Continuity and Change in Three Decades of Portuguese

Musical Life

1870 -1900

Maria Jose Artiaga

Royal Holloway, University of London

Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

2007
CONTAINS
PULLOUTS
 Abstract

This study examines the changesand continuities occurring in concert

repertory between 1870 and 1900 in Portugal's two main cities, Lisbon and

Oporto, against the background of the multiple landmark events that were

taking place in Europe at the same period. By organizing a data base that

included the composers and the works performed by the major music

ensemblesof the day, it was possible to identify the genres that provided the

musical characterisation of the period under-study, with concerts making up

the main corpus. The results obtained from the data point up the

demystification of various cliches reiterated by successive generations of

scholars, such as the alleged "void" in Portuguese musical life at the time,

the monopoly enjoyed by Italian music in every domain and the virtual

absence of the Germanic repertory. A review of musical criticisms, both in

the daily and in the specialized press, also allows us to discover the identity

of those responsible for these appraisals, to spotlight their aesthetic and

musical mindsets, to define the preferences of the public, and to highlight

'the strong influence of French culture on the various aspects of Portuguese

musical life. The inter-related phenomena that contributed to the creation of

particular situations on the Portuguesemusical front throw light on specific

issues related to the European musical scene, including the reception of

Verdi and of musical nationalism.

 Table of Contents

Introduction 8
...........................................................................................
I Decadence versus Progress 26
.................................................................

1 1. Anterode Quental, the Cenacle and the Casino Talks 26

...........
I 2. Eca de Queirs and As Farpas 43
...................................................
I 3. Joaquim de Vasconcelos and the German way 68
........................
II Musical Awakenings 88
.........................................................................

II 1. The Institutional Contexts 89

........................................................
112. Opera 98
..........................................................................................
II 2.1. Wagner and the Other 98
..........................................................
112.2. French Opera 107
.......................................................................
II 2.3. Portuguese opera 115
......................................
II 3. Instrumental Music 126
...................................................................
II 3.1. The Associaco M4sica 24 de Junho 126
...................................
II 3.2. Two Amateur Institutions 147
.....................................................
II 3.3. Chamber Music 172
....................................................................
III Emergent Nationalism 185
....................................................................
III 1. Celebrating the nation 186
.............................................................
III 2. The `imagined community. ' Folklorism: Between 195
...............
Herder and Comte 195
...................................................................
1112.1.The Fado or the psychic portrait of the nation 200
...................
1113. Musical life and the nationalist imperative 213
...........................
1113.1.Opera: inclusive and exclusive attitudes 218
............................
1113.2. Instrumental music, continuity and rupture 231
........................
Postlude 261
..................................................................................................
Appendix 1 270
.............................................................................................
Appendix 2 271
.............................................................................................
Appendix 3 272
.............................................................................................
Appendix 4 273
.............................................................................................
Appendix 5 274
.............................................................................................
Appendix 6 275
.............................................................................................
BIBLIOGRAPHY 276
.................................................................................
 List of Charts

Concerts:

Chart I- AM (1879-1889) 136

Chart II AM - PortugueseComposers(1879-1889) 142

Chart III OP (1882-1889) 151

ChartIV OP - PortugueseComposers(1882-1889) 155

Chart V RAAM (1884-1889) 160

ChartVI RAAM - PortugueseComposers(1884-1889) 163

ChartVII MS -RC (1888-1890) 170

Chart VIII AM - OP - RAAM (1879-1889) 175

Chart IX OP (1880s-1890s) 232

Chart X OP - PortugueseComposers(1880s-1890s) 235

Chart XI RAAM - PortugueseComposers(1880s-1890s) 240

ChartXII RC (1880s-1890s) 248

Chart XIII OP (1888-1899) 252

 List of Abbreviations

AM Associaco Msica 24 de Junho

AMZ Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung

MS Moreira de S

OP Orpheon Portuense

RAAM Real Academia de Amadores de Msica

RC Rey Colaco

RTSC Real Teatro de S. Carlos

SCC Sociedadede Concertos Clssicos

SQP Sociedadede Quartetos do Porto

TT Teatro da Trindade
 Acknowledgements

A work of this nature cannot be undertaken without support which,

whether offered or solicited, contributes enormously to its execution. I

should therefore like to express my gratitude to all those who, in their

different ways, helped me to perform this task: to my immediate family,

Joao and Matilde, whose life was conditioned by my trip to London and

whom I subjected to endless accounts of my work; to my niece Maria, who

was tireless in her support; to Joaquim Carmelo Rosa, who was there

whenever and wherever I needed him; to my colleagues Francesco Esposito

and Jorge Alexandre Costa for their unstinting availability; to my former

teachers and friends Luisa Cymbron, Manuel Carlos de Brito, Rui Vieira

Nery and Paulo Ferreira de Castro for their stimulating conversations; to

Jose Fernando Canas, for his very special and invaluable help; to Paula

Porru and Teresa Ramos for their kind assistance; and to the group in

London - Elza, Mario, Jennifer, Penelope, Yannis and Boris - for all their

warmth and friendship. Finally, I am indebted to my supervisor for all the

infinite patience and wisdom he was always willing to share, and which will

surely be my guide in any future task I may undertake.

 Introduction

In the course of my musicological studies, I was constantly confronted

with views of Portuguese music of the 19th century (especially the last

quarter of the century), which discussed aspects of musical life almost

exclusively in terms of binary oppositions, of which the most common were

Italianism versus Germanism, and opera versus instrumental music. It was

also commonplace to characterize the whole century as a kind of void

within our music history.

The awarenessof this state of Portuguese historiography led Ferreira

do Castro to write an essay entitled "What to do with the 19th century? A

view of Portuguesemusical historiography", ' where he essentially discussed

the most frequently encountered cliches which in his opinion hindered our

understanding of musical developments during the period, notably the

above-mentioned dualism between Germanism and Italianism and the

problem surrounding musical nationalism. To conclude, he identified a set

of subjects that remained as yet unresearched and without which little else

could be advanced regarding the music of that century. These topics

included, inter alia, the study of institutions of musical education, concert

societies, and theatre venues.

"0 que fazer com o seculo XIX? Um olhar sobre a historiografia musical portuguesa"
(Revista Portuguesa de Musicologia, 2 [1992], 171-183).

8
 The so-called "void" was in sharp contrast, however, with the

assertion of the composer and essayist Lopes Graca (1906-1994), who, in

his article "Portuguese music in the 19'h century", declared that "[The 19`h

century] is, however, one of the most active and important, if not the most

active and important of the periods of Portuguese music history". ' Though

maintaining the stigma of decadencewhich he attributed to the preference

for Italian music, he asserted that the music of that period had covered a

much wider scope than the exclusively religious and operatic music of

previous years.

These assertions and the dearth of research on that century since for
-

a long time scholars centred their studies on the periods considered

musically more relevant in the country, Le. from the 16th to the 18th

centuries - raised a number of questions: was it adequateto assessmusical

life in terms of such binary oppositions as opera versus instrumental music?

Was the music played during that period limited to works from Italy and

Germany and, if so, why? If a void really did exist, what caused it; and if

not, what led scholars to perpetuate that cliche?

From these basic questions, many others took shape: what was the

repertory performed during this period, given that research on the 19'h

2 "[0 sec. XIX] 6, contudo, um dos mais activos e importantes se no o mais activo eo
,
mais importante, dos periodos da hist6ria da mdsica portuguesa." (Fernando Lopes
Grata, "A msica portuguesa no s6culo XIX", in A Msica Portuguesa e os seus
Problemas, 3 Vols. [Lisboa: Caminho, 1989], I, 65).

9
century was limited almost entirely to opera?3 Which were the principal

venues? What can we know about the public for music? Who were the

personalities involved in the dissemination of musical opinions? What was

the nature of those opinions?

All these problems led me to centre my research on repertory and

criticism, in order to test the assertions expressed above, notably regarding

the dualism between Italianism and Germanism, and the personalities

involved in the dissemination of the music. My intention was to clarify, by

examining the nature of the repertory, whether the 19`hcentury really did

constitute a void within Portuguese music, in particular during the period

between 1870 and the turn of the century. The reason for choosing this

period was also determined in part by possible repercussions on music from

the climate of ideas that surrounded the Casino Talks (1871), a crucial

debate of the Portuguese intelligentsia that established an important marker

of cultural Portuguese life and the apogee of nationalism, a moment in the

history of the country that led to the beginning of the Republic in 1910 and

to new departures in social, political and intellectual histories.

For example, the first main reference to the history of the Opera House by Francisco da
Fonseca Benevides, 0 Real Theatro de S. Carlos de Lisboa: memrias 1883-1902
(Lisboa: Typ. e Lith. de Ricardo de Souza & Salles, 1902); the work by Mario Vieira de
Carvalho, "Pensar e Morrer" ou a Opera de Lisboa (Teatro de Sao Carlos) na
Mutapo de Sistemas Sociais-Comunicativos de Fins do Seculo XVIII aos nossos Dias
(Lisboa: INCM, 1993); the dissertations by David Cranmer, "Opera in Portugal 1793-
1828: a Study in Repertoire and its Spread", 2 Vols. (PhD dissertation [London, 1997])
Luisa "A Opera
and Cyinbron, em Portugal (1834-1854): 0 Sistema Produtivo eo
Repertrio nos Teatros de S. Carlos e de S. Joao" (PhD dissertation [Lisboa,
Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1998]).

10
 In order to contextualise the so-called musical "void", I directed my

attention first to the general history of the period. In the Introduction to the

fifth volume ofHistria de Portugal (History of Portugal) (1807-1890),4 the

authors begin their text by identifying the sudden and relatively recent

interest in the 19`hcentury by the scholarly community. According to them,

the negative perspective towards that century and the beginning of the next

was due to ideological currents disseminated, already in the 190' century, by

the counter-revolutionary movements that reacted against Liberalism

definitely institutionalized in 1834, to other conservative movements that

feared the Republic and, above all, to the dictatorship that fuelled animosity

towards all liberal movements of the past. In what measure such ideologies

could have affected what little research there was on the musical activity of

the period, and what other factors could have played a part, remains to be

discovered.

In a text produced by the music historian Mario de Sampaio Ribeiro

(1898-1966),' a man known for his devotion to the regime of Salazar, this

period is described in the following way: "It was a century of destruction, a

century of decadence, a century marked by the death of both spirit and

substance";6 "The practice of music has become a product of a mercantile

4 Luis Reis Torgal and Joao Lourenco Roque, "Introduco", in Josh Mattoso (ed.),
Histria de Portugal, 8 Vols. (Lisboa: Editorial Estampa, 1993), V, 9-11.
sA Msica
em Portugal nos Seculos XVIII e XIX. " Bosquejo de Histdria Critica, Separata
da Revista Historic, S6rie a (Lisboa: n.p., 1936).
6 "Foi
o s6culo da destruico, o seculo da decadencia, o s6culo da motte do espirito pela
materia", (Ibidem, 84).

11
 culture, depending on the vote of the audiences';7 "cosmopolitanism rules"; '

"The nineteenth century has killed spirituality the true mother of Art"; 9
-

and finally, "In such an essentially materialistic period, so selfish and

utilitarian, as the one in which we live, any creative purity is all but

impossible". " Since this influential discourse is so explicit in its ideological

orientation, it seems all the more important to examine the wider discursive

context.

Still related to the problem of the belated interest in the 19thcentury,

another question arose concerning the discourse of decadencethat had not

only accompanied music throughout the century (and even afterwards), but

was also well-known in other domains, including the most relevant

literature of the same period. If decadence was not the sole domain of

music, why was Italianism continually proposed as the only reason? In the

words of Daniel Pick, whose writings on cultural degeneracy are of major

importance, "[which forces] played a part in the construction of such

views"? "

To considerbriefly the work of one of the intellectualswho discussed

this theme in the country, the philosopher Eduardo Lourenco pointed to a

7 "A prtica da Msica passou, por isso, a tomar feigAo mercenria ea depender do voto e
das predilecces da plateia. " (Ibidem, 88).
8 "impera
o cosmopolitismo" (Ibidem, 109).
9 "0
sculo XIX matou a espiritualidade - verdadeira mai da Arte" (Ibidem). This
quotation is also given by Paulo Ferreira de Castro (1992), 181.
10 "em 8poca
essencialmente materialista, egoltrica e utilitarista como aquela em que
vivemos a conceppo pura 6 impraticvel. " (Ibidem, 110).
Faces of Degeneration. A European Disorder, cc. 1848-c. 1918 (Cambridge: CUP,
1989), 15.

12
 degree of "schizophrenia" never before seen in Portugal, " a phenomenon

that late 19"'-century Europe, according to Pick, was also experiencing in

several variants and specificities. "

In referring to both these authors, my intention is not to try to force

music to conform to specific theories, but rather to try to provide for music

an adequate context within the wider world of ideas. Within this mediation

between music and its context cultural, politic, economic, or other -I

-

aim to make the relation between music and its surrounding culture a more

meaningful one, in order that the latter does not simply become, to use

Samson's expression, a mere "backcloth" for the former. Moreover, certain

musical data begin to acquire relevance and importance only when placed in

this wider context. This orientation guided my understanding of what might

be considered musically significant in order to place it within an

"intelligible structure". "

The placement of music within Portuguese cultural history has been

influenced by the late arrival of musicology in the country (it was really

only institutionalized in 1980),15but also by the long-standing practice in the

country of treating music as a "trailer" among the arts. In consequence, in

12 EduardoLourenco,0 Labirinto da Saudade,2"dedn(Lisboa:Gradiva,2001),29.

13 Ibidem.
14 As argued by Giovanni Levi,
who proceeds by saying that "it is not a question of fitting
observed cases to an existing law but rather of working from significant signs
which have been organized 'within an intelligible frame', to allow the analysis of social
discourse 'to ferret out the unapparent import of things'. " ("On Microhistory", in Peter
Burke (ed.), New Perspectives on Historical Writing, 2"d edn [Cambridge: Polity Press,
2001], 98-9).
15 The courses that became part of the Faculty
of Human Sciences of the New University
of Lisbon, received the name "Musical Sciences".

13
discussions of some crucial events of our history, such as those connected

with the Generation of the 1870s, music has remained an outsider. In the

many studies on that subject, little has been said about the musical

participation of its more representative members, such as Antero de

Quental, Eca de Queirs, Ramalho Ortigo, Batalha Reis, Tefilo Braga and

others, thus missing additional perspectives that could only enrich the

discourse about the Generation and its participants. "' Yet their activity was

of the utmost importance for music as well as for the history of ideas more

generally, as they were cosmopolitan and cultivated music listeners who

expressedviews about topics as diverse as operetta, opera, Wagnerism, and

national music - all subjects with which others, including the musicians

themselves, did not feel comfortable, and which were little discussed

elsewhere at the time. From the perspective of musicology, a similar

attitude, or lack of interrelationship, may be detected. For instance, certain

reactions against the music of Verdi occurring in Portugal during the 1870s

were scarcely (if at all) noted in Portuguese music history or were instead

integrated within a more general and diffuse statement of the reaction

against Italian music. The attitudes taken against the music of Verdi were,

I
as argue in the first chapter, a reflection of the ideologies predominating in

that decade, above all related to realism.

Another question, within a different sphere, concerns the position of

Portugal in Europe, not only as a country on the geographical periphery (at

16 On the
relationship between the novels by Ega de Queir6s and the music of Offenbach,
see Mario Vieira de Carvalho, Eca de Queir6s e Offenbach: a cida gargalhada de
Mefistdfeles (Lisboa: Edic6es Colibri, 1999).

14
 the extreme West of the continent), but also one that distanced itself

politically and economically from the most advanced societies. What could

that mean in terms of music? In his book Pela Mao de Alice, " Boaventura

Sousa Santos argues that the fact of Portugal's having been, for many years,

the centre of a big colonial empire and at the periphery of Europe, has been

"the structural basic element of our collective existence"." However, this

situation, which was central in our history, reflected other specificities too.

In the cultural field, Sousa Santos argues that Portugal never really assumed

the role of a centre towards its peripheries, while as a periphery it revealed

itself to be "voracious in appropriating and incorporating". " From these

premises the author claims that "acentrism" is the main characteristic of

Portuguese culture and that this quality is reflected in both "problematical

differentiations in relation to the external world and no less problematical

self- identifications". " This "acentrism" became highly pronounced with the

flight of the Royal Family to Brazil when Napoleon invaded the country, so

that the colony became in effect the centre of the Empire, while the

metropolis became a kind of appendix to the "

colony. Many similar

situations could be outlined, as noted by Calafate Ribeiro, 22to be discussed

in my first chapter. Characterizing the country as a semi-peripheral one, he

concludes that this situation gave place to a specific culture of

17 Pela Mao de Alice: 0 Social

eo Politico na Pos-Modernidade (Porto: Edices
Afrontamento, 1995).
18 `o elemento
estruturante bsico da nossa existencia colectiva. " (Ibidem, 59).
19 6,voracidade das
apropriaces e incorporaces" (Ibidem, 135).
20 "dificuldade de diferenciaco face
ao exterior e numa dificuldade de identificaco no
interior de si mesma." (Ibidem, 133).
21 Ibidem, 130-131.
22 Margarida Calafate Ribeiro, Uma Histria de Regressos: Imperio, Guerra Colonial
e
Pos-Colonialismo (Porto: Edices Afrontamento, 2004).

15
 heterogeneity, constituted more by what is beyond our frontiers than by

what is contained within them.23Other questions, indeed, also arise out of

the statementsof SousaSantos regarding the mechanisms by which Portugal

received the music of "mainstream" countries.

As noted above, repertory and criticism are the central subjects of my

research, so it follows that the focus will be on the collection of data

concerning concert life in the period, and on reception. With respect to the

latter, the responses of the public will constitute a primary concern, taking

the public as a heterogeneouscommunity. Expressing their opinions will be

one of the aims of this study of reception history. I shall not view music

reception in terms of a binary opposition, i. e. between the meaning of the

musical work and "the intellectual or social structure", something Dahlhaus

cautions us against;` instead, I shall endeavour to discover, in view of what

appear to be the dominant musical and aesthetic trends of the day, which

similar and divergent opinions were formulated and why. The press will

therefore constitute a primary source.

23 Boaventura Sousa Santos,

op. cit., 133.
24 As when he argued: "One starting
point for the reception historian lies in the
proposition that the criterion for judging competing views of a work does not reside in
how close they come to its alleged `real meaning', but rather how accurately, subtly and
intensely they represent the age, the nation, and the class or social group which
conditioned them. In other words, the key issue is not reconstruction of the past so
much as construction in the spirit of the present. [... ] in both approaches the main
historiographical focus is not the musical work but the intellectual or social structure -
what Vodicka would call the normative system - that supplied a context for the work's
reception" (Carl Dahlhaus, trans. J. B. Robinson, Foundations of Music History
[Cambridge: CUP, 195], 154).

16
 Its role was extremely important in the country, especially since the

final institutionalization of Liberalism in Portugal, in 1834. Due to the

"precarious and late"25appearanceof social organizations, it was the press

that, according to Tengarrinha, "perform[ed] a fundamental influence both

in the formation and expansion of critical public opinion and in its

interventional force". 26Between 1870 and the turn of the century, critiques

of musical events were frequent and their place in the newspapers was

significant, from which we may deduce the importance of music in the

social life of Lisbon and Oporto within this period. Operas were given

primary importance, and were almost always allocated the first page. One

step below came the reviews of operettas and zarzuelas. As to the concerts,

generally speaking, it depended on whether or not they were attached to a

special event. If a concert was a regular musical activity, its review could be

published on any page; if not, it usually came on the first page. The

reviewers of music were most of the time anonymous, or used pseudonyms.

When signing their names, it became clear that most of them were well-

known literary reviewers, such as Jlio Cesar Machado (Dic rio de

Noticias), who occasionally set down some very interesting criticisms by

dint of their particular ideological perspective: some members of the

Generation of the 1870s, such as Batalha Reis, writing under the pseudonyn

A. de V. (Jornal da Noite), played a prominent role in this respect.

However, a minority of daily newspapers employed critics from the

25 Jose Tengarrinha, Imprensa Opinio Pblica

e em Portugal (Coimbra: Minerva, 2006),
19.
26 "Desempenha,
assim, influencia fundamental tanto na formago e expanso da opinio
pblica critica como na sua impulso interventiva. " (Ibidem).

17
specialized press, such as Joaquim Jose Marques (Jornal do Commercio or

Dirio de Noticias), Jlio Neuparth (0 Reporter) and Adriano Mereia (0

Seculo).

As to the musical press, the last quarter of the nineteenth century was

characterized by discontinuity and ephemeris. During the decade of the

1870s, the more relevant music periodicals were A Arte Musical (Sep. 1873-

Dec. 75), and Ecco Musical (Jun. 1873-Feb. 1874), which lasted a short

period of approximately one to two years. In the following decade, though,

new titles appeared with a rather longer life - such as Perfis Artisticos

(May 1881-Jul. 1883), the second series of Gazeta Musical (Feb. 1884-Jan.

1886) and Amphion (Apr. 1884-Jun. 1887; May 1888-Jun. 1898) - though

the final years of the decade remained largely uncovered, as had also

happened in the 1870s. The last decade of the century is the only one that

presents us with a more stable press, with the second edition of Amphion,

the third series of Gazeta Musical (Feb. 1889-Dec. 1897) and the third

series of Arte Musical (Jan. 1899-Dec. 1915).

Their critics comprised the following groups: people with some

connection to "
music; musicians "
themselves; and literary figures. 29As

noted above, many of them signed under a pseudonym, others not at all. 3o

27 Joaquim Jose Marques, Adriano Mereia, and Ant6nio Arroio, among others.
28 Such
as Emilio Lami, Jlio Neuparth, Ernesto Vieira, Ferreira Braga, and several
others.
29 For
example, Afonso Vargas, Lino d'Assumppo, and Sousa Bastos.
30 A for the identification of some the though far from the
useful source of pseudonyms,
majority, is Adrian da Guerra Andrade, Dicionrio de Pseud6nimos e Iniciais de

18
 As this kind of press was very irregular, its many gaps were in part

compensatedby musical critiques inserted into other periodicals, either ones

with a more broadly cultural profile, such as 0 Occidente (1878-1915), or

more specialised journals in other fields, usually theatre, such as Revista

Teatral (1885 and 1895-6). And here the names of the critics were given

with the main text.

In terms of the collection of data concerning the musical life of the

period, a central focus has been on concerts, in view of the fact that this

field has been almost entirely unresearched until now. Concerning other

repertories from the same period, Mario Moreau was the person responsible

for the compilation of the works performed at Coliseu dos Recreios,31

between 1890 and 1990, while the musician Moreira de S (1853-1924)

published details of all the concerts performed in Oporto within the

association he directed, the Orpheon Portuense (OP). In view of these

documents, it can be inferred that, concerning the concert life of Lisbon -

the main centre of a totally centralized country - hardly anything was

known; this contrasted with Oporto, since the OP was by far the main

producer of concert life in the town, and the operas played at the Real

Escritores Portugueses (Lisboa: Biblioteca Nacional, 1999); another, more valuable,

source of information on several reviewers is the work by Innocencio Francisco da
Silva, Diccionario bibliographico portuguez: estudos applicaveis a Portugal e ao
Brasil, 23 Vols. (Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional, 1858-1878, expanded by P. V. Brito
Aranha, and revised by Gomes de Brito and Alvaro Gomes, 1858-1958).
31 Coliseu dos Recreios: Um Seculo de Histria (Lisboa: Quetzal, 1994).

19
 Teatro de S. Jodo followed very closely the same repertory as that of the

RTSC. 32

A massive corpus of primary sources, a collection of concert

programmes from 1736 until 1936, exists in the National Library. Although

it contains several gaps, which forces the researcher to take on board the

newspaper reviews as well, this is the most complete collection known at

the present time. The data I collected from this and other sources were

organized into a database.In this database,not only is the operatic repertory

collected by Moreau treated, but also the concerts (which had never been

collated and, thus, never before given such attention), zarzuelas,operettasand

comic opera. Very often the information concerning the dates of concerts, the

composers, the works, the performers and sometimes the venue, is either

incomplete, given in an incorrect orthography, or simply missing. At times it

can be deduced,but on other occasionsthis is impossible. So the results, given

in charts, must be read as incomplete. These data will be presentedin charts

throughout the dissertation,as occasiondemands.

The main criteria that guided the division of the chapters were shaped

by clear distinctions that emerged during my research. Hence the first

decade was clearly marked by the dominant ideologies upheld by the

members of the Generation of the 1870s, who left their imprint on the texts

written about the music of that period and also on the critiques of other

32 See Luisa Cymbron,

op. cit.

20
reviewers, whether in newspapers or in the specialized press. The year 1879

marked a turning point in musical life, whose activity largely increased in

the domain of instrumental music, as a consequence of the arrival of

celebrated foreign musicians and of the creation of two important

Institutions in Lisbon and Oporto. All these people helped to shape a new

musical life, more open to the external world and, in consequence,more

responsive to new repertory. This period was also characterized by a less

ideologically motivated musical Press, since some of the main

representatives of the Generation of the 1870s left the country to work

abroad. At the same time, the 1880s constituted one of the most stable and

peaceful periods of the century for Portugal, marked by the first

manifestations of nationalism in the country. The beginning of the

nationalistic celebrations during the 1880s, initiating a period of national

demonstrations, reached its apogee in 1890 with the English Ultimatum,

which left its imprint on the years that followed. The urgency of defining

the Portuguese "soul", in a period when the autonomy of the country was

seen to be in danger, led to a search for what could represent its authentic

cultural expression. Within music this debate was marked by the

characterization of what could comprise a nationalistic music. This will be

the subject of the third and final chapter.

On the basis of this periodization, the first chapter aims to give an

overall contextual view of the situation in Portugal at a time when the group

of individuals who came to be designated the Generation of the 1870s,

21
drawn from fields as varied as Geography, Physics, Chemistry,

Mathematics, Physiology, Law and Linguistics and sharing a common view

of the decadent state of the country, decided to debate its state of decay and

the possible road to progress, in a series of public events, that became

known as the Casino talks. This overview is presented through three

prominent personalities who had a significant impact on their own time, and

whose influence continues to the present. The first, the poet and philosopher

Antero de Quental, pointed to three main causes which, from the late

sixteenth century, contributed to the general state of decadence, namely

Catholicism, absolutism and the Conquests. The second, the writer Eca de

Queirs, offered, in his critical writings in the pamphlet As Farpas (The

Barbs) and in his novels and other essays, a portrait of decadence in

domains as varied as the social, the artistic and the educational, which he

identified as being a consequenceof Romantic influences on arts and mores.

Moreover, he pointed to the dominating influence of French culture and

customs on Portuguese everyday life which, in his opinion, contributed to a

loss of the authentic qualities of its people, hindering the development of

their characters and genius and thus preventing the development of the

country as a whole. The final person explored in this chapter is the music

and art historian Joaquim de Vasconcelos, who traced the lack of general

resources in all domains of musical life and pointed to Italian music, by

which he meant Verdi above all, as the main cause for the stifling of musical

creativity in the fields of composition, performance and reception. All three

longed for the realignment of the country with mainstream progressive

22
European thought, as well as for the construction of productive forces in all

Portuguesefields.

The second chapter is centred on the debate around Wagner and on the

musical activity that dominated the period. Not only will the theories and

compositions of the German composer be viewed in the light of the leading

positivist theories of the time, but other musical phenomena which were

affected by the same spirit will be identified. It is within this framework,

with the German ideal as the main point of reference, that the international

repertory, as well as the first operas by Augusto Machado and Alfredo Keil

will be presented.

Within the same context, the contribution of instrumental music (both

chamber and orchestral) from the years 1879 will be at the centre of this

chapter, due to an increased concert activity in this domain, not only

through the dissemination of German music but also the introduction of new

composers and works, particularly those of French figures such as Saint-

Satins, Massenet and Bizet. Three institutions - the Associagdo Msica 24

de Junho, a professional one, the Orpheon Portuense and the Real

Academia de Amadores de Msica, both amateurs - were chosen for the

analysis of the repertory performed during the 1880s. These musical

institutions, and the ones involving chamber music, were selected because

of their prominence in Lisbon and Oporto and the regularity of their

activities. For these reasons they presented more consistent patterns for

23
analysis than others whose activity was more ephemeral and irregular either

in Lisbon or in Oporto.

The third chapter will be dominated by the rise of patriotism and

nationalism in the country. The events triggered by the British Ultimatum

led artists to search for new means of expression that could convey such

sentiments and, at the same time, to respond to the new aesthetic challenges

posed by other European countries, which had already found their own

solutions to the problem of a national art. As it was widely believed that a

national school could only emerge based on folkloristic materials, there was

some urgency to publish the first anthologies of folk music in order that

composers could carry out their mission. The differing reactions to the

contents of a remote musical past, assuring the Portugueseness of the

repertory, to diverse aesthetic European options that might lead to

international recognition, and to more hybrid genres such as the Fado, will

constitute the central subject matter of this chapter.

The almost total dearth of printed scores or audio records of the music

of the last quarter of the 19th century constituted one of the main obstacles to

this study. As an example, of the main Portuguese opera composers of this

period - Miguel Angelo Pereira, Visconde do Arneiro, Augusto Machado

and Alfredo Keil - there are either no sources at all, 33 no printed score

available or no recording. 34The same can be said for instrumental music. Of

33 No operaby Miguel Angelo Pereiraor by Viscondedo Arneiro could be found.

34 From Alfredo Keil there is just one record with some of his songs.

24
the first chamber work of a national composer to be played during the

1870s, the quintet with piano by Miguel Angelo Pereira, it was impossible

to know, until virtually the end of my work on this dissertation, if a

manuscript existed or not. The only real exception to this lack of concrete

materials concerns Viana da Mota. 35

The same problem concerns secondary sources dealing with music of

the last quarter of the century, or indeed with more general descriptions of

the cultural profile of the Portuguese bourgeoisie. As a result it was

necessary to work almost entirely with primary data, from which to

establish for the first time a framework for the musical life of this period,

before any critical reflection became possible. Unhappily, an inevitable

penalty of this approach is that several of the sources examined yielded no

substantial results. In spite of all these constraints, this study aims to

contribute to a deeper knowledge of the reception history concerning the

musical repertory of the last quarter of the nineteenth century in Portugal.

35 Various
scores by Viana da Mota were printed such as: the Symphony To The
Motherland (1908), and some songs as well. The same symphony, several instrumental
pieces and songs are recorded and are available on CD. A recording containing the
Fados by Rey Colaco came out on CD very recently. But a huge number of works is
still awaiting study and publication. Prominent among these are the operas of Augusto
Machado and Alfredo Keil, and in particular the still unpublished instrumental work of
composers of this period. Examples would be Guilherme Cossoul's trio for piano, violin
and cello; Miguel Angelo Pereira's quintet in D Major, mentioned earlier (assuming that
the score can be located); J.G.Daddi's concert trio for piano, violin and cello; Marques
Pinto's violin concerto; and the instrumental work and songs of Alfredo Keil, Augusto
Machado, Oscar Silva and all the works that remain still unpublished by Viana da Mota.

25
Decadence versus Progress
1 1. Antero de Quental, the Cenacle and the Casino Talks

"There are nations for which the Epopoeia is at the same time their epitaph"
Antero de Quental36

In 1871, a group of Portugueseintellectuals, drawn from several fields

36 The poet and philosopher Antero de Quental (b. Ponta Delgada, Azores, 18 April 1842
-
d. Ponta Delgada, Azores, 11 September 1891) undertook his primary studies in Ponta
Delgada and subsequently in Lisbon and Coimbra. In 1858, he entered the University of
Coimbra, where he studied Law. He explained his departure from Azores and his move
to the Continent as follows: "The most important fact of my life during those years, and
probably the most decisive one, was the type of intellectual and moral revolution that I
received, when I, a poor child, was pulled from an almost patriarchal living - that of a
remote province, immersed in its placid historical sleep - to the sphere of the
disrespectful intellectual agitation of a centre, where, in a particular way, the currents of
the modem spirit were deflected. Swept, in a second, from my catholic and traditional
education, I found myself in a state of doubt and uncertainty, all the more painful since
I, a natural religious spirit, had been brought up to believe placidly and without any
effort in known rules. I found myself without direction, a terrible state of mind, which
was shared, more or less, by most of my generation, the first one in Portugal, who left,
definitely and consciously, of the old road of tradition. "
"0 facto mais importante da minha vida durante aqueles anos, e provavelmente o mais
decisivo dela, foi a especie de revolug5o intelectual e moral que em mim se deu, ao sair,
pobre crianga arrancada ao viver quase patriarcal de uma provincia remota e imersa no
seu plcido sono histrico, para o meio da irrespeitosa agitago intelectual de um
centro, onde mais ou menos vinham repercutir-se as encontradas correntes do espirito
modern. Varrida num instante toda a minha educacAo catlica e tradicional, cal num
estado de dvida e incerteza, tanto mais pungentes quanto, espirito naturalmente
religioso, tinha nascido para crer placidamente e obedecer sem esforgo a uma regra
reconhecida. Achei-me sem direcgAo, estado terrivel de espirito, partilhado mail ou
menos por quase todos os da minha gerago, a primeira em Portugal que saiu
decididamente e conscientemente da velha estrada da tradig5o." (Letter to Jose and
Alberto Sampaio, 1863).
In 1866, he thought to join the ranks of Garibaldi's forces, believing that "Un bel morir
tutta la vita onora..." ("a beautiful death honours a whole life... ") The following year
found him in Paris, where he attended some classesat the College de France and visited
Michelet, to whom he offered his Odes Modernas (Modern Odes). In July 1869 he
embarked for New York, where he became enthusiastic with the federalist
confederation, which he saw as a model for an Iberian confederation. There he studied
social questions related to the American proletariat. In 1890, the year of the British
Ultimatum, he became the leader of the Liga Patritica do Norte (North Patriotic
League). Late that year, he committed suicide in Ponta Delgada (Azores). Among his
writings, principally poems but also socio-political and philosophical essays, the
following deserve special mention in relation to this work: Odes modernas (Modern
Odes) (1865), a selection of poems, where the author portrays a changing and
"fractured" society that would have its bloody close in the Paris Commune, a scenario
that he included in future editions; the pamphlet Bom Senso e Bom Gosto (Good Sense
and Good Taste) (1865), which gave rise to the so-called Questo Coimbr (Coimbra
Affair), perhaps the most famous Portuguese literary polemic, owing to the sharp
criticism towards established Romantic Literature and above all to the role of the artist
in society; the philosophical essaysArte e Verdade (Art and Truth) (1865), O Futuro da
M4sica (The Future of Music) (1866); the social-political essays Portugal perante a
Revolupo de Espanha (Portugal before (and) the Revolution of Spain), Causas da
Decadencia dos Povos Peninsulares (Causes of the Decadence of the Peninsular
People) 0 que ea Internacional (What is the International) (1871).
27
of knowledge, decided to present their ideas about the collective past of the

nation and the destiny of its people in a series of talks, known as the Casino

talks, in Lisbon. They were given at a time that saw several significant

historical events in Europe, including the Spanish revolution of 1868 (which

led to the Spanish Republic of 1873), the proclamation of the Third

Republic in France, the unification of Germany in 1871, the consolidation

of political unity in Italy, and the Paris Commune of 1871, all of which were

strongly felt in Portugal.

On the other hand, the general disillusionment with the liberal regimes

that followed the revolutions of 1848, "too wedded to an orthodoxy of

economic laissez-faire to consider policies of social reform seriously", 37

found its way to Portugal where the several governments that followed the

beginning of the constitutional monarchy in 1822 failed to solve many of

the country's political, economical and social problems, thereby widening

the distance between the government and its people and provoking an

increasing loss of confidence in the ruling power.

The generation that prepared the Casino talks grew up alongside all

these events. Having recently graduated, and feeling very much concerned

with the country's decadent state, they decided to meet regularly in Lisbon,

forming a discussion group that became known as the Cenacle, in order to

debate their ideas as to the collective past of the nation and the destiny of its

37 E. J. Hobsbawm, The Age Capital 1848-1875 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson,

of
1975), 112.

28
 people. Besides the leading figure of Antero de Quental (1842-1891),

seminal figures of this group included the writer Eca de Queirs (1845-

1900) and the historian Oliveira Martins (1845-1894). There were

additionally several other individuals drawn from fields as varied as

Geography, Physics, Chemistry, Mathematics, Physiology, Law and

Linguistics. Their philosophies and activities enabled others to recognize

them as one of the most influential "generations" in Portuga138

In a letter addressedto Tefilo Braga (1843-1924),39Antero wrote of

the Cenacle that "We have a program not a doctrine: we are an association

not a church: that is, we are linked by a common spirit of rationalism, of

positive humanization of moral issues, of independent insights [... ] In the

field of religion, we argue in favour of the creative feeling of the human

heart and against the doctrinaire myths of the theologies; in the domain of

politics, we argue in favour of the government of the people by the people;

38 On the
study of the Generation of the 1870s, of the meetings of the "Cenacle" and of the
Casino Talks, the following works constituted main references: Jos& Mattoso (ed.),
Histria de Portugal, 8 Vols. (Lisboa: Editorial Estampa, 1994), V; A. H. de Oliveira
Marques and Joel Serro (eds), Nova Histria de Portugal, 12 Vols. (Lisboa: Editorial
Presenga, 1987-2004), X; Joao Gaspar Similes, A geragdo de 70: alguns tdpicos para a
sua histdria, 2"d edn (Lisboa: Inquerito, 1984); Alvaro Manuel Machado, A Geraco de
70: Uma revoluco cultural e literria (Lisboa: Presenga, 1998); Antonio Machado
Pires, A ideia de decadencia na geraco de 70,2"d edn (Lisboa: Vega, 1992); Antnio
Jose J. Saraiva, A Tertiilia Ocidental: Estudos sobre Antero de Quental, Oliveira
Martins, Eca de Queiroz e outros, 2"d edn (Lisboa: Gradiva, 1995); Eduardo Lourenco,
Portugal como Destino seguido da Mitologia da Saudade (Lisboa, Gradiva, 1999);
Antero de Quental, Causas da Decadencia dos Povos Peninsulares (with an
introduction by Delfim de Brito (Lisboa: Guimares Editores, 2001); Jose Augusto
Franca, O Romantismo em Portugal (Lisboa: Livros Horizonte, 1993).
39 Te6filo Braga
was another prominent member of this generation. He was to become
president of the Provisional Government of the Republic (1910-1) and definitely elected
President in 1915. He had an important role, as a writer, in the dissemination of the
positivist theories in Portugal and in collecting the Portuguese traditions. In this last role
he became, during the 1880s, a major voice of the nationalist trend.

29
 in sociology, for the emancipation of the work; in literature and arts, for a

social and civilizing role of art and literature [... ]". 40

From these meetings came the idea of the series of talks in Lisbon at

the Casino Lisbonense, with the aim of "opening a tribune where ideas [... ]

[about] the social, moral and political change of the people could take place;

connecting Portugal with the modern movement [... ]; rousing the public

opinion for the larger issues of modem Philosophy and Science; [and]

studying the conditions for the political, economic and religious change of

Portuguese society.""

As the philosopher Eduardo Lourenco (1923-) has written, "For the

first time in centuries of religious, cultural, political and ethical unanimity,

40 "Temos
um programa mas no uma doutrina: somos uma associacdo mas no uma
igreja; isto e, liga-nos um comum espirito de racionalismo, de humanizago positiva das
questes morais, de independencia de vistas [... ] Seremos, em religio, pelo sentimento
criador do corago human contra os mitos doutrinais das teologias. Seremos, em
politica, pelo governo do povo pelo povo; em sociologia pela emancipago do trabalho;
em literatura e arte pelo fin social e civilizador da arte e da literatura [... ]". (Quoted by
Antonio Jose Saraiva, op. cit., 43-4).
41 "Abrir
uma tribuna onde tenham voz as ideias [... ] [sobre a] transformagAo social,
moral e politica dos povos; ligar Portugal com o movimento moderno, [... ] agitar na
opinio pblica as grander questes da Filosofia e da Ciencia modema; estudar as
condipes da transformaco politica, econmica e religiosa da sociedade portuguesa."
(Joo Gaspar Simbes, op. cit., 59).
A total of five talks took place in the Casino, under the following titles: 0 Espirito das
Conferencias (The Spirit of the Talks), by Antero de Quental; Causas da Decadencia
dos Povos Peninsulares (Causes of the Decadence of the Peninsular People), also by
Antero de Quental; Literatura Portuguesa (Portuguese Literature) by Augusta
Soromenho; 0 Realismo como Nova Expressilo da Arte (Realism as a New Expression
of Art) by Eqa de Queirs; and 0 Ensino (The Teaching). After the fifth talk, the
government prohibited the following ones on the subjects: Os Historiadores Criticos de
Jesus (The Critical Historians of Jesus) by Salomo Sdraga; 0 Socialismo (Socialism)
by Batalha Reis; A Republica (The Republic) by Antero de Quental; A Instrupo
Primria (The Primary Teaching) by Adolfo Coelho; and Dedup7o Positiva da Ideia
Democrdtica (Positive Deduction of the Democratic Idea) by Augusta Fuschini. This
second set of talks reflected not only the main concerns of the people of the Cenacle,
but also the important political ideas then being propagated, such as Republicanism and
Socialism. Besides these concepts, education emerged as a special concern, owing to
the level of illiteracy in the country and the deficiency of technical education.

30
 from the Napoleonic invasions to the definitive establishment of the

constitutional monarchy (1834), Portugal is discussed. On account of what

it is and what it was, on account of what it is not but wishes to be, a

European country, with the same or an analogous political and cultural

structure as the current one in Europe. From then onwards and in a certain

way, Portugal and its culture would never ceaseto be discussed.""

In the second of these talks, on the evening of 27 May 1871, Antero

de Quental offered an explanation for the main causes of the Peninsula's

decadent state.43 According to him, there were three main reasons for

Portuguese decadence." The first and most important one was Catholicism,

following the changes it suffered as a result of the Council of Trent. What

previously existed was Christian faith, or the religious consciousnessof the

people, embodying pluralism and thus accepting the several different rites

of the Peninsula, and showing tolerance towards people who had brought to

it richness and knowledge, such as Jews and Moors. 45What followed was a

42 "Pela
primeira vez, em seculos de unanimismo religioso, cultural, politico, 6tico, desde
as invases napole6nicas at6 ao definitivo estabelecimento da monarquia constitucional
(1834), Portugal discute-se. Por conta do que 6 ou foi, por conta do que no 6e quer
ser; um pals europeu, com o mesmo ou analogo modelo politico e cultural corrente na
Europa. Desde ento de uma certa maneira, Portugal ea sua cultura nunca mais
deixaram de se discutir. " (Eduardo Lourenco, op. cit., 26).
43 To speak
of the Peninsula as a whole was a "political and ideological" concept very
much in vogue during this period, in view of the different federalisms spreading
throughout Europe (Antonio Machado Pires, op. cit., 67).
44 See, Antero de Quental,
op. cit., 17-62.
as ale in other countries in Europe Jews and Moors were considered degenerate races,
in the intellectual climate of nineteenth-century Portugal they were not believed to be
so. About the anti-Semitic sentiment that began to invade several states, the writer Ega
de Queirs wrote in 1880: `under civilized and constitutional forms (petitions,
meetings, articles in periodicals, pamphlets, interpellations), what we are really
witnessing, is the persecution of Jews, and a good one, from the time of our king D.
Manuel I [a period of the Inquisition], when the books of the rabbi and the rabbi himself
were thrown into the pyre, exterminating, thus, in a very economic way, with the same

31
 form of Catholicism that was no longer a "sentiment" so much as an

"institution" that began to command people's lives through dogma and

discipline, and after the Council of Trent "imprisoned" the Christian

consciousness for ever, ultimately becoming despotic with the creation of

the Inquisition. This situation prompted not only the banishment of Jews

and Moors - and, in consequence, the paralysis of commerce, a mortal

blow to agriculture, and the loss of capital within the country but also the
-
terror causedby hypocrisy and denouncement of its servants.

As Mattoso argues, for Quental, who was influenced by the theories of

Feuerbach and Michelet, humankind should take its destiny into its own

hands in order to discover "its divine essence [... ], which, until then, had

been projected in transcendental entities, becoming a slave of its own

creations".46

During the nineteenth century, the anticlerical feeling that spread

through the country (as in many other countries in Europe) represented a

reaction against the obscurantism that the Church had represented in the

past, from the conservatism of its decisions during the liberal period to the

support given by the clergy to the absolutists during the Civil War (1832-4).

Moreover, the conviction was held that only after removing the Church's

bundle of sticks, the doctrine and the doctor. [... ) Here [in Portugal] we are far from
seeing a national hate deflecting into a social persecution against the Jews [... ]" (Eqa de
Queir6s, "A Perseguigo dos Judeus" [28 Nov. 1880], in Maria Filomena M6nica (ed.),
Epa de Queirs Jornalista [Lisboa: Principia, 2003], 176).
46 "a
essencia divina [... ] que, ate ai, tinha projectado em entidades que the cram
transcendentes,tornando-se escrava das suas pr6prias criages." (Jose Mattoso (ed.), op.
cit., 591).

32
 political, economical and cultural power, and separating it definitely from

the civil domain, would it be possible to develop a secular and progressive

nation."' Thus when the Liberals took power, some of their first measures

were directed against the privileges of this class, not so much the secular

clergy as the regular one.48In consequence,the male religious orders ceased

in 1834, many of their goods were confiscated and properties belonging to

the monasteries were nationalized, their right to representation in the

Chambers and to voting in the elections was denied and finally Jesuits,

traditionally the most powerful congregation in Portugal, were expelled

from the country. 49

47 This concerned,
above all, public education and the deliverance and profit of the land.
Anti-clericalists were not against religion of itself, but rather against the role of the
Institution: the Catholic Church. Herculano (1810-1877), the influential and respectful
historian and writer for subsequent generations, claimed that Christianity was an ethic,
not a dogma (see Jose Mattoso, op. cit., 226). Furthermore, the most radical anti-
clericalists opposed the article of the Constitution that still considered Catholicism the
religion of the kingdom. According to them, the reform of the State should impose a
total separation between the State and the Church, in order to accomplish the laicization
of the educational system and religious freedom. As the politician Jos6 Estevo argued:
"The church has already the pulpit and the confessional: at least, education must not be
given to them." (Quoted by Maria de Fatima Bonifcio, 0 seculo XIX portugues
[Lisboa: Imprensa de Ciencias Sociais, 2002], 72). This polemic continued throughout
the nineteenth century, and the anti-clerical positions were increasingly associated with
the opposing forces, above all with republicans, who would institutionalize the laic
school.
ag As emphasised in the Constitutional Chronicle
of Lisbon (1834): "The existence of the
religious orders [... ] destroys the foundations of the public prosperity. The force of a
Nation depends on its population: the population of marriages; the biggest quantity of
marriages; the biggest number of landlords: the Religious Orders are twice harmful to
the population: as bachelors, they promote a big emptiness among the generations; as
bodies of lifeless hands, absorbing huge properties that cannot be alienated, they
prevent a considerable number of people from possessing an inch of land."
"A existencia das Ordens Religiosas [... ] 6 destrutiva dos fundamentos da prosperidade
pblica. A forca de uma Nag5o depende da sua populagAo; a populago dos casamentos;
o maior niunero de casamentos,do maior nmero de proprietrios: as Ordens Religiosas
so duplicadamente prejudiciais populapo: como celibatrios, deixam grande vazio
nas geraces; como corpos de mo morta, absorvendo enormes propriedades que no se
tornam mais a alienar, fazem com que o nmero considervel de individuos no possam
ter um palmo de terra [... ]" (Quoted by Jose Mattoso, op. cit., 225).
49 They had
already been expelled in 1759 by the minister Marques de Pombal, but had
returned to the country in 1829, during the short absolutist Government.

33
 The second reason for the Peninsula's decadence was absolutism,

which imposed a "uniform and sterilizing centralization", denying the

participation of the people through the closure of the courts, abolishing old

municipal liberties and hampering the growth of the middle class and the

subsequentstagnation of the economy.

Antero de Quental considered that Portugal would develop its

economy only when municipal life was enlarged and renewed, requiring

greater participation on the part of the people. According to him, the

constitutional regime was not profiting from the new opportunities that

became available after the Civil War such as, for instance, the increased

level of self-dependence given to the municipalities. Moreover, it relied on

the new prevailing class, the bourgeoisie, which was dominated by

individualism, selfish values and ambition. "

Discontentedness with the state of affairs, scepticism with rulers and

their politics, strong awareness of current ideologies spreading in Europe,

and faith in scientific knowledge or generalized social justice all contributed

to the dissemination of republican and socialist ideas in Portugal. The

positivist current, based on the Law of Free Stages of Auguste Comte or on

the evolutionary theory of Herbert Spencer, was the one that won the

greatest number of followers in Portugal. The republicans became their

proponents and among them Tefilo Braga was its chief representative.

so There seemsto be an apparentcontradictionin the way Antero saw the middle class.
Yet, for the writer there were two stages: first he saw it historically and now he looked
in the perspective of the present.

34
 Another intellectual current, utopian socialism, based on the theories of

Proudhon and Michelet among others, was dominant among the Portuguese

intellectuals. If Antero de Quental was its activist, responsible (with others)

for the foundation of the Portuguesebranch of the International (1871)5! and

for the constitution of the Socialist Party (1875), then Oliveira Martins was

its main theorist.52

At the outset, the Republicans and Socialists were united, but they

were soon to diverge. For the former, socialism was identified by "an

inorganic and metaphysical proposal, only suited to revolutionary

demolition". " Conversely, the latter did not accept science as the only

explanation for phenomena. For them, science lacked the liberating force

representedby metaphysics. Furthermore, while republicans withdrew their

support from the urban bourgeoisie, to the socialists this class "enthroned a

new regime of lineages"54 supported by a "monopoly of material

availabilities"". In the end, it was republicanism that would gain general

acceptance,leading to the foundation of the Republic in 1910.

s' On this
subject, see Ant6nio Jos6 Saraiva (op. cit. ), who describes the various events
and personalities involved in the foundation of the International in Lisbon, as a
consequenceof contact in 1871 between Antero, some labourers and students, and three
Spanish refugees sharing the ideas of Bakunine and therefore closer to the doctrines of
Proudhon. On the contact between Portuguese socialists and Marx and Engels, a
selection of letters has been published by Cesar de Oliveira, 13 Cartas de Portugal par
Engels e Marx (Lisboa: Inciativas Editoriais, 1978).
SZ Oliveira Martins
wrote Teoria do Socialismo (Theory of Socialism) in 1872 and
Portugal eo Socialismo (Portugal and Socialism) in 1873, which, according to Franca,
was "the first national program of the socialist revolution" influenced by the theories of
Proudhon. (Jose Augusto Franca, op. cit., 529).
53 "uma
proposta inorgnica e metafisica, apenas apta demolico revolucionria. " (Jose
Mattoso, op. cit., 251).
sa entronizou
um novo regime de castas" (Ibidem, 246).
55 "agambarcamento das disponibilidades
materiais." (Ibidem) According to Villaverde
Cabral: "At the beginning of the 1880s, Regeneration became the party of the big

35
 The final reason was the Conquests: not the discoveries in themselves

but their outcome, that is, the colonization that led to slavery and to major

changes in national productivity owing to the desecration of cultures, the

decline in exports, the disregard for industry and the pursuit of quick profits

through foreign exploitation. All of these issues hampered the growth of a

middle class, "the modern class par excellence". According to Antero, the

negative consequences of these factors were reflected in the

impoverishment of Portugal and, above all, in the people feeling

disillusioned, unmotivated and falling into a "state of torpor and

indifference". In a word, the country had been dragged into a state of moral,

political and economic decadencethat the liberal constitutional regime was

incapable of solving. Quental believed that it was urgently necessaryto put

an end to the spirit of inertia, a legacy of almost four centuries of colonial

exploitation, and alternatively to encourage a productive outlook that would

enable the development of industry.

Although the economy had grown from the early 1860s until 1890,

from this year onwards it began to decline. The man who had governed the

country for almost two decades,Fontes Pereira de Melo, had made a strong

capital. They cease to represent the interests of important strips of the little bourgeoisie
and of the rising middle class, who likewise felt excluded from the oligarchy that
detained the political power. At the same time, their relationship towards the proletariat
(more and more organized) was one of antagonism. It was in the republic that they saw
an exit. "
"No inicio dos anos oitenta, a Regenerago torna-se o partido do grande capital, deixa
de representar os interesses de importantes faixas da pequena burguesia e das camadas
medias em ascenso, que se sentem assim excluidas da oligarquia que detem o poder
politico, ao mesmo tempo que torn para com o proletariado (cada vez mais organizado)
uma relapo de E
antagonismo. na repblica que Blas procuram uma saida." (Manuel
Villaverde Cabral, Portugal na Alvorada do Seculo XX.- Forpas Sociais, Poder Politico
e Crescimento Econmico de (1890-1914) [Lisboa: Regra do Jogo, 1979], 37).

36
 investment in transportation, believing that it would bring a vital stimulus to

the economy. But this investment did not produce the quick structural

economic changesthat were expected. To carry out the large investments in

transport and communication, the regime had to take out heavy loans that, in

the end, contributed to a substantial increase in the public deficit and to the

rise of public taxes. Finally, the defective preparation of handiwork, the lack

of primary resources such as charcoal, and a high level of foreign

competition were other obstacles to the growth of the economy and to the

expansion of industrialization. All of these factors were to increase

discontent among the people and ultimately to create the conditions for the

fall of the monarchy.

As this summary indicates, Quental believed that breaking with the

past meant that the country had to free itself of its status as an "island"56 in

order to connect with the "modem world", in other words Europe.

