Theres No Shaming This Slut:1 Frame Resonance in the

Transnational SlutWalk Movement

Kelly Birch,
Soma Chaudhuri
Department of Sociology
Michigan State University

1
The quotation in the title is from a photograph posted online by Nate Black (2011).
 Birch and Chaudhuri 1

The year 2011 was characterized by transnational activism and youth movements. In

December of 2010, Tunisian protesters began the first Arab Spring uprising to overthrow the

government ruled by President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, and the Tunisian revolution was echoed

throughout 2011 in Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Bahrain and other Middle Eastern and north

African nations (see NPR Staff 2011). In September of 2011, North American protestors began

the Occupy Wall Street movement, march, and occupation, which rapidly expanded to over

1,500 cities around the world (Occupy Wall Street no date). In April of the same year, a group

of Canadian feminists held the first SlutWalk, a protest that aimed to end slut shaming and

victim blaming. Both Occupy and SlutWalk are cultural movements that hope to change societal

attitudes rather than laws. Additionally, the Arab Spring uprisings, Occupy movement, and

SlutWalk all quickly escalated from local incidents and marches into transnational movements.

They were spearheaded by youths and employed distinctly twenty-first century tactics, such as

decentralized decision-making, transnational coalitions and social media expertise (see Rathke

2012). This project will contribute to social movement research by exploring SlutWalks (SW)

presence in the United States and Canada, both online and off. I will examine SWs tactics and

frames, which represent crucial developments in contemporary social movement repertoires of

contention (see Tilly 2006). I also will contribute to scholarship on gendered violence by

assessing the strengths and weaknesses of SW as a movement to end sexual assault and rape.

This article addresses how a grassroots social movement planned by a small, local group

of volunteers can gain thousands of supporters and galvanize over 200 satellite marches around

the world within the span of less than two years (Crane 2012). I will utilize Charles Tillys

(2006) framework of contentious repertoires to explore trends of twenty-first century protest

movements. More specifically, I will employ the movement concepts of frame alignment (Snow
 Birch and Chaudhuri 2

et al. 1986) and strategic framing (McCammon, Hewitt and Smith 2004) in my hypothesis that

SlutWalks use of frames and social media outlets resonate greatly with third wave feminists2,

particularly within North America. I will examine how strategic framing has been utilized to

gain supporters, using Snow and his colleagues (1986) conception of frame alignment in order

to understand how SWs frames have developed with resonance, salience, and credibility for

movement participants. I also will analyze how diagnostic, prognostic and motivational

elements are found within SWs shame-blame frame (Snow and Benford 1988) and how the use

of the word slut limits frame resonance for many potential members. Finally, I will discuss

ways in which SWs frames and tactics can inform scholars about other twenty-first movements.

SlutWalk is an especially relevant case for scholars of gendered violence and social

movements. In the past three years, sexual assault and rape have gained a prominent place

within North American media as politicians, government officials and law enforcement

representatives have debated the renewal of the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) and

abortion rights for rape survivors. VAWA lapsed in 2011 and was suspended until March 7,

2013, due to partisan arguments. In August 2012 a female high school student was raped by two

football players in Steubenville, Ohio, who filmed the assault and broadcast it on their social

media networks. The assault catalyzed debates of and protests against slut shaming, as the

survivor was discredited due to underage drinking. In December 2012 debates continued when a

2
American feminism is categorized by three waves. The first wave took place during the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and focused on womens suffrage. The second wave, known as
the womens movement, centered on womens rights to their bodies, professions, choices and lives and
took place during the 1960s and 70s. The third wave began in the early 1990s as a response to many of
the second waves weaknesses; third wave feminists sought a more racially and sexually diverse feminism
that supported feminists of color, homosexuals and transgender individuals. They also argued for a
feminism that imposed fewer rules upon its participants and encouraged women to be adventurous, strong
and sexually empowered. See Susan Archer (2012) for more information.
 Birch and Chaudhuri 3

New Delhi university student was repeatedly assaulted on a city bus, and the brutal rape caused

her death.

Concurrently with these highly publicized cases, youths have become outraged at police

officers and politicians seemingly cavalier attitudes toward sexual assault. Richard Mourdock,

an Indiana Republican Senate candidate in the 2012 election, stated in October, [Pregnancy

caused by rape] is something that God intended to happen (Raju 2012). In August of the same

year, Todd Akin, a Missouri Republican Senate candidate, claimed that victims of legitimate

rape rarely become pregnant, because their bodies biologically shut that whole thing down

(McMorris-Santoro 2012). In the legal sphere, a Florida legislator recently proposed stricter

dress codes in response to the rape of an eleven-year-old girl (Thompson 2011:14).

Additionally, Constable Michael Sanguinetti, a representative of the Toronto Police told a group

of students at Osgoode Hall Law School that women should avoid dressing like sluts in order

to evade sexual assault (Kwan 2011).

