational periodicals and their
representations and interpretations of the educational issues of the time. There was
no parallel in the West with these periodicals, particularly the mass circulation news-
papers for teachers. Circulation of these newspapers was very large and the publica-
tions contained articles written by academics, educational experts and also human
interest stories, many by classroom teachers. In the book Education in the USSR,
Ialso illustrated many points with comparisons with my own experiences as a school
boy in the USSR, where I received part of my schooling prior to my familys migra-
tion to Poland and subsequently to Melbourne, Australia.
Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2017 1

J. Zajda, Globalisation and National Identity in History Textbooks,
Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research 16,
DOI10.1007/978-94-024-0972-7_1
2 1 The Construction ofCultural Identity andNation-Building: Introduction
Research Visits toSchools inMoscow
It was not until 1989 that I was at last able to visit the USSR to continue my research
on the spot. This was thanks to the era of perestoika or restructuring in the Soviet
economy and glasnost or openness which had been set in motion by the General
Secretary of the Communist Party, Mikhail Gorbachev in an attempt to shore-up the
faltering Soviet economy and the political and social stagnation of the Brezhnev
years. Soviet citizens were becoming cautiously open to visits from overseas schol-
ars. I visited Moscow for the first time in December 1989.The contacts I made that
year, particularly with members of the Institute of Sociology, the Russian Academy
of Education and the Russian Academy of Sciences and several Institutes of educa-
tion gave me the opportunity to receive the necessary invitations to make further
research visits in the 6years following. In the first 2years I had an official invitation
from the Institute of Sociology, a branch of the Academy of Sciences. My subse-
quent invitations came from the Russian Academy of Education.
From 1990 to 1996 I was able to visit many schools, both in Moscow itself, and in
surrounding towns, to interview teachers, principals, their deputies, senior staff and
subject teachers and to observe classes. I was invited to meetings with the staff of
various institutes operated by the Academy of Education. My visits fell into two dis-
tinct groups: those before the dissolution of the USSR and those after this event. My
visits to classrooms, especially in the 2 years before the dissolution of the Soviet
Union, and even to some extent afterwards were in some ways for me like entering a
time warp. Entering a grade five class in 1990 I felt as though the intervening 40years
had just slipped away. I could have been back in a classroom in my Soviet school in
the town of Stanislav (in 1962 renamed Ivano-Frankivsk) before my family were able
to leave the USSR for Poland. Just as I had once, some of the boys still wore Pioneer
uniforms, consisting of navy pants, white shirts and red scarves. (In the 1990s this
may not necessarily have reflected any particular loyalty to the Pioneer organisation
but perhaps was viewed as a convenient and cost-saving choice by parents, much the
way school uniforms are viewed by many parents in Australia). The atmosphere of
the classrooms was just as I had remembered them. Little had changed.
My hosts quickly discerned from my Russian language and knowledge that I had
been at least partly brought up in that system and that I was very familiar with their
schools. They treated me as one of them. I was aware that I did not seem to be
relegated to the standard visitors tour in the schools but was taken more into their
confidence and given fairly ready access to various staff members. They were all
incredibly generous with their time and in granting me entry to school classes and
activities. I was also included in many professional programs such as in-service
meetings often as a participant guest. In one school I was even invited to take a place
on the examining panel for the final oral examination of history students in the year
11 exit class. In another I was invited to observe a history lesson with an inspector
evaluating the teaching of a female teacher undergoing assessment for promotion.
In the twoyears before the dissolution of the Soviet Union the main focus of my
many discussions with educators was the issue of the reform of Soviet education in the
Political andSocial Transformations 3
light of the new climate generated by glasnost.1 Concern about change and what would
be expected of schools in the future was certainly hanging in the air, a constant back-
ground and underlying theme of the meetings. On one occasion during my first visit in
1989 I was able to sit in on a history lesson taken by a senior teacher. Despite the heavy
promotion of glasnost in the Soviet press and the teachers newspapers his lesson devi-
ated very little from the traditional Soviet formula, in terms of the ideas put forward.
After the lesson, I asked him quietly why this was so, given the changing social climate.
His answer may well have reflected the attitude of many of his colleagues. I am wait-
ing to see how things turn out. Things could switch back any time. The hard-liners
could get back into power. He referred, of course, to the conservative hard-line atti-
tudes of the Brezhnev era. He certainly had no wish to fall victim to any disfavour, new
disciplinary action or even a purge in the style of the thirties which traumatised a whole
society and remained as part of the national consciousness for decades to follow.
On my second visit in 1990, when my family accompanied me, we had the inter-
esting experience of being lodged in the Moscow Higher Party School, an arrange-
ment secured by the scholar from the Academy of Sciences Institute of Sociology
who had organised my official invitation. While the School had begun to accept a few
foreign visitors as paying guests it was still essentially a school for the higher ideo-
logical training of party officials. It also offered residential courses for training visit-
ing cadres from socialist countries. On our arrival my wife commented on the rather
forlorn looking bronze bust of Lenin mounted on a plinth in the middle of the empty
courtyard, its shoulders covered with snow. My hosts young university educated son
declared with an airy wave of his hand which encompassed the main building of the
Party school as well as Lenins statue, Soon all this will be gone. He was so right.
Political andSocial Transformations
The social and political transformation began as glasnost (openness) and perestroika
(restructuring) under Gorbachev. It resulted in the unprecedented break-up of the
USSR, and the collapse of communism in Russia, the formation of the New
1
I was accompanied by my wife and our son Nikolai on all these visits. For my wife and son their
first visit to what was then the Soviet Union was a something of a culture shock to say the least.
But they appreciated the chance to immerse themselves in a society so different from their own. It
was useful for my research to have two extra observers. The demands of my own interaction with
those we met sometimes limited the extent of my observation. My wife is a trained sociologist and
a former teacher, so was an informed onlooker. After she met me she also completed a Russian
major at Monash University as a graduate so knew some Russian. My son was introduced by our
various hosts in the schools to young people who had learnt some English and could talk with him.
He was able to spend time with them and share comparisons of life in their schools and his own.
In the later years of our visits he also made tape recordings of meetings and made films. All our
hosts in the schools generously allowed him to film inside the schools and to film classroom les-
sons, particularly history lessons. By this means I was provided with a valuable a film record of
much that we saw in schools. He was almost 13 on our first visit to Moscow. On our last visit in
January and February 1996 he was preparing to enter his first year at university.
Independent States of the former republics of the USSR in 1992, and the end to the
Cold War era in Europe.
Following the collapse of communist regime in the Soviet Union in December
1991, government-sponsored education reforms were set in place to reform schools
and re-write the Marxist-Leninist interpretations of history. This work discusses the
key events in the Russian history taught in Russian upper secondary schools during
the last decade. The transformation from communism to democracy and civil soci-
ety, as recorded in the new Russian history school texts, is examined against the
political imperatives of constructing and legitimating national identity, citizenship
and social cohesion, as the necessary elements of an on-going national renaissance
both locally and globally. All these events needed to be recorded and their respective
histories needed to be reinterpreted in line with these new reforms in Russias new
history school curriculum.
Today, 26 years later, the dissolution of the Soviet Union on 25 December 1991,
the period of debate and uncertainty which preceded it, the severe shortages of food
and consumer goods, the economic hardship, together will the disruption caused by
the August 1991 coup tend to be viewed by those who did not live through it as a
taken-for-granted facts of history. It could even seem a little old hat to labour the
point or to dwell unnecessarily on the details. This perception, however, is to under-
estimate the intensity and the radical nature of the change, and the degree of confu-
sion and uncertainty experienced at the time by the citizens who found themselves
suddenly former Soviet citizens. Overnight the authoritarian and all-pervasive Soviet
political system and ideology were swept away. The great and powerful USSR with
its huge territory and influence was, at the signing of Declaration No 142-H by the
Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union, suddenly no more. At 7.32pm the lowering of
the proudly illuminated Soviet flag over the Kremlin in Moscow and the raising in its
place of the flag of the Russian Federation (RF) symbolised for Soviet citizens the
end of a seventy-sixyear regime. It was an event keenly felt. The years of debate and
argument, pressure from opposing forces, challenges by opposing political person-
alities and views that characterised the Gorbachev era of glasnost and perestroika
had bred uncertainty and a sense of anticipation and expectation of change. The
failure of the coup in August 1991 had increased this tension. There was to follow an
incredible sense of social upheaval and disruption. Old certainties, so long accepted,
were no more. There was a scrambling for new values, new perspectives, new ways
of organising society, the economy and politics and new world view.
The main changes in the history curriculum have been brought on by major polit-
ical, economic and social transformations that have occurred in Russian society
since 1991. The collapse of the USSR and its totalitarian regime, and the formation
of the RF signalled the beginning of liberal reforms, and the development of civil
society. The Soviet mentality had to be replaced in every sphere of Soviet society.
The new Law on Education (1992), revised in 1996, defined a new post-Soviet edu-
cation structure. The major features of this structure included a new ideological
transformation from communism to democracy. As a result, all education policy
documents and curricula for all levels of education had to be re-written. Since then
new curricula, new textbooks, and methodologies have been slowly implemented in
schools.
Political andSocial Transformations 5
It is important to stress that the intensity and the suddenness of political and
economic transformations were initially overwhelming for the people. It was a
period of a geo-political culture shock for the former Soviet citizens, who became
ex-Soviet, virtually overnight. The formation of a democratic society was for the
first time in the entire Russian history, apart from Kerenskys brief experiment with
democracy in 1917, prior to the Bolsheviks seizure of power in October 1917, the
adoption of a new constitution, the introduction of a multi-party system, and free-
dom of the press have created a totally different milieu in Russian society and
education. There was almost an avalanche of information in the form of thousands
of post-Soviet newspapers, journals and books, reflecting the much awaited diver-
sity and pluralism.
It is difficult to imagine what ex-Soviet citizens felt, let alone the alienated his-
tory teachers, suffering from a new identity crisis, after decades of the totalitarian
regime, hegemony, and censorship. Vinogradov (1996) attempted to explain this
identity crisis in the following way:
Russian society is going through a period of painful reflection on its historical ways and
basic values. [The Russians] are trying to understand Russias past and present, and to look
into its future with the help of history and political science. (Vinogradov, 1996, p.7)
The transformation in the teaching of the Russian history in schools did not take
place overnight. A wholesale revision of the history curriculum and texts was under-
taken by the new Ministry of General and Professional Education (MGPE), and
later by Ministry of Education and Science (MoES). Policy makers, and history
curriculum and textbook writers had to reckon with the attitudes of school teachers,
and their assimilated prior knowledge. A proportion of these teachers were former
party members.
In every society schools function to transmit the cultural heritage of the nation to
the younger generation. Educational administrators, educationists, academic histo-
rians, curriculum writers and teachers select what they regard as the most relevant
aspects of the past and re-interpret them to meet perceived current national and geo-
political needs. In this way they can be seen to be re-creating the cultural heritage,
as a living tradition for the present. Using the cultural heritage perspective to cri-
tiquing school history textbooks, can be linked to post-structuralist approaches to be
found in Imagined Communities, (Anderson, 1983) and The Invention of Tradition
(Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1990). Even in a period of comparative tranquillity there is
generational change in the evaluation of heritage, but in revolutionary times, per-
ceptions of the past may alter so profoundly that the evaluation of a groups past
may be reversed, as the heritage is searched for appropriate models to adopt and
transform to the new setting.
In recent times, Russia today is undergoing vast economic, geo-political, ideo-
logical, and social transformation. This task is all the more onerous in Russia, where
periods of democracy have been rare, but historians have an enormous wealth of
heritage from which to choose those events that seem most appropriate as models
for the current generation of students. Difficult choices had to be made. The simple
rejection of communist-enforced hegemony in 1992 was not sufficient, since aspects
of Russian imperial and colonial history, for example, were closely linked to auto-
cratic rule and conflict with neighbours. Thus, previously taught historical narra-
tives were incompatible with the new socio-political objectives of the Russian
Federation.
The schools, and education system, which had been one of the key agents in the
construction of Soviet citizenship, what in the West was referred to as Homo
Sovieticus, became a very significant focus for this pressure for change and the
accompanying demand for the revision of ideas and teaching methods.
On our subsequent visits we were able to observe and record first hand, these
fluctuations within the school system and among education academics, teachers and
school leaders. A veritable flood of education experts from Western countries
descended on the Russian schools and institutes, bringing not the gold, frankincense
and myrrh the magi brought to honour the infant Jesus, but an abundance of advice,
judgement, often guided by preconceived perceptions of the Soviet education sys-
tem, as well as monetary grants to designed to promote and effect change. The
direction of this change was firmly steered towards the dominant ideas of the
Western model of education. Russian education was to be brought under the influ-
ence of an enormous pressure towards globalisation.
The heavily ideological foundation of the Soviet education system was to be
dismantled by the Russians and their policy advisors. It seemed to us at the time that
the concerns of visiting experts went far beyond the replacement of the Soviet ideo-
logical basis of education in Russia. Reform and change were to spread throughout
the entire system. The excellence of Soviet education system, previously recognised
in Russian born American, Uri Bronfenbrenners, Two World of Childhood and
British Nigel Grants classic Soviet Education, was not acknowledged in the sweep
of the new broom. The 1957 Sputnik scare was all but forgotten by the Americans.
Yet, back then numerous missions, consisting of American educators were sent to
the USSR to learn firsthand Soviet classroom pedagogy and academic achievement
which dominated the world.
The enormity of the task facing educators and planners in the Russian Federation
was exemplified by the fact that in 1992, the immediate presence of former repub-
lics as neighbours meant that political and cultural sensitivity was essential in the
development of history curriculum.
As a result of these yearly visits my book Schooling the New Russians:
Transforming Soviet Students to Capitalist Entrepreneurs was published. It depicted
the transformation of the education system in the Russian Federation after the col-
lapse of the USSR in December 1991. This was largely due to a radical shift in
ideology from communism to capitalism. Firstly, the book examined the politics of
curriculum reform and education policy changes. Secondly, the book considered
various aspects of educational transformation, the new school structure, assessment
and state examination, and teachers concerns. Thirdly, the book evaluated the likely
impact of education reforms, particularly decentralisation, differentiation, and pri-
vatisation on academic achievement, and education standards. Finally, issues of
equality, access, equity and social justice were discussed. Various book chapters
examined debates pertaining to national identity, patriotism, and the nation-building
process.
Identity Politics andNation-Building inSchool History Textbooks 7
I dentity Politics andNation-Building inSchool History

Textbooks
By focusing on ideology, identity politics, and nation-building one needs to examine

critically both the current historical narratives in Russian school textbooks, and the
Russian history teachers responses to the content of the history textbooks, and the
way the teachers defined key moments in modern Russian history in their answers to
the survey questions. I am analyzing the Russian history textbooks used by the teach-
ers in terms of the emerging consciousness of patriotism and nationalism. In my
search for Russias historical cultural identity I argue that to cultivate a new sense of
consciousness, Russian policy makers are also using religion, in their attempt to re-
discover the golden era in the origins of the Orthodox faith in ancient Russia. The
Prince Vladimir introduced Christianity in the kingdom of Ancient Rus in 988AD.He
wanted to unite his people around a single state, and one religion. As a result, the
cultural and ideological connections to religion, as a symbol of cultural identity in
Russia, represent a new dimension of a return to traditional values. Russian history
teachers have noted that current Russian history school textbooks increasingly
emphasise the foundation narrative of the Ancient Rus as a unified state. This book
continues my research on education reforms in Russia. This sense of continuity and
change in education reforms and historical thinking is demonstrated below.
The first generation of post-Soviet Russian history textbooks, approved by the
Ministry of Education and Science, appeared in 1992. History education, curricular
and policy reforms continued during that decade. In 2014, the latest generation of
the standards in history education for schools, was approved by the Ministry of
Education and Science. At the same time, in June 2014, President Putin directed his
cabinet and The Ministry of Education and Science to work together with the
Russian Historical Society on revising the national policy and curriculum frame-
work for new standardised Russian history school textbooks. Earlier, in January
2014, Putin, at the meeting with authors of a new framework for a core Russian
history school textbook, said that there was a need to celebrate key events in Russian
history, including the October 1917 Revolution and the Great Patriotic War (World
War II), because they were, according to him, of great national significance (Zajda,
2015c, p.11; Zajda, 2016a, 2016b, 2016c).
I was specifically interested whether the education reforms, carried out in the
name of equality, freedom and justice, made a difference. Can these reforms be
explained in terms of Russias historical heritage and the search for better links with
the West? In some instances the interpretation was personal, being influenced by
observations and conversations with academics, teacher educators, and teachers on
many visits to the USSR/Russia. Evidence, based on my personal experience and
observation (ethnographic research and memoir research methodology the use of
biographies, memories and personal statements), can be useful to highlight certain
events and changes in the curriculum that normally do not manifest themselves in
quantitative research. The strength of these personal interpretations is that they
bring a certain depth to my analysis. This is achieved through my personal experi-
ence, expertise and longitudinal involvement.
The Impact ofGlobalisation onEducation inRussia
Globalisation together with global performance indicators have impacted on educa-

tion reforms addressing standards and quality in Russia. The centralized education
governance model in Russia is driven by a new sense of accountability, efficiency
and performance indicators. The goal is to improve students academic performance
through standardized and state-defined testing. However, the unresolved education
governance policy challenge is one of overcoming the rising regional inequality in
education, as a result of differentiated funding. Hence, there is an urgent need to
improve the effectiveness of governance in education in Russia, in order to over-
come educational inequalities surrounding access to secondary schooling, comple-
tion rates of secondary schooling, and their implications for human rights and social
justice. There is a need to analyze and evaluate further the long-term impact of the
market-oriented culture in education in Russia, with its prevailing emphasis on
accountability, efficiency, local and global competitiveness, and benchmark-driven
performance, on emerging models of governance. These accountability mecha-
nisms are the signs that the RF has accepted Western ways of organising its educa-
tion system. But, it has not adopted Western revisionist history in the same way.
Globally, history education and history textbooks have attracted a great deal of
controversy and debate during the last two decades. Recent research on globalisa-
tion and education policy has indicated that forces of globalisation and accountabil-
ity have affected the nature, and the value of school textbooks in Russia and
elsewhere (Fuchs, 2011; Lovorn & Tsyrlina-Spady, 2015; Rapoport, 2012; Zajda,
2016a, 2016b, 2016c). Since 2006 teaching national history has featured high on
the agenda in many European countries. In Britain, for instance, after the events of
7 July 2005 (a series of coordinated suicide attacks in central London, which tar-
geted civilians using the public transport system during the morning rush hour),
teaching Britishness through school history gained even more importance than it
already had (Roord, 2009, p.75). Gordon Brown (2007) in his speech The future
of Britishness, referred to the importance of the national identity and the values of
liberty, tolerance, and the principle of fairness to all. History is seen as a mechanism
for creating social unity and nation building. This is the same for the RF.
Recent and continuing public and political debate in countries around the world,
dealing with understandings of globalisation, nation-building and national identity,
point to parallels between the political significance of school history textbooks and
the history debates globally (Dugin, 2015; Fuchs, 2011; Han, 2007; Janmaat &
Vickers, 2007; Lovorn & Tsyrlina-Spady, 2015; Nicholls, 2006; Pingel, 2006;
Potapova, 2015; Rapoport, 2012; Zajda, 2016a, 2016b, 2016c). Due to these on-
going debates concerning the role of history teaching in schools, and its content and
delivery, history education has become a high profile topic of national and global
significance. This is particularly the case in Russia today, where Russian history
textbooks and the latest National Russian history curricular documents stress the
role of patriotism and nationalism in the teaching of Russian history in schools
across the RF (Dugin, 2015, Rapoport, 2012).
Identity Politics andtheRole oftheInterpretation ofHistory 9
Identity Politics andtheRole oftheInterpretation ofHistory
Many efforts have been made in Russia in recent years to ensure that Russian his-
tory textbooks for secondary schools are written in an objective manner and pres-
ent events from more than one point of view. In this regard, in Russia, a great deal
has taken place to eliminate national biases on both sides (the Russian versus ethnic
minorities), and attempts have been made to apply the same principles to the study
of national (ethnic) minorities and to address sensitivities in relationships with the
breakaway republics.
The role of the interpretation of history in shaping the generations image of their
neighbours is seen as crucial to the future of peace and stability in the region. The
enormity of the task facing educators and planners in Russia was exemplified by the
fact that in 1992, it found herself surrounded by a set of new neighbours, com-
prised of former Soviet territories, who were now located in foreign territories
former Soviet Republics. With the fall of the USSR, Russia had gone through the
trauma of the loss of fourteen Soviet Republics and still had to face complications
with the remaining hundred odd ethnic minorities in 83 autonomous regions. The
new generation of the Russian history curriculum, and approved Russian history
textbooks promote a new sense of patriotism and nationalism, reflecting, what Putin
calls the national ideology.
There is no doubt that the Russian Federation is currently engaged in a deter-
mined and much focused exercise in nation-building. The emergence of a new
nationalism in the RF is of great significance both locally and globally. This process
was signalled quite early in a speech by Putin in 2005 (Putin, 2005). In his Annual
Address to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, at the Kremlin in April
2005, Putin lamented the collapse of the USSR, and referred to it as the greatest
geopolitical tragedy. These comments on the collapse of the USSR were also pub-
lished in the Russian core history textbook for teachers in 2007.
It is my deepest conviction that the collapse of the USSR was the greatest geopolitical
tragedy. I believe that the average citizens of the former Soviet Union did not win any-
thing from this process The pluses are that Russia ceased to be a milking cow (or in the
West cash cow) for everyone. (Filippov, 2007, 4, p.34)
This statement was widely discussed in the West, and Putin was labelled as an
empire-builder. In representing the collapse of the USSR as the greatest geopoliti-
cal tragedy, Putin revealed a nostalgia for the Soviet past and for the glory and
power of the USSR as a superpower and dominant partner of the Eastern Bloc or
Warsaw Pact countries. Building on Putins yearning for past greatness Filippov
(2007) attempted to emphasize the global and geo-political significance of the
USSR during the 19451991 period to Russian secondary history teachers: Putin
had also shown a degree of colonialism towards some to the breakaway republics.
Moscow, between 1945 and 1991 was the capital not only of a country but of an entire
world system. (Filippov, 2007, p.6)
Global Aspiration andEmpire-Building
Alexander Dugin (2015), a controversial and influential political scientist and some-
time political advisor to key Kremlin figures, also discusses Russias global influence
during the Soviet era. He sets out to trace the geopolitical development of Russia
from origins in Kievan Rus then through the period of the Russian Empire, finally
reaching the peak of the states global influence, as a superpower from 1945 onwards.
He argues that Russia is torn between its identity as both a nation-state and a global
superpower. This yearning for a return to historical greatness is evidenced by Russias
recent geo-political shifts in asserting, and reclaiming its status and position as a
global superpower. The Cold War confrontation and militant ideology have been re-
activated during Putins leadership, especially in 2014, when Crimea was annexed by
the Russia. The Western response was to apply powerful economic sanctions.
The unresolved border issues in Eastern Ukraine, including the self-proclaimed
republics of Donetsk Peoples Republic/DPR, and Luhansk have contributed to a
new politico-economic confrontation between Russia, Ukraine, and the West. The
whole area in the east and south of Ukraine has been named Novorossiya by
Russia, in the event of a possible unification with the RF.
With reference to conflicts in eastern regions of Ukraine, Putin (2014a) informed
his audience in April, Its new Russia (Novorossiya) (http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/
why-vladimir-putin-referring-eastern-ukraine-new-russia-1463130). He deliber-
ately used the former imperial Russias name of the Novorossiya, which translates
as New Russia. It refers to a region conquered by the Russian empire in the eigh-
teenth century and controlled by tsarist Russia until 1917.
In Russia there is at present the search for the great moments of the past, or the
golden age (Smith, 1991, p.66). There are two reasons for this. First, there are signs
of the re-emergence of Russian nationalism, as the state, in search of great moments,
or a golden age in Russian history, had to draw on historical past. According to Smith
(1991), a desire to return to a golden age is typical of the nationalist use of history
(p.66). Second, Russian geo-politics, identity and nation-building processes responded
to the Western-driven forces of globalisation. In June 2008, President Dmitry Medvedev
announced before the G8 meeting that Russia is a global player that wants to to take
part in the rules of the game. The same geo-political thinking was continued by
President Putin. Hence the urgency to re-interpret the nations history, in order to con-
struct a new sense of national identity, nation-building, and citizenship education in
history education, in order to create a new consciousness of the greatness of Russia.
Globalisation andNational Identity inHistory Textbooks
The book Globalisation and National Identity in History Textbooks: The Russian
Federation discusses the way this new sense of consciousness of patriotism and
nationalism is documented in prescribed Russian history textbooks, and in the
Globalisation andNational Identity inHistory Textbooks 11
Russian media debate of history textbooks. Specifically, the monograph analyses

the historical narratives that were prioritised in the review of the history curriculum.
It also considers the data from Russian history teachers survey and interviews, as
part of funded research findings by the Australian Research Council Discovery
Grant, across the RF (from Moscow to Khabarovsk), concerning the politicization
of history textbooks.2
The book also offers a vivid case study of a major re-writing of history, following
the geo-political and cultural change in Russia after the collapse of the Soviet
Union. The book examines the nexus between globalisation, history textbooks, ide-
ology and national identity in Russia. The book begins with the context of education
reforms, socio-political transformation and history education, against the back-
ground of globalisation. It then proceeds with the examination of a golden age pro-
vided by the revival of the Holy Rus. In their search for Russias greatness and
national identity, historians, and policy makers turn to the past (Chap. 2). Next, the
book, in order to provide a political and cultural context of education reforms, dis-
cusses the emerging consciousness of patriotism and nationalism and the use of
memory and ideology in school history textbooks during the 1990s (Chap. 3). The
book then moves on to examine the role of the electronic and print media coverage
in Russia in politicizing the debate surrounding the teaching of Russian history in
schools. The media analysis shows the changing geo-political climate affecting his-
tory education reforms, especially prescribed Russian history textbooks across the
RF.The content of Russian history textbooks has emerged as a hotly debated topic.
Russian history textbooks have been affected by both a dominant ideology of neo-
conservatism, and nation-building. As a national ideology, it aims to promote
nationalism and patriotism, and an increasing control of the content of prescribed
Russian history textbooks (Chap. 4).
The construction of identity, by means of preferred historical narratives in core
Russian history textbooks, is discussed in Chap. 5. The chapter demonstrates that
revised and edited historical narratives in current core Russian history textbooks,
representing key events in current Russian history school textbooks, emphasize the
nexus between ideology, the state, and nation-building. The state is using history
textbooks as a vehicle for promoting its ideology of a rejuvenated national identity
by calling on selected historical narratives. The chapter shows that current history
textbooks aim to offer new narratives, which focus on the positive historical exam-
ples, stressing Russias power and significance, both nationally and globally.
Next, the book examines Russian history teachers and their views on history
textbooks (Chap. 6). The results demonstrate that Russian history teachers were
divided as to whether textbook narratives provided balanced views of controversial
2
This book is a part of ARC Discovery grant (20112015) research findings. It is a part of funded
research findings by the Australian Research Council Discovery Grant DP110101320 (20112015)
Globalising studies of the politics of history education: a comparative analysis of history national
curriculum implementation in Russia and Australia. The project was collaboration between
Monash University and the Australian Catholic University (Melbourne Campus). The content is
the responsibility of the author and the views expressed do not represent the views of the universi-
ties or ARC.
incidents in modern Soviet Russian history, with the largest agreement in the
Moscow sample (61%), and the largest disagreement in Ekaterinburg (67%).
Chapter 7 continues the debate dealing with history textbooks, by examining the
interviews of Russian secondary history teachers in Grades 811, conducted in
Moscow in 2013. These interviews were designed to illuminate further some of the
gaps in the survey dealing with historical narratives, and historical understanding,
as documented in prescribed Russian history textbooks. The respondents offered
detailed statements on the link between national ideology, identity and Russian his-
tory textbooks. New data helped further to explain the relationship between national
identity and history education. Most respondents agreed that the national identity is
formed through the study of historical narratives depicting significant events in the
history of the Fatherland. In keeping with the current political environment in the
RF, most teachers revealed that the primary value of history education in schools is
education for patriotism, and citizenship education.3
The monograph concludes in Chap. 8, by examining current developments in the
nation-building process in the Russian Federation in the global culture. It offers an
overview of ideology, identity politics, and nation-building in Russian history text-
books. By examining the impact of the national identity ideology on the creation
and selection of history textbooks, this book demonstrates both the influence of
national ideology in defining the content of prescribed Russian history textbooks
and the nation-building process, which is socially, politically, and economically of
great significance both locally and globally.
3
The author wishes to thank Rea Zajda (who has a working knowledge of Russian), a sociologist
and Publishers, who was present during the meetings with various academics and historians, and
who took notes, summarising history teachers criticism of Filippovs history teachers manual.
Chapter 2
Origins oftheRussian State: Russias
Historical Cultural Identity andtheHoly Rus
Russias Historical Cultural Identity
During the last five decades, a number of researchers have focused on cultural
dimensions in the construction of national identity (Anderson, 1983; Appadurai,
1996; Barth, 1969; Bourdieu, 1977; Deutsch, 1966; Geertz, 1973; Gellner, 1983;
Habermas, 1995; Hall, 1992; Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983; Smith, 1991; Wodak, de
Cillia, Reisigl, & Liebhart, 2009). These authors discussed the construction of
national identity in terms of such constructs as imagined communities, citizen-
ship, collective memory, cultural identity, nation, nation state, national
identity, national history, habitus, identity politics, cultural representations.
Most of these have been used by various researchers in discussing the politics of
creating the national identity in Russia during Putins regime (Rapoport, 2015a,
2015b; Zajda, 2016a).
In researching and analysing the nexus between nationalism, national identity
and ideology, it is necessary to explain the current usage of these key concepts,
which are subject to multiple definitions.
Nationalism, as one of the most dominant ideologies, refers to the belief that
the sovereign nation-state represents a group of people who consider themselves
as belonging to one nation and who share a territory (see also Smith, 1991, 1995).
An example of the nationalist use of history is the desire to return to a golden
age (Smith, 1991, p.66). Historical narratives, constructing national identity, use
the notion of golden ages, to demonstrate examples of heroes and public virtue,
in order to promote the glory of the nations historical past, its continuity, its ide-
alised heroes, and its noble heritage (Smith, 1991, p.92).
National identity represents a specific cultural community, whose members are
united by common historical memories, myths, symbols and traditions. It denotes

DOI10.1007/978-94-024-0972-7_2
14 2 Origins oftheRussian State: Russias Historical Cultural Identity andtheHoly Rus
such elements as historic territory, legal-political community, legal political equal-

ity of members, and common civic culture and ideology (Smith, 1991, p.11).
The term ideology, refers to a system of dominant ideas, and beliefs affecting
every sphere of human social interaction and organisation, be they political, eco-
nomic, scientific, educational, and cultural, and evolved during the last decade of
the eighteenth-century. The concept of ideology is closely connected with power,
since ideological symbols, represent, to use Max Webers value-ideas (general
cultural values that constitute social phenomena) construct, which serves to domi-
nate, control, and justify social, economic and political systems (Zajda, 2014a).
According to Smith (1991), the underlying sentiments and aspirations that nation-
alist ideology, nationalist language and symbols evoke relate to the three main
concepts: territory, history and community (Smith, 1991, p.78).
As a result of the nexus between nationalism, national identity, language and
ideology, representation of heroes in history textbooks has ideological, cultural and
pedagogical significance. Apart from preferred historical narratives and particular
language used, illustrations and visual images are also used to reinforce the cult of
a hero. National heroes tend to be celebrated for the important roles they played in
history. This is associated, at times, with a vision of national identity grounded in
pride in a culture.
Searching forRussias Historical Cultural Identity
In their recent search for Russias historical cultural identity, Russian policy makers
and historians, are compelled to cultivate a new sense of Russian identity and con-
sciousness. In doing so, they invariably use religion, in their attempt to re-discover
the origin of the Orthodox faith in Ancient Rus, and its power to unite the people,
when Prince Vladimir introduced Christianity in the kingdom of Ancient Rus in
988AD.Prince Vladimir wanted to unite his people around a single state, and one
religion. However, Princess Olga, who ruled Ancient Rus, between 945 and 962AD
(after the death of her husband, Prince Igor in 945AD) was already attempting to
introduce the Orthodox faith. Olga had herself converted to Christianity, in 957AD,
and was baptized in Constantinople. Sakharov and Buganov (2011) in their sections
The rule and baptism of the Princess Olga, write that a number of people had
already adopted Christianity earlier (Sakharov & Buganov, 2011, p. 62). She, in
fact, was one of the first rulers to bring Christianity to her lands. She also had a big
influence on her grandson, Prince Vladimir the Great, who later made Christianity
the official religion.
The reference to Princess Olga and her rule, and her baptism, is one of the few
examples of prominent women rulers. The next one, almost 800 year later, is
Catherine the Great, who ruled Russia between 1762 and 1796.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian neo-nationalism had aligned
itself more closely with Orthodox religious resurgence (Smith, 1991, p.148). From
this religious resurgence, it was drawing on traditional values: a good deal of its
Russias Historical Cultural Identity 15
national, moral and cultural aspirations. This trend of placing the Orthodox faith on
a pedestal was a defining feature of the 19th conservative Russian monarchy and
cultural life.
The current cultural and ideological connections to religion as a symbol of cul-
tural identity in Russia represent a new dimension of a return to traditional values.
It could be argued that for Russia, in her search for identity in the twenty first cen-
tury, the road leads to inclusive and integrative religion, which acts as a symbol
of cultural identity:
Only a culturally inclusive and integrative type of religion will be religion as a symbol of a
cultural identity. (Kilp, 2011, p.220)
In All that is solid melts into air, Berman (1991, p. 89), drawing on Marxs
Communist Manifesto (1848), discusses the identity crisis confronting various
nations during the later part of the nineteenth century:
All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and men at last are forced to face
with sober senses the real conditions of their lives (Communist Manifesto, 1848)
The crisis of materialism and the destruction of everything holy, resulting in the
aura of holiness suddenly missing, meant that there existed an existentialist crisis
and identity crisis. Berman (1991) explains it: We cannot understand ourselves in
the present until we confront what is absent (Berman, 1991, p.89). It is not surpris-
ing, that Russia, in confronting what was absent, turns to religion, the Orthodox
faith. Not only are its foot prints traced in the Ancient Russia, but its modernist
revival is now celebrated across the nation.
resident Vladimir Putins Attendance attheCelebrations

P
toMark the700th Anniversary oftheBirth St Sergius
ofRadonezh
Putins (2014a) speech at the celebrations to mark the 700th anniversary of the birth
of St Sergius of Radonezh, and the event itself, both signal the idea that religion is
now used as a symbol to promote a cultural identity of the Russians in the multi-
ethnic Russia. Here we have a convenient nexus between ideology, national identity
and religion, promoted by the state. It is also an attempt to celebrate a golden age in
Russian history, as mentioned earlier. This could refer to such historical narratives
as the Ancient Rus, the rule of Peter the Great, and Catherine the Great, or the domi-
nance of the Soviet Union as a superpower.
Foreign media outlets have commented on President Putins harnessing of the
700th anniversary of the birth of St Sergius of Radonezh for political purposes, with
his emphasis on Russian Orthodoxy, as the tie that binds all Russians together. The
10mile procession of an officially estimated 30,000 pilgrims to the town of Sergiyev
Prosad, the site of the monastery established by the saint in the fourteenth century
culminated in a ceremony addressed by President Putin and the Patriarch of Moscow
and All Russia Kirill. Foreign press reports noted that Mr. Putin attended the cere-
mony within a day of the tragic MH17 plane crash in the eastern Ukraine. Some
commentators suggested that Russias political leaders wish to create a new reli-
gious/political cult to replace their previous emphasis on the introduction of
Christianity to Russia by Vladimir the Great, grand prince of Kiev (9801015) in
988. Now that Russia and Ukraine are locked in a proxy war, the Russian govern-
ment and the Church realise that the physical link to an important religious symbol
is being severed according to Geraldine Fagan (2014).
The roots and also the relics of St Vladimir are in the territory of a now estranged
neighbour, Ukraine. The celebration of the 700th anniversary commemoration,
however, had been planned for years.
Official Russian announcements linked the saints spiritual leadership and found-
ing of monasteries with the secular history of the nation of Russia. ITAR-TASS
referred to St Sergius blessing of Dimitri Donskoi before the Battle of Kulikovo on
8 September, 1380 against the Mongols of the Golden Horde, to demonstrate his
importance as a figure in Russian secular history. What we are not told is that this
bloody battle, which resulted in the great victory, gave the Russian princes a 2year
respite. In 1382, the Golden Horde was back, and this time, the Mongols slaugh-
tered the inhabitants, burned the villages and finally looted and burned Moscow.
The Russians were forced to submit to the Mongols. This is an example of choosing
preferred historical narratives.
The same report also noted the monasterys later secular and political role in
withstanding a 16-month Polish siege in 16081609 and in helping to organise
Russias first territorial militia, the then Minin and Pozharsky militia.
Mr. Putins speech was broadcast live nationally. Addressing the 30,000 pilgrims
in a 5-minute speech he praised the patriotic, national and moral resurgence
inspired by St Sergius referring to his building of monasteries as both spiritual cen-
tres and fortresses to protect Russia. He referred to St Sergius role in advocating
unity between the rival local factions in the face of the common foe and invader, the
Mongols. His wise and solid words as a mentor and guide were a spiritual pillar
and support during a difficult time of foreign invasion and internal discord Mr.
Putin said. He also referred to his prophetic words Our salvation lies in love and
unity. This appeal, filled with unshakable faith, helped to unite Russias lands and
stamped itself forever on our peoples soul and our historical memory.
The commemorations emphasis on the important concept of Holy Rus has been
a recurring theme in such celebrations. Holy Rus refers to the unity in belief of all
Russian Orthodox believers. It was also used as a rallying metaphor during the
Great Patriotic War of 19411945. Critics point to similarity of the use made by the
czars of the concept of Holy Rus as a national ideal with Mr. Putins policy that all
ethnic Russians are worthy of protection. The spiritual link between all Russian
Orthodox believers found in the concept of Holy Rus finds an often made parallel
link with the political unity of all Russian speakers.
Earlier, in 2011, the Russian state, under President Medvedev, was the official
sponsor of an Exhibition Holy Rus, at the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow. The
exhibition displayed artwork from the Old Eastern Slavonic state which existed in
Russias Historical Cultural Identity 17
medieval times and united the lands of modern Belarus, Ukraine and the European
part of Russia, with its capital Kiev. Defending the states sponsorship of the exhibi-
tion, the gallery director said the costly exhibition could not be achieved without
state sponsorship. It does not aim at promoting state-church relations but at provid-
ing a window onto their historic relationship she said (Reuters, May 26, 2011).
Fagan (2014), the author of Believing in Russia: Religious Policy after
Communism, discusses the ambiguity surrounding the identity politics in the multi-
ethnic and multi-religious state. The Russian Orthodox Church asserted itself as the
definitive expression of Russian nationhood since 1991 (and during World War II).
For Fagan, the nexus between Russian Orthodox Church with national values, as in
the past, is a powerful political and cultural strategy to define Russian identity.
Connecting the Russian Orthodox Christianity with Russian national culture is an
attempt to engage in the nation-building process through the construction of a nation
and national identity. The principal assumption here is that the nations, and Russia
in particular, is no exception, need to be perceived and understood as mental (cogni-
tive) constructs and emotional attitudes, reminiscent of imagined political com-
munities. Fagan demonstrates that Russia is confronted by a moral dilemma. It is
embedded in the unresolved nature of the key question: Is Russia to be an Orthodox
country with religious minorities or a multi-confessional state? Will it be possible
for Russia to reach a consensus on the role of religion in society? This remains to be
seen.
Russia today is a vivid and unique example of ideological repositioning of his-
torical narratives, blending certain Soviet and Russian historiography. According to
President Vladimir Putin (2012a), Russian history textbooks should reflect the
national ideology, and the curriculum should focus on the formation of common
civic values, to consolidate the Russian nation, and avoiding, in his opinion, biased
interpretations of history:
We have to develop common approaches and viewsespecially in Russian history, and the
history of the people of the Russian Federationthere should be no distortion of facts, and
biased interpretations of the history of our country. (http://www.edu.ru/index.php?page_
id=5&topic_id=3&date=&sid=20188&ntype=nuke).
Furthermore, the notion of teaching patriotism is accentuated in the National history

curriculum document, Primernye programmy po uchebnym predemtam. Istoriia.
59 klassy (2010). In the introduction, the section The goals and tasks for learning
history in schools it is stated that one of the main goals of learning history is to
cultivate in the students patriotism, and respect to our Fatherland (Primernye pro-
grammy po uchebnym predmetam. Istoriya. 59 klassy, p.5).
Putins push for national ideology, patriotism, and nation-building, where
Russia is presented as a unique and great nation, helps to explain why Russian his-
tory textbooks are now promoting the notion of Russia as a great state.
he Foundation Narrative oftheAncient Rus asaUnified