Moreover, Quental considered that these causes,having their origins so long

56 This idea
was developed by Eduardo Lourenco in one of his essaysabout the identity of
the country: "In the extreme Europe, and facing the Muslim enemy, as strange as it
seems, the medieval Portugal was "more European" and above all less of an `island'
than it would be and it would feel afterwards. [... ] Only today, at the end of this empire,
does other evidence come to us that our situation as `island', when we consider
ourselves in relation to Europe, is intimately connected with our imperial destiny".
"Na extrema Europa, ea bravos com o inimigo muqulmano, por mais estranho que
parega, o Portugal medieval foi'mais europeu' e sobretudo menos ilha do que o sera e se
sentir depois. [... ] S hoje, no fim desse imperio, aparece com outra evidencia que a
nossa situago de 'ilha', quando nos consideramos em relago Europa, esta
intimamente conexa com o nosso destino imperial. " (Eduardo Lourengo, op. cit., 15-
16).
This same idea of Portugal as an "island" is found in a novel by Saramago, A Jangada
de Pedra (The Stone Raft) (1985), where the whole Peninsula is included (as at the time
of Antero). In this novel, Saramago provides an exquisite parable of the total separation
of the Iberian Peninsula from Europe (owing to a geological mishap), which then begins
to drift through the Atlantic Ocean.

37
ago, had led the country into a state of complete isolation, a situation

particularly pronouncedin a period of federalism.

Since the time of the discoveries, the subject of the geopolitical place

of Portugal was a recurrent preoccupation of major figures in the country's

history. Cames (1524?-1580), the poet of the discoveries, explored the

matter through his celebrated epic, Os Lusiades (The Lusiads). While

affirming the identity of Portugal through the acts of the discoverers, he

warned against the dangers that the new and faraway lands could bring.

From then on, several authors saw Portugal, through its empire, as a place of

"frontier" or a "margin" in the geopolitical sense, either towards Europe

through Spain, or towards the discovered lands bound to Portugal by the

ocean. As Zurara (1410-1474?) wrote in the first chronicle of the

expansions' "here, we, from one side surrounded by the sea, and from the

other, [facing] a wall in the Kingdom of Castile". 58Margarida Calafate

Ribeiro, in her essay on the symbolic relationship between Portugal and its

African empire, argues that the intermediate condition, resulting from a

complex organic tension between the nation and its empire, on the one hand,

and from a multifarious tension between Portugal and Europe, on the other

hand, led to the coexistence of two kinds of discourse in the Portuguese

collective imagination: the "epic discourse" and the "discourse of perdition"

and, according to the same author, to the image of the country as " `margin

57 Crnicada Tomada
deCeuta(1450).
58 "c de nos cerca o mar e da outra temos muro no reino de Castela".
nos uma parte
(Quoted by Margarida Calafate Ribeiro, Uma Histria de Regressos: Imperio, Guerra
Colonial e P&-Colonialismo [Porto: Edices Afrontamento, 2004], 28).

38
 and vanguard', and therefore, the `face' of Europe, in a fair sense, for the

non-European people brought through the Discoveries, [which] became

`margin and rear' from that Europe, when viewed as a country which failed

the modernity and, thus, in modem European terms, failed its colonial

mission [... ]" 19

One problem exposed in literature up to the present day6concerns the

identity of the country, for example, through the critical views of the

eighteenth-century Portuguese writers, Luis Antonio Verney and Cavaleiro

de Oliveira, or through the play by the romantic writer Almeida Garrett,

Frei Luis de Sousa, in which the unknown pilgrim, to the question: "Who

are you?", answers "Nobody". The same writer proposed a reversal of

navigation, such as the undertaking of an inward epopee movement from

"Tagus upwards". " It would be the turn of the Generation of the 1870s to

portray the catastrophic state of the country as an "ill" and "empty"

organism. Eca de Queirs metaphorically described it in relation to Brazil:

"We never were to Brazil but amiable and timorous masters. We were, to it,

in that melancholic situation of an old nobleman, a run-down bachelor,

59 "margem
e vanguarda', e, portanto, 'rosto' da Europa, a justo titulo, para os outros
povos no europeus trazidos pelo movimento dos Descobrimentos, [que] se converte em
margem e retaguarda dessa Europa, sendo visto como um pals que tinha falhado a
modernidade e, nessa medida, em termos europeus modernos, tinha falhado a sua
misso colonial [... ]" (Ibidem, 15).
60 Especially in the literary
works of Teixeira de Pacoaes and Fernando Pessoa, and,
nowadays, in the essaysof Eduardo Lourenco.
61 "Tejo-arriba" (Ibidem, 29).

39
 toothless and doddery, who trembles and slavers before a pretty and strong

governess".62

Decadence became a dominant and self-flagellating discourse for

many of the members of the Generation of the 1870s. But while Quental

himself explained decadence according to the progression of historical

factors, others, scarcely less prominent, often approached the key issue of

decadence from rather different perspectives. One example here would be

the work of Oliveira Martins, who argued that "grandeur and decline were

necessary and organic phases of a whole, and decadence was the natural

consequenceof the exhausted forces that had enabled that grandeur".63

Oliveira Martins's theory stresses the central arguments of later

theories by Oswald Spengler, who considered a given culture "as an entity

with a life and characteristics of its own", ' following "the vital cycle

consisting precisely of birth, growth, apogee, decay and death.s65So for

62 "Nunca fomos decerto

para o Brasil seno amos amveis e timoratos. Estivamos para
com ele naquela melanc6lica situago de velho fidalgo, solteiro arrasado, desdentado e
trpego, que treme e se baba diante de uma governanta bonita e forte" (Ega de Queir6s,
Cartas de Inglaterra, quoted by Margarida Calafate Ribeiro, op. cit., 61).
63 Quoted by Ant6nio Machado Pires,
op. cit., 84.
64 `homo
entidade com a vida e caracteristicas prdprias" (Ibidem, 21).
65 "o
ciclo vital consiste justamente em nascer, crescer, atingir um auge, definhar, morrer"
(Ibidem, 20). According to Daniel Pick, in interpreting Oswald Spengler: "The decline
of the West [... ] was not an historical problem limited in time and space, but rather a
philosophical question which 'includes within itself every great question of Being'.
Civilisation was the moment of the organic climax and disintegration of culture, namely
'a conclusion, the thing become, succeeding the thing becoming, death following life,
rigidity following expansion' [... ] The geographical arrangement of the world could be
temporarily changed by European expansion, but the limited time of the West could
never be overcome: 'The expansive tendency is a doom, something demoniac and
immense'. History was genetic: 'the endless uniform wave-train of the generations'
subject to 'organic logic', the rhythm of the species." (Daniel Pick, Faces of
Degeneration: a European Disorder, cc. 1848-c. 1918 [Cambridge: CUP, 1989), 233).

40
 Oliveira Martins, the Portuguese people as a whole were analogous to a

living organism that contained within itself the seeds of its apogee and

death. According to this model, Iberian civilization would have reached its

peak in the sixteenth century, decaying thereafter until its final breath, as a

consequence of its grandeur and of all the spent energy. Everything that

followed merely represented efforts to revitalize a dead organism.` In a

period marked by theories of decadence and degeneracy all over Europe,

this generation was particularly sensitive to such ideas, given its acute

awareness of the decline and crisis that the nation was experiencing." In

spite of the pessimistic discourse, this feeling was faced as a dynamic force

instead of a fatalistic one. As Oliveira Martins observed, in writing about

some of the new writers, Antero among them: "If the new school [my

emphasis] didn't do anything other than destroy, their merit would still have

been quite considerable, because negation is the first logical term of

66 Antonio Machado Pires,

op. cit., 20-1.
67 This point may be particularly
observed in the characters and situations depicted in the
novels of Ega de Queir6s. As to the awareness among the members of this Generation
of ideas of decadence spreading elsewhere in Europe, besides those already mentioned
between Oliveira Martins and Spengler, Eca de Queir6s was in contact with Zola,
Te6filo Braga maintained a correspondence with Max Nordau, and Ramalho Ortigo
(1836-1915) wrote the following in his famous chronicles: "[The] social pathology is
not, naturally, exclusive to the Portuguese nation. The major neurosis of the century is
reflected in a large amount of contemporaneous art and literature in Paris. The
degeneration of race, and mainly that of the superior `lineages', with a natural
predisposition for madness, is, as I state, a general and undeniable fact of European
society. "
"[A] patologia social no 6, naturalmente, um exclusivo da nago portuguesa. Em torno
da grande nevrose do s6culo versa em Paris uma grande parte da arte e da literatura
contempornea. A degenerago da raga e, principalmente, a das castas superiores,
predispondo para a loucura, 6, como indico, um facto geral e indiscutivel na sociedade
europeia." (Quoted by Antonio Machado Pires, op. cit., 106).

41
 affirmation. However, the new Portuguese poets, in putting it down, are in

fact affirming the need for reconstruction". 68

The desire for progress, of facing up to the many problems in the

trends of progress and science, was the only way to overcome the state of

lethargy its people had reached, so that their creative impulses would be

reawakened. By progress, Quental meant the opposition to Catholicism

through "free consciousness, direct contemplation of the divine by the

human being [... ], faith in progress, in the constant renewal of humanity and

of its inexhaustible intellectual resources".69Absolutism, should, Quental

believed, be replaced by a republican federation of all autonomous groups,

of all sovereign wills, through the enlargement and renewal of the municipal

life within a totally democratic structure. Industrial inertia should give place

to "the initiative of free work", the industry for the people and of the people,

"organized in a solitary and equitable way". He finished his talk by stating

that if Christianity had been the Revolution of the old world, then the

Revolution would be the Christianity of the modern one.7

68 "Quando a escola nova no fizesse

mais do que destruir, o seu merecimento seria ainda
consideravel, porque a negaco do primeiro termo logico da affirmagAo. Ao contrario,
porem, os mogos poetas portuguezes, derrubando, affirmam a necessidade de
reconstrug5o" (Joaquim d'Oliveira Martins, "Os poetas da Escola Nova", in Revista
Ocidental, 2 Vols. (Lisboa: Typ. de Cristovao Augusto Rodrigues, 1875), II, 169).
69 "a consciencia livre, a contemplaco directa do divino pelo humano [... ] a crenca no
progresso, na renovago incessante da humanidade pelos recursos inesgotaveis do seu
pensamento" (Antero de Quental, op. cit., 61).
70 Antero de Quental,
op. cit., 62.

42
 1 2. Eca de Queirs and As Farpas

"The theatre in Portugal is vanishing.... "

Eca de Queirs"

In 1871, the same year as the Casino talks, a monthly chronicle called

As Farpas (The Barbs)' was launched by two members of the Cenacle, the

novelist Eca de Queirs and the writer Ramalho Ortigo (1836-1915). Eca

de Queirs, himself, had contributed to the fourth of the Casino talks on the

subject 0 Realismo como Nova Expresso da Arte (Realism as a New

Expression ofArt), on 12 June 1871, which was considered to have been the

first on that subject nationally. " Before discussing it, it will be worth

knowing his opinion about the general state of arts in Portugal, as he

described it in As Farpas. Within the pages of this periodical, these authors

71 Born in P6voa do Varzim (1845), into

a middle class family, Ega de Queirs died in
Neuilly, in 1900. He studied in Oporto before going to the University in Coimbra where
he read Law. There he became acquainted with Antero de Quental, Tefilo Braga and
others. After finishing at University, he went to Lisbon and wrote for several
newspapers and periodicals, among them The Barbs. In 1869, he travelled through
Egypt. In 1872, he became consul in Havana for two years, travelling, then, through
North and Central America. From there, he continued his career as consul in Newcastle-
upon-Tyne (1874), Bristol (1878) Paris (1888). In Paris he Emile Zola. His
and visited
output as a writer, includes several novels, essays, articles for daily newspapers and
periodicals, and an abundant correspondence. Among his most celebrated novels are: 0
Crime do Padre Amaro (The crime of Father Amaro) (1876), 0 Primo Basilio (Cousin
Bazilio) (1878), Os Maias (The Maias) (1888), A Ilustre Casa de Ramires (The
Illustrious House of Ramires) (1900) and A Cidade e as Serras (The City and the
Mountains) (1901, posth.).
72 The full name of this pamphlet
was As Farpas, Crnica Mensal da Politica, das Letras
e dos Costumes (The Barbs, Monthly Chronicle of Politics, Literature and Morals).
These monthly chronicles are a global and, at the same time, very detailed critique of
the social, political, institutional, moral, cultural and economic state of Portugal after 20
years of the monarchic constitutional regime. They were considered to have created a
new kind of journalism in the country, the so-called "journalism of ideas", immediately
followed by other authors. The texts belonging to Eqa de Queirds (between May 1871
and November 1872) were reviewed later by the writer and published in a single
volume entitled Uma Campanha Alegre (A Merry Campaign), first published inl 890.
73 Joo Gaspar Simes,
op. cit., 79.

43
 proposed to offer cultural, social and political critiques of Portugal. As Eca

wrote in a letter to a friend: "The Barbs are then the trait, the jest, the irony,

the epigram, the red-hot iron, the whip - working in the service of the

revolution". 74 Some years later, he elaborated upon his feelings when

undertaking that "mission": "From those fiery times I kept the idea [... ]

[that] from the demolition of everything there stood out an education for

everybody."75One of Eca's articles in this periodical was dedicated to the

decadence of the Portuguese theatres. In it, he referred not only to these

theatres, but also to the situation of literature and music in general.

The most heavily criticized of the Institutions was the Real Teatro de

S. Carlos76(S. Carlos Royal Opera House, henceforward RTSC), for it was

the only one to receive a subsidy from the Government, despite being (in

Eca's opinion) a place of "decadence" instead of "civilization". Eca held

that it contributed to the weakness of the human characters of Portuguese

society, in staging the "sensualist music [... ] sentimental, amorous, languid,

morbid"' of Italian opera. He believed that its values were vehicles for the

"sublimation of adultery, [of] love as the highest and only thing of

existence, [of} the duty accorded to the bourgeois, [of] the honesty mal

portee; all that moralism sighed and groaned, dragged through the pungent

74 "As'Farpas'
so pois o trait, a pilheria, a ironia, o epigrama, o ferro em brasa, o chicote
- postos ao servigo da revolug5o. " (Eqa de Queir6s, "Carta a Joo Penha", in Cartas e
outros Escritos, [Lisboa: Edig6es'Livros do Brasil', n.d.), 7).
75 "desses tempos
ardentes me ficara a ideia [... ] [de que] da demoligo de tudo ressaltava
uma educago para todos" (Idem, Uma Campanha Alegre [Lisboa: Ediges 'Livros do
Brasil', 2001], 5-6).
76 Constructed
on the model of the Neapolitan opera house of the same name, its activities
began in 1793. It presented productions that followed, very loosely, the Italian type.
Besides the presentation of operas, it also staged dance and some concerts.
77 "a msica
sensualista [... ], sentimental, amorosa, langorosa, m6rbida. " (Ibidem, 306).

44
 agony of the violin". 78Italian music was the main subject of these critiques,

especially the works of Bellini, Donizetti and, above all, Verdi Il Trovatore

and La Traviata. 79Furthermore the RTSC, instead of serving the Portuguese

singers, was seen (according to Eca) as a "factory of reputations" for the

foreign artists who wanted to move from there to St. Petersburg or Covent

Garden. Finally, despite the amount of money that it received from the

State, the RTSC only served an exclusive minority, instead of making music

accessible to the whole country. The writer concluded that there was no

reason for subsidizing such a theatre, which did not serve the country's best

interests.

Eca held that the money spent on paying for a luxurious and "foreign"

theatre should instead benefit the national institutions with literary pieces of

social and moral value, which should replace the "sentimental dramas", the

grotesque "farces", and the "erotic comedies". The Government had to

make a decision: either to subsidise a foreign theatre, for the pleasure of

very few, or to concern itself more widely with the intellectual progress of

the nation and therefore to give financial support to the "national theatres".

78 "0 adulterio idealizado,

o amor como a coisa superior e nica da existencia, o dever
considerado burgues, a honestidade mal portee; e toda aquela moral suspirada, gemida,
arrastada na dilacerante agonia da rabeca" (Ibidem).
79 Of the last these
of operas, Ega wrote as follows: "What education can one receive from
the expiring Traviata [... ] upon this instrumented mass of voluptuousness, the
adulteresses, the dandies, the lovers, a melodious and licentious world, which groans,
warps the arms, bends in the ecstasies of passion, enters through the doors of the
alcoves, sows everything with kisses, and dies of love, romantically, in a grieved aria! "
"Que educaco se Lira da Traviata expirante [... ] sobre esta massa de voluptuosidade
instrumentada, as adlteras, os galas, os amorosos, todo um mundo melodioso e
devasso, que gerne, arqueia os bragos, se torce nos extases da paixo, entra pelas portas
das alcovas, semeia tudo de beijos, e morre de amor, romanescamente, numa Aria
dolente! " (Ibidem).

45
 Moreover, the economic situation of the country was poor and the

general public far from affluent. Thus the impresarios were obliged to stage

popular repertories that were not, most of the time, notable for their quality.

The theatres that presented operettas, such as the Trindade Theatre

(henceforward TT), 8had to opt for the easiest works of Offenbach, Herve

and Lecoq, owing to the "narrow national throats" of those who sang that

type of music. As this repertory was becoming exhausted, and since there

was not a national comic opera, the impresarios had to resort to zarzuelas,

which did not fulfil the same purpose as operettas as they were too

Italianised.

Eca felt that literature would carry out its mission only at a time when

"feelings and characters would be drawn in a solid way, when the

characteristic customs of the people would be set in relief and their

characters analysed accurately". " If the Government cared about the theatre,

Eca held that it would carry out its spiritual and moral mission in

establishing criteria and creating literary works for posterity. Good dramatic

literature of Portuguese origin would replace the largely translated

repertory; actors would work exclusively for their art instead of fighting for

survival; the population would be taken away from its "leisure" and

80 This theatre
was created in 1867 by a private society. During the years explored in this
study, it produced mainly comic operas, operettas and zarzuelas, feeries and also
declaimed theatre. It was also provided a large venue where concerts, conferences and
balls took place. The genres more often staged were operettas and zarzuelas, which
were performed by actors who also sang. The libretti were always translated into
Portuguese. The theatre was frequented by a mixed public. For an overview of the
composers of operettas and zarzuelas performed in this theatre during the 1870s see
Appendix 1.
$' "Sentimentos,
caracteres solidamente desenhados, costumes bem postos em relevo,
tipos finamente analisados" (Ibidem, 300).

46
 "tedium"; and for these reasons everyone would participate in the

development of a new culture. Regarding music itself, Eca believed that

people should listen to the works of the "true thinkers", such as Meyerbeer,

Gluck, Mozart, and Beethoven.

The theme of decadence is always present in the fiction of Eca de

Queirs, through the traits of his characters and the depiction of particular

scenes or situations and, in his essays, the description of what the several

governments had not done in forty years of liberalism, or the juxtaposition

of the immensity of science with the vast mass of human misery. With

reference to the Portuguese, he considered that people were progressively

losing their "qualities", finally falling into total apathy: "It was this

lugubrious somnolence, this tedium, this lack of decision, of energy, this

cynical indifference, this looseness of will, that lost us, I believe."82 Pires

has suggestedthat the writer "approached the country in an Hamletian way

between being and not being as a Nation". 83

Two related ideas emerge from Eca's texts: the role of art as education

rather than as amusement and, in connection with this point, the accessto it

by all people and not just by a very select few. Education, in general, had

become a concern since the establishment of the constitutional monarchy in

Portugal. For the winning faction, education was intimately connected with

82 "`Foi
esta sonolencia lgubre, este tedio, esta falta de deciso, de energia, esta
indiferenra cinica, este relaxamento da vontade, creio, que nos perderam. "' (Quoted by
Antonio Machado Pires, op. cit., 250).
83 "encarando
o pals hamletianamente entre o ser eo no Como Nacco" (Ibidem, 248).

47
 progress, in a general sense. But, in spite of some reforms, they were far

from sufficient in central domains like literacy, technical education and the

sciences. Besides, the methodologies were still very much based on the

transmission of knowledge rather than on the development of the students'

competences. In an ironic way, Eca asserted that in the University, the

"Sebenta"84was "the reliable guarantee of the Conservative Idea, the 'most

fascinating subject for the young spirits', insofar as 'the student [... J wins the

healthy habit of accepting without discussion and with total obedience the

preconceived ideas, the adopted principles, the established dogmas, the

accepted institutions. %45

For the Generation of the 1870s, art should contribute to the education

of people as well. Insofar as it was recognized that art had a highly

civilizing role and could prove to be an important vehicle for the

construction of a new people and a new world, it followed that the

Government should have the responsibility to bring it to every citizen.

So, in his chronicles in As Farpas, Eca stressedthat art would achieve

its goal only when actors would profit from the' conditions necessary to

carry out their job artistically and professionally, when theatres would exist

in the main centres of the country, and when good Portuguese literature of

moral value would be promoted. Only then could the public profit from a

84 Books
consisting of notes taken by students from their teachers' lectures.
ss "a grande
garantia da Ideia Conservadora, a 'mais admirvel disciplina para os espiritos
mogos', pois que 'o estudante [... J ganha o hbito salutar de aceitar sem discusso e com
obediencia as ideias preconcebidas, os principios adoptados, os dogmas provados, as
insituigdes reconhecidas."` (Quoted by Antonio Machado Pires, op. cit., 178).

48
 good education through art. In the same way, according to the novelist, the

artists should be aware of their mission - that is, they should assume a

militant role in order that their work might produce a redeeming effect upon

the public.

According to Eca - an admirer of Flaubert and Zola, but also of

Proudhon and Taine - the only possibility for art to fulfill its social and

pedagogical role was through realism, and this was the subject of his talk for

the Casino entitled "Realism as a new expression in Art". In a letter to a

friend he exposed some of his ideas as follows: What "we want [... ] [is] to

make up the picture, I mean almost the caricature of the old bourgeois world

- sentimental, pious, catholic, exploiter, aristocratic, etc. And in exposing

it to the ridicule, to the laughter, to the scorn of the modern and democratic

world - to prepare its downfall. An art with this aim [... ] is a powerful

facilitator of the revolutionary science.""

In his Casino talk, Eca referred not only to literature but also to

painting, and especially to the works of Courbet, as important vehicles of an

art with social aims, even though he had never seen his pictures and was

basing his comments on the descriptions offered by Proudhon in Du

Principe de lArt et de sa Destination Sociale (1865).

86 "[... ] queremos fazer a fotografia, is

quase dizer a caricatura do velho mundo burgues,
sentimental, devoto, catlico, explorador, aristocrtico, etc. E apontando-o ao escirnio,
gargalhada, ao desprezo do mundo moderno e democrtico - preparar a sua ruin.
Uma arte que tem este fim [... ]. E um auxiliar poderoso da ciencia revolucionria. "
(Eca de Queirbs, "Carta a Joao Penha", op. cit., 45).

49
 In Ega's opinion, the educative role of the artistic creator was far from

being achieved in Portugal. He stated that no one could understand national

literature becauseits subjects were not of its time. In particular, he held that

the romances had neither psychology nor action. Furthermore, they exerted

a strong but negative influence on the characters of Portuguese women as

they "empoisoned weak minds without culture". 87In his novels, many of his

male and female characters reflect what he called the "romantic",

"sentimental" and "fussy" education. He felt that romantic fiction was the

cause of the dissolution of the moral values of society: as it was, it did not

aid the participation of men and women in the progress of the country.

There was a wide and receptive context for this call to Realism in

Portugal. The concern with the economic and social problems of the country

and the ideological movement roused by people from "the New Generation"

(as the Generation of the 1870s was also known) in propagating the theories

of Comte, Darwin, Proudhon, Taine and others, favoured a renewed

attention to society, based on keen observation and analytical tools. The

railways had improved the speed of contact between the country and

Europe, particularly with France, facilitating the spread of ideas."

87 "envenenando
espiritos debeis e sem cultura" (Antonio Machado Pires, op. cit., 154).
88 "Through the
railways that had opened up the Peninsula, streams of new things, ideas,
systems, aesthetics, forms, feelings, humanitarian interests came everyday from France
and Germany (through France) [... ] Each morning brought its revelation, just as a new
sun. It was Michelet that appeared, and Hegel and Vico and Proudhon; and Hugo,
turned into prophet and judge of Kings; and Balzac, with his perverse and languid
world; and Goethe, immense as the universe; and Poe and Heine, and I believe already
Darwin, and so many others!"
"Pelos caminhos-de-ferro, que tinham aberto a Peninsula, rompiam cada dia, descendo
da Franca e da Alemanha (atrav6s da Franca), torrentes de coisas novas, ideias,
sistemas, esteticas, formas, sentimentos, interesses humanitrios ... Cada manh trazia a

50
 Furthermore, the increasing number of newspapers and periodicals during

this period, and the total lack of censorship, enabled the diffusion and

discussion of the new theories which, in the end, permeated all fields of arts,

especially the so-called representative ones such as literature and painting.

Several members of the Cenacle corroborated his views on a realistic

aesthetic. In the domain of literature, Eca de Queirs' collaborator, Ramalho

Ortigo stressed: "We want facts not exclamations: res non verba". 89This

was a reaction against the ultra-romantic current of Portuguese literature at

the time, and against the purely decorative and entertaining conception of

art. Likewise Quental, in the notes to his famous publication Odes

Modernas (Modern Odes) (1865), argued that contemporary poetry had to

be "revolutionary" in order to reflect its own time, and asked "what does it

matter if a word does not seempoetic to the literary vestals of the cult of art

for art's sake?" And the poet Guerra Junqueiro (1850-1923), another

member of the Cenacle, stated that: "Our epoch [... ] is one of analysis, of

critique, of observation, and poetry, as all the other arts, will have infallibly

to submit to that irresistible tendency."9'

sua revelagAo, como um sol que fosse novo. Era Michelet que surgia, e Hegel, e Vico e
Poudhon; e Hugo, tornado profeta e justiceiro dos Reis; e Balzac, com o seu mundo
perverso e lnguido; e Goethe, vasto como o universo; e Poe, e Heine, e creio que j
Darwin, e quantos outros! " (Eqa de Queirs, "Um g6nio que era um santo", in Notas
Contemporneas [Lisboa: Edig5o'Livros do Brasil', n.d.], 254).
89 "Queremos factos,
no queremos exclamages: res non verba" (Quoted by Antonio
Machado Pires, op. cit., 92).
90 "Que imports
que a palavra nao parecapoetica s vestais liter arias do culto da arte pela
arte? " (Antero de Quental, Odes Modernas, [Lisboa: Ulmeiro, 1996; original edn
1865], 211).
91 "A nossa 6poca [... ] 6
uma epoca de anlise, de critica, de observag5o, ea poesia, como
todas as artes, h-de infalivelmente obedecer a essa tendencia irresistivel" (Quoted by
Carlos Reis, Histria da Literatura Portuguesa: 0 Realismo eo Naturalism, 7 Vols.
[Lisboa: Publicages Alfa, 2001], V, 91).

51
 Regarding the dramatic literature that had been performed on the

theatrical scene during the 1850s, the so-called "drama of actuality" of

French persuasion, the "New Generation" considered that its social critiques

were far from disturbing the prevailing social order. For them, art should

have a unique role: it should be militant and redeeming.

In what concerned the situation of the Arts, critics such as Luciano

Cordeiro (1844-1900) asserted that art had not yet evolved in the country,

because "national monuments had been despised, the Academy's paintings

were deteriorating without an appropriate museum, the teaching of painting,

sculpture and architecture was insufficient, and art, with its industrial

application, was missing."92 In As Farpas, Ramalho Ortigo attacked

romantic artists in 1876 for being painters of landscapes and animals,

"interpreters of the moon's classical sentimentalism and of the sunsets";93he

stated in a very pessimistic way that "We have no school, no gallery and no

public"94. And in 1879, Rangei de Lima (1839-1909) came to the conclusion

that "Our artists, with very few exceptions, have neither the courage to face

the difficulties of the new school, nor the disillusions that will come with it,

as long as this is
school not completely established and public taste does not

92 "dos
monumentos nacionais desprezados, dos quadros da Academia a deteriorarem-se
mingua de museu apropriado, da falta de um ensino capaz, ao nivel da pintura, da
escultura e da arquitectura e tambem da arte como aplicagAo industrial" (Quoted by
Jose Augusto Franca [1966], 414).
93 "interpretadores do
clssico sentimentalismo da Lua e dos poentes."' (Ibidem, 433-4).
94 "'No temos
escola, no temos galena e no temos publico. " (Quoted by Jos6 Augusto
Franca, [1993], 500).

52
 support it. "95In fact, one of the problems for the arts in Portugal, according

to the art historian Jose Augusto Franca, was the lack of a market that could

prepare the public for receiving certain kinds of works 96 Unable to realize

an art with an ideological program, as was demanded by the men of the

generation of the 1870s, painters would follow a less ambitious program

such as the one of the naturalistic school of the following decade, according

to the same author.97

The sculptures of Soaresdos Reis (1847-1889) can be seen as symbols

of the general disenchantment of the period. 0 Desterrado (The Exiled)"

was, in the words of Franca, "[... ] the image itself of a certain national

anguish, a kind of disillusioned anxiety". 99He held that "The tortured body"

of the young man, "the faraway drowned look", "the mouth on the point of

weeping", "the painful turning of the head", and "the tensely interlocked

hands" together represented the sculptor-'s legacy "to the Realists'

revolutionary future, a kind of meditation about the impossibility of

being". "

95 "'Os
nossos artistas, com rarissimas excepges, no tern coragem para arcar com as
dificuldades da nova escola, nem com as decepg6es que ela Ihes trara, enquanto no
estiver de todo implantada eo gosto do publico no se afizer a ela."` (Ibidem, 499).
96 Idem [ 1966], 428.
97 Idem, [1993], 497.
98 The
sculpture was created in 1872, exhibited in 1874, and won a gold medal in Madrid
in 1881.
99 "a prpria imagem duma
certa angstia nacional, especie de ansiedade desiludida. "
(Ibidem, 505).
100"ao futuro
revolucionrio dos realistas uma especie de meditagao sobre a
impossibillidade de ser." (Ibidem, 452).

53
 The criticisms made on the subject of music by Eca, in his article in

As Farpas, were shared in large part by the music critics. According to the

reviewers, the tiredness provoked by the "fatal and cruel exclusivitys10' of

the operas of Verdi, produced at the RTSC since 1843, had contributed not

only to the exhaustion of the Italian repertory, but above all to the

"rejection" of the works of the composer and to La Traviata in particular.

Although recognizing Verdi's genius,"' some critics condemned the opera

for its lack of an "Idea", such as that achieved by Meyerbeer, or by the great

masters including Mozart and Beethoven. The use by Verdi of "violent and

exaggerated effect[s] provoking nervous shakesin the audience""' was, for

these reviewers, excessive. As to examples of the techniques by which

Verdi was held to have managed so effectively to obtain such effects, they

pointed towards the use of "very high and isolated notes [... ] in the middle

of a low and meditative harmony; the continuous tiring unison in the voices;

the difficult melodic combinations, which composed the harmony; [and] the

frequent and unexpected changes in the movementss104.

In the minds of the

critics, all of these devices contributed to a work possessing"a great appeal

to the senses,which excites, exalts and almost frightens; but it doesn't cause

101`o fatal e
cruel exclusivismo" (J.J. Marques, Arte Musical, 1/15: 20 de Jan. 1874,1).
102Verdi
was considered to have achieved an original voice, which was recognizable in the
first bars of his music. He was praised for not merely submitting himself to the singers'
whims; for basing his libretti on the best and most varied authors such as Shakespeare,
Byron, Schiller, and Victor Hugo; and for representing sentiments as diverse as the
"sublime", the "pathetic", the "graceful", the "elegiac", the "passionate", the
"melancholic" and the "dreadful". All of these factors had contributed to his fame, all
over the world, and to the overshadowing of contemporary Italian composers who had
tried for successbut had not succeededowing to their lack of individuality.
103"um effeito exagerado,
violento, que causasse estremecimentos nervosas nas plateas"
(Julio de Magalhes, Revolucdo de Setembro, XXXII /8.573: 8 Jan. 1871,1).
104"notas
agudas e destacadas[... ] no meio d'uma harmonia grave e meditativa; o unissono
continuado e quasi fatigante nas vozes; as combinages difficeis de melodias diversas
formando harmonia; as mudangas frequentes e inesperadasnos andamentos" (Ibidem).

54
 the strings of our feelings to vibrate, it doesn't elevate the soul on the wings

of meditation'. 19105

Other critiques pointed towards the "morbid text", such as the one of

Dumas fils, with its "false sentimentalisms". One ran as follows: "In vain

the distinguished writer attempted to hide a virtuous soul, noble and

generous, in a corrupt vase, but he failed [... ] Moral atrophy is all too

deeply felt nowadays! Depraved cynicism is admired and praised in its

proud selfishness and remains for posterity in a splendid apotheosis"."' As

to the music, which, in their opinion, followed the text too narrowly, they

felt that the orchestration was poor, and that the music had beautiful but also

very "tired" melodic motives, "which neither moved nor touched the public

any more". 107

These criticisms were proposed on the ground that objectivity, keen

observation and depiction of behaviour, should constitute the main

objective, both for literature and for the other arts, as the most important

way to depict society in order that people could work within it positively.

That was the reason why Eca de Queirs, and other members of the

ios "falla muito aos sentidos, que excita,

que exalta, que sobresalta quasi; mas no faz
vibrar as cordas do sentimento, no eleva a alma nas azas da meditaco" (Ibidem).
106"Em
vAo pretendeu o illustre escriptor esconder uma alma virtuosa, em nobresa e
generosidade, dentro de um vaso corrupto; nada conseguiu. [... ] 0 atrophiamento moral
j 6 demasiadamente sensivel em nossos dias! 0 heroismo da virtude passa escarnecido
e desce campa envolto nos andrajos da miseria, sem merecer um olhar, uma bengo; o
cynismo da devassido vive admirado e louvado no seu egoismo orgulhoso e passa
posteridade em esplendida apotheose!" (Arte Musical, I11146: 1 Dec. 1874,1).
107 ,que jd
no movem nem commovem o auditor. " (Ibidem).

55
Cenacle, praised the music of Offenbach so greatly. "' In 1871, Ramalho de

Ortigo wrote the following in As Farpas:

While opera - the most elevated, the most complete, the most perfect
expression of art - has not definitively assumed the religious and sacred
character that Wagner has sought to give it in the new theatre at Bayreuth,
and while the performance of scenic poems continues as a means of luxury,
pomp and pleasure, Offenbach, whose operettas are currently being
performed in Lisbon by a French company, will be an irreplaceable artist. [Its
music] does not raise your spirits but cleans your brain. It does not give rise
to great ideas that ennoble and strengthen the human being, but happily
dissolves, with a couplet, with two strikes of the bow and a bar of a mazurka,
the niggardly and false ideas that enfeeble judgement, maim the truth and
endanger justice. [.... ] When the baton of the sarcastic little conductor beats
out an allegro tempo towards an institution, this institution is thus condemned
by him to shake to the ancient foundations of its very being. [... ] the operettas
of Offenbach have been played around the world, and bring forth [... ] not a
political idea but the literary idea of emancipation and liberty, served by the
ditty and the caricature. [... ], By placing impudence and cynicism on the
stage, Offenbach has created - unintentionally, unknowingly -a moral
play: he has been Proudhon's helper in the dismantling of the irritating
literature known as poetic. [... ] Proudhon has disputed and refuted this with a
philosopher's touch and with the indignation of a democrat. Offenbach,
without philosophical intuitions but with the simple petulance of a street kid,
used his artistic ticket to penetrate the temple of Romanticism, where all the
male and female saints of the lyrical calendar were present. [... ] The works
of Offenbach have been considered impudences. But we need to ask: What is
it that society calls impudence in art? [... ]109

108As in many capitals in Europe, Offenbach enjoyed the biggest success in Lisbon since
the first presentation ofLa Grand-Duchesse de Gerolstein in 1868. During the 1870s all
Theatre Houses in Lisbon performed his operettas as from other authors, above all
Lecoq and Herve. The operettas by Offenbach most often performed during the 1870s
just in the TT were: Barbe Bleu, La Princesse de Trebizonde, La Vie Parisienne, La
Grande Duchesse de Gerolstein, L Ile de Tulipatan, Aspasie, Le voyage dans la Lune.
109"Enquanto a 6pera mais perfeira expresso da
-a mais elevada, a mais completa, a
arte - no assumir definitivamente o carcter religioso e sacerdotal que Wagner
procura dar-lhe no novo teatro de Bayreuth, enquanto a representagAodo poema cenico
continuar a ser um fim de luxo, de aparato e de prazer, Offenbach, cujas operetas uma
companhia francesa est actualmente representando em Lisboa, sera um insubstituivel
artista.//No eleva os espiritos mas limpa os cerebros. No d a concepgo dos grandes
ideais que nobilitam e fortalecem o homem, mas desfaz alegremente num couplet, com
dois golpes de arco e um compasso de mazurka, os ideais mesquinhos e falsos que
entropecem o criterio, estropiam a verdade e comprometem a justiga. [... ] Quando a
batuta do sarcstico maestrino bate um tempo de allegro a uma instituico, essa
instituicio, condenada por ele, estremecee nos seus velhos alicerces. [... ] as operettas
de Offenbach tern dado a volta ao mundo, levando no a ideia politica, mas a ideia
literria da emancipago da liberdade, servidas pela cangoneta e pela caricatura. [... ]
pondo em cena o descaro eo cinismo, fez - sem o intentar, sem mesmo o saber, uma
obra de moral: foi o colaborador de Proudhon na demoligo da enervante literatura
chamadapoetica. [... ] Proudhon discutiu e refutou com o metodo de um filsofo e com
a indignaco de um democrata. Offenbach, sem intuitos filosbficos, corn a simples
petulncia de um garoto de boulevard, penetrou com o seu bilhete de artista no templo
do Romantismo, onde estavam todos os santos e santas do calendrio lirico. [... ] Tern
sido tidas por impdicas as obras de Offenbach. Mas precisamos de perguntar: 0 que 6

56
 For Ramalho Ortigo, art that conceals scientific phenomena -

for example, sex - is held to be modest, whereas he regarded as

"impudent" anything that failed to conjure away such phenomena:

What, therefore, can be said not only with regard to Offenbach's operettas,
which are of a burlesque character, but also of other works that are of greater
artistic scope [... ], is that, in the present habits, the criteria by which to judge
these works are still missing. ' 10

Mme Rattazzi"' reinforced the popularity of operettas in Lisbon when,

in writing about the country, she stated that even the bells of the churches

played the melodies: "As one can see the repertory of the bells is varied and

amusing. The voluptuous rhythm of the waltzes and the excited nimbleness

of the can-cans join the Oremus, the Alleluia and the Amen as brothers."12

At the same time that reviewers commented on the music of foreign

composers, they also highlighted the lack of opportunities given to

Portuguese ones. Era de Queirs had criticized the RTSC in his article for

excluding them. The same point was made by the Press, which considered

that the Government should oblige the impresarios of the Royal Opera

House to present Portuguese compositions, since it received a state subsidy.

que a sociedade chama impdico na arte? [... ]" (Ramalho OrtigAo, Asfarpas: o pals ea
sociedade portuguesa, 15 Vols. [with an introduction by Augusto de Castro, Lisboa:
Clssica, 1963], XV).
110"O que,
portanto, podemos dizer com relaco no sdmente As operettas de Offenbach
que so a caricatura burlesca, mas a outras obras de maior alcance artistico [... ] 6 que
nos costumes actuais est por criar o crit6rio que deve julgar essasobras." (Ibidem, 116-
7).
Maria Letizia Studolmire Wyse (1833-1902), adopted the name of her husband, Urbano
Rattazzi, for writing purposes, During her visits to Portugal she decided to write a book
about the country. This one was published in France and entitled Portugal vol
d'oiseau. (Portugal de Relance [Lisboa: Antigona, 1997]).
t'2 "Como
se ve o repert6rio de campanrio 6 variado e divertido. 0 ritmo voluptuoso das
valsas ea desenvoltura picante dos cancans aliam-se fraternalmente aos Oremus, ao
Aleluia e ao Amen. " (Maria Letizia Rattazzi, op. cit., 111).

57
 During the decadeof the 1870s, the RTSC had produced only two operas by

Portuguese composers,"' while the TT had produced, among other

Portuguese composers, five operettas and one feerie by Augusto

Machado."' These works had been received with enthusiasm from the

premiere of the first operetta onwards, although the reviewers considered

that the music of Machado revealed: "a gentle and sweet attractiveness","'

and a "poetic and dreaming nature". "' In general the operettas of Machado

and of other Portuguese composers were criticized for the unsuitability of

their texts. The critics considered them lacking the liberal sentiments that

characterized the French operettas. Without the jest that harmed "chaste

ears" these works became "moral" and "insipid". Other components were

stressed in compositions by composers other than Machado, for example,

Gomes Cardim (1832-1918), who presented several operettas in Oporto.

Reviewing one of them (E Nordeste & C1, the critic of the newspaper A

Actualidade"' observed that though the music presented "a certain verve, a

certain entrain [... ] a certain comic disposition in the musical

characterization [... ], [if it could] survive without the words, the latter

would certainly not survive without the music.""' Besides, this genre

lacked, in Portugal, all other components: "The cancan doesn't suit our

113Miguel Angelo Pereira, Eurico, in 1870

and Visconde d'Arneiro, Elisire di Giovinnezza,
in 1876.
1140 Sol de Navarra (1870), A Cruz de Oiro (1873), 0 Degelo (1875), Osfrutos de
ouro
(1876), and A Guitarra, Maria da Fonte (1878).
1's "um
atrativo suave e doce" (Revoluco de Seternbro, XXXI/8.565: 27 Dec. 1870,2).
116"uma
naturesa mais poetica, mais sonhadora" (Ibidem).
117Joaquim de Vasconcelos. This
author will be the central personality of the next part of
this chapter.
118"uma
certa verve, um certo entrain [... ] uma certa feigAo comica na caracterisaco
musical [... ]A musica poderia passar sem a lettra, mas esta sem aquella seria de fazer
fugir" (signed ***, the signal used by Joaquim de Vasconcelos, "A Acpo cantada em
portuguez II (concluso)", AActualidade, 1/170: 30 Aug. 1874,1).

58
choristers; they lack the necessary audacity for that genre [... ] the Parisian

actresses are also missing here [... ] the tailors who know the secret of

certain cuts, the decents and indecents; the painters and scenographerswho

studied the secrets of the divans, the sofas, chairs and alcoves, all of them

are lacking. Finally the orchestra that unchains the storm of gallops and of

cancans is lacking "19 The critic concluded: "Believe me, once and for all;
.
this genre will never be successfully launched here""' A satirical tone was

believed by the reviewers to be more appropriate to the French than to

people deemed "Iberian". The Portuguese were held to be of another kind,

"imaginative" and "passionate". The gentleness and sentimental

temperament of Machado could not serve such a genre, but as it was

unanimously recognized that the composer possesseda genuine originality

and musical craft, above all in terms of harmony and orchestration, he

should try, the critics advised, the S. Carlos Opera House.'Z'

The reviewers argued for the promotion of a genre such as comic

opera, somewhere between operetta and opera seria, given the importance

of the legacy of the past such as that left by Gil Vicente (1465-1537)'21and

119"0 cancan no 6 cousa para as nossas coristas; falta-lhes a audacia necessaria para o
gdnero; "faltam as actrizes parisienses"; "Faltam os alfaiates e alfaiatas, que conhecem
o segredo de certos cortes, decentes e indecentes; faltam os pintores scenographos, que
estudaram os segredos dos divans, sophs, cadeiras de m6las e das alcovas. Falta emfim
a orchestra que desencadeiaa tempestade dos galopes e dos cancans" (Ibidem, 2).
120"Convengam-se de vez; o genero no se implanta aqui" (Ibidem).
121Augusto Machado
was close to the men of the Generation of the 1870s. The adaptors of
a text by Sardou for his comic opera 0 Degelo (1875) were Artur de Quental and Jaime
Batalha Reis. The latter was a member of the Cenacle and also the librettist of another
comic opera, Maria da Fonte (1879). Adaptations of the first operettas were made for
piano and immediately published after their performances.
122Gil Vicente
represents a landmark in Portuguese dramatic literature. His impact was
also felt in the music that accompanied all his works. This music comprised vilancetes

59
 Antonio Jose da Silva, "the Jew" (1705-1739).123
These authors had created

valuable works, which were recognized as (genuinely) Portuguese products

and were characterised, in both instances, by a strong element of social

critique. As such, comic operas could fulfil the important purpose

proclaimed for art of this period, namely a critique of society, and the

education of the people. Furthermore, idealized compositions such as these

could possess a true raison d'etre: with librettos written in Portuguese,

profiting from Portuguese melodies and from the "good taste" of the

composers, they would contribute to a national style, substituting that of the

bouffes-parisiens. Finally, they would be welcomed not only in the country

of origin but elsewhere, as it was difficult to identify other composers of

comic opera after Rossini, Donizetti, Auber, Boieldieu, Adam, and others of

that generation.

As seen above, most of the references to the Generation of the 1870s

-
from Comte, Proudhon, Michelet and Taine to Flaubert, Zola and Courbet
-

relate to French culture to a significant extent. This was also the case in

many other contexts.124In the field of music, the few performers and

and romances and dance pieces like the folia and the chacota, which the writer marked
throughout his dramas in a very precise way.
123The operas
of "the Jew", as he was commonly known, presented very similar
characteristics to genres such as the ballad opera, the future opera-comique or the
Singspiel. His texts, written in Portuguese, included a strong satirical component,
through which the "nobility's prepotency", the "abuses of Justice", and the "hypocrisy
of the moral codes" were criticized. These performances utilized puppets for an
audience in which nobility and bourgeoisie were mixed. The music of all his works,
except the first, were provided by the composer Antonio Teixeira (1707-1755). "The
Jew" was condemned by the Inquisition to perish at the stake. After his death, some of
the critics of the period (1870-75) considered that the originality of Portuguese opera
had died with him.
124This influence
of French customs pervades several countries in Europe from the 18th
century onwards. For example, Carolyn Kirk wrote of Austria that "The interest by

60
 composers who travelled abroad in order to perfect their studies chose to go

to Paris, the exception of the singers, who preferred Italy. "' Of the
with

strong presence of the French in everyday life, Eca once claimed that

Portugal was "a country translated from the French into slang". "' In an

essay he wrote entitled "Francesismo"127 (Frenchness), he argued that the

influence of French customs had been present in an insidious way

throughout their lives. The French language, for instance, accompanied

students in their school life from primary school until the end of University,

since most of their books were translated from the language. He observed

that "On the table there were only French books; in people's heads only

French ideas resounded [... ] from Mery to Proudhon, from Musset to

Littre. "`Z$Of the conclusion of his own studies at University, he said that:

I left it [France] dominating Coimbra [... ], I found it conquering Lisbon, with

its leg in the air, dancing the can-can. [... ] [In Lisbon] it was as if I lived in
Marseille. In the theatres - only French comedies [... ] in the shops - only
French dresses;in the hotels - only French cuisine [... ] Neither on the stage,
nor in the stores, nor in the kitchens, nowhere a part of Portugal was left. [... ]
And I, naturally, young and fiery, full of ideas of Liberty and Republicanism,
overflowing with hate against that rabble of Rouets and Baroches, who
forbade Hugo's theatre and led Flaubert to the correction police, threw myself
vividly into the opposition to the Tuilleries [... ] My desire would be to
affiliate myself with the International! [... ] [Portugal] which no longer had

France in the Viennese court spread, around 1770, to the common citizen who had, for
instance, his visit cards printed in French (which his own friends could not understand)
with grammatical errors, simply because it was the fashion. " ("A moda vienense da
opera-comique", in Boletim APEM, 58: Jul. -Sep. 1988,23).
125During this period the Government did not subsidize the studies undertaken by
musicians, whether in the country or abroad. Among those who were prominent during
the 1870s, Augusto Machado travelled to Paris to study with Lavignac and Danhauser.
Artur Napoleo did much the same: after studying with John Ella in London, he took
lessons with Henri Herz. The singers Joo Veiga and Alfredo Gazul went to Italy
where, after studying, they proceeded to pursue careers in that country. Out of these
musicians, Artur Napoleo was by far the one who achieved the most important
international career, both in Europe and in the Americas.
126"Portugal 6
um pals traduzido do frances em calo." (Eqa de Queirs, Cartas e Outros
Escritos, 322).
127Ibidem (first
written inc. 1887).
128"Sobre as mesas, sb havia livros franceses; nas cabecas s6 rumorejavam ideias
francesas! [... ] desde Mery a Proudhon e desde Musset a Littrd" (Ibidem, 327).

61
 the character, force or genius to generate within itself a new civilization,
adapted to its own character and body, wrapped up hurriedly in an already
spent civilization, bought in a store, which suited it very badly, and which did
not fit it at all. 129

Ega was even conscious of the fact that he did not escapethis general

rule. In a letter written to Oliveira Martins, he stated that "My novels, at

heart, are written in the French way, as I am myself in almost everything,

except in terms of an intrinsically and deeply sincere and lyrical sadness,

which is a Portuguese characteristic, as for a perverted pleasure for the

fadinho130and a fair love of codfish in onion sauce.,131

He concluded that all this effort at imitation was useless, as France

had succumbed to decadence in his own time. This feeling as to its

decadence emerged in an article entitled "Europe" (1888), where, in his

condemnation of the Dreyfus Affair, he accused France of being a cruel and

selfish country, whose "Humanitarism and Messianism of social love is

nothing but a mere reclame mediated by French Romantic Literature. ""'

129"Eu deixara-a dominando

em Coimbra [... ] vinha encontr-la conquistando Lisboa, de
perna no ar, sob a forma de canc. [... ] Mas era realmente como se eu habitasse
Marselha. Nos teatros - s6 comedias francesas [... ] nas lojas s6 vestidos franceses;
-
nos hoteis - s6 comidas francesas ... [... ] Nem nos palcos, nem nos armazens, nem
nas cozinhas, em pane alguma restava nada de Portugal. [... ] E, naturalmente, eu, mogo
e ardente, cheio de ideias de Liberdade, e de Republica, trasbordando de 6dio contra
essacorja dos Rouher e dos Baroche, que proibiam o teatro de Hugo, e tinham levado A
policia correccional Gustavo Flaubert, lancei-me vivamente na oposigAo is Tulherias.
[... ] 0 meu desejo era filiar-me na Intemacional! [... ] [Portugal] no tinha j o carcter,
a forga, o genio, para de si mesmo tirar uma nova civilizaco, feita so seu feitio, e ao
seu corpo, embrulhou-se pressa numa civilizaco j feita, comprada num armaz&m,
que the flea mal, e the ndo serve nas mangas." (Ibidem, 329-33).
130Fadinho (used here in its diminutive)
essentially refers to an urban song characteristic
of Lisbon.
131"Os meus
romances, no fundo, so franceses, como eu sou, em quase tudo frances,
excepto num certo fundo sincero de tristeza lirica que 6 uma caracteristica portuguesa,
num gosto depravado pelo fadinho e num junto amor pelo bacalhau de cebolada."
(Quoted by Ant6nio Machado Pires, op. cit., 239).
132"cujo Humanitarismo e Messianismo do
amor social 6 uma mera reclame montada pela
literatura romntica" (Ibidem).

62
 From around 1850 onwards, Realism in literature and painting in

Europe was the order of the day. The search for objectivity, for what

Dahlhaus has described as "the historical and social mechanisms which

affect[ed] the fate of individual""' prompted musical reactions - in the

work of Verdi, Musorgsky, Bizet, Janacek and Mascagni, among others -

and commentaries on other composers such as Humperdinck, Gounod and

Arrigo Boito. This last-named figure, arguing for an aesthetic of realism

according to the principles of the Scapigliatura movement, had criticized

Verdi for not following that path. "' In France, reviewers such as Fetis had

attacked Wagner in 1852 for weakening the "autonomy of music", while

providing such a strong emphasis on the aesthetic of realism and dramatic

truth". 135

Despite music being generally understood as the art of the absolute

and of subjective emotional expression, especially during this period, some

attempts were made in the domain of realism. Dahlhaus claimed that operas

like La Traviata, Boris Godunov, Carmen, Jenufa and La Cavalleria

Rusticana could be seen from this perspective, since they fulfilled "a

133Carl Dahlhaus, Realism in Nineteenth-Century Music,

trans. Mary Whittall (Cambridge:
CUP, 1985), 122.
134About these
critiques towards Verdi, see Giordano Montecchi, Una storia della musica.
Artisti e pubblico in Occidente dal Medioevo ai giorni nostri, Volume L. dal canto
cristiano alla fine del XIX secolo (Milano: Rizzoli, 1998), 591; Massimo Mila, L'Arte di
Verdi (Torino: Einaudi, 1980), 334-335.
135Katharine Ellis, Music Criticism in Nineteenth-century France: La Revue
et Gazette
Musicale de Paris, 1834-80 (Cambridge: CUP, 1995), 207.

63
 valuable historiographical function". 136
Although rejecting this collection of

works as representative of a "realist tendency" in music, Dahlhaus claimed

that "Methodologically [... ] they form a theoretical model which serves the

function of an 'ideal type' as defined by Max Weber."' 11

Concerning La Traviata specifically, Dahlhaus argued that "the opera

emerges as, so to speak, a realist enclave, in an oeuvre which, as a whole, is

representative of Italian romanticism. ""' Although asserting that the

composer exercised much freedom towards that trend, with which he must

have been in contact when he visited Paris around 1850, Dahlhaus claimed

that Verdi "strove, [characteristically] for realism in the representation of

emotion without accepting the dissolution of traditional periodic structure as

an inevitable consequence.99139

136Carl Dahlhaus,
op. cit., 122. There is another way of viewing this question of realism in
music. In connection with Boris and Musorgsky's early incomplete work, Marriage, it
may be worth referring to Taruskin's understanding of realism, since this has somewhat
variants with the position adopted by Dahlhaus and largely affirmed by my
commentary. In his essay "Handel, Shakespeare and Musorgsky: The Sources and
Limits of Russian Musical Realism", Taruskin concludes saying: "though down to a
trickle, and by now at fourth hand, the 'Aristotelian' current flowed into the twentieth
century, and continued (pace Dahlhaus) to recur 'in more than one work. " (in Richard
Taruskin, Musorgsky: Eight Essays and an Epilogue [Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1993], 71-95)
137Dahlhaus defined the "ideal type"
as "a hypothetical construction in which a historian
assembles a number of phenomena which in historical reality are observed haphazardly
and always in different combinations, and relates and compares them to each other in
order to bring out the connection between them. It is then possible, in circumstances
where only some of the phenomena are encountered together, and perhaps in
combination with yet other elements, to discern the significative structure which allows
the single detail to be understood and interpreted through the functional nexus of which
it forms part. " (Ibidem, 121).
138Ibidem, 64.
139Ibidem, 122. It is
very interesting to observe that a different and lesser common opinion
was expressed by Giovanni Ugolini on the grounds of the compositional techniques
used in that opera. Based on the elements that would be used by later verist composers
he argued that, in spite of the contemporaneity of the subject, La Traviata "in a clearer
way than all the other operas of the 1851-1874 period [cannot] be considered a
departing point of the verist opera".