Sanguinettis comments precipitated the first SlutWalk in Toronto, Canada, which sought

to focus attention on rape culture and demand respect and understanding for survivors of assault,

according to movement organizers Heather Jarvis, Colleen Westendorf and Raisa Bhuiyan

(2012). According to the movements website,

[SlutWalk] began because a few people had had ENOUGH of victim-blaming, of slut-

shaming and sexual profiling and policing. We had enough of being angry, of facing

violence and harassment, of wanting better education, awareness and treatment and not

seeing more about it. Our protective services in Toronto, among many people, had put

the responsibility of sexual assault where it didnt belong and were continuing to spread

myths and stereotypes about who is sexually assaulted and why, and this was nothing
 Birch and Chaudhuri 4

new it was in a long line of violence, ingrained into institutions and our culture. (No

page number)

The SWs founders initially conceived the march as a one-day protest, but it grew

exponentially (OReilly 2012). Within days, the story was known widely throughout Canada,

and between three and five thousand people attended the initial march only six weeks after

Sanguinetti had spoken at Oswoode Hall. Within a year of the first event, there were sibling

marches in at least forty-five U.S. cities and thirteen other countries, despite limited resources

(Thompson 2011). Feminist theorists (Tuerkheimer 2011; OReilly 2012) have argued that SW

is one of the most successful feminist actions in the past twenty years.

I will begin by providing a brief history of anti-rape movements within the United States,

in order to provide context for the SW. I will proceed with a review of social movement

literature on contentious repertoires, framing theory, and strategic adaptation. I then will employ

a content analysis of online SW materials, because the movements rapid expansion can be

attributed to its Internet-based activism. The data will be drawn from three sources: (1) signs

and slogans photographed at SW marches, (2) social media posts about SW, compiled from

Twitter feeds, and (3) blogs written by participants in the SW movement from organizers

websites.

This project will examine SWs in the United States and Canada as case studies within the

international movement. In order to maintain a representative sample of the movement, I will

analyze Twitter posts from SW organizations in Lubbock, Texas; Chicago, Illinois; and Toronto,

Canada. I also will examine official blogs from SW Toronto and SW Chicago. Five hundred

signs and slogans will be selected from marches across the United States and Canada. A

compilation of these sources will provide a wide variety of messages from and about SW,
 Birch and Chaudhuri 5

creating an accurate portrayal of the frames, social media outlets, and strategies used by the

movement. Through the study of an ongoing, contemporary movement, this article will illustrate

new trends in movement framing, specifically the use of technology and social media. It

additionally will offer insight into the current movement to end violence against women.

FROM SECOND WAVE FEMINISM TO THE THIRD WAVE: A BRIEF

BACKGROUND TO THE EMERGENCE OF THE SLUTWALK

The SW movement continues a contentious history of anti-rape activism within the

United States and other countries3. African-American women in the southern United States

spoke before congress about their experiences of rape beginning in 1866, shortly after the

abolishment of slavery, during which the rape of slave women by their Caucasian masters had

been legally and socially accepted (McGuire 2004). African-Americans continued to protest the

prolonged threat of racialized sexual violence faced by black women well into the Civil Rights

Movement, testifying in court, deploying their voices as weapons in the war against white

supremacy, and later marching and demonstrating on college campuses (McGuire 2004: 907).

In 1915, women met in an international conference in order to raise their voices in

commiseration with those women wounded in their deepest sense of womanhood and powerless

to defend themselves (Rupp and Taylor 1999:379).

The contemporary anti-rape or rape prevention movement began during the 1970s as

part of feminisms second wave (Brownmiller 1975; Dejanikus 1984; Kelly 1979; McDuff,

Pernell and Saunders 1977; Rose 1977; Maier 2011; Shaw and Cambell 2011). The movement

emerged out of consciousness-raising groups (also known as C-R groups), during which group

members shared stories and emotions. As women expressed their experiences, it was

3
In this article, I will be focused primarily on U.S. American anti-rape activism, but variations on the
anti-rape movement can be found worldwide (see MacMillan 2007 or Kapur 2012 for examples).
 Birch and Chaudhuri 6

increasingly apparent that rape, sexual assault, and domestic abuse had played a part in many of

their lives. Radical second wave feminists began to use C-R groups and speak outs as a forum

through which they could share their stories of abuse and violence (Largen in Burgess 1985:2).

The movements first public speak out took place in 1971 at Saint Clements Episcopal Church

in Manhattan, New York, and over three hundred people attended, including many media

representatives (Largen). The St. Clements speak out was considered a great success, and other

rallies were organized following its lead (Largen). Early activists also advocated their cause

using pamphlets, newsletters, bumper stickers and slogans (Brownmiller in Freedman 2007) and

formed anti-rape squads to speak out against rape and provide self-defense classes to women

(Largen in Burgess 1985:4).

The movement had two initial goals: improve rape laws and transform cultural attitudes

and perceptions of rape (Largen in Burgess 1985; Rose 1977). Before the anti-rape movement,

rape was classified by the threat of physical violence, and marital rape and the assault of men

were unrecognized. The movement successfully reformed laws to redefine coercion and consent,

introduce gender neutrality and marital rape, and include assaults other than vaginal penetration.

Still, Brownmiller argued that, while they struggled to change laws, [T]he last line of defense

[is] our female bodies and our female minds. In making rape a speakable crime, not a matter

of shame, the womens movement has already fired the first retaliatory shots in a war as ancient

as civilization (p. 315-6). As the movement developed, it gained a third goal, which was to

provide support and advocate for victims (Kelly 1979). This objective led to the creation of rape

crisis centers (RCCs), which offered services to survivors of sexual assault through medical

advocacy, conversation and counseling. RCCs remained in existence throughout the 1980s and

continue running today, but during the 1980s many of them lost their feminist stance and became
 Birch and Chaudhuri 7

more service-oriented in order to maintain funding throughout budget cuts and anti-feminist

backlash (Dejanikus 1984).