T
State
The Rus asUnified State
Current Russian history school textbooks increasingly emphasise the foundation

narrative of the Ancient Rus as a unified state. This was already stressed previously
in Soviet textbooks and history encyclopaedias. The Illustrated History of the USSR
(1974), Chapter 1 The Great State in the Medieval World describes the greatness
of the Ancient Rus, in terms of its vast territory, power and conquests (p.13):
They (the Slavs-Russy) gradually unified towards the 10th century to emerge as a powerful
state, led by great princes (p.13).
In The Great Soviet Encyclopaedia (1977), the history chapter, in the section The
ancient Russian state (drevnerusskoe gosudarstvo) describes the unification of vari-
ous Slavic tribes between the 6th and 9th centuries (p.240) and the conquests of
Prince Oleg, of Novgorod, who invaded and defeated Constantinople in 907 (Russy,
or Russian tribes, attacked Constantinople on 18 June, 860, JZ) (p.241).
In short, history standards, the national curriculum and prescribed Russian his-
tory textbooks, designed to promote patriotism and nation-building, are construct-
ing politically accepted and desirable historical narratives of the key events depicting
a historical continuity of the Russian empire/state as a historical source of national
identity. These historical narratives are also setting historical precedent for the RF
to act outside its borders, as other superpowers like USA and China frequently do.
The Sources ofNational Identity
One of the sources of national identity, as taught in history in Istoriia Otechestva

(History of the Fatherland, 5th edition) Grade 8 Russian History Textbook, is the
aetiology of Rus. The earliest written Old Slavonic documents mention the word
Rus (Russia) in 862 AD, even though the name Rus (denoting blond/ginger and
white-skinned peoplerusye) was used by the Greek, Goth, and Arab historians
between 5th to 7th centuries. The first sources confirming that Rus was a common
term among the ancient Slavs can be traced to 6th century (p.38). The text informs
us that The Byzantine historians mention the attack by the Rus in 860 AD on
Constantinople (Sakharov & Buganov, 1995, p.34).
Russian history textbooks for Grade 8 and 10 are using two major primary
sources for the study of the origins of the Ancient Rus. These are Povest sovremen-
nykh let (c. 1113) and a Persian ancient manuscript, discovered in 1892, describing
Rus during the first half of 9th century (Rybakov & Preobrazhenski, 1993, p.43).
The Foundation Narrative oftheAncient Rus asaUnified State 19
The notion of the Rus as a unified state is first mentioned in the manuscript
Povest sovremennykh let (The Tale of Bygone Years), describing a history of Kievan
Rus from about 8501110. It was originally compiled in Kiev between 1113 and
1116. Since the original document and copies were lost, it is problematic to verify
the reliability of historical narratives in the surviving chronicle.
Rus is now increasingly the preferred name to Kievan Rus (as Russian historians
used to call it in earlier editions of Russian history textbooks) in current prescribed
Russian history textbooks. Already in 1995, Russian history textbooks for Grade 10,
stressed that in the ninth century, there existed the two powerful city-states,
Novgorod, or the Northern Rus, ruled by Prince Riurik (who died in 879AD) and
Kiev, or the Southern Rus (ruled by Askold and Dir), its chief rival. Prince Oleg
marched on Kiev in 882AD, and having established his rule there, announced Let
Kiev be the mother of the cities of Rus. So Novgorod in the North defeated Kiev in
the South There appeared a united ancient Russia state, with its centre in Kiev
(italics are mine). All this happened in 882AD (Sakharov & Buganov, 1995, p.42).
What is stressed here is the origin of the Russian State, or Rus, with its capital Kiev.
In the 2001 edition of Sakharov & Buganov, this interpretation was revised to
read as: Novgorod of the North defeated Kiev of the South. Novgorod became the
unifier of all Russian lands into a single state (Sakharov & Buganov, 2001, p.46).
Students discover that it was the Russian Novgorod that emerged victorious and
powerful, and became the founding member of Ancient Rus.
Furthermore, from 1995, Rus, rather than Kievan Rus, was used in a number of
prescribed Russian history textbooks in their historical narratives detailing the
founding of the single state of Rus (sozdanie yedinovo gosudarstrva Rus). Students
learn that during his many battles, Prince Oleg managed to annex huge territories in
the South, as far as Kerch, a Greek colony founded in seventh century BC (currently
the Russians are considering building a bridge from mainland Russia, Kerch to
Crimea, JZ) and Crimea. This demonstrates the historical precedent for a s uperpower
acting outside its borders.
The Founding oftheSingle State Rus
Unlike the previous editions, the 2011 textbook (17th edition) by Sakharov &
Buganov, has a new section entitled The founding of the single state Rus (sozdanie
yedinovo gosudarstrva Rus). This is done to stress the notion of the existence of the
united kingdom of Rus in 882AD (Sakharov & Buganov, 2011, pp.5457). This
idea is taught to secondary Russian history students, to emphasise the historical
significance of power and greatness of Rus as a united East Slav state.
The Grade 10 students learn that There appeared a singular Ancient Russian
State, (Sakharov, 1995, p. 42; Sakharov & Buganov, 2001, p. 43; Sakharov &
Buganov, 2008, p.55; Sakharov & Buganov, 2011, p.54). Prince Oleg, known as
the brave warrior prince in the medieval literature and chronicles, assumed the title
of the Prince of Princes (p.43) or the Grand Prince (veliki kniaz). His aim was to
consolidate his power and rule of all the Rusa multi-ethnic and loose federation
of city-states ruled, by feuding princes. As a result: Rus made its appearance in the
world as a united East Slav state. In terms of its size it was equal to the empire of
Charlemagne (ruler of the Frankish Kingdom between 771 and 814 AD) and the
Byzantine empire (p.43).
Furthermore, the 2001 edition, by Sakharov & Buganov, has a section The
appearance of the state among East Slavs. It describes the state of Rus on the
Dnieper, which conquered Crimea, ruled by the Byzantine Empire (p.43).
The 2008 edition in the same section mentions that The thrust against the
Crimean provinces of Byzantine was the first mentioning (in Byzantine historical
chronicles, JZ) of Rus as a state (p.50). In the section The Creation of the unified
State Rus (Sozdanie yedinogo gosudarstva Rus), it is mentioned that Olegs role
was to unite the two ancient Russian centres (Novgorod and Kiev, JZ) in 882:
Having united all East Slav territories, and freeing its citizens from paying taxes to foreign-
ers, Oleg was able to give to the power of the Prince an unbelievable degree of authority and
international prestige. He then grants himself the title of the Great Prince, that is the Prince
above all princes (Sakharov & Buganov, 2008, p.55).
Through these historical narratives of Ancient Rus, students learn about the early
attempts by various powerful warrior-princes to unify Rus and to create the State.
These warrior-princes (but only one princess, Olga, who ruled between 945 and
963) had always included Oleg, Igor, Sviatoslav, Vladimir, and Yaroslav the Wise,
and the Grand Prince of Kiev (between 1016 and1054). In 1054, the title tsar was
used for first time, when the plaque announced the death of our tsar (Sakharov &
Buganov, 1995, p.75). In the section describing the rule of Sviatoslav, who con-
quered a huge territory between 964 and 972AD, he was referred to, by the authors
of the textbook, as Alexander the Great of Eastern Europe (p.49).
The above examples of historical narratives describing the origins of ancient
Russia, as a foundation narrative, demonstrate a desire to cultivate and instil a new
historical cultural identity of the greatness of Russia in Europe during the tenth
century, and a sense of distinctly Russian consciousness in Russian history classes
in grades 611. There is an underpinning message that unification brings peace and
power and that the politics of fragmentation give way to a new order.
Chapter 3
School History Textbooks, Memory
andIdeology intheRussian Federation
During the1990s
ussian History Textbooks: Emerging Consciousness

R
ofPatriotism andNationalism
The latest generation of Russian history textbooks, approved by the Ministry of

Education and Science (MoES), together with the 2015 National Russian History
curriculum and standards, promote a new sense of patriotism and nationalism,
reflecting, what Putin calls the national ideology. This chapter discusses how this
new sense of national identity and consciousness of patriotism and nationalism
developed during the 1990s (see also Koval, 2015; Lovorn & Tsyrlina-Spady, 2015;
Rapoport, 2012; Zajda, Tsyrlina-Spady & Lovorn, 2017). Rapoport (2012), in his
analysis of the role of patriotism and nationalism in citizenship education in Russia,
argues that patriotic, military, and nationalistic components have become dominant
in contemporary civic curriculum in Russia that presents a serious challenge to frag-
ile democratic tendencies (Rapoport, 2012). Furthermore, he suggests that the new
emphasis on patriotism in history curriculum documents and history textbooks, sig-
nals a new wave of totalitarianism, which silences the creation of Russias civil
society:
The current development of patriotic education in Russia is the continuation of the long-
standing tradition to silence critical reconceptualization of civic constructs through the
means of education. Furthermore, the re-institutionalization of State Patriotism policy is no
longer symbolic, but a real departure from the liberal democratic changes of the 1990s that
contradicts the stated objectives of educational reform and might eventually hamper the
development of democratic school system in Russia and slow down the creation of Russias
civil society (p.25).
In order to understand a new sense of emerging consciousness of patriotism and

nationalism in Russia, we need to refer to debates in the Russian media (see Chap.
4), the latest Russian history textbooks, and history teachers survey and interviews
regarding the nexus between politics and ideology on the one hand, and the

DOI10.1007/978-94-024-0972-7_3
22 3 School History Textbooks, Memory andIdeology intheRussian Federation During
construction of national identity and nation-building through Russian history text-

books and history education on the other (see Chaps. 57). The controversies sur-
rounding prescribed Russian history textbooks were captured by the media. These
debates focused on the content of historical narratives, omissions, and preferred and
politically correct approaches to historical knowledge and understanding in schools
and in history textbooks. We need to examine the context surrounding some of the
social, political and cultural factors, which were instrumental in Russias geo-polit-
ical shift and transformation between 1992 and 2000. The role of social media in
historical knowledge is also examined.
The Role ofIdeology inRussian Education
The year 1991 marked a turning point for the USSR, which had dramatic conse-
quences for its Soviet citizens and their national identity. The looming crisis of the
national state was accelerated by the unsuccessful coup dtat on 1821 August
1991 against Mikhail Gorbachev, President of the USSR, led by the hard-line
Communists, the military, and the KGB. Despite being unsuccessful, the coup
weakened considerably Gorbachevs leadership, authority, credibility and power
and had contributed to the forthcoming collapse of the USSR.On December 26,
1991, the USSR became history, when the three Soviet leaders of Russia, Ukraine
and Belarus, without consulting other republics, concluded an agreement to dis-
solve the USSR and to establish the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).
From that moment, Russias status and position as a nuclear superpower on the
geo-political arena had visibly declined.
The unforseen collapse of the USSR and the melting of the Soviet identity cre-
ated a political, cultural and moral vacuum. Former Soviet citizens were forced to
return to their different ethnic political identities, and confront the political conse-
quences of different kinds of national identity. A new distinctly modern Russian
national ideology, with its history, symbols, and rituals was emerging. Major and
radical education reforms followed. The Soviet ideology had to be replaced with a
new Russian hybrid of democracy. School textbooks, especially Russian history
textbooks had to be re-written to reflect this unique political, economic and cultural
transformation.
Prior to the collapse of the USSR in December 1991, education in the USSR was
always primarily a political tool, used for political socialisation and moral upbring-
ing. As early as 1958, during a major overhaul of the school system, the Central
Committee of the CPSU defined the socialising function of education thus:
Upbringing must inculcate in the schoolchildren a love of knowledge and of work, and
respect for people who work; it must shape the communist world outlook (Grant, 1979,
p.25).
In this sense it was a continuation of Lenins ideas on moral education. It was Lenin
who reminded his audiences that the goal of schooling was the creation of a com-
munist morality:
The Role ofIdeology inRussian Education 23
We say that our morality is entirely subordinated to the interests of the class struggle of the
proletariat. We say: Morality is what serves to destroy the old exploiting society and to unite
the tools around the proletariat, which is creating a new, communist society (Zajda, 1988,
p.391).
The term ideology here refers to a system of ideas and beliefs that is dominant
within a group or society, and which affects most if not every sphere of social inter-
action and organisation within itpolitical, economic, scientific, educational, and
cultural. Thus the Nazis had an ideology, and so did the Communist Party in the
former USSR. The term ideology evolved during the last decade of the eighteenth-
century, and has grown to have a wide range of epistemological, theoretical and
historical meanings and interpretations. Eagleton (1991) refers to 15 possible senses
of ideology; accordingly, on his account, the term ideology is difficult to define
precisely, since it should be perceived as a text, woven of a tissue of different con-
ceptual strands. Within this multiplicity of meanings, however, one stands out the
concept of ideology is closely connected with power, with domination, control and
justification of a political system. It should be apparent that educational institutions
play a significant role in promulgating a societys dominant ideology (see Zajda,
2014a).
The core sense of the term is quite apparent in Marxist and neo-Marxist writings
where, from a class-conflict and structural-functionalist perspective, ideology
refers to a core set of ideas and values which consolidates and legitimates the exist-
ing economic system and relations between social classes. The main function of the
ideas constituting the ideology is to maintain the status quo of the economically,
socially and politically stratified society.
What ideology means in Soviet/Russian Education is not as problematic as in
the West. In the USSR it was used to refer to a system of ideas, beliefs and values
about communism, and specifically the Marxist-Leninist ethics. In the Marxist tra-
dition, ideology, as an ideal construct referred to a form of false consciousness,
which distorts ones perception of social reality and serves the interests of the domi-
nant classes. Of the three distinctive features of ideology, as identified by McClure
and Fischer (1969), legitimation and style of argument (power conflict did not
exist, at least theoretically, in the one-Party State that characterised the USSR until
1991) are particularly relevant to critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the politics of
re-writing school history textbooks.
Direct, centralised, and systematic teaching of the Marxist-Leninist ideology of
socialist reconstructionism, based on the proposition that desired schooling can pro-
mote desired social change, took place in history and other school subjects. However,
the values and ideas that pervaded Soviet school history textbooks could not be
explained by the Marxist-Leninist belief system alone. Despite the hegemony of
proletarian internationalism, the Soviet State had a strong affinity to the heritage
of the Russian Empire. Soviet patriotism, particularly during the darkest days of
World War II (July 19411942), when dozens of the Soviet armies were either
defeated or captured, was transformed by the Soviet propaganda machine into
nationalism and patriotism. World War II was referred to as The Great Patriotic
War, and the Soviet Union became a more emotional and patriotic metaphor Our
Motherland (nasha Rodina). Curiously enough the Russians have used two inter-
changeable words for their country: Otechestvo (Fatherland) and Rodina
(Motherland). Rodina was more popular as an emotional symbol during World
WarII in the Soviet Union. Otechetvo sounds more detached and formal and is used
as a title for Russian history textbooks today.
istorical Narratives Depicting Great Leaders andKey

H
Events
Soviet media prepared to turn the war into a sacred crusade to save not just the
Soviet system and communism, but Mother Russia herself:
During 1942 the war was presented as a war to save historic Russia, a nationalist war of
revengeThe words Soviet Union and communism appeared less and less frequently
in official publications. The words Russia and Motherland took their place. The
Internationale, the anthem of the international socialist movement played on state occa-
sions, was replaced with a new national anthem (Overy, 1999, 1612).
The Soviet regime, and this is still the case in Russia, employed other strategies and
techniques to emphasise the great heritage, power, and tradition of Russian and
Russian civilisation (see also Chap. 4 on the Russian media and history
textbooks).
In the teaching of history, great leaders and national heroes predominated.
Aleksandr Nevsky, Peter the Great and Catherine the Great, to name a few, make up
for their ideological differences and failings by their significant contributions, as
portrayed in the current historical narratives, to the building of the Russian Empire.
Grant (1979) observed that the Soviet authorities used nationalism and patriotism as
a prop for securing further loyalty to the regime, with considerable success
(Grant, 1979, p.32).
Stalins famous broadcast on 3 July 1941 to his people began with Brothers and
sisters, and friends, the words that were foreign to his normal political and public
vocabulary. According to Smith (1991), the metaphor of the family is indispensible
to nationalism, for the most fundamental sentiments evoked by nationalism, are
those of family (Smith, 1991, pp.7879). Stalin used the notion of the nation as
family. As Smith (1991) explains, understanding and perceiving the nation as family
is necessary for nationalism:
The nation is depicted as one great family, the members as brothers and sisters of the moth-
erland or fatherland In this way the family of the nation overrides and replaces the indi-
viduals family (Smith, 1991, p.79).
He appealed to popular patriotism and nationalism, rather than Soviet citizenship, to

stir his people. He invoked the great heroes of the Russian past who had fought off
one invader after another. The film Aleksandr Nevsky, a masterpiece by Sergei
Eisenstein (music by Prokofiev), which depicted the heroic exploits of Aleksandr
Hegemony andSocial Reproduction 25
Nevsky, the Muscovite prince who defeated the Teutonic Knights in 1242 AD,
became essential viewing and a morale booster. This represented a major policy
changefrom Soviet patriotism to a more emotional and patriotic reinvention of
national consciousness. As a result, the tsarist military order of Nevsky was revived,
and new medals commemorating the great military heroes of Russias past were
struck. The tsarist officer uniforms, particularly the hats and the gold braid and
shoulder boards (that the revolutionary mobs had torn off in 1917) became the norm
after the battle of Stalingrad. The new uniform was a psychological boost to the
officer corps. This was further reinforced by the abolition of political commissars
(the dual command/authority structure) in the army and the tsarist term officer,
replaced the familiar egalitarian comrade after the battle of Stalingrad.
The reinvention of tradition did not stop with past heroes and the new lexicon in
the media. The power of religion was re-discovered. The Russian Orthodox Church,
suppressed and persecuted by the Soviet regimes atheistic and militant ideology for
two decades, was suddenly rehabilitated (Overy, 1999, p.162). Stalin had invited
Metropolitan Sergei to lead the Church. The word God began to appear in Pravda
with a capital letter. Religion was allowed to flourish in the Soviet Union during the
war, not because Stalin was an ex-seminarian, but because it was what ordinary
Soviet citizens wanteda new sense of courage, solidarity and commitment. Also
an appeal to a higher power is common in times of great adversity.
Hegemony andSocial Reproduction
The above illustrates some of the changes in the hegemony of Marxism-Leninism

that occurred during World War II in the USSR.As an experiment in social engi-
neering, it was a Soviet hybrid of what was later became known as cultural repro-
duction. The reproduction theorists of the 1960s and the 1970s in the West addressed
the issues of hegemony and ideological stability (eg. Apple, 1979; Bourdieu &
Passeron, 1990; Bowles & Gintis, 1976). They analysed the patterns of social
reproduction with reference to dominant values, cultural capital, norms, and atti-
tudes transmitted by the cultural (ideological in the case of the USSR) apparatus of
a society. Cultural reproduction and correspondence theories, because of their bour-
geois origins were not taken seriously by Soviet sociologists (officially there was no
class antagonism or social classes in the egalitarian Soviet society), especially the
view that cultural reproduction reproduced economic inequality.
What is particularly applicable in our discourse analysis of school history text-
books in either Soviet or post-Soviet representations of historical narratives, is the
notion of ideological re-positioning and cultural reproductionthe subsequent
interplay between socialization, the hidden curriculum, and school knowledge,
or curricular knowledge, which produce the outcomes of legitimate culture. Also
relevant to our analysis is the control of meaning through discipline and the
regime of truth as explicated by Michel Foucault (see Foucault, 1977, 1980).
Some scholars have argued that hegemony (building on Gramsci) operates through
the control of meaning and through the manipulation of the very categories and
modes of thinking (Apple, 1979; Foucault, 1980; Zajda, 2014a). As Apple (1979)
explains, ideological reproduction, which is particularly applicable to current
Russian history textbooks, is achieved through a selection of real knowledge, in
this case historical knowledge concerning the nation-building process in Russia:
the definition, incorporation, and selection of what is considered legitimate or real knowl-
edge, through positing a false consensus on what are appropriate facts, skills, hopes, and
fears (and the way we should evaluate them) (Apple, 1979, p.154).
The above is a clear manifestation of the knowledge-power metaphor. Here, knowl-

edge is power, but primarily in the hands of those who have control of the meanings,
over the dictionary and cultural capital. Marx in The German Ideology (18451846)
had articulated this connection between knowledge, ideology and power in his
famous dictum that the ruling class will give its ideas the form of universality and
represent them as the only rational universally valid ones.
Social Memory andRussias Transformation
The Fall ofState Socialism intheUSSR
The collapse of the USSR and socialism as a dominant hegemony produced an

identity crisis (Ismailov & Ganieva, 2013, p.366). Thousands of monuments and
statues of idols from the communist past on streets and squares of numerous cities
and villages were left. In Moscow, another sign of past-to-be-erased, involved
changing the communist era street names back to its pre-revolutionary times. Gorky
Street became known as Tverskaia Street, as it was known during tsarist Russia.
One city in particular, had seen three name changes in less than three hundred years.
On May 16, 1703, Tsar Peter I founded his new capital, St. Petersburg. In 1914, the
German-sounding name was changed to Petrograd (Peters city), then to Leningrad
in 1924 (in memory of Lenin, the Bolshevik leader), and in 1991 the city became
known, one again, as St. Petersburg.
The author had experienced a similar change in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist
Republic. Stanislaw, a city in Galitsia, in the Western Ukraine (Polish territory prior
to September 1939, and then Western Ukraine after World War II), was renamed
Ivano-Frankivsk in 1962, in honour of the famous writer Ivan Franko. Renaming is
common to asserting national identity, e.g. Sri Lanka, Zimbawe, Myanmar.
In Russia, by contrast, some metro station stops in Moscow were renamed (from
Prospekt Marksa to Okhotni Riad). The Russian flag was changed from red to a tri-
colored flag of blue, white and red. The Soviet coat of arms was replaced by Peter
the Greats double eagle coat of arms. However, the use of the double eagle in
Russia can be traced to the fifteenth century. Ivan III adopted the golden Byzantine
double-headed eagle in his seal, first documented in 1472.
The above examples of the use of language, symbols and signs (or semiology)
represent the values of culture and a new reality.
Social Memory andRussias Transformation 27
Furthermore, tsarist nomenclature was reintroduced in the provincial and local

government (eg. gubernator) structure. Russian and non-Russian passports replaced
Soviet passports for the former Soviet citizens residing in independent republics. A
new nation-building process had begun. Since most citizens did not travel on those
passports they must have been seen as a status symbol of patriotism.
The pace of change was so rapid that it was not possible to remove all Soviet
artifacts. Not all statues from the Soviet period have been removed. Slogans from
the Soviet period can still be seen. Lenins presence (statues) is still to be seenin
the villages, provincial towns and cities. Lenins Mausoleum is still there in the Red
Square. Occasionally, people refer to the Soviet Union, when they mean Russia.
President Putin, who started to say Soviet (instead of Russia) in his speech dur-
ing his state visit to Cuba in December 2000, made a Freudian slip.
In exploring the connections between national identity, national narrative, and
individual memory one needs to be reminded of the important function played by
the media and the education system in presenting the preferred political culture of
the USSR.In the face of officially sanctioned ideological and cultural manipulation
and control, the individuals memory became a derivative of state-managed collec-
tive memory, a Soviet hybrid of Jungian-like archetypes. The notion of private life
was replaced by a collective one. Instead of I, individuals were forced to forge a
new collectivist identity. The we slogans were propagated by the media since the
1920s. Private enterprise was abolished after the 1917 October Revolution, in favour
of the communal property and collectivised farming, or sovkhoz (Soviet large col-
lective farms), of kolkhoz (collective rural farms in villages).
The fall of state communism in the USSR had not only left thousands of monu-
ments and statues from the Communist past across the country, but also millions of
ex-Soviet citizens, experiencing a real identity crisis. The collapse of Marxist-Leninist
hegemony and Lenins legacy had created an ideological, cultural and historical vac-
uum in the minds of ex-Soviet citizens. This can be documented by some of the illus-
trations below, which capture some of the elements of the lost generation discourse,
new memories, and memory-work to reinvent the national past, the post-communist,
almost hagiographic history of the Russian Empire and the events that followed.
The Role ofMemory inNational andEthnic Narratives
The connection between national identity, national narrative, and individual mem-
ory has been explored of late, for a wide range of national settings and agendas. The
imperative of preserving national memory as biography was perceived as necessary
in the atmosphere of totalising hegemonies in the USSR and post war East-Central
Europe. The mass media in socialist societies during the 1950s and the 1960s were
providing a very confrontationist, aggressive and militant discourse of the on-going
class struggle against imperialist capitalist economies. Events, seen through the
tinted glasses of hegemony, were re-constructed, re-written, and, at times, falsi-
fiedto fit the discourse of the class struggle and hegemony wars.
In the face of official manipulation and distortion of history, and forced forget-
ting some writers, artists and other intellectuals assume the unofficial role as keep-
ers of the records, and custodians of memory, of the distant past (eg. Pasternak,
Solzenitsyn, Siniavski, and Mandelshtam). At the same time, official historians of
the hegemonic state were reduced to the role of small-minded protagonists.
A vivid example of the struggle of memory against hegemony is Milan Kunderas
(1981) book Laughter and Forgetting. It depicts resistance through memory, the
struggle of man against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting, which
is particularly applicable to Russias new history re-writing project that begun in
1991 and continues today. The Kundera paradigm, or the relationship between the
State that manipulates and erases, and the memory that resists is applicable to all
hegemonic and post-hegemonic societies.
The Process ofErasureThe Airbrushing Technique
During the Stalin era (1920s1953), the process of state-managed erasure and for-
getting of pre-revolutionary knowledge, monuments, names (especially street and
city names, the closure or destruction of churches etc.) begins with the technique of
airbrushing of various leaders (disgraced and, or eliminated) out of official photo-
graphs. The Soviets were, undoubtedly, under Stalin, undisputed masters of all air-
brushing techniques. After the Moscow show trails in the 1930s, and repressions
and executions of tens of thousands of individuals, it was necessary to remove all
traces of disgraced individuals from history. Such fate befell all leaders of political
parties opposing the BolsheviksBukharin, Trotsky, Kamenev, Zinoviev, and many
others.
As late as the 1950s certain names of prominent Soviet government officials,
who were disgraced, had to be removed by the students manually (under the teach-
ers instructions) from their school textbooks. One of them was Beria, ex-head of
the NKVD, who after Stalins death in 1953, was arrested by the new leadership,
accused of treason (he directed the NKVDs work of repressions between 1940 and
1952), and was executed.
The Forgetting Process
The massive waves of forgetting was sweeping across numerous countries, experi-
encing hegemonic transformations. In Europe, Japan, and China, at the end of World
War II there was a period of doing just that. Who needs to remember the inexplica-
ble tragedies, horrors, and the killing fields? No one, including the victors could
claim a clear conscience. The past became, to quote Judt (2000) another country.
The USSR, with its stance of active resistance to fascism, seemed to be in a unique
position to offer the necessary forgetting, a new past as the means for the new
Social Memory andRussias Transformation 29
future. The Soviets wanted to avoid critical examination of their part in conquering
Germany, and the process of liberating various nations from the fascist yoke. The
convenient national scapegoat for the past was fascist Germany and the hitlerites,
just as the Soviets and the communists were to blame for the pains of the communist
era in the Soviet Union and Eastern/Central Europe.
Social Identity Transformation
We need to ask ourselves how the former citizens of the USSR felt about their pre-
1991 history, having lost their Soviet identity and their ubiquitous Soviet passports
after the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991. The whole world was
totally shocked and bewildered when, almost overnight, once mighty superpower
simply collapsed, like a house of cards, and disintegrating into fifteen independent
countries. On December 25, 1991, the ubiquitous Soviet red flag was lowered over
the Kremlin, and replaced by the Russian flag.
During their painful identity crisis, the former Soviet citizens were culture
shocked as the former citizens of the imperial Japan, or those of the ex-GDR, who
stood perplexed before the discovery that their lifetime of social experiences had
suddenly lost all usable context and their memories of the past were no longer
relevant. The ex-Soviet citizens in January 1992, when the author visited Moscow,
were stunned and shocked. It was in the words of many a koshmar, a nightmare
from which one hopes to wake up. The familiar places became foreign borders, and
friends in places like the Baltic Republics or Ukraine were now foreigners.
Benedict Anderson (1983) argued that all profound changes in consciousness,
by their very nature, bring with them characteristic amnesias and that out of such
oblivions, in specific historical circumstances, spring narratives (Anderson, 1983,
p. 204). When applied to the ex-USSR and present-day Eastern/Central Europe,
these observations are remarkable prescient. With its history, like an evil genie, let
out of the bottle, its prominent citizenry was in fear that justice and retribution of
some destructive kind may descend upon them, not unlike the horsemen of the
Apocalypse:
When the uncontrolled historical sense prevail and reveal all their implications, it uproots
the future by destroying illusions and depriving existing things of the only atmosphere in
which they can live. Historical justice, even when applied in a true and pure-hearted way is
therefore a frightening virtue, because it always undermines and destroys living things
(Arrowsmith, 1990, p. 119).
One could argue that Nietzsches rhetoric of forgetting has transformed the pro-
cess of forgetting into a positive and productive postmodern activity. With so many
contradictory, conflicting and competing memories and histories, the death of the
Grand Narratives could be seen as a salvation. After all, why should memory, influ-
enced by hegemony of the day, (and politically correct), be the only truth?
The Crisis ofMetanarratives andMemory Work inHistory
The problem with all metanarratives is not so much the issue of What? (which
truth, or reality) as the notion of How? (How the truth is positioned in the
power discourse?). Here Michel Foucaults concepts of the regime of truth and the
discursive regime can be used to examine how knowledge of the past is governed.
Instead of delineating ideology, truth, and reality we need to reflect on seeing
historically how effects of truth are produced within discourses which in themselves
are neither true nor false. In this sense, truth is normative, located in the power
discourse. Using Foucaults notion of genealogy one could examine critically the
totalising nature of national and ethnic narratives in the discourse on memory,
depicting transformation of historical events in Russia and elsewhere. Significant
othersparty ideologues, nationalist politicians, leaders of the opposition, writers
and intellectuals all claim to portray the only collective memory of the true past.
In Foucaults conception they too are involved in creating and developing dis-
courses, and hegemoniesstate socialist discourse, collectivist discourse, the
Party-is-always right discourse, resistance/revolution discourse, nationalist/ethnic
discourse, borders discourse, and citizenship discourseall competing for power
and the regime of truth and true memory.
The process of memory and erasure (or cognitive slippage) or forgetting can be
reconstructed not as the dichotomous and normative relationship of memory and
forgetting, but as remembering otherwise, or another reconstruction in a stream of
continuous change. For instance, are the NKVD/KGB top secret files and archives
a depository of collective memories or a place where the past is stored to be forgot-
ten, erased or lost? Is L. Berias past a vehicle for remembering or a dead end?
Hence, the NKVD/KGB top secret files detailing massive arrests and executions of
the enemies of the State (ie. political opposition) may never be revealed, owing to
strategic forgetting of many unpleasant truths about those years.
The interesting thing about these questions is the fact that histories are still writ-
ten by the victors, and the winners dominating the public discoursethe case of
post-Soviet Russia under Yeltsin, and later his protg Putin as the winners, and
Gorbachev and the Communist Party as the losers. Are the actions of Kerensky,
Nicholas II, Bukharin, Kamenev, Trotsky and others to be relegated to the dustbin
of history?
If we are to follow Nietzsches and Foucaults notions of heritage and geneal-
ogy of relevance to truth in memory of the past we could argue that the duty of
Kunderas paradigmone of memory against forgetting, is to maintain passing
events in their proper dispersions, where heritage is seen as an unstable assem-
blage of faults, fissures, and heterogeneous layers that threaten to fragile inheritor,
rather than being an acquisition, a possession that grows and solidifies
(Remembering to forget, p.87).
A critical and informed investigation and analysis of the past may become desta-
bilising, rather than stabilising process of transformation, against the background of
culture wars. The national and patriotic discourse of citizenship, as a result of a
The Crisis ofMetanarratives andMemory Work inHistory 31
problematic constituent of identity, may be challenged and subverted by the mined

assemblage of faults and heterogeneous layers. As such it may be splintered into
multiple and ever-changing narratives.
The use of the Kundera paradigm or any other critical paradigm in the use of
memory should be critiqued so that we question the very notion of social history of
memory. Whenever memory work is involved we should be asking: why, by whom,
where, in which context, against what, and for what purpose the reconstruction and
rewriting of history is taking place? What is the ultimate agenda?
A very good example of this memory work by secondary school students is
the passage in the Russian school history textbook (Grade 8), where Rybakov
writes:
History, rightfully, is called the peoples memory (italics mineJZ). Such memory should
be clear and not clouded by distorted biases. It should be true and authentic. It is impossible
to make history better or worse. There are no two truths in the world. This or any other his-
torical event (italics mineJZ) happens once and only the way as it happened in real life
Let us look at the map of our nation. Many centuries were needed to settle, conquer and
defend our country from the external enemies. As one begins to imagine the amount of
work, sweat, and blood, as well as happiness and suffering that befell the fate of our histori-
cal ancestors, how can one feel indifferent? (p.6).
Here the author appeals to our feelings and emotions. Also, by treating events as
real in themselves, the author is engaging in a reification process, by treating social
facts as real things, having an objective nature of their own.
Lost Generation
It has become very obvious to us during our visits to schools in Moscow in 1996 that
high school students had already forgotten the glasnost and perestroika years. In our
conversation with them it was clear that they had no idea what glasnost did for the
Russian people. Similar sentiments were reinforced in 2000 by a veteran history
teacher, Semion Melamed, at Pushkino, in the Moscow Region:
Today many have already forgotten what glasnost meantespecially for the history teacher.
Gorbachev opened the shutters in the Soviet house We were not surprised when in 1988
the history (final year of secondary schoolingJZ) exit exam was cancelled (Uchitelskaia
Gazeta, 2000, 10 October, p.10).
Melamets column, entitled I would hang you is a revealing account of the plights
of history teachers in Russia, most of whom are the old veterans with a communist
past, and who had experienced ideological transformation. We, writes Melamet,
were tearing from our hearts and souls communist ideas, like a bandage from a
wound. But the past is still residing within us and affects our work. One day,
10years ago, this teacher meets his ex-pupil, Vladimir, E, the class of the 1960s.
Vladimir started to talk about politics, cursed Gorbachev and then turned to me: I
would hang you, Semion Moiseevich! All the history teachers too. You have cer-
tainly painted a fairytale about communism, and the svetloe budushchee (the bright
future, a much quoted Lenins phrase about the coming of a communist utopia
JZ), and now we have pay for it (Uchitelskaia Gazeta, 2000, 10 October, p.10).
The appearance of new history textbooks had made life a bit easier for Russian
history teachers. But they too, like the standard Soviet textbooks of the 19501990
period, have their own shortcomings, new biases, new interpretations and new omis-
sions. History teachers have long ago became used to correcting various omissions,
errors, and distortions in textbooks. Difficult questions from the pupils have not
stopped: You yourself admit that you were a communist. In the past you said one
thing and now you say another. Where is the guarantee that you speak pure truth
now? I can only say this, writes Melamed, that I seek the truth The young
generation cannot possibly imagine to what degree we were shaken by the flood of
the non-communist literature(Uchitelskaia Gazeta, 2000, 10 October p.10).
New Memories: She Hates Stalin!
Natalia Savelyeva, a history teacher, who started her teaching career in 1988, when
she was 21, recalls how the schools administration criticised her for her unauthor-
ised and bold interpretation of events in Grade 10 history classes, where she dared
to tell the students that the USSR was not prepared for World War II, and that Stalin,
who was a wartime leader, was also to blame for disastrous defeats of the Red Army
in July/August 1941. The schools political leader (partorg) and the schools cordi-
nator of military training (voyenruk) raised serious concerns. How she must hate
Stalin! How can such a teacher teach history?, was their response (Uchitelskaia
Gazeta, 11 April, 2000, p.8). At the end the teacher was hounded out of the school
in 1990, one year prior to the collapse of the USSR.
In the authors own experience, as early as 1956, following Khrushchevs attack
on Stalin at the Party Congress (Stalin died in March, 1953), there was a public
revolt against the cult of Stalin, or commonly referred to as the kult lichnosti
(the cult of identity). At one secondary school in 1957, some Grade 5 students quite
spontaneously began to throw paper balls at the coloured portrait of Stalin, hanging
on the wall above the blackboard. The force of these missiles was such that the pic-
ture fell down. The teacher, a very strict disciplinarian, just sat there, in silence, with
his head lowered, and his cheeks blushing. It was the only time that this teacher
tolerated deviance in the classroom. The incident was soon forgotten and students
went back to their studies.
Another episode involved erasure of names of certain government officials and
leaders, now disgraced, from school textbooks. The author still remembers how on
the first day of school year, the teacher directed us to open our books on page such
and such and delete certain names from the text. We were asked to use a black pen
and blot out those names, so that it would not be possible to see those names again.
Years later when I studied postmodernism I realised that we were unwittingly
engaged in our own deconstruction. Deconstruction of Derrida, particularly his
under erasure discourse is particularly applicable here. This technique, sous
The Crisis ofMetanarratives andMemory Work inHistory 33
rature, as a literary practice, originated in the works of German philosopher Martin