64
 In Portugal, Realism was the domain that represented excellence for

the New Generation. Two main points underscored its writers' discussions:

the "scientific spirit" and the "social critique". These two concepts led to the

identification of situations of decadencein the country, taken to extremes,

and to the proposal of projects of regeneration in all areas. That was one of

the reasons why Realism and Naturalism constituted such important aims

for the arts at a national level.

La Traviata was received as an expression of Realism when it was

performed in several European countries. But in Portugal, where the same

theories dominated, the opera was rejected on the basis that it deflected

attention away from that trend. The reasons already presented point, in the

first instance, to the subject as it was treated by Dumasfils. Critics (mostly

literary but also musical, as noted) condemned the drama for its romantic

idealism. As Eca asserted,this kind of "study", in the hands of the French

writer, "gives free rein to the bedroom and amorous exploits""

For the people of the Generation of the 1870s, adultery was the fatal

consequence of a romantic education. This contributed to the dismissal of

women from the modern world and its politics, science and arts. According

to the author of A Merry Campaign, women who were over-active,

"anche in maniera pia netts di tutte le alter opere del periodo 1851-1874) possa essere
considerate come il punto d'avvio dell'opera verista" (Giovanni Ugolini, "La Traviata e
i rapporti di Verdi con 1'opera verista", Atti del 1 Congresso Internazionale di Studi
Verdian! [Parma: Istituto di Studi Verdiani, 1969], 265).
140"Toraa-se
uma divulgago de alcova e uma pimenta amorosa" (Eqa de Queirbs [2001),
390).

65
 occupying all their journeys with useful tasks, had no time for romantic

divagations. But if they were exclusively educated for love and marriage,

then, as he said, "What is left to this unhappy creature, hunched in tedium

on her causeuse?What is left is her genuine occupation, that which she was

taught, and on which she is perfect - love. i141In the novel 0 Primo Basilio

(Cousin Basilio), the writer associated this same situation - the woman

who, educated in a romantic way, deprived of work and occupation, later

fell fatally in adultery with Dumas's novel, thus demonstrating the

-

intimate connection between both:

'She read lots of romances When she was unmarried, at eighteen years old,
...
she became enthusiastic for Walter Scott But now it was the modern that
...
captured her. A week later, she became interested in Margarida Gautier: her
unhappy love left her in a misty melancholy: she saw her tall and slim, with a
cashmere long shawl, her black eyes filled with the greed of passion and the
warmth of the consumptive; even in the names of the book -... - she felt
the poetic flavour of an intensely amorous life [... ] It was with two tears
trembling in her eyelids that she finished the pages of the Dame aux
Camelias.' Thus musing she softly sings the tender but impassioned aria
'Addio, del passato', from Giuseppe Verdi's La Traviata [... ] [which] evokes
an ideal sustained by an illusion 2

It is in the light of the theories of Realism and Naturalism that the

adversely critical reception in Portugal of Verdi's La Traviata (a composer

and a work widely appreciated elsewhere in Europe) must be understood, in

141"O
que resta a esta infeliz criatura, encolhida no tedio da sua causeuse?Resta-lhe a sua
genuin ocupaco, a que the ensinaram e em que 6 perfeita -o amor." (Ibidem, 399).
142.. 'Lia
muitos romances ... Em solteira, aos dezoito anos, entusiasmara-se por Walter
Scott Mas agora era o moderno que a cativava. Havia uma semana que se interessava
...
por Margarida Gautier: o seu amor infeliz dava-lhe uma melancolia enevoada: via-a alta
e magra, com o seu longo xale de caxemira, os olhos negros cheios de avidez da paixo
e os ardores da tisica; nos nomes mesmo do livro achava o sabor poetico de
uma vida intensamente amorosa [... ] Foi com duas lgrimas a tremer-lhe nas p5lpebras
que acabou as pginas da Dama das Camelias.' Thus musing, she softly sings the tender
but impassioned aria Addio, del passato, from Giuseppe Verdi's La Traviata [... ]
[which] evokes an ideal sustained by an illusion". This excerpt is taken from a study
into the use of music in the narrative of Ega's Cousin Basilio by Paul Pinto and Judith
Pinto, "Music as Narrative in Eca de Queirs's O Primo Basilio", Hispania, 73/1: Mar.
1990,50-65.

66
 its political, social and cultural context, and as an inner part of the ideas of

an epoch.14' As Dahlhaus stated, "a concept of realism which is relevant

specifically to the history of the arts and intends to avoid the

epistemological trap - the labyrinthine debate as to what reality, or true

reality, is - can adopt as its starting point the simple historical fact that

nineteenth-century realism came into existence as an expression of rebellion

against idealism, classicism and romanticism". "

"' It is interesting to observe a decay on the performances of the operas of Verdi in the
beginning of the 1870s at RTSC, as the chart below shows. A new rising begins only
frnm 1R71 nnmarric
Composer 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879
Verdi 34 31 16 30 20 13 31 33 70 42

144Carl Dahlhaus,
op. cit., 80.

67
 1 3. Joaquim de Vasconcelos and the German way

"This disaffection for everything that belongs to us, has spread so far

that it has made us guests of our homeland"

Joaquim de Vasconcelos'as

In the Introduction to his Os Msicos Portugueses: Biografia-

Bibliografia (Portuguese Musicians: Biography-Bibliography), "' Joaquim

de Vasconcelos (1849-1936) clarified the reasons that led him to write such

a work, namely the total oblivion into which the Portuguese music masters

had fallen in their own land and the ignorance of many of them in the

Western countries more generally, as well as the inaccuracy and lack of

145Joaquim de Vasconcelos was the

son of a rich bourgeois family from Oporto. He
studied in Hamburg at the expense of his family, where he gained a general education in
the arts and music. After his studies, he travelled within Germany and visited several
other countries in Europe including Denmark, France and England. He contributed to a
number of newspapers and musical periodicals, both national and foreign. In 1874, he
became the first Portuguese member of an international musicological association, the
Gesellschaft fr Musikforschung. In 1881, he became an honorary member of the Royal
Musical Academy of Florence. His music theoretical works led him to be acknowledged
as a major authority prior to the 1890s. In the field of arts and architecture, he was
considered the "true founder of Portuguese Art History" (Jose Augusto Franca [1993],
517). He left some relevant works on music, such as the above mentioned Os Msicos
Portugueses and a critical study and catalogue of the Music Library of King Joao IV
(1604-1656) (Ensaio critico sobre o catlogo da Livraria de Msica d'el-rei D. Joao IV
[1873] and Index da Livraria de Msica Do Rei Dom Joo IV [1874]), which was
considered, in his time, to have been one of the richest in Europe, and was destroyed in
a fire as a consequence of the earthquake in Lisbon in 1755. Vasconcelos's legacy to the
arts was still more extensive and crucial. He was close to the people of the Cenacle,
notably Antero de Quental, and to other prominent members of the Generation of the
Seventies.
146Joaquim de Vasconcelos, Os Musicos Portuguezes: Biographia Bibliographia, 2 Vols.
-
(Porto: Imprensa Portugueza, 1870). This work was written by Vasconcelos when he
was only 21 years old. It is considered the first modem history of Portuguese
musicology, within which the author gathered much of the available information about
Portuguese composers, performers and theoreticians of music from the 15`x'century
onwards. Yet, in spite of the seriousnessthe author put on this publication, some errors
still exist, since the author based much of his information on secondary sources, where
mistakes abounded.

68
 information concerning some of them within foreign literature. In terms of

the last point, Vasconcelos aimed to cast new light on major reference

works such as those by Forkel, 147Gerber"' and Fetis,'49whose treatment of

Portuguese subjects he found to be rather "incomplete" and "confused", as

well as deprived of the necessary political, social and cultural context.

Despite recognizing the authority of these dictionaries, Vasconcelos argued

that the imperfection of a work such as FMtis's Biographie universelle des

musiciens stemmed from its attempt at universality. This belief led him to

follow the examples of Dlabacz for Bohemia and Moravia, or of Sowinski

for Poland, and to write a "Biography of PortugueseMusicians".

In spite of all kind of adversities inherited from the past, Vasconcelos

intended to do justice to the forgotten masters who, although never having

attained the status of a "Mozart", had as much merit as well-known foreign

composers. The accomplishment of such a task would mean the incitement

of other Portuguese composers to significant achievements and the

realignment of Portugal's musical heritage with that of other European

countries. Within Portugal itself, he hoped that his work would contribute to

the musical education of the people as well as to a new appraisal of the

forgotten masters. Finally, he wanted to raise awarenessof music that had

not yet come to attention in Portugal in comparison with the other arts.

147Johann Nicolaus Forkel, Allgemeine Litteratur der Musik, 2 Vols. (Leipzig, 1792).
148Ernst Ludwig Gerber, Historisch-Biographishes Lexicon der Tonknstle, 2 Vols.
(Leipzig, 1790-1792).
149F. J. Fetis, Bibliographie
universelle des musiciens et bibliographie generale de la
musique, 8 Vols. (Paris and Brussels: Firmin-Didot, 1835-44).

69
 In the Prologue of Os Msicos Portugueses - as well as in that of

Luisa Todi, 'so published three years later, which he intended as a

complementary study - he clearly defined his major premises and

methodologies. The philosophical premises which underlie his statementsin

both works clearly point towards the German idealist tradition, ranging from

Hegel, with his theorization about art, through to Schleiermacher and

Schlegel who, in their different ways, laid some of the foundations for an

aesthetic of absolute music. "'

From this background, Vasconcelos argued for the high status of

music, the most representative art of Romanticism, with a greater influence

on humankind than any other art. For the author, its representatives

possessed a higher "aesthetic appreciation", as exemplified by "Haendel,

Mozart, Haydn, Beethoven, Mendelssohn and Schumann for the sacred,

symphonic and chamber music respectively". He held that a different

situation occurred within opera because "the intervention of secular

elements was, sometimes, to such a degree that music [was] reduced to a

servile role, unworthy of its high mission". "' These differences led him to

consider the first-named categories of music to be more the product of the

"Northern countries", and the latter one more that of the "meridional"

countries. He also considered that the scope of music was greater than in

150Joaquim de Vasconcelos, Luisa Todt: Estudo Biogrfico (Porto: Imprensa Portugueza,

1873).
's' There is, of course, an extensive literature tracking this development. See, for
example,
Andrew Bowie, Aesthetics and Subjectivity: From Kant to Nietzsche (Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 2003) and Carl Dahlhaus, The Idea of Absolute Music,
trans. Roger Lustig (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1989).
152Joaquim de Vasconcelos,
op. cit., ix.

70
 any other art, in that it covered "all fields of human knowledge", embracing

both the sciences and the humanities. For that reason, he felt that music

deserved the highest treatment. Finally, he argued that there could not be

any history without "biography", and vice versa. Vasconcelos qualified his

statement with reference to the Kantian theories of genius, considering

artists as the main voices and vehicles of history, as demigods "incited by a

superhuman power and guided by genius". "' This assertion was

complemented by another one, namely that every historical fact could only

be explained and justified when given its full context, since each case had

unique characteristics "reflecting[, ] in a fatal way, the revolutions of the

social environment". '54

The main obstacle Vasconcelos had to face in carrying out his

mission, and which reflected the general situation with music in Portugal,

was the poor state of the libraries, which were totally deprived of major

reference works in the field of music, as well as of the Portuguese

theoretical works in that domain. "' Vasconcelos held that the Government

153"impellidos por um poder sobrehumanoe guiadospelo seugenio" (Ibidem,xxii).

isa "vemos
as manifestaces das frmas d'arte, reflectindo de um modo fatal as revoluces
do mein social." (Ibidem, xvii).
Sociology was becoming a very successful subject in Europe, and Vasconcelos, very
much influenced by it and by the philosophical perspective of history more generally,
was a precursor on reflecting these approaches on his writings. In his biography of the
Portuguese singer Luisa Todi (1753-1833), for instance, he established a nexus of
political, economical, social and cultural factors through which he justified the
international successof the singer.
155To
carry out his undertaking, regarding Os Msicos Portugueses, he felt the need to ask
for the assistance of foreign individuals such as Emil Hbner from Berlin, Ferdinand
Denis from Paris, Francisco Ansejo Barbieri from Madrid, Count A. Raczynski, J.
Robinson from the Kensington Museum, and the Portuguese Francisco Adolpho Coelho
and Tito de Noronha. As to the bibliographical materials required for the same work, he
gave an account of those used in his research, including Burney, Castil-Blaze, Choron et
Fayolle, Fetis, Forkel, Fuertes, Soriano, Gerber, Grossheim, Larousse, Ledebuhr, C.

71
 should assume the education of people15' and provide the libraries with

extensive works. On the whole, it should prevent ignorance, instead of

allowing it to spread or leaving education in the hands of the Church.'' As

to the composers themselves, Vasconcelos believed that they should not

forget their noble mission and therefore yield to the taste of the public. The

pressure of the people could be similar to that of a despotic king, as had

already occurred in history several times: "Either submitting oneself to

people or to kings, it is the same subservience, the same lowness", stated

Vasconcelos.158
If this happened with the dissemination of some genres such

as comic opera and operetta, it also occurred with styles like the "Verdian"

one, which affected all musical genres in Portugal.'59Concerning opera and

with regard to the Portuguese composer Santos Pinto in particular, he wrote

that "There was no other musical influence, with such a tyrannical power

von, Meneses, J. de Sousa, Nombela, J., A, Reicha, Schilling, Schneider, and Scudo. In
fact, when his music library was sold by auction (owing to financial problems) many
years later, it numbered 1567 titles, including books, scores and libretti.
156In this belief, Vasconcelos
expressed the same opinion as the one held by Eca de
Queirs.
157"We accuse the Government,
yes, the Government which, for the last 40 years, has
destroyed the arts, which paralyses the sciences, which gives us the material liberty, but
takes us away from the intellectual one, chaining us to ignorance while permitting the
propaganda of a clerical class, dirty, immoral and fanatical, which has been covered by
crimes and shame."
"accusamos o govern, sim, o governo de ha 40 annos, que destroe as artes, que paralisa
as sciencias, que nos d a liberdade material, mas que nos rouba a intellectual,
agrilhoando-nos ignorancia e consentindo para isso a propaganda de uma classe
clerical, suja, immoral e fanatica, que se tem coberto de crimes e de vergonha."
(Joaquim de Vasconcelos [1870], II, 45).
158"6 commetter
o mesmo servilismo, a mesma baixeza ser escravo do povo ou servo de
reis." (Ibidem, I, 43).
159As seen in the
section on Eqa de Queirs above, the dominance of the operas of Verdi,
produced at the RTSC since the 1840s, was such that it had provoked, above all among
the reviewers, a rejection of the composer, at least until the appearance of new works
such as Aida (Lisbon, RTSC, 1878) and the Requiem (Lisbon, RTSC, 1879). See
Appendix 2 for a comparison between stagings of Verdi's operas at RTSC and those of
other composers during the 1870s. Just the works performed in their entirety are
represented on the chart. Beyond the preponderance of Verdi's works, other Italian
composers stand out, such as Donizetti and Bellini.

72
upon the taste of the public as the operas of Verdi since IZ Trovatore [... ] If

[Santos Pinto] ever had poetry in his soul, he substituted it with La donna e

mobile [... ]". 16oAnd Vasconcelos, referring to Verdi's Les Yepres

Siciliennes, once asked: "Is there in the entire opera any new form created

by the composer, any effort to bring up the germ of an artistic revolution?

We say again, no."16' This overwhelming influence of the music of Verdi

was even present, in the opinion of Vasconcelos, in the domain of sacred

music. In Os Msicos Portugueses he stated that "Apart from a few weak

flashes of inspiration today, the sacred art is dead in Portugal. Instead of the

immortal works of the great masters of Italy and Germany, instead of the

good artistic compositions that we possess in our country, we hear, in the

temples of the capital and in Oporto, nauseating potpourris of Verdian

music, piped with a shameful effrontery during the most solemn acts of the

cult! "162The influence of the Italian style as compared to other models, such

160"No houve influencia tyrannicamente dirigisse o gosto do publico

musical que mais
em Portugal, como aquella que exerceram as operas de Verdi desde o apparecimento do
Trovador. [... ] Se [Santos Pinto] teve algum dia poesia na alma, substitui-a com La
donna 6 mobile... " (Joaquim de Vasconcelos, op. cit., 36).
161"Ha em toda
a opera alguma forma nova que o compositor creasse, algum esforgo que
traga em si o germen de uma grande revoluco artistica? Repetimos, no." (Joaquim de
Vasconcelos, "I Vespri Siciliani", Chronica dos Theatros, 13/Il [Lisboa, 8 Janeiro
18711,3-5).
162"Hoje, Arte Portugal, fracos lampejos, e em logar das
a sacra morreu em salvo alguns
obras immortaes dos grandes artistas da Italia e da Allemanha, em logar mesmo das
Was composiges artisticas que temos no paiz, ouvimos nos templos da capital e do
Porto uns pots-pourris nauseabundosde musica verdiana, gaitados com uma desfagatez
indigna durante os actos mail serios do culto! " (Joaquimde Vasconcelos, [1870], II,
173). By way of example of his statement, he asserted that he had borne witnessed, in
the Church of the Congregados in Oporto, "to the repugnant show of the raising of the
hostia accompanied by the sound of a cavatina of the Trovador... "
"o espectaculo repugnante de ouvir durante o levantar da hostia uma cavatina do
Trovador ". (Ibid, 174). But, as Vasconcelos also stated, it was not only the music of
...
Verdi that was played during the religious services, but Italian music in general, such as
that of Bellini and Donizetti. Regarding the situation of sacred music in the country,
this category of composition lost its supremacy with the beginning of the Liberal
Monarchy. As Paulo Ferreira de Castro has argued: "the extinction of the religious
orders and the nationalization of their goods [... ] led, in the musical domain, and as a

73
 as the French one or even the German one, was of special relevance when

speaking about the works of the Portuguese composer Marcos Portugal, to

whom Vasconcelos gave special attention. He presented his opinions as

follows: "[The composer] did not visit Germany (and that was a source of

unhappiness) nor France, which could have given a different direction to his

talent, - thus he remained totally Italian; the several influences of

contemporary German and French music did not cause nor feed an artistic

and sentimental fight from which the individuality of Marcos Portugal could

have been untouched, and at the same time renewed and strengthened,

enriched by the elements of the French and German school. It was the

encounter of these several influences, today more reinforced, that saved two

great artistic individuals of our century: Meyerbeer and Rossini, who

produced two magnificent works: Les Huguenots and Guillaume Tel.""'

Vasconcelos's statements, in both of the works discussed above as

well as in the writings that followed, reflect much of the scholarly thought

he acquired during his studies in Germany and his unconditional admiration

consequence, to the obvious downfall of the aesthetic and functional system of the
culture of the court and of the church". This situation led the way to non-functional
music and, therefore, to the urge of instrumental music.
"a extingo das ordens religiosas e nacionalizago dos respectivos bens [... j tiveram, no
piano musical, o bvio efeito de provocarem simultaneamente a derrocada do sistema
estetico e funcional de uma cultura de corte e eclesistica" (Paulo Ferreira de Castro,
Histria da Msica, [Lisboa: Comissariado para a Europlia 91-Portugal/Imprensa
Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1991], 118).
163"moo visitou Allemanha (e foi isso
a uma infelicidade) nem a Franca, que podiam ter
dado uma direcgo diversa ao seu talento, ficou pois todo italiano; as diversas
-
influencias da musica allem contemporanea e da franceza, no provocaram, nem
alimentaram uma lucta artistica e sentimental, d'onde a individualidade de Marcos
Portugal podia ter sahido inclume, nova e forte, fructificada ainda pelos elementos que
teria aproveitado da eschola allem e franceza.// Foi o encontro d'estas diversas
influencias, hoje ainda mais acentuadas, que salvou duas grandes individualidades
artisticas do nosso seculo: Meyerbeer e Rossini, e produziu duas obras grandiosas: Les
Huguenots e Guillaume Tell. " (Joaquim de Vasconcelos, op. cit., 108).

74
 for German knowledge, specifically in the domain of arts and education."'

The German influence was noticeably reflected in his conception of music

as the art of the absolute, which gave support to his defence of the

autonomy of instrumental music as the purest of the arts, which reached its

pinnacle in "Ibe canonic trinity of Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven", in the

words of William Weber.16' For the hiatus of this music in Portugal he

blamed the schools in the country for not introducing to their students those

instrumental genres that were bequeathed by the German masters.166As to

the lack of instrumental music-making in general, he assertedthere was no

public for that kind of concert. The problem was due, in his opinion, to the

absenceof an artistic education within the family. While families in France,

England and Germany participated in music-making with regularity, either

within the rich families where "Kammer-musik" was performed, or in the

164When the Sociedade de Quartetos do Porto

was founded in 1874, Vasconcelos
celebrated the achievement with the following words: "Without the press, the isolation
of people, who live more from imagination than from analysis, notably the Latin people,
would not have, today, its poetical traditions, nor the Germanic people would have
awakened us intellectually (as they will do one day, at the moral level! ), making us
remember what we have forgotten from our national traditions. Let us pay this service
with our gratitude [by playing the music of the German composers] as we cannot pay
them in any other way. Let us pay back what Schlegel has done for Cames [... ] That is
why we welcome with so much enthusiasm the institution of the Society of Quartets."
"Sem esserecurso da imprensa, o isolamento dos povos, que vivern mais da imaginago
do que da analyse, como os romanicos, no teria boje as suas tradi9des poeticas, nem os
povos germanicos nos teriam acordado intellectualmente (e um dia o faro
moralmente! ), lembrando-nos o que haviamos esquecido das tradig6es nacionaes.
Paguemos o servico com o nosso reconhecimento [tocando os alemes], j que nAo 0
podemos pagar corn outro servipo. Paguemos o que Schlegel fez por Cames, e que
Diez fez pela nossa antiga poesia [... j Eis porque sadamos com tanto alvoroco a
instituiro da Sociedade de Quartetos." (Joaquim de Vasconcelos, "Folhetim
-
Mikrokosmo Musical (Sociedade de Quartetos)", A Actualidade, 1/206: Porto, 11 Oct.
1874,1).
165William Weber, "The History
of Musical Canon", in Nicholas Cook and Mark Everist
(ed.), Rethinking Music (Oxford: OUP, 2001), 340.
"[the symphonic genre] doesn't exist not because the Portuguese miss that kind of
vocation, but for the reason that there isn't a sole institution in the country where Art is
dignifiedly taught."
"no existe por falta de vocago dos portuguezes, mas sim por no haver no pain um
nico estebelecimento, onde se ensine dignamente a Arte. " (Joaquim de Vasconcelos,
Os Msicos Portuguezes, 1,110).

75
"hut of the farmer" where the chorales of Luther could be heard, "this habit

may never be properly established in Portugal". t6'

Most of Vasconcelos's views were shared by other critics, who

appealed for the organization of regular public concerts, including music by

old masters as well as modern ones. They laid the blame for the dearth of

symphonic and chamber music with the performers and audiences. They

held that the former should be more generous and patient. As for the public,

the critics condoned their southern nature and their lack of musical

education, which explained their indifference and superficial taste. The

critics felt that the Portuguese public should acquaint themselves not only

with a music of sensations, such as the Italian one, but also with a music of

ideas, specifically the German one. This was felt to be the reason why the

public "loves Verdi and Bellini and curses Mozart all the time; they never

curse Beethoven, Mendelssohn, Bach, because they have never heard them,

except [performed by] some amateurs."168One is reminded of Joseph

Kerman's claim that "Repertories are determined by performers, canons by

critics". "' This opinion, however, is not shared by Wiliam Weber, who

considered that Kerman "pressed the distinction too far" and in a

"simplistic" way because he did not take "seriously enough the role played

167"Esta ideia talvez nunca vingue em Portugal" (Ibidem, 246)

169"adora Verdi, Bellini e
maldiz continuamente Mozart quando o ouve, e nunca
amaldigoou Beethoven, Mendelssohn, Bach, porque nunca os ouviu. " (Alberto de
Queirs, Revolupio de Setembro, XXXIIU8.926: 19 Sep. 1872,1). In expressing this
opinion, the reviewer did not take into account some of the performances of the past,
either in the domain of chamber music or in the symphonic domain.
169Joseph Kerman, "A few canonic variations", Critical Inquiry, 10 (Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press, 1983-4), 112.

76
 by tradition of craft in the critical process"."I Without sidelining the social

and ideological factors that contribute to the canonization of a repertory, it

seems that the critical opinions that preceded the constitution of the

Portuguese chamber groups in 1874, by their frequent re-statements and

strong emphasis, had a considerable influence on the determination of this

canon. Until then, with a few exceptions, what predominated in the

repertory of instrumental music was the tradition of potpourris to benefit

the performers, mostly comprising fantasies and variations.

In 1874, a short time after the publication of both of Vasconcelos's

works, Os Msicos Portugueses and Luisa Todi, two chamber groups

appeared, one in Lisbon"' and the other in Oporto. 12The press reacted with

enthusiasm, giving full publicity to all concerts and appealing to the

participation of the public. "'

170William Weber, Ibidem, 349.

171The Sociedade de Concertos Clssicos (henceforward SCC). The
musicians were
Guilherme Daddi (1814-1887), pianist; Roque Lima (?), violinist; Wintermantel (?),
violinist; Joo Metello (1842-1904), violist; Daniel Gomes (?), violist; Jos6 Narciso (?),
bassist; and Ernesto Vitor Wagner (1826-1903) and Eduardo Wagner (1852-99), father
and son of German descent, respectively hornist and cellist. According to ErnestoVieira
(Diccionrio Biographico de Msicos Portuguezes: historia e bibliographia da msica
em Portugal, 2 Vols. [Lisboa: Typographia Mattos & Pinheiro, 1900] II, 406-8), the
Wagners used to play classical music at home, before becoming professional musicians.
172Sociedade de Quartetos do Porto ((henceforward SQP). The
musicians were Miguel
Angelo Pereira (1843-1901), pianist, and the composer of the opera Eurico, to which I
have already referred; Nicolau Medina Ribas (? 1900), violinist; Augusto Marques
-
Pinto (1838-1888), violist; Joaquim Casella (?) cellist; and Bernardo Moreira de S
(1853-1924), violinist. According to Arroio (Perfis ArtIsticos: B. Moreira de Sci [Porto:
Imprensa Portugueza, 1896], 11), this group had already played the classical repertoire
in private sessions,long before they initiated the public concerts.
173A reviewer
of the musical periodical Arte Musical wrote as follows: "The love for
classical music is developing among Portuguese amateurs and artists. It was high time
[for such a concert series]. The task that some devoted to art undertook, in performing
selected musical pieces by the best artists, was a holy mission. Today we have artists
and amateurs who play and understand the artistic richness, the value of conception, of
talent, of gracefulness that hides in any piece by Beethoven, Haydn, Mozart, Schumann,

77
 While the chamber group created in Lisbon had a brief life"a

(although it was followed by other groups), the ensemble created in the

North, the SQP, was more successful. When announcing the project, they

produced a very detailed programme in which they outlined the

contemporary musical situation in the country, stressing its main problems

such as the monopoly of opera (that is, of the Italian opera produced in

Oporto in a very "mean" way), and the absenceof Conservatories outside of

Lisbon that might provide instrumentalists and singers. It was the lack of

these important components that led the group to opt for chamber music.

Fearing a dearth of public interest, they appealed to the local German

society for support, in order to encourage the Portuguese community to

respect and admire such elevated music. In fact, after the second concert,

one reviewer stated that the successof both events had been enormous. He

had observed that in the first concert, a significant proportion of the public

were of English or German nationality, suggesting that this repertoire was

Schubert, and so on. In Portugal, the unfruitful attempts that aimed to develop the love
for classical music came from a long time ago."
"Vae-se desenvolvendo o gosto da musica classica entre os amadores e artistas
portuguezes.// J era tempo.// Foi santissima a missAo, que se imposeram alguns
dedicados da arte, fazendo executar escolhidos trechos musicaes dos melhores artistas.//
Hoje temos artistas e amadores que saibam executar e comprehender quanta riquesa
artistica, quanto valor de concepco, de talento, de graga e de mimo se esconde em
qualquer trecho de Beethoven, de Haydn, de Mozart, de Schumann, de Schubert, etc.//
Datam j de longos annos as infructiferas tentativas para desenvolver o gosto pela
musica classica em Portugal. " (Arte Musical, 1/30 [Lisboa, 21 Jun. 1874], 1).
174The
attempt to give some continuity to these concerts in Lisbon was not so successful.
Some years later a musical magazine, Amphion, commented that "Viewing the
difference between the stability of Oporto society and the instability of Lisbon society,
it is difficult not to see the lack of courage and tenacity already well noticeable in our
colleagues in the capital, and maybe some indolence poorly disguised by weak
reasons."
"Na differenga entre a estabilidade da sociedade portuense ea instabilidade das
lisbonenses, difficilmente se encontrar outra causa mais poderosa do que a falta de
coragem e perseveranca j assaz notada nos nossos colegas da capital, e quig alguma
indolenciasita mal disfarcada corn fracas razes." (Amphion, 11/3[Lisboa, I May 1885],
22).

78
 already familiar to them. But he also remarked that, at the second event, the

audience comprised people from Oporto almost exclusively, which was a

very positive signal for future concerts and indicated that the intentions of

the Society were indeed being realised.

While the repertory of the Oporto society centred around a small set

of Classical and Romantic composers, with a strong emphasis on

Beethoven, the repertory of the Lisbon chamber group, and the other ones

that followed it, was more varied. "' Another important factor differentiated

the two groups. Contrary to the Lisbon Society, who performed works in

their entirety, the Oporto chamber group only played selectedmovements.

Vasconcelos's criticisms of the concert series of the SQP are

particularly important because of the detail he gave about each component

of the performance, providing us with a very thorough account of the

proceedings and their reception. His reviews appearedon the front page of a

well-known daily newspaper from Oporto, A Actualidade, which reflects the

importance that the author wanted to give to these events. His comments

centred on the organization of the program, the aesthetic ideas underlying

the choice of composers and works, the performance itself, and its

reception. He revealed himself to be an uncompromising critic in every

component of the concert upon which he commented.

175For
a comparison between the repertory performed by Sociedade de Concertos
Clssicos and Sociedade de Quarteros do Porto, between 1874 and 1876, see Appendix
3.

79
 Vasconcelos introduced the project as the most rewarding and sacred

mission an artist could assume,which led him to state: "[... ] every time we

enter the temple of art, we have to shake the dust off our feet, as the Muslim

does when he enters the mosque."" His comments on the programmes

included an appreciation of the selected composers, of the chosen works and

their order, and of the way the performers presented the written programme

to the public. His most severe criticism was occasioned by the perceived

fragmentation of the works. With regard to this issue, he drew attention to

the organic structure of some compositions, namely those of Beethoven,

without which, in his opinion, they would lose their logic or the unity with

which the composer conceived them."' Furthermore, he criticized the

number of movements within a single concert (seven to eight) which gave it

the feel of a potpourri, it therefore being impossible to establish a

connection and to have the notion of the connecting idea. Concerning the

performance, his criticisms are likewise unforgiving. His attention fell upon

the understanding that each musician showed towards the work, upon the

fidelity to the score, upon the equilibrium and balance among the members

of the group, upon the exaggerated effects like tremoli and pizzicati they

used and upon their general technique. Finally he commented on the

reactions of the public, which, in his view, revealed great enthusiasm and

substantial support for the initiative.

176"e todas
as vezes que entremos no templo da arte sacudamos o p6 dos nossos pes, como
faz o musulmano quando entra na mesquita." (Joaquim de Vasconcelos, "Artes
-
Sociedade de quartetos XII (concl. )", A Actualidade, U136 [Porto, 21 Jul. 1874], 2).
177It is
possible that Vasconcelos's many considerations of the organicism of these works
were influenced by the reading of Eduard Hanslick, Yom Musikalisch-Schnen. This
book was included in the music catalogue he published when he had to sell his library.

80
 The comments of Vasconcelos, more than those of any other music

reviewer in the country, reflected a notable concern with analytical and

methodological tools, and a determination to place some distance between

himself and the subject of critique, as with someone who assumes the

dictum to which he subscribed: "Res severs est verum gaudium". 18 Those

characteristics, together with acquaintance with the German theories that

gave rise to the concept of absolute music, made him the most consistent

ideologist in this period for an aesthetic of autonomy and for a sense of

privilege and prestige attaching to instrumental music.

If "Haendel, Mozart, Haydn, Beethoven, Mendelssohn and

Schumann" were considered by Vasconcelos and the press to have been the

chief major voices for the "sacred, symphonic and chamber music",

Meyerbeer was the only one who was believed to have attained that goal in

opera of the contemporary period. "' According to the reviewers, that

composer achieved the perfect alliance between logic and emotion in his

operas, while his sense of drama allowed him to realise this ideal union on

stage. To the press, this fact representeda revolution in art, one that was to

be expected after the rejection of Rossini as a composer. Moreover,

Meyerbeer had managed to reconcile all styles in his works. Of all his

achievements, it was recognised that Meyerbeer's operas fulfilled the

178Joaquim de Vasconcelos, "Foihetim Sociedade de Quartetos", A Actualidade, IU117

-
(Porto, 25 May 1875), 1).
179At this time, the Wagner had been staged in Portugal.
as already noted, operas of not yet

81
 "scientific" spirit of the era and, in so doing, that his works were "splendid

manifestations of the complex art" of the time. 18

The historical subjects used by the composer gave rise to a critical

spirit very much praised by the press, above all when compared with

prevalent ideological perspectives. One journalist of a daily newspaper

pointed towards the subject of Les Huguenots in particular for revealing "an

apotheosis, a defence of Protestantism and an attack on the fanatical and

intolerant spirit of Catholicism" stemming from the Council of Trent. 18'This

statement is very similar to those presented by Vasconcelos in the

Introduction to his Os Msicos Portugueses. It reveals a line of thought in

much the same vein as the ideas put forward by Quental in the Casino's

1871 talks, as it acknowledges the deep-rooted anti-clerical spirit prevalent

in Portugal at the time, in spite of its strong Catholic tradition. "'

Meyerbeer's L'Africaine (Lisbon, 1869) engendered quite different

responses."' The libretto of Scribe/Fetis was, in the opinion of the critics,

180The reactions in Italy had been

very similar, the press having shown the same kind of
appreciation, as Fabrizio della Seta has shown in his essay L'Immagine di Meyerbeer
nella Critica Italiana dell'ottocento e 1'Idea di "Dramma Musicale", (Firenze: Leo S.
Olschki Editore, 1988).
18' "uma apotheose,
uma defesa do protestantismo e um ataque ao espirito fanatico e
intolerante do catholicismo. " (Alberto de Queirs, Revoluplo de Setembro,
XXXIII/8.877, [Lisboa, 18 Jan. 1872], 1). This assertion was made by the journalist
Alberto de Queirbs.
182This turn
of events contrasts with the situation in other Catholic towns such as Munich
and Kassel, where the libretto had to be rewritten and the title to be changed when the
opera was first performed. See Steven Huebner, "Les Huguenots", in Stanley Sadie
(ed.), The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, 4 Vols. (London, 1997), If, 765.
183On the
reception of L Africaine in Lisbon, see Gabriela Gomes da Cruz, "Laughing at
History: The third act of Meyerbeer's L'Africaine", Cambridge Opera Journal, 11/1:
Mar. 1999,31-76; and "L'Africaine's savage pleasures: Operatic listening and the

82
 deprived of a sense of logic and of historical authenticity, containing some

very poorly-adjusted actions. In spite of all of these perceived shortcomings,

one reviewer felt that Meyerbeer had successfully entered the realm of the

subject, transforming it as if it were symphonic music or "pure poetry".

According to the press, in this opera, music had no motherland or

nationality. It was cosmopolitan and partook of the universal. "' Meyerbeer

was considered to have transformed the vulgar into the sublime. The

ideological and the aesthetic were intimately connected in this critical

approach. The epic achievement of the Portuguese navigators could only

have been set to music by a genius of the order of Meyerbeer who, inspired

by such an uplifting subject, would transcend the artistic framework to

attain the level of pure philosophy.

As we have already seen, the writers on music during this period

considered that the operas of Meyerbeer were the ones that best represented

the ultimate aesthetic goal, in terms of the representation of the Idea

objectified through the symbiosis of the French, Italian and German styles.

They sensedthat his operas marked an important turning point in art music

as the following critique in particular reveals: "The future of music will

obviously be symphonic. Meyerbeer is already marking the turning point.

Consider how he excels himself when he tackles the big choral and

instrumental masses,as for instance, in the superb chorus of Les Huguenots.

Portuguese historical imagination", Revista Portuguesa de Musicologia, 10: Lisboa,

2001,151-180.
184A very
opposite opinion was held by Wagner about Meyerbeer's impossibility of having
a nation, as any other Jew.

83
Meanwhile let what remains of the tenors and prima donnas expire, which

will not take long, so that we can make a proper start on this more positive

phase of art.""' This and much else in the reviews of Meyerbeer's operas

showed that the way toward Wagner was already being prepared.

Of Wagner's entire output, only certain orchestral excerpts had been

performed in Portugal by 1861,186

specifically from Rienzi, Tannhuser and

Lohengrin. 187The discussion of Wagner in the Portuguese press, as

elsewhere in Europe, began with his literary writings and were grounded on

the usual dichotomic polemics, such as melody versus harmony, sentiments

versus ideas, and inspiration versus craft. 1' Each component of these groups

was allied with the character of a people, namely northern European

countries versus southern ones or, more specifically, Germany versus Italy.

In this period, the value judgements expressed by the press about

Wagner were based either on direct impressions transmitted by its

185"Evidentemente o futuro da musica

sera symphonico. Meyerbeer marca j o ponto de
transipo. Haja vista como eile se sobreleva a si prprio quando joga com as grandes
massas coraes e instrumentaes como, por exemplo, no soberbo coro dos Huguenotes.
Deixemos, entretanto, que o resto dos tenores e das primal-donnas expire, o que no
levar talvez muito tempo, para entrarmos n'essa phase mais positiva da arte."
(Guilherme d'Azevedo, 0 Occidente, I1/46: 15 Nov. 1879,170).
186On 25 April
and 11 June 1861, Guilherme Cossoul directed Tannhuser's March,
within the "Concertos Populares". (Colecco de programas de espectculos musicals:
1736-1936,4 Vols. [Lisboa: Biblioteca Nacional], I, 29.
187Contrary to the impression
given by Portuguese musicology, excerpts from his operas
were performed on the dates mentioned above; from 1879 they began to appear more
regularly in concerts, being performed by Barbieri, Josephine Amann, Dalmau and
Louis Brenner.
188What Bernd Sponheuer calls the "exclusivist
concept" for the construction of the idea of
German music hegemony, a concept which is supported by "specifically German
characteristics, which differs from non-German in its `depth, hard work and
thoroughness' (Tiefsinn, Arbeit, Grndlichkeit). " (Bernd Sponheuer, "Reconstructing
Ideal Types of the `German in Music"', in Celia Applegate and Pamela Potter (eds),
Music & German national identity [Chicago: The Univeristy of Chicago Press, 2002,
36-58], 40).

84
correspondents or on the reading of foreign 18'
magazines. For instance,

Platon Lvovitch de Vaksel19(who was a strong supporter of Brahms as

against those of the new German school, and wrote from Leipzig), although

he recognized the value of some of Wagner's musical qualities such as the

way he used the recitativo and his novel methods of orchestration,

ultimately rejected drama because it subordinated music to the text,

devalued the cantabile, and used the human voice as a mere instrument in

the orchestra. And all this for what, he asked: "the sacrifice of the voices",

"a monosyllabic style", "a continuous recitativo", "a chord for each note,

which resulted in a heavy style, without ornaments and fioriture", 19' and

"impotent realism".

Positive opinions were more rare. The few supporters at this time

contributed information on Wagner's biography and his works - translating

from the French or from the English some excerpts of his writings, such as

Opera and Drama192- as well as on his Theatre in Bayreuth"'. They showed

themselves to be completely confident about the quality of his music, which

they feared never hearing at S. Carlos. The faith in evolution in these

positivistic days made one journalist write in 1872: "Richard Wagner has

189Such as, among others: the French periodicals Revue et Gazette Musicale de Paris and
L'Art Musical; the Italian periodicals Gazetta Musicale di Milano, Mondo Artistico,
Rivista Theatrale Melodrammatico.
190(St. Petersburg, 1844 St. Petersburg, 1917). Between 1861 and 1870, Vaksel lived in
-
Portugal for health reasons. During that period, he wrote several articles about
Portuguese music. After returning to St. Petersburg, where he became Secretary of the
Ministry of the Foreign Office, he began to write music criticism for a specialist
periodical situated in that city. He was also a correspondent of the Portuguese musical
magazines Arte Musical (1873-1874) and Amphion.
191Arte Musical, 1/33: Lisboa, 21 Jul. 1874,2.
192Arte Musical, 1/27,21 May 1874,2.
193Arte Musical, 111/62,Oct. 1875,3.

85
 finished his new opera entitled Die Gtterdmmerung. The most remarkable

[occurrence] is its acclimatization [this is the literal translation] in Italy,

which repelled it in the beginning. [... ] This means that the music of

Wagner so contested, so covered in ironies, represents in fact, a logical

evolution in the musical art, becauseit begins to please and to be understood

in Italy, after having been in France and Germany.""'

The above discussion has demonstrated that several defining

tendencies prevailed during the decade of the 1870s. On the one hand, there

was the predominance of the realistic/naturalistic tendency that viewed art,

in general, to have a social and educational role but which did not present

any consistent proposal in the field of music. The operettas by Augusto

Machado, performed at TT, 19Smust be seen to represent the only possible

access a composer might have to a stage, since the RTSC only offered

exceptional opportunities to Portuguese composers, rather than experiments

in social critique similar to those of Gil Vicente and "The Jew" noted by

reviewers in the past. '96

194"Ricardo Wagner terminou a sua nova opera intitulada 0 Crepusculo dos Deuses. // 0
mais notavel is que a sua musica vae-se aclimatando na Italia, que a principio a repelliu.
[... ] Isto indica que a musica de Wagner to contestada, tAo coberta de ironias
representa na realidade, uma evoluco logica na arte musical, porque comeca a agradar
ea ser comprehendida na Italia, depois de o ter sido na Franca e na Allemanha. "
(Revolupo de Setembro, XXXIII /9.022: Lisboa, 18 Jul. 1872,3).
195Quoted above. See footnote 114.
1% See footnotes 122 and 123. During this period, in Lisbon, the main theatres were the
RTSC, which was dominated by Italian repertory and Italian singers, and whose operas
(Italian or others) were always sung in Italian; the National Theatre D. Maria for the
theatre and some rare concerts; and several others, the most important of which was
Teatro da Trindade, whose repertory was mixed (for the description of this theatre see
footnote 80).

86
 As to the reviewers, it is clear that their criticisms were highly

ideologically grounded during this period, especially regarding the operas,

reflecting something of the spirit of the times, as we can see in the critiques

of Traviata and of the operas of Meyerbeer. The critics, at least the majority

of them, refer to a real turning point in Portuguese musical life during the

1870s, reinforcing the necessity for the performance of instrumental music

(both chamber and orchestral), or advocating the realisation of the

(Absolute) Idea in music, or even arguing for a revolution in music

composition, as expressedby Vasconcelos in criticizing Verdi's Les Vepres

Siciliennes for not containing the "germ of an artistic revolution". "'

It is against this background that musicians would attempt to find

ways to achieve progress and to create active and productive forces for

music-making in the country; all this in a decade dominated not only by

discourses of decadence but, above all, by ideas of internationalism and

europeanism.

197Seep. 73.

87
 II

Musical Awakenings
 II 1. The Institutional Contexts

In the first half of the nineteenth century, the life of the country was

characterized by profound political instability. Between 1807 and 1811,

Portugal suffered the invasions of the Napoleonic troops, prompting the

royal family to leave for Brazil (1807-1821). In the absence of the court,

Liberalism was proclaimed in 1820 and the king returned to the country.

From then on, the state suffered various rebellions, and finally succumbed

in 1828 to an absolutist regime, which would lead the country to a civil war.

In 1834, the absolutist forces were defeated and the liberal regime was

firmly institutionalized, although until 1850 the political and economic

situation remained very unstable. Only from the beginning of the second

half of the nineteenth century onwards would a new government succeed in

establishing stability at all levels, providing the conditions necessary for the

development of capitalism and for assigning a greater prominence to the

bourgeoisie.

These events would introduce a strong current of discontinuity and

fragility into musical life. In 1821, a correspondent for the Allgemeine

Musikalische Zeitung (henceforward AMZ) wrote that music in Lisbon had

suffered greatly from the departure of the royal family, who took many of

89
 the country's best musicians with them to Brazil. "' In 1824, the same

periodical reported upon some of the consequencesfor music resulting from

political disturbances in Portugal, which caused, for instance, empty rooms

in the Opera House.`"

Yet with the beginning of the new order that came definitively with

Liberalism in 1834, the opera and its main centre, the RTSC, won back its

prestigious status, hence functioning as the main site of representation for

the ascending social class, the bourgeoisie, which now strove to obtain the

same privileges as the decaying aristocracy.200Opera was the dominant

musical genre within this new society, whether in the Royal Opera House,

subsidized by the regime, or in other, more popular theatres. The Italian

style was central within the repertory.20'Operas were sung by Italian singers

in their own language and most of the orchestral musicians were similarly of

Italian origin.

198AMZ, 29 Aug. 1821, quoted in Manuel Carlos de Brito and David Cranmer, Crdnicas
da Vida Musical Portuguesa na Primeira Metade do Sec. XIX (Lisboa: INCM, 1989),
52.
199Ibidem, 59.
200This is by Vieira de Carvalho in his book Pensar e Morrer (Lisboa:
claim supported
INCM, 1993). The author also stated that "The structure of opera in Portugal would be
tied, in a still stronger way, to the development of the commercial bourgeoisie. The
efficiency that the big businessmen of Lisbon aimed for opera, since the 1870s, would
be fully achieved in the 1830s with the consolidation of Liberalism. "
"A estrutura da opera em Portugal continuar a ligar-se cada vez mais fortemente ao
desenvolvimento da burguesia commercial, ea eficacia que os grandes negociantes de
Lisboa almejavam para a opera desde os anos setenta do seculo XVIII ira concretizar-se
completamente nos anos trinta do seculo XIX com a consolidago do liberalismo. "
(Ibidem, 67-8).
Thus the RTSC, according to the author, would become the ideal place for the
"exhibition of the self', and for the sociability of the representatives of the new order -
a place less of education for the public, as some Liberals claimed, than of entertainment.
201See Chapter 1,
with reference to Appendix 2.

90
 In spite of the dominance of opera and the financial support it

received from the Government, one other initiative was undertaken

consistently throughout the 1820s in the domain of orchestral music. The

international Portuguesemusician, the pianist and composer Joao Domingos

Bomtempo (1775-1842),202 who returned to Portugal after the

institutionalization of Liberalism, founded a Philharmonic Society in Lisbon

in 1822, with the aim of disseminating the orchestral repertoire and the

music of the "classics". Notwithstanding some brief interruptions owing to

political events, this Philharmonic Society lasted until 13 March 1828, the

day of the dissolution of the courts and the beginning of the absolutist

regime. The Philharmonic was suspected of providing a veil for political

meetings and was therefore dissolved, with several contributors forced to

flee the country. 203

According to Ernesto Vieira, 204
Bomtempo himself had to

seek exile at the residence of the Russian Consul throughout the absolutist

period.

Music teaching also suffered from the social and political turbulence

of this time. In 1821, a project was presented to the courts by the musician

202Joao Domingos Bomtempo

was born in Lisbon, where he began his career as a singer
and later as oboist of the Royal Chamber. He must also have taken piano lessons
because when he arrived in Paris in 1801, he presented himself in public concerts as a
pianist playing his own compositions for his instrument. From France, he travelled to
England in 1810, where many of his works were published by the firm of Clementi. In
London, one of his works Hymn celebrating the victory of the Portuguese and
-a
English troops at Massena was performed by the singer Angelica Catalani in 1812. He
-
was one of the first 25 associate members of the Philharmonic Society. In Portugal,
after Liberalism was firmly established, he was appointed the first director of the School
of Music of the Conservatory in 1836.
203See Joheph Scherpereel, A Orquestra
e os Instrumentistas da Real Camara de Lisboa
de 1764 a 1834 (Lisboa: Fundaco Calouste Gulbenkian, 1985), 159.
24 Diccionrio Biographico de Msicos Portuguezes: historia bibliographia da
e msica
em Portugal, 2 Vols. (Lisboa: Typographia Mattos & Pinheiro, 1900), I, 142.

91
Antonio Jose do Rego (fl. 1783-1821), recommending the enlargement of

the curriculum of music studies to encompass instruments as well as

practice, to be undertaken by both sexes. Until then, music had been taught

in the Seminary of the Patriarchy, where students received education in the

rudiments of music as well as in singing, organ and counterpoint, being

essentially prepared for religious music. Although the project of a new

school of music was discussed in the courts, and the possibility was even

proposed of separating the music school from the Seminary of the

Patriarchy, the teaching of instruments was postponed until 1824, and the

creation of a new music school had to wait until the second phase of

liberalism.

The initiative taken by Bomtempo was hard for other Portuguese

musicians to follow. Firstly, the impresarios of RTSC, who held its

managerial structure in their hands, created difficulties for the use of the

theatre for concert performance, confining such use mainly to its members,

to the singers, and to the most prestigious musicians of the orchestra such as

the Italians Canongia (clarinet) and Jordani (violin) in the 1820s. The only

one who had arranged performances outside the Royal Theatre had been

Bomtempo due to his level of prestige. As no other Portuguese

instrumentalist had obtained a similar status, it became very difficult for

them to organize concert series either in the theatre or elsewhere; besides,

92
 even if they wanted to perform in the opera house, it became very expensive

for them.25

Another consequenceof the firm establishment of Liberalism was an

outbreak of associationism in all social and cultural areas, which led to the

creation of several Assemblies and Academies of Music. Besides the

promotion of concerts, what appearsto have attracted its associates,in first

instance, was the sociability and entertainment that these kind of events

favoured. The repertoire played there was, mainly, that connected with

opera.206

In 1860, a Society of Popular Concerts (Sociedade de Concertos

Populares) was created in Lisbon, the initiative of several professional

musicians. During the time of its existence they gave about seventy

concerts. In the beginning, the public welcomed this initiative but,

according to Vieira, 207

after the second year, this enthusiasm began to wane

due to the public preference for potpourris and instrumental solos. That led

the Society to put an end to its activities in 1862.

Moreover, another domain that did not assist the circulation of

different repertoire (specifically, instrumental repertoire) was that of

205On this subject, the PhD dissertation being prepared by Francesco Esposito
presently
provides very detailed information. I thank the author for all his collaboration on this
subject.
206The the life these Associations is
only study of of and repertoire played within
Francesco Esposito's PhD dissertation, still in progress. Seeprevious footnote.
207Ernesto Vieira (1900), 1,302-4.

93
 publication. Until the middle of the nineteenth century, publication of music

had been occasional and irregular. It was only from 1850 onwards, with the

use of zinc sheets instead of the much more expensive lithographic stones,

that this market grew faster, responding to the new demand created by the

amateur public. "' Yet piano adaptations of music from operas dominated

this market by far. Irregularity and an absenceof prominent coverage also

characterized music periodicals, which thus failed to provide the

informative, educative, and critical role for the public that was so important

in those days. The specialist press would only acquire visibility from 1870s

onwards.

If opera (and its managerial structure) was not, as observed, the sole

obstacle to the development of concert life in the country, it certainly helped

to marginalize it. When Bomtempo initiated the orchestral concerts of the

Philharmonic Society, he eventually had to ceaseperformances of Haydn's

symphonies, which had customarily come at the top of the programme, in

favour of such works as overtures by Rossini and other Italian opera

composers then in vogue, in order to please the public. That limited the

dissemination of the classics of the repertoire.

In concerts of instrumental music, such genres as fantasies, variations,

paraphrases, reminiscences, divertissements, potpourris, and the like, all

208See Francesco Esposito, "0

sucessode Verdi na msica pianistica: as edipes musicais
lisboetas do seculo XIX", in Luisa Cymbron and Catarina Latino (coord. ), Verdi em
Portugal, 1843-2001: Exposico Comemorativa do Centenrio da Morte do
Compositor (Lisboa: Biblioteca Nacional, Teatro Nacional de S. Carlos, 2001), 41-58.

94
 upon themes from Italian opera, dominated the instrumental scene until the

end of the 1870s. Even in the churches, sacred music exhibited operatic

influence. An important set of chronicles in the AMZ, covering the period

between 1799 and 1846 and concerning Portuguese musical life,

acknowledged this phenomenon.209In 1816, the correspondent in Lisbon

wrote that music could be heard frequently in the churches and since public

concerts were scarce, it was the only way to hear it, therefore being a good

means for the education of the people. One of the reviewers commented that

"However[, ] the music performed was not sacred music", adding that "for

several years I never missed a performance of music in the church[, ] since I

hoped to listen to something authentic, in a pure and noble style [... ] yet my

hope was never realized.""' Another reviewer clarified that "In order that

our modern religious music might please, it has to be composed in the

operatic style of Rossini: almost all the church feasts begin with the Gazza

ladra Overture or another operatic movement by Rossini "Z"

.