While the anti-rape movement and second wave feminism faded away throughout the late

1970s and early 1980s, Take Back the Night (TBtN) marches continued to promote an end to

sexual and domestic violence. TBtN marches and rallies provide a link between the anti-rape

movement and contemporary activism, such as SlutWalk. Through TBtN, known in some

countries as Reclaim the Night (MacMillan 2007), women sought to reclaim public spaces and

demand safety from rape culture and violence, rather than be told to stay off the streets after dark

(Mann 2012). The first march took place in Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, in 1977, and these marches

and rallies continue today in cities and on college campuses globally, even as SW protests began

in 2011.

In the early 1980s the second wave feminist movement lost its momentum due to the

anti-feminist backlash and disagreements amongst activists and differences of race, class and

sexual orientation. The second wave ceased to exist as an active, national movement with the

defeat of the Equal Rights Amendment in 1982 (Mann 2012). Anti-rape activism for the next

decade was mainly found in RCCs and TBtN marches, even as feminisms third wave began.

The third wave, which commenced when feminist activist and author Rebecca Walker

proclaimed, I am the Third Wave, initially posited itself as a pro-sex power feminism

(Walker [1992] 2002:87; Crawford 2007). This feminism rejected the victim feminism of the

second wave and argued in favor of womens freedom to make choices and seek sexual

satisfaction (Crawford 2007). The third wave simultaneously celebrated diversity and a

multiplicity of identities and intersectionalities; it decried the primarily white, heterosexual

feminism of the 1960s and valued the voices of women of color and LGBT feminists. Moreover,
 Birch and Chaudhuri 8

it recognized the roles of culture, technology and the media in forming identities and often

reappropriated media as a form of protest or disruption (Crawford 2007).

The third waves playfulness, diversity and pro-sex attitude are keys to understanding the

SW movement and its strategies. According to Bridget Crawford (2007), the three main tactics

used by the third wave are storytelling, coalition-building and harnessing the media, through

means such as zines, blogs and websites. Third-wave goals are distinct, as well: Crawford

(2007) explains, To date, third wave feminist writing has focused primarily on non-legal (and

non-theoretical) aspects of female sexuality (p. 102). The SW exhibits these goals and

practices; the movements online presence and disruptive tactics further its aim to end slut

shaming and dismantle rape culture.

The SW movement was born with the same positive attitude toward sexual agency as

TBtN and third wave feminism. As stated above, the movement began in light of Sanguinettis

recommendation that women should not dress like sluts and grew rapidly from the ten students

present at his discussion to thousands of participants and satellite marches around the world

(Ayuso 2011; Kapur 2012; OReilly 2012; Thompson 2011). Due to rapid online advocacy, the

movement gained members faster than it was able to accrue resources, leaders, and elite support.

Like the Occupy movement, SW currently maintains its identity as a nonhierarchical movement

(OReilly 2012). The movement is especially popular with millennials and Generation Xers,

while older feminists have criticized it for its name and tactics (Tillotson 2011).

SlutWalk insists on sex without rape and sexuality without judgment; it unifies a pro-

sex and anti-rape position, highlighting womens sexual agency (Tuerkheimer 2012:3). Its

primary objective is to end slut shaming and victim blaming. Slut shaming is the process

whereby womens sexual agency is limited by strict judgments of actions, clothing and speech.
 Birch and Chaudhuri 9

These condemnations may come from organizations and institutions such as schools, workplaces

or the media. Women may be shamed and denounced as sluts if they wear revealing outfits or

enjoy sexual activity openly. They may also be shamed if they are assaulted, with questions such

as, What were you wearing? or, Were you drinking? SlutWalkers seek to centralize rapists

blame and end the scrutiny of survivors clothing, actions and sexual history.

SlutWalk also aims to transform the attitudes of police officers and public officials so that

women will feel safe and respected if they decide to report a sexual crime (SWTO N.d.).

However, SWs aims are purely cultural, as they seek to eliminate rape culture but not change

laws (Tuerkheimer 2012). This aligns with third wave feminisms general stance, which focuses

on socio-cultural change and consciousness raising, rather than legal or structural revolution

(Crawford 2007).

The SlutWalk movements use of storytelling and spontaneous dramas and costumes

preserve the tactics used by feminists of the second wave (Ayuso 2011; Hill 2011; Nussbaum

2011; Tuerkheimer 2011). In fact, Miriam Hill (2011) believes that SWs are the new TBtN, and

SW DC organizer Samantha Wright (in Ayuso 2011) sees the marches are one part of the anti-

rape struggle, similar to other anti-rape movements in many ways. SW uses stories, firsthand

accounts and rallies, similar to the early anti-rape movements speak-outs or the performances of

womens stories through The Vagina Monologues (Tuerkheimer 2012). The movement also uses

the theme of solidarity and disruptive tactics such as marching and performing street theatre, but

it addresses victim blaming in a novel way and refashions traditional strategies to match the

youthful playfulness of the third wave. The solidarity of the participants celebrates their status as

sluts[W]e are all sluts togetherbut employs this concept in order to remind women and

girls to support one another instead of attacking one another through slut shaming and
 Birch and Chaudhuri 10

competition (Ringrose and Renold 2012:335). Moreover, participants re-signify the word slut

and other pejorative terms for women, and some of them wear provocative clothing, though

many attendees wear jeans and t-shirts instead (Ringrose and Renold 2012; Tillotson 2011).