Heidegger. Usually translated as under erasure, the idea was to cross out a word,
as it was inaccurate, and let both deletion and word stand because the word was
inadequate yet necessary (Sarup, 1993, p.33).
The Whites andtheReds: They Defended theCountry
School No. 760in Moscow had opened the Civil War museum, which is unique, as
it exhibits both the Whites and Reds collection of memorabilia. On the wall hangs
the portrait of Admiral Kolchak, who led the counter-revolutionary (the Whites)
forces in Siberia, the hero of Port-Arthur, and was subsequently taken prisoner and
executed in February 1920 by the Bolsheviks. Side by side hang the red flag of a
cavalry detachment, and the white and yellow flag of general Denikins White Army
volunteers:
The portraits of these individuals hang on the walls. The flower of our nation They are
united on one key issuethey defended the Fatherland (Uchitelskaia Gazeta, 7 March,
2000, p.6).
The above two accounts show to what extent the teaching of history in Russian
schools has changed during the 1990s. Even during the perestroika years in the
late1980s it would have been unthinkable to rehabilitate the Whites and provide
the students with an alternative version of the civil war of 19181922as seen
through the eyes of the heroes of the White Army, who defended the interests of the
monarchy and the nation. Yet, the rehabilitation process is far from complete. The
victors neither forgive nor forget. Many prominent anti-Bolsheviks leaders who
fought in the Civil War with the Whites are still omitted in the history narrative. This
also applies to other Soviet dissidents, particularly the Cossacks, captured Soviet
soldiers and officers, and senior officers, including generals, who were executed
during the early period of the war in 1941, for failing to stop the advance of the
German Army.
oviet Military Dissidents DuringWorld War II: TheCase

S
ofGeneral Andrei Vlasov
During World War II (known as the Great Patriotic War in Russia) a number of
senior Soviet, and highly decorated army generals were executed on trumped up
charges for failing to hold the Germans back. The most famous general, one of
Stalins favourites, was Andrei Vlasov, who like Zhukov was a professional soldier,
and fought in the Civil War in 1918. In 1930 he joined the Communist Party and was
awarded the coveted Order of Lenin in 1940. Vlasov had distinguished himself as a
brilliant strategist and commander of the 20th Army in the battle of Moscow. He
was one of the generals who led the successful counter-offensive. In March 1942
Vlasov was given command of the elite 2nd Shock Army, with orders to break the
German blockade of Leningrad on the Volkhov Front. This was a hopeless cam-
paign against a superior enemy. Vlasovs army, like many others armies during that
period, was totally annihilated and Vlasov himself was captured by the Germans.
Disillusioned with the political leadership, he had decided to switch sides. He sug-
gested to his captors the idea of forming an anti-Stalin Russian Liberation Army,
making the most of an anti-Bolshevik sentiment among prisoners of war to fight
the Red Army (Overy, 1999, p.130). He became the head of the Committee for the
liberation of the Peoples of Russia. He wore a small white, blue and red cockade of
the Russian Liberation Army (60years too early, as the same colours were adopted
in 1991 after the collapse of the USSR).
Vlasov, in his Smolensk Declaration of December 1942 pledged to abolish col-
lective farms and the state-run economy, and to establish civil rights. In his appeal
to the Russian people, General Vlasov said:
Friends and Brothers! Bolshevism is the enemy of the Russian people. It has brought count-
less disasters to our country. Enough blood has been spilled! There has been enough starva-
tion, forced labour and suffering in the Bolshevik torture chambers! Arise and join in the
struggle for freedom!
In the USSR, Vlasov was regarded as a traitor and a coward and was written out of
history textbooks. This is still the case. The reaction to Vlasov after 1991 is still
mixed. Some regard him as a notorious collaborator. Others see in him a true
Russian patriot, who tried to steer the impossible course between the two dictators
(Overy, 1999, p.131). However, the political leadership in Russia is very unforgiv-
ing to former traitors, like General Vlasov, who fought on the German side against
the Soviet Army. Whether he will ever be rehabilitated is something we will never
know.
New Memories inCultural andPolitical Contexts
The collapse of communism in Russia in 1991 necessitated, among other things, the
rewriting of school history textbooks, which were dominated by Marxist-Leninist
interpretations of historical events. One of the 1990s paradoxes of Russias change
in education could still be observed on a micro sociological level in the everyday
life of the school and classroom. While many physical reminders of the former sys-
tems focus on Soviet-communist educational goals could be found in the represen-
tations, outdated texts and special purpose rooms which remain, the latest generation
of school children who inhabited this environment can barely remember life under
communism.
During the 19921996 period, social, political, and economic change had been
so rapid that citizens found it difficult to adjust to them. As a result of transforma-
tion from the state-controlled economy to decentralisation and privatisation,
New Memories inCultural andPolitical Contexts 35
Russia experienced a severe economic crisis. In schools, this meant that funding
priorities were very tight. This was partly due to loss of traditional sponsorship
relationships with various industrial organisations, which had been privatised, or
forced out of business by competition.
Many relics and representations of Soviet political education in schools still
dominated the decor and layout of some schools. The author saw an illustration of
this in 1994in one rural school, located a 60-minute elektrichka (train) ride from
Moscow where we were shown the room once dedicated to Military training classes.
Giant hand-painted murals covered all the walls: their theme, the military strength
of the Soviet Union and pride in its achievements in military and space technology,
was represented by the four wall collage dominated by the image of Lenin and a
huge red hammer and sickle and surrounded by heroically depicted illustrations of
the various military engagements and battles fought by the USSR.The room was
still in actual use for the non-practical sessions for boys woodwork and metal work
subject which has replaced the subject Nachalnaya Voennaya Podgotovka
(Introductory Military Training). However the room when we saw it was empty
except for two young girls dressed in the checkered kerchiefs and frilled apron uni-
form of their domestic arts classes. In a nice illustration of Russian popular percep-
tions of gender roles, they were sweeping and dusting this former military training
room as part of their study of housewifery or domestic arts.
During our visit to some secondary schools and history classes in 1992, we
became aware that a new generation of students had very different perceptions of
the recent Soviet past to those students we recalled meeting in a Moscow history
class in January 1992, just after the January 1 dissolution of the Soviet Union. As
seventeen-year-olds anxious Grade 11, or exit class students, they were still old
enough for their memories of the USSR to be very fresh. They were concerned
about the nature of Russias future relationship with the former republics of the
USSR, their recent class trip to Latvia, making the dissolution of the Union seem
more graphic to them. They wondered whether their newly made friends in Latvia
would ever be their enemies. They reflected that since New Years day their new
friends now lived in a foreign country. They were uncertain about their own coun-
trys future.
Such issues had no resonance for a Grade 9 group we met a couple of years later
in 1994. Their subject was twentieth century history and that is exactly what the
Soviet Union was to them- part of the study of history. Their eyes seem to glaze over
and they made no response when one of us asked them their views of recent changes-
then suddenly we recalled that they were too young to remember a pre-glasnost
pre-perestroika era, and had only been eleven or twelve at the time of the dissolution
of the Union and thus too young to comprehend the meaning of the event. Just as we
were surprised to find our own son writing a first year university history research
essay on the New Left and the sixties- and to find that the era of our own youth was
now history, we found that these students views of the USSR were already
formed through the filter of texts and documents and knowable to them only as his-
tory lessons.
Increasingly, teachers who grew up under the Soviet system had to face classes
of youngsters whose knowledge of the Soviet life was second-hand and character-
ised by the stereotypes of stagnation, repression and secrecy and by the new Russian
social amnesia, which had sought to redefine the communist regime. The rapidity of
the attempts to change Russia economically and politically had produced, in some
sections of the population, a profound change in consciousness which in turn has
been accompanied by a characteristic amnesia (Anderson, 1983, p.204; see also
Anderson, 1991).
The collapse of communism intensified ideological transformation, economic
and social change in Russia after 1992. The official political and economic dis-
course had included contradictory ideological influences that combined both pro-
Western and anti-Western individualistic and nationalistic (and ethnic) dimensions,
ranging from neo-Stalinism and conservative nationalism on one hand, to rampant
capitalism on the other. The effect of capitalism resulted in massive privatisation
and the emergence of private enterprise in Russia.
Examining the context surrounding social, political and cultural factors, which
were instrumental in Russias geo-political shift and transformation between 1992
and 2010, illuminates further the re-writing process on the new generation of
Russian history textbooks, and the subsequent revisions of the historical narratives
defining the nation-building process and the values of nationalism and patriotism.
These historical narratives will be discussed in the chapters that follow.
Chapter 4
Russian History Education intheRussian
Media
The Changing Geo-Political Culture intheRussian Federation
Understanding Russia inHistory
Back in October 1939, Winston Churchill, in his BBC Broadcast, referred to Russia
as a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma, thereby suggesting that Russia,
while being unpredictable, had always served her national interest (Churchill, 1948,
p.403). To understand Russia and her historical, cultural and geo-political aspira-
tions for power, domination and greatness one could refer to the poet Fyodor
Tyutchev (1969) and his famous poem, widely known in Russia:
Russia cannot be understood with the mind alone.
No ordinary yardstick can span her greatness.
She stands alone, unique.
In Russia, one can only believe (1969)
Tyutchevs poem has also recently become popular with Russian politicians. In
2007 when welcoming French President Nicolas Sarkozy in the Kremlin, Vladimir
Putin cited these lines, changing the last line to say You should only believe in her.
(Russia Report, October 26, 2007. www.rferl.org/content/article/1347669.html).
The poem was also cited in the remarks of former French President Jacques Chirac
when he visited the Kremlin to accept a state award from Russia.
During the 1830s, Count Benckendorff (Tsar Nicholas Is chief of police) wrote
that Russias past was admirable, its present is more than magnificent and its future
is beyond anything that the boldest mind can imagine. This conservative philoso-
phy provided a basis for Russian historiography for many years after Benckendorffs
I cannot forecast to you the action of Russia. It is a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma;
but perhaps there is a key. That key is Russian national interest (Winston Churchill, BBC
Broadcast, London, 1st October 1939).

DOI10.1007/978-94-024-0972-7_4
38 4 Russian History Education intheRussian Media
death in 1844 (http://russiapedia.rt.com/prominent-russias/politics-and-society/

aleksandr-benckendorff/).
The above deification of Russia, by both Count Benckendorff, the head of the
tsarist Russia first secret police, and Fyodor Tyutchev, the poet, illustrates the pre-
ferred images of Russia and desirable attitudes towards the past. How one imagines
and constructs the past, in this case, Russian history is defined and coloured by a
dominant ideology of nation-building. Yury Afanasyev, a prominent Russian liberal
historian, confirmed this when he wrote in Novaya Gazeta that The attitude towards
the past is the central element of any ideology.
As The Economist (November 10, 2007) shows, arguments about Russian his-
tory evoke great passions and selecting the preferred historical narratives depicting
the past may well define Russia in the future:
Indeed, in Russia arguments about history often stir greater passions than do debates about
the present or future. What kind of country Russia becomes will depend in large part on
what kind of history it chooses. And that is why the Kremlin has decided that it cannot
afford to leave history teaching to the historians (http://www.economist.com/
node/10102921).
Since 2007 there has been a visible shift in the geo-political climate in Russia, both
internally and externally. It is characterised by the ideology of neo-conservatism,
nationalism and patriotism. Lilia Shevtsova (2010), in her book Putins Russia,
commented on emerging neo-conservations in Putins Russia. She wrote that
Russian neoconservatism was form of loyalty to the regime and that it was this
ideology which defined the basis for modernization through a return to a traditional
state (Shevtsova, 2010, p.363).
Putin believes that Russia is still a great superpower, just like the Soviet Union
was at the height of the Cold War between the two superpowers, the United States
and the Soviet Union during the four decades, covering the 1950s through to the
1980s. His regret for the collapse of the Soviet Union is a telling nostalgia for the
past. His comments on the collapse of the Soviet Union, as mentioned earlier in the
introduction, were recorded in Filippovs (2007) history teachers manual
Noveishaia istoriia Rossii: 19452006 (A Modern History of Russia: 19452006).
This political shift in ideology, policy and current school Russian history text-
books is relevant for understanding the politicizing of the teaching of Russian his-
tory in schools across Russia, and an ideological re-positioning of Russian history
textbooks for schools. The new geo-political confrontation between the U.S. and
Russia is both political and economic. Both countries are competing for global
dominance in gas and oil production:
The U.S. competes with Russian gas production transforming the United States into
what President Barack Obama has hailed as the Saudi Arabia of gas. Russia produced
653billion cubic meters of gas in 2012, while the U.S. produced 651billion cubic meters,
making them the top two producers in the world. (http://www.globalresearch.ca/
us-russia-new-cold-war-the-battle-for-pipelines-and-natural-gas/5346344).
Competing for political and economic global dominance represents Russias on-
going ideological transformation striving to reassert itself as one of the global
superpowers. This is also reflected in the politicizing of history education and
The Changing Geo-Political Culture intheRussian Federation 39
teaching in Russia between 2007 and 2013. The current climate in Russian politics
and education is supportive of traditional nation-building values, such as patriotism,
nationalism, and the love of the Motherland. This also reflects Russias assertion of
its pride and power, as a global superpower. History textbooks have been directed
by Putin to reflect this.
This pronounced ideological shift towards Russian history education in schools
and the West was noticed by the author in September 2011, during his ninth
research visit to Moscow. During the visit, the author discussed history education
reforms and new Russian history textbooks with a group of prominent academics,
a publisher, a politician, curriculum planners, editors and school principals and
teachers. It became clear to the author that the academics at the University of the
Russian Academy of Education communicated a new sense of pride in Russia, its
history, its achievements globally, and the significance of its power, status and posi-
tion in the world.
The changing geo-political culture in Russia is demonstrated by events taking
place in Ukraine. Using The Treaty on Accession of the Republic of Crimea docu-
ment, Russia has taken back Crimea from Ukraine in March 2014. Since then
Crimea was added to Russia. It has become a fact. However, the annexation of
Crimea has led some Western scholars to label Putin as the empire builder:
The full scale of Russian President Vladimir Putins new imperial ambition was revealed
recently when he referred to the southern and eastern territories of Ukraine as Novorossiya
(New Russia).This was the name given to the region by Catherine the Great after she cap-
tured it from the Ottomans in the late 18th century and began colonizing...Along with his
assertion that Crimea belongs to Russia because of the blood-price Russian troops paid to
conquer it more than two centuries ago, Putins appropriation of Tsarist terminology estab-
lishes a new and troubling benchmark for his irredentist project (http://edition.cnn.
com/2014/04/29/opinion/opinion-putins-empire-building-is-not-a-new-cold-war/).
The Recent Annexation ofCrimea: March 2014
Some 60years ago, on 19 February, 1954, there was a huge celebration in Ukraine,
commemorating the 300-year anniversary of the union between Russia and Ukraine
(see photo below). The picture below shows one such parade in Ukraine. My par-
ents remember the parades and festivities in Stanislav (from 1962, Ivano-Frankivsk)
in 1954.
The 2014 annexation of Crimea by Russia refers to the March 2014 takeover of
the Crimea (part of Ukraine since 1954). The Treaty on Accession of the Republic
of Crimea to Russia was signed between representatives of the Republic of Crimea
(including Sevastopol, with which the rest of Crimea briefly unified) and Russia on
March 18, 2014, to define terms for the immediate admission of the Republic of
Crimea and Sevastopol as federal subjects of the RF.On 19 March Putin submitted
this treaty of Crimeas reunification with Russia to the State Duma, the lower house
of parliament. It was quickly ratified by the Federal Assembly on March 21.
This is reminiscent of the unification of Ukraine and the Russian empire back in
1654. Six years earlier, Ukrainian Cossacks rebelled against the Commonwealth of
Poland and Lithuania. The 1648 rebellion, led by the Cossack Hetman (leader),
Bohdan Khmelnitsky, hoped to free the people from the oppressive Polish rule. Unable
to defeat the Polish armies during the six-year battles, on 18 January, 1654, at a meet-
ing in Pereyaslav, the Cossacks decided, to seek a treaty of protection with Russia.
The meeting included the council of Zaporozhian Cossacks and Vasilii Buturlin, who
represented Tsar Alexei I. This agreement became known as the 1654 treaty of
Pereyaslav. Consequently, Ukraine was annexed into the Russian empire.
rimea Annexation Celebrated attheRed Square Marches,

C
1 May, 2014
Back in 1954, during the 300-year anniversary of the unification of Russia and
Ukraine, the Premier of the Soviet Union, Nikita Khrushchev gave away Crimea to
the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Since both Crimea and Ukraine were in the
Soviet Union, this act was not so significant politically at the time. But it became a
significant territorial and border issue after the collapse of the USSR in December
1991. In 1992, Ukraine, an independent nation, became a foreign country for
many Russians, who lived outside Ukraine.
The unification of Crimea and Russia was celebrated in a big way, during the
May Day parades in 2014:
There was plenty of patriotism on show for May Day in Moscow. The International Labour
Day celebrations returned to Red Square for the first time since the breakup of the
Communist Soviet Union in 1991. Coming just weeks after Russias annexation of Crimea
from Ukraine, the event was an opportunity for supporters of President Vladimir Putin to
demonstrate their approval. Signs and banners proclaimed Patriots support their presi-
dent!, Trust Putin and Putin is right! The march took place with Putins approval rat-
ings at their highest level since 2010. Andrei Isaev, a lawmaker from the presidents party
addressed the crowd, hammering home the point: This year Russia was joined by two new
members of the Federation Crimea and Sevastopol. We welcome them! Moscow mayor
Sergei Sobyanin told Rossiya 24 TV that more than 100,000 people had marched through
Red Square. This is not by chance, because there is a patriotic uplift and a good mood in
the country, he said. Nationwide an estimated two million people were on the streets in
Labour Day rallies. Russian television also showed footage of a May Day parade in
Crimeas capital Simferopol, with Russian flags and banners reading Crimea is Russia.
Welcome home. (http://www.euronews.com/2014/05/01/crimea-annexation-celebrated-at
-red-square-marches/).
The Media onTeaching Russian History andPrescribed History Textbooks: Print, TV 41
Crimea Included inthe2014 Grade 9 Russian History Textbook
Russia has already added information about its annexation of Crimea in the Grade
9 Russian textbook, by Alexander Danilov, Ludmila Kosulina, and Maxim Brandt,
for the 2014/2015 school year, contains a brief summary of the events surrounding
Russias annexation of Crimea. President Vladimir Putin has ordered that other
Russian history textbooks also should contain the new section on the annexation of
Crimea. The textbooks authors, who are prolific and popular history textbook
writers in Russia, have followed Putins lead in stressing the role played by Crimea
and Sevastopol in Russian history since the eighteenth century (Coynash, 2014).
What is the purpose of including the annexation of Crimea in Russian history
textbooks? From the Western point of view it is the inevitable outcome of a contin-
ual empire-building process. Putin and his team use both the geo-political argument
and the identity argument, specifically the formation of a national identity, and
nation-building process. Teaching this event in Grade 9 Russian history classes,
across Russia, raises another question: Is this also a part of creating a new historical
consciousness in students, a new sense of pride, and a new feeing of patriotism?
Russian history is studied by all Grade 9 students, unlike the final year, where fewer
and fewer students take Russian history in Grade 11, due to a very difficult and
demanding National history exam. There is a growing interest in how history text-
books are used in classroom pedagogies, and how they can influence the develop-
ment of a historical consciousness in students (Fuchs, 2011, p.22).
Putin in his annual state-of-the-nation address at the Grand Kremlin Palace on
Thursday, December 4, 2014, defended the annexation of Crimea, describing the
peninsula as Russias spiritual ground, our Temple Mount, and added that national
pride and sovereignty are a necessary condition for survival of Russia:
If for many European countries, sovereignty and national pride are forgotten concepts and
a luxury, then for the Russian Federation a true sovereignty is an absolutely necessary con-
dition of its existence I want to stress: either we will be sovereign, or we will dissolve in
the world. And, of course, other nations must understand this as well (Putin, 2014a).
he Media onTeaching Russian History andPrescribed

T
History Textbooks: Print, TV andRadio, andtheInternet
The Media andtheState
It needs to be stressed the role of ideology and its significance and in the electronic
andprint media coverage dealing with the teaching of Russian history in schools. Putin
has legitimated the concept of a national ideology. Both locally and globally,
Russia wishes to re-invent herself as a global power. The nation-building process
within Russia focusses on national ideology, identity, patriotism and citizenship
education. Teaching patriotism in Russian history classes across Russia is one of the
key curricular goals of history education, as prescribed by the Ministry of Education

and Science (MoES) Russian history curriculum policy documents for teachers.
The Russian media, especially popular current affairs radio shows and television
channels are controlled by the state. Of the three major news agencies: RIA-Novosti,
Itar-Tass and Interfax, the first two are owned by the state. Of the three major TV
channels, Russia One, NTV, and Channel One, two are owned by the state, and one
by Gazprom: NTV (owned by largely state-owned Gazprom). Pavel Gusev (2011),
editor of Moskovsky Komsomolets, one of the major dailies in Russia, said that the
media provided an instrument of the state:
In 1991, in the absence of a strong unified leadership, the media really did occupy a leading
position. It could add something of its own to any political decision and was able to influ-
ence the electorateBut now, the media are an instrument of the authorities Some 80%
of the Russian media are financed by the state a situation that he said meant almost all
small, regional papers were totally reliant on the authorities for their existence (tr. J.Zajda
http://en.ria.ru/russia/20110412/163492415.html).
According to BBC New Europe (18 December 2012), the major Russian TV chan-
nels are either controlled by the state, or owned by private companies, with close
links to the Kremlin:
Russian TV is dominated by channels that are either run directly by the state or owned by
companies with close links to the Kremlin. The government controls Channel One and
Russia One two of the three main federal channels while state-controlled energy giant
Gazprom owns NTV.Critics say independent reporting has suffered as a result (http://www.
bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-17840134).
Melissa Akin (2011, December 14)), Moscow, Reuters in Putin has long had a
grip on state TV channels reported that the state controls TV channels:
The channels will have to keep covering the protests now they have started showing them,
but Putin has not lost control of the media, said political analyst Gleb Pavlovsky, a former
Kremlin adviser. Television coverage remains guarded. It excludes direct criticism of Putin
and one clear taboo remains the reason the protests began in the first place (http://www.
reuters.com/article/2011/12/14/russia-protests-media-idUSL6E7NB0GQ20111214).
In view of the states control of the media, the Internet in Russia, increasingly plays
a significant role in more critical analysis and discussions of Russias most pressing
political, economic and educational problems.
Teaching Russian History andPrescribed History Textbooks
During the 20112013 period, the electronic and print media dealing with the teach-
ing of Russian history in schools, focused on the significance of Russian history in
classroom pedagogy, and its role in the cultivation of patriotism and the love of the
Motherland. This is very much as was the case in the USSR prior to December
1991. They also pay a good deal of attention to the content of history textbooks, and
the contentious issue of the rewriting of history textbooks to address the falsifica-
tion of Russian history, and the rather controversial debate over the introduction of
a single history textbook (20122014).
The Media onTeaching Russian History andPrescribed History Textbooks: Print, TV 43
The Declaration of2012 astheYear ofHistory
The main policy change, concerning Russia and its history, was the announcement
by President Dmitrii Medvedev, which named 2012, as the Year of Russian History
(10 January, 2012). The goal of the Year of Russian History (God Rossiiskoi istorii)
was to draw attention to Russian history and the role of Russia in worlds historical
processes (http://www.edu.ru/index.php?page_id=5&topic_id=3&date=&sid=194
35&ntype=nuke).
History teachers, academics, museum staff and curriculum authors were encour-
aged to contribute to the 2012 Year of History, by organising various activities.
Suggestions included:
1 . Celebrating significant historical events such as 1612, 1812 and other events.
2. Constructing a family tree based on ones genealogy
3. Designing a portal Rodnaiia Istoriia (Our Countys History)
4. Collecting eye-witness reports from the post-soviet period. (http://www.edu.ru/
index.php?page_id=5&topic_id=3&sid=29686&ntype=nuke).
Radio Ekho: TheTeaching History Debate
The teaching history debate on radio Ekho, took place on July 1, 2007. It was
chaired by Aleksei Venediktov, the program co-ordinator, and chief radio editor of
Echo Moskva. The topic was Teaching history in schools (shkolnoe prepodavanie
istorii). This round table discussion was, in response to the All-Russia Conference
of History and Social Science Teachers where Putin addressed the delegates on 21
June 2007. The panel included Leonid Polyakov, Head of the Department of General
History and Political Science at the Higher School of Economics, Moscow; Ivan
Vnukov, a teacher of history and social studies at school No. 1502in Moscow; and
Alexander Kondakov, CEO of Prosveshchenie, the largest education publisher in
Russia:
Venediktovs Opening Comment: Today we are following the All-Russian Conference of
Social Science Teachers, and then the meeting of its delegates with President Putin, will talk
about school history teaching. We are concerned, above all, with the generation that left
[their] school desks, and now are concerned about how their minds [develop] an adequate
perception of the modern history of the country they were born in
Kondakov: After all, if we accept existing history textbooks, we do not have the answer
to the question concerning the country [USSR] that in the forty-fifth year [the anniversary
in 1990] of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War, and more precisely, the Second World
War, and former superpower (one could refer to the atomic bomb, launching rockets into
space, power, and so on. What happens now [the legacy of the USSR] and why there was a
conflict with the oligarchs and so on
The Interviewer: You seem to touch on the root problem of the historical formation of
the present day in the school, and there is a legal setting to depoliticize the school and the
constitutional ban [of official ideology] as in Article number thirteen: The ban on state
ideology.
Polyakov: By the way, one of the questions at the conference was exactly this: What
about the Soviet patriots who love the Soviet Union, but did not like Russia?
Vnukov: Citizenship education aims at creating a citizen who respects the country
Patriotism is no longer controversial today. I notice that students during the last few
years are becoming more conservative We are cultivating citizens and we demonstrate
visible achievements of our country. (http://echo.msk.ru/programs/assembly/52887/#ele
ment-text).
More recently, on September 8, 2013, Radio Ekho had a live discussion on the topic
The single history textbook (yediny uchebnik istorii). The panel consisted of
Professor E.Viazemski, (the Russian Academy of Education), and M.Aniskin, his-
tory teacher, the Moscow grammar school (litsei) Stupen (Step). They were inter-
viewed by Ksenia Larina, Radio Ekho. Larina commented on the Single History
Textbook Working Groups progress to date. She said that the group had a reached
a consensus regarding controversial topics in twentieth century history, especially
dealing with the October Revolution, Stalin, and the Great Patriotic War. On the first
question concerning the single history textbook, Aniskin, the history teacher, agreed
that it made sense to have it, in view of the need to prepare students for the YGE
(yedinye gosudarstvennye examiny), the National Exams in History. Larina com-
mented that there were much contested suggestions to change all reference to the
February and October Revolutions of 1917 to a concept called the revolutionary
process, commencing with the February revolution and ending with the Civil War.
Viazemskis response was that this made sense, since the Civil War started when the
Bolsheviks took power. He added that discussing repressions and the Red Terror in
schools constitutes the most painful event in Russia. He also said that another
painful point concerns the collapse of the USSR and the events in the 1990s (http://
echo.msk.ru/programs/assembly/1152204-echo/#element-text).
adio Rossiia: Single Russian History Textbooks:

R
ForandAgainst
On October10 2013, on Radio Rossiia, on his program Persona Grata Vitalii

Ushkanov interviewed the First Deputy of the Chairman of the Gosduma Committee
for Education and Science, Oleg Smolin. Ushkanov asked Smolin to comment on
Putins statement that textbooks should be devoid of inner contradictions and dual
interpretations and whether there should be two or three textbooks, instead of one.
Smolin said that history textbooks can have different views and interpretations, but
he was worried about the single history textbook idea:
The Presidents words can be interpreted in different ways. If the textbook contains differ-
ent view this is fine by me What I am afraid of is the single history textbook idea
Ihave my doubts that the single textbook will be the best one (http://www.radiorus.ru/
news.html?rid=316&id=726132).
The Politicizing ofRussian History Textbooks: Russian Textbooks Attempt toRewrite 45
TV: Russian History Textbooks Debate
On March 2, 2013 at the televised talk show on RIA Novosti, the panel debated the
topic History textbooks: New readings. The panel included A.Degtiarev (Chair of
the Education Committee, State Duma), A.Chubaryan (Director of the Institute of
General History), and Yu. Petrov (Director of the Institute of Russian History,
Russian Academy of Sciences). Chubaryan suggested that history textbooks should
be based on a singular and logically constructed and non-contradictory concepuali-
sation. There was a need to strengthen the Russian component in textbooks and
to demonstrate the role of Russia [the greatness part] in all periods of history.
(http://www.vestniknews.ru/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=822
&Itemid=1)
On June 17, 2013, a national talk show on RIA Novosti, took place on the topic
History book: a new reading. The panel debated a single concept school history
textbook. The panel included Irina Manuilova (Deputy Chairman of the State Duma
Committee on Education), Sergei Zhuravlev (Deputy Director for Research of the
Institute of Russian History, Russian Academy of Sciences), and Lyudmila Bokova
(the Federal Council Committee on Science, Education, Culture and Information
Policy). Questions included: Why should there be a new textbook? How do we
make it (the history textbook) more clear and understandable? How should contro-
versial moments be dealt with? Who will decide on it? Panel members commented
on the uneven representation of key events and the quality of history textbooks since
the 1990s and the misrepresentations and falsification of the content in school his-
tory textbooks.
All agreed that the new history textbook will need to address these questions and
present a more informed and balanced representation of key events (especially
controversial moments) in Russian/Soviet history (http://pressria.ru/press-
club/20130613/601758197.html).
he Politicizing ofRussian History Textbooks: Russian

T
Textbooks Attempt toRewrite History
There is a good deal of material in the electronic media, both in the West and Russia
on the rewriting of Russian history textbooks. Between 2007 and 2013 many elec-
tronic reports and articles were available on school history textbooks. Some dealt
with Putins emphasis on the positive (or the bright spots) version of Russian
history. Others focused on new interpretations of leaders and events, particularly the
role of Lenin in the October Revolution, and Stalins policies during the 1920s and
the 1930s and his leadership during World War II.
illipovs Teachers Manual: AModern History ofRussia:

F
19452006
In 2007, Putin and his government approved the publication of a single Russian his-
tory manual for secondary teachers. Filippovs (2007) The Modern History of
Russia, 19452006: A Teachers Manual, was designed for secondary history teach-
ers. Some 150,000 copies were printed by Prosveshchenie, the largest education
publisher in Russia. The Publishers website lists 38 history textbooks and manuals,
including Filippovs Russian history manuals for teachers, and they can be down-
loaded free. Filippov himself was the Deputy Director of the National Centre for
Foreign Policy, a think-tank that has close ties with the Kremlin (see also Halpin,
2007). Filippovs book became one of the most debated textbooks in the Russian
media, and in the West (http://www.prosv.ru/ebooks/Filippov_Istoria/index.html).
The second edition of Filippovs (2008) Istoriia Rossii: 19452008 (History of
Russia: 19452008), was the revised history manual for secondary teachers. The
book was a team effort. Other contributing authors included A.Utkin, S.Alekseev,
D. Volodikhin, O. Gaman-Golutvina, P. Danilin, G. Eliseev, I. Semenenko, and
A.Shadrin. It was designed to help teachers to prepare students to reach National
History Standards and the new emphasis in history education to develop per-
sonal, civic and professional competencies, to enable secondary school students to
become active citizens of Russia. In the introduction, the manual asks the question
What place does Russia occupy in the worlds historical process, and what perspec-
tives are awaiting our Motherland? (p. 3). The manuals goal was to develop a
clearly articulated civic awareness in every final-year secondary school student, so
that as citizens, students would embrace the values and ethical imperatives of their
culture, and their state (p. 5). (http://history.standart.edu.ru/info.aspx?ob_
no=11686. tr. J.Z.).
A number of academics at the meetings with the author in September, 2011in the
Russian Academy of Education, in Moscow, were very critical of Filippovs manual
A Modern History of Russia: 19452006: A Manual for History Teachers for sec-
ondary history teachers. Firstly, their criticism focused on the fact that they consid-
ered that the history manual was written po zakazu (written to the order) of the
Kremlin leadership. Secondly, they were critical of the content, which was uncriti-
cally glorifying Russian achievements, especially during the Stalinist era.
The Politicizing ofRussia andHistory Textbooks: Western Views
Western media reports on education reforms in history education, and history text-
books draw on the three major Russian news agencies: RIA-Novosti, Itar-Tass and
Interfax. At times they are flawed, as was the case with a mistranslation of Fillipovs
teachers manual: A Modern History of Russia: 19452006, as a textbook (The
Chicago Tribune, 17 December, 2008).
In Russian classrooms, history teachers are guided by a new, government-approved text

book, Alexander Filippovs Modern History of Russia: 19452006, which hails Stalin as
an efficient manager who had to resort to extreme measures to modernize the lumbering
Soviet agrarian economy (http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2008-12-17/news/0812160534
_1_josef-stalin-mass-graves-rewriting).
According to Rozoff (2013), President Barack Obama said that Russia has adopted
a more anti-American attitude reminiscent of the Cold War, following Vladimir
Putins return to power as President:
The world is going to be threatened again with not only a diplomatic and an economic
and a political, but ultimately perhaps a military confrontation between the United States
and Russia, Rick Rozoff, manager of the Stop NATO organization, said in a phone
interview with Press TV on Saturday. (http://www.presstv.com/detail/2013/08/10/318140/
us-russia-cold-war-new-version/).
Jonathan Dimbleby (2008), in his 5-part series Russia: A Journey with Jonathan
Dimbleby, which was aired on BBC2in the UK in 2008, and recently re-aired in
Australia in July 2013 on SBS, captured some of the elements of cultural shift
towards a strong man ideology in the last part of his series, called Far from
Moscow Siberia. In one sequence, he interviewed some university students, and
one of them, when questioned by Jonathan Dimbleby, about how was Russia chang-
ing, replied:
You always need a strong man and then one day we can maybe play democracy
Media, judiciary and parliament are increasingly under the control of Kremlin. (http://
www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00bfjd0).
Putins Russia is becoming more conservative and ultra-nationalist, by fanning

intolerance and anti-Western sentiment (The Economist June 15, 2013, p. 43).
There was a huge demonstration on June 12, this year, by anti-Putin and pro-Putin
demonstrators at the Russia Day celebration in Moscow. On the south side was an
anti-Putin demonstration, which included both liberal and nationalist demonstra-
tors. Among them was one noted history educator, who happened to be interviewed
by the author of this report in 2011, who was arrested and spent a few days in jail.
On the north side, there was a pro-Putin rally, a re-launch of the All Russia Popular
Front. The new political climate is characterised by a crackdown on opponents,
protesters and activist groups a tightening of the screws. The new law defines
any civil or public activity as political. Political opponents and protesters have been
arrested, the political elite has been purged of unreliable elements, and there is a
proposal for a memorial plaques to Leonid Brezhnev, regarded, according to a recent
opinion poll, as Russias favourite ruler (The Economist 1 June, 2013, p.49).
The politicizing of Russian history textbooks, which is promoted by Putin and
the Ministry of Education and Science, has been recorded in the Russian media and
the West. The ideological change in historical narratives includes Stalins return in
school history textbooks (Filippov, 2007; Smith, 2008; Sweeney, 2009; Knight,
2012; Bocharova, 2013; Zajda, 2015a, 2015b, 2015c).
John Sweeney (This World, BBC Two) commented on Stalins return in Russian
school history textbooks in 2009. Another report dealt with a significant debate tak-
ing place among Russian historians over different interpretations of Russian history
during the twentieth century and to justify why Russia is great.
(http://keith-perspective.blogspot.com.au/2010/05/rewriting-russian-history-to-
justify.html).
Mark Smith (2008), from the Defence Academy of the United Kingdom, in The
Politicisation of History in RF comments on a partial re-Sovietisation in the inter-
pretation of some aspects of the history of the USSR. (www.da.mod.uk/colleges/
arag/document.../russian/08(16)MAS.pdf.
In Times online (May 10, 2010) under the heading Russian textbooks attempt to
rewrite history, the article mentioned Putins 2007 criticism of some Russian his-
tory school textbooks and the need for a more patriotic history. The article referred
to Aleksandr Filippov, as a positive history historian, and to a disgraced Igor
Dolutskoi, whose textbook was dropped from the list of approved textbooks by the
Ministry of Education:
In Russian schools, they call it positive history and behind it is Putin. In 2007, he told
educators that the country needed a more patriotic history. Putin condemned teachers for
having porridge in their heads, attacked some history textbook authors for taking foreign
money naturally they are dancing the polka ordered by those who pay them and announced
that new history textbooks were on their way Aleksandr Filippov a Positive History Man
wrote It is wrong to write a textbook that will fill the children who learn from it with
horror and disgust about their past and their people. A generally positive tone for the teach-
ing of history will build optimism and self-assurance in the growing young generation
and make them feel as if they are part of their countrys bright future. A history in
which there is good and bad, things to be proud of and things that are regrettable. But
the general tone for a school textbook should still be positive. (http://www.ww2f.com/
topic/31562-russian-textbooks-attempt-to-rewrite-history/).
As reported in The Guardian (June 18, 2010), by Miriam Elder, the Ruling Russia party
wanted the united history textbook for schools, to build national identity on glories of
the second world war victory, turning a blind eye to some Soviet-era crimes (http://
www.theguardian.com/world/2010/jun/17/united-russia-uniform-history-textbook).
Amy Knight (2012) labelled Medinsky as Putins Propaganda Man. In 2009,
Medinsky, served on Dmitry Medvedevs Presidential Commission against the
Falsification of History, which was set up in 2009. As the Minister of Culture,
Medinskys strategic ideological role is instilling patriotism and nationalism in
new Russian history textbooks. Knight described his new focus on promoting
national pride and positive narratives in Russian history, where Ivan the Terrible
was a humane tsar (a role model for Stalin), and the denial of anti-Semitism, the
occupation of the Baltic States and Poland in 1939/1940, and the Gulags:
Since 2008, he has also been known as the author of a series of best-selling books about
Russian history called Myths About Russia, which are designed to instil national pride
among the population and debunk the idea (allegedly propagated by Western historians)
that Russias past has many negative features. Thus, for example, Medinsky asserts that
Ivan the Terrible was actually a humane leader and suggests that the notion that Russia has
a strong history of anti-Semitism is a gross exaggeration. He also denies that Soviet troops
invaded and occupied the Baltic States and Poland during World War II or that vast numbers
of Soviet prisoners of war were sent to labour camps when the war ended.(http://www.
nybooks.com/blogs/nyrblog/2012/may/31/putins-propaganda-man/).
The falsification of Russian history was reported in the UKs Daily Telegraph, 17
May, 2012. The article stated that the Russian government commissioned a new
generation of textbooks that condemn the falsification of history, and depicts both
the Soviet Union and Russia in a more positive way to boost patriotism among the
students. It reported that the falsification of Russian history is one of the buzz
words of the Russian leadership, and that it referred to revisionist, needed or more
Western-oriented interpretation of the role of the Soviet Union, particularly in the
Second World War. Here is the irony of the use of revisionist history in this sense.
On 23 September, 2013, The Telegraph reported that President Putin will get a
section in the new Russian history textbook, covering his rule and domination of
politics from 2000 to 2012:
The period from 2000, when Putin took over from Boris Yeltsin as Russian president, until
his election for a third-term in 2012, will form a separate section of the history textbook
currently being prepared, the Izvestia daily said. After long consultation it was decided that
the textbook should include the history of Russia up to the last presidential elections, an
official from the ministry of education told the daily. There were many doubts and quarrels
but in the end we decided not to diverge from the accepted global practice, the official said.
(http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/vladimir-putin/10329005/Vladimir-Putin-
to-have-entire-chapter-on-him-in-Russian-history-book.html).
Putin is increasingly drawn to Stolypin, as one of his historical heroes. Fiona Hill
and Clifford Gaddy (2012) in the article Putin and the uses of History reported that
Putin has made repeated references to Pyotr Stolypin (the reformist prime minister
under the last Tsar, Nicholas II) one of his Russian heroes, and also to his American
role-model, Franklin D.Roosevelt:
Stolypin tried to accomplish the political, economic and social transformation of Russia
through non-revolutionary means. Putins favourite quote these days is, We do not need
great upheavals. We need a great Russia, a paraphrase of Stolypins famous rebuke to his
fellow Duma deputies in 1907: You, gentlemen, are in need of great upheavals; we are in
need of Great Russia. (http://nationalinterest.org/article/putin-the-uses-history-6276).
Falsification ofRussian History Debate
In August 2009, the first meeting of the Presidential Commission to counter attempts
to falsify history to the detriment of Russias interests was held. The Kremlin cre-
ated a commission against the falsification of history headed by Putins close ally,
Sergei Naryshkin, Chief of Staff, which having failed to produce any visible results
and was disbanded. Naryshkins Commission to Counter Attempts to Falsify
History to the Detriment of Russias Interests consisted of 28 members, but only
two or three were historians. The commissions main task was to collect evidence
on falsification of historical facts for the President:
The commission will collect information on the falsification of historical facts and events
aimed at damaging Russias international prestige, decide how to counteract this and pro-
vide ideas to the president, who in his address on Victory Day complained of severe, mali-
cious and aggressive attempts to rewrite history. (tr. J. Zajda http://www.russkiymir.ru/
russkiymir/en/publications/articles/article0057.html).
Naryshkin, now Speaker of the Lower House of parliament, went on to head a new
working group of officials and professional historians that drafted guidelines on
topics, facts, dates and historical figures that should feature in the new textbooks.
The taskforce on falsifying history was a warning shot across the bows of those
wanting to provide alternative histories.
One of the comments on the internet on Russias rewriting history textbooks was
by Slava Tsukerman (2012). In his column The New Russian Government to
rewrite history (again), it was reported that that Vladimir Medinsky, the Minister of
Culture, and Putins protg, is an active promoter of extreme Russian patriotism in
history textbooks:
The basic idea of all Medinskys writings is openly cynical. He believes that Russians
should see Russian history as a collection of patriotic legends glorifying the Motherland.
He has only one criterion in evaluating foreign historians: those who praise Russia are
friends. Those who criticize Russia are enemies (http://newslanc.com/2012/06/09/
the-new-russian-government-to-rewrite-history-again/).
Alexander Danilov (2009), Head of the History Faculty of Moscow State Pedagogical
University, author of books on the history of Russia, commented on Combating the fal-
sification of history and offering students a positive view of history. His comments were
reported live in the RIA Novosti (28 August, 2009). Danilov explained the way to provide
students with a positive view of Russian history, and he defined the falsification of his-
tory as a deliberate, and sometimes malevolent distortion of historical facts and events:
It should be understood that any scientific point of view is an interpretation of events
based on a set of facts. But if a person takes as its basis a conclusion, and then selects from
a variety of historical facts and events, only those that endorse it, there is an obvious falsi-
fication In the 1990s, in the wake of the restructuring came textbooks, which were based
on the idea of the negation of everything positive that happened in our country during the
Soviet era. The authors of these books, in fact, taken as a basis appropriate for them abstract,
and then confirm it with facts taken out of context. Whats more: they forget that the history
of any state in the form in which it was studied by children cannot be negative. Children
should be brought up on positive examples, and this is a global trend; even the most demo-
cratic countries prefer to forget about skeletons in the closet. (tr. J. Zajda http://ria.ru/
edu_analysis/20090828/182803972-print.html).
Since then there has been a good deal of debate in the media, especially electronic media,
on the need to overcome, what was perceived to be falsification of Russian history. For
instance, the publishing house Prosveshchenie, has its own portal (the top right corner of
the portal) containing electronic reports and articles on falsification of history. This
became a term for having a view of history different from that of the Kremlin.
Media Debate ontheSingle History Textbook
Russia is a vivid and unique example of ideological repositioning of historical nar-