These statementsreinforce the recent claim by Rui Vieira Nery, who,

in the Preface of the work by Cristina Fernandes, Devocdo e Teatralidade

(Devotion and Theatrality), held that throughout the eighteenth century

Portuguese religious feasts incorporated "many of the social and ideological

209These
chronicles were the object of a study by Manuel Carlos de Brito and David
Crammer. See footnote 198
210"Em Portugal toca-se frequentemente igrejas: de igreja [... ]
msica nas mas no mnsica
Durante alguns anos nunca faltei a uma msica de igreja, porque esperava sempre ouvir
alguma vez que fosse autentica, num estilo nobre e puro [... ] a minha esperancanunca
se realizou. " (AMZ, 26 Jun. 1816, quoted in Manuel Carlos de Brito, op. cit., 41).
211"S6
que para poder agradar, a nossa moderna msica de igreja tem de ser composta no
estilo opertico de Rossini; quase todas as festas de igreja comegam com a abertura de
Gazza ladra ou com outra qualquer de Rossini. " (AMZ, 12 Jan. 1825, op. cit., 60).

95
 functions that Enlightenment Europe supported in a markedly secular

212
space". The consequence of this symbiosis was a hybrid religious

repertory marked either by passageswritten in "a severe counterpoint", or

by others integrating, "without prejudice, parts of virtuose bel canto" or,

again, "sections of a generous melodic sentimentality, sometimes almost

vulgar and very close to the modinha or to the ditties of the salons", a

practice attested by several foreign visitors in their travel diaries during their

stays in the country in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.""

This claim comes in the vein of the earlier assertionsmade by Nery, z'4

who argued that, due to "Protestantism never having been a real issue in

Portugal", the resolutions of the Council of Trent in the domain of sacred

music never attained in the country the same level of austerity as in other

European ones. As the "Iberian Church did not have any adversaries with

whom to compete, [such as Lutherans or Calvinists] or even a guilty

conscience to appeasein regard to past internal scandal", it could consider it

legitimate "to give the liturgy a certain splendour in order to stimulate the

devotion of the faithful"215and to harnessinstrumental music to achieve that

end. As a final claim, Nery argues that until the Napoleonic invasions or

even until the second liberal period, a division between the sacred and the

secular, or between the popular and the erudite, should be avoided.

212"muitas das fung6es ideolgicas Europa do Iluminismo passaram

sociais e que na
entretanto a ser asseguradasnum foro marcadamente laico. " (Lisboa: Colibri, 2005), 21.
213Ibidem, 25-6.
214"e Portuguese seventeenth-century Villancico: A Cross-Cultural Phenomenon", in
Salwa El-Shawan Catselo-Branco (1997), 104-105.
215Ibidem.

96
 This overview of the instrumental, operatic and religious life before

the period under study, provides us with a deeper comprehension of the

discontinuities that affected instrumental life, of the dominant role played

by opera and of the permeability of this genre in the religious sphere. This

background will help us to consider the musical life of the eighties as one of

major changes.

97
 II 2, Opera

112.1. Wagner and the Other

One of the musical events with the greatest impact during the 1880s

was the premiere of Lohengrin in Lisbon in 1883. Almost every newspaper

wrote about it both before the premiere and afterwards. If during the 1870s,

the specialist press had been commenting in particular on the essays of

Wagner,"' during the 1880s, and before the premiere of Lohengrin, they

were already writing about his operas.

In terms of the musical press, Jose d'Arriaga, contributor to the

periodical Perfis Artisticos (the principal music journal at the beginning of

the decade), was the chief authority on the works of Wagner during the first

three years of the 1880s. In his texts - which aimed, as the author pointed

out, "to inform our readers of the deep and evolutionist movement produced

in the arts with the creation of the musical drama, the son of the earlier

movement of the symphony or musical poem, created by Beethoven""' -

Wagner was always associated with Beethoven as one of "the two

216See Chapter I,
pp. 84-86. Until now Portuguese musicology has dated the beginning of
the debate about Wagner in the early eighties. See Maria Joo Arajo, "The Reception
of Wagner in Portugal (1880-1930)" (PhD dissertation [Oxford, University of Oxford,
2003]), 13 and 33.
21 "tornar
conhecido pelos nossos leitores aquelle movimento profundo e evolucionista,
produzido na arte corn a creaco do drama musical, filho do anterior movimento da
simphonia ou poema musical, creado por Beethoven." (Jose d'Arriaga, "Wagner e as
suas operas (Mestres Cantores de Nuremberg)", Perfis Artfsticos, 1/14, Feb. 1882,4).

98
 demolishers of the past", 218one in terms of symphonic music, the other

concerning opera. In Arriaga's opinion, Wagner would never have existed

without Beethoven; without the Ninth Symphony, the music drama could

not have been created. He was certain that after Wagner, another genius

would necessarily follow.

In his works, Wagner had achieved a synthesis of that which some of

his ancestors, in particular Mozart and Beethoven, had left as their legacy,

notably through a union of the opera and the symphony. Not only had he

united what in the past had been separated,such as opera's different musical

parts (arias, recitatives, and so on) and its constituent arts, but he had made

valuable contributions more widely to fields such as morality, politics and

"even the very national movement of his time! "219In sum, his achievements

in music reflected the century in all its manifestations."' Arriaga compared

each work of Wagner to an organism: "As the foetus grows from a primitive

seed, which evolves progressively and becomes more and more advanced,

ultimately forming a complex and multifarious organism, the same is true of

an opera by Wagner. It grows from a motif or mother idea, which develops

into new motifs, which, in turn, are transformed into new ones, forming

itself in this manner into an opera that is a true living organism in action."22'

218"os dois demolidores do

passado" (Jose d'Arriaga, "A ultima evolugo da musica
dramatica", Perfis Artisticos, 1/3: Jun. de 1881,3-4).
219"o
proprio movimento nacional do seu tempo! " (Jose d'Arriaga, "Wagner ea sua
escola", Perfis Artfsticos, 1/7: Nov. 1881,3).
220Ibidem, 4.
221"Assim
como o feto sae d'um germen primitivo, que se desenvolve progressivamente e
se complica mail e mais, formando por fim um organismo complexo e variado; assim a
opera de Wagner nasce de um motivo ou idea me, o qual se desenvolve em novos
motivos, que, por sua vez, se transformam em outros, formando-se por este modo da

99
 Arriaga's discourse reflected the positivistic ideas then in vogue in

many countries in Europe, which had a strong impact on Portugal. Most of

the comments made on music during this period, and especially those

concerning Wagner, were in much the same vein. Some reviewers stated

that in the music of the composer, one could observe as much progress as in

other fields of knowledge. Music was largely (or at least by many)

considered to be an organism that evolved from the greatest simplicity to

extreme complexity. If the term "revolution" was the word used most

frequently in the texts, it was as a synonym for evolution. As such progress

would not merely grind to a halt, other reviewers foresaw that much of what

Wagner was carrying out in music would serve as a model for other

composers, which proved that many of his detractors were wrong, notably

the French critics who had, in the past, shown so much disdain for his

works. "'

The same positivist spirit is present in the texts of Moreira de S on

the composer. In 1882, the author wrote of Wagner not only as the true heir

of Beethoven but also of the other major composers of the past, just as

Arriaga had done. His musical dramas were held to reflect the working

process that he had developed through each of his works, until he finally

reached the clear consciousnessof his achievements. In this essay, Moreira

opera um verdadeiro organismo vivo e em acgo." (Jose d'Arriaga, "Wagner ea sua

escola", PerjIs Artisticos, U8: Nov. 1881,5).
222See "Symphonias: S. Carlos, Lohengrin Favorita", 0 Mundo Artistico, U1, Mar. 1883,
e
11-2.

100
 de S referred to the theories of Comte, Spencer and Cousin to support his

ideas.

Before the premiere of Lohengrin, on 14 March 1883, many daily

newspapers and non-specialist periodicals took the eminently pedagogical

initiative of introducing the composer and the opera to their readers. Fearing

the lack of preparation of the public and consequently a bad reception -

although several excerpts from Wagner's operas had been already

performed in concert223- they stated that what was happening in Lisbon

was already very well known in most major towns in Europe and that the

work was accepted there after initial rejections, notably in Paris in 1861 and

in Milan in 1873. What the reviewers wanted to make clear was that if there

had been doubts concerning the genius of Wagner in the past, then after so

much evidence yielded by his works, people had finally confirmed his

outstanding value.

The popular daily newspaper Diario de Noticias, for instance,

introduced the event in a series of five articles. In the first, the reviewer

stressed the non-cosmopolitan character of Wagner's works, which he

considered to be eminently German in terms both of the subject, with

recourse to Nordic legends and myths, and of its musical roots, stemming

from Weber's first attempts to create a national opera. In spite of that, the

reviewer added that the achievements of Wagner were so important in the

223See footnotes 186

and 187.

101
 musical domain that his works were already influencing many foreign

composers such as Gounod, Massenet, Saint-Saens and even Verdi. In the

second article, the author offered a general understanding of the importance

of the different components that contributed to Wagner's operas, and how

this conception was much more forward-looking than Gluck's initiatives. In

the third, he presented the subject of Lohengrin. In the fourth, he explained

the principal role and technique of the leitmotif, giving several examples of

its use in that opera. And finally, in the fifth article, he surveyed all other of

Wagner operas.

The bimonthly non-specialist periodical 0 Occidente dedicated five

articles to the composer, his works and his theatre in Bayreuth. The death of

Wagner, one month before the premiere, acquired a special and strong

meaning in the minds of most reviewers in terms of the glorification of the

composer and his music, not merely becauseof the importance of the operas

themselves, but above all because of the rich legacy they constituted to

humankind, which had already been recognized by so many and followed

by junior contemporaries. The critic of these and many other reviews on

opera, in daily newspapers and several periodicals, who wrote under the

pseudonym V. de D., was a music dilettante and had been a major figure of

the "Cenacle". 124His real name was Batalha Reis, and in the initial

presentation of his ideas, he argued against the general tide of opinion -

those who saw not only German influences but also foreign ones in the early

224See 17
p. and footnote 121.

102
 operas of Wagner - and held that the master's first works already

demonstrated a new musical conception, an "ideal and revolutionary

aesthetic doctrine", still incipient and incomplete but nonetheless different

from what existed before.225

Besides Batalha Reis, who declared having only heard Der fliegende

Hollnder and studied the score of Rienzi, the other reviewers did not give

evidence of having listened to any complete opera by Wagner; some of

them alluded to the study of the scores and almost all referred to texts on the

subject by French authors, Schure coming at the top. Above all, they

demonstrated a very favourable attitude towards the opera and a special

concern for the preparation of the audience.

Great care was put into the production of Lohengrin" by the

Portuguese impresario Freitas Brito. The director was the Catalan Eusebio

Dalmau. The cast comprised E. de Reszke (Heinrich der Vogler), G.

Aldighieri (Telramund), J. De Reszke (Elsa), G. Pasqua (Ortrud), E.

Barbacini (Lohengrin) and F. Navarrini (Heuufer). Luigi Manini was the

scenographer.According to the tradition of the Opera House, the opera was

sung in Italian.

225"Ricardo Wagner", 0 Occidente,V11151:1 Mar. 1883,51.

226According to Fonseca Benevides, this
production had already been announced in past
seasons (Ibidem, I, 408). Both Cymbron (1992) and Carvalho (1993) argue that the
production of the Opera House in Lisbon was so dependent on the Italian structure of
production that it may have been that only after the rehabilitation of Lohengrin in such
towns as Milan (1888) was it possible to produce it in Lisbon.

103
 After the premiere, both the public and the critics reacted very

positively. The praise for the production was unanimous. Overall, the critics

agreed that it had been one of the best productions of recent seasonsat the

Opera House. The impresario was highly complimented for his courage in

having produced such a work, in a house largely dominated by Italian opera.

Most of the critics enhanced "the splendour" of the staging (costumes and

scenery). The director received very positive commendation for his

understanding of the work. All the cast were felt to have realised

successfully their roles as singers and actors. The orchestra and choir were

also included in the general praise.

Regarding the music, which had"beenheard in its entirety for the first

time, the literary critics who were accustomed up to this time to writing

reviews of operas declared themselves unqualified to judge, as this opera

required a very deep musical education. Others considered that many more

hearings would be necessaryin order to form a serious opinion. "'

Of those who wrote more extensively about the music of Lohengrin

and its production, the Italian Angelo Frondoni (1812-1891)228can be

identified as one of the few who, in a booklet printed that same year,229

discussed Wagner's work on the basis of what he considered to be

227J1io Cesar Machado "Antes depois do Lohengrin, Dirio de Noticias, XIX/6.152: 15

e
Mar. 1883,1 and Gervasio Lobato, "Chronica Occidental", 0 Occidente, VI/153: 21
Mar. 1883,66.
228He
was hired as music director of RTSC in 1838 and stayed in the country until his
death. He composed many operettas, some of which obtained notable success.
229Consideraces
sobre Ricardo Wagner eo seu Lohengrin (Lisboa: n.p., 1883).

104
 fundamental for the construction of an opera: the primacy of the music over

the word, of the melody over the recitative and of the role of emotion as the

main function of music. He came to the conclusion, after having provided a

description of the whole opera, that Wagner was sublime whenever he

forgot his theories.23'Arriaga and Batalha Reis instead preferred to focus

their attention on the achievement of drama as a goal in Lohengrin. The

latter, writing in the daily newspaperJornal da Noite, suggestedthat even if

the performance had been worthy, there had neverthelessbeen some aspects

of it that were very susceptible to criticism. His commentaries fell upon the

orchestra, then the choir; only afterwards came the singers and their acting,

and finally all other aspects of the staging."" In this way, he inverted the

approach of his peers, who continued to give priority to the singers. He

drew attention to the insufficient number of violins in the orchestra as

hindering the detachment of melodies from the harmonies associated with

them. He criticized the director for expressing certain melodic phrases in an

Italian manner, or with a dislocated elegance only applicable to the waltzes

of Strauss or Metra. Concerning the choir, he considered that when it was

divided into groups, it became so meagre that people could only hear

individual voices instead of an ensemble. As to the singers themselves, he

isolated the tenor in particular for singing in an Italianized way. His second

criticism fell upon the mise en scene on which he commented in great detail,

pointing out what served the drama better and worse. 232The third criticism

dealt with the initiative of the impresario, a propos of which he claimed that

230Ibidem.
231V. de D., "A Musica Lisboa", Jornal da Noite, XVIV3.666: 15-16Mar. 1883,2.
em
232V. de D., "A Musica
em Lisboa", Jornal da Noite, XVIV3.667: 16-17Mar. 1883,3.

105
 a theatre that was subsidized by the State ought to have two duties: to

present the best foreign models and the major contemporary musical works;

and to present Portuguese 23'

operas. As part of this critique, he also

discussed the use of the Italian language in the opera. He put the question in

the following way: "Is it a fault? For the Portuguese public it is, on the

contrary, a plus. s234Although he was aware that this option diverted the

opera from its original conception and from the ideal of Wagner and, as

such, would be less mindful of the reform undertaken by the composer, he

believed that the use of the Italian language would make Wagner's operas

more approachable to a public who depended so much on Italian opera and

on its southern character. As a critic of the work, he assumedthat he had to

condemn all the Italian aspects of the performance but, when turning his

thoughts instead to the audience, he believed that Italian could be a way to

facilitate the public approach to Wagnerian opera of the public, who would

in time come to appreciate the music entirely in its original form.

The positive response of the public, who had already attended the

dress rehearsal en masse235and had reacted favourably to the first

performance, astonished some critics who had not predicted such a

reception after the "anti-Wagnerian storms" that had taken place previously

in Milan and Madrid. "' The "Italianization" of certain excerpts, noted by

233V. de D., "A Musica

em Lisboa", Jornal da Noite, XVII/3.669,19-20 Mar. 1883,2.
234"E isto
um deffeito? Para um publico portuguez 6, pelo contario, uma qualidade" (V. de
D., "A Musica em Lisboa". Jornal da Noite, XVII/3.681: 3-4 Apr. 1883,2).
235Diario Illustrado, XII/3.537: 13 Mar. 1883,3.
236Unsigned "Theatro de S. Carlos: Lohengrin", Diario Illustrado, XII/3.549: 26 Mar.
1883,2.

106
 Batalha Reis, had provoked "noisy demonstrations of satisfaction among the

public", who asked the singers to repeat some excerpts, such as Elsa and

Ortrud's duet in the second act.237

In spite of all the positive reactions and praise, it seemed that the

public did not flock en masse to the next eight performances. This

observation, made by a critic who was accused of treachery by a peer,23s

seemsbelievable inasmuch as the theatre would only repeat this opera seven

years later, while a new work by Wagner, Tannhuser, was presented for

the first time only in 1893, inaugurating a regular and increasingly frequent

programming of Wagner's works thereafter.

II 2.2. French Opera

The premiere of Carmen in 1885 provoked, inevitably, a new wave of

debate concerning talent and metier. Some critics contrasted the effort, the

science, and the theories of Wagner with Bizet's inspiration and knowledge;

the difficulty of the first presentations of the works of the German

composer, implying continuous and strengthened attendance at the opera,

with the ease and delight of Carmen; and overall, the endeavours towards

entertainment without recourse to simplistic formulae or vulgarity - in the

237O Progresso, VII/1.838: 15 Mar. 1883,2. For the the singers by the public,
reception of
see Maria Joo Arajo, op. cit.
238This by the for the daily Diario Illustrado,
statement was made critic newspaper
XII/3.549: 26 Mar. 1883,2; and the reaction came from the daily newspaper Diario
Popular, XVIII/5.789: 4 Apr. 1883,1-2.

107
 words of one critic, without the "fossilism of the ordinary melodies of the

operas that RTSC presents all the time". 239The clarity as well as the

originality of the music of Bizet enchanted most critics, who agreed that in

Carmen, no vulgarity could be found,24and that no part of the opera could

be considered tiring to the public. "' The reviewer of the music periodical

Gazeta Musical asserted that if there were more composers like Bizet, a

larger public would come more often to hear modern music.242

All the reviewers referred to the modernity of the music, to the

chaining of the harmonies, to the rich and varied orchestration, to the

musical treatment of the choruses, and to the perfect fusion between the

vocal and the instrumental. Once again, in this last assessmentone can

detect an implicit critique of the symphonic treatment of the voices, which

was usually criticized in the operas of Wagner, although some reviewers

emphasized (in positive vein) the Wagnerian influences on Bizet, while

recognizing many others such as Gounod, Thomas and Italian composers.24'

The musical treatment of a character such as Carmen was praised by many,

who admired specifically the crudity of the music when depicting that

character. The modernity of the music was one the main focuses of a series

of critiques in a daily newspaper, Jornal da Nolte. Throughout this series,

the author followed the music step by step, using a technical and unusual

239"o fossilismo das

cantilenas vulgares, com que a cada momento o theatro de S. Carlos
nos acalenta." (Delio, "S. Carlos", Gazeta Musical, 11/4: 15 Apr. 1885,74).
240Unsigned, "S. Carlos", Diario de Noticias, XX/6.902: 10 Apr. 1885,1).
241Delio, "S. Carlos", Ibidem.
242 Ibidem.

243A. de V., "Musica em Lisboa", Jornal de Noite, XVV4.641: 12-13Apr., 2.

108
 terminology for a daily newspaper, emphasizing the most relevant parts of

the score from the point of view of the music and of the drama, above all the

tight connection between them, and also evidencing the most efficient and

modern musical aspects?" The author considered that it was absolutely

necessary that someone in Portugal took an initiative such as this, after so

many, in every European country, had given their own opinions. As

examples, he gave the names of Reyer, Hippeau, Gounod, Saint-Satins,

Gevaert, Elewick, Hanslick, Filippi, Biaggi and d'Arcais. Besides the names

of Elewick and Hanslick, all the others are of French/Belgian and Italian

origin (which again demonstrates the influences of France and Italy within

the Portuguese cultural milieu).

The libretto did not raise any scandal.Gervsio Lobato, the main

journalist of the general periodical 0 Occidente, used the term "small

just to identify the strangenessthat some members of the public

scandal"245

may have found in the opera's being presented in such a "serious" room as

the Opera House. The same journalist argued: "all that [in the opera] is

piquant, very strange on a stage such as the one of RTSC; it departs from

the ordinary routine of the operas that we are used to listen to; it gives to the

opera of Bizet, besides the charm of all its prodigious beauties, the charm of

novelty". 246Another reviewer, writing for the music periodical Gazeta

244See A. de V., "A Musica

em Lisboa", Jornal da Noite, XV/4.285-4.291, April 1885.
245"escandalosinho" ("Chronica Occidental", VIII/227: 11 Apr. 1885,82).
246"tudo
aquillo tem um tom picante, extranho no palco do theatro do S. Carlos, sae fora
do ramerro vulgar de todas as operas que estamos habituados a ouvir, d a opera de
Bizet, alem do encanto de todas as suas prodigiosas bellezas, o encanto da novidade.
[... ] tudo aquillo tern um tom picante, extranho no palco do theatrode S. Carlos, sae for

109
 Musical, criticized the creation of Meilhac and Halevy's Micaela as a

dislocated "ideal character" in the opera, which was felt to be "unnecessary

[... ] among such depraved characters".247Though the triviality of the

subject, portraying the lower classesand their culture, was not opposed, the

character of Carmen was seen as an immoral one, marked by the total

absenceof any moral values, something that, for the press, was well served

by music which, without "dramatic effects and superficialities", depicted so

well the "coldness", the "indifference", the "shrewdness" of such a

creature.248

The production was, in general, praised by the press. The most critical

points fell upon what was considered extraneous to the spirit of the opera.

One of them, shared by more than one critic, was concerned with the

performance of the singers, undertaken according to the "Italian mode; that

is, lots of vocal effects, lots of pose, lots of large movements, but very

limited elegance, limited grace and the absolute absence of verve". 249

Another one concerned the introduction of three ballets taken from other

operas of Bizet which were introduced in the fourth act, leading the

reviewer of Jornal da Nolte to write: "These three numbers form an

orchestral suite which has been performed in several concerts. [... ] In spite

do ramero vulgar de todas as operas que estamos habituados a ouvir, d opera de

Bizet, alem do encanto de todas as suas prodigiosas bellezas, o encanto da novidade. "
(Gervsio Lobato, op. cit. )
247"desneccessario [... ]
no meio de to repellentes caracteres" (Delio, "S. Carlos", Gazeta
Musical, I114: 15 Apr. 1885,74).
zaeA. de V., "A Musica
em Lisboa", Jornal da Noite, XV/4.289,9-10 Apr. 1885,2.
249"
segundo o modo italiano; isto 6, muitos effeitos de voz, muita pose, muito movimento
largo, mas muito pouca elegancia, menos grata, e absoluta falta de verve." (Delio, op.
cit. ).

110
 of the beauty of th[at] music we are sure that if Bizet were alive, he would

not have allowed that addition to his opera. The music of the first two

numbers has an oriental character and the last one has nothing to do, either,

with the Spanish genre. Bizet who took such care with the form [... ]

wouldn't have tolerated that anyone would change the good disposition of

his thorough work with this surplus of music, which, even if removed from

his operas, is dislocated in the score of Carmen". 25

The work of Massenet, specifically his operas, though preceded by an

extensive publicity and therefore much anticipated, suffered by comparison

with that of Wagner. While Jlio Neuparth, the critic of the respected

musical periodical Amphion, assessedthe French composer as one of the

most successful among the followers of Wagner, and the greatest hope of

the French school,"' the majority of those who wrote at the time of the

premiere of Le roi de Lahore (RTSC, 1884), considered Massenet of a level

quite inferior to the master of Bayreuth.252His music, labelled of the

"symphonic-dramatic" genre, was admired for its overall instrumentation

but did not please at the vocal level, namely that of the solos and duets. The

250"Estes tres
numeros formam uma suite d'orchestra que se tern executado em varios
concertos. [... ] Apezar da belleza da musica estamos certos, porem, que se Bizet
vivesse, nAo consentiria n'aquelle adicionamento introduzido na sua opera. A musica
dos dois primeiros numeros tern um caracter oriental ea do ultimo tambem se affasta do
genero espanhol. Bizet que prestava, como j dissemos, grande atteng5o raforma [... ]
nAo permittiria que the viessem alterar a boa disposigAo do seu reflectido trabalho corn
este augmento de musica extrahida, 6 verdade, de operas suas, mas que se acha
deslocada dentro da partitura da Carmen." (A. de V. "A Musica em Lisboa", Jornal da
Noite, XV/4.289: 9-10 de Apr. 1885,2).
251Jlio Neuparth,"A Herodiadede Massenet",Amphion,I11/2:16Apr. 1886,10.
252See Luciolo, "A Perfis Artisticos, I/15: Mar. 1882,5; Joaquim Jose
musica modern",
Marques "Theatros: S. Carlos", Amphion, I/ 3,1 May 1884,3; Delio, "S. Carlos",
Gazeta Musical, V5: 15 Apr. 1884,18.

111
 poem was highly criticized and the composer was censured for putting his

talent at the service of a "futile, slushy, hollow" libretto. "'

The reception of this opera by the audience was not very clear, as it

was given in contradictory terms by the press. For some, the ten

performances of Le roi de Lahore were a "big, noisy and well-earned

triumph", 254 which caused "ten completely full rooms and endless

applause".255For others, the effect produced by the opera did not echo the

"fame with which its author [wa]s quoted in the foreign press, and [did not

measure up to] the impatient and favourable expectation with which the

dilettantes awaited the performance of the French opera"."'

Seldom were the opinions of the critics consonant with the majority of

the public. In the domain of opera this distinction comes forward very

clearly. Even if within the press views are naturally diverse, the critics of

the main or most widely-read newspapers (Dirio de Noticias), cultural

periodicals (0 Occidente) or musical journals (Amphion) assumed a

precursory and educative role towards the general public, preparing the

audience thoroughly for the reception of the first operas in Portugal of

Wagner and Massenet, viewed during this period as among the most

253"futilissimo
e piegas, vasio" (Joaquim Jose Marques, "Theatros: S. Carlos", Amphion, V
3: 1 May 1884,3).
254Grande triunpho
ruidoso e merecido" (Julio Cesar Machado, "Folhetim", Diario de
Noticias, XX/6.541: 10 Apr. 1884,1).
255"dez enchentes
enormes,e de applausossemconto" (Unsigned,"As nossasgravuras:0
rei de Lahore", 0 Occidente,VII/193: 1 May 1884,98).
256 fama
com que o nome do seu auctor 6 citado nas chronicas estrangeiras,
expectativa impaciente e favoravel com que o dilettantismo aguardava a exhibico da
opera franceza." (Delio, "S. Carlos", Gazeta Musical, 1/5: 15 Apr. 1884,18). For an
overview of the operas performed at RTSC on the 1880s seeAppendix 4.

112
 prestigious European musicians. Their attitudes towards the composer of

Lohengrin and the French composer were very similar, the common element

being the ideal of progress. In a period in which the Portuguese

intellectuality was dominated by the reception of positivist theories, Wagner

was perceived as an evolutionist rather than a revolutionist. In the field of

music - no longer through his essays,whose value decreasedin favour of

his works - his place came at the top of a pyramid representing the apogee

of European music and of Western civilization. The public reacted to the

critiques with curiosity and crowded the premieres, but interest in him

decayed immediately thereafter. The reactions to the performance of

Lohengrin reflect the same dichotomic responses. While the two main

reviewers who wrote about the premiere of Lohengrin, Batalha Reis and

Jose d'Arriaga, both non-musicians, based their reviews upon the concept of

Gesamtkunstwerk, the public reacted in a contrary manner, interrupting the

musical action to applaud or to request the repetition of the most appreciated

parts.

Carmen, a French work, was the opera where the two positions (those

of the critics and the rest of the audience) were closest, as observed by one

reviewer: "In our time we had never seen such a complete success in S.

Carlos, so unanimous and so long-lasting [... ] The opera of Bizet is a

strange delight for the ears of everybody, from the rare connoisseur of

music to the casual spectator of the balconies.""' The more in-depth critique

257"De
nosso tempo nunca vimos em S. Carlos um successo to completo, to unanime e
to duradouro [... ] A opera de Bizet 6 um regalo estranho para os ouvidos de toda a

113
 was concerned with the dramatic veracity and the close relationship between

the music and the drama, while the less specialized reviewer emphasizedthe

pleasure for the ears, such as in the words of Gervsio Lobato: "people

came out of the theatre singing the main passages.""' Nonetheless, for the

most part, Carmen was "one of the most genial and original works of

modem art". 259

Whatever nationality the opera was, with the premiere of Lohengrin,

the music of Wagner would constitute an inevitable reference point for all

kind of music performed at the RTSC. The concepts that guided many

critiques were, as observed, the tight connection between the music and the

text, and the accurate depiction of the characters. Also valuable to many

critics were the elaboration and control of the harmonies and the detailed

orchestrations. The verisimilitude of the plots, the respect for the scores as

written by the authors, the coherence of the staging and the consistency of

the interpretations, if not followed by every critic, were present in several of

the more significant musical reviews. It was in these areas that the critics

were clearly differentiated from their audiences, most of whom were

interested primarily in the melodic character of the music and in the

virtuosity of the performers.

gente, desde o raro entendedor profundo de musica ate ao espectador adventicio das
varandas". (Gervsio Lobato, "Chronica Occidental", 0 Occidente, VIII/228: 21 Apr.
1885,89-90).
258"a
gente sae do theatro cantarolando-]he o principaes trechos." (Gervsio Lobato,
"Chronica Occidental", 0 Occidente, VIIV227: 11 Apr. 1885,82).
zs9"uma das
obrasmais geniaese de maior originalidadeda arte moderna"(Unsigned.,"S.
Carlos",Diario de Noticias XX/6.899: 7 Apr. 1885,1).

114
 II 2.3. Portuguese opera

It was within this context that five operas by four Portuguese

composers were performed during the 1880s at RTSC 260The ones with the

greatest impact were those by Augusto Machado - Lauriana (1 March

1884) and I Doria (15 January 1887) - and Alfredo Keil's D. Branca (10

March 1888). The first of these,Lauriana, was awaited eagerly, since it had

been premiered in Marseilles the year before and had received a positive

reception, in spite of being a first opera by an unknown composer.

Following the "indifference" and the "dissatisfaction" caused by the two

previous operas,26' the Press called attention to this work since they had

recognized its composer as mastering the techniques of composition after

the presentation of his four operettas at TT. 262During the dress rehearsal, the

Opera House had already been crowded. The royal family, whose presence

had been precluded by the death of the king's sister, had installed a special

telephone system in the palace so that they could listen to the opera.161

Lauriana seems to have been conceived for the opera house of

Marseilles from the outset." The subject was taken from the novel Les

Beaux Messieurs de Bois Dore by Georges Sand and adapted for the theatre

260Frederico
Guimares, Beatrice (29 March 1882), two performances; Augusto Machado,
Lauriana, eleven performances in 1884 and two in 1885; Visconde de Arneiro, La
Derelitta (14 March 1885), seven performances; Augusto Machado, I Doria, eight
performances; Alfredo Keil, D. Branca, nine performances.
261These operas Miguel Angelo Pereira, Eurico (RTSC, 23 February 1870) and
were
Visconde do Arneiro, L'Elisir di Giovinezza (RTSC, 31 March 1876).
262See Chapter I,
p. 59.
263SeeDiario Illustrado, XIII/3.890: 2 Mar. 1884,1.
264It is
not yet known how this opportunity came about.

115
 by Paul Meurice. Georges Sand, who had first refused the proposition of

having her novel adapted as a comic opera by a composer from Lille,

Theophile Semet, consented to its adaptation by Augusto Machado in

1876.265

The plot, set in the 17th century, deals with such historical facts as

absolutism and Catholic extremism (specifically, the Inquisition). Such

themes were, as we noted, highly topical in Antero in 1871. Catholic

fanaticism was also a key theme in discussions of Meyerbeer's Les

Huguenots during the same decade. 266So it is likely that Machado, having

followed the debates of the Cenacle and being the principal person

responsible for musical topics within that group, "' might have been

influenced by the climate of ideas of that period when looking for the

subject of his opera. Z"' However, by 1884, the theme did not raise any

particular comment; instead, it was a matter of regret that the author did not

seek to use a national subject. Deemed a talented and proficient composer

26$This operawas the subject

of a dissertationby PaulaGomesRibeiro, "Lauriane ou les
Beaux Messieurs de Bois-Dore. Metamorphose de 1'Oeuvre (du roman de Sand As
1'Opera de Machado), dramaturgie, poetique et Semiologie Musicale" (Masters
dissertation. Universite de Paris VIII, 1995). The play by Paul Meurice, premiered in
Lisbon in 1864 at TDM II under the title Os fidalgos de Bois-Dore, in a translation by
Pinheiro Chagas, was also performed in Paris in 1862 and 1867, and may have been
seen by Machado in one of the two towns.
266See Chapter I, 83.
p.
267On the
participation of Augusto Machado in the Cenacle, Batalha Reis, one of its
principal founders, wrote: "Augusto Machado was already, at that time, the artist and
musician of this group: every time that a political or social revolution was being
planned - as happened at least once a week -a Marseillaise was ordered to Augusto
Machado for the use of insurgents".
"Augusto Machado era, j ento, o artista, o musico d'este grupo: sempre que se
planeava alli uma grande revoluco politica ou social, -o que se fazia, pelo menos
uma vez por semana, - encommendava-se a Augusto Machado uma marselheza para
use dos insurgents" (Jaime Batalha Reis, "Augusto Machado", 0 Occidente, VI/ 148: 1
Feb. 1883,26-27).
268If the
subject in the opera is at the back of the plot, in the novel of Georges Sand it has a
central role.

116
 by knowledgeable musicians, he was believed to meet all the necessary

conditions to be the natural creator of national opera.269Certain critics

encouraged the collecting of national songs, as other European countries

were already doing. 27

The opera underwent some changesin moving from the French scene

to the Portuguese one, such as the translation into Italian (in accordance

with the rule at RTSC) and the replacement of the dialogues by recitatives,

which led the composer to re-classify the work from opera comique to

grand opera."' Besides these aspectsof French influence, the critics pointed

out others, such as the long ballet scene with its marked influence from

Delibes.272The Press highlighted other deviations from previous Portuguese

operas heard at the Opera House, such as the care spent on orchestration,

which, according to the critic Ferreira Braga, drew attention away from the

voice -a fault, in his opinion. "'

269See Joaquim Jose Marques, "Lauriana: Opera de A. Machado ea musica nacional II

-
Parte", Amphion, 1/2: 16 Apr. 1884,3-5.
270Ibidem.
271Paula Ribeiro,
op. cit.
272Unsigned, "Theatro de S. Carlos", Jornal da Noite, XIV/3.955: 3-4 Mar. 1884,2.
273"In this
composition one can notice, several times, the tendencies of its author towards
the new Wagnerian model of musical drama. In so doing, he has failed, perhaps. It
would be more desirable that he would free his inspiration than sacrifice it to the
harmonic combinations, thus forgetting the immense power of such a natural instrument
as the voice. "
"N'esta composigo notam-se por vezes, as tendencias do seu auctor para 0 novo modo
de dramatisago musical, cuja iniciativa se deve as theorias wagnerianas e6 talvez
n'este ponto que o maestro se enganou, porque seria preferivel dar livre curso sua
inspirago, do que sacrifical-a sciencia das combinag6es harmonicas, esquecendo o
grande proveito que podia tirar do instrumento natural -a voz. " (Ferreira Braga, "A
Lauriana ea Derelitta", Revista Theatral, 98).

117
 Although the reception of the public was enthusiastic, allowing eleven

performances and leading to its return the following year, something that

had not occurred for a long while, the opera did not achieve more than two

presentations in 1885.274Some critics had pointed towards the difficult

conditions faced by composers in Portugal in 1884 - such as the scarcity of

opportunities to present their works, and the absence of financial support

during their years of study to enable their participation in musical events27.

or the poor state of operatic productions - to show that a composer could

not be judged in absolute terms, as argued by Gervsio Lobato: "to judge

the work of a new author in the same way as that of a consummated artist,

who lives in a great artistic milieu, possessing an immensity of works, a

matured talent, strengthenedby experience and study, is highly unfair". Z'6

With his second opera, the lyric drama I Doria, Machado turned his

back again on the emergent nationalism. This time, the subject was taken

from the tragedy by Schiller, Die Verschwrung des Fiesco zu Genoa

(Fiesco, or the Conspiracy of Genoa), with libretto by Ghislanzoni.

The critics welcomed the shift from the genre of comic opera to opera

seria and commended the composer for his mastery of the genre. It was

assertedthat he had followed similar ideals to his previous opera: "a major

274These data
are taken from the work 0 Teatro de S. Carlos, by Moreau, Mario (1999), H.
275J. J. Marques, "Lauriana I", Amphion, I/1: 1 Apr. 1884,4.
276"applicar
obra d'um auctor novo o mesmo criterio severo e frio, que se aplica obra
d'um artista consumado, que alem de viver nos grandes meios artisticos, tem a mo jA
assente por uma immensidade de trabalhos eo talento amadurecido por um grande
numero de annos de experiencia e de estudo, 6 profundamente injusto" (Gervasio
Lobato, "Chronica Occidental", 0 Occidente, VII/188: 11 Mar. 1884,58).

118
 preoccupation with modem orchestration", leading to the dominant

"symphonism of the fourth act"; the division of the opera into scenesinstead

of numbers; and the use of motives, which some critics associated with

Wagnerian Leitmotifs. On the other hand, the reviewers noticed a lesser

importance given to the ballet scenes and the abandonment of the

"simplicity", the "light ornamentation", the "soft and transparent

colouring", and the "delicate accentuation" of his last opera in favour of a

"rigorous expression", a "passionate energy", a "sentimental force" and an

"effective sonority" so as to submit the music to Schiller's drama.2' In spite

of the changes observed, most critics still detected some reminiscences of

the Italian style and, above all, a strong French influence, specifically from

Massenet. Machado once again received the recognition of educated

musicians."' A critic of a daily newspaper labelled him a "composer of

intelligence", by which was meant the combination of strong knowledge

and genius, and that (according to the critic) while he was not a Rossini, a

Meyerbeer, a Verdi, a Donizetti or a Bellini, he was at the same level as

other "distinguished composers who are well known in contemporary

music". 279The use of material by a foreign writer, instead of a national one,

as the basis of the subject of the opera was again lamented by the Press,280

although it was recognized that it would be hasty to attempt to write a

277"singeleza", "ligeiro
rendilhado", "colorido suave e transparente", "accentuago
delicada", "expresso rigorosa", "energia apaixonada", "forga sentimental",
"sonoridade efficaz" (A. de V. "Musica em Lisboa: "I Doria", Jornal da Noite,
XVII/4.899: 16-17 Jan. 1887,2).
278The Associacao Msica 24 de Junho
nominated him as its honourable member. (0
Economista, VI/1.613: 16 Jan. 1887,3).
279"compositores distinctos,
que tem nome notavel nos annaes da musica contemporanea"
(A. de V. "Musica em Lisboa: "I Doria", Jornal da Nolte, XVIV4.899: 16-17 Jan. 1887,
2).
280See Alberto Pimentel, "Folhetim", OEconomista, VU1.614: 18 Jan. 1887,1.

119
 Portuguese opera, inasmuch as the characteristic elements of folksongs

remained unknown. 281

The great expectationsplaced by the Presson Alfredo Keil's first

opera were of a different kind from those on Machado.282Keil had become

known particularly through his patriotic cantata Patrie, 283performed at

RAAM. 284
Now, with the lyric drama D. Branca (RTSC, 10 March 1888) -

whose subject was taken from a poem by one of the main representatives of

Portuguese romanticism, the writer Almeida Garrett the hopes of

-

281According to
a reviewer, that task should have been undertaken by the state, because
only the state had the necessary financial means at its disposal. (A. de V. "Musica em
Lisboa: "I Doria", Jornal da Noite, XVI/4.899: 16-17 Jan. 1887,2).
282While Augusto Machado
was described in the Press as an accomplished professional,
applauded by his peers in every artistic manifestation, recognized among the music
teachers as the legitimate director of the school of music, Alfredo Keil, instead, was
labelled his whole life as a very talented and inspired amateur. A critic of a daily
newspaper gave a portrait of him which reflected the opinions of many others very
closely: "Keil did not study in highly-respected conservatories, he is not a common
presence in the great centres of art, nor is he an intimate friend of famous artists and
composers. What he knows, he owes to himself, to his tenacity, to his violent love for
the lyric theatre. // He is a fanatic and a poet, an artist. His greatest wealth is his talent,
his greatest force is his determination, his fixed idea for creation, for knowing, for
imposing himself. He spares nothing to achieve his goal, neither work, nor money, nor
comfort, nor health."
"Keil no se educou em conservatorios reputados e no frequenta habitualmente os
grandes centros da arte, nein convive na intimidade dos artistas e compositores celebres.
O que Babe deve-o principalmente a si, a sua tenacidade, ao seu violento amor pelo
theatro lyrico. // E um fanatico e um poeta, um artista. 0 seu melhor capital 6o talento,
a sua maior forga 6a persistencia, a idea fixa de crear, de saber e de se impr. Nada
poupa para alcancar o seu fim, nem trabalho, nem dinheiro, nem commodidades, nem
Saude." (Unsigned, Novidades, XI /3.647: 22 Feb. 1896,2).
283This
work had been dedicated to those on expeditions to Africa. According to the Press,
it was sung by "a choir of a hundred and sixty aristocratic music-lovers at the Coliseu
dos Recreios. Everybody dressed elaborately, everything especially embellished. [... ]
The Cantata was introduced to the Press as the 'idea of a person who has the sacred duty
of protecting his Motherland against the foreign invasion'. "
"Um coro de cento e sessenta melmanos aristocrticos cantou-a no Coliseu dos
Recreios, todo o mundo arranjado e engalanado. [... ] A cantata foi explicada na
Imprensa como a 'ideia de um povo se possuir do dever sagrado de defender a sua ptria
contra a invasAo estrangeira."' (Rui Ramos, "0 cidado Keil: 'A Portuguesa' ea cultura
do patriotismo civico em Portugal no fim do seculo XIX", in Mafalda Magalhes Barros
(ed.), Catlogo da ExposigdoAlfredo Keil (1850-1907), [Lisboa: IPPAR, 2001], 478).
284In the first
concert, which took place at TT on 8 March 1884, only the Prelude was
performed. Two months later, on 16 May, it was repeated in a larger venue at Coliseu
dos Recreios.

120
 attaining the much sought-after national opera loomed large. Both the name

of the writer and his poem held plenty of meaning: Garrett had been one of

the first collectors of popular literature in Portugal and with this poem he

had demonstratedhis adherenceto Romanticism.

The subject, which seems to have been influenced by Wieland's

Oberon,"' speaks about a Portuguese princess kidnapped by a Moor, with

whom she fell in love, before entering the monastery. Every component of

the poem offered the composer a vast field of possibilities: the nationalist

component through the Portuguese conquest of Algarve during the remote

period of the 13th century; the representation of the exotic through the

depiction of Arab myths; the element of religious confrontation, so common

in grand opera, in the battle between the Catholics and the Muslims. Besides

composition, Keil was also a recognized painter, and a man who devoted his

life to the arts.286His multifarious artistic capacities could therefore be used

in the creation of a magnificent mise en scene, a task he carried out while

expending a huge sum of money. The wardrobe and accessories were

carefully reproduced from originals made by him and by some of his

friends; some of the jewellery and accessories came from Paris; the

illumination was built upon "a dazzling electric light"; the orchestra had

four comets made expressly for the opera; onstage there were over three

hundred extras employed in walk-on parts; and the rehearsals numbered

285To
what extent Weber's Oberon may also have attracted the composer is not known.
286Besides his
activities as composer and painter, he was also dedicated to writing and
photography.

121
 around forty. "" Excitement over the opera grew with the initial reports, long

before the premiere, of the magnificence of the staging. Hence when the

dress rehearsal took place, the theatre was completely full. According to one

reviewer, "there was [a] public for three full rooms". "'

The critics wrote abundantly about the opera. Everyone welcomed the

subject for its national character and for being taken from the literature of

such a worthy writer. "' Nonetheless it was regretted that only the subject

was Portuguese, not the music. The name of Wagner enabled a number of

authors to draw parallels such as the use of the legend in Keil's opera as

compared to the myths of Wagner's, the effects used by Keil in the scenery

and the concept of opera as drama. The same relationships were drawn

concerning the use of motives, the role of the orchestra or the process of

dialogue between the instruments and the voices. The only common element

it bore with Laureana, as noted in these reviews, was a marked influence

from Massenet (as well as of other composers, the Italians included), which

led to the general feeling that the opera lacked unity of style. In spite of all

its defects, the opera reflected, for most of the reviewers, a major talent but

an as yet unperfected craft. In the end, the work elicited great admiration

and the composer was encouragedto continue.

287Details
of the staging were given by several newspapers, namely the following: Diario
de Noticias, XXIV/7.962: 13 Mar. 1888,1; Jornal da Noite, XVIII/5.294: 11 Mar., 2.
288"Havia
alli publico para tres enchentes" (J.N., "D. Branca: 0 ensaio gerat", 0 Reporter,
1/69: 10 Mar. 1888,1. The daily newspaper 0 Dia mentioned that 100 standing tickets
had been sold. (Unsigned, "Espectaculos: Dona Branca", 0 Dia, 72: 10 Mar. 1888,2).
289It seems that
a critic from the daily newspaper Correio da Manhd was the only one to
criticize the opera very negatively. It has not been possible to read what he wrote, as
this newspaper was not accessible in the National Library during the period when
research for this study was undertaken.

122
 These projects by the two most esteemed composers of the period

present different options, although based on co-existing trends within the

country: the desire to integrate current trends from modem Europe and the

need to create a national opera, which would also be cosmopolitan in

appeal. In every component of the operas of Machado, one can perceive his

intention to share a cosmopolitan space, specifically a French one: in the

choice of the original writer; in the selection of the librettists, the French

Magne and Guion for Lauriana, the librettist of Aida for I Doria; in the

Opera House where the opera was first staged; in the central reference point

for both operas, i. e. French music. Machado's crossing of frontiers here

reflects the inclinations of those who longed to integrate the most modern

European trends with Portuguese culture. As regards Alfredo Keil, his

works Patrie and D. Branca reflect the desire of the composer to establish

himself as the major representative of a national school in music. The

choice of subjects already foreshadows the protagonistic role that he was to

play in the future.

Both men represented major hopes for a public that, since the middle

of the century, had no key figure in the domain of music. In proposing

models that distracted from the prevalent taste of the public for Italian music

and approached more closely contemporary models such as the new French

music, both demonstrate, to a greater or lesser degree, the wish to follow

Central European models. Although choosing different means by which to

achieve their goals, each of them had to face the poor conditions of

123
 production within the country and its isolation from the principal

mechanisms for the diffusion and dissemination of their music.

Each of the operas reflects the constraints of the milieu in which they

were produced. In the case of Lauriana, although written in 1876, it was not

until 1884 that it was premiered in Lisbon. When it was finally produced, it

faced a totally different climate of ideas, as nationalism was beginning to

invade the country from the north to the south. The lack of alternative Opera

Houses29compelled composers to write new works which then had to wait

until an impresario decided to present them. Hence, if I Doria was produced

only three years after Lauriana, the next opera by Machado was not

premiered until eleven years later. As to Keil, his second opera, Irene, had

to wait eight years to be performed. Meanwhile, neither composer had the

chance to have their works produced elsewhere in the country. Moreover,

the number of presentations for each opera was always few, even in the case

of their most successful years. The maximum number of presentations

obtained in two years by Lauriana and D. Branca was thirteen and twenty

respectively. "' The non-existence of alternative Opera Houses posed

additional problems. The first work by each national composer suffered,

inevitably, from confrontation with the repertory that arrived in Lisbon after

being acclaimed abroad. Thus, most of the time, the "sacred" was judged in

parallel with the "profane". If a composer was not successful with his first

opera, as was the casewith Miguel Angelo Pereira's Eurico, Freitas Gazul's

290The Opera House in Oporto followed

the same orientation as the one in Lisbon.
291Lauriana had
eleven performances in 1884 and two in 1885; D. Branca was performed
nine times in 1888 and 11 in 1889.

124
 Fra Luigi di Sousa or Frederico Guimares's Beatrice, he would see no

more operas of his produced.

The same critical observations addressed to foreign operas were

pointed out in relation to native ones such as I Doria. The reviewer of the

daily newspaper Jornal do Commercio criticized the composer for having

capitulated to the whims of the impresario in certain parts of the opera, thus

provoking "excrescences to the poem [... ] [and] a uselesspage in the third

act" 292when, after the completion of the work, he was asked to add one

more aria for the soprano in order that she had another chanceto shine.

These contradictory positions involving opposed opinions between the

critics and the rest of the audience, reflected old and new conceptions of

opera, though they also point to different levels of reception and constitute

one further burden to the composer who could count on no more than one

opportunity in the country to present his work.

292 4,
excrescencias p oema [... ] uma paging inutil a mais, no 3 acto" (Alfredo Krus,
do
"Chronica Musical: "I Doria", Jornal do Commercio: XXXIV/9.938: 16 Jan. 1887,1).

125
 II 3. Instrumental Music

113.1. TheAssociaco Msica 24 de Junho

In 1879, an orchestra named the Associaco Msica 24 de Junho

(henceforward AM), which comprised dissident musicians of the RTSC

orchestra, decided to invite a foreign director for a series of orchestral works

to be given in Lisbon at the "Saldo" of Trindade Theatre (TT). This

initiative, whose first concert took place on 6 April 1879, was received

enthusiastically by the Press as a whole. "Revealing", "amazing,

"surprising" and "impressive" were some of the words used by the

reviewers. According to the newspapers, these events aroused full

"admiration", "enthusiasm" and "fair pride" on the part of the public, who

reacted accordingly. The reviewers considered the usefulness of this

achievement to be two-pronged. Firstly, it contributed to the education of

the public; secondly, it provided a stimulus for the musicians, who could,

likewise, play the best repertoire for the orchestra, such as "the works of the

most important classical composers, Beethoven, Haydn, Mozart, Weber,

[and] Mendelssohn; the works of the earliest composers, Rameau, Handel,

Bach, Gluck, [and] Mehul; those whose works are more neglected, such as

Berlioz and Schumann; and also the more contemporary composers,

Wagner, Gounod, Massenet, Saint-Satins, Bizet, Joncieres, and others".293

293Unsigned,Diario de Noticias, XV/4.747: 28 Apr. 1879,1.

126
 One of the critics wrote a long report, in a daily newspaper, about these

events in France and other countries, to show the public how much this

practice was already familiar throughout Europe. The conductor invited for

the first series was the Spaniard Asenjo Barbieri (1823-1894), who was well

known to the Lisbon public from his zarzuelas. It was also known, from the

specialist Press,that he had been the person responsible for the first "serious

directing the works

initiative of a symphonic activity" in Spain, in 1859,294

of the Classical and Romantic composers.

Based on the reception of this initial event, the Press had no doubts

that classical music was going to triumph in Lisbon for the first time. "' The

excitement of the public, the critics commented, could only be compared to

the best nights at the Opera House. Finally, people listened with the utmost

religious silence to the works of the great geniuses of music. It was also a

unanimous judgement that the director had been totally responsible for its

success, inasmuch as he had strenuously worked with the orchestra, and

conducted with full understanding of the compositions, unveiling the inner

thoughts of the composer by detaching the smallest details of the work2'

and contributing to the empathy felt between the listener and the genius of

the composer. Finally, the critics suggestedthat another place, a larger one,

294Carlos Gomez Amat, "Sinfonismo

y msica de cmara en la Espafia del seiglo XIX", in
Actas del Congresso Internacional Celebrado en Salamanca: 25 de octubre -S de
Noviembre de 1985 (Madrid: Instituto Nacional de las Artes Escenicas y de la Msica,
1987), 220.
295As by Jlio Cesar Machado, "Folhetim", Diario de Noticias, XV/4.750: 1 May
argued
1879,1.
296Unsigned,0 Diario Popular, XIV/4.394: 7 Apr. 1879,1.

127
 should be chosen for such performances. The tickets could then be cheaper,

to facilitate the bringing of the music to a greater number of people.

Similar initiatives were pursued in the following years. Invitations

were extended to several foreign directors, and this move was received with

a high level of optimism from the Press since they considered the activity of

such directors a sign of unprecedented progress in the domain of musical

life in Lisbon. Larger venues were then chosen for the concerts, following

the suggestionsof the critics. 297

The Press enhanced the value of the concerts by arguing for the

intellectual and educative role offered by orchestral music. In contrast to

opera, which was perceived to belong to the domain of the frivolous,

mundane and fashionable, instrumental concerts offered pure music. People

would therefore attend such concerts just for the pleasure of listening to

297Due to the lack

of special concert venues, larger than those where concerts had
previously taken place, the multi-functional spaces, such as the Circuses, housed the
new orchestral series. In the years 1879 and 1880, the orchestra performed at Coliseu de
Lisboa, under the direction of Langenbach and T. Breton; in 1881, under O. Metra, they
took place again at the "Salad" of TT; yet, under E. Colonne, the Coliseu de Lisboa was
again chosen. The same happened with a short series of Popular Concerts under the
direction of Filipe Duarte. The second time Colonne came to Lisbon, in 1882, the
concerts were performed at RTSC. The Coliseu dos Recreios (another circus) and again
the "Salad" of TT were chosen for the concerts under Dalmau. In 1885 T. Breton came
once more for orchestral series, this time at a new space, the Zoological Garden and the
Coliseu dos Recreios; in 1887, E. Rudorff directed the orchestra at RTSC; and in 1888,
the concerts, under Arthur Steck, were performed at RTSC, and at the "Salad" of TT. It
seemsthat the spacesof the two Circuses (Coliseu de Lisboa, and Coliseu dos Recreios)
were chosen if a large audience was expected. Otherwise smaller venues, such as the
"Salo" of TT (which was a subsidiary and smaller venue of the Theatre) or the RTSC,
were preferred.