Moreover, SW activists use the Internet and media extensively, maintaining and regularly

updating blogs, websites, Twitter pages and Facebook accounts. The use of blogging provides

activists with freedom from traditional forms of writing, which enables them to express

themselves in unique ways (Nussbaum 2011). The movements Internet presence also allows the

movement to transcend national borders and oceans; the members communicate with other

participants on different continents, particularly through Twitter and Facebook. Perhaps most

importantly, blogs and social media sites provide a forum for members and critics of SW to

debate the movements strengths and weaknesses, as well as suggest improvements and

adaptations. Organizers use of social media and Internet-based resources illustrates the strategic

adaptation of twenty-first century movements. These movements seek an audience of young

adults and millennials who have come of age online and experienced the anti-feminist backlash.

The purpose of this article is to analyze SlutWalks use of fames and tactics, rather than

critique its strengths and weaknesses. However, many blogs and posts about the movement

criticize SlutWalk as Western, middle class and white, and this argument must be addressed.

SlutWalks celebration of womens sexuality and reclaiming of the word slut is believed to

marginalize the experiences of women of color and sex workers, for whom the word has been

used to perpetuate a disproportionate level of violence (Tuerkheimer 2012). The focus on

sexuality and sexualization does not differentiate between womens experiences, which

discounts the experiences of women for whom race or class has played a significant role

(Turkheimer 2012; Mitra 2012). Some women of color feminists do not feel that they have the
 Birch and Chaudhuri 11

privilege to use the word slut or dress provocatively, because of the history of racial

oppression and sexual violence to which they have been subjected (Womanist Musings 2011).

Though some people of color participate in the marches, others do not see themselves or their

experiences within the SlutWalk movement (Womanist Musings N.d.). This critique must be

considered while analyzing the frames SlutWalk activists choose, as well as the movement

leaders adaptations to criticisms and suggestions.

SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY AND SLUTWALK

Framing Theory

One of SWs innovate techniques is its use of adaptable and resonant social movement

frames. Erving Goffman used the concept of frames to explain that human beings create and

process meaning within a variety of frameworks (in Snow et al. 1986). Because frames provide

meaning for events, they organize human thought and guide human action (in Snow et al. 1986).

Snow and his colleagues (1986) adapted Goffmans term to social movement theory to explain

how movement activists create a variety of meanings that suit their needs. Snow (2007) argues

that collective action framing is especially constructive because collective action flourishes in

contexts of interpretive ambiguity and contested meanings (p. 404-405). Through framing,

social movement actors are able to consciously interpret their situation in their favor; this enables

them to articulate the problems the movement is facing, solutions to these problems, and reasons

that non-members should participate (McCammon et al. 2007).

Framing can have three stages and dimensions: diagnostic, prognostic, or motivational

(Snow and Benford 1988). The diagnostic element of a frame is its interpretation of a social

problem and who is responsible for the problem; the prognostic element offers solutions to a

problem; and motivational elements encourage people to participate (Snow and Benford 1988;
 Birch and Chaudhuri 12

Della Porta and Diani 2006). Furthermore, framing can act as a method of persuasion, focusing

attention on a problem, transforming peoples hearts and minds, developing participants

feeling of collective solidarity, or inspiring potential actors to act by convincing them that action

is possible and legitimate (Snow et al. 2007:393; Della Porta and Diani 2006).

Frames are not synonymous with ideologies, however (Oliver and Johnston 2000). An

ideology refers to a set of beliefs, while the process of framing refers to [t]he ways in which

actors have self-consciously positioned [an] issue over time (Oliver and Johnston 2000: 39).

Movements with opposing ideologies may even use similar frames and framing strategies: a

social movement hoping to criminalize abortions may employ a rights frame focused on the

unborn childs right to life, while a pro-choice movement may utilize the same frame, in this case

focused on the mothers right to choose. Framing is strategic, seeking to recruit new members or

gain support from elites, but ideologies cannot be transformed or converted as rapidly. Oliver

and Johnston (2000) argue, Ideologies cannot just be resonated with, they have to be learned

(p. 47). This distinction especially is significant within a study of SlutWalks frames, which may

represent an ideology similar to that of TBtN but frame its arguments differently. Additionally,

the movements frames may alienate potential participants who share the movements ideology

but not its use of the reclamation of slut.

To ensure success, interpretive frames need credibility, salience, resonance, and

narrative fidelity, according to Benford and Snow (2000). Credibility refers to the believability

of both a movements frame and of those movement actors who have created it (Williams 2007).

Salience is the level of centrality of the movements frame within the lives of potential activists;

how large of an impact can the issue be framed to have within these individuals experiences?

The more bystanders see their lives and struggles within the movements frame, the more
 Birch and Chaudhuri 13

successful that frame will be. Narrative fidelity describes the way in which the chosen frame fits

into the larger cultural context (Williams 2007). Resonance combines credibility, salience and

narrative fidelity, empowering activists within the public sphere. To be meaningful, a frame

must resonate not only with its own constituents but also with the larger cultural structure from

which the movement has emerged (Della Porta and Diani 2006). SlutWalk must be considered

within the context of third wave feminism and the twenty-first century: how resonant are the

movements frames? Do these frames also resonate with the cultural context at large?