ratives, blending certain elements of Soviet and Russian historiography. A new
development is emerging as to the number of approved core school history text-
books for secondary schools. The idea for a single Russian history textbook came
from Putin and the United Russia Party in 2010. Since September 2013, the single
concept of teaching history to Russian students was hotly debated across Russia.
Chubaryan (2013) was interviewed in August 2013 concerning the concept of the
study of history in schools across the country and stated the single history textbook
debate was to be completed by November:
The work should be completed by 1 November We have received many replies on the
new standards in history education. We have already formed an editorial team, that will
evaluate various opinions We aim to complete our evaluation in September, so that by
October we are able to develop totally the new standard According to the directive of the
RF government, the work must be completed by 1 November. (RIA Novosti http://ria.ru/
society/20130808/955076860.html#ixzz2bcnWijRW).
The idea of a single history textbook was also confirmed earlier by Dmitry Livanov
(2013), the Education and Science Minister, in his television interview (17 March):
A good history textbook, just one, will always give room for analysis, for assessing various
theories of what actually happened, and for different historical concepts. The new history
textbook must encourage students and teachers to think, instead of imposing any one view
on them, and develop their analytical skills. (http://rbth.ru/news/2013/03/17/russian_
schools_could_switch_to_single_history_textbook_in_a_year_-_educ_23950.html).
Some Russian critics of the single history textbooks comment on the problems of teach-
ing patriotism and civic education, regarded as the most important function of teaching
history in schools. Critics point out that such political imperatives are problematic as they
ignore other major and contemporary goals of history education independent work with
primary sources, acquiring historical understanding, critical analysis, and critical histori-
cal literacy. They argue that the Education Law, the New National Standards in History,
and the State examinations in history, are likely to create a series of policy obstacles
against the single history textbook. (http://igorkurl.livejournal.com/259711.html).
On September 6, 2013, RIA Novosti reported the progress on the new history
textbook. History experts, according to Andrei Perov, Secretary of the Russian
Historical Society, have found a consensus on interpreting the Soviet period,
regarded as the most controversial period in Russian history:
The experts, during their discussion surrounding the single Russian history textbook for stu-
dents, have developed approaches for addressing 20th century events, regarded to be the most
controversial period. Public discussion of the concept of the single textbook in Russian history
started in September. Earlier, Aleksandr Chubaryan, (the Director of the Institute of Universal
History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) stated that examining the Soviet period is one of
the most complex problems confronting the preparation of historic- cultural standards
Discussion with 20th century specialists showed that we have developed mechanisms for reach-
ing the consensus. (tr. J.Zajda http://ria.ru/society/20130906/961251976.html#ixzz2fCes65yd).
Putin ontheContent ofRussian History Textbooks
In what was essentially a return to centralist control of textbooks a Soviet practice

in the past, Putins government directed the Ministry of Education to develop
approved and more patriotic textbooks in history. At the meeting with a small
group of delegates of the all-Russian conference of history and social studies teach-
ers at his presidential dacha in June 2007 Putin (2007a), commented on Stalins
1937 Great Purge, in which 700,000 individuals were executed and 1.5 million
imprisoned. He described them as terrible but added that in other countries even
worse things happened. In his re-assessment of the Soviet history of repressions he
concluded: We had no other black pages, such as Nazism (http:www.timesonline.
co.uk/tol/news/article2163481.ece).
President Putin stressed the role of the Soviet Union and Russia in geo-political
events internationally, the significance of its power and position in the world, and
the need to cultivate patriotism and reject Western models of history education, as
inappropriate and undermining. His examples included textbook authors receiving
grants from Western NGOs to write history textbooks, and hinted about the falsifi-
cation of Russian history. The 2013 Russian governments inspection campaign to
require organistions receiving foreign funding to register as foreign agents is an
extension of this trend.
In 2007, at the all-Russia conference of history and social science teachers, Putin
(2007b) was promoting Filippovs (2007) secondary history teachers manual A
Modern History of Russia: 19452006: A Manual for History Teachers. Putin said
that Filippovs new teachers manual will help to develop a national ideology, citi-
zenship education, and cultivate patriotism and a sense of pride in Russia:
in our work on this book on social sciences and on our book on recent history, our objec-
tive is to try to formulate, despite the rapidly changing world around us, some kind of philo-
sophical vision that we can use as a basis for looking at the world from the perspective of a
Russian citizen. In this respect, and this was the subject of considerable debate, we dis-
cussed the issue of state and national ideology. Given that the Constitution forbids a com-
mon compulsory state ideology, what are we doing, and what kind of ideology are we
developing? We are developing a national ideology [JZ emphasis] that represents the
vision of ourselves as a nation, as Russians, a vision of our own identity and of the world
around us. Teachers will then be able to incorporate this national ideology, this vision, into
their practical work in a normal way and use it to develop a civic and patriotic position.
(http://archive.kremlin.ru/eng/speeches/2007/06/21/2137_type82917type84779_135471.
shtm).
Putin also commented on improper representation of events surrounding the

Soviet Union part in defeating the Nazi Germany during World War II, or falsifica-
tion of history, and the problematic pages in Soviet history:
I already gave examples of cases where processes and results have been presented in an
improper way. One of the clearest examples in this respect is improper presentation of the
events and outcome of World War II. If someone writes that Britain, for example, lost
around 300,000 people in World War II and we lost 27million . The author of the text-
book could draw any conclusions he pleases, but when the student reads all this and makes
a comparative analysis with what happened on the second front, when it was opened and so
on, then he will be able to form his own understanding of the role and significance of our
country in the victory over Nazism. But the material should be presented objectively and
honestly and without bias.
Regarding the problematic pages in our history, yes, we do have them, as does any state.
We have fewer such pages than do some countries, and they are less terrible than in some
countries. We do have black chapters in our history; just look at events starting from 1937.
And we should not forget these moments of our past. But other countries have also known
their black and terrible moments. In any event, we have never used nuclear weapons against
civilians, and we have never dumped chemicals on thousands of kilometres of land or
dropped more bombs on a tiny country than were dropped during the entire Second World
War, as was the case in Vietnam. We have not had such black pages as was the case of
Nazism, for example . All states and peoples have had their ups and downs through his-
tory. We must not allow others to impose a feeling of guilt on us. (http://archive.kremlin.ru/
eng/speeches/2007/06/21/2137_type82917type84779_135471.shtm).
Here, Putins message is clearly one of glorifying the Soviet Unions greatness in
defeating Nazi Germany, and almost whitewashing the problematic pages dealing
with the Red Terror, deportations and repressions during the three decades between
the 1920s and the early 1950s.
In September 2008, the Ministry of Education and Science, together with Putin,
decided that there was need to expand the legacy of Solzhenitsyns works in history
textbooks in secondary schools (Grades 911) and to refer to Stalin as an effective
manager. In the article History will be studied according to Solzhenitsyns works
and history textbooks depicting Stalin as an effective manager, published in
Nezavisimaia Gazeta (8 September 2008) Ulyana Makhkamova wrote that Putin
felt it necessary to revise the history curriculum in secondary schools to include and
expand the students knowledge of Solzhenitsyn. She also observed that Evgenii
Bunimovich, a Deputy of the Moscow City Duma, and member of the Federal
Expert Committee on Education, believed that students would notice, or comment
on a contradiction between Solzhenitsyns work on gulags and Stalins repressive
role, and Stalin as an effective manager:
I believe that the Ministry of Education does not understand that students may develop
schizophrenia: studying the Arkhipelag GULAG (Gulag Archipelago) and learning during
history classes that Stalin was an effective manager (Makhkamova, 2008, http://www.ng.
ru/).
Putin (2012a) stated there was a need to standardize school textbooks, with refer-
ence to content and quality. The idea of launching a unified series of textbooks on
Russian history came from Putin himself. According to Putin, history textbooks
should be devoid of inner contradictions and confusing interpretations and instil
respect for all periods of our history. Putins concern over perceptions of Russias
history dates back to at least 2007, when he first attacked unspecified hair-raising
history textbooks, though he did not ban them at the time. According to Putin, some
history textbook content is such that makes ones hair stand on end (chto napisano
v nekotorykh uchebnikakh istorii, volosy dybom vstaiut).
(http://www.edu.ru/index.php?page_id=5&topic_id=3&date=&sid=20190&nty
pe=nuke).
History revisionism was intolerable, according to President Putin (2012b), in

his address on June 25, 2012. He stressed, that future generations should know the
truth about WWII heroes, and that attempts to rewrite history and equate executors
with their victims are unacceptable:
We must keep and defend the truth about the war. The rewriting of history is a crime to the
millions of people who gave their lives for the victory in WWII and future generations who
should know the true heroes of the war and be able to distinguish the truth from blatant and
cynical lies, Putin stressed.
The president noted that in Russia, the memory of WWII is sacred The Holocaust
is one of the darkest, most tragic and shameful pages in the history of humanity, Putin
observed. It is still impossible to stomach the Nazi atrocities. And it was the Soviet Army
that put an end to that; it saved from extermination not only the Jewish, but many other
peoples, he underlined. (http://rt.com/politics/israel-putin-nazism-monument-664/).
Putin ontheSingle Russian History Textbook
Putin expected the new single Russian history textbook to inculcate the values
patriotism, pride and the love of the Motherland. He would have liked to see the
historical narratives depicting the great USSR and the great Stalin, which is impos-
sible without falsification, according to Dmitri Oreshkin (2013).
(http://www.vedomosti.ru/politics/news/13145761/modernizator_stalin).
Ideally, President Putin and his team would like to see only one desirable and
politically correct history core textbook for each year level. In February, 2013, at the
meeting of the Council for International Relations, Putin said that it was necessary
to develop a core textbook for each level of schooling (Grades 611). He also said
that such textbooks should be devoid of double interpretations (Putins speech,
February 19, 2013, http://eng.kremlin.ru/news/5017).
In April 2013, Putin had ordered his Cabinet, and his Prime Minister Dmitri
Medvedev (who was asked to coordinate the history project) to develop a single
Russian history textbook for schools by December 2013. Putin also stated during
the Direct Line Q&A session with citizens of Russia on Thursday 25 April, that his-
tory school textbook should provide official assessment of events, respect for all
its milestones, and be free of any dual interpretations:
I suggest that there should be a unified concept for this textbook which would show us a
chronology of events and their official assessment. Without an official assessment there will
not a backbone of understanding of what happened with our country over the course of the
past centuries and decades
The concept should draw on the same logic of continuous Russian history, on intercon-
nection between all its stages, and respect for all its milestones. There needs to be specific
examples showing that the fate of Russia was based on the unification of various peoples,
traditions and cultures...The textbook should be free of any internal contradictions and dual
interpretations. (Direct Line Q&A session with citizens of Russia on Thursday, 25 April,
Russkii Mir Foundation Information Service http://www.russkiymir.ru/russkiymir/en/news/
common/news10028.html).
Putins idea for a single history textbook for each grade level seems to have received
some public support: Nearly three-quarters of Russian citizens, or 71 percent,
support the idea of imposing a common history textbook for schools through
out Russia (The Moscow Times, June, 7, 2013, www.themoscowtimes.com/support
-imposing-a-single-nationwide-history).
In July 2013, according to RIA Novosti, Putin expected the single history text-
book to be used as a model for history lessons. Putin said that there were 65 school
history textbooks in 2013, and he was very critical of the huge number of history
textbooks currently used in schools.
There were 103 recommended history textbooks on the Ministry of Education
and Science official list. This was, according to Putin, simply absolutely
inadmissible and created difficulties for both students and teachers. Repeating his
leitmotif, that the history textbook should offer an official interpretation of histori-
cal events, free of contradictions and dual meaning, Putin said that the text
books shouldinstil respect for all periods of our history(http://en.rian.ru/rus-
sia/20130712/182209711/Putin-Expects-Unified-History-Textbook-to-Be-Ready-
Soon.html). Furthermore, Putin said that a council of experts, in charge of preparing
the single textbook, was continuing its work, and this textbook would appear in the
near future:
Undoubtedly, there should be a canonical version of a [history] textbook. Of course, it
doesnt mean that different opinions on [historical] events are impossible. But a canonical
version should exist, and a teacher should have an opportunity to inform a student of vari-
ous opinions about this or that fact. (http://en.rian.ru/russia/20130712/182209711/Putin-
Expects-Unified-History-Textbook-to-Be-Ready-Soon.html).
If there are different ways of teaching [history], then how would students prepare for
university entrance examinations? With such diversity of opinions it is unclear what needs
to be asked and how to assess knowledge (tr. J. Zajda RIA Novosti http://ria.ru/soci-
ety/20130712/949335328.html#ixzz2bcqP9Ssa).
According to Putin (2013), the new canonical version of history textbook should
offer, principal facts, periods, and epochs of the development of our state, includ-
ing the World War II period. It should also give both teachers and students an
opportunity to offer different interpretations of the events:
This does not mean that it is not possible to have different views on events. But there needs
to be a canonical version, and the teacher will have an opportunity to inform the student of
different points of view on various facts (tr. J. Zajda, RIA Novosti http://ria.ru/soci-
ety/20130712/949335328.html#ixzz2bcqP9Ssa).
In the new history textbook, Stalin is criticized for his role in the mass repressions
of 19371938. The authors stressed that history teachers should be encouraged to
offer students more than one interpretation of historical events, as defined in the
state-approved study program. According to Dmitry Livanov, the Minister for
Education and Science, the public debate on the single history textbook draft was to
continue until October 2014. Already, there were disagreements on the role of the
1917 October Revolution and the Great Patriotic War, among the experts, working
on the single history textbook project.
The most serious issue with the idea of the single history textbook in schools
arises, when it becomes the preferred textbook and recommended classroom peda-
gogy of history teaching, which is imposed on all students. It becomes a hegemonic
tool for political and cultural reproduction. Such a totalising ideology lens in the
single history textbook contradicts the notion of pluralist democracy, human rights
and social justice. If there is no one right way, as Carnoy writes, to organize an
education system (Carnoy, 1999, p.84), it follows that there is no right single
history textbook, as advocated by Putin and his followers.
Despite a politicized and controversial history textbook debate in the media over
the Kremlin-proposed single textbook in Russian history, RIA-Novosti, reported on
August 9, 2013, that a state-run opinion poll in August 2013 showed that almost
three-quarters of Russians generally liked Russian history classes in secondary
school. The poll was conducted by the Russian Public Opinion Research Center
(VTsIOM) on July 2021, consisting of a nationwide sample of 1600 participants
across 130 residential areas in 42 Russian regions. Of the respondents, when asked
whether certain events needed more attention in Russian history textbooks, only
10% felt that World War II needed more space:
Seventy-four percent of Russians told the Russian Public Opinion Research Center
(VTsIOM) that they mostly liked their history teachers and the way they taught the sub-
ject. Russians aged 1824 constituted 78 percent of that figure, the poll said an age group
that would have studied history in the post-Soviet era Asked whether there are specific
events in Russias history that should be given more attention than others in textbooks, 58
percent of the new polls respondents said that all events should be covered equally. Only
10 percent said that the Great Patriotic War as the Soviet Unions participation in World
War II from 194145 is known in Russia is worth extra attention.
(Textbooks Aside, Most Russians Liked History Lessons Poll
http://en.rian.ru/russia/20130809/182672023/Textbooks-Aside-Most-Russians-Liked-
History-Lessons--Poll.html).
In the new development in August 2014, Livanov stated that there wont be a single
textbook but rather a single standard for the development of textbooks. At a press
conference on 27 August 2014, Livanov stated that most likely we will not have a
single history textbook. Instead, Russia will have a single historical-cultural stan-
dard on the basis of which will be developed history textbooks. That does not mean
there will be one single textbook (Livanov, 2014). Russian history textbooks are
now based on this new the historic-cultural standard. Their publication was expected
in 20152016:
Well have a universal historic-cultural standard. It has been developed, methodological
recommendations on its implementation have been published, teachers have completed the
skill-raising courses and schools have received methodology recommendations (Livanov,
2014. http://russkiymir.ru/en/magazines/article/155083/).
Is this a defeat for Putins proposal for a single Russian history textbook, as some
critics suggest? This remains to be seen. What it does indicate is that the Ministry of
Education and Science itself is anything but committed to Putins idea of a single
textbook, and that they were to develop their single historical-cultural standard for
the Russian history textbooks for the 20152016 school year (Popova, 2014).
Conclusion 57
During a cabinet re-shuffle, Dmitry Livanov was replaced by Olga Vasilyeva in

August 2016. Vladimir Putin appointed presidential administration official Olga
Vasilyeva, a religious expert, as Russias new Minister for Education and Science.
From 2002 she chaired the Department of Religious Studies of the Russian State
Academy of Public Service at the Russian President. She is a member of the Council
on preparing programs on Russian History at the Russian Education and Science
Ministry. She is a deputy chairman of the public projects branch at the Russian
Presidential Administration. Livanov became a special presidential envoy on trade
and economic relations with Ukraine.
Conclusion
The above media analysis shows the changing geo-political climate affecting his-
tory education reforms, especially prescribed Russian history textbooks across
Russia. The content of Russian history textbooks has emerged as a hotly debated
topic. Russian history textbooks have been affected by both a dominant ideology of
neo-conservatism, and nation-building. As a national ideology, it aims to promote
nationalism and patriotism, and an increasing control of the content of prescribed
Russian history textbooks. The key issues in the history education debate are the
new generation of the history curriculum, the quantity and quality of prescribed
Russian history textbooks, the national standards in history education and single
historical-cultural standard for the Russian history textbooks.
The politicizing of Russian history textbooks in the media demonstrates that
Kremlin-proposed core textbooks in Russian history, and imperatives of the history
standards to promote patriotism and reject Western models of history education,
signal a new ideological transformation in Russian history education in Russia. It is
characterised by the historiography of nation-building, patriotism and the celebra-
tion of historically significant key events in the evolution of Russia as a powerful
state.
Chapter 5
Historical Narratives andtheConstruction
ofIdentity inRussian History Textbooks
he Political andCultural Context ofHistory Education

T
intheRussian Federation
Current Debates inHistory Education andHistory Textbooks
Current government policy on the history national curriculum, and prescribed

Russian history textbooks, demonstrates that the key aim of history education is to
infuse the values of patriotism, and national identity during history lessons
(Aleksashkina & Zajda, 2015; Henderson & Zajda, 2016). The recent push by
President Putin, for core Russian history textbooks demonstrates the states play for
power and control of knowledge. Together with history national curriculum they
invariably signal a pronounced exercise in forging a new perception of the new
national identity, patriotism, and nation-building (Zajda, 2015b). According to
Lovorn and Tsyrlina-Spady (2015), and Zajda and Smith (2013) performed a com-
prehensive survey and qualitative analysis of responses of 200 secondary-level his-
tory teachers across Russia, demonstrating a pronounced geo-political ideological
shift in historical knowledge and understanding:
Findings [Zajda & Smith, 2013] confirmed and charted the ideological shift in the interpre-
tation of historical narratives and the advancement of patriotic history curriculum in Russian
high schools, and significantly inspired and guided our further investigation in this field of
study (Lovorn & Tsyrlina-Spady, 2015, p.41).
In their recent research, dealing with nationalism and ideology in Russian history
textbooks, Lovorn and Tsyrlina-Spady note a surge of patriotism within educa-
tional policy documents and the curriculum (Lovorn & Tsyrlina-Spady, 2015,
p.33). This new wave of patriotism also comes with the ideology of a positive re-
affirmation of the greatness of the present Russian state, as the new truth. In another
research study, Tsyrlina-Spady and Lovorn (2015) conclude that the language used
to describe these historical events had, in fact, reverted back to the same Cold War

DOI10.1007/978-94-024-0972-7_5
60 5 Historical Narratives andtheConstruction ofIdentity inRussian History Textbooks
ideological themes of patriotism and national identity (Tsyrlina-Spady & Lovorn,

2015, p.54).
Rapoport (2012), in analysing the impact of ideology on historical narratives in
Russian history textbooks, pointed out that textbook writers tend to employ
traditional metaphors and symbols to convey politically desirable values. He argued
that Russian education policy analysts use traditional metaphors, rather than
including challenges of globalization to deconstruct, to reinterpret, and eventually,
to renegotiate old assumptions through civic curriculum. They substituted public
debates of real controversies by traditionalistic metaphors and symbols that only
postponed but did not resolve real problems of identity and socialization (Rapoport,
2012, p.25). This policy shift in Russian history education is a sign of a deeper
involvement of the state, not citizens, in civic education processes to shape, to
control, and eventually to sustain a chosen ideological framework (Rapoport, 2012,
p.25).
The chapter discusses hero leaders, and heroic events in defence of Russia. This
is done through representations of selected and significant historical narratives cov-
ering 18121945, featured in prescribed Russian history textbooks for secondary
schools across the Russian Federation (RF). This particular period was defined in
our successful Australian Research Council Discovery grant, funded for the 2011
2013 period (extended to 2015). The analysis of historical narratives, national iden-
tity and nation in prescribed Russian history textbooks in Grades 8, 9 and 11,
focused on the following 5 key events, to which Russian history teachers referred to,
in both the 2013 survey and the interviews (Zajda, 2013b, 2015b; Zajda & Smith,
2013): The Battle of Borodino (1812), the Crimean War (18531856) and the
Russian-Turkish War (18771878), as detailed in Grade 8 Russian history text-
books, and the October Revolution, and the Great War of the Fatherland (1941
1945), covered in Grades 9 and 11 textbooks.
The analysis of historical narratives refers to balance in the content, whether they
are accurate, whether they are creating new representations in Russian history, and
whether these new narratives generally emphasise nationalist bright spots in
Russian achievements. The key issues in history education debates in the RF are:
the new generation of the National history curriculum
the National standards in history education
the content of history textbooks, depicting significant events, and
the single Russian history school textbook.
The Most Controversial Topics/Events intheHistory ofRussia
Secondary history teachers across the RF were surveyed in 2013 to list controversial
events in Russian history, which needed further information and analysis. Most sec-
ondary school history teachers listed up to five controversial topics in need of an
informed discussion. While my research focused on discussing some of the few
The Construction of National Identity in the Russian History Textbooks 61
defining moments in Russian history, it is clear that teachers believed that there
were additional topics needing further discussion in the classroom. Given the con-
straints of the coverage of a typical Russian history textbook of some 200 pages,
coverage of all important topics is not feasible. In addition, the two-hour weekly
history classes would not be adequate to cover such a vast scope of historical
knowledge.
he Construction ofNational Identity inRussian History

T
Textbooks
There is a growing consensus among scholars globally that history textbooks con-
tribute to national identity construction (Carretero, Asensio & Rodrguez-Moneo,
2013; Fuchs, 2011; Henderson & Zajda, 2015; Hill & Gaddy, 2012; Ismailov &
Ganieva, 2013; Kaplan, 2005; Karachevtsev, 2013; Klerides, 2010; Klymenko,
2013; Livanov, 2013a, b; Manuilova, 2013; Mller, 2011; Nikolskii, 2013; Perov,
2013; Rapoport, 2009; Zagladin, 2013; Zajda, 2014a, 2015a, 2015b, 2015c). The
concepts of nation and national identity were examined by de Cillia, Reisigl &
Wodak, 1999). They critiqued some of the assumptions about the discursive con-
struction of nations and national identities. Their analysis of nation and national
identity was informed primarily by the works of Anderson, 1991; Bourdieu, 1990;
Hall, 1997; Martin, 1995.
In critically examining the construction of national identity in the Russian his-
tory textbooks, I am guided by the assumptions of nations as mental constructs, and
national identities as socio-political and cultural constructs. Also, the discourse of
national identity, as the unification of historical, cultural, political, ideological dis-
courses and perpetuation of the relations of power in society designed to cultivate
the idea of personal and collective distinctiveness of belonging to a nation, is
particularly relevant to the analysis of the discourse of national identity (DNI) in
Russian history textbooks (Pereverzev & Kozhemyakin, 2009; Smith et al. 1997;
Wodak 2001, 2007; Wodak & Meyer, 2009; Zajda, 1994, 2008).
In addition to the role of culture in the process of identity formation, some research-
ers have argued that one of the most important developments in discourse analysis
with reference to DNI (Discourses of National Identity), is its focus on power, ideol-
ogy and identity politics (Klerides, 2010; Luke, 2002; Pereverzev & Kozhemyakin,
2009; Wodak, 2004). Together, they represent some of the core aspects of culture,
both locally and globally.
Hence, the relation between historical narratives, knowledge and understanding
and the construction of national identities in history classes in schools, represent a
highly ideological dimension of history textbooks and research pertaining to them.
One of the fundamental curricular questions is: How is historical knowledge pre-
sented in schools? Is it simply a record of the past and significant events that defined
the nation? As a part of national identity and nation-building process, how are his-
torical narratives perceived and understood by both history teachers and their stu-
dents, in the context of local and global environments?
ussian History Textbooks andConstruction ofNational

R
Identity
Three Generations ofHistory Textbooks (19922014)
Between 1992 and 2014, at least three generations of Russian history textbooks
have been published. The first was published in 1992. These were the first post-
Soviet history textbooks. Major revisions were reflected in the next generation pub-
lished during the 19932006 period. The third generation covers history textbooks
published since 2007, which included Filippovs (2007, 2008) two history manuals
for Russian history teachers.
Korostelina (2009), who analyzed these three generations of Russian history
textbooks published since 1991, suggested that they depict historiographies ranging
from the humanistic to the positive nation-building approaches. My analysis of
Russian history textbooks for secondary schools during the last decade demon-
strates that new historical narratives in the first generation of post-Soviet Russian
history textbooks in 1992 were characterised by a more critical and informed
approach to the analysis of the complex, full of contradiction past, than later edi-
tions of Russian history textbooks:
Today the events of these years [the past five decades: 19401990, JZ] have become the
subject of sharp polemics, at times, explosive disputes Let us think together about our
past, so that together we can approach with confidence the way towards a democratic,
humane and growing society (Ostrovskii, 1992, Foreword, p.4).
Combating theFalsification ofHistory
Referring to a positive view of history, Alexander Danilov (2009), argued that

students should be provided with a positive view of Russian history (http://ria.ru/
edu_analysis/20090828/182803972-print.html). Here, positive view of history,
refers to both the acknowledgment of the significance and celebrations of the Soviet
victories during the Great Patriotic War. This is clearly a politically correct over-
arching aim of Russian history education in schools (See also Naryshkin, 2009).
The controversies surrounding the interpretation of the Soviet period and World
War II (known as The Great Patriotic War in the Russian Federation) still exist. This
was demonstrated by my 2013 survey of Russian history teachers across the RF
(Zajda, 2014a). There was a consensus among secondary history teachers that there
was a need to present a more balanced and more critical representation of the Great
Patriotic War. Teachers wanted to know more about the background leading to the
war, reasons for early defeats, the leadership role of Stalin, and the allies contribu-
tions to the war efforts.
Russian History Textbooks andConstruction ofNational Identity 63
The Single Russian History Textbook
The most hotly debated topic in history education in the RF in 2013 was the idea of
the single Russian history textbook for secondary schools. On the one hand, the
National History Curriculum and the National History Exams for the final year sec-
ondary schools define specific knowledge, and skills relevant to historical understand-
ing. On the other hand, Putins preference for a single history textbook would work
against the existing history education policy documents. The politicizing of Russian
history textbooks demonstrates that the Kremlin-proposed single textbook in Russian
history and the imperatives of the history standards to promote patriotism and rejec-
tion of Western models of history education signal a new ideological transformation in
history education in the RF. Ideology, in this case the national ideology promoted by
President Putin (2007a, 2012), and his followers, is likely to have a powerful influence
on the new representations of key events in Russian history.
Filippovs Teachers Manuals
Oleg Kashin (2007, July 3) in Nezavisimaya Gazeta (Independent Newspaper), an

influential and high-profile, privately-owned daily, reported on the controversy sur-
rounding Filippovs (2007) first edition of The Modern History of Russia, 1945
2006: A Teachers Manual. Apparently, the textbook authors of the Kremlin history
textbook fail to find common language with community of historians. In his article
In search of a Short Course, Kashin wrote that that the history teachers manual,
was designed to offer a point of departure for the understanding of history, and
provide a guidepost for teaching history:
It is essential that Russian education have a point of departure for the understanding of his-
tory. The book was written in order to set certain guideposts for the instruction of his-
tory, says Danilin. This is a first try at calling for an historic civil peace in our country,
against the background of the chaos taking place in the interpretation of historical events.
The book attempts to minimize the division [of opinion] existing in society, to reduce it to
naught. In the words of Pavel Danilin, the authors of the book attempted to approach each
historical figure factually, not to see either a devil or an angel in it (tr. J.Zajda http://www.
ng.ru/ng_politics/2007-07-03/9_kurs.html).
It is clear that this secondary history teachers manual was designed by the state, to
represent a new approach to historical knowledge and understanding, which Russian
history secondary teachers are encouraged to accept. Furthermore, there is an
unmistakable sign of a nation-building process. Both teachers and students learn
that Russia is indeed occupying a special place in the worlds historical process.
Teaching Patriotism inHistory Classes inSecondary Schools
The value of patriotism is already articulated in both The National History

Curriculum and The Standards in History for Secondary Schools policy docu-
ments. In The History Curriculum: A Model for Secondary School, prepared by
the Ministry of Education and Science (MoES), the first aim of history education is
to cultivate patriotism (vospitanie patriotizma), and the respect towards history
and traditions of our Motherland (p.2). Similarly, in the Standard srednego (pol-
nogo) obshchego obrazovaniia po istorii (the National Standards in History for
Secondary Schools) (2010), the major goal of teaching and learning history in sec-
ondary schools is vospitanie (the upbringing, or moral education) of citizenship
(grazhdanstvennost) and national identity (natsionalnaia identichnost), against the
background of historically created cultural, religious, ethnic traditions, moral and
social structures and ideological doctrines (Standard srednego (polnogo) obsh-
chego obrazovaniia po istorii, 2010, p.105).
Russian History Curriculum inSecondary Schools
School Structure intheRF
Grades 14 cover primary school. Grades 59 provide incomplete secondary educa-

tion for students between the ages of 10 and 15. At the end of Grade 9 students sit
for a formal examination, and are awarded a school certificate, or Diploma of com-
pletion of lower secondary education. At the end of Grade 9 schooling, the student
has three possible career paths: continue with secondary education in Grades 1011
to obtain a high school diploma, enrol in a specialised secondary college (tekhni-
kum), which offers vocational or technical preparation for employment, combined
with general education, or enrol in vocational/technical schools (professionalnie-
tekhnicheskie uchilishcha, or PTUs), which offer work-related training between 1
and 2years.
History is taught in schools in grades 511, across the Russian Federation. As
Table5.1 below shows, Grades 56 cover the period beginning with ancient history
and ending with the fifteenth century. Grades 78 cover the period beginning with
the sixteenth century up to the early twentieth century. Grade 9 deals mainly with
twentieth century. Grade 10 covers the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and the
final year, Grade 11, deals with Russian history during the twentieth century.
Russian History Curriculum inSecondary Schools 65
Table 5.1 Russian history/World history: Grades 511

Class Russian history (twentieth Russia and the World (new course in
Grades hours (h) century) for Grades 10 and 11 2017) in Grades 10 & 11
56 136 Russian history (from ancient Ancient history to middle ages
to the fifteenth century
78 136 Russian history (sixteenth to World history (sixteenth to early twentieth
early twentieth centuries) centuries)
9 68 Russian history: twentieth to World history
early twenty-first centuries
10 68 Russian history (eighteenth to World history (from the ancient era to mid
nineteenth centuries) nineteenth century
11 68 Russian history (twentieth to World history (from the second half of the
early twenty-first centuries) nineteenth to early twenty-first centuries)
Core Secondary School History Textbooks
The textbook sample used in this research consisted of three widely used core pre-
scribed Russian history textbooks for secondary students in Grades 8, 9 and 11,
covering the events between 1812 and 1945. The most popular prescribed Grade 8
textbook, Istoriia Rossii: XIX vek (History of Russia: the 19th Century, 10th edition,
2011/2012), by A.Danilov and L.Kosulina, covers 19th Century Russian history.
The print run was 100,000 copies, signifying its immense popularity among history
teachers and secondary schools. The textbook was on the Ministry of Education and
Science list, and rated as a prescribed or the top rating (rekomendovano) for Grade
8 Russian history textbook. The textbook begins with the reign of Alexander I and
it ends with the reign of Alexander III.It includes short paragraphs on social move-
ments and culture.
One of the most popular Russian history textbook for Grade 9 continues to be
Istoriia Rossii: XX-nachalo XXI veka (History of Russia: 20th and the beginning
of 21st century, by A.Danilov, L.Kosulina and M.Brandt. This was confirmed
during my discussions with secondary history teachers in September 2011, and the
data from the 2012/2013 survey of 200 history teachers across the Russian
Federation. The textbooks print run was 80,000. The text starts with a review of
Russia around 1900, and ends with the perestroika years (19851991), the collapse
of the USSR and the geo-political place of the Russian Federation on the interna-
tional stage.
A very popular prescribed Russian history textbook in Grade 11 (the final year of
secondary schooling in the RF) is Istoriia Rossii: XX-nachalo XXI veka (History of
Russia: 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century, 5th edition) by Levandovski,
Shchetinov and Mironenko (2011). The textbook was also mentioned as their favou-
rite one by some secondary history teachers (see also the 2013 edition). Its print run
was 50,000 copies and it was published by Prosveshchenie. The 384-page textbook
contains 12 chapters, divided into three parts:
I Rossiiskaia imperiia (The Russian Empire, pp.768). It contains three chapters covering
Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, Russia during the First Revolution, and the
Monarchy on the eve of its collapse);
II Velikaia Rossiiskaia Revolutsiia. Sovetskaia epokha (The Great Russian Revolution. The
Soviet Era, pp.69326). It has eight chapters, dealing with Russia during the Revolution,
the New Russia and the NEP years, the USSR, the Great War of the Fatherland, the final
years of Stalins rule, the USSR during 19531964 period, and the USSR during the final
two decades);
III Rossiiskaia Federatsiia (The Russian Federation, pp.327374). The final part, which is
the shortest, has only one chapter, covering economic reforms, elections and the leadership
of Yeltsin, Medvedev and Putin.
In terms of balance, Part II, The Great Russian Revolution. The Soviet Era takes
up to 258 pages, or nearly two-thirds of the book. Both The Russian Empire and
The Russian Federation represent one-third of the book. The smallest space (12%)
covers the two recent decades of the RF.In their introduction, Levandovski etal.
(2011) summarise some of the significant events, and the bright and the dark
pages:
Rossiia, prior to 1917, the bright and the dark pages, the revolutionary whirlwind of 1917,
the establishment of the Soviet Russia massive terror, the testing years of the Great War
of the Fatherland, the re-construction of the Fatherland ruined by the war, the great achieve-
ments and mistakes of post-war period, the years of the creation of a new, democratic
Russia (p.5).
Grade 10 Russian history textbooks were not used, as they covered events prior to
1812 (Ancient and medieval history). The problem of sampling did not emerge as
these officially prescribed core school history textbooks were used uniformly
throughout the country. The Russian history teachers manual edited by Filippov
(2007) and his team was also analysed, as it represented the kind of historical nar-
ratives and significant events that were approved by the state.
Secondary school history textbooks were represented by core texts published in
the RF between 2011 and 2013 (with the print run ranging between 50,000 and
Table 5.2 Textbooks selected for analysis of hero leaders, feats of heroism and nation-building
Text # Title Author(s) Publisher (Date)
1 Istoriia Rossii: XIX vek (History of Danilov and Kosulina Prosveshchenie (2011)
Russia, 20th century) Grade 8
2 Istoriia Rossii: XX-nachalo XXI Danilov, Kosulina and Prosveshchenie (2014)
veka (History of Russia: 20th & Brandt
the beginning of the 21st century)
Grade 9
3 Istoriia Rossii: XX-nachalo XXI Levandovski, Prosveshchenie (2011)
veka (History of Russia: 20th Shchetinov and
century to the beginning of the 21st Mironenko
century) Grade 11
Full citations are available in References
Analyzing Historical Narratives inHistory Textbooks 67
100,000 copies per year per Grade level) and approved by the Ministry of Education
and Science (MES). They were published by the largest publishing house in the RF:
Prosveshchenie. It is important to note that the Publishers prepare history textbooks,
according to the National History Standards and Russias Unified State Exam
(YeGE) for the final-year Russian history students (Table5.2).
Analyzing Historical Narratives inHistory Textbooks
There are at least three reasons for using history textbooks in the nation-building
process in schools:
1. History textbooks constitute the main curricular medium for teaching of the idea
of the state sovereignty, the upbringing of the citizen-patriot, and the sense of
national identity (Danilov, 2012; Ismailov & Ganieva, 2013; Zajda, 2015a,
2015b, 2015c).
2. Prescribed Russian history textbooks are controlled and approved by the state
(Aleksashkina, 2013).
3. History textbooks contribute to national identity construction (Fuchs, 2011;
Klymenko, 2013).
By analyzing history textbooks it is possible to trace both the patterns of legitimi-
zation and formation of a national culture of remembrance of a certain society
(Klymenko, 2013), and a construction of the national identity (Klerides, 2010). A
number of scholars have argued that one of the main cognitive and affective func-
tions of school textbooks is to transmit official knowledge and values, by means of
the text (Apple & Christian-Smith, 1991; Fuchs, 2011; Zajda, 2015a, 2015b, 2015c).
The Political andCultural Dimensions ofHistorical Narratives
The political dimension of historical narratives in history textbooks was noted by