128
 music, since it did not have the apparatusof opera or the contribution of any

other art.298

For some time, reviewers had been writing about a major development

within music concerning its total emancipation from the word, and thus its

"philosophical" pretension. They emphasized the difficulty of writing

instrumental music, claiming that only a few composers had achieved

perfection in that field, as compared to the many who had obtained success

in the genre of opera. Harmony as well as form were highly valued and held

to be some of the most valuable components of this music. The other was

orchestration, as a consequenceof the evolution of the orchestra in modern

times. The complexity that instrumental music had achieved could only be a

matter of "religious respect", something that could only be reached by

cultivated people. In view of the importance of the moment - the rise and

understanding of orchestral music in the country - several critics stressed

the heavy responsibility that all reviewers should carry in informing and

educating the musical tastes of the audience.

Some of the critics praised the variety of the programmes, since they

offered either the classics or contemporary music, which they had advocated

for a long time. They noticed the same appraisal from the public, who

applauded whether a work was one of "the sacred Mendelssohn and

298V. M., "Concertos Dalmau", Perfis Artisticos, I1142:Mar. 1883,4.

129
 Beethoven or one of the profanes such as Massenet or Gounod". 299Others,

however, called attention to the challenges that a larger venue could pose to

a public with very different levels of music education. They therefore

advised a concert programme that sought a judicious balance and avoided

the exclusivity of the extremes - either the "high philosophical" or the

"very sentimental"."'

Apart from several international, well-known opera singers, who, after

presenting themselves at the RTSC, always participated in vocal and

instrumental concerts, the years 1880 and 1881 were particularly fertile in

terms of the instrumentalists who came to Lisbon. They included Annette

Esipova, Esmeralda Cervantes, Pablo Sarasate,and Camille Saint-Saens in

1880, and Sophie Menter, Giovanni Bottesini, Pablo Sarasate, and

Rubinstein, in 1881. The reactions differed according to each musician.

Pablo Sarasatewas considered artistically honest and fairly successful. One

reviewer described him as someone unprotected on the stage (that is,

without the support of personal charm): "he and his poor violin, "' very

much inferior in terms of seduction when compared to the glamour of a

prima donna, even to the ones of no distinction". 302Others, however,

stressed the technical skill of the performer, mastering the greatest

299Emilio Lami, "Concertos Associaco Musica 24 de Junho",

a grande orchestra pela
Pegs Artisticos, 1/21, May 1882,4-5.
300Jlio Cesar Machado, "Folhetim", Diario de Noticias, XVU5.125: 13 May 1880,1.
301It
was even the case when he was playing a Stradivarius.
302The first
part of this account expresses the transfer of the particularly strong effect of
the opera stage in contrast to the lack of its most visible elements when shifting to the
concert room. As Leppert has claimed: "listening in public was a profoundly visual and
aural experience." And both, seeing and listening, form the cultural experience."
(Richard Leppert, "The social discipline of listening", in Erich Bdeker, Patrice Veit
and Michael Werner (eds.), [2002], 460f).

130
 difficulties of his instrument, albeit lacking in expression. According to

these reviewers, the genius of Sarasatewas manifested in the opera motifs

he played in such a way that everyone was able to hear, for instance, the

little laughs of Faust's Mephistophele. However, at the same period, other

reviewers exhibited a dislike for the kind of programmes played by

Sarasate, which essentially comprised fantasies on operatic themes; they

described them as trifling, hollow and brash.303

The musician who best met the ideal of these critics was Anton

Rubinstein. Moreira de S, who travelled especially from Oporto to Lisbon

just to listen to Rubinstein, made a thorough description of each piece

played by the pianist, connecting every detail of his technique with the

musical text. Such aspects as complete mastery of technique, the total

understanding of the works performed, and the different interpretation given

to the various styles, were objects of his total admiration. He ultimately

summed up all his appreciations with the word "perfection". Another

component that impressed him was the total absence of self-exhibition,

which he could observe in the "immobility" of Rubinstein's body,

maintained throughout the recital. 304

Two distinct attitudes can be discerned in the reviews of these

performances. One author was touched by the sensationalism of the

virtuoso's skills in attending to the descriptive style of the music while

303Moreira de S
wasone of thosecritics. SeeArtigos de critica musical(Porto: Imp. A. J.
da Silva Teixeira, 1882),23.
304Ibidem, 7-12.

131
 distancing it from the apparatusof the opera stage, which reflects an attitude

that displaces the focus of attention from the performer alone to the music's

extra meaning. The other attitude has its focus on the understanding of the

work and the means at its disposal. Yet the sensationalist repertoire of

virtuoso performers did not appeal as much as before. When some

international musicians came to Lisbon in 1882, such as David Popper,

Emile Sauret and Carl Stasny, the latter

received a very cold reception from

the Press. One of the critics, commenting on his repertoire with disdain,

observed in a newspaper: that "C. Stasny, well known for his potpourris on

operatic motifs, is definitely not noteworthy. ""' Concerning the public who

attended the instrumental concerts, the Press detached [from the public] the

"virtuosi", "dilettanti", "artists", "writers" and "ladies". In general, it

comprised people of "refined taste", with a "well-guided education" and

having comfortable finances.

After Barbieri, other guest directors came to the AM irregularly,

including Colonne on 18 May 1881. This fact led the critics to comment that

the work initiated by the orchestra in 1879 could only be fully achieved with

a greater level of regularity and with maestros of consistent quality, since

they were not all of the same level. Otherwise the progress already achieved

would be lost, and the public would not be able to pursue their musical

education.

305"Carlos Stasny, de operas, no 6 de

conhecido pelos seus pot-pourris sobre motivos
certo uma notabilidade" (Unsigned, Dirio de Noticias, XVIIU6.006: 18 Oct. 1882,1).

132
 One critic expressedthe view that the public did not yet feel confident

in these kinds of performances, which had prompted a certain "hesitation"

or "distrust" from them, especially if they were requested to give an

opinion, which calls to attention the fear of being judged uncultured by

educated people.3o6This was something that, in those days, could harm the

social standing of those who yearned for the same status. Pure music

required a "process of initiation" in order for the listener to be able to

formulate a "judgement and `taste"'. 30' According to the same reviewer,

those who could formulate such an opinion were just "some", so the

"uninitiated" had little choice."'

This problem also had financial implications for an orchestra that was

afraid to invite big-name celebrities to direct it, fearing the losses that might

result. Contrary, for instance, to what happened to other European

institutions such as the Concerts Lamoureux or Colonne,309the AM had no

subsidies. The critics knew that the orchestra had already asked the

Government and the Municipality for financial help, which had so far been

denied. So they restated their request: since the authorities subsidized horse

306As Habermas
claimed: "Public opinion originated from those who were informed and
spread 'chiefly among those classes that, if they are active in large number, are the ones
that matter'. " (The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a
Category of Bourgeois Society [Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989], 102.)
307On this topic,
see Richard Sennett, The Fall of Public Man (London: Penguin Books,
2002), 209-210.
308Jlio CesarMachado,"Folhetim", Dirio de Noticias, XVIU5.472: 29 Apr. 1881,1.
309On this
subject, see Jann Pasler, "Building a public for orchestral music Les Concerts
Colonne", in Erich Bdeker, Patrice Veit and Michael Werner (eds.), op. cit., 209-238.

133
 and boat it
races, was time to finance these educational events instead and to

leave the entertaining events to private enterprise.310

Financial help arrived from the Municipality, at last, in 1887 and the

orchestra invited Ernst Rudorff" to be guest director. This choice was

highly praised by the specialist critics, who considered the German

musician to be the ideal person to perform the works of the German

composers, and to uncover their secrets. Programme notes were written for

each concert, so the public could be educated about individual composers

and works. Very cheap tickets were made available to the public. As before,

the Press assisted with this project and generated high expectations.

According to the reviewers, the first concert was very successful and the

orchestra was much praised for playing the most difficult works so well.

The authority of the director was unquestionable. So it seemed that the

whole project had been well prepared as it had been carried out with

success.

But after the following concerts, the public demonstrated an absence

of loyalty that was discouraging. Only a few people attended the next

concerts. Changes in the repertoire were suggested in order to meet the

tastes of a larger audience. According to a specialist reviewer, the director

consented to present less German music and more "French music of a light

3'0 Luiz Arthur Cardoso, "A Portugal I (A Associago Musica 24 de Junho)",

musica em
Perfis ArtIsticos, 11/33:Nov. 1882,7.
311 1840-1916. German teacher and editor. He succeeded
conductor, composer, pianist,
Bruch as conductor of the Stem Choral Society and conducted many concerts with the
Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra.

134
 character", as the daily press proposed. But the results were not an

improvement: "either the public did not think the same way as the Press, or

the Press had been deceptive".312The reason should have been neither of the

above, commented the same reviewer.

They concluded that the project that had begun in 1879 was far from

finished. The only performances cherished by the public were those with a

strong entertaining or social component, such as charity concerts. Pure

instrumental music, without the contribution of other arts, the apparatus of

opera, the charm of the divas, and so on, did not yet offer sufficient appeal

to larger audiences.However, Portugal could not escapethe changing times;

sooner or later it would succumb to modem currents.

If we consult Chart I, which shows the composers whose works

appeared ten times or more in concert programmes in Lisbon, we notice a

larger quantity of concerts in 1879 as compared with the following years.

The reason is that Josephine Amann and her husband, Ebo Amann, 3"

promoted open-air concerts nearly every day during the summer of that

year. That is also the reason why Strauss is strongly represented. On the

same chart we can observe that the Austro-German composers are most

strongly represented,immediately followed by the Belgian-French; the

312`o que
prova que ou o publico no pensava como a imprensa, ou imprensa se tinha
enganado" (Ferreira Braga, "Concerto Classicos", Amphion, IV/5: 1 Jun. 1887,36).
313Josephine Amann (Vienna, 1848-1887). She female directed it
created a orchestra and
in several Western towns, including Vienna and Paris. She was married to the
impresario Ebo Amann who was very active in Lisbon and responsible for the coming
of Bianca Donadio, Sophie Menter, Annette Esipova, Anton Rubinstein, Pablo Sarasate,
David Popper, Emile Sauret, Amalie Materna and others.

135
CHART I

AssociaCdo Msica 24 de
Junho
Concerts

N1879 01880 E 1881 1882 01883 01884 01885 01886 1887 7 1888 h 1889

190
180 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ---------------
170 - ---------------
160 ---------- ---------------
150 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
140 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

130 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

120 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

a,
vC 110 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

as
L
L
Z
100 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

u
e
90 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

80 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

70 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

60 -----------------------------------------------------------------

50 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

40 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

30 ------------------------------------------------------------------

20
10 mom-
im-
0
' U' y J k' 4r-* tz' p- r. ' Zf ri'
"1 C ' Cj -t* -le .i
4 :.o vw ` uua, J..
r', S y
LL
3 if
' U, E. --Z -h' QV Lc 49
3c,
u"er

Je Jm
Composers
 Italians come in third place. As regards the Portuguese, works by just one

composer, Emilio Lami, were played. "'

The expectations of the critics, in terms of the repertoire, were far

from having been met, yet the data demystify the idea that Italian music

dominated in Lisbon. Admittedly, that assertion came in the context of

opera, but concert repertory reveals a totally different picture.

Regarding the classics, Beethoven was the most performed composer.

Of his works for orchestra, the AM performed the First, Second, Third,

Fifth, Sixth, Seventh and Eighth Symphonies in their entirety; and the

overtures Egmont and Leonore No. 3. Of his concertos, only the Fifth Piano

Concerto was played in its entirety; the First Piano Concerto,and the Violin

Concerto were only partially heard. Of Haydn's output, the `Andante' from

the Op. 76 No. 3 String Quartet was often played in several different

transcriptions; of his symphonies, just one movement from a symphony [?]

and No. 52 was performed. Of Mozart's works, apart from the overtures to

his operas, only his Symphony No. 40 was played in its entirety.

Of the "earliest composers" suggested by the critics, such as

"Rameau, Handel, Bach, Gluck, [and] Mehul", no complete works for

orchestra were played, only arrangements or fragments from: Rameau's

Dardanus; Gluck's Orfeo ed Euridice and Iphigenie en Aulide. Bach was

314His works were

mainly Fantasiesupon operaticthemes,principally from Verdi.

137
 the composer who received the most praise from the Press. His works were

described in terms of the metaphysics of instrumental music: "He lived in

the ethereal domains of the vague and the indefinite". 315Although still

unknown to the public, he is described in a programme note as being "one

of the greatest and most fertile musical geniuses that has ever existed". "'

Regarding the "ignored ones" such as "Berlioz and Schumann", the

Damnation de Faust generated much enthusiasm not only within the Press

but also on the part of the public. One critic wrote the following on the first

page of the daily newspaperDirio de Noticias:

We knew the name of Berlioz, but scarcely anybody knew his music here,
and in any case it had never been heard in concerts in Lisbon. Though the
flight of those inspirations was grand and elevated, it did not escape the
public's notice. The orchestra, the director and that delicious and divine
music were applauded with an enthusiasm that was as if they [the public]
were saying, in a feverish cult, that even if God were on earth again, He -
never mind us! - would be delighted to listen to it... 317

The work was introduced by the French conductor Olivier Metra" in

1881 and later repeated by Colonne. Besides this work, which was

315"eile viveu nosdominiosethereosdo vagoe do indefinido" (Affonso Vargas,"Sebastio

Bach ", Perfis Artisticos, 1/4,Oct. 1881,6).
316"um dos maiores e
mais fecundos genios musicaes quo teem havido" (Programme note
from the concert of AM on 11 May 1887).
317"Conheciamos
o nome de Berlioz, raros conheciam aqui a sua musica, e, em todo o
caso, nunca ein Lisboa ella fora ouvida em concertos. Comquanto o voo d'aquellas
inspirapes seja levantado e alto, no passou fora do alcance das vistas do publico, que,
applaudindo a orchestra eo regente, saudou aquella musica deliciosa, divina, corn urn
enthusiasmo que parecia dizer, em fervoroso culto, que, ate Deus, se tornasse a andar no
mundo, se deleitaria de a ouvir, quanto mais nos!... " (Julio Cesar Machado, "Foihetim",
Dirio deNoticias, XVI J5.472: 29 Apr. 1881,1).
31sTo the
general acclaim of the Press, even if they had not liked the director as much. One
of the reviewers observed that "Inasmuch as Mr. Metra was the first director to afford
us intimate relationships with Berlioz, we owe him much gratitude. "
"por quanto Mr. Metra foi o primeiro director de orchestra que nos proporcionou
relaces mais intimas com Berlioz, e nos devemos-lhe por isso muita gratido. " (Ruy
Blas, "Concertos a grande orchestra", Perfis Artisticos, I/1, May 1881,3).

138
 frequently played, the Overtures Benvenuto Cellini, Carnaval romain and

Les francs juges were also directed during this period by Colonne.319Of

Schumann's works, only his Concerto Op. 54 and the Concertstck Op. 92

were performed by two Portuguese Rey Colaro and Oscar da Silva.

pianists,

Schumann was often described by the Press as "unintelligible", but in spite

of that he was claimed to be "one of the greatest composers after

Beethoven"."'

Finally the "contemporary" composers comprise the largest part of the

repertoire; especially well-represented are the French composers, such as

Ambroise Thomas, Gounod, Saint-Saens, Delibes, Bizet and Massenet.32'

The other composer belonging to the group of the "contemporary", as

defined by the critics, was Wagner. The works by the contemporary French

composersandby the Germancomposerthat wereperformedcanbe seenin

the tables below.

Complete works Parts of works

Ambroise Mignon, Overture, Polonaise, Entr'acte
Thomas Raymond, Overture
Le carnaval de Venise, Overture
Gounod Ave Maria Philemon et Baucis, Entr'acte et danse
Philemon et Baucis des Bacchantes
Hymne SainteCecile(arr. for Serenade
orchestra) Romeoet Juliette, Overture
Marche funebre dune marionette (for La Colombe, Entr'acte
orchestra) Le Medecinmalgre lui, Overture
Jesus de Nazareth, Chant evan eli ue Cin Mars, La conjuration

319According to Jann Pasler (Ibid. ), Colonne

was the person most responsible for the
reception of the works of Berlioz in France, through his concerts.
320Unsigned, "Mme. Schumann", Eurico, 1/6,1 Jan. 1885,3.
321Out
of this set of composers, and following chronological order according to first
concert performance: Ambroise Thomas was the first to be introduced in Portugal in the
context of the Concertos Populares in 1861; Gounod came in second place with a waltz
from Faust in 1864, and the entire opera the following year; Saint-Saens was introduced
in 1879 with Danse Macabre, conducted by Josephine Amann; Delibes by Olivier
Metra in 1880 with Sylvia; Massenet by Breton in 1880, with the suite Scenes
Pittoresques; and Bizet in 1881 by Olivier M6tra with L'Arlesienne.

139
 Dodelinette, Berceuse La Nuit [?]
Marguerite, Romance La Nonne San Tante Scene
Lalo Rapsodie Norve Tenne,for orchestra
Saint-Saens Danse macabre, Symphonic poem Concerto for piano [?], Andante,
Phaeton, Symphonic poem scherzo, finale
Concerto for piano [?] Samson et Dalila, Danse bacchanale
Introduction et rondo capriccioso, for
violin
Delibes Sylvia, Ballet Sylvia, valse, pizzicato, "Cortege de
Bacchus", "Les Chasseresses"
Coppelia,Valsede la poup6e
Guiraud Danse Persanne, Air de ballet
Bizet L'Arlesienne, Suite No. 1 SuiteArlesienne, Intermezzo, Minuet,
Farandole
La jolie fille de Perth, [?]
Menuet, for orchestra
Massenet Fete Bohemienne [?] Le roi de Lahore, excerpts
Les Erinnyes Eve, Prelude of the 2nd
part
Marie-Magdeleine, Oratorio ScenesPittoresques, "Marche", "Air de
Scenespittoresques, Suite No. 4 ballet", "Angelus"
Phedre, Overture Don Cesar de Bazan, Entr'acte
Les Enfants, Song La Vierge, Prelude of the third part and
"Le derniersommeilde la vierge"
Herodiade, Prelude of the 4thAct
Invocation d'Elektra, cello solo

From Wagner:322

Rienzi Overture
Tannhuser Overture
"Triumphzug"
Lohengrin Prelude of the 1S`Act
I' Finale
Introduction of the 3d Act
Entr'acteof the 3`dAct
"procession of ladies"
Album Bltter orchestra

The more notable absences, beyond those discussed above, are the

orchestral works of Schubert, Schumann, Brahms and Liszt. Of the last two

composers,just the Hungarian Dances and the Hungarian Rhapsodies were

played endlessly. As for Schumann, he was one of the most performed

composers in the field of chamber music, as we shall see.

322Wagner
was first premiered in the Concertos Populares in 1861, with the March from
Tannhuser. See chapter 1, footnote 186.

140
 Regarding the Portuguese composers, works by (at least) 27 of them

were performed, representing 9.4% of the total (see Chart II on the next

page). Some of the composers more represented in the chart, especially

Lami, Del Negro and Nascimento, were the ones who maintained the type

of benefit concerts characterised by this repertoire. Yet these concerts fell

abruptly out of fashion at the beginning of 1883. In general, the prevailing

orchestral genres of these composers during this period were marches and

overtures.

As outlined above, one of the largest concerns in respect of the

dissemination of orchestral music was, for the Press, the education of the

public. This was enhanced through proposals of the following: larger

venues; lower prices; accessible repertoires; and more continuous

performances. The public could thereby become used to symphonic music,

and therefore gain a better education and become more cultivated, which

were all necessarystepstowards a more elevated cultural spirit.

The repertoire was also one of the main concerns of the critics of this

period. For the reviewers there was a clear hierarchy concerning the value

of the different composers. The nomenclature they used made this point

very clear: with the words "high philosophical", they meant the classics or

the composers whom time had already canonized; "the profanes" referred to

contemporaries, the composers whom people should know in order to be up

141
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 to date, that is, in following the progress of the times. Concerning the first

group, the "high philosophical" German music came at the very top. Within

this pyramid, Haydn, who was considered to have assimilated several styles,

laid the foundation stone for instrumental music. Above him was Mozart,

who was considered an extraordinary musical phenomenon. At the very top

came Beethoven, the composer with solid ideals against everything and

everyone, inasmuch as he was the first who thoroughly achieved the ideal of

absolute music. This view led the press in due course to devalue the

"Pastoral" Symphony owing to its descriptive basis. The same hierarchy is

discernible in discussions of the "earliest ones". Bach was the composer

who came closest to the ideal of pure music within this group.

Within the broader hierarchy of composers and "schools", French

music came at a lower level, which was considered a kind of juste milieu,

because it was placed between German music and Italian music. At this

level, Berlioz represented the point of contact between the critics and the

public. At the very base of the pyramid lay Italian music. Its association

with melody and opera belonged to the past; to perform it, therefore, meant

decadence.

These hierarchies reflected the positivist theories disseminated

throughout Europe from then until late in the twentieth century, and

explored from the first nationalist currents onwards. Pfizner established

several developing stagesfor music, from the time it was "a baby initially in

143
 the care of a Dutch nanny", until its transition to "boarding school" in Italy,

and its ultimate development into a "beautiful, strong youth" in Germany

"from the mid-eighteenth century on". "'

The development of the orchestra was one of the most visible facets of

these evolutionist theories. The technical improvement of the instruments,

and the number of elements that it comprised (turning the group into an

anonymous mass), represented the clearest image of progress. This picture

is very clearly depicted in the text of one columnist:

those good gentlemen of the orchestra, who we see each winter at S. Carlos,
night after night, come rain or wind, two from Graca,324six from Pampulha,
five from the low town, ten from the high, three from Palhav, one from
Santa Apolnea, without mentioning those from Cruz do Taboado, Campo de
Ourique, S. JoAo da Praca, Santa Clara, Marquez de Abrantes, Santa Isabel,
Arroios, Lapa, coming every day, without ever failing to meet each other at
the S. Carlos, as if they had arranged for a game, being reduced to an
animated tool at the service of a maestro, who they never saw and they would
not see again, giving him the victory [... ] Each time that the curtain falls,
there is no more delight to keep them there even one more minute; with their
heads lowered, their shoulders aslant, they vanish through that black hole
leading to the mysterious cave shielded and covered by the stage.325

323This description is given in "'Is That Not Something for Simplicissimus?! ' The Belief in
Musical Superiority" by Albrecht Riethmller in Celia Applegate and Pamela Potter
(eds), Music and German National identity (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
2002), 291.
324This and the following namesrefer to different quartersof Lisbon.
325"aquelles bons senhores da orchestra,
que a gente ve, todos os invernos, em S. Carlos,
noite por noite, chova ou faga vento, dois da Graga, seis da Pampulha, cinco da baixa,
dez da alta, tres de Palhav, urn de Santa Apoldnia, no fallando nos da Cruz do
Taboado, Campo de Ourique, S. Joo da Praca, Santa Clara, Marquez de Abrantes,
Santa Isabel, Arroios, Lapa, virem, sem faltarem, nunca, por nunca ser jamais,
reunirem-se em S. Carlos, como se combinassem uma vaquinha de jogo, que consista
em se reduzirem proporgo de ferramenta animada e trabalharem em servigo de um
maestro, que nunca viram, nem ho de ver, ficando d'elle a victoria [... ] de cada vez
que se abaixa o panno, no ha encanto que os prenda ali um minuto mais; cabegabaixa,
hombros de esguelha, e ahi se somem por aquella negra buraca, que conduz As caverna
mysteriosas que o tablado resguarda e cobre" (J1io Cesar Machado, "Folhetim", Dirio
de Noticias, XVII/5.472: 29 Apr. 1881,1).

144
 On the other hand, the larger orchestras of the time required complex

harmonies, abstract forms, elaborate orchestration and, finally, the creator of

such a huge and difficult undertaking. There was therefore no longer any

place for the virtuoso who wanted to be the sole object of attention from the

audience. For some reviewers, virtuosi could just about be tolerated, insofar

as they represented the shift from opera (which involved a union with the

other arts) to the level of pure music. In this period, potpourris were the

object of very negative responses in the Press of Lisbon, while the

descriptive was tolerated since it reflected a transitional period. The most

highly valued element in this hierarchy was the performer who "revealed"

the creator, the composer. Through the depiction of the immobility of the

body of Rubinstein, the pianist, in the mind of the reviewer, attention was

drawn to the composer and not to the performer himself. The same attribute

was noted in Colonne and Rudorff, in creating a total empathy between the

composer and the public. The musician who best embodied this evolutionist

transition was the Portuguese pianist-composer Artur Napoleo, who began

as a child prodigy, proceeded to an international career as a virtuoso, and

developed into a thorough musician who finally devoted himself to the

performance of the classics.

Regarding the public, there was a nucleus formed by an intellectual

and social elite, whom the reviewer described as falling into the groups of

"virtuosi", "dilettanti", "artists", "writers" and "ladies". These were,

certainly, the connoisseurs of such music, either the professional musicians

145
 or the amateursthat maintained chamber music series in their private

houses. It can be supposedthat the remaining majority would be people who

attended for reasonsof curiosity but ultimately did not feel at easewith such

music, that is, they could not reach an accuratejudgment. As one reviewer

wrote:

The present concerts are pleasing, and they have to please more day after
day, and that is understandable. Many people, who do not have an opinion
from their own reflection, from their way of thinking or feeling, choose, most
of the time, an opinion at random from those of others, but they have to wait
until such opinions come out, so they can form their own. It is neither hate
nor indifference towards music [... ] it is not that, because in Portugal
everyone likes music. The only inconvenience, the embarrassment, the
hindrance, is the lack of one's own opinion, the uncertainty, the distrust that
we have, almost always, towards form one ... 326
everything, while we cannot

In earlier periods, everybody spoke about opera. Besides the text,

there was the diva and her cult to discuss. Now there was just music

produced through an anonymous mass of performers, without the assistance,

most of the time, of a text. One reviewer, much aware of the problem, when

commenting on a concert, confessed that he was speaking with the support

of very knowledgeable 32'

people. A disparity became manifest between the

preferences of the public in general and those of the critics. The latter were

informed by the international specialist press, above all by the French press,

which they quoted in their essaysregularly. But the rest of the public, who

326"Os
concertos actuaes estAo agradando, ho de agradar mais de dia para dia, e isto
explica-se: muita gente, que no tem opinio sua, fructo de seu prprio exame, do seu
modo de pensar e de sentir, escolhe, da maior parte das vezes ao acaso, uma opinio
entre as opinies de alguns, mas tem de esperar que apparegam essas opinies, para
formar a sua. No 6 ddio, nem indifferenga musica [... ] no 6 isso, porque em
Portugal toda a gente gosta de musica; o nico incoveniente, o embaraco, o estorvo, 6a
falta de opiniAo pr6pria, a hesitaco, a desconfianga que ha quasi sempre em n6s para
com tudo, enquanto no se assenta a opinio... " (Julio Cesar Machado, "Folhetim",
Dirio de Noticias, XVI J5.472: 29 Apr. 1881,1).
327GervsioLobato, "ChronicaOccidental",0 Occidente,X/300: 21 Apr. 1887,90.

146
 lost interest after the first concert performances, did not feel at ease over

something that was quite new to them: the purely instrumental.

The French works introduced through the 1880s met the tastes of the

public more easily, though many of them still came from the operatic

repertory, such as the many overtures and entr'actes. They represented, as

mentioned previously, the so-called "juste milieu" which was not exactly

the kind of music the critics advocated. So while France represented the

new musical focus for the public, Germany represented for the critics the

central and final goal.

II 3.2. Two Amateur Institutions

During the 1880s, two amateur musical associations were created.

Both had a deep impact on the musical life of Oporto and Lisbon. The first,

the Orpheon Portuense (henceforward OP), was created in Oporto on 12

January 1881; the other, the Real Academia de Amadores de Msica

(henceforward RAAM) appeared in Lisbon on 17 January 1884. The OP

was created by a group of 18 gentlemen of the bourgeoisie of the town

"with the aim of propagating the culture, the development of a refined

musical taste",328through the realization of a choral repertoire, other genres

of music, talks and the organization of a music library. "' The RAAM was

328"Tern
por firn a cultura, propagag5o e desenvolvimento de um apurado gosto musical" Art. 3.
The statutes were approved on 15 de October 1883. (Anon., Annaes do Orpheon Portuense
desde a sua Fundaco em 12 de Janeiro de 1881 ate ao fim de Maio de 1897: Contribuico
Para a Histria da Musica em Portugal [Porto: Typ. Do `Commercio do Porto', 1897], 153).
329Art. 3, Nos. 1,2 and 3. (Ibidem).

147
 founded by 15 gentlemen, composed of a few aristocrats and members of

the bourgeoisie, with the aim of "cultivating, developing and disseminating

music", 330through the constitution of an orchestra, a choir and a band, the

organisation of concerts of "classical music", the foundation of classes

directed by "a competent teacher", talks on music and the establishment of a

music library. Both were constituted and upheld by the elites of each town,

the RAAM being patronized by the king, from whom it received its "royal"

title.

Although their aims were very similar, their constituency was

different. While the main component of RAAM was its orchestra, intimately

connected with the school, the main goal of OP was the diffusion of the

choral repertoire,"' though they soon enlarged it to 332

other genres. Another

rather characteristic difference between the two was the role played by the

direction. Moreira de S,333as director of the OP, played a dominant part in

the life of the Association, "' while in the RAAM there was no such central

figure. Another important distinction between the two Institutions was

inscribed in the statutes of RAAM. They assumed a nationalistic agenda,

committing themselves to give one concert per year with Portuguese music

and to give the financial product of one major concert, every three years, to

330 ,[ desenvolvimento e propagago da arte musical. " ("Capitulo I-

.]a cultura,
Organisago e fins da Sociedade", in Estatutos da Real Academia dos Amadores de
Musica [Lisboa: Netto & Companhia, 1884], 3).
331Initially
comprising only male voices, but shortly afterwards including female voices.
332On 18 November 1887, they introduced
a chamber music series, which, in 18 January
1897, included the students (of Moreira de S). On 12 March 1898 they started a series
of "historical concerts", based on the history of the violin and the piano repertory.
333The
same person responsible for the series of chamber music in Oporto in 1874, see
chapter 1, footnote 172.
334He was
appointed perpetual director of OP on 4 May 1893.

148
 the best opera by a national composer.335Both associations were received by

the press with great enthusiasm, frequently stressing the high social status of

their elements and of their public. Finally, both had a long life and

representedmajor poles of musical activity in their associatedcity.

We will begin with the earliest one, the OP. The organization of the

programmes contained the same critical points that, almost a decade before,

Vasconcelos had already pointed out, concerning the series of chamber

music given from 1874 onwards.336The most striking points that call our

attention comprise the fragmentation of the works, the variety of genres

included in each concert and the arrangementsfor voices or instruments.

Two examples of such programmes are reproduced, verbatim, below:

Example 1

Orpheon Portuense, 29 May 1883

Beethoven Jesus ouvrier, for chorus337

Weber Freischtz, The Huntsmen's Chorus
Rubinstein Sonatafor viola andpiano,Andante
Schumann I' Song, for soprano with piano accompaniment
Chopin Nocturno No. 7, for piano
Henselt, A. "Si oiseau j'6tais toi je volerais", Etude for piano 33
Arroio, J. Flores sobre um tmulo, for chorus
Mendelssohn Quartet No. 1 with piano, Adagio
Moreira de S Rataplan, for chorus
Beethoven Quartet No. 4,1 stMovement
Schubert Le Tilleu1,339for chorus
Mendelssohn Concerto for violin, l" Movement
Schubert Impatience; 4Lied
Beethoven Quartet No. 9, Allegretto, Minuetto, Finale
Beethoven Le roi Etienne, for chorus341

335SeeEstatutos,
op. cit., 20
336See
chapter 1, pp. 80-8 1.
337'Andante' from the
sonata op. 57, arranged for chorus.
338From Douze
etudes caracteristiques, No. 6, op. 2.
339Der Lindenbaum
340Ungeduld

149
 Example 2

Orpheon Portuense, 23 January 1885

Beethoven Symphony "Eroica", 18tMovement

Beethoven "Ne m'oubliez pas", 342transcribed for a choir of six
female and male voices
Meyerbeer L'Africaine, "Figlio del sol"
Donizetti Don Pascoale
Mendelssohn Symphony-cantata, Allegretto
Moreira de S Tyroleza, Chorus divertissement for six female and male voices
Mendelssohn Loreley, "Chant des vandangeurs", Chorus for four male voices
Rossini II Barbiere di Siviglia, "Una voce poco fa"
Chopin Scherzo, No. 2 for piano
Keil, A. Suzana, Overture
Delibes Les nymphes du bois, Chorus for sopranos and altos with
accompaniment, arranged by Moreira de S
Liszt Hungarian Fantasy, for piano and orchestra

The most performedcomposers,with five or more occurrenceseach,

are the ones presentedin Chart III on the next page."'

We can see that the German composers come first, immediately

followed by the French and then by the Italians in third place. From this set

of composers we notice that the majority are contemporary; most of the

remainder belonging to the first part of the nineteenth century. Beethoven

appears as the earliest of the group; Moreira de S is the sole Portuguese in

the whole set.

341Knig Stephan,
op. 117, for a chorus of 4 male voices.
342Larghetto from the Second Symphony,
arranged for a chorus of six male and female
voices.
343The seriesof
chamberconcertsis not includedin this chartand will be treatedlater.

150
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 Beginning with Beethoven, just one movement from the First, Second

and Third Symphonies was heard. From the Second Symphony, the

Larghetto was performed based on a transcription for voices. Regarding the

concertos, those played were the Rondo-Allegro from the Violin Concerto

Op. 61 with piano accompaniment, and the Rondo-Allegro from the Piano

Concerto Op. 37 No. 3 with quintet. Concerning the whole set of sonatas:

one of the sonatas for piano Op. 27,344the sonatas for piano and violin Op.

30 No. 1 and Op. 47 were played in their entirety; from the sonatas for

piano Op. 31 No. 3 and Op. 111, just one movement was played; finally the

Andante of the Piano Sonata Op. 57 was arranged for chorus with French

words. Other works by Beethoven were the "Chorus of Dervishes" from Die

Ruinen von Athen, with orchestra; Adelaide, for soprano, harp and piano;

and severalchamberworks.

Concerning Mozart, none of his works were played. From Haydn, just

a Serenade for strings was performed. 3' From earlier composers, such as

Bach, Handel or Rameau, only the latter had some fragments from Castor et

Pollux performed. Other composers, such as Berlioz and Schumann, had

some songs, piano pieces and transcriptions for strings; from Liszt, a

Hungarian Fantasy for piano and orchestra and transcriptions for piano and

voice were heard.

344The numberof this sonatais not identified.

345The
numberis not identified.

152
 Due to the characteristics of this Association, most of the French

repertoire performed was for voice or chorus, except in the case of Saint-

Saens from whom they performed, among other pieces, the Serenade for

harp, organ, violin and viola [presumably Op. 15], the Piano Trio Op. 18,

the Spanish Fantasia for 2 pianos, Allegro Appassionato, Introduction et

Rondo capriccioso and La Jota Aragonese, for 2 pianos. See the table

below.

Complete works Parts of works

Ambroise La Vapeur, Scene chorale Le Roman d'Elvire, Aria for
Thomas soprano
Mignon, Romance
Hamlet, Scene et Air, for soprano
Gounod Faust, Aria for soprano
Mireille, Aria
Saint-Saens Allegro Appassionato, for piano [?]
Introduction et Rondo capriccioso, for
violin
La Jota Aragonesa, for 2 pianos
Piano Trio Op. 18
Serenade for harp, violin, viola and
organ
Spanish Fantasy, for 2 pianos
Delibes Les nymphes de bois, chorus for 3 Jean de Nivelle, "La Mandragore"
female voices with accompaniment [?]
Marche des Soldats, for chorus Lakme, Soprano Duet
Fabliau, para soprano
Bizet Carmen, Habanera
Massenet Chant du Crepuscule [?]
Heriodiade, scene and aria

With regard to Wagner, the repertoire consisted of Tannhuser's

chant of the "Elder Pilgrims" and the first song of Wolfram; Der Fliegende

Hollnder's ballad for soprano with female chorus and sextet

accompaniment; Die Walkre's Love song; and Siegfried Idyll, with

orchestra.

153
 Regarding the Portuguese composers, four were performed, although

the director was chief within the group (see Chart IV on the next page).

Their works represent 4.5% of the total of the repertoire. The prevailing

genre was vocal, due to the characteristics of this Association. Joao Arroio

and Alfredo Keil are the ones who appeared in the programmes of OP, the

latter with the Cantata Patrie and with the Overture of his operetta Suzana.

Besides these two composers, several pieces for piano by the pianist-

composer Alfredo Napoleo were performed.

As observed, the German composers were leaders among the others.

The director of the OP was a life-long supporter of the German classics and

romantics and, especially, of Wagner in relation to music drama and of

Brahms in the domain of instrumental music. The latter represented, for the

director, the highest step of musical thought in relation to pure instrumental

music, a "genius of an enormous ascetism, who refuses everything which is

merely pleasant to the hear, or which takes effect as the only goal. 316For

Moreira de S the worth of Brahms lay, chiefly, in the way he achieved "the

formal expression of the ideas", due to the highly abstract character of his

music. He admired, in the composer, the "inexhaustible and rich nexus of

episodes and secondary ideas, without ever losing the main idea"; the

elaborate harmonies, the modulations, the "extremely complex rhythm", the

infinite variety of colours.

346"um
ascetismo extraordinario, que se ope a tudo o que 6 meramente agradavel ao
ouvido ou que visa unicamente ao effeito" (Bernardo Valentim Moreira de S, Artigos
de critica musical [Porto: Imp. A. J. da Silva Teixeira, 1882], 13-15).

154
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led him to conclude that Brahms was the true successorto Beethoven.

Returning to the composers most often performed, the French, as we

have observed, come immediately after the Germans. This is representative

of a paradigm shift - the French composers taking the place of the Italians

-a situation that characterized, during the 1880s, musical life in the main

centres of Portugal, Oporto and Lisbon. Concerning Saint-Satins, for

instance, Moreira de S considered him one of the most notable French

contemporary composers. What he appreciated in him, above all, was the

simplicity, clarity and originality of some of his melodic ideas.34' Other

composers highly esteemed by the director were Grieg and the Russians.

The first he believed to be the "most national" of the contemporary

composers;... as to the others, he would write abundantly about them later

on.

Moreira de S was not only the central figure of the OP; he was also a

highly esteemed personality within Portuguese cultural life. In fact he was

greatly appreciated as a violinist, director, the founder of OP and also as a

teacher, music historian and essayist.349He was familiar with the French,

German and English languages, which allowed him access to a vast

literature, always present and updated in his texts. He travelled several times

34' Bernardo Valentim Moreira de S,

op. cit, 18.
sasMoreira de Sa "Programme
notes", in Colecco de programas de espectculos
musicals: 1736-1936, I, 298.
349He
published several essays; two books on the history of music, one of them
incomplete; and the collections of programmes performed by OP.

156
 to important musical centres in Europe, such as Paris, Berlin and London, in

order to be aware of what was being produced in the cultural domain. His

solid knowledge and cosmopolitan nature allowed him to have Pablo Casals

and Jacques Thibaud performing with the OP. He himself, as a violinist,

made several tournees to South America with Casals and Viana da Mota. In

the presence of such an important personality in the musical life of Oporto,

the reviewers bowed. Most of them venerated "one of the most

knowledgeable in musical subjects","' the "hard worker and intelligent boy,

one of the first musical talents of the country ", 351

the "gifted and unflagging

professional", 352
and so on. The choir he directed was said to present an

assemblage of good voices, performing with great equality of tone and

unity, very well disciplined and presenting a rich palette of colours. In most

critiques, the public, composed of the families of the musicians and their

guests, coming from the high society of the town, seem to react favourably

to the activities of the Association. If the positive aspects are always

extolled by the press, the less positive, above all the ones concerning the

performance and its organization, are seldom mentioned.

Yet the contradictions exhibited by Moreira de S, between what he

thinks and writes and what he does, are striking. As a director and the only

one responsible for the programming of the OP, he manifests an attitude still

strongly connected with old programmes, such as those mentioned before.

350um dos
mais entendidos em assumptos musicaes." (A Lucta, 174: 1 May, 1882,2).
351"d'esse trabalhador intelligente 6 dos talentos musicaes do
mopo e e que um primeiros
nosso paiz. " (A Actualidade, X/ 123: 31 May 1883,2).
352infatigvel talentoso
e professor" (0 Primeiro de Janeiro, 37: 6 February 1889,2).

157
 As an historian and essayist he reveals a knowledge that is very up-to-date

- sharp insights on several subjects and a broad interest in lesser-known

music, such as American music. In his History of Musical Evolution, 353

history, theory and analysis always come together. The influence among

authors and distinctions between similar works, or components of those

works, are specified. Not only the major composers of a certain genre but

others who have contributed to its development are pinpointed. Besides

composers and works, treatises, the musical press, the evolution of some

instruments (accompanying the composition), music societies and the

beginning of historical musicology are also mentioned and accompanied by

the main historical and social facts.

The musical life of the RAAM during the 1880scan be divided into

two periods, on the basis of the directors who were responsible for the

orchestra, its organization and programmes. The first was the Portuguese

Filipe Duarte (1855-1928), from the creation of the RAAM in 1884 (two

years later than the OP) until the very last concert in September 1887. The

second was the German Victor Hussla (1857-1899),354from October 1887

until his death in November 1899.

353Histria da
evoluco musical: desde os antigos gregos ate ao presente, (Porto: Casa
Moreira de S, 1924).
354Victor Hussla
was born in St Petersburg, but very early his family moved to Berlin
where he studied music. When Rudorf proposed him to direct the orchestra of RAAM,
he was playing at the Philharmonic Orchestra of Berlin. In the RAAM he not only
directed the orchestra but also taught violin, contributing to the expansion of the violin
class such as in the quality of its instrumentalists.

158
 Due to the Academy's objectives, the orchestra had an important role

in the repertoire. Compared to the OP, the programmes contain fewer genres

per concert, the percentageof incomplete works is more limited and the

same is true for the transcriptions. Two examples (three and four) are given

verbatim below and correspond to the first concerts given under the

direction of Filipe Duarte and Victor Hussla respectively.

Example 3

Real Academia de Amadores de Msica, 14 April 1884

Suppe 3th Paragraph, Overture

Massenet ScenesPittoresques, "Air de ballet"
Chopin Marche Funebre
Strauss "Dis moi tu, dis moi toi", waltz
Massenet ScenesPittoresques, "Angelus"
Saint-Satins Le deluge, Prelude
Beethoven Symphony No. I
Gounod Ave Maria
Mendelssohn Symphony No. 4, Andante
Joncieres Serenade hongroise
Massenet Les Erinnyes, Prelude
Strauss Banditen, Gallop
Example 4

Real Academia de Amadores de Msica, 5 December 1887

Wagner Die Meistersinger von Nrnberg, "Preislied"

Mendelssohn Midsummer Night's Dream, "Hochzeit Marsch"
Mozart SymphonyNo. 39
Auber Fra Diavolo, Overture
Taubert Love Song
Bizet L'Arlesienne, "Carrillon"

The most performed composers during the period between 1884 and

1889, with five or more occurrences each, were those presented in Chart V

on the next page.

159
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 We can observe that the German composers come in first place with

Beethoven standing out from the whole set. The French come next and the

Italians in third place. Works by contemporary composers are much more

performed than those of dead ones; Haydn, Mozart and Beethoven comprise

the classic group. Two Portuguese, Alfredo Keil and Luis Filgueiras, are

included in the whole.

Taking Beethoven as an example, the symphonies heard were the

First, Second, Third, Fifth and Sixth. All of them were performed in their

entirety and sometimes also in parts. Regarding other orchestral works, the

only ones played were the Overtures Egmont, Prometheus and the "Turkish

March" from Die Ruinen von Athen. Concerning the concertos for piano, the

First and Third were played in their entirety; from the concerto for violin,

just the first movement. Regarding the set of sonatas,just Op. 31 No. 2, and

the Sonata in F minor for piano [presumably Op. 57] were played in their

entirety. By Haydn, one symphony (in D) was performed in its entirety; 355

besides this work, just a Serenade for string quartet356and isolated

movements of other works. With regard to Mozart, the works performed

were Symphony No. 39, in its entirety, the overtures from Don Giovanni

and Le Nozze di Figaro, several sonatas for piano, another in D, for piano

and violin, 357and movements of other works, especially the "Turkish

March". As we can observe in Chart V, the number of occurrences both for

Haydn and Mozart was slightly increasing in the last years.

355The
number of this symphony is not identified.
356Not identified.
3s7The
programme identifies it as number three.

161
 The earlier composers have no representation in the concerts of

RAAM. From other composers, such as Schumann, the Concertstck Op. 92

for piano and orchestra, the Fantasiestcke, Op. 73 and Papillons were

played in their entirety. Works by the same composer, such as Trumerei358

and Chant du soir, orchestrated by Saint-Saens, were played very

frequently. From Berlioz, just La Damnation de Faust was performed. From

Brahms, the Hungarian Dances were almost exclusively heard. From

Wagner, just one aria from Tannhuser and the "Preislied" from Die

Meistersinger von Nrnberg were sung. As to the French composers, a

sample of the works most often played is shown below.

Complete works Parts of works

Massenet Les Erinnyes ScenesPittoresques, "Air de
Nuit d'Espagne, Song ballet", "Angelus"
Phedre, Overture for 2 pianos (4 Don Cesar de Bazan, Entr'acte
hands) Le Roi de Lahore, Aria
Saint-Satins Le Deluge, Oratorio
Concerto for piano [?]
Danse Macabre, Symphonic
poem
Bizet Vasco de Gama, Ode-symphonie Carmen, Prelude
Carmen, Habanera, for voice and
piano
L'Arlesienne, "Carrillon",
"Farandole", "Tarantelle"

Regarding the Portuguese composers (see Chart VI on the next page),

fifteen of them were performed, although Alfredo Keil is far above the

others, as we can see from that chart. Their works represent about 10% of

the total repertoire. These consist of two Cantatas by Keil, which were the

ones most performed either in their entirety or in parts, and two Overtures

by Neuparth and Daddi. Other genres consisted of pieces for piano and

358From Kinderscenen. In
programmes it comes as "Reverie".

1 162
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 chorus, romances and suites. Some works by Keil generated great

expectation, as in the caseof his first work, the cantataPatrie, on account of

its patriotic content.

When the RAAM was created, the reviewers stressed the magnitude

of its aims, calling attention to the performative and educational role played

by the orchestra and the school. Moreover they signalled the importance of

divulging the symphonic repertoire and pointed out the special objective of

diffusing Portuguese music. 359The example came with the first concert

when Alfredo Keil's cantata Patrie was presented. This fact gave the critics

the opportunity to comment: "without this new society [the work] would

hardly be heard". "' The reviewers were more cautious in relation to the

performance, generally expressing the opinion that more professional work

was needed on the part of the director Filipe Duarte, including

apprenticeship with a knowledgeable director, in order to obtain quicker and

better results from the amateur musicians. "' One of the critics even

suggested a lighter repertoire in view of the amateur profile of the

orchestra. 362

359J. J. Marques, "Real Academia de Amadores de Musica", Amphion: 1/4: 16 May 1884,
3.
360"sem
o auxilio da nova sociedade no seria facil ouvir em publico" (Unsigned, Diario
de Noticias, XX16.510: 10 Mar. 1884,1).
361Delio, "Salo da Trindade: Real Academia de Amadores de Musica", Gazeta Musical,
1/6: 30 Apr. 1884,23 and "Concerto: Real Academia de Amadores de Musica", Gazeta
Musical, l/ 9: 15 Jun. 1884,34.
362Delio, "Salo da Trindade:Real Academiade Amadoresde Musica", GazetaMusical,
1/6:op. cit.

164
 The repertoire was also the object of some criticism, namely: the

incomplete presentation of some compositions;"' the repetition of very well

known works instead of presenting those which had never been heard,

above all when they had already been performed by professionals [meaning

better musicians]; "' the inclusion of non-orchestral works, specifically the

piano repertoire, when one of the main purposes of the Academy had been

the diffusion of the symphonic repertoire."' The same critic added that if

they wanted to incorporate the piano they should, instead, select the most

valuable works, and certainly not transcriptions but the originals from such

composers as Beethoven, Schumann, Mendelssohn and Chopin. 366Later on,

with reference to a very eclectic programme, one reviewer suggested that

"the public who goes to a concert room to hear a classic quartet is hardly

interested in hearing, on the same occasion, a waltz or a passo doble". 367As

to the only fully Portuguese concert programme, given on 18 December

1884, one critic considered that the Academy should favour the most recent

works of those composers, instead of the old ones, which had already

become outdated.36'After this concert there were no more programmes of

solely Portuguese compositions; instead they became included among the

foreign repertoire. By 1887 some of the work of the Academy was, in

general, praised by the press. They stressed the continuity of its concerts,

363 Delio,
op. cit.
364Ferreira Braga, "Real Academia de Amadores de Musica", Amphion, U 22: 16 Feb.
1885,3.
365Ferreira Braga,
op. cit.
366Ibidem.
367Julio Neuparth, "Real Academia de Amadores de Musica", Amphion Musical, 111/12:16
Sep. 1886,91.
368Laerte,"SalAoda Trindade:Real Academiade Amadoresde Musica", GazetaMusical,
22: 30 Dec. 1884,87.

165
 the improvement of the performances, the opportunity given to Portuguese

composers and the importance and quality of the courses run by the school

which were attracting many students.36'From 1886 on, one critic assessed

that the improvement in performance was so notable that in a very short

time the reviewers would have to abandon the two criteria normally used:

one more demanding for the professionals and another less demanding for

the amateurs3'0 In the same light another reviewer, in 1887, commenting on

a performer, wrote: "the outstanding artist ... pardon ... amateur, has done

wonders in her performance". 37

The public was very much commended in the press due to their high

social status, the glamorous garments of the ladies, and for their attendance

at the concerts. The atmosphere was described as one of splendour. The

concert rooms were carefully decorated372and when the king and queen

were present, everything gained in allure and was supposed to become a

major, dashing social event. On these special occasions the concert took

place in a bigger room, one that could accommodate many more people,

such as the event that took place on 6 June 1884 with four thousand

spectators.3' The prestige of the Academy grew so quickly that in the first

months it gained 700 associates,which was an astonishing number for this

kind of event in a town like Lisbon.

369Unsigned, Jornal da Nolte, XVII/ 5.206: 6 Dec. 1887,2.

370J. Neuparth, "Real Academia de Amadores de Musics", Amphion, III/ 6: 16 Jun. 1886,
44.
371Unsigned, Jornal da Nolte, XVIU 5.296: 13 Mar. 1887,2.
372One of these descriptions can be
read in a review of the newspaper Diario de Noticias,
XX/6.599: 8 Jun. 1884,1.
373This
was the case when the cantata Patrie, by Alfredo Keil, was premiered in its
entirety on 6 June 1884, according to the news inAmphion, 1/6: 16 Jun. 1884,2-3.

166
 When Victor Hussla replaced Filipe Duarte, the press commented,

above all, on the progress in the performance of the orchestra, noticing a

more steady intonation, balance among the different sections, precision and

colouring. 374
In 1887, the comments of one critic, when appreciating the

results of orchestral concerts in Lisbon from 1879 until then, were quite

optimistic, contrary to the pessimistic opinion of the reviewer who

commented on the concerts of Rudorff in Lisbon. He stated:

Amann, Barbieri, Breton, Colonne and lately Rudorff came successively. The
public, little by little, get used to the beauties of that incomparable music.
They began to appreciate it and today they find pleasure in hearing
Beethoven, as much as or more than Rossini. Well, what very recently
seemed to us a bold initiative for artists, is today a fact fairly natural to
amateurs. Today, in Lisbon, classical music is played by an orchestra of
amateurs with the correctness, the grace, the energy, the vigour, the artistic
sentiment we ascribed very recently to the professional players! It's
incredible, surprising and extremely gratifying for us, this symptom of the
huge progress that musical art has obtained in Lisbon. 375

Since he was writing a review of a concert of the RAAM, it is quite

possible that he was taking the part for the whole, generalizing the progress

discerned in the Academy to all other musical events in Lisbon. Yet,

concerning the "part", the critic was highly positive.

374Unsigned, Diario de Noticias, XXIII/7.867: 7 Dec. 1887,1

and Diario de Noticias,
XXIV/7.926: 5 Feb. 1888,1.
375"Vierara
successivamentea Amann, Barbieri, Breton, Colonne e ultimamente Rudorff e
o publico acostumou-se pouco a pouco As bellezas d'essa incomparavel musica, foi
acceitando-a calla vez corn mais prazer, e hoje deleita-se a ouvir executar Beethoven,
tanto ou mais do que a ouvir Rossini. // Pois bem: o que ha pouco nos parecia que fosse
um commettimento arrojado para artistas, parece-nos hoje um facto simplesmente
naturalissimo para amadores. Hoje, em Lisboa, executa-se a musica classica por uma
orchestra de amadores com a correcco, a graga, a energia, o vigor eo sentimento
artistico que ambicionavamos ha E
pouco para executantes que eram professores!
assombroso, 6 surprehendente e extremamente grato para n6s ests symptoms do enorme
avanco que a arte musical tem feito em Lisboa. " (Unsigned, Jornal da Noite, XVIU
5.296: 13 Mar. 1887,2).

167
 In what concerns the programmes of RAAM and of OP, the German

composers are more prominent in the former than in the latter. A common

element between the two is the strong presenceof contemporary composers,

above all the French ones. As regards earlier composers, they have a very

weak expression in both associations. Because of the characteristics of each

Institution the instrumental repertoire is predominant in the concerts of

RAAM. The choral repertoire in the programmes of OP is mainly based on

operas; other genres of choral music are excluded. RAAM, following a part

of its programme, paid more attention to the Portuguese composers,

although failing to present one concert per year with Portuguese

compositions exclusively. Nationalism is not only present through the works

of the Portuguese musicians such as Keil's Patrie but also in works such as

Bizet's Symphonic Ode, Vascode Gama.