An acutely resonant frame may become a master frame that is utilized by many

movements. A master frame is one that connects many movements throughout a period of time

(Della Porta and Diani 2006). For example, through the 1960s, the United States saw the rise of

several movements simultaneously, from the Civil Rights Movement to the Womens Movement

and the American Indian Movement, all of which employed a rights frame. Della Porta and

Diani (2006) explain, [I]n the USA, interpretive frames linked to the role of individuals, to their

rights and aspirations for personal and civic growth, acquired considerable weight after the start

of the protest wave of the 1960s (p. 80). This frame was used by TBtN, as well; women argued

that they had the right to walk down the street without the fear of violence. SlutWalk activists

also speak about rights but they have extended this frame (Snow 1986).

Snow and his colleagues (1986) add that frame alignment is necessary to effectively

employ frames. According to them, frame alignment is the linkage or conjunction of individual

and SMO interpretive frameworks (p. 467). In other words, frame alignment increases the

resonance of a frame by intentionally connecting it with peoples experiences. Frame alignment

can take the form of frame bridging, frame amplification, frame extension and frame

transformation. Frame bridging connects two seemingly different movements that have
 Birch and Chaudhuri 14

ideological similarities. For example, in many blogs and online articles, SlutWalk is being

compared and contrasted with the Occupy movement; if movement leaders consider their beliefs

and values compatible, they may utilize frame bridging to increase membership. Frame

amplification clarifies the meaning a frame has upon a particular issue, either through beliefs or

values (Snow et al. 1986). Frame extension attempts to expand the salience of a movements

frame by making it more general and universal, so more people are able to identify with it.

Frame transformation completely redefines the frame, which provides greater clarity and

certainty to the movements goals and beliefs (p. 475).

Framing Strategies

The use of frame alignment provides an example of strategic framing, one method of

strategic adaptation (McCammon et al. 2008). Strategic adaptation is the method of reflecting on

past action and results and then implementing new actions to improve the groups likelihood of

success. According to McCammon and her colleagues (2008), movement groups effective

responses to their environment speed up reform and prove to be a valuable technique. This is

especially true in the case of framing, which has proved itself to be a successful tactic

(McCammon et al. 2004; Chakravarty and Chaudhuri 2012). Furthermore, McCammon et al.

(2007) posit, To heighten a movements chances of convincing lawmakers to change the law,

movement actors must incorporate or respond to critical discursive elements in the broader

cultural environments (p. 726). Thus, through actively pursuing frame alignment and

envisioning movement frames as a strategic tactic, movement actors are more likely to succeed.

But how can success be determined in cultural movements?

 Birch and Chaudhuri 15

SlutWalk Movement Success

Defining movement success is challenging for a number of reasons, which may explain

why there is a dearth of studies concerning the outcomes of movements (Cress and Snow 2000;

Earl 2007). Jennifer Earl (2007), explains, [T]he methodological difficulties associated with

studying cultural outcomes have been assumed to be so difficult that few have devoted much

theoretical attention to laying the conceptual groundwork and fewer still have applied what tools

do exist to the actual study of cultural outcomes (p. 509). Cultural outcomes are challenging to

measure because culture is dynamic and socially constructed, so it is constantly shifting.

Scholars also have defined culture differently throughout time, which makes its assessment even

more complicated. Other methodological concerns include the plethora of potential

consequences for social movements and the difficulty of creating a causal argument between a

movement and its outcomes (Amenta and Caren 2007). In addition, when movement outcomes

have been the focus of research, they have focused primarily on political and organizational

consequences of movements; cultural outcomes have not been studied with depth (Earl 2007).

Movement consequences can be categorized as intra- or extra-movement outcomes,

which affect a movement and its members or the greater economic and culture spheres,

respectively (Earl 2001). William Gamson (1990) has offered a description of two types of

success within social movements: (1) success measured by new advantages, i.e. if a challengers

goals were realized, and (2) success measure by gaining recognition as legitimate representatives

of their constituency. Edwin Amenta and Neal Caren (2007) add that success also may be found

in achieving small goals, especially for challengers with extensive aims. Success can also be

found in the transformation of political structures (Kitshelt 1986 in Amenta and Caren 2007) or

the gain of collective goods (Amenta and Caren 2007). In the case of the SlutWalk, I will focus
 Birch and Chaudhuri 16

on intra-movement outcomes, such as the development of collective identity and the rise in the

number of participants.

Despite the difficulties of studying cultural outcomes, it is possible to do so using a

socio-psychological, cultural production and practices, or worldviews and communities

approach (Earl 2007:512). These varieties of movement consequences allow analysis of

activism to determine how the actions of movements change social and cultural norms. Socio-

psychological outcomes may include changes in values, beliefs and opinions; cultural production

outcomes may include the transformation or development of new forms of art, literature or

music; and worldview and community outcomes may include the development of new collective

identities or subcultures (Earl). Most relevant for the SlutWalk is the development of a

collective identity, which can be defined as a shared sense of we-ness or collective agency,

according to David Snow (in Hunt and Benford 2007:440). Collective identity has positive

impacts on movements, as it reinforces commitment within movement activists (Hunt and

Benford 2007). Still, this is difficult to study and the work that has been done on collective

identity is mainly theoretical, rather than empirical (Hunt and Benford 2007).

Social movement scholarship focused on framing and strategic frames, as well as

movement outcomes, consequences and success, provide a persuasive background for analyzing

SlutWalks discourse. Frames can be utilized to shape movements arguments, diagnose

problems and envision solutions, gain supporters and raise morale amongst members. Frames

can also flourish as a conscious tactic, adapting to their cultural context strategically. They can

respond to media and political frames or encourage coalitions with sympathetic social movement

organizations. They can transform when previous frames are found to be insufficient or

unsuccessful. Activists make these strategic choices hoping to ensure positive outcomes,
 Birch and Chaudhuri 17

consequences, or collective gains. I argue that SlutWalks strategic use of framing lends it

resonance within the twenty-first century and third-wave feminism, exhibited through the

movements rapid growth and development of a revived collective identity.