Fuchs (2011) in his review of history textbook research globally and the accompa-
nying historical narratives. He stressed The highly explosive political nature of
textbooks and research pertaining to them, resulting in history wars both locally
and globally (Fuchs, 2011, p.19). He identified the formation of a national iden-
tity and the construction of national identity, as one of the key themes in history
textbook research and national identity construction (Fuchs, 2011, p.20).
Bourdieu (1990), in Rethinking the State, describes the contribution of the
state, to the moulding of mental structures, during the creation of the national
identities process in society and schools:
Through classificational systems inscribed in law, through bureaucratic procedures, edu-

cational structures and social rituals the state moulds mental structures and imposes
common principles of vision and division And it thereby contributes to the construction
of what is commonly designated as national identity (Bourdieu, 1990, p.7.).
Russian History Curriculum designers of material documenting the theme The Great
War of the Fatherland, together with textbook writers and political leadership, as the
designers of the national identity and national culture, aim at creating a new conscious-
ness of belonging to the state, and identification with national culture. The goal is to
ensure that that culture and state become identical. However, as Hall (1996), reminds
us, all modern nations are, culturally hybrid (Hall, 1996). Hall (1997) also argued
that national culture is in itself a discourse. Wodak, de Cillia, Reisigl and Liebhart
(2009), add the political dimension to the discourse of national culture, by suggesting
that nations are political formations and systems of cultural representations (Wodak
etal., 2009, p.612) that allow people to interpret the imagined community.
istorical Narratives, National Identity andPatriotism

H
inRussian History Textbooks
Some researchers have suggested that the historical continuity is performed by his-
torical narratives that meaningfully connect the past and present (Mitchell &
Parsons, 2013; McLean, Rogers, Grant, Law & Hunter, 2014; Palmadessa, 2014).
Palmadessa (2014) gives a logical description of the story method used in our
understanding of historical continuity:
The dominant method used to construe this culture is through the stories that are told that
connect the past and present that in turn imagine how the culture is constructed. The narra-
tives are constructed yet controlled by cultural power as a means to unify across differences,
giving social actors agency to reproduce the narratives in various institutional contexts
(Palmadessa, 2014, p.20).
In what ways do history standards, the national curriculum and prescribed Russian
history textbooks, construct politically accepted and desirable historical narratives
of the key events depicting a historical continuity of the Russian empire/state as a
historical source of national identity? One way of doing this is to focus on the
sources and critical incidents in national identity, like Gettysburg for the USA, as
taught in prescribed Russian history textbooks across the RF.The Battle of Borodino
(1812) is one such critical incident. The historical knowledge of the Fatherland War
of 1812, serves as one of the key historical narratives and the continuation of nation-
building. This event plays a significant part in citizenship education and in promot-
ing the values of national identity, patriotism and the love of ones country. Students
are encouraged to research this event, by excursions to the museums and visits to the
battlefield.
Heroic Events inDefence ofRussia andHeroization oftheRussian Nation: Hero Leaders 69
eroic Events inDefence ofRussia andHeroization

H
oftheRussian Nation: Hero Leaders
Hero Leaders
Hero leaders, as represented in Russian history textbooks, are military leaders, and
the tsars, who contributed to various victories. The memory of 1812 events is deeply
buried in the Russian psyche. Most students had learnt about this in literature, such
as Mikhail Lermontovs poem (1837) The Battle of Borodino. Tolstoy in War and
Peace (first published in 1869) narrates the lives of five aristocratic families, against
the background of Napoleons invasion of Russia. Tolstoy was so fascinated by the
enigmatic persona of Napoleon that he gives him a good deal of attention in the
novel, including the events surrounding Napoleons invasion of Moscow, the burn-
ing of Moscow and the Battle of Borodino. Tchaikovsky celebrated 1812 Overture,
which had been commissioned to celebrate the Russian victory, was conducted by
the composer in 1891.
We begin with, Field Marshal Kutuzov, who is described as the hero leader in
1812, during Napoleons invasion of Russia and the Battle of Borodino (7 September,
1812). This is depicted in the Grade 8 history textbook (Danilov & Kosulina, 2011)
in the Section Otechestvennaia voina 1812 (The Fatherland War of 1812). The sec-
tion contains pictures, documents and class work (pp. 2433). The drawings
included were Kutuzov chairing his military council, and the Burning of Moscow
(pp.2728). Even though the battle ended in a draw, with both sides suffering huge
losses (the French had lost 60,000 soldiers killed, and the Russian lost 44,000). The
draw was in fact a victory to the Russians as winter was fast approaching. Field
Marshal Kutuzov withdrew, thus preserving the Russian army for further battles.
Napoleon also decided to retreat. By December 1812, Field Marshal Kutuzov was
able to report to his tsar Alexander I, that The war came to an end. The enemy was
completely defeated (p.30).
What the students learn from this narrative is that the 1812 victory established
Russias power and prestige in Europe. Russia had one of the most powerful armies
in Europe, and the tsar became known as the king of kings (p.35). The signifi-
cance of the Battle of Borodino was that it enabled Kutuzov to defeat the most
powerful army in Europe. Consequently, the Russian army and the Allies entered
Paris on March 18, 1814, forcing Napoleon to abdicate and accept exile to the island
of Elba. At the end of this section (p.31) students were asked to answer 8 questions,
including:
1 . Present a military-political account of the Battle of Borodino.
2. Using concrete examples demonstrate the role of the partisan movement in con-
tributing towards the victory over the enemy.
3. Present a general evaluation on the military campaign of 1812.
The Battle of Borodino (1812), judging by Russian history teachers responses,
emerges to be one of the most significant events in the nation-building process, and
for cultivating patriotism, and national identity in the RF (Zajda & Smith, 2013). This
key event, represented by the heroism of the Russian army at the Battle of Borodino,
aims at heroization of the Russian nation in the consciousness of Grade 8 students.
Some researchers have argued that nations like all other communities, are what
Anderson (1991) calls imagined communities. Hence, the construction of national
identity in Russian history textbooks builds on the emphasis of a common history,
and history dealing with collective memory. Maurice Halbwachss (1992) notion
of collective memory represents the selective recollection of past events which are
thought to be important for the members. Collective memory, according to
Halbwachs, maintains historical continuity by recalling specific elements from the
archives of historical memory. As such, this notion of historical continuity,
offers a necessary link to memory, identity and consciousness.
Feats ofHeroism
Tolstoys Sevastopol Tales (18551866) are also known to most secondary school
students in Russia. The young Tolstoy took part in the Crimean War (18531856).
His book is based on his experiences during the Crimean War. He examines the psy-
chology of war, and heroism, and concludes that the only hero of his story is truth.
Feats of heroism, with reference to the Crimean War, are described in the Section
Krymskaia voina: 18531856. Oborona Sevastopolia (the Crimean War and the
defence of Sevastopol) details the events, including the Battle of the Sinopski Bay
against a huge Turkish fleet, which was completely destroyed by the squadron of the
Black Sea Fleet, under Vice Admiral Nakhimov on November 18, 1853. The defence
of Sevastopol (18541855) is described on pp. 9499. The section describes the
heroism of the Russian Army, and the heroine, Daria Sevastopolskaia, a nurse, at the
battle of Sevastopol:
The defence of the Sevastopol fortress lasted 11 months The heroine was Daria
Sevastopolskaiaa simple Russian woman, who was the first nursing sister in the Russian
Army The bravery of soldiers and officers moved tsar Nicholas I so much that he decreed
that one month of service in the besieged city would be equal to one years wages (p.98).
The outcome of the war was that Russia was able to withstand the attacks of the
mightiest countries. Notwithstanding the serious military defeat, Russia was able to
come out with minimal losses (p.99). Students were asked to answer 7 questions,
including:
1 . Provide a general overview of the first stage of the war.
2. What were the outcomes of the Crimean War for England and France?
3. What were the main consequences of the Crimean War for Russia? (p.100).
The Crimean War and the defence of Sevastopol were selected to demonstrate to
Grade 8 students incredible feat of heroism, courage under fire and acts of bravery.
Heroic Events inDefence ofRussia andHeroization oftheRussian Nation: Hero Leaders 71
Heroic Deeds
The section Russko-turetskaia voina: 18771878 (The Russian-Turkish War) details

another great victory over the Ottoman Empire in January 1878 (pp.197-204). The
war was a conflict of national identities, encompassing religion, between the Russian
and Ottoman empires.
The detachment under Gurko crossed almost impossible to cross passages in
Balkan Mountains, the most significant barrier between the Danube and
Constantinople. Another detachment under Skobeliov, performed an equally heroic
deed, defeating the Turks and approached Istanbul, ready to take it. Only a categori-
cal order forbidding the taking of Istanbul (as he was afraid of Europes involvement
in the war) stopped Skobeliov (p.200).
The outcome of the war was, among other things, the liberation of Bulgaria, after
some four centuries of Ottoman rule (p. 202). Alexander II became known in
Bulgaria as the Tsar-Liberator of Russians and Bulgarians, and the avtoritet (the
authority) of the Russian military glory was completely restored:
This was due to an ordinary Russian soldier who was firm and brave in the battles...The
victory of the 18771878 war the greatest military achievement of Russia during the second
half of the 19th century . It demonstrated the growth of the authority of Russia among the
Slavic countries (p.202).
Students were asked the following questions:

1 . What were the causes of the Russian-Turkish War?
2. Using the map, provide an account of the main battles in this war.
3. How did major European powers react to the success of the Russian Armies?
4. What were the consequences of the Russian-Turkish War of 18771878? (p.203).
he Great National Significance ofthe1917 October

T
Revolution: Leadership
A new ideological shift in historical knowledge and understanding, referred to

earlier, is found in the historical narrative depicting the 1917 October Revolution.
President Putin (2014a, 2014b) referred to it as an event of great national signifi-
cance. In January 2014, Putin, at the meeting with authors of a new framework for
a school textbook on Russian history, said:
This year (2014) will mark 100years since the beginning of World War I.Ahead of us are
the 70th Anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War, 100years of the February and
October Revolutions [of 1917]. These dates are of great national significance, all of them,
regardless of how we assess them. This is a fact, and we should consider together what
events should be organised, and on what scale on a national level. I would like to hear your
suggestions (file:///H:/President%20of%20Russia.htm).
President Putins policy statement on the great national significance of the 1917
Revolutions in Russia demonstrates an ideological turn, where the October
Revolution is now associated with the foundation myth and the new meta-narrative
of the greatness of Russia on the worlds stage.
The Russian Revolution in 1917 was a monumental political and social transfor-
mation in Russia, which brought down the autocratic monarchy; toppled Kerenskys
Provisional Government and installed the Bolshevik Government under Lenin
(Zajda, 2014c). Most authors agree that both Lenin and Trotsky (Lev Davidovich
Bronstein) played a decisive role in orchestrating the attack on the Winter Palace,
the seat of the Provisional Government. Lenin was an ideological leader, and
Trotsky was a military organizer. On 8 October, Trotsky was elected Chairman of
Petrograd Soviet, and established a Military-Revolutionary Committee (MRC). The
MRC, under Trotskys leadership played a significant military role in coordination
of the October 1917 Revolution. Trotsky, undoubtedly, played a major part in the
organization of the uprising.
According to Zhuravlev, the Institute of Russian History, the Russian Academy
of Sciences, scholars have come to a consensus above all on the key events of the
20th century and the Soviet period, within the framework of the national historic-
cultural standard (adopted in 2014). Consequently, 1917 Russian revolutions were
combined to form a single entity as the Great Russian Revolution, consisting of
three stages: February 1917 (earlier referred to as the February revolution), October
1917 (earlier referred to as The Great October socialist revolution) and the third
stage which is the Civil War of 19171923 (http://russkiymir.ru/en/magazines/arti-
cle/155083/. The new approach to the understanding of the Russian Revolution is to
treat the revolution as a complex continuum that embraced the period of
19051922.
The chapter Velikaia rossiiskaia revolutsiia (The Great Russian Revolution,
chapter 2, section 12, pp.8891, Danilov, Kosulina & Brandt, 2011) is part of the
chapter The Great Russian Revolution: 19171922. The fact that the October
Revolution is now included in the events covering 19171922, suggests that there
has been a re-think on the ideological significance of the October Revolution in the
nation-building process. In previous textbooks, including Soviet textbooks, the
October Revolution was a stand-alone politically significant event in the formation
of the future USSR.The Revolution chapter now includes the February Revolution
and the Civil War. This new thinking on the Russian Revolution has been reported
in the Russian media (Zajda, 2014a).
In Grade 11 History textbook, there is the final section Istoricheskoe znachenie
revolutsii 1917 (the historical significance of the 1917 Revolution). The section,
explaining the historical significance of the 1917 Revolution, suggests a new and
expanded interpretation of the event (also reflected in the current single Russian
history text debate), which refers now to both the February and the October
Revolutions, as in principle they do not contradict one another (p. 89). While
acknowledging the world significance of the October Revolution, the authors are
questioning whether the event contributed to the legitimation of socialism, and a
socialist society in the country:
Heroic Events inDefence ofRussia: National Identity andPatriotism inHistorical 73
In the final analysis, did this new and second period of the Great Russian Revolution con-
tribute to the creation of the Soviet Society, the framework of which was constructed by the
foundational Marxist thinkers? (p.89, tr. J.Z).
It is clear, that unlike the treatment of the October Revolution in the Grade 9 text-
book, in Grade 11, which is the final year of secondary schooling in the RF, we have
an attempt to engage students in a more open and discursive analysis of the event,
as demonstrated by the questions for class work.
Furthermore, there is a new conceptual perspective in historical knowledge and
understanding of the Russian revolution in the RF.The new great national signifi-
cance is now attributed to an event such as the October 1917 Revolution in Russia.
Also different is the new approach to the understanding of the Russian Revolution is
treating the revolution as a complex continuum that embraced the period covering
19051922.
eroic Events inDefence ofRussia: National Identity

H
andPatriotism inHistorical Narratives Depicting theWar
The Great War oftheFatherland: 19411945
Current prescribed Russian history textbooks allocate a great deal of space to the
discussion of World War II, in terms of its significance to the nation-building
process.
There is a consensus among the Russian history curricula writers, policy makers,
the Russian history teachers, and Putins government policy regarding the signifi-
cance of the World War II event, known in the RF as Velikaia Otechestvennaia voina
(The Great War of the Fatherland) for inculcating the values of national identity,
patriotism, and love for the Motherland (Putin, 2003, 2014a, 2014b; Zajda, 2013b,
2015a, 2015b, 2015c; Zajda & Smith, 2013).
Petrov argues that the use of the Great War of the Fatherland is the main and only
ideological device to promote Russias patriotism, social cohesion, and nation-
building: There is absolutely nothing else in the whole of Russian history that can
be used to unite the nation (quoted in Laruelle, 2014, p.61).
Putin (2014a, 2014b) already referred to the Great War of the Fatherland as
the event of great national significance. Hence, on 9 May, 2015, Russia staged her big-
gest ever Victory Day military parade on Red Square, displayed the countrys formidable
armaments in a show of strength directed at the West (http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/
article-3074519/Putin-Tanks-rumble-Red-Square-Russia-stages-biggest-Victory-Day-
military-parade-Western-leaders-stay-away.html#ixzz3fFyxWGjx):
New tanks, mammoth nuclear missile systems and some 16,000 troops were set to sweep
past the Kremlin under the gaze of President Vladimir Putin in a defiant show of strength
(http://www.ndtv.com/world-news/russia-celebrates-70-years-of-world-war-ii-victory-
anniversary-with-military-parade-761657).
The event marked the 70th anniversary since the victory over Nazi Germany in
World War II. However, in recent years the victory in the 19411945 war has
been raised to cult status and critics accuse Putin of seeking to co-opt the
countrys history to boost his personal power (http://www.ndtv.com/world-news/
russia-celebrates-70-years-of-world-war-ii-victory-anniversary-with-military-
parade-761657).
The new second generation of the National History Standards (2010) detailed in
Primernye programmy po uchebnym predmetam: Istoriia 59 klassy (Samples of cur-
ricula for school subjects: History) under the heading The goal and tasks of history
education in schools (p.5) stresses the upbringing (vospitanie) in the spirit of patrio-
tism, and respect towards ones Fatherland (vospitanie v dukhe patriotisma, uvazhe-
niia k svoemu Otechestvu). Putin (2012a, 2012b), in his attack on the falsification of
history particularly referred to what he regarded as unfavourable representations of
the Great War of the Fatherland in Russian history textbooks. Putin attacked the falsi-
fication of Russian history, and key events, aimed at damaging Russias international
prestige, especially the part played by the country in World War II, and wanted the
Russian history textbooks to depict both the Soviet Union and Russia in a more posi-
tive way, in order to inculcate national identity and patriotism among the students.
The Great War of the Fatherland (19411945), through the lens of historical
knowledge and understanding in Russian history textbooks for secondary schools,
has become a heroic narrative, where it tells a national story, for both Russian his-
tory teachers, and their students, in order to give meaning to their national identity,
and their social reality:
Nationality is a narrative, a story which people tell about themselves in order to lend mean-
ing to their social world.
The history classroom pedagogy of the topic The Great War of the Fatherland,
offers an opportunity to teach the notion of the historical continuity. The war became
the defining moment for the state, for the survival of the nation and its people were
at stake.
Danilov (2012), one of the most popular Russian school history textbooks writ-
ers in the RF, in his introduction O kontsepsii kursa Istoriia Rossii: 19001945
(On the framework of the course History of Russia: 19001945) writes that the aim
of his textbook is the protection and strengthening state sovereignty, and vospitanie
(the upbringing) of the citizen-patriot of Russia (http://history.standart.edu.ru/info.
aspx?ob_no=15378).
he Values ofNational Identity, Patriotism, andtheLove

T
oftheFatherland
One of the goals of teaching history in schools is values education and patriotic
upbringing, in this case, through the study of WWII. According to some Russian
historians, it is mainly through the study of Velikoi Otechestevennoi voiny (the
Great War of the Fatherland) that civic and patriotic upbringing is achieved
(Lebedkov, 2004, p.1).
Importantly, the Battle of Stalingrad was singled out as a significant theme for
the Year of Russian History in 2013. In the history journal Prepodavanie istorii i
obshchestvovaniia v shkole (The Teaching of History and Social Sciences in School,
2012), the column God Rossiiskoi istorii (The Year of Russian History) contains
suggested lessons on the theme Stalingradskaia bitva: izumitelnaia pobeda (The
Battle of Stalingrad: the amazing victory). This unit of work was created by
M.Chernova (2012).
The Melbourne Age published on November 3, 2013 a photo in colour of Russian
servicemen, dressed in historically correct Second World War snow-camouflage
uniforms, during a rehearsal for the November 7, military parade in Moscows Red
Square. The caption read Red Square echoes again with the march towards Nazi
invaders.
The opening section, describing the war, Boevye deistviia na frontakh (which is
also new and different) had two core questions, designed to reinforce the signifi-
cance of the victory for the world and the importance for all current citizens of the
RF:
General problem: Why was the USSR victorious during the Great War of the
Fatherland? What is the significance of the Great Victory (Velikaia Pobeda) for
all of us?
Problem: Why was the Soviet-German front regarded, rightly, as the major front
of the World War II? (p.189, tr. J.Z).
The Price ofVictories
The first-generation Russian history textbook by Ostrovskii (1992) Istoriia

otechestva (History of the Fatherland) mentioned that some two million Red Army
soldiers were captured during the June 1941May 1942 period. The battle of Kiev
resulted in 600,000 captured soldiers, and the early phase of the battle for Moscow
resulted in the destruction of five Soviet armies and the capture of 663,000 soldiers
(pp.2237). Students discovered that some six million Soviet prisoners of war died
in captivity (p.61). World War II was described as a great tragedy, which cost 27
million lives (including 10 million killed in the Armed Forces). This was an unprec-
edented military catastrophe that threatened to destroy the state. This period of mili-
tary crises and dangers ahead meant that Russia was in peril. These specific figures
are not mentioned in the 2011/2012 Russian history textbooks.
The Soviet sources admit that about two million were captured during the first
year of the war, including six million who died in captivity, and ten million killed in
battles. Overy (2011) provided detailed explanations on the Red Armys cata-
strophic losses in 1941:
The evidence of how poorly the Red Army fought in 1941 confirmed these expectations.
More than five million Soviet soldiers were captured or killed in six months; they fought
with astonishing bravery, but at every level of combat were out-classed by troops that were
better armed, better trained and better led (http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/worldwars/
wwtwo/how_the_allies_won_01.shtml).
Churchill onRussias Participation inWorld War II
What the textbooks do not report was what Churchill wrote on this topic. Churchill
directed Sir Stafford Cripps, the Ambassador to the Soviet Union, to warn Stalin re
eminent attack by Nazi Germany on April 3, 1941.
The message was finally delivered by Vyshisky to Stalin on April 23 (Churchill,
1950, p.32). According to Churchill, one hundred and sixty-four divisions rolled
eastward on June 22, 1941. Churchill felt a great relief, in view of Hitlers war on
Russia, the invasion of Britain was not likely to happen in 1941.
The invaders, Churchill, wrote were confronted by a hundred and nineteen divi-
sions and at least five thousand aircraft. Sixty-seven more divisions were available
in Finland, the Caucasus, and in Central Russia (p.338).
The battles of Moscow, Stalingrad and Kursk destroyed many German divisions.
In the battle of Kursk, the Red Army had 1,336,000 men, 3,444 tanks, 2,900 air-
craft and 19,000 guns (Overy, 1999, p.201). The German army, which attacked
with nine panzer divisions (including the 3 most powerful SS panzer divisions in the
German army: Totenkopf, or Death Head, Das Reich and Leibstandarte Adolf
Hitler, or Adolf Hitler Guards), 900,000 soldiers, or fifty divisions, with 2,700
tanks, 2000 aircraft and over 10,000 guns, were about to fight the largest set-piece
battle in history (Overy, 1999, p.201).
The battle was fought by some 2,236,000 soldiers on both sides, using over 6,000
tanks, nearly 5,000 aircraft, and some 29,000 guns. These figures demonstrate the
gigantic scale of the battle, which included the12th of July tank battle between 850
Soviet tanks against 600 German, making it the largest engagement of the war
(Overy, 1999, p.208).
By July 1943, with the battle of Kursk, it was clear that the German army suf-
fered a major setback on the Eastern Front and, as Churchill (1951) noted:
These three immense battles of Kursk, Orel, and Kharkov, all within a space of two month,
marked the ruin of the German army on the Eastern Front, (Churchill, 1951, p.230).
Richard Overy (1999) said something similar about the outcome of the battle of
Kursk, when he wrote: The battle of Kursk ended any realistic prospect of Germany
victory in the east (p.210).
ussian History Textbooks onWorld War II intheSoviet Union

R
(19411945)
The 2011 edition of Istoriia Rossii (History of Russia) by Danilov, Kosulina &
Brandt, for Grade 9 contains one chapter (nearly 45 pages) on The Great War of the
Fatherland (World War II). The chapter lists all defeats and victories and the price
of those victories. The textbook focuses on the German losses, and presents one
bald statement of the facts of the Soviet Army losses, which considering their hor-
rific extent, would seem to require further elaboration:
The victory was given to us at a heavy price. The war cost us 27 million dead (including
approximately 10 million of soldiers and officers . More than 8.5 million were impris-
oned by the Fascists (p.245).
The above textbook also focuses, in the main, on the victorious Red Army and the
defeat of the German armies in the key battles of Moscow, Stalingrad and Kursk.
Only a small paragraph (p.209) refers to the loss of 100 Red Army divisions in
1941.
The 2011 Grade 9 textbooks chapter mentions that the enemy had paid a heavy
price for their victories, during the first weeks of the war:
The enemy losses in the first weeks of the war were 100, 000 killed (this exceeded the total
losses on the Western Front), 40% of the tanks, and almost 1,000 planes (p.210).
Around Stalingrad, the Germans lost some 800,000 soldiers, 2,000 tanks and 3,000
planes (p.230).
At the battle of Kursk, the Germans lost 500,000 soldiers and officers, 1,500 tanks, and
3,700 planes (p.231).
The Soviet Army finished the war as the most powerful army in the world. The Soviet
Union became one of the two superpowers
The main reason for the victory of the USSR was the unparalleled courage and heroism
of the Soviet people
On the Soviet front alone, 607 enemy divisions were destroyed. In the war against the
USSR, Germany lost 10 million (80% of its total military losses), 167,000 guns, 48,000
tanks, and 77,000 planes (75% of its total military war arsenal) (pp.242245, tr. J.Z).
The above figures of German losses on the Eastern Front, document the fact that the
Red Army, despite its earlier retreats and defeats, was ultimately victorious. It also
suggests that judging by the fact that the Red Army destroyed 80% of the German
Army, it would indicate that the USSR alone played a major role in defeating
Germany, well before the Allied armies invaded France in June 1944.
By contrast, in the Grade 11 textbook, the theme, Velikaia Otechestvennaia voina
(The Great War of the Fatherland), has 4 sections, covering the war. In their intro-
duction, Levandovski, Shchetinov & Mironenko summarise some of the significant
events, and the bright and the dark pages:
Russia, prior to 1917, the bright and the dark pages, the revolutionary whirlwind of 1917,
the establishment of Soviet Russia massive terror, the testing years of the Great War of
the Fatherland, the re-construction of the Fatherland ruined by the war, the great achieve-
ments and mistakes of the post-war period, the years of the creation of a new, democratic
Russia (Levandovski, Shchetinov & Mironenko, 2013, p.5).
What is new in the text is the section Nakanune groznykh ipytanii (On the threshold
of severe experiences, pp.181189). It contains a 3-page account on whether the
Soviet Union was ready to repel the aggression. In Byl li Sovetskii Soyuz gotov k
otrazheniiu agressii the authors explain that despite a huge number of tanks (20,000),
they were old and there were only 1,225 modern T-34 tanks that could match
German Tiger tanks. It was made clear to students that Germany had a superior
technology, which had made it infallible during the early period of the war. Hence,
human sacrifice and heroism were useless against advanced technology and supe-
rior military strategies. Students also learn that Stalins orders to stop the enemy and
attack the advancing Germans during the early period of the war (July 1941July
1942) were unrealistic and strategically unachievable. Stalins relentless orders to
attack the Germans, even though his armies were outmanoeuvred by extremely
well-armed and better-led German divisions, had resulted in colossal and needless
casualties for his armies. Stalin had to have a convenient scapegoat for the 1941
major defeats. When the chief of secret police, Beria sent a proposal to execute 46
generals, found guilty for having failed to stop the enemy, Stalin wrote on the list:
Shoot all named on the list.
The Hero Myth-Making During theGreat Patriotic War
One of the most famous examples of Russian history during World War II, which
proved to be false, was the case of the 28 men of the anti-tank platoon, the 1037th
regiment (the old Panfilovs 316th division). Led by a political commissar (politruk),
Vasili Klochkov, the men fought against the German tanks, of the 11th Panzer
Division, destroying 18in the process. All 28 men died. Aleksandr Krivitsky, a cor-
respondent of the Red Star created a narrative, based on fiction, of the 28 Panfilovtsy,
who died fighting and stopped the enemy from advancing further. On 24 July 1942,
they were all awarded posthumously the title of the Hero of the Soviet Union (the
highest military award for bravery, corresponding to the VC). Vasili Klochkovs
aphorism Russia is a great land, but there is nowhere the retreat. Moscow is behind
us (Velika Rossiia, no otstupat nekuda. Pozadi Moskva) were immortalised in all
Russian history textbooks, depicting the war.
The narrative is still mentioned in the latest Russian history textbooks, including
Istoriia Rossii: XX-nachalo XXI veka (History of Russia: 20th century to the begin-
ning 21st century, 7th edition) by Levandovski etal. (2013):
Let us cite one example, from many others, of the immortal heroic deed of the 28 fighters
from the I. V. Panfilovs division, who blocked the passage to German tanks on the
Volokolamskoe highway. The words of politruk-Panfilovets, V.G. Klochkov, spoken prior
to the last battle, have spread though the land: Russia is a great land, but there is nowhere
the retreat. Moscow is behind us (Velika Rossiia, no otstupat nekuda. Pozadi Moskva)
(Levandovski etal. 2013, p.195).
However, in 2009, Novaia Gazeta (17 April 2009) exposed the myth of the 28
Panfilovtsy heroes as a lie:
Today it is crystal clear the 28 Panfilovtsy heroes is a myth. It is a pathetic legend in the
spirit of Soviet patriotism, which was first exposed in Novy Mir in 1966, and again in 1997,
when some top WW II secret documents were declassified. They referred to the Chief
Military Justice Tribunal investigation of the 28 Panfilovtsy. Here is an extract from the
file, based on evidence of the former regimental commanding officer (Colonel Ilya Kaprov,
JZ) who said: There was no such battle, involving the 28 Panfilovtsy, with the German
tanks near the village of Dubosekova on 16 November, 1941. It is a sheer fantasy. Boasting
and lies spread by the rear-guard rats (http://www.novayagazeta.ru/issues/2009/1614.
html).
What really happened on 16 November, 1941, was this. The 1075th regimental
commander, Colonel Ilya Kaprov, told the Chief Military Justice Tribunal investiga-
tion in 1948, that his unit was engaged by German tanks, and that the 4th Company
of his 2nd Battalion, commanded by Captain Pavel Gundilovich suffered over a
hundred casualties in the fight against them, and yet managed to destroy some tanks.
The so called battle of the 28 Panfilovtsy, with the German tanks near the village of
Dubosekova, never took place. Despite this revelation, the findings were kept secret,
and the 28 Panfilovtsy were considered national heroes. As the above 2013 Russian
history textbook demonstrates, the myth is still alive, despite the evidence to the
contrary.
he Meta-Narrative ofTheGreat War oftheFatherland

T
(19411945)
The first generation of Russian history textbooks was an attempt to offer a balanced
and informed critique of the dominating national narrative surrounding the past,
especially the Great Patriotic War (19411945). Almost 50% of the 1992 text was
dedicated to this event. Unlike the other generations of history textbooks, the 1992
edition contained more documents, letters, and other biographical material. At the
beginning of Chapter 1: The attack by Fascist Germany on the USSR.The collapse
of the blitzkrieg, the readers learn that the NKVD did a great deal of harm in the
lives of Soviet fightersfrom soldiers to the Marshals of the Soviet Union by
forcefully replacing commanders(Ostrovskii, 1992, p.14). One of the secret docu-
ments, from German counterintelligence sources, dated 15 January, 1941 refers to
the mass execution of senior offices in the armed forces in 1937in the USSR:
Due to the execution in the summer of 1937 of Tukhachevski and a large group of generals
being cleansed, 60% to 70% of senior commanders were the victims They were
replaced by younger and inexperienced persons (Ostrovskii, 1992, p.17).
By contrast, the 2011 edition covers the main battles in 10 pages, followed by class-
work and group work. The authors mention that during the difficult battles between
June and December the Red Army lost five million, either dead, wounded, or pris-
oners (p.198). The notorious 28 July 1942 order was described in the textbook, as
one of necessity. Due to defeats, there was chaos in the Armed Forces: Discipline
did not exist, and panic was so massive that Stalin was forced to issue the July
order, known as Ni shagu nazad! (Not one step back!):
In the cases of panic, and disorganised retreat of a division, all panicking individuals and
cowards should be executed there and then, thus helping virtuous soldiers to do their duty
for the Motherland (p.199, tr. J.Z).
For many decades Stalins July 1942 order was kept secret and was not mentioned
in Russian history textbooks until 1992. The authors stress that the battle of
Stalingrad destroyed 330,000 Germans (either killed or captured), and, overall, with
the Battle of Kursk the losses for the Fascist bloc reached 2,000,000 individuals
(p.201). By March 1944, the Soviet Army was already fighting in Romania, before
the June 1944 D Day.
The authors have a three-page narrative Chelovek na voine (Man during the war),
which is also new. It is to emphasise the heroic role of ordinary soldiers, and their
duty in defending the Motherland:
The Great Victory was achieved by the living people. Many of them at that time were only
a little bit older than you That Army that reached Berlin, in the main, consisted of young
people, who until then never held weapons, and who took the arms to defend the freedom
and independence of the Motherland the feeling of the Motherland was felt by all of us
(pp.205207, tr. J.Z).
It is clear that the authors wish to convey in these narratives the values of patriotism
and the love of the Motherland. Putin was particularly concerned that Russian his-
tory textbooks should cultivate patriotism, especially through the teachings of the
Great War of the Fatherland. At the end of the chapter, class work consists of group
work, including:
Using the historical map of the Great War of the Fatherland, study the course of
the war during 22 June to November 1942
Using supplementary information, prepare a talk on one of the military leaders;
or event which has a particular meaning for you, your family, your city
Begin work on the project Sudba moei semyi v gody Velikoi Otechestevenoi voiny
(the Destiny of my family during the Great War of the Fatherland years); inter-
view your relatives, and use photographs, letters, diaries, etc.(p. 209, tr. J.Z.).
The Great War of the Fatherland, as above examples illustrate, became a key
historical narrative in the nation-building process and national identity construction.
It is for this reason that Russian history textbook authors, like Danilov, Kosulina and
Brandt and Levandovski etal. (2013), stress in their textbooks how the war united
the multi-ethnic Soviet citizens against the invaders, where the Russian people
played a decisive part:
Hitler believed that the multi-national Soviet state will fall apart like a house of cards.
This did not happen. On the contrary, the multiethnic Soviet people (mnogonatsionalny
sovietskii narod) united even more during the moment of mortal danger... The decisive
contribution to the defeat of the enemy was made by the Russian people.
Levandovski etal. (2013) mention the idea of the brotherhood of multi-ethnic sol-
diers and the might of the state:
Creating New Representations in Russian History Textbooks 81
The fighting brotherhood of soldiers, who were residing in the Soviet Union...the people of
many nationalities and fighting to the death Above all, the great victory was due to the
incredible bravery of Soviet fighters multiplied by the mighty potential of the Soviet
state. (pp.203223).
The Great War of the Fatherland represented the sufferings, crises, and virtues (the
heroism of the people), and heroization of the Soviet and Russian nation in the con-
sciousness of Grade 9 and Grade 11 history students. Here, the construction of
national identity in Russian history textbooks builds once again on the emphasis of
a common history, common heritage and history dealing with collective memory,
in order to maintain historical continuity in ones consciousness.
Of the above discussed two key events in Grade 9 and Grade 11 textbooks, cover-
ing the October Revolution, and the Great War of the Fatherland (19411945), judg-
ing by history teachers responses, the Great War of the Fatherland (19411945)
emerges as the most significant event in the nation-building process and for cultivat-
ing national identity and patriotism in the RF.In the Grade 9 textbook, the October
Revolution and the Great War of the Fatherland take up 106 pages, or 28% of the
textbook.
The results of the Russian history teachers survey demonstrated that teachers
particularly singled out these key events, which, according to them, were either
under-represented, or in need of further elaboration. The Great War of the Fatherland
event was often mentioned, as significant in historical knowledge and understand-
ing, by respondents of the survey of the Russian history secondary teachers (Zajda
& Smith, 2013). Some wanted to know more of the early period (JuneDecember
1941) of the war. Others wanted to know the real truth surrounding the disastrous
defeats during the 19411942 period (Zajda, 2014a, 2014b, 2014c, 2014d). This
indicates that history teachers want to stay true to their discipline, understanding
why events happened, not just the events in themselves, and seeking multiple
sources of information to understand the events.
Among the above discussed narratives of the key events, it is now the Great War
of the Fatherland, which is used to emphasise bright spots in Russian history and
Russias glory, and the Great Victory.
Creating New Representations inRussian History Textbooks
The presentation of historical narratives, as depicted in the analysis of the prescribed