As for the audience, the situation is quite similar for both

Associations. In both casesthey are formed by the social elites of each town

and their presence at the concerts seemsto be large and frequent. Regarding

the critics, they express themselves more overtly in Lisbon than in Oporto,

perhaps due to the lack of such an imposing personality as Moreira de S in

RAAM. Yet, in both cities the pedagogical activity of the Associations is

emphasized. Concerning RAAM, its school is an object of very positive

appreciation since the beginning. As to OP, the opening of the concert series

with the students of Moreira de S was warmly welcomed.

168
 Among the three institutions, a professional one and two amateur ones

- AM, OP and RAAM - we can observe more common aspects than

different ones. The main objective that underlies their activity is the

education of the public, in relation to the diffusion of a "new" repertoire -

the classics as well as the contemporary. In examining Chart VII on the next

page, the priority for the three Institutions seems to go to German music,

with a heavier weight in OP. In decreasing order come the French and

afterwards the Italian, almost half of the French for AM and RAAM. This

means a total shift of paradigm when compared to the concerts given during

the 1870s. Italian music then predominated.

Another trait common to each Institution is the weight that

contemporary composers took in the repertoire performed during the 1880s,

above all, in terms of the French. The centre for Portuguesemusic and other

cultural areas ceased to be Naples and became Paris within many domains.

As we have seen before,37' everything which meant progress came from

Paris, and the music came within. The French influence of these times was

so dominant that the names of the works on the concert programmes were

written in French. Germany was favoured by the Press concerned with the

classics and early romantic composers. In regard to the contemporary

Brahms and Wagner, whose works were most often played, they represent a

lesser degree than the set composed of the French Thomas, Gounod, Saint-

Satins, Delibes, Bizet and Massenet.

376See
chapter I, pp. 60-62.

169
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 Germany was favoured by the Press concerned with the classics and early

romantic composers. In regard to the contemporary Brahms and Wagner,

whose works were most often played, they represent a lesser degree than the

set composed of the French Thomas, Gounod, Saint-Saens, Delibes, Bizet

and Massenet. The division between the Press and public taste was explicit.

For the former and an elite, the "Germanness" of music concept

-a
dominating the European intellectuality as well - had been totally

absorbed. French music, instead, seems to have been favoured by a wide

audience.

Another common aspect of the three Institutions is the minor place

given to the Portuguese composers, despite the signs of nationalism within

RAAM. With regard to genres such as Fantasies, Variations, Paraphrases,

Reminiscences, Divertissements, potpourris, and suchlike, their presence

decreasedsubstantially in each of the three Institutions.

The different aspectswith reference to the same Institutions concerned

the public, although in this domain there is some ubiquity. The amateur

institutions, with their amateur performers, addressedtheir concerts to their

associates, composed of their families and friends, which meant a

supportive and regular audience, filling quite easily the rooms which, most

of the time, were not huge. Moreover, as observed before, these events were

attended by the cream of society, which made them a very particular social

event, attracting people who wanted to watch and be watched. The social

171
function is clear in several reviews. One of them described, firstly, the

glamour of the toilettes given the balls that were occurring simultaneously

in the town and added: "There was a certain anxiety for leaving, therefore,

when the trio in D by Beethoven to

came an end, a batch of people left. "37

The beauty of the ladies, their luxurious toilettes and "the elegance of their

aristocratic profile" are topics in

almost always present the reviews.

A somewhat different scene happened in the concerts of AM. In the

first series that took place in 1879, in the salon of the Trindade Theatre,

conducted by Barbieri, the venue was too small for the audience. But when

the ensuing concerts were performed in a bigger room, 378the venue easily

became empty whenever there was a lack of interest. Thus, there was a need

for subsidies in order to compensate for the loss of revenue suffered by the

professionals of AM.

II 3.3. Chamber Music

During the 1880s, there were several chamber groups performing in

Lisbon, most of them with a very brief life. 379In Oporto the one performing

377Unsigned, 0 Primeiro de Janeiro, No. 43,19 de Fevereiro de 1887, p. 2]

378See chapter II, pp. 128.
379Sociedade de Quartetos Santa Cecilia, created on 21 Nov. 1880, comprised Alcntara
Ferreira, Jlio Neuparth, Filipe Duarte and Augusto Palmeiro; Sociedade de Concertos
de Msica de Camara, created on 11 March 1883, comprised Jlio Caggiani, Carlos
Wintermantel, Filippe Duarte, J. Jose d'Almeida, Augusto Palmeiro and F. de Sousa
Baia; Sociedade de Sexteto de Lisboa, in 1887, although the first [? ] matinee in
created
Lisbon occurred on 3 Feb. 1889. It was comprised of Teodoro Quilez, Manuel

172
 regularly, was, once again, the one formed within OP, headedby Moreira da

S.38The continuity and regularity of the chamber music series of OP can

only be compared with the activity of a group created in Lisbon by the

pianist Rey Colaco, with Victor Hussla (the violinist and director of the

orchestra of RAAM), the violist Alfredo Gazul (1844-1908) and the cellist

Cunha e Silva (1849-1930).38'The chamber series of this last group began

on 6 May 1888 and continued until 1896. We will take these two chamber

groups - the one formed by Moreira de Sd (henceforward MS) and the one

by Rey Colaco (henceforward RC) for analysis of the period of time

-
between 1888 and 1890, due to the stabilization of their elements, the

regularity of their performances and the similarity of their period of activity.

During the three years mentioned above, the group of RC gave 20

concerts and that of MS gave 9, much fewer, surely due to the other

activities of OP. Nevertheless, both presented almost the same number of

works: 66 by OP and 62 by RC. What concerns us in taking both groups is

to observe what changesof paradigm occur when we shift from orchestral to

chamber music concerts. As regards the group of MS, some characteristics

were maintained, such as a general heterogeneity insofar as the different

Gongalves Pires, Joo Evangelista Neumayer, Augusto J. Morais Palmeiro, Daniel Jose
Lacueva, and J. Carlos Ferreira.
380A
wide range of musicians was invited to perform in the chamber music series, such as:
Elvira Matos, Etelinda Cassels, P. Ferraz, L. Gonzaga, Henrique Fernandez Arbs,
Agustin Rubio, Jose Trag y Arana, Raphael Galvez, Artur Napoleo, Rey Colaco,
Victor Hussla, Cunha e Silva.
381Other
musicians who performed with this group were: Augusto Gerschey, Filipe
Duarte, Joo Neumayer, Augusto Palmeiro, Tomas del Negro. From 1890 onwards
Elvira Peixoto collaborated with this group as well.

173
 ensembles - solos, duos, trios, quartets, quintets -382 and the wide range

of different composers, an average of 7.3 per concert. Observing the same

parameters of the other chamber group, they presented three different

"'
ensembles per concert, and 3.1 composers per concert. In general, in the

group of MS, a whole chamber work is presented in the beginning and at the

end of the concert, while the middle is filled in with solos. In contrast, in the

group of RC, the works are always performed in their entirety and there is

no place for arrangements.

With reference to the repertoire, Chart VIII, on the next page, shows

which composers were played during the three years. We can observe that

the German composers come far ahead in both groups. The near total

absenceof French/Belgian is
composers also noticeable, the exception being

Vieuxtemps, performed just once. The singularity within the group of MS is

the presence of Spanish musicians, due to the participation of some of them

in those concerts, such as Henrique Fernandez Arbs and Agustin Rubio. As

to the two Italians performed by RC, both were contemporaneous, Alberto

Sarti (1858-?) living in Lisbon. Another major difference between the

groups is the weight of classical composersin the group of RC, representing

35.4% of the total, compared to the percentage of the classics in MS, which

is 13.6% of the total. Due to a greater diversity of composers within the

programmes of MS, this group also presented solos by Bach and Gluck.

382With MS, solos predominate (42 occurrences); afterwards come the quartets (8 occ.),
the duos (6 occ.), the trios (5 occ.) and the quintets (3 occ.).
383The quartets come in first place (24 occ.); afterwards the trios (19 occ.), duos (9 occ.),
quintets (6 occ.), sextets (2 occ.) and one solo (Schumann, Carnaval).

174
CHART VIII

AssociagoMusica 24 de Junho (AM) Orpheon Portuense (OP) Real Academia de Amadores de Miisica (RAAM)
- -
Concerts 1879 -1889
AM MOP 0 RAHM
185
180 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ---------
175 -- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
170 -- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
165 -- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
160 -- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
155 -- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
150 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

145 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

140 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

135 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

130 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

125 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

120 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

y
115 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

V
110 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

i
105 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

L 100 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

L 95 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

V 90 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

V 85 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

0 80
75
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Composers
 Other features of the repertoire concern contemporary composers, who have

a stronger presence within the group of MS than in that of RC. Within the

group of composers performed by RC, we can distinguish three first levels,

the first one represented by Beethoven and Mendelssohn, of equal weight,

the second one comprising Schumann and Brahms and, a little further on,

Mozart. Within the group of MS, except for Beethoven and Chopin, who

come at the top, the others do not show sharp differences. With five and

four occurrences are Rubinstein, Schumann, Bach, Brahms, Mendelssohn,

Popper and Sarasate. When comparing the composers played in these

chamber concerts with those of AM, OP and RAAM, we notice a much

stronger presence of Schumann and Brahms.

During the period of time chosen for the two groups, the critics,

whether from Oporto or Lisbon, praised the performance of every concert

and its repertoire. One reviewer, from a daily newspaper of Oporto,

frequently mentioned the rigour, correctness and equality of the musicians

in the performances. The concerts of both groups were attended, according

to the press, by an excited public and, contrary to what happened with the

orchestral concerts, they never complain about scarceness of audiences.

Moreover they stress that the reactions of the public are enthusiastic and

warm. As to the repertoire, the critics of both cities show a special

appreciation of Brahms, whose works are considered in Lisbon to be very

original, containing rich modulations, though the compositions are of great

176
difficulty. 384In Oporto another reviewer considered him to be "the most

important representative of modem chamber music". 385As to Schubert, his

quartet in D minor was considered by the last reviewer to contain one of the

most "brilliant pages of pure music". 386

The preferences of the public in

Lisbon were assessedby programmes they could choose and propose to the

musicians. During these three years the most popular fell upon

Mendelssohn's Trio for piano, violin and cello in D minor, Op. 49 and

Quartet for piano and strings in F minor, Op. 2; Beethoven's Sonata for

piano and violin, Op. 47; Mozart's Quintet in G minor. 387

Summing up, while heterogeneity characterized the programmes of

MS, homogeneity typified those of RC. These concepts are based on the

different ensembles taking part in a concert, the number of works and

composers performed per concert and even the different performers who

played a part in the concert. The concerts of Moreira de S, performed by

OP, whether choral or chamber, may be seen as a case of hybridism, like

many others then common in Europe.388The various mixtures that

characterize them can reflect less a factor of internalization of the

384Unsigned, "Concerto de musica de camara", Diario de Noticias, XXIV/8.037: 28 May

1888,1.
385"[0] vulto mais eminenteda modemamusica de camara" (Unsigned,0 Primeiro de
Janeiro, 39: 8 Feb. 1889,2).
386"uma das paginas mais geniaes da musica pura." (Unsigned, 0 Primeiro de Janeiro,
XXIV125: 7 May 1890,1).
387No further identification.
388As the by Colonne and Lamoureux. See Pasler, op. cit.
concerts organized

177
 instrumental musical ideals than other factors, such as to please more people

or to value quantity in preference to the coherenceof the programme.389

The data collected from the orchestral repertoire,", and the chamber

music of the main institutions in Lisbon and Oporto, lead us to conclude that

purely instrumental music was not only fully absorbed by critics, many

performers (both professional or amateurs) and, among the public, an elite,

but was also a desirable goal. The ideal of absolute music had been, for

some time, disseminated by the press not only in the specialized periodicals

but also in the daily newspapers. The opposition between such differing

terms - high philosophical and profane, abstract and very sentimental,

complexity and light character, educational and entertaining - followed the

generalized "binary opposites" current in Europe, as Bernd Sponheuer has

pointed out.391The importance ascribed to the use of "logical form", based

on motivic connections, in opposition to the "architectural form", in the

senseDahlhaus used it, 392

was enhancedby some musicians, like Moreira de

S, as we can notice in his observations about the music of Brahms. In the

musical comments of some writers we notice, as well, the change of

paradigm, concerning, for instance, the shift from the representative to the

389Every book he had

published containing the programmes of the Institution gave
emphasis to the quantity of works and composers performed.
390Besides those that are the subject of this research AM, OP and RAAM
- - other
orchestral concerts took place. The ones selected were by reason of their prominence in
both cities and by their regularity; for that reason, they present more comparable
characteristics than others whose activity was more brief and irregular.
391Bernd Sponheuer, "Reconstructing Ideal Types
of the 'German' in Music", in Celia
Applegate and Pamela Potter (eds), Music and German National Identity (Chicago: The
Univeristy of Chicago Press, 2002), 40.
392Nineteenth-Century Music (Berkeley
and Los Angeles: University of California Press,
1989b), 255-257.

178
 suggestion of emotional states in the psychological sense.The writer Fialho

de Almeida (1857-1911), in his chronicles The Cats (Os Gatos) states that

music,

when going from the ear to the mind, becomes emotion, without having the
power to evoke in ourselves plastic states393[... ] Not always, the instrument
that produces music, the race of the listener, the education, the milieu, are
indispensable factors to the juxtaposition of a certain excerpt to a certain
sensibility. The reason for the idolatry of certain composers and
instrumentalists [... ] is to be found in the eloquence with which those big
consolers tell us [... ] the pathetic sensiblerie, the happiness, the negation, the
despair [... ] in the rare sensitivity with which they registered in our
reminiscence, for ever, those states. [... ]Life demands, every hour, for its
appeasement,a different music. 394

In the same chronicles he used the emotional power of music to

inform the reactions of some characters. When narrating the laughter of the

devil [from Gounod's Faust] through to the sound of a talented cellist

playing in a sordid place, he focused on the musical effect of the performer

on the expressions of the rude people who listened to that excerpt and the

action that followed:

suddenly an old, bronze faced man, with wholly tom clothes like a madman,
stood up from a bench were he sat and, half drunk, lingering his eagle eyes,
noticed the idyll of the girl and the coachman, lost in the shadow that the
piano left in the corner of the adjacent table ... The hastiness of that huge and
Jupiterian heaver took the eyes of the others in the same direction; and just in
that moment, for the lucidity of all, came the visual revelation of the
serenata.395

393Representations.
394"ao it do ouvido
ao c6rebro, faz-se emopo por certo, mas no tem poder para evocar
dentro de n6s estadosplsticos [... ] nem sempre a esp6cie de instrumento que transmite
a msica, nem sempre a raga de que o auditor faz pane, nem sempre a educapo, nem
sempre o meio, so factores indispensveis justaposigo de tal trecho a tal
sensibilidade.A razAo da idolatria havida por certos compositores e instrumentistas, [... ]
est na eloquencia em que essec grandes consoladores nos contam [... ] a sensiblerie
pat8tica, a felicidade, a negago, o desespero [... ] na sensitividade rara, corn que eles
gravaram na nossa reminiscencia, para sempre, esses estados [... ] Cada Nora a vida
exige, para apaziguar-se, uma msica diversa" (Os Gatos [Lisboa: Clssica Editora,
1992; original edn 1889], I, 87-90).
395"ate de cor de bronze, todo rasgado fato como um doido, se
que repente um velho no
ergueu de sobre o banco em que estivera, e meio bebedo, circunvagando os olhos de
guia, deu corn o idilio da raparigota e do carreiro, perdidos na sombre que o piano

179
 For Fialho de Almeida, the "sentiments provoked by music" could be

multiple and unpredictable, the reactions on those affected by them

depended on their degree of education. Unlike Eca, who used music as an

element of representation, for a character or a scene,396in a period

dominated by realism, Fialho used music in all its emotional power to

arouse the innermost instincts of man in a period then dominated by

Psychology.""

As to the repertoire performed by the institutions analyzed, in each of

them and in both genres (the orchestral and the chamber), it was headed by

the German composers, highlighting their hegemony in those days. The

"Germanness" of music is even stronger in chamber music. The percentage

of German works is much higher in this domain; in Lisbon, it almost

reaches double. In contrast, the percentage of French works decreasesby

over half and, of those that were performed, few were originally

instrumental works. 39s

The different sensesattributed to the orchestra - whether seen as the

most visible symbol of evolutionism in music, for the development of its

instruments and the elaborated orchestration it allowed, or for the

"metaphysical import" it enclosed - and the "high cerebral" representedby

deitava sobre o canto da mesa adjacente... // 0 rompante desse carregador enorme e

jupiteriano levara na direcco do seu olhar os mais olhares; e ali se fez ento, na lucidez
de todos, a revelaco visual da serenata." (Ibidem, 95-6).
396See Chapter I,
p. 66.
397The
same concern with the psychological effects of music on the listener is very much
present in the articles of the specialist Press.
398Except for Dancla and Beriot.

180
 chamber music39'were both concepts shared by a Portuguese elite. The last

genre, due to the intimacy it demanded and addressedto the few who could

understand and perform it, could more easily find steady supporters than the

orchestral one. That had been the main reason why a group of musicians,

including Moreira de S, had created the SQP in 1874, fearing the lack of

well formed instrumentalists and, as we may notice, the absence of the

public. Rey Colaco, the keen supporter of chamber music, whether in

private or in public venues, described the sacrednessof chamber music as

follows:

Chamber music, for me, is only conceivable in camera (chamber), (if

possible in a camera oscura) (dark chamber); a supreme delight for the one
who wants to place his or her soul in direct communication with God, who
wants to forget the griefs of the world, to look for the elevation of mind and
to give comfort to our consciousness. It doesn't require a compact, vibrant,
animated, warming public. All it would need, would be an ardent and
secluded ambiance; two dozen believers, listening and ... receiving
communion with unction; the absence of thundering ovations, of intense
lights; a semi-benevolent shadow that could dissimulate, whenever needed,
the deplorable polychromy with which some of our elegants profane their
faces; a discrete truce with the whispering and the flirt ... and thus we
...
would accomplish the ideal frame of this sublime expansion of Sentiment and
Beauty.40

To Rey Colaco and the other members sharing the same ideals,

chamber music, by its power of abstraction, and its close proximity to

399In Dahlhaus's
words, op. cit., 16.
4"A
musica de camara, para mim s concebivel na camara, (e se possivel fsse na
camera oscura); deleite supremo d'aquele que deseja pr a sua alma em comunicagAo
directa com Deus, esquecer as amarguras mundiaes, procurar elevago ao seu espirito e
conforto sua consciencia, no exige um publico compacto, vibrante, animado ou
caloroso. - Bastar-lhe-ia apenas um ambiente fervoroso e recolhido; duas duzias, que
fossem, de crentes, escutando e comungando com unggo; a ausencia de ovag6es
...
estrondosas, de luzes intensas; uma semi-sombra benevola que dissimulasse, se fosse
preciso, a deploravel polycromia com que algumas das nossas elegantes profanam a sua
face; uma tregua discreta no cuchicho e no 'flirt' e assim conseguiriamos a
... ...
moldura ideal d'esta sublime expansAo do Sentimento e do Bello" (Alexandre Rey
Colago, "Carta a Lambertini", De msica [Lisboa: Imp. Libanio da Silva, 1923], 65).

181
 spirituality, represented "the supreme good for the aestheticization of life",

using Fauquet's expression.40'

Regarding French music, its strong presencesuggeststhe centrality of

French culture in Portuguese life, as previously observed. In spite of that, it

received scarce attention from music historians later on. The stigma towards

Italian music allied to the yearning for Germannesswas so strong that the

presence of French repertoire in concerts was scarcely noted in Portuguese

music history until today. The critics who referred to it during the turn of

the century supported it inasmuch as it was considered an intermediate way

to take the audience from Italian to German music. As a reviewer stated:

French music, the good French music of Berlioz, Gounod, Saint-Saens,

Guiraud, Lalo, Bizet, fulfils, as any other, the educative role that people took
from German music, for its qualities of clarity, grace and equilibrium. It has
not the deepness of German music, its large flights, its vast breath, and,
because of that, it was reserved for a preparatory function which was
indispensable among us. 402

During this period, French music can be seen as the reification of the

bourgeois culture which wanted to accompany progress in Europe, through

its contemporary composers. The placing of the "old" at the same level of

the "new" suggests that two aims were longed for: to follow the course of

history, without skipping any step, and to keep in touch with the newest

401"la musique de
chambre est le moyen superieur d'esthetiser la vie. " (Les Societes de
Musique de Chambre Paris de la Restauration 1870 [Paris: Aux amateurs de livres,
1991], 195).
402"A musica franceza, a boa musica franceza de Berlioz, Gounod, Saint-Saens, Guiraud,
lalo, Bizet, preenche como nenhuma outra o papel educativo que se foi Buscar musica
allem, pelas suas qualidades de clarez, grata e equilibrio. No tem as profundezas da
musica germanica, os seus amplos vos, a sua vasta envergadura e por essarazo estava
destinada a uma funcco preparatoria que era indispensavel entre nos." (Manuel Ramos,
A Musica Portugueza [Porto: Imprensa Portugueza, 1892], XVI).

182
 currents in Europe, which, for most of the people, was represented by

French culture. This attitude reveals, once again, the evolutionist tendency

of those days, as Pasler has also claimed in regard to a similar attitude by

French musicians during the same period, albeit, in Paris post-1871, that

patriotic reasons influenced the concerns to programme the "ancienne" and

the "moderne", above all concerning contemporary French composers."

When reading the history of nineteenth-century instrumental music in

Europe, a complex of inferiority on the part of non-German authors can be

perceived. Musicologists from different countries underestimated the music

performed during those years in their own countries, considering it a kind of

"Dark Ages". 404Some of them argued that non-German composers suffered

from that hegemony and that this inhibited their search for different paths,

leading some composers to opt for so-called "academic paths""' in order

that their works could be performed 406 Friedland made similar claims

regarding Italian nineteenth-century instrumental music. She applied the

expression "collective guilt" to characterize the theories of some Italian

403"Recurring 'moderne'
composers on the list included Chopin, Schumann, Brahms,
Grieg, and their French contemporaries, some of whose works were here given first
performances. This conscious juxtaposition of the 'ancienne' and 'moderne', each given
equal place, implies a similar valuing of the old and the new. Such coexistence also
suggest an emerging notion of progress as a spiral. " ("Concert Programmes and their
Narratives as Emblems of Ideology", International Journal of Musicology, II: 1993,
253).
404Jeffrey Cooper
uses this expression with reference to French music history concerning
instrumental music performed in France before 1871. (The Rise of instrumental Music
and Concert Series in Paris 1828-1871 [Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI Research Press,
1983], 7).
405As
was the case for Georges Onslow or Adolphe Blanc, as Fauquet claims: "D'une
fagon generale, le repertoire, on a put le constater, ne fait de place aux ceuvres
contemporaines de musique de chambre que dans la mesure oo cette production
s'assimile les formes et les tournures qui delimitent le champ d'un classicisme souvent
synonyme d'academisme." (Ibidem, 192).
406Jeffrey Cooper,
op. cit., 156-160.

183
musicologists who considered that instrumental music in Italy was "utterly

dead" at the beginning of the nineteenth century, which led historians to

disregard "Italian developments in orchestral and chamber music" during

the whole century.`"

In Portugal, the same situation happened. Portuguese musicology

treated the nineteenth century as non-existent for a long time. "' The

yearning for an hegemonic "Germanness" in music, at all levels, meant that

what existed from German music was totally neglected and that from non-

German music was devaluated or totally disregarded. Yet, Portuguese

musical activity during the 1880s shows a different reality, as observed in

the repertory of the musical Institutions under research. It remains for the

instrumental repertory composed by the Portuguese during the same period

to be studied. As seen, instrumental works were composed and some of

them performed, but the value of this patrimony remains undiscovered.

407"Italy's Ottocento: Notes from the Musical Underground", Musical Quarterly, 56/1: Jan.
1970,29.
408If opera of the first half of the nineteenth century was already an object of research,
by Luisa Cymbron, instrumental music is just beginning in some PhD theses
especially
still in progress.

184
 III

Emergent Nationalism
 III 1. Celebrating the nation

The major interest in Africa on the part of the European countries,

which culminated, from the political and ideological point of view, with the

sharing of that continent by the European powers during the Berlin

Conference in 1885, posed a threat to Portugal in the maintenance of its

African colonies.

Since 1886, Portugal cherished the idea of connecting the territory of

Mozambique with that of Angola, "' thus opposing the British plans to

dominate "from the Cape to Cairo". The conflict heightened to the extent

that the English government sent an ultimatum to Portugal on 11 January

1890, requiring the immediate withdrawal of all Portuguese forces from the

regions corresponding to present-day territories of Zambia, Zimbabwe and

Malawi. The government acceded, and this decision led to the most serious

crisis of the monarchy.

The crisis initiated by the ultimatum led to the belief that the

independence of Portugal itself might be in danger. The monarchy was

accused of favouring British interests above those of the country, a situation

409This
project became known as the "pink map".

186
 that functioned to the advantage of the Republican party, which, from then

on, would play the role of saviour of the motherland.

The event provoked intense patriotism throughout the whole country,

with demonstrations from all social strata. In the field of music, reactions

came from all quarters, with such repertory as hymns, marches, and

cantatas. Composers set politically-charged words to music and concerts

were promoted as a way of collecting funds for national defence. Of the

many settings that appeared in that year, "' two works in particular reflected

the feelings caused by that event. One, the Marcha do dio (March of

hatred), was the product of two well-known intellectuals from Oporto, the

composer Miguel Angelo Pereira and the poet Guerra Junqueiro; the other

was A Portuguesa (The Portuguese) by Alfredo Keil, with words by the

nationalist playwright Henrique Lopes de Mendonca. This last work enjoyed

immense popularity. 411It was frequently sung by the people during protest

marches, it was presented in theatres at the end of the plays, and it was

included in concert programmes. Sometimes the audience rose to their feet

when singing and applauded at the end to show their enthusiasm. As a

reviewer of the music periodical Amphion testified: "in the short period of

three incomplete months it has been played by almost all the philharmonics

410See Teresa Cascudo,"A decadada invengode Portugal na msica erudita (1890-

1899)",RevistaPortuguesadeMusicologia, 10: 2000,181-226.
411For the history The Portuguese, concerning its diffusion through the country,
of mainly
see Rui Ramos, Catdlogo da Exposico Alfredo Keil (1850-1907), (Lisboa: IPPAR,
2001), 475-505.

187
 of the country [... ] There is no one among us who does not know that

patriotic song".412

At this time, two concerts of particular significance were organized in

Lisbon. The first occurred on 10 March at Real Coliseu de Lisboa, and

presented the patriotic repertoire of Portuguese composers; the second took

place at RTSC on 29 March and included meaningful works such as

Guillaume Tell's Overture, Nabucodonosor's Hebrew chorus, Cinq Mars'

"La conjuration".

From the whole set of national works performed at both concerts,

those that received notable commentary from the Press were: The

Portuguese, by Alfredo Keil, due to the passionate enthusiasm that it

aroused in the people; a March by Antonio Taborda (1857-1911), mentioned

becauseof its similarity to Meyerbeer's March ofFlambeaux; 41 and a piece

by Augusto Machado that was singled out for its originality. "'

This wave of patriotism which swept the country from the north to the

south had, on 10 June 1880, its immediate antecedentwith the celebrations

412"no
curto espaco de tres mezes incompletos, executada por quasi todas as philarmonicas
do paiz [... ] No ha ninguem, entre nos, que desconhegahoje aquelle canto patriotico"
(Amphion, IV/9: 1 May 1890,3). The same work was to become the National Hymn
under the Republic, and has hence survived to the present time.
413Amphion,IV/6: 16 Mar. 1890,6.
414It wasthe overtureof Airs de ballet.

188
 of the third centenary of Luis de Cames, the bard of the discoveries,"' to

whom A. Comte pointed (in his positivistic calendar) as one of the saints of

the new religion of the humanity. "" According to Catroga, the profile of the

poet was that of a "representative man [who] served the myth: subjectively

he was viewed as a model of heroism and incomprehension; objectively,

having narrated an epopee that exalted the people, he had made a decisive

contribution to the beginning of modernity". '"' Furthermore, as an exponent

of the national literature glorified by the earliest romantics, his value was

strengthened by the supreme power of revealing the soul of the nation, and

of communicating the energy that would carry the people out of a state of

decadence.The vigour that it would inspire in the country would serve as a

public demonstration of vitality to exhibit abroad during a time when the

motherland was threatened by the powers engaged in the dispute over

Africa. As Catroga stressed,"In order to protect [the empire], the argument

of historical priority was almost the only weapon we could use." " The

choice was largely consensual and aided the Republican party, whose main

representatives integrated the organization,"' in taking the first steps in its

ascension to power.42In spite of its evident "anti-Jesuitical" and "anti-

"S See Chapter I,

p. 38.
C6 Quoted by Fernando Catroga, "Ritualizag6es da hist6ria", in L. R. Torgal and J. M. A.
Mendes and F. Catroga (eds), Histria da Histria em Portugal Sec. XIX-XX, 2 Vols.
(Lisboa: Temas e Debates, 1998), II, 226.
417 "o seu
perfil de representative man convidava ao mito: subjectivamente estava
carismado de heroicidade e de incompreenso, enquanto objectivamente narrava uma
epopeia que, ao engrandecer um povo, tinha dado um contributo decisivo para a g6nese
da modernidade." (Catroga, op. cit., 226).
418"Para defender [o imp6rio] o argumento da
o prioridade hist6rica era quase a nica arena
a que podiamos recorrer. " (Ibidem, 230).
419Te6filo Braga, Magalhes Lima and Batatha Reis.
420See Vasco Pulido Valente, 0 Poder
eo Povo, 5'1 edn (Lisboa: Gradiva, 2004).

189
 dynastic" components,"" the celebrations were an enormous success,

prompting a series of similar events over the next two decades.422

These and the ensuing celebrations, which took as models the most

important personalities of the past, were intended to act as symbolic values

for the rebirth of the nation, providing that the thread of history be respected

in its positivistic laws. Likewise, it was expected that firm social ties among

the people would emerge, awakening in them a strong sense of national

identity that would provide the necessaryenergy to build a promising future.

For the tricentennial of Cames, a symphonic ode was commissioned

from the composer Augusto Machado by the executive commission. This

work, which was intended to be played at RTSC, did not ultimately receive

a performance, due to dissensions between the government and the

Impresario of the Theatre.423Other musicians took the initiative to compose

music for the event, several of them through the medium of the bands."'

421See Fatima Bonifcio, 0

seculo XIX portugues (Lisboa: Imprensa de Ciencias Sociais,
2002), 132.
422In 1882, the
centenary of the death of Marques de Pombal was celebrated. During the
1890s, the most relevant ones occurred: in 1894, celebrating the Infante D. Henrique; in
1895, celebrating the patron of Lisbon, Saint Antonio; in 1898, the discovery of India.
423From this
work just some excerpts were performed. This same composition won a
medal in 1881 at an Exhibition in Milan and was described in the following words: `Per
1'eletta melodia, il ricco strumentale ed il profondo studio dei classici. ' (Quoted in
Michel'Angelo Lambertini, `Portugal', in Albert Lavignac (ed.), Encyclopedie de la
Musique et Dictionnaire du Conservatoire, Jere Partie: Histoire de la Musique (Paris:
Librairie Delagrave, 1920-31), 2.452.
424Some the
of composers who wrote for this occasion were: Francisco de Freitag Gazul,
Memria de Cames (TT, 9 and 19 Jun. 1880, just the Overture was played); Miguel
Angelo Pereira, Cantata A Luis de Cames (Palacio Cristal do Porto, 10 Jun. 1880);
Antoni Kontsky, Marche de Cames, Paris (Salle Henri Herz, 10 Jun. 1880), Augusto
Marques Pinto, Hino a Camdes (Saldo da Sociedade Nova Euterpe, 13 Jun. 1880); Artur

190
 With the exception of the work by Miguel Angelo Pereira, none excited the

enthusiasm of the specialist Press425As to concerts, a large event was

organized in Lisbon on 9 June at the Coliseu de Lisboa for an audience of

around 3.000 people, and another took place in Oporto at Palcio de Cristal

on 10 June for an audience of approximately 2.000 426Both comprised

works of Portuguese composers exclusively; the one at Oporto revived the

important but almost forgotten Requiem by Bomtempo,427which was

dedicated to Cambes. The most widely-read newspaper of the period, Dirio

de Notfcias, optimistically remarked of the concert in Lisbon that the

composers should feel encouraged by the audience's applause.428Some

towns, such as Madrid, Paris and Rio de Janeiro, also celebrated the event

with a programme of music. But, with the exception of Artur Napoleo, who

composed a march in honor of the poet, no other work by a Portuguese

composer was performed.

Other initiatives came to light, such as the organization of an orfeon of

"100 people or more" to be directed by the proponent, Angelo Frondoni, 429

who also committed himself to compose a large-scale work in honour of the

Napoleo, March, Cames (Rio de Janeiro, Teatro D. Pedro, 10 Jun. 1880). For further
information on this topic, see Teresa Cascudo, op. cit. None of this repertory is known
today; it has not been printed or recorded.
425For the
review of this work, see Ferreira Braga, "Coliseo dos Recreios-Festa Militar",
Amphion, II1/17: 1 Dec. 1886,134.
426For the concert in Lisbon, see Diario de Noticias, XVI/5.155: 10 Jun. 1880,1;
concerning the concert in Oporto, see 0 Primeiro de Janeiro, XII/136: 12 Jun. 1880,1.
42' Created in Paris in 1818, and performed for the first time in the same city, in a private
session, in 1819.
428Unsigned, Dirio de Noticias, XVU5.155: 10 Jun. 1880,1.
429An Italian
musician who came to Lisbon in 1838 as director of RTSC.

191
 poet and to direct a choral piece by Ambroise Thomas430This project

created great expectations, since choral music, unlike that of the bands, was

far from establishing roots in Portugal. On this subject, a reviewer from 0

Occidente wrote: "If there is something for which our public spirit is

unsuitable, it is orfeons, as they demand a harmonious discipline that we

lack in every form in politics and music. If the director Frondoni is

-

successful in uniting two hundred voices in unison, should we not entrust

him with the supreme direction of our society, so that he can obtain within

social and political morals the same miracle as he achieved with music?"'

This same idea was seen in Coimbra by the young law student and fervent

admirer of Wagner, Joao Arroio (1861-1930), who, on 10 June, presented an

Orpheon in the quad of the university, a project which was largely cherished

by the population and commented upon very positively by the Press.

Despite this national event, the biggest in the country during the

1880s, and with its counterparts abroad, the opportunities to promote

Portuguese music or to give some impetus to its creative forces acting in

support of national renewal, were not really seized. One project only, the

symphonic ode commissioned from Machado, had any chance of being

performed, which reveals the fragility of the musical institutions. Of the

430SeeDiario de Noticias, XVI/5.126: 14 May 1880,1.

431"Se ha
coisa para quo o espirito publico entre n6s seja innapto 6 para os orpheons, que
exigem a desciplina harmonica que nos falta em todas as manifestag6es, - na politica e
na musica. A conseguir portanto o maestro Frondoni quo duzentas vozes se harmonizem
n'um unisono, no the deveremos n6s entregar a suprema direcgAo da nossa sociedade,
encarregando-o de realisar na moral social e politica, o milagre que conseguiu na
musica?" (Guilherme de Azevedo, "Chronica occidental", 0 Occidente, 58: 15 May
1880,34).

192
 more patriotic repertory or of the Portuguese works performed for the

various celebrations, none has lasted in the repertory, except for The

Portuguese 432The opportunity to revive the instrumental works of a

prestigious musician such as Bomtempo was not taken, either at the time or

in the longer-term future.433These celebrations also demonstrated the

ephemeral nature of Portuguese musical life, i. e., the scarcity of

opportunities to hear Portuguesemusic.

The concerts celebrating Cames both in Madrid or in Paris reveal the

lack of musical resources or the lack of will or of confidence towards the

musical patrimony: no native work was played (with the exception of the

Royal Hymn) and the only Portuguese performer was Rey Colaco. See the

table below for the concert programmes in Paris and in Madrid.

Date Composers Works Place Performers

Paris
10 Jun. King Portuguese Royal Hymn Paris, Salle The Republican
1880 D. PedroIV Henri guardband
[?] Herz
10 Jun. Count of Marche triumphal Paris, Salle The Republican
1880 Beust Henri guard band
Herz
10 Jun. Donizetti Dom Sebastien, roi de ans, Salle Two French singers
1880 Portugal, duet Henri from the Paris
Herz Opera House
10 Jun. Kontsky, March to Camdes Paris, Salle The Republican
1880 A. Henri guard band
Herz

432It is that this had relevance due to the

possible patriotic repertory scarce musical
ideological context, the words being the main vehicle in these situations.
433However, Bomtempo wrote a large repertory of instrumental music comprising, among
other works, 2 Symphonies, 6 piano concertos, quintets and sextets for piano and strings
and one sextet for piano and winds. As far as I have been able to ascertain, during the
last quarter of the nineteenth century, two works by Bomtempo were performed: a
Gavotte for orchestra (TT, 31 Mar. 1895) and the first part of the Requiem in the
previously-mentioned concert in Oporto on 10 Jun. 1880.

193
 Madrid
10 Jun. Mendelssohn Scherzo, (?) Madrid Rey Colago
1880
10 Jun. Schumann 'Perchd? ' ,434 Madrid Rey Colago
1880
10 Jun. Chapi Serenatamourisca435 Madrid Rey Colaco
1880
10 Jun. Donizetti Poliuto, (?) Madrid Manuel Carbonell
1880
10 Jun. Beethoven Melody for cello Madrid Rubio
1880
10 Jun. Donizetti Lucia di Lammermoor, Madrid Emilia Reynel
1880 Rondo
10 Jun. Unknown Popular songs Madrid Orfeon of Madrid
1880
10 Jun. Chopin Polonaise C, for pf and Madrid Rey Colaco and
1880 vc436 Rubio
10 Jun. Donizetti Lucia di Lammermoor, Madrid Emilia Reynel
1880 duet
10 Jun. Mendelssohn "0 passeio no lago,,437 Madrid Orfeon of Madrid
1880
10 Jun. March, C. "0 himeneu" Madrid Orfeon of Madrid
1880

Beyond the scepticism of certain intellectuals towards these

celebrations (among them Antero de Quental), the popular chronicler of the

newspaper Dirio de Noticias, J61io Cesar Machado, commented: "Those

who think that nothing of the celebrations of these three days will last in the

future are wrong; the memory of them as the demonstrationof the noblest

sentiment of a people, expressing their love for the motherland, will remain.

Yet, it would be indubitably better if, besides the popular festivity, the

opportunity for a lasting event with some real quality, capable of arousing

the same enthusiasm as the one celebrated, could have been produced.""'

434It could be "Warum" from the Fantasiestcke, op. 12.

435The third the first symphonic suite, La corte de Granada: fantasia
movement of
morisca, by Chapi, was a "Serenata". I have not been able to confirm if the piece played
by Rey Colago was an adaptation for piano from this piece.
436It is, very possibly, the Polonaise brillante, C, vc, pf, op. 3.
38 It could be the Lied for mixed voices Auf dem See.
4as"Enganam-se
a das amplas festal d'estes tres dias, nada haja
os que possam cuidar que,
de ficar de amanhA em diante; ficar a lembranga d'ellas, como garantia do sentimento

194
 III 2. The `imagined community. "" Folklorism: Between

Herder and Comte

In the context of the European nationalisms of the period, the

Portuguese discourse reflected the fragile situation of the country in a

distinctive moment of economical and political crisis, heightened by the

dispute over its African territories. Unlike other European countries, which

projected their autonomy or expansion, the question for the Portuguese was

one of survival. "' Since its foundations were believed to be well supported

by a common language, a long-standing historical and political life and a

common religion, the search for what was unique should rest upon the

multifarious facts and arguments presented in the historical-genetic analysis

"of its popular culture, in particular, on its psychological and spiritual

traits' . 4'

It was generally held that the discovery of the primitive "genius" of

the people would enable the restoration of the essenceof their identity, and

mais nobre de um povo, o amor da sua gloria, o amor da patria. Melhor seria ainda, 6
claro, se, al6m do que constitue propriamente a festa popular, se houvesse aproveitado 0
ensejo para alguma consagraco duradoura, a altura solemn do assumpto e do
enthusiasmo que eile suscita" (Julio Cesar Machado, "Folhetim", Dirio de Noticias,
XVI/5.155: 10 Jun. 1880,1).
439A term
used by Benedict Anderson and quoted by Jim Samson (ed.), Nineteenth-
Century Music (Cambridge: CUP, 2002), 570.
440As argued by Margarida Calafate Ribeiro, Uma Histdria de Regressos (Porto: Ediges
Afrontamento, 2004), 56.
441"da de elenco de tracos psicolgicos e espirituais" On this subject
cultura popular, um
see Joo Leal, Etnografias Portuguesas (1870-1970). Cultura Popular e Identidade
Nacional (Lisboa: Publicag6es Dom Quixote, 2000) 18.

195
 endow the country with the forces necessary to the recovering from its

malaise. This task was first launched by Portuguese anthropologists from

the 1870s onwards. Among them was the prominent figure of Tefilo Braga,

a man of the Generation of the 1870s.Z In his introduction to the

Cancioneiro de msicaspopulares, by Cesar das Neves and Gualdino Pais

(1893-1899),443the positivist Tefilo supported music not only as a

scientific document for the knowledge of the people through its instruments

and songs, but also as the condition sine qua non to understand the full

meaning and construction of poetry. Moreover, the gathering together of the

nation's music into anthologies, if carried out scientifically, would help to

bring back the habits and customs of the people, as it would underline the

different stages of Portuguese history. As far as musical creation itself was

concerned, the composer, when acquainted with the musical facts of the

successive stages of history, would find the necessary roots for the

recreation of a Portuguese music. As an illustration of this process, Tefilo

gave the example of Modinha, a genre perceived as being characteristically

national by renowned travellers and personalities, such as William

Beckford, 4" William C. Stafford.. or Adrien Balbi. "

442See Chapter I, footnote 39.

4433 Vols. (Porto, Vol. I: Typ. Occidental, 1893; Vol. Il-III: Imprensa Editora, 1895
and
1899).
444He
wrote in his journal: "This is an original sort of music different from any I ever
heard, the most seducing, the most voluptuous imaginable, the best calculated to throw
saints off their guard and to inspire profane deliriums. " (William Beckford, The Journal
of William Beckford in Portugal and Spain 1787-1788, Boyd Alexander (ed.) [London:
Rupert Hart-Davis, 1954] 69); and later in the same work: "As to myself, I must confess
I am a slave to modinhas, and when I think of them cannot endure the idea of quitting
Portugal. " (Ibidem, 229).
445On the
sources of the Portuguese music, the author says: "[The Portuguese] possess
many songs of great antiquity and merit [... ] The national airs of the country are the
lauduns [he means lunduns], and the modinhas; and the latter are distinguished by

196
 The idea that the Portuguese character was intrinsically sad and

melancholic was commonplace in this period. This same feeling was

believed to be an essential trait within traditional songs. As the reviewer of

Amphion claimed: "Our popular songs are sad even in their joy and

distressing in their sadness"."' A similar character, "circumspect and

grave", could be observed in the popular dances, asserted Teofilo, quoting

the dance researcher Eduardo Noronha."' These characteristics led the same

reviewer of Amphion to write an article in which he proposed direct

correlations with the music of Romanians and Hungarians, which he

considered to possess similar qualities. 449This temperament, according to

him, was conveyed within Portuguese music through the prevalence of

minor keys and the use of the middle range of the singing voices."' The

Countess of Proenra-a-Velha (1864-1944), a keen promoter of the use of

traditional song in the creation of a distinctly Portuguese music, stated in

1902 that its sorrowful character probably reflected the "sentiment of our

decadence""' and many years later asserted that "melancholy is in

ourselves, not around us. To groan, to weep, to feel without a definite

reason, comes from the Arab fatalism that has permeated the Portuguese

peculiar features, from the popular melodies of all other nations, in their modulation. "
(A History ofMusic [London: Boethius Press, 1830, repr. 1986] 265).
446"Les Portugais
excellent surtout dans un genre de chant qu'ils appellent rnodinhas.
C'est une espece de chanson qui a an caractere particulier par lequel eile se distingue
des chansons populaires de toutes les autres nations." (Quoted in Paulo Ferreira de
Castro, `O que fazer com o seculo XIX? ', (Revista Porsuguesa de Musicologia, 2: 1992,
178).
447"os
nosssos cantos populares so tristes na alegria e acabrunhadoresna tristeza" (G. M.,
"A Musica Popular em Portugal", Amphion, IV/1: 1 Jan. 1890,2).
448In Cancioneiro Popular Portugues, 2"d edn (Lisboa: J. A. Rodrigues & C", 1913), 464.
449G.M., `Hungaros e Rumens', Amphion, V/ 1: 1 Jan. 1891,1-3.
450Idem, `As Escolas de Canto em Portugal', Amphion, IV/19: 1 Oct. 1890,1-2.
451Os Nossos Concertos: impresses de
arte (Lisboa: Libnio da Silva, 1902), 141.

197
 race [... ] The songs with which mothers lull their babies to sleep contain a

sadnessthat is incompatible with the happinessof the home.""'

The earliest collected music associated with the Cancioneiros453

emerged shortly after the turn of the 1850s, thirty years subsequent to the

first literary compilations carried out by Almeida Garrett 454There had been

several complaints in the specialist Press over the delay of this task, and

reviewers referred to it as the principal reason for the absence of a

nationalist music. The motives that led the former collectors to proceed with

the compilations were the same as for others,"" namely the fear that the

repertory might be lost owing to emigration from rural areasto the towns, or

as a result of the contamination of other genres such as the songs of

operettas,vaudevilles andfados 456

The autonomy of the musical folk material was a concept questioned

by few intellectuals. Moreira de S had pointed out some of the influences

that could be found in folksong. In 1886, he wrote: "the popular music of a

452"mas
essa melancolia reside em nos prbprios e no nas coisas que nos rodeiam. Gemer,
chorar, sentir sem causa determinada, provdm do fatalismo rabe, que influiu na raga
portuguesa e que ainda hoje se traduz na miisica do povo e nas palavras que a inspiram.
// As cantigas com que as mes embalam os filhos, acompanhadas com o balougar do
berco, so duma tristeza incompativel com a felicidade do lar. " (Idem, Alguns Seculos
de Msica: Impresses de arte [Lisboa: Libnio da Silva, 1930], 43).
ass Compilations
of folk music.
asaFor a
review of the early collections of Portuguese traditional music, see Salwa El-
Shawan Castelo-Branco and M. M. Toscano, "In Search of a Lost World: An Overview
of Documentation and Research on the Traditional Music of Portugal", in Yearbookfor
Traditional Music, 20 (1988), 158-192.
assThose
reasons were summarized by Pedro Fernandes Thomaz, in his work Velhas
cancoes e romances populares portugueses (Coimbra: F. Franca Amado, 1913).
456For the
meaning of this song, see Chapter I, footnote 130.

198
 nation can be considerably changed due to foreign influences. Thus, the

Moors left perceptible imprints on Portuguese music [... ] Even in the

Hymns of the Jewish Synagogue,which were expelled from the Peninsula in

the 15`hcentury, one can find marks very characteristic of the music of the

Moors. s457

A similar problem was raised by the diversity of some of the collected

materials due to the inclusion of both scholarly and popular melodies in the

same publication, as in, for example, the Cancioneiro de msicas

populares 458While the anthropologist Leite de Vasconcelos (1858-1941)

criticized that fact when commenting on the lyrics of this work, the art and

music historian Sousa Viterbo (1845/6-1910) found in such a combination

more advantagesthan disadvantages,as9as it allowed one to see the process

of "endosmosis" through the different social classes and genres. Moreover,

he held that what one might supposeto be the product of an "original force"

or characteristic of a region, or belonging to the soul of a particular

community, could often be found elsewhere in a more characteristic or

archaic form. In his opinion, if many "cantilennas" possesseda religious or

theatrical influence, that was due to the close interaction between religious

and civil lives; concerning Portuguese folk music, he stated that "it was not

457 ,a musica
popular de uma naco pde ser consideravelmente modificada por influencias
estranhas. Assim, os Mouros exerceram perceptivel influencia sobre a musica
portugueza [... ] Ate mesmo nos hymnos da synagoga dos Judeus que foram expulsos da
Peninsula no seculo XV se encontram ainda hoje vestigios claros dos carateristicos da
musica dos Mouros". ("Estudos sobre a musica nacional", Orpheon, 1: 12 Jan. 1886,5).
ass Cesar das Neves and Gualdino Pais, op. cit.
459The
same opinion was put forward by Manuel Ramos four years later in the
introduction to the third volume of Cancioneiro de msicas populares, Idem, (1899),
VIII.

199
 only the Christian element that predominated in Portuguese music; the

Jewish and Moorish [had] left their vestiges as well. ""' This viewpoint of

Viterbo, stressing the mixed influences or the lack of independence of the

folk material, opposed the anthropological concept of a mainstream idiom

and called attention to the absence of uniqueness or autonomy of musical

material. Taken slightly further, this might suggestthat so-called "primitive"

or "ancient" repertories had been so transformed over the years that they had

lost touch with many of their original features. In effect, the musical syntax

of folk repertories, as collected and adapted by the nineteenth-century

folklorists, was not so far removed from that of erudite repertories, and this

arguably created a difficulty for the creation of a national school in music,

since the exoticism that composers looked for in native popular music might

not actually be there.

1112.1.The Fado or the psychic portrait of the nation

Portuguese anthropology of the 1890s, through its most representative

characters, Adolfo Coelho (1847-1919) and Rocha Peixoto (1868-1909),

reflected the general ambience of the period, and in doing so echoed a much

more pessimistic view of the nation and of its people than in the 1870s and

1880s. Concerning Portuguese ethnicity and its psychological

460"No foi
s6 o elemento christo que predominou na musica portugueza; a influencia
judaica e mourisca devem ter deixado fatalmente os seus vestigios. " All these
comments are found in the introduction to the second volume of Cesar das Neves and
Gualdino Campos, Cancioneiro de msicas populares (1895), VI.

200
 characteristics, they portrayed it as influenced by a kind of original disease,

evolving in the most negative way through the history of the country, and

leading in the end to the total discredit of the Portuguese people and of

Portugal as a viable nation. "

In his essay 0 cruel e triste fado (The cruel and sad fado)462Rocha

Peixoto argues for the Fado as the true essenceof the Portuguese character

andof its history:

The only people of the world that sing the fado have in it the flagrant and
clear expression of its tendencies [... ] the fate, the chance, the luck [... ]
Throwing ourselves to the adventure with the right foot, or to the misfortune
with the left, either in a collective anguish or individually, all this defines the
Portuguese people. [... ] Everything in us carries the fado [... ] In this blind
faith of Portuguese genius and life the lethargy in the initiative, the
-as
absenceof a collective ideal, the alienation of the people in the ruling politics
and economics - in the stupefaction for the splendours or in the resignation
to disasters, all that can be understood and attributed to fate. [... ] What is said
in the fado about dreams, shadows, love, jealousy, absence, saudade and
chiefly resignation to the cruel and dark empire of destiny, all this expresses,
dramatically the character of the national soul. The fado is Portuguese, it is a
whole mentality, a whole History. [... ] everything is sung with the same
rhythm, in a music with scarce variants, wounded, pained, irremediable. [... ]
Always the cruel and sadfado, acting, deciding, explaining. 463

46' For the history of the Portuguese Anthropology, the

works by Joo Leal (2000 and
2006) give a very clear and analytical study on the subject.
462In Obras, Vol. 2, (P6voa do Varzim: Camara Municipal, 1972), 225-230. This article
was published for the first time in the newspaper 0 Primeiro de Janeiro, 8 Dec. 1893,
1.
463"0 nico
povo do mundo que canta o fado tem neste a expresso flagrante e nitida das
suss tendencias [... ]; a sina, o acaso, a sorte [... ], ou seja numa angstia colectiva, ou
individualmente, atirando-nos com o p6 direito ventura ou com o esquerdo a desgraca,
eis o que define o povo portuguds [... ] Nesta fe cega, que o genio ea vida portuguesa
explicam, a lassitude na iniciativa, a carencia de um ideal colectivo, o alheamento do
povo na obra politico-econmica dirigente, compreende-se na nagao entontecida de
grandezas ou resignada nos desastresque s6 atribui ao destino. [... ] Portanto, o fado eo
que nele se diz de sonho, de sombra, de amor, de cime, de ausencia, de saudade e
principalmente de conformagAo com o cra e negro imperio do destino, eis o que
exprime dramaticamente a feigo da alma nacional. 0 fado 6 portugues, 6 toda uma
mentalidade, b toda uma Histbria. [... ] o bem eo mal, o rosto da lua e as vozes do eco,
alem-t imulo ea redengdo, a paixo, a desdita, o cime, a vinganca, ate o Pobre
Portugal, tudo se canta num mesmo ritmo, numa msica de pequenas variantes,
alanceada, gemebunda, irreparvel. [... ] Sempre o cruel e triste fado, actuando,
determinando, explicando. " (Ibidem, 225-229).