DATA AND METHODS

I use content analysis to test this hypothesis. I examine three unique data sources:

slogans and signs exhibited by SW participants, Twitter posts made by movement members and

participants, and blogs written by movement leaders as well as participants. I use a snowball

method to find images of SW signs and slogans, and I include over five hundred signs posted by

news websites, individual bloggers, and SW websites. I chose four Twitter pages to study, two

of them U.S. cities, one Canadian, and one overarching SW pageToronto, Lubbock, Chicago

and the general SlutWalk page. These cities were chosen because of the number of posts they

made in 2012, as well as their regional locations. I have chosen only U.S. cities and Toronto, the

movements birthplace, for the sake of consistency with the historical account provided of

American anti-rape and anti-violence movements. American cities also were selected because of

the prevalence of third-wave feminism across the country; many of the cities included will share

a past history of feminist activity, events and beliefs, positive and negative.4 Additionally, a set

of two blogs are included from the websites of SlutWalk Toronto and Chicago, and a variety of

blog entries by movement participants are analyzed as well. These blogs were chosen based on

availability; many cities movements do not maintain blogs or write often enough to be

representative. The limited number of blog entries limits the studys universality, so these

4
For example, the U.S. feminist movement cannot be separated from its history of racism, Jim Crow
laws, and slavery. While all countries have varieties of oppression, women of colors response to
SlutWalk responds primarily from the viewpoint of American discrimination, prejudice and violence
against people of color.
 Birch and Chaudhuri 18

sources will be used to verify the results found in other data sources, rather than stand alone as

evidence.

All materials includedTwitter feeds, blogs and movement sloganswere analyzed in

order to determine the activists use of framing and strategic adaptation. Participants posters

were categorized according to their message and mined for particular words and phrases.

Significant words included slut, blame, fault and shame. Important phrases included

any variation on the following: Yes means yes, and no means no, Clothes are not consent,

and, Blame rapists for rape, not victims. The words and phrases connotations were important

and noted, principally regarding the use of slut; the term was expected to be used in positive

and empowering ways. In addition, the posters often assigned blame to a variety of parties, and

this was noted.

Twitter posts and blogs also were coded and examined for their use of frames, but the

online posts had a larger variety of goals, because they were often directed towards members

rather than potential recruits or adversaries. These posts were coded not only for their use of

framing but also their purposes, which ranged from logistical announcements to showing support

of other movements and causes.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

SlutWalk Signs and Slogans

The five hundred signs and slogans examined support the hypothesis of the movements

use of a shame-blame frame (see Table 1). This frame responds directly to commonly

accepted rape myths, which claim that victims of assault are asking for it or dressed in ways

that encourage their abuse. SlutWalk participants chant, write and speak openly about blame and
 Birch and Chaudhuri 19

shame, reversing misconceptions and placing blame on rapists, rape culture5 and political and

police officials that perpetuate the myths described above. Of the signs examined, ninety-five

respond to Constable Sanguinettis comment that dressing like a slut increases a womans

likelihood of being assaulted. This includes slogans such as My little black dress is not a yes,

There is no dress code for rape, and My clothes are not my consent. Also included in this

category are slogans that counter the argument that drinking alcohol or using drugs cause rape,

for example, Women do not get raped because they were drinking or taking drugs, dressed

provocatively, being reckless. Women get raped because someone raped them. Several signs

include checklists of the causes of rape, such as drinking too much, wearing a short skirt,

flirting, going on a date, or rapists, with all causes crossed out except the latter. Together these

signs can be classified under the Blame frame; they remove fault from the victim or survivor

and place it on the rapist instead. Of the signs, fifty-five of them specifically addressed the

assignment of blame using words such as blame, shame, cause or fault. These signs

contain messages such as, Rapists rape people and Blame rapists for rape, not women, which

supports SlutWalk Torontos (2012) official message, Society teaches Dont get raped rather

than Dont rape.

TABLE 1: SlutWalk Signs by Word Count

Words Used Category Number of

Usages
Dress, skirt, wear, clothes, clothing, outfit, drunk, drinking, Popular Myths 95
wearing, pants, cleavage, ass, boobs, lips, revealing, tits, about the
sober or body Causes of rape
Slut, Slutwalk, slutty, sex-positive, hot, easy, strumpet, puta Slut celebration 86
(bitch), bitch, slut-union, whore or sluts
Rape, assault, abuse, violence, genocide, rape-proof, hate, Assault and 78

5
A Rape culture is a society in which rape is validated and perpetuated by media portrayals, laws,
myths and commonly held values. A rape culture is one in which victims are asked what they were
wearing, drinking or doing when they were assaulted, and often it assumes that men cannot stop
themselves from assaulting women when faced with female sexuality.
 Birch and Chaudhuri 20

molested, harassment or raped violence

Blame, disgusting, angry, shame, cause, blaming, excuses, Blame and 55
caused, deserves, justify, hypocrites, accused, fuck, fuckers shame
or fault
Heart, beautiful, respect, proud, pride, human, unite, sex- Self-respect 46
positive, tolerance, peace, safe, hug, support, pretty, unite, and solidarity
slut-union, pro-woman, pro-child, or love
Consent, permission, invitation or consensual Consent 41
No means no or Yes means yes No means 31
no! (approximately)
Sex, sexual, fornication or sexy Sex 30
Rights, free, freedom, equality, justice, power or choice Rights 26
Rapist or rapists Rapist 25
Culture, construct, institutional, rules or society Society and 23
Police
Victim, survivor or victims Survivor 16
Sexism, misogynist, or patriarchal Sexism 9
Fight, luchemos (we struggle), teach or educate Solutions 8

