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1Andersen, Kristi, Steven J. Rosenstone, and John Mark Hansen. "Mobilization, Participation, and
Democracy in America." The American Political Science Review: 771.
from blocs that are likely going to support them anyways. It might be considered a
way to invigorate their bases.
In the case of the republicans, especially in the South, supporting voter id
reform rallies their largely White base. Conversely, democrats seek to utilize the
issue of voter ids in rallying ethnic minority races, a voter bloc that has largely voted
democrat in the past. The trend and tendency of ethnic minorities to vote democrat
and, as a result, not republican is illustrated in Figure 1.1 below.
Figure 1.1: depicts the percent democrat vote share among Blacks, Latinos, Whites and Asians from 1992 to
2012.2
In trying to mobilize those blocs of people who have a high likelihood of voting for
them, politicians will support policy that will appeal to those groups. For democrat
politicians, the perverse incentive would be to vocalize opposition to voter id laws
in order to affirm support from the above ethnic minority groups whereas
republican politicians would seek to make it more difficult for those groups to
become mobilized in supporting voter id requirements. In doing so, the republican
politicians also utilize another perverse incentive in appealing to the White voting
body. This situation of politicians seeking election or reelection as their motivation
for their actions is described in the chapter titled The Electoral Incentive from
David Mayhews piece, Congress: The Electoral Connection3. In being able to use this
policy to motivate their respective voting blocs described above, both republican
and democrat politicians have the unified perverse incentive to keep changing the
policy back and forth or to never simply change the policy indefinitely.
2 Lee, Taeku. "2014 Midterms: Patterns and Paradoxes in Voting Among Asian Americans." The
Brookings Institution. October 29, 2014. Accessed December 18, 2015.
http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/fixgov/posts/2014/10/29-2014-midterms-asian-american-
voting-patterns-lee.
3 Mayhew, David R. "The Electoral Incentive." In Congress: The Electoral Connection. Second ed.
While there are some activists groups that arise seeking to either instate
voter id laws, strike them down or prevent them, the general population of ordinary
citizens who live in locations where such legislation is considered are not at all
likely to mobilize and demand changes to the policy. As described before, politicians
seek to use the dispute over this policy to mobilize people to vote. With that being
said, these politicians are talking to people who are high information individuals
and who are already likely to vote whereas the general low information populace is
far less likely to turn up to polls- especially at local elections where voter id laws are
most prominent. There is indirect perverse incentive for politicians to take
advantage of the fact that there will not be a mass uprising of possible voters while
they use the dispute over the policy to rally their high information activists, as they
know most people are low information individuals who either are unaware of the
issue or who do not care that it exists. As discussed in class and as read in John
Zallers and Stanley Feldmans piece A Simple Theory of the Survey Response:
Answering Questions versus Revealing Preferences, most of the American populace
is likely to be uncaring regarding the issue of voter id laws as they are low to middle
information individuals who are unlikely to vote in the first place.4 The already
present disparity of rates of voting, particularly the voting rates in Congressional
elections may be seen in Figure 1.2, below.
Figure 1.2 depicts the voting percentages of White, Black and Hispanic voters in Congressional elections from
1978 up until 2014.5
As depicted in the graph above, voting rates among all ethnicities are below even
fifty percent. Despite the disparity between ethnic groups, Figure 1.2 demonstrates
that most Americans are not high information individuals who would be the voting
4 Zaller, John, and Stanley Feldman. "A Simple Theory of the Survey Response: Answering Questions
versus Revealing Preferences." American Journal of Political Science: 579.
5 File, Thom. "Voting Rates in Congressional Elections by Race and Ethnicity: 1978 to 2014." June 1,