201
 Although sharing the same opinion, the critic Antonio Arroio holds a

less deterministic position. In a talk directed to students he argued that there

were healthier ways, such as the civic activity of choral singing, to oppose

the negative components of the Fado, which he believed expressed "the

state of inertia and the sentimental inferiority in which our country has sunk

for many years and from which it is urgent to get out. Portugal is positively

a moral patient and the Fado is enough for the diagnosis of the illness. [... ]

As long as we sing the Fado, with the cigarette falling from the corner of the

mouth, with pensive eyes and the passion bursting out of the breast, we will

be an inferior people, incapable of grasping the modem life of more

advanced nations. Thereby I reiterate to the boys: Don't sing the Fado! s4'

Thesejudgements, in which the Fado was directly associatedwith the

essence of the Portuguese character as well as the decadent state of the

nation, were shared by the generality of those intellectuals who wrote

abundantly about the song during this period. All negative features were

associated with it from its genealogy to its context and the behaviour of its

performers. Ramalho Ortigo in his chronicles, As Farpas (The Barbs), "'

gives the following portrait:

464"0 Fado,
para mim, exprime o estado de inercia e de inferioridade sentimental em que
o nosso pals est mergulhado ha muitos annos e do qual urge que saia. Portugal 6
positivamente um doente moral eo Fado basta para se formular o diagnostico da
doenga. [... ] Emquanto cantarmos o Fado de cigarro ao canto da boca, olhos em alvo e
paixo a arrebentar o peito, no passamos de um povo inferior, incapaz de
comprehender a vida moderna das nagdes avancadas. Por isso repito aos rapazes: No
cantem o fado! " (Antonio Arroio, 0 Canto Coral ea sua Funco Social [Coimbra:
Franca Amado Editor, 1909], 79-80).
465As Farpas, Vol. 7 (Lisboa: Companhia Nacional Editora, 1889), 174-183.

202
 Being a fado singer, afadista, means: being a tolerated criminal, associated
civilly, and forming a class. Due to their social genealogy, fadistas come
from the former plebeian swordsmen who won, through an exam in bravery,
the right to gird the sword and to be accompanied by quarrelling noblemen
and street-toughs. [... ] Amongst the noblemen referred to was the
grandmaster of the order, the ranking captain, the most serene infant D.
Francisco, illustrious brother of king D. Joao V [... ] The Fadista neither
works nor possesses incomes that represent an accumulation of previous
work. They live from the daily work of exploiting their closeness. [... ] The
tool of their office consists of a Portuguese guitar and a Santo Christo, which
is the technical name for the large flick knife, triple hinged on the spring. The
guitar under the arm substitutes the sword at the waist, with which they
associate with the nobility, the dandies, their forefathers from the 17`x'
century. [... ] The guitar, their instrument of industry and of love, is strummed
with an imperturbable cheerfulness [... ] They also sing [... ) intoning the
melopeia of the fados, in which they describe crimes, bullfights, obscene
loves and religious rites to the Virgin Mary, with a sobbing voice, broken at
the larynx, accompanied by a physiognomic expression of sentimentality of a
ragged and wretched alcove. [... j It is from the class of fadistas that the
incorrigible elements of criminality depart for the courts and the jails. [... ]
Want a good piece of advice copper, that sums it all up? Reverse your means
of ensuring public safety: throw the portrait to the dogs and the net over the
fadistas.. "

Regarding its origins, there was a tendency to connect it to the Arabs

or to unknown sources of a remote past, all this being part of its mythology,

as observed in a review by one of the chroniclers of Amphion:

Whether these songs came to us, through the essence or influence of the
Arabs, or spontaneously gushed forth out of us, they all have, so to speak, the

466"Ser fadista
quer dizer: ser um criminoso tolerado, agremiado civilmente, constituindo
uma classe. Pela sua genealogia social o fadista descende dos antigos espadachins
plebeus que conquistavam, por meio de exame feito em valentia, o direito de cingirem a
espada e de acompanharem com fidalgos bulhentos e tranca-ruas. [... ] Entre os
alludidos fidalgos figurava como gro-mestre da ordern, como capito da ala, o
serenissimo senhor infante D. Francisco, preclaro irmo do senhor rei D. Joao V [... ] O
fadista nAo trabalha nem possue capitaes que representem uma accumulaco de trabalho
anterior. Vive dos expedientes da explorago do seu proximo. [... ] A ferramenta do seu
officio consta de uma guitarra e de um Santo Christo, que assim chamam technicamente
a grande navalha de ponta e triplice calgo na mola. (... ] A guitarra debaixo do brago
substitue Welle a espada 4 cinta, por mein da qual se acamaradavam corn a nobreza os
pimpes seus ascendentesdo seculo XVII. [... ] A guitarra, seu instrumento de industria
e de amor, dedilha-a eile corn um desfastio impavido [... ] Tambem canta [... ] entoando
a melopea dos fados, em que se descrevem crimes, toiradas, amores obscenos e
devoces religiosas Virgem Maria, corn uma voz solucada, quebrada na larynge,
acompanhada da expressophysionomica de uma sentimentalidade de enxovia, pelintra
e miseravel. [... ] E da classe dos fadistas que saem para os tribunaes e para as cadeias
os incorrigiveis da criminalidade. [... ] Quer a policia um born conselho, que resume
tudo? Inverta os seus meios de garantir a seguranca publica: tire o retrato aos ces e
deite a rede aos fadistas." (Ramalho Ortigo, As Farpas, 15 Vols. [Lisboa: Companhia
Nacional Editora, 1889; originally written in May, 1878], VII, 174-183).

203
 pronounced character of a frightening Fatality. It seems that, when singing,
the claws of Destiny, the black pretexts of the most cruel and implacable
Fado, freedoms set themselves free and involve us in the dense shadow of
Disgrace and throw over us unconquerable, suffocating darkness... What
doth say this song of Fado known in every part, and whose essential form is
kept intact in spite of the introduced variations. Who could be its author?
Mystery. Where did it originate. Put the thought aside. Was it born in the
brothel, and jump out of the voice of some wretched person that Destiny had
cast into the mud? Maybe. Or is it the primordial concrete form of expressing
in music all that language insinuates through the word Saudade?467

The Arabian origin would serve the supposed exoticism so much

desired in folk music if it is to shapea national music. The unknown sources

could be a synonym of its remoteness and permanence, another quality

relevant to the folk songs. The distinctiveness of its features was also

recognized, since anyone in the country could identify such songs.

Therefore it could constitute a resource for art music rather like the zarzuela,

a product greatly appreciated by the Portuguese for its Spanish qualities.""

But these assumptions were denied by Ernesto Vieira (1848-1915), who, in

his music Dictionary, "" presented reliable arguments to show that Fado

could have been disseminated in Lisbon only by the middle of the

nineteenth century.

467"Quer
esses cantos nos viessem, por essencia ou influencia, dos arabes, quer hajam
brotado espontaneos d'enire n6s, todos elles teem, para assim dizermos, o caracter
pronunciado de uma Fatalidade aterradora. Parece que, ao cantarmos, as garras do
Destino, as negras azas do Fado crudelissimo e implacavel, se despregam
immensamente largas e nos envolvem na sombra espessada Desgraga que por sobre n6s
se estira, lobrega invencivel, suffocante Que o diga essa cango do Fado conhecida
...
em toda a parte, e cuja forma essencial se conserva intacta a despeito das variantes
introduzidas. Quem seria o seu auctor? Mysterio. D'onde proveio? Ignora-se. Nasceria
no alcoice, solta pela voz de alguma desgragada que o Destino atirou A lama? Talvez.
Ou ser a forma primordial concreta de exprimir em musica tudo o que na linguagem se
insinua pela palavra Saudade? [... ]" (G. M., "A Musica Popular em Portugal",
Amphion, IV/1: 1 Jan. 1890,3). The remotedness of the song was also claimed by
Te6filo Braga, Cancioneiro Popular Portugues, 2 Vols (Lisboa: J.A. Rodrigues & C',
1911), I.
468F.F., "A Musica
nos nossos theatros", Amphion, IV/14: 16 Jul. 1890,2-3.
469Diccionario Musical, 2'
edn (Lisboa: Pacini, 1890), 238-9.

204
 In spite of all the negative features ascribed to it, Fado became highly

popular in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, performed in the houses

of high society people who not only invited the singers (Fadistas) to

perform it, but also sang it themselves, although with considerable changes

in order to make it conform to more acceptable rules. In his study of folk

music in Portugal, Lambertini asserts:

From the brothel it [the Fado] has passed very gradually to the salons; there
was a period when the enthusiasm for this popular tune reached the ladies of
the aristocracy, who didn't mind to finger the Portuguese guitar to sing the
Fado, as they did in previous periods with the French guitar to sing the
modinha. [... ] The popularity gained by the Fado in these last 50 years and
the success it achieved in all social classes is so great that no one can deny
the right of considering it a typical song.470

With its universal popularity, its urban character and its very recent

inception, "" the Fado was a long way from the traditional products searched

470"Du lupanar il a passe tres graduellement aux

salons; il ya eu des epoques o
1'enthousiasmepour cette melopee populaire a atteintjusqu'aux dames de 1'aristocracie,
qui ne dedaignaient pas de pincer la guitarre portugaise pour entonner le fado, comme
dann des epoques anterieures elles pingaient la guitarre frangaise pour accompanher la
modinha. [... ] Mais la popularite acquise para lefado dans ces derni8res 50 annes et le
succes qu'il a obtenu dann toutes les classes sociales est si grand que personne ne lui
conteste le droit de chanson typique" (Michel'Angelo Lambertini, Chanson el
Instruments: Renseignements pour I 'Etude du Folk-lore Portugals [Lisbonne:
Lambertini, 1902], 25).
The same practice, held by members of high society, was described by the Countess of
Proenga-a-Velha: "In the nineteenth century, still so close to us, the Fado of Alfama and
Mouraria [popular quarters in Lisbon], which were only valued (appreciated) by
toreadors and vagrants, was transplanted to the salons, taking with it the characteristic
guitar, with its groans and variations [... ] The fashion then [... ] decreed, that that
singular instrument was adapted by the most aristocratic ladies, accompanying some
delicate and stylized Fados, supported by very chosen poetries."
"No seculo XIX, tao proximo ainda de nds, o fado da Alfama e Mouraria, apreciado e
s conhecido por toureiros e boemios, foi transplantado para as salas, bem como a
caracteristica guitarra, com os seus gemidos e variages. A moda de ento [... ] decretou
que esse curioso instrumento fosse adoptado pelas mail aristocrticas damas,
acompanhando sbre poesias escolhidas, alguns fados delicadamente estilizados. "
(Condessa de Proenga-a-Velha [1930], 104-5).
471For a thorough study
of the Fado, the recent work by Rui Vieira Nery, Para uma
Histria do Fado, Lisboa, Publico-Corda Seca, 2004, is an illuminating one. For more
synthetical information, see Salwa- El-Shawan Castelo Branco, "Fado", in Stanley
Sadie (ed.) The New Grove Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2d edn, Vol. 8
(London: Macmillan, 2001), 508-510.

205
 for by scholars and ethnographers in the rural areas, and was thus

considered in competition with rural folksong. Several examples of it were

contained in the earliest Cancioneiros 472 Moreover

- even though not

proceeding from an Arabian origin, nor from any source more distant than a

medieval one, as identified by the respectful philologist Carolina Michaelis

de Vasconcelos (1851-1925)473 it possessed the great quality of lasting

-

longer than any other urban popular song, as the music historian Ernesto

Vieira argued in his Dictionary. 474

In spite of all the exposed abnormalities and the simplicity of its

or, as argued by others, of its inferior qualities, "' the

musical components47S

most relevant composers of the late nineteenth century and several of the

472Such as: Joo Antonio Ribas, Album de Musica Nacionaes Portuguezas Constando
-
de Cantigas e Tocatas usadas nos differentes Districtos e Comarcas das Provincias da
Beira Traz-oz Montes e Minho - Estudadas minuciosamente e transcriptas nas
respectivas localidades (Porto: C. A. Villa Nova, 1857); and Cesar das Neves and
Gualdino Pais, Cancioneiro de msicas populares.
473Quoted in Rui Vieira Nery,
op. cit., 54.
474There he stated: "The
predominant melancholic character of the Fado, its huge
popularity, and the fact that it succeeds to all other street songs of an ephemereal
existence, makes it worthy of some research, which would be very insteresting for the
history of popular music. "
"0 caracter essencialmente melancholico do fado, a sua grande popularidade ea
circumstancia d'elle prevalecer sempre sobre todas as outras cantigas das ruas, cuja
existencia 6 ephemera, tornam-o digno de algumas investigages que seriam
interessantespara a historia da musica popular. " (Ibidem, 238).
ass Such as its symmetrical
phrases of 8 bars and the exclusive use of the tonic and
dominant chords, amongst other characteristics.
476As argued by Antonio Arroio: "The
way of singing it covers a set of the most complete
and ridiculous stylistic faults as well as those of good taste. But, on the other hand, only
that way does it keep its own specificity; if it is changed or stylized in a different way, it
loses all his worth and becomes reduced to its eternal and poor harmony, always the
same, always pleasantly sensual and depressing."
"a maneira de o cantar 6o conjuncto mais completo e ridiculo de erros estylisticos, de
faltas de bom gosto. Mas tambem s6 assim tem a Or propria, local; modificado, ou
estylisado diversamente, perde todo o valor e fica reduzido sua eterna e pobre
harmonia, sempre a mesma, sempre docemente sensual e deprimente." (Antnio Arroio,
op. cit., 58).

206
 twentieth century used it in their compositions, side by side with the songs

considered more vernacular and rural.

The first of these works using Fados, rural folk tunes and dances from

different parts of the country, introduced to a large audience and eliciting

the greatest enthusiasm from the public and the press, was the three

Portuguese Rhapsodies for orchestra (Rapsdias Portuguesas) by the

Russian-German Victor Hussla, the director of the orchestra of RAAM, (TT,

12 February 1892). 47 The previous announcement in the press, calling

attention to the inclusion of folk melodies, had already excited curiosity and

therefore produced a full house. The reactions after the concert could not

have been more enthusiastic. As stresssed by one critic, the "bravo [was]

unanimous". "' Another aspect outlined by the critics was the totally

unedited character of such music in the country (although other works with

folk material had already been presented before to the public). "' Of the

three, the second Rhapsody was considered by the reviewers the one which

prompted the most enthusiasm from the audience, above all because of its

Fados which were repeated by popular request. As emphasized in the daily

newspaper Dirio Popular: "The second [Rhapsody], where the author

introduced the motives of the Fados, [wa]s by this fact the one which

provoked more enthusiasm. When the first [Fado] burst, the one of Anadia,

there was a shiver in the whole venue. It was the Portuguese soul

47 SeeChapterII, footnote353.
478O Economista, X1/3.128: 13 Feb. 1892,2.
479At least, the composer from Oporto, Marques Pinto, had already performed several
works including folk materials, such as a Fantasy (Sociedade Nova Euterpe, 13 Jun.
1880) and several Popular Songs arranged for violin (RTSC, 10 March 1884).

207
 speaking!"480The musical qualities highlighted and repeated by all critics

were the skilfulness of the orchestration and the "science" used by the

composer in combining the successive folk materials. The enthusiasm came

also from the evidence the work provided, even for the most sceptical, that

the country was "fertile" in its musical patrimony. As the reviewer of the

newspaperNovidades stressed:"it should be admired not only by us but also

by the foreign countries."48'The only regret expressedby the Presshad to do

with the fact that it was left to a foreigner to introduce this patrimony, which

did not belong to him but to the nation. Despite that, the initiative led by the

director could finally induce Portuguese composers to follow the same path.

This particularity was stressed by one reviewer, writing of a concert

produced rather later,482

who was a touch sceptical about a work composed

by a German, played by an Italian orchestra (of RTSC) and directed by a

Catalan (Juan Goula), a set of such disparate elements that led him to ask:

"What can be the result of this cosmopolitanism, of this set of such diverse

tendencies, in which everybody, from the conductor to the timpanist, is alien

to our national genius, to our morbid and mournful character in music?"483

In other words, was there not a risk of depriving the national music of its

soul?

480"A 2' [Rapsdia] onde o auctor introduziu os motivos de fados 6 por este facto a que
mais enthusiasmo despertou. Quando rompeu o primeiro, o da Anadia houve um
fremito em toda a sala. Fallava a alma portugueza! " (Unsigned, Diarlo Popular,
XXVII/8.900: 13 Feb. 1892,1.
481Unsigned, Novidades, VIII/2.403: 13. Feb. 1892,2.
482Probably the concert at RISC on 18 January 1895 where the third Rhapsody was
played.
483Lino d'Assumpgo, "Chronica Quinzenal", Amphion, IX/2: 31 Jan. 1895,11.

208
 This was one of the most admired works of this period of intense

patriotism and nationalism. The fact that it was Hussla, who besides

enjoying the special status of a German, also explored this popular material

to such musical effect in orchestral work (a prestigious medium), must have

contributed to the enthusiasm that it aroused in the people. In addition,

among all the folk materials included in his Rhapsodies, people seem to

have recognized - especially in the Fado, a local song - the authentic

voice of the Portuguesespirit 4sa

When Viana da Mota485introduced some of his works - namely his

Rapsdia Portuguesa, which also contains fados - in the next year, he

aroused similar enthusiasm among the audience, critics included. In contrast

to Hussla, his qualities as a pianist forced his work as a composer somewhat

into the shade.The Press highlighted his piano technique and the qualities of

his interpretation to such an extent that, when referring to his compositions,

they forgot to comment on the work and, instead, referred to his pianism, as

we can perceive in the following comments: "another Fado, which we do

484As a demonstration of gratitude, a Portuguese guitar with a drawing of Malhoa was

offered to Hussla.
assViana da Mota born 22 April 1868 on the island of S. Tome. When he was two
was on
years old, he moved with his family to Lisbon, where he began his studies of the piano.
With the financial support of the Royal Family, he travelled to Berlin to study, first at
the Conservatory Scharwenka and subsequently with Karl Schffer, Liszt and Hans von
Billow. At the same time, he studied composition and orchestration. He began an
international career as a pianist, performing throughout Europe, North and South
America. He was responsible for the edition of Liszt's piano works for Breitkopf. In
1915, he substituted Stavenhagen as piano teacher of the virtuosi classes at the
Conservatory of Geneva. In 1919, he returned to Portugal, where he was nominated
director of the Conservatory of Music in Lisbon. Invited by Guido Adler, he took part in
the Beethoven centenary celebrations in Vienna. He wrote on Hans von Billow (1896)
and Liszt (1945) and was a contributor to the following periodicals: Allgemeine
Musikzeitung Bayreuther Bltter, Der Klavierlehre, Der Kunstwart, Die Gegenwart,
Die Musik, Merker, Neue Zeitschrift fr Musik, Revue Musicale, Richard Wagner
Jahrbuch.

209
 not know, was played with an extraordinary energy"; ` "As a composer,

Vianna da Motta presented the breadth of his merit in the Serenata and in

the Rhapsodia portugueza two pieces greatly inspired, full of difficulties. ""'

One critic, summarizing the effect of both works, concluded: "his Serenata,

a very elegant piece, and his Rhapsody, an improvisation, full of verve, were

of a splendid virtuosism". 488

Another composer, also a pianist, to base his compositions upon the

Fado was Rey Colaco.48' For the public, critics included, he was always

described as a distinguished pianist without blemishes, an elegant, graceful

and subtle virtuoso. His works, either for solo piano or voice and piano, and

based on folk materials, were written very much according to the qualities

frequently used to describe the man himself... Being familiar with the

aristocracy and high bourgeoisie, his compositions seemed to adjust to that

milieu as well. Introducing his Fados to the public from 1894 onwards, the

critics referred to them as "delicate composition[s]", "" or "lovely morceaux

486"outro fado,
que no conhecemos, e que foi tocado com uma energia extraordinaria"
(Carlos de Mello, "Vianna da Motta", Jornal do Commercio, 40/11.806: 13 Apr. 1893,
1).
487"Como
compositor, Vianna da Motta apresentou a medida do seu merito na Serenata e
na Rhapsodia portugueza, dois trechos inspiradissimos, erigados de difficuldades"
(Unsigned, Jornal de Noticias, VI/120: 21 May 1893,2).
488"a sua Serenata,
uma peca elegantissima, ea sua Rhapsodia, uma improvisapo cheia de
verve, foram de um virtuosismo esplendido." (0 Commercio do Porto, XU104: 4 May
1893,2).
489He
composed a set of 10 Fados for piano.
490As can be
observed in this commentary: "In his Fados, the character of Rey Colago is
totally defined from the way he idealized them."
'Torque Rey Colaco define absolutamente o seu temperamento na forma porque
idealisou os Fados. " This critique was published in Jornal de Noticias, and later
transcribed inAmphion, XI/22: 30 Nov. 1897,345.
491"mimosa
composico" (0 Seculo, XIV/4.358: 13 Mar. 1894,2).

210
 [... ] that should delight the ladies who study the piano thoroughly. "492One

reviewer referred to their "unpretentious" character, and "their short

dimensions", stressing that some of the variations recalled the compositions

that had made the glory of Prudent and of others in the past but, assessedby

current criteria, seemedtotally outdated.493

The most comprehensive critique on his Fados was written in a daily

newspaper of Oporto following a concert that Colago gave in that city. The

reviewer said:

He uses the tones according to a specific character, depicting all possible

emotions that characterize the Fado, from the graceful, slightly joyful soft
melancholy of moonlight nights, to the tragic jealousy that would take to the
knife, if that feeling would fit the noble profile and mental character of the
musician. Rey Colaco idealizes the different types of fado, seeing them
through rich and diverse decorative drawings, where the unexpected
ornamental detail combines, in a happy way, with the unpredictable
harmonization. Such influences as those of Schumann or of Liszt, a great
dreamer and an incomparable colorist, transformed by the temperament and
the fantasy of our illustrious musician give those pages very peculiar aspects
and an unquestionable interest.494

492"que devem fazer

as delicias das senhoras, que se applicam ao estudo de piano"
(Unsigned,0 Seculo,XV/4.999: 18 Dec. 1895,2).
a93The proper
expression was "... a fail son temps" (Unsigned, Novidades, XI/3.593: 18
Dec. 1895,2).
494"Ferindo
notas de diverso caracter, dando-nos todas as modalidades emotivas que o
fado comporta, desde a graga docemente alegre ea melancolia suave das noites de luar,
ate ao ciume tragico que levaria facada, se esse sentir fosse compativel com a nobre
figura e feitio mental do musico. Rey Colaco idealisa os varios typos de fado, vendo-o
atravez de ricos e diversos desenhos decorativos, onde o imprevisto do detalhe
ornamental se casa de uma forma feliz ao imprevisto da harmonisagAo. As influencias,
ora de Schumann, ora de Liszt, um grande sonhador e um incomparavel colorista-
decorador, transformando-se atravez do temperamento proprio e da fantasia do nosso
illustre musico, do a essas paginas aspectos deveras curiosissimos e sobremaneira
interessantes." This critique was published in Jornal de Noticias and later transcribed in
the Amphion, XI/22: 30 Nov. 1897,345.

211
 In every criticism I have read concerning the Fados by Colaco, the

expression "spirit of the people" stands out above all else to describe the

"grieved and dream-like" tone of his compositions. Beyond that tone,

external influences were perceived in his compositions, notably from

Schuman and Liszt, but with Chopin there as well.

If the Fado had revealed, within its contradictory components, the

spirit of the nation or "the Portuguese soul", either in the compositions by

Colaco or by Hussla, other problems, concerning for example the

appropriate means of treating the folk material, and the essential

Portuguesenessof the whole project, remained to be resolved; and for that

we need to turn to the Portuguesecomposers.

212
 III 3. Musical life and the nationalist imperative

The principle that national music should spring from the psychic

character of the people and then be reworked by the talent of the composer

was at that time unquestioned. Folksong was therefore regarded as the

primary root, since its uniqueness and autonomy were deemed essential to

guarantee the basic qualities of a work. Furthermore, it should be

authenticated by language and given expression through the nationality of

the composers and performers alike, since they share a common spirit with

the people. Moreover, it was fundamental that it should be identified not

only as a native product but, at the same time, regarded as acceptable

abroad, since it was recognized that national styles were both highly valued

by central countries and beneficial to peripheral ones. Internationalism thus

represented an objective as important as the other components. As a final

goal, in a world where the masses had an increasingly predominant role in

society, it should ideally serve as an instrument of democratization.

Besides the constraints already outlined, the creation of a national

music raised several others issues. The popular songs were not deemed by

the majority to be musically "characteristic". "' If certain supporters of the

avs In his
work, 0 Cancioneiro Popular Portugues, Tebfilo Braga transcribed the following
excerpt from a text by the critic Adriano Mereia: "The love of the motherland's things
does not blind me to the point of finding in our songs the same originality and value as
the Hungarian popular melodies, the same vagueness and unreal seduction of the
Scandinavian songs, the rhythmic variety, the intensity of colour, the fire and the
fantasy that characterize the several Spanish collections of aires and baffles. Other

213
 use of traditional music found in the simplicity of the melodies the most

faithful indication of the spirit of the people, such as Lino de Assumpgo, 496

others found it difficult to develop a musical language from such

rudimentary material. On this subject, Moreira de S maintained the

following opinion several years later: "Of course the national composers can

only flourish in the countries where the popular song has the necessary

plasticity to serve art composition. The folk song of the Slavonic race or of

the Scandinavians is specially rich in this respect [... ] The absence of this

[tonal and harmonic] plasticity is one of the major weaknesses of

Portuguese popular music. This is the reason why, it seems to me, all the

attempts towards an art composition with our popular music have been

frustrated. "497

For the Countess of Proenca-a-Velha, in contrast, the alleged "purity"

of folk songs should be approached as the most characteristic element of

qualities characterize our songs [... ] they are simple, transparent and, above all,
touching; it is a music of sentiment, totally embedded in poetry and tenderness, that
only rarely does not contain a smell of saudade ... ".
"0 amor As coisas patrias no me cega a ponto de encontrar nas nossas canges a
originalidade eo valor caracteristico de melodias populares hungaras, o vago, a
seducgo de irrealidade das cang6esscandinavas, a variedade rythmica, a intensidade de
cr, a ardencia ea phantasia de notar as varias collecg6es de aires e bailer hespanhoes.
Outras qualidades as valorisam [... ] as nossas cangdes so simples, limpidas e
sobretudo, tocantes; 6 musica de sentimento, toda ella embebida em poesia de ternura
que raro deixa de conter um travo de saudade... " (461).
496Finding the Portuguese Rhapsodies by V. Hussla to be extremely complex, he argued
that, in contrast, simplicity is what characterizes Portuguese folk songs. See Lino de
Assumpgo, "Chronica Quinzenal", Amphion, IX/2: 31 Jan. 1895,11-2.
497"Evidentemente os compositores nacionaes
s podem florescer nos paizes cuja cang5o
popular tern a necessariaplasticidade para servir como material de composigo artistica.
Ora, a cango popular da raga slava e das nagbes scandinavas 6 particularmente rica a
este respeito [... ] A carencia d'esta plasticidade [tonal e harmonica] 6 um dos grandes
fracos da musica popular portugueza. Esta a razo, me parece, porque teem sahido
baldas todas as tentativas de constituigo de uma trams artistica com a nossa musica
popular" (Palestras Musicais, 5 Vols. [Porto: Casa Moreira de S, 1914; originally
written inl911], II, 50 and 57).

214
 national music, as exemplified in her own compositions. She addressedthe

problem in the following way: "There is a great contrast between our songs

and those of Arab origin in respect of the embellishments, as can be found

in Spain in the Malaguena, Seguidilla and Petenera; that difference which

apparently only makes our melodies seem poor, gave rise to the superficial

observation of some Italian and Russian critics that the poetry of our songs

is far superior to its music [... ] This injustice to our music results from its

extreme purity and total lack of melismas". 498

Another difficulty, this time concerning the creation of a national

school of Lied, was the Portuguese language, due particularly to its

harshness, its obstructing diphthongs and double consonants,"' in spite of

the defense that the Polish tenor Gustave Romanoff Salvini (1825-1894) had

in proving that the language was perfectly singable

put forward in 1866500

and that the only reason that Portuguese dilletanti did not use it was their

exclusive pleasure in singing in Italian.

498"Ha Canges as de origem arabe quanto aos

um grande contraste entre as nossas e
ornatos, conhecidas em hespanha no typo da Malaguena, Seguidilla, e Petenera; e essa
differenga que aparentemente toms pobre as nossas melodias, deu origem observagAo
superficial de alguns criticos italianos e russos, que consideram a poesia das Canges
portuguezas muito superior musica: o que 6 inadmissivel pela f6rma como se ligam,
pois nasceram juntas e d'esse modo devem ser apreciadas. II A causa d'essa injustiga
feita nossa musica resulta da sua extrema pureza e absoluta falta dos melismas que
ornam as melodias hespanholas de origem arabe. " (Condessa de Proenga-a-Velha, Os
nossos concertos: impresses de arte [Lisboa: Libnio da Silva, 1902], 173-4).
499These particularities were pointed out by a critic signing under G. M., in the article "As
Escolas de Canto em Portugal", Amphion, IV/19: 1 Oct. 1890,1-2.
S0Salvini to Portugal in 1859 to sing at the Royal Opera House of S. Joo in Oporto.
came
Afterwards he decided to live in this town, and established himself as a singing teacher.
In 1866, he published a collection of Portuguese songs in the popular style, entitled
Cancioneiro musicalportuguez: quarenta melodies (Lisboa: n.p., 1866).

215
 Regarding the skills of composers and the full accomplishment of

their undertakings, a reviewer of Amphion, writing under the pseudonym

Mar. Mellus, wrote that "inspiration is the product of two important factors:

talent and technique. If the first comes with birth, the other must be

acquired. In order to get it, the native social environment is not sufficient,

most of the time. An external element is usually needed, and that requires a

reform of the musical studies, incentives similar to the Prix de Rome and to

what has been done in the Academy of Arts. ""' The same trend would suit

performers, either singers or instrumentalists. As the reviewer asserted:

"The protection for Portuguesesingers is nil, becausethey are not part of the

staff of our theatre. [... ] The doors are not easily opened for them". 502
As to

the Portuguesemusicians' belonging to the orchestra of the Opera House, all

the press complained about their substitution by Italian performers from

December 1894. As part of these complaints, the schools were deemed to be

uncared for and insufficient - just a single public institution for a

4
population of million inhabitants, the critic claimed. "'

These constraints and broader aspects of the subject generated a

polemic between two reviewers for the specialized press - Melo Barreto

from Arte Musical and Jlio Neuparth from Amphion - regarding the

petition addressedby Alfredo Keil to the Government concerning financial

soi He referred to the scholarships that were given yearly and exclusively to the students.
(Mar. Mellus, "Theatros: S. Carlos", Amphion, V/8: 16 Apr. 1891,60-1).
502"A protecco aos cantores portuguezes 6 nulla, porque cantores portuguezes no
figuram no pessoal lyrico do theatro. [... ] No se lhes abrem facilmente as portas"
(Unsigned, "Theatros: S. Carlos", Amphion, V/8: 16 Apr. 1891,60-1).
503Mar. Mellus, "Theatros:S. Carlos",Amphion,V/8: 16 Apr. 1891,60-1.

216
 support for his opera Irene, so that it could be sung in Portuguese and

performed by the best international Portuguese singers504

at lower prices to

suit a larger "'

audience. The petition, which gave the project immediate

publicity, was reinforced with a proposition containing the conditions

believed necessaryfor the full achievement of national opera in general. For

such a purpose, not only should all the components be Portuguese, but the

education for singers should itself be reformed, and a new theatre should

exist solely for the performance of that repertory, thereby allowing the

democratization of opera. As a model, he presented the Royal English Opera

House, recently inaugurated with Ivanhoe by Sullivan. "' Jlio Neuparth

instead deemed that project completely "utopian" and "fanciful" since it

required two conditions not yet achieved by Portuguesecomposers: mastery

of folksong and its re-elaboration within the genre of operetta, which were

indispensable steps to the realization of such an ideal (just as the Spaniards

had done with the zarzuela). Melo Barreto refuted these ideas on the basis

that operetta was not a Portuguese genre, in spite of all the attempts that had

been made prior to that time and, with respect to folksong, the quality of that

repertory was much inferior to the Italian one."'

504This period was particularly rich with respect to Portuguese singers pursuing an
international career.
505This debate comes in Arte Musical, 11-19,1891 and in Amphion, 6-12,1891.
506Mello Barreto, "Chronica", Arte Musical, I1/12: 5 Mar. 1891,1-2.
507Mello Barreto, "Chronica", Arte Musical, 11/17: May 1891,2. This reviewer was an
Italian opera, which he believed to be greatly appreciated by
enthusiastic supporter of
the Portuguese because of its common southern nature.

217
 As we have seen, the problems raised concerning a Portuguese music

largely surpassed issues in composition and the quality of the original

material, to embrace all the context surrounding it, such as the use of the

language; the reform of musical studies; the integration of singers and

instrumentalists within national institutions, or the construction of new ones;

the creation of scholarships or subsidies to enable contacts between

Portuguesemusicians and the musical life of central Europe; and finally, the

democratization of the repertory. As Moreira de S outlined: "It seems to

me, however, that nationalism within music proceeds from a more general

causewhose result we can define as the democratization of music.""'

1113.1.Opera: inclusive and exclusive attitudes

In the field of opera, very tentative attempts were undertaken in the

last quarter of the nineteenth century to produce a national product in which

all the components were Portuguese. Of those staged at RTSC by native

composers, several had been based on Portuguese literature; S09

only one had

included two native singers in the main roles,"' and all of them had been

sung in Italian. Outside the opera house, some rare and brief attempts had

508"Parece-me, por6m, que o nacionalismo da musica procede de uma causa mais geral, da
qual resulta aquillo que se me affigura poder chamar-se corn propriedade a
democratisacao da musica." (Palestras Musicais, II: 61).
509This the for the following operas dating from 1870 onwards: Eurico (23
was case
February 1870), based on the novel by Alexandre Herculano; Fra Luigi di Sousa (19
March 1891), based on the play by Almeida Garrett; D. Branca (10 March 1888), and
Irene (21 February 1896) based on the poem and the legend published by the same
writer.
510That the tenor Antonio de Andrade, and his brother Francisco de Andrade, then
was
singers at international level.

218
 been made either to use home singers, as with Ernani, s" or to sing in

Portuguese."' As far as present research has determined, the only project

that included all of the above-mentioned components was launched in 1896

by a number of people (mainly amateurs) belonging to Clube Lisboa, a

private association created with that very aim and whose principal founder

was the violinist and director Filipe Duarte (1855-1928), one of the main

promoters of the creation of RAAM and the person responsible for the

production of Ernani. The two operas, staged by this organization in 1896

and 1897,513
received a notably positive responsefrom the daily press, which

emphasized how welcome the attempt to create a "national opera" was.

Concerning the first, Lancha Favorita, the critics highlighted the plot, which

was built upon the dramatic and happy events of the difficult life of the

fishers of a typical small village, the characteristic motives of their popular

songs and dances, and the simplicity rather than banality of the overall

51, In 1895 Filipe Duarte,

as director, and Napoleo Vellani, as singing teacher, headed the
production of Ernani, with Portuguese amateurs and professionals at Teatro D. Amelia,
performed on 29 May. According to Adriano Mereia, who attended a rehearsal, the
proceeds of that performance would serve to finance the production of operas 'written
by national composers, on Portuguese subjects and libretti' (Adriano Merea, 'Recitas e
Concertos', Revista Theatral, 116:1 April 1895,91-2). Despite the observations of some
critics that those performances were the only way for young singers to reveal their
talents, as been the case with Augusta Cruz who enjoyed an international career
thereafter (Diario de Noticias, XXXI/10.574: 30 May 1895,1), other reviewers did not
show as much understanding and pointed towards the inability of most singers for
performing such roles. On this opinion, see: 0 Tempo, VII/2.004: 31 May 1895,2; and
Correio da Manhd, XI113.302: 30 May, 1895,3. One year previously, in 1894, the
recently founded Instituto Musical, which counted among its teachers Filipe Duarte, had
pursued the same project, presenting his students in public, as it had on 24 and 26
November with Sonnambula and Le Pecheur de Perles at Teatro Avenida.
512On 15 January 1898,
a company founded by the impresario Taveira and directed by
Ciriaco de Cardoso, performed La Fille du Regiment in Teatro do Principe Real in
Oporto, sung in Portuguese by a cast who were mainly amateurs. According to the
critics, it was very well-received by the public. See 0 Jornal de Noticias, XUl 1: 13 Jan.
1898,2; 0 Commercio do Porto, XLV/12: 14 Jan. 1898,2; 0 Primeiro de Janeiro,
XXXI14: 16 Jan. 1898,1.
513They
were Lancha Favorita by Filipe Duarte (18 and 20 June 1896), and Dinah by
Antonio Taborda (29 and 31 July 1897).

219
 work, which turned it into a true example of a "popular opera". One critic

called attention to the input of the director, inferring that if he could have

worked as a guest director at the RTSC, with greater resources at his

disposal, he would have certainly gone much further. 51'Yet the specialized

press was much more severe; it deemed the opera of Filipe Duarte to belong

to an old style with its separate sections,"' and the project died after the

staging of the second opera.

The creation of a popular genre had long since been requested.S1"Both

French operetta and the zarzuela had been suggestedas examples to follow,

becauseof their uncomplicated subjects, common characters, popular songs

and dances, which were believed to reflect the soul of the people who

attended those performances. Thus, reviewers continued to identify them as

possible models during the 1890s,S7 since they remained popular, with

audiences crowding the theatres."' The composer Ciriaco de Cardoso (1846-

1900) had attained enormous successwith two operettas -0 Burro do Sr.

Alcaide (TA, 14 August 1891) and 0 Solar dos Barrigas (TRC, September

1892)- precisely because of the existence of the two components required

514A.D., "A LanchaFavorita", 0 Seculo,XVI/5.181: 20 Jun. 1896,1-2.

515Amphion,X1/10:31 May 1897,156.
516See Chapter 1,
pp. 58-59.
517The periodical Amphion stressed, several times, the need to have similar genres in
Portugal. See, for instance, the text by Lino de AssumpgAo, "Chronica Quinzenal",
Amphion, IX/3: 15 Feb. 1895,20; or the comment by Ph. Rauten and F. Cordira,
"Theatros", Amphion, IX/24: 31 Dec. 1895,190.
518Operettas,
zarzuelas, feeries (a genre that was perceived to be decadent), and
vaudevilles, all of which were very popular and attracted a vast public in several
theatres in Lisbon and Oporto.

220
 of the genre in this period: amusement and a national character. 51'Operetta,

in spite of its being sung by actors (something that reviewers deeply

regretted for limiting the musical possibilities of the work), continued to

produce several popular successes by composers52 who, facing all the

difficulties of the Opera House, found there the possibility of presenting

dramatic the end of the nineteenth

works until century and into the

twentieth. Surprisingly, the Portuguese language was not judged a problem

within this genre.

The musician whom the Press, during this period, most closely

identified with the creation of a national opera was Alfredo Keil, the

composer who had aroused major expectations with his opera D. Branca, as

noted earlier. Whether in a specialized periodical or in a daily newspaper,

one could find unanimity of opinion such as this: "He possessesthe secret of

exciting the almost indifferent and incorporeal atoms of the national soul". "'

519On O Burro do
sr. Alcaide, a reviewer of Amphion commented: "In joining together
three Portuguese songs in three different genres, Ciriaco achieved what many of our
composers have not yet accomplished: a spontaneous enthusiasm in the pit and the
generation of applause for that which is positively our own and which was worthy of
our full appreciation, instead of the disdain it has always provoked [... ] everything
indicates that the audience will finally believe that folksongs exist in our country and
they will therefore support Ciriaco de Cardoso for being the first to take advantage of
them in such a brilliant way. "
"Aggregando tres cangesportuguezas, ou sejam, tres generos d'essas cancoes, Cyriaco
conseguiu o que muitos dos nossos compositores no teem alcancado: despertar o
enthusiasmo espontaneo na plateia e fazer applaudir o que 6 positivamente nosso e que
to digno era de ser apreciado, no obstante o menosprezo que sempre tem soffrido.
[... ] tudo concorre para que o espectador se convenga finalmente da existencia das
cangespopulares no nossos paiz, e que apllauda Cyriaco de Cardoso como o primeiro,
pbde dizer-se, que conseguiu aproveital-as brilhantemente. " (Unsigned, Amphion, V/17:
1 Sep. 1891,132).
520For
example, Filipe Duarte, Freitas Gazul and Augusto Machado.
szi "tem
o segr edo de fazer vibrar de enthusiasmo os quasi sempre indifferentes e
incorporeos atomos da alma nacional." (Aristes. "Theatro de S. Carlos", Vanguarda,

221
 The lyric drama Irene, premiered at Teatro Regio in Turin (22 March

1893) three years before being performed in Lisbon at RTSC on 23

February 1896,522understandably raised expectations after the positive

reception of D. Branca, as it was also based on a Portuguese subject: the

legend of a saint during the remote period before the birth of the nation. Yet

the legend, as a subject, generated controversy in the Press after the first

performance. While some related it to old practices, an illogical choice for a

contemporary world dominated by issues of reason and society,523others

looked upon it as a stimulus for the multifarious "artistic profile" of the

composer and, at the same time, recalled a similar usageby Wagner.' They

stressed that, if music was the art of vagueness and of the infinite, even

conforming to a rhetoric determined by convention, it could never depict

reality; and that therefore this subject served music better than any other art.

The opera was still criticized for its old forms such as its division into

numbers,525the use of cabalettas526

and the abuse of violinate, which turned

its aesthetic into something totally ambiguous."' On the other hand, certain

reviewers welcomed the use of popular melodies, inasmuch as they

IV/841: 14 Mar. 1899,2). As for Amphion, one could read the following: "The
celebrated author of D. Branca and of Irene is particularly gifted in exciting and
stimulating the people with his patriotic melodies. With the Portuguese we had already
noticed that rare talent, which was confirmed by the enormous popularity that it so
quickly acquired."
"0 illustre auctor da D. Branca e da Irene tem o privilegio especial de enthusiasmar, de
estimular pelos seus canticos patrioticos. J na Portugueza the notramos esse raro
condo, constatado pela enorme popularidade que em breve lapso logrou alcancar."
(Amphion, VIII/6: 16 Mar. 1894,41).
522For
additional information on this subject, see Rui Ramos and Teresa Cascudo, in
Mafalda Magalhes Banos (ed.), Catdlogo da ExposiVdo Alfredo Keil (1850-1907)
(Lisboa: IPPAR, 2001), 337-353 and 475-505, respectively.
524Unsigned,Novidades,X11/3.647:22 Feb. 1896,2.
524Ferreira Braga, "Ir6ne", Amphion, X/4: 29 Feb. 1896,29.
525Mar. Mellus, "Irene", 0 Jornal do Commercio: 22 Feb. 1896,2.
526Unsigned, Novidades, X1113.650:26 Feb. 1896,2.
527Adrian Merea, "Revista dos Theatros", Revista Theatral, 11129:1 Mar. 1896,73.

222
 demonstrated an individual trait in the music, therefore producing "an

authentic and markedly genuine Portugueseproduct". "'

The synthesis of the many questions the opera raised was undertaken

by the critic Adriano Mereia, S29

who argued that the nature of the subjects

was superfluous, provided that the characters were solidly depicted and that

the dramatic action was coherent; the same could be said of certain

techniques, such as the use of motives, as long as they served the drama

instead of producing a musical hors-d'oeuvres. Although agreeing with his

peers that (notwithstanding the legend) the libretto was bad, the opera, for

both Mereia and the majority of the critics, still lacked unity of style,

although it demonstratedmuch more compositional expertise than the first.

With the lyric drama Serrana, the third and last opera by Alfredo Keil

(RTSC, 13 March 1899), the composer finally met the main criteria defined

for a national opera. This work was originally written in Portuguese"' but

had to be translated into Italian for the stage,"" as remained the rule in

RTSC. The subject, based on a novel by another well-known romantic

writer, Camilo Castelo Branco, centred the action in the interior of the

country. The mysticism of the legend or the history of remote times made

way for the more human character of the people, including their rivalries,

528"um accentuadamente portuguez. " (Luzitano, 'S. Carlos', A

producto authentico,
Vanguarda, VI/1.683: 22 Feb. 1896,1-2).
529In Revista dos Theatros, I1/29: 1 Mar. 1896,68-74.
530With libretto by the Henrique Lopes de Mendonga.
playwright
531By the Italian
poet Cesar Fereal.

223
 hates,jealousies and greed, and Keil also threw in highly topical issues
such

as the emigration to Brazil, all of which met with the full acceptanceof the

critics. As to the music, the Press emphasized the nature of the melodies,

which came over as more original and inspired, rather than merely copied

from the folk repertory. For one reviewer, it was clear that the Portuguese

folk songs were not, after all, inferior to the Italian songs, the Alsatian

rondes, the German Lieder or even the "very original Russian songs".532

As to the influences that could still be detected, it is surprising that no

reviewer has referred to the marked verismo that is nowadays identified in

the opera, since such operas as Cavalleria Rusticana, Pagliacci, Manon

Lescaut, La Boheme and Andrea Chenier had been performed throughout

the decade.533 It remains unexplained whether this fact reflects a

subconscious wish on the part of the critics to avoid Italian references, by no

means desirable for this period in spite of the popularity they had with the

public; or if the recognizably national components of the work presupposed

its independence from other aesthetic genres; or again if the critics did not

recognize verismo as a new trend in opera.

Instead, influences from Gounod and Massenet, which the critics

presumably viewed as less hazardous, could be detected.S34

As to reflections

532Op. `Theatrode S. Carlos', 0 Seculo,IV/798: 16Mar. 1899,1.

533Cavalleria Rusticana
was first performed on 12 November 1891, Manon Lescaut on 2
February 1894, Pagliacci on 13 January 1897, Boheme on 11 February 1897 and
Andrea Chenier on 10 January 1898.
s34Unsigned,0 Seculo,IV/6.168: 13 Mar. 1899,1.

224
 of the theories of Wagner, the model that is ever present in reviews, Keil

was thought to have used only what "is acceptablefor our artistic feeling, as

he does not want to lose his Latin character"."' His work was thus deemed

to be Portuguese in subject matter and in music, which led one reviewer to

consider that the composer would ultimately attain in other countries "the

same enthusiastic reception as here".536Finally, a Portuguese musician who

was progressive rather than revolutionary537could compete with other

nationalistic composers; internationalism was believed to be on the way.

At the request of the singers, certain parts were sung in Portuguese,

namely the songs a desgarradas'$ in the first act. Finally, the score was

published in Portuguese,for the first time, by the firm Rode in Leipzig, with

financial help from the immigrants of Brazil. The score bore a dedication

from the author to Massenet.539

The criteria previously noted, such as the use of the Portuguese

language, inspiration from - rather than imitation of - folk material, and

the potential for internationalization, were nearer than ever to full

realisation. What was needed was the participation of national singers and

the accessibility to vaster audiences. That was not to be achieved by Keil,

who died on 4 October 1907 before finishing his next opera.

535Unsigned, Novidades, XV/4.577: 14 Mar. 1899,2.

536Unsigned, 0 Popular, IV/994: 14 Mar. 1899,2.
537Unsigned, O Seculo, IV/6.168: 13 Mar. 1899,1.
538That is,
songs improvised as if in competition.
S39Arte Musical, 1/21:15 Nov. 1899,171.

225
 In contrast, the lyric drama by Augusto Machado, Mario Wetter,

produced one year previously (RTSC, 7 February 1898), escaped the

prevailing climate of ideas by basing its subject on the French drama by

Octave Feuillet, Dalila, with a libretto by Leoncavallo, and therefore

excluding every possible national component, as had already happenedwith

his previous operas, Lauriana and I Doria. Yet the cold reception given to

the opera by the press was mainly due to its perceived "modernity".

Augusto Machado was, once again,"' described as an accomplished

professional, a skilled expert in the rules of the composition, who

demonstrated in this opera a comprehensive knowledge of the techniques of

orchestration. In spite of the libretto's not containing strong dramatic action,

which was viewed as a key hindrance to the task of the composer, the opera

had demonstrated a full range of modem techniques."' The ones that

received greatest discussion were: the strong presence of recitativo in the

voices, with an emphasis on disjunct intervals; S42

the significant role of the

orchestra;` and the absenceof clear sections. In the words of one reviewer,

the opera was more of a "symphonic genre" than a "lyric drama". '" The

style of French opera, and that of Massenet in particular, was again

considered to have been the main influence. As to the weak reaction on the

part of the public, some critics stressedthat it could not have received a fair

S40See Chapter II,

p. 119.
541Unsigned, Diario de Noticias, XXXIV/11.551: 7 Feb. 1898,1.
542Unsigned, 0 Seculo, XVIII/5.775: 8 Feb. 1898,2.
543Unsigned, "0 maestro Augusto Machado auctor da nova opera Mario Wetter", 0
Occidente, XXI/689: 20 Feb. 1898,34.
544Unsigned, Correio da Noite, XVIII/5.578: 8 Feb. 1898,2.

226
 appreciation, inasmuch as people were still so firmly attached to the

prevalence of melody545that they could not make a sound judgement from a

first hearing." Some of the critics even had difficulty in pointing towards

the best passages,as they usually did, becausethe music was not written for

the purpose of showcasing the skills of the singers54'and hence it was

difficult to highlight particular sections."' In sum, it was generally

considered that the opera representedmusic for connoisseursrather than for

the majority of the public of RTSC.549In place of national components

audiences were given qualities particularly associated with the music of

modern times - such as metier, or strength - leading one reviewer to

describe the composer in the same way as in 1884, as "a composer of

intelligence". "' The implication seems to have been (and it had been made

before) that people should not expect to see in Machado a "Portuguese

composer" but rather a cosmopolitan artist."'

In every attempt at a dramatic work, whether in the popular domain or

not, one can detect, just as in the previous decade, the same lack of basic

structures that would promote regular, consistently maintained creative

initiatives on the part of the composers. The absenceof a public institution

that would support the presentation of works and their continuity, and the

545This by the critics in: Correio da Noite, XVIII/5.578: 8 Feb.

opinion was shared writing
1898,2; Op., "Theatro de S. Carlos", Tempo, 111/470: 8 Feb. 1898,2; 0 Seculo,
XVIII/5.775: 8 Feb. 1898,2.
546Unsigned, Diario deNoticias, XXXIV/11.552: 8 Feb. 1898,1.
M7 Unsigned, Correio da Noite, XVIII/5.578: 8 Feb. 1898,2.
54sUnsigned, O Seculo, XVIII/5.775: 8 Feb. 1898,2.
549Unsigned,O Economista,XVII/4.155: 13Feb. 1898,208.
550Unsigned,O Seculo,XVIII/5.775: 8 Feb. 1898,2.
551Delio, `S. Carlos', Gazeta Musical, 1/3: 15 Mar. 1884,10.

227
 lack of a regular professional orchestra and choir outside RTSC, all

contributed to the transience of compositional initiatives and to their

viability.

From the Royal Opera House, the audience expected final products at

the same level as the operas that were seen after being celebrated abroad.512

The apparent acceptance with which the audience finally listened to an

opera by Wagner, for instance, had been legitimated by many years of

international debate and an ultimate overall recognition that could not be

approached by an unknown work, even a national one. In these particular

cases, opinions tended to move between two extremes, either over-

protecting the national composers or cutting off every possibility of

repetition or renewal.

This situation was probably recognised by Augusto Machado, who

from the outset (and particularly with Lauriane) tried to become accepted

abroad, where opera houses were more firmly disseminated throughout the

countries and audiences were more used to facing new productions, without

knowing, a priori, of their possible value. That proved to be the case for the

acceptanceof his work in Marseilles. Living in a peripheral country, it was

difficult for him to engineer other opportunities abroad, in spite of his

552For the decade 1890, see Appendix 5.

of

228
 endeavours.553The situation was somewhat different for Alfredo Keil who,

his recognized general talent notwithstanding, was always viewed as not

possessing the same level of compositional technique as Machado. Despite

all his resolve to overcome the lack of a more formal education, Keil tried

by all means (and above all, through his commitment to the nationalistic

project) to be recognized in the country as its major composer. Much of his

financial engagement to produce Irene in Italy, " or his requests to

celebrated names (such as Boito, Verdi, Massenet and Ambroise Thomas)..

for an opinion on his operas, seem simply to be other efforts to gain

recognition in Portugal.

Aware of the peripheral role of the country and possibly of his own,

he related his feelings to his friend Luis Filgueiras (1862-1929)556in a letter

from Italy: "It is said that Manon by Puccini, which will be performed

before Irene, is musically very pretty; may God grant that it doesn't smash

my Irene, the poor thing! I'm anxious to see the impression that Irene will

sss In his correspondence with Batalha Reis, the composer revealed, several times, his
hopes of his operas being produced abroad, as in a letter of 18 February 1890, where he
wrote: "It is useless to tell that your telegram gave me a lot of pleasure, giving me hope,
though remote, of my operas being performed there [underlined in the original], which
would be of great consequencefor me, so, as you know, the Monnaie Theatre is the best
passport to Paris [... ] In any case, I thank you, from my heart, for everything you do in
my cause."
"Serd inutil dizer-te que o teu telegramma me causou muito rpazer? dando-me umas
longinquas esperangasde ser ahi representado (sublinhado no original), o que para mim
seria do maior alcance, porque como sabeso Theatro da Monnaie 6o melhor passaporte
para Paris. [... ]em qualquer hypothese, agradego-te de coraro tudo o que fizeres a
bem da minha causa." (National Library, Funds of Batalha Reis, E4, Box 34, Doe. 30).
ssaOn the
contract between Alfredo Keil and the impresario of the Teatro Regio in Turin,
Luigi Cesari, see the article by Teresa Cascudo, op.cit.
sss These letters transcribed by Antnio Rodrigues, in 41bumAlfredo Keil (Lisboa:
were
IPPAR, 2001), 93-97.
556An
orchestra director and flautist. He was one of the main arrangers of the music of
Keil.