Many signs also reverse the trend of slut shaming, shaming rapists, police officers and

societys rape culture in the place of victims and survivors. Rapists and officers are labeled

disgusting, and one sign states, Officer Sanguinetti, Im very disappointed. Society also is

accused of telling girls and women dont get raped, rather than teaching men and boys not to

rape. Additionally, rape is stripped of its masculinity, with several signs that state, Real men

take NO for an answer, and Men of quality respect womens equality. Rapists are stripped

of their adulthood, as well: Even toddlers know what no means.

Signs also frequently validate and celebrate sluttiness, in addition to shaming and

blaming perpetrators of violence and rape culture. Of the five hundred posters, over eighty of

them use the terms slut, whore, puta, bitch, easy or hot, with positive connotations such as

empowerment, joy or pride. Some of these call for an end to slut-shaming, while several others

affirm, Slut and proud! Still others carry masks, wear pins or have written the label slut on

themselves. One sign describes Sluts rights, another asserts, Small and loud, this slut is

proud. These slogans align closely with SlutWalk Torontos official signs, two of which state,
 Birch and Chaudhuri 21

Reclaim the word SLUT, and, Sluts and Allies Unite (2012). Slut is appreciated as a

unifying, powerful term, rather than something of which to be ashamed. Slut is never concretely

defined within these posters, but the images and statements portray a person of any gender and

sexual orientation who dresses in whichever clothes suit him or her. The slut is self-confident

and proud, celebrates his or her sexuality and cares for other sluts. Furthermore, these

participants celebrate consent with signs such as, Bringing CONSENSUAL sexy back, My

consent is my best feature, and Consent is sexy! These signs can be categorized under a

second frame, Celebrate Slut, with which activists refuse to accept the shame and guilt with

which rape culture saddles them.

There are many signs that do not fit into the above two frames, such as the rights and

freedom and justice frames of the 1960s and 70s, but the Shame-blame and Celebrate

slut frames are significant in their originality. These slogans characterize the SlutWalk

Movement and provide its diagnostic, prognostic and motivational elements. They diagnose that

the problem is rapists and rape culture. They next provide the solutions, including teaching

rapists not to rape, unifying as sluts and allies, and ending slut-shaming. In addition to

diagnosing the problem and offering solutions, the slogans motivate recruits to join through

solidarity and empowerment. Sluts are encouraged to unite for choice and unite for womens

rights. Together these frames not only serve as a rejection of rape culture. They also support

Snow and Benfords (1988) discussion of frames diagnostic, prognostic and motivational

purposes, demonstrating that one frame may fulfill all three roles.

SlutWalks Twitter Feeds

Twitter feeds from a general SW page as well as SlutWalk organizations in Toronto,

Chicago and Lubbock also were analyzed for their use of framing. Feeds were taken from the
 Birch and Chaudhuri 22

first four months of SWs history, beginning in April and running through July or August,

depending on the Websites number of posts. These Twitter pages perform many additional

functions, however. All four Websites function logistically, reminding followers of upcoming

events, providing meeting places and times, and requesting help from volunteers. Twitter pages

also provide resources for members, ranging from support for survivors of assault to articles and

blogs about bullying and homophobia. Significantly, many of the resources provided are in

support of other social movements, such as lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender groups or anti-

racist organizations. The pages additionally share articles, news stories, personal blogs and

interviews about SW, both from advocates and opponents of the movement. After SW marches

occur, many members post photographs or stories about their experiences; these are often

centered on participants emotions at and after the events. Solidarity is another purpose of the

Websites, which often highlight satellite marches around the globe and express gratitude, love

and support for other movements. Common statements include, Take care, Thinking of you,

Best wishes, [We] walk in solidarity, and, We love you!

Posts about resources, logistics, SW experiences and solidarity are fused with statements

about victim-blaming, slut-shaming, rape culture and slut celebration. Many of the same

statements are made within posts that were photographed at events, as well; these data sources

occasionally overlap because Twitter posters share slogans and signs they saw and liked at

events. Arguably, these posts are the movements most resonant, as movement activists wanted

to share them with friends and collaborators. They also continue the trend of diagnostic,

prognostic and motivational frames, as they seek to gain new members and encourage

participation, while also providing a space for activists to develop a collective identity and share
 Birch and Chaudhuri 23

hopes, fears and frustrations. Furthermore, the posts allow participants to discuss and rethink

frames, especially the frame of slut celebration.

SlutWalk, sexual assault, victim-blaming, rape and rape culture, support, word and slut

are the most commonly used words within all Chicago, Toronto and Lubbocks SlutWalk posts

that include framing.6 The most surprising word here is arguably word; why are SlutWalk

members mentioning this with such high frequency? Throughout blogs and news articles,

SlutWalk has been attacked for its reclamation of the word slut, and SlutWalk Lubbock (2011)

has used Twitter posts to grapple with these arguments. Surprisingly few posters mention

sluttiness and slut pride, but Lubbock (2011) performs frame transformation in order to align

itself with the transnational movement but maintain resonance with its members. Instead of

celebrating the concept of sluttiness, Lubbock (2011) highlights the political and cultural need

for the word:

There are several reasons for keeping the word "slut" in the title of this event. It is

something that we have discussed at length, knowing full well the word makes people

uncomfortable. In fact, it makes us uncomfortable, and that, inherently, is the problem.