Russian history textbooks are characterised by the ambivalent nexus between nor-
mative, political and pedagogical assumptions. History teachers attitudes to inves-
tigating the truth gives way to the imperative to use history as a method of nation
building. There are also tensions between content in history textbooks and the
impact on the quality of learning outcomes, and ideological perspectives, where an
effective history textbook is perceived to be contributing to national identify and
active citizenship education, where students, by internalising positive images of
Russian history, become citizens (Danilov, 2009). Putin (2012a, 2012b) also sees
the need for promoting ideology, patriotism, and patriotic education (Zajda,
2014b). During the September debate on Radio Ekho Moskvy, on the topic The
Single History textbook, it was pointed out that the history of Russia, in the ideo-
logical sense, was a special subject (Larina, 2013).
In the ideological sense, Russian history textbooks, as in other countries, contrib-
ute to the cultivation of the values of patriotism, and national identity construction
(Zajda, 2014c). This can be seen in various prefaces written by the authors of the
above analysed Russian history textbooks, as well as in the way new narratives
focus on positive historical examples, to use Danilovs phrase, or the idea of the
bright spots in Russian achievements (Danilov, 2009).
However, some history textbook writers refer to the identity crisis. One such
author is Borisov (2011). In his introduction to the Grade 10 textbook Istoriia
Rossii: s drevneishikh vremion do kontsa XVII veka (The history of Russia: From
the ancient period to the end of XVII century, 7th edition), he refers to the krizis
identichnosti (the identity crisis), when he writes:
Modern Russia represents a complex and contradictory society. One of its characteristics is
what can be referred to as the crisis of identity (bold in the original, JZ). Society today has
no clear understanding not only of the future but also of the past they are perceived dif-
ferently, according to political perceptions and personal views. Russia has lost her usual
orientation in time and space. The system of moral values accumulated for many centuries
are now questioned (Borisov, 2011, p.4).
There is no doubt that the Great War of the Fatherland continues to be one of the
most significant events in Russian history textbooks in Grades 9 and 11. Danilov
(2012) points out that in Istoriia Rossii: 19001945 (Grade 11), one of the main
themes for history education is The History of the Great War of the Fatherland. He
also explains the question of the nature of war, and its significance for the RF:
Nothing has changed and cannot change. It was the Great War of the Fatherland of the
Soviet people for the freedom and independence of their country, one of the most heroic
pages of national history.
Danilov (2012) is aware of many unresolved controversies surrounding the study of

the Great War of the Fatherland, including the causes of temporary setbacks of the
Red Army, and Stalins leadership. However, he stresses that in the end, the war
was won by the Soviet Union, and one should fight the falsification of history,
attempting to diminish the major role of the Red Army in defeating the Germans:
There is a need to return to teaching material unjustly forgotten in history books, published
in recent years, objective reasons for the failure [during the early months of the war]
there is a need, in my opinion, to explain the actions and motives of political and military
leadership With reference to the falsification [of Russian history] during the last few
years there is a need to demonstrate the decisive role of the Soviet-German Front in the
Victory. The tables of losses on the Soviet-German Front and other World War II battles,
would offer an excellent example for this.
A similar argument is presented by Kiseliov (2011) in his Grade 11 textbook Istoriia

Rossii: nachalo XX-nachalo XXI veka (The history of Russia: 20th Century to the
beginning of the 21 century, 4th edition). In addressing the falsification of history in
Conclusion 83
the West, with reference to the role of the Soviet-German front during the World
War II, and the attempts by some Western historians to diminish the major part
played by the Soviet Union in defeating Germany, Kiseliov explains that since 560
divisions of the Wehrmacht (72%) were fighting on the Eastern Front it demon-
strates that the Soviet Union played a significant role in defeating the Germans:
Prior to the entry of the USA into the war (8 December, 1941), the Soviet Army already
launched a successful attack near Moscow, and won the victory. This, according to the
opinions of many historians was a turning point in the World War II (Kiseliov, 2011,
p.178, tr. J.Z.).
Conclusion
The analysis of historical narratives representing key events in current Russian his-
tory school textbooks in the RF, demonstrates the nexus between ideology, and new
historical narratives. There is a direct, state-dictated push for a national ideology,
promoted by Putin and his team. This ideological perspective is defined in the
National History Standards, and is promoted in Russian history textbooks. It is also
clear from the history curriculum documents, the new second generation standards
in history, and introductions to Russian history textbooks, that values education is
incorporated in historical narratives, and class work. Such values include patrio-
tism, national ideology and personal sacrifice; identity and citizenship (see also
Zajda, 2014d, 2015a, 2015b, 2015c).
Revised and edited historical narratives in current core Russian history text-
books, representing key events in current Russian history school textbooks in the
RF, demonstrate the nexus between ideology, the state, and nation-building. Current
history textbooks aim to offer new narratives, which focus on positive historical
examples, stressing Russias power and significance, both nationally and globally.
The narratives of the key events generally emphasise nationalist bright spots in
Russian history and Russias glory, and almost always military.
In historical narratives, among various events during the last two hundred years,
the two major world events, signifying Russias political and military power, are
represented by the Battle of Borodino, and the Great War of the Fatherland. The
latter, representing battles of decisive significance for the Soviet Union, is acquiring
even a greater ideological and national significance in Russias on-going nation-
building process.
Current Russian history textbooks continue to focus on nation-building, heroes
and key events, depicting wars and conflict, beginning with the Ancient Rus, the
Swedes, the Teutonic Knights, Mongol invasions, Napoleons invasion of Russia
and continuing up to World War II.Social and cultural life is represented as a brief
summary. The role of women in Russian cultural history is underrepresented, or
marginalised (Muraviova, 2006; Borzykh, 2013).
The Russian history textbooks analysis, dealing with selected key events in rep-
resentations of historical narratives demonstrates that there has been a clear ideo-
logical shift in the politicizing of history education in schools across the RF, and an
ideological re-positioning of prescribed Russian history textbooks. This ideological
shift has been also noted by Lovorn and Tsyrlina-Spady (2015), who argue that
there has been a shift from critical thinking, democratic values, and democracy-
based, historiography, to a more ideological, grand narrative of national history
(Lovorn & Tsyrlina-Spady, 2015, p.31).
Returning to the question posed by Filippov (2008) earlier: What place does
Russia occupy in the worlds historical process, and what perspectives are awaiting
our Motherland, addressed to Russian history teachers, we can predict the expected
answer. Putins (2007a, 2007b) earlier comments that the collapse of the USSR was
the greatest geopolitical tragedy, suggest not only nostalgia for the past, but also a
desire for empire-building. In this exercise, current prescribed Russian history text-
books would be a great political, social and cultural asset.
Chapter 6
Teachers Attitudes Towards History School
Textbooks
Introduction
Recently, history education and history textbook research has shifted the focus of
history teaching to examining history teachers perceptions of historical knowl-
edge and significant events, as described in prescribed history school textbooks.
In this chapter I discuss the findings of the recent survey of secondary Russian
history teachers in the Russian Federation (RF). The survey focused on collecting
teachers responses to representations of historical narratives covering 1762
2011. Questions (6 items) referred to balance in the content, as well as whether
textbooks are important in teaching, whether they are accurate, whether current
textbook narratives are creating new representations in Russian history, and
whether these new narratives generally emphasise nationalist bright spots in
Russian achievements. The respondents were also asked to list up to 5 significant
events in Russian history of the past 100years that the history textbooks either
ignore or underemphasise. The questionnaire was structured around the four core
research questions below:
Given a global educational environment in which bitter, high profile debates over
the nature of history education have frequently beset educators and governments,
how has the process of devising and implementing a national curriculum in
teaching and learning history in schools been negotiated in the Russian
Federation?
As part of these processes of curriculum development, what has been the nature
and influence of any relationship that might exist between politics and ideology
on the one hand and the politics of creating national identity through history
education on the other?
What has been the influence of the agendas of varying individuals, organizations
and groups on the recent construction of history education in the Russian
Federation?

DOI10.1007/978-94-024-0972-7_6
86 6 Teachers Attitudes Towards History School Textbooks
What has been the discernible and actual effect of curriculum change in history
education at school level, compared with the intended effect?
Using mixed methodologies research methods: a survey (using a questionnaire) and
discourse analysis, the chapter analyses and discusses the findings of the survey.
The questionnaire focused on collecting teachers responses to representations of
historical narratives covering 17622011, dealing with analysis of the success and
failures of the Tsarist regime, the Bolshevik regime, and Russian leaders.
Consequently, the main aim of this chapter is to offer an analysis of the question-
naire, with reference to the nexus between ideology, the state, and nation-building
as depicted in current history school textbooks in the Russian Federation, and
supported by Russian history teachers responses.
Background
A number of significant education reforms, relevant to history education and pre-

scribed history school textbooks are taking place in the Russian Federation. In May
2012, the Russian Federation approved a new generation of Federal state standards for
primary and secondary education [Federalnye gosudarstvennye obrazovatelnye stan-
darty osnovnogo i srednego (polnogo) obshchego obrzovaniia]. They included new
school curricula for history educationboth the structure, and content. Furthermore,
history curricula guides, reflecting national standards in education were developed by
the Russian Academy of Education, and approved by the RF. Unlike the previous his-
tory curricula standards, which contained the core of defined knowledge and skills in
history curriculum, the latest new generation standards replaced the core with samples
and models of curricula programs. In addition, President Putin expressed his concern
regarding the content and the sheer multitude of prescribed history textbooks, which
he first raised in 2007, when he publicly attacked some prescribed history textbooks,
which he labelled as hair-raising history textbooks. For the 2013/2014 school year,
the RF list had 83 recommended history textbooks for Grades 59. For instance, in
grade 9, there were 16 textbooks for schools to choose from. In addition, there were
also 21 core textbooks for Grades 1011. A strong criticism of such a huge variety of
textbooks was mounted by Valentina Matviyenko (2012), Chairperson of the
Federation Council of the Russian Federation. At the meeting with Russian history
teachers and history textbook authors she expressed her doubts as to whether all pub-
lished Russian history textbooks were of a high standard. She suggested 1015 core
history textbooks in secondary schools for Grades 511, and teachers agreed.
(Rossiiskaia Gazeta, April 20, 2012. http://www.edu.ru/index.php?page_id=5&topic_
id=3&date=&sid=22110&ntype=nuke).
In 2015, there was a top-down decision-making move to reduce the choice of
recommended Russia history textbooks for Grades 611. The RF issued a policy
directive (8 June 2015) listing the list of recommended Russian history textbooks.
There are now three core history textbooks for each grade. For instance, instead of 16
Russian history textbooks to choose from in Grade 9 (as was the case in 2013) now
Globalisation andthePolitics ofEducation Reforms 87
there are only three core textbooks, published by Prosveshchenie, Drofa, and Russkoe
Slovo publishing houses respectively. According to Koval (2015) the choice of
Russian history textbooks became narrower and accrediting censorship grew
stronger (Tatiana Koval, personal communication, November 2, 2015). The text-
books that have been used by schools earlier are allowed to be used only for 5years
since their purchase. There are now fewer approved publishing houses.
One needs to explain the circumstances surrounding the choice of the history text-
books and their usage in the RF.It is well known and documented that teachers were not
really choosing textbooks but were obliged to use those that schools had bought. In addi-
tion, the typical life span of the textbook usage is 5years, and schools did not (and cer-
tainly do not now) have enough funds to change textbooks and use those which teachers
might prefer. Of course, Moscow is an exception, as Moscow history teachers have
access to more libraries, and more flexibility in their choice. But even Moscow teachers
had limitations in this, depending on the type of school: state/private or location.
Globalisation andthePolitics ofEducation Reforms
The term globalisation is a complex modern construct and a convenient euphe-

mism concealing contested meanings and dominant ideologies, ranging from
Wallersteins (1979, 1998) ambitious world-systems model, Giddens (1990,
2000) notion of time-space distantiation, highlighting the disembeddedness of
social relations and their effective removal from the immediacies of local contexts,
to a view of globalisation as a neo-liberal and bourgeois hegemony, which legiti-
mates an exploitative system (see McLaren & Farahmandpur, 2005; Ritzer, 2005;
Zajda, 2005a, 2013b, 2015d). I would like to define globalisation, from a social
and cultural transformation perspective, as a new dominant ideology of cultural
convergence, which is accompanied by a rapid and corresponding economic, politi-
cal, social, technological and educational transformations.
Globalisation results in the intensification of worldwide social, economic and
cultural relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings
are shaped by events occurring in other parts of the world. Today, economic ratio-
nalism and neoconservativism have become dominant ideologies in which educa-
tion is seen as a producer of goods and services that foster economic growth (Apple,
2004). Governments around the world, including the RF, in their quest for excel-
lence, quality and accountability in education, increasingly turn to international and
comparative education data analysis. All agree that a major goal of education is to
enhance the individuals social and economic prospects. The RFs increasing focus
on PISA student achievement, and global rankings, is one obvious example of glo-
balised agendas defining performance indicators in schools.
Effects ofGlobalisation onEducation andSociety Globally
Globalisation of schooling and higher education curricula

Global standards of excellence
Globalisation of academic assessment (OECD, PISA)
Global academic achievement syndrome (OECD, World Bank)
Global academic elitism and league tables: positioning of distinction and
privilege
Global marketing of education
It has been argued that the politics of education reforms surrounding national cur-
ricula, standards, excellence and quality, as well as outcomes-based curriculum
reforms have largely come from Northern, often World Bank, ideologies (Watson,
2000; Zajda, 2015a, 2015b, 2015c).
Research on globalisation and education policy has indicated that forces of glo-
balization and accountability have affected the nature, and the value of school text-
books in Russia and elsewhere (Baques, 2006; Crawford & Foster, 2006; Janmaat,
2007; Han, 2007; Pingel, 2006; Zajda, 2005b, 2009b).
Globalisation and education reforms, targeting academic achievement, skills and
standards have resulted in a significant expansion of the monitoring of educational
outcomes globally. Thus, the politics of education reforms in the RF reflect a new
global emerging paradigm of standards-driven policy change (Zajda, 2015a, 2015b,
2015c). Academic standards, performance and quality of schooling continue to
dominate the reform agenda globally, especially the performance leagues tables. At
the same time, there are also politically-determined curricular reforms affecting the
nature and the content of history school textbooks in the RF.
Globalisation andReforms ofSchool History Textbooks
Recent research on globalisation and education policy has indicated that forces of
globalisation, standards and accountability have affected the nature, and the value
of school textbooks in the RF and elsewhere (Baques, 2006; Crawford & Foster,
2006; Han, 2007; Janmaat, 2007; Pingel, 2006; Zajda, 2007, 2009b, 2015a, 2015b,
2015c).
Research findings concerning the revised content on new history textbooks dem-
onstrate that the historiographies in the RF, engaging in the nation-building process,
continue to be essentially monolithic and intolerant to alternative views as those of
their communist predecessors, merely exchanging a communist ideological colour-
ing for a national one (Janmaat & Vickers, 2007; Zajda, 2012). Since 2003, my
research has demonstrated that the Russian Ministry of Education now controls the
process of evaluation of all approved history textbooks, and other core textbooks in
all school subjects. Since then, the new history textbooks, which have the Ministry
of Education seal of approval, have returned to traditional symbols of nation-build-
ing and patriotism (Zajda, 2003, 2012).
New Historical Consciousness intheRF 89
Current debates in Russia, around the main issues in historiography and the role
of historical narratives in the nation-building process, echo similar controversies in
the UK in the 1980s (Phillips, 1998), in the USA during the 1990s (Nash, Crabtree
& Dunn, 2000), as well as recent debates in Japan, Canada, Germany, France, Italy,
Greece, Turkey, the Ukraine, Korea, China, and elsewhere. In the USA, for exam-
ple, on January 18, 1995, the History Wars erupted on the floors of the United
States Congress. Research on Russian history textbooks has demonstrated that
school history textbooks are used for political socialisation, by promoting patrio-
tism, national identity and the nation-building process.
New Historical Consciousness intheRF
Nation builders rarely make new myths. Rather, they mine the past for suitable
heroes and symbols. just as Lenin (and later Stalin during June-December 1941
through to May 1945) resorted to borrowing religious symbols and myths from the
Russian Orthodox Church and giving them a socialist interpretation to attract peas-
ants and Stalin reopened the churches during the darkest days of World War II in
order to boost morale, so too did Russias immediate post-communist leaders and
intellectuals turn to Russias cultural past in an effort to redefine national identity.
Some scholars have examined structural forces and processes exerted by the state
and other major stakeholders in defining a new direction for history education
(Erokhina & Shevyrov, 2006, p.11). They illuminate further the complex, and ideo-
logically and culturally saturated landscape of Russian school textbooks, which is
grounded in a new approach to comparative historiography and context-specific
processes. Vera Kaplan (1999) in her study of Russian school textbooks notes that
they pay little attention to the Soviet repressions and mass deportations of ethnic
groups. Furthermore, many Russians do not like to know of the Red Armys war-
time atrocities and about complete indifference to human life by the Soviet high
command.
Recent and continuing public and political debates in the USA, China, Japan,
Russia, and elsewhere, dealing with understandings of a nation-building and
national identity, point out to parallels between the political significance of school
history and the history debates globally (Nicholls, 2006; Smith, 1998, 2001; Zajda
2012). Due to these on-going debates, history education has become a high profile
topic of national and global significance. Consequently, the chapters on school his-
tory textbooks, as medium for nation-building in Russia, is of geo-strategic signifi-
cance, for it helps to create a powerful form of global accountability of nations.
International research on school history has been done by the UN, and the
Council of Europe (Nicholls, 2006, p.8). The Council of Europe has played a major
role in funding projects to improve teaching history and history textbooks in Europe,
and especially in the Russian Federation between 1999 and 2003. One of the special
goals of this 3year project was to produce teaching resources for secondary schools
which would encourage both teachers and students to approach historical events of
the twentieth century from a critical and analytical perspective, using the same skills
and assessment criteria as historians. Both reports emphasize that no single version
of history should be considered as final or correct, and encourage critical thinking
and diverse approaches to learning and teaching history. The reports also stressed:
the role of historical interpretation and memory in forming identity,
history dominated by prejudice and myth.
These reports and surrounding discourses continue to define and shape the nature of
historical knowledge, dominant ideologies and values. The role of historical expla-
nation and the development of historical consciousness in the new generation of
school history textbooks in the RF, with respect to the state, as explained by
Aleksashkina, 2013, Email communication, 8 July; Shubin, 2013, Interview, 16
July; Koval, 2013, Interview, 15 July are: formation of the national identity (as
defined in the History standards curriculum document), patriotism, and the forma-
tion in the young generation directions of civic, ethno-national, social and cultural
identity in the modern world (National History standards curriculum document).
The relationship between history curriculum and national identity was explained
by Aleksashkina (2013), the author of the National History standards curriculum
document, thus:
Forming of the national identity is proclaimed as one of the main goals of studying history
at school (in the Standards).
As to what key determinants of national identity are, Aleksashkina (2013), states

that ones consciousness of belonging to a nation, plays a significant part in this
process:
Self-consciousness of a personality as belonging to this nation (state, ethnic group), assuming
its contemporary values and traditions, taking some place in the chain Past Present Future.
With reference to the role of Russian history textbooks in the formation of identity,
Shubin (2013) points out that while there exists a trend to recognise the importance
of all ethnic cultures in history, up to the nineteenth century, the history of the
Russian people dominated the historical narratives:
In current textbooks there exists a stance on the formation of civic identity, and the recogni-
tion of importance of all ethnic cultures in Russia. However, the history of the Russian
people dominates the historical narratives (up to the 19th century, after which history of
Russia becomes more unified). It is possible that future textbooks will offer a broader pic-
ture of the history of Russian people (Shubin, 2013).
Shubin (2013) also believes that what determine the national identity are the signifi-
cant events of Russian history in peoples memory and consciousness:
Determinants of the national identity are significant events of peoples history. For example
the fights against the Mongols is a significant determinant for the Russians, but not for
Tartars. The later historical events have the same significance for all people of Russia (For
example, the Great War of the Fatherland). However, they are valued differently by different
ideological and social sectors of society, which are almost independent of ethnicity.
A Brief History ofEducation Reforms intheRussian Federation: TheContext 91
Koval (2013a) believes, like many other Russian history teachers, as demonstrated
by the survey, that students national identify is formed by prescribed Russian his-
tory textbooks:
The formation of the Russian identify is defined to be the main goal of studying Russian
history in schools. Furthermore, both politics and ideology define the politics of the identity
formation process. At the government level this is the one and only process (Koval, 2013a).
In the RF, as in other countries undergoing a similar process of nation-building,

the three most significant issues defining the re-positioning of the politically correct
historical narratives arenational identity, preferred images of the past (reminis-
cent of Andersons imagined community), and Putins version of patriotism.
Some scholars argue that school history textbooks, represent a clear manifesta-
tion of ideological discourses in historiography and historical understandings
(Zajda, 2012; Zajda & Whitehouse, 2009). The ideological function of textbooks
has been analysed by Apple (1979, 2004), Anyon (1979), Geertz, (1964), Macintyre
& Clark (2003), Pratte, (1977); Sutherland, (1985); Zajda (2009a, 2015a, 2015b,
2015c) and others, mainly through the framework of structuralist and post-
structuralist discourses in curriculum and pedagogy. Research in more recent times
has shifted the focus of history teaching to examining history teachers perceptions
and understanding of historical knowledge and significant events, as described in
prescribed history school textbooks. To some extent, this survey is testing the
hypothesis that one of main goal of teaching history in schools in the Russian
Federation is to inculcate desirable values of patriotism and nation-building.
Brief History ofEducation Reforms intheRussian

A
Federation: TheContext
The RF occupies a land mass of 17 million square kilometres: it is the nation with the
largest surface area in the world. The Russian Federation consists of 89 regions and
republics, divided into the following four classes: 21 republics (including Chechnya);
52 oblast, or regions; ten autonomous okrugs, or districts; and 6 krais, or territories.
The republics are titular homelands of non-Russian minorities, such as oblast and
krais. Russia has 11 time zones. In 2017, Russias population was 146,389,999
(April 2017 estimate). See Russian Federation population, 2017. Retrieved from:
http://countrymeters.info/en/Russian_Federation#population_2017), yet the country
is sparsely populated, with only around nine people per square kilometre. The bulk
of the population resides in urban areas. The geography of Russia has always hin-
dered the implementation of government education reforms aimed at improving lit-
eracy, standards, curricula, and teaching programmes. Apart from the geographic
isolation of some schools, for example in the Far East and Far North, problems have
also stemmed from the size and variety of population, their nationalities and lan-
guages spoken. Some 130 languages were spoken in the USSR, with newspapers
published in 65 different languages. Pluralism in education had been guaranteed by
the Constitution of the USSR, with Article 45 stressing the pupils' rights to attend a
school where teaching is in the native language.
ational Curriculum, Standards andState Examinations

N
inHistory Education
As a result of radical reforms in education, curriculum and pedagogy, history educa-

tion in Russian secondary schools changed significantly. The first national history
standards for Russian schools were approved by the Ministry of Science and
Education and introduced in 1993. Since then four new models of history standards
were approved by the Ministry of Science and Education of the Russian Federation:
the 1998, 20032004, 20092010, and 2012 national standards.
The Russian Federation is a vivid and unique example of ideological reposition-
ing of historical narratives, blending certain Soviet and Russian historiography. The
new development is emerging as to the number of approved core school history
textbooks for secondary schools. President Putin favours to have only one unified
history textbook for secondary schools. Consequently, a special commission on
school history textbooks, headed by Alexander Chubaryan (the Director of the
Institute of Universal History of the Russian Academy of Sciences), was set up in
June 2013 to work out the main principles of this new core textbook.
The single concept of teaching history to Russian students is currently debated across the RF.
The work should be completed by 1 November We have received many replies on the
new standards in history education. We have already formed an editorial team, who will
evaluate various opinions We aim to complete our evaluation in September, so that by
October we are able to develop totally the new standard According to the directive of the
RF government, the work must be completed by 1 November. (RIA Novosti http://ria.ru/
society/20130808/955076860.html#ixzz2bcnWijRW).
According to Chubaryan (2013), the chronological carcasslist of facts, identities,

events, and understandings, which will define the conceptual basis of every textbook,
has been prepared. Also, the list of controversial topics, including approaches
towards depiction of 20th century events was to be discussed in September during
three major meetings. The team of invited experts had been instructed to prepare this
new core textbook for the 20142015 school year (Barabanov, 2013):
A new situation is emerging after President Putins decision to have only one unified history
text-book for secondary schools. Special commission headed by academician Chubarjan was
set up in June 2013 to work out the main principles of this text-book. The collective of authors
is supposed to prepare this text-book by the 20142015 school year (Barabanov, 2013).
Not all Russian history teachers and academics accepted the idea of a single Russian
history textbook. Koval (2013b), who is both an academic and a history teacher, was
against the idea. She believes that conforming to a state ideology is dangerous for
democracy:
One textbook seems like a way to unify minds and, as a result, the state can avoid contro-
versy and opposition. But as a teacher personally, I am against the idea I am afraid of
pressure of a kind of obligatory state ideology, that is the only correct one and [where] all
others are banned. As an academician I am also against the idea; [history content] can be
promoted in different ways, and not only by means of history (we also have social studies
obshchestvoznanie) We have no social consensus on the matter, as we do not have it, we
Research Design 93
cannot agree with only one Russian history textbook. And in our political situation to sup-
port the one idea only is a way of parting from democracy (Koval, 2013b).
The Role oftheState inAccrediting History Textbooks
School history textbooks, as instruments in the Russian process of ideological

transformation, and nation-building, are currently closely monitored by the State.
In other countries, these processes are still present but in less formal and more ad
hoc ways. In the Russian Federation, it represents an ideologically driven and state-
controlled nation-building process, overseen by the Putin government. Putin was
particularly concerned about the negative portrayal of the Soviet past, and he com-
plained that negative assessment of the Great Patriotic War (19411945) was
diminishing the important contribution of the Soviet Union in defeating Nazi
Germany.
The Ministry of Education decreed that, in view of new state standards in educa-
tion, all history textbooks had to be examined and evaluated by panel of experts,
including the Federal Experts Council on History, the Academy of Sciences, and the
Academy of Education. Approved textbooks would be selected by the Ministry of
Education on a competitive basis. The Ministry has been publishing on its official
web site all approved school textbooks for subjects for Grades 111. This includes
a detailed list of recommended core history school textbooks.
The most recent history textbooks examined here have a seal of approval from
the Ministry of Education. There are two levels of approval: recomendovano (rec-
ommended) and dopushcheno (approved). The highest rating is recomendovano,
as it results in teachers and schools adopting such textbooks across the Russian
Federation (Zajda, 2012). As every textbook contains the print run, it is easy to see
which are the popular ones. For instance, the year 9 prescribed history textbook by
Danilov, A., Kosulina, L. & Brandt, M. (2011), Istoriia Rossii: XX-nachalo XXI
veka (The History of Russia: From the 20th to the beginning of the 21st century).
Research Design
The purpose of this design was to understand and analyse secondary history teach-
ers attitudes towards the content of prescribed history textbooks. A survey (using a
questionnaire) was employed to test secondary history teachers responses to core
history textbooks. The questionnaire included two parts:
Part 1 Professional background, included 4 questions covering history teachers
teaching experience (length in years, 19years, 1015years, 1625years and 25
and above), academic and teaching qualifications, classroom teaching levels
(1416year-olds, and 1718year-olds), and the core history textbooks used in
teaching.
Part 2 History teaching and textbooks, testing responses concerning history text-
books, contained 13 multiple choice items on a five-point Likert scale from I
disagree strongly to I agree strongly. Questions referred to balance in the con-
tent, whether current textbook narratives are now creating new representations in
Russian history, whether these new narratives generally emphasise nationalist
bright spots in Russian achievements, and whether textbook narratives provide
a balanced description and analysis of different periods and events between 1700
and 2011in Russia. There was also one question (Question 18) dealing with 5
significant events in Russian history over the past 100years that the prescribed
textbooks by the Ministry of Education either ignore or underemphasise.
Participants
The random sample of the survey was distributed in Moscow (c. 110), and at least
30 secondary school history teachers were randomly selected from the following
regions in the Russian Federation: Arkhangelsk, Ekaterinburg (formerly Sverdlovsk),
and Khabarovsk [1]. In all, by April 2013, some 200 questionnaires were completed
by secondary history teachers in the Russian Federation. Since a stratified random
sampling plan was implemented by the survey researchers, the samples can be
assumed to accurately reflect both the geographical distribution of history teachers
in the Russian Federation as well as important aspects of history teachers responses
to school history textbooks.
Demographics
Of the 200 participants, 190 have a specialist degree in History, 9 have training
in History pedagogy, and one has a doctorate. Table 6.1 depicts the breakdown
according to the demographics obtained from the questionnaire: Group, Locality,
Gender, Years Teaching, and Classroom Teaching Level.
The study targeted five demographic variables in the sample of 200 teachers.
Random samples were drawn from this target population systematic sampling within
strata. The 4 groups were then defined as city or regional groups of the explicit or
implicit history teachers strata covering city, and region. Then, at least 30 sec-
ondary school history teachers were randomly selected from the following regions
in the Russian Federation: Arkhangelsk (A) and region (in the north of the Russian
Federation, and is 993km from Moscow), Sverdlovsk (S) (Ekaterinburg) and region
Data Analysis 95
Table 6.1 Participants demographics

Female Male Total
Demographics (n=164) (n=36) (n=200)
Group
Archangelsk (A) 28 3 31
Khabarovsk (K) 26 6 32
Moscow (M) 86 21 107
Sverdlovsk (S) 24 6 30
Locality
City 87 19 106
Region 77 17 94
Years teaching
19Years 22 3 25
1015years 54 14 68
1625years 48 10 58
More than 25years 40 9 49
Classroom teaching level
1416years of age 90 21 111
1718years of age 74 15 89
(Ekaterinburg, is the fourth-largest city in Russia and the administrative centre of

Sverdlovsk Oblast, located in the middle of the Russian Federation, and is 1,419km
from Moscow), Khabarovsk (K) and region (located in the Far Eastern Siberia, 30
kilometres from the Chinese border, and is 8,523 kilometres from Moscow), and a
random sample of 100 from Moscow (M) and region.
Data Analysis
Quantitative Analysis
We analysed the quantitative questionnaire data using descriptive statistics and per-
formed crosstabulations. In order to assess whether two categorical (nominal) vari-
ables are related a series of Chi-Square Test of Contingencies were utilised. That is,
assessment was undertaken to determine the extent of relationship between the 13
questions and the five demographic variables (Group, Locality, Gender, Years
Teaching, and Classroom Teaching Level).
Results
In the present study, the major independent variables are Group, Locality, Gender,
Years Teaching, and Classroom Teaching Level while the dependent variables are
the 13 questions. The research questions were essentially asking whether each of
the 13 questions is contingent on participants demographic variables obtained from
the questionnaire. Responses were collapsed in order to facilitate analysis the data.
That is, responses Agree and Strongly Agree were combined and Disagree and
Strongly Disagree were combined. Neutral responses were not analysed.
Group Association
As depicted in Table6.2, of the 13 question, six questions (Q5, 7, 11, 13, 16, and 17)
were identified as having significant association to group membership (A, K, M,
and S). According to Cohen (1988) the effects sizes (Cohens w) ranged from small
(w=0.231) to medium (w=0.423) (Fig.6.1).
Locality Association
Groups were re-categorized as being Regional or City and results of significant asso-
ciation of this demographic with a particular question can be found in Table 6.3.
Here, three questions were identified as having significant associations with the vari-
able of location. The effects sizes ranged from small (w = 0.209) to medium
(w = 0.350) (Fig.6.2).
Gender Association
Analyses of Gender associations were undertaken with the 13 questions. Only one
question, as shown in Table 6.4, was found to have significant association with
Gender, Q12, a small effect (w=0.206) according to Cohen (1988) (Fig.6.3).
Years Teaching Association
Analyses of Years Teaching associations were undertaken with the 13 questions. As

depicted in Table6.5 only one question was found to have significant association
with Years Teaching, Q11, a small effect of 0.243 according to Cohen (1988)
(Fig.6.4).
Results 97
Table 6.2 Significant group by questions 2 test of contingencies

Effect
Question 2 size(w)
Q5. Textbooks are very important in a history classroom. 12.10** 0.248
Q7. The textbooks I use are historically accurate. 13.16** 0.281
Q11. Current textbook narratives provide a balanced description and 12.68** 0.282
analysis of the successes and failures of the Tsarist regime
17621918.
Q13. Current textbook narratives provide balanced views of 8.31* 0.231
controversial incidents in modern Soviet Russian history
Q16. The textbooks I use give a balanced view of the achievements 20.71*** 0.365
and failures of Russian leaders 17622011.
Q17. In the modern Russia Federation, high school history teachers 34.03*** 0.423
do not feel pressured to present a particular point of view regarding
events in Russian history.
*p<.05; **p<.01; ***p<.001
93.1%
Q5 87.1%
99.1%
100.0%
52.2%
Q7 74.1%
83.0%
56.5%
47.8%
Q11 58.3% A
77.5%
47.8%
K
39.1%
Q13 42.3% M
61.0%
33.0%
S
70.8%
Q16 70.8%
77.6%
27.3%
86.7%
Q17 87.5%
46.9%
86.7%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
Fig. 6.1 Significant group by questions agree percentages
Classroom Teaching Level Association
Analyses of Classroom Teaching Level Taught associations were undertaken with

the 13 questions. There were no statistical significant association between this
demographic and the 13 questions.
83.7%
Q7
61.3%
75.3% City
Q11
55.4%
Region
83.3%
Q16
50.7%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
Fig. 6.2 Significant locality by questions agree percentages
Table 6.3 Significant locality by questions 2 test of contingencies

Effect
Question 2 size(w)
Q7. The textbooks I use are historically accurate. 10.467** 0.252
Q11. Current textbook narratives provide a balanced description 6.977** 0.209
and analysis of the successes and failure of the Tsarist regime
17621918.
Q16. The textbooks I use give a balanced view of the achievements 18.949*** 0.350
and failures of Russian leaders 17622011.
**p<0.01; ***p<.001
iscussion: Russian Teachers Responses onHistory

D
Textbooks
The questionnaire, Part 2, History teaching and textbooks, contained 13 multiple

choice items, testing teachers responses regarding prescribed history textbooks
used in classroom teaching. Questions referred to currency of textbooks used, accu-
racy of data, important changes in how textbook narratives have been constructed,
whether textbooks emphasise nationalist bright spots in Russian achievements,
and the six questions testing the balance in the content of historical narratives. Since
the other three demographic variables (Gender, Years Teaching, and Classroom
Teaching Level) yielded, in general similar responses as in group and location
demographic variables, they were not included in the discussion. What follows, is
the analysis of the responses, by both group and location (city/region)
membership.
Discussion: Russian Teachers Responses on History Textbooks 99
Table 6.4 Significant gender by questions 2 test of contingencies

Effect
Question 2 size(w)
Q12. Current textbook narratives provide a balanced description and 6.364* 0.206
analysis of the successes and failures of the Bolshevik regime
19171928.
*p<.05
53.5%
Q12 Female
23.8%
Male
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
Fig. 6.3 Significant gender by questions agree percentages
Group
Six questions (Q5, 7, 11, 13, 16, and 17) were identified as having significant asso-
ciation to group membership. The majority of history teachers surveyed agreed
(95%) that Textbooks are very important in a history classroom (Question 5), with
100% response in Ekaterinburg. Overall 66.5% of teachers agreed that The text-
books I use are historically accurate (Question 7). The greatest agreement was
recorded among teachers in Moscow (83%), and Khabarovsk (74%). The sample
was divided that Current textbook narratives provide a balanced description and
analysis of the successes and failures of the Tsarist regime 17621918 (Question
11). Arkhangelsk and region, Ekaterinburg and region, Khabarovsk and region and
Moscow and region data indicated statistically significant responses. In Moscow
and region, 77.5% agreed, followed by Khabarovsk (58.3%), Arkhangelsk and
region, (47.8%) and Ekaterinburg (47.5%). The further away from Moscow, the less
critical teachers are of the depiction of Tsarist regime.
Table 6.5 Significant years of teaching by questions 2 test of contingencies

Effect
Question 2 size(w)
Q11. Current textbook narratives provide a balanced description and 9.392* 0.243
analysis of the successes and failures of the Tsarist regime 17621918.
*p<.05
63.2%
80.3% 1-9 Yrs

Q11 10-15 Yrs
55.8% 16-25 Yrs
25 Yrs +
55.6%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
Fig. 6.4 Significant years of teaching by questions agree percentages
History teachers in the sample were also divided as to whether Current textbook
narratives provide balanced views of controversial incidents in modern Soviet
Russian history (Question 13), with 61% agreeing in Moscow, followed by
Khabarovsk (42.3%), Arkhangelsk (39.1%) and Ekaterinburg (33%). The greatest
disagreement was in the three cities outside Moscow, particularly in Ekaterinburg
(67%). In Ekaterinburg, the respondents wanted to know more about the Civil War
and the execution of Nicholas II and his family. The sample felt that these events
were minimized in history textbooks. Since this is still being debated, one can
understand teachers views.
Regarding Question 16, The textbooks I use give a balanced view of the achieve-
ments and failures of Russian leaders 17622011, the data indicated statistically
significant responses across cities and regions. In Moscow and region, 77.6%
agreed, followed by Arkhangelsk and Khabarovsk (70.8% respectively), and
Ekaterinburg (27.3%). The greatest disagreement was in Ekaterinburg (72.7%).
Overall, some 77% of teachers in the sample agreed that in the modern Russia
Federation, they do not feel pressured to present a particular point of view regarding
events in Russian history (Question 17). The greatest agreement was in Khabarovsk
(87.5%). In Moscow, by contrast, less than half of the teachers surveyed, agreed
(47%). This all points to a feeling of tighter control close to Moscow.
The greatest disagreement, especially to Questions 7, 11, and 13, with significant
variance was recorded in Group A: Arkhangelsk (53.7%), and in Group S:
Ekaterinburg (54.3%), making the last group the most critical in their responses to
Discussion: Russian Teachers Responses onHistory Textbooks 101
those particular questions. For Moscow, by comparison, disagreement for those

three questions with significant variance was 26%. The majority of teachers agreed
(99%) that Most of the textbooks I use have been published within the past 5years
(Question 6). The majority of teachers also agreed (90%) that Over the past 10years
(20012011) I have seen important changes in how textbook narratives of Russian
history have been written (Question 8), where the greatest agreement was recorded
in Ekaterinburg group (100%).
Almost two-thirds of teachers agreed (61%) that In my opinion current textbook
narratives are now creating new representations in Russian history (Question 9).
The greatest agreement was in Arkhangelsk group, but in Moscow, by contract only
half agreed (53.2%). Over two-thirds (67.1%) of the sample agreed that These new
narratives generally emphasise nationalist bright spots in Russian achievements
(Question10). Again, the greatest agreement was in Khabarovsk (76%).
The sample was divided (49% agreed) on the question Current textbook narra-
tives provide a balanced description and analysis of the successes and failures of the
Bolshevik regime 191728 (Question 12). This time, the Moscow group recorded
the greatest disagreement (58%). The sample was almost divided (57% agreeing)
that Current textbook narratives provide a balanced view of controversial incidents
regarding Soviet Russian involvement in the Cold War (Question 14). The greatest
disagreements were in the Ekaterinburg and Khabarovsk groups (76% and 56.5%
respectively). Less than half (42%) of the sample agreed that The textbooks I use
give a balanced narrative regarding the role of ethnic and racial minorities in Russian
history 17002011 (Question 15). The greatest disagreement was in Ekaterinburg
and Khabarovsk (76% and 56.5% respectively). Teachers, using such criteria as the
adequate coverage of the event presented and the informed argument presented,
thought the textbooks were either balanced or unbalanced.
Location (City/Region)
Here, only two questions (Q7 and Q11) were identified as having significant asso-
ciation to group membership. The majority (96%) of teachers agreed that Textbooks
are very important in a history classroom (Question 5), and 99% agreed on Question
6. The city samples agreed more on Question 7 (83.7%), compared with regions
(61.3%). This question recorded a significant association with group/location mem-
bership. About two-thirds of the city/region groups agreed on Questions 9, 10, 11,
16, and 17.
On Question 11: Current textbook narratives provide a balanced description and
analysis of the successes and failures of the Tsarist regime 17621918, which also
recorded a significant association with group/location membership; the regional
group recorded only 55.4% agreement, compared with 75% for the city. About half
of the sample agreed on Questions 12, and 13. Again, the city sample was more in
agreement (54.4% and 56.6% respectively) than regions (43.75 and 43.1% respec-
tively). On Question 14 that Current textbook narratives provide a balanced view
of controversial incidents regarding Soviet Russian involvement in the Cold War,

as before, 57% agreed. The city sample was agreeing more (63.9%) vs. 49.3% for
the regions. On Question 15: The textbooks I use give a balanced narrative regard-
ing the role of ethnic and racial minorities in Russian history 17002011, the city
sample had a higher agreement score (46.3%), as opposed to 37.7% for the regions.
This demonstrates a greater relevance for history teachers to have a greater knowl-
edge and understanding of different minorities in regional Russia. The results point
to significant differences in view by region. This is not surprising given the diversity
of the RF.
Finally, the respondents were asked to list up to 5 significant events in Russian
history of the past 100years that the history textbooks either ignore or underempha-
sise (Question 18). Of the 1000 possible responses by 200 respondents to 5 events
the collapse of the USSR, the Civil War, the October Revolution, the Great Patriotic
War, political repressions, and exiles of various minorities groups topped the list.
Evaluation
This was the first international survey of history teachers across the Russian
Federation, designed and directed by a Western scholar. It measured secondary
Russian history teachers responses to prescribed Russian history textbooks, espe-
cially the balance in the content. It shows that secondary school history teachers are
divided as to whether textbook narratives provide a balanced description and analy-
sis of certain periods and events. More than half of the teachers surveyed disagreed
that textbooks offered a balanced narrative regarding various events, especially on
the role of ethnic and racial minorities in Russian history 17002011, with the
greatest disagreement in Ekaterinburg.
Location and distance from Moscow, the politico-administrative centre of the
decision-making process in the Russian Federation, may be relevant as to how
teachers responded in the History Teachers Survey. The further away they were
from Moscow, the more critical they appear to be. There were regional differences
in teachers responses. In Ekaterinburg, by comparison, almost two-thirds of his-
tory teachers disagreed on the questions addressing the balance of historical
narratives.
The above survey also demonstrated that new narratives in prescribed history
textbooks generally emphasise nationalist bright spots in Russian achievements.
However, two-thirds of the sample agreed that school history teachers do not feel
pressured to present a particular point of view regarding events in Russian history.
Of significance is the fact that the vast bulk of respondents to the last question,
which asked to list up to 5 significant events in Russian history of the past 100years
that the history textbooks either ignore or underemphasise, were from the three cit-
ies and regions outside Moscow, namely Arkhangelsk, Ekaterinburg, and
Khabarovsk.
Conclusion 103
The survey data demonstrated an existence of the nexus between ideology, the
state, and nation-building, as depicted in historical narratives of current history
school textbooks. Lovorn and Tsyrlina-Spady (2015) surveyed 113 Russian history
teachers, with respect to nationalism, ideology and a grand narrative of national his-
tory. Their findings confirm that the Russian Revolution and Stalins regime score
highly on the chart in terms of events perceived to be significant (Zajda, 2013a).
Furthermore, some 58% of teachers considered it necessary to teach Russian citi-
zenship and about half believed that patriotism should be promoted through history
teaching (Lovorn & Tsyrlina-Spady, 2015, p.45).
Conclusion
The results demonstrate that Russian history teachers in the sample were divided as
to whether textbook narratives provided balanced views of controversial incidents
in modern Soviet Russian history, with the largest agreement in the Moscow sample
(61%), and the largest disagreement in Ekaterinburg (67%). The Moscow and region
sample agreed (77.6%) that the textbooks they used provided a balanced view of the
achievements and failures of Russian leaders (17622011), while the largest dis-
agreement was recorded in Ekaterinburg (72.7%).
As to whether there was pressure to present a particular point of view regarding
events in Russian history, teachers responded that they did not feel pressured to
present a particular point of view regarding events in Russian history: Khabarovsk
(87.5%). However, only 47% of teachers in Moscow indicated they felt no pressure
to present a particular view.
One of the more interesting findings was that almost two-thirds of teachers
agreed (61%) that current textbook narratives were creating new representations of
Russian history. The greatest agreement was in Arkhangelsk group, and in Moscow,
by contrast, only half agreed (53.2%). Furthermore, over two-thirds (67.1%) of the
sample agreed that new narratives generally emphasised nationalist bright spots in
Russian achievements, with the greatest agreement in Khabarovsk (76%).
The respondents were asked to list up to 5 significant events in Russian history
of the past 100years that the history textbooks either ignore or underemphasise. Of
the 1000 possible responses by 200 respondents to 5 events, the collapse of the
USSR, the Civil War, the October Revolution, and the Great Patriotic War, were on
the top of the list.
Teachers responses demonstrate that there has been a definite ideological shift
in the interpretation of historical narratives, and significant events: both in the con-
tent of prescribed textbooks approved by the MoES, and teachers attitudes and
values towards the core textbooks they use in teaching. Both teachers responses
and current government policy on the history national curriculum, where the key
aim is to infuse patriotism, and national identity during history lessons, and Putins
recent push for a single core Russian history textbooks, signal a pronounced exercise
in forging a new identity, patriotism, nation-building and a positive re-affirmation of
the greatness of the present Russian state. Teachers responses also demonstrate that
the issue of national identity and balanced representations of the past continue to
dominate the debate surrounding the content of history textbooks.
Chapter 7
Ideology, National Identity andPatriotism
inPrescribed History Textbooks: Secondary
Teachers Responses
Background
The chapter analyses interviews of secondary history teachers of Russian history in

Moscow. These interviews were designed to illuminate further some of the gaps in
historical narratives, and historical understanding, as documented in prescribed
Russian history textbooks. The interviews demonstrated that some respondents felt
that certain key and controversial events were either ignored or not discussed criti-
cally in current Russian history textbooks. The respondents offered detailed state-
ments on the link between national ideology, politics and Russian history
textbooks.
Totally new insights was provided for the relationship between national identity
and history education. Most respondents agreed that the national identity is formed
through the study of historical narratives, depicting significant events in the history
of Russia. Finally, most agreed, which was also revealing, and indicative of the cur-
rent political climate in the RF, that the primary value of history education in schools
was education for patriotism, and citizenship education.
The chapter demonstrates that the issue of national identity and balanced repre-
sentations of the past continue to dominate the debate surrounding the content and
pedagogy of history textbooks in the RF.The chapter concludes that a shifting geo-
political climate, most strongly evidenced in the Kremlin-based history reforms
tsars, will continue to define and shape the nature and significance of historical
knowledge, ideologies and the direction of values education in prescribed Russian
history textbooks in Russia.
The survey of 200 Russian secondary history school teachers, across RF, focused
on collecting secondary history teachers responses to representations of historical
narratives covering 17622011.1
1
The survey (using a questionnaire) was conducted across the Russian Federation, and was
employed to test secondary history teachers responses to core Russian history textbooks.

DOI10.1007/978-94-024-0972-7_7
106 7 Ideology, National Identity andPatriotism inPrescribed History
The sample was a purposive sample with a defined quota of 34 history educators
drawn from three major sectors of education: the school sector in Moscow, the
Russian Academy of Education, and the Institute for Curriculum/in-Service pro-
vider. The sample consisted of Russian secondary history teachers, textbook authors,
academics, and curriculum writers. The sample was used to conduct in-depth inter-
views. There were 23 Russian secondary history teachers (they were all from
Moscow), three Russian history textbook authors, four academics and history cur-
riculum writers, two Russian history in-service providers, and two Russian history
journals editors. The sample was used to conduct in-depth interviews.
The data from the interviews offered additional qualitative and in-depth mate-
rial, which illuminated further some of the issues raised in the completed survey
in RF.
The Politics ofRussian History Textbooks
ational Curriculum, Standards andState Examinations

N
inHistory Education
The Russian Federation offers a vivid and unique example of ideological reposition-
ing of historical narratives, blending certain Soviet and Russian historiography. The
new textbooks portray a post-Soviet, national identity, thus signalling a radical ideo-
logical transformation, from Soviet to Russian pluralist democracy, and redefinition
of what are seen a legitimate culture and values in Russia. New school history
textbooks particularly set out to overturn the Soviet emphasis on orthodoxy in his-
torical interpretation, by encouraging a critical consciousness in students. They do
this by approaching history from a multiple perspectives and inviting students to
confront certain periods in the countrys past in a questioning and analytical man-
ner. In the textbooks, pluralism, and critical awareness have replaced Marxism-
Leninism as the new dominant discourse. This could be a ttributed both to the impact
of globalisation on education systems, and Russias on-going reforms in history
education in schools.
The Ministry of Education decreed that, in view of new state standards in educa-
tion, all history textbooks had to be examined and evaluated by a panel of experts,
including the Federal Experts Council on History, the Academy of Sciences, and the
Academy of Education. Approved textbooks would be selected by the Ministry of
Education on a competitive basis (see also Aleksashkina, 2010, 2011). The Ministry
has been publishing on its official web site all approved school textbooks for sub-
jects for Grades 111. This includes a detailed list of recommended core history
school textbooks.
The Politics ofRussian History Textbooks 107
ational History Curriculum, History Textbooks,

N
andtheHistory Examinations
Recently, there has been a visible shift in the political climate in the Russian
Federation (RF), both internally and externally. This is most obviously seen in a
renewed drive for the ideology of neo-conservatism, nationalism and patriotism.
The politicizing of the teaching of Russian history in schools across the RF, and a
political re-positioning of prescribed Russian history textbooks for schools, demon-
strate a pronounced ideological shift in the national history curriculum, and is char-
acterised by a renewed emphasis on patriotism, nationalism and nation-building.
The 2013 National History Curriculum and the History Examinations of the
Russian Unified State Exam, or YeGe, define historical knowledge, skills and stan-
dards required for secondary students studying Russian history in schools across the
RF.These standards in history education affect to a large degree both students and
teachers, and also classroom pedagogies. In most cases, classroom pedagogies are
defined by teaching for the exam, as demonstrated by our survey findings on his-
tory teachers. The current heated and controversial debate surrounding Russian his-
tory textbooks for secondary schools had divided historians, history teachers, and
history teacher educators. The politicisation of Russian history texts is similar to
controversies surrounding the earlier criticisms of Filippovs (2007, 2008) Russian
History teachers manual. So, on the one hand we have globalising influences about
the nature of history as a discipline (openness of scholarship) and the neo-
conservatists attempts to control what is reported in the texts, in the interests of
nationalism and nation-building.
Russian History Textbooks
In general, school history textbooks continue to emphasise the historical greatness

of the Russian Statefrom the ancient Rus, the Imperial Russia, to the Soviet
Union, as a superpower, during the period between the 1950s and 1980s. Added to
this nostalgia for the past is the new concern for teaching the concepts of participa-
tory democracy, active citizenship, human rights, and social justice, never experi-
enced by the ex-Soviet citizens. New school textbooks in history have become a
major symbol for inculcating a new sense of national identity and patriotism in
Russia after 2003. This is supported by Russian President Vladimir Putins policy
directive in 2003 on school history textbooks that Textbooks should provide his-
torical facts, and they must cultivate a sense of pride among youth in their history
and their nation (Danilova, 2004). Danilevskoi (2005) argues that teaching history
in schools is not just to do with changing ideologies, but the fact that new school
history textbooks cover a great deal of new data, where every teacher can express
his or her views and interpretations:
History has become one of the most complex subjects to teach in schools. This is simply
due to the fact that those who write history textbooks, design curriculum, develop standards
and programmes have been influenced by changing ideological perceptions. The catalogue
of problems in teaching history has become incredibly dauntingEverybody has their own
opinion and offer their own solutions [on teaching history in schools JZ, http://www.ug.ru/
?action=topic&toid=12005].
Putin andtheRole ofNationalism inHistory Textbooks
Putin wants history textbooks to focus more on teaching the values of patriotism,
and a strong sense of national identity. Putin (2012a) believes that the school cur-
riculum should aim towards the formation of civic values, which help to consolidate
the Russian nation. To achieve this aim, there is need to develop, says Putin, com-
mon approaches and views regarding the study of humanities, especially the history
of the Fatherland, and the history of the people of the Russian Federation. Hence,
there is no need for distortions, and biased interpretations of the history of our
country and the history of different nations and ethnic groups, concludes Putin.
http://www.edu.ru/index.php?page_id=5&topic_id=3&date=&sid=20188&ntyp
e=nuke).
The above account suggests a shift towards a more selective interpretation of
historical knowledge and historical understanding of significant events. Far more
emphasis is now placed on national identity, patriotism, and the need to become
familiar with the history of ones country (Zajda, 2007, 2010, 2012). It has been
argued by some scholars that nation builders rarely make new mythsrather they
imagine history and mine the past for suitable heroes and symbols (Zajda, 2007,
2015b). It is clear that Putins policy statements on the role of teaching Russian his-
tory in schools, together with the MoES history education curricular material, help
to consolidate the ideological role of teaching Russian history in schools.
uestionnaire Used intheInterviews ofSecondary History

Q
Teachers inMoscow
Email interviews were conducted with 34 secondary Russian history teachers,

authors, academic historians and curriculum writers. The questionnaire used con-
tained 12 core questions.2 They were divided into four themes: Controversial aspects
2
The author wishes to acknowledge his gratitude to Professor Nikolai Nikandrov, President, the
Russian Academy of Education (whom he has known since 1991), for his help with facilitating this
research. The author also wishes to thank Dr. Vadim Barabanov, of RAE, for coordinating and
conducting these interviews, and Dr. Tatiana Koval. The success in conducting interviews of his-
tory teachers in Moscow, amidst the controversies and politics surrounding the single Russian
history textbook debate, would not have been possible without their effort, persistence and gener-
ous support.
Analysis 109
of history (3 questions), politics of implementation (2 questions), national identity

(3 questions), and values, perspectives and moral judgements (4 questions).
Analysis
Controversial Aspects ofHistory
This section had three questions. For Question 1: What have been the most contro-
versial content topics in relation to the Russian school history curriculum, and
why? the respondents often mentioned the following three significant events:
the Russian Revolution (n=13),
the Civil War (n=8), and
World War II (n=11).
The answers also provided the following significant events, and key actors, which
were mentioned by various respondents, with reference to the most controversial
topics in Russian history textbooks. They included: the origins of the Ancient Rus,
Peter the Greats reforms, Catherine the Greats reforms, the Great Reforms during
the nineteenth century, Stalins part in Russian/Soviet history, the mass repressions
during the 1920s and the 1930s, collectivization, deportations, the annexations of
the Baltic States, the Cold War, perestroika, and the political and economic reforms
in the RF during the last decade.3
What is new here is that almost two-thirds of the interviewees regarded the
Russian Revolution and the Civil War as the two most controversial topics in
Russian history textbooks (Zajda, 2014b; Zajda & Smith, 2013). Some Russian his-
tory teachers believed that the whole period, between 1917 and 1953 depicted the
most controversial decades in the study of Russian history in secondary schools.
Interviewees gave two main reasons for this. First, there are unresolved ideologi-
cal and competing interpretations of historical narratives depicting these events.
Second, history textbooks offer very sketchy details, followed by simplistic, almost
one-dimensional interpretations, which completely ignore the complexities of the
historical milieu and contested meanings associated with these events.
For Question 2: In your view, what important content topics have been omitted
or under-represented?, the respondents mentioned such topics as the reign of
Catherine the Great, World War I, the Civil War, the Soviet-Finnish War, deportation
and the population transfer of ethnic minorities, the achievements of Russian scien-
tists, cultural history, and the protest movements.4 The answers included such state-
ments as:
3
F. stands for female, and M. stands for male. Some provided their names. Others wished to remain
anonymous, but provided their age, occupation and years of teaching experience.
4
All Russian sources cited in the report, including the Russian history teachers interviews (in
Russian) were translated by the author, and cited in the text as tr. J.Zajda.
In each case an answer will be rather subjective. As the content of school textbooks is
restricted by a number of pedagogical obstacles, authors themselves have no ability to
include each desirable topic. So an attempt to enumerate omitted facts and even topics
seems to be a subjective and an ideal action. But its possible to point out (with a great
measure of objectivity) some aspects which are under-represented in our textbooks. These
are the following: history of spiritual life and culture; ethnic history and history of nations
(not only states); cultural interferences in the Past and in the contemporary World; every-
day life and others (F, Professor, Academic Historian, Book Author & Curriculum Writer);
World War I, history of everyday life. Achievements of Russian scientists, Russian sci-
ence, the search for the national idea and the formation of civic mindedness (gosudarste-
vennosti) among the Russian people during the XIX and beginning XX centuries. The
conditions of non-Christian religions in Russia during the 16th and 20th centuries (F,
Academician, professor, textbook author);
The approaches to the study of the 1990s. It is such a contemporary history (svezhaia
istoriia). Many of the participants in those events are still living (F, Guseeva, History
Teacher);
Classroom sessions on politically sensitive topics I conduct in a way as not to impose
my own personal views. We conduct open group discussions [on these topics] (F, History
Teacher);
The program is overloaded by a large number of insignificant details, which make it
difficult to grasp significant things. The problems of culture are not very well covered (F,
History Teacher) (tr. J.Zajda).
Question 3: How do you normally handle socially and politically sensitive or con-
tentious topics in the classroom? was answered in different ways. Some respon-
dents indicated that different opinions on interpreting historical narratives were
presented during class discussions. Others referred to the use of a variety of primary
and secondary sources:
Usually different points of view are presented. Tasks for students are: 1) to compare views
(judgements); 2) to define a position (of analysis/reason) of each topic; 3) to estimate argu-
ments of each position; 4) to make their own judgement (F, Professor Academic Historian,
book Author & Curriculum Writer);
I show [the students] the different approaches, using sources (tasks: compare and con-
trast, find the differences, give arguments to support each, analyse sources and make your
own conclusion, to what extent do you agreedisagree that (F, Academic Historian &
Teacher);
I am a follower of open discussion in the classroom, which involves as many students as
possible (M, Professor Academic Historian, book Author & Teacher);
I ask my students to read independently additional literature and discuss the topic (F,
Russian History Teacher);
I locate different sources, and suggest [to students] to express their opinions. Also
attempt to organise the discussion (F, Guseeva, History Teacher);
I select reading literature and works of different historians, which together demonstrate
the whole spectrum of existing positions concerning the analysis of the content. I have
discussions, arguments and evaluations of different interpretations (F, Academician, profes-
sor, textbook author);
On the basis of concrete facts and events I explain the essence of the problem, so that
students, on the basis of their own perceptions can formulate their own opinions and evalu-
ation. In most cases, the judgement is based on workshop discussion, TV and the internet
At times we reject incorrect stereotypes. For instance, some students regard the Reds as the
Evil. Others, by contrast, regard the Whites as the Evil (M, History journal editor). (tr.
J.Zajda).
Analysis 111
A very structured response was presented by the following response, containing

four approaches in handling sensitive issues:
1. Analytical work with documents, presenting different views.
2. In-depth class presentations on the theme, with different points of views. This is pre-
pared by two students [leading the discussion]. The teacher acts as a consultant. After
the presentation by the two students, it is necessary to offer a comparative analysis. Two
view points, or two conclusions. In the concluding part, the teacher may express his/her
view, and nothing more.
3. Debates. Groups prepare their arguments and support their viewpoints.
4. Essays. For example, Peter the Great: a Hero or a villain? (Academician, author,
teacher 30years teaching experience). (tr. J.Zajda). These comments reflect an honour-
ing of history as a critical discipline. Teachers are wanting their students to develop a
rigorous yet open approach to topics. Multiple sources are used to inform opinion. It is
hoped that new Russian history texts will continue to work in that environment.
The Politics ofImplementation
The interview contained two questions. Question 4: In your view, what pressures
and/or key debates have played parts in the history curriculum development and
implementation process? the following represent different views:
In the 2000s the process of the history curriculum development seems to be rather free and
diverse (multilevel). Now we have: 1) the so-called Exemplary [Sample] curriculum (rec-
ommended by the Ministry); 2) curricula for textbook packages, edited by publishing
houses (curricula are written by authors). Even moreteachers are motivated to construct
their working [teacher] curricula. (F, Professor Academic Historian, book Author &
Curriculum Writer);
Today, it is the problem of the single textbook (F, Academic Historian & Teacher);
Until recently societal and academic polemics played a key role. But, recently, President
Putin joined in the process of the preparation of the textbook, demanding the creation of the
single textbook, with a single conceptualisation of contested historical questions (M,
Professor Academic Historian, book Author & Teacher);
Zakaz (to order) by the State (F History Teacher);
Contemporary political conditions in the country (Ticheeva, St Petersburg, History
Teacher);
Theoretically, politics should not influence the teaching of the past. The Constitution of
the RF forbids the teaching of dominant ideology. In practice, however, the content of his-
tory curricula is dependent on the government (F, Academician (a member of the Russian
Academy of Education), and textbook Author Russian History);
The government attempts to influence the development of the history curriculum pro-
grams, and finds it somewhat difficult in todays climate (F History Teacher). (tr. J.Zajda).
Most agreed that the politics, the government and the zakaz (written to order issue
JZ) played a significant part in the Russian history textbooks and curriculum
development.
The next question, Question 5: Do you feel that there are political or ideological
dynamics involved in the implementation of the history curriculum? was answered
in the affirmative in most instances:
At this very moment the New History Standards for History textbooks are being developed.
There exists a pressure from the government towards the solving of controversial questions
in Russian history from a single point of view. This may result in the strengthening of
authoritarianism in education in schools [history] (M, Professor Academic Historian, book
Author & Teacher);
Generally, history is addressing Russian national identity, and there is inadequate infor-
mation on inter-ethnic unity (F, Russian History Teacher);
Apart from classroom lessons national identity should be taught and developed in the
family, the state (through cultural organization), religion, etc (F, Russian History Teacher);
Very huge [impact on history curriculum], because the false perception of patriotism
very strongly influences all history curricula (F, author, history textbook writer, Russian
History Teacher). (tr. J.Zajda).
The majority of the respondents agreed that there existed a direct link between
politics and the implementation of the history curriculum. Yet, they are also con-
cerned about control over scholarly inquiry in historical narratives and that diversity
may get lost in the national identity debate. We can not underestimate the impact of
globalisation on their views. These respondents have access to the Internet.
Understanding National Identity
There were three questions in this section. Question 6: What do you see as the
relationship between history curriculum and national identity? was answered as
Yes, as teaching the notions of national identity and patriotism was the main role
of history education in schools. Teaching the values of national identity and patrio-
tism was listed in the National History Standards policy documents, and History
curricula:
Forming of the national identity is proclaimed as one of the main tasks of studying history
at school (in the Standards). (F, Professor Academic Historian, book Author & Curriculum
Writer);
In current textbooks there exists a stance on the formation of civic identity, and the
importance of all ethnic cultures in Russia. However, the history of the Russian people
dominates the historical narratives (M, Professor Academic Historian, book Author &
Teacher);
The history of the Fatherland, culture and wars (F, Russian History Teacher);
The struggle for independence. The fight against the enemies of the Motherland (F
History Teacher);
Under the influence of historical events, the most significant ones for the formation of a
national identitythe Russian people and their fight for independence against the Mongols,
the 1812 War etc (F, History Teacher);
The national identity is formed under the influence of Russian history and wars (F,
Russian History Teacher);
There are at least two views on the national identity: nation as the ethnos and nation as
collective citizenry. The second is more meaningful for me (F, Academician, and Russian
History Teacher);
Under the influence of tradition and propaganda (F, author, history textbook writer,
Russian History Teacher). (tr. J.Zajda).
Some respondents, as demonstrated above, viewed the relationship between history

curriculum and national identity, through the lenses of the history of the Fatherland,
the struggle for independence, and the wars of liberation.
Analysis 113
Question 7: What do you believe are the key determinants of national identity?
was answered as follows:
The self-awareness of a person as having a sense of belonging to the nation (state, ethnic
group), of assuming its contemporary values and traditions, of taking some place in the
chain PastPresentFuture (F, Professor Author, curriculum writer);
The belonging to the certain ethnic group, which is the question of self-determination
(not blood). (F, author, curriculum writer, History teacher);
Determinants of the national identity are significant events of peoples history. For
example the fights against the Mongols and Pushkin (early 19th century poet) are signifi-
cant determinants for the Russians, but not for Tartars. The later historical events have the
same significance for all people of Russia. For example, the Great War of the Fatherland.
(M, Professor Academic Historian, book Author & Teacher);
Values, perspectives and moral education M, Professor, Academician, book Author). (tr.
J.Zajda).
Although most agreed that the key determinants of national identity included
belonging to ones nation, and knowing ones history and culture, the responses
revealed the complexity of the term and some confusion between citizenship and
nationality. Shubin (2013) believes that significant events in Russian history are
determinants of the national identity:
For example the fights against the Mongols, and Pushkin are significant determinants for
the Russians, but not for Tartars. The later historical events have the same significance for
all people of Russia (For example, the Great War of the Fatherland). However, they are
valued differently by different ideological and social sectors of society, which are almost
independent of ethnicity (Shubin, Interview, 15 July, 2013).
Tatiana Koval (2013a, 2013b) also noticed this confusion among her history teach-
ers in Moscow. Koval (2013a, 2013b), when examining the formation process of
national identity, noted the confusion in the minds of Russian history teachers,
caused by the duality between ethnicity (natsionalnost) and citizenship
(grazhdanstvo):
For many [Russian history teachers interviewed] the meaning [national identity] refers to,
what we call, natsionalnost (ethnicity). The second meaning, which individuals begin to
understand, is grazhdanstvo (citizenship)... It seems that both meanings are either mixed, or
used in an interchanging manner. I think the ideal solution for countries like ours is to adopt
the concept of I am Kalmyk-Russian, or I am a Jew-Russian (Koval, 2013a, 2013b).
This duality concerning national identity may be a legacy of the Soviet era. In the
Soviet Union, passports listed two official identities: citizenship (grazhdanstvo) and
nationality (natsionalnost). These two official identities may be perceived to be a
contradictory legacy of the ethnographic heterogeneity of a former multi-national
imperial Russia. This dual identity in passports continued until 1991.
In the Soviet Union, in addition to citizenship, the state-sponsored institutional-
ization of nationality became an ascriptive legal category (Brubaker, 1994, p.53).
It legalized and codified both nationhood and nationalities as official categories. A
possible return to the Soviet legacy of dual national identities has been signalled by
the poll conducted by the Moscow Times (September 25, 2013, http://www.themos-
cowtimes.com/opinion/article/returning-nationality-to-passports-is-a-bad-
idea/486559.html).
The poll reported on the survey concerning nationalities in passports. More than
half (54%) voted Yes for the return of dual identities. A third claimed that it deni-
grated the notion of citizenship as a whole. The poll results suggest that Russian
nationalism is on the rise. The poll also indicates that people like some recognition
of both regionality (ethnic identity) and national identity.
Question 8: Do you see discussion of national identity as part of your role as a
history teacher or curriculum official? was, in the main, answered as Yes, and
below are some of the answers:
Yes. This discussion is one of the most significant ones. It takes place in schools during
class sessions, because, as a rule, students are interested in their national roots (M, Professor
Academic Historian, book Author & Teacher);
Yes, I do. I feel my personal responsibility in the discussion of national identity. I par-
ticipated in debates about the idea of national identity (F, History teachers, 21year teaching
exp.) (tr. J.Zajda).
Values, Perspectives andMoral Judgements
There were four questions in this section. Question 9: Do you see the representa-
tion and discussion of alternative and multiple perspectives in history education as
the highest priority for a school history curriculum? Are there higher priorities?
was answered, in most cases, as Yes:
Yes, as History itself is multi-perspective [narratives] and [offering] alternative [views](F,
Professor Author, curriculum writer);
I promote multiple interpretations in history education (M, Professor Academic
Historian, book Author & Teacher). (tr. J.Zajda).
Question 10: Is there a role for moral judgement in history education?, was also
answered mostly as Yes, and some respondents provided additional information
on ethics and moral values in Russian history classes:
Yes, but only after attempts to explain and understand people and their activities within
their time (F, Professor, Author, curriculum writer);
Ethical issues play their own part in education. However, it is important to ensure that
moral judgements are not embraced, [in such a way] as to contradict historical facts dem-
onstrated by research (M, Professor Academic Historian, Book Author & Teacher).
Yes (but with the special remarks about different [moral] standards in different times)
(F, author, curriculum writer, History teacher);
If we discuss the influence of Russian civilization on the worlds history, we consider
moral judgement as the main aspect of history education. On the other hand, the principles
of the constitutional state deny moral judgement: Dura lex, sed lex [The law is harsh but
it is the law] (F, History teachers, 21year teaching experience.). (tr. J.Zajda).
Question 11: How would you define an historical fact? revealed that there seemed
to be a consensus that historical fact represented an event that was real and empiri-
cally valid:
In school courses we are speaking of at least three kinds of historical facts: 1) a fact as an
event; 2) a fact of a source; 3) a fact of a historian (F, Professor, Book Author, curriculum
writer);
Discussion 115
The fact is the event. The other things are opinions, judgements and so on (F, author,
curriculum writer, History teacher);
Historical fact is a rational model of reality, stemming directly from empirically avail-
able sources (M, Professor Academic Historian, book Author & Teacher);
It [historical fact] is an event, the reality of which is validated by trusted historical
sources (F, Academician, history professor, textbook author). (tr. J.Zajda).
Question 12: In your opinion, what is the primary value of history education?
yielded many interesting responses, ranging from identity formation, critical think-
ing, citizenship education and education for patriotism:
Understanding of who am I and who are the people and the society around me (in my coun-
try, in the World) (F, Professor, Author, curriculum writer);
Critical thinking and the formation of personal culture (F, author, curriculum writer,
History teacher);
The main value of historical education is that it unites the young person with the cultural
field, which can be developed further (M, Professor Academic Historian, book Author &
Teacher);
Offering a humanistic view, and teaching patriotism (F, history teacher);
Discovering the sources for contemporary phenomena, explaining reasons for and limi-
tations of events; finding the possibility for offering different variations for human behav-
iour in different situations (Academician, history professor, textbook author);
Preparing a responsible and rational member of society (citizenship education) (F,
History teacher);
The ability to think critically, work with documents and the upbringing of patriots (F,
History teacher);
For history education in schools:
1 . The development of civic education.
2. Skills for working with historical documents.
3. Knowledge of historical facts: What? Where? When? (F, academician, history teacher).
(tr. J.Zajda).
The majority of the respondents saw the primary value of history education in offer-
ing to students a more informed and critical perspective on historical events, and a
better understanding of the sources and construction of historical knowledge in
Russian history textbooks. Again, though we see a love of the scholarship of their
discipline, can prescribed Russian history textbooks counter a government-enforced
tendency towards preferred historical narratives, in an age where information is so
accessible?
Discussion
Responses to the four sections Controversial aspects of history, The politics of

implementation, National identity, and Values, perspectives and moral judge-
ments yielded very rich data. The Controversial aspects of history answers ranged
from the Russian Revolution to World War II.As to the important topics that have
been omitted or under-represented, the respondents mentioned such topics as World
War I, the Civil War, the Soviet-Finnish War, the Great War of the Fatherland, the
deportation and population transfer of ethnic minorities, the history of culture, and
the contemporary history of the RF (the last two decades, in particular).
With reference to the the politics of implementation section, most respondents

agreed that politics, especially the national ideology (as referred to by President
Putin), the state-defined content of the National History Curriculum, History
Standards, and government approved Russian History textbooks, played a signifi-
cant role in this process. The majority of the Russian history teachers interviewed
also agreed that there was a nexus between politics, national ideology and the
approved core Russian history textbooks for secondary schools across the RF.
The National identity section demonstrated that most of the respondents agreed
that there was a direct association between history curriculum, the prescribed
Russian history textbooks (which were based on the National History Standards)
and national identity. They also agreed that the key role of history education in
schools was to teach patriotism, and one of cultivating a distinctly Russian national
identity. To them, the key values of national identity were defined by belonging to
ones nation, and ones knowledge of significant historical events, which contrib-
uted to the evolution of Russia and the Russian Federation. There were some
expressed concerns at national identity over-riding diversity, especially around
citizenship.
The Values, perspectives and moral judgements section showed that respon-
dents agreed on the need to use a diverse interpretation of historical narratives.
There was a general consensus, on the role of moral judgments in history education
in schools, but through the critical thinking perspective. Some teachers were aware
of cultural relativism, which is the view that all beliefs, and ethics are relative to the
individual within his own time, and social context. As to the primary value of his-
tory education, respondents mentioned citizenship education, identity formation
and patriotism.
Conclusion
The above responses by Russian history teachers reveal four interesting trends.
Firstly, there was much more information provided on the important topics that have
been omitted or under-represented. This added to the information gained in the 2013
survey, in which those key events were not always listed. Secondly, the respondents
offered detailed statements on the link between national ideology, identity and
Russian history textbooks. Thirdly, totally new data was provided for the relation-
ship between national identity and history education. Most agreed that the national
identity is formed through the study of historical narratives depicting significant
events in the history of the Fatherland. Finally, most agreed, which was also reveal-
ing, and indicative of the current political climate in the RF, that the primary value
of history education in schools was education for patriotism, and citizenship educa-
tion. These responses demonstrate the significance of ideology in history education,
where nationalism and patriotism are defining the structure and the content of pre-
scribed Russian history textbooks in schools across the RF.
Chapter 8
The Nation-Building Process inHistory
Textbooks: Challenges inHistorical
Knowledge andUnderstanding
The Nation-Building Process inRussian History Textbooks
Continuing public and political debates globally about the role of historical expla-
nation and the development of historical consciousness in history textbooks, when
dealing with popular understandings of a nations growth has given history a signifi-
cant role in re-positioning competing and ideologically-driven discourses of histori-
cal narratives and processes (Janmaat, 2007; Kaplan, 2007; Nicholls, 2006; Zajda,
2015a, 2015b, 2015c). In Russia for instance, as in other countries undergoing a
similar process of nation-building, the three most significant issues defining the
repositioning of the politically correct historical narratives arepreferred images of
the past (reminiscent of Andersons imagined community), patriotism and national
identity.
There is no doubt that Russia is experiencing the identity crisis and certain nos-
talgia for the past. This nostalgia for historical greatness is documented by Russias
recent geo-political shifts in asserting, and reclaiming its status and position as a
global superpower. Prior to the collapse of the USSR, the world was very aware of
its colossal nuclear capacity, and which, during the 1960s, at the height of nuclear
weaponry race, surpassed the USA.Russia is still the worlds nuclear superpower,
and periodically President Putin reminds the world of it.
Russia is a vivid and unique example of ideological repositioning of historical
narratives, blending certain Soviet and Russian historiography. According to
President Vladimir Putin (2012a), Russian history textbooks should reflect the
national ideology, and the curriculum should focus on the formation of common
civic values, to consolidate the Russian nation, and avoiding, in his opinion, biased
interpretations of history:
We have to develop common approaches and views...especially in Russian history, and the
history of the people of the Russian Federation...there should be no distortion of facts, and
biased interpretations of the history of our country. (http://www.edu.ru/index.php?page_
id=5&topic_id=3&date=&sid=20188&ntype=nuke).

DOI10.1007/978-94-024-0972-7_8
118 8 The Nation-Building Process inHistory Textbooks: Challenges inHistorical
Furthermore, the notion of teaching patriotism is accentuated in the National history

curriculum document, Primernye programmy po uchebnym predemtam. Istoriia.
59 klassy (2010). In the introduction, in the section The goals and tasks for learn-
ing history in schools it is stated that one of the main goals of learning history is to
cultivate in the students patriotism, and respect to our Fatherland (Primernye pro-
grammy po uchebnym predmetam. Istoriya. 59 klassy, p.5).
Globalisation, together with global performance indicators, have impacted on
education reforms (including history education) addressing standards and quality in
Russia. The centralized education governance model in Russia is driven by a new
sense of accountability, efficiency and performance indicators. The goal is to
improve students academic performance through standardized and state-defined
testing. However, the unresolved education governance policy challenge is one of
overcoming the rising regional inequality in education, as a result of differentiated
funding. Hence, there is an urgent need to improve the effectiveness of governance
in education in Russia, in order to overcome educational inequalities surrounding
access to secondary schooling, completion rates of secondary schooling, and their
implications for human rights and social justice. There is a need to analyze and
evaluate further the long-term impact of the market-oriented culture in education in
Russia, with its prevailing emphasis on accountability, efficiency, local and global
competitiveness, and benchmark-driven performance, on emerging models of
governance.
As demonstrated earlier, Russia is engaged in identity politics and the nation-
building process. This is documented by Russias recent geo-political shifts in
asserting, and reclaiming its status and position as a global superpower. The Cold
War confrontation and militant ideology have been re-activated by Putins leader-
ship, especially in 2014, when Crimea was annexed by Russia, and the West applied
powerful economic sanctions. The annexation of Crimea narrative was already
added in the latest Grade 9 Russian history textbook (see Chap. 3). The unresolved
border issues in Eastern Ukraine, including the self-proclaimed republics of Donetsk
Peoples Republic /DPR, and Luhansk have contributed to a new politico-economic
confrontation between Russia, Ukraine, and the West.
Our findings concerning the new generation of the Russian history curriculum,
prescribed Russian history textbooks, and Russian history teachers attitudes
towards historical narratives, demonstrate there is a growing focus on national ide-
ology and history teaching that promotes a new sense of patriotism and nationalism
in Russian history textbooks.
Specifically, the monograph analyses historical narratives depicting key events
between 1812 and 1945, and the 20132014 Russian history teachers survey and
interviews responses, across Russia (from Moscow to Khabarovsk), concerning the
politicization of history textbooks. Most of the respondents surveyed agreed that
there was a direct association between history curriculum, the prescribed Russian
history textbooks, based on the National History Standards, and national identity.
More importantly, they agreed that the key role of history education in schools was
one of cultivating a distinctly Russian national identity.
Russian History Textbooks: Challenges inHistorical Knowledge andUnderstanding 119
As to whether textbook narratives provide balanced views of controversial inci-

dents in modern Soviet Russian history, almost two-third of secondary Russian his-
tory teachers surveyed agreed in Moscow, but only one third in Ekaterinburg.
However, Russian history teachers demonstrated that Russian history teachers were
divided on the question that Current textbook narratives provide a balanced descrip-
tion and analysis of the successes and failures of the Tsarist regime 17621918.
The greatest agreement was in Moscow and region, or nearly four fifths, and in
Ekaterinburg, almost a half. The survey also demonstrated (over two-thirds of the
sample agreed) that new narratives in prescribed history textbooks generally empha-
sise nationalist bright spots in Russian achievements. Almost two-thirds of his-
tory teachers surveyed agreed that current textbook narratives were creating new
representations in Russian history.
ussian History Textbooks: Challenges inHistorical

R
Knowledge andUnderstanding
One of the dilemmas of the rewriting of Russian history process and introducing a
new national (and inter-ethnic) narrative is not only the encouragement and the
acceptance of the Westernoriented perspectives on democracy, human rights and
the market economy, but also responding to the forces of globalisation and moder-
nity (Zajda, 2014a). One cannot help feeling that the new grand narrative is still the
history of great men and significant events. Natasha Borzykh (2013) examined 13
Grade 10/11 Russian history textbooks and observed that of the common 100 his-
torical identities per textbook, most were men (Borzykh, 2013, p.3).
Teachers felt that many topics are missing or undeveloped in current school his-
tory textbooks. This has been demonstrated by both the 2013 survey and interviews
of the Russian history teachers. Most agree that there are many topics that are either
missing or undeveloped. Tatiana Koval (2013a), was one of the Russian history
teachers who listed over 30 of the most controversial topics in the History of Russia
in the Russian history textbooks, ranging from the Normans (Vikings) role on the
first stage of ancient Russian history, to the evaluation of foreign policy of Russia in
1990s and early 2000s (see Chap. 4).
In examining time, change and continuitywars, revolutions, and civil wars,
each driven by new leaders and competing ideologies, students do not have suffi-
cient information to investigate, for example, how power had been distributed, how
life in the country and in the city changed after the Civil War of 19181921, and
world War II, the role of women in society before and after the Revolution, chang-
ing family structures and relationships, values and beliefs, including democratic
processes, social justice, tolerance, peace, and cultural diversity/intercultural dia-
logue, citizenship and human rights. Although, the role of religion had been
addressed in the new history texts, it is more of a linear cultural church history then
a critique of power, domination and patriarchy.
Insufficient attention has been paid to the study of the effects of economic and
political changes on the lives of ordinary people and society, the growing inequality
in the world within societies and between societies. Was the post-World War II eco-
nomic boom, as experienced in the West, felt in the Soviet Union? Did life improve
for an ordinary citizen?
One of the most profound sources of social change, which had significant impact
on peoples lives around the world, and Russia, in particular, has been advances in
information technology. There is little information of how technological revolution
affected peoples livestransport, health, education communication, cultures and
the environment. In studying the key events, and leaders do students have the oppor-
tunity to understand how political, and economic history is related to cultural and
social history?
In learning about political institutions, such as monarchies, democracies and
dictatorships do students develop valid constructs of ideas and values of liberal
democracy, fascism, socialism, nationalism, and religious fundamentalism? A big
omission is the absence of a multicultural focus in the new history textbooks. It is
important to teach students to understand how the events, ideologies and ideas
affected different groups in society differently. In particular, how values, events and
ideology affected different social and ethnic groups, such as the non-Russians,
women, social classes and ruling elites in different regions. As Russia is a multicul-
tural State, at least in theory, history textbooks should allocate more space to multi-
cultural issues and citizenship.
The reinterpretation of Russian and Soviet past has become an important field of
the ideological battles between the various strata of the political and cultural elite in
Russia, some portraying the communist legacy as a tragedy never to be repeated,
others treating the past as the old glorious days of a strong super-state, brimming
with military glory, economic stability and moral purity.
A historical-comparative research, involving pre-1917, Soviet and post-Soviet
historiography may well reveal some significant departures in dominant methodolo-
gies employed.
The Politics ofCreating Russian National Identity
We have examined the evolution of the cultural identity and the nation-building
process in history education in the Russian Federation. First, the role of the Ancient
Russia historical meta-narrative in developing a new perception of historical cul-
tural identity was discussed. Second, school history textbooks, memory and ideol-
ogy in the Russian Federation during the 1990s were analysed. Third, politicizing of
Russian history education in the Russian Media was critiqued. Fourth, historical
narratives, depicting key events in Russian history textbooks, and Russian history
teachers and their views on history textbooks were evaluated.
An unresolved tension is found in the problem of both achieving a synthesis
between the Western and Russian reform government-dictated quest for identity
Evaluating Russian History Textbooks 121
politics and democracy, and the new imperative to define elements, which are
uniquely Russian and contribute to a new and authentic Russian national identity
(Aleksashkina, 2013). As illustrated by the survey and Russian history teachers
interviews, the source of Russianness is usually sought in the grand-narrative of
the Ancient Rus, deemed to be the golden age, so the Russians find themselves in
the paradoxical position of trying to embrace both tradition and modernity.
The above chapters demonstrate that the national identity is formed through the
study of historical narratives depicting significant events in the history of Russia.
Most Russian history teachers surveyed agreed that the main goal of Russian history
education in schools is education for patriotism. Given that there is no consensus
among major political parties in the RF as how this can be done, it may prove to be
difficult to achieve.
Shubin (2013) believes that in current textbooks there exists a stance on the for-
mation of civic identity, and the recognition of importance of all ethnic cultures in
Russia:
However, the history of the Russian people dominates the historical narratives (p to the 19th
century, after which history of Russia becomes more unified). It is possible that future text-
books will offer a broader picture of the history of Russian people.
According to Shubin (2013), the Russian society is divided into those who are for
and those who are against democracy, as well as those who follow the Soviet experi-
ence. As a result of such dualism, there are four basic [political] camps, according
to Shubin: the Right (Putins followers), the Left, the Liberals, and Social-
Democrats. They are involved in the polemics surrounding the 1917 events,
Stalinism, the beginning of the 19411945 war, perestroika, and other problems.
This on-going polemic is reflected in the content of Russian history textbooks.
Given that the present Russian parliament includes the representatives of the
entire political spectrum, from ultranationalists and Stalinists to Western liberals,
prospects for the future will depend on the outcomes of the socio-economic crisis
and political struggles in todays Russia. At least three scenarios are possible: (1) a
born-again nationalist-communist take-over, (2) a continuation of Western-style
economic and social reforms, or, finally, (3) a continuation of moderate reforms by
a coalition of the competing elites. Whichever way the hegemonic pendulum
swings, from a more radically pro-Western, pro-capitalist, and anti-communist ide-
ology to ultra-nationalism, Russian students are likely to be exposed to contradic-
tory ideological influences combining pro-Western and anti-Western paradigms of
individualism and nationalism.
Evaluating Russian History Textbooks
In evaluating the new versions of Russias history taught in schools, especially the
interpretation of social and political change, significant events (looking for possible
new biases and omissions), leadership (the contribution of key individuals), and
continuities, as demonstrated by the above, we can draw the following tentative

conclusions:
1. The notion of continuities or how people in the past tried to preserve social,
cultural, and economic aspects of the society, especially between 1917 and 1945,
especially the importance of cultural heritage, and traditional values (eg. reli-
gious revival during World War II and since the 1990s) occupies a very important
place in current Russian history texts.
2. Leadership, or the contribution of key individuals in politics, war and the arts
continues to be a significant theme in all Russian history texts. Students now
have a greater access to primary sources, particularly documents, and the
Internet, which are used during classroom discussion of the events, and key
leaders.
3. Change, especially political, economic and social transformations, and the
impact of change on peoples lives is also addressed. The text and other material
used in schools attempt to compare different perspectives about a significant
event, or a key participant.
4. New Ideology, or the evolution of Putins national ideology, and the impact of
political events on people, their values and attitudes should be given a far greater
prominence. The notions of patriotism and nationalism, as before, continue to
occupy a central part in the new Russian consciousness.
5. Ideological Reproduction, or an ideological re-positioning of distinctly Russian
representation of the historical narrative, with the emphasis on cultural heritage,
tradition, and patriotism is an attempt to create a new hegemonic synthesis, and
a new form of the control of meaning through Foucauldian discipline and the
regime of truth. In this way, the new ruling class, as Marx had predicted in The
German Ideology, has given its ideas the form of universality, and authenticity.
We know that most countries are involved in the nation-building process. What
makes Russia so unique is this. It is a huge country, with many ethnic groups. Even,
after the collapse of the USSR, Russia is still the worlds largest country, covering
more than one-eighth of the Earths land mass. More than 160 ethnic groups are
represented in Russia, speaking some 100 languages. Hence, it is crucial for Russia
to maintain its unity and consensus on citizenship, national identity and values, a
necessary condition for its survival as a diverse, yet united multi-lingual and multi-
national state. One way of doing this, as demonstrated in the previous chapters, is
by using the new Russian history textbooks and Russian history curricular docu-
ments, specifically in teaching patriotism, and grazhdanstvo (citizenship) across the
RF (Aleksashkina, 2013; Koval, 2013a; Zajda, 2015a).
By examining the nexus between Russian history textbooks, ideology and
national identity in Russia the above discussion reveals the influence of national
ideology in defining the content of prescribed Russian history textbooks and the
nation-building process, which is socially, politically, and economically of great
significance for Russia, both locally and globally.
The above chapters confirm that the issue of national identity and balanced rep-
resentations of the past continue to dominate the debate surrounding the content of
Evaluating Russian History Textbooks 123
history textbooks. The existence of competing and contested discourses in

historiography, together with diversity in interpretations of events, will make it
problematic to reach consensus on the content of history textbooks. A trend towards
a more analytical, pluralistic and critical approach to both the process and content
of historical narratives in Russian school textbooks, offer new pedagogical chal-
lenges to both students and teachers alike, who have been exposed to traditional,
linear, descriptive and authoritarian views of the politically correct historical narra-
tive. These competing discourses in historical narratives and diverse ideologies will
continue to define and shape the nature and significance of historical knowledge,
dominant ideologies and the direction of values education in Russian history
textbooks.
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Index
A Beria, L., 28, 30, 78

Academic achievement, 6, 88 Berman, M., 15
Academic performance, 8, 118 Bocharova, S., 47
Access, 2, 6, 8, 87, 112, 118, 122 Bokova, L., 45
Accountability, 8, 8789, 118 Borisov, N., 82
Active citizenship, 81, 107 Borzykh, N., 83, 119
education, 81 Bourdieu, P., 13, 25, 61, 68
Afanasyev, Y., 38 Bowles, S., 25
Airbrushing techniques, 28 Brandt, M., 41, 65, 66, 72, 77, 80, 93
Akin, M., 42 Brezhnev, L., 2, 3, 47
Aleksandr Nevsky, 24 Bright spots, 45, 60, 62, 8183, 85, 94, 98,
Aleksashkina, L., 59, 67, 90, 106, 121, 122 101, 102, 103, 119
Alexander I, 65, 69 Bronfenbrenner, U., 6
Ancient Rus, 7, 14, 15, 1820, 83, 107, Brown, G., 8
109, 121 Brubaker, R., 113
Ancient Russia, 7, 15, 20, 120 Buganov, V., 14, 1820
Anderson, B., 5, 13, 29, 36, 61, 70, 91, 117
Aniskin, M., 44
Annexation of Crimea, 3941, 118 C
Annexations of the Baltic States, 109 Carnoy, M., 56
Appadurai, A., 13 Carretero, M., 61
Apple, M., 25, 26, 67, 87, 91 Catherine the Great, 14, 15, 24, 39, 109
Arkhangelsk, 94, 99103 CDA. See Critical discourse analysis (CDA)
Asensio, M., 61 Characteristic amnesias, 29, 36
Chernova, M., 75
Chirac, J., 37
B Christianity, 7, 14, 16
Baques, M.-C., 88 Christian-Smith, L., 67
Barth, F., 13 Chubaryan, A., 45, 51, 92
The Battle of Borodino, 60, 6870, 83 Churchill, W., 37, 76
Battle of Kulikovo, 16 Citizenship, 4, 13, 30, 64, 83, 113, 119,
The Battle of Kursk, 76, 77, 80 120, 122
The Battle of Stalingrad, 25, 75, 80 education, 10, 12, 21, 41, 44, 52, 68, 105,
Belarus, 17, 22, 40 115, 116
Benchmark-driven performance, 8, 118 Civic education, 51, 60, 115

DOI10.1007/978-94-024-0972-7
134 Index
Civil society, 4, 21 E
Class-conflict, 23 Education/Educational, 1, 48, 11, 12, 14,
Class struggle, 23, 27 2124, 27, 34, 35, 3757, 5960, 62,
Cold War, 4, 10, 38, 47, 59, 101, 102, 109, 118 64, 65, 68, 74, 8588, 9193, 106,
Collapse of the USSR, 4, 6, 9, 22, 26, 32, 34, 111118, 120, 121, 123
40, 44, 65, 84, 102, 103, 117, 122 inequalities, 8, 118
Collective memory, 13, 27, 30, 70, 81 for labour, 1
Communism, 3, 4, 6, 17, 23, 24, 27, 31, 34, 36 for patriotism, 12, 105, 115, 116, 121
Communist morality, 22 reforms, 4, 68, 11, 22, 39, 46, 57, 8689,
Control of meaning, 25, 26, 122 9193, 118
Correspondence theories, 25 standards, 6
Council of Europe, 89 transformation, 6, 87
Count Benckendorff, 37, 38 Education Law, 51
Crawford, K., 88 Efficiency, 8, 118
Crimea, 10, 19, 3941, 118 Eisenstein, S., 24
Crimean War, 60, 70 Ekaterinburg, 12, 94, 95, 99103, 119
Cripps, Sir Stafford, 76 Empire-building, 10, 41, 84
Critical discourse analysis (CDA), 23 Equality, 6, 7, 14
Critical thinking, 84, 90, 115, 116 Equity, 6
The Cult of identity, 32 Erokhina, A., 89
Cultural capital, 25, 26 Ethnicity, 90, 113
Cultural dimensions, 13, 6768 Ethnographic research, 7
Cultural diversity, 119 Ex-Soviet citizens, 5, 27, 29, 107
Cultural heritage, 5, 122
Cultural identity, 120, 90, 120
Cultural reproduction, 25, 56 F
Cultural transformation, 22, 87 Falsification of history, 4850, 52, 62, 64,
Culture shock, 3, 5, 29 74, 82
Curriculum document, 17, 21, 83, 90, 118 Falsification of Russian history, 42, 4950,
Curriculum reform, 6, 88 52, 74
Farahmandpur, R., 87
Federal state standards for primary and
D secondary education, 86
Danilov, A., 41, 50, 62, 6567, 69, 72, 74, 77, Filippov, A., 9, 12, 38, 4648, 52, 62, 63,
8082, 93, 107 66, 84, 107
Decentralisation, 6, 34 Fischer, G., 23
de Cillia, R., 13, 61, 68 Forced forgetting, 28
Democracy, 4, 5, 22, 47, 56, 84, 92, 93, 106, Forgetting, 2830
107, 119121 Foster, S., 87, 88
Democratic values, 84 Foucault, M., 25, 26, 30
Desirable historical narratives, 18, 68 Foundation narrative, 7, 1820
Differentiation, 6 Fuchs, E., 8, 41, 61, 67
Dimbleby, J., 47
Discourse analysis, 25, 61, 86
Discourse of national identity (DNI), 61 G
Discourses, 23, 25, 27, 30, 32, 36, 61, 68, 86, Gaddy, C., 49
90, 91, 106, 117, 123 Ganieva, N., 26, 61, 67
Discursive regime, 30 Geertz, C., 13, 91
Dolutskoi, I., 48 Gellner, E., 13
Dominant ideologies, 13, 87, 90, 123 Genealogy, 30, 43
Donskoi, D., 16 Geo-political thinking, 10
Dual identities, 114 Giddens, A., 87
Dugin, A., 8, 10 Gintis, H., 25
Index 135
Glasnost, 24, 31 Historical understanding, 12, 51, 63, 91, 105,

Global academic achievement syndrome, 88 106, 108
Global academic elitism, 88 Historiography, 62, 84, 88, 89, 91, 120, 123
Global competitiveness, 8, 118 of nation-building, 57
Global dominance, 38 History
Globalisation, 6, 8, 1012, 8789, 118, 119 curriculum, 4, 5, 9, 21, 53, 57, 59, 83, 86,
of academic assessment, 88 90, 106, 109, 111, 112, 114, 116, 118
Global marketing of education, 88 debates globally, 8, 89
Global performance indicators, 8, 118 education, 7, 8, 1012, 22, 3757, 5964,
Global standards of excellence, 87 74, 82, 85, 86, 89, 9293, 105, 106,
Global super powers, 38, 39 112, 114116, 118, 120, 121
Golden age, 10, 11, 13, 15, 121 lesson, 2, 3, 35, 55, 59, 103
Golden era, 7 national curriculum, 11, 59, 103
Gorbachev, M., 24, 22, 30, 31 revisionism, 53
Governance in education, 8, 118 school curriculum, 4
Grand narrative of national history, 84, 103 standards, 18, 57, 63, 68, 90, 92, 115
Grand narratives, 29, 84, 103, 119, 121 teachers, 5, 7, 9, 11, 12, 21, 31, 32, 38, 43,
Grant, N., 6, 22, 24, 68 44, 46, 47, 52, 55, 56, 60, 61, 63, 65,
The Great Patriotic War (19411945), 7, 16, 66, 69, 73, 74, 81, 8487, 9194,
33, 43, 44, 55, 56, 62, 63, 71, 7879, 97104, 107116, 118121
93, 102, 103 textbook research, 67, 85
Great Purge, 52 Hobsbawm, E., 5, 13
The Great War of the Fatherland (19411945), Holy Rus, 11, 1320
60, 66, 68, 7375, 77, 7983, 90, Homo Sovieticus, 6
113, 115 Human rights, 8, 56, 107, 118, 119
Hunter, J., 68
H
Habermas, J., 13 I
Habitus, 13 Identity, 122, 26, 27, 29, 32, 41, 52, 5985,
Hagiographic history, 27 8991, 103118, 120122
Halbwachs, M., 70 crisis, 5, 15, 26, 27, 29, 82, 117
Hall, S., 13, 61, 68 politics, 7, 9, 12, 13, 17, 61, 118
Halpin, T., 46 Ideology/ideological, 17, 915, 2136, 38,
Han, C., 8, 88 39, 41, 43, 47, 48, 52, 57, 5961, 63,
Hegemony, 5, 23, 2529, 87 72, 73, 8192, 103, 105122
Heidegger, M., 33 repositioning, 17, 25, 38, 50, 83, 92, 106,
Henderson, D., 59, 61 117, 122
Heroic narrative, 74 reproduction, 26, 122
Heroization of the Russian nation, 6973 shift, 39, 59, 71, 83, 103, 107
Hidden curriculum, 25 transformation, 4, 31, 36, 38, 57, 63,
Hill, F., 49, 61 93, 106
Historical consciousness, 41, 8991, 117 Imagined communities, 5, 13, 68, 70, 91, 117
Historical continuity, 18, 68, 70, 74, 81 Individual memory, 27
Historical cultural identity, 7, 1320, 120 Inequality in education, 8, 118
Historical events, 2931, 34, 43, 55, 59, 64, Institute of Sociology, 2, 3
89, 90, 112, 113, 115, 116 Ismailov, M., 26, 61, 67
Historical knowledge, 22, 26, 59, 61, 63, 68, Ivan III, 26
71, 73, 74, 81, 85, 90, 91, 105, 107, Ivano-Frankivsk, 2, 26, 39
108, 115, 117123
Historical narratives, 7, 1115, 1720, 22,
2425, 36, 38, 47, 50, 54, 5986, 88, J
9092, 98, 102, 103, 105, 106, 109, Janmaat, J., 8, 88, 117
110, 112, 116118, 120123 Judt, T., 28
136 Index
K McLaren, P., 87
Kamenev, L., 28, 30 McLean, L., 68
Kaplan, V., 61, 89, 117 Medinsky, V., 48, 50
Karachevtsev, I., 61, Medvedev, D., 10, 16, 43, 48, 49, 54, 66
Kashin, O., 63 Melbourne, 1
Kerensky, A. 5, 30, 72 Memoir research methodology, 7
Key events, 4, 7, 11, 18, 2425, 45, 57, 60, Metanarratives, 3034
62, 63, 68, 70, 72, 74, 81, 83, 116, MGPE. See Ministry of General and
118, 120 Professional Education (MGPE)
KGB, 22, 30 Ministry of Education and Science (MoES),
Khabarovsk, 11, 12, 94, 95, 99103, 118 5, 7, 21, 42, 47, 53, 55, 56, 6466,
Khrushchev, N., 32, 40 103, 115
Kiev, 17, 19, 20 Ministry of General and Professional
Kiseliov, A., 82, 83 Education (MGPE), 5
Klerides, E., 61, 67 Mironenko, S., 66, 67, 77, 80
Klochkov, V., 78 Mitchell, K., 68
Klymenko, L., 61, 67 Mixed methodologies research methods, 86
Knight, A., 47, 48 MoES. See Ministry of Education and Science
Knowledge-power metaphor, 26 (MoES)
Korostelina, K., 62, 63 Mongols of the Golden Horde, 16
Kosulina, L., 41, 65, 67, 69, 72, 77, 80, 93 Moral education, 1, 22, 64, 113
Koval, T., 21, 87, 9093, 108, 113, 119, 122 Moral upbringing, 22
Kozhemyakin, E., 61 Moral vacuum, 22
Kundera, M., 28 Moscow, 24, 9, 11, 12, 15, 16, 26, 29, 31, 33,
Kunderas paradigm, 28, 30, 31 35, 39, 40, 42, 43, 46, 47, 69, 75, 78,
Kutuzov, M., 69 83, 87, 95, 99103, 105, 108, 109, 113,
118, 119
Moscow Higher Party School, 3
L Moscow show trails, 28
Larina, K., 44, 81 Mller, G., 61
Law, A., 68 Multi-ethnic Russia, 15
Law on Education, 4 Muraviova, M., 83
League tables, 88 Myth-making in Russian history, 78
Lebedkov, A., 75
Lenin, V., 3, 22, 26, 27, 32, 35, 45, 72, 89
Lermontov, M., 69 N
Levandovski, A., 65, 66, 77, 78, 80 Napoleon, 69, 83
Liebhart, K., 13, 68 Naryshkin, S., 49, 50, 62
Livanov, D., 51, 55, 56, 61 National consciousness, 3, 25
The Love of the Motherland, 39, 42, 54, National Exams in History, 44
7375, 80 National heroes, 14, 24, 79
Lovorn, M., 8, 21, 59, 60, 83, 84, 103 National history, 8, 13, 17, 41, 46, 60, 63, 64,
67, 74, 8284, 90, 92, 103, 107, 112,
116, 118
M The National History Curriculum, 64
Manuilova, I., 45, 61 National history exams, 41, 63
Martin, D.C., 61 National history standards, 46, 67, 74, 83, 90,
Marxism-Leninism, 25, 106 92, 112, 116, 118
Marxist-Leninist ideology, 23 National identity, 4, 6, 8, 1015, 1719, 21,
Marx, K., 15, 26, 122 22, 27, 41, 48, 5962, 64, 6770,
Mass media, 27 7375, 8082, 85, 8991, 104118,
Matviyenko, V., 86 120122
McClure, H., 23 construction, 61, 67, 80, 82
Index 137
National ideology, 9, 11, 12, 17, 21, Patriotism, 1, 612, 17, 18, 2125, 27, 36,
22, 41, 52, 57, 63, 83, 105, 3842, 44, 4852, 54, 57, 59, 60, 63,
116118, 122 64, 68, 69, 7383, 8891, 103118,
Nationalism, 711, 13, 14, 2124, 36, 38, 39, 121, 122
48, 57, 59, 103, 107, 108, 114, 116, Perestoika, 2
118, 120122 Pereverzev, E., 61
Nationalist bright spots, 101, 103 Performance indicators, 8, 87, 118
National narrative, 27, 79 Perov, A., 51, 61
National Russian History curriculum Peter the Great Peter I, 15, 24, 26, 109, 111
and standards, 21 Petrov, Y., 45, 73
Nation-building, 112, 18, 22, 38, 57, 59, Pingel, F., 8, 88
62, 66, 68, 81, 83, 86, 91, 93, 103, Pioneer organisation, 2
104, 107 Poland, 1, 2, 40, 48
process, 6, 10, 12, 17, 26, 27, 36, 41, 61, Poliakov, L., 43
63, 64, 67, 69, 72, 73, 80, 81, 83, 88, Politbureau, 1
89, 93, 117123 Political socialization, 1, 22, 84, 87, 89
values, 39 Political transformation, 36, 11, 49, 72, 122
Neo-conservatism, 11, 38, 57, 107 Politicization of history textbooks, 11, 118
Neo-Marxist writings, 23 Politicizing of history education, 38, 84
Neo-nationalism, 14 Politicizing of Russian history textbooks,
Nevsky, A., 24, 25 4557, 63
New historical narratives, 62, 83 Positive historical examples, 11, 82, 83
New Independent States, 34 Positive history, 48
New National Standards in History, 51 Post-structuralist discourses, 91
New Russia, 10, 39, 66 Potapova, N., 8
Nicholas II, 30, 49, 100 Povest sovremennykh let (The Tale of Bygone
Nicholls, J., 8, 89, 117 Years), 18, 19
Nietzsche, F. 29, 30 Power discourse, 30
Nietzsches rhetoric of forgetting, 29 Preferred historical narratives, 11, 14, 16,
Nikolskii, A., 61 38, 115
NKVD, 28, 30, 79 Preferred images of the past, 91, 117
Nostalgia for the past, 38, 84, 107, 117 Preobrazhenski, A., 18
Novgorod, 1820 Prince Igor, 14, 20, 48
Novorossiya, 10, 39 Prince Oleg, 1820
Prince Riurik, 19
Princess Olga, 14, 20
O Privatisation, 6, 34, 36
Obama, B., 38, 47 Putin, Vladimir, 7, 9, 10, 13, 1517, 21, 27,
October Revolution (1917), 27, 44, 45, 55, 60, 30, 3756, 59, 63, 66, 7174, 80, 81,
7173, 81, 102, 103 83, 84, 86, 9193, 103, 107, 108, 111,
Openness, 2, 3, 107 116118, 121, 122
Orthodox faith, 7, 14, 15
Ostrovskii, V., 62, 75, 79
Otechestvo (Fatherland), 24 Q
Our Motherland, 24, 46, 64, 84 Quality of history textbooks, 45
Overy, R., 24, 25, 34, 75, 76
R
P Ranger, T., 5, 13
Palmadessa, A.L., 68 Rapoport, A., 8, 13, 21, 60, 61
Parsons, N., 68 The Red Terror, 44, 53
Passeron, J., 25 Reforms, 1, 2, 4, 68, 11, 21, 22, 39, 46, 57,
Patriotic education, 21, 82 66, 8689, 9193, 105, 106, 109, 118,
Patriotic upbringing, 74, 75 120, 121
138 Index
Regime, 4, 5, 13, 24, 25, 36, 38, 63, 86, Sarkozy, N., 37
97101, 103, 119 Sarup, M., 33
Regime of truth, 25, 30, 122 School curricula, 86
Reisigl, M., 13, 61, 68 Secondary history teachers, 9, 12, 46, 52, 59,
Religion, 7, 14, 15, 17, 25, 71, 110, 112, 119 60, 62, 63, 65, 93, 94, 105, 106,
Reproduction theorists, 25 108109
Restructuring, 2, 3, 50 Semiology, 26
Rewriting of history textbooks, 31, 34, 42, Shchetinov, Y., 65, 66, 77, 80
50, 9395 Shevtsova, L., 38
Ritzer, G., 87 Shevyrov, A., 89
Rodina, 24 Shubin, A., 90, 113, 121
Rodrguez-Moneo, M., 61 Significant events, 12, 60, 61, 66, 69, 72, 77,
Rogers, P., 68 81, 82, 85, 90, 91, 94, 102, 103, 108,
Roord, J., 8 109, 113, 116, 119, 121, 122
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 49 Single history textbook, 42, 44, 51, 55, 56, 63,
Rozoff, R., 47 82, 9395
Rus, 7, 11, 1320, 83, 107, 109, 121 Single Russian history textbook, 44, 51,
Russia, 322, 2431, 3357, 6061, 6466, 5456, 63, 92, 108
6983, 8891, 93, 94, 100102, Smith, A., 10, 13, 14, 24, 89
105107, 110, 112, 113, 116122 Smith, K., 59, 60, 69, 73, 81, 109
Russian Academy of Education, 2, 39, 44, 46, Smith, M., 47, 48
86, 106, 108, 111 Smolin, O., 44
Russian Academy of Sciences, 2, 45, 51, Social amnesia, 36
72, 92 Social cohesion, 4, 73
Russian education, 6, 2224, 57, 60, 63 Socialist reconstructionism, 23
Russian Empire, 10, 18, 23, 24, 27, 40, 66, 68 Socialization, 1, 25, 60
Russian historiography, 17, 37, 51, 92, Social justice, 6, 8, 56, 107, 118, 119
106, 117 Social reproduction, 2526
Russian history, 4, 5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 15, 17, 38, Social transformation, 36, 49, 72, 122
4146, 4851, 56, 85, 90, 91, 94, 97, Socio-political transformation, 11
100107, 109, 111115, 117, 119, 122 Solzhenitsyn, A. 53
curriculum policy documents Sous rature, 3233
for teachers, 42 Soviet citizens, 2, 4, 5, 22, 25, 27, 29, 80
teachers, 7, 11, 32, 60, 62, 66, 69, 73, 74, Soviet citizenship, 6, 24
81, 8486, 91, 92, 100103, 107110, Soviet classroom academic achievement, 6
112, 113, 116, 118121 Soviet classroom pedagogy, 6
textbooks, 1, 712, 1719, 2122, 24, 26, Soviet economy, 2
36, 38, 39, 41, 4449, 5157, 5975, Soviet education, 2, 4, 6
7784, 86, 87, 8993, 102109, 111, Soviet educational theory, 1
115123 Soviet education system, 6
Russian identity, 14, 17 Soviet identity, 22, 29
Russian leaders, 86, 97, 98, 100, 103 Soviet ideology, 1, 22
Russian media, 11, 21, 24, 3757, 72, 120 Soviet media, 24
Russian nationalism, 10, 114 Soviet patriotism, 23, 25, 79
Russian Orthodox Church, 17, 25, 89 Soviet press, 3
Russian Revolution, 66, 72, 73, 103, 109, 115 Soviet Russian history, 7, 12, 97, 100,
Russian secondary history teachers, 9, 12, 106 103, 119
The Russian-Turkish War, 60, 71 Soviet society, 4, 25, 73
Russias Unified State Exam, 66, 107 Soviet sociologists, 25
Rybakov, B., 18, 31 Soviet Union. See USSR
Stalin, J., 24, 25, 28, 32, 33, 44, 45, 47,
48, 5255, 62, 66, 76, 78, 80, 89,
S 103, 109
St. Sergius of Radonezh, 1517 leadership, 45, 62, 82
Sakharov, A., 14, 1820 Stalins 1937, 52, 55
Index 139
The Standards in History for Secondary V

Schools, 64 Value-ideas, 14
Stanislav, 2, 39 Values education, 1, 74, 83, 105, 123
Stanislaw, 26 Vasilyeva, O., 57
State communism, 27 Venediktov, A., 43
State examinations in history, 51, 9293, 106 Viazemski, E., 44
State ideology, 43, 52, 92 Vickers, E., 8, 88
State-managed erasure, 28 Vinogradov, V., 5
State standards in education, 93, 106 Visual images, 14
Stolypin, 49 Vladimir the Great, 14, 16
Strong man ideology, 47 Vlasov, A., 3334
Sutherland, R., 91 Vospitaniie, 1
Sweeney, J., 47
W
T Wallerstein, I., 87
Teachers newspapers, 1, 3 Watson, K., 88
Teaching patriotism, 17, 41, 51, 115, Weber, M., 14
118, 122 Whitehouse, J.A., 91
Tolstoy, L. 69, 70 Wodak, R., 13, 61, 68
Totalising ideology, 56 World War II, 7, 17, 2326, 28, 3234, 43, 45,
Totalitarian, 4, 5 48, 49, 52, 55, 56, 62, 7378, 82, 83,
Traditional values, 7, 14, 15, 122 89, 109, 115, 119, 120, 122
Transformation, 36, 11, 22, 2631, 34, 36,
38, 49, 57, 63, 72, 87, 93, 106, 122
Tsyrlina-Spady, T., 8, 21, 59, 60, 84, 103 Y
Tyutchev, F, 37, 38 Yeltsin, B., 30, 49, 66
U Z
Ukraine, 10, 16, 17, 22, 29, 39, 40, 57, 89, 118 Zagladin, N., 61
Under erasure, 32, 33 Zajda, J., 7, 8, 1314, 21, 23, 26, 42, 47,
Ushkanov, V., 44 50, 51, 55, 5963, 67, 69, 72, 73,
USSR, 14, 6, 7, 9, 11, 14, 15, 18, 2229, 32, 8183, 8789, 91, 93, 103, 108115,
34, 35, 38, 40, 4244, 48, 49, 5254, 117, 119, 122
56, 63, 66, 72, 7479, 8184, 91, 93, Zhukov, G. 33
102, 103, 107, 113, 117, 120, 122 Zhuravlev, S., 45, 72

(Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research 16) Joseph Zajda (Auth.) - Globalisation and National Identity in History Textbooks - The Russian Federation-Springer Netherlands (2017)

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(Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research 16) Joseph Zajda (Auth.) - Globalisation and National Identity in History Textbooks - The Russian Federation-Springer Netherlands (2017)

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Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research 16

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/6932

Globalisation and National

Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017933847

Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2017

Printed on acid-free paper

This Springer imprint is published by Springer Nature

Melbourne, VIC, Australia JosephZajda

Globalisation and National Identity in History Textbooks: The Russian Federation

remaining hundred or so ethnic minorities in 83 autonomous regions, with increased

Melbourne, VIC, Australia JosephZajda

1 The Construction ofCultural Identity andNation-Building:

The Process ofErasureThe Airbrushing Technique......................... 28

Combating theFalsification ofHistory................................................... 62

Joseph Zajda (Australian Catholic University, Melbourne) is associate professor

He was elected as fellow of the Australian College of Educators (June 2013).

My interest in Russian history textbooks was influenced by my early memories as a

Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2017 1

Research Visits toSchools inMoscow

Political andSocial Transformations

I dentity Politics andNation-Building inSchool History

By focusing on ideology, identity politics, and nation-building one needs to examine

The Impact ofGlobalisation onEducation inRussia

Globalisation together with global performance indicators have impacted on educa-

Identity Politics andtheRole oftheInterpretation ofHistory

Global Aspiration andEmpire-Building

Globalisation andNational Identity inHistory Textbooks

Russian media debate of history textbooks. Specifically, the monograph analyses

Russias Historical Cultural Identity

Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2017 13

such elements as historic territory, legal-political community, legal political equal-

Searching forRussias Historical Cultural Identity

 resident Vladimir Putins Attendance attheCelebrations

Furthermore, the notion of teaching patriotism is accentuated in the National history

 he Foundation Narrative oftheAncient Rus asaUnified

The Rus asUnified State

Current Russian history school textbooks increasingly emphasise the foundation

The Sources ofNational Identity

One of the sources of national identity, as taught in history in Istoriia Otechestva

The Founding oftheSingle State Rus

 ussian History Textbooks: Emerging Consciousness

The latest generation of Russian history textbooks, approved by the Ministry of

In order to understand a new sense of emerging consciousness of patriotism and

Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2017 21

construction of national identity and nation-building through Russian history text-

The Role ofIdeology inRussian Education

 istorical Narratives Depicting Great Leaders andKey

He appealed to popular patriotism and nationalism, rather than Soviet citizenship, to

Hegemony andSocial Reproduction

The above illustrates some of the changes in the hegemony of Marxism-Leninism

The above is a clear manifestation of the knowledge-power metaphor. Here, knowl-

Social Memory andRussias Transformation

The Fall ofState Socialism intheUSSR

The collapse of the USSR and socialism as a dominant hegemony produced an

Furthermore, tsarist nomenclature was reintroduced in the provincial and local

The Role ofMemory inNational andEthnic Narratives

The Process ofErasureThe Airbrushing Technique

The Forgetting Process

Social Identity Transformation

The Crisis ofMetanarratives andMemory Work inHistory

problematic constituent of identity, may be challenged and subverted by the mined

New Memories: She Hates Stalin!

1 The Construction ofCultural Identity andNation-Building:

Research Visits toSchools inMoscow

Political andSocial Transformations

I dentity Politics andNation-Building inSchool History

The Impact ofGlobalisation onEducation inRussia

Identity Politics andtheRole oftheInterpretation ofHistory

Global Aspiration andEmpire-Building

Globalisation andNational Identity inHistory Textbooks

Russias Historical Cultural Identity

Searching forRussias Historical Cultural Identity

resident Vladimir Putins Attendance attheCelebrations

he Foundation Narrative oftheAncient Rus asaUnified

The Rus asUnified State

The Sources ofNational Identity

The Founding oftheSingle State Rus

ussian History Textbooks: Emerging Consciousness

The Role ofIdeology inRussian Education

istorical Narratives Depicting Great Leaders andKey

Hegemony andSocial Reproduction

Social Memory andRussias Transformation

The Fall ofState Socialism intheUSSR

The Role ofMemory inNational andEthnic Narratives

The Process ofErasureThe Airbrushing Technique

The Forgetting Process

Social Identity Transformation

The Crisis ofMetanarratives andMemory Work inHistory

New Memories: She Hates Stalin!

The Whites andtheReds: They Defended theCountry

oviet Military Dissidents DuringWorld War II: TheCase

New Memories inCultural andPolitical Contexts

The Changing Geo-Political Culture intheRussian Federation

Understanding Russia inHistory

The Recent Annexation ofCrimea: March 2014

rimea Annexation Celebrated attheRed Square Marches,

Crimea Included inthe2014 Grade 9 Russian History Textbook

he Media onTeaching Russian History andPrescribed

The Media andtheState

Teaching Russian History andPrescribed History Textbooks

The Declaration of2012 astheYear ofHistory

Radio Ekho: TheTeaching History Debate

adio Rossiia: Single Russian History Textbooks:

TV: Russian History Textbooks Debate

he Politicizing ofRussian History Textbooks: Russian

illipovs Teachers Manual: AModern History ofRussia:

The Politicizing ofRussia andHistory Textbooks: Western Views

Falsification ofRussian History Debate

Media Debate ontheSingle History Textbook

Putin ontheContent ofRussian History Textbooks

Putin ontheSingle Russian History Textbook

he Political andCultural Context ofHistory Education

Current Debates inHistory Education andHistory Textbooks

The Most Controversial Topics/Events intheHistory ofRussia

he Construction ofNational Identity inRussian History

ussian History Textbooks andConstruction ofNational

Three Generations ofHistory Textbooks (19922014)

Combating theFalsification ofHistory

The Single Russian History Textbook

Filippovs Teachers Manuals

Teaching Patriotism inHistory Classes inSecondary Schools

Russian History Curriculum inSecondary Schools

School Structure intheRF

Core Secondary School History Textbooks

Analyzing Historical Narratives inHistory Textbooks

The Political andCultural Dimensions ofHistorical Narratives

istorical Narratives, National Identity andPatriotism

eroic Events inDefence ofRussia andHeroization

he Great National Significance ofthe1917 October

eroic Events inDefence ofRussia: National Identity

The Great War oftheFatherland: 19411945

he Values ofNational Identity, Patriotism, andtheLove

The Price ofVictories