229
 make inside and outside the theatre, because, as a matter of fact, what can

one say about us Portuguese? There must be the same curiosity as towards

that English toreador who insisted on killing a bull in Madrid with the

sword, leading the Spaniards to exclaim: `Let's see the Englishman die. '

Now it's the turn of the people of Turin to say: `Let's see the Portuguese

fall. ' And with this idea I go to sleep every night. ""'

Since the "characteristic" element was believed almost impossible in

Portugal, bearing in mind the previously-mentioned "simplicity" of the

national melodies, the use of the folk material is either non-existent, in the

case of Machado, or remains at a superficial level as in Keil. The influence

of contemporary French music pointed out by the press, or of the new trends

of verismo which it somehow failed to notice, seemedmore urgent for both

composers, for different reasons as outlined above, if they were to follow

the modernisms of such countries as France and Italy - the ever present

models in the context of Portuguesemusic.

ssr "Dizem que a Manon de Puccini, que da Irene d muito bonita musicalmente:
vae antes
queira Deus quo no esmague a minha Irene coitadinha! Eu estou desejoso por ver a
impresso que a Irene far n'essa gente do theatro e fora do theatro: porque emfim que
somos ns Portugueses? Hade ser a mesma curiosidade coma uma vez que um
bandarilheiro inglez se metteu na cabega de it matar espada um touro em Madrid.
Diziam os hespanhoes:Vamos ver morrer el inglez. Agora dirAo os de Turim, vamos a
ver cahir o portuguez e6 com esta ideia tenaz que adormego todas as noutes" (Lisbon,
Music Museum: Funds of Luis Filgueiras, Auth., 120).

230
 III 3.2. Instrumental music, continuity and rupture

The two amateur associations created during the 1880s in Oporto and

Lisbon, OP (Orpheon Portuense) and RAAM (Real Academia de Amadores

de Msica), continued to play an important role during the 1890s owing to

the permanence and regularity of their musical activities and their exclusive

place in both towns. During that decade they were the only such

organizations in the country. Both maintained roughly the same average

and continued to present a varied repertory,

number of concerts per year5S8

mixing early, classical and contemporary composers.

Taking the OP first, some continuities and changes can be detected

within the repertory during the 1890s, as shown on the Chart IX next page.

Although the three most frequently representedcomposers were the same in

both decades- Beethoven, Mendelssohn and Chopin - several composers

increased their presenceduring the 1890s, such as Grieg (from

558During the 1890s, the number of concerts presented by RAAM (within the Institution or
it) 8.4 per year (8.3 during the 1880s); for the same decade, the OP gave an
outside was
average of 6.9 concerts per year.

231
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5 to 22 occurrences), Schumann (from 8.8 to 23), Viana da Mota (from 0 to

9), Wagner (from 7.5 tolS), and Bach (from 0 to 5). In contrast,

performances of works by composers such as Delibes and Massenet

decreased.

Of the classical composers,Mozart and Haydn gained a secure footing

during the 1890s (as compared with the 1880s). As in the previous decade,

many works were not played in their entirety, as only some of their

movements were presented. Since the orchestra had a minor role in the

concerts of OP, although its presence slightly increased during the 1890s (it

participated in 5 concerts), most of the concerts continued to offer mixed

ensembles. Hence the works by these three classical composers performed

complete were as follows.

Beethoven Haydn Mozart

Sonatafor piano Op. 53 Sonatafor piano [?]

Sonata for piano, quasi una
fantasia
Sonata for piano and violin,
Op. 47
Sonatafor piano and cello,
Op. 69
.
Trio for piano, violin and Trio for piano, violin and
cello, Op. 1 No. 2 cello [?]
Trio for piano, violin and
cello, Op. 97
Trio for piano, violin and
cello, Op. 70 No. 1
Trio for cello, clarinet and
piano ?
Quartet for strings Op. 132 Quartet for strings Op. 76, Quartet in G minor [? ]
No. 2
Quartet for strings No. 7
[Op. 2, No. l?
_ Concerto for piano (K.
491)
Concerto for piano (K.
242

233
 Of the contemporary composers, works by Mascagni, Puccini and

Leoncavallo were performed for the first time, in spite of their vocal profile.

The Brazilian composers - Leopoldo Miguez, Alberto Nepomuceno,

Delgado de Carvalho, and Alexandre Levy - emerged for the first time in

1896, the year that Moreira de S and Viana da Mota embarked on a tour to

Brazil. "'

A slight increase is also discernible in the field of Portuguese music,

with a larger number of composerswhose works were performed, as seen on

Chart X next page. The name of Viana da Mota56oappeared as a composer

within the concerts of OP from 1893 onwards, as a consequenceof a visit

made to Portugal after an eleven-year absence. The repertory then played

by the pianist-composer was mainly influenced by folk music, such as the

Cenas Portuguesas, Op. 9 for piano (Portuguese Scenes,Op. 9), the Cinco

Cances Portuguesas, Op. 10 (Five Portuguese songs, Op. 10), or the

Rapsdias Portuguesas for piano (Portuguese Rhapsodies), amongst other

works. During his long stay abroad, mainly in Germany where he studied,

he established a close, deep-rooted contact with the culture of that country,

becoming a fervent admirer. Before his visit to Portugal in 1893, he had

already written some Lieder, a genre that remained unexplored in Portugal.

Some of them set the poetry of such German writers as Goethe,

Eischendorff and Raabe and others were set to texts by well-known

559Excerpts of the operas of the Brazilian Carlos Gomes were more regularly played either
in Lisbon or in Oporto.
560On Viana da Mota, see footnote 480.

234
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 Portuguese poets, such as Almeida Garrett, Joao de Deus and Guerra

Junqueiro. In a letter to the composer Lopes Graca written many years later,

he assumed himself to have been the first Portuguese composer to

write in

this genre.561After his visit to Portugal, he decided to compose more works

with a popular character and to integrate this kind of repertory in his

concerts abroad. For him, the musical creation based on popular song should

be a "transitory phase", not the final goal; the principal aim should be the

expression of national feeling imbued by the personality of the musician,

which would therefore be an expression freed from the provenance of the

material. 562

The year 1897 was marked by the premiere of Mota's Symphony A

Ptria (To the Motherland) in OP under the direction of Moreira de S. This

561"I think that before 1893

nothing had been done in this genre. There were some songs
with Portuguese words by Jlio Neuparth and maybe by Augusto Machado, but they
were not intended to give a local colour. "
"Creio que antes de 1893 nada se tinha feito em Portugal n'este sentido. Havia algumas
pegas para canto corn tetra portuguesa de Jlio Neuparth e talvez tamb6m de Augusto
Machado, mas que no procuravam dar cor local. " (Viana da Mota, "Carta I", in
Fernando Lopes Graga, Nana da Mota: Subsidios para uma biografia incluindo 22
cartas do autor [Lisboa: Livraria S da Costa, 1949], 65).
562On this
subject he wrote: "The direct support of the folk song seems to me an
ethnological position; a transitory phase, but not a final goal. It must be also be
considered that the composers who try to give a national colour, achieve it better by
disclosing their feelings than just by applying the melodies of the people. When through
them, the personality [of the composer] is not transmitted, an enlivened feeling is not
received. Maybe the folk song is the best way to attain the soul of the people, but this
implies the search of the right expression of the feeling of the nation. And this is the
highest goal. "
"0 apoio directo na cango popular parece-me mesmo uma posigo etnol 5gica, digamos
assim; uma fase transit6ria, mas no um cume. Tambdm 6 de ponderar que os
compositores que tentam dar o colorido nacional o conseguem melhor pelo livre
desabafo do seu sentimento do que pelo s6 tirar das melodias do povo. Quando atravds
destas se no ouve a prbpria personalidade, no se recebe uma impresso viva. Talvez a
canco popular seja o melhor caminho para chegar alma do povo, mas ter ento que
encontrar-se a prpria expresso para o sentimento da naco. E este 6o mais alto ponto
de vista. " (Quoted in Joo de Freitas Branco, Viana da Mota. Uma contribuip7o para o
estudo da suapersonalidade e da sua obra [Lisboa: Fundaco Gulbenkian, 1987], 171).

236
 event was very significant since it represented the premiere of a genre not

explored in Portugal since Bomtempo; 563the genre, as employed by Viana

da Mota, had since become associated with a programme, built upon the

ideas of the Lisztian symphonic poem (of which Viana da Mota was an

ardent admirer). Mota's work took the poems of Cames as its poetic ideal

and included in the third movement some folk tunes, thereby proposing a

possible path towards a nationalistic school within such an international

framework as the symphonic poem. As Toscano argued, this project

contained possible elements for a renewal of national musical life, which

had been centred up to that time on opera and had the potential, from then

on, to yield new aesthetic needs among composers and public alike. S64

The renowned critic Antonio Arroio, in a conference held two months

before the premiere,"' had highlighted the music drama and the symphonic

poem as the supreme genres of music and the nationalist movement as the

most meaningful musical trend of the time. The fourth movement,

predicated on the concepts of "Decadence", "Fight" and "Resurgence",

seemed,as Toscano argued, to point not only to the political moment of the

563Of
other Portuguese symphonies that might have been written during the nineteenth
century, very little is known, which led Viana da Mota to write: "When I wrote, in
1896, a symphony, it was the first time that a rigorous Beethovenian form was
employed among us. After that, I exclusively devoted myself to the genre of nationalist
music. "
"Quando em 1896 escrevi uma sinfonia foi a primeira vez em que se empregou entre
nos, rigorosamente, a forma Beethoveniana. Depois dediquei-me exclusivamente ao
g6nero de msica nacionalista." (Viana da Mota, Msica e Msicos Alemes:
recordaces, ensaios, criticas, 2 Vols. [Coimbra: Instituto Alemo), I, 155).
564"Sinfonia Ptria de Viana da Mota: Latencia de
modemidade", Revista Portuguesa
deMusicologia, 2: 1992,185-198.
565At Instituto Portuense de Estudos Conferencias,
e on 4 March 1897.

237
 nation but also to the trends of music in the country that it was desirable to

regenerate. On the introduction of the work to the public, Arroio defined the

symphony as "an outstanding page invested with high symbolism; a bright

synthesis, deeply suggestive of a decisive historical moment. The author,

representing the motherland at the moment of crisis where it seems to sink,

makes it emerge anew in glorious life, as if reinvigorating the national

soul". "

Three years before its being produced in Oporto, Viana da Mota had

introduced his work to a select group of professionals in Lisbon, playing it

at the piano. The reactions came immediately from the press. Ernesto Vieira,

writing in the newspaper A Tarde, welcomed the work as the first of its

genre in the country, having "the Motherland as its subject, the verses of

Cames as its inspiring ideas and the most advanced modern works as its

models". "' The techniques used by Wagner, such as the open-ended

elaboration of the motives and of the melody, were highlighted in the work,

as was its solid organization. A similar reaction came from other reviewers,

for whom the work represented a unique phenomenon in the country, both

in adopting the modern techniques of the symphonic poem for the first time

566"A Symphoniaem IS maior [... ] 6 uma pgina de elevado symbolismo, uma Synthese
luminosa e profundamente suggestiva de um momento histrico determinado, o auctor,
representando o momento de crise em que a pdtria parece sossobrar, fal-a resurgir de
novo para uma vida gloriosa, n'um como rejuveniscemnto da alma nacional. " (Antonio
Arroio, in Anon., Annaes do Orpheon Portuense [1897], 79-82).
567Ernesto Vieira, "A Ptria", Tarde, VI 12.090: 3 Nov. 1894,2.

238
 and in depicting the different poetic ideas in such a successful way. S68
Once

more the example of Wagner permeated the critiques; by contrast, Liszt was

never mentioned or discussed. It seemed as though Wagnerian principles,

which had finally been integrated in an instrumental work and moreover

incorporated the folk element too, could serve as the

model for the

modernization of instrumental music in the country -a challenging turning

point, as the most observant reviewers stressed.

Turning now towards an overview of the concerts of RAAM (see

Chart XI, next page), the composers whose works were most frequently

performed in the 1890s - Hussla (53), 569Chopin (44) and Mendelssohn

(37) - were not the same as for the 1880s - Beethoven (68,3), Massenet

(35) and Gounod (33,3). The data would suggest decreaseswith respect to

Beethoven (from 68,3 to 25), Massenet (from 35 to 10), A. Thomas (from

30 to 11) and Brahms (from 21,7 to 12) for whom, besides the Hungarian

Rhapsodies,just the Quartet Op. 25 was played. Those who received wider

presentation in the 1890s range from Chopin (from 10 to 44), Grieg (from

none to 23) - from whom the Concerto for Piano was played for the first

timeS7- Mozart (from 18,3 to 32), Mascagni (from none to 10), Schubert

(from 5 to 16) and Liszt (from 3,3 to 12), among others. The French

composers, so well-represented during the 1880s, suffered a general decline,

568On this topic,

see: 0 Primeiro de Janeiro, XXIX/122: 25 de May 1897,1; Jornal de
Noticias, X/121: 23 May 1897,2; Julio Neuparth, "Chronica quinzenal", Amphion,
V11112 1: 1 Nov. 1894,164.
569The
prominent position held by Hussla was due to his role as director of the orchestra.
570By the Portuguese
pianist Francisco Baia at TT, on 8 Jun. 1891.

239
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 with the exception of Bizet. One critic of Amphion who perceived this fact

posed the question: "Why exclude the French music from the concerts [... ]

Are the compositions by Saint-Saens, Massenet, Bizet, Leo Delibes,

Godard, Ambroise Thomas, etc. not worthy of being performed? Is it

possible to think that a meridional public does not appreciate a severe

symphony if it is framed in compositions of easier accessand more modern

appeal? [... ] in music, as in other arts, we espouseeclecticism and we do not

understand the exclusion of one period or nationality [... ] Thus we ask for a

little more French or Italian music, entr'actes or overtures, in all the future

concerts.""' A similar opinion was voiced by another critic in the same

periodical two months later: "We do not advocate that serious music must

be abandoned, for it is essential to the education of the public, but it could

be complemented by some pieces that would please and attract the public

without provoking boredom... This is not our opinion but ... theirs [the

public's]. "Sn

Concerning the classical composers, with the previously-noted

exception of Beethoven,only Mozart revealeda pronouncedrise. In the

571'Torque
parece excluir dos seus concertos a musica franceza, ou, pelo menos, a usa em
doses homeopathicas. No achar dignas de se executarem as composig6es de Saint-
Saens,Massenet, Bizet, Leo Delibes, Godard, Ambroise Thomas, etc., etc.? PensarAque
um publico meridional no encontra encantos n'uma symphonia severa se lh'a
emmoldurarem em composires de mais facil audigo e de mais actualidade? [... ] em
musica, como em outras artes, professamos o eclectismo e no comprehendemos o
exclusivismo de uma epoca ou nacionalidade [... ] Pedimos, portanto, um boccadinho de
musica franceza ou italiana, entreactos ou aberturas, em todos os futuros concertos. "
(F., "Real Academia de Amadores de Msica", Amphion, VIII/8: 16 Apr. 1894,59).
572"No diner que se abandone a musica seria, indispensavel educago do
queremos
publico, mas que a facam acompanhar de trechos que The agradem, que o attraiam eo
no fagam bocejar... Esta no da nossa opinio, 6 a opinio d'elle. " (Titus,
...
"Concertos", Amphion, VIII/11: 1 Jun. 1894,83).

241
table on the next page, the works of these composers that were played in

their entirety are shown. Although in the case of some works, only some of

their movements were played, this situation was not so frequent as with OP.

Concerning contemporary composers, Mascagni, Dvofdk, Chaminade,

Leoncavallo and Puccini made their first appearance in the concerts of

RAAM during the 1890s. Of the Bohemian composer, only the Slavonic

Dances were played. With regard to earlier composers, such as Bach,

Rameau, Couperin and Scarlatti, they made their first appearance in the

concerts but claimed only a very modest presenceand in a casual way.

The Portuguese composers were more performed during the 1890s

compared with the previous decade, following the participation of certain

musicians who had studied abroad, such as Rey Colaco (who returned to

Portugal in 1887) and Oscar da Silva (who returned in 1894). In terms of

native composers, the major difference between the two decades was the

less prominent place of Keil in the latter. (See Chart XI).

242
 Haydn Mozart Beethoven
1880s 1890s 1880s 1890s 1880s 1890s
Overtures Don La Egmont, Egmont,
Giovanni, clemenza di Overture Overture
Overture Tito,
Overture
Le nozze di Prometheus, Prometheus,
Figaro, Overture Overture
Overture
Don
Giovanni,
Overture
Die
Zauberjlte,
Overture
Symphonies Symphony Symphony Symphony Symphony Symphony
D [?] No. 39, Eb [?] No. 1, C, No. 1, C,
0.21 0.21
Symphony Symphony Symphony
No. 39, Eb No. 2, D, No. 2, D,
Op. 36 Op. 36
Symphony Symphony,
No.3, No. 6,
`Eroica', 'Pastoral'
Eb, Op. 55
Symphony
No. 5, c,
0.67
Concertos Piano Piano
Concerto Concerto
No. 1, C, No. 3, c,
Op. 15 Op. 37

Quartets Quartet Quartet Op. -

Op. 54 ? 18 No. 6
Quartetfor -
piano,
violin, viola
andcello ?
Quartet Op.
18No. 2
Others Septet Op.
20

243
 The decreaseof Keil's works in the programming reflects a shift in the

orientation of the Academy as compared with its initial intentions

concerning the expressparticipation of Portuguesecomposers.This fact was

the subject of an attack on the director of the orchestra in a series of articles

published in a daily newspaper.57'The critic accused the new director, the

German Victor Hussla, of neglecting to promote national composers to the

same extent as his predecessor, the Portuguese Filipe Duarte, arguing that

this had been one of the main principles of the Academy when it was

founded. Although the participation of the orchestra in the concerts was

much more frequent than before (from 56.6 to 288 occurrences), he also

criticized the quality of its exhibitions, pointing to the frequent absencesor

delays of the amateurs at the rehearsals and to the lack of study, which

undermined any piece that was less easy. The repertory was also the subject

of criticism for insisting on the same works with few changes. Hence the

reviewer asked: "Why do the amateurs not study the old and modern works

that their resources can handle? Is it with the same programme, slightly

changed every month, that the Academy intends to increase the number of

its members or to avoid their reduction?""

At the beginning of 1890, the municipality showed interest in

promoting new series of concerts with the Associaco Msica 24 de Junho

573The
critic was Carlos de Melo, writing for Jornal do Commercio between 12 Apr. 1893
and 14 June 1893.
574'Torque
no estudam os amadores os trechos antigos e modernos que estejam altura
dos seus recursos? E sempre corn o mesmo programma, levemente modificado uma vez
cada mez, que a Academia tenciona augmentar o numero de socios ou evitar que
diminua? " (Guido, "Concertos", Amphion, VIV7: 1 Apr. 1893,52).

244
 (AM) S's But fifteen days later, the periodical that had publicized the

initiative then denounced it due to difficulties with the organization

of the

orchestra and the impossibility of acquiring a suitable director. 57' This

incident provoked some criticism of the members of AM for

not securing

such an offers" One year later it was no longer the Association but the

Municipality that was blamed for not disposing of the money for a series of

10 concerts with Hans von Billow directing the AM. "8 Similar news

appeared occasionally in the Press announcing contacts with such directors

as Gabriel Pierne in 1892579or Charles Lamoureux in 1894,580but none

resulted.

In spite of all the difficulties ascribed either to the Association, to the

Municipality or even to the public, whose majority was blamed for not

cherishing these kind of events, the musicians of the Association took part

in various performances during the 1890s, though in a very small number.

On May 1891, the directors Victor Hussla and Filipe Duarte promoted with

those musicians a popular series in a large venue such as the Real Coliseu de

575This information
was given by the music periodical Amphion, IV/8: 16 Apr. 1890,5.
576Amphion, IV/9: 1 May 1890,5.
577"Yet the Association did
nothing to seize it. Rather, there will be always someone
complaining that the public powers ostracize music. "
"a associaco porem nada fez Weste sentido, mas no faltara Id quem diga que os
poderes publicos votam a musica ao ostracismo (F., "Chronica", Arte Musical, 1/7: 20
Dec. 1890,2-3).
578See,"Chronica", Amphion, V/8: 16 Apr. 1891,64.
579Announced in Amphion, VI/2: 16 Jan. 1892,15.
580Publicized in Amphion, V111/21: 1 Nov. 1894. The
same periodical announced the first
concert with the same director on 28 April 1895. The contact had been established by
Viana da Mota. See,Amphion, IX/I : 15 Jan. 1895,6. The concerts with the orchestra of
Lamoureux would take place only in Apr. 1905 under the direction of Camille
Chevillard.

245
 Lisboa, but only two concerts took place on 16 and 17 of the month. The

reasonswhy there were no other concerts were not made known.

Other concerts, either with the orchestra of RTSC or the orchestra of

AM, occurring during the 1890s, were due to the collaborations with Viana

da Mota in April 1893 (out of the ambit of RAAM or OP), the violinist

America Montenegro in January and February 1895 and Pablo Sarasatein

February and March 1896. Besides these events, Victor Hussla and Rey

Colaco were also responsible for other concerts with orchestra, this time

performed by amateurs. Very few new works were presented within these

concerts; these included the Concerto No. 1 in E flat for Piano and the

Hungarian Rhapsody for Orchestra by Liszt; the Capriccio Italien by

Tchaikovsky; and the Concerto for Two Violins and Orchestra by Bach.

Benefit and charity concerts continued to take place with some regularity.

The chamber ensembles that were active during the 1880s continued

in the 1890s. The Lisbon group headed by Rey Colaro and performing with

the same musicians58'maintained its series of chamber music although much

more irregularly than before."' To the composers whose works were

performed during the 1880s others were added, such as Weber, Liszt, Niels

581The ensemble added extra musicians when needed, as happened with Filipe Duarte,
Elvira Peixoto and Augusto Gerschey.
582In the and 1899, there were no series of chamber
years 1892,1893,1894,1896,1897
music. The periodical Amphion ascribed the scarcity and irregularity of these concerts
to the limited number of listeners being not sufficiently large to provide the necessary
income for the musicians. For that reason, the critic appealed to the rich amateurs to
subsidize these events so it could have, at least, two per year. On this subject see:
Amphion, IX/4: 28 Feb. 1895,29 and Amphion, IX/10: 31 May 1895,77.

246
 Gade, Saint-Saensand Grieg. The inclusion of works by modern composers

led some critics to propose more chamber recitals, so that the public could

get familiar with recently-composed music instead of becoming

uninterested, as had been the case with the Quartet Op. 51 by Saint-Saens

which was more appreciated on its second presentation."' With respect to

Schumann and Brahms, they largely fell. (See Chart XII on next page).

The programmes maintained the same characteristics as before, that is,

few composers presented per concert (3) and the works played in their

entirety. Apart from these concerts, others took place in Lisbon, such as

those performed by a new quartet led by the pianist Michel Angelo

Lambertini (1862-1920),584whose first concert took place on 30 January

1899.

The innovation in this decade was a series of "historical concerts",

commencing on 6 March 1898 in a new venue, the concert room of the

Royal Conservatory of Lisbon. In this new series comprising four concerts,

Rey Colaco devoted the first to J. S. Bach, C. P. E. Bach, Scarlatti,

Couperin, Daquin, Handel, Martini, Paisiello and Rameau.

sssAmphion,V/10: 16May 1891,76.

ssaAside from Lambertini, this group was formed by Jose da Costa Carneiro (violin), Jose
Relvas (violin), Cecil Mackee (viola) and Luis da Cunha e Menezes (cello).

247
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 The review that appearedin Amphion called attention to the different styles

applied by Rey Colaco to the different works and to the comparison

established by the pianist when playing the same composition on a modern

piano and on a fortepiano built in Lisbon before 1760, a particularity that

had totally captivated the attention of the public. "' The second was devoted

to Haydn, Mozart and Beethoven; the third to Schubert, Weber,

Mendelssohn and Chopin; and the last, with the exception of the Hungarian

Rhapsody No. 2 by Liszt, was filled with works by Schumann. In this new

series, it can be observed that the notion of "historic" was understood in a

positivistic way, implying the evolving sequenceof the repertory from the

past to the present. The same concept was applied to the "historical" series

inaugurated by OP on 12 March 1898 and devoted to works for violin, the

first concert of which began with Geminiani and ended with Mendelssohn.

Another event of a "historical" nature was launched on 15 May 1899 by a

devoted music amateur, the Countess of Proenca-a-Velha, who was

responsible, amongst other initiatives, for the premiere of Pergolesi's Stabat

Mater in the concert room of the Conservatory. These events point to a new

awarenessof music of the past, a perception that seems to be influenced by

trends in several European countries at the time but which, surprisingly,

excluded Portuguese early music. The interest in promoting these kind of

events,judged as novelties and capable of generating significant curiosity, is

evidenced by the Countess in a letter written to a friend, the Viscountess

Almeida Arajo, when she visited the Universal Exhibition in Paris in 1900:

585Amphion,X1115:15Mar. 1898,76.

249
 I've been reading in Figaro the compte-rendu of the concerts taking
place at
the Exhibition. Some of them seem extremely interesting to me. Have you
attended them? There were some by the Societe des Instruments Anciens on
the first floor of the Pavillon des Lettres, Sciences et Arts that seem to me
true menus des gourmets. The instruments are the harpsichord, the hurdy-
gurdy, the viola d'amore and the viola da gamba. I would like very much to
have access to those programmes that seem to me of
great utility. For the
time being this is only curiosity, since it would not be easy to organize such
events in Lisbon; but where there is a will, there is a way, and with time and
determination anything can be done. What interesting and truly
artistic
concerts could be performed! [... ] It would be a charming surprise for our
members, don't you think? Whenever you go to such a concert, please always
keep the programmes with you as they are of great
use because of their
definedorientation;they give us ideasthat cannotbe found here.586

Reflections of this interest in the music of early periods are also

visible in the specializedpress,both in translatedarticles on the subject,"'

and in comments made about these initiatives in Portugal, such as the

following a propos the premiere of Pergolesi's Stabat Mater:

Having satiated the spirit and tired the ear with the refinements of harmony
and the extremes of sonority that modern art has employed with such an
excess that it makes one fear decadencefor the exhaustion of resources, it can
be observed, in the current historical moment, a special taste for the works of
early composers which are infinitely more simple [... ] What we look for, in
the old masters of the Naples school, are the primitive traits of the Italian
melody whose simplicity captivates us. In every place where music is
cultivated with care, the love for the antique becomes greater by degrees. [... ]
Hence we, in this small artistic milieu, are following, albeit very timidly, this
general orientation, thanks to the impulse of some of the most intelligent
professionals and amateurs. 588

586"Tenbo lido
no `Figaro' o 'compte-rendu'dos Concertos da Exposigo, e alguns
parecem-me interessantissimos. V. Ex" assistiu? Tern havido justamente uns da'Socidte
des Instruments Anciens' no primeiro andar do `Pavillon des Lettres, Sciences et Arts',
que me parecem verdadeiros `menus des gourmets'. Os instrumentos so cravo,
gamphona, viole d'amour e viole de gambe. Muito gostava de alcangar os programmas
d'esses concertos, e julgo nos seriam de utilidade. Isto 6 s6 curiosidade, por ora, pois
no seria facil organisar em Lisboa uma cousa d'estas; mas 'querer 6 poder', e com o
tempo e boa vontade tudo se pode conseguir. Que serie de concertos to artisticos e
interessantes poderiamos fazer. [... ] seria uma encantadora surpreza para os nossos
assignantes; nAo acha? Quando fr a algum concerto guarde sempre os programmas; 6
de grande utilidade, pois como teem sempre uma orientago definida, do Was que
aqui se nAo podem beber em parte alguma." (Os nossos concertos: impresses de arte
[Lisboa: Libnio da Silva, 1902].
5e7For example, the translation
of a French article on Gregorian chant by Theodore Nisard
(Arte Musical, IU10: 5 Feb. 1891) or the translation of a series of articles by M. Brenet
about the historical concerts in France (Amphion, VIII/8: 16 Apr. 1894).
588"Saciado o espirito e fatigado o ouvido com os
requintes da harmonia e extremos de
sonoridade que a arte moderna tem empregado com um excesso que chega a fazer
receiar decadencia por esgotamento de recursos, nota-se no actual momenta historico

250
 The chamber concerts of OP inaugurated in 18 November 1887

carried on through the 1890s more frequently and in a very regular way.

Some characteristics continued to be the same, such as the mixing of

complete works with isolated movements and the insertion of solos among

the ensembles.This practice, so characteristic of the concerts of OP, though

censured by some critics, seems to have been planned to captivate the

audience. A commentary in the daily newspaper 0 Primeiro de Janeiro

called that fact to attention when stressing: "The third part, addressedjust to

solos, was the one that pleased more. Usually, the public prefers the artists

in virtuosi pieces rather than in ensembles, like trios, quartets or quintets.

That explains the greater enthusiasm with which the third part was

received". "'

Yet some novelties were introduced during the 1890s, such as the

inclusion of students in the series and the introduction of "historical

concerts" with the same conception as described above. If we compare the

data for the two decades (see chart XIII on the next page) we notice that

several composers appeared for the first time, such as: Haydn, Mozart,

um gosto especial pelas obras infinitamente mais singelas dos antigos compositores.
[... J Buscamos emfim nos antigos mestres da escola de Napoles os tragos primitivos da
melodia italiana cuja simplicidade nos encanta. // Em toda a parte onde se cultiva a arte
musical com algum esmero, o gosto pelo antigo torna-se cada vez maior. [... ] E n6s, no
nosso pequeno meio artistico, seguimos, embora um pouco acanhadamente, a
orientaco geral, gragas ao impulso de alguns professores e amadores dos mais
intelligentes. " (Arte Musical, 1/9: 15 May 1899,70).
589"A terceira
pane, destinada aos solos, foi o que mais agradou.// 0 publico, geralmente,
gosta mais de ouvir os artistas nas pepas de virtuosismo do que nas pecas de conjunto,
trios, quartettos ou quintettos. Isso explica o maior entusiasmo com que foi recebida a
terceira parte." (Unsigned, Primeiro de Janeiro, XXII/127: 9 May 1890,1).

251
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Tchaikovsky, Bruch, Grieg, Spohr, Dvorak, Glazunov, Rachmaninov and,

with one occurrence, Cui, Lermontov and Grieg, among others.

The data point to a greater presenceof the classical composers, above

all Beethoven, who, together with Haydn and Mozart, represented25.8% of

the total occurrences.Concerningjust the chamberworks by Beethoven

(better identified than those by Haydn), an overview of those played in their

entirety is shown below.

Beethoven

1880s 1890s
Duet for piano and violin, -
Op. 30 No. 1
Duet for piano and violin, -
Op. 47
- Duet for piano and cello,
0.69?
- Quartet for strings, Op.
18No. 1
- Quartet for strings, Op.
18No. 2
Quartet for strings, Op.
-
18 No. 4
Quartet for strings, Op. 18 -
No. 6
Quartet for strings, Op. 59 -
No. 3
- Quartet for strings, Op.
59 No. I
Quartet for strings, Op.
-
74
- Quartet for strings, Op.
131
- Quartet for strings, Op.
132
- Quintet for piano and
winds, Op. 16
Quintet for strings, Op.
-
104
- Septet, Op. 20
Trio for piano, violin and
- cello, Op. 1 No. 2
- Trio for stringsOp. 9 No.

Trio for violin, viola and -

cello, Op. 9 No. 2

253
 - Trio for piano, violin and
cello, Op. 0 No. 1
- Trio Op. 87 ?
Trio for piano, violin and Trio for piano, violin and
cello, Op. 97 cello, Op. 97

At a different level the Russian contributions, representing 5.4% of the

total, reveal the interest of Moreira de S for such composers. Writing about

them in 1882, he had already highlighted Grieg and the Russians as the most

exemplary ones. The reasons why he considered their music so valuable, as

developed in later writings, had to do with the richness of their folk

material590and, concerning the "Russian Five" whom he judged as being the

vanguard, with the "strong intellectual culture, the wholly defined aesthetic

ideas in perfect harmony with the aims that they so clearly planned". "'

Due to the beginning of the "historical concerts" dedicatedto the

violin and to the piano, earlier composers, such as Frescobaldi, Lully,

Purcell, Corelli, Bach,592Handel, Vivaldi and Leclair were included in the

new series. This initiative was acclaimed by the press, which emphasized its

vast educational value for the public but regretted that a preliminary

390On this
subject he wrote: "Obviously the national composers can only emerge from
those countries where the folk song has the necessaryplasticity to assist art music. The
popular song of the Slavs and of the Scandinavians is particularly rich for this purpose."
(Moreira de S, Palestras Musicals, 5 Vols. (Porto: Casa Moreira de S 1914: originally
written in 1911), I, 50). The absence of these characteristics - such as the rich variety
of rhythms and the "plasticity of the tonal and harmonic material" - in the Portuguese
popular music was, for Moreira de S, the principal reason why, within Portuguese
music, "every attempt for the creation of an art music using the folk material has been
frustrated. "
"Esta a razo, me parece, porque teem sahido baldas todas as tentativas de constituico
de uma trama artistica corn a nossa musica popular. " (Moreira de Sa, op. cit., 57).
59, "forte
cultura intellectual, com ideas estheticas perfeitamente definidas e concordes,
com uma clara viso do firn que se propunham." (Ibidem, 62)
592The Italian Concerto
and the Concerto for two violins in D minor were played in their
entirety.

254
 conference, explaining music that had never been heard, was not included in

the session. Concerning the several initiatives of "historical concerts",

several reviewers alluded to Palestrina as the master of the masters.

However the first complete work of his to be performed, Missa Papae

Marcelli, was presented in a concert room (namely the venue of the

Conservatory) only on 5 February 1905, by a group of amateurs.593

A reviewer writing for Amphion, alluding to the lack of concerts

during August in Oporto, observed that if the amateurs let him speak about

"the extreme engagement, taste, competence and frequency with which

some groups of distinct amateurs engageand entertain themselves to explore

and study good music, above all, classical music in exclusive private

meetings", 594
he would have much to say. Many private sessionsof the same

kind were described by reviewers in Lisbon. The difference between both

cities is that in Lisbon the critics were invited to private concerts in order to

publicize them in the newspapers, contrary to what happened in Oporto

where a more closed society preferred to preserve its privacy.

Other series of chamber concerts, such as the ones promoted by the

pianist Ernesto Maia, took place in Oporto. However it was almost

593This initiative
was due to the director Alberto Sarti within his school of religious music,
the Schola Cantorum. The choir was composed by female students belonging to the
school and by a double choir belonging to the Lisbon cathedral.
ssa"do raro
empenho, gosto, competencias e assiduidade, com que alguns grupos de
amadores distinctissimos se dedicam e entreteem a explorar e estudar a boa musics,
sobretudo a musics classics, em reunies exclusivamente particulares" (E. da F.,
"Correspondencia", Amphion, VII/16: 16 Aug. 1893,127).

255
 impossible for other musicians to compete with the regularity and above all

the prestige obtained by the director of OP in a town where people were

given the first steps towards a music that still belonged to the elite.

In contrast with what happened during the 1880s, the amateurs, either

the OP or the RAAM, became almost the sole representatives of

instrumental music in Portugal, inasmuch as the AM suspendedits activities

from 1893 onwards and nothing replaced it in the domain of pure music.

This situation would, inevitably, limit the scope of the repertory and confine

its audition to a more restricted audience. The absenceof other institutions

may have contributed to the diversification of the repertory of OP and

RAAM, leading each of the amateur associations to maintain the

heterogeneity of their programmes in respect of early, classical or romantic

composers, or the performance of the works of German, French, Italian and

other composers, especially those associated with nationalist trends. Even

the reviewers, whenever the programme was less eclectic, asked for a

greater variety, either proposing composers of other nationalities, except

Germans, or a greater alternation between the "old" and the "new". The lack

of notable conductors and soloists, of the kind that had contributed to the

acquaintance with new composers and works in the 1880s, was also a

constraint on the widening of the repertory.

Although the amateurs played an important role in sustaining musical

activity both in Oporto and Lisbon, they had not the expertise for the

256
 performance of a demanding repertory, whether due to lack of work or

perseverance, as observed by the critics. Some differences must still be

pointed out between the RAAM and OP. The first failed in its initial project

of encouraging and divulging Portuguesemusic and almost lost the dynamic

role accorded to it in the beginning; the second, due to the firm direction of

Moreira de Si and to his commitment with his students,including them with

regularity in the concerts, especially those of chamber music, led to some of

them becoming international and renowned performers, as was the casewith

the cellist Guilhermina Suggia. In contrast, the major drawback of OP in

relation to RAAM was the absenceof a regular orchestra, which would have

enabled another kind of repertory in the city.

As to the public, it maintained attitudes very similar to those observed

in the previous decade.As Rauten, writing for Amphion, wrote:

Since 1858 that series of orchestral concerts is undertaken in Lisbon and,

since then, such initiatives fail due to the lack of protection of the public, to
its non-attendance [... ] In 1879, with Ansejo Barbieri, everything led us to
think that a change had been produced in the minds of the diletantli [... ] A
feverish enthusiasm could be felt and the sessions were well-attended. [... ]
We believed, naively, that the metamorphosis had taken place and that we
would, from then on, listen annually to Beethoven, Haydn, Mozart, Wagner,
Saint-Saens, Schumann... What a cruel disillusion! What had seemed to us a
healthy change, a love for music, a veneration for the masters, was nothing
more than a fashion! 59'
...

595"Desde 1858 que em Lisboa

se tentam series de concertos orchestraes, e desde essadata
que semelhantes investidas teem de ceder falta de protecco do publico, falta de
concorrencia. [... ] Em 1879 com a vinda de Asenjo Barbieri tudo levava a crer que uma
transformag5o se havia operado no espirito dos diletantti. [... ] Um febril enthusiasmo se
fazia sentir a curtos espacos,e as sessdesconservaram-se concorridissimas. [... ] N'esse
momento tivemos a ingenuidade de acreditar que a metamorphose se dera e que
teriamos desde ento a suprema ventura de ouvir annualmente Beethoven, Haydn,
Mozart, Wagner, Saint-Saens, Schumann... Mas oh! Desiluso atroz! 0 que nos parecia
um reviramento salutar no passou de um caso dos mais banaes; o que julgamos amor
pela musica, veneraco pelos mestres, limitou-se a uma simples questo de ... moda! "
(Ph. Rauten, "Concertos: Real Theatro de S. Carlos", Amphion, IX/2: 31 Jan. 1895,17).

257
 The same attitude was detectable towards chamber music, of
which

the critics stressedits educative role. Concerning the series that Rey Colaco

carried out in 1896, the critic Adriano Mereia wrote: "of the four concerts

that took place at the concert room of the RTSC, only the last two were well

attended. The same had already happened in 1895 and in the year before

[... ] it seems that there is an excess of mistrust among the consumers who

prefer to wait for the impressions of the first chamber music sessions in

order to make up their minds and attend the remainder". " The constraints

that the musicians faced either to please the critics or the public made the

decisions difficult concerning the option as to whether to present already-

known works or new ones, due to the lack of other groups with whom to

share the repertory.

All these difficulties and lacunae were hindrances to the full

achievement of the national music so much desired. If the soul of the

people, or the spirit of the nation, was to be seen on several occasions, it was

lacking in all the rest, as identified throughout this chapter. Hence, I do not

support the thesis of Ferreira de Castro when he opposes the nationalist

trend with a more cosmopolitan or modem one, as highlighted in the

following text:

596"dos 4
concertos dados no Salo de S. Carlos, apenas os dois iltimos foram
concorridos. J aconteceu o mesmo em 1895 e tambem no anno anterior. [... ] Mas nos
compradores de bilhetes para os mencionados concertos 6 que se me affigura
desconfianca desmesuradaconservarem-se espera do que conste das primeiras sesses
de musica de cmara, para quando scientes do que ambas foram se decidirem ento a
frequentar as duas restantes." (Adriano Merea, 'Recitas e Concertos", Revista Theatral,
11/36: 15 Jun. 1896,193-5).

258
 Two tendencies would seem to have made themselves felt throughout the
nineteenth century in Portugal, continuing, moreover, almost until the present
day: one, favouring the production of a music which reflects the great
currents of contemporary European musical evolution; the other, with more
openly `nationalist' aims, proposing the creation of a characteristically
Portuguese music. 597

It seems, on the basis of the quoted texts, that interest in the creation

of a national music proceeded in parallel with the desire for international

recognition. The two were in reality closely connected. The essential

character of the musical material, be it a song or a dance, was also

intimately linked to originality or, better, to the expertise available for

treating the musical material. If the Fado touched the sensibility of the

public so much, it seems to have been by way of the characteristics

attributed to it, which reflected commonplace perspectives that people felt

about themselves and the country in that period and afterwards - such as

melancholy, sadness,longing and fatalism - all the common jargon that

was said to be contained in the word saudade. Thus, more than through the

remoteness of the rural melodies, people seemed to feel more adequately

represented by the more recent song. But that was not enough; it had to be

treated artistically, and with real expertise, such that people beyond the

it
country could assess as a valuable art work. The novelty of Russian

music, besides being identified with the originality of the folk material, was

much praised for the craft of the composer, as stressedby Moreira de S

when commenting on the music of Rimsky-Korsakov:

597"Musical Nationalism, or the Ambiguities of Portugueseness" in Saiwa EI-Shawan

Castelo Branco (ed.), Portugal and the World:" The Encounter of Cultures in Music
(Lisboa: Publicag6es D. Quixote, 1997), 163-169.

259
 The mastership over the technique, the dazzlingly colourful instrumentation,
the thematic treatment of inexhaustible invention, the dramatic and
descriptive power, the charming melodic inspiration, all this makes Rimsky
Korsakov one of the great contemporary composers.598

So I argue that nationalism and cosmopolitanismbelonged to one

another,were in effect two sidesof the samecoin.

At the risk of providing an overly simplistic summary, it could be

proposed that institutions that could enable, with regularity, the maintenance

of existing initiatives, or provide the opportunity for new ones, including

those connected with the nationalist project, were few and far between. Only

an entirely different context would have enabled the flourishing of a new

musical culture.

598"Technica
magistral, instrumentagAo deslumbrantemente colorida, tratamento thematico
inexhaurivel de invengo, poder dramatico e descriptivo, inspirago melodia
encantadora, constituem Rimsky Korsakoff um dos grandes compositores
contemporaneos." (Palestras Musicals, 1914 (1911), 65)

260
 Postlude

If the optimism of Fernando Lopes Graca, on considering the

nineteenth century as probably "the most active and most important of the

periods in Portuguese musical history", "' was not reflected in the

musicological research of the time, the warning given by Paulo Ferreira de

Castro 62 years later60was heededby a musicological community receptive

to the need for research into this century.60'The present study has been an

attempt to respond to this need, specifically in the domain of concert music

and of the press reviews associatedwith it. The results obtained point to a

demystification of a series of cliches put about by various generations of

critics up to the present day, beginning with the alleged musical "void" of

the period under study.

In the course of the various chapters it becomes clear that during the

final quarter of the nineteenth century a pluralistic musical activity existed

not only in Lisbon but also in Oporto. Several lyrical genres predominated,

including opera, operetta, zarzuela and many others of a popular nature such

as vaudeville and feeries, all of which were frequent during the period and

599Fernando Lopes Graca, "A

msica portuguesa no s6culo XIX", in A Msica Portuguesa
e os seus Problemas, (Lisboa: Caminho, 1989 [1935)), I, 65.
600In his article "Nacionalismo Musical
ou os Equivocos da Portugalidade", he writes:
"Today we have reasons to believe that this historical vision corresponds to an over-
simplification of the facts. What is noticeable is a veritable, across-the-board rejection
of this period of our musical history on the part of contemporary culture, which in itself
makes it a subject worthy of research" (1997), 158-9.
601Studies
on various aspects of Portuguese music in the nineteenth century are presently
being carrried out in spheres such as instrumental music, teaching establishments and
Portuguese composers like Joaquim Casimiro Junior.

261
 attracted large audiences. Although few of these works enjoyed the same

success as the operettas of Offenbach, they nonetheless remained highly

popular through 602

successive generations of composers Besides the genres

already mentioned, the three decades under study also produced an

instrumental activity which, albeit sporadic, included symphony music,

concertos, a variety of chamber music ensemblesand recitals.

Performances of both lyrical and instrumental works were held at a

variety of venues in the country's two main cities. Musicians based mainly

in Lisbon and Oporto would take chamber music in particular to various

provincial theatres such as those already in existence in 1870603

and those

that would be built' in the coming years, as well as, during the season,to

spas and bathing resorts.

Another of the cliches revealed by the data concerns the monopoly

enjoyed by Italian music in all walks of the country's musical life until the

end of the nineteenth century. In the concerts analysed in Lisbon and

Oporto, the Italian lyrical repertory is present in Overtures, vocal pieces, as

in Fantasias Variations. However, this type of music fell from

well as and

favour abruptly in the late seventies. With regard to opera, the Italian

composers who dominated all three decades,figuring on the programmes of

a large number of performances, were not always the same, with the

exception of Verdi. Others presenting new styles were introduced for the

602See Chapter 1, p. 46.

603Lethes Theatre in Faro.
604Garcia de ResendeTheatre in Evora and Circo Theatre in Vila Real.

262
first time, including Puccini, Mascagni, Leoncavallo and Giordano. In the

case of Verdi, Otello was, during the 1890s and for the first time, the most

popular opera by the composer. Thus it would seem wrong to use the

expression "Italian music" as a blanket term.

In spite of the important role played by French music at all levels -

creation, critique and audience - this fact has been much underestimated in

Portuguesemusicology due to the exclusive interest in German music and to

the undivided attention given to one genre: opera. As seen in each chapter,

the French influence was frequently quoted in periodicals and newspapers.

For instance, the death of Fetis was news in several daily papers, allegedly

because he was well known by the cultivated public. As most reviewers

stressed, the works of Augusto Machado or Alfredo Keil were always

referred to as being influenced by French composers, from Gounod to

Massenet. The latter represented the main point of reference for many

Portuguese musicians. This was the case with the two most prominent

composers of the period, Augusto Machado"' and Alfredo Keil, 606

also of

the well-known music reviewer and librettist Alfredo Pinto Sacavem, who

gave his libretto for the opera Moabita to the author of Le Roi de Lahore

and of the Countess of Proenca-a-Velha who, maintaining a correspondence

with the French composer, discussed her musical projects with him. The

French musicians represented the meeting-point, or the juste milieu, for

both for instrumental music and for opera. In the first

reviewers and public,

605He knew the Frenchmasterpersonallyand admiredhim deeply.

606The Portuguese composer dedicated his opera Serrana to Massenet.

263
 domain Berlioz, who was introduced by the French conductors, was well

received by both. In the domain of opera, Bizet's Carmen and Gounod's

Faust became part of the popular repertory. The data relating to French

music also reveal the emergence of a new generation of composers, heard

for the first time in the country through instrumental music, such as Saint-

Saens,607Massenet608
and Bizet, 609who, along with other composers, helped

to make French music figure far more prominently than Italian on concert

programmes during the eighties.

However, the concert repertory most in demand from 1879 to the late

nineties, according to the data obtained from an analysis of the repertory of

the ensembles studied in this thesis, performing in Lisbon and Oporto, was

the Austro-German,610
a fact that has gone largely unnoticed until now.

Due to the total lack of public policy, or of private and sustained

initiative in the domain of music; of regular financial backing either of

professionals or of private musicians; and of support on the part of the

public, instrumental music became totally dependent on sporadic initiatives,

which, due to the circumstances outlined above, would be characterized by

instability and irregularity. Moreover, as private initiatives were mainly in

607In 1879 Josephine Amman the Danse Macabre; in July 1880 Annette
conducted
Essipoff played one of his concertos; the same year the composer came to Portugal for
the first time for a recital in November. His first opera to be performed in Lisbon was
Samson et Dalila in March 1898.
606In September 1880 Tomas Breton conducted the ScenesPittoresques. The first opera by
the composer to be performed in Lisbon was Le Roi de Lahore on 2"d April 1884.
09 The orchestral suite L'Arlesienne was conducted by Olivier Metra in April 1881. His
first opera to make its debut in Portugal was Carmen on 4`' April 1885.
61oSee Appendix 6.

264
 the domain of amateurs, an important and necessary repertory was beyond

the resources of musicians who met only occasionally. This situation had

been highlighted in 1874 by musicians who created the Sociedade de

Quartetos do Porto"" and was noted again in 1902 by Arroio when he

assertedthat "we cannot expect to hear the great works of Bach in Portugal,

as they are works written for a large ensemble, organ, voices and chorus, in

which the polyphony requires the specialist training of the performers, in

other words a whole set of resourceswe do not have at our disposal.s612

Further problems arising from the precarious conditions attending

concert production, especially their irregular nature, may also have

contributed to the difficulty experienced by the wider public in accepting

music devoid of a text or any obvious external references. In the same way,

the scarcity of opportunity provided to Portuguese composers to see their

works performed may have helped to dernotivate them and thwart the

dissemination of more of their works.

Despite the circumstances, the current research provides us with a

picture of the concert life of the period that is greatly at odds with the one

conveyed by the occasional, opinionated reviews of successive generations

of critics, who contributed to the creation of a distorted image of the musical

611See Chapter 1, 78.

p.
612"nAo
esperamos to pouco ouvir entre nos as grandes obras de Bach; so composices
geralmente escritas para grande orquestra, brgo, vozes e coros, cuja polyphonia exige
grande e especial educagAo nos executantes e cuja execugAo, portanto, exige um
conjunto de meios que no dispomos." (Revista do Conservatrio Real de Lisboa, 1
[1902], 6-7).

265
 life of the three decades.Wagner's reception is a case in point. Contrary to

what was stated by the Mario Vieira de Carvalho in 1993, that "The first

rendition of Wagner's music was in 1880, in Coimbra", 613excerpts from

Tannhaser had been conducted by Portuguese musicians, in 1861 by

Guilherme Cossoul and in 1871 by Visconde do Arneiro, while the

orchestral parts of his operas began to feature regularly on concert

programmes from 1879 onwards.b'a

As far as the reception of concert repertory is concerned, the role of

the critic was essentially didactic and pedagogic, aimed at educating the

public both about the classical-romantic repertory and the contemporary.

This same tendency was a feature of the concert programmes, which were

markedly heterogeneous.A symbiosis of the old (the classical music of the

past) and the very new (above all French, but also some German music), as

well as the presentation of other schools, was always present on the

programmes. The name of Wagner, associated with his essays, his music

and the theatre in Bayreuth, began to be introduced and discussed in the

musical press in 1874, i. e. earlier than has been 6'

suggested. His name

became an unavoidable reference in the analysis of different repertories.

Notice began to be taken of his music in 1879, when the March from

613Op.
cit., 168.
Along the same lines, Maria Joao Arajo stressesin her doctoral thesis that the concert
tradition did not exist in Portugal in the late nineteenth century. "Symphonic music was
virtually unknown to the public in general" (Op. cit., 91).
614See footnote 187.
615See, for instance, Maria Joo Arajo,
op. cit.,

266
 Tannhuser was performed in concert on 19`x'June to
great acclaim in the
Revoluco de Setembro.6'6

Despite the didactic role assumed by the critics, their

opinion rarely

concurred with that of the public. Clear divisions of opinion separated the

mainstream criticism and the public, as stressedin previous chapters. While

the former associatedinstrumental music with the ideals of pure music, the

same ideal was not shared by the majority of the public, who were more

attached to music supported by text. This diversity of opinions presented by

reviewers and audience must have constituted further burdens to the

composer (especially in the domain of the opera), who could count on no

more than one opportunity in the country to present his work. As observed

by Rangel de Lima when speaking of Portuguesepainters: "Our artists, with

very few exceptions, have neither the courage to face the difficulties of the

new school, nor the disillusions that will come with it, as long as the school

is not completely established and public taste does not support it. "6"

Therefore the various appeals of the press for larger venues, lower prices,

accessible repertories and more regular performances received little

response from the audience. On this we agree with Obelkevich when he

argued: "Contrary to the notion that listeners merely reflect, more or les

616"The
music of Wagner has been performed for the first time in Lisbon. The March from
Tannhuser is superb in its majesty, its power and the extraordinary beauty of its
instrumentation. " (Revolupo de Setembro, XXXU/8.704: 21 Jun. 1871,31).
617"Our
artists, with very few exceptions, have neither the courage to face the difficulties
of the new school, nor the disillusions that will come with it, as long as the school is not
completely established and public taste does not support it. " This statement is quoted in
Chapter I, pp. 52-53.

267
 imperfectly, the tastes of the professionals, they have in fact shown a good

deal of independent-mindedness.""'

Besides the deconstruction of certain myths suggested by the data,

some of the phenomena observed also reveal peculiarities of the Portuguese

musical culture when compared to that of the rest of Europe. An example of

this was the rejection of Verdi in the seventies,619which makes sensein the

light of ideas being put about by the Generation of the 70s, or by the

identification of the "fado" an urban song-form considered by many to

-
be morally dubious with the national character at a time when people
-

were striving, in the Romantic tradition, to identify the spirit of the nation in

its most rural and historical artefacts.

In the context of the musical nationalism emerging in the eighties, the

precursory attitude of Joaquim de Vasconcelos, when publishing the

biography of Portuguese music masters with the aim of doing justice to

native composers of the past and, at the same time, to raise awarenessof the

value of their music, had no repercussions on the country's musicians

during these three decades, either at the level of concert programmes or in

the domain of composition. Viewing the materials of folk music with

distrust or lack of confidence, they preferred to turn to other models in

Central Europe. This was the path taken by the next generation of

618James Obelkevich, In
search of the listener', Journal of the Royal Musical Association,
114/1: 1989,108.
619 See Chapter 1.

268
composers who, benefiting from different circumstances, looked to France

in search of modernist trends.

The conclusion of this study points up areas for further research. The

identification of various works by Portuguese composers,nowadays neither

heard nor studied, indicates an urgent need to reverse this situation. Should

the data collected show that private concert performances were held with

any frequency or regularity, a more in-depth study would reveal how they

differed, if at all, from public concerts. Greater knowledge of the

professional background of the musicians would also give us a more

detailed insight into the circumstances of musical production. These are

some of the areas that we should like to see developed with a view to

gaining a wider understanding of Portuguese music in the last quarter of the

nineteenth century.

269
Appendix I

Trindade Theatre
Operettas
1870s

160 -- -- -- --- - -- ---

144
140

120 --
cd
to 100 --

80 -- -
vI
60 4S 47
6
z
40

20 12 -

0---nf11

Composers

Trindade Theatre
Zarzuelas
1870s
80

70

60

50 --
u
v
C
:J 40
L
L

u 30
v

'L
01 -- 1+ 12 11
AU 5-
1

v Z_

ZZ
. ,

Composers
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 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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