It is not a word that we have created for ourselves. It is a word that we have been labeled

with by a culture that blames the victims of sexual assault (who are certainly NOT

limited to women but are typically thought of as women). (No page number)

6
Posts centered on logistics, resources, SlutWalk experiences and media mentions have been removed
from this analysis.
 Birch and Chaudhuri 24

Figure 1: Twitter
tter Feed Commonly Used Words

The frame transformation performed above substantiates McCammon, Hewitt and Smiths

(2004) argument for the effectiveness of strategic framing and the adaptation of frames. As

Lubbocks satellite branch of the movement faced increasing criticism for its festive use of the

term slut, it addressed concerns and adapted its frame to suit its needs. SlutWalk Torontos

(2011) page may also seek to extend the Slut Celebration frame, as it affirms, Come as you

are, and, SlutWalks

alks are no more about appearance than sexual assault is. Its not about what

you wear. Lubbock and Torontos posts have particular relevance when one considers that

movement participants wrote many more posts about victim

victim-blaming
blaming and shaming than they did

about slut celebration; Lubbock started a Stomp out Shame campaign that encouraged the

participation of celebrities and claimed that the fight against blame and shame never ends

(Lubbock 2011: no page number). Does this imbalance between the frame
framess suggest that the

Slut Celebration frame lacks resonance and narrative fidelity with participants?
 Birch and Chaudhuri 25

SlutWalk Blogs and Websites

The functions of SW blogs are similar to those of Twitter pages, though they contain

much fewer posts. Each satellite branch of the movement utilizes its blog in its own way, but

both Chicago (2011) and Torontos (2012) blogs provide logistical information to participants

and share resources. For example, Chicagos (2011) blog announced a poster contest and the

implementation of a new Sex-Positive Chicagoans column, and Toronto (2012) has announced

its speakers, a T-shirt contest and new members of the SW Toronto team. Chicago also includes

its Sex-Positive Chicagoans column, which highlights members of the movement and their

efforts to end sexual violence while celebrating consensual sexuality. Toronto includes

anonymous blog posts by assault survivors in a series of MyStory contributions.

Again, the focus on ending victim blaming and slut shaming remains constant, while

discussions of the term slut and normalized whiteness within the movement become more

prevalent. Chicagos (2011) blog asserts, [W]e stand with people who wish to self-identify

as sluts just as we stand with people who do not wish to or cannot engage with that word in a

positive manner, and we welcome all of those perspectives in participants at our event, and

Torontos (2012) seeks to encourage people to recognize the damage and degradation that the

term has caused throughout history. Furthermore, both sites include posts about white privilege,

racism and inclusivity within the movement. Again, this is not yet one of SWs common frames,

but it remains to be seen whether they will adapt to it based on the criticisms they have received.

CONCLUSION

This project has sought to study SWs use of strategic framing in successfully gaining

supporters and revitalizing the Western anti-rape movement. The initial hypothesis of the

shame-blame frame has been corroborated, as the frame was found within the movements blogs,
 Birch and Chaudhuri 26

Twitter pages and protest signs. The frame has been found to contain diagnostic, prognostic and

motivational elements, which may explain its effectiveness with participants and potential

recruits. Within the shame-blame frame, participants see the problem diagnosed, potential

solutions to it, and reasons for continued participation. The frames resonance is also clearly

illustrated in participants signs and slogans, online posts and blogs. Assault survivors

experiences of guilt and blame combined with comments by police officers and politicians like

Sanguinetti provide the movement with a high level of salience, and the movements narrative

fidelity spurs from an escalating frustration with rape culture and the pervasiveness of rape

myths.

The slut celebration frame is more problematic, however. SlutWalks criticisms have

been taken into consideration by its leaders and organizers, and the movement organizations

posts frequently demonstrate their desire for inclusivity and diversity. In fact, the slut

celebration frame is most prevalent within the movements actual marches, so its resonance

may be held more by rally participants than movement organizers. The movement undeniably

has had positive intra-movement outcomes, including its transnational expansion and

development of a collective identity, but its growth may be stunted until it better aligns its slut

celebration frame with potential recruits and anti-rape activists.

This study has contributed to the field of social movement scholarship through its

introduction of the SW Movement, but it provides many more questions than answers. Future

research must be dedicated to the adaptive framing processes of SW, principally with the

movements response to counter-movements and frames. Will the movements primary frames

change to meet the needs of people of color, sex workers and other marginalized groups?
 Birch and Chaudhuri 27

Moreover, will arguments against SW as feminism lead to a heightened focus on feminist

framing and action?

The shame-blame frame also merits further attention and study. As SlutWalk Lubbocks

(2011) Twitter page indicated, victim-blaming occurs in fields other than sexual violence, such

as the racial profiling of people of color and the death of Trayvon Martin. Comparisons have

been made between the Occupy movement and SW, but their frames should be analyzed in

juxtaposition; how does Occupy shame and blame the upper classes? Is this frame becoming a

master frame across movements? There still is much to be learned from SlutWalk about frame

adaptation, master frames and counter-framing